our artist in cuba, peru, spain and algiers. leaves from _the sketch-book of a traveller_. 1864-1868. by george w. carleton. "let observation, with expansive view, survey mankind, from china to peru." [illustration] new york: copyright, 1877, by _g. w. carleton & co., publishers_. london: s. low & co. mdccclxxvii. our artist, [illustration: colophon] his mark. contents. page cuba, 5 peru, 57 spain, 109 algiers, 131 [illustration] an apology. the author of these unpretending little wayside sketches offers them to the public with the hesitating diffidence of an amateur. the publication a few years ago, of a portion of the drawings was attended with so flattering a reception, that a new edition being called for, it is believed a few more leaves from the same vagabond sketch-book may not be intrusive. the out-of-the-way sort of places in which the author's steps have led him, must always present the most enticing subjects for a comic pencil; and although no attempt is here made to much more than hint at the oranges and volantes of cuba, the earthquakes and buzzards of peru, the donkeys and beggars of spain, or the arabs and dates of algiers, yet sketches made upon the spot, with the crispy freshness of a first impression, cannot fail in suggesting at least a panoramic picture of such grotesque incidents as these strange countries furnish. the drawings are merely the chance results of leisure moments; and our artist, in essaying to convey a ray of information through the glasses of humor, has simply multiplied with printers' ink his pocket-book of sketches, which, although caricatures, are exaggerations of actual events, jotted down on the impulse of the moment, for the same sort of idle pastime as may possibly lead the reader to linger along its ephemeral pages. new york, _christmas_, 1877. part i. cuba. [illustration: colophon] cuban sketches. sick transit. the spanish tongue. two boobies. an unwelcome visitor. a colored hercules. an agreeable bath. the cuban jehu. a celestial maid. iglesia san francisco. a statue on a bust. a cuban motive. a tail unfolded. an influenza. money in thy purse. flee for shelter. sugar and water. the ride. green fields. a cock-fight. a segar well-lighted. rather cool. shall rest be found. take your pick. all aboard. a spanish retreat. the matanzas cave. spiders and rats. hard road to travel. belligerents. a shady retreat. materfamilias. a spanish grocer. culinary department. colored help. a bundle of clothes. very moorish. a button-smasher. chacun a son gout. white pantaloons. nature's restorer. carnival acquaintance. agricultural. beauty at the ball. a cot in the valley. a disappointment. a colored beauty. dolce far niente. corner stones. locomotion. a sudden departure. the start.--the steamship columbia. at sea. [illustration: first day out.--the wind freshens up a trifle as we get outside sandy hook; but our artist says he is'nt sea-sick, for he never felt better in his life.] in the gulf of mexico. [illustration: a "booby"--as seen _from_ the ship's deck.] [illustration: a "booby"--as seen _on_ the ship's deck.] arrival at havana. [illustration: a side elevation of the colored gentleman who carried our luggage from the small boat to the custom house.] streets of havana.--calle mercaderes. [illustration: the first volante driver that our artist saw in havana.] view from our window at the hotel almy. [illustration: the old convent and bell tower of the church of san francisco,--now used as a custom house.] streets of havana.--calle teniente re. [illustration: a cuban cart and its motive power.--ye patient donkey.] at the cafe louvre. [illustration: manners and customs of a cuban with a cold in his head.] the [wicked] flea of havana. [illustration: part i.--the beast in a torpid condition.] [illustration: part ii.--when he "smells the blood of an englishmun."] the national vehicle of havana. [illustration: manner and custom of harnessing ye animiles to ye cuban volante.] a cock-fight in cuba. [illustration: i.--chanticleer as he goes in.] [illustration: ii.--chanticleer considerably "played out."] streets of havana.--calle lamparilla. [illustration: the cool and airy style in which they dress the rising colored generation of havana.] the cuban tooth-pick. [illustration: two ways of carrying it--behind the ear, and in the back-hair.] the captain general's quinta. [illustration: view of the canal and cocoa tree; looking east from the grotto.] the domestic insects of havana. [illustration: agitation of the better-half of our artist, upon entering her chamber and making their acquaintance.] a little episode in the calle barratillo. [illustration: a slight difference arises between the housekeeper's cat and the butcher's dog, who has just come out in his summer costume.] streets of havana.--calle compostella. [illustration: the free negro.--an every-day scene, when the weather is fine.] an interior in havana. [illustration: kitchen, chief-cook and bottle-washer in the establishment of mrs. franke, out on the "cerro."] heads of the people. [illustration: a portrait of the young lady, whose family (after considerable urging) consents to take in our washing.] primitive habits of the natives. [illustration: washing in havana.--$4 00 a dozen in gold.] washing in havana. [illustration: i.--my pantaloons as they went _in_. ii.--my pantaloons as they came _out_.] carnival in havana. [illustration: a masquerade at the tacon theatre.--types of costume, with a glimpse of the "cuban dance" in the background.] a mask ball at the tacon. [illustration: our artist mixes in the giddy dance, and falls desperately in love with this sweet creature--but] later in the evening, [illustration: when the "sweet creature" unmasks, our artist suddenly recovers from his fit of admiration. alas! beauty is but mask deep.] streets of havana--calle obrapia. [illustration: the cuban wheelbarrow--in repose.] streets of havana--calle o'reilly. [illustration: the cuban wheelbarrow--in action.] first hour! second hour!! third hour!!! [illustration: our artist forms the praiseworthy determination of studying the spanish language, and devotes three hours to the enterprise.] bed-rooms in cuba. [illustration: the scorpion of havana,--encountered in his native jungle.] sea-baths in havana. [illustration: our artist having prepared himself for a jolly plunge, inadvertently observes an insect peculiar to the water, and rather thinks he won't go in just now.] hotels in havana. [illustration: a cheerful chinese chambermaid (?) at the fonda de ingleterra, outside the walls.] high art in havana. [illustration: a gay (but slightly mutilated) old plaster-of-paris girl, that i found in one of the avenues of the bishop's garden, on the "cerro."] locomotion in the country. [illustration: a cuban planter going into town with his plunder.] shopping in havana. [illustration: our artist just steps around the corner, to look at a "sweet thing in fans" that his wife has found.] [illustration: result!] the national beverage of havana. [illustration: our artist indulges in a _panale frio_ (a sort of lime-ade), at the café dominica, and gets so "set up," that he vows he won't go home till morning.] the lizards of cuba. [illustration: our artist, on an entomological expedition in the bishop's garden, is disagreeably surprised to find such sprightly specimens.] smoking in havana. [illustration: an english acquaintance of our artist wants a light for his paper segar; whereupon the waiter, according to custom, brings a live coal.] the musquitos of havana. [illustration: a midsummer's night dream.--our artist is just the least bit disturbed in his rest, and gently remonstrates.] public servants in cuba. [illustration: a gay and festive chinese brakeman, on the railroad near guines.--the shirt-collar-and-pair-of-spurs style of costume.] one of the sensations in cuba. [illustration: the great cave near matanzas.--picturesque house over the entrance.] the great cave near matanzas. [illustration: a section of the interior--showing the comfortable manner in which our artist followed the guide, inspected the stalactites, and comported himself generally.] the outskirts of matanzas. [illustration: one of the fortifications.--sketched from the end of the _paseo_, on a day hot enough to give anything but a donkey the brain fever.] architecture in matanzas. [illustration: a romantic little _tienda mista_ (grocery store) on a corner, in the calle ona.] a _caffetal_ near matanzas. [illustration: our artist becomes dumb with admiration, at the ingenious manner of toting little niggers.] the picturesque in matanzas. [illustration: a singular little bit, out of the calle manzana.] a sugar plantation, near the yumori. [illustration: our artist essays to drink the milk from a green cocoa:] [illustration: fatal effect.--an uncomfortable sensation!] a bed-chamber in matanzas. [illustration: first night at the "gran hotel leon de oro."--our artist is accommodated with quarters on the ground-floor, convenient to the court-yard, and is lulled to sleep by a little domestic concert of cats, dogs, donkeys, parrots and game-cocks.] economy is wealth. [illustration: showing the manner in which one ox accomplishes the labor of two, in san felipe.] the suburbs of calabazar. [illustration: a planter's hut, and three scraggly palm trees in the dim distance.] plantations near marianao. [illustration: a colored beauty toting sugar cane from the field to the grinding mill.] architecture in havana. [illustration: a conglomerate _esquina_, on the corner of calle obispo and monserate.] last night in havana. [illustration: alarm of our artist and wife, upon going to their room to pack, and discovering that a tarantula has taken possession of their trunk.] part ii. peru. [illustration] peruvian sketches. friendly counsels. good for digestion. a disagreeable berth. an eye for an eye. a colored reception. who knows? (nose). the naked truth. discretion in valor. a panama laundress. black warriors. a man for a' hat. music hath charms. domestic bliss. a chariot race. a bit of a church. an antique. hot weather. family arrangement. what an ass! heads of the people. a happy family. by their fruits. land at last. a beast of burden. callao cathedral. a night adventure. a baggage train. a runaway. cathedral at lima. the light fantastic. a water-carrier. a rooster. a bag of cuffey. a chime of bells. birds of a feather. dog-days. a china bowl of soup. pork business. thing of beauty. when shall we three. fondest hopes decay. unhand me! rat-ification meeting. nothing venture. a back seat. a great sell. an excellent view. a beggarly show. bread-baskets. a dead-head. the start--steamship "henry chauncey." from new york to aspinwall. [illustration: sea-sickness being a weakness of our artist, he determines to be fore-armed, and accordingly provides himself with a few simple preventives, warmly recommended by his various friends.] in the caribbean sea. [illustration: our artist, having indulged rather freely in the different preventives, gets things mixed, and wishes that his friends and their confounded antidotes were at the bottom of the dead sea.] arrival at aspinwall. [illustration: first impressions of the city and its inhabitants.--colored citizens on the dock, awaiting the steamer's advent.] isthmus of darien. [illustration: view from the window of a panama railroad car--showing the low-neck and short-sleeve style of costume adopted by the youthful natives of cruces.--also a sprightly specimen of the one-eared greyhound indigenous to the country.] a view in panama. [illustration: the old and weather-beaten church of santa ana--and in the foreground, with basket on her head, baby under one arm, and bowl of milk supported by the other, a colored lady of west indian descent, vulgarly known as a "jamaica nigger."] an afternoon at panama. [illustration: deeming it always incumbent upon the traveller to invest in the products of the country, our artist provides himself with a good sensible panama hat, and thus with wife and "mutual friend," he peacefully and serenely meanders around among the suburbs of the city.] a street scene in panama. [illustration: our artist, with the naked eye, beholds a pig, a fighting-cock, and a black baby, all tied by the leg, at the humble doorway of the residence of a colored citizen, in the principal street of the capital of central america.] in the bay of panama. [illustration: our artist wanders about the sleepy little neighboring island, taboga, where the english steamers lie, and sketches, among other picturesque bits, the clean little whitewashed cathedral in the dirty little broadway of taboga.] steamship "chile." from panama to callao. [illustration: crossing the equinoctial line, our artist discovers that the rays of a vertical sun are anything but bracing and cool.] payta--a seaport in peru. [illustration: our artist, having understood that this town is chiefly remarkable for its fine breed of mules, ironically inquires of a native venus if this can be considered a good specimen. the n. v. treats our artist with silent, stolid, indian contempt.] natural history in peru. [illustration: our artist visits a coasting-vessel just arrived from guayaquil, loaded with every variety of tropical fruit, and a sprinkling of tame monkeys, parrots, alligators, white herons, iguanas, paroquets, spotted deer, etc.] arrival at callao--the harbor. [illustration: the landing-boat being a trifle too much loaded by the head, our artist finds it somewhat difficult to steer.] architecture in callao. [illustration: the little one-story cathedral on the plaza, which the earthquakes have so frantically and so vainly tried to swallow up or tumble down.] arrival at lima. [illustration: triumphal entry of our artist and his much-the-better-half; reviving the brilliant days of pizarro and his conquering warriors, as they entered the "city of the kings."--the peruvian warriors in the present century, however, conquer but the baggage, and permit the weary traveller to walk to his hotel at the tail-end of the procession.] the cathedral at lima. [illustration: an after-dinner sketch (rather shaky) from our balcony in the hotel morin, on the grand plaza.] domestics in peru. [illustration: one of the waiters at our hotel, clad in the inevitable _poncho_--a genuine native peruvian, perhaps a son of "rolla the peruvian," who was "within."] a peruvian cook. [illustration: peeping into the kitchen one day, our artist perceives that a costume, cool and negligé, may be improvised by making a hole in a coffee-bag and getting into it.] streets of lima--calle judios. [illustration: almost every other street in lima has a stream of filthy water or open sewer running through the middle of it, offering rich fishing-grounds to the graceful _gallinazos_ or turkey-buzzards, who thus constitute the street-cleaning department of the municipal government.] celestials in peru. [illustration: our artist is here seen resisting the tempting offer of a bowl of what appears to be buzzard soup, in front of one of the chinese cook-shops that abound in the neighborhood of the market at lima.] dolce far niente--a dream of peru. [illustration: our artist before going to lima, during little poetical siestas, had indulged in lovely romantic reveries, the burden of which he sketches in his mind's eye, horatio--but] the sad reality. [illustration: alas! too frequently his thirsty eye is met only by such visions as the above--and the lovely beauties of lima, where are they?] bedrooms in peru. [illustration: a section of the inner-wall to our chamber at the hotel in lima.--the condition of things at the witching hour of night, judging by the sounds.] streets of lima.--calle palacio. [illustration: a young peruvian accompanying its mamma to market in the morning.] streets of lima--calle plateros. [illustration: a picturesque little _mirador_ or lookout at the corner of calle plateros and bodegones, opposite the hotel maury, with balconies _ad lib._] occupations in lima. [illustration: the _panadero_, or baker, as he appears on his mite of a donkey, rushing round through the streets of lima, delivering bread to his customers.] carriages and pavements in lima. [illustration: our artist, after a hearty dinner, extravagantly engages a three-horse coupé, and goes out for a regular, genuine, native peruvian ride. that his bones are unbroken, and that he is yet alive to tell the tale, remains to him an unfathomable mystery.] costumes in lima.--the saya y manto. [illustration: our artist has heard a good deal about the magnificent eyes of the limanian women; but as he never sees more than one eye at a time, he can't say much about them, with any regard for the truth.] head-dresses in lima.--the manto. [illustration: the señoritas look very prettily sometimes, with their black mantillas thrown gracefully over their heads, (_see geographies, etc._,) but when you come across a party possessing a decided nose, in profile, the effect is rather startling.] revolutions in peru. [illustration: our apartments look out upon the grand plaza, where the fighting usually takes place; and as the windows are mostly broken by the balls of the last revolution, (nov. 6, 1865,) and it's about time for another, our artist gets into ambuscade every time he hears a fire-cracker in the street.] the war with spain. [illustration: two native and dreadfully patriotic peruvian soldiers on review before their superior officer.] martial music in peru. [illustration: the national hymn, with variations, as rendered by the royal band in front of president prado's palace on the grand plaza.] fine arts in peru. [illustration: a hasty sketch of mistress juno and her peacocks, as represented by fresco in the doorway of a lima palace--calle ayachucho.] dark ages of peru. [illustration: the old unfinished church and deserted monastery of san francisco de paula--calle malambo.] locomotion in south america. [illustration: what the country people would do down there, if the jackasses were only long enough.--what they _do_ do, is but slightly caricatured by our artist.] hair-dressing in lima. [illustration: ladies' style as seen at the theatre. also our artist before and after he had his hair cut in the latest lima fashion.] a fruit-stall at chorrillos. [illustration: our artist, as he appeared when stricken with amazement at the huge clusters of white grapes that are everywhere, for a mere song, sold in peru.] shopping in peru. [illustration: a peruvian materfamilias, having bought a few simple house-keeping articles in town, is here seen returning to her mountain home, accompanied by her purchases.] the fleas of lima. [illustration: having been nearly devoured by these carnivorous little devils, our artist sprinkles himself with turkish flea-powder one night before retiring, and is charmed at the rapid and parabolic manner with which they desert him.] the llamas of peru. [illustration: our artist had heretofore fancied that it would be immensely jolly to ride one of these singular beasts of burden; but when he encounters this one, on a lonely road outside the walls one day, he begs to be excused.] terpsichore in peru. [illustration: our artist assists at a mask-ball in the jardin otaiza, and is puzzled at the nationality of the costumes worn by the dancers.] church ornaments in lima. [illustration: the statues in the niches and on the spires of the cathedral look very well in the daytime; but at night, when the turkey-buzzards roost on their heads, the solemnity of the thing is somewhat marred.] the bells of lima. [illustration: lima is full of churches, and the churches are full of bells; and as they ring and bang away from dewy eve till early morn, their cadences are calculated to disturb somewhat the peaceful slumbers of our artist.] peruvian bark--in the rough. [illustration: our artist is treated to plenty of this quinine (canine) salutation, whenever and wherever he pays a visit in lima.] transportation in peru. [illustration: "this pig went to market," but as he wouldn't go decently, he was tied upon the back of the ever-patient donkey, and so, _nolens volens_, came to lima, crossing the bridge over the rimac, where our artist sketched him.] priests and friars of lima. [illustration: a theological discussion of the gravest import takes place between three jolly fathers of the roman catholic church--a dominican, a mercedarian, and a buena-muertean. scene--the square in front of the church of san francisco, with its crooked cross.] entomology in south america. [illustration: our artist doesn't want to say anything against the insects of peru; but the way in which one of his hands swelled up, after a bite from some unknown varmit in the night, was, to say the least, alarming.] lotteries in peru. [illustration: having invested in the semi-monthly lima lottery, our artist feels so confident of drawing the $4,000 prize, that he gets extravagant, wears his good clothes, and smokes one-dollar cigars; but a revulsion of feeling takes place after the drawing produces nothing for him but blanks.] curiosities of peru. [illustration: having been informed by a musty old sepulchral monk that the remains of pizarro might be seen behind this grating, our artist tremblingly gazes therein--but as it is pitch dark, he doesn't recognize pizarro.] a coup d'oeil in lima. [illustration: a picturesque view of the great stone bridge over the rapid river rimac, showing the towers of the church desamparados, the arch with illuminated clock, and the spire of santo domingo.--sketched with about ninety-seven peruvian beggars looking over our artist's shoulder.] last day at lima. [illustration: a visit to the museum--which contains a not very remarkable collection of peruvian antiquities--and where our artist sees all that remains of the once magnificent atahualpa, last king of the incas. alas, poor yorick! to this complexion must we come at last.--fit sketch wherewith to end this strange, eventful history of "our artist in peru."] part iii. spain. [illustration] a spanish overcoat. [illustration: our artist, upon his arrival in "sunny spain," is overtaken in the pyrenees, on the french frontier, by a terrific snow-storm, and is compelled to provide himself, at bayonne, with an overcoat of the country.] hackmen in spain. [illustration: portraits of the three hackmen, who (upon our arrival at the city of burgos, in the dead of night,) meet us at the rail road station, and propose accompanying us to our hotel.] a citizen of valladolid. [illustration: here is a faithful portrait of the old party who entered the cars at valladolid; carrying with him a few travelling conveniences.] a madrid hat. [illustration: this is a spanish dandy at the grand opera house in madrid:--first, with his cigarette and new hat of the period; second, after his hat had been sat upon by a fat old señora, during the third act of lucia di lammermoor.] lotteries in spain. [illustration: nearly all the lottery tickets in spain are publicly sold in the streets by beggars: and _this_ is the sort of vagabond in madrid to whom our artist confided $16 for a ticket that won a prize of $5.] sight-seeing in spain. [illustration: there are so many hundred apartments to be seen in the famous palace of the escorial, that our artist is obliged to follow his brigand of a guide rather rapidly, in order to view them all in one day.] napoleon bonaparte. [illustration: our artist sees from the car-window, at a rail-road station near toledo, what, at a first glance, appears to be a statue of napoleon bonaparte,--but: (_see next page_.)] a rail-road official. [illustration:---the statue suddenly becomes animated and revolves; and the side-view reveals a civil guard, with carbine and knapsack beneath his big military cloak.] architecture in cordova. [illustration: a picturesque little half moorish and half spanish dwelling house, in the calle jesus maria; with a couple of priests in earnest discussion.] balconies in seville. [illustration: sketch of a private residence in calle san pablo; from the upper balcony of which, our artist had a rose thrown to him, while a cloaked assassin of a probable lover, glowered savagely at him from the doorway.] il barbiere di siviglia. [illustration: the barber of seville, according to rossini's opera, and according to the way in which he is popularly believed to disport himself.--(_see next page._)] a barbarous proceeding. [illustration: the barber of seville, as he actually exists in that city, and precisely as he appeared while operating upon our artist, one day, in the calle de las sierpes.] a café in seville. [illustration: our artist discovers, one day, in the calle tunidores, not exactly the most fashionable café in seville, but a café glorying in the ambitious name of julius cæsar!] types of spanish character. [illustration: fellow passengers in the diligence to malaga--one, a corpulent and famous bull-fighter, and the other, an envious and admiring follower of the same ennobling profession.] spanish stage-coaches. [illustration: the light and graceful antediluvian diligence that transported us up the sierra nevada mountains, from malaga to loja.] locomotion in spain. [illustration: this sketch is an attempt to display the general character and construction of one of the seven mules that drew our diligence over the hills from malaga to loja.] the spanish guitar. [illustration: a characteristic little sketch of a guitar player, in the window of a second-story dwelling, on the alemeda de verano, at grenada.] beggars in spain. [illustration: our artist, having in a generous moment, distributed a handful of copper coins to the poor of grenada, finds himself, thereafter, in all his strolls about the alhambra, at the head of such a procession as this!] the alhambra. [illustration: sketch of the famous gate of justice, the principal modern entrance to the far-famed moorish palace of the alhambra--with a little spanish flirtation going on in the corner.] the alhambra. [illustration: outline sketch of an ancient moorish well, inside the enclosure of the alhambra; with a bit of the old wall.] a spanish vegetable market. [illustration: a sketch in gibraltar--this fellow was seen wandering around the streets, selling vegetables to the natives, and steering his donkey by the tail.] part iv. algiers. [illustration] landing in africa. [illustration: we leave gibraltar by steamer, and upon reaching the city of nemours, our artist and his better-half are taken ashore from the small boat by the natives in this summary manner!--a couple of inviting hotel-keepers are awaiting them on the beach.] an arab beggar. [illustration: one of the first objects that greets the eagle eye of our artist, as he wanders around the streets of nemours, is this cheerful "what-is-it," who mournfully begs for a few grains of corn.] african water carriers. [illustration: sketch of a fantastic little fountain in one of the streets of the city of oran.] bed-rooms in africa. [illustration: this is the sort of thing that you find meandering round on your pillow, when you retire to your chamber for the night, at the hotel in oran.] another arab beggar. [illustration: this gentleman, who accosted us in the suburbs of oran, assured us in tremulous accents that he had eaten nothing in seventeen days--and we saw no reason for doubting his word.] locomotion in africa. [illustration: upon our arrival in the city of algiers, we are much amused at the first vehicle we see; where a diminutive donkey is hitched in front of an enormous horse.] costumes in africa. [illustration: alarm of our artist, as he, for the first time, encounters a moorish maiden, as she appears around the corner from a dark and narrow street, in the kasbah quarter of the city of algiers.] soldiers in africa. [illustration: a french zouave off duty, as he appeared while listening to the military band that played every afternoon in the place du gouvernment, algiers.] a street in algiers. [illustration: the rue staoueli--a narrow street in the old arab quarter of algiers, where the houses nearly touch each other at their tops.] manufactures in africa. [illustration: sketch in the rue kasbah.--a couple of moorish jews, engaged in silk spinning, at the door of their palatial residence.] moorish shop-keeper. [illustration: this graceful and fairy-like will-o'-the-wisp, sold us some lovely silk embroideries, in algiers, the like of which, solomon, in all his glory never dreamed of.] fine arts in africa. [illustration: we visit the not very interesting museum in algiers, and sketch, among other curious objects, a cast of an arab martyr [one géronimo], who had been buried alive in a box of plaster of paris.] jardin d'essai, algiers. [illustration: merely a sketch (for the last page of this little book) of a date-palm tree, in algiers, with a couple of arabs trying to get in its shade.] * * * * * =the united states life insurance co.= this company is one of the oldest in this city, and has a high reputation for conservative and skilful management. its board of directors comprises a number of the best known, most influential, and wealthiest of our merchants and bankers. its officers are men of proved integrity and ability. the annual statement, submitted last january, and accepted by the state commissioner of insurance as correct, shows the assets to be $4,654,274, and the surplus, as already stated, to be over $800,000, or more than twenty per cent, of all the liabilities. the united states life insurance co. is known in life insurance circles as one of the most carefully handled institutions in the city. so well has it been managed that its business has increased rather than retrograded during the past year, as bad as it has been for all kinds of business. and its losses have been less this year than in any of the five preceding. its officers are among the best known and most highly esteemed citizens of new york. james buell, esq., the president, is the president of the importers and traders' bank, a man whose name is a synonym for integrity and skill in finance, and its stockholders are men equally well known in business circles, and hold an equal share of public esteem. =organized 1850.= =james buell, _president_.= c. p. fraleigh, sec'y. t. h. brosnan, supt. agencies. henry w. baldwin, supt. middle department, office: drexel building, cor. wall & broad streets, new york. our =artist in cuba,= peru, spain and algiers [illustration] by george w. carleton. [illustration] price 50 cents. transcriber's note: this etext was produced from fantastic universe may 1954. extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. _the life of an anthropologist is no doubt filled much of the time with the monotonous routine of carefully assembling powdery relics of ancient races and civilizations. but white's lone peruvian odyssey was most unusual. a story pseudonymously penned by one of the greats in the genre._ where the world is quiet _by ... c. h. liddell_ fra rafael saw strange things, impossible things. then there was the mystery of the seven young virginal girls of huascan. * * * * * fra rafael drew the llama-wool blanket closer about his narrow shoulders, shivering in the cold wind that screamed down from huascan. his face held great pain. i rose, walked to the door of the hut and peered through fog at the shadowy haunted lands that lifted toward the sky--the cordilleras that make a rampart along peru's eastern border. "there's nothing," i said. "only the fog, fra rafael." he made the sign of the cross on his breast. "it is the fog that brings the--the terror," he said. "i tell you, _señor_ white, i have seen strange things these last few months--impossible things. you are a scientist. though we are not of the same religion, you also know that there are powers not of this earth." i didn't answer, so he went on: "three months ago it began, after the earthquake. a native girl disappeared. she was seen going into the mountains, toward huascan along the pass, and she did not come back. i sent men out to find her. they went up the pass, found the fog grew thicker and thicker until they were blind and could see nothing. fear came to them and they fled back down the mountain. a week later another girl vanished. we found her footprints." "the same canyon?" "_si_, and the same result. now seven girls have gone, one after the other, all in the same way. and i, _señor_ white--" fra rafael's pale, tired face was sad as he glanced down at the stumps of his legs--"i could not follow, as you see. four years ago an avalanche crippled me. my bishop told me to return to lima, but i prevailed on him to let me remain here for these natives are my people, _señor_. they know and trust me. the loss of my legs has not altered that." i nodded. "i can see the difficulty now, though." "exactly. i cannot go to huascan and find out what has happened to the girls. the natives--well, i chose four of the strongest and bravest and asked them to take me up the pass. i thought that i could overcome their superstitions. but i was not successful." "how far did you go?" i asked. "a few miles, not more than that. the fog grew thicker, until we were blinded by it, and the way was dangerous. i could not make the men go on." fra rafael closed his eyes wearily. "they talked of old inca gods and devils--manco capac and oello huaco, the children of the sun. they are very much afraid, _señor_ white. they huddle together like sheep and believe that an ancient god has returned and is taking them away one by one. and--one by one they _are_ taken." "only young girls," i mused. "and no coercion is used, apparently. what's up toward huascan?" "nothing but wild llamas and the condors. and snow, cold, desolation. these are the andes, my friend." "okay," i said. "it sounds interesting. as an anthropologist i owe it to the foundation to investigate. besides, i'm curious. superficially, there is nothing very strange about the affair. seven girls have disappeared in the unusually heavy fogs we've had ever since the earthquake. nothing more." i smiled at him. "however, i think i'll take a look around and see what's so attractive about huascan." "i shall pray for you," he said. "perhaps--well, _señor_, for all the loss of my legs, i am not a weak man. i can stand much hardship. i can ride a burro." "i don't doubt your willingness, fra rafael," i said. "but it's necessary to be practical. it's dangerous and it's cold up there. your presence would only handicap me. alone, i can go faster--remember, i don't know how far i'll have to travel." the priest sighed. "i suppose you are right. when--" "now. my burro's packed." "your porters?" "they won't go," i said wryly. "they've been talking to your villagers. it doesn't matter. i'll go it alone." i put out my hand, and fra rafael gripped it strongly. "_vaya con dios_," he said. i went out into the bright peruvian sunlight. the indios were standing in straggling knots, pretending not to watch me. my porters were nowhere in evidence. i grinned, yelled a sardonic goodbye, and started to lead the burro toward the pass. the fog vanished as the sun rose, but it still lay in the mountain canyons toward the west. a condor circled against the sky. in the thin, sharp air the sound of a distant rock-fall was distinctly audible. white huascan towered far away. a shadow fell on me as i entered the pass. the burro plodded on, patient and obedient. i felt a little chill; the fog began to thicken. yes, the indios had talked to me. i knew their language, their old religion. bastard descendants of the incas, they still preserved a deep-rooted belief in the ancient gods of their ancient race, who had fallen with huayna capac, the great inca, a year before pizarro came raging into peru. i knew the quichua--the old tongue of the mother race--and so i learned more than i might have otherwise. yet i had not learned much. the indios said that _something_ had come into the mountains near huascan. they were willing to talk about it, but they knew little. they shrugged with apathetic fatalism. _it_ called the young virgins, no doubt for a sacrifice. _quien sabe?_ certainly the strange, thickening fog was not of this earth. never before in the history of mankind had there been such a fog. it was, of course, the earthquake that had brought the--the visitant. and it was folly to seek it out. well, i was an anthropologist and knew the value of even such slight clues as this. moreover, my job for the foundation was done. my specimens had been sent through to callao by pack-train, and my notes were safe with fra rafael. also, i was young and the lure of far places and their mysteries was hot in my blood. i hoped i'd find something odd--even dangerous--at huascan. i was young. therefore, somewhat of a fool.... the first night i camped in a little cave, sheltered from the wind and snug enough in my fleece-lined sleeping-bag. there were no insects at this height. it was impossible to make a fire for there was no wood. i worried a bit about the burro freezing in the night. but he survived, and i repacked him the next morning with rather absurd cheerfulness. the fog was thick, yes, but not impenetrable. there were tracks in the snow where the wind had not covered them. a girl had left the village the day before my arrival, which made my task all the easier. so i went up into that vast, desolate silence, the fog closing in steadily, getting thicker and thicker, the trail getting narrower until at last it was a mere track. and then i was moving blind. i had to feel my way, step by step, leading the burro. occasional tracks showed through the mist, showed that the native girl had walked swiftly--had run in places--so i assumed that the fog was less dense when she had come by this way. as it happened, i was quite wrong about that.... we were on a narrow path above a gorge when i lost the burro. i heard a scrambling and clashing of hoofs on rock behind me. the rope jerked out of my hand and the animal cried out almost articulately as it went over. i stood frozen, pressing against the stone, listening to the sound of the burro's fall. finally the distant noise died in a faint trickling of snow and gravel that faded into utter silence. so thick was the fog that i had seen nothing. i felt my way back to where the path had crumbled and rotten rock had given way under the burro's weight. it was possible for me to retrace my steps, but i did not. i was sure that my destination could not be much further. a lightly clad native girl could not have gone so far as huascan itself. no, probably that day i would reach my goal. so i went on, feeling my way through the thick silent fog. i was able to see only a few inches ahead of me for hours. then, abruptly the trail grew clearer. until, at last i was moving in the shadowless, unearthly mist over hard-packed snow, following the clearly marked footprints of a girl's sandals. then they vanished without warning, those prints, and i stood hesitant, staring around. i could see nothing, but a brighter glow in the misty canopy overhead marked the sun's position. i knelt and brushed away the snow with my hands, hoping to undo the wind's concealing work. but i found no more footprints. finally i took my bearings as well as i could and ploughed ahead in the general direction the girl had been traveling. my compass told me i was heading due north. the fog was a living, sentient thing now, secretive, shrouding the secret that lay beyond its gray wall. suddenly i was conscious of a change. an electric tingle coursed through my body. abruptly the fog-wall brightened. dimly, as through a translucent pane, i could make out vague images ahead of me. i began to move toward the images--and suddenly the fog was gone! before me lay a valley. blue-white moss carpeted it except where reddish boulders broke the blueness. here and there were trees--at least i assumed they were trees, despite their unfamiliar outline. they were like banyans, having dozens of trunks narrow as bamboo. blue-leafed, they stood like immense bird-cages on the pallid moss. the fog closed in behind the valley and above it. it was like being in a huge sun-lit cavern. i turned my head, saw a gray wall behind me. beneath my feet the snow was melting and running in tiny, trickling rivulets among the moss. the air was warm and stimulating as wine. a strange and abrupt change. impossibly strange! i walked toward one of the trees, stopped at a reddish boulder to examine it. and surprise caught at my throat. it was an artifact--a crumbling ruin, the remnant of an ancient structure whose original appearance i could not fathom. the stone seemed iron-hard. there were traces of inscription on it, but eroded to illegibility. and i never did learn the history of those enigmatic ruins.... they did not originate on earth. there was no sign of the native girl, and the resilient moss retained no tracks. i stood there, staring around, wondering what to do now. i was tense with excitement. but there was little to see. just that valley covering perhaps a half-mile before the fog closed in around it. beyond that--i did not know what lay beyond that. i went on, into the valley, eyeing my surroundings curiously in the shadowless light that filtered through the shifting roof of fog. foolishly, i expected to discover incan artifacts. the crumbled red stones should have warned me. they were, i think, harder than metal, yet they had been here long enough for the elements to erode them into featureless shards. had they been of earthly origin they would have antedated mankind--antedated even the neanderthaler man. curious how our minds are conditioned to run in anthropomorphic lines. i was, though i did not know it, walking through a land that had its beginnings outside the known universe. the blue trees hinted at that. the crimson ruins told me that clearly. the atmospheric conditions--the fog, the warmth high up in the cordilleras--were certainly not natural. yet i thought the explanation lay in some geological warp, volcanic activity, subterranean gas-vents.... my vision reached a half-mile, no farther. as i went on, the misty horizon receded. the valley was larger than i had imagined. it was like elysium, where the shades of dead men stroll in the garden of proserpine. streamlets ran through the blue moss at intervals, chill as death from the snowy plains hidden in the fog. "a sleepy world of streams...." the ruins altered in appearance as i went on. the red blocks were still present, but there were now also remnants of other structures, made by a different culture, i thought. the blue trees grew more numerous. leafy vines covered most of them now, saffron-tinted, making each strange tree a little room, screened by the lattice of the vines. as i passed close to one a faint clicking sounded, incongruously like the tapping of typewriter keys, but muffled. i saw movement and turned, my hand going to the pistol in my belt. the thing came out of a tree-hut and halted, watching me. i _felt_ it watching me--though _it had no eyes_! it was a sphere of what seemed to be translucent plastic, glowing with shifting rainbow colors. and i sensed sentience--intelligence--in its horribly human attitude of watchful hesitation. four feet in diameter it was, and featureless save for three ivory elastic tentacles that supported it and a fringe of long, whip-like cilia about its diameter--its waist, i thought. it looked at me, eyeless and cryptic. the shifting colors crawled over the plastic globe. then it began to roll forward on the three supporting tentacles with a queer, swift gliding motion. i stepped back, jerking out my gun and leveling it. "stop," i said, my voice shrill. "stop!" it stopped, quite as though it understood my words or the gesture of menace. the cilia fluttered about its spherical body. bands of lambent color flashed. i could not rid myself of the curious certainty, that it was trying to communicate with me. abruptly it came forward again purposefully. i tensed and stepped back, holding the gun aimed. my finger was tightening on the trigger when the thing stopped. i backed off, nervously tense, but the creature did not follow. after i had got about fifty yards away it turned back and retreated into the hut-like structure in the banyan tree. after that i watched the trees warily as i passed them, but there were no other visitations of that nature. scientists are reluctant to relinquish their so-called logic. as i walked i tried to rationalize the creature, to explain it in the light of current knowledge. that it had been alive was certain. yet it was not protoplasmic in nature. a plant, developed by mutation? perhaps. but that theory did not satisfy me for the thing had possessed intelligence, though of what order i did not know. but there were the seven native girls, i reminded myself. my job was to find them, and quickly, too. i did, at last, find them. six of them, anyway. they were sitting in a row on the blue moss, facing one of the red blocks of stone, their backs toward me. as i mounted a little rise i saw them, motionless as bronze statues, and as rigid. i went down toward them, tense with excitement, expectancy. odd that six native girls, sitting in a row, should fill me with such feeling. they were so motionless that i wondered as i approached them, if they were dead.... but they were not. nor were they--in the true sense of the word--alive. i gripped one by the bare shoulder, found the flesh surprisingly cold and the girl seemed not to feel my touch. i swung her around to face me, and her black, empty eyes looked off into the far distance. her lips were tightly compressed, slightly cyanosed. the pupils of her eyes were inordinately dilated, as if she was drugged. indian style, she squatted cross-legged, like the others. as i pulled her around, she toppled down on the moss, making no effort to stop herself. for a moment she lay there. then with slow, puppet-like motions, she returned to her former position and resumed that blank staring into space. i looked at the others. they were alike in their sleep-like withdrawal. it seemed as if their minds had been sucked out of them, that their very selves were elsewhere. it was a fantastic diagnosis, of course. but the trouble with those girls was nothing a physician could understand. it was psychic in nature, obviously. i turned to the first one and slapped her cheeks. "wake up!" i commanded. "you must obey me! waken--" but she gave no sign of feeling, of seeing. i lit a match, and her eyes focused on the flame. but the size of her pupils did not alter.... a shudder racked me. then, abruptly i sensed movement behind me. i turned.... over the blue moss the seventh indio girl was coming toward us. "miranda!" i said. "can you hear me?" fra rafael had told me her name. her feet, i saw, were bare and white frost-bite blotches marked them. but she did not seem to feel any pain as she walked. then i became aware that this was not a simple indio girl. something deep within my soul suddenly shrank back with instinctive revulsion. my skin seemed to crawl with a sort of terror. i began to shake so that it was difficult to draw my gun from its holster. there was just this young native girl walking slowly toward me, her face quite expressionless, her black eyes fixed on emptiness. yet she was not like other indios, not like the six other girls sitting behind me. i can only liken her to a lamp in which a hot flame burned. the others were lamps that were dead, unlit. the flame in her was not one that had been kindled on this earth, or in this universe, or in this space-time continuum, either. there was life in the girl who had been miranda valle--but it was not _human_ life! some distant, skeptical corner of my brain told me that this was pure insanity, that i was deluded, hallucinated. yes, i knew that. but it did not seem to matter. the girl who was walking so quietly across the blue yielding moss had wrapped about her, like an invisible, intangible veil, something of the alienage that men, through the eons, have called divinity. no mere human, i thought, could touch her. * * * * * but i felt fear, loathing--emotions not associated with divinity. i watched, knowing that presently she would look at me, would realize my presence. then--well, my mind would not go beyond that point.... she came forward and quietly seated herself with the others, at the end of the line. her body stiffened rigidly. then, the veil of terror seemed to leave her, like a cloak falling away. abruptly she was just an indio girl, empty and drained as the others, mindless and motionless. the girl beside her rose suddenly with a slow, fluid motion. and the crawling horror hit me again.... the alien power had not left! it had merely transferred itself to another body! and this second body was as dreadful to my senses as the first had been. in some subtly monstrous way its terror impressed itself on my brain, though all the while there was nothing overt, nothing _visibly_ wrong. the strange landscape, bounded by fog, was not actually abnormal, considering its location, high in the andes. the blue moss, the weird trees; they were strange, but possible. even the seven native girls were a normal part of the scene. it was the sense of an alien presence that caused my terror--a fear of the unknown.... as the newly "possessed" girl rose, i turned and fled, deathly sick, feeling caught in the grip of nightmare. once i stumbled and fell. as i scrambled wildly to my feet i looked back. the girl was watching me, her face tiny and far away. then, suddenly, abruptly it was close. she stood within a few feet of me! i had not moved nor seen her move, but we were all close together again--the seven girls and i.... hypnosis? something of that sort. she had drawn me back to her, my mind blacked out and unresisting. i could not move. i could only stand motionless while that alien being dwelling within human flesh reached out and thrust frigid fingers into my soul. i could feel my mind laid open, spread out like a map before the inhuman gaze that scanned it. it was blasphemous and shameful, and i could not move or resist! i was flung aside as the psychic grip that held me relaxed. i could not think clearly. that remote delving into my brain had made me blind, sick, frantic. i remember running.... but i remember very little of what followed. there are vague pictures of blue moss and twisted trees, of coiling fog that wrapped itself about me, trying futilely to hold me back. and always there was the sense of a dark and nameless horror just beyond vision, hidden from me--though i was not hidden from its eyeless gaze! i remember reaching the wall of fog, saw it loomed before me, plunged into it, raced through cold grayness, snow crunching beneath my boots. i recall emerging again into that misty valley of abaddon.... when i regained complete consciousness i was with lhar. a coolness as of limpid water moved through my mind, cleansing it, washing away the horror, soothing and comforting me. i was lying on my back looking up at an arabesque pattern of blue and saffron; gray-silver light filtered through a lacy, filigree. i was still weak but the blind terror no longer gripped me. i was inside a hut formed by the trunks of one of the banyan-like trees. slowly, weakly i rose on one elbow. the room was empty except for a curious flower that grew from the dirt floor beside me. i looked at it dazedly. and so i met lhar.... she was of purest white, the white of alabaster, but with a texture and warmth that stone does not have. in shape--well, she seemed to be a great flower, an unopened tulip-like blossom five feet or so tall. the petals were closely enfolded, concealing whatever sort of body lay hidden beneath, and at the base was a convoluted pedestal that gave the odd impression of a ruffled, tiny skirt. even now i cannot describe lhar coherently. a flower, yes--but very much more than that. even in that first glimpse i knew that lhar was more than just a flower.... i was not afraid of her. she had saved me, i knew, and i felt complete trust in her. i lay back as she spoke to me telepathically, her words and thoughts forming within my brain.... "you are well now, though still weak. but it is useless for you to try to escape from this valley. no one can escape. the other has powers i do not know, and those powers will keep you here." i said, "you are--?" a name formed within my mind. "lhar. i am not of your world." a shudder shook her. and her distress forced itself on me. i stood up, swaying with weakness. lhar drew back, moving with a swaying, bobbing gait oddly like a curtsey. behind me a clicking sounded. i turned, saw the many-colored sphere force itself through the banyan-trunks. instinctively my hand went to my gun. but a thought from lhar halted me. "it will not harm you. it is my servant." she hesitated, groping for a word. "a machine. a robot. it will not harm you." i said, "is it intelligent?" "yes. but it is not alive. our people made it. we have many such machines." the robot swayed toward me, the rim of cilia flashing and twisting. lhar said, "it speaks thus, without words or thought...." she paused, watching the sphere, and i sensed dejection in her manner. the robot turned to me. the cilia twisted lightly about my arm, tugging me toward lhar. i said, "what does it want?" "it knows that i am dying," lhar said. that shocked me. "dying? no!" "it is true. here in this alien world i do not have my usual food. so i will die. to survive i need the blood of mammals. but there are none here save those seven the other has taken. and i cannot use them for they are now spoiled." i didn't ask lhar what sort of mammals she had in her own world. "that's what the robot wanted when it tried to stop me before, isn't it?" "he wanted you to help me, yes. but you are weak from the shock you have had. i cannot ask you--" i said, "how much blood do you need?" at her answer, i said, "all right. you saved my life; i must do the same for you. i can spare that much blood easily. go ahead." she bowed toward me, a fluttering white flame in the dimness of the tree-room. a tendril flicked out from among her petals, wrapped itself about my arm. it felt cool, gentle as a woman's hand. i felt no pain. "you must rest now," lhar said. "i will go away but i shall not be long." the robot clicked and chattered, shifting on its tentacle legs. i watched it, saying, "lhar, this can't be true. why am i--believing impossible things?" "i have given you peace," she told me. "your mind was dangerously close to madness. i have drugged you a little, physically; so your emotions will not be strong for a while. it was necessary to save your sanity." it was true that my mind felt--was drugged the word? my thoughts were clear enough, but i felt as if i were submerged in transparent but dark water. there was an odd sense of existing in a dream. i remembered swinburne's lines: _here, where the world is quiet, here, where all trouble seems dead winds' and spent waves' riot in doubtful dreams of dreams...._ "what is this place?" i asked. lhar bent toward me. "i do not know if i can explain. it is not quite clear to me. the robot knows. he is a reasoning machine. wait...." she turned to the sphere. its cilia fluttered in quick, complicated signals. lhar turned back to me. "do you know much of the nature of time? that it is curved, moves in a spiral...." she went on to explain, but much of her explanation i did not understand. yet i gathered enough to realize that this valley was not of earth. or, rather, it was not of the earth i knew. "you have geological disturbances, i know. the strata are tumbled about, mixed one with another--" i remembered what fra rafael had said about an earthquake, three months before. lhar nodded toward me. "but this was a time-slip. the space-time continuum is also subject to great strains and stresses. it buckled, and strata--time-sectors--were thrust up to mingle with others. this valley belongs to another age, as do i and the machine, and also--the other." she told me what had happened.... there had been no warning. one moment she had been in her own world, her own time. the next, she was here, with her robot. and with the other.... "i do not know the origin of the other. i may have lived in either your future or your past. this valley, with its ruined stone structures, is probably part of your future. i had never heard of such a place before. the other may be of the future also. its shape i do not know...." * * * * * she told me more, much more. the other, as she called it--giving the entity a thought-form that implied complete alienage--had a strangely chameleon-like method of feeding. it lived on life-force, as well as i could understand, draining the vital powers of a mammal vampirically. and it assumed the shape of its prey as it fed. it was not possession, in the strict sense of the word. it was a sort of merging.... humanity is inclined to invest all things with its own attributes, forgetting that outside the limitations of time and space and size, familiar laws of nature do not apply. so, even now i do not know all that lay behind the terror in that peruvian valley. this much i learned: the other, like lhar and her robot, had been cast adrift by a time-slip, and thus marooned here. there was no way for it to return to its normal time-sector. it had created the fog-wall to protect itself from the direct rays of the sun, which threatened its existence. sitting there in the filigreed, silver twilight beside lhar, i had a concept of teeming universes of space-time, of an immense spiral of lives and civilizations, races and cultures, covering an infinite cosmos. and yet--what had happened? very little, in that inconceivable infinity. a rift in time, a dimensional slip--and a sector of land and three beings on it had been wrenched from their place in time and transported to _our_ time-stratum. a robot, a flower that was alive and intelligent--and feminine--and the other.... "the native girls," i said. "what will happen to them?" "they are no longer alive," lhar told me. "they still move and breathe, but they are dead, sustained only by the life-force of the other. i do not think it will harm me. apparently it prefers other food." "that's why you've stayed here?" i asked. the shining velvety calyx swayed. "i shall die soon. for a little while i thought that i might manage to survive in this alien world, this alien time. your blood has helped." the cool tentacle withdrew from my arm. "but i lived in a younger time, where space was filled with--with certain energizing vibratory principles. "they have faded now almost to nothing, to what you call cosmic rays. and these are too weak to maintain my life. no, i must die. and then my poor robot will be alone." i sensed elfin amusement in that last thought. "it seems absurd to you that i should think affectionately of a machine. but in our world there is a rapport--a mental symbiosis--between robot and living beings." there was a silence. after a while i said, "i'd better get out of here. get help--to end the menace of the other...." what sort of help i did not know. was the other vulnerable? lhar caught my thought. "in its own shape it is vulnerable, but what that shape is i do not know. as for your escaping from this valley--you cannot. the fog will bring you back." "i've got my compass." i glanced at it, saw that the needle was spinning at random. lhar said: "the other has many powers. whenever you go into the fog, you will always return here." "how do you know all this?" i asked. "my robot tells me. a machine can reason logically, better than a colloid brain." i closed my eyes, trying to think. surely it should not be difficult for me to retrace my steps, to find a path out of this valley. yet i hesitated, feeling a strange impotence. "can't your robot guide me?" i persisted. "he will not leave my side. perhaps--" lhar turned to the sphere, and the cilia fluttered excitedly. "no," she said, turning back to me. "built into his mind is one rule--never to leave me. he cannot disobey that." * * * * * i couldn't ask lhar to go with me. somehow i sensed that the frigid cold of the surrounding mountains would destroy her swiftly. i said, "it must be possible for me to get out of here. i'm going to try, anyway." "i will be waiting," she said, and did not move as i slipped out between two trunks of the banyan-like tree. it was daylight and the silvery grayness overhead was palely luminous. i headed for the nearest rampart of fog. lhar was right. each time i went into that cloudy fog barrier i was blinded. i crept forward step by step, glancing behind me at my footprints in the snow, trying to keep in a straight line. and presently i would find myself back in the valley.... i must have tried a dozen times before giving up. there were no landmarks in that all-concealing grayness, and only by sheerest chance would anyone blunder into this valley--unless hypnotically summoned, like the indio girls. i realized that i was trapped. finally i went back to lhar. she hadn't moved an inch since i had left, nor had the robot, apparently. "lhar," i said. "lhar, can't you help me?" the white flame of the flower was motionless, but the robot's cilia moved in quick signals. lhar moved at last. "perhaps," her thought came. "unless both induction and deduction fail, my robot has discovered a chance for you. the other can control your mind through emotions. but i, too, have some power over your mind. if i give you strength, wall you with a psychic shield against intrusion, you may be able to face the other. but you cannot destroy it unless it is in its normal shape. the indio girls must be killed first...." "killed?" i felt a sense of horror at the thought of killing those poor simple native girls. "they are not actually alive now. they are now a part of the other. they can never be restored to their former life." "how will--destroying them--help me?" i asked. again lhar consulted the robot. "the other will be driven from their bodies. it will then have no hiding-place and must resume its own form. then it can be slain." lhar swayed and curtseyed away. "come," she said. "it is in my mind that the other must die. it is evil, ruthlessly selfish, which is the same thing. until now i have not realized the solution to this evil being. but seeing into your thoughts has clarified my own. and my robot tells me that unless i aid you, the other will continue ravening into your world. if that happens, the time-pattern will be broken.... i do not quite understand, but my robot makes no mistakes. the other must die...." she was outside of the banyan now, the sphere gliding after her. i followed. the three of us moved swiftly across the blue moss, guided by the robot. in a little while we came to where the six indio girls were squatting. they had apparently not moved since i had left them. "the other is not here," lhar said. the robot held me back as lhar advanced toward the girls, the skirt-like frill at her base convoluting as she moved. she paused beside them and her petals trembled and began to unfold. from the tip of that great blossom a fountain of white dust spurted up. spores or pollen, it seemed to be. the air was cloudy with the whiteness. the robot drew me back, back again. i sensed danger.... the pollen seemed to be drawn toward the indios, spun toward them in dancing mist-motes. it settled on their bronzed bodies, their limbs and faces. it covered them like a veil until they appeared to be six statues, white as cold marble, there on the blue moss. lhar's petals lifted and closed again. she swayed toward me, her mind sending a message into mine. "the other has no refuge now," she told me. "i have slain the--the girls." "they're dead?" my lips were dry. "what semblance of life they had left is now gone. the other cannot use them again." lhar swayed toward me. a cool tentacle swept out, pressing lightly on my forehead. another touched my breast, above the heart. "i give you of my strength," lhar said. "it will be as shield and buckler to you. the rest of the way you must go alone...." into me tide of power flowed. i sank into cool depths, passionless and calm. something was entering my body, my mind and soul, drowning my fears, stiffening my resolve. strength of lhar was now my strength! the tentacles dropped away, their work done. the robot's cilia signalled and lhar said, "your way lies there. that temple--do you see it?" i saw it. far in the distance, half shrouded by the fog, a scarlet structure, not ruined like the others, was visible. "you will find the other there. slay the last indio, then destroy the other." i had no doubt now of my ability to do that. a new power seemed to lift me from my feet, send me running across the moss. once i glanced back, to see lhar and her robot standing motionless, watching me. the temple enlarged as i came nearer. it was built of the same reddish stone as the other ruined blocks i had seen. but erosion had weathered its harsh angles till nothing now remained but a rounded, smoothly sculptured monolith, twenty feet tall, shaped like a rifle shell. a doorway gaped in the crimson wall. i paused for a moment on the threshold. in the dimness within a shadow stirred. i stepped forward, finding myself in a room that was tall and narrow, the ceiling hidden in gloom. along the walls were carvings i could not clearly see. they gave a suggestion of inhuman beings that watched. it was dark but i could see the indio girl who had been miranda valle. her eyes were on me, and, even through the protecting armor of lhar strength; i could feel their terrible power. the life in the girl was certainly not human! "destroy her!" my mind warned. "destroy her! quickly!" but as i hesitated a veil of darkness seemed to fall upon me. utter cold, a frigidity as of outer space, lanced into my brain. my senses reeled under the assault. desperately, blind and sick and giddy, i called on the reserve strength lhar had given me. then i blacked out.... when i awoke i saw smoke coiling up from the muzzle of the pistol in my hand. at my feet lay the indio girl, dead. my bullet had crashed into her brain, driving out the terrible dweller there. my eyes were drawn to the farther wall. an archway gaped there. i walked across the room, passed under the archway. instantly i was in complete, stygian darkness. but i was not alone! the power of the other struck me like a tangible blow. i have no words to tell of an experience so completely disassociated from human memories. i remember only this: my mind and soul were sucked down into a black abyss where i had no volition or consciousness. it was another dimension of the mind where my senses were altered.... nothing existed there but the intense blackness beyond time and space. i could not see the other nor conceive of it. it was pure intelligence, stripped of flesh. it was alive and it had power--power that was god-like. there in the great darkness i stood alone, unaided, sensing the approach of an entity from some horribly remote place where all values were altered. i sensed lhar's nearness. "hurry!" her thought came to me. "before it wakens!" warmth flowed into me. the blackness receded.... against the farther wall something lay, a thing bafflingly human.... a great-headed thing with a tiny pallid body coiled beneath it. it was squirming toward me.... "destroy it!" lhar communicated. the pistol in my hand thundered, bucking against my palm. echoes roared against the walls. i fired and fired again until the gun was empty.... "it is dead," lhar's thought entered my mind. i stumbled, dropped the pistol. "it was the child of an old super-race--a child not yet born." can you conceive of such a race? where even the unborn had power beyond human understanding? my mind wondered what the adult alien must be. i shivered, suddenly cold. an icy wind gusted through the temple. lhar's thought was clear in my mind. "now the valley is no longer a barrier to the elements. the other created fog and warmth to protect itself. now it is dead and your world reclaims its own." from the outer door of the temple i could see the fog being driven away by a swift wind. snow was falling slowly, great white flakes that blanketed the blue moss and lay like caps on the red shards that dotted the valley. "i shall die swiftly and easily now, instead of slowly, by starvation," lhar said. a moment later a thought crossed my mind, faint and intangible as a snowflake and i knew lhar was saying goodbye. i left the valley. once i looked back, but there was only a veil of snow behind me. and out of the greatest adventure the cosmic gods ever conceived--only this: for a little while the eternal veil of time was ripped away and the door to the unknown was held ajar. but now the door is closed once more. below huascan a robot guards a tomb, that is all. the snow fell faster. shivering, i ploughed through the deepening drifts. my compass needle pointed north. the spell that had enthralled the valley was gone. half an hour later i found the trail, and the road to safety lay open before me. fra rafael would be waiting to hear my story. but i did not think that he would believe it.... * * * * * transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and bold text by =equal signs=. the symbols in the caption for fig 6. have been approximated by characters from the available character set. chincha plain-weave cloths by l. m. o'neale, e. bacon, c. w. gemmer, r. v. hall, i. w. johnson, c. m. osborne, m. b. ross anthropological records vol. 9, no. 2 anthropological records editors: e. w. gifford, r. f. heizer, r. h. lowie, r. l. olson volume 9, no. 2, pp. 133-156, 1 map, 8 figures in text, plates 1-9 submitted by editors march 8, 1948 issued february, 1949 price, 50 cents university of california press berkeley and los angeles california cambridge university press london, england manufactured in the united states of america foreword the study presented here was one of a series planned by professor lila m. o'neale, associate curator of textiles in the museum of anthropology. the fundamental idea was to make use of the wealth of material in the collections of the museum of anthropology, particularly its pre-columbian peruvian textiles, as source material for study and analysis by advanced students. professor o'neale's sudden death on february 2, 1948, means that, although the paper was completed and in the hands of the board of editors of anthropological records, the final proofreading has not been done by professor o'neale. the board greatly regrets that this outstanding contribution will not be followed by others produced under the direction and guidance of a highly esteemed colleague. contents introduction 133 the material 133 dimensions of the chincha cloths 135 lengths 135 widths 136 yarns 138 textures and weaving techniques 138 stitchery 140 patching and mending 141 pattern 141 color 143 summary 143 plates 145 [illustration: map 1 chincha environs] chincha plain-weave cloths by l. m. o'neale, e. bacon, c. w. gemmer, r. v. hall, i. w. johnson, c. m. osborne, m. b. ross introduction this study of the chincha plain-weave materials in the max uhle collection of the university of california has been part of the work of a senior course in technical analysis. six members of the class, whose names appear as joint authors, are responsible for the data collected and for the initial organization. the material the chincha collection, excavated in 1900 by dr. max uhle during the peruvian expedition financed by mrs. phoebe apperson hearst, is catalogued under two lot prefixes: 4and 16-. specimen numbers with the prefix 4indicate that the precise provenience as to site and grave is known. the cloths in this lot have been previously analyzed and a preliminary report has been published.[1] the cloths in the 16lot, as is explained in the report on the pottery,[2] did not identify perfectly with entries in the collector's field catalogue or their identification was dubious. six chincha sites described in uhle's field catalogue[3] are shown on map 1. the number of cloth specimens representing each of these sites varies from 2 to 52 (table 1). briefly, the time periods indicated by finds forming the basis of this report are as follows. site a (2 specimens). "on the declivities of the valley towards the sea, 5 km. from tambo de mora to the north." late chincha period. site b (3 specimens). la cumbe cemetery; nearly exhausted; the few graves opened were "ordinary ones." late chincha period. site c (37 specimens). in "the higher northern part of the valley." late chincha period. site d, and "near" site d (52 specimens). "chamberlike tombs, which had been dug out in a mound-like older huaca." late chincha period. site e, and "near" site e (20 specimens). "the dry natural terrace ... in front of the ruins of la centinela." several graves at this site held european articles. late chincha period, in part after the spanish conquest. site f (2 specimens). "the natural terraces with slopes directed to the sea north of la cumbe (circa las palmas)."[4] late chincha period. table 1 basic table: sites, periods, and number of specimens in study =================================================== | | no. 4| no. 16| total site | period | specs. | specs. | specs. ---------+--------------+--------+---------+------ a | late chincha | 2 | ... | 2 b | late chincha | 2 | 1 | 3 c | late chincha | ... | 37 | 37 | and inca | | | d | late chincha | 7 | 41 | 48 "near" d | | 4 | ... | 4 e | late chincha | 10 | 9 | 19 | and inca | | | "near" e | | 1 | ... | 1 f | late chincha | 2 | ... | 2 ---------+--------------+--------+---------+------ totals | | 28 | 88 | 116 --------------------------------------------------most of the fabrics described in the literature on ancient peruvian textiles are characterized by beauty of coloring or arresting designs or unusual workmanship--sometimes by all three. these all-cotton chincha specimens have none of the expectable features. first and last they seem to have served utilitarian purposes; for that reason, most of them are comparable to our so-called domestics. the larger ones are probably mantles: the proportions of the largest two-breadth pieces with full dimensions (4-3973d, 59.5 in. by 66 in. and 16-1250, 52 in. by 61 in.) place them in this group; a third specimen (16-1292), also formed of two breadths (intact breadth 35 in. plus fragmentary breadth 28 in.) was probably a mantle 62 inches by 70 inches over all. the smaller specimens suggest scarves (or incomplete mantles), carrying cloths, or kerchiefs (figs. 1, 2). [illustration: fig. 1. diagrams of eleven specimens with length-to-width proportions approximately 1:1, as indicated by diagonal. seams in two-breadth textiles shown as broken lines. largest specimen, 59.5 inches by 66 inches.] [illustration: fig. 2. diagrams of seven rectangular specimens with length-to-width proportions approximately 2:1 as indicated by diagonal. largest specimen, 62 inches by 22.5 inches.] the fact that many of the chincha cloths in the 16lot had apparently been roughly torn to rectangular shapes leads us to believe that the excavator used them to wrap pottery specimens. indeed, the majority seem to have been used even by their makers as wrappings. a number of them have long loose stitches or hanging cordlike threads, which originally may have held several layers together. many of the single breadths have traces of seaming stitches on one or both selvages, indicating that the original wrapping was two or three times its preserved width. a large proportion of the cloths in this group are badly worn and clumsily patched. two, three, and sometimes more pieces of irregular shape applied to the base material and even on top of a first patch are not infrequent (pl. 3,d). the mended fragments do not appear to be either the original sizes or shapes. many of them have been reduced to their present rectangular shape by tearing off tattered (?) edges. one small group of striped textiles in the 16lot is a noteworthy exception to the majority. finely striped cottons similar to the one in plate 5,d must certainly have been made for other than utility cloths, probably for garments. there are four small bags (or pads?) in the chincha 4lot. three of these were formed of small whole cloths sewed together at the sides with running, double running, and whipping stitches respectively. the fourth is made of a piece of an edge-stripe material and has one loomstring end and one side selvage. on this bag the torn edges have been turned in and seamed with a running stitch. ties for one of the bags have been made by plaiting in a 4-strand flat braid the elements consisting of the two loomstrings plus an additional 12-ply cord drawn through the corner of the bag to its center point, thus giving two ends. another of the bags has a draw string formed by a 9-ply cord drawn through the top end with a running stitch. footnotes: [1] l. m. o'neale and a. l. kroeber, textile periods in ancient peru:i, uc-paae, 28:23-56, 1930. [2] a. l. kroeber and w. d. strong, the uhle collections from chincha, uc-paae, 21:1-54, 1924; max uhle (a. l. kroeber, ed.), explorations at chincha, uc-paae, 21:55-94, 1924. [3] max uhle, explorations at chincha, pl. 1, pp. 87-90. [4] ibid., pp. 68, 69. dimensions of the chincha cloths one hundred twelve cloths in the plain-weave group were measured. because some of the specimens could not be placed under tension, the forefinger was drawn along the cloth beside a steel tape to smooth out wrinkles. measurements taken by this method approximate those on a cloth stretched between the bars of a loom. lengths complete dimensions can be taken on eighteen chincha specimens in lots 4and 16-. as figures 1 and 2 show, these dimensions cluster around two sets of proportions: the eleven cloths represented in the diagram in figure 1 are squarish; the seven in figure 2, with a length-to-width proportion of approximately two-to-three to one, are rectangular. four of the squarish cloths are formed of two separately woven breadths of material. all the rectangular cloths are single breadths. measurements of these specimens with complete dimensions are given below under the two classifications. squarish cloths measurements in inches specimen 4-3633b 15.5 by 14 16-1260 19 by 14 4-3890a 23.5 by 26 4-3883a 26.5 by 27 4-4056 27 by 26 16-1253 28.5 by 24 4-4027 29 by 28 4-4022a 40 by 35 (2 breadths) 4-3883b 43.5 by 38.5 (2 breadths) 16-1250 52 by 61 (2 breadths) 4-3973d 59.5 by 66 (2 breadths) rectangular cloths specimen 4-3889c 9.5 by 5 4-4029 10.5 by 4 4-3962 11.5 by 9 4-3882f 13 by 7 4-3710m 18 by 11.5 4-3883d 53.5 by 21 4-4059a 62 by 22.5 from the twenty chincha plain-weave cloths with intact lengths (fig. 4) it is possible to know (1) that the cloths were woven by methods standard among the ancient peruvians; (2) that each breadth represents a separate warping operation which established its ultimate length; (3) that each breadth was made singly on the loom. the evidence for such procedures and the identifying features of the end selvages on peruvian cloths are to be recognized in the continuous thread which forms the warp skein--in contradistinction to cut ends of warps--and in the presence of two or more heavy wefts, the first ones put across the web. the cords binding the end loops of the warp skein to the loom bars hold the first of these loomstring wefts, as they are called, to the bars. the two or more succeeding wefts, which are interlaced with the warps, establish the width of the piece and give it a certain firmness. on the ends of some cloths the strand of cord for loomstrings was long enough to carry across the web only twice. in the majority of our plain-weave cloths it was carried across three times; in over a fifth of the total number of intact ends in the 16lot the loomstring carried across four times. the frequencies of two, three, and four loomstrings at the ends of webs in this group are approximately as 6:32:16. a number of these occurrences are on cloths in which the heavy cord is not long enough to make a complete crossing; the remainder of the breadth is completed with weft of the size used for the regular weaving. [illustration: fig. 3. complete widths of textiles in chincha plain-weave group. separately woven webs of two-breadth cloths indicated by chevrons. narrowest width, 4 inches.] [illustration: fig. 4. complete lengths of textiles in chincha plain-weave group. separately woven webs of two-breadth cloths indicated by chevrons. shortest length, 9.5 inches.] in the chincha 4lot, loomstrings of from 2to 12-ply formed the weft for from two to six courses of weaving. in seven of the twenty-four specimens showing finished ends, the loomstring stopped partway across its course in the web and was there joined to the regular weft yarn. in two the joining was effected by finger knots, in the other by splicing (?). the two specimens (4-3889c and 4-4029) having strong 12-ply loomstrings were small but complete cloths which had been doubled and stitched along the sides to form bags. the loomstrings thus served to reinforce the open mouth of the bag. in eleven specimens the loomstrings had an initial s and final z twist; twelve show the opposite combination. in one specimen (4-4056) the separate plies have an s twist, but the final yarn is untwisted. complete lengths of chincha plain-weave cloths in order from shortest to longest: spec. no. inches 4-3889c 9.5 4-4029 10.5 4-3962 11.5 4-3882f 13 4-3633b 15.5 4-3710m 18 16-1260 19 4-3890a 23.5 4-3882a 26.5 4-4056 27 16-1253 28.5 4-4027 29 4-4022a 40 (× 2) 4-3883b 43.5 (× 2) 16-1250 52 (× 2) 16-1290 53 4-3883d 53.5 4-3973d 59.5 (× 2) 4-4059a 62 16-1292 62 ninety-odd of the measured cloths are incomplete as to length. these preserved lengths fall within arbitrary groupings as follows: from 5 inches to 20 inches in length 29 pieces from 21 inches to 30 inches in length 33 pieces from 31 inches to 40 inches in length 17 pieces from 41 inches to 50 inches in length 7 pieces from 51 inches to 60 inches in length 4 pieces from 61 inches to 70 inches in length 2 pieces widths there are three times as many weavings with complete widths as with complete lengths; 60 as compared to 20. clues to the wrappings or blankets of which these breadths were sections are frequently furnished by traces of stitchery and broken threads on the side selvages. as shown by table 2 and figure 3, the five narrowest complete breadths (group 1) are within a range of 4 to 12 inches. narrow widths can be woven most rapidly on the backstrap loom. complete breadths in group 2 (18 specimens) fall within the range of 14 to 20 inches. these widths, also, can be woven without much effort. seaming together narrow breadths appears to have been preferred to weaving wider ones equal to the two or three which compose some of the rectangular specimens. table 2 frequencies of complete width measurements ======================================+========+===========+======= |width in|number of |total |inches |occurrences|occur | | |rences --------------------------------------+--------+-----------+------ group 1 | | | 4-4029 | 4 | 1 | 4-3889c | 5 | 1 | 4-3882f | 7 | 1 | 4-3962 | 9 | 1 | 4-3710m | 11.5 | 1 | 5 | | | group 2 | | | 4-3633b, 16-1240, -1256, -1260, | | | -1274 | 14 | 5 | 4-3970, -4075d, 16-1274, -1280 (2) | 15.5 | 5 | 16-1240, -1248 | 16 | 2 | 4-4022a (2), 16-1225 | 17.5 | 3 | 4-3883b (2) | 19.5 | 2 | 4-4068b | 20.5 | 1 | 18 | | | group 3 | | | 4-3883d | 21 | 1 | 4-4059a | 22.5 | 1 | 4-4068b, 16-1291 | 23 | 2 | 16-1237, -1238, -1242, -1251, -1253 | 25 | 5 | 4-3890a, -4056 | 26 | 2 | 4-3883a, -4068d, 16-1251, -1265 | 27 | 4 | 4-4023 (2), -4027, 16-1257, -1265, | | | -1271, -1272, -1289 | 28 | 8 | 4-3633a, -4055, 16-1261 | 29 | 3 | 26 | | | group 4 | | | 16-1259 | 30 | 1 | 16-1250, -1294 | 31 | 2 | 4-3973d (2), 16-1283, -1304d | 33 | 4 | 16-1252, -1269b | 34 | 2 | 16-1266, -1292 | 35 | 2 | 16-1286 | 41 | 1 | 12 --------------------------------------+--------+-----------+------group 3, as listed in table 2, comprises breadths falling within a range of 21 inches through 29 inches. these widths reduce weaving speed and bring about problems in manipulation of the loom parts. the twelve widest complete breadths in the chincha lot range from 30 inches to 35 inches with a single specimen measuring 41 inches. for this last piece, and possibly for several of the narrower ones in the same group, a two-bar loom not attached to the weaver's waist seems indicated. complete widths of chincha plain-weave fabrics in order from narrowest to widest: spec. no. inches 4-4029 4 4-3889c 5 4-3882f 7 4-3962 9 4-3710m 11.5 16-1274 13.5 + 14.5 4-3633b 14 16-1256 14 16-1260 14 16-1240 14.5 + 15.5 4-3970 15 16-1280 15 + 15 4-4075d 15.5 16-1248 16 16-1225 16.5 4-4022a 17.5 + 17.5 4-3883b 19 + 19.5 4-4068b 20.5 + 23 4-3883d 21 4-4059a 22.5 16-1291 23 16-1253 24.5 16-1237 25 4-3890a 26 4-4056 26 4-3883a 27 16-1251 27 + 24.5 4-4068d 27.5 16-1265 27.5 4-4027 28 16-1257 28 16-1271 28 16-1272 28 16-1289 28 4-4023 28 + 28.5 16-1261 28.5 4-3633a 29 4-4055 29 16-1259 30 16-1250 30 + 31 16-1294 31 16-1283 33 16-1304b 33 4-3973d 33 + 33 16-1252 33.5 + 33.5 16-1269b 34 16-1266 34.5 16-1292 35 16-1286 41 seventy-odd individually woven breadths of material are incomplete as to width. the arbitrary groupings in which these fall are as follows: under 10 inches in width 3 specimens 11 inches to 20 inches 42 specimens 21 inches to 30 inches 22 specimens 31 inches to 40 inches 7 specimens side selvages strengthened by any one of the several methods we know from commercial weavings are rare in textiles from primitive looms. it is not uncommon, however, to find four or five edge yarns drawn more closely together than are the others in the web. familiarity with these two facts made our discovery of a unique selvage finish a matter of unusual interest. the edges of specimens 16-1228 and 16-1236 have been reinforced by two stitchery techniques. plate 8,i shows the ordinary whipping stitches which form the foundation for the second technique. plate 8,h shows this second line of work to consist of a double strand twined, but always from back to front, with the tops of the whipping stitches. on one of the chincha 4specimens (4-4068a) the half-inch selvage is distinguished from the body of the fabric by the use of warp yarns lighter in color than those appearing in the body of the fabric and by the two-over-one weave of the right-hand selvage in contrast to the one-over-one weave found elsewhere in the fabric. in specimen 4-4027 the edges are strengthened on each side for some six inches of the length by a single heavy 4-ply warp unit. in the chincha 4specimens, where congestion of edge yarns occurs, its extent in from the edge varies from 5 threads (in 3 specimens) to 24 threads (1 specimen); in the majority of these specimens, the congestion ranges from 6 to 12 threads (8 specimens). textures in plate 4,a, c are comparable to those in which maximum congestion occurs. yarns all yarns are initially spun as single plies. in the ancient peruvian textiles, there are evidences of preferences for single-ply yarns or at least the use of them even in fabrics we should consider called for heavier elements. the chincha domestic cloths are good examples. we made yarn analyses on half of the total number of cloths in the study. all but ten of the fifty-seven examined were woven with single-ply warp and weft elements and of these ten, only one coarse cloth had 2-ply warps and wefts; the remaining nine had 2-ply warps crossed by single-ply wefts. the majority of these fabrics classified as "fine" weavings. yarns may be twisted (spun) in two directions. the spirals formed by twisting may extend upward to the left (the s-twist) or to the right (the z-twist). the frequencies of the left and the right twist in yarns are indicative of motor habits, if nothing more. the largest chincha group comprises twenty-nine cloths in which the warp and weft elements have left spirals; a much smaller group (5 specimens) shows yarns with right spirals. two other groups (6 and 3 pieces, respectively) have warps with left spirals crossed by wefts with right spirals and vice versa. the other cloths in which yarns with different twists are combined perhaps may represent the use of odds and ends of yarns. the following combinations were found: 1. single-ply s-twist and z-twist warps crossed by single-ply s-twist wefts (2 specimens) or crossed by single-ply z-twist wefts (1 specimen). 2. single-ply s-twist warps crossed by single-ply s-twist and z-twist wefts (1 fine-texture specimen). yarns are characterized as softor slack-twist, medium-twist, hardor tight-twist, with various intermediate degrees depending upon the angle taken by the spiral in relation to a vertical axis. a 25-degree angle, for example, characterizes a medium-twist yarn tending toward hard-twist. yarns with 30-degree to 45-degree angles of twist are hard-twist yarns. more than half of an unselected sample of twenty yarns fell within the 25-degree to 45-degree range. the remaining seven had angles from 50 degrees to 90 degrees in some sections of their lengths. an idea of the variations in any one weaving element may be gained from plate 4,c and the enlarged section of fabric in plate 7,c. textures and weaving techniques in general, the chincha weavings are smooth and closely woven (pls. 3,b, and 4,b). there appears to have been little or no interest in varying the textures by employing yarns of different weights, although the usual irregularities to be noted in lengths of hand-spun yarns are also evident in these. counts taken on the warps and wefts per inch give a fair indication of the textures, but these are to a degree dependent upon the spinning. [illustration: figure 5. scatter diagram of thread counts per inch. figures indicate number of specimens. symbols: triangle, apex down, unit consists of one warp and one weft element; open square, unit consists of one warp, two weft elements; concentric circles, unit consists of two warps, one weft element; triangle, apex up, unit consists of warp and weft pairs.] several variations of the elemental over-one-under-one plain weave are exemplified by the chincha cloths. included are the following: combinations of pairs of warps or wefts with single yarns of the opposite system, and pairs of warps and wefts as in the two-by-two basket weave. the one hundred and twelve specimens represented in the scatter diagram (fig. 5) fall into groups, according to the variations of the plain weave these are listed below in the order of their frequency: group 1. paired warps crossed by paired wefts: 8 group 2. single warps crossed by paired wefts: 20 the thread counts of 18 in this group are approximately 58 warps by 40 wefts per inch. group 3. single warps crossed by single wefts: 22 thread counts in this group range from 13 warps by 18 wefts to 156 warps by 40 wefts per inch. pl. 5,d shows a fabric with count of 108 warps by 42 wefts per inch. group 4. paired warps crossed by single wefts: 62 thread counts range from 16 warp pairs by 12 wefts to 44 warp pairs by 32 wefts per inch with one specimen having the high count of 80 warp pairs by 28 wefts per inch. in terms of weaving units, whether single yarns or pairs of yarns, 56 of the 112 counts taken fall within a range of 26 to 44 warp units and 24 to 36 weft units. figure 5 shows this concentration within the frame. weaving techniques, other than the basic structural types, are few in number. drawing in colored warps for stripes is a preliminary to the actual interlacing of the elements. the results of this procedure can best be discussed under the heading "pattern." the join is a technical feature that indicates standards of craftsmanship. it is customary in weaving materials with end as well as side selvages to give more or less attention to the closing of the space between the weaving proper and the heading strip. when the warps in the form of a skein had been spread out evenly and bound in place to the end bars, the ancient weavers on two-bar looms first wove a shallow heading strip to secure the warps in their positions and to establish the ultimate width of the fabric, a practice followed by some modern weavers today. then the weaver reversed the loom end for end to begin what became the weaving proper, and continued until the length was complete. difficulties or indifference to appearance very often resulted in a general looseness of texture where standard-size tools had to be removed and the interlacing done more or less by the fingers. plate 2,a, b shows heading strips of different depths, fairly wide join areas in which the wefts are more widely spaced, and above these, the compact texture of the weaving proper. three finely woven cloths, one of them shown in plate 5,d, exemplify warp locking, end-to-end. this technique is known from the earliest periods on the coast in the so-called patchworks from nazca valley graves. it occurs also in middleand late-period textiles.[5] the methods of lengthening the warps by the addition of new ones vary, but one feature is common to all those examined: the supplementary transverse yarns are in effect scaffold or skeleton wefts.[6] in the chincha cloths, the two warps interlock as shown in the reconstruction in plate 5,a. in two chincha plain-weave cloths, as in the nazca patchworks, the warps of two colors meet on the skeleton weft. two specimens in lot 4(3890a and 4056) are poor in quality of craftsmanship. careless weaving resulted in the breaking of several warps, uneven shedding, and puckering in the center of the web. a three-inch difference in the length between the two side edges of specimen 4-4056 was probably due to slanting of the warping stakes (fig. 6). there is also a difference between the widths of the ends of each cloth, in one of them as much as three inches. different weights of yarn are used, their twists ranging from soft-to-medium to crepe. [illustration: =4-4056= fig. 6. diagram of a web showing an irregular shape which may have resulted from careless warping. occurrences of plain-weave variations are indicated by symbols for units: +, one-by-one; =|, one-by-two; ++, two-by-one; and #, two-by-two (27 in. × 26 in. over all).] in specimen 4-3890a the warps were grouped in pairs throughout the breadth of the cloth. in the first eight and one-half inches of the length, the weft is single and for the remaining fifteen and one-half inches the wefts are paired. this results in plain-weave variations of two-by-one, or semibasket weave, and two-by-two, or basket weave. in setting up the loom for specimen 4-4056, twelve inches of the breadth were warped with units of single 2-ply warp yarns (fig. 6, right) and the remaining fourteen inches were set up for units of twin warps (fig. 6, left). several plain-weave variations were found. the weaver introduced single and twin wefts at irregular intervals throughout the length of the cloth. therefore, in the portion where the single warp unit interlaces with single wefts, a simple one-by-one, or plain weave results; where the single warp unit interlaces with twin wefts, a one-by-two, or semibasket weave occurs. in the portion of the breadth where warps are paired, interlacings of two-by-one, or semibasket weave, and two-by-two, or basket weave, occur. owing to the difference in length between the two side edges of specimen 4-4056, the weaver started making adjustments before she had woven half the length of her cloth. in order to restore a working edge at right angles to her warps, she introduced incomplete or fill-in wefts; that is, weft yarns entered on the long side and carried a distance across the web and then turned back in the next shed (pl. 8,a). the largest number of fill-in wefts occurs roughly at a point about a third up from the end. here, seven wefts were introduced, one after the other, all entering from the same side of the web (pl. 5,e). the distance across the web that these various wefts were carried ranges from ten to twenty inches. at each turning point of the weft there is a kelim slit. footnotes: [5] l. m. o'neale and a. l. kroeber, textile periods in ancient peru: i, basic tables at end of plates. [6] l. m. o'neale, textiles of the early nazca period, field mus. nat. hist., anthrop. mem., 2:180, 1937. stitchery three very familiar needle techniques occur on the chincha plain-weave cloths. breadths are seamed together with whipping stitches or running stitches, or are laced together with the antique seam, often called the baseball stitch (pl. 8,d). the effects vary with the depth and tightness of the seaming. some of the whipping stitches are left loose so the two breadths lie flat, their selvages barely touching; other stitches are drawn so tightly that the selvages form a ridge (pl. 5,b). the smallest stitches are taken under two or three warps less than one-eighth inch deep and about one-eighth inch apart. deeper stitches found on the coarse wrappings and one bag (4-3889) range from a quarter-inch to three-eighths of an inch in depth and the same distances apart. the baseball stitch, if well done, can bring the selvages of two breadths together in a flat seam (pl. 5,d). the chincha types range from very loosely drawn to tightly drawn threads. running and double running stitches (pl. 8,b, c), never very carefully executed on the plain-weave specimens, fasten down all the patches, hems, and occasionally the edges of lapped seams in which one breadth is extended conspicuously over another. specimen 16-1229 has such a seam with a six-inch overlap. when running stitches are small, they range from one-eighth to one-quarter inch in length with approximately the same distance between them. many more are from one-quarter to one-half inch long, especially on the numerous patches (pl. 3,d), and the distances between the stitches may be even longer. when running stitches are used for the hems, the cloth edges, including selvages, are turned under twice, just as is our customary procedure. double running stitches on a bag (4-3889c) are about a quarter-inch long. because of the variety of uses to which running stitches are put, they outnumber the other types two to one in the 16lot, being often combined with the whipping and baseball techniques. needleknitting, a decorative stitch which occurs frequently on cahuachi (early nazca) textiles[7] is the edge finish on four of the chincha plain-weave cloths (pl. 5,c). from the side, the stitch resembles a whipping stitch except for its compactness and the fact that the lines of thread are upright, not slanting; from the edge, the stitch resembles a chain (pl. 8,f, g). the chincha variety differs slightly from that on the early nazca textiles: stitches taken straight over the edge alternate with those linked together with the chain effect. patching and mending any form of repair technique in peruvian textiles is rare. many of the materials show wear and occasionally coarse stitches are put through the cloth to draw the edges of a tear together; otherwise there is little to suggest concern with prolonging the life of a garment. in a series of chincha domestic cloths there are eleven patched specimens but not one trace of reweaving as in darning techniques. apparently the unusual number of mended cloths interested the collectors in the field for, although a half dozen fragments appear to have been reduced to their present size, the patched portions have been carefully preserved. fragmentary lengths of these textiles ranged from 14 to 28 inches; widths ranged from 13 to 30 inches. certain generalizations are pertinent to all the mended fragments. there is no evidence of the use of a cutting tool; the edges of the patching pieces were torn or snagged along a thread. if the selvages were somewhat worn, the seamstress did not remove them but made a deep turn to fold the worn part to the underside. much of the patching material was perceptibly worn to begin with; three brown specimens were badly disintegrated. on specimen 16-1259 there are four overlapping layers of patching material in one spot. generally, the worn spot covered by a patch or several patches is an area in which the weaving was poorly done. the patched fabrics are in the mediumand coarse-texture groups with the exception of one fine cloth (16-1224). the repair materials fall within all three texture groups. a third of the patches (11 out of 31) were of striped materials, most of which are of better quality than the base fabric. patches too small to cover the entire worn area are pieced out by overlapping them with a second piece of material. more than a third of the patches were taken from the edges of the breadths, as the stripes indicate. techniques used to fasten down the edges are hemming and whipping. the workmanship is fairly coarse, the lengths of the individual stitches approximately a quarter-inch long. standards were much below those held by the weaver, but this difference is not surprising. threads employed for the patching suggest that the seamstress used odds and ends of weaving yarns. two or more kinds ordinarily appear on a single patch, one of them usually a coarse white cotton thread of fairly loose twist. some threads are used single in the needle, some double. colors are browns, blues, orange, yellow, the last happening to be short lengths of wool. there is no evidence that the seamstress attempted to match the yarn to either the ground or the patch materials. where we start a new length of thread with a knot made at the end, these chincha threads begin with a half-hitch around the first stitch taken through the cloth (16-1238) or with a stitch through the cloth and a knot tied with the short and long sections of the thread (16-1261). plate 3,d shows one of the typical patched cloths. four fabrics are represented: the base material, medium fine; and the three patching fabrics, the lower patch very fine and the upper right and left patches coarse. the most complicated arrangement of patches is found on a specimen (16-1240) composed of two breadths seamed together. the overall measurements of the torn rectangular fragment are 17 inches warpwise by 30 inches weftwise. within this area are nine different pieces of cloth, seven of them covering worn spots or poorly woven areas. footnote: [7] ibid., pl. 53, a-c, p. 210. pattern the only colored decoration on the chincha domestic cloths is in the form of stripes. this section presents an analysis of the types found on thirty-odd specimens. stripes in this sample group either border the edge of the cloth or make an allover pattern. with the exception of four cloths, the stripes are warpwise of the materials; these four have stripes both warpwise and weftwise, and thus may be classified as plaids. edge stripes occur in combination with an allover strip pattern in specimen 16-1287 and in combination with plaid in specimen 4-3973d (pl. 6,f). there are no cloths crossbanded only with colored wefts. apparently there was no preference as to the texture most appropriate for patterning by stripes; both fine and coarse cloths are thus decorated. for example, specimen 16-1225 is very fine (thread count, 102 warps by 42 wefts per in.) and specimen 16-1234 is medium coarse (count, 36 warps by 28 wefts per in.). both cloths are allover striped. edge stripes occur on a relatively fine cloth, specimen 16-1255a (count, 62 warps by 40 wefts per in.), and also on a coarse cloth (count, 28 warps by 24 wefts per in.). five cloths in the chincha lot are allover striped. one (16-1252) has solid blue and brown stripes at irregular intervals. the arrangement contrasts with the regularity of the other allover-striped materials and of the symmetrical plaids. other allover stripes (fig. 8,a; pl. 7,c) have units a quarter-inch wide, brown on a neutral ground. there is both color and texture interest in these specimens. the brown warp units are in pairs, the neutral-color warp units between each two brown units are alternately all single warps and all pairs of warps. as a result, every other neutral-color stripe is appreciably thinner than its neighbor stripes (pl. 7,c). the third allover striped specimen (16-1224) is alternately blue and neutral color, each stripe unit approximately one-sixteenth inch wide (fig. 8,c). specimen 16-1225 has striping in the same colors and to it is seamed a piece with blue on a reddish-orange ground. the blues appear to have been the same, but the cloth, otherwise in good condition, is so badly faded that the photograph does not reveal the stripes in the blue-orange section (pl. 5,d). the fourth allover-stripe pattern is common to two specimens, one of them shown in figure 8,b. the colors blue and tan stand out from a neutral ground. the sequence is blue-blue-tan, blue-blue-tan, and repeat. the stripes measure one-sixteenth inch in width and are about the same distance apart. [illustration: fig. 7. schematic representations of stripings with color changes indicated by symbols. units consisting of pairs of warps represented by pairs of triangles. chevron marks center of bilateral groupings of colors.] the four fragments symmetrically plaided with an identical arrangement of warp and weft stripes (16-1279; 16-1303) probably came from the same cloth despite the different numbers. edge stripes, the most numerous group, vary in width from three-sixteenths inch to one and three-eighths inch. they are simple in construction, eight of the thirteen being symmetrical both in arrangement and count of colored warps. the semblance of balance is marked, also, in those stripes which are not symmetrical. the edge stripes with two exceptions (16-1260, a kerchief, and full breadth 16-1287) border only one of the selvages on the complete widths analyzed for this section. the opposite selvages have hanging threads, remnants of the stitchery which originally seamed two breadths together. the stripes decorated the outside edges of this seamed rectangle. no specimen in the chincha plain-weave group has stripes showing more than three colors, exclusive of the color of the ground material. the ground color is usually neutral and may originally have been white or brown cotton. the most frequently occurring color in the stripes is brown, followed by blue. red and rose occur only twice. in five specimens we found the warps used in pairs. in specimens 16-1224 (fig. 7,a) and 16-1280 (fig. 7,k) the colored warps are paired, the ground is set up with single warps; in 16-1240 (fig. 7,j), the stripe warps and certain sections of the ground warps are paired, the greater portion is set up with single warps. in several specimens the otherwise uniform setup of single colored warps is broken by a warp unit comprising a pair (fig. 7,f), and in two specimens (cf. fig. 7,d) the series of single warps is broken by two pairs of warps in one of the stripes. these units may have been deliberately planned by the weaver, since they are maintained for the entire length of the preserved stripe. all of the chincha striped cloths examined for this study were woven either in the over-one-under-one interlacing or its variation, twin warps crossed by single weft, a technique sometimes designated as the semibasket weave. what textural differences there are between the colored stripes and the ground material are the results of combining the single-warp plain weave with its twin-warp variation. the following tabulation shows the occurrences of these two techniques among the thirteen striped pieces in figure 7: no. of weave of ground material weave in stripes specimens single warps, single wefts same as ground 1 single warps, single wefts single and twin warps, single wefts 2 twin warps, single wefts single warps, single wefts 7 twin warps, single wefts same as ground 1 twin warps, single wefts single and twin warps, single wefts 2 color fifty-odd yarns, samplings from the striped and plain cloths of the chincha lots, were matched against the printed samples in maerz and paul's _dictionary of color_.[8] we found yarns corresponding to thirty-two samples representing five of the eight color groups. we found no dyed yarns in these cloths for colors in the yellow-to-green, the blue-to-red, and the purple-to-red groups. only four yarns out of three hundred and fifty matched in a previous study,[9] corresponded to colors in the purple-to-red group and these four matched very dark samples on plate 56. the available evidence indicates either that the ancients had not developed dyestuffs to produce such hues as our fuchsias, magentas, and heliotropes or that they did not favor these colors. over a dozen yarns matched samples on plates 14 and 15 of the orange-to-yellow groups; as many more matched the browns on plate 37. some of the yarns in this series are darker than any of the printed samples on plate 39. the third largest series, approximately twenty, match eight samples in the blue-green-to-blue group. the fewest number represent the green-to-blue-green group. yarns in four cloths are similar to poplar and bottle greens. stripes are in one, two, or three colors (fig. 8). most of the one-color stripes (approximately 10) are blue (37f3, 37i5), one is an orange-red (5k10), and one clay color (14f8). for the two-color stripes we were able to distinguish blue (37f3), golden browns (approximating 15a12), and orange reds (approximating 5k10). in only one of the six two-color examples, however, were the two colors sufficiently clear to match the printed samples. specimen 16-1251 combines brown (15a12) and blue (38c3) stripes. the three-color stripes in the 16-lot were similarly difficult to match with the samples in the dictionary. yarns from the four specimens matched samples as follows: 16-1268: yellow (10c7) and two browns (14l10, 15a12) 16-1277: two yellows (11k8 and one other darker than any in the group) and blue (36f6) 16-1283: yellow (9j5), blue (35d4), and one other color too dull to match any printed sample in the blue group 16-1287: yellows and browns (7c12, 11k6, and 14f6) one three-color specimen in the 4lot (pl. 6,f) has a number of well-preserved portions. the weaving proper is natural-color white cotton with plaiding in dark brown (15c12) and gray similar to adobe (14d7). the wide edge stripe has the same dark brown, a lighter, more golden brown (14d12), and central pinkish stripes which approximate printed samples 3c10 or 3c11. [illustration: fig. 8. diagrams of stripings in chincha plain-weave cloths: a, two-color stripe, blue and natural color cotton; b, two-color stripe, blue and brown on natural-color ground; c, allover stripe of blue on natural-color ground.] footnotes: [8] a. maerz and m. r. paul, a dictionary of color, 1930. [9] l. m. o'neale, textiles of the early nazca period, p. 144. summary analyses of over a hundred plain-weave cloths in the max uhle collection from late-period sites at chincha form the material of this report. the utilitarian character of most of the cloths is conspicuous. a few plain-weave fabrics undoubtedly belong to garments of the better type, although these specimens, too, are without decoration except for stripings. measurements and textures suggest that some weavings may have been mantles or other large wrappings. all the intact ends have the customary peruvian selvages with heavy loomstring wefts. intact single breadths range in widths between 4 inches and 41 inches. the wider breadths suggest that the loom upon which these specimens were woven was not the type ordinarily attached to the weaver's waist. smooth textures and the uniformly good edges indicate that the weaving yarns were of the high quality we have learned to expect in the ancient cloths. thread counts show a wide range, as shown in figure 5. technical features in these plain cloths are the standard ones in most respects. warp locking of the end-to-end variety and a unique finish on a side selvage are the most noteworthy deviations from the norm. perhaps the least expected feature is the patching of weak or worn spots in the cloths. in their present condition, the several repaired examples reveal hard wear subsequent even to the patching. ornamentation in the chincha plain-weave cloths analyzed for this study consists solely of stripes and plaids; an occasional edge finish is as much a strengthening device as a decorative detail. a few cloths are allover striped; a greater number are bordered on one edge with a series of colors, mainly yellow, browns, and blues. the group as a whole represents the many fabrics which must have been woven solely for ordinary wear or use, being used later as grave wrappings. plates explanation of plates (numbers preceded by 4and 16are university of california museum of anthropology specimen-catalogue numbers.) plate 1 chincha doll (4-4116) dressed in scrap of plain-weave material. height overall, 7 inches. head, a knob wrapped with fiber; black human hair folded over top and drawn in at neck with fiber string. body composed of 2 tortoras separated to form legs; all elements wrapped with fiber and with one extra "toe" applied to each foot. arms of wrapped tortora with fingers (3) applied at ends. garment of plain cotton material torn crosswise; fold at one side; lapped seam held with coarse stitches at opposite side; seam across shoulders; no openings for arms. tatters at bottom edge turned to outside and secured with running stitches. length 5¼ inches; breadth 7¼ inches. plate 2 loomstring ends of chincha fabrics, a, b, detail of ends of two webs (16-1304b, 16-1270) to show heading strip (1) and weaving proper (2) comparable in texture; (3) section between them, the join, more loosely woven. width of sections shown, 3.5 inches. plate 3 a, b, c, examples of medium-coarse chincha fabrics (16-1282, 16-1217, 16-1252), fair to good qualities of weaving; d, worn material reinforced by patches held down by running stitches (16-1222). dark section of b, 1.25 inches wide; a and c in proportion; upper patch of d, 9 inches by 6 inches. plate 4 textures of fine fabrics. a, comparable to modern cheesecloth (4-4058b); b, canvaslike (16-1255a); c, open plain weave showing high twist of single-ply yarns (4-3883b). plate 5 a, reconstruction of end-to-end warp locking, shown in d, by methods which make possible the change from monochrome to stripes; b, close-texture, semibasket weave with three heavy loomstring wefts at end selvage, whipped seam (16-1292); c, end selvage reinforced with needleknitting (16-1217) (cf. pl. 8,f, g); d, fine cotton garment material with stripes below monochrome section (16-1225), right-hand striped section faded; e, section of textile (×2) with turn of fill-in straightening wefts indicated by black threads (4-4056) (cf. pl. 8,a). width of b and c, 3 inches. plate 6 a-e, border stripes on chincha cloths (16-1268, 16-1277, 16-1214, 16-1251, 16-1255a), colors, brown and blue; f, section of plaid with border stripe (4-3973d). selvages at left. width of narrowest border stripe, one-fourth inch; others in proportion. plate 7 a, reconstruction of border stripes of fabric in plate 6,e; b, reconstruction of stripe found on several specimens; c, section of fabric (×2) showing variations in plain weave and amount of twist given to weaving elements (16-1240); d, section of fabric (×2) showing two-and-two basket weave varied in appearance by arrangement of colored yarns (4-3962). plate 8 reconstructions, a, fill-in weft to straighten working edge (cf. pl. 5,e); b, plain running stitch; c, double running stitch shown in two colors for clarity; d, seam in saddler's or baseball stitch, also called antique seam; e, seam in whipping stitch: f, g, top and side view of needleknitting type found on chincha edge (pl. 5,c), alternate stitches plain whipping stitches; h, i, two views of reinforced selvage showing strand of twining through tops of whipping stitches. plate 9 weaving and sewing equipment: a-g, undressed thorns, 3.5 to 6 inches long (4-3653); h-o, bunch of fine wooden needles (n shows eye) 4.5 inches long, black and pale color wood (4-3651); p, copper needle (4-4094); q, headed and pointed stick, possibly a warp-lifter (4-3865f); r-w, sticks, some of cane including pointed and headed tools (4-3865a-e, g, h): s, u, weaving swords; t, loom bar; x, weaving sword, 18 inches long. [illustration: plate 1. chincha doll] [illustration: plate 2. loomstring ends] [illustration: plate 3. chincha fabrics] [illustration: plate 4. textures of fine fabrics] [illustration: plate 5. weaving techniques] [illustration: plate 6. pattern: stripes and plaids] [illustration: plate 7. pattern: stripes and variations in plain weaves] [illustration: plate 8. reconstructions of stitches] [illustration: plate 9. weaving and sewing equipment] religions ancient and modern the mythologies of ancient mexico and peru religions: ancient and modern. animism. by edward clodd, author of _the story of creation_. pantheism. by james allanson picton, author of _the religion of the universe_. the religions of ancient china. by professor giles, ll.d., professor of chinese in the university of cambridge. the religion of ancient greece. by jane harrison, lecturer at newnham college, cambridge, author of _prolegomena to study of greek religion_. islam. by syed ameer ali, m.a., c.i.e., late of h.m.'s high court of judicature in bengal, author of _the spirit of islam_ and _the ethics of islam_. magic and fetishism. by dr. a. c. haddon, f.r.s., lecturer on ethnology at cambridge university. the religion of ancient egypt. by professor w. m. flinders petrie, f.r.s. the religion of babylonia and assyria. by theophilus g. pinches, late of the british museum. buddhism. 2 vols. by professor rhys davids, ll.d., late secretary of the royal asiatic society. hinduism. by dr. l. d. barnett, of the department of oriental printed books and mss., british museum. scandinavian religion. by william a. craigie, joint editor of the _oxford english dictionary_. celtic religion. by professor anwyl, professor of welsh at university college, aberystwyth. the mythology of ancient britain and ireland. by charles squire, author of _the mythology of the british islands_. judaism. by israel abrahams, lecturer in talmudic literature in cambridge university, author of _jewish life in the middle ages_. shinto. by w. g. aston, c.m.g. the religion of ancient mexico and peru. by lewis spence, m.a. the religion of the hebrews. by professor yastrow. the mythologies of ancient mexico and peru by lewis spence london archibald constable & co ltd 1907 edinburgh: t. and a. constable, printers to his majesty foreword it is difficult to understand the neglect into which the study of the mexican and peruvian mythologies has fallen. a zealous host of interpreters are engaged in the elucidation of the mythologies of egypt and assyria, but, if a few enthusiasts in the united states of america be excepted, the mythologies of the ancient west have no following whatsoever. that this little book may lead many to a fuller examination of those profoundly interesting faiths is the earnest hope of one in whose judgment they are second in importance to no other mythological system. by a comparative study of the american mythologies the student of other systems will reap his reward in the shape of many a parallel and many an elucidation which otherwise would escape his notice; whilst the general reader will introduce himself into a sphere of the most fascinating interest--the interest in the attitude towards the eternal verities of the peoples of a new and isolated world. l. s. contents chap. page i. the origin of american religions, 1 ii. mexican mythology, 9 iii. the priesthood and ritual of the ancient mexicans, 27 iv. the religion of the ancient peruvians, 44 v. peruvian ritual and worship, 58 vi. the question of foreign influence upon the religions of america, 71 a list of select books bearing on the subject, 79 the mythologies of ancient mexico and peru chapter i the origin of american religions the question of the origin of the religions of ancient mexico and peru is unalterably associated with that of the origin of the native races of america themselves--not that the two questions admit of simultaneous settlement, but that in order to prove the indigenous nature of the american mythologies it is necessary to show the extreme improbability of asiatic or european influence upon them, and therefore of relatively late foreign immigration into the western hemisphere. as regards the vexed question of the origin of the american races it has been thought best to relegate all proof of a purely speculative or legendary character to a chapter at the end of the book, and for the present to deal with data concerning the trustworthiness of which there is little division of opinion. the controversy as to the manner in which the american continent was first peopled is as old as its discovery. for four hundred years historians and antiquarians have disputed as to what race should have the honour of first colonising the new world. to nearly every nation ancient and modern has been credited the glory of peopling the two americas; and it is only within comparatively recent years that any reasonable theory has been advanced in connection with the subject. it is now generally admitted that the peopling of the american continent must have taken place at a period little distant to the original settlement of man in europe. the geological epoch generally assumed for the human settlement of america is the pleistocene (quaternary) in some of its interglacial conditions; that is, in some of the recurrent periods of mildness during the great ice age. there is, however, a possibility that the continent may have been peopled in tertiary times. the first inhabitants were, however, not of the red man type. difficult as is this question, an even more difficult one has to be faced when we come to consider the affinities of the races from whom the red man is descended. it must be remembered that at this early epoch in the history of mankind in all likelihood the four great types of humanity were not yet fully specialised, but were only differentiated from one another by more or less fundamental physiological characteristics. that the indians of america are descended from more than one human type is proved by the variety of shapes exhibited in their crania, and it is safe to assume that both europe and asia were responsible for these early progenitors of the red man. at the period in question the american continent was united to europe by a land-bridge which stretched by way of greenland, iceland, and the faröe islands to northern europe, and from the latter area there probably migrated to the western continent a portion of that human type which has been designated the proto-european--precursors of that race from which was finally evolved the peoples of modern europe. when we come to the question of the settlement of america from the asiatic side we can say with more certainty that immigration proceeded from that continent by way of behring strait, and was of a proto-mongolian character, though the fact should not be lost sight of that within a few hundred miles of the point of emigration there still exists the remains of an almost purely caucasian type in the ainu of saghalien and the kurile islands. however, immigration on any extensive scale must have been discontinued at a very early period, as on the discovery of america the natives presented a highly specialised and distinctive type, and bear such a resemblance one nation to another, as to draw from all authorities the conclusion that they are of common origin. according to all known anthropological standards the amerind (as it has been agreed to designate the american indian) bears a close affinity to the mongolian races of asia, and it must be admitted that the most likely origin that can be assigned to him is one in which asiatic, or to be more exact, mongolian blood preponderates. the period of his emigration, which probably spread itself over generations, was in all likelihood one at which the mongolian type was not yet so fully specialised as not to admit of the acquirement under specific conditions of very marked structural and physiological attributes.[1] in recent years large numbers of japanese have settled in mexico, and in the native dress can hardly be distinguished from the mexican peasants. of course it would be unsafe to assume that, once settled in the western hemisphere, its populations were subject to none of those fluctuations or race-changes which are so marked a feature in the early history of european and asiatic peoples. it is thought, and with justice, that some such race-movement convulsed the entire northern division of the continent at a period comparatively near to that of the columbian discovery. aztec history insists upon a prolonged migration for the race which founded the mexican empire, and native maps are still extant in several continental collections, which depict the routes taken by the aztec conquerors from aztlan, and the toltecs from tlapallan, their respective fatherlands in the north, to the mexican tableland. this, at least, would appear to be worthy of notice: that the 'skraelings' or native americans mentioned in the accounts of the tenth-century norse discoverers of america, by the description given of them, do not appear to be the same race as that which inhabited the new england states upon their rediscovery. as regards the origin of the american mythologies it is difficult to discover traces of foreign influence in the religion of either mexico or peru. at the time of their subjugation by the spaniards legends were ripe in both countries of beneficent white and bearded men, who brought with them a fully developed culture. the question of asiatic influences must not altogether be cast aside as an untenable theory; but it is well to bear in mind that such influences, did they ever exist, must have been of the most transitory description, and could have left but few traces upon the religion of the peoples in question. if any such contact took place it was merely of an accidental nature, and, when speaking of faiths carried from asia into america at the period of its original settlement, it is first necessary to premise that pleistocene man had already arrived at that stage of mental development in which the existence of supernatural beings is recognised--a premise with which modern anthropology would scarcely find itself in agreement. almost exhaustive proof of the wholly indigenous nature of the american religions is offered by the existence of the ruins of the large centres of culture and civilisation which are found scattered through yucatan and peru. these civilisations preceded those of the aztecs and incas by a very considerable period, how long it is impossible in the present state of our knowledge of the subject to say. those huge, buried cities, the ninevehs and thebeses of the west, have left not even a name, and of the peoples who dwelt in them we are almost wholly ignorant. that they were of a race cognate with the aztecs and toltecs appears probable when we take into account the similarity of design which their architecture bears to the later ruins of the aztec structure. yet there is equally strong evidence to the contrary. at what epoch in the history of the world these cities were erected it would at the present time be idle to speculate. the recent discovery of a buried city in the panhandle region of texas may throw some light upon this question, and indeed upon the dark places of american archæology as a whole. in the case of the buried cities of uxmal and palenqüe a great antiquity is generally agreed upon. indeed one writer on the subject goes so far as to place their foundation at the beginning of the second glacial epoch! he sees in these ruins the remnants of a civilisation which flourished at a time when men, fleeing from the rigours of the glacial ice-cap, huddled for warmth in the more central parts of the earth. it is unnecessary to state that this is a wholly preposterous theory, but the fact that the ruins of palenqüe are at the present time lost in the depths of a tropic forest goes far to prove their great antiquity. arguing, then, from this antiquity, we may be justified in assuming that in these now buried cities the mythology of mexico was partly evolved; that it was handed down to the aztec conquerors who entered the country some four hundred years before its subjugation by cortes, and that it received additions from the tribal deities. in the case of the peruvian mythology we may argue a similar evolution, which, as we shall see later, had been spread over a considerably shorter period. chapter ii mexican mythology the mexican empire at the period of its conquest by cortes had arrived at a standard of civilisation comparable with that of those dynasties which immediately preceded the rule of the ptolemies in egypt. the government was an elective monarchy, but princes of the blood alone were eligible for royal honours. a complex system of jurisdiction prevailed, and a form of district and family government was in vogue which was somewhat similar to that of the anglo-saxons. in the arts a high state of perfection had been reached, and the aztec craftsman appears to have been a step beyond the slavish conventionalism of the ancient egyptian artist. in architecture the mexicans were highly skilled, and their ability in this respect aroused the wonder of their spanish conquerors, who, however, did not hesitate to raze to the ground the splendid edifices they professed so much to admire. as road-builders and constructors of aqueducts they chiefly excelled, and a perfect system of posts was established on each of the great highways of the empire. with the aztecs the art of writing took the form of hieroglyphs, which in some ways resembled those of the ancient egyptians; but they had not at the period of their conquest by cortes evolved a more convenient, and cursive method, such as the hieratic or demotic scripts employed in the nile valley. in astronomical science they were surprisingly advanced and exact. the system in use by them was wonderfully accurate. it is, however, quite erroneous to suppose that it has affinities with any asiatic system. they divided the year into eighteen periods of twenty days each, adding five supplementary days, and providing for intercalation every half-century. each month contained four weeks of five days each, and each of the months had a distinct name. that the aztecs were possessed of exact astronomical instruments cannot be proved; but in the thirteenth plate of dupaix's _monuments_, (part ii.) there is a representation of a man holding to his face an instrument which might or might not be a telescope.[2] the astronomical dial was certainly in use among them, and astrology, and divination in its every shape were frequently resorted to. in the manual arts the aztecs were far advanced. papermaking was in a moderate state of perfection, and the dyeing, weaving, and spinning of cotton were crafts in which they excelled. feather-work of supreme beauty was a staple article of manufacture, but in the metallic arts the absence of iron had to be compensated for by an alloy of copper, siliceous powder, and tin--an admixture by the use of which the hardest granite was cut and shaped, and the most beautiful gold and silver ornaments fashioned. sharp tools were also made from obsidian, and in the barbers' shops of the city of mexico razors of the same stone were in use. to the art of war the aztecs--a military nation who won and held all they possessed by force of arms--attached great importance. training in the army was rigorous, and the knowledge of tactics displayed appears to have been very considerable. although the aztecs had founded and adopted from other nations a complete pantheon of their own, they were strongly influenced by the ancient sun and moon worship of central america. _ometecutli_ (twice lord) and _omecihuatl_ (twice lady) were the names which they bestowed upon these luminaries, and they were probably the first deities known to the aztecs upon their emergence from a condition of totemism. the sun was the _teotl_, _the_ god of the mexicans, but it will be seen in the course of this chapter that the national deities and those acquired by the aztecs in their intercourse with the surrounding peoples of tezcuco and tlacopan somewhat obscured the worship of those elementary gods. through all the confusion of a mythology second only in richness to those of egypt and hellas can be traced the idea of a supreme creator, a 'god behind the gods.' this was not the sun, but an allfather, addressed by the mexican nations as 'the god by whom we live'; 'omnipotent, that knoweth all thoughts, and giveth all gifts'; 'invisible, incorporeal, one god, of perfect perfection and purity.' the universality of this great being would seem (as in other mythologies) to have led to the deification of his attributes, and thus we have a pantheon in which we can trace all the various attributes of an anthropomorphic deity. this subdivision of the deity was not, however, responsible for all the gods embraced by the mexican pantheon. many of these were purely national gods--and two at least had probably been raised to this rank from a condition of symbolic totemism during a period of national expansion and military success. such a god was the mexican mars, huitzilopochtli, a name which signifies 'humming-bird on the left,' a designation concerning the exact derivation of which there is considerable difference of opinion. the general explanation of this peculiar name is that it may have arisen from the fact that the god is usually represented as having the feathers of a humming-bird on the left foot. before attempting an elucidation of the name, however, it will be well to examine the myth of huitzilopochtli. huitzilopochtli was the principal tribal deity of the aztecs. another, though evidently less popular name applied to him, was mextli, which signifies 'hare of the aloes.' indeed a section of the city of mexico derived its name from this appellation. the myth concerning his origin is one the peculiar features of which are common to many nations. his mother, coatlicue or coatlantona (she-serpent), a devout widow, on entering the temple of the sun one day for the purpose of adoring the deity, beheld a ball of brightly coloured feathers fall at her feet. charmed with the brilliancy of the plumes, she picked it up and placed it in her bosom with the intention of making an offering of it to the sun-god. soon afterwards she was aware of pregnancy, and her children, enraged at the disgrace, were about to put her to death when her son huitzilopochtli was born, grasping a spear in his right hand and a shield in his left, and wearing on his head a plume of humming-bird's feathers. on his left leg there also sprouted the flights of the humming-bird, whilst his face and limbs were barred with stripes of blue. falling upon the enemies of his mother he speedily slew them. he became the leader of the aztec nation, and after performing on its behalf prodigies of valour, he and his mother were translated to heaven, where she was assigned a place as the goddess of flowers. the müllerism of fifteen or twenty years ago would have assigned unhesitatingly the legend of huitzilopochtli to that class of myths which have their origin in natural phenomena. in the _hibbert lectures_ for 1884, m. réville, the french religionist, professes to see in the mexican war-god the offspring of the sun and the 'spring florescence.' mr. tylor (_primitive culture_) calls huitzilopochtli an 'inextricable compound parthenogenetic deity.' a more satisfactory solution of the myth would seem to the present writer to be that the origin of huitzilopochtli was partly totemic--that, in fact, the humming-bird was the original totem of the wandering tribe of aztecs prior to their descent upon anahuac. the humming-bird is of an extremely pugnacious disposition, and will not hesitate to attack birds considerably larger than itself. this courage would appeal to a warlike tribe bent on conquest, and its adoption as a totem and as a standard in the wars of the aztecs would naturally follow. this standard was known as the _huitziton_ or _paynalton_, the 'little humming-bird' or 'little quick one,' and was a miniature of huitzilopochtli borne by the priests in front of the soldiers in battle. this totem, then, took rank as the national war-god of the aztecs. the commerce of the mortal woman with the animal is common to many legends of a totemic origin, as may be witnessed in the myths of many of the present-day american indian tribes who believe their ancestors to have been the progeny of bears or wolves and mortal women, or as many norse and celtic families in early britain believed themselves to be able to trace a similar ancestry. however, huitzilopochtli had a certain solar connection. he had three annual festivals, in may, august, and december. at the last of these festivals, an image of him was modelled in dough, kneaded with the blood of sacrificed children, and this was pierced by the presiding priest with an arrow, in token that the sun had been slain, and was dead for a season. the totem had, in fact, become confounded with the sun-god, the deity of the older and more cultured races of anahuac, who had been adopted by the aztecs on their settlement there. the myth had, in fact, to be revised in the light of the later adoption of a solar cultus; so that here as in so many of the myths of other lands we find an amicable blending of rival beliefs which have been almost insensibly fused one into another. but another originally totemic deity had gained high rank in the aztec pantheon. this was tezcatlipoca, whose name signifies 'shining mirror.' he was the brother of huitzilopochtli, and in this brotherhood may be discerned the twofold nature of the huitzilopochtli legend. tezcatlipoca was not the blood-brother of the war-god of the aztecs, but his brother in so far as he was connected with the sun. tezcatlipoca, then, was the god of the cold season, and typified the dreary sun of that time of year. but he was also (probably as an afterthought) the god of justice, in whose mirror the thoughts and actions of men were reflected. it seems probable to the present writer that tezcatlipoca may originally, and in another clime, have been an ice-god. the facts which lead to this assumption are the period of his coming into power at the end of summer, and his possession of a shining mirror. another of tezcatlipoca's names signifies 'night wind.' he was evidently regarded also as the 'breath of life.' he may originally have been a wind demon of the prairies. tezcatlipoca's plaited hair was enclosed in a golden net, and from this plait was suspended an ear wrought in gold, towards which mounted a cloud of tongues, representative of the prayers of mankind. the ever-present nature of the 'great spirit' is also typified by tezcatlipoca, who wandered invisible through the city of mexico to observe the conduct of the inhabitants. that he might be enabled to rest during his tour of inspection, stone seats were placed for his reception at intervals in the streets. needless to say no human being dared to occupy those benches. but the most unique of all the gods of mexico was quetzalcoatl. this name indicates 'feathered serpent,' and the deity who owned it was probably adopted by the aztecs upon their settlement in mexico, called by them anahuac. at all events, quetzalcoatl stood for a worship which was eminently more advanced and humane than the degrading and sanguinary idolatry of which huitzilopochtli and tezcatlipoca were the prime objects. that he was not of aztec origin but a god of the toltecs or of the elder peoples who had preceded them in anahuac is proved by a myth of the mexican nations, in which his strife with tezcatlipoca is related. step by step quetzalcoatl, the genius of old anahuac, resisted the inroads of the newcomers as represented by tezcatlipoca. but he was forced to flee the country over which he had presided so long, and to embark on a frail boat on the ocean, promising to return at some future period. the aztecs believed in and feared his ultimate return. he was not one of their gods. but in their terror of his vengeance and return they attempted to propitiate him by permitting his worship to flourish as a distinct caste side by side with that of huitzilopochtli and tezcatlipoca. réville, writing in 'the mythical age,' as the decade of the 'eighties of last century has wittily been designated, sees in quetzalcoatl the east wind, and quotes sahagun to substantiate his theory.[3] but quetzalcoatl was 'lord of the dawn.' in fine he was a culture-god, and was closely connected with the sun. it would be impossible in the space assigned to me to enter fully into an analysis of the origin of this most interesting figure. there is, however, reason to believe that quetzalcoatl was one of those early introducers of culture who sooner or later find a place among the deities of the nation they have assisted in its early struggles towards civilisation. the strife between quetzalcoatl and tezcatlipoca, according to réville, typifies the struggle between the wind and the cold and dry season. it is more probable that it typifies the strife between culture and barbarism. the same authority points out that it is tezcatlipoca and not huitzilopochtli who attacks quetzalcoatl. but tezcatlipoca, was the god of austerity, and perhaps of the cold north, and thus the proper opponent of a luxurious southern civilisation. i have gone more fully into the question of the origin of quetzalcoatl in the last chapter of this work, as a more prolonged consideration of the subject would be somewhat out of the scope of the present chapter. the worship of quetzalcoatl was antipathetic if not directly opposed to that of the other deities of anahuac. it had a separate priesthood of its own who dressed in white in contradistinction to the sable garments which the priests of the other divinities were in the habit of wearing, and its ritual discountenanced if it did not forbid human sacrifice. quetzalcoatl possessed a high priest of his own, who was subservient, however, to the aztec pontiff, and who only joined the monarch's deliberative council on rare and extraordinary occasions. there can be no doubt that the good reception given to cortes and the spanish conquerors was solely on account of the quetzalcoatl legend, which insisted upon his return at some future period, and the aztecs undoubtedly regarded the arrival of the strange white men as a fulfilment of this prophecy. tlaloc was the god of rain--an important deity for a country where a droughty season was nothing less than a national disaster. his name signifies 'the nourisher,' and from his seat among the mountains he despatched the rain-bearing clouds to water the thirsty and sun-baked plains of anahuac. he was also the god of fertility or fecundity, and in this respect appears to have been analogous to the egyptian amsu or khem, the ithyphallic deity of panopolis. he was the wielder of the thunder and lightning, and the worship connected with him was even more cruel, if possible, than that of huitzilopochtli. one-eyed and open-mouthed, he delighted in the sacrifice of children, and in seasons of drought hundreds of innocents were borne to his temple in open litters, wreathed with blossoms and dressed in festal robes. should they weep, their tears were regarded as a happy augury for a rainy season; and the old spanish chroniclers record that even the heartless aztecs, used to scenes of massacre as they were, were moved to tears at the spectacle of the infants hurried, amid the wild chants of frenzied priests, to the maw of this mexican moloch. the statues of tlaloc were usually cut in a greenish-white stone to represent the colour of water. he had a wife, chalchihuitlicue (the lady chalchihuit), and by her he possessed a numerous family which are supposed to represent the clouds, and which bear the same name as himself. at one of his festivals the priests plunged into a lake, imitating the sounds and motions of frogs, which were supposed to be under the special protection of the water-god. xiuhtecutli (lord of fire), or huehueteotl (the old god), was one of the most ancient of the mexican deities. he is usually represented as typifying the nature of the element over which he had dominion, and in his head-dress of green feathers, his blackened face, and the yellow-feathered serpent which he carried on his back, the different colours observed in fire, as well as its sinuous and snake-like nature, are well depicted. like tezcatlipoca, he possessed a mirror, a shining disc of gold, to show his connection with the sun, from which all heat emanated, and to which all heat was subject. and here it will be well to remind the reader of the statement made near the commencement of this chapter that the god _par excellence_, the sun, was more or less manifested in all the principal deities of anahuac; that in fact these deities _were_ the sun in conjunction with some attribute of a totemic or naturalistic origin. the first duty of an aztec family when rising in the morning was to consecrate to xiuhtecutli a piece of bread and a libation of drink. he was thus analogous to vulcan, who, besides being the creator of thunderbolts and conflagration, was also the divinity of the domestic hearth. once a year the fire in every mexican house was extinguished, and was rekindled by friction before the statue of xiuhtecutli by his priests. the two principal goddesses of the aztecs were centeotl, the maize-goddess, the ceres of mexico, and tlazolteotl, the goddess of love. the name centeotl is derived from centli (maize) and teotl (divinity), and is often confounded with that of her son, who bore the same name. like the virgin or the egyptian hes, she bears in her arms a child, who is the young maize, who afterwards grows to bearded manhood. centeotl was the goddess of sustenance, and was often represented as a many-uddered frog, to typify the food-yielding soil. her daughter, xilonen, was the tender ear of the maize. appalling sacrificial rites were celebrated in connection with the worship of this goddess, in which women were the principal victims. these are dealt with in the chapter on ritual and ceremonial. tlazolteotl, the goddess of love, or, more correctly, of sensuality, was the object concerning whom the deities of the aztec olympus waged a terrible war. her abode was a lovely garden, where she dwelt surrounded by musicians and merrymakers, dwarfs and jesters. at one time she had been the spouse of tlaloc, the rain-god, but had eloped with tezcatlipoca, and thus she probably represents nature, who in one season espouses the rain-god and in another the god of the cold season. the myths concerning tlazolteotl are most unsavoury, and consist chiefly of tales concerning her seductive prowess. mictlan was the mexican pluto. the name signifies 'country of the north'--the region of waste and hunger and death, and was used both of the place and the deity. there, surrounded by fearful demons (tzitzimitles), he ruled over the shades of the departed much as did pluto, and, like his classical prototype, he possessed a consort, or rather consorts, since he had several wives. the representations of him naturally give to him a most repulsive aspect, and he is usually depicted in the act of devouring his victims. the minor gods of the aztecs were legion--indeed various authorities estimate their numbers from two hundred and sixty to two thousand--and of these it will only be possible to deal with a few of the more important. ixtlilton (brown one) was the god of healing, and was analogous to æsculapius. the priests connected with his worship vended a liquor which purported to be a sort of 'cure-all.' xipe (the bald) was the tutelar deity of goldsmiths. he was, in reality, a form of huitzilopochtli, and probably indicated the idea that gold had some connection with the sun. mixcoatl (cloud serpent) was the spirit of the waterspout, and was propitiated rather than worshipped by the semi-savage mountaineers in the vicinity of mexico. omacatl (double reed) was the god or spirit of mirth and festival. yacatecutli (guiding lord) was the god of travellers and merchants. indeed the commercial class among the aztecs were more exact concerning his worship than in that of almost any other of their deities. his symbol was the staff usually carried by the people of the country when on a journey, and this stick was an object of veneration among travellers, who usually prayed to it as representative of the god when evening brought their day's march to a close. the tepitoton, or diminutive deities, were household gods of the lares and penates type, and were probably connected with a species of shamanism, the origin of which may either have been prior to or contemporary with the adoption of the worship of the greater gods. their existence might appear to suggest the presence of fetishism in the aztec religion, but the theory of a shamanistic origin for these household deities seems the more likely one. chapter iii the priesthood and ritual of the ancient mexicans the resemblance of the mexican priesthood to that of ancient egypt was very marked. however, the influence of the priests among the people of anahuac was even greater than that of the analogous caste among the people of khemi. their system of conventual education permitted them to impress their doctrines upon the minds of the young in that indelible manner which secures unfaltering adhesion in later life to the dogmas so inculcated; and no doubt the ever-present fear of human sacrifice assisted them mightily in their dealings with the people. in short, they were all-powerful, and the mexican, accustomed to their influence from the period of childhood to that of death, submitted unquestioningly to their rule in all things, spiritual and temporal. the religious ethics of the mexican priesthood were lofty and sublime in the extreme, and had but little in common with their barbarous practices. they had been borrowed from the more cultured toltecs, who during their sole tenure of anahuac had evolved a moral code to which it would be difficult to take exception. but although this exalted philosophy had been adopted by the fierce and uncultured aztecs, it had become so obscured by the introduction of cruel and inhuman rites and customs as to be almost no longer recognisable as the pure faith of the race they had succeeded in the land. the germ and core of the aztec religion was the idea of the constant necessity of propitiating the gods by means of human sacrifice, and to this aspect of their religion we will return later. we have already seen that underlying the mythology of the ancient mexicans was the idea of a supreme being, a 'great spirit.' in the rites of confession and absolution particularly was this being appealed to in prayer, and the similarity of these petitions to those offered up by themselves so impressed the monkish companions of the spanish conquerors that their astonishment is very evident in their writings. it is unlikely that these priests would admit a soul of goodness in the evil thing it was their business to stamp out; and their testimony in this respect is of the highest value as evidence that the aztec religion possessed at least the germ of the eternal verities. the aztecs believed that eternity was broken up into several distinct cycles, each of several thousand years' duration. there would seem to have been four of these periods, concerning the length and nature of which the old spanish writers on the subject differ very materially. the conclusion of each was (according to the mexican tradition) to witness the extinction of humanity in one mighty holocaust, and the blotting out of the sun in the heavens. whether this universal upheaval applied only to the sons of men, or, like the teutonic gotterdämmerung, or the scandinavian rägnarok, had an equal significance for the gods, is not clear. it is worth remarking, however, that it premises the mortal nature of the sun, and, therefore, the existence of a creative agency with the ability to set another sun in its place. with the mexicans the question of a future life was a very nebulous one, though perhaps no more so than with the ancient greeks or romans. there was more than one paradise. mictlan, the shadowy sombre place of the dead, was the resting-place of the majority, for the aztecs fully believed that the higher realms of bliss were preserves for the aristocracy where the lowly might not enter. and this, in passing, is perhaps an explanation of the marvellously speedy adoption of christianity by the mexican natives subsequent to the conquest of anahuac. of the higher realms of bliss the 'mansion of the sun' was perhaps the most desirable. there the principal pleasures consisted in accompanying the sun in his course, and the amusement of choral dancing. souls in this paradise might also enter the bodies of humming-birds, and flit from flower to flower. the exercise of the chase lent to this place something of the character of a valhalla, and we hear something of gargantuan banquets. here, too, the blessed might animate the clouds, and float deliciously over the world they had quitted. the paradise of tlaloc was the special dwelling of those who had lost their lives by drowning, of sacrificed children, and of those who had died of disease caused by damp or moisture. but two exceptions were made as regarded the souls of others, and these related to warriors slain in battle, and women who had died in child-bed, who were permitted to enter paradise as having forfeited their lives in the service of the state. all the science and wisdom of the country was embodied in the priestly caste. the priests understood the education of the people, and so forcibly impressed their students with their knowledge of the occult arts that for the rest of their lives they quietly submitted to priestly influence. the priestly order was exceedingly numerous, as is proved by the fact that no less than five thousand functionaries were attached to the great temple of mexico, the rank and offices of whom were apportioned with the most minute exactitude. the basis of the priesthood was eminently aristocratic, and its supreme pontiff was known by the appellation of _mexicatl teohuatzin_, or 'mexican lord of divine matters.' next in rank to him was the high priest of quetzalcoatl, whose authority was limited to his own priesthood, and who lived a life of strict seclusion, not unlike that of the grand lama of tibet. this was probably a remnant of old toltec practice. the pontiff seems to have wielded a very considerable amount of political power, and to have had a seat on the royal council. the life of an aztec priest was rigorous in the extreme. fasting and penance bulked largely among his duties, and the idea of the implacability of the gods which was current in the priesthood appears to have driven many priests to great extremes of self-inflicted torture. they dressed entirely in black (with the exception of the caste of quetzalcoatl, who were clothed in white), and their cloaks covered their heads, falling down at each side like a mantilla. their hair was permitted to grow very long. they bathed every evening at sunset, and rose several times during the night for the purpose of paying their devotions. some of their orders permitted marriage, while others were celibate, but all, without distinction, passed an existence of severe asceticism. as has been said, departmental duties were strongly marked. some were readers, others musicians, while others again, probably the lower orders, attended to the sacred fires, and the more menial offices, the grand duty of human sacrifice devolving upon the higher orders of the prelacy alone. there was also an order of females who were admitted to the practice of all the sacerdotal functions, omitting only that of human sacrifice. these appear to have been more of the description of nuns than of priestesses. fakirs and religious beggars also abounded, but these seem to have taken upon themselves mendicant vows for a space only. education was wholly sacerdotal. that is, though secular studies were communicated to the young, the principal part of their training consisted of religious instruction. the schools were situated in the temple precincts, and entering these at an early age the boys were instructed by priests, and the girls by nuns. they resided within the temple buildings, and those who did not, and who probably consisted of the lower orders, were enrolled in a society called the _telpochtiliztli_, which met every evening at sunset to perform choral dances in honour of tezcatlipoca. a secondary school also existed, called the _calmecac_, in which the lore of the priests and the reading of the hieroglyphs, astrology, and the kindred sciences were taught the young men, whilst the girls became experts in the weaving of costly garments for the adornment of the idols, and the wear of the higher orders of the hierarchy. when the boys and girls left the school at the age of fifteen they were either sent back to their families, or to public service, to which they were often recommended by the priests. others remained to become in their turn priests or nuns in different convents. severe educational tests were required for entrance into the priesthood, and grades were many. the priests, we have seen, might occupy one of several ranks, and the nuns could become abbesses, or merely retain the position of simple sisters, according to their ambition and abilities. the lower ranks were designated _cihuaquaquilli_, or 'lady herb-eaters,' while the higher orders were known as _cihuatlamacasque_, or 'lady deaconesses.' the spanish conquerors of mexico were astonished to find among this peculiar people a number of rites which appeared in many respects analogous to some of those practised by catholics. such were the use of the cross as a symbol, communion, baptism, and confession. the cross, which was designated, strangely enough, 'tree of our life,' was merely the symbol of the four winds, which were indeed the life of anahuac. as regards confession and absolution, these were permitted to a person only once in his existence, and that at a late period of life, as any repetition of the pardoned offence was held to be inexpiable. penance was apportioned, and absolution given much in the same manner as in the roman catholic church. there appears to have been more than one kind of communion. at the third festival of huitzilopochtli they made an image of him in dough kneaded with the blood of infants, and divided the pieces among themselves. in the case of xiuhtecutli a similar image was placed on the top of a tree, which, like our christmas trees, had been transported from the forest to the town, and when the tree was thrown down and the image broken, the people scrambled for the pieces, which they devoured. in the rite of baptism the principal functionary was the midwife. she touched the mouth and breast of the infant with water in the presence of the assembled relations, and invoked the blessing of the goddess cihuatcoatl, who presided over childbirth (and who was a variant of centeotl, the maize-goddess) upon it. but it is unlikely that she did so in the devoutly christian language ascribed to her by sahagun. at death the corpse of a mexican was dressed in the robes peculiar to his guardian deity, and in this can be perceived an analogy to every dead egyptian becoming an osirian, or osiris himself. covered with paper charms, as the egyptian mummy was covered with metal or faïence symbols, the body was cremated, the ashes placed in an urn, and preserved in the house of the deceased. at the death of a rich man many slaves were sacrificed to bear him company in the world beyond the grave. this was obviously a meaningless survival of a prehistoric custom. valuable treasures were often buried with the wealthy, and a rich man would often have his private chaplain sacrificed at his tomb to assist him with ghostly counsel and comfort in the other world. among the ancient mexicans every month was consecrated to some particular deity, and in their calendar every day marked a celebration of some greater or lesser divinity. those differed considerably in their character. some were light and joyous, and their ritual abounded in the use of flowers and song. others (and these, unhappily, were in the majority) were stained with the hideousness of human sacrifice. the temples of the ancient mexicans were very numerous. they were called _teocallis_,[4] or 'houses of god,' and were constructed by facing huge mounds of earth with brick and stone. they were pyramidal in shape, and built in stages which grew smaller as the summit was reached. the bases of some of these teocallis were more than one hundred feet square. the great teocalli at mexico, for example, was three hundred and seventy-five feet long at the base, and three hundred feet in width. its height was over eighty feet. it consisted of five stages, each communicating with the other by means of a staircase which wound around the entire edifice. in the case of some teocallis, however, the staircase led directly up the western face of the building. at the top two towers, between forty and fifty feet in height, stood perched upon a broad area. inside these were kept the idols of the gods to whom the teocalli was sacred. before these towers stood the stone of sacrifice, and two altars upon which the fires blazed night and day. in the city of mexico six hundred of these fires rendered any artificial illumination at night superfluous. through the very construction of these temples all religious services were of a public nature. in front of the great teocalli of mexico stretched a court twelve hundred feet square, around which clustered the chapels of minor deities, and those captured from conquered peoples, as well as the dwellings and offices set apart for the attendant priests. although it appears that the toltecs, the forerunners of the aztecs in mexico, had at one period of their history been prone to human sacrifice, they had almost entirely discarded the practice at the time of their downfall. some two hundred years before the coming of the spaniards the aztecs had adopted this abomination, and were in the habit of sparing the lives of immense numbers of prisoners of war solely for the purpose of offering them up to the national gods. as their empire extended, these holocausts became greater and more common. on the teocalli of mexico the spaniards could count one hundred and thirty-six thousand human skulls piled in a horrid pyramid. of the sacrifices the most important was that signifying the annual demise of tezcatlipoca. the most handsome of the captives who chanced to be in the hands of the aztecs was chosen for the purpose. it was necessary that he should be without spot or blemish, as it was intended that he should represent tezcatlipoca himself. he was taken in hand by a body of tutors, who instructed him how to play his allotted part with the dignity and grace to be expected from a divine being. arrayed in magnificent robes typical of his godhead, and surrounded by an atmosphere of flowers and incense, he led the life of a voluptuary for the space of nearly a year. on the occasion of his appearance in the public streets he was received by the populace with all the homage due to a god, but was strictly guarded, nevertheless, by eight pages, who in reality were merely gaolers. within a month's time of his immolation four beautiful girls were given him as wives, and he was feasted and fêted by the nobility as the incarnation of tezcatlipoca. on the day preceding the sacrifice the victim was placed on one of the royal canoes, and accompanied by his four wives, was rowed to the other side of the lake. that evening his wives bade him farewell, and he was stripped of his gorgeous apparel. he was then conducted to a teocalli some three miles from the city of mexico. in scaling this he threw away the wreaths of flowers with which he had been adorned, and broke in pieces the musical instruments with which he had amused his hours of captivity. crowds thronged from the city to behold the act of sacrifice. on reaching the summit of the teocalli the victim was met by six priests, five of whom led him to the sacrificial stone, a great block of jasper with a convex surface. on this he was placed by the five priests, who secured his head, arms, and legs, whilst the officiating priest, robed in a blood-red mantle, dexterously opened his breast with a sharp flint knife. he then inserted his hand into the gaping wound, and tearing out the still palpitating heart, held it aloft towards the sun. then he cast the bleeding offering into a vessel containing burning copal, which lay at the feet of the image of tezcatlipoca. a species of sermon was then delivered by one of the priests to the people in which he drew a moral from the fate of the victim illustrative of the inevitable conclusion of all human pleasure by the hand of death. huitzilopochtli had also a representative sacrificed every year who had to take part in a sort of war-dance immediately before his immolation, and a woman was annually sacrificed to centeotl, the maize-goddess. before her death she took part in several symbolic representations which were expressions of the various processes in the growth of the harvest. the day before her sacrifice she sowed maize in the streets, and on the arrival of midnight she was decapitated and flayed. a priest arrayed himself in the still warm skin and engaged in mimic combat with soldiers who were scattered through the streets. part of the skin was then carried to the temple of centeotl the son, where a priest made a mask of it in the likeness of the presiding deity, and afterwards sacrificed four captives in honour of the occasion. the skin was then carried to the frontiers of the empire, and buried. it was supposed that its presence there acted as a talisman against invasion. we have before described the sacrifices of children to tlaloc. even more gruesome were the awful doings at the festival of xiuhtecutli, when the unhappy victims were half-roasted and finally despatched by having their hearts torn out. cannibal feasts often followed these sacrifices--feasts which were the more horrible in that they were accompanied by all the accessories of a high standard of civilisation; but it must be remembered that their purport was essentially symbolic, and in no way partook of the nature of the orgies of flesh-famished savages. when the great temple of huitzilopochtli was dedicated in 1486, the chain of victims sacrificed on that occasion extended for the length of two miles. in this terrible massacre the hearts of no less than seventy thousand human beings were offered up! in the light of such appalling wickedness it is difficult to blame the spanish conquerors of anahuac in their zeal to blot out the worship of the deities whom they designated 'horrible demons.' these victims were nearly always captive warriors of rival nations, and it was on rare occasions only that native mexicans were led to the stone of sacrifice unless, indeed, they were malefactors. the great jubilee festival, which was celebrated every fifty-two years throughout the empire, marked the coincidence of four times thirteen solar and four times thirteen lunar years. this the mexicans called a 'sheaf of years,' and when the first day of the fifty-third year dawned, the ceremony of _toxilmolpilia_, or 'the binding-up of years,' was held. priests and people gazed feverishly at the pleiades to see if they would pass the zenith. should they do so the world would hold on its course for another similar period; if not, extinction would instantly follow. fire was kindled upon a victim's breast by the friction of wood, and whenever it was alight the prisoner's heart was plucked out, and along with his body was consumed upon a pile of wood kindled by the new fire. as the flames ascended, and it was seen that the pleiades had crossed the zenith, cries of joy burst from the assembled people below. faggots were lighted at the sacred pyre, and domestic fires rekindled from them. humanity had been respited for a generation. it is difficult to believe that a people so imbrued in a religion of bloodshed could have been punctilious in matters of morality, and it is still more difficult to believe the evidence of sahagun and clavigero concerning their personal piety. it seems certain, however, that as a race the aztecs were austerely moral, pious, truth-loving, and loyal as citizens, and even the sanguinary priests do not appear to have reaped any benefit from their terrible offices. all the evidence would seem to show that it was the belief in the existence of cruel and insatiable gods which rendered the priests and people alike callous and insensible to the taking of human life, and this is the more easily understood when it is remembered that the aztecs had at a comparatively late period emerged from a state of migratory savagery into the heirship of an ancient and complex civilisation.[5] chapter iv the religion of the ancient peruvians the civilisation of the ancient peruvians, although in many ways analogous to that of the aztecs, was strangely dissimilar in some of its aspects. the peoples of the two empires were totally unaware of each other's existence, and were divided by dense tracts of mountain, plain, and forest, where the most intense savagery prevailed. it seems probable that the peruvian culture had its origin in the region of lake titicaca, and that it was of an indigenous character admits of little doubt. like the mexicans, the peruvians had displaced an older civilisation and an older race. what was the nature of that civilisation, and thanks to what people it flourished, it is at present impossible to say. scattered over the surface of the peruvian slope are cyclopean ruins, the sole remnants of the works of a more primeval people. these ruins are chiefly to be found in the neighbourhood of lake titicaca and cuzco, the ancient metropolis of the incas. whatever may have been the architectural ability of this ancient people, the usurpers had little to learn from them in this respect, or, more strictly speaking, having borrowed their methods, continued faithful to them. the temples and mansions of the peruvians were massive and handsome, but for the most part covered only with a thatch of indian maize straw. they made long, straight, macadamised roads which they pushed with surprising engineering skill through tunnelled mountains, spanning seemingly impassable gorges with marvellously constructed bridges. the temples and the palaces of the incas were adorned with gold and silver ornaments of fabulous value and skilful design. sumptuous baths, supplied with hot and cold water by means of pipes laid in the earth, were to be found in the houses of the aristocracy, and a high state of comfort and luxury prevailed. to describe the social polity of the peruvians is to describe their religion, for the two were one and the same. the empire of peru was the most absolute theocracy the world has ever seen, much more absolute, for example, than that of israel under the judges. the inca was the direct representative of the sun upon earth. he was the head, the very keystone of a socio-religious edifice to equal which in intricacy of design and organisation the entire history of man has no parallel to offer. the inca was the head of a colossal bureaucracy which had ramifications into the very homes of the people themselves. thus after the inca came the governors of provinces, who were of the blood-royal; then officials were placed above ten thousand families, a thousand families, a hundred, and even ten families, upon the principle that the rays of the sun enter everywhere. personal freedom was a thing unknown. each individual was under direct surveillance, as it were, branded and numbered like the herds of llamas which were the special property of the sun incarnate, the inca. rules and regulations abounded in a manner unheard of even in police-ridden prussia, and no one had the opportunity in this vast social machine of thinking or acting for himself. his walk in life was marked out for him from the time he was five years of age, and even the woman he was to marry was selected for him by the responsible officials; the age at which he should enter the matrimonial state being fixed at not earlier than twenty-four years in the case of a man and eighteen in that of a woman. even the place of his birth was indicated by a coloured ribbon (which he dared not remove) tied round his head. the peruvian legend of the coming to earth of the sun-race, of whom the inca was held to be the direct descendant, told how two beings, manco capac and mama ogllo or oullo, the offspring of the sun and moon, descended from heaven in the region of lake titicaca. they had received commands from their parent, the sun-god, to traverse the country until they came to a spot where a golden wedge they possessed should sink into the ground, and at this place to found a culture-centre. the wedge disappeared at cuzco, which garcilasso el inca de la vega (the most important of the ancient chroniclers of peru) interprets as meaning 'navel,' or, in twentieth-century idiom, 'hub of the universe,' but which possibly possesses a more exact rendering in the words 'cleared space.' the city founded, manco capac instructed the men in the arts of civilisation, and his consort busied herself in teaching the women the domestic virtues, as weaving and spinning. leaving behind them as earthly representatives their son and daughter, they reascended to heaven, and from the children they left upon earth the race of incas was said to have sprung. thus it was that all peruvian monarchs must marry their sisters, as it was not permissible to defile the offspring of the blood of the son by mortal union--the breaking of which law assisted in the ruin of the peruvian empire. like the mexicans, the peruvians appear to have acknowledged the existence of a supreme being. the attributes of this supreme being, through the fostering care of a special cultus, soon developed the rank of deities, each having a strongly marked identity. the most important individual deities next to the sun were viracocha and pachacamac, and these, curiously enough, were deities who had been admitted to the peruvian pantheon from a still older faith. the name viracocha was, besides being the specific appellation of a certain deity, a generic name for divine beings. it signifies 'foam of the water,' thus alluding to the legend that the god had arisen out of the depths of lake titicaca. on his appearance from the sacred waters viracocha created the sun, moon, and stars, and mapped out for them the courses which they were to hold in the heavens. he then created men carved out of stone statues made by himself, and bade them follow him to cuzco. arrived there he collected the inhabitants, and placed over them one, allca vica, who subsequently became the ancestor of the incas. he then returned into lake titicaca, into the waters of which he disappeared. it is evident that this legend clashes strongly with that of the solar origin of the incas, and it would seem to have been put forward by a rival priesthood which had survived the introduction of solar worship, but which was not powerful enough to combat it. viracocha was usually represented as a god bearded with water-rushes, and this hirsute adornment is so far significant in that it may have some connection with the older legends of the peruvians which tell of a white and bearded race which advanced to cuzco, the centre of civilisation, from the regions of lake titicaca. he is also spoken of as being without flesh or bone, yet swift in movement, and this description does not leave us long in doubt as to his real nature. he was the water-god, the fertiliser of all plant life. in the somewhat arid country surrounding lake titicaca that great body of water would undoubtedly come to be regarded as the generator of all fertility to be found in its vicinity. hence viracocha's origin. his consort was his sister cocha, the lake itself. he, like tlaloc among the mexicans, had a penchant for human sacrifice, but his worship was by no means so sanguinary as was that of his mexican prototype. we must then regard viracocha as the god of a faith anterior to the sun-worship which obtained in peru at the time of the spanish conquest. but we shall also be forced to admit that pachacamac (whose name we bracketed with that of viracocha a few paragraphs back), although a member of the peruvian pantheon and a great god, was but there on sufferance. the name pachacamac signifies 'earth-generator,' and the primitive centres of the worship of this deity were in the valleys of lurin and rimac, near the city of lima. in the latter once stood a great temple to pachacamac, the ruins of which, alone, now remain. pachacamac would seem to have borne the reputation of a great civiliser, and to some extent he usurped the claims of viracocha to this honour. viracocha, so runs the legend, was defeated by him in combat, and fled, whereupon the victor created a new world more to his liking by the simple expedient of transferring the race of men then upon earth into wild animals, and creating a new and higher humanity. he was also a god of fertility, as on the remains of his temples fishes are to be found evidently symbolising this attribute. the hostility of pachacamac and viracocha has a mythical significance. pachacamac was the god of volcanoes, earthquakes, and subterranean fire, and was therefore hostile to water. his worship was much more mysterious than that of viracocha. the peruvians, in fact, regarded pachacamac as a dreaded and unseen deity, at whose mutterings in the centre of the earth they prostrated themselves in dread. rimac, indeed, where the worship of this god had its focus, means 'the speaker,' 'the murmurer,' and a kind of oracular character appears ultimately to have been associated with the name of this terrible deity, who on occasion demanded to be appeased by human sacrifice. the myth of pacari tambo, the 'house of the dawn,' a legend of the collas, a tribe of mountaineers dwelling to the south-west of cuzco, throws some light on this strife between viracocha and pachacamac. four brothers and sisters (runs the legend) issued one day from the caverns of pacari tambo. the eldest ascended a mountain, and cast stones to all the cardinal points of the compass to show that he had taken possession of the land. the other three were averse to this, especially the youngest, who was the most cunning of all. by dint of persuasion he managed to get the obnoxious brother to enter a cave. as soon as he had done so he closed the mouth of the cave with a great stone, and imprisoned him there for ever. he then, on pretence of seeking his lost brother, persuaded the second to ascend a high mountain, from which he cast him, and, as he fell, by dint of magic art changed him into a stone. the third brother, having no desire to share the fate of the other two, then fled. the first brother appears to be the oldest religion, that of pachacamac; the second, that of an intermediate fetishism, or stone worship; and the third, viracocha. the fourth is the worship of the sun, pure and simple, the youngest brother, but the victor over the other older faiths of the land. this is proved by the circumstance that the name applied to the youngest brother is pirrhua manca, an equivalent to that of manco capac, the son of the sun. this, however, does not altogether tally with what might be called the 'official' legend, the myth promulgated by the incas themselves. according to this the sun had three sons, viracocha, pachacamac, and manco capac. this stroke of policy at once blended all three religions; but by another stroke of politic genius, the earthly power was vested in manco capac, the other two deities being placed in subordinate positions, where they were concerned chiefly with the workings of nature. to manco capac, and his representatives, the incas, alone, was left the dominion of mankind. we will now pass to a consideration of the minor deities of the peruvian mythology. these were numerous, and had been mostly evolved from nature forces and natural phenomena. among the more important was chasca, the planet venus, the 'long-haired,' the 'page of the sun.' cuycha, the rainbow, was the servant of the sun and moon. he was represented in a private chapel of his own, contiguous to that of the sun, by large plates of gold so fired as to represent the various colours in the prismatic hues of the rainbow. fire, also, was an object of profound veneration with the peruvians, derived, as it was believed to be, from the sun. its preservation was scrupulously attended to in the temple of the sun and in the house of the virgins of the sun, of which an account will be found in the next chapter. catequil was the god of thunder. he is represented as possessing a club and sling, the latter evidently being intended to symbolise the thunderbolt. he was a servant of the sun, and had three distinct forms--chuquilla (thunder), catuilla (lightning), and intiallapa (thunderbolt). temples were erected to him in which children and llamas were sacrificed at his altars. the peruvians had, and still have, a great dread of thunder, and sought to pacify catequil in every possible manner. their children were sacred to him as the supposed offspring of the lightning. we now descend gradually and almost insensibly in the scale of deism, until little by little we reach a condition of gross idolatry, not far removed from that still practised by many african tribes. here we find even vegetables adored as symbols of sustenance. the potato was glorified under the appellation of acsumama, and the maize as saramama. trees partook of divine attributes, and we seem to see in this condition of things a state analogous to the reverence paid by the early greeks and romans to sylvanus and his train, and the vivification of trees by the presence within them of dryads. certain animals were treated with much reverence by the peruvians. thus we find the serpent, especially urcaguay, the keeper of subterranean gold, an object of great veneration. the condor or vulture of the andes mountains was the messenger or mercury of the sun, and he held the same place on the sceptre of the incas as the eagle on the sceptre of the emperor of germany or russia. whales and sharks were also worshipped by the people who lived near the sea. but in all this nature and animal worship it is difficult to detect a totemic origin.[6] the basis of totemism is the idea of blood-kinship with an animal or plant, which idea in the course of generations evolves into an exaggerated respect, and finally (under conditions favourable for development) into a full-blown mythology. at first it would appear as if the perfect organisation of the peruvian state and its peculiar marriage laws had originated in a condition of totemism; but had totemism ever entered into the constitution of the peruvian religion at any period of its development, it would have left as deep an impression upon it as it did in the case of the egyptian religion--that is, some of the more important deities would have betrayed a totemic origin. that they betray an origin wholly naturalistic there is no room for doubt. and here the root difference between the mexican and peruvian mythologies may be pointed out--that although both systems had grown up from various constituents grouping themselves around the central worship of the sun, the constituents of the aztec religion were almost wholly totemic, whereas those of the peruvian religion were naturalistic.[7] but the factor of fetishism was not wanting in the construction of the peruvian religion. all that was sacred, from the sun himself to the tomb of a righteous person, was _huaca_, or sacred. the chief priest of cuzco was designated huacapvillac, or 'he who speaks with sacred beings,' but the principal use to which the term _huaca_ was put was in reference to objects of metal, wood, and stone, which cannot be better described than as closely resembling those african fetishes so common in our museums. these differed considerably in size. the reverence for them was probably of prehistoric origin, and in this cultus we have the second brother whom pirrhua manca changed into a stone. they were believed by the peruvians to be the veritable dwelling-places of spirits. many of these huacas were public property, and had gifts of flocks of llamas dedicated to them. the majority, however, were private property. it will be necessary to mention one more deity. this is supay, god of the dead, who dwelt in a dreary underworld. he was the pluto of peruvian mythology, and is usually portrayed as an open-mouthed monster of voracious appetite, into whose maw are thrown the souls of the departed. for the study of the worship of old peru the materials are less plentiful than in the case of the mexican mythology. stratum upon stratum of belief is discovered, like those in the ruins of some ancient city where each yard of earth holds the story of a dynasty. to the student of comparative religion an exhaustive study of the complex mythology of the ancient peruvians offers an almost unparalleled opportunity for comparison with and elucidation of other mythologies, since in it the process of its evolution is exhibited with greater clearness than in the case of any other belief, ancient or modern. chapter v peruvian ritual and worship with the peruvians, as with the mexicans, paradise was a preserve of the aristocrats. the poor might languish in the gloomy shades of the hades presided over by supay, lord of the dead, but for the incas and their immediate relatives, by whom was embraced the entire nobility, the mansions of the sun were retained, where they might dwell with the sun, their father, in undisturbed felicity. in a community where everything was ordered with military exactitude, sin meant disobedience, and consequently death. indeed it took the form of direct blasphemy against the inca, and was thus stripped of the purely ethical sense it holds for a free population. the sinner expiated his crime at once, and was consigned to the grey shades of the underworld, there to pass the same nebulous existence as his more meritorious companions. some writers upon peru refer to a belief on the part of the people in a place of retribution where the wicked would expiate their offences by ages of arduous toil. but there is little ground for the acceptance of these statements. strictly speaking, there was no priesthood in peru. the ecclesiastical caste consisted of the inca and his relatives, who were also known as incas. these assumed all the principal positions in the national religion, but were unable, of course, to fill all the lesser provincial posts. these were undertaken by the priests of the local deities, who were at the same time priests of the imperial deities, a policy which permitted the conquered peoples to retain their own form of worship, and at the same time led them to recognise the paramountcy of the religion of the incas. nothing could be more intense than the devotion shown by all ranks of the population to the person of the inca. he was the sun incarnate upon earth, and his presence must be entered with humble mien and beggarly apparel, and a further show of humility must also be made by carrying a bundle upon the back. the high priest, who has been already alluded to as holding the title of huacapvillac, or 'he who converses with divine beings!' also held the more general one of villac oumau, or 'chief sacrificer.' he derived his position solely from the inca, but made all inferior appointments, and was answerable to the monarch alone. he was invariably an inca of exalted rank, as were all the priests who officiated at cuzco, the capital. only those ecclesiastics of the higher grades wore any distinguishing garb, the lower order dressing in the same manner as the people. the existence of a peruvian priest was an arduous one. it was necessary for him to master a ritual as complex as any ever evolved by a hierarchy. at regular intervals he was relieved by his fellow-priests, who were organised in companies, each of which took duty for a specified period of the day or night. the duties of the peruvian priesthood, whilst even more exacting than that of the mexican, did not appear to have been lightened in a similar manner by the acquirement of knowledge, or by mental exercise of any description, and this may be partly accounted for by the fact that the art of writing was discouraged among them, probably on the assumption that the whole duty of man culminated in unfailing obedience to the inca and his representatives, and that the acquirement of further knowledge was the work of supererogation. it is deeply interesting to notice (isolated as was everything peruvian) that it was in this far corner of america that the native evolution of the temple took place, as distinguished from the altar or teocalli. originally the peruvian priesthood had adopted that pyramidal form of structure now familiar to us as that in use by the mexicans, but as time went on they began to roof over these high altars, and this practice at length culminated in the erection of huge temples like that at cuzco. the great temple of cuzco, known as _coricancha_, or 'the place of gold,' was the greatest and most magnificent example of peruvian ecclesiastical architecture. the exterior gave an impression of massiveness and solidity rather than of grace. round the outer circumference of the building ran a frieze of the purest gold, and the interior was profusely ornamented with plates of the same metal. the doorways were formed from huge monoliths, and the whole aspect of the building was cyclopean. in the dressing of stone and the fitting of masonry the peruvians were expert, and the placing of immense blocks of stone appears to have had no difficulties for them. so accurately indeed were these fitted that the blade of a knife could not be inserted between them. inside the temple of the sun was placed a great plate of gold, upon which was engraved the features of the god of the luminary, and this was so placed that the rays of the rising sun fell full upon it, and bathed it in a flood of radiance. the scintillations from a thousand gems, with which its surface was enriched, lent to it a brilliance which eye-witnesses declare to have been almost insupportable. enthroned around this dazzling object were the mummified bodies of the monarchs of the inca dynasty, giving to the place an air of holy mystery which must have deeply impressed the pious and simple people. the roof was composed of rafters of choice woods, but was merely covered in by a thatching of maize straw. the principle of the arch had never been thoroughly grasped by the peruvians, and that of adequate roofing appears to have been equally unknown to them. surrounding this, the principal temple, were others dedicated to the moon; cuycha, the rainbow; chasca, the planet venus; the pleiades; and catequil, the thunder-god. in that of the moon, the mother of the incas, a plate of silver, similar to that which represented the face of the sun in his own sanctuary, was placed, and was surrounded by the mummified forms of the dead queens of the incas. in that of cuycha, the rainbow, as already explained, a golden representation of the arch of heaven was to be found, and the remaining buildings in the precincts of the great temple were set apart for the residences of the priests. the most ancient of the temples of peru was that on the island of titicaca, to which extraordinary veneration was paid. everything in connection with it was sacred in the extreme, and in the surrounding maize-fields was annually raised a crop which was distributed among the various public granaries, in order to leaven the entire crop of the country with sanctity. all the utensils in use in these temples were of solid gold and silver. in that of cuzco twelve large jars of silver held the sacred grain, and censers, ewers, and even the pipes which conducted the water-supply through the earth to the temple, were of silver. in the surrounding gardens, the hoes, spades, and other implements in use were also of silver, and hundreds of representations of plants and animals executed in the precious metals were to be found in them. these facts are vouched for by numerous eye-witnesses, among whom was pedro pizarro himself, and subsequent historians have seen no reason to regard their descriptions as in any way untrustworthy. as in mexico, so in peru, the spanish conquerors were astonished to find among the religious customs of the people practices which appeared to them identical with some of the sacraments of the roman catholic faith. among these were confession, communion, and baptism. confession appears to have been practised in a somewhat loose and irregular manner, but penance for ill-doing was apportioned, and absolution granted. at the festival of raymi, which we will later examine, bread and wine were distributed in much the same manner as that prescribed in christian communities. baptism also was practised. some three months after birth the child was plunged into water after having received its name. the ceremony, however, appears to have partaken more of the nature of an exorcism of evil spirits than of a cleansing from original sin. like the ancient egyptians, the peruvians practised the art of embalming the dead, but it does not appear that they did so with any idea in view of corporeal resurrection as did the former. as to the method by which they preserved the remains of the dead, authorities are not agreed, some believing that the cold of the mountains to which the corpses were subjected was sufficient to produce a state of mummification, and others that a process akin to that of the ancient egyptians was gone through. burnt offerings were very popular among the peruvians. they were chiefly made to the sun, and were, in general, not unlike those made by the semites. as with the mexicans, the sacred dance was a striking feature of the peruvian religion. these choral dances were brought to a very high state of perfection, and in the case of the common people were often wild and full of the fire of abandoned fanaticism. the incas, however, possessed a dance of their own, which was sufficiently grave and stately. at great festivals two choral dances and hymns were rendered to the sun, each strophe of which ended with the cry of _hailly_, or 'triumph.' some of those peruvian hymns were preserved in the work of a spanish composer, who in 1555 wrote a mass, into the body of which he introduced these curious waifs of american melody. that choral dances are still in favour with the aborigines of peru is proved by the evidence of baron eland nordenskjöld, who arrived (august 1907) from an eight months' ethnological expedition to some of the andes tribes. he states that the 'so-called civilised indians--the quichuas and aymaras--living around titicaca ... have retained many customs unaltered or but slightly modified since the time of the incas.... thus it was found that the indians often worship christ and the virgin mary by dances, in which the sun is used as the symbol for christ, and the moon for the virgin mary.' with the peruvians each month had its appropriate festival. the solstices and equinoxes were of course the occasions of the most remarkable of these, and four times a year the feast of raymi or the dance was celebrated with all the pomp and circumstance of which this strange and bizarre civilisation was capable. the most important of these was held in june, when nine days were given up to the celebration of the citoc raymi, or gradually increasing sun. for three days previous to this event all fasted, and no fire might be kindled in any house. on the fourth great day the inca, accompanied in procession by his court and the people, who followed _en masse_, proceeded to the great square to hail the rising sun. the scene must have been one of intense brilliance. clad in their most costly robes, and sheltered beneath canopies of cunning feather-work in which the gay plumage of tropical birds was æsthetically arranged, the vast crowd awaited the rising of the sun in eager silence. when he came, shouts of joy and triumph broke from the multitude, and the cries of delight were swelled by the crash of wild melody from a thousand instruments. louder and louder arose the joyous tumult, until topping the eastern mountains the luminary shone in full splendour on his worshippers. the riot of sound culminated in a mighty pæan of thanksgiving. libations of maguey, or maize-spirit, were made to the deity, after first having touched the sacred lips of the inca. then marshalling itself once more in order of procession, all pressed with one accord to the golden temple of the sun, where black llamas were sacrificed, and a new fire kindled by means of a concave mirror. divested of their sandals the inca and his suite spent some time in prayer. occasionally a human victim--a maiden or a beautiful child--was offered up in sacrifice, but happily this was a rare occurrence, and only took place on great public occasions, such as a coronation, or the celebration of a national victory. these sacrifices never ended in cannibal feasts, as did those of the aztecs. grain, flowers, animals, and aromatic gums were the usual sacrificial offerings of the peruvians. the citua raymi was the festival of the spring, and fell in september. it was known as the feast of purification. the country must be purified from pestilence, and to secure this, round cakes, kneaded in the blood of children, were eaten. to secure this blood the children were merely bled above the nose, and not slaughtered, as with the more ferocious aztecs--almost an example of the substitution of the part for the whole. these cakes were also rubbed upon the doorways, and the people smeared them all over their bodies as a preventive against disease. the circuit of the state of cuzco was then made by relays of armed incas, who planted their spears on the boundaries as talismans against evil. a torchlight procession followed, after which the torches were cast into the river as symbolic of the destruction of evil spirits. the festival of the aymorai, or harvest, fell in may, when a statue made of corn was worshipped under the name of pirrhua, who seems to be an admixture of manco capac and viracocha in his rôle of fertiliser. the fourth great festival, capac raymi, fell in december, when the thunder-god shared the honours paid to the sun. it was then that the younger generation of incas after a vigorous training received an honour equivalent to that of knighthood. the peruvians possessed a fully developed conventual system. a number of maidens, selected for their beauty and their birth, were dedicated to the deity as 'virgins of the sun.' under the guidance of _mamacones_, or matrons, these maidens were instructed in the nature of their religious duties, which chiefly consisted in the weaving of priestly garments and temple-hangings. they also watched over the sacred fire which had been kindled at the feast of raymi. no communication with the outside world was permitted to them, and detection in a love-affair meant living burial, the execution of the lover, and the entire destruction of the place of his birth. in the convent of cuzco were lodged between one and two thousand maidens of the royal blood, and at a marriageable age these became brides of the sun in his incarnate shape of the inca, the most beautiful being selected for the harem of the monarch. sorcery and divination were frequently employed by the peruvians, and the _huacarimachi_, 'they who make the gods speak,' were held in great veneration by the ignorant masses. the oracles in the valleys of lima and rimac were much resorted to, and auguries of all descriptions were in popular favour. the peruvians were ignorant of morality as we appreciate the term. that they were, however, a most moral people there is every evidence. but as has been before pointed out, all crime was a direct offence against the majesty of the inca, who, as viceroy of the sun on earth, had been blasphemed by the breaking of his law. under such a régime the true significance of sin was bound to be obscured, if not altogether lost. terror took the place of conscience, and the necessity for implicit obedience gave no scope to the true moral sense--probably to the detriment of the entire community. the political and religious history of peru is unique in the annals of mankind, and its study offers a startling instance of what prolonged isolation may work in the mind of man. that the peruvian mind, isolated in a remote part of the world as it was, was never wholly blind to the existence of a great and beneficent creative power, the degradation of a cramping theocracy notwithstanding, is triumphant proof that the knowledge of that power is a thing inalienable from the mind of man. chapter vi the question of foreign influence upon the religions of america the space at my disposal for dealing with this most difficult of all questions is such as will enable me only to outline its salient points. as i pointed out at the beginning of the first chapter, the question of the origins of the american religions was almost identical with that of the origins of the american race itself. that the red man was not the aboriginal inhabitant of the american continent, but supplanted a race with eskimo affinities, is extremely probable. at all events, the 'skraelings,' with whom the early norse discoverers of america had dealings, were not described by them as in any way resembling the north american indian of later times. if this be granted--and indian folklore would seem to strengthen the hypothesis--we must then find some other home for the red man than the prairies of north-east america for the five centuries between the norse and columbian discoveries. he may, of course, have dwelt in the north-west of the continent, a solution of the problem which appears to me highly feasible. that his affinities are mongolian it would be absurd to dispute; but--and this is of supreme importance--these affinities are of so archaic an origin as to preclude all likelihood of any important or numerous asiatic immigration occurring for many centuries before either the norse or columbian discovery. coming to a period within the ken of history, there is just the possibility that mexico, or some adjacent country of central america, was visited by asiatic buddhist priests in the fifth century. the story is told in the chinese annals of the wanderings of five buddhist priests, natives of cabul, who journeyed to america (which they designate fusang) _viâ_ the aleutian islands and kamchatka, a region then well known to the chinese. their description of the country, however, is no more convincing than are the arguments of their protagonist, professor fryer of san francisco, who sees asiatic influence in various elephant-headed gods and buddha-esque statuary in the national mexican museum. it cannot be too strongly insisted upon that any foreign influence arriving in the american continent in pre-columbian times was not sufficiently powerful to have more than a merely transitory influence upon the customs or religious beliefs of the inhabitants. this leads us to the conclusion that the religions of mexico and peru were of indigenous origin. any attempt to prove them offshoots of chinese or other asiatic religion on the basis of a similarity of art or custom is doomed to failure. but however satisfactory it may be to brush aside unsubstantial theories which aspire to the honour of facthood, it would be a thousand pities to ignore the numerous intensely interesting myths which have grown up round the idea of foreign contact with the american races in pre-columbian times. let us briefly examine these, and attempt to discover any point of contact between them and similar american myths. i have previously alluded to the myth of quetzalcoatl. quetzalcoatl was a mexican deity, but in reality he was one of the older pre-aztecan gods of anahuac. he is sometimes represented as a being of white complexion and fair-bearded, with blue eyes, and altogether of european appearance. it will be remembered that on the entrance into anahuac of tezcatlipoca he waged a war with that god in which he was worsted, and eventually forced to depart for 'tlapallan' in a canoe, promising to return at some future date. it will also be recollected how the legend of quetzalcoatl's return influenced the whole of montezuma's policy towards the spanish conquistadores, and how the fear of his vengeance was ever before the aztec priesthood. quetzalcoatl, strangely enough, was reputed to have sailed for 'tlapallan' from almost the identical spot first set foot upon by cortes on his arrival on the mexican coast. the max müller school of mythologists see nothing in quetzalcoatl but a god of the wind. with them minos was a myth. so was his palace with its labyrinth until its recent discovery at knossos. i am fain to see in quetzalcoatl a real personality--a culture-hero; but i will suggest nothing concerning his non-american nationality. at the same time it will be interesting to examine, firstly, those european myths which speak of men who set out for america; and, secondly, those american myths which speak of the existence of 'white men,' or 'white tribes,' dwelling upon the american continent. passing over the sagas of the norse discovery of america, which are by no means mythical, we come to the celtic story of the finding of the great continent. when the norsemen drove the irish celts from iceland, these fugitives sought refuge in 'great ireland,' by which, it is supposed, is intended america. the irish _book of lismore_ tells of the voyage of st. brendan, abbot of cluainfert in ireland, to an island in the ocean destined for the abode of saints, and of his numerous discoveries during a seven years' cruise. the norse sagas which tell of this 'great ireland' speak of the language of its inhabitants as 'resembling irish,' but as the irish were the nation with which the norsemen were best acquainted, this 'resemblance' appears to smack of the linguistic classification of the british sailorman who applies the term 'portugee' to all languages not his own. the people of this country were attired in white dresses, 'and had poles borne before them on which were fastened lappets, and who shouted with a loud voice.' but another celtic people claimed the honour of first setting foot upon american soil. the welsh prince madoc in the year 1170 sailed westwards with a fleet of several ships, and coming to a large and fertile country, landed one hundred and twenty men. returning to wales he once more set out with ten vessels, but concerning his further adventures powell and hakluyt are silent. nor does the authority of the bard meredith ap rees concerning him rest upon any more substantial basis.[8] stories of welsh-speaking indians, too, are not uncommon. two slaves whom the norsemen of 1007 sent on a foraging expedition into the interior of massachusetts were scots, although their names--haki and hakia--hardly sound celtic.[9] innumerable are the legends of 'white indians'--the 'white panis,'[10] dwelling south of the missouri, the 'blanco barbus, or white indians with beards,' the boroanes, the guatosos of costa rica, the malapoques in brazil, the guaranies in paraguay, the guiacas of guiana, the scheries of la plata--but modern anthropology scarcely bears out the stories of the 'whiteness' of these tribes. on a similar footing are the travellers' tales concerning the existence of indian jews--to prove which lord kingsborough squandered a fortune and compiled a work on mexican antiquities the parallel of which has not been known in the entire history of bibliography.[11] more convincing are the mexican and peruvian legends concerning the appearance of white and bearded culture-bringers. these legends are, it must be admitted, shadowy enough, but are so persistent and resemble each other so closely as to give some grounds for the supposition that at some period in the history of mexico or peru a member or members of the 'caucasian' race may have stumbled into these civilisations through the accidents of shipwreck. but it is exceedingly dangerous to premise anything of the sort; and, as has been said before, the influence of such wanderers could only have been infinitesimal. enough, then, has been said to show that the origins of the religions of mexico and peru could not have been of any other than an indigenous nature. their evolution took place wholly upon american soil, and if resemblances appear in their systems to the mythologies or religions of asia, they are explicable by that law now so well known to anthropologists and students of comparative religion, that, given similar circumstances, and similar environments, the evolution of the religious beliefs of widely separated peoples will proceed upon similar lines. short bibliography mexican mythology (_those authorities marked with an asterisk are also applicable to the subject of peruvian mythology_). sahagun, _historia general de las cosas de nueva españa_. (english translation edited for the hakluyt society by clements r. markham in 1880.) torquemada, _los veynte y un libros rituales y monarchia yndiana_. ixtlilxochitl, _'historia chichimeca' and 'relaciones' in_ lord kingsborough's _mexican antiquities_, vol. ix. prescott, _conquest of mexico_. *humboldt, _vues des cordillères et monuments des peuples de l'amérique_. clavigero, _storia antica del messico_. (english translation by charles cullen. london, 1787.) brasseur de bourbourg, _histoires des nations civilisées du mexique et de l'amérique-centrale_, and _quatre lettres sur le mexique_. bancroft, _native races of the pacific states of north america_. kingsborough, _antiquities of mexico_. *réville, _the hibbert lectures_, 1884. *payne, _history of the new world_, vols. i. and ii. tylor, _anahuac_. brinton, _the myths of the new world_. winsor, _narrative and critical history of america_. peruvian mythology montesinos, _mémoires historiques sur l'ancien perou_. (translated from the spanish ms. in ternaux-compans, vol. xvii.) garcilasso de la vega, _comentarios reales_. (english translation for the hakluyt society by clements r. markham. london, 1869, 1871.) lacroix, '_perou_,' in vol. iv. of _l'amérique_ in _l'univers pittoresque_. hutchinson, _two years in peru, with explorations of its antiquities_. london, 1873. prescott, _conquest of peru_, 1848 (or better, sonnenschein's new edition, or that in everyman's library). markham, _a history of peru_, 1892; and _rites and laws of the incas_. lorente, _historia antigua del perú_, 1860-3. the works of prescott upon mexico and peru (which are perhaps the most popular and accessible upon the antiquities of these countries) are nevertheless sadly meagre in their accounts of the respective mythologies of the nahuatlaca and the incas. indeed in each of them but a few pages is given to the faith of the aborigines. in some later editions, however (notably in the recent popular editions of mr. sonnenschein), excellent variorum notes have been added by the editors. a great deal of prescott's work is now quite obsolete and misleading. the works of mr. brinton have superseded them; but it is doubtful if prescott will ever be surpassed in narrative charm. the best english work on the subject is mr. payne's _history of the new world called america_, cited above, a work which is a veritable storehouse of knowledge upon aboriginal america. these works are, however, rather too erudite in tone for the general reader, and by no means easy to come by. a most excellent catalogue of american historical and mythological literature is published by mr. karl hiersemann of leipsic. printed by t. and a. constable, printers to his majesty at the edinburgh university press footnotes: [1] the fact of the rapid approximation of the european colonists to the american type might, however, be quoted against this view. [2] it must be borne in mind that the science and arts of the aztecs were almost immediately lost in consequence of the intolerance of the spanish conquistadores. [3] an absolutely erroneous one. [4] the temple, with all its purlieus and courts, was named _teopan_; the central pyramid, _teocalli_. [5] there is reason to believe, however, that the sacrifices of the aztecs were made not so much for the purpose of placating the gods as for the imagined necessity of rejuvenating them and keeping them alive. of some of the sacrifices, at least, this is certain. [6] the veneration of an animal or plant _which does not identify a tribe_ is not 'totemism' but 'naturalism,' or nature-worship. [7] the evidence of garcilasso would seem to show that the early peruvians possessed a totem-system; this, however, would appear to have been by some process totally eliminated. it will be seen that i differentiate between 'naturalism' and 'totemism.' 'totemism' is the adoption of an animal or plant symbol by a _tribe_ originally for the purpose of identification. it later grows into the belief in blood-kinship with the symbol. 'naturalism' is the worship of the wind, the sun, or other natural phenomena. [8] the legend is the basis of some hundred of lines of bookish fustian by southey, who follows hakluyt in making mexico the theatre of the prince's adventures. [9] _antiquitates americanæ._ were they picts? [10] pawnees. [11] this monumental work, which, apart from its letterpress, is exceedingly valuable in respect of numerous splendid plates representing aztec mss., is in nine huge volumes, and was published in london in 1831. its original price was £175 coloured, and £120 uncoloured. its noble author sought to prove that the mexicans were the lost ten tribes of israel. transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. documents and narratives concerning the discovery and conquest of latin america published by the cortes society new york number two _edition limited to 250 copies of which ten are on kelmscott paper_ _this copy is number_ 85 an account of the conquest of peru written by pedro sancho secretary to pizarro and scrivener to his army translated into english and annotated by philip ainsworth means the cortes society new york 1917 cockayne, boston translator's preface the work of pedro sancho is one of the most valuable accounts of the spanish conquest of peru that we possess. nor is its value purely historical. the "relación" of sancho gives much interesting ethnological information relative to the inca dominion at the time of its demolition. errors pedro sancho has in plenty; but the editor has striven to counteract them by footnotes. in every instance the translator has preserved pedro sancho's spelling of proper names, calling attention to the modern equivalent on the first occurrence of each name. in a few instances, where the text was unusually obscure, close translation has not been adhered to. the virtues, as well as the shortcomings of this account, are so obvious that an extended reference to them here is superfluous. it must always be borne in mind that this document partook of the nature of an "_apologia pro vita sua_" and that it was directly inspired by pizarro himself with the purpose of restoring himself to the emperor's favor. its main purpose was to nullify whatever charges pizarro's enemies may have been making to the sovereign. consequently there are numerous violations of the truth, all of which are, for us, easy to recognize. a word as to the previous editions of pedro sancho may not be out of place here. the original manuscript is lost. an italian translation of it appears in the "viaggi" of giovanni battista or giambattista ramusio, published in venice about 1550. the numerous editions of ramusio's great work do not need to be listed here. occasionally the translator has referred to that of 1563, a copy of which is in his possession. the edition which has served as a text for the present translation is that issued and edited by don joaquin garcía icazbalceta, mexico, 1849. this edition, like all of icazbalceta's work, is painstaking. professor marshall saville has been good enough to lend me his copy of this edition, which is very rare, in order that i might have it to work with. finally, a small portion of pedro sancho's narrative was issued by the hakluyt society of london. the editor, sir clements markham, included it in the same volume with the reports of xeres, miguel de estete, hernando pizarro. the volume, entitled "reports on the discovery of peru," was issued by the hakluyt society in 1872. philip ainsworth means boston, massachusetts october 9, 1916 relation of the events that took place during the conquest and pacification of these provinces of new castile, and of the quality of the land, and of the manner in which the captain hernando pizarro afterward departed to bear to his majesty the account of the victory of caxamalca[1] and of the capture of the cacique atabalipa.[2] chapter i concerning the great quantity of silver and gold which was brought from cuzco, and of the portion thereof which was sent to h. m. the emperor as the royal fifth: how the imprisoned cacique atabalipa declared himself free of his promise which he had made to the spaniards to fill a house with gold for ransom: and of the treason which the said atabalipa meditated against the spaniards, for which betrayal they made him die. the captain hernando pizarro had departed with the hundred thousand pesos of gold and the five thousand marks of silver which were sent to his majesty as his royal fifth; after that event, some ten or twelve days, the two spaniards who were bringing gold from cuzco arrived, and part of the gold was melted at once because it was in very small pieces; it equalled the sum of[3] ... five hundred-odd plates of gold torn from some house-walls in cuzco; and even the smallest plates weighed four or five pounds apiece; other, larger ones, weighed ten or twelve pounds, and with plates of this sort all the walls of that temple were covered. they brought also a seat of very fine gold, worked into the form of a foot-stool, which weighed eighteen thousand _pesos_.[4] likewise, they brought a fountain all of gold and very subtilely worked which was very fair to see as much for the skill of the work as for the shape which it had been given; and there were many other pieces such as vases, jars, and plates which they also brought. all this gold gave a quantity which came to two millions and a half [_pesos_], which, on being refined to pure gold, came to one million, three hundred and twenty-odd thousand pesos, from which was subtracted the fifth of his majesty, or, two hundred and seventy-odd thousand pesos. fifty thousand marks of silver were found, of which ten thousand were set aside for h. m. one hundred and seventy thousand pesos and five thousand marks were handed over to the treasurer of h. m. the remaining hundred thousand pesos and five marks were taken, as has been said, by hernando pizarro to help meet the expenses which his caesarian majesty was encountering in the war against the turks, enemies of our holy faith, as they say. all that remained, beyond the royal fifth, was divided among the soldiers and companions of the governor. he gave to each one what he conscientiously thought he justly merited, taking into consideration the trials each man had passed through and the quality of his person, all of which he did with the greatest diligence and speed possible in order that they might set out from that place and go to the city of xauxa.[5] and because there were among those soldiers some who were old and more fit for rest than for fatigues, and who in that war had fought and served much, he gave them leave to return to spain. he procured their good will so that, on returning, these men would give fairer accounts of the greatness and wealth of that land so that a sufficient number of people would come thither to populate and advance it. for, in truth, the land being very large and very full of natives, the spaniards who were in it then were all too few for conquering it, holding it and settling it, and, although they had already done great things in conquering it, it was owing more to the aid of god who, in every place and occasion, gave them the victory, than to any strength and means which they had for succeeding, with that further aid they were confident he would sustain them in the future. that melting of the metals completed, the governor commanded the notary to draw up a document in which it said that the cacique atabalipa was free and absolved from the promise and word which he had given to the spaniards, who were to take the house full of gold in ransom for himself. this document the governor caused to be proclaimed publicly and to the sound of trumpets in the plaza of that city of caxamalca, making it known, at the same time, to the said atabalipa by means of an interpreter, and also he [the governor] declared in the same proclamation, that, because it suited the service of h. m. and the security of the land, he wished to maintain the cacique as a prisoner with good guard, until more spaniards should arrive who should give added security; for, the cacique being free, he being so great a lord and having so many soldiers who feared and obeyed him, prisoner though he was, and three hundred leagues [from his capital], he could not well do less in order to free himself from all suspicion; all the more so because many times it had been thought almost certain that he had given orders for warriors to assemble to attack the spaniards. this, as a matter of fact, had been ordered by him, and the men were all in readiness with their captains, and the cacique only delayed the attack because of the lack of freedom in his own person and in that of his general chilichuchima,[6] who was also a prisoner. after some days had passed, and when the spaniards were on the point of embarking in order to return to spain, and the governor was making the rest ready for setting out for xauxa, god our lord, who with his infinite goodness was guiding affairs toward all that was best for his service, as will be [seen], having already in this land spaniards who were to inhabit it and bring to the knowledge of _the true god_ the natives of the said land so that our lord might always be praised and known by these barbarians and so that his holy faith might be extolled, permitted the discovery and chastisement of the evil plans which this proud tyrant had in mind as a return for the many good works and kind treatment which he had always received from the governor and from each one of the spaniards of his company; which recompense, according to his intention, was to have been of the sort he was wont to give to the caciques and lords of the land, ordering [his men] to kill without let or cause whatever. for it chanced that our discharged soldiers [were] returning to spain, he, seeing that they were taking with them the gold that had been got from his land, and mindful of the fact that but a short while ago he had been so great a lord that he held all those provinces with their riches without dispute or question, and without considering the just causes for which they had despoiled him of them, had given orders that certain troops who, by his command, had been assembled in the land of quito, should come, on a certain night at an hour agreed upon, to attack the spaniards who were at caxamalca, assaulting them from five directions as they were in their quarters, and setting fire wherever possible. thirty or more spanish soldiers were marching outside of caxamalca, having been to the city of san miguel in order to place the gold for h. m. on board ship, and [the inca] believed that as they were so few he would be able easily to kill them before they could join forces with those in caxamalca[7] ... of which there was much information from many caciques and from their chiefs themselves, that all, without fear of torments or menaces, voluntarily confessed this plot: [telling] how fifty thousand men of quito and many caribes[8] came to the land, and that all the confines contained armed men in great numbers; that, not finding supplies for them all thus united, he had divided them into three or four divisions, and that, though scattered in this fashion, there were still so many that not finding enough to sustain themselves, they had cut down the still green maize and dried it so that they might not lack for food. all this having been learned, and being now a public matter to all, and as it was clear that they were saying in his [the inca's] army that they were coming to kill all the christians, and the governor seeing in how much peril the government and all the spaniards were, in order to furnish a remedy, although it grieved him much, nevertheless, after seeing the information and process drawn up, assembled the officials of h. m. and the captains of his company and a doctor who was then in this army, and the padre fray vicente de valverde, a religious of the order of santo domingo sent by the emperor our lord for the conversion and instruction of the people of these realms; after there had been much debate and discussion over the harm and the profit that might follow upon the continued life or the death of atabalipa, it was resolved that justice should be done upon him. and because the officials of h. m. asked for it and the doctor regarded the information as sufficient, he was finally taken from the prison in which he was, and, to the sound of a trumpet, his treason and perfidy were published, and he was borne to the middle of the plaza of the city and tied to a stake, while the religious was consoling him and teaching him, by means of an interpreter, the things of our christian faith, telling him that god wished him to die for the sins which he had committed in the world, and that he must repent of them, and that god would pardon him if he did so and was baptised at once. he, [the inca] moved by this discourse, asked for baptism. it was at once given to him by that reverend padre who aided him so much with his exhortation that although he was sentenced to be burned alive, he was given a twist of rope around his neck, by means of which he was throttled instead[9] but when he saw that they were preparing for his death, he said that he recommended to the governor his little sons, so that he might take them with him, and with these last words, and while the spaniards who stood around him said the creed for his soul, he was quickly throttled. may god take him to his holy glory, for he died repentant of his sins with the true faith of a christian. after he was thus hung, in fulfilment of the sentence, fire was cast upon him so that a part of his clothes and flesh was burnt. that night [because he had died in the late afternoon] his body remained in the plaza in order that all might learn of his death, and on the next day the governor ordered that all the spaniards should be present at his interment, and, with the cross and other religious paraphernalia, he was borne to the church and buried with as much solemnity as if he had been the chief spaniard of our camp. because of this all the principal lords and caciques who served him received great pleasure, considering as great the honour which was done them, and knowing that, because he was a christian, he was not burned alive, and he was interred in church as if he were a spaniard. chapter ii they choose as lord of the state of atabalipa his brother atabalipa[10] in whose coronation they observed ceremonies in accordance with the usage of the caciques of those provinces. of the vassalage and obedience which atabalipa and many other caciques offered to the emperor. this done, the governor commanded the immediate assembling in the chief plaza of that city of all the caciques and principal lords who were then living there in company with the dead lord; they were many, and from distant lands, and his intention was to give them another lord who should govern them in the name of h. m., for, as they were accustomed to give always their obedience and tribute to a sole lord, great confusion would result if it were not thus, for each of them would rise up with his own lordship, and it would cost much toil to bring them into friendship with the spaniards and into the service of h. m. for this and many other reasons the governor made them assemble, and finding among them a son of gucunacaba[11] called atabalipa, a brother of atabalipa to whom by law the realm belonged, he said to all that now that they saw how atabalipa was dead because of the treason he had plotted against him [the governor], and because they were all left without a lord who should govern them and whom they should obey, he wished to give them a lord who would please them all, and that he [the lord] was atabalipa who was there present, to whom that kingdom legitimately belonged as he was the son of that gucunacaba whom they had loved so much. he [atabalipa] was a young man who would treat them with much love and who had enough prudence to govern that land. he [the governor] urged them, nevertheless, to look well to it that they wished him for a lord, for if not, they were to name another, and if he were capable, the governor would give him to them as lord. they replied that since atabalipa was dead, they would obey atabalipa or whomever else he should give them, and so it was arranged that they should yield obedience another day according to the accustomed manner. when the next day had come, once more they all assembled before the door of the governor where was placed the cacique in his chair and near him all the other lords and chiefs, each in his proper position. and due ceremonies having been held, each one came to offer him a white plume as a sign of vassalage and tribute, which is an ancient custom dating from the time that this land was conquered by these cuzcos.[12] this done, they sang and danced, making a great festivity, in which the new king neither arrayed himself in clothes of price nor placed the fringe upon the forehead in the manner in which the dead lord was wont to wear it. and when the governor asked him why he did so, he replied that it was the custom of his ancestors when they took possession of the realm to mourn the dead cacique and to pass three days in fasting, shut up within their house, after which they used to come forth with much pomp and solemnity and hold great festivities, for which reason he, too, would like to spend two days in fasting. the governor replied that since it was an ancient custom he might keep it, and that soon he would give him many things which the emperor our lord sent to him, which he would give to him and to all the lords of those provinces. and at once the cacique was placed for his fast in a place apart from the assembly of the others, which was a house that they had built for this purpose since the day that notice was given by the governor; it was near the governor's lodging; on account of it the said governor and the other spaniards were greatly astonished, seeing how, in so short a time, so large and fine a house had been built. in it he was shut up and retired without anyone's seeing him or entering that place save the servants who waited on him and brought him food, or the governor when he wished to send him something. when the fast was over, he came forth richly clad and accompanied by many troops, caciques and chiefs who guarded him, and all the places where he was to sit were adorned with costly cushions, and beneath his feet were placed fine cloths. seated near him was calichuchima, the great general of atabalipa who conquered this land, as was told in the account of the affairs at caxamalca, and near him was also the captain tice, one of the chiefs, and on the other side were certain brothers of the lord, while on both hands were other caciques and captains and governors of provinces and other lords of great lands, and, in short, no one sat there who was not of quality. they all ate together on the ground, for they use no other table, and when they had eaten, the cacique said that he wished to give his obedience in the name of h. m., as his chiefs had given it. the governor told him to do it in the way that seemed best, and soon he [the cacique] offered him [the governor] a white plume which had been given to him by his caciques, saying that it was given as a token of obedience. the governor embraced him with much love and received it, saying that he wished to tell him the things which he was to tell in the name of the emperor, and it was agreed between the two that they should meet again for this purpose the following day. when it had arrived, the governor presented himself in the assembly dressed as well as possible in silken clothes and accompanied by the officials of h. m. and by some noblemen of his company who assisted well-dressed for the greater solemnity of this ceremony of friendship and peace, and by his side he stationed the ensign with the royal standard. then the governor began asking each [cacique] in turn his name and that of the land of which he was the lord, and he ordered that it be taken down by his secretary and scrivener, and there were as many as fifty caciques and chiefs. then, facing all those people, he told them that d. carlos our lord of whom they were servants and vassals who were in his company, had sent him to that land in order to give them understanding and to preach to them of how a sole lord creator of the sky and of the earth, father, son, and holy ghost, three distinct persons in one sole true god, had created them and given them life and being, and had brought to bear the fruits of the land whereby they were sustained, and that to this end he would teach them what they were to do and observe in order to be saved. and he told them how, by the command of the all-powerful god, and of his vicars upon earth, because he had gone to heaven where he now dwells and will be eternally glorified, those lands were given to the emperor in order that he might have charge of them, who had sent him [pizarro] to instruct them in the christian faith and place them under his obedience. he added that it was all in writing and that they should listen to it and fulfil that which he had read to them, by means of an interpreter, word for word. then he asked them if they had understood, and they replied that they had, and that since he had given them atabalipa for a lord, they would do all that he commanded them to do in the name of h. m., holding as supreme lord the emperor, then the governor, then atabalipa, in order to do as much as he commanded in his [h. m.'s] name. then the governor took in his hands the royal standard which he raised on high three times, and he told them that, as vassals of the caesarian majesty, they ought to do likewise, and the cacique took it, and afterwards the captains and the other chiefs, and each one raised it aloft twice; then they went to embrace the governor who received them with great joy through seeing their good will, and with how much contentment they had heard the affairs of god and of our religion. the governor wished that all this be drawn up as testimony in writing, and when it was over, the caciques and chiefs held great festivities, so much so that every day there were rejoicings such as games and feasts, usually held in the house of the governor. chapter iii while leading a new colony of spaniards to settle in xauxa, they receive news of the death of guaritico,[13] brother of atahualpa. afterwards they passed through the land of guamachucho,[14] adalmach,[15] guaiglia,[16] puerto nevado, and capo tombo,[17] and they hear that in tarma many indian warriors are waiting to attack them, on account of which they take calichuchima prisoner, and then proceed intrepidly on their journey to cachamarca,[18] where they find much gold. at this time he [the governor] had just finished distributing the gold and silver which were in that house among the spaniards of his company, and atabalipa gave the gold belonging to the royal fifths to the treasurer of h. m. who took charge of it in order to carry it to the city of xauxa where he [the governor] intended to found a colony of spaniards on account of the reports he had of the good surrounding provinces and of the many cities which there were about it. to this end, he had the spaniards arranged in order and provided with arms and other things for the journey, and when the time for departure came, he gave them indians to carry their gold and burdens. before setting out, having heard how few soldiers there were in san miguel[19] for the purpose of holding it, he took, from among those spaniards whom he was to take with him, ten cavalrymen and a captain, a person of great cautiousness, whom he ordered to go to that city where he was to maintain himself until ships should arrive with troops who might guard it, after which he was to go to xauxa where he himself was about to found a village of spaniards and melt the gold which he bore, promising that he would give them all the gold that was due them with as much punctuality as if they were actually present, because his [the captain's] return [to san miguel] was very necessary, that being the first city to be settled and colonized for the caesarian majesty as well as the chief one because in it they would have to wait there to receive the ships which should come from spain, to that land.[20] in this manner they set out with the instructions which the governor gave them as to what they were to do in the pacification of the people of that region. the governor set out one monday morning, and on that day travelled three leagues, sleeping by the shore of a river where the news reached him that a brother of atabalipa called guaritico had been killed by some captains of atabalipa at his command. this guaritico was a very important person and a friend of the spaniards, and he had been sent by the governor from caxamalca to repair the bridges and bad spots in the road. the cacique pretended to feel great heaviness because of his death, and the governor himself regretted it because he liked him, and because he was very useful to the christians. the next day the governor set out from that place, and, by his marches, arrived in the land of guamachucho, eighteen leagues from caxamalca. having rested there two days, he set out for caxamalca[21] nine leagues ahead, and arrived there in three days, and rested four in order that his troops might have repose and opportunity to collect supplies for the march to guaiglia, twenty leagues from there. having left this village, he came in three days to the puerto de nevado, and a morning's march brought him within a day's journey of guaiglia; and the governor commanded a captain of his, who was the marshal d. diego de almagro, to go with troops and take a bridge two leagues from guaiglia, which bridge was built in a manner that will soon be related. this captain captured the bridge, which is near a strong mountain that dominated that land. the governor did not delay in arriving at the bridge with the rest of his men, and having crossed it, he went on, in another morning, which was sunday, to guaiglia. arrived there, they soon heard mass and afterwards entered certain good rooms; having rested there eight days, he set forth with the soldiers, and the next day crossed another bridge of osiers,[22] which was above the said river which here passes through a very delectable valley. they journeyed thirty leagues to the point where captain hernando pizarro came when he went to pachacamac,[23] as will be seen in the long account which was sent to h. m. of all that was done on that journey to pachacamac, from there to the city of xauxa and back to caxamalca, on the occasion on which he took with him the captain chilichuchima and other matters which do not concern us here. the governor changed his route, and, by forced marches, arrived at the land of caxatambo.[24] from there he went on without doing more than to ask for some indians who should carry the gold of h. m. and of the soldiers, and always using great vigilance in learning of the affairs which took place in the land, and always having both a vanguard and a rear-guard as had been done up to that time for fear that the captain chilichuchima whom he had with him, would hatch some treasonable plot, all the more so on account of the suspicion he felt owing to the fact that neither in caxatambo nor in the eighteen leagues after it had he met with any warriors, nor were his fears lessened during a halt in a village five leagues beyond because all the people had fled without leaving a living soul. when he had arrived there, a spaniard's indian servant, who was from that land of pambo[25] distant from here some ten leagues, and twenty from xauxa, came to him saying that he had heard that troops had been assembled in xauxa to kill the christians who were coming, and that they had as captains incorabaliba, iguaparro, mortay[26] and another captain, all four being important men who had many troops with them, and the servant added that they had placed a part of this force in a village called tarma five leagues from xauxa in order to guard a bad pass that there was in a mountain and to cut and break it up in such a way that the spaniards could not pass by. informed of this, the governor gave orders that chilichuchima should be made a prisoner, because it was held to be certain that that force had been made ready by his advice and command, he thinking to flee the christians and to go to join it. of these matters the cacique atabalipa was unaware, and on this account, these [spanish] troops did not permit any indian to pass by in the direction of the cacique who might give notice of these affairs. the reason why these indians had rebelled and were seeking war with the christians was that they saw the land being conquered by the spaniards, and they themselves wished to govern it. the governor, before setting out from that place, sent a captain with troops to take a snowy pass three leagues ahead and then to pass the night in some fields near pombo,[27] all of which the captain did, and he passed the pass with much snow, but without encountering any obstacle. and the governor crossed it likewise, without any opposition save for the inconvenience caused by the snow falling upon them. they all spent the night in that waste without a single hut, and they lacked for wood and victuals. having arrived in the land of pombo, the governor provided and commanded that the soldiers should be lodged with the best order and caution possible, because he had news that the enemy were increasing every moment, and it was held to be certain that he would come here to assail the spaniards, and because of this, the governor caused the patrols and sentinels to be increased, always spying upon the progress of the enemy. after he had waited there another day for certain envoys whom the cacique atabalipa had sent to learn what was going on in xauxa, one came who told how the warriors were five leagues from xauxa on the road from cuzco and were coming to burn the town so that the christians should not find shelter, and that they intended afterward to return to cuzco to combine under a captain named quizquiz who was there with many troops who had come from quito by command of atabalipa for the security of the land. when this was learned by the governor, he caused to be made ready seventy-five light horse, and with twenty peones who guarded chilichuchima, and without the impediment of baggage, he set out for xauxa, leaving behind the treasurer with the other troops who were guarding the camp baggage and the gold of h. m., and of the company. the day on which he set out from pombo, he travelled some seven leagues, and he halted in a village called cacamarca,[28] and here they found seventy thousand pesos of gold in large pieces, to guard which the governor left two christians from the cavalry in order that when the rear-guard should arrive, it might be conducted well guarded. then, in the morning, he set forth with his men in good array, for he had word that three leagues from there were four thousand men. and on the march three or four light horsemen went ahead so that, if they should meet a spy of the enemy's, they might take him prisoner to prevent his giving warning of their coming. at the hour of noon, they arrived at that bad pass of tarma where warriors were said to be waiting to defend it. the pass seemed to be so full of difficulties that it would be impossible to go up it, because there was a bad road of stone down into the gully where all the riders had to dismount, after which it was necessary to go up the heights by a slope about a league long, the greater part of which was steep and difficult forest, all of which was crossed without any indians who were said to be armed making an appearance. and in the afternoon, after the hour of vespers, the governor and his men arrived at that village of tarma where, because it was a bad site and because he had news that indians were coming to it to surprise the christians, he did not wish to linger longer than was necessary for feeding the horses and allaying their own hunger and fatigue so as to enable them to go forth prepared from that place which had no other level spot than the plaza as it was on a small slope surrounded by mountains for the space of a league. as it was already night, he made his camp here, being always on the alert and having the horses saddled. and the men were without [proper] food and even without any comfort because there was neither fire-wood nor water, nor had they brought their tents with them to shelter them, because of which they all nearly died of cold on account of the fact that it rained much early in the night and then snowed so that the arms and clothes were drenched. but each one sought the best remedy he could, and so that evil and troublous night passed to the dawn when he commanded that all mount their horses so as to arrive early at xauxa which was four leagues from there. when two had been crossed over, the governor divided the seventy-five soldiers between three captains, giving fifteen to each, and taking with him the remaining twenty and the twenty peones who were guarding chilichuchima. in this order they journeyed to porsi a league from xauxa, having given each captain orders as to what he was to do, and they all halted in a small village which they encountered. then they all marched on in complete accord, and gave a look at the city. they all halted again on a slope within a quarter of a league of it. chapter iv they arrive at the city of xauxa; they leave some soldiers there to guard that place, and others go against the army of the enemy with which they fight. they win a victory, and return to xauxa. the natives all came out along the road in order to look at the christians, celebrating much their coming because they thought that, through it, they would issue forth from the slavery in which that foreign army [the incas] held them. [the spaniards] wished to await a later hour in the day at this place, but, seeing that no warriors appeared, they began their journey so as to enter the city. on going down that little slope, they saw running toward them at great speed an indian with a lance erect, and when he came up to them it was found that he was a servant of the christians who said that his master had sent him to inform them that they must hold themselves in readiness because their enemies were in the city, and that two christians from the cavalry had been sent ahead of the rest, and that they had entered the city to see the buildings there, and while they were inspecting it, they saw some twenty indians who came out of certain houses with their lances and other arms, calling to others to come forth and join with them. the two christians, seeing them thus assemble, without heeding their cries and clamour, attacked them, killed several, and put the others to flight; the latter soon joined with others who came to their aid, and they formed a mass of some two hundred which the spaniards again attacked, in a narrow street, and broke, forcing them to retreat to the bank of a great river which passes by that city, and then one of these spaniards sent the indian as i have said, with raised lance as a sign that there were armed enemies in the city. this having been heard, the spaniards set spur to their horses, and, without delay, arrived at the city and entered it; and when they joined their companions, the latter told them what had occurred with those indians. the captains, running in the direction in which the enemy had retreated, arrived at length at the bank of the river, which was then very full, and on the other shore, at a distance of a quarter of a league, they descried the squadrons of their enemies. then, having passed the river with no little toil and danger, they gave chase to them. the governor remained guarding the city because it was said that there were enemies hidden within it, as well. the indians perceiving that the christians had crossed the river, they began to retreat, drawn up in two squadrons. one of the spanish captains, with his fifteen light horsemen, spurred ahead toward the slope of the hill for which they [the indians] were making so that they could not retreat thither and fortify themselves. the other two captains kept right up with them, overtaking them in a field of maize near the river. there they put them in disorder and routed them, capturing as many as possible, so that of six hundred [indians] not more than twenty or thirty, who took to the mountains before the other captain with his fifteen men could arrive, saved themselves. most of the indians made for the water, thinking to save themselves in it, but the light horsemen crossed the river almost by swimming after them, and they did not leave one alive save some few who had hidden themselves in their flight after their army was broken in pieces. then the spaniards ran through the country as far as a league below without finding a single indian. then, having returned, they rested themselves and their horses, which were in great need of it; both because of the long journey of the day before and on account of their having run those two leagues, they were rather crippled. when the truth was learned as to what troops those were [with whom the spaniards had fought], it was found that the four captains and the main body were encamped six leagues down the river from xauxa, and that, on that very day, they had sent those six hundred men to complete the burning of the city of xauxa, having already burned the other half of it seven or eight days before, and that they had then burned a great edifice which was in the plaza, as well as many other things before the eyes of the people of that city, together with many clothes and much maize, so that the spaniards should not avail themselves of them. the citizens were left so hostile to those other indians that if one of the latter hid, they showed him to the christians so that they would kill him, and they themselves aided in killing them, and they would even have done so with their own hands if the christians had permitted it. the spanish captains, having studied the place where these enemies were found as well as the road, along a part of which they journeyed, they determined not to shut themselves up in xauxa, but to pass onward and attack the main body of the army which was four leagues off before it should receive news of their coming. with this intention, they commanded the soldiers to make ready, but their proposal did not come to pass because they found the horses so weary that they held it to be better council to retire, which they did. arrived in xauxa, they recounted to the governor all that had happened, with which he was well pleased, and he received them cheerfully, thanking them all for having borne themselves so valorously. and he told them that by all means he intended to attack the camp of the enemy because, although they were advised of the victory, it was certain that they would be waiting. at once he ordered his master of the camp to lodge the men and let them rest during what remained of the day and through the night until moon-rise, and that then they should make ready to go and attack their enemies. at that hour fifty light horsemen were in readiness, and at the sound of the trumpet they presented themselves, armed and with their horses, at the lodging of the governor who despatched them very soon upon their road. fifteen horsemen remained with him in the city together with the twenty peones who made the guard all of each night with the horses saddled, until the captain of that sally returned, which was in five days. he related to the governor all that had happened from the time of his departure, telling how, on the night he left xauxa, he journeyed some four leagues before dawn, with much eagerness to attack the enemy's camp before they were warned of his coming; and being now near [the enemy] at dawn, they saw a great mass of smoke in the place of their encampment, which seemed to be two leagues further on. and so he spurred on with his men at a great pace, thinking that the enemy, warned of his approach, had fled and that the buildings that there were in a village were burning. and so it was, because they had fled, after having set fire to that wretched hamlet. arrived at that place, the spaniards followed the footsteps of the warriors through a very broad valley. and as they overtook them they collided with the enemy who were going more slowly with many women and children in their rear-guard, and the spaniards, leaving these behind them in order to catch up with the men, ran more than four leagues, and caught up with some of their squadrons. as some of them [the indians] saw the castilians from some distance, they had time to take shelter on a mountain and save themselves; others, who were few, were killed, leaving in the power of the spaniards (who, because their horses were tired, did not wish to go up the mountain) many spoils and women and children. and as it was already night, they returned to sleep in a village which they had left behind. and the following day these spaniards determined to follow them as they fled back to cuzco so as to take from them certain bridges of net-work and to prevent their crossing. but, because of lack of pasturage for their horses, they found themselves obliged to fall back, to the dissatisfaction of the governor because they had not at least followed and taken those bridges so as to prevent the indians from returning to cuzco; it was feared that, being strange people, they would do great harm to the citizens of those places. chapter v they name new officials in the city of xauxa in order to establish a settlement of spaniards, and, having had news of the death of atabalipa, with great prudence and much craftiness in order to keep themselves in the good graces of the indians, they discuss the appointment of a new lord. and for this reason, as soon as the baggage and the rear-guard, which he had left at pombo, had arrived, he [the governor] published an edict to the effect that whereas he was determined to found a settlement of spaniards in the name of h. m., all those who wished to settle there might do so. but there was not one spaniard who wished to remain, and they said that so long as there were warriors all about in that land with arms in their hands the natives of that province would not be at the service and disposal of the spaniards and in obedience to h. m. when this was observed by the governor, he determined not to lose time then in that matter, but to go against the enemy in the direction of cuzco in order to drive them from that province and rout them from all of it. in the meanwhile, in order to put in order the affairs of that city, he founded the village in the name of h. m., and created officials of justice for it [and for its citizens] who were eighty in number, of whom forty were light horsemen whom he left there as a garrison, and, [leaving also] the treasurer, who was to guard the gold of h. m. and to act in all matters as head and chief in command of the government.[29] while these things were being done, the cacique atabalipa came to die, of his illness; because of this, the governor and all the other spaniards felt great sorrow, because it was certain that he was very prudent and had much love for the spaniards. it was given out publicly that the captain calichuchima had caused his death because he desired that the land should remain with the people of quito and not with either those of cuzco or with the spaniards, and if that cacique ["atabalipa"] had lived, he [calichuchima] would not have been able to succeed in what he desired to do. at once, the governor had calichuchima and tizas[30] and a brother of the cacique and other leading chiefs and caciques who had come from caxamalca summoned to him; to them he said that they must know very well that he had given them atabalipa as a lord and that, now that he was dead, they ought to think of whom they would like as lord in order that he might give him to them. there was a great difference of opinion between them on this subject because calichuchima wished the son of atabalipa and brother of the dead cacique aticoc[31] as lord, and others, who were not of the land of quito, wished the lord to be a native of cuzco and proposed a brother of atabalipa (as lord). the governor said to those who wished as lord the brother of atabalipa that they should send and have him summoned and that after he had come, if he found him to be a man of worth, he would appoint him. and with this reply that meeting came to an end. and the governor, having called aside the captain calichuchima, spoke to him in these words: "you already know that i loved greatly your lord atabalipa and that i have always wished him to leave a son after he died, and that this son should be lord, and that you, who are already a prudent man, should be his captain until he had reached the age of governing his dominions, and for this reason i greatly desire that he should be called soon, because, for love of his father, i love him much, and you likewise. but at the same time, since all these caciques who are here are your friends and since you have much influence with the soldiers of their nation, it would be well that you send them word by messengers to come in peace, because i do not wish to be enraged against them and to kill them, as you see i am doing, when i wish that the affairs of these provinces should be quiet and peaceful." this captain had a great desire, as has been said, that the son of atabalipa should be lord, and knowing this, the governor slyly spoke these words to him and gave him this hope, not because he had any intention of carrying it out,[32] but in order that, in the meanwhile, that son of atabalipa might come for this purpose (and) might cause those caciques who had taken up arms [also] to come to him in peace. it was likewise agreed that he should say to aticoc and to the other lords of the province of cuzco that he [the governor] would give them as lord him whom they wished, because it was necessary that those things which were for the good of all should thus be governed in the state. he tried to give to calichuchima words that [would enable him] to cause the people who were in cuzco with arms to lay them down in order that they might do no harm to the people of the country, and those of cuzco, because they were true friends of the christians, gave them notice of all that the enemy were trying to do and of all that was going on in the country, and for this reason and others the governor said this with great prudence. chilichuchima, to whom he told it, showed as much pleasure at these words as if he had been made lord of the whole world, and he replied that he would do as he was ordered and that it would cause him much pleasure if the caciques and soldiers were to come in peace[33] and that he would despatch messengers to quito in order that the son of atabalipa might come. but he feared that two great captains who were with him would prevent it, and would not let him come. nevertheless he would send such a person of importance with the embassy that he thought that all would conform with his wish. and soon he added, "sir, since you wish me to cause these caciques to come, take off this chain [which i wear] for, seeing me with it, no one wishes to obey me." the governor, in order that he should not suspect that he had feigned what he had said to him, told him that he was pleased to do so, but on the condition that he was to put a guard of christians over him until after he had caused those soldiers who were at war to come in peace and until the son of atabalipa had come.[34] he [chalcuchima] was satisfied with this, and so he was released, and the governor put him under a good guard, because that captain was the key [the possession of which ensured] having the land quiet and subjected. this precaution taken, and the troops who were to go with the governor toward cuzco being made ready, the number of whom was one hundred horsemen and thirty peons, he [the governor] ordered a captain to go ahead with seventy horsemen and some peons in order to rebuild the bridges which had been burned, and the governor remained behind while he was giving orders for many matters touching the welfare of the city and republic which he was to leave already well established, and in order to await the reply of the christians whom he had sent to the coast in order to examine the ports and set up crosses in them in case some one should come to reconnoitre the land. chapter vi description of the bridges which the natives are wont to make in order to cross the rivers; and of the toilsome journey which the spaniards had, in going to cuzco, and of the arrival at panarai and tarcos. this captain departed with those who were to follow him on thursday, and the governor with the rest of the troops, and chilichuchima with his guard left the following monday. in the morning they were all ready with their arms and other necessary things; the journey they were to make being long, they were to leave all the baggage in xauxa, it not being convenient to carry it with them on that journey. the governor journeyed two days down the valley along the bank of the xauxa river, which was very delectable and peopled in many places, and on the third day he arrived at a bridge of net-work which is over the said river and which the indian soldiers had burned after they crossed over, but already the captain who had gone ahead had made the natives rebuild it. and in the places where they build these bridges of net-work, where the rivers are swollen, this inland country far from the sea being densely populated, and because almost none of the indians knows how to swim, because of which even though the rivers are small and might be forded, they nevertheless throw out these bridges, and after this fashion; if the two banks of the river are stony, they raise upon them large walls of stone, and then they place four [ropes of] pliable reeds two palms or a little less in thickness, and between them, after the fashion of wattle-work, they weave green osiers two fingers thick and well intertwined, in such a way that some are not left more slack than others, and all are well tied. and upon these they place branches crosswise in such a way that the water is not seen, and in this way they make the floor of the bridge. and in the same manner they weave a balustrade of these same osiers along the side of the bridge so that no one may fall into the water, of which, in truth, there is no danger, although to one who is not used to it, the matter of crossing appears a thing of danger because, the span being long, the bridge bends when one goes over it, so that one goes continually downward until the middle is reached, and from there he keeps going up until he has finished crossing to the other bank, and when the bridge is being crossed, it trembles very much, so that it goes to the head of him who is not accustomed to it. ordinarily they make two bridges close together, so that, as they say, the lords may cross by one and the common people by another. they keep guards over them, and the lords of all the land keep them there continuously in order that if someone should steal gold or silver or anything else from him or from some other lord of the land, he would not be able to cross. and those who guard these bridges have their houses nearby, and they always have in their hands osiers and wattles and cords in order to mend the bridges if they are injured or even to rebuild them if need were. the guards who were in charge of this bridge when the indians who burned it passed over, hid the materials which they had for mending it, for otherwise the indians would have burned them also, and for this reason they rebuilt it in so short a space of time in order that the spaniards might cross over. the spanish cavalry and the governor crossed by one of these bridges, although, on account of its being new and not well made, they had much trouble because the captain who had gone ahead with seventy cavalrymen had made many holes in it so that it was half destroyed. still, the horses got over without endangering themselves, although nearly all stumbled because the bridge moved and trembled so, but, as i have said, the bridge was made in such a way that even though they were thrown upon their knees, they could not fall into the water. as soon as all were over, the governor encamped in some groves near which ran some streams of beautiful clear water. later they proceeded on their journey two leagues along the shore of that river through a narrow valley on both sides of which were very high mountains, and in some places, this valley through which the river passes has so little space that there is not more than a stone's throw from the foot of the mountain to the river, and in other places, because of the slope of the mountain, there is but little more. two leagues of this valley having been travelled, they came to another bridge, a small one over another river, over which the troops passed on foot while the horses forded, as much on account of the bridge being in bad order as on account of the fact that the water was low at that time. having crossed the river, he [the governor] began to climb a very steep and long mountain all made of steps of very small stones.[35] here the horses toiled so much that, when they had finished going up, the greater part of them had lost their shoes and worn down the hoofs of all four feet. that mountain, which lasted for more than half a league, having been overcome, and having journeyed for a bit in the evening along a slope, the governor with his men arrived at a village which the hostile indians had sacked and burned, on account of which neither people nor maize was found in it, nor any other food, and the water was very far off because the indians had broken the aqueducts which came to the city, which was a great evil and of much inconvenience for the spaniards who, because they had found the road hard, toilsome and long on that day, needed good lodging. the next day the governor set out from there and went to sleep in another village which, although it was very large and fine and full of houses, had as little food in it as the last one; and this village is called panarai. the governor wondered greatly with his men at finding here neither food nor anything else, because this place belonged to one of the lords who had been with atabalipa and with the dead lord in the company of the christians, and he had come in their company as far as xauxa, [where] he said he wished to go ahead in order to prepare in this land his victuals and other things necessary for the spaniards. and when they found here neither him nor his people, it was held to be certain that the country-side had revolted. and not having had any letter from the captain who had gone ahead with the seventy horsemen, save which let them know that he was going right after the hostile indians, it was feared that the foe had taken some step whereby he was prevented from sending any messenger. the spaniards sought so much, that they found some maize and ewes, ... and the next day, early, they set out and arrived at a village called tarcos, where they met the cacique of the district and some men who told them of the day on which had passed that way some christians who were going to fight with the enemy who had established their camp in a neighboring settlement. all received this news with great pleasure, and they found a good reception in that place, because the cacique had brought to the plaza a large quantity of maize, fire-wood, ewes, and other things of which the spaniards had great need. chapter vii while proceeding on their journey they have news sent by the forty spanish horsemen of the state of the indian army with which the latter had fought victoriously. on the next day, which was saturday, all saints' day, the friar who was with this company said mass in the morning, according to the custom of saying it on such a day, and later all set out and journeyed until they arrived at a full river three leagues beyond, always descending from the mountains by a rough and long slope. this river, likewise, had a net-work bridge which, being broken, made it necessary to ford the stream, and afterwards a very large mountain was ascended which, looked at from below, seemed impossible of ascent by the very birds of the air, and still more so by men on horseback toiling over the ground. but the climb was made less arduous for them by the fact that the road went up in spirals, and not straight. the greater part, however, was made of large steps of stone which greatly fatigued the horses and wore down and injured their hoofs, even though they were led by the bridle. in this manner a long league was surmounted, and another was traversed by a more easy road along a declivity, and in the afternoon the governor with the spaniards arrived at a small village of which a part was burned, and in the other part, which had remained whole, the spaniards settled. and in the evening two indian couriers, sent by the captain who was ahead, arrived. they brought news, in letters to the governor, that the captain had arrived with all speed at the land of parcos[36] which he had left behind him, having had news that the [indian] captains were thereabout with all the hostile forces; [but] he did not encounter them, and it was held to be certain that they had withdrawn to bilcas,[37] and through so much of the road as he traversed until coming to [a place] within five leagues of bilcas, where he spent the night, he marched secretly in order not to be forestalled by certain spies who were placed a league from bilcas. and having news that the enemy were in a town without having warning of his coming, the captain was delighted, and, having gone down the rather difficult slope where that place was, at dawn he entered [the town where some warriors were lodged with few precautions].[38] the spanish cavalry began to attack them in the plazas until so many had been killed or had fled that no one remained; because there were a few indian soldiers who had retired to a mountain on one side of the road who, as soon as the day became bright and they saw the spaniards, assembled in squadrons, and came against them crying out _ingres_,[39] which name they hold to be very insulting, being that of a contemned people who live in the hot lands of the sea-coast, and because that province was cold and the spaniards wore clothes over their flesh, [the indians] called them ingres and threatened them with slavery as they were few, not more than forty, and defying them by saying that they would come down to where they were. the captain, although he knew that that was a bad place for fighting on horseback, of which position the spaniards could little avail themselves there, nevertheless, in order that the enemy should not think that he would not fight from lack of spirit, took with him thirty horsemen, leaving the rest to guard the town, and went down through a cleft[40] in the mountain by a very painful slope. the enemy boldly awaited them and in the shock of battle they killed one horse and wounded two others, but finally, all being dispersed, some fled in one direction and others in another over the mountain [by] a very rough road where the horses could neither follow them nor injure them. at this juncture, an [indian] captain who had fled from the village, and who knew that they had killed one horse and wounded two, said "come, let us turn back and fight with these men until not one is left alive, for there are but a few of them!" and at once all returned with more spirit and greater impetuosity than before, and in this way a sharper battle than the first was fought. at the end, the indians fled and the horsemen followed them in all directions as long as they could. in these two encounters more than six hundred men were left dead, and it is believed also that maila, one of their captains, died, and the indians affirmed it also, and they, on their part, when they killed a horse, cut off his head and put it on a lance which they bore before them like a standard. [the spanish captain] likewise informed [his men] that he intended to rest there for three days out of consideration for the wounded christians and horses, and that later they would set out to take, first of all, a bridge of net-work which was near there, so that the fugitive enemies should not cross it and go to join with quizquiz[41] in cuzco and with the garrison of troops he had there, which was said to be waiting for the spaniards in a bad pass near cuzco. but, although they found it to be more than bad, they hoped in god who, in whatever place that battle might be fought, even in a land all rough and stony, would not permit the indians to be able to defend themselves any where, no matter how difficult and toilsome it might be, nor to attack the spaniards in any bad pass. and, having set out from here and having crossed the bridge three leagues from cuzco [the captain declared] that he would there await the governor as he had informed him by swift messenger indians of what had occurred. chapter viii after having suffered various inconveniences, and having passed the cities of bilcas and of andabailla,[42] and before arriving at airamba,[43] they have letters from the spaniards in which they ask for the aid of thirty cavaliers. having received this letter, the governor and all the spaniards who were with him were filled with infinite content over the victory which the captain had obtained, and at once he sent it, together with another, to the city of xauxa, to the treasurer and to the spaniards who had remained there in order that they might share in the gladness over the victory of the captain. and likewise he sent despatches to the captain and the spaniards who were with him congratulating them much on the victory they had won, and begging them and counseling them to be governed in these matters more by prudence than by confidence in their own strength, and commanding, at all events, that, having passed the last bridge, they should await him [the governor] there so that they might then enter the city of cuzco all together. this done, the governor set out the following day and went by a rough and tiring road through rocky mountains and over ascents and descents of stone steps from which all believed they could only bring their horses with difficulty, considering the road already traversed and that still to be traversed. they slept that night in a village on the other side of the river, which here, as elsewhere, had a bridge of net-work. the horses crossed through the water and the footsoldiers and the servants of the spaniards by the bridge. on the next day they had a good road beside the river where they encountered many wild animals, deer and antelope; and that day they arrived at nightfall at some rooms in the vicinity of bilcas where the captain who was going ahead had made halt in order to travel by night and so enter bilcas without being found out, as he did enter it, and here was received another letter from him in which he said that he had left bilcas two days before, and had come to a river four leagues ahead which he had forded because the bridge had been burned, and here he had understood that the captain narabaliba was fleeing with some twenty indians and that he had met two thousand indians whom the captain of cuzco had sent to him as aid who, as soon as they knew of the rout at bilcas, turned around and fled with him, endeavouring to join with the scattered remnants of those who were fleeing, in order to await them [the spaniards] in a village called andabailla,[44] and [the spanish captain said] that he was resolved not to stay his course until he should encounter them. these announcements being understood by the governor, he first thought of sending aid to the captain, but later he did not do so because he considered that if there were to be a battle at all it would have occurred already and the aid would not arrive in time, and he determined furthermore not to linger a single day until he should catch up with him, and in this way he set out for bilcas which he entered very early the following day, and on that day he did not wish to go further. this city of bilcas[45] is placed on a high mountain and is a large town and the head of a province. it has a beautiful and fine fortress; there are many well built houses of stone, and it is half-way by road from xauxa to cuzco. and on the next day the governor encamped on the other side of the river, four leagues from bilcas, and although the day's march was short, it was nevertheless toilsome because it was entirely a descent almost all composed of stone steps, and the troops waded the river with much fatigue because it was very full, and he set up his camp on the other bank among some groves. scarcely had the governor arrived here, when he received a letter from the captain who was reconnoitring in which the latter informed him that the enemy had gone on five leagues and were in waiting on the slope of a mountain in a land called curamba,[46] and that there were many warriors there, and that they had made many preparations and had arranged great quantities of stones so that the spaniards would not be able to go up. the governor, when he understood this, although the captain did not ask him for aid, believed that it was necessary now, and he at once ordered the marshal d. diego de almagro to get ready with thirty light horsemen, well equipped as to arms and horses, and he did not wish him to take a single peon with him, because he ordered him [almagro] not to delay for anything until he should come up with the captain who was ahead with the others. and when he [almagro] had set out, the governor likewise started, on the following day, with ten horsemen and the twenty peons who were guarding chilichuchima, and he quickened his pace so much that day that of two days' marches he made one. and just as he was about to arrive at the village called andabailla, where he was to sleep, an indian came to him on the run to say that on a certain slope of the mountain, which he pointed out with his finger, there had been discovered hostile troops of war, on which account, the governor, armed as he was and on horseback, went with the spaniards he had with him to take the summit of that slope, and he examined the whole of it without finding the warriors of whom the indian had spoken, because they were troops native to the land who were fleeing from the indians of quito because the latter did them very great harm. the governor and company having arrived at that village of andabailla, they supped and spent the night there. on the next day, they arrived at the village of airamba from where the captain had written that he was with the armed troops waiting for them upon the road.[47] chapter ix having arrived at a village, they find much silver in plates twenty-feet long. proceeding on their journey, they receive letters from the spaniards relating the brisk and adverse struggle they had had against the army of the indians. here were found two dead horses,[48] from which it was suspected that some misfortune had befallen the captain. but, having entered the village, they learned, from a letter that arrived before they retired for the night, that the captain had here encountered some warriors, and that, in order to gain the mountain, he had gone up a slope where he had found assembled a great quantity of stone, a sign which showed that they [the indians] wished to guard [the pass], and that they were gone in search of [other] indians because they had warning that [the spaniards] were not far off and that the two horses had died of so many changes from heat to cold. he [the captain] wrote nothing of the aid which the governor had sent to him, because of which it was thought that it had not yet arrived. the next day the governor set out from there, and slept [the next night] by a river whose bridge had been burned by the enemy, so that it was necessary to ford it, with great fatigue on account of the fact that the current was very swift and the bottom very stony. on the next day, they encamped at a town in the houses of which was found much silver in large slabs twenty feet long, one broad, and one or two fingers thick. and the indians who were there related that those slabs belonged to a great cacique and that one of the lords of cuzco had won them and had carried them off thus in plates, together with those of which the conquered cacique had built a house.[49] the next day, the governor set out in order to cross the last bridge, which was almost three leagues from there. before he arrived at that river, a messenger came with a letter from the captain in which he informed him that he had arrived at the last bridge with great speed in order that the enemy should not have opportunity to burn it; but that, at the time of his arrival there, they had finished burning it, and as it was already late, he did not wish to cross the river that same day, but had gone to camp in a village which was nearby. the next day, he [the captain] had passed through the water, which came to the breasts of the horses, and had proceeded straight along the road to cuzco which was twelve leagues from there; and as, on the way, he was informed that, on a neighbouring mountain [where] forts had been built, all the enemies were hoping that the next day quizquiz would come to their aid with reënforcements from the troops which he had in cuzco, for this reason he [the captain] had spurred ahead with all speed together with fifty horsemen,[50] for ten had been left guarding the baggage and certain gold which had been found in the rout of bilcas. and one saturday, at noon, they had begun to go up on horseback a slope which lasted well over a league, and, being wearied by the sharp ascent and by the mid-day heat, which was very great, they stopped awhile and gave to the horses some maize which they had because the natives of a village nearby had brought it to them. then, proceeding on their journey, the captain, who rode a cross-bow shot ahead, saw the enemy on the summit of the mountain, which they entirely covered, and [he saw] that three or four thousand were coming down in order to pass the point where they [the spaniards] were. because of this, although he called to the spaniards to put themselves in battle-array, he could not hope to join them, because the indians were already very near and were coming with great rapidity. but with those who were in readiness, he advanced to give battle [to the indians], and the spaniards who kept coming up mounted the slope of the mountain, some on one hand, others on the other. they dashed among those of the enemy who were foremost without waiting for the beginning of the fight, save for defending themselves against the stones which were hurled upon them, until they mounted to the summit of the mountain, in which deed they thought they saw a certain victory to be accomplished. the horses were so tired that they could not get breath in order to attack with impetuosity such a multitude of enemies, nor did the latter cease to inconvenience and harass them continually with the lances stones and arrows which they hurled at them, so they fatigued all to such an extent that the riders could hardly keep their horses at the trot or even at the pace. the indians, perceiving the weariness of the horses, began to charge with greater fury, and five christians, whose horses could not go up to the summit of the slope, were charged so furiously by so many of the throng that to two of them it was impossible to alight, and they were killed upon their horses. the others fought on foot very valorously, but at length, not being seen by any companions who could bring them aid, they remained prisoners, and only one was killed without being able to lay hand upon his sword or to defend himself, the cause of which was that a good soldier was left dead beside him, the tail of his horse having been seized which prevented his going ahead with the rest. they [the indians] opened the heads of all by means of their battle-axes and clubs; they wounded eighteen horses and six christians; but none of the wounds were dangerous save those of one horse which died of them. it pleased god our lord that the spaniards should gain a plain which was near that mountain, and the indians collected on a hill nearby. the captain commanded half of his men to take the bridles off their horses and let them drink in a rivulet that ran there, and then to do the same for the other half, which was done without being hindered by the enemies. then, the captain said to all: "gentlemen, let us withdraw from here step by step down this declivity in such a way that the enemy may think that we are fleeing from them, in order that they may come in search of us below, for, if we can attract them to this plain, we will attack them all of a sudden in such a manner that i hope not one of them will escape from our hands. our horses are already somewhat tired, and if we put the enemy to flight, we shall end by gaining the summit of the mountain." and thus it was that some of the indians, thinking that the spaniards were retreating, came down below, throwing stones at them, with their slings, and shooting arrows.[51] when this was seen by the christians, [they knew] that now was their time, [and] they turned their horses' heads, and before the indians could gather together on the mountain where they were before, some twenty of them were killed. when this was seen by the others, and when they perceived that there was little safety in the place where they were, they left that mountain and retired to another one which was higher. the captain, with his men, finished climbing the mountain, and there, because it was already night, he camped with his soldiers. the indians also camped two cross-bow shots away, in such a manner that in either camp could be heard the voices in the other. the captain caused the wounds to be cared for and posted patrols and sentinels for the night, and he ordered that all the horses were to remain saddled and bridled until the following day, on which he was to fight with the indians. and he tried to cheer his men up and renew their valor, saying: "that by all means it was necessary to attack the enemy the following morning without delaying an instant, because he had news that the captain quizquiz was coming with great reënforcements, and by no means should they wait until he joined forces with them." all showed as much spirits and confidence as if they already had the victory in their hands, and again the captain comforted them, saying: "he held the day just passed through to be more perilous than that which awaited them on the morrow, and that god our lord who had delivered them from danger in the past would grant them victory in the future, and that they should look to it whether, on the day before, when their horses were so weary, they had attacked their enemies with disadvantage and had routed them and driven them from their fortresses, even though their own number did not exceed fifty, and that of the enemy eight thousand; ought they not, then, to hope for victory when they were fresh and rested?" with these and other spirited conversations, that night was passed, and the indians were in their own camp, uttering cries and saying: "wait, christians, until dawn, when you are all to die, and we shall take away from you just as many horses as you have!"[52] and they added insulting words in their language having determined to enter into combat with the christians as soon as it should dawn, believing them and their horses to be weary on account of the toil of the day before and because they saw them to be so few in numbers and because they knew that many of the horses were wounded. in this manner the same thought prevailed on the one side and on the other, but the indians firmly believed that the christians would not escape from them.[53] chapter x news comes of the victory won by the spaniards, even to their putting the indian army to flight. they command that a chain be placed about the neck of chilichuchima, holding him to be a traitor. they cross the rimac[54] and all reunite once more at sachisagagna,[55] where they burn chilichuchima. this news reached the governor near the last river, as i have said, and he, without showing any change in his countenance, communicated it to the ten horsemen and twenty peons whom he had with him, consoling them all with good words which he spoke to them, although they were greatly disturbed in their minds, for they thought that if a small number of indians, relatively to the number anticipated, had maltreated the christians in such a manner in the first action, they would bring upon them still greater war on the following day when their horses were wounded and when the aid of thirty horsemen, which had been sent to them, had not yet arrived among the spaniards. but all showed that they knew how to place their hopes in god, and they arrived at the river which they crossed in _balsas_, swimming the horses, because the bridge was burned down. and the river being very full, they delayed in crossing it the rest of that day and the next one until the hour of siesta when the governor, smiling [determined] to set out without waiting for the indian allies to cross.[56] [just then] a christian was seen coming, and when all saw him from afar, they judged that the captain with the horsemen had been routed and that this man was bringing the news in his flight. but when he had arrived in the presence of the governor, he gave great consolation to the minds of all with the news that he brought, relating that god our lord, who never abandons his faithful servants even in the direst extremities, ordained that while the captain with the others [of his company] was passing that night cautiously and encouraging his men for the combat on the morrow, the marshal arrived with the reënforcements of thirty horsemen which had been sent, and these, together with the ten others whom they had left behind, made forty altogether, and when all perceived this, the first group felt as much pleasure as if they had resuscitated that day [just lived through], holding it to be certain that the victory would be theirs on the following day. when day had come, which was sunday, they all mounted at dawn, and, disposed in a wing formation in order to present a better front, they attacked the rear of the indians who, during the night, had determined to attack the christians, but who, in the morning, seeing so many soldiers, thought that some aid must have come to them during the night, on account of which, not having the courage to put on a bold front, and seeing that the spaniards were coming up the slope in pursuit of them, turned their backs and retired from mountain to mountain. the spaniards did not follow them because the land was rough, and besides, a mist arose which was so thick that they could not see one another, and yet withal, on the slope of a hill, they killed many of the enemy. at this juncture, a thousand indians in a squadron commanded by quizquiz arrived in aid of the indians who, seeing the christians on horseback and so warlike, judged it time to withdraw to the mountain.[57] at the same time, the christians assembled in their [the indians'] fort, whence the captain had sent this messenger to the governor to tell him that he would await him there until he should arrive. when this news was heard by the governor, he rejoiced greatly over the victory which god our lord had given him when he least expected it, and without delaying an instant he ordered that all should go forward with the dunnage and the remaining indians, because, jointly with this news, he had received warning that in the retreat of this hostile force of soldiers, four thousand men had split off from the rest, and that therefore he should proceed cautiously, and should also be very sure that chilichuchima was arranging and commanding all this and was giving advice to the enemy as to what they were to do, and that, on this account, he should bear himself with caution. when the governor had finished his day's march, he had chains put upon chilichuchima and said to him: "well you know how i have always borne myself toward you and how i have always tried [to be generous with you], making you the captain who should rule all this land until the son of atabalipa should come from quito in order to be made lord [of it], and although i have had many causes for putting you to death, i have not wished to do so, believing always that you would mend your ways. likewise, i have asked you many times to urge these hostile indians, with whom you have influence and friendliness, to calm themselves and lay down their arms, since, although they had done much harm and had killed guaritico[58] who came from xauxa at my command, i would pardon them all. but in spite of all these admonitions of mine you have wished to persist in your evil attitude and intentions, thinking that the advice which you gave to the hostile captains was powerful enough to make your wicked design succeed. but now you can see how, with the aid of our god, we have always routed them, and that it will always be so in the future, and you may be very sure that they will not be able to escape nor to return to quito whence they came, nor will you ever again see cuzco[59] because as soon as i have arrived at the place where this captain is with my soldiers, i shall cause you to be burned alive because you have known how to keep so ill the friendship which, in the name of caesar,[60] my lord, i have agreed upon with you. have no doubt that this will be done unless you urge these indian friends of yours to lay down their arms and come in peace, as i have asked you to do many times before." to all these reasonings chilichuchima listened attentively without returning a word. but always firm in his obstinacy, he [at length] replied: "that those captains had not done as he had ordered them to do because they did not wish to obey him, and, for that reason he had not remained to make them understand that they must come in peace," and with such words he excused himself from what was attributed to him. but the governor, who already knew of certain of his dealings, left him with his evil thoughts and did not return to speak to him upon the matter. then, having crossed the river in the afternoon, the governor went forward with those soldiers and arrived by night in a village called rimac[61] a league from that river. and there the marshal arrived, with four horsemen, to wait for him, and after they had talked together, they set out the next day for the camp of the spaniards where they arrived in the afternoon, the captain and many others having come out to meet them, and all rejoiced greatly at seeing themselves all together again. the governor gave each one thanks, according to his merits, for the valour they had shown, and all set out together in the evening and arrived two leagues further on at a village called sachisagagna.[62] the captains informed the governor all that had happened, just as i have related it. when they were all lodged in this village, the captain and the marshal urged the governor to do justice on chilichuchima, because he ought to know that chilichuchima advised the enemy of all that the christians did, and that he it was who had made the indians come out of the mountains of bilcas, exhorting them to come and fight with the christians who were few and who, with their horses, could not climb those mountains save step by step and on foot, and giving them, at the same time, a thousand other counsels as to where they were to wait and what they were to do, like a man who had seen those places and who knew the skill of the christians with whom he had lived so long a time. informed of all these things, the governor gave orders that he was to be burned alive in the middle of the plaza, and so it was done, for his chiefs and most familiar friends were those who were quickest in setting fire to him.[63] the religious[64] tried to persuade him to become a christian, saying to him that those who were baptized and who believed with true faith in our saviour jesus christ went to glory in paradise and that those who did not believe in him went to hell and its tortures. he made him understand this by means of an interpreter. but he [chilichuchima] did not wish to be a christian, saying that he did not know what sort of thing this law was, and he began to invoke paccamaca[65] and captain quizquiz that they might come to his aid. this paccamaca the indians have as their god and they offer him much gold and silver, and it is a well-known thing that the demon is in that idol and speaks with those who come to ask him something.[66] and of this matter i have spoken at length in the relation which was sent to h. m. from caxamalca. in this way this captain paid for the cruelties which he committed in the conquests of atabalipa, and for the evils which he plotted to the hurt of the spaniards and in disservice of h. m. all the people of the country rejoiced infinitely at his death, because he was very much abhorred by all who knew what a cruel man he was.[67] chapter xi a son of the cacique guainacaba[68] visits them; they agree upon friendship with him, and he tells them of the movements of the army of hostile indians with which they have some encounters before entering cuzco, where they establish as lord the son of guainacaba.[69] here the spaniards rested that night, having set good guards, because they were given to understand that quizquiz was close by with all his men. and on the following morning, came to visit the governor a son of guainacaba and a brother of the dead cacique atabalipa,[70] and the greatest and most important lord who was then in that land; and he had ever been a fugitive so that those of quito might not kill him. this man said to the governor that he would aid him to the extent of his power in order to drive from that land all those of quito, who were his enemies and who hated him and did not wish to be the subjects of a foreign people. this man was the man to whom, by law, came all that province and whom all the caciques of it wished for their lord. when he came to see the governor, he came through the mountains, avoiding the roads for fear of those of quito, and the governor received him with great gladness and replied to him: "much does what you say please me, as does also finding you with so good a desire to expel these men of quito, and you must know that i have come from xauxa for no other purpose than to prevent them from doing you harm and free you from slavery to them, and you can believe that i have not come for my own benefit because i was in xauxa, sure of having war with them and i had an excuse for not making this long and difficult journey. but knowing the injuries they were doing to you, i wanted to come to rectify and undo them, as the emperor my lord commanded me to do. and so, you may be sure that i will do in your favor all that seems suitable for me to do. and i will do the same to liberate from this tyranny the people of cuzco." the governor made him all these promises in order to please him so that he might continue to give news of how affairs were going, and that cacique remained marvellously satisfied, as did also those who had come with him. and he [manco] replied: "henceforth i shall give you exact information concerning all that they of quito do in order that they may not inconvenience you." and in this manner he took leave of the governor, saying: "i am going to fish because i know that tomorrow the christians do not eat flesh, and i shall encounter this messenger who tells me that quizquiz is going with his men to burn cuzco and that he is now near at hand, and i have wished to warn you of it in order that you may fix upon a remedy." the governor at once placed all the soldiers upon the alert, and, although it was already noon, when he knew the needs of the situation, he did not wish to delay even to eat, but journeyed with all the spaniards straight toward cuzco, which was four leagues from that place, with the intention of establishing his camp near the city so as to enter it early the next day. and when he had travelled two leagues, he saw rise up in the distance a great smoke, and when he asked some indians the cause of it, they told him that a squadron of the men of quizquiz had come down a mountain and set fire [word missing]. two captains went ahead with some forty horsemen to see if they could catch up with this squadron, which speedily joined with the men of quizquiz and the other captains who were on a slope a league in front of cuzco waiting for the christians in a pass close to the road. seen by the captains and spaniards, they [the indians] could not avoid an encounter with them, although the governor had them made to understand that they [the spaniards] would wait for the rest to join them, which they would have done, were it not for the fact that the indians incited each other with much spirit to encounter them. and before they [the spaniards] could be attacked, they fell upon them on the skirt of a hill, and in a short time they routed them, forcing them to flee to the mountain and killing two hundred of them. another squad of cavalry crossed over another slope of the mountain where were two or three thousand indians who, not having the pluck to wait for them, threw down their lances in order to be able to run the better, and fled headlong. and after those first two squads broke and fled, they [the spaniards] made them flee to the heights; and [at the same time] two spanish light horsemen saw certain indians return down the slope, and they set themselves to skirmish with them. they perceived that they were in great danger, but they were helped, and the horse of one of them was killed, from which the indians derived so much encouragement that they wounded four or five horses and a christian, and they made them retreat as far as the plain. the indians who, until then, had not seen the christians retire, thought that they were doing it in order to attract them to the plain and there attack them as they had done at bilcas, and they said so among themselves and were cautious, not wishing to go down and follow them. by this time the governor had arrived with the [rest of] the spaniards and, as it was already late, they set up their camp on a plain, and the indians maintained themselves an arquebuse-shot away on a slope until mid-night, yelling, and the spaniards spent all that night with their horses saddled and bridled. and the next day, at the first ray of dawn, the governor arranged the troops, horse and foot, and he took the road to cuzco, with good understanding and caution, believing that the enemy would come to attack him on the road, but none of them appeared. in this way the governor and his troops entered that great city of cuzco without any other resistance or battle on friday, at the hour of high mass, on the fifteenth day of the month of november of the year of the birth of our saviour and redeemer jesus christ mdxxxiii. the governor caused all the christians to lodge in the dwellings around the plaza of the city, and he ordered that all should come forth with their horses to the plaza and sleep in their tents, until it could be seen whether the enemy were coming to attack them. this order was continued and observed for a month. on another day, the governor created as lord that son of guainacaba, for he was young, prudent and alive and the most important of all those who were there at that time, and was the one to whom that lordship came by law. and he did it so soon in order that the lords and caciques should not go away to their own lands which were divers provinces, and some very far away, and so that the natives should not join those of quito, but should have a separate lord of their own whom they might reverence and obey and not organize themselves into bands. so he commanded all the caciques to obey him [manco] as their lord and to do all that he should order them to do.[71] chapter xii the new cacique[72] goes with an army to drive quizquiz from the state of quito. he has some encounters with the indians, and, because of the roughness of the roads, they return, and they later go thither again with a company of spaniards, and before they set out, the cacique pays his obedience to the emperor. as soon as this was done, he [the governor] gave orders to the new cacique to assemble many warriors in order to go and vanquish quizquiz and drive from the land those of quito, and he [the governor] said to the inca that it was not regular that, when he was lord, another should remain in his land against his will, and [the governor] said many other words to him upon this subject in the presence of all in order that they might see the favor which he did him [manco] and the fondness which he showed him, and this not for the sake of advantages that might result from it, but for his own [manco's] sake.[73] the cacique had great pleasure in receiving this order, and in the space of four days he assembled more than five thousand indians, all in readiness with their arms, and the governor sent with them a captain of his own and fifty cavalrymen; he himself remained guarding the city with the rest of the troops. when ten days had gone by, the captain returned and related to the governor what had happened, saying that at nightfall he had arrived with his troops at the camp of quizquiz five leagues from there, because he had gone by a roundabout road through which the cacique guided him.[74] but, before arriving at enemy's camp, he encountered two hundred indians posted in a hollow, and because the land was rough he was not able to take their fort away from them and to overpower them so that they could not give notice of his coming, which they did do. but, although this company [of indians] was in a strong place, it was not so bold as to wait for his attack and it withdrew to the other side of a bridge to cross which was impossible [for the spaniards] because, from a mountain which dominated it, to which the indians had retired, they hurled so many stones that no one was permitted to cross, and, because the land was the roughest and most inaccessible that had been seen, they [the spaniards] turned back. [the captain] said that two hundred indians had been killed, and that the cacique was much pleased at what [the captain] had done, and, on their return to the city had guided them through another and shorter road on which, in many places, the captain found great quantities of stones piled up for defense against the christians, and he found, among other passes, one so bad and difficult that he, with all his troops, suffered great trials and could not follow it further. at that place it became apparent that the cacique had true, and not feigned, friendship for the governor and christians, for he led them out of that road from which not one spaniard could have escaped [alone]. [the captain] said that after he left the city, he did not go over as much as a cross-bow shot of flat land, and that all the country was mountainous, stony and very difficult to traverse and [he added] that if it had not been for the fact that it was the first time that the cacique was travelling with him and might impute it to fear, he would have turned back. the governor would have liked him to follow the enemy until he drove them from the place where they were, but when he heard the nature of the place, he remained content with what had been done. the cacique said that he had sent his soldiers after the enemy, and that he thought they would do them some damage; and accordingly within four days news came that they had killed a thousand indians. the governor once more charged the cacique to cause more warriors to be assembled, and he himself wished to send with them some of his cavalry in order that they might not desist until they had driven the enemy from the land. when he returned from [the first] trip, the cacique went to fast in a house which was on a mountain, a dwelling which his father had built in another day; there he stayed three days, after which he came to the plaza where the men of that land gave him obedience according to their usage, recognizing him as their lord and offering him the white plume, just as they had to the cacique atabalipa in caxamalcha. when this was done, he caused all the caciques and lords who were there to assemble, and, having spoken to them concerning the harm that the men of quito were doing in his land and about the good that would result to all if a stop were put to it, he commanded them to call and prepare warriors who should go against those of quito and drive them from the place in which they had posted themselves. this the captains did at once, and they so managed to raise troops that, in the period of eight days, ten thousand warriors were in that city, all, picked men, and the governor caused to be prepared fifty light horsemen with a captain in order that they might set out on the last day of the feast of the nativity. the governor, before that journey was made, wishing to re-affirm peace and friendship with that cacique and his people, when mass had been said on christmas day by the religious,[75] went out to the plaza with many of the soldiers of his company, and into the presence of the cacique and of the lords of the land and of the warriors who were seated along with his spaniards, the cacique on a stool and his men on the ground around him. the governor made them an address, as he was wont to do on such occasions, and by me, his secretary and the scrivener of the army, was read the demand and requirement which h. m. had sent, and its contents were declared to them by an interpreter; all understood it and replied [in a friendly manner]. it was required of them that they should be and should call themselves vassals of h. m., and the governor received [their obedience] with the same ceremony as was used the other time, namely, of twice raising the royal standard, and in testimony [of the friendship] the governor embraced them to the sound of trumpets, observing other solemnities which i do not write in order to avoid prolixity. this done, the cacique stood up and, in a vase of gold, gave drink to the governor and the spaniards with his own hands, and then all went off to eat, it being already evening. chapter xiii they suspect that the cacique wishes to rebel. it turns out to be unfounded. many spaniards go with him and twenty thousand indians against quizquiz, and of what happens to them they give news in a letter to the governor. and when the spanish captain with the indians and the cacique were about to depart within two days in order to go against the enemy ...[76] the governor was informed by some spaniards, some indian friends and some allied natives of the country that among some of the cacique's chief men, it was being talked of that they should join with the warriors of quito, and they [the informers] accused him of other things. because of this, there arose some suspicion, and, in order to make sure as to whether the friendship of the cacique for the christians who loved him so was faithful and true, wishing to know truth of the matter, [the governor] caused the cacique and some of his chief men to be called, on the next day, to his room. and he told them what was being said about them; after investigation had been made and torture had been given to some indians, it came out that the cacique and the chiefs were without any blame, and it was certified that, neither by word nor deed, had they done anything to the hurt of the spaniards, but that two chiefs had said that because their ancestors had never been subject to anyone neither they nor the cacique ought to submit themselves [to the spaniards]. but notwithstanding this, by what was known then and afterwards, it was believed that the indians always loved the spaniards and that their friendship with them was not feigned.[77] the troops did not set out on their journey because the rigor of winter [was at its height] and it rained a great deal every day, so it was determined to allow the height of the rainy season go by, principally because of the fact that many bridges had been ill-treated and broken, to mend which was essential. when the season in which the rains ceased arrived, the governor had the fifty cavalrymen, the cacique the men he had and make ready. all of these, with the captain whom he gave them, put themselves on the march for xauxa by way of the city of bilcas,[78] where, it was understood, the enemy were because the roads were cut up by the many winter rains and the rivers were swollen; although there was no bridge over many of them, the spaniards crossed on their horses with great trouble, and one of them was drowned. arrived by [long] marches at the river which is four leagues from bilcas, it was learned that the enemy had gone on to xauxa. and the river being swollen and furious, and the bridge burned, it was necessary for them to stop and build it anew, for, without it, it would have been impossible to cross the river, either in those boats which are called _balsas_ or by swimming or in any other way. twenty days the camp was here in order to mend the bridge, for the officers [maestros] had much to do, because the water was high and kept breaking down the osier ropes which were put in place. and if the cacique had not had so great a number of men to build the bridge and to cross over by it and pull over the ropes of osiers, it would not have been possible to build it. but having twenty-four thousand warriors, and by crossing [the stream] again and again to attempt [to set in place the ropes] making use of cords and _balsas_, at last they succeeded in placing the osier ropes and when they had been passed across [the river], the bridge was built in a very short space of time. [it was] so good and well built that another like it is not to be found in that land, for it is three hundred and seventy-odd feet long, and broad enough to allow two horses to cross at once without any risk. then, having crossed that bridge and having arrived at bilcas, the spaniards found quarters in the city, from which they sent to the governor a report on how affairs were progressing. here the camp stopped for some days, resting, in order that they might have news of the place in which the enemy were, of which they learned no more than that they had set out for xauxa, and that they were thinking of attacking the spaniards who had remained there as garrison. when he learned this, the captain at once set out with the spaniards to aid [the garrison], taking with him a brother of the cacique and four thousand warriors. the cacique returned to cuzco, and the captain sent the governor a letter which his lieutenant wrote from xauxa in great haste, and which was of the following tenor: "when your excellency drove the enemy from cuzco, they rallied and came to xauxa, and before they arrived, it was learned by our men that they were coming in great force, because, from all the places of the region, they were drawing as many men as they could, as much for warriors as to carry the supplies and baggage; when this was learned by the treasurer alfonso [in xauxa], he sent four light horsemen to a bridge which is twelve leagues from the city of xauxa where the enemy were on the other side, in a very important province. when they had returned, the treasurer used his best efforts, as much in guarding the city and in treating well the caciques who were there with him as in informing himself stealthily of all the doings of the enemy. and the greatest suspicions which he had were of the indians who were in the town and in the region and who were very numerous, because almost all were in agreement with the enemy to come and attack the spaniards on four sides. with this agreement, the indians of quito crossed [the bridge before mentioned] with the intention that a captain with five hundred of their men should come from the direction of a [certain] mountain and cross a river which is a quarter of a league from the city and place himself on the highest part of the mountain [near xauxa] in order to assault the city on the day agreed upon between them. the captain quizquiz and incurabaliba,[79] who were their chief leaders, were to come by the plains with a greater force of warriors. this was speedily learned from an indian to whom torture was given. the captain who was to cross the river and attack the city from the mountain travelled rapidly and arrived a day before the rest of the warriors. and one morning at dawn news came to the city of how many enemies had crossed the bridge, from which was born a great disaffection among the natives of xauxa who [formerly] served the christians loyally, from which it was supposed that the whole land had risen in arms, as has been said. first of all, the treasurer arranged that all the gold of h. m. and of the men which was in the city should be placed in a large house, and he set a guard of the feeblest and sickest spaniards, ordering that the rest should be prepared to fight; and he ordered ten light horsemen to go out to see how large a number of the enemy had crossed the river in order to take the mountain, and he himself, with the rest of the soldiers, waited on the plaza in case the greater number of the enemy should come by way of the plain. the spanish scouts attacked the indians who had crossed the bridge; they retired, and the spaniards had to cross the bridge after them some peon cross-bowmen whom the treasurer had sent them, so that the indians turned and fled with great loss. the great blow of the others, who came by the plain, did not take place at the time agreed upon with the others for assaulting the city, and in waiting for it, they lost time. that night and the [following] day the city was vigilant, and the soldiers were always armed and their horses saddled, all being together in the plaza, thinking that on the following night the indians would come to attack the city and burn it, as it was said that they intended to do. when [the first] two quarters of the night were passed, seeing that the enemy did not appear, the treasurer took with him a light-armed horseman and went to see in what place the enemy had camped and how many of them had approached the city, [for the indians who gave news of all this did not know where they were, and likewise because the enemy took roads of which no one could give information], with the result that at daybreak the treasurer found himself four leagues from the city, and, having seen the place where the indians were and the nature of the site, he returned to the city at which he arrived a little after noon. when it was seen by the hostile indians that the spaniards had discovered them, they were in great fear, and got up from that site and went towards the city, and in the night they came and took up a position a quarter of a league from the city beside a small river which entered the large one. when this was known by the spaniards, they spent that night with the greatest caution, and on the following day, after hearing mass, the treasurer took twenty light horse and twenty peons with two thousand friendly indians, leaving as many more spanish cavalry and some foot soldiers in the city with the understanding that they were to give a signal whenever the enemy should attack them so that the other [spaniards] might come to aid them. having gone out from the city with the lieutenant, the spaniards saw that the indians of quito had crossed the little river with their squadrons in which there might be some six thousand of them, and, seeing the spaniards, they turned and crossed to the other bank. then, the treasurer and the spaniards perceiving that if they did not attack the indians that day, the following night the latter would come to sack and set fire to the city, so that there would be greater trouble if night was awaited, he [the treasurer] determined to cross the river and fight with the enemy. a sharp skirmish was held [on the other side], as much with cross-bows and arrows as with stones, and the treasurer, who was going in advance of the rest down the stream, received a stone on the crown of his head which threw him from his horse into the midst of the river, and, stunned, he was borne along quite a distance, so that he would have been drowned had not some spanish cross-bowmen who were there helped him and pulled him from the water with much trouble. [the indians] also gave his horse [a blow] in the leg which broke it, and he died soon. from this the spaniards drew great animosity, and they hastened to cross the river. seeing their determination the indians withdrew, fleeing to a mountain where some hundred of them died. the horsemen followed them through the mountains more than a league and a half, and [finally], because they withdrew to the strongest position of the mountain, where the horses could not go up, [the spaniards] went back to the city. and, soon perceiving that the indians did not venture forth from that fortress [the spaniards] determined to return once more against them, and twenty spaniards with more than three thousand indian friends attacked them on that mountain where they were fortified and killed many, driving them from that fortress and pursuing them more than three leagues, killing many neighboring caciques who were in their favor. with this victory the indian friends were as much pleased as if they alone had won it. the indians of quito re-assembled once more in a place called tarma five leagues from xauxa, whence, likewise, they were driven because they did much harm in the neighboring lands." chapter xiv of the great quantity of gold and silver which they caused to be smelted from the figures of gold which the indians adored. of the foundation of the city of cuzco where a settlement of spaniards was established, and of the order which was set up there. when this good news was learned by the governor, he had it published at once, and because of it the spaniards were filled with content and gave infinite thanks to god for having shown himself favorable in everything to this enterprise. then the governor wrote and sent couriers to the city of xauxa, giving to all his congratulations and thanking them for the valor they had shown, and especially his lieutenant, asking him to give him information of all that took place in the future. and in the meanwhile, the governor hastened matters for setting out thence, leaving affairs provided for in the city, founding a colony, and peopling plentifully the said city. he caused all the gold which had been collected to be melted, which was in small pieces, an operation quickly performed by indians skilled in the process. and when the sum total was weighed, it was found to contain five hundred and eighty thousand, two hundred-odd pesos of good gold. the fifth for h. m. was taken out, and it was one hundred and sixteen thousand, and seventy-odd pesos of good gold. and the same smelting was performed for the silver, which was found to contain two hundred and fifteen thousand marks, a little more or less, and of them one hundred and seventy thousand or so were fine silver in vessels and plates, pure and good, and the rest was not so because it was in plates and pieces mixed with other metals from which, according, the silver was extracted. and from all this, likewise, was taken the fifth of h. m. truly it was a thing worthy to be seen, this house where the melting took place, all full of so much gold in plates of eight and ten pounds each, and in vessels, and vases and pieces of various forms with which the lords of that land were served, and among other very sightly things were four sheep[80] in fine gold and very large, and ten or twelve figures of women of the size of the women of that land, all of fine gold and as beautiful and well-made as if they were alive. these they held in as much veneration as if they had been the rulers of all the world, and alive [as well], and they dressed them in beautiful and very fine clothing, and they adored them as goddesses, and gave them food and talked with them as if they were women of flesh.[81] these went to form a part of the fifth of h. m. there were, besides, other odd silver objects of like form. the seeing of great vases and pieces of burnished silver was certainly a matter for great satisfaction. the governor divided and distributed all this treasure among all the spaniards who were at cuzco and those who remained in the city of xauxa, giving to each one as much good silver, and as much impure, together with as much gold [as he deserved], and to each man who had a horse he gave according to the man's merit and that of the horse and in accordance with the services he had done; and to the peons he did the same according to what was posted up to his credit in the book of distributions, which was kept [for this purpose]. all this was completed within eight days, and at the end of as many more, the governor set out from here, leaving the city settled in the manner which has been told. in the month of march, 1534, the governor ordered that the greater part of the spaniards he had with him should be assembled in this city, and he made an act of foundation and settlement of the town, saying that he placed it and founded it in his own authority[82] and he took possession of it in the middle of the plaza. and as a sign of the foundation and of the commencement of building and founding the colony, he held certain ceremonies in accordance with the act which was drawn up, which i, the scrivener, read in a loud voice in the presence of all. and the name of the city was agreed upon, "the very noble and great city of cuzco." and, continuing the settlement, he appointed the site[83] for the church which was to be built, its boundaries, limits, and jurisdiction, and immediately afterward he proclaimed that all who might come to settle here would be received as citizens, and many came in the next three years.[84] from among them all they chose the persons most fitted for undertaking the charge of governing public affairs, and he [the governor] appointed his lieutenant, alcaldes and ordinary regidores and other public officials, all of whom he chose in the name of h. m. and he gave them the powers to exercise their offices. this done, the governor, with the consent and advice of the religious whom he had with him and of h. m.'s paymaster who was then with him, with whose assistance he looked over and considered the circumstances of the citizens until as many [had been chosen] as h. m. had arranged should take part in the _repartimiento_ of the natives; in the meanwhile a certain number of them [indians] was assigned to all the spaniards who were to remain, in order that they might instruct them in the things of our holy catholic faith. and there set aside and given to the service of h. m. twelve thousand-odd married indians in the province of the collao in the middle thereof, near the mines, in order that they might take out gold for h. m. from which, it is understood, there will be great profits, considering the great wealth of the mines which are there, of which matters lengthy mention is made in the book of the foundation of this colony and in the register of the deposit which was made by the neighbouring indians. and the approving, confirming or amending of these arrangements was left to the will of h. m. according as should seem best to suit his royal service. chapter xv the governor sets out with the cacique for xauxa, and they receive news of the army of quito, and of certain ships which some spaniards who went to the city of san miguel saw on those coasts. when these things were done, the governor set out for xauxa, taking the cacique with him, and the citizens remained guarding the city [according] to orders which the governor left them so that they might govern themselves until he should command something else. journeying by forced marches, on the day of easter, he found himself on the bilcas river, where he learned from letters and notices from xauxa, that the warriors of quito, after they were routed and driven from their last positions by the captain from cuzco, had withdrawn and fortified themselves forty leagues from xauxa on the caxamalcha road in a bad pass in the immediate vicinity of the road, and had built their walls to prevent the [possibility of] the horses [crossing] the pass. [these walls had] some very narrow gates in them, and a street by which to mount a high boulder where the captain and the warriors lived and which had no other entrance than this one by way of this fort that they had built with these very narrow doors; [and the governor learned] that they were planning to await aid here, because it was known that the son of atabalipa was coming with many warriors. this news the governor communicated to the cacique who at once sent off couriers to the city of cuzco in order to cause warriors to come who should not exceed two thousand in number, but who were to be the best there were in all that province, because the governor told him that it would be better were they few and good than if they were many and unserviceable, because the many would destroy the food in the land through which they were to pass without necessity or profit. at the same time the governor wrote to the lieutenant and corregidor of cuzco that he should aid the captains of the cacique and see to it that the warriors came soon. on the second day after easter, the governor set out from this place, and, by forced marches, arrived in xauxa, where he learned the whole of what had passed there in his absence, and especially what those of quito had done, and, in particular, they told him that after the enemy was put to flight from the environs of xauxa, they had retired twenty or thirty leagues from there into the mountains, and that, according to the captain who went out against them with the brother of the cacique and four thousand men, they arrived within sight of them [the indians], and that, after a rest of a few days, they went to attack them and routed them and drove them from that place with much trouble and great danger. when they [the spanish force] had returned to xauxa, the marshal don diego de almagro who, when the captain and spaniards came from cuzco, had come with them by order of the governor to inspect the indians round about in order to see and know the state of things in that city and among its citizens, went out to visit the caciques and lords of the region of chincha[85] and pachacama, and the others who had their lands and lived on the sea-coast. in this state the governor found affairs when arrived at xauxa, and, having rested from the long journey without arranging anything in the first few days, he waited for the indians[86] [for whom he had sent] in order to go and drive the enemy from the fort which they had made and finish with them, when there came to him one of two spanish messengers who had gone to the city of san miguel to see how things were going there, and who spoke to him in this way: "my lord, when i had set out from here by order of the marshal, i set myself to journey with all speed along the plains and the shore of the sea, not without trouble, because many of the caciques who are along that road were in revolt. but some who were friendly provided us with whatever we needed, and they informed us that some ships had been seen along the sea-coast, which i myself saw one day, and, considering that i was sent to the city of san miguel to find out whether the ships of the adelantado alvarado or of other people had arrived, i went [rapidly] along the coast for nine days and nights, sometimes in sight of them, believing that they would take port and that i would thus learn who they were. but even with all this speed and trouble i could not do what i wished, on which account i made up my mind to continue my journey to the city of san miguel, and, having crossed to the other side of the large river, i was informed by the indians of the country that christians were coming along that road, and i, thinking that without doubt it would prove to be the troops of the adelantado alvarado, my companion and i went on our guard in order not to encounter them _impromptu_.[87] and when they arrived at motupe, i learned that they were near that place [where i was], and i waited for the night. at dawn i sent my companion to speak with them, and to see what people they were, and i gave him certain tokens by which he could inform me, and finally, i learned that they were soldiers who were coming to the conquest of these kingdoms. because of this, i went to them and spoke at length, telling them the errand i was on, and they, in return, informed me that they had come to the city of san miguel in certain ships from panama and were two hundred and fifty in number. when they had arrived at san miguel, the captain who was in that city with two hundred men, seventy of them cavalry, had gone away to the provinces of quito in order to conquer them, and they, some thirty persons with their horses, knowing the conquests which were being made in cuzco, and the lack of men there was there, did not wish to go with the captain to those provinces of quito and so were coming to xauxa. and we gave them news of all that had happened here and of the war which we had had with the indians of quito. and in order to bring more quickly the news of what had happened there i returned from that place without going to the city of san miguel, knowing for certain that the captain would have departed with his men and would already be near cossibamba.[88] turning back on my road, i met, on easter, the marshal d. diego de almagro near cena[89] which is where the road to caxamalca branches off, and to him i related how things were going and how some suspected that the captain who was going to quito was not going with good intentions. as soon as the marshal heard this, he set off in order to catch up with the captain who was taking these soldiers on the march to quito, in order to detain him until together they could arrange the necessary provisions for this war. this, then, sir, is what has happened to me on this journey, during which i tried to get information about those ships, but could not learn anything else about them. of alvarado nothing more is known than that he has already embarked on these shores or has passed further on, as letters inform me." chapter xvi they build a church in the city of xauxa, and send some three thousand indians with some spaniards against the hostile indians. they have news of the arrival of many spaniards and horses, on which account they send soldiers to the province of quito. a relation of the quality and people of the land from tumbez to chincha, and of the province of collao and condisuyo.[90] the governor received this messenger, read the letters which he brought, and asked him many other things, and, in order to arrange all that seemed suitable in this business, he called all the officials of h. m. after they had discussed the journey of that captain to quito and how the marshal would already have reasoned with him, according to the report brought by that messenger, permission was given [to the governor] that he should send one of his lieutenants with sufficient powers for the task in hand. and when his letters to the city of san miguel and to the marshal, in which he told them what was to be done, were written, he sent off with them three christians, in order that the letters might go more quickly and safely, ordering the men to hasten with all speed upon the road and keep advising him of what they learned. after this had been arranged, he [pizarro] chose the place in which the church was to be erected in that city of xauxa. this task he commanded to be done by the caciques of the district, and it was built with its great doors of stone.[91] in the meanwhile, there arrived the four thousand indian warriors whom the cacique had called from cuzco, and the governor caused to be made ready fifty spanish cavalrymen and thirty peons to go [with the indians] in order to drive the enemy from the pass where they were, and they set out with the cacique and his soldiers, who loved the spaniards better every day.[92] the governor ordered the captain of these spaniards to pursue the enemy as far as guanaco[93] and as far beyond as he believed necessary, and that he should keep him informed continually, by letters and messengers of what went on. after this, the governor received news of the ships on the feast of the holy ghost, and at the same time, he received a letter from san miguel which two spaniards brought him, and he learned how the ships, because of bad weather, had remained seventy leagues from paccacama[94] without being able to go further, and how the adelantado de alvarado had gone up to puerto viejo three months before with four hundred men [on foot] and one hundred and fifty cavalry[95] and with them he entered the interior in the direction of quito, believing that he would arrive there at the same time that the marshal don diego de almagro would enter those provinces from the other side. as a result of all this information concerning the justice and government of the city of s. miguel and of other places, the governor entered upon the control of it [himself]. and, in order to mend matters, with the consent of the officials, he sent his messengers in a brigantine by sea, and with them he sent orders to the marshal that, in the name of h. m., he should lend him [pizarro] aid, and should conquer, pacify and settle those provinces of quito with the troops he had with him and with those who were in readiness in the city of san miguel. at the same time, he arranged other matters in this connection, so that alvarado should do no harm in the land, and because h. m. so desired that it should be, and likewise he determined that, on the arrival of the ships, he would send a report to h. m. of all that had taken place on that venture up to that very hour, so that he [h. m.] might be informed of all and might provide in every instance what he held to be the best for his royal service. this is the state of the affairs of war and of other matters in this land: and of the quality of it i shall speak briefly because a relation of it was sent from caxamalca. this land, from tumbez to chincha has [a width of some] ten leagues, in some places more, in others less; it is a broad, flat, sandy land in which no grass or herbs grow and where it rains but little; it is [in places] fertile in maize and fruits because the people sow and irrigate their farms with water from the rivers that come down from the mountains. the houses which the laborers use are made of rushes and branches, because, when it does not rain, it is very hot, and few of the houses have roofs.[96] they are a wretched folk, and many of them are blind on account of the great amount of sand that there is. they are poor in gold and silver, and what they have is because those who live in the sierra exchange it for goods. all the land beside the sea is of this description as far as chincha, and even fifty leagues beyond there. they dress in cotton [bambaso] and eat maize both cooked and raw, and half-raw meat. at the end of the plains which are called ingres are some very high mountains which extend from the city of san miguel as far as xauxa, and which may well be one hundred and fifty leagues long, but have little breadth. it is a very high and rugged land of mountains and many rivers; there are no forests save some trees in places where there is always a thick mist. it is very cold because there is a snow-capped mountain range which extends from caxamalca to xauxa and on which there is snow all the year through. the people who live there are much more advanced than the others, because they are very polished and warlike and of good dispositions. they are very rich in gold and silver because they get it from many places in the mountains. none of the lords who have governed these provinces have ever been able to make any use of these coast-people, as they are such a wretched and poor folk, as i have said, that they are fit to be used for nothing else than to carry fish and fruits [up into the highlands], for as soon as they come into the mountainous regions, their own land being very hot, they sicken for the most part; and the same thing happens to those who inhabit the mountains if they go down into the hot country. those who dwell on the other side of the land, beyond the summits of the mountains, are like savages who have no houses nor any maize save a little; they have very great forests and maintain themselves almost entirely on the fruit of the trees; they have no domicile, nor fixed settlements that are known; there are very great rivers, and the land is so useless that it paid all its tribute to the lords in parrot feathers.[97] the mountainous region being the chief part of the country, and being so narrow, as well as being torn by the wars that have been there, settlements of christians cannot be made there, for it is a very remote region. from the city of xauxa along the cuzco road, the country keeps getting more shut in by mountains and the distance from the sea is greater. and those who have been lords of cuzco, their own dwelling being in cuzco, called the rest of the land, in the direction of quito, cancasuetio, and the land beyond [cuzco], called callao, collasuyo, and, in the direction of the sea, condisuyo, and the interior candasuyo;[98] and in this way they gave names to these four provinces, disposed like a cross, which contained their empire. in the collao they know not of the sea, and it is a flat land to judge from what has been seen of it, and it is large and cold, and there are in it many rivers from which gold is got. the indians say that in the province is a large lake of fresh water which, in its centre, has two islands.[99] in order to learn the state of this land and its government, the governor sent two christians to bring him a long report of it; they set out in the beginning of december. the region of condisuyo, toward the sea from cuzco is a small and delectable land, although it is all of forests and stones, and the inland region is so likewise. through it [the antisuyu] run all the rivers which do not flow into the western sea. it is a land of many trees and mountains and is very thinly populated. this sierra runs from tumbes as far as xauxa, and from xauxa as far as the city of cuzco. it is stony and rough; if there were not roads made by hand it would not be possible to travel on foot, still less on horseback, and for the roads there are many houses full of materials for repairing the pavement, and in this matter the lords had so much firmness that there was nothing to do but keep it in order.[100] all the mountain fields[101] are made in the guise of stairways of stone, and the rest of the road has no great width because of some mountains that hem it in on both sides, and on one side they had made a buttress of stone so that one day it should not slide down [the mountain], and there are, likewise, other places, in which the road has a breadth of four or five human bodies, all made and paved with stone. one of the greatest works the conquerors saw in this land was these roads. all or most of the people on these slopes of the mountains live on high hills and mountains; their houses are of stone and earth; there are many dwellings in each village. along the road each league or two or nearer, are found the dwellings built for the purpose of allowing the lords to rest when they were out visiting and inspecting their land; and every twenty leagues there are important cities, heads of provinces, to which the smaller cities brought their tribute of maize, clothes and other things. all these large cities have storehouses full of the things which are in the land, and, because it is very cold but little maize is harvested except in specially assigned places; but [there is plenty of] all the many vegetables and roots with which the people sustained themselves, and also good grass like that of spain. there are also wild turnips which are bitter. there is a sufficiency of herds of sheep[102] which go about in flocks with their shepherds who keep them away from the sown fields, and they have a certain part of [each] province set apart for them to winter in. the people, as i have said, are very polished and intelligent, and go always clad and shod; they eat maize both cooked and raw, and drink much chicha, which is a beverage made from maize after the fashion of beer. the people are very tractable and very obedient and yet warlike. they have many arms of diverse sorts, as has been told in the relation of the imprisonment of atabalipa which was sent from caxamalca, as was said above.[103] chapter xvii description of the city of cuzco and of its wonderful fortress, and of the customs of its inhabitants. the city of cuzco is the principal one of all those where the lords of this land have their residence; it is so large and so beautiful that it would be worthy of admiration even in spain; and it is full of the palaces of the lords, because no poor people live there, and each lord builds there his house, and all the caciques[104] do likewise, although the latter do not dwell there continuously. the greater part of these houses are of stone, and others have half the façade of stone. there are many houses of adobe, and they are all arranged in very good order. the streets are laid out at right angles; they are very straight, and are paved, and down the middle runs a gutter for water lined with stone. the chief defect which the streets have is that of being narrow, so that only one horse and rider can go on one side of the gutter and another upon the opposite side. this city is located upon the slope of a mountain, and there are many houses upon the slope and others below on the plain. the plaza is rectangular, and the greater part of it is flat and paved with small stones. around the plaza are four houses of noblemen, who are the chief men of the city; [the houses] are of stone, painted and carved, and the best of them is the house of guaynacaba,[105] a former chief, and the door of it is of marble [colored] white and red and of other colors;[106] and there are other very sightly buildings with flat roofs. there are, in the said city, many other buildings and grandeurs. along the two sides [of the city] pass two rivers which rise a league above cuzco, and from there down to the city and for two leagues below it they run over stone flags so that the water may be pure and clear, and so that, though they may rise, they may not overflow. they have bridges for those who enter the city. upon the hill which, toward the city, is rounded and very steep, there is a very beautiful fortress of earth and stone. its large windows which look over the city make it appear still more beautiful.[107] within, there are many dwellings, and a chief tower in the centre, built square, and having four or five terraces one above another. the rooms inside are small and the stones of which it is built are very well worked and so well adjusted to one another that it does not appear that they have any mortar and they are so smooth that they look like polished slabs with the joinings in regular order and alternating with one another after the usage in spain.[108] there are so many rooms and towers that a person could not see them all in one day; and many spaniards who have been in lombardy and in other foreign kingdoms say that they have never seen any other fortress like this one nor a stronger castle. five thousand spaniards might well be within it; nor could it be given a broadside or be mined, because it is on a rocky mountain. on the side toward the city, which is a very steep slope, there is no more than one wall;[109] on the other side, which is less steep, there are three, one above the other. the most beautiful thing which can be seen in the edifices of that land are these walls, because they are of stones so large that anyone who sees them would not say that they had been put in place by human hands, for they are as large as chunks of mountains and huge rocks, and they have a height of thirty palms and a length of as many more, and others have twenty and twenty-five, and others fifteen, but there is none so small that three carts could carry it. these are not smooth stones, but rather well joined and matched one with another. the spaniards who see them say that neither the bridge of segovia nor any other of the edifices which hercules or the romans made is so worthy of being seen as this. the city of tarragona has some works in its walls made in this style, but neither so strong nor of such large stones. these walls twist in such a way that if they are attacked, it is not possible to do so from directly in front, but only obliquely.[110] these walls are of the same stone, and between wall and wall there is enough earth to permit three carts to go along the top at one time. they are made after the fashion of steps, so that one begins where another leaves off. the whole fortress was a deposit of arms, clubs, lances, bows, axes, shields, doublets thickly padded with cotton and other arms of various sorts, and clothes for the soldiers collected here from all parts of the land subject to the lords of cuzco. they had many colors, blue, yellow, brown and many others for painting, much tin and lead with other metals, and much silver and some gold, many mantles and quilted doublets for the warriors. the reason why this fortress contained so much workmanship was that, when this city was founded it was done by a lord _orejon_[111] who came from condisuyo, toward the sea, a great warrior who conquered this land as far as bilcas and who, perceiving that this was the best place to fix his domicile, founded that city with its fortress. and all the other lords who followed after him made some improvements in this fortress so that it was ever augmenting in size. from this fortress are seen around the city many houses a quarter of a league, half a league and a league away, and in the valley, which is surrounded by hills, there are more than five thousand houses, many of them for the pleasure and recreation of former lords and others for the caciques of all the land who dwell continuously in the city. the others are storehouses full of mantles, wool, arms, metals, and clothes and all the things which are grown or made in this land. there are houses where the tribute is kept which the vassals bring to the caciques; and there is a house where are kept more than a hundred dried birds because they make garments of their feathers, which are of many colors, and there are many houses for this [work]. there are bucklers, oval shields made of leather, beams for roofing the houses, knives and other tools, sandals and breast-plates for the warriors in such great quantity that the mind does not cease to wonder how so great a tribute of so many kinds of things can have been given. each dead lord has here his house and all that was paid to him as tribute during his life, for no lord who succeeds another [and this is the law among them] can, after the death of the last one, take possession of his inheritance. each one has his service of gold and of silver, and his things and clothes for himself, and he who follows takes nothing from him. the caciques and lords maintain their houses of recreation with the corresponding staff of servants and women who sow their fields with maize and place a little of it in their sepulchres. they adore the sun and have built many temples to him, and of all the things which they have, as much of clothes as of maize and other things, they offer some to the sun, of which the warriors later avail themselves. chapter xviii of the province of the collao and of the qualities and customs of its people, and of the rich gold mines that are found there. the two christians who were sent to see the province of the collao were forty days upon their journey, and, as soon as they had returned to cuzco where the governor was, they gave him news and a report of all that they had seen and learned, which is set forth below. the land of the collao is far off and a long way from the sea, so much so that the natives who inhabit it, have no knowledge of it. the sierra is very high and rather broad, and with all this, it is excessively cold. there are in the region no groves or woods, nor is there any wood for burning, and what little there is in use there comes from trade, in exchange for merchandise, with those who live near the sea and are called ingres, and also with those who live below near the rivers, for these people have fire-wood and they exchange it for sheep[112] and other animals and vegetables, since, for the most part, the land is sterile, and all the people live on roots, herbs, maize and sometimes flesh, not because there is not, in that province of the collao, a good quantity of sheep, but because the people are so much the subjects of the lord to whom they are bound to give obedience that, without his licence or that of the chief or governor who, by his command, is in the country, they do not kill one [llama], nor do even the lords and caciques dare to kill any without such permission. the land is well populated because wars have not destroyed it as they have other provinces. the villages are of ordinary size and their houses are small, with walls of stone and adobe mixed and covered with roofs of straw. the grass which grows in this land is short and sparse. there are some rivers, although of small volume. in the middle of the province there is a great lake, in length almost one hundred leagues, and the most thickly peopled land is around its shore; in the middle of the lake there are two islets, and on one of them is a mosque and house of the sun which is held in great veneration, and to it they come to make their offerings and sacrifices on a great stone on the island which they call tichicasa[113] which either because the devil hides himself there and speaks to them or because of an ancient custom, or on account of some other cause that has never been made clear, all the people of that province hold in great esteem, and they offer there gold, silver and other things. there are more than six hundred indians serving in this place, and more than a thousand women who make chicha in order to throw it upon that stone tichicasa.[114] the rich mines of that province of the collao are beyond this lake [in a region] called chuchiabo.[115] the mines are in the gorge [caja-chiusa] of a river, about half-way up the sides. they are made like caves, by whose mouths they enter to scrape the earth, and they scrape it with the horns of deer and they carry it outside in certain hides sewn into the form of sacks or of wine-skins of sheep-hide. the manner in which they wash it is that they take from the river a [jet?][116] of water, and on the bank they set up certain very smooth flag-stones on which they throw the water, after which they draw off by a duct the water of the [jet?] which has just fallen down [upon the gold-earth?], and the water carries off the earth little by little so that the gold is left upon the flag-stones themselves, and in this manner they collect it. the mines go far into the earth, one ten brazas, another twenty, and the greatest mine, which is called guarnacabo[117] goes into the earth some forty brazas.[118] they have no light, nor are they broader than is necessary for one person to enter crouching down, and until the man who is in the mine comes out, no other can go in. the people who get out the gold here are as many as fifty,[119] counting men and women, and these are all of this land, and from one cacique come twenty, from another fifty, from another thirty, and from others more or less according to the number that they have, and they take out gold for the chief lord, and they have taken such precautions in the matter that in nowise can any of what is taken out be stolen, because they have placed guards around the mines so that none of those who take out the gold can get away without being seen. at night, when they return to their houses in the village, they enter by a gate where the overseers are who have the gold in their charge, and from each person they receive the gold that he has got. there are other mines beyond these, and there are still others scattered about through the land which are like wells a man's height in depth, so that the worker can just throw the earth from below on top of the ground. and when they dig them so deep that they cannot throw the earth out on top, they leave them and make new wells.[120] but the richest mines, and the ones from which the most gold is got, are the first, which do not have the inconvenience of washing the earth, and, because of the cold, they do not work those mines more than four months of the year, [and then only] from the hour of noon to nearly sunset.[121] the people are very mild, and so accustomed to serve, that all that has to be done in the land they do themselves, and so it is, in the roads and in the houses which the chief lord commands them to build, and they continually offer themselves for work and for carrying the burdens of the warriors when the lord goes to some place [in the region]. the spaniards took from those mines a load of earth and carried it to cuzco without doing anything else. it was washed by the hand of the governor after the spaniards had sworn that they had not placed the gold in it or done anything to it save take it from the mine as the indians did who washed it, and from it three pesos of gold was got. all those who understand mines and the getting of gold, being informed of the manner in which it is got in this land, say that all the [country is full of mines], and that if the spaniards gave implements and skill [in using them] to the indians so that it might be got out, much gold would be taken from the earth, and it is believed that when this time has arrived, a year will not go by in which a million of gold is not got. the people of this province, as well men as women, are very filthy, and they have large hands, and the province is very large. chapter xix of the great veneration in which the indians held guarnacaba[122] when he lived[123] and of that in which they hold him now, after death. and how, through the disunion of the indians, the spaniards entered cuzco, and of the fidelity of the new cacique guarnacaba[124] to the christians. the city of cuzco is the head and principal province of all the others, and from here to the beach of san mateo and, in the other direction, to beyond the province of collao, which is entirely a land of arrow-using savages, all is subject to one single lord who was atabalipa, and, before him, to the other by-gone lords, and at present the lord of all is this son of guarnacaba. this guarnacaba, who was so renowned and feared, and is so even to this day, although he is dead, was very much beloved by his vassals, and subjected great provinces, and made them his tributaries. he was well obeyed and almost worshipped, and his body is in the city of cuzco, quite whole, enveloped in rich cloths and lacking only the tip of the nose. there are other images of plaster of clay which have only the hair and nails which were cut off in life and the clothes that were worn, and these images are as much venerated by those people as if they were their gods. frequently they take the [body] out into the plaza with music and dancing, and they always stay close to it, day and night, driving away the flies. when some important lords come to see the cacique, they go first to salute these figures, and they then go to the cacique and hold, with him, so many ceremonies that it would be a great prolixity to describe them. so many people assemble at these feasts, which are held in that plaza, that their number exceeds one hundred thousand souls. it turned out to be fortunate that they [the spaniards] had made that son of guarnacaba lord, because all the caciques and lords of the land and of remote provinces came to serve him and, out of respect for him, to yield obedience to the emperor. the conquerors passed through great trials, because all the land is the most mountainous and roughest that can be traversed on horseback, and it may be believed that, had it not been for the discord which existed between the people of quito and those of cuzco and its neighbourhood, the spaniards would never have entered cuzco, nor would there have been enough of them to get beyond xauxa, and in order to enter they would have had to go in a force of five hundred, and, to maintain themselves, they would have needed many more, because the land is so large and so rough that there are mountains and passes that ten men could defend against ten thousand. and the governor never thought of being able to go with less than five hundred christians to conquer, pacify, and make a tributary of it. but as he learned of the great disunion that existed between the people of that land [cuzco] and those of quito, it was proposed that he should go with the few christians that he had to deliver them from subjection and servitude, and to put a stop to the mischief and wrongs that those of quito were doing in that land, and our lord saw fit to favor him [in it]. nor would the governor ever have ventured to make so long and toilsome a journey in this great undertaking had it not been for the great confidence which he had in all the spaniards of his company through having tried them out and having learned that they were dextrous and skilled in so many conquests and accustomed to these lands and to the toils of war. all of this they showed themselves to be in this journey through rains and snows, in swimming across many rivers, in crossing great mountain chains and in sleeping many nights in the open air without water to drink and without anything on which to feed, and always, day and night, having to be armed and on guard, in going, at the end of the war, to reduce many caciques and lands which had rebelled, and in going from xauxa to cuzco, on which journey they suffered, with their governor, so many trials and on which they so often placed their lives in peril in rivers and mountains where many horses were killed by falling headlong. this son of guarnacaba has much friendship and concord with the christians, and for this reason, in order to preserve him in the lordship, the spaniards put themselves to infinite pains and likewise bore themselves in all these undertakings so valorously, and suffered so much, just as other spaniards have been able to do in the service of the emperor, that, as a result, the very spaniards who have found themselves in this undertaking, marvel at what they have done when once more they set themselves to think upon it, and they do not know how they come to be alive as they have been able to suffer so many trials and such prolonged hunger. but they hold that all [their troubles] were put to a good use, and they would again offer themselves, were it necessary, to enter upon the greatest wearinesses for the conversion of those people and the exaltation of our holy catholic faith. of the greatness and situation of the aforesaid land, i omit to speak, and it only remains to give thanks and praises to our lord because, so obviously, he has wished to guide with his hand the affairs of h. m. and of these kingdoms which, by his divine providence, have been illumined and directed upon the true road of salvation. may he bend his infinite goodness so that henceforth the [kingdoms] may go from good to better by the intercession of his blessed mother, the advocate of all our steps who directs them to a good end. this relation was finished in the city of xauxa on the 15th day of the month of july, 1534. and i, pero sancho, scrivener general of these kingdoms of new castile and secretary of the governor francisco pizarro, by his order and that of the officials of h. m. wrote it just as things happened, and when it was finished i read it in the presence of the governor and of the officials of h. m., and, as it was all true, they said governor and officials of h. m. sign it with their hand. francisco pizarro alvaro riquelme. antonio navarro. garcia de salcedo _by order of the governor and officials._ sancho notes notes [1] the modern cajamarca; called by the indians casamarca. [2] properly atahualpa. [3] thus the original. something is lacking to complete the sense.--note by icazbalceta. [4] the _peso_ is about an ounce. [5] jauja. [6] properly challcuchima or calicuchima. this remarkable indian general was a son of epiclachima, younger brother of cacha, last caran scyri of quito. cacha was conquered by huayna capac about 1487, and calicuchima entered the service of atahualpa who was his kinsman through paccha his cousin, huayna capac's wife. (velasco.) [7] something lacking in the text. [8] _caribes_, in spanish, sometimes means the carib people; here, simply savages. [9] in the text of ramusio, _se gli diede una storta col mangano al collo_. [10] this name is, of course, an error. [11] gucunacaba is huayna capac. he left three legitimate sons beside huascar, viz., manco, paullu, and titu atauchi. i do not know which of them was sancho's "atabalipa" number two. see sarmiento, 1907, p. xvii. [12] cuzcos = incas. [13] probably huascar. [14] huamachuco. [15] andamarca. [16] huaylas. [17] cajatambo. [18] icazbalceta suggests that this place is cajamarquilla. i do not agree with this opinion, because cajamarquilla had long been in ruins when the spaniards arrived. (cf. hodge, 1897, pp. 304 ff.) it was probably chacamarca, (see below). [19] san miguel de piura. [20] san miguel was founded first at another site which, on being found to be unhealthy, was deserted; san miguel was soon refounded at piura. (cf. prescott, bk. iii, cap. iii, moses, 1914, vol. i, p. 99.) it is possible that the "captain" mentioned here was no other than sebastian de belalcazar or benalcazar who later conquered quito. (cf. moses, 1914, i, p. 106.) [21] this is obviously a mistake. [22] descriptions of inca bridges will be found at: garcilasso, 1859, i, pp. 253 ff., 260. cieza de leon, 1864, pp. 314-315. joyce, 1912, pp. 142-143. beuchat, 1912, pp. 608, 650. pinkerton, 1808-1814, xiv, p. 530. (picture.) [23] pachacamac has often been described. see especially uhle, 1903; and estete, 1872; and markham, 1912, pp. 232 ff. [24] cajatambo. [25] pambo = pombo = pumpu. [26] it is impossible to tell what the correct names of these personages may have been. [27] pombo = pambo = pumpu. [28] chacamarca. see raimondi's map, 1875. [29] the spanish here is very prolix. i have given an approximate and shorter phraseology. [30] this may be the "tice" mentioned in section ii, under another name. but all sancho's proper names are in great confusion. [31] it is barely possible that "aticoc" may be an attempt at titu atauchi. [32] the candor or barefacedness with which the secretary, sancho, confesses and even applauds the bad faith of pizarro in various places in this narrative, which he wrote by order of pizarro, is worthy of admiration.--note by icazbalceta. [33] the original: _che haurebbe dato rame che i capitani etc., soldati fossero venuti alla pase_. the significance of the word _rame_ is obscure; as at times it means _money_, whence comes the vulgar phrase _questo sa di rame_, in order to indicate that a thing is dear, it appeared to me that i might adopt the interpretation which i give, although i am not satisfied with it.--note by icazbalceta. the present translator has translated the spanish as given by icazbalceta. [34] the original; _veduto_ appears to me an error for _venuto_.--icazbalceta. [35] inca "roads" were designed for foot traffic, and steps were the means used for going up slopes. [36] parcostambo. [37] vilcas. [38] all within the parentheses is a reconstruction of the evident sense rather than a translation. [39] cf. bandelier, 1910, p. 61. [40] _serrata_ means either _espesura_ [thicket] or _angostura_ [cleft]. [41] quizquiz, like chalicuchima, had been a general of atahualpa before the coming of the spaniards. he fought long against the invaders, but at length his unavailing efforts caused him to be murdered by his own followers. see garcilasso, ii, p. 509; sarmiento, 171-173; cieza de leon, chr., pt. ii, pp. 164 and 227; markham, 1912, pp. 247-251. [42] andahuaylas. [43] curamba. [44] andahuaylas. [45] vilcas. [46] curamba is the correct form for airamba (given above). [47] vilcas, sometimes called vilcashuaman, was a part of the territory controlled by the chanca before they were made subjects to cuzco. the conquest of the chanca may have begun in the time of rocca, but it had its culmination in that of viracocha. tupac yupanqui built numerous temples and palaces there, and the region round about vilcas was traversed by important roads or trails. it is a place that is mentioned by nearly all the early writers. cf. garcilasso, i, pp. 324-326, ii, p. 58; cieza de leon, i, 312-315, ii, 150-154; joyce, 1912, p. 107; markham, 1912, p. 178. [48] sancho is vague in his use of the words _caballo_ and _ligero caballo_. the latter means "light horse" or "light-armed cavalry." but he uses the word _caballo_ when he means _caballero_. in the present instance he really means _caballo_. [49] the veracity of this story is certainly open to question. [50] here the text says _caballos_, although it is plain that _caballeros_ is the word intended. [51] see squier, 1877, p. 177; cieza, tr. p. 355; velasco, 1840, p. 22; joyce, 1912, pp. 210-212. [52] this speech can hardly be regarded as verbatim, of course. [53] sancho's imagination was drawn upon throughout this section. [54] limatambo (correctly, rimactampu). [55] xaquixaguana or sacsahuana. [56] the text has: "_y que riendo el gobernador partirse sin aguardar a que pasaran los indios amigos, ..._" [57] _tuvieron tiempo de retraerse al monte_ really means, "they had time to withdraw to the mountain," but the obvious sense is better preserved in the translation i have given. [58] possibly this means huascar, whom atahualpa had caused to be put to death. [59] in spanish they always say "el cuzco." i believe that the reason for this is that "cuzco" comes from a quichua word meaning "navel." if this is so, "el cuzco" has the significance of "the navel" (of the world). in english, of course, we use the word simply as a place-name. [60] the official designation of the emperor was: s. c. c. m., or sagrada cesarea catolica majestad. [61] the modern village of limatambo. when i was there the fine walls so often spoken of were in a bad condition from neglect on the part of the natives. yet, in spite of the refuse piled around them and the throngs of pigs all about, one could see that the masonry was of the finest cyclopean type. cf. squier, 1877, p. 535; markham, 1912, pp. 286 and 319; cieza, tr., p. 320; sarmiento, pp. 119 and 209. garcilasso tells us that it was founded by manco capac and that it was the place where viracocha waited for the chanca. garcilasso, i, p. 80, and ii, p. 52. [62] now called zurite. it was the site of a palace of viracocha, who added it to his realm once more by a victory (won by pachacutec) over the chanca. cf. sarmiento, p. 85; garcilasso, i, p. 53; cieza, chr., p. 128; the "finca de los andenes" is doubtless the site of the palace. [63] the truth of this statement is very questionable. [64] valverde. [65] pachacamac. [66] in the days before the incas the creator-god (under the names of pachacamac, viracocha, irma, etc.) was worshipped without idols. he was conceived as being superior to all other gods and as being invisible. to judge from all accounts, his cult, at this stage, was an advanced type of religion. later, however, the custom of having idols sprang up. as their attributes were the same, there can be but little doubt that pachacamac and viracocha were the same deity. pachacamac's chief shrine was on the coast, at pachacamac. inca pachacutec conquered cuismancu, lord of pachacamac, about 1410, and built a sun temple there. the chief temple to viracocha was at cacha south of cuzco, and it was probably erected by the inca viracocha to celebrate his defeat of the chanca confederacy. both these temples (under inca influence) had idols. cf. blas valera, 1879, pp. 137-140; sarmiento, pp. 28-29; garcilasso, ii, pp. 69, 185-193, 428, 460; cieza, tr., pp. 161-163, 251-254; cobo, 1892, iii, pp. 320-323; uhle, 1903; markham, 1912, pp. 41, 97, 181, 233-234; joyce, 1912, pp. 150-152; beuchat, 1912, pp. 615-616. [67] another obvious fabrication. [68] huayna capac, ruled ca. 1500-1525. [69] this was manco inca, a son of huayna capac by his third wife. manco died in 1544, leaving a grand-daughter, coya beatriz, who married don martin garcia loyola. their daughter, lorenza, became marquesa de oropesa.--note by sir c. r. m. cf. garcilasso, ii, pp. 352 and 526. [70] a half-brother only. [71] the story of manco inca is one of the most pathetic in south american history. although our author describes some of the events in the young inca's life, i will give a brief résumé of it here. manco was "crowned" with the _borla_ or fringe on march 24, 1534, at cuzco. to please him, almagro the elder killed his two brothers (who might have become his rivals) in order to get manco on his side in the quarrel which he had with the pizarros as to which ought to control cuzco. after almagro went to chile, the _villac umu_ (high priest) urged his brother manco to rise in revolt against the spaniards, who were divided among themselves. on april 18, 1536, manco revolted at yucay. he laid siege to cuzco with a very large force and attacked the small spanish garrison mercilessly, setting fire to the roofs of houses by means of arrows tipped with blazing tow and otherwise harassing them. the inca and his forces were, for a time, successful. they captured the great fortress of sacsahuaman, which was, however, retaken by juan pizarro and gonzalo pizarro. disheartened by this, the inca retired to the fortress of ollantaytampu, where he successfully combatted the attempts of hernando pizarro to capture him. later, manco was forced by orgoñez to withdraw to the mountainous region of vilcapampa. the last inca capital was set up at viticos, and there manco held his court for several years. he often raided the spanish travellers between cuzco and lima. his court became a place of refuge for all spaniards who fell out with their fellows. one of these refugees, gomez perez, either killed manco himself in a brawl over a game of quoits or helped to kill him as the result of a plot. the inca, at all events, was murdered by spaniards whom he had befriended. that was in 1544. in 1911 professor hiram bingham visited vitcos the situation of which is clearly shown on the map, dated 1907, that accompanies sir clements markham's translation of sarmiento and ocampo (hakluyt, 2d series, no. xxii, p. 203). professor bingham's description of the site is adequate, and, i think, unique. at about the same time as the siege of cuzco, another inca force, led by titu yupanqui, marched on the newly founded spanish capital (the ciudad de los reyes or lima). it was driven off by the marques francisco pizarro. a brother of manco, paullu, was christened under the name of don cristoval paullu. he lived in the colcampata palace (which had been the great pachacutec's), and the small church of san cristoval was built near at hand for his use. he died about 1550, being survived by sayri tupac, cusi titu yupanqui, and two other children of manco (who all lived on at viticos) and by his own sons carlos and felipe. it was on the occasion of a particular request made by the viceroy, don andres hurtado de mendoza, marqués de cañete, that sayri tupac's aunt, princess beatriz, successfully urged him to come and live in cuzco. sayri tupac died in 1560. cf. cieza, tr., pp. 304-307; garcilasso, ii, pp. 104-105, 526; titu cusi yupanqui, apud cieza's "war of quito," pp. 164-166; montesinos, 1906, i, pp. 88-93; cobo, 1892, iii, pp. 203-210; markham, 1892, pp. 93-96; markham, 1912, pp. 254-259; appleton's cyclopaedia, 1888, iv, pp. 186 and 682; cabildos de lima, i, pp. 1 ff.; bingham, 1912, entire. [72] manco inca. [73] contrast this version with that given by prescott in book iii, chapter 10. it is hardly necessary to say that prescott's is the correct one. [74] here, it is not difficult to read between the lines and see what sort of treatment manco got. [75] vicente de valverde. [76] an involved and unimportant clause here. [77] this is all for the benefit of the emperor, whose policy it was to deal fairly by his new subjects. [78] vilcas. [79] i do not know who is meant by this name. [80] llamas. [81] possibly these figures were the embalmed bodies of the coyacuna or "queens" which, according to garcilasso, were placed in curicancha--the sun temple. [82] _en su mismo ser_. [83] _casa_ really means house. [84] "che vi corcorsero assai in tre anni," says the original, which can only be translated as i have done it above. but when the secretary wrote his relation, no such three years had gone by since the foundation of cuzco, but only four months, so it is necessary to suppose that the italian translator did not understand his original well, _or_ that it is an interpolation made later on.--note by icazbalceta. [85] the civilized inhabitants of the chilca region came originally from the interior, probably from the yauyos region. this event occurred, presumably, somewhere about 800-900 of our era, for, by the time the incas were founding cuzco (ca. 1100), they found themselves strong enough to make raids into the interior. joyce points out that these raids may have occurred even earlier, at a time when the tiahuanacu empire still flourished. at any rate, there was an important contact with the interior cultures at an early date. the chincha also were constantly at war with the chimu, chuquimancu and cuismancu who each ruled large and civilized coast states. the chincha were conquered by the inca either in the reign of pachacutec or in that of tupac yupanqui (more probably the former) somewhere about 1450. according to estete, their ruler (under inca tutelage) in the time of the conquest was tamviambea. the cultural development of the chincha was, artistically speaking, not so high as that of the chimu. it was, however, in pre-inca times, relatively complex. they practised trephining successfully (an art derived from their yauyu ancestors), and they also frequently indulged in the anterio-posterior type of cranial deformation. their general physical condition was good. they numbered about 25,000. cf. cieza, tr., p. 228; garcilasso, ii, pp. 146-149; joyce, 1912, pp. 95, 187; markham, 1912, pp. 237-239; tello, 1912; hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 22-24; lafone-quevedo, 1912, p. 115. [86] this may have been the chief taurichumbi mentioned by estete. cf. markham, 1912, p. 239. [87] this was before alvarado and pizarro met and came to an agreement. [88] possibly riobamba, tumebamba, or some other place in the "kingdom" of quito. [89] probably saña. [90] properly colla-suyu and cunti-suyu, i.e. the southern province and the western province of ttahuan-tin-suyu. [91] jauja (or xauxa) was the predecessor of la ciudad de los reyes. a letter to charles v, dated july 20, 1534, describes it thus: "esta cibdad es la mexor y mayor quen la tierra se ha vista, e aun en _indias_; e decimos a vuestra magestad ques tan hermosa e de tan buenos edyficios quen _españa_ seria muy de ver; tiene las calles por mucho concierto empedradas de guixas pequenas; todas las mas de las casas son de señores prencipales fechas de canteria; esta en una ladera de un cerro, en el qual sobrel pueblo esta una fortaleza muy bien obrada de canteria tan de ver, que por españoles que an andado reinos extranos, dizen no aber visto otro edyficio igual al della; ..." cf. cabildos, iii, pp. 4-5. [92] the italian is: "_il quale tuttavia piu veniua ponendo amore a gli spagnuoli._"--note by icazbalceta. [93] huanuco. [94] pachacamac. [95] prescott places the total at 500 of which 230 were cavalry. cf. prescott, bk. iii, cap. 9. [96] it seems to me that, even in the days of the chimu and the inca, the poorer people must have lived in this sort of hut-like houses, and that only the great dwelt in the "palaces" whose ruins are so remarkable. such a state of things would explain the apparent impossibility of a large population existing in the dwellings we now see. cf. hodge, 1897. [97] this montaña is to-day the richest and most valuable part of peru. [98] according to garcilasso, lib. ii, cap. 11, the peruvian empire was divided into four parts, cuzco being considered the centre. they called the northern part chinchasuya, the southern coyasuya, the western cuntisuya, and the eastern antisuyu.--note by icazbalceta. [99] lake titicaca contains several islands, notably titicaca and coati. [100] an obscure passage translated merely in most general terms. [101] _agras_ i take to mean fields from its similarity to the latin word, _ager_. [102] llamas. [103] at this point ramusio gives a fanciful view of the city of cuzco, which has no real interest whatever.--note by icazbalceta. [104] _cacique_ is really a west indies word. the early spanish writers are wont to apply it to any sort of native official. here, no doubt, the correct term would be the quichua word _curaca_. officials thus designated under the inca dominion were the hereditary chiefs of formerly independent tribes and territories--roughly analogous to the mediatized princes of europe. though made vassals of the inca, the _curacas_ were often continued in the command of their former subjects and were intrusted with the governorship of provinces over which they were formerly sovereigns. the _curacas_ ranked immediately below the inca caste, and ruled what was known as a _hunu_. sometimes a _curaca_ was made an inca-by-privilege as a reward of services. [105] huayna capac. [106] the marble was really granite. no marble was used by the incas. [107] this reference to windows is important. at the outset we must remind ourselves that sancho may have confused _windows_ and _niches_. it is entirely possible, however, that windows may formerly have been present in those walls of sacsahuaman. as is well known, windows and niches were distinguishing features of inca architecture during the later period of that dynasty. sites like pissac, limatambo, yucay, quente, vilcabamba (alias machu pichu, a post-conquest site in part), and huaman-marca in the amaybamba valley all present one or both of these features, and all present unmistakable signs of recent construction, say from the reign of viracocha (circa 1425-50) onward. the importance of this mention of windows (or niches) lies in this: it gives strong evidence in support of my belief that the walls of sacsahuaman which are toward cuzco were of inca construction. garcilasso (ii, pp. 305 ff.) attempts to give the credit for the whole of sacsahuaman to inca yupanqui, and ignores the fact that the cyclopean walls on the north side of the hill undoubtedly date, as do "the seats of the inca" close at hand, from the days of tiahuanaco. when we see the statement made that the fortress of sacsahuaman was of inca construction we must remember that really only the southern walls and a few buildings behind them were built under the incas. [108] that is, the joints do not come above one another, but are alternated, as in brick-work. [109] there are really six walls on the south and three on the north. cf. garcilasso, ii, 305. [110] this is a poor attempt to describe the entrant and re-entrant angles that make the cyclopean walls so remarkable from a military point of view. see the plan by squier and davis, garcilasso, ii, p. 305. [111] orejon, lit. "large-ear"; i.e. a member of the inca clan privileged to distend his ears by means of ear-plugs. this myth of the founding of cuzco by a man from the sea is not found elsewhere. [112] llamas. [113] titicaca. [114] cobo describes the temple of the sun on titicaca and that of the moon on coati as being, together, the third most important sanctuary in the inca dominion. the other two, of course, were the temples in cuzco and pachacamac. for a detailed description of the temples in lake titicaca see cobo, iv, pp. 54-63 and bandelier, 1910. the structures at that point are all of late-inca construction and seem to have been built after the inca conceived the idea of making himself out to be the "son of the sun." they were perhaps built with a view to lending colour to the myth. [115] correctly, chuqui-apu. [116] the original _una seriola_ is a word whose meaning i have not been able to find. it is found again a little below. the method the indians had for washing the earth and getting the gold can be seen in oviedo, historia general de las indias, parte i, lib. 6, cap. 8.--note by icazbalceta. [117] huayna capac. [118] a braza is six feet. [119] it says this in the original, but it is an error, for it will be seen that the number must have been much greater.--note by icazbalceta. [120] as the text of this passage is obscure i give it here: _... profundos como de la altura de un hombre, en cuanto pueda el de abajo dar la tierra al de arriba; y cuando los cavan tanto que ya el de arriba no puede alcanzarla, lo dejan asi, y se van a hacer otros pozos ..._ [121] here is another rather obscure passage: "_... pero e pui ricche ... sono le prime che non hanno caricho da lauar la terra & per rispetto del freddo & delle mine que vi e non lo cauano. &c._" oviedo (hist. general, parte i, lib. 6, cap. 8); acosta (hist. nat. y mor. de las ind., lib. 4, cap. 4); y garcilasso (com. real., parte i, lib. 8, cap. 24) distinguish three sorts of gold mines. in the first class are counted those which produce pure gold in rather large grains, so that they can be collected without further operations. these are, perhaps, the sort that the secretary sancho says are the richest, although he has not spoken of them before. in the second class are included those which produce gold in dust or in very small grains mixed with earth which it is necessary to remove by means of washing, and these are those which sancho mentions. the third class of mines, which this man does not mention, are those which yield gold mingled with stones and other metals, just as silver is commonly found. these mines, although at times very rich, failed to be worked because of the expenses which labour caused.--note by icazbalceta. [122] huayna capac. [123] the text says _vino_--"came." i think, however, that it must be a misprint for _vivo_--"lived." [124] this means, of course, manco inca. bibliography bibliography of works consulted in the course of this translation of pedro sancho acosta, joseph de: 1880. the natural and moral history of the indies. edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. appleton's encyclopaedia of american biography: 1888. edited by james grant wilson and john fiske. new york. 6 vols. bandelier, ad. f.: 1910. titicaca and koati. new york. beuchat, henri: 1912. manuel d'archeologie americaine. paris. bingham, hiram: 1912. vitcos, the last inca capital. american antiquarian society. worcester. blas valera: 1879. relación ... _apud_, jimenez de la espada. cabildos de lima: 1900. paris. 3 vols. cieza de leon, pedro de: 1864. travels. edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. cieza de leon, pedro de: 1883. second part of the chronicle of peru. edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. cieza de leon, pedro de: 1913. the war of quito. edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. cobo, bernabe: 1892-93. historia del nuevo mundo. edited by marcos jimenez de la espada. seville. 4 vols. estete, miguel de: 1872. report ... in "reports on the discovery of peru." edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. garcilasso de la vega el ynca: 1869-71. royal commentaries of the yncas. edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. hodge, f. w.: 1897. bandelier's researches in peru and bolivia. am. anth. x, 1897, pp. 303-316. hrdlicka, ales: 1914. anthropological work in peru in 1913. smith. misc. pub. lxi, #18. washington. icazbalceta, joaquin garcía: 1849. edition of relación of pedro sancho. mexico. jimenez de la espada, marcos: 1879. tres relaciónes de antiguedades peruanas. madrid. joyce, t. a.: 1912. south american archaeology. new york. lafone-quevedo, samuel a.: 1912. pronominal classification of certain south american linguistic stocks. int. cong. am., xviiith sess., pp. 111-125. markham, sir clements: 1892. history of peru. chicago. markham, sir clements: 1912. the incas of peru. london (2d ed.) montesinos, fernando: 1906. anales del peru. edited by victor m. maurtua. madrid. 2 vols. moses, bernard: 1914. the spanish dependencies in south america. new york. 2 vols. oviedo y valdes, gonzolo fernandez de: 1526. historia general de las indias. pinkerton, john: 1808-14. a ... collection ... of ... voyages. london. 17 vols. prescott, william hickling: 1847. the conquest of peru. new york. 2 vols. raimondi, a.: 1864-1913. el perú. lima. 6 vols. ramusio, giambattista: 1563. viaggi. venice. 3 vols. sancho, pedro: 1849. (see icazbalceta.) sarmiento de gamboa, pedro: 1907. the history of the incas. edited by sir clements markham for the hakluyt society. london. squier, e. george: 1877. incidents of travel and exploration in the land of the incas. new york. tello, julio c.: 1912. prehistoric trephining among the yauyos of peru. int. cong. am., xviiith sess., pp. 75-83. trueba y cosio, telesforo.: 1846. history of the conquest of peru. philadelphia. uhle, max: 1903. pachacamac. university of pennsylvania. philadelphia, 1903. velasco, juan de: 1840. histoire du royaume de quito. paris. transcriber's note: variant spellings of proper names in the main body of the text, as noted in the preface, have been retained. minor typographical errors have been corrected without note, whilst significant amendments have been listed below: p. 7, 'miguel de astete' amended to _miguel de estete_; p. 170, 'as it they were' amended to _as if they were_; p. 179, 'quitu' amended to _quito_; p. 179, 'his three left three' amended to _he left three_; p. 180, 'cajarmaquilla' amended to _cajamarquilla_; p. 183, 'atalhualpa' amended to _atahualpa_; p. 190, 'cabildo' amended to _cabildos_; p. 192, 'the curacus ranked' amended to _the curacas ranked_. generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries.) transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. peru in the guano age. oxford: by e. pickard hall and j. h. stacy, printers to the university. peru in the guano age being a short account of a recent visit to the guano deposits with some reflections on the money they have produced and the uses to which it has been applied by a. j. duffield london richard bentley and son publishers in ordinary to her majesty the queen 1877 dedicatory letter. á señor don juan espinosa y de maldonado, _estimado y distinguido amigo mio_: it would be most pleasant to continue this letter in the language in which it begins and which you taught me some five and twenty years ago, but i wish others to read it as well as yourself. i dedicate this little book to you for several reasons: not because of our common friendship, extending now over more than a quarter of a century, nor yet for the confidence which you have reposed in me under many trying circumstances during that long period, but rather because you are much interested in the country which the book describes, are intimately acquainted with all the questions it raises, and more than all because you have a thorough knowledge of peru--its people and history;--because further, it was you who first taught me how to regard your countrymen, opened my eyes to their good and other qualities, and because also you know that here i have set down nought in malice, have said nothing that you do not know to be true, and drawn no inference from the facts of past times or the doings of living men which you would not sanction and endorse. with one exception. i am quite aware that you do not share in what i have said at page 118, but this is not my own opinion--it is the candidly expressed view of the leading men of lima. i know that you have always insisted upon peru paying her debts, not merely because you well know that she can pay quite easily, but also because the effect on the moral life of the country, if she should prove a defaulter, will be most disastrous. it is pitiable beyond the power of human expression to find a single thoughtful peruvian holding a contrary opinion. since the following chapters were written several things have taken place which have corroborated some of my statements, and fulfilled more than one of my predictions. as you are aware a public meeting was held, a month after my departure from lima, at the treasurer's office; at which were present the minister of finance and commerce, the chief accountant, and many other officers of departments, for the purpose of receiving a communication from two englishmen, setting forth the discovery of fresh guano deposits on the coast, in the province of tarapaca. from all that could be gathered these new deposits may be fairly estimated as containing three million tons of guano. this confirms what i have said at page 101. and yet we have heard nothing new from peru regarding the payment of her liabilities, nor has any official communication been made by the government regarding this important discovery. if general prado does not take care he will have his house pulled about his ears. one of the most interesting revolutions yet to be made in peru is one in the interest of its honour and uprightness. if your friend general montero appeals to the country in that cause he might immortalize his name and bring in the new era. from the little i know of the general, however, i should say that such a task is too much for him. it requires a man broad of chest, of constant mind, of unimpeachable honour and absolute unselfishness to make a revolution of that sort. still it is a good cry, and if prado does not take it up himself he may come to grief when he least expects it. by the issue of mr. marsh's report from the british consulate at callao you will notice how the consul confirms what i have said about the british sailor in peru. excessive drinking, licentious living, and exposure are set forth as the main causes of a deterioration in our merchant seamen which should attract the notice of parliament. to send unseaworthy ships to sea is to bring disgrace on the national name. the national disgrace of sending unworthy seamen to sea appears to attract little notice. the chapter i read to you in ms. on 'commercial enterprise in peru' i have purposely omitted, as also my report on the riches of its sea. it will be time enough to talk of these things when the chinese get a firmer footing in the country than they have at present, or when the mormons have established themselves there. let me ask you to treat with leniency any unintentional wrong thinking or wrong writing, but anything you discover here to be purposely vulgar, purposely bad, or unjust, treat it as you would treat the creed of a jesuit, or a priest, or any other evil thing. believe me to be, my dear don juan, your faithful friend and servant, q.b.s.m. a. j. duffield. savile club, _february, 1877_. p. s. let me publicly thank you for introducing to english readers the works of ricardo palma, certainly the best writer peru has produced, and eminently its first satirist. as you will see, i have translated one of his _tradiciones_. some readers at first sight might naturally feel inclined to suggest a transposition of the chapters in the 'law-suit against god,' or to look upon the second chapter as altogether irrelevant to the story. but we who are in the secret know better, and that the official corruption which is there set forth is intimately connected with the catastrophe which follows, and is a faithful representation of public life and morals, not only in old peru, but also in the peru of the guano age. _hasta cada rata._ peru in the guano age. chapter i. although peru may boast of its age of guano, it has had its golden age. this was before any spaniard had put his foot in the country, and when as yet it was called by quite another name. the name of peru, which signifies nothing, arose by accident or mistake. it was first of all spelled piru, no doubt from biru, the native name of one of its rivers. time and use, which establish so many things, have established peru; and it is too late to think of disestablishing it for anything else: and though it is nothing to boast of, let peru stand. the country had its stone age, and i have brought for the cambridge antiquaries a fair collection of implements of that period, consisting of lancets, spear-heads, and heads for arrows, exquisitely wrought in flint, jasper, opal, chalcedony, and other stones. they were all found in the neighbourhood of the pisagua river. it is to be regretted that no material evidence of equal tangibility is forthcoming of the age of gold. this is generally the result of comparison founded on historical criticism. in the golden age peru had-i. a significant name, a well-ordered, fixed, and firm government, with hereditary rulers. only one rebellion occurred in twelve reigns, and only two revolutions are recorded in the whole history of the inca empire. ii. the land was religiously cultivated. iii. there was a perfect system of irrigation, and water was made the servant and slave of man. iv. the land was equally divided periodically between the deity, the inca, the nobles, and the people. v. strong municipal laws enforced, and an intelligent and vigorous administration carried out these laws, which provided for cleanliness, health, and order. vi. idleness was punished as a crime; work abounded for all; and no one could want, much less starve. vii. no lawsuit could last longer, or its decision be delayed more, than five days. viii. throughout the land the people everywhere were taught such industrial arts as were good and useful, and were also trained by a regular system of bodily exercises for purposes of health, and the defence of the nation. ix. every male at a certain age married, and took upon himself the duties of citizenship and the responsibilities of a manly life: he owned his own house and lived in it, and a portion of land fell to him every year, which was enlarged as his family increased. x. great public works were every year built which added to the strength and glory of the kingdom. xi. deleterious occupations or such as were injurious to health were prohibited. xii. gold was used for ornament, sacred vessels of the temple, and the service of the inca in his palaces. there is a tradition that this precious metal signified in their tongue '_tears of the sun_.' whether this be an ancient or a modern tradition no one can tell us. it may be not more than three and a half centuries old. xiii. a man ravishing a virgin was buried alive. xiv. a man ravishing a virgin of the sun, that is, one of the vestal virgins of the temple, was burnt alive. xv. it was accounted infamous for a man or woman to wear other people's clothes, or clothes that were in rags. xvi. roads and bridges were among the foremost public works which bound the vast country together. xvii. public granaries, for the storing of corn in case of emergency, were erected in all parts, and some very out-of-the-way parts of the kingdom. xviii. woollen and cotton manufactures were brought to great perfection. examples of these remain to this day and will bear comparison with those of our own time. xix. a thief suffered the loss of his eyes; and a creature committing the diabolical act of altering a water-course suffered death. and to sum up, here is the true confession of mancio sierra lejesama, one of the first spanish conquistadores of peru, which confession he attached to his will made in the city of cuzco on the 15th day of september, 1589, before one geronimo sanches de quesada, escribano publico, and which has been preserved to us by espinosa in his 'people's dictionary,' art. 'indio.' 'first of all,' says the dying lejesama, 'before commencing my will i declare that i have much desired in all submission to acquaint his catholic majesty, the king don philip our lord, seeing how catholic and christian he is, and how jealous for the service of god our saviour, of what touches the discharge of my soul for the great part i took in the discovery, conquest, and peopling of these kingdoms, when we took them from those who were their masters, the incas, who owned and ruled them as their own kingdoms, and put them under the royal crown. and his catholic majesty shall understand that the said incas governed these kingdoms on such wise that in them all there was no thief or vicious person, nor an idle man, nor a bad or an adulterous woman, [if such there had been, be sure the spaniard would have been the first to find it out,] nor were there allowed among them people of evil lives: men had their honest and profitable occupations, in all that pertained to mountain or mine, to the field, the forest, or the home, as in everything of use all was governed and divided after such sort that each one knew and held to his own without another interfering therewith: nor were lawsuits known among them: the affairs of war, although not few, interfered not with those of traffic, nor yet did these conflict with those of seed-time and harvest, or with other matters whatsoever. all things from the greater to the less had their order, concert, and good management. the incas were dreaded, obeyed, and respected by their subjects, for the greatness of their capacity and the excellence of their rule. it was the same with the captains and governors of provinces. and as we found command, and strength, and force to rest in these, so had we to deprive them of these by the force of arms to subject them to, and press them into, the service of god our lord, taking from them not only all command but their means of life also. and by the permission of god our lord we were able to subject this kingdom of many people, and riches, and lords, making servants of them as now we see. i trust that his majesty understands the motive which moves me to this relation, that it is for the purging of my conscience by the confession of my guilt. we have destroyed with our evil example people so well governed as these, who were so far from being inclined to wrongdoing or excess of any sort--both men and women--that an indian with a hundred thousand dollars in gold and silver in his house, would leave it open, or would place a broom, or small stick across the threshold to signify that the owner was not within, and with that, as was their custom, no one would enter, nor take thence a single thing. when they saw us put doors to our houses, and locks on our doors, they understood that we were afraid of them, not that they would kill us, but that perhaps they might steal our things. when they saw that we had thieves among ourselves, and men who incited their wives and daughters to sin, they held us in low esteem. so great is the dissoluteness now among these natives, and their offences against god, owing to the evil example we have set them in all things, that from doing nothing bad they have all--or nearly all--been converted in our day into those who can do nothing good. this touches also his majesty, who will take care that his conscience has no part in allowing these things to continue. with this i implore god to pardon me, who has moved me to declare these matters, because i am the last to die of all the discoverers and conquistadores; for it is notorious that now there exists not one other of their number, but i only either in this kingdom or out of it, and with that i rest, having done all i am able for the discharge of my conscience.' this might be called the epitaph of the golden age, written by one who knew it, and who helped to destroy it. xx. hospitality was a passion in that time, and what had been enjoined and practised as a national duty became a private virtue, procuring intense happiness in its exercise. instances of this are on record that are not equalled in the history of any other people. lastly--and these characteristics of our golden age have been taken quite at random and as they have come to my recollection--the name by which the incas most delighted themselves in being known was that of 'lovers of the poor.' in this golden age gunpowder was unknown, and the people for the most part were vegetarians. animal food was eaten by the soldiery and the labouring people only at the great religious feasts. fish, and the flesh of alpacas, were confined to the incas and the nobles. this will account for many things which subsequently occurred, notably their easy conquest by the fireand meat-eating spaniard. * * * * * let us now write down our comparisons of the age of guano with the age of gold. i. the name and form of government, it is true, are reduced to writing, but the government is, and has been from the commencement of its republican history, as unstable as water. on the close of the guano age things would appear to be improving: president pardo has completed the whole term of his presidential life, and this is only the second instance of a peruvian republican president having done so. it would be difficult to reckon up the number of revolutions which have taken place in the age of manure. ii. the land is not cultivated: the things, for the most part, which are taken to market, are those which grow spontaneously, without art or industry. the people who supply the lima market are chiefly italians, while the greater part of the land is barren and unproductive. potatoes and other vegetables, wheat and barley, flour, fruits, and beef, all come from chile and equador, but chiefly from the former. iii. the great water-courses and system of irrigation which marked the golden age are all broken up, and the fructifying water, once stored for the use and service of man, first became his master, and then his relentless tyrant. iv. the land cannot be said to belong to any one. certainly not to god. even the church, once a great proprietor and holder of slaves, is as lazy as the laziest drone in any known hive. many of the large estates which flourished in the pre-guano period have perished for lack of hands. the sugar plantations are exceptions for the present, but what will happen to them when the chinese are all free is very uncertain. it may even be said to be a source of alarm to many thoughtful persons. v. of the municipal laws, which provide for cleanliness, health, and public order, although great progress has been made in central lima, all that need be said is, that it is a wonder the inhabitants have survived, and that those who were not killed in last year's revolution have not been carried off by a plague. vi. idleness among the upper classes, i.e. the whole white population, the descendants of spain--those who supply the army and navy with officers, the law with judges, the church with bishops, and the rich daughters of sugar-boilers with husbands--idleness among these is the order of the day, and is punished by no one. even the gods appear to take no notice of it, being itself a sort of god, so far as the number of his worshippers are concerned. to-morrow is the everlasting excuse for almost everybody, and yesterday has done nothing but light fools to dusty death; the to-morrow in which the useful and the good are to be done, never comes. vii. going to law is not only an infamous passion in this guano age, it is a means of living. there must be few if any people of substance in peru who have not known the bitter curse of the law's delay. i have known lawsuits of the most vexatious and cruel nature, and which, in any country where civilisation is not a mere name, could never have been instituted, last, not five days, but five years, and, alas! even fifteen years. i have myself tasted the bitterness of the law in this land, and been very near being lodged in a loathsome jail at the instance of a miscreant who had it in his power to demand my presence before a bribe-gorged judge. i only escaped paying heavy toll or hateful imprisonment by my friends obtaining the removal of the judge. the second was a gross attempt at extortion, from which i was saved by accident. both these lawsuits, of the basest sort, had their origin in an injustice which is ingrained in the complexion of the people. the captain and crew of the _talisman_ could bear testimony to the difference between the administration of law in the golden age and in the age of manure. viii. the education of the people has never been seriously attempted, except in carrying a flimsy old musket. the indians, who form the great bulk of the population, do not vote. this would involve a slight cultivation of the indian's intellect, and he does not know what might happen to further embitter his lot if he were to discover to his rulers that he had a mind. he is perhaps the slyest of animals--more sly than a fox, more obstinate than an english mule, and as timid as a squirrel. ix. the marriage law is disgracefully abused and neglected for a country which boasts that its religion is that of the holy roman apostolical. civil marriage is illegal, and ecclesiastical marriage but little observed, except among the estratocracia, the sugar-boilers, and such as mix in european society. the subject is one always difficult for a traveller to handle. to speak plainly and publicly of what has been acquired in private on this matter would justly provoke displeasure and disgust, and would not fail to be misrepresented or misunderstood. it may, however, be said, that if marriage be a public virtue, large numbers of the peruvians of the manure age are not virtuous. x. of the great public works in peru, the chief during this time has been a penitentiary, and a railway to the moon not yet finished, all built by foreigners and with english money. emigration was one of the most important transactions of the golden age. there has been no serious attempt at promoting either emigration or immigration: the migration of the native races is absolutely beyond the control of the government. xi. of deleterious occupations and xii. the use of gold, all that need be said is that each man in peru does what he likes in his own eyes, and what is allowed in the most enlightened land under the sun: and in this regard she sins in the universal company of the wide world; but the comparison with the golden age is not on that account the less painful. xiii. incontinence is general, and the number of illegitimate children greater than those born in wedlock. the crime punishable by the terrible death awarded to it in the golden age has disappeared, for reasons which need not be further noticed. xiv. the scandals of the temple or the church have likewise changed in their character. i have known a bishop of the peruvian state church, sworn to celibacy, whose illegitimate children were more numerous than the years of his life. i have known a parish priest who had living in several houses more than thirty children by several women. all peruvian ecclesiastics are supposed to live celibate lives, bishops, priests, monks and nuns; and if they do not, the irregularity is winked at, nor is public morality shocked, however grossly and notoriously immoral the lives of these persons may be. xv. the people for the most part are well dressed, but with the exception of the indigenous races, all wear ready-made clothing. the dresses of all classes are ill-made, costly, and vulgar. the coffin in which a peruvian of the guano period is carried to his last home, is about the best made suit he ever wears, and the best fitting. xvi. of roads and bridges of the present day, it would be amusing to write if the recollection of those i have passed over was not too painful. no man not born in an age of manure, who has travelled a thousand miles in the interior of peru, or for that matter a hundred leagues, will ever wish to repeat the experiment. many of these roads are but ruins of roads, and carry the usual aspect of roads which lead to ruin. xvii. there are no public granaries. people live from hand to mouth on what others grow for them and bring to them. xviii. there are no woollen manufactories. all the wool of the alpaca, the llama, and vicuña is sent to england to be made into things which the growers of the staple never see, much less wear. no peruvian of any social standing has had the pluck or the sense to do anything towards extending the cultivation of alpaca wool. it is well known that the produce of this beautiful and docile animal might easily have been increased, just as the yield of merino wool has increased in australia, if only brains and industry had been brought to bear upon the enterprise; and instead of a yearly income of a few thousand dollars being derived from this source of national wealth, there might have been, within the limits of the age of guano, a net annual income of £20,000,000. this incredible statement is made by one who passed four years of his life in studying the subject. xix. as for stealing--not that form of it which comes within the range of petty larceny, but the wider and more awful range of felony--it may be safely said, that nearly all public men have steeped themselves to the neck in this crime, and the common people take to it as easily and naturally as birds in a garden take to sweet berries. nor is there sufficient justice in the country to stamp out the offence. if the punishment awarded to this crime in the golden age had been inflicted in the age of guano, there would be a very limited sale for spectacles in lima or the cities of the peruvian coast, or the towns and cities of the mountains. xx. it is delightful to turn to something in peru that merits unlimited praise. the golden age was noted for its hospitality, not only as a social virtue practised by the people among themselves, but as extended to strangers. pizarro had not been so successful in his conquest of peru if he had not been so hospitably treated by the noble lady who entertained him on his first visit to tumbez. the exhortation of huayna capac to his subjects to receive the bearded men--whose advent he announced--as superior beings, has been interpreted as the cause of the spaniards' sudden success in a country that was well defended as well by soldiers as numerous fortresses--'those words,' exclaimed an inca noble some years afterwards, 'those last words of inca huayna capac were our conquerors.' among themselves it was the custom to eat their meals with open doors, and any passer by in need was welcomed in. princesses and high-born ladies received visits from the mothers and daughters of the people, who provided the needle-work that was to occupy the time of the visit. among english families of the better sort it is still a habit for a lady visitor to ask for some needle-work to do during her visit if it lasts more than a day--a custom that deserves to be enquired into. the prevalence of a similar custom in our golden age increases its importance. the traveller, especially if he be an englishman, who has travelled through modern peru, even in the guano age, who does not bear a lively recollection of kindness and open-hearted hospitality, is most certainly to be pitied, if not avoided. i am quite aware that such persons exist. i have myself travelled in the saddle more than two thousand miles on less than as many pence. the story of the impostor arthur orton at melipilla is a case in point, and if the learned counsel who defended him is in need of a livelihood which cannot dispense with some of the elegances and charms of life, he cannot do better than follow the tracks of his client. i have lived in every kind of house, rancho, posta, cottage, quinta, and mansion, occupied by the various classes which make up the population of peru. i have lived with archbishops and bishops, priests and monks, merchant princes, senators, judges, generals, miners, doctors, professional thieves, and widows, and i should be an ingrate indeed if i did not acknowledge with profound gratitude the kindness, oftentimes the affection, which i received, the liberality with which i was entertained, and the freedom i enjoyed. here i am reminded of an incident which occurred to me in the south of spain, and as it will suit a purpose it could not otherwise serve, let me relate it. i was employed to take the level of a railway that was to connect the roblé with the shores of the mediterranean. the proposed line passed through one of the great estates of the marquis de blanco, and the marquis gave me a letter to his capitaz or overseer, who occupied a house, the sight of which would have charmed the soul of an artist, on one of the overhanging cliffs which rose above el rio verde. i arrived late and, after twelve hours hard work beneath an andalusian sun. i was well received by the capitaz and his charming wife doña carmen, who with her own hands and in my presence prepared for my supper a partridge and other delightful things. if the day had been hot, the night on the highest point of the royal road to ronda was cold. a glorious wood fire added to the universal beauty of everything. a table was spread for me with a snowy diaper cloth. i can see it now--a bottle of fine wine, most sweet bread, raisins and what not. just as my partridge was ready, a clatter of twenty horses' hoofs was heard in the patio. the capitaz went out to see the new arrivals, who turned out to be farmers of the district on their way to the horse fair, which was to be held in ronda the following day. in came the twenty pilgrims to ronda, to whom i was formally introduced, and doña carmen set to work to prepare an enormous _olla_ for the whole company. my partridge was not served until the _olla_ was ready, when we all set to work and ate our supper in peace and good-will. an hour afterwards, whether from the effects of the delightful wine--only to be enjoyed in spain, the fumes of my own pipe and the cigarettes of the twenty pilgrims, the labours of the day, or all combined, i fell a nodding: whereupon the good-natured capitaz enquired if i would not like to throw myself into bed. on which i rose, and declared with great solemnity that for my rudeness in having gone to sleep in such worshipful company, i was ready to throw myself not only into bed but into the river below. 'doña carmen,' said the capitaz, 'shall take you to your room.' and with a general good-night to the pilgrims and a shake of the hand with the capitaz, away i went in the wake of doña carmen. it was a spacious room, filled with implements of sport, the walls adorned with heads of deer and other trophies of the gun, and there were also unmistakeable signs of its being a lady's room. 'doña carmen,' i observed in an imperative tone, 'this is your own room. i am an old traveller, and can sleep in a hay-loft or on the floor, with my saddle for a pillow. at any rate, i will not sleep here. i will not turn you out of your own room.' 'and,' she demanded, 'what would the marquis say if he knew that you had slept here in the hay-loft or on the floor, with your saddle for a pillow?' other expostulations followed, which were answered with great eloquence and stately determination, mixed with that grave humour which can no more be acquired than can be acquired the wearing of a cloak as it is worn by an ancient hidalgo, or the arrangement of a mantilla as it is arranged on the head and shoulders of a high-born lady of granada. at last, as i caught up my satchel to leave the room, she caught me by the arm, and nudging me with her elbow, she said with much archness, 'i am coming back again,' and with that she swept out of the room, leaving me no longer with my eyes half closed in sleep. she never came back. nor did i ever see her again. she never intended to come back. those who think so are incapable of making or understanding a joke, and will never be able to appreciate the uncommon wit and humour of spanish women. that there are shallow fools in the world who interpret everything they hear in a carnal and literal sense is the reason why we have so many childish, not to say unpleasant, stories from spain and peru regarding the questionable morals of the fair sex of those countries. what is meant for fun and drollery is mistaken for naughtiness, and much that is offered as a spontaneous natural hospitality has been wilfully or ignorantly misconstrued. i do not defend the method doña carmen took in putting her guest at his ease, and making him feel at home; i think it was a daring act of politeness, and it is not pretty to find so much knowledge of the world in the possession of a woman, however dexterous her use of it may be. there is, however, another kind of culture besides that which comes from reading expensive novels, dressing for church or dinner, and living in a climate somewhat cold, foggy, and changeable. the ladies of peru are beautiful, natural, very intelligent, and fond of living an unconstrained life. their climate is provocative of freedom, ease, and delightful idleness. their fair speech and delightful wit partake of these characteristics. it is born of these. it can be misinterpreted--but only by those who know not their language, and do not respect their ways. a common source of error on the subject of peruvian hospitality arises from the fact that in lima, for example, a foreigner, even an englishman, is rarely or never invited to dine with a native family. with us, if we meet a man in bond street, or anywhere on the wing, whom we have not seen for a year, we ask him to come and take pot-luck with us, and if he is a foreigner he generally does--and notwithstanding the detestable anxiety of our wives, our pot-luck dinners are the best dinners that we give. what is lacking in the mutton we can and often do make up with the bottle or the pipe. this is the kind of thing we expect in return when we visit lima and pick up a man who has thus dined with us at home. but the thing is impossible. in lima a married man dines with his grandmother, his wife's grandmother, his wife's father and mother, together with his wife and the children, whom the old people love to spoil with sugar-plums. the ladies are only half dressed, the service is somewhat slatternly, the dishes, although excellent in their way, are such as do not please the weak stomachs of benighted englishmen, much less the french, who have not made the acquaintance of the puchero, the ajijaco, or the omnipresent dulces. in short, a stranger at a peruvian family dinner, unexpected and without a formal preparation, would be as acceptable as a dog at mass. and when an englishman is invited to one of these houses he never forgets the things done in his honour--the loads of dishes--the floods of wine--the magnificent dresses of the ladies--the elaborate display of everything;--and oh! the stately coldness, the searching of dark eyes, and the awful sense of responsibility which rests on the being for whom all this has been done, and who is the solitary cause of it all. he never accepts another invitation. and yet the people have strained every nerve to please him; they have made themselves ill, have spent an awful sum of money, and less and less believe in dining a man as the most perfect form of showing him their respect or esteem. but out of lima, in el campo--the country--where everybody is free as the air, everything is changed, everybody is happy, nothing goes wrong. the abundance is glorious, the ease and liberty delightful; there is nothing to equal it in the riding, dancing, eating, drinking, laughing, sleeping, dreaming, card-playing, smoking, joking world. el señor paz soldan, in his 'historia del peru independiente,' says: 'peru, essentially hospitable, admitted into her bosom from the first days of her independence thousands of foreigners, to whom she extended not only the same fellowship she afforded her own children, but such was the goodness of the country that she considered these new comers as illustrious personages. men who in their native country had never been anything but domestic servants, or waiters in a restaurant, among whom there might perhaps be numbered one or two who, by their superior ability, might, after the lapse of twenty years, come to be master tailors or shop-men, have gained fortunes in peru all at once, have won the hand of ladies of fortune, birth, riches, and social distinction. those who have entered the army or navy have quickly risen to the highest posts. if they devote themselves to business, at once they become capitalists; and in civil and political appointments the foreigner is hardly to be distinguished from the native. the first decrees ever issued gave every protection and preference to foreigners resident in the country. they have the same right to the protection of the laws as peruvians, without exception of persons, becoming of course bound by the same laws, to bear the same burdens, and in proportion to their fortunes to share in contributing to the income of the state.... such as have any knowledge of science, or special industry, or are desirous of establishing houses of business, can reside in perfect freedom, and have given to them letters of citizenship. he who establishes a new industry, or invents a useful machine hitherto unknown in peru, is exempt for a whole year from paying any taxes. if necessary, the government will supply him with funds to carry on his art; and it will give free land to agriculturists. and yet, strange to say, and more painful to confess, many of these foreigners have been the cause of serious difficulties to the country, plunging it into conflicts which more or less have taken the gilt off the national honour. they have wished for themselves certain distinct national laws. they have thought themselves entitled to break whatever laws they pleased, and when the penalty has been enforced they have applied to their governments, who have always judged the question in an aspect the most unfavourable to the honour and interest of peru.' as regards this hospitality given to english tailors and tailors' sons by peru, it is quite true; true is it that they have married the rich daughters of ancient families, and made marvellous progress in all things that distinguished dives from lazarus. men who would never have been anything but lackeys in their own country have become masters of lands and money in peru. it is all true. without wishing to disparage my own countrymen, and still less my countrywomen, i am bound to confess that the peruvians have derived very little edification from their presence and example. within the guano age a british minister has been shot at his own table in lima while dining with his mistress. the captain of an english man-of-war lying in callao was murdered in the outskirts of lima while on a drunken spree: the murderers in both cases never being brought to justice. the english merchants were men noted for neither moral nor intellectual capacity, utterly innocent of any culture, or regard for it; of no manners or good customs that could reflect honour on the english name, and who gained fortunes after such fashion as only the practices of a corrupt government could sanction or connive at. few english ladies have ever been permanently resident in lima. it has been visited by one or two showy examples of the money-monger class; but the lima people have not had the opportunity of knowing by actual contact in their own country the gentry of england. this has been a disadvantage to us and to them of the greatest magnitude: for while we have accepted the hospitality of peru, we have not returned it in a manner worthy of the english name. nor can it be said that english travellers who have written on peru make any very great figure in the cause of truth and honesty; whilst the amount of literary pilfering has been almost as notorious as that of the pillage of the public treasury by native officers of state. the commanders and petty officers of the steam navigation company in the pacific come more in contact with the better class of peruvians than any other portion of the english community. among these numerous officers there are a few to be met with who can speak grammatical english. no doubt, grammar to a sailor is an irksome thing, at any rate it is a thing of minor importance, and we rather like our sailors to be free of everything except their courage, their gentleness, their love of truth, and, above all, their glorious self-abnegation. but it is a pitiable sight to see a british tar with lavender kid-gloves on his fists, havannah cigars in his great mouth, widened by an early love for loud oaths, rings on his fingers, and other apings of the fine gentleman; and it is disgusting to see him dressed in an authority he knows not how to adorn, and placed in a position which he can only degrade. yet these british tars are looked up to as english gentlemen, and, what is more, as english captains; and not a few peruvians come to the natural conclusion that it is no great thing to be an english gentleman after all. it is very grievous to make these remarks; justice demands, however, that if we would criticise the peruvians from an english standpoint, we should take into consideration the english example which has been placed before them during all the years of an age of guano. an english sailor in every part of the commercial world which he visits is too often a disgrace to himself and a dishonour to his country. but in peru he is a standing disgrace to humanity. when on shore, if he is not drunk, he is kicking up a row. his language is foul, his manners brutal, his associates the off-scouring of the people, and his appearance that of a wild beast. we have of late been turning our attention to unseaworthy ships, and the amount of wise and unwise talk that this important subject has evoked has been great and surprising. it is a pity that no one has thought it necessary to take up the subject of the unworthy sailor, which should include not only the ignorant, drunken, and grossly depraved seaman, but the oftentimes illiterate, ill-conditioned, and brutal creature called a captain, who commands him. there are many considerations why the captain of a british ship should be a man of good character, and there are imperative reasons why he should be compelled to earn a certificate of good conduct, as well as a certificate of proficiency in the science of navigation. the ability to represent the country whose flag he carries, as a man well-instructed and of good manners, is not the least of those reasons. i recently had the opportunity of becoming personally acquainted with nearly five hundred captains of merchant ships in the pacific. i am ashamed to confess that the french, the italian, the north american, and the swede were everyway superior men to the english captains. there were exceptions of course; the superiority was not in physical force, but in intelligence, in manners, in the cleanliness in which they lived, and the sobriety of their lives. if the pabellon de pica may be compared to a pig-stye, the british sailors who frequent its strand may be likened unto swine. indeed, it is an insult to that filth-investigating but sober brute to compare him with a being who at certain times is at once a madman, a drunkard, and not infrequently a murderer. it is not easy to escape the conviction that captains such as these must be of use to their employers, and are needed for purposes for which ordinary criminals would be unfitted. at the pabellon de pica a choice selection of these british worthies may be seen daily getting drunk on smuggled beer, winding up with smuggled brandy, wallowing among the filthiest filth of that foul concourse of filthy inhuman beings, a detestable example to all who witness it; and a living ensample of what england now is to a guano-selling people. all this has come of our trying to do some justice to the peruvians, and no doubt it will become us as quickly as possible to attend to the mote which is in our own eye. it should likewise be borne in mind that the peruvians have suffered the greatest indignities at the hands of successive british governments. claims for money of the most vexatious, frivolous and irritating nature have been pressed upon peru with an arrogance equal only to their ridiculous extravagance. when at last, with great difficulty, our government has been induced to submit one of these claims to arbitration, judgment has invariably been given against us--as it only could, or ought to have been given. this chapter should not be closed without noticing the fact that for nearly fifty years the english have had their own burying-place at bella vista, which is midway between lima and callao, and their own church and officiating chaplain. the jews likewise have their synagogue, the freemasons their lodges, the chinese their temples; and although liberty of worship is not the law of the land, the utmost toleration in religious matters exists. the women of lima, who have retained the old religion with ten times more firmness than the men, are the sole opponents of all religious reforms in the peruvian constitution. and because it is the women who stand in front of their church, guarding it with their lives, let us have some respect for them. they are a powerful and determined body, as courageous as they are beautiful, which is saying much. in times of great excitement they will take part in the parliamentary debates! not, indeed, in a parliamentary and constitutional manner, but in a manner quite effectual. these fair champions of their church, when liberty of worship, or liberty of teaching, or any question that touches the roman catholic faith is being debated in the assembly, proceed thither in the tapada attire, with only one eye visible, and from the ladies' gallery will throw handfuls of grass to a speaker--intimating thereby his relationship to one of our domestic quadrupeds--or garlands of tinsel, just as it pleases them, and as the words of the speaker are for or against their cause. our own house of commons should take knowledge of this, and pause before they remove the lattice work from before their ladies' gallery! chapter ii. the mormons are coming to peru. five hundred families of this formidable sect are formally announced as being on their way to the land of the incas, and the peruvian government has been very liberal in its grant of free land: this may be called a revolution indeed. a spanish law existed in peru but little more than half a century ago, which ran as follows: 'because the inconveniences increase from foreigners passing to the indies, who take up their residence in seaport towns and other places, some of whom are not to be trusted in the things of our holy catholic faith, and because it becomes us diligently to see that no error is sown among the indians and ignorant people, we command the viceroys, the audiencias, and the governors, and we charge the archbishops and bishops that they do all that in them lies to sweep the earth of this people, and that they cast them out of the indies and compel them to put to sea on the first occasion and at their own cost[1].' we may also note that among these sublime laws one may be found which absolutely forbade the importation of printed books. since then it cannot be denied that peru has made great progress in the matter of toleration to foreigners. it has not perpetuated the insane and suicidal policy of the nation that expelled the moors, the real bone and muscle of the country, from its soil. and it may truly be said that what the moors were to andalusia and southern spain, europeans and asiatics have been to peru; supplying it not only with literature and science, but industry also. all the great estates of peru are tilled by foreigners; so are its gardens. all the steam ships on its coast are driven by foreigners; foreigners surveyed and built their railways, their one pier, gave them gas, and would give them water if the peruvian government would only be wise. there is nothing of importance in the whole country that does not owe its existence to foreign capital and foreign thought, and it cannot be denied that peru has done much in making her laws conform to such a state of things. it may yet do more. ten more years of peace and tranquillity will work wonders in a land that at present may be said to be practically unacquainted with both. ten years will close the accursed age of guano. practically it may be said to be closed now. peru is putting her house in order: she has learned much in the course of the last four years, and with economy, persisting in her present course of real hard, honest work, giving up playing at soldiers, and keeping an expensive navy which is of no earthly use to her, she may redeem herself from her past degradation, and become as great as she says she is. but mormons! if there be a country in the teeming world which offers a field for mormonism, it is peru. if mormonism be a belief that it is the chief end of man to multiply his species, to replenish the earth, and find the perfection of his being in subduing it, peru is the very place for the mormons. one might even go the length of saying that it was made on purpose for them. peru, with the immensity of its territory and the riches that are enclosed in it, requires a people with a religious faith in the divinity of polygamy and agriculture to make the most of the truly wonderful land. let the mormons leave the country in which they are at present looked down upon, for one where they will be welcomed. mormonism is not, with the exception of its name, new to peru. the incas were great breeders of men, they pushed their humanising conquests north and south; not so much by the power of the spear and the sling, as by building great storehouses of maize. they first reduced the people whom they would conquer to the verge of starvation, and then fed them on sweeter food than they had ever tasted before. count von moltke was not the first who reduced a great city by besieging it, and surrounding it with a vast army. this was done in the days before the tragedy of ollanta had been rehearsed in cuzco. what the incas gained by giving corn, they maintained by teaching the people how to grow and cultivate it. men had as many wives as they pleased, provided that they were able to maintain them, and they had no fawning immoral priests to make women barren and unfruitful; who preached godliness to the people, but practised devilry themselves. and here one may be allowed to notice by the way, that it is a thing altogether singular and inconsistent that these loud-tongued republicans and apostles of the rights of women, will allow and tolerate among them a body of men who believe that it is god's will they should burn and not marry, and cannot think of allowing among their mighty respectablenesses a people who believe that it is god's will they should have a plurality of wives. perhaps when the great americans are tired of the vanity of being a hundred years old, and can find time to look this matter in the face they may reconsider their mormon policy, and give up persecuting a people who at least have many divine examples for their way of life. if mormonism be good for south america, why should it not be good for the north? and what will be nothing less than the blessing of heaven on lake titicaca, why should it be esteemed a curse at the lake of salt? happily the logic of great events in the lives of nations is more easy to comprehend than the logic of mere professors. the history of colonisation in peru is not interesting reading; much less so are the personal reports of those who have been connected with carrying out the various schemes of the government. there were the usual delays, the usual difficulty in obtaining the promised funds at the appointed times, followed by confusion and disaster. the first colony formed in peru consisted of germans, who established themselves at pozuzo, a small district formed of mountains and valleys fifteen days journey north-east of lima. the proposal was made in 1853, and the first batch of the new comers arrived in 1857. in 1870 they numbered 360 souls, 112 of whom were children. their progress had not been very brilliant; among them were carpenters, coopers, cigar-makers, cabinet-makers, blacksmiths, shoe-makers, tailors, saddlers, machinists, and tanners. a priest, a grave-digger or clerk, a schoolmaster and an architect were also among the number. each colonist was expected to cultivate a plot of ground measuring 33,000 yards by 13,000 yards, on which they grew tobacco, coca, maize, yuca (a most delicious farinaceous root), haricot beans, rice, coffee, and garden stuff. the people lived in wooden houses, and there were among them all three houses of wrought stone. an enthusiastic peruvian deputy in giving a description of this little struggling colony, concluded his peroration thus: 'we have an eloquent example in the industrious colony established at pozuzo, where in the midst of savage nature they have erected a city which perhaps is on a level with any city of europe!' on which it might be remarked that there is a great deal of the perhaps, but very little of the city in this statement. it is in fact nothing but a city of the honourable deputy's brain. the next emigration was from the islands of the south-western pacific--subjects of his majesty the king of hawaii, whose diplomatic representative in lima demanded the return of these people, who did return in an unexpected manner, to the earth out of which they were taken. they all died like flies that had been poisoned. the peruvian government then prohibited any further immigration of polynesians. it was afterwards discovered that these people had been kidnapped, or, as the official report says, 'seduced first, and stolen afterwards.' it had been eloquently preached by many ardent peruvians, now that the subject of immigration for a moment or so seized hold of their warm brains, that all that was needed to fill peru with happy colonists was to establish liberty of worship, toleration, a free press, dignity--moral and intellectual--security to persons and property, and when these great things were once placed on a firm basis in peru the superfluous populations of the world would flock to the abundance it could offer, together with the warm and delightful sun, like doves to their windows. these things not having been done, the other has been left undone--albeit not for that specific reason. the immigrating class, for the most part, have their own way of procuring information regarding the country which courts their presence, and it is quite likely that the glad tidings from peru still require to be authenticated. neither the irish labourer, nor the scotch, nor yet the welsh have bestowed themselves on peru, and it is to be hoped they never will until they can be sure of quick returns. the cornish miner is well known in various localities for his drunkenness, his obstinacy, his cunning, and above all for his untruthfulness. the chinese immigration, if such it can be called, is the only considerable immigration that has ever taken place in peru. it began as a commercial speculation; and there are many orthodox and highly respectable men in lima who owe their wealth to the traffic in chinese, in whose magnificent _salas_ a conversation on china is as welcome as the mention of the gallows in a family, one of whose members had been hanged. of the 65,000 chinese taken from their native land, 5,000 died on their way to peru; they threw themselves overboard or smoked a little too much opium, or were shot, or all these causes were put together. it was once my lot to be seated in a very small room filled for the most part with guano men, where i was compelled to listen to the tale of an italian who had served as chief mate on a ship freighted with chinamen. he thought his life was once in danger. 'and what did you under the circumstances?' enquired some one. 'i shot two of them down, _sacramento_,' answered the villainous-looking wretch; on which there was a burst of laughter that did not seem to me very appropriate. 'and what was done with _you_?' i enquired in no sympathising tone. 'senor,' replied the assassin, 'the captain, senor venturini, accommodated me with a passage in his gig to the shore, where i remained to make an extended acquaintance with the celestial empire.' the cold insolence of this criminal suggested to me that i had just as well keep my troublesome tongue as still as possible. the chinese question, as is natural that it should, has agitated the public mind in lima not a little. at one time it assumed such alarming features that it was seriously proposed in congress to expel the free chinamen from peru, or compel them to contract themselves anew[2]. it was known that the free chinamen stirred up their enslaved brethren to revolt; explained to them--which was perfectly true--that according to peruvian law they could not be held in bondage, and if they escaped they could not be recaptured. many attempts at escape were made and many murders were the result. according to the peruvian author quoted above, the chinamen brought to the dung heaps of peru, or its sugar plantations, are selected from the lowest of their race. 'the planters promote the natural degeneration of their chinese labourers; they lodge them in filthy sheds without a single care being bestowed upon them, while they are condemned to a ceaseless unremitting toil, without a ray of hope that their condition will be ever bettered. for the enslaved chinaman the day dawns with labour; labour pursues him through its weary hours, a labour which will bring no good fruit to him, and the shadows of night provide him with nothing but dreams of the tormenting routine which awaits him to-morrow. in his sickness he has no mother to attend him with her care; he has not even the melancholy comfort that he will be decently buried when he dies, much less that his grave will be watered with the sacred tears of those who loved him. of the meanest peruvian the authorities know where he lived, when he died, and for what cause, and where he is buried. but the asiatics are disembarked and scattered among numerous private properties, their existence is forgotten, they do not live, rather they vegetate, and at last die like brutes beneath the scourge of their driver or the burden which was too heavy to bear. we only remember the chinaman when, weary of being weary, and vexed with vexation, he arms himself with the dagger of desperation, wounds the air with the cry of rebellion, and covers our fields with desolation and blood.' the great distance, observes the same author, of the private estates from the centre of authority, is one of the securities of their owners that their abuse of their chinese slaves will neither be corrected or chastised. on the contrary, his influence with the local authorities is oftentimes such as to make them instruments of his designs. between the master and the slave respect for the law does not exist, and the consequence is, that the one becomes more and more a despot, and the other more and more insolent and vicious. escape for the chinaman is next to impossible; he can only free himself from the horrible condition in which he finds himself by using his braces or his silken scarf for a halter, or the more quiet way of an overdose of opium. treat the chinaman well, and he is a valuable servant, and happily many thousands of such are to be found along the coast, in several of the great haciendas, and in lima. the wages of a chinese slave are 4 dols. a month, two suits of clothes in the year, and his keep. a free chinaman as a labourer earns a dollar a day, and of course 'finds' himself. now and then one hears strange phrases at the most unexpected time, and one's ears tingle with words that an englishman knows how to meet when compelled to hear them. 'how did you manage to do all that work?' was a question put at a dinner-table one night in lima, when i was partaking of the awful hospitality of an english-speaking capitalist. 'well,' was the reply, 'i bought half-a-dozen chinamen, taught them the use of the machine, which the devils learned much quicker than i did, and in less than three months i found that i could easily make ten thousand dollars a month,' etc. 'i bought half-a-dozen chinamen!' they might have been so many sacks of potatoes, or pieces of machinery, and the ease and familiarity with so repulsive a commerce which the speech denoted, proved too well the contempt which such familiarity always breeds. the chinaman is not only very intelligent, he is even superior in his personal tastes to many of those who pride themselves on being his masters. if he has time and opportunity he will keep himself scrupulously clean in his person and dress. after his day's work, if he has been digging dung for example, he will change his clothes and have a bath before eating his supper. he is polite and courteous, humorous and ingenious. he is by no means a coward, but will sell his life to avenge his honour. it is always dangerous for a man twice his size to strike a chinaman. the only stand-up fight i ever saw in lima, was between a small chinaman and a big peruvian of the yellow breed; and the yellow-skinned 'big 'un' must have very much regretted the insult which originated the blows he received in his face from the little one. the chinamen of the better class, the wing fats; kwong, tung, tays; the wing sings; the pow wos; the wing hing lees, and si, tu, pous, whose acquaintance i made, are all shrewd, courteous, gentlemanlike fellows, temperate in all things, good-humoured and kind, industrious, and exquisitely clean in their houses and attire. it was an infinitely greater pleasure to me to pass an evening with some of these, than with my own brandy-drinking, tobacco-smoking, and complaining countrymen, whose conversation is garnished with unclean oaths, whose spanish is a disgrace to their own country, and their english to that in which they reside. my chinese friends were greatly puzzled at the answer i gave to their questions why i had come to peru, or for what purpose; they could not believe it, any more than they could believe that an english gentleman drank brandy for any other reason than that it was a religious observance. 'and why came you to peru?' i enquired in my turn. 'to make money,' was the candid reply. 'for nothing else?' i insisted. to give emphasis to his words wing hi rose from his seat, paced slowly up and down the room clapping his hands now behind his back, and now below his right knee: 'for nothing, nothing, nothing else,' he exclaimed, and laughed. 'do you like lima pretty well?' i enquired with some care, for a chinaman resents direct questions; and the answer invariably was-'no. lima is no good, there is no money;' which many other shopkeepers not chinamen can swear to, and their oaths in this instance are perfectly trustworthy. 'you do not give credit i suppose?' and i kept as solemn a face as possible in putting the question. my solemnity was speedily knocked out of me by the burst of boisterous laughter which greeted my question. wishing to cultivate these delightful heathens, i purchased from time to time a few things, all good, all very reasonable in price. these were chiefly fans, pictures, paper-knives, neckties, and boxes. some of their ivory carving was a marvel of patience and keen sight. i was assured that one piece, for which they asked the price of 300 dols., took one man two years to make. that one statement made it an unpleasant object to behold. the porcelain brought to lima is of the gaudiest and most inferior kind. i insisted on this so much that at last they confessed it to be true. 'but then the price,' they suggested.--a pair of vases that would sell in bond street for £150, can be purchased in lima for less than £20. one day i picked up a new testament in chinese, and after staying one evening with my celestial friends for an hour, i took it out of my pocket and asked them to be kind enough to read it for me, and tell me what it was about, for that in my youth my parents had not taught me that language and i was too old to learn it now. the next night our conversation was renewed, all being for the most part of the purest heathenism. they made no allusion to my new testament; they evidently preferred to talk of other things, or to sell fans. at last in a tone of indifference i asked after my book, which one of their number produced out of a sweet-scented drawer. 'we do not know,' they said, 'what the book is about'; and therefore they could not tell me. they had read it? 'o yes; it was not a cookery book, nor a song book, nor a book about women; but seemed to be a pot of many things not well boiled.' there was no laughter, all was as serious as melancholy itself. i was a little disappointed, and came away without buying anything. it must require great gifts to be a missionary to the heathen, and especially the heathen chinese. i should be inclined to think it to be as easy to bring a rich chinaman to repentance as a rich jew. the failure of my new testament to make itself understood was a great blow to me. they might probably have understood some portions of the book of genesis better; but to my regret i had not the means of putting that to the test. the mention of the old testament reminds me of a trivial incident which occurred one night in a magnificent sala in lima, where were a good sprinkling of spanish-speaking gentlemen and ladies, italians and germans, i being the only englishman present. in course of the conversation it was demanded by some one, what were the two creatures first to leave the ark: and it was at once answered by several voices 'the dove and the deer.' this appeared rather unsound to me, and i questioned the statement. so hot did the debate become, that it ended in a willing bet of £20, when after some difficulty a bible was procured, and the dove and the raven won. the consternation was great. one man was candid enough to confess that he was an ass of no small magnitude for not reflecting that under the circumstances it could not well be a deer; but he had heard that such was the case, and because it was in the bible felt bound to believe it. among all the classes of immigrants in peru, or in lima its capital, the english stand first and highest. they are certainly better represented than they were twenty years ago, but there is still much to improve. one great drawback to the english is the absence of a home, or the means of making one. the construction of the houses is one cause. there are no snug corners sacred to quiet and repose, and if the house be not a convent, it is something between a theatre and a furniture shop. domestic servants are another fatal drawback, but the rent is the greatest of them all. the rents of some of the dingiest houses in the back streets are higher than those in mayfair in the season, while the principal houses in the chief street are treble the amount. if i have elsewhere spoken sharply of my countrymen, it is because i think much of the land which gave them birth. it does not by any means follow that because a peruvian child fifty years of age sells his soul to the devil, that an englishman of four hundred should follow his example. it should be quite the other way. the hotels are not, under the circumstances, unreasonable; a bachelor can live very well for thirty shillings a day, including fleas. washing is a serious item in a city where there is much sun, much dust, little water, and the _lavendera_ is the companion of 'gentlemen.' new books are not remarkably dear, but the assortment is limited to theology and medicine. there are half-a-dozen daily newspapers, which cost half-a-crown a day if you buy them all. their joint circulation will not reach more than fifteen thousand copies, while of their number only two may be said to pay their expenses; only one to make any profit. this is not to be wondered at. i tried my best to get into a controversy with them, by rousing them to jealousy. i publicly stated that if the guano deposits had been in australia, or even in canada, at a time when so much doubt was thrown on the quantity of guano they might contain, some newspaper would have sent off its special correspondent to make a report. the _comercio_, the chief of the press, replied, with charming _naivete_: 'why should we go to the expense of making a special report for ourselves when the government will supply us with as many reports as we like?' the supply of english literature is very poor. harper's magazine appears to be in greatest demand, and certainly for the price of forty cents it is a marvel of cheapness. it is well printed, profusely and often well illustrated, and the numbers for the present year contain lengthy instalments of _daniel deronda_, and one or two original novels by american writers. there was not a single decent edition of the don quixote in any language to be found in all the shops of the city. there is evidently a brisk sale for very indecent photographs, and cheap editions of the paul de kock school. the number of new books printed in lima is miserably small. the last, which has been very well received, is 'tradiciones del peru,' por ricardo palma, third series. it is exceedingly well written, and consists of a series of short stories illustrating the manners and customs of the early days. here is one which for many reasons is worth doing into english. it is called 'a law-suit against god,' and exhibits much of the old spanish meal, and not a little of the new peruvian leaven. it purports to be a chronicle of the time of the viceroy, the marquis de castil-dos-rius. in the archives of what was once the real audiencia de lima, will be found the copy of a lawsuit once demanded by the king of spain, which covers more than four hundred folios of stamped paper, from which with great patience we have been able to gather the following-i. god made the good man: but it would seem that his divine majesty threw aces when he created mankind. man instinctively inclines to good, but deceit poisons his soul and makes him an egotist, that is to say, perverse. whosoever would aspire to a large harvest of evils, let him begin by sowing benefactions. such is humanity, and very right was the king don alonso the wise, when he said--'if this world was not badly made, at least it appeared to be so.' don pedro campos de ayala was, somewhere about the year 1695, a rich spanish merchant, living in the neighbourhood of lima, on whom misfortunes poured like hail on a heath. generous to a fault, there was no wretchedness he did not alleviate with his money, no unfortunate he did not run to console. and this without fatuity, and solely for the pleasure he had in doing good. but the loss of a ship on its way from cadiz with a valuable cargo, and the failure of some scoundrels for whom don pedro had been bound, reduced him to great straits. our honourable spaniard sold off all he possessed, at great loss, paid his creditors, and remained without a farthing. with the last copper fled his last friend. he wished to go to work again, and applied to many whom, in the days of his opulence, he had helped, and solely to whom they were indebted for what they had, to give him some employment. then it was he discovered how much truth is contained in the proverb which says '_there are no friends but god, and a crown in the pocket_.' even by the woman whom he had loved, and in whose love he believed like a child, it was very clearly revealed to him that now times had indeed changed. then did don pedro swear an oath, that he would again become rich, even though to make his fortune he should have recourse to crime. the chicanery of others had slain in his soul all that was great, noble, and generous; and there was awakened within him a profound disgust for human nature. like the roman tyrant, he could have wished that humanity had a head that he might get it on to a block; there would then be a little chopping. he disappeared from lima, and went to settle in potosi. a few days before his disappearance, there was found dead in his bed a biscayan usurer. some said that he had died of congestion, and others declared that he had been violently strangled with a pocket handkerchief. had there been a robbery or the taking of revenge? the public voice decided for the latter. but no one conceived the lie that this event coincided with the sudden flight of our protagonist. and the years ran on, and there came that of 1706, when don pedro returned to lima with half a million gained in potosi. but he was no longer the same man, self-denying and generous, as all had once known him. enclosed in his egotism, like the turtle in his shell, he rejoiced that all lima knew that he was again rich; but they likewise knew that he refused to give even a grain of rice to st. peter's cock. as for the rest, don pedro, so merry and communicative before, became changed into a misanthrope. he walked alone, he never returned a salutation, he visited no one save a well-known jesuit, with whom he would remain hours together in secret converse. all at once it became rumoured that campos de ayala had called a notary, made his will, and left all his immense fortune to the college of st. paul. but did he repent him of this, or was it that some new matter weighed heavily on his soul? at any rate, a month later he revoked his former will and made another, in which he distributed his fortune in equal proportions among the various convents and monasteries of lima; setting apart a whole capital for masses for his soul, making a few handsome legacies, and among them one in favour of a nephew of the biscayan of long ago. those were the times when, as a contemporary writer very graphically says, 'the jesuit and the friar scratched under the pillows of the dying to get possession of a will.' not many days passed after that revocation, when one night the viceroy, the marquis de castil-dos-rius, received a long anonymous letter which, after reading and re-reading, made his excellency cogitate, and the result of his cogitation was to send for a magistrate whom he charged without loss of time with the apprehension of don pedro campos de ayala, whom he was to lodge in the prison of the court. ii. don manuel omms de santa pau olim de sentmanat y de lanuza, grandee of spain and marquis de castil-dos-rius, was ambassador in paris when happened the death of charles ii, and which involved the monarchy in a bloody war of succession. the marquis not only presented to louis xiv the will in which the bewitched one carried the crown to the duke of anjou, but openly declared himself a partisan of the bourbon, and also procured that his relatives commenced hostilities against the archduke of austria. in one of the battles, the firstborn of the marquis de castil-dos-rius died. it is well known that the american colonies accepted the will of charles ii acknowledging philip v as their legitimate sovereign. he, after the termination of the civil war, hastened to reward the services of castil-dos-rius, and he named him viceroy of peru. señor de sentmanat y de lanuza arrived in lima in 1706, and it could not be said that he governed well when he began to raise his loans and impose taxes on private fortunes, religious houses, and capitular bodies: but by this means he was able to replenish the exhausted treasury of his king with a million and a half of crowns. among the most notable events of the time in which he governed may be reckoned the victory which the pirate wagner gained over the squadron of the count de casa-alegre, thereby doing the english out of five millions of silver travellers from peru. this animated the other corsairs of that nation, dampier and rogers, who took possession of guayaquil, and squeezed out of that municipality a pretty fat contribution. in trying to restrain these marauders, the viceroy spent a hundred and fifty thousand dollars in fitting out various ships, which sailed from callao under the command of admiral don pablo alzamora. everybody was anxious for the fray, even to the students of the colleges, all burning to chastise the heretics. fortunately, the fight was never begun, and when our fleet went in search of the pirates as far as the galapagos islands, they had abandoned already the waters of the pacific. the earthquake which ruined many towns in the province of paruro was also among the great events of the same period. among the religious occurrences worthy of mention were the translation of the nuns of santa rosa to their own convent, and the fierce meeting in the augustine chapter-room between the two fathers, zavala the biscayan, and paz the sevillian. the royal audiencia was compelled to imprison the whole chapter, thereby suppressing the greatest of disorders, and after a session of eighteen hours and a good deal of scrutiny zavala triumphed by a majority of two votes. the venerable marquis de castil-dos-rius was an enthusiastic cultivator of the muses; but as these ladies are almost always shy with old men, a very poor inspiration animates the few verses of his excellency with which we happen to have any knowledge. every monday the viceroy had a reunion of the poets of lima in the palace; and in the library of the chief cosmographer, don eduardo carrasco, there existed until within a few years a bulky manuscript, _the flower of the academies of lima_, in which were guarded the acts of the sessions and the verses of the bards. we have made the most searching investigations for the hiding place of this very curious book, fatally without any result, which we suppose to be in possession of some avaricious bookworm, who can make no use of it himself, nor will allow others to explore so rich a treasure. the little parnassus of the palace, which after the manner of apollo was presided over by the viceroy, was formed of don pedro de peralta, then quite a youth; the jesuit josé buendia, a limeño of great talent, and prodigious science; don luis oviedo y herrera, also a limeño, and son of the poet count de la granja (author of a pretty poem on santa rosa); and other geniuses whose names are not worth the trouble of recording. it was during the festivities held in honour of the birth of the infanta don luis fernando, that the little parnassus was in the height of its glory, and the viceroy, the marquis de castil-dos-rius, gave a representation at the palace of the tragedy of perseus, written in unhappy hendecasyllables, to judge by a fragment which we once read. the principal of the clergy and aristocracy assisted at the representation. speaking of the performance, our compatriot peralta, in one of the notes to his _lima fundada_, says, that it was given with harmonious music, splendid dresses, and beautiful decorations; and that in it the viceroy not only manifested the elegance of his poetic genius, but also the greatness of his soul and the jealousy of his love. it appears to us that there is a good deal of the courtier in that criticism. castil-dos-rius had hardly been two years in his government before they accused him to philip v of having used his high office for improper purposes, and defrauded the royal treasury in connivance with the _contrabandistas_. the royal audiencia and the tribunal of commerce supported the accusation, and the monarch resolved upon at once dismissing the governor of peru from his office; but the order was revoked, because a daughter of the marquis, one of the queen's maids of honour, threw herself at the feet of philip v, and brought to his recollection the great services of her father during the war of succession. but although the king appeased the marquis in a way by revoking the first order, the pride of señor de olim de sentmanat was deeply wounded; so much so that it carried him to his tomb, april 22nd, 1710, after having governed peru three years and a half. the funeral was celebrated with slight pomp, but with abundance of good and bad verses, the little parnassus fulfilled a duty towards their brother in apollo. iii. the anonymous letter accused don pedro campos de ayala of assassinating the biscayan, and stealing a thousand ounces, which served for the basis of the great fortune he acquired in potosi. what proofs did the informer supply? we are unable to say. don pedro being duly installed in the stone jug, the mayor appeared to take his declaration; and the accused replied as follows: 'mr. mayor, i plead not guilty when he who accuses me is god himself. only to him under the seal of confession did i reveal my crime. your worship will of course represent human justice in the case against me, but i shall institute a suit against god.' as will be seen, the distinctions of the culprit were somewhat casuistical, but he found an advocate (the marvel would have been had he not) prepared to undertake the case against god. forensic resource is mighty prolific. for the reason that the royal council sought to wrap the case in the deepest mystery, all its details were devoured with avidity, and it became the greatest scandal of the time. the inquisition, which was hand and glove with the jesuits, sought diligently for opportunities, and resolved to have a finger in the pie. the archbishop, the viceroy, and the most ingrained aristocrat of lima society took the side of the company of jesus. although the accused sustained his integrity, he presented no other proof than his own word, that a jesuit was the author of the anonymous denunciation and the revealer of the secret of the confessional, instigated thereto by the revocation of the will. on his part the nephew of the biscayan claimed the fortune of the murderer of his uncle, while the trustees of the various hospitals and convents defended the validity of the second will. all the sucking lawyers spent their latin in the case, and the air was filled with strange notions and extravagant opinions. meanwhile the scandal spread; nor will we venture to say to what lengths it might have gone, had not his majesty don philip v declared that it would be for the public convenience, and the decorum of the church as well as for the morality of his dominions, that the case should be heard before his great council of the indies in spain. the consequence was that don pedro campos de ayala marched to spain under orders, in company with the voluminous case. and as was natural, there followed with him not a few of those who were favourably mentioned in the will, and who went to court to look after their rights. peace was re-established in our city of kings, and the inquisition had its attention and time distracted by making preparation to burn madam castro, and the statue and bones of the jesuit ulloa. what was the sentence, or the turn which the sagacious philip v gave to the case? we do not know; but we are allowed to suppose that the king hit upon some conciliatory expedient which brought peace to all the litigants, and it is possible that the culprit ate a little blessed bread, or shared in some royal indulgence. does the original case still exist in spain? it is very likely that it has been eaten of moths, and hence the pretext and origin of a phrase which with us has become so popular. it is said of a certain notary who much troubled the royal council in the matter of a will and its codicils, that when the custodian of such things at last produced something which looked like the original, he said, 'here it is, but the moths have sadly eaten it.' 'just our luck, my dear sir,' said an interested one, who was none other than the marquis of castelfuerte. and ever since, when a thing has disappeared we say 'no doubt the moths have eaten it.' * * * * * so much for the lawsuit against god, which only a spaniard could have conceived and a peruvian satirist report. * * * * * when a commercial father sees his eldest son, on whom he has lavished much care and money that he might learn mathematics and such an amount of classics as will stand him in good stead at the fashionable training grounds of the world's gladiators, and the boy is seen to forsake figures and take to poetry, to prefer the gay science to that which would enable him to master the money article of the _times_, that father will feel as great a pang as when a giant dies. the same feeling may actuate many a peruvian bondholder when he is told that the peruvians are beginning to cultivate literature. many city men will disregard the thing altogether, or disdain to take notice of it. many will treat it with resentment and contempt. what right have people who are in debt to busy themselves in writing books, in amusing themselves when they should be at work, and in writing poetry when they should be making money. and yet the cultivation of literature for its own sake by any people ought not only to be viewed with favour, it should be carefully watched, to see if it be a real national growth or only a momentary effort which cannot last. if it be the former, we shall see it in an improvement of public morals and manners; in the quickening of the national conscience and chastening the public taste, in an elevation of character and in fresh dignity being imparted to the common things and duties of everyday life. peru possesses a history as well as a country. the one remains to be written, and the other to be described by a peruvian genius who shall do for peru and peruvian history what sir walter scott did for his native land and its records. it is now high time that peru produced her popular historian. one who can fire the intellect of his countrymen while he provides them with an elevating pastime, who can point out the way they should or should not go by showing them the ways they have hitherto travelled. if the work has been delayed, it is because the people have too long retained the spirit of the former times to make it possible for them to profit by any explanation of the past. monarchists yet, because they have never known better, they have not been taught to hate the hateful kings who ruled them in selfishness and kept them in ignorance, while they have not learned to love with devotion and intelligence the freedom they possess but know not how to use. when books are found in hands till then only accustomed to carry muskets, and the pen is handled by those who have hitherto only believed in the power of the sword, we may rest assured that an important change has set in, a silent revolution has begun, which will make all other revolutions very difficult if not impossible. footnotes: [1] as early as 1614 we find cervantes writing of these countries as the 'refugio y amparo de los desesperados de españa, yglesia de los alçados, salvoconducto de los homicidas, pala y cubierta de los jugadores (á quien llaman ciertos los peritos en el arte) añagaza general de mugeres libres, engaño comun de muchos, y remedio particular de pocos'--or, in plain english, the indies are the 'refuge and shield of the hopeless ones of spain, the sanctuary of the fraudulent, the protection of the murderer, the occasion and pretext of gamesters (as certain experts in the art are called), the common snare of free women, the universal imposture of the many and the specific reparation of the few.'--_el zeloso estremeño_. in _la española inglesa_ he calls the indies 'el comun refugio de los pobres generosos,' he had himself sought service in the colonies, but anything in the form of favour from the spanish court never fell to the lot of cervantes. and all men of brave hearts and high courage may thank god that royal people were as powerless to spoil or to help men of genius then as they are still. [2] see a useful work 'la condicion juridica de los estrangeros en el peru,' per felix cipriano c. zegarra. santiago, 1872. p. 136. chapter iii. whether it be true, or only a poetical way of putting it, that yarmouth was built on red herrings, manchester on cotton, birmingham on brass, middlesborough on pigs of iron, and the holy roman catholic church in china on peruvian bark, it is true that the government of peru has for more than a generation subsisted on guano, and the foundations of its greatness have been foundations of the same[3];--the ordure of birds--pelicans, penguins, boobies, and gulls of many kinds, and many kinds of ducks, all of marine habits, and deriving their living solely from the sea and the sky which is stretched above it. this precious guano, or huano, according to the orthography of the sixteenth century, had long been in use in peru before peru was discovered by the spaniards. it was well enough known to those famous agriculturists, the incas, who five centuries ago used it as a servant. with the change which changed the incas from off the face of the earth, came the strangest change of all,--guano ceased to be the servant or helper of the native soil; it became the master of the people who occupy it, the peruvian people, the spanish peruvians who call themselves republicans. no disgrace or ignominy need have come upon peru for selling its guano and getting drunk on the proceeds, if it had not trampled its own soil into sand, and killed not only the corn, the trees, and flowers which grow upon it, but also the men who cultivate those beautiful and necessary things[4]. during the time that peru has been a vendor of guano, it has sold twenty million tons of it, and as the price has ranged from £12 to £12 10_s._ and £13 the ton, peru may be said to have turned a pretty penny by the transaction. what she has done with the money is a very pertinent question, which will be answered in its right place. the amount of guano still remaining in the country amounts to between seven and eight million tons. there are men of intelligence even in peru who affirm that the quantity does not reach five million tons. one of my informants, a man intimately connected with the export and sale of this guano, assured me that there are not at this hour more than two million tons in the whole of the republic, and he had the best possible means at his disposal for ascertaining its truth. i have since discovered, however, that men who deal in guano do not always speak with a strict regard for the truth. as this is one of the vexed questions of the hour to some of my countrymen, the violent lenders of money, jews, greeks, infidels and others; although i have no sympathy with them, yet on condition that they buy this book i will give them a fair account of the guano which i have actually seen, and where it exists. i was sent to peru for the express purpose of making this examination. i may therefore expect that my statements will be received with some consideration. they have certainly been prepared with much care, and, i may add, under very favourable circumstances. my visits to the existing guano deposits were made after they had been uncovered of the stones which had been rolled upon them by the turbulent action of a century of earthquakes, the sand which the unresisted winds of heaven for the same period had heaped upon them from the mainland, and the slower but no less degrading influences of a tropical sun, attended with the ever humid air, dense mists, fogs and exhalations, and now and then copious showers of rain. moreover, my visits were made after a certain ascertained quantity of guano had been removed, and my measurements of the quantity remaining were therefore easily checked. last year the pabellon de pica was reported to contain eight million tons of guano. at that time it was covered from head to foot with more than fifty feet of sand and stones. the principal slopes are now uncovered. before this painful and expensive process had been completed, various other courageous guesses had been made, and the government engineers were divided among themselves in their estimates. one enthusiastic group of these loyal measurers contended for five million tons, another for three million five hundred and twenty thousand six hundred and forty, and another, unofficial and disinterested, placed it at less than a million tons. my own measurements corroborate this latter calculation. there may be one million tons of guano on the pabellon de pica. the exact quantity will only be known after all the guano has been entirely removed and weighed. the pabellon de pica is in form like a pavilion, or tent, or better still, a sugar-loaf rising a little more than 1000 feet above the sea which washes its base. it is connected by a short saddle with the mountain range, which runs north and south along the whole peruvian coast, attaining a height here of more than 5000 feet in isolated cones, but maintaining an average altitude of 3000 feet. when a strong north wind rages on these sandy pampas, the dust, finer than irish blackguard, obscures the sky, disfigures the earth, and makes mad the unhappy traveller who happens to be caught in its fury. a mind not troubled by the low price of peruvian bonds, or whether even the next coupon will be paid, might imagine that the gods, in mercy to the idleness of man, were determined to cover up those dunghills from human sight; and hence the floods, and cataracts of sand and dust which have been poured upon them from above. if it could be conceived that an almighty hand, consisting of nineteen fingers, each finger six hundred feet long, with a generous palm fifteen hundred feet wide, had thrust itself up from below, through this loaf of sugar, or dry dung, to where the dung reaches on the pabellon, some idea might be formed of the frame in which, and on which the guano rests. the man who reckoned the pabellon to contain eight million tons of guano, took no notice of the cyclopean fingers which hold it together, or the winstone palm in which it rests. there are eighteen large and small gorges formed by the nineteen stone fingers. each gorge was filled with a motionless torrent of stones and sand, and these had to be removed before the guano could be touched. so hard and compact had the guano become, that neither the stones nor the sand had mixed with it; when these were put in motion and conducted down into the sea below, the guano was found hard and intact, and it had to be blasted with gunpowder to convey it by the wooden shoots to the ships' launches that were dancing to receive it underneath. the process was as dangerous as mining, and quite as expensive, to the peruvian government; for, although the loading of the guano is let out by contract, the contractors--a limited company of native capitalists--will, as a matter of course, claim a considerable sum for removing stones and sand, and equally as a matter of course they will be paid: and they deserve to be paid. no hell has ever been conceived by the hebrew, the irish, the italian, or even the scotch mind for appeasing the anger and satisfying the vengeance of their awful gods, that can be equalled in the fierceness of its heat, the horror of its stink, and the damnation of those compelled to labour there, to a deposit of peruvian guano when being shovelled into ships. the chinese who have gone through it, and had the delightful opportunity of helping themselves to a sufficiency of opium to carry them back to their homes, as some believed, or to heaven, as fondly hoped others, must have had a superior idea of the almighty, than have any of the money-making nations mentioned above, who still cling to an immortality of fire and brimstone. years ago the pabellon de pica was resorted to for its guano by a people, whoever they were, who had some fear of god before their eyes. their little houses built of boulders and mortar, still stand, and so does their little church, built after the same fashion, but better, and raised from the earth on three tiers, each tier set back a foot's length from the other. it is now used as a store for barley and other valuable necessaries for the mules and horses of the loading company. if the bondholders of peru, or others, have any desire to know something of public life on this now celebrated dunghill, they may turn to another page of this history, and mr. plimsoll, or other shipping reformer, may learn something likewise of the lives of english seamen passed during a period of eight months in the neighbourhood of a peruvian guano heap. in the meantime we are dealing with the grave subject of measurable quantities of stuff, which fetches £12 or so a ton in the various markets of the cultivated world. the next deposit--of much greater dimensions, although not so well known--is about eight miles south of the pabellon, called punta de lobos. this also is on the mainland, but juts out to the west considerably, into the sea. i find it mentioned in dampier--'at lobos de la mar,' he says, vol. i. 146, 'we found abundance of penguins, and boobies, and seal in great abundance.' also in vol. iv. 178 he says, 'from tucames to yancque is twelve leagues, from which place they carry clay to lay in the valleys of arica and sama. and here live some few indian people, who are continually digging this clayey ground for the use aforesaid, for the spaniards reckon that it fattens the ground.' the fishing no doubt was better here than at the pabellon, which would be the principal attraction to the indians. the indians have disappeared with the lobos, the penguins and the boobies. one million six hundred thousand tons of guano were reported from lobos last year by the government engineers. the place is much more easy of access than the pabellon, and no obstacle was in the way of a thorough measurement, and yet the utmost carelessness has been observed with regard to it. it may safely be taken that there are two millions and a half of tons at this deposit, or series of deposits, ten in number, all overlooking the sea. the guano is good. if the method of shipping it were equally good the government might save the large amount which they at present lose. i have no hesitation in saying, that for every 900 tons shipped, 200 tons of guano are lost in the sea by bad management, added to the dangers of the heavy surf which rolls in under the shoots. as at the pabellon de pica, so here the principal labourers are chinamen, and chilenos, the former doing much more work than the latter, and receiving inferior pay. many of the chinamen are still apprentices, or 'slaves' as they are in reality called and treated by their owners. at punta de lobos i discovered two small caves built of boulders, and roofed in with rafters of whales' ribs. the effect of the white concentric circles in the sombre light of these alcoves had an oriental expression. the number of whales on this coast must at one time have been very great. they are still to be met with several hundred miles west, in the latitude of payta. no doubt for the same reason that the lobos and the boobies have gone, no one knows where, so the whales have gone in search of grounds and waters remote from the haunts of man and steamers. a singular effect of light upon the bright slopes of dazzling sand which run down from the northern sides of the point, was observed from the heights: when the shadows of the clouds in the zenith passed over the shining surface they appeared to be not shadows, but last night's clouds which had fallen from the sky, so dense were they, dark, and sharply defined. [it frequently happens in peru, that what appears to be substantial, is nothing better than a morning cloud which passes away.] huanillos is another deposit still further south, where the guano is good but the facilities for shipping it are few. here are five different gorges, in which the dung has been stored as if by careful hands. the earthquake however has played sad havoc with the storing. from a great height above, enormous pieces of rock of more than a thousand tons each have been hurled down, and in one place another motionless cataract of heavy boulders covers up a large amount of guano. the quantity found here may be fairly estimated at eight hundred thousand tons. it was easy to count ninety-five ships resting below on what, at the distance of three miles, appeared to be a sea without motion or ripple. at the pabellon de pica there were ninety-one ships, and at lobos one hundred and fourteen ships, all waiting for guano: three hundred ships in all, some of which had been waiting for more than eight months; and it is not unlikely that the whole of them may have to wait for the same length of time. an impression has got abroad that the reason of this delay is the absence of guano. it is a natural inference for the captain of a ship to draw, and it is just the kind of information an ignorant man would send home to his employers. it is however absolutely erroneous; the delays in loading are vexatious in the extreme, but being in peru they can hardly be avoided. their cause may be set down to the sea and its dangers, the precipitous rocky shore, the ill-constructed launches and shoots, and now and then to the ignorance, stupidity, and obstinacy of a peruvian official, called an _administrador_. chipana, six miles further south of huanillos, is another considerable deposit. but as this had not been uncovered, and the place is absolutely uninhabited and without any of the common necessaries of life, which in peru may be said to be not very few, i did not visit it, and am content to take the measurement of a gentleman whom i have every reason to trust, and on whose accuracy and ability i can rely as i have had to rely before. the amount of guano at chipana may be taken at about the same as huanillos. if to this be added the deposits of chomache, very small, islotas de pajaros, quebrada de pica, patache, and all other points further north, up to la bahia de la independencia, we may safely declare that among them all will be found not less than five million tons of good guano. before proceeding to give an account of the deposits in the north, it may be well to allude to a question of considerable importance to some one, be it the government of peru, or the house of messrs. dreyfus brothers, the present financial agents of peru. the only interest which the question can have for the public, or the holders of peruvian bonds, arises from the fact of this question involving no less a sum than £1,500,000 or even more; and if the government of peru has to pay it, so much the worse will it be for its already alarmed and disappointed creditors. many of the three hundred ships lying off the three principal deposits of the south, have been there for very long periods of time, and a considerable bill for demurrage has been contracted. the question is who is to pay the shipowners' claim, and probably the law courts will have to answer the question. it would appear at first sight that this charge should be paid by dreyfus. according to the first article of the contract between that firm and the government of peru, dreyfus was to purchase two million tons of guano, and to pay for the same two million four hundred thousand pounds sterling. here is a distinct act of purchase. the guano is the property of dreyfus. the second article of the contract would appear to provide especially for the case in point: 'los compradores enviarán por su cuenta y riesgo, á los depositos huaneros de la republica, los buques necesarios para el transporte del huano' [the purchasers shall send, _at their own cost and risk_, the necessary ships to the guano deposits of the republic for the purpose of transporting the guano]. this would seem to be plain enough: but these ships, or the greater part of them, came chartered by dreyfus, not to any deposit of guano, in the first instance, but to callao, where they collected in that bay, notorious now for many reported acts of singular heroism, and other acts of a very different nature. the ships were finally detained by command of the president of the republic, who, acting on certain subterranean knowledge, refused to despatch the ships, or to allow them to proceed to the deposits. dreyfus, the president insisted, had already taken away all the guano that belonged to them, and therefore the ships which they had chartered for carrying away still more should not be allowed to go and load. at last the president appears to have discovered his mistake, and the ships, to the amazement of the lima press, were allowed to depart; some to the pabellon de pica, where they still are; others to lobos, and the rest to huanillos. in the meantime the following circular appeared. 'the lima press has commented in various articles on the conduct of our house with respect to the export of guano, and we have been charged with endeavouring to appropriate a larger quantity than that which is stipulated in our contracts as sufficient to cover the amounts due to us by the supreme government. these false and malevolent assertions render it necessary for us to satisfy the public and inform the country of the state of our affairs with the supreme government. we trust that dispassionate people who do not allow their opinions to be based on partial evidence, will do our house the justice to which we are entitled by these few particulars, the truth of which is proved by facts and figures that can be authenticated by application to the offices of the public treasury. balance in favour of our house on june 30, 1875, as per account delivered, embracing 1,377,150 tons of guano $.24,068,156 expenses since that date for monthly instalments, loading, salaries in europe, etc. $.2,390,000 ------------ balance in favour of our house $.26,459,156 ------------ from this sum there is to be deducted the value of cargoes despatched up to june, 300,092 tons at 30 soles 9,002,760 vessels now loading, 394,966 tons at 30 soles 4,849,000 [a]vessels detained in callao 110,657 tons at 30 soles 3,319,710 ---------- $.24,181,470 ------------ which shews a balance in our favour of $.2,286,686 adding to this sum interest in account current since june 1,500,000 [b]cost of loading ships at the deposits and in callao 1,500,000 ---------- 3,000,000 ------------ shewing a clear balance in our favour of $.5,286,686 ------------ we have taken thirty soles as the average value of guano of different qualities. these figures prove that our house not only has not received more than it is entitled to, even if all the vessels had left which are at the deposits as well as those in callao, but that there is still a heavy balance due to us. with respect to questions now pending, no one possesses the right to consider his opinions of more value than those of the tribunals of justice before which they now are, without the least opposition on our part. dreyfus, hermanos, & co. _lima, dec. 31, 1875._ it appears from this statement [a], that dreyfus had already put in their claim for the detention of the ships. what is meant by the last item marked with a [b] is uncertain; no ships are loaded in callao. if the government can sustain its suit against dreyfus on that part of the second article of the contract mentioned above, instead of its owing dreyfus the 'clear balance of 5,286,686 dols.' dreyfus is in debt to the government. but there is another item in the second article which appears to override the first: viz. 'y este (guano) será colocado por cuenta y riesgo del gobierno abordo de las lanchas destinadas a la carga de dichos buques' [or, in plain english, 'this guano shall be placed on board such launches as are appointed to carry it to the ships, on account and at the risk of the government']. well, it is absolutely certain that the guano was not _colocado_, or placed on board the appointed launches; not because the launches were not there; not because there was no guano at the deposits;--but simply because the government had not, for some reason or other, fulfilled its own part of the contract. no answer was made by the government to dreyfus' circular, and the obsequious lima newspapers were as silent upon it as dumb dogs. i have since heard, on high authority, that the reply of the government is prepared, and that it disputes dreyfus' claims and will contest them in a court of law. i was glad when they said unto me, let us go to the islands of the north; glad to leave behind me the filthiness, foulness, and weariness of the mainland in the neighbourhood of the pabellon de pica. had it not been for the true british kindness of one or two of my countrymen and several americans in command of guano ships, her majesty's consular agent, and the agent of the house of dreyfus, who did all they could to provide me with wholesome food, german beer, and clean beds, i should have fled away from that much-talked-of dunghill without estimating its contents; or like a philosophical chinaman sought out a quiet nook in the warm rocks, and with an opium reed in my lips smoked myself away to everlasting bliss. on my return from the south we passed close to the chincha islands. when i first saw them twenty years ago, they were bold, brown heads, tall, and erect, standing out of the sea like living things, reflecting the light of heaven, or forming soft and tender shadows of the tropical sun on a blue sea. now these same islands looked like creatures whose heads had been cut off, or like vast sarcophagi, like anything in short that reminds one of death and the grave. in ages which have no record these islands were the home of millions of happy birds, the resort of a hundred times more millions of fishes, of sea lions, and other creatures whose names are not so common; the marine residence, in fact, of innumerable creatures predestined from the creation of the world to lay up a store of wealth for the british farmer, and a store of quite another sort for an immaculate republican government. one passage of the hebrew scriptures, and this the only passage in the whole range of sacred or profane literature, supplies an adequate epitaph for the chincha islands. but it is too indecent, however amusing it may be, to quote. on sunday morning, march 26th, of the last year of grace, i first caught sight of the beautiful pearl-gray islands of lobos de afuera, undulating in latitude s. 6.57.20, longitude 80.41.50, beneath a blue sky, and apparently rolling out of an equally blue sea. here is the only large deposit that has remained untouched; here you may walk about among great birds busy hatching eggs, look a great sea-lion in the face without making him afraid, and dip your hat in the sea and bring up more little fishes than you can eat for breakfast. there are eight distinct deposits in an island rather more than a mile in length and half a mile in width. the amount of guano will be not less than 650,000 tons. it is not all of the same good quality, for considerable rain has at one time fallen on these islands. wide and deep beds of sand mark in a well defined manner the courses of several once strong and rapid streams. but if the poor guano, that namely which does not yield more than two per cent. of ammonia be reckoned, the deposits on these islands will reach a million tons. the wiseacres who believe guano to be a mineral substance, and not the excreta of birds, will do well to pay a visit to lobos de afuera. there they will see the whole process of guano making and storing carried on with the greatest activity, regularity, and despatch. the birds make their nests quite close together: as close and regular, in fact, as wash-hand basins laid out in a row for sale in a market-place; are about the same size, and stand as high from the ground. these nests are made by the joint efforts of the male and female birds; for there is no moss, or lichen, or grass, or twig, or weed, available, or within a hundred miles and more: even the sea does not yield a leaf. as a rule, about one hundred and fifty nests form a farm. it has been computed by a close observer that the heguiro will contribute from 4 oz. to 6 oz. per day of nesty material, the pelican twice as much. when there are millions of these active beings living in undisturbed retirement, with abundance of appropriate food within reach, it does not require a very vivid imagination to realise in how, comparatively, short a time a great deposit of guano can be stored. will the government of peru occupy itself in preserving and cultivating these busy birds? that government has lived now on their produce for more than thirty years; why should it not take a benign and intelligent interest in the creatures who have continued its existence and contributed to its fame? the heguiro is a large bird of the gull and booby species, but twice the size of these, with blue stockings and also blue shoes. it does not appear to possess much natural intelligence, and its education has evidently been left uncared for. it will defend its young with real courage, but will fly from its nest and its one or two eggs on the least alarm. this, however, is not always the case. but in a most insane manner if it spies a white umbrella approaching, it sets up a painful shriek. had it kept its mouth shut, the umbrella had travelled in another direction. as the noise came from a peculiar cave-like aperture in the high rocks, i sat down in front, watched the movements of the bird, who kept up a dismal noise, evidently resenting my intrusion on her private affairs. after a brief space i marched slowly up to the bird, who, when she saw me determined to come on, deliberately rose from her nest, and became engaged in some frantic effort, the meaning of which i could not guess. when i approached within ten yards of her, she sprang into the sky and began sailing above my head, trying by every means in her power to scare me away. when i reached the nest, i found the beautiful pale blue egg covered with little fishes! the anxious mother had emptied her stomach in order to protect the fruit of her body from discovery or outrage, or to keep it warm while she paid a visit to her mansion in the skies. birds have ever been a source of joy to me from the time that i first remember walking in a field of buttercups in mid staffordshire, some fifty years ago, and hearing for the first time the rapturous music of a lark. since then i have watched the movements of the great condor on the andes, the eagle on the hurons, the ibis on the nile, the native companion in its quiet nooks on the murray, the laughing jackass in the bush of australia, the curaçoa of central america, the tapa culo of the south american desert, the albatross of the south pacific. i can see them all still, or their ghosts, whenever i choose to shut my eyes, a process which the poets assure us is necessary if we would see bright colours. and now i no longer care for birds. i have seen them in double millions at a time, swarming in the sky, like insects on a leaf, or vermin in a spanish bed. they are as common as man, and can be as useful, and become as great a commercial speculation as he. we visited the island of macabi, lat. 7.49.30 s., long. 79.28.30, for the purpose of seeing what good thing remained there that was worth removing in the way of houses, tanks and tools for use on the virgin deposits of lobos de afuera. although there is not more than one shipload of guano left, i was glad to see the place for many reasons. it will be recollected that it was on the guano said to exist on this and the guañapi islands that the peruvian loan of 1872 was raised, and it will be the duty of all who invested their money in that transaction to enquire into the truth of the statements on which the loan was made. macabi is an island split in two, spanned by a very well constructed iron suspension bridge a hundred feet long. the birds which had been frightened away by the operations of the guano-loading company have returned. the lobos probably never left the place, the precipitous rocks and the great caverns which the sea has scooped out affording them sufficient protection from the 'fun'-pursuing peruvian, who delights in killing, where there is no danger, an animal twice his own size, and whose existence is quite as important as his own. or if the lobos did leave, they also have returned. this would go to prove the statements that the birds have begun to return to the chinchas. when this is proved beyond any doubt, we may expect to hear of messrs. schweiser and gnat applying for another loan on the strength of the pelicans, ducks and boobies having returned to their ancient labours on those celebrated islands. the spectacle presented at macabi was humiliating. the ground was everywhere strewn with government property, which had all gone to destruction. the shovels and picks were scattered about as if they had been thrown down with curses which had blasted them. i went to pick up a shovel, but it fell to pieces like rip van winkle's gun on the catskills; the wheelbarrows collapsed with a touch. suddenly i came on a little coffin, exquisitely made, not quite eighteen inches long. there it lay in the midst of the burning glaring rocks, as solitary and striking as the print of a foot in the sand was to robinson crusoe. the coffin was empty, and the presence of certain filthy-fat gallinazos high up on the rocks explained the reason. a little further on were the graves of some fifty full-grown persons, 'asiatics,' probably, who had purposely fallen asleep. walking down the steady slope of the island till i came to the edge of the sea, which rolled below me some hundred and twenty feet, i came suddenly in front of a thousand lobos, all basking in the sun after their morning's bath. it was a sight certainly new, entertaining, and instructive. the young lobos are silly little things, and look as if it had not taken much trouble to make them; a child could carve a baby lobo out of a log, that would be quite as good to look at as one of these. but the old fathers, patriarchs, kings, or presidents of the herd, are as impressive as some of layard's assyrian lions. suddenly one of these caught me in his eye, and no doubt imagining me to be a peruvian, signalled to the rest, who, following his lead, all rushed violently down the steep place into the sea, and began tumbling about and rolling over in the surf like a mob of happy children gambolling among a lot of hay-cocks in a green field. they live on fish, and the number of fishes is as great at macabi as elsewhere. as i remained watching these swarthy creatures, a great sea-lion appeared above the surface of the rolling deep looking about him, his mouth full of fishes, just as you have seen a high-bred horse with his mouth full of straggling hay, turn his head to look as you entered his stable door. my next and longer visit was to lobos de tierra, lat. s. 6.27.30, the largest guano island in the world, being some seven miles long, or more. here are great deposits of guano, the extent and value of which are not yet known. it is certain that there are more than eight hundred thousand tons of good quality in the numerous deposits which have been hitherto examined. on january 31st, being in lat. s. 7.50.0, and some 15 miles from the peruvian coast, when on my way to the south from panama, we ran into a heavy shower of rain. now it is much more likely to rain in lat. s. 6.27.30 and 120 miles from the shore, and this explains the reason why the guano deposits of lobos de tierra were not worked before. still the quantity of rich material found there is great, and it is the only place where i came on sal ammoniac _in situ_; the crystals were large and beautifully formed, but somewhat opaque. during the ten days i remained there, more than 500 tons of good guano were shipped in one day, and there were some 40 ships waiting to receive more. like all the other guano deposits, lobos de tierra has to be supplied at great expense from the mainland with everything for the support of human life. it is true that the sea supplies very good fish, but man cannot live on fish alone, at least for any length of time, especially if he is engaged in loading ships with guano. the changos, however, a race of fishermen on the peruvian coast, do live on uncooked fish, and a finer race to look at may not be found; the colour of their skin is simply beautiful, but they are very little children in understanding. it is only fair to say that with their raw fish they consume a plentiful amount of chicha, a fermented liquor made from maize, the ancient beer of peru: and very good liquor it is, very sustaining, and, taken in excess, as intoxicating as that of the immortal bass. these hardy fishers visit all these islands in their balsas, great rafts formed of three tiers of large trees of light wood, stripped and prepared for the purpose in guayaquil. they are precisely the same as those first met with by pizarro's expedition when on his way to conquer peru, three centuries and a half ago. the people are probably the same, except that they now speak spanish, and are never found with gold; but now and then they do traffic in fine cottons, spun by hand, now as then, by natives of the country. i cannot forget that it was at lobos de tierra i had the great pleasure of forming the acquaintance of one who represents young peru: the new generation that, if time and opportunity be given it, may transform that land of corruption into a new nation. here on this barren island, i found a son of one of the oldest peruvian families, thoroughly educated, well acquainted with england and its literature, proud of his country, jealous for its honour, and keenly alive to the disgrace into which she has been dragged by the wicked men who have gone to their doom. should this generation, represented by one whom i am allowed to call my friend--who, though born in the guano age is not of it,--rise into power, the rising generation in england may see what many have had too great reason to despair of, namely, a south american republic, that shall prefer death to dishonour, and if needs must, will live on bread and onions in order to be free of debt. there is so much pleasure in hoping the best of all men, that it surely must be a duty the neglect of which, when there are substantial evidences to support it, must be a crime. i left lobos de tierra with profound regret, but it was necessary to do so in order to see what remained to be seen of the precious dung in other parts of peru. the following will be found to be a fair approximation of the quantities existing along the northern coast. +-----------------------+------------+------------+------------+ | islands. | latitude. | longitude. | quantities.| | | | | tons. | +-----------------------+------------+------------+------------+ | malabrigo | 7.43.20 | 79.26.20 | 400 | | macabi | 7.49.30 | 79.28.20 | 1,000 | | guañapi | 7.49.30 | 78.56.0 | 3,500 | | chao | 8.46.50 | 78.46.0 | 800 | | coreobado | 8.57.0 | 78.40.30 | 3,000 | | santa | 9.03.0 | 78.39.30 | 100 | | bay of ferrol | 9.10.0 | 78.36.0 | 22,000 | | el dorado | 9.12.0 | 78.34.0 | 6,000 | | small island pajaros | 9.12.0 | 78.30.10 | 250 | | tortuga | 9.21.30 | 78.27.0 | 700 | | mongon | 9.39.40 | 78.25.0 | 23,000 | | mongon 2nd | 9.40.0 | 78.20.0 | 30,000 | | mongoncillo | 9.45.30 | 78.16.40 | 6,000 | | cornejos | 9.53.0 | 78.15.0 | 500 | | erizos | 9.54.40 | 78.14.0 | 5,000 | | huarmey | 10.00.20 | 78.12.0 | 500 | | 2nd ditto | 10.02.0 | 78.11.0 | 3,000 | | bay of gramadal | 10.25.0 | 78.00.30 | 10,000 | | pescadores | 11.48.0 | 77.15.30 | 200 | +-----------------------+------------+------------+------------+ i have not visited all these small deposits, and have been content to take the report of captain black, the chief of the peruvian expedition lately appointed to examine them. i have found him so faithful and trustworthy in those cases--the more important of them all--where i have had the opportunity of comparing his calculations with my own, that i have not hesitated to adopt his estimates of the least important deposits. i have considered them of value if for no other reason than to guard the public against any fresh discovery being made by interested parties. if then we add these northern deposits to those of the south, peru has at present in her possession, in round numbers, 7,500,000 tons of guano of 2240 lbs. to the ton. it is not my business to suggest the possible existence of guano remaining to be discovered. i may however be allowed to say that there are certain unmistakable indications of even large deposits which may lie buried a hundred feet below the sand on the slopes of the southern shore. as those indications are the result of my own observation, i may be allowed to keep them to myself for a more convenient season. footnotes: [3] since writing the above i have come on the following passage from the report of the peruvian minister of finance for 1858. 'huano tan grande es el valor de este ramo de la riqueza nacional, que sin exajeracion puede asegurarse, que en su estimacion y buen manejo estriba la subsistencia del estado, el mantenimiento de su credito, el porvenir de su engrandecimiento, y la conservacion del órden publico.' which may be done into the vulgar tongue faithfully and well as follows--so great is the value of this branch of the national riches, that without exaggeration it may be affirmed that on its estimation and good handling depend the subsistence of the state, the maintenance of its credit, the future of its increase, and the preservation of public order.--signed, manuel ortiz de zerallos. [4] it is hard to believe that the present dead silent sands, which form the coast of peru from the province of chincha in the south as far as trujillo in the north, was in the early days so populous that padre melendez, quoted by unanue, compared one of the small valleys to an ant hill; and now 'not more than half a dozen natives can be found among its ruins.'--see documentos literarios del peru colectados por manuel de odriozola, vol. vi, p. 179. the rapid and continued decrease of the peruvian population has been ascribed to civil war. this is not true. where the sword has carried off its thousands, the infernal stuff known as brandy, the small pox, and other epidemics, have slain their tens of thousands. the liberation of the slaves also caused great mortality amongst the negroes. chapter iv. 'however long the guano deposits may last, peru always possesses the nitrate deposits of tarapaca to replace them. foreseeing the possibility of the former becoming exhausted, the government has adopted measures by which it may secure a new source of income, in order that on the termination of the guano the republic may be able to continue to meet the obligations it is under to its foreign creditors.' these words form part of an assuring despatch from don juan ignacio elguera, the peruvian minister of finance, to the minister of foreign affairs, and was made public as early as possible after it was found that the january coupon could not be paid. the assurance came too late for any practical purposes, and it merely demonstrated the fact that the peruvian government shared in the panic which had been designedly brought to pass by its enemies as well as its intimate friends in lima, and their emissaries in london and paris. the despatch demonstrates two or three other matters of importance. we are made to infer from its terms, and the eagerness with which it insists on the undoubted source of wealth the government possesses in the deposits of nitrate, that it was unaware of the actual amount of guano still remaining in the deposits of the north and the south. we may also safely believe that the peruvian government did not at the time of the publication of the despatch, dream of asking the bondholders to sacrifice any of their rights; and further, in its anxiety to save its credit with england, it was hurried into a confession which it now regrets. what spirit of evil suggested to president pardo the idea of appealing to the charity of his creditors, immediately after allowing his finance minister to announce to all the world that the republic was able to continue meeting its obligations to its foreign creditors even though the guano should give out, it does not much concern us to enquire. the effect of such an appeal cannot fail to be prejudicial to the credit of peru; and men or dealers in other people's money will not be wanting who will call in question the good faith of the finance minister when he declared that the deposits of nitrate could continue what the deposits of guano had begun but failed to carry on. other considerations press themselves upon us. in the midst of the crisis, the president published a decree, announcing that he would avail himself of the resolution of congress which enabled him to acquire the nitrate works in the province of tarapaca. a commission of lawyers was at once despatched to the province to examine titles, and to fix upon the price to be paid to each manufacturer for his plant and his nitrate lands. in an incredibly short time no less than fifty-one nitrate makers had given in their consent to sell their works to the government, and the price was fixed upon each, and each was measured, inventoried, and closed. the total sum to be paid for these establishments was 18,000,000 dols. but they remained to be conveyed. the civil power had displayed considerable activity; now that the law had to be applied things became as dull as lead, and as heavy as if they had all been made of that well-known metal. negotiations had also to be entered into with the lima banks, which is an operation as delicate and as dangerous as negotiating with so many volcanoes, or any other uncertain and baseless institutions of which either nature or a civilisation supported by bits of paper can boast. still the world was comforted by the promise that next week all would be well, or the week after, or say the end of the month, in order to be sure. in the midst of this, general prado, the possible future president of peru, is despatched to europe on a mission, the nature of which was kept a profound secret for three weeks. simple men, who believed in the despatch of the finance minister, knew for certain that general prado had gone to england to raise more money on nitrate, in order that the oroya railway might be finished, and a station-house built somewhere in the milky way, which it is destined probably this marvellous line shall ultimately reach. and if london would only lend peru, say another £10,000,000, then lima would rejoice, and the whole earth be glad; the mountains would break out into psalms, and the valleys would laugh and sing, for would not don enrique meiggs, the messiah[5] of the andes, once more return to reign? at any rate it is quite certain that general prado was announced to sail on the 14th of march, when the last stroke of the pen was to be put to the conveyance of the nitrate properties. alas! the law's delay continued, and general prado did not sail. it is natural to suppose at all events that prado never meant to go to london without the nitrate contracts in his pocket--which will supply a larger income to peru than the guano in all its glory ever did,--for the purpose of asking the bondholders to be merciful. the general finally left callao for europe on the 21st, amidst the forebodings of his friends, and the ill-concealed joy of his foes, but without the nitrate documents being signed. still, before he could reach london the thing would be done, and the result could be telegraphed. in the meantime the new minister to paris and london, rivaguero, telegraphed to lima some favourable news, the precise terms of which, of course, were not allowed to transpire, to the effect that an arrangement had been made satisfactory to all parties. on this, further delay takes place in the important nitrate negotiations, and that in the face of a semi-official communication to the effect that next week merchants might rely upon it that all would be well and truly finished. in the stead of this, president pardo 'reminds the banks of an item which up to that period had never been dreamed or thought of, except by the president himself, namely, that they, the banks, on the security of the nitrate bonds, would have to supply to the government so many hundred thousand dollars per month! all at once the whole fabric of the nitrate business fell down. two things may be inferred from this: president pardo hoped, believed, perhaps knew, that the bondholders would give way, and he had become convinced that he had made a mistake in buying the nitrate properties; it is also likely that he knew for certain at this time that there was guano enough for all purposes, without meddling with the important nitrate matters, and thereby destroying a great and important national industry. he may also have been desirous to bury, in an oblivion of his own making, the honest compromise contained in the despatch of don juan ignacio elguera. a further light may have dawned on the presidential mind, namely, that it will be perfectly easy for the government to treble the export duty on nitrate, without in the least damaging the trade or dangerously interfering with the profits of the makers, by which means the peruvian government would reap an annual income without trouble, or any of the thousand vexations to which it has been subjected in the export and sale of its guano. that it was the original intention of the government to raise a loan on the 'purchase' of the nitrate properties, is evident from the terms of the tenth article of president pardo's decree, which may be thus translated:-'the establishments sold to the state shall be paid for within two years, or as soon after as possible, that funds for the purpose have been raised in europe; payment shall be by bills on london, at not more than ninety days, and at the rate of exchange of forty-four pence to the _sol_,' etc. whatever value these particulars may possess or have given to them by future events[6], they will serve to show some of the peculiar features of the peruvian government, and to what shifts it can resort, or is compelled to make under adverse circumstances, or circumstances into which it may be brought by its enemies, or its own weakness, its inherent lack of stout-hearted honesty, and its inaptitude for what is known as business. the nitrate deposits are well enough known. it is absolutely certain that in the year 1863 there were sold 1,508,000 cwts.; and in 1873 5,830,000 cwts. in that year the government acknowledged to have received from the export of this article the sum of 2,250,000 dols. should the permanent sale of nitrate reach 5,000,000 quintals per annum, there is no reason why the government should not realise from this source at least 10,000,000 dols. a year: should it only double its present duties the amount would reach 12,000,000 dols. the annual amount of nitrate which the fifty-one establishments proposed to be bought by the government are capable of producing, may be set down at 14,000,000 cwts. these establishments do not exhaust the whole of the nitrate deposits. there are several large 'oficinas,' as they are called, which have, for their own reasons, refused to sell their properties to the state. the region of these deposits is a wild, barren pampa, 3000 feet above the level of the sea, and contains not less than 150 square miles of land, which will yield on the safest calculation more than 70,000,000 tons of nitrate. why these establishments for the manufacture of this important substance are called 'oficinas' it may not be difficult to say: it is doubtless for the same reason that a cottage _orné_ at chorrillos, the brighton of lima, is called a rancho. twenty years ago chorrillos was to lima what the clyde and its neighbouring waters were to the manufacturing capital of scotland. what dunoon and its competitors on the scotch coast now are, such has chorrillos become,--the fashionable resort of rich people who have robbed nature of her simplicity and beauty by embellishing her, as they call it, with art. all that remains of the straw-thatched rancho of chorrillos, with its unglazed windows, its mud floors, its hammocks, and its freedom, is its name. an oficina twenty or thirty years ago, was no doubt a mere office made of wood, hammered together hastily, as an extemporary protection from the sun by day, and the cold dews and airs of the night: in appearance resembling nothing else but an australian outhouse. an oficina of to-day is a very different thing. its appearance, and all that pertains to it, is as difficult to describe as a great ironworks, or chemical works, or any other works where the ramifications are not only numerous, but novel. the first oficina whose acquaintance i had the honour and trouble to make, was that of the tarapaca nitrate company, situated near the terminus of the iquique and la noria railway, in the midst of a windy plain 3000 feet above the sea, and beneath a far hotter sun than that which beats on the pyramids of egypt. if you take a seat in the wide balcony of the house, where the manager and the clerks of the establishment reside, and live not uncomfortably, you look down almost at your feet on what appears to be an uncountable number of vast iron tanks containing coloured liquids, a tall chimney, a chemical laboratory, an iodine extracting house, a steam-pump, innumerable connecting pipes, stretching and twisting about the vast premises as if they were the bowels of some scientifically formed stomach of vast proportions for the purpose of digesting poisons and producing the elements of gunpowder, a blacksmith's forge, an iron foundry, a lathe shop, complicated scaffolding, tramways, men making boilers, men attending on waggons, bending iron plates, stoking fires, breaking up _caliche_, wheeling out refuse, putting nitrate into sacks, and other miscellaneous labour, requiring great intelligence to direct and great endurance to carry on; and all beneath the fierce heat of a sun, unscreened by trees or clouds, the glare of which on the white substance which is in process of being turned over, broken, and carried from one point to another, is as painful as looking into a blast furnace. beyond the great and busy area where all these varied operations are carried on the eye stretches across a desert of brown earth, which is terminated by soft rolling hills of the same fast colour. the appearance of this desert is that of a vast number of ant-hills in shape; and in size of the heaps of refuse which give character to the black country in mid staffordshire. perhaps the first impression which this repulsive desert makes on the mind of a man who has seen and observed much is that of a battlefield of barbarian armies, where the slain still lie in the heaps in which they were clubbed down by their foes; or it may be likened to an illimitable number of dust-hills jumbled together by an earthquake. all this is the result of digging for _caliche_, and blasting it out of the sandy bed in which it has lain god only knows how long. as the breeze springs up, and clouds of fine white dust follow the mule carts and rise under the hoofs of galloping horses, the idea of the battlefield with the use of gunpowder comes back on the memory, and is perhaps the nearest simile that can be used. and this is an oficina! one of the silliest and most inadequate of words ever used to denote what is one of the newest, and may be the largest, as it is certainly the most novel, of all modern industrial establishments. the manufacture of caliche into nitrate of soda is not without its dangers to human life, though these are fewer than they were when men frequently fell into vats of boiling liquors, or broke their limbs in falling from high scaffolding: the latter form of danger still exists, and is almost impossible to guard against. i am free to say, however, that if the guard were possible i do not believe it would be used. there are some trades and processes which not only brutalise the labourers on whom rests the toil of carrying them on, but which no less degrade the mind of those who direct them; and the nitrate manufacture is one of these. 'joe,' one of the house dogs, fell into one of the heated tanks of the oficina where i was staying, and his quick but dreadful death made more impression on some than did the untimely death of a man who was killed the day before at the same place. another item in the agitated landscape which stretches from the balcony where i sat is a spacious burying-ground, walled in as a protection from dogs and carts; but these are not its only or its chief desecrators. the sky furnishes many more. this great oficina contains 1682 estacas; can produce 900,000 quintals of nitrate a year, and was 'sold' to the government for 1,250,000 dols. an estaca is a certain amount of ground 'staked out,' as we might say, and contains about one hundred square yards of available land. there are other oficinas of still greater value than the one mentioned above; as, for instance, those of gildemeister and co., and which the government acquired on the same terms for the same sum. the markets for this new substance are england, germany, the united states, california, chile, and other countries. it is as a cultivator a formidable competitor of the guano, and is esteemed by scientific men to be much more valuable. its price is set down at £19 the ton, although £12 and £12 10_s._ is its present market value. the acquisition by the peruvian government of this industry was patriotic, even if it were not wise. it was done with the intention of paying the foreign creditors of the republic. since then peruvian patriotism has assumed another form and complexion, and what was done in an honest enthusiasm of haste is already being repented of in a leisure largely occupied with the contemplation of a patriotic repudiation of national duty and debt. the arguments by which 'prominent' peruvians are fortifying themselves for a step which at any moment may be taken, are neither moral nor convincing, except to themselves. 'peru must live,' they say, which does not mean a noble form of poverty, but an altogether ignoble form of extravagance, and even wasteful magnificence. we must have our army, our navy, our president, his ministers, our judges, our priests, our ambassadors, our newspapers, stationery, bunting, gas for the plaza on feast days, wax candles for our churches by night and by day, a national police, gunpowder, jails for foreign delinquents, and railways to the milky way, to show to neighbouring republics and all the world that peru is a fine nation. there is not one of all these splendid items which, so far as the people are concerned, could not be dispensed with. but to live, they reiterate, is the primary object and purpose of all nations, and especially republican nations, forgetting, or, what is much more likely, never having known, that death is preferable to a shamed life, and that there are times when it is clearly a duty to die. the next argument now rapidly gaining ground in lima is that although the guano has been hypothecated, this was contrary to peruvian law, which distinctly lays down that nothing movable _can_ be hypothecated; and as guano is clearly movable stuff, which can be proved to the meanest capacity--the capacity, namely, of a holder of peruvian bonds--the government has been breaking its own laws for a generation past, and it is now time that this illegal conduct should cease. this is backed up by reminding all men, and especially peruvians, who will derive great comfort from it, that england having recognised the primary fact that it is the first duty of a man to live, has abolished imprisonment for debt in her own dominions, and therefore she could not exert her power to make peru pay what she owes, if peru officially declares that she is unable to do so. these and other like arguments are being openly discussed in the peruvian capital. another, and perhaps the most formidable of all these specious pleas is, that england has recently let off turkey, and therefore there is no reason why she should not let off peru. it is only fair to say that there are a few thoughtful men in the city of kings who, ambitious for their country's honour, would fain see some arrangement made that will enable peru to pursue her present policy of internal improvement, and help these men, who for the most part are very wealthy, to remain peaceably in office for say ten years longer--or say six--but at least, for god's sake as well as your own, they appealingly persist, let it not be less than four years (in the which there shall be no hearing or harvest for bondholders and dupes of that stamp). there is no doubt that, in the words of 'a daniel say i,' if the bondholders would not lose all, 'then must the jew be merciful,' let them insist on their pound of flesh, and everything denominated in their bond, they will share the fate of shylock. the only part of that cruel rascal's fate which they need have no apprehension of sharing is, being made into christians. it is unquestionably to be feared that if the present government, and the one that succeeded it in august last under the presidency of general prado, cannot defend the country from revolt, great disaster will follow not only to the republic, but most certainly to the bondholders. revolt is not only possible, it is expected. an armed force led by determined men from without, aided by traitors within, and backed by unscrupulous persons who would be willing to risk one million pounds sterling on the chance of making two millions, might easily--or if not easily, yet with pains--bring back the corrupt days of balta and castilla, and, with shame be it said, such people can find a precedent for their proposed scheme in houses of high standing, the heads of which are doubtless looked upon as irreproachable ensamples of cultivated respectability. [since writing the above, general prado has once more assumed supreme power in peace, but there have followed two attempts at revolution within the space of three little months.] footnotes: [5] 'haber aparecido en el peru el hombre que sin profanacion de la palabra se puede llamar el _mesias_ de los ferrocarriles para la salvacion de la republica peruana.'--el ferrocarril de arequipa, historia, &c., lima, 1871, p. lxxxi. [6] written off alta villa, april 25, 1876. chapter v. having set forth two principal sources of peruvian income, let us now proceed to a third. when los señores althaus and rosas appeared in paris last autumn as the representatives of the government of peru, among other national securities which those gentlemen offered for a further loan of money, were the railways of peru. they are six in number, only one of which is finished according to the original contracts. the amount of mileage however is considerable, so also may be said to be their cost, for the government has paid to one contractor alone no less a sum than one hundred and thirty millions of dollars. there are other railways whose united lengths amount to about 150 miles; with one exception they cost little, and without an exception they all bring in much. these do not belong to the government. the government railways cost enormous sums and bring in nothing; and it may safely be said that they will never figure, honestly, in the national accounts, except as items of expenditure. the government of the day would only be too glad to become cheap carriers of the national produce, if there were any produce ready to carry. but the government built their railways without considering what are the primary and elementary use of railways. it is incredible, but none the less true, that the peruvians believing the mercantile 'progress' of the united states to spring from railways, thought that nothing more was needed to raise their country to the pinnacle of commercial magnificence than to build a few of these iron ways, and have magic horses fed with fire to caper along them; especially if they could get an american--a real go-a-head american--for their builder. and they did so. the railway fever has had its virulent type in all parts of the world where railways have appeared. in peru from 1868 to 1871-2 this fever was perhaps more active and deadly than anywhere; than in canada, even, which is saying much, for there it took the form of a religious delirium. the peruvians believed that if they offered a great and wonderful railway to the deities of industry, great and happy commercial times would follow. just as they believe that give a priest a pyx, a spoon, some wine, and wheaten bread, he can make the body and blood of god; so they believed that give a great american the required elements, he could by some equally mysterious power make peru one of the great nations of the earth. mr. henry meiggs[7], of catskill 'city' in new york state, was on this occasion selected as the great high-priest who was to perform the required wonders. give this magician a few thousand miles of iron rails to form two parallel lines, and a steam engine to run along them, and the vile body of the peruvian republic should be changed into a glorious body[8] with a mighty palpitating soul inside of it; the body to be of the true john bull type for fatness, and the yankee breed for speed. this new meaning of the doctrine of transubstantiation was preached to willing and enchanted ears. ten thousand labourers of all colours and kinds were introduced into the country. 'by god, sir, there was not a steamboat on the broad waters of the pacific that did not pour into peru as many peones as potatoes from chile.' these ten thousand men all went up the andes bearing shovels in their hands, and singing the name of meiggs as they went. millions of nails, and hammers innumerable, rails and barrows, sleepers and picks, chains, and double patent layers, wheels and pistons, with many thousand kegs of blasting powder 'let in duty free,' with all the other infernal implements and apparatus for making the most notable railway of this age[9], poured into peru marked with the name of meiggs. you could no more breathe without meiggs, than you could eat your dinner without swallowing dust, sleep without the sting of fleas or the soothing trumpet of musquitoes. meiggs everywhere; in sunshine and in storm, on the sea and on the heights of the world, now called mount meiggs; in the earthquake[10], and in the peaceful atmosphere of the most elegant society in the world. the wonderful activity on the mollendo and arequipa railway, carried on without ceasing, produced an ecstasy of hope, and also an eruption of blasphemy. every valley was to be exalted; every peruvian mountain, hitherto sacred to snow and the traditions of the incas, should be laid low by the wand of meiggs; the desert of course should blossom as the rose: no more iron should be sharpened into swords; ploughshares and pruning-hooks should be in such demand, that every blade and dagger or weapon of war in the old world would be required to make them. and a highway should be there, in which should be no lion, even a highway for our god. all this mixture of trumpery metaphors were poured into the ears of the enchanted peruvians for the space of three years and more. the railway as far as arequipa was at length finished, the oroya railway was begun. it will probably never be finished. robert stephenson is reported to have said once before a railway committee: 'my lords and gentlemen, you can carry a railway to the antipodes if you wish; it is only a matter of expense.' the peruvians, aided by the archpriest meiggs, 'the messiah of railways, who was to bring salvation to the peruvian republic,' and steadfastly believing in the meiggs' method of transubstantiation, commenced building a railway, not to calcutta, but to the moon[11]. as early as 1859 the oroya railway began to be thought of seriously, and the late president of peru, with two other gentlemen of character, were appointed a commission to collect data and make calculations for a railway between lima and jauja. nothing, however, was done until 1864, when congress authorised the government, castilla then being president, to construct a railway to caxamarca, with an annual guarantee of 7 per cent. for twenty-five years. the railway fever now began to increase in force and virulence, and in 1868 the president of the republic was authorised to construct railways from mollendo to arequipa, puno and cuzco; from chimbote to santa or huaraz; from trujillo to pacasmayo and to caxamarca; from lima to jauja; and others which the republic might need--a very respectable order to be given in one day. the oroya railway was to be 145 miles in length, and to cost 27,600,000 dols. to puno the length was to be 232 miles from arequipa, and the cost 35,000,000 dols. from mollendo to arequipa, 12,000,000 dols., the length being 107 miles[12]. ilo to moquiqua, 63 miles, 6,700,000 dols. pacasmayo to caxamarca, or guadalupe, or magdalena, 83 miles, 7,700,000 dols. payto to piura, 63 miles. chimbote to huaraz, 172 miles, 40,000,000 dols. immediately after this small order was given, and meiggs began to fill the world with the sound of his name, the lima editors commenced their fulsome and disgusting eloquence, which day by day held all people in suspense. 'as puissant as colossal are the labours of the administration of col. don josé balta, who, without offence be it said, has a monomania for the construction of railways and public works--the infirmity of a divine inspiration in a head of the state.' what the infirmity of a divine inspiration may be we will not stay to enquire. goldsmith was called an inspired idiot: and perhaps this was what the learned editor meant to say of col. balta. he goes on: 'the administration of balta has converted the nation into a workshop. we say it in his honour that he has constructed rather than governed; but he has constructed well and firmly. he has done more than this, he has created and conserved the habit of work in all the nation, demonstrating by the argument of deeds that revolutions spring principally from idleness.' 'balta has cast a net of railways over the country which has taken anarchy captive. without any difficulty might it be argued that the time of balta will be the octavian era of peru[13].' enough of this. suffice it to say that among all these oratorical colonels, generals, lawyers, ministers of state, and accomplished editors, there was not one who had the honesty or the pluck to stand up and declare that it was all false which had so eloquently been said of the oroya and the arequipa railways. they are neither the railways of the age nor of the day. there is one short railway in south america, the construction of which called forth more skill, pluck, and endurance than all the meiggs railways put together, and this one railway has already earned in the first quarter of the century of its existence more money than all the government railways will ever earn during the next age. hundreds of these inflated colonels and generals, judges, ministers of state, and accomplished editors, must have passed over the railway, which, running through a tropical forest, connects the pacific with the atlantic ocean. meiggs himself must have known it well; but neither he nor any of the inspired idiots who drowned him in butter had the valour to make mention of it by one poor word. the bridge over the chagres river is of more utility, as it will win more enduring fame, than all the bridges on the oroya, including those which 'are sixteen thousand feet above the level of the sea.' the oroya bridges bear the same relation to those on the panama railway as the feat of the man who walked across the falls of niagara bears to the economy of walking. as blondin was the only man who made any profit out of that performance, so meiggs, the messiah of railways, will be the only person who will for some time to come profit by the building of the oroya and lima line of railway. it is surely impossible that all the reports one has been compelled to give ear to of great silver mines and mines of copper existing on this line can be false. yet mining, especially in peru, is not free from danger; it is also not a little mixed up with lying and cheating, and it has a historical reputation for exaggeration. the copper mines on the chimbote line, however, are quite another matter. if those on the oroya can be demonstrated to be equally good, and the silver mines only half as good and as great, peru may yet lift up her head. but he will be a bold man that shall apply to english capitalists for the first loan to peruvian miners or to be invested in peruvian mines, and the days of faith and trust will not have passed away when the money shall have been subscribed. although it was a poet who said that 'borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry,' yet it is as true as if it had emanated from the stock exchange, the _times_ monetary article, or any other recognised fountain of practical knowledge; and as for the native edge of peruvian industry, it is about as dull as that of a razor not made to shave but to sell--as dull, in fact, as the edge of a hatchet made of lead. footnotes: [7] for the biography of this estimable gentleman see 'el ferrocarril de arequipa historia, documentada de su origen construcion é inauguracion.'--lima, p. 96. 'ese hombre era enrique meiggs, cuyo nombre va unido inseparable é imperecederamente á los trabajos mas colosales de las republicas del mar pacifico.' [8] for these and similar ebullitions of profanity i am indebted to the lima newspapers of the period, and one or two anonymous pamphlets. [9] paz-soldan. [10] with a liberality on a scale equal to all his achievements, mr. meiggs subscribed $50,000 for the sufferers in the terrible earthquake which desolated arequipa and destroyed arica in 1868. [11] it is difficult to be original in this age of metaphor. only this morning, april 26, and quite by accident, i came on a little print which is published, i believe, in callao, where i found the following: 'railroads in the clouds. 'looking over our exchanges we found the following. it is from the new york _sun_ of january 16, and gives an account of mr. john g. meiggs being "interviewed" in that city. 'mr. john meiggs, brother of henry meiggs, the "king of peru," as the millionaire contractor is called in south america, is lodging in the clarendon hotel. he is a tall, large man, past middle age, and with a clear penetrating hazel eye. he has an important share in the management of his brother's affairs. "peru," he said, "is richer in the precious metals than any other country in the world. our engineers in building the railroad from the coast to puno have come across a hundred silver mines, any one of which might be profitably worked, if in the united states. if these mines are worked, the railroads we have built will be a blessing to the country." 'reporter--"i understand that there are marvels of engineering on some of your railroads?" 'mr. meiggs--"yes. one of our roads crosses the mountains at 16,000 feet above the level of the sea. some of the bridges, too, are very lofty, and built with a skill that would do credit to any part of the world." 'reporter--"your brother is said to be worth several millions of dollars?" 'mr. meiggs--"whatever he obtained in peru he has fully earned, and whatever he owed there or elsewhere he has paid. he has not been a seeker of contracts. on the contrary, he has rejected contracts that the government wished him to take."' [12] to which may be added $2,000,000 more for the conveyance of water along the line nearly from arequipa to mollendo. [13] ferrocarril de arequipa, pp. lxxxi-ii. chapter vi. guano, nitrate, and railways being recognised as the prime sources of peruvian greatness, and these having been noticed with no scant justice, another matter remains for examination, which may be said to surpass all the others in importance, albeit it is not so easy to estimate or understand. granted that peru has all the physical elements of a great nation,--such as gold and silver, copper and iron, and coal, oil and wine, a vast line of sea-coast with numerous safe bays and ports, rivers for internal navigation, as well as railroads,--has she the moral qualities to develop these riches and make the best use of them? in plain words, has peru ceased to be a hotbed of revolution? is there any hope that the ruling classes of the peruvian people will become sober, industrious, thrifty, honest, just and right in all their dealings, and cease to be a source of anxiety and disgust to their present and future creditors? these may be said to be momentous questions, and not to be lightly answered. any answer not founded on well-ascertained facts and indisputable knowledge should be set aside as vexatious and frivolous. a hasty answer, or one founded on aught else, could only be conceived in malice or prompted by motives of self-interest. it has, for example, during the past few months been comparatively easy to a portion of the london press to defame the character of peru; to find reasons why its bonds should be held only as waste paper, and even to prove to the satisfaction of its fond and eager readers that she is in an utterly bankrupt state. the same accomplished writers, if it suited their purpose, could as easily prove, with their eloquent persuasiveness, that peru after all is, in commercial phraseology, sound; she had never yet failed in keeping faith with her english friends, and is too enlightened to think of doing so now. true, she is in debt; but she can pay handsomely, and, in the powerful rhetoric of bassanio, would encourage money-lenders and her private friends thus:- 'in my school days, when i had lost one shaft, i shot his fellow of the self-same flight the self-same way with more advised watch, to find the other forth, and by adventuring both i oft found both. i urge this childhood proof, because what follows is pure innocence. i owe you much, and, like a wilful youth, that which i owe is lost; but if you please to shoot another arrow that self way which you did shoot the first, i do not doubt as i will watch the aim, or to find both or bring your latter hazard back again and thankfully rest debtor for the first.' but not thus will our serious questions meet with satisfactory answers. the first thing to be noted in the enquiry, perhaps, is that it is altogether a misnomer to call peru a republic. whatever else it be, a republic it certainly is not, and never has been a republic. its political constitution and its laws have nothing whatever to do with the people, nor have the people aught to do with them; and they care for them as they care for the theory of gravitation, or any other portion of demonstrable knowledge, from which they may indeed derive some animal comfort in its application, but the application of which will probably never enlighten their souls. the people of peru know as much of liberty as they know of the virgin mary. the priests once or twice a year dress the image of the jewish maiden in tawdry attire, put a tinsel crown on her head, and call her the mother of god and the queen of heaven, and the people fall down and worship; which they are perfectly at liberty to do, as the impostors who lead them to do so may get their living in that way, as all other impostors obtain theirs who possess the people's grace. in like fashion, all that the people know of liberty they know thus. they know as much of it as an aristocrat cares to teach them--as a quack can tell his patient of medicine, or the showy proprietress of a showy school can teach an intelligent girl the use of the globes. all native-born peruvians of full age have votes, at least all such as can read and write, or possess a certain amount of real property. but reading and writing are not by any means universal accomplishments in the peruvian republic, and there are fewer holders of real estate among the working classes than maybe found in barbados among the coloured labourers of that beautiful but misgoverned island. don juan espinosa, an old peruvian soldier, and one of the few south american writers whose literary works have been translated into french, if not also into english, wrote some twenty years ago a republican, democratic, moral, political, and philosophical dictionary for the people. strange to say, he has given us no definition of a republic in his highly-entertaining and instructive book. two of his longest articles, however, are devoted, the first to the subject of 'independence,' and the second to 'revolution.' the manner in which the author concludes the first is suggestive: 'on one day,' he says, 'we were all brothers and countrymen; brothers by blood, and countrymen of a land which we had just irrigated with our blood. o day immortal for humanity! on this day the saviour of the world beheld the consummation of his work; he saw the spectacle which years before had led the way for 1824. he without doubt designed the camp of ayacucho as the first embrace of all the races, and the signal also for the suppression of all human rivalries. afterwards' ______________________________________________________ a long, broad black line stretches across the page as if to put it in mourning. 'a revolution in substance,' he says, 'is nothing more than the organisation of a people's discontent.' if that be so, there has never been a revolution in peru; a statement which will be doubted by nearly all who hear it for the first time. we may perhaps make an exception in the revolution which made col. prado dictator of peru in november, 1865. no doubt the enthusiasm of the peruvian people for going to war with spain was genuine, and prado, not at all a man of revolutionary tastes, easily overthrew canseco, because of his spanish tendencies. prado was subsequently elected president in 1867, but was overthrown by balta and canseco the year following, and colonel (now general) prado fled to chile for his life. still, let us be thankful that we can find one authentic instance of peruvian patriotism in the course of fifty years, and that out of the hundreds of revolutions which have occurred, one was for the good of the country--and most certainly to its honour. the anniversary of the 2nd of may, 1866, is kept with pride by every loyal peruvian in all parts of the world, wherever one may find himself. had there been among the peruvian soldiers on that day as much knowledge of gunnery as there was of personal valour, not more than one or two ships of the spanish fleet which bombarded callao had escaped destruction. it has been contended by a few anxious peruvians that the revolution made by general castilla, in 1854, against general echenique was also a popular revolution. perhaps it was. echenique was notoriously very fond of money, and it is said that so freely did he help himself to the proceeds of the public guano that the people rose against him, flocked to the standard of castilla, whom they kept in power for twelve years, and sent echenique into ignoble exile. if that could be proved in favour of the peruvian people, it should be done at once. but no one from sheer laughter can discuss the question. castilla was as fond of money as echenique; castilla, however, did one or two liberal things; he liberated the slaves, and abolished the poll-tax, and in that sense the revolution of 1854 may be said to have been a popular one. no peruvian who supported those two famous acts of general castilla's government looks back upon them with anything but bitter regret. the negro slaves were well off--they were, moreover, a people with much affection for their masters, and slavery existed only in name. when the blacks, however, were 'liberated,' they became like a mob of mules without burdens, without guide or master, and they wandered about the earth and died miserably. those who survived were certainly very little credit to their friends, for many of them became the terror of the highways which converge on the capital of the republic. the indians who paid the poll-tax did then do some work, and they were made to feel some of the responsibilities of being republicans--they were kept under rule--they could be induced to labour in 'some of the richest silver mines in the world.' now they will do nothing of the kind, and the government has not only lost an income of 2,000,000 dols. a year, they have lost the services of the entire indigenous population, which may be called, in classical language, a pretty kettle of fish, especially for a country whose riches depend upon the industry of a free and happy people. one immediate consequence of castilla's emancipation policy was that it speedily became a profitable business for a few adventurous persons in lima to proceed to china, where they kidnapped some of the superfluous chinese population. this traffic prospered for a while, but as it is the property of murder to make itself known--somehow or anyhow--the profits fell off, owing to the interference of one or two civilised governments. when the celestial empire no longer offered a safe field for the peruvian men-snatchers, attempts were made on the inoffensive people of the diocese of modern evangelisation, and in the course of time the rich people of lima had the opportunity of buying a few men, women, and girls, who had been stolen from some of the islands of the pacific. but these for some mysterious reasons died off, after having cost the peruvian government a serious sum of money, and some people their reputation. it was, however, imperatively necessary, owing to the demands of the british farmer for guano, and the exigences of the government of peru to obtain men from china somehow for the important work of shovelling peruvian dung into european ships; and there may be reckoned to-day among the motley population of the republic not less than 60,000 men who cultivate sugar and pig-tails, and indulge in opium. this, therefore, might be called a popular revolution, and the friends of general castilla can claim for him the honour and glory of having brought it about. general castilla deserves to be better known; but this is not the place to speak of him at any length. he introduced a new era into peruvian politics--he was the first native peruvian with no spanish blood in his veins who assumed supreme power. if there had been no guano to demoralise everybody, himself included, castilla might have become a great man, and the peruvian people been lifted up by him in the scale of humanity. as it is, castilla and everybody else fulfilled the prediction of the hebrew prophet in a manner that might be stated in spanish, but which no gentleman can write in english. it should be stated that although castilla had nothing of spanish blood in his veins, yet his father was an italian, and his mother one of the pure indian women of moquegua. all this, however, does not help us to answer the momentous questions with which this chapter opens.--if peru is not a republic, and there have not been more than two revolutions in the whole of its wild and chequered history, what is it? peru is a republic in name, 'governed' or rather farmed by groups or families of despots, who frequently quarrel among themselves, cut each other's throats, and alternately embrace and kiss each other, in a manner that is sickening to any one who is not a moral eunuch[14]. only those who are rich enough to escape to chile are saved from the above gentle process. general prado is one of these favoured peruvians. had not don manuel pardo, the late president, fled from lima during the revolting days of the gutierrez terror, he too would have gone the way of all flesh and peruvian political farmers. the people of peru, those who are to be distinguished from the families who farm them, are hard-working, industrious, sober, ignorant, excitable and superstitious. they are fond of serving their masters, they like to be called 'children' by the great colonels, the great sugar-boilers, and all who ride on horses and live, even though it be at other people's expense, in great houses. the peruvian dictionary already quoted from, though it does not contain the word republic, does contain the history of peru. let us turn to the article 'liberty.' 'la libertad,' says our brave soldier author, 'does not consist, civilly or socially speaking, in each one doing what he likes. by thus understanding liberty some governments have fallen, and some people have lost what they had gained. 'liberty consists in each one having the power to do, at all events, that which the law has not forbidden, in not damaging another in his rights, or property, or in his moral and material well-being. 'that society is not free while any of its members are unable to express their thoughts without hinderance. 'that society is not free when one or more of its industries are prohibited under the pretext of monopoly or privilege. 'it is not free when it cares not, or is unable to arraign a lying magistrate. 'that society is not free which does not possess political morality. this consists in-'i. keeping the treaties and covenants made with other nations. 'ii. in submitting to the law without its ever supposing itself entitled to falsify it by cunning arts, or paltry subterfuge. 'iii. in holding up to scorn whatever crime affects the national honour. 'iv. in not corrupting its institutions for personal considerations. a people will find it very difficult to maintain its freedom, which is without sufficient spirit to provide itself with good institutions, and afterwards ready to put so much faith in them, that it will become a religious duty rigorously to support them. 'by what right does spanish-america call itself republican, if it has not renounced the custom of a despotic monarchical absolutism? 'these unhappy people have given themselves very liberal laws, and have afterwards abandoned them at the caprice of men without having the least faith in their own institutions. 'how can they thus hope to be free? 'it costs nothing, nor is it of any value to shout liberty, liberty. but that which is of great price, and can never be too costly, is to acquire liberty by means of good manners, by the custom of respecting the law and making it respected, by respecting the rights of others, and making them respected by all; to be just with all the world, and ashamed of every evil act. behold, how liberty is to be acquired. in fine, liberty is the health of the soul, and he cannot be free who has not a healthy conscience.' 'the greater number of our liberals,' he adds in another place, with one of his happiest flashes of poetic truth, of which the book is full, 'the greater number of our liberals are like musical instruments which do not retain the sound they give when played upon,' i. e. they are cracked. let it be added, that this soldier of the sword and of the pen who fought and bled on the field of battle for peruvian civil liberty, and sighed, and cried in peaceful days for a freedom still greater and better, died poor and neglected. the present peruvian government sought all over lima for complete copies of his works to send to philadelphia, but it allows those whom he has left behind him, and who bear his name, to languish in obscurity and in want; and don manuel pardo and his ministers, good in many things though they may be, are in others nothing better than cracked musical instruments. peru is only a republic in name, liberty does not exist, its people are not free, and the country remains at the mercy of men who at any moment, and in the most unexpected manner, can turn it into a hotbed of what is called revolution. a revolution is expected now. the man whose administration designed and carried through one of the 'railways of the age,' the personal friend of meiggs, who had taken anarchy captive in an iron net, was shortly afterwards in the most cowardly, brutal, and unexpected way first made prisoner, while he was yet president, and then murdered in his jail. great as is the love of the common people for their superiors, they are not to be relied upon in days of great excitement, and when there is abundance of loose change flying about. how could it be otherwise? how often do ministers and public men meet the people in common? never, except in a religious procession carrying an enormous wax candle a yard long, and as thick as a rolling-pin, or at the theatre on el dos de mayo, and not then unless there has been some pleasant news announced the day before. how often are the people enlightened by a clear and straightforward statement of the public accounts? never. does not the free press of lima support the government, or now and then criticise its acts in the interest of the people? the answer is that there is no free press in lima. no plan of the government is ever made known until it has been accomplished. everything is done in secret and underground. rumour is the great agent of the government and mystery its chief force. so mysterious are the ways of the executive that itself is not unfrequently a mystery to itself. no peruvian government has ever had the courage to take the people into its confidence, and the people are too busy with their own personal affairs to think of, much less to resent, the slight. in other matters the press is busy enough. some of the most biting criticisms on priests, on auricular confession, on the infallibility of the pope and the immaculate conception have appeared in the lima press. their teachers, in brief, have ridiculed the gods of the people and given them none to adore. no intellectual society in lima associate with priests. no priest is ever seen in the houses of the rich, or the respectable poor. freemasonry is the fashionable religion of men, and men who never go to mass will frequent a lodge twice a week. only the other day one of these lodges published an advertisement in the leading journal to the effect that a gold medal would be conferred on any brother mason who would adopt the orphan child of any who had died fighting against any form of tyranny, and the medal is to be worn as a badge of honour on the person of the owner. freemasonry in peru is an open menace of the church, which with all deference to the craft, may be called a gross mistake. but peruvian freemasonry is like peruvian republicanism, chiefly a thing of show, and something to talk about by men who can talk of nothing else. after all this it should not be difficult to answer the questions with which this chapter opens. but lest it should be thought that the greater part of these statements is pure rhetoric, or mere private opinion, and not stubborn facts, let us now ask two questions more. what use has peru made of the great income it has derived during the past generation, from the national guano? what is there to show for the many million pounds sterling it has derived from this source, and from money lent by english bondholders? let us hasten at once to acknowledge that it has spent 150,000,000 dols. in railways. but let us also add that the greatest authority in peru has stigmatised these railways as _locuras_, or follies. this is not an encouraging beginning. but alas it is not only the beginning, it is also the end of the account. there is nothing else to be seen. there is not a single lighthouse or light on any dangerous rock, or at any port difficult to make along the whole of its coast. all the fructifying rivers of the hills still steal into the sea. had half the money which has been spent on the oroya railway been expended on works of irrigation, the government of peru would now be in the possession of a respectable revenue. a morning visit to the market-place in lima on any day of the week, is enough to convince even a peruvian president who knows something else besides how to play rocambor, of the truth of this statement. internal roads, excepting these 'railways of the age,' there are none; but there are several ironclads and men-of-war in the bay of callao, for what use or of what service the first lord of the admiralty himself could not tell explicitly. it might be thought by some ordinary people, of business habits and a little reflection, that a country like peru, which can boast of as many seaports as it can of first-class towns and cities, would provide those ports with convenient landing-places, moles, or piers. there is one good pier on the whole coast, which in its useless grandeur stretches out nearly a mile into the sea; as the oroya railway, like a mighty python, creeps up the precipitous slopes of the andes 'sixteen thousand feet above the level of the sea.' as every one knows, the pacific is a peaceful sea, as quiet as a saucer of milk. but like almost all the things that every one knows, this piece of knowledge will hardly bear the test of experience. twenty miles or less from its shore, the pacific on the peruvian coast, may be said to be as calm and placid as a man's unresisted vices. put a restraint upon, or raise a barrier against the most modest of the man's wishes, and these suddenly show their strength, even the strength, as some have found to their cost, of resistless passion. it is thus with this pacific sea. when it comes against a rocky shore, or the miserable wooden barriers which the peruvian government have put up for the convenience and comfort of passengers, and the despatch of business, it becomes more like a wild beast, or a watery volcano, or any other fierce and angry force which cannot by ordinary means be restrained. it is not unlikely that a government fond of providing cheap distraction for the people has purposely neglected this useful work of building piers, with the benevolent design of providing a cheap amusement to those inhabitants of the ports who do not travel by sea. it is such fun to see a lady dressed in pink satin and blue silk boots get a sudden ducking in salt water, or to watch in safety from the shore a boat full of anxious and highly dressed colonels and sugar-boilers, editors and lawyers, get drenched to the skin, and almost robbed of their breath, in trying to effect a landing at islay, or mollendo, iquique, or chala, or even callao. if any of the readers of this brief but eventful history would desire to see the peruvian republic as in a microcosm, let them arrive at the latter chief port of the nation in a steamer, or a cattle ship, as a passenger steamer may now be called. they will see an exhibition of confusion, extortion, bullying, insolence, cruelty, and official imbecility, which cannot be equalled in any other part of the civilised or uncivilised world, including new guinea or eragomanga. and as it is now, so it was twenty years ago. a steamer, the european mail for example, drops its anchor about two miles from the shore. it is then surrounded by a hundred small boats, each containing two, sometimes more, coloured men. the screaming, gesticulating, and brutal language of these creatures defy description. the authorities have no control over them, the captain of the steamer is powerless against the invasion of his ship, and all passengers who have no friends, who know nothing of the country and cannot speak spanish, are placed at the mercy of this swarm of harpies. here you have an epitome of peru. gentlemen and rogues jostling one another in painful contiguity. gentlewomen and their opposite, men who work and scoundrels who prey upon other people's labour, priests and colonels, knowledge and ignorance, in some form or other brought in violent collision: the utmost freedom of opinion and nobody to keep the peace! footnote: [14] _estratocracia_ i find is the technical term by which espinosa would designate the government of peru or a government by the military. this would seem to be true, seeing that since peru became a republic all its presidents with only one exception have been colonels, generals, and produced from scans of public domain material produced by microsoft for their live search books site.) _the hibbert lectures, 1884._ lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the native religions of mexico and peru. delivered at oxford and london, in april and may, 1884. by albert réville, d.d. professor of the science of religions at the collège de france. translated by philip h. wicksteed, m.a. williams and norgate, 14, henrietta street, covent garden, london; and 20, south frederick street, edinburgh. 1884. [_all rights reserved._] london: printed by c. green and son, 178, strand. contents. lecture i. introduction.--central america and mexico. their common bases of civilization and religion. page importance of the history of religion 1 the religions of mexico and peru, and the special importance of studying them 7 journey to another planet 8 parallelism of religious history in the new world and in the old 9 central america and mexico, and the authorities as to their history and religion 14 area and general character of this civilization 18 the mayas 20 toltecs, chichimecs and aztecs 24 the aztec empire 29 character of the religious conceptions common to central america and mexico 35 the serpent-god and the american cross 38 estimate of the character and significance of the parallelisms observed 39 lecture ii. the deities and myths of mexico. page the sun and moon 45 the pyramidal mexican temples 47 the great temple of the city of mexico 48 the narrative of bernal diaz; and the two great aztec deities, uitzilopochtli and tezcatlipoca 51 mythical significance of uitzilopochtli 54 significance of tezcatlipoca 60 the serpent-god quetzalcoatl, god of the east wind 62 netzalhuatcoyotl, the philosopher-king of tezcuco 69 number of mexican deities 70 tlaloc, god of rain 71 centeotl, goddess of maize 72 xiuhtecutli, god of fire 74 the mexican venus 75 other deities 76 the tepitoton 77 mictlan, god of the dead 78 summary and reflections 79 lecture iii. the sacrifices, sacerdotal and monastic institutions, eschatology and cosmogony of mexico. page recapitulation 85 original meaning of sacrifice 86 human sacrifices and cannibalism 87 importance attached to the suffering of the victims 90 tragic and cruel character of the mexican sacrifices 91 the victims of tezcatlipoca and centeotl 93 the children of tlaloc 96 the roasted victims of the god of fire 97 mexican asceticism 99 mexican "communion" 101 religious ethics 102 the priesthood 106 convents, monks and nuns of ancient mexico 109 mexican cosmogonies 112 the great jubilee 116 the future life 118 conversion of the mexicans 121 the inquisition 122 conclusion 123 lecture iv. peru.--its civilization and constitution.--the legend of the incas: their policy and history page the peru of the incas 127 cortes and pizarro 131 the inca hierocracy 132 the quipos 134 authorities for the history and religion of peru 136 garcilasso el inca de la vega 137 peruvian civilization 139 huayna capac's taxation 142 social, political and military organization of peru 143 education 152 material well-being 153 the legend of the incas: manco capac and mama ogllo 156 were the incas really the sole civilizers of peru? 159 succession of the incas and character of their rule 160 free-thinking incas 161 huayna capac's departure from traditional maxims 166 lecture v. the fall of the incas.--peruvian mythology priesthood. page recapitulation 171 atahualpa and pizarro 172 father valverde's discourse 174 atahualpa's imprisonment and death 176 inca pretenders 179 worship of the sun and moon 182 viracocha, god of fertilizing showers 184 his consort, mama cocha 186 old peruvian hymn 187 pachacamac, god of internal fire 188 the myth of pacari tambo 191 cuycha, the rainbow 194 chasca, the planet venus 194 worship of fire 195 worship of the thunder 196 worship of esculent plants 197 worship of animals 198 the huacas 199 peruvian priesthood 202 the virgins of the sun 204 punishment of faithless nuns 206 independent parallelisms, illustrated by the "couvade" 208 lecture vi. peruvian cultus and festivals.--morals and the future life.--conclusions. page peruvian temples 215 sacrifices 218 columns of the sun 222 hymns 223 religious dances 224 the four great festivals 225 chasing the evil spirit 227 occasional and minor festivals 229 eclipses 230 sorcerers and priests 230 moral significance of the peruvian religion 232 communion, baptism and sacerdotal confession 233 various ideas as to the future life 235 supay, the god of the departed 237 conversion of the peruvians 239 are the origins of the american civilizations to be sought in the old world? 241 real significance and importance of analogies observed 243 sacrifice 245 three stages of religious faith: animistic nature-worship, anthropomorphic polytheism and spiritual monotheism 246 the genesis of the temple 249 primitive independence and subsequent mutual interpenetration of religion and morals 250 human nature invincibly religious 252 the guiding principle 254 farewell 255 addenda et corrigenda. p. 16, _note_, under _acosta_, add, "e[dward] g[rimstone]'s translation was edited, with notes, for the hakluyt society, by clements r. markham, in 1880." p. 17, _note_, lines 4 and 5, to "english translation" add "in epitome." " lines 8 and 9, for "ixtilxochitl" read "ixtlilxochitl." " line 7 from below, for "note" read "notes." p. 32, line 10 from below, for "bases" read "basis." p. 34, line 1, for "lama" read "llama." p. 35, last line, insert "and" after "america." p. 77, _note_, last line, for "caps." read "capp." p. 92, line 9 from below, omit "to" before "which." p. 113, _note_, last line, for "chichemeca" read "chichimeca." p. 129, line 3, for "east to west" read "west to east." p. 224, _note_, for "_rivero y tschudi_, l.c." read "_rivero y tschudi_: antigüedades peruanas: viena, 1851." n. b. an english translation of this work by f. l. hawks appeared at new york in 1853. lecture i. introduction.--central america and mexico. common bases of civilization and religion. ladies and gentlemen, my first duty is to acknowledge the signal honour which the hibbert trustees have done me in inviting me to follow such a series of eminent men as the previous occupiers of this chair, and to address you, in the free and earnest spirit of truth-loving and impartial research, on those great questions of religious history which so justly pre-occupy the chosen spirits of european society. our age is not, as is sometimes said, an age of positive science and of industrial discoveries alone, but also, and in a very high degree, an age of criticism and of history. it is to history, indeed, more than to anything else, that it looks for the lights which are to guide it in resolving the grave difficulties presented by the problems of the hour, in politics, in organization, and in social and religious life. penetrated more deeply than the century that preceded it by the truth that the development of humanity is not arbitrary, that the law of continuity is no less rigorously applicable to the successive evolutions of the human mind than to the animal and vegetable transformations of the physical world, it perceives that the present can be no other than the expansion of germs contained in the past; it attempts to pierce to the very essence of spiritual realities by investigating the methods and the laws of their historical development; it strives, here as elsewhere, to separate the permanent from the transient, the substance from the accident, and is urged on in these laborious researches by no mere dilettante curiosity, but rather by the hope of arriving at a more accurate knowledge of all that is true, all that is truly precious, all that can claim, as the pure truth, our deliberate adhesion and our love. and in the domain of religion, more especially, we can never lose our confidence that, if historical research may sometimes compel us to sacrifice illusions, or even beliefs that have been dear to us, it gives us in return the right to walk in the paths of the eternal with a firmer step, and reveals with growing clearness the marvellous aspiration of humanity towards a supreme reality, mysterious, nay incomprehensible, and yet in essential affinity with itself, with its ideal, with its all that is purest and sublimest. the history of religion is not only one of the branches of human knowledge, but a prophecy as well. after having shown us whence we come and the path we have trodden, it shadows forth the way we have yet to go, or at the very least it effects the orientation by which we may know in which direction it lies. gentlemen, in these lectures i shall be loyal to the principles of impartial scholarship to which i understand this chair to be consecrated. expect neither theological controversy nor dogmatic discussion of any kind from me. it is as a historian that i am here, and as a historian i shall speak. only let me say at once, that, while retaining my own very marked preferences, i place religion itself, as a faculty, an attribute, a tendency natural to the human mind, above all the forms, even the most exalted, which it has assumed in time and space. i can conceive a _templum serenum_ where shall meet in that love of truth, which at bottom is but one of the forms of love of god, all men of upright heart and pure will. to me, religion is a natural property and tendency, and consequently an innate need of the human spirit. that spirit, accidentally and in individual cases, may indeed be deprived of it; but if so, it is incomplete, mutilated, crippled. but observe that the recognition of religion itself (in distinction from the varied forms it may assume), as a natural tendency and essential need of the human mind, implies the reality of its object, even if that sacred object should withdraw itself from our understanding behind an impenetrable veil, even could we say nothing concerning it save this one word: it is! for it would be irrational to the last degree to lay down the existence of such a need and such a tendency, and yet believe that the need corresponds to nothing, that the tendency has no goal. religious history, by bringing clearly into light the universality, the persistency and the prodigious intensity of religion in human life, is therefore, to my mind, one unbroken attestation to god. and now it remains for me to express my lively regret that i am unable to address you in your own tongue. i often read your authors: i profit much by them. but i have emphatically not received the gift of tongues. by such an audience as i am now addressing, i am sure to be understood if i speak my mother-tongue; but were i to venture on mutilating yours, i should instantly become completely unintelligible! let me throw myself, then, upon your kind indulgence. i. i am about to speak to you on a subject little known in general, though it has already been studied very closely by specialists of great merit--i mean the religions professed in mexico and peru when, in the sixteenth century, a handful of spanish adventurers achieved that conquest, almost like a fairy tale, which still remains one of the most extraordinary chapters of history. but i shall perhaps do well at the outset briefly to explain the very special importance of these now vanished religions. the intrinsic interest of all the strange, original, dramatic and even grotesque features that they present to the historian, is in itself sufficiently great; for they possessed beliefs, institutions, and a developed mythology, which would bear comparison with anything known to antiquity in the old world. but we have another very special and weighty reason for interesting ourselves in these religions of a demi-civilization, brusquely arrested in its development by the european invasion. to render this motive as clear as possible, allow me a supposition. suppose, then, that by a miracle of human genius we had found means of transporting ourselves to one of the neighbouring planets, mars or venus for example, and had found it to be inhabited, like our earth, by intelligent beings. as soon as we had satisfied the first curiosity excited by those physical and visible novelties which the planetary differences themselves could not fail to produce, we should turn with re-awakened interest to ask a host of such questions as the following: do these intelligent inhabitants of mars or venus reason and feel as we do? have they history? have they religion? have they politics, arts, morals? and if it should happen that after due examination we found ourselves able to answer all these questions affirmatively, can you not imagine what interest there would be in comparing the history, politics, arts, morals and religion of these beings with our own? and if we found that the same fundamental principles, the same laws of evolution and transformation, the same internal logic, had asserted itself in mars, in venus and on the earth, is it not clear that the fact would constitute a grand confirmation of our theories as to the fundamental identity of spiritual being, the conditions of its individual and collective genesis--in a word, the universal character of the laws of mind? and now consider this. for the europeans of the early sixteenth century, america, especially continental america, was absolutely equivalent to another planet upon which, thanks to the presaging genius of christopher columbus, the men of the old world had at last set foot. at first they only found certain islands inhabited by men of another type and another colour than their own, still close upon the savage state. but before long they had reason to suspect that immense regions stretched to the west of the archipelago of the antilles; they ventured ashore, and returned with a vague notion that there existed in the interior of the unknown continent mighty empires, whose wealth and military organization severed them widely indeed from the poor tribes of st. domingo or cuba, whom they had already discovered and had so cruelly oppressed. it was then that a bold captain conceived the apparently insane project of setting out with a few hundred men to conquer what passed for the richest and most powerful of these empires. his success demanded not only all his courage, but all his cold cruelty and absolute unscrupulousness, together with those favours which fortune sometimes reserves for audacity. at any rate he succeeded, and the rumours that had inflamed his imagination turned out to be true. on his way he came upon great cities, upon admirably cultivated lands, upon a complete social and military organization. he saw an unknown religion display itself before his eyes. there were temples, sacrifices, magnificent ceremonies. there were priests, there were convents, there were monks and nuns. to his profound amazement, he noticed the cross carved upon a great number of religious edifices, and saw a goddess who bore her infant in her arms. the natives had rites which closely recalled the christian baptism and the christian communion. as for our captain, neither he nor his contemporaries could see anything in all this parade of a religion, now so closely approaching, now so utterly remote, from their own, but a gigantic ruse of the devil, who had led these unhappy natives astray in order to secure their worship. but for us, who know that the devil cannot help us to the genesis of ancient mythologies and ancient religions--who know likewise that the social and religious development of central america was in the strictest sense native and original, and that all attempts to bring it into connection with a supposed earlier intercourse with asia or europe have failed--the question presents itself under a very different aspect. in our old world, the natural religious development of man has produced myths and mythologies, sacrificial rites and priesthoods, temples, ascetics, gods and goddesses; and on the basis of the old world's experience we might already feel entitled to say, "such are the steps and stages of religious evolution; such were the processes of the human spirit before the appearance of the higher religions which are in some sort grafted upon their elder sisters, and have in their turn absorbed or spiritualized them." but there would still be room to ask whether all this development had been natural and spontaneous, whether successive imitations linking one contiguous people to another had not transformed some local and isolated phenomenon into an apparently general and international fact--much as took place with the use of tea or cotton--without our being compelled to recognize any necessary law of human development in it. but what answer is possible to the argument furnished by the discovery of the new planet--i mean to say of america? how can we resist this evidence that the whole organism of mythologies, gods, goddesses, sacrifices, temples and priesthoods, while varying enormously from race to race and from nation to nation, yet, wherever human beings are found, develops itself under the same laws, the same principles and the same methods of deduction; that, in a word, given human nature anywhere, its religious development is reared on the same identical bases and passes through the same phases? mr. max müller, one of my most honoured masters, and one of those who have best deserved the gratitude of the learned world, has declared, with equal justice and penetration, in his preface to mr. wyatt gill's "myths and songs," that the possibility of studying the polynesian mythology is to the historian what an opportunity of spending a time in the midst of the plesiosauri and the megatherions would be to the zoologist, or of walking in the shade of the vast arborescent ferns that lie buried under our present soil to the botanist. polynesian mythology has in fact preserved, down to our own day, the pre-historic ages. and, similarly, the religions of mexico and peru (for the empire of the incas held the same surprises and the same lessons in store for its explorers as that of montezuma had done) has enabled history to carry to the point of demonstration its fundamental thesis of the natural development, in subjection to fixed laws, of the religious tendency in man. all those curious resemblances, amidst the differences which we shall also bring out, between the religious history of the new world and that of the old, are not at bottom any more extraordinary than the fact that, in spite of the differences of physical type which separated the natives from their conquerors, they none the less saw with eyes, walked on feet, ate with a mouth and digested with a stomach. * * * * * we shall begin our study with mexico. but a few preliminary ethnographical remarks are indispensable. i spare you the catalogue of the numerous sources and documents from which a detailed knowledge of the mexican religion may be drawn.[1] such a list is in place in a book rather than in a lecture. i will only direct your attention to the noble collection made in 1830 by one of your own compatriots, lord kingsborough, under the title of "antiquities of mexico," a work of extreme importance, which reproduces, in facsimile or engravings, the monuments and ruins of ancient mexico;[2] and the very remarkable work of mr. h. h. bancroft, "native races of the pacific states of north america."[3] ii. the region with which we are now to occupy ourselves comprises the space bounded on the south by the isthmus of panama, washed east and west by the oceans, and determined, roughly speaking, towards the north by a line starting from the head of the gulf of california, and sweeping round to the mouths of the mississippi with a curve that takes in arizona and southern texas. in our day, this southern portion of north america is broken into two great divisions, the first and most southern of which is known collectively as central america, and embraces the republics of guatemala, honduras, nicaragua, costa rica, san salvador and panama. the great peninsula of yucatan, which is now mexican, formerly belonged to this group of central american peoples. the second portion of the territory we are to study corresponds to the present republic of mexico. i shall presently explain the sense in which it might be called the mexican empire in the time of fernando cortes. for the present, let me ask you to remember that we are now about to speak, in a general and preliminary manner, of the region which pretty closely corresponds to the present central america and mexico. to begin with, we treat these two districts as a single whole, because the europeans found them inhabited by a race which was divided, it is true, into several varieties, but was distinguished clearly from the red-skins on the north, and still more from the eskimos, and alone of the native races of north america had proved itself capable of rising by its own strength to a veritable civilization. the general physical type of the race is marked by a very brown skin, a medium stature, low brow, black coarse hair, prominent jaw, heavy lips, thick eyebrows, and a nose generally large and often hooked. the noble families as a rule had a clearer complexion. the women are thick-set and squab, but not without grace in their movements. in their youth they are sometimes very pretty, but they fade early. we must leave it to ethnological specialists to decide whether this type is not the result of previous crossings. so much is certain, that at an epoch the date of which it is impossible to fix, but which must have been remote, this race, cut off from all the world by the sea and the profoundest savagery, developed a civilization _sui generis_, to which the traditional reminiscences of the natives and a series of most remarkable ruins, discovered especially in central america, bear witness. for it is in this southern district that we find the monumental ruins of palenque, of chiapa, of uxmal, of utatlan, and of other places, the list of which has again begun to receive additions in recent years. when the spaniards conquered the new world, the centre of this civilization had shifted further north, to mexico proper, to the city of mexico, to tezcuco and to cholula. but the consciousness that the mexican civilization was affiliated to that of the isthmic region had by no means been lost. it was a nation or race called maya, the name of which seems to indicate that it considered itself indigenous, and the proper centre of which lay in yucatan, that produced this american civilization--capable of organizing states and priesthoods, of rearing immense palaces, of carving stone in great perfection and with a true artistic sense, and of realizing a high degree of physical well-being. there is reason to believe, however, that this civilization, resembling in some respects that of ancient canaan, had more refinement in its pursuit of material comfort than vigour in its morality. a certain effeminacy, and even the endemic practice of odious vices, appears to have early enervated it. when the spaniards arrived in america, wars and devastating invasions had shattered the old and powerful monarchies of the central region and reduced the great monuments of antiquity to ruins, and that too so long ago that the natives themselves, while retaining a certain civilization, had lost all memory of the ancient cities and the ancient palaces that the europeans rescued from oblivion. we may still see figured amongst the monuments of mexico those beautiful ruins of palenque, where stretches a superb gallery, vaulted with the broad ogives that recal the moorish architecture of the alhambra; while at tehuantepec an immense temple has been discovered, hollowed out of a huge rock, like certain temples in india. the cultivation of maize was to this region what that of wheat was to egypt and mesopotamia, or of rice to india and china, the material condition, namely, of a precocious civilization. for, as has been remarked, the primitive civilizations could not be developed except where an abundant cereal raised man above immediate anxiety for his subsistence, and rescued him from the all-engrossing fatigues and the dangerous uncertainties of the hunter's life. this maya race, having adopted the agricultural and sedentary life, multiplied so greatly as to send out many swarms of colonists towards the north, where the _nahuas_, that is to say, "the skilled ones" or "experts" (for so the emigrants from the maya land were called), found men of the same race as themselves, to whom they imparted their superior knowledge. they kept on pushing northwards, established themselves on the great plateau of anahuac, or "lake country," where the city of mexico is situated, and advanced up to the somewhat indefinite limit opposed to their progress by the red-skins. this migratory movement towards the north was evidently not the affair of a day. it must have continued for centuries; and during its process the maya civilization may have experienced great developments and undergone numerous modifications; so that, without venturing to pronounce categorically upon a problem yet unsolved, i should myself be inclined to ascribe to a population, which either consisted of bands of emigrant mayas or was affected by this nahua movement, those "mounds" which still throw their galling defiance at the modern methods of research, powerless to explain their origin in regions which have since been under the reign of the most absolute savagery. however this may be, the movement by which in a remote antiquity the peoples of central america ascended towards the north, carrying with them their relative civilization to mexico and even beyond, was reversed at the epoch of our middle ages by a migration in the opposite direction. in this case it was the peoples of the northern regions that tended to beat back upon the south. they invaded, conquered and brought into subjection the peoples who had established themselves along the path followed by the previous migrations; and it is probably to invasions of this description that we must ascribe the fall of the ancient maya society of the isthmic region. but the civilization of which it had sown the germs was not dead. nay, the peoples who descended upon the south had in great measure themselves adopted it; and in the invaded districts there remained groups and nuclei of nahua populations who maintained its principles, its arts and its spirit, to which their conquerors readily conformed. the last conquerors had been established as masters in the mexican district for more than a century when the spaniards arrived there. they were the _aztecs_. they had conquered or shattered what was called the _chichimec_ empire, which in its turn had destroyed, some centuries earlier, the _toltec_ empire. but it would be a mistake to think of three successive empires, toltec, chichimec and aztec, one supplanting the other in the same way as the frankish empire, for example, took the place of that of rome, which in its turn had replaced divers others more ancient yet. what really took place was what follows. the prolonged migrations of the nahuas towards the north had not spread civilization uniformly amongst all the tribes encountered on the route. thus, down to the sixteenth century, there still existed in the heart of mexico tribes very little removed from the savage state, such as the otomis or "wanderers;" whereas, in other districts, the nahuas had established themselves on a footing of acknowledged supremacy and developed a brilliant civilization. thus they founded at the extreme north of the present mexico the ancient city of tulan or tullan, the name of which passed into that of its inhabitants, the _toltecs_, and this latter, in its turn, became the designation of everything graceful, elegant, artistically refined and beautiful. ethnographically, it simply indicates the most brilliant foci of the civilization imported from central america. in fact, there never was a toltec empire at all, but simply a confederation of the three cities of tullan, colhuacan and otompan, all of which may be regarded as toltec in the social sense which i have just described. many other small states existed outside this confederation. it was destroyed by the revolt or invasion of more northern tribes, hitherto held in vassalage and looked down upon as belonging to a lower level of culture and manners. these tribes received or assumed the name of _chichimecs_ or "dogs," which may have been a term of contempt converted into a title of honour, like that of the _gueux_ of the low countries. thus arose a chichimec confederation, of which colhuacan (the name given for a time to tezcuco), azcapulzalco, the capital of the tepanecs, and tlacopan, were the principal cities. at tezcuco the toltec element was still powerful. cholula, a sacred city, remained essentially toltec, and in general the chichimecs readily adopted the superior civilization of the toltecs. this was so much the case that tezcuco became the seat of an intellectual and artistic development, in virtue of which the europeans called it the athens of mexico. it was from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries, according to the historians, that what may be called the chichimec era lasted. at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the aztecs--that is to say _the white flamingos_ or _herons_ (from _aztatl_), the last comers from the north, who had long been a poor and wretched tribe, and on reaching anahuac had been obliged to accept the suzerainty of tezcuco--began to assume great importance. they had founded, under the name of tenochtitlan, upon an island that is now united to the mainland, the city which was afterwards called mexico. but originally the name of mexico belonged to the quarter of the city which was dedicated to the god of war, mextli. at once warlike and commercial, the aztecs grew in numbers, wealth and military power; they saved tezcuco from the dominion of the tepanecs, who tried to bring the whole chichimec confederation into subjection; presently they threw off all vassalage, and in the fifteenth century they stood at the head of the new confederation which took the place of that of the chichimecs, and of which mexico, tezcuco and tlacopan (or tacuba), were the three capitals. there was no mexican empire, then, at the moment when fernando cortes disembarked near vera cruz, but there was a federation. on certain days of religious festivity a solemn public dance was celebrated in mexico, in which the sovereign families of the three states, together with their subjects of the highest rank, took part. it began at noon before the palace of the mexican king. they stood three and three. the king of mexico led the dance, holding with his right hand the king of tezcuco, and with his left the king of tlacopan, and the three confederate sovereigns or emperors thus symbolized for several hours the union of their three states by the harmonious cadence of their movements.[4] iii. the widely-spread error that makes montezuma, the mexican sovereign that received fernando cortes, the absolute master of the whole district of the present mexico, is explained by the fact, that of the three confederate states that of the aztecs was by far the strongest, most warlike and most dreaded. it was constantly extending its dominion by means of a numerous, disciplined and admirably organized army, and little by little the other two states were constantly approaching the condition of vassalage. the aztecs were no more recalcitrant to civilization than the chichimecs, but they were ruder, more matter-of-fact and more cruel. they did no sacrifices to the toltec graces, but developed their civilization exclusively on its utilitarian and practical side. they were no artists, but essentially warriors and merchants. and even their merchants were often at the same time spies whom the kings of mexico sent into the countries they coveted, to study their resources, their strength and their weakness. their yoke was hard. they raised heavy tributes. their policy was one of extreme centralization, and, without destroying the religion of the peoples conquered by their arms, they imposed upon them the worship and the supremacy of their own national deities. their warlike expeditions bore a pronounced religious character. the priests marched at the head of the soldiers, and bore aztec idols on their backs. on the eve of a battle they kindled fresh fire by the friction of wood; and it was they who gave the signal of attack. these wars had pillage and conquest as their object, but also and very specially the capture of victims to sacrifice to the aztec gods. for the aztecs pushed the superstitious practice of human sacrifice to absolute frenzy. it was to these horrible sacrifices that they attributed their successes in war and the prosperity of their empire. if they experienced a check or had suffered any disaster, they redoubled their blood-stained offerings. but note this trait, so essentially pagan and in such perfect accord with the polytheistic ideas of the ancient world--they sacrificed to the gods of the conquered country too, to show them that it was not against them they were contending, and that the new régime would not rob them of the homage to which they were accustomed. the aztec deities were not _jealous_. they confined themselves to vindicating their own pre-eminence. after each fresh conquest, the aztecs raised a temple at mexico bearing the name of the conquered country, and thither they transported natives of the place to carry on the worship after their own customs. it seems that they did not consider even this precaution enough; for they constructed a special edifice near the great temple of mexico, where the supreme deities of the aztec people were enthroned, and there they shut up the idols of the conquered countries. this was to prevent their escape, should the desire come over them to return to their own peoples and help them to revolt.[5] all this will explain how it was that fernando cortes found numerous allies against montezuma's despotism amongst the native peoples. for it is an error, generally received indeed, but contradicted by history, that the spanish captain decided the fate of so redoubtable an empire, and of a city so vigorously defended as mexico, with the sole aid of his thousand europeans. for the rest, we are forced to acknowledge that the aztecs had developed their civilization, in its political and material aspects, in a way that does the greatest credit to their sagacity. property was organized on the individual and hereditary basis for the noble families, and on the collective basis for the people, divided into communities. the taxes were raised in kind, according to fixed rules. numbers of slaves were charged with the most laborious kinds of work. the merchants, assembled in the cities, formed a veritable _tiers-état_ which exercised a growing political influence. there were markets, the abundance and wealth of which stupefied the spaniards. the luxury of the court and of the great families was dazzling. no one dared to address the sovereign save with lowered voice, and--strange custom in our eyes!--no one appeared before him save with naked feet and clad in sordid garments, in sign of humility. mexico had been joined to the mainland by causeways, along which an aqueduct conveyed the pure waters of distant springs to the city. the irrigation works in the country were numerous and in good repair. the streets were cleansed by day and lighted at night, advantages in which none of the european capitals rejoiced in the sixteenth century. and finally, for we cannot dwell indefinitely upon this subject, let us note the excellent roads that stretched from mexico to the limits of the aztec empire and the confederated states. along these roads the sovereigns of mexico had established, at intervals of two leagues, courier posts for the transmission of important news to them. montezuma heard of the disembarkment of fernando cortes three days after it took place. and now imagine that this people was always averse to navigation--was ignorant of use of iron, knowing only of gold, silver and copper--had no beast of traction or burden, neither horse, nor ass, nor camel, nor elephant, nor even the llama of peru--was without writing (for though we find a kind of hieroglyph on the monuments of mexico and central america, yet the system was not of the smallest avail for ordinary life)--and, finally, had no money except an inconsiderable number of silver crosses and cacao berries, the mass of exchanges being effected by barter! on the other hand, they worked in stone with admirable skill. in their knives and lance and arrow heads, made of obsidian, they achieved remarkable perfection, and they excelled in the art of supplying the place of writing by pictures, painted on a kind of aloe paper or on cotton stuffs, representing the persons or things as to which they desired to convey information. such, then, is the singular people that spain was destined to conquer in the sixteenth century, and whose civilization, though modified by the special aztec spirit, rested after all upon the same bases that had sustained the more ancient civilization of central america. and this is equally true of the religion, which, with all the varieties impressed upon it by the special genius or inclinations of the diverse peoples, reveals itself as resting upon one common basis, from the isthmus of panama to the gulf of california and the mouths of the rio del norte. iv. one of the fundamental traits of this regional religion, then, is the pre-eminence of the sun, regarded as a personal and animated being, over all other divinities. at guatemala, amongst the lacandones, he was adored directly, without any images. amongst their neighbours the itzas, not far from vera paz, he was represented as a round human head encircled by diverging rays and with a great open mouth. this symbol, indeed, was very widely spread in all that region. often the sun is represented putting out his tongue, which means that he lives and speaks. for in the american hieroglyphics, a protruded tongue, or a tongue placed by the side of any object, is the emblem of life. a mountain with a tongue represents a volcano. the sun was generally associated with the moon as spouse, and they were called _grandfather_ and _grandmother_. in central america, and in the territory of mexico, may be observed a number of stone columns which are likewise statues; but the head is generally in the middle, and is so overlaid with ornaments or attributes, that it is not very easy to discover it. these are _sun-columns_. as he traced the shadow of these monoliths upon the soil day after day, the sun appeared to be caressing them, loving them, taking them as his fellow-workers in measuring the time. these same columns were also symbols of fructifying power. often the sun has a child, who is no other than a doublet of himself, but conceived in human form as the civilizer, legislator and conqueror, bearing diverse names according to the peoples whose hero-god and first king he is represented as being. and for that matter, if we had but the time, we might long dwell on the myths of yucatan, of guatemala (amongst the quichés), of honduras, and of nicaragua. by the side of the sun and moon, grandfather and grandmother, there were a number of great and small deities (some of them extremely vicious), and amongst others a god of rain, who was called tohil by the quichés and tlaloc at mexico, where he took his place amongst the most revered deities. his name signifies "noise," "rumbling." amongst the quichés he had a great temple at utatlan, pyramidal in form, like all others in this region of the world, where he was the object of a "perpetual adoration" offered him by groups of from thirteen to eighteen worshippers, who relieved each other in relays day and night. human sacrifice was practised by all these peoples, though not to such an extent as amongst the aztecs, for they only resorted to it on rare occasions. it was especially girls that they immolated, with the idea of giving brides to the gods. they were to exercise their conjugal influence in favourably disposing their divine consorts towards the sacrificers. in this connection we find a tragi-comic story of a young victim whose forced marriage was not in the least to her taste, and who threatened to pronounce the most terrible maledictions from heaven upon her slaughterers. her threats had so much effect that they let her go, and procured another and less recalcitrant bride for the deity.[6] finally, we will mention a most characteristic deity (whom we shall presently recognize at mexico under yet another name), variously known as cuculkan (bird-serpent), gucumatz (feathered-serpent), hurakan--whence our "hurricane"--votan (serpent), &c. he is always a serpent, and generally feathered or flying. he is a personification of the wind, especially of the east wind, which brings the fertilizing rains in that district. almost everywhere he is credited with gentle and beneficent dispositions, and therefore with a certain hostility to human sacrifice. it was this deity, in one of his forms, who was worshipped in the sacred island of cozumel, situated close to yucatan, to which pilgrimages were made from great distances. it was there that the spaniards, to their great surprise, first observed a cross surmounting the temple of this god of the wind. this was the starting-point of the legend according to which the apostle thomas had of old evangelized america. it is a pure illusion. the pagan cross of central america and mexico is nothing whatever but the symbol of the four cardinal points of the compass from which blow the four chief winds. such is the common religious basis, which we have simply sketched in its most general outlines, and upon which the more elaborate and sombre religion of the aztecs, which we shall examine at our next meeting, was reared. pray observe that we find in this group of connected beliefs and worships something quite analogous to the polytheism of the ancient world. the only notable difference is, that the god of heaven, dyaus, varuna, zeus, ahura mazda, or (in china) tien, does not occupy the same pre-eminent place in the american mythology that he takes in its european and asiatic counterparts. for the rest, the processes of the human spirit are absolutely identical in the two continents. in both alike it is the phenomena of nature, regarded as animated and conscious, that wake and stimulate the religious sentiment and become the objects of the adoration of man. at the same time, and in virtue of the same process of internal logic, these personified beings come to be regarded more and more as possessed of a nature superior in power indeed, but in all other respects closely conforming, to that of man. if nature-worship, with the animism that it engenders, shapes the first law to which nascent religion submits in the human race, anthropomorphism furnishes the second, disengaging itself ever more and more completely from the zoomorphism which generally serves as an intermediary. this is so _everywhere_. and thus we may safely leave to ethnologists the task of deciding whether the whole human race descends from one original couple or from many; for, spiritually speaking, humanity in any case is one. it is one same spirit that animates it and is developed in it; and this, the incontestable unity of our race, is likewise the only unity we need care to insist on. let us recognize it, then, since indeed it imposes itself upon us, and let us confess that the gospel did but anticipate the last word of science in proclaiming universal fraternity. and here, gentlemen, we reach one of those grand generalizations which must finally win over even those who are still inclined to distrust the philosophical history of religions as a study that destroys the most precious possessions of humanity. in setting forth the intellectual and moral unity of mankind, everywhere directed by the same successive evolutions and the same spiritual laws, it brings into light the great principle of _human brotherhood_. in demonstrating that these evolutions, in spite of all the influences of ignorance, of selfishness and of grossness, converge towards a sublime, ideal goal, and are no other than the mysterious but mighty and unbroken attraction to that unfathomable power of which the universe is the visible expression, it founds on a basis of reason the august sentiment of the _divine fatherhood_. brother-men and one father-god!--what more does the thinker need to raise the dignity of our nature, the promises of the future, the sublimity of our destiny, into a region where the inconstant waves of a superficial criticism can never reach them? such is the vestibule of the eternal temple; and in approaching the sanctuary--albeit i may not know the very title by which best to call the deity who reigns in it--i bow my head with that union of humility and of filial trust which constitutes the pure essence of religion. but from these general considerations we must return to our more immediate subject. at our next meeting, gentlemen, we are to study the special beliefs and mythology of ancient mexico. lecture ii. the deities and myths of mexico. ladies and gentlemen, it will be my task to-day to give an account of the mexican mythology and religion, resting as it does on the foundation common to the peoples of central america, but inspired by the sombre, utilitarian, matter-of-fact, yet vigorous and earnest, genius of the aztecs. you will remember that this name belongs to the warlike and commercial people that enjoyed, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, a military and political supremacy in the region that is now called mexico, after the aztec capital of that name. i. to begin with, we must note that the ancient central-american cultus of the sun and moon, considered as the two supreme deities, was by no means renounced by the aztecs. ometecutli (i.e. _twice lord_) and omecihuatl (_twice lady_), or in other words supreme lord and lady, are the designations under which they are always indicated in the first rank in the religious formulæ. all the mexicans called themselves "children of the sun," and greeted him every morning with hymns and with trumpet peals, accompanied with offerings. four times by day and four times by night, priests who were attached to the various temples addressed their devotions to him. and yet he had no temple specially consecrated to him. the fact was that all temples were really his, much as in our own christian civilization all the churches are raised in honour of god, though particular designations are severally given to them. the sun was the _teotl_ (i.e. the god) _par excellence_. i am informed that to this very day the inhabitants of secluded parts of mexico, as they go to mass, throw a kiss to the sun before entering the church. notwithstanding all this, we have to observe that, by an inconsistency which again has its analogies in other religions, the cultus of the supreme deity and his consort was pretty much effaced in the popular devotions and practices by that of divinities who were perhaps less august, and in some cases were even derived from the substance of the supreme deity himself, but in any case seemed to stand nearer to humanity than he did. more especially, the national deities of the aztecs, the guardians of their empire, whose worship they instituted wherever their arms had triumphed, practically took the first place. it is with these national deities that we are now to make acquaintance, and we cannot do better than begin with the two great deities of the city of mexico, whose colossal statues were enthroned on its principal temple. but first we must form some notion of what a mexican temple was. the word "temple," if held to imply an enclosed and covered building, is very improperly applied to the kind of edifice in question. indeed, a mexican temple (and the same may be said of most of the sanctuaries of central america) was essentially a gigantic altar, of pyramidal form, built in several stages, contracting as they approached the summit. the number of these retreating stories or terraces might vary. there were never less than three, but there might be as many as five or six, and in tezcuco some of these quasi-pyramids even numbered nine. the one that towered over all the rest in the city of mexico was built in five stages. it measured, at its base, about three hundred and seventy-five feet in length and three hundred in width, and was over eighty feet high. at a certain point in each terrace was the stair that sloped across the side of the pyramid to the terrace above; but the successive ascents were so arranged that it was necessary to make the complete circuit of the edifice in order to mount from one stage to another, and consequently the grand processions to which the mexicans were so much devoted must have encircled the whole edifice from top to bottom, like a huge living serpent, before the van could reach the broad platform at the top, and this must have added not a little to the picturesque effect of these religious ceremonies. such an erection was called a _teocalli_ or "abode of the gods." the great teocalli of mexico commanded the four chief roads that parted from its base to unite the capital to all the countries beneath the sceptre of its rulers. it was the palladium of the empire, and, as at jerusalem, it was the last refuge of the defenders of the national independence. the teocalli which fernando cortes and his companions saw at mexico, and which the conqueror razed to the ground, to replace it by a catholic church, was not of any great antiquity. it had been constructed thirty-four years before, in the place of another much smaller one that dated from the time when the aztecs were but an insignificant tribe; and it seems that frightful human hecatombs had ensanguined the foundations of this more recent teocalli. some authorities speak of seventy-two or eighty thousand victims, while more moderate calculations reduce the number to twenty thousand, which is surely terrible enough. in front of the temple there stretched a spacious court some twelve hundred feet square. all around were smaller buildings, which served as habitations for the priests, and store-houses for the apparatus of worship, as well as arsenals, oratories for the sovereign and the grandees of the empire, chapels for the inferior deities and so on. amongst these buildings was the temple in which, as i have said, the gods of the conquered peoples were literally imprisoned. in another the spaniards could count a hundred and thirty-six thousand symmetrically-piled skulls. they were the skulls of all the victims that had been sacrificed since the foundation of the sanctuary. and, by a contrast no less than monstrous, side by side with this monument of the most atrocious barbarism there were halls devoted to the care of the poor and sick, who were tended gratuitously by priests.[7] what a tissue of contradictions is man! but the aztec religion does not allow us to dwell upon the note of tenderness. in the centre of the broad platform at the summit stood the _stone of sacrifices_, a monolith about three feet high, slightly ridged on the surface. upon this stone the victim was stretched supine, and while sundry subordinate priests held his head, arms and feet, the sacrificing pontiff raised a heavy knife, laid open his bosom with one terrific blow, and tore out his heart to offer it all bleeding and palpitating to the deity in whose honour the sacrifice was performed. and here you will recognize that idea, so widely spread in the two americas, and indeed almost everywhere amongst uncivilized peoples, that the heart is the epitome, so to speak, of the individual--his soul in some sense--so that to appropriate his heart is to appropriate his whole being. finally, there rose on the same platform a kind of chapel in which were enthroned the two chief deities of the aztecs, uitzilopochtli and tezcatlipoca.[8] and here i will ask you to accompany captain bernal diaz in the retinue of his chief, fernando cortes, to whom the king montezuma himself had seen fit to do the honours of his "cathedral." for, as you are aware, montezuma, divided between a rash confidence and certain apprehensions which i shall presently explain, received cortes for a considerable time with the utmost distinction, lodged him in one of his palaces, and did everything in the world to please him. this, then, is the narrative of bernal diaz:[9] "montezuma invited us to enter a little tower, where in a kind of chamber, or hall, stood what appeared like two altars covered with rich embroidery." (what bernal diaz compared to altars were the two _teoicpalli_ (or _seats of the gods_), which were wooden pedestals, painted azure blue and bearing a serpent's head at each corner).... "the first [idol], placed on the right, we were told represented huichilobos, their god of war" (this was as near as bernal diaz could get to uitzilopochtli), "with his face and countenance very broad, his eyes monstrous and terrible; all his body was covered with jewels, gold and pearls of various sizes.... his body was girt with things like great serpents, made with gold and precious stones, and in one hand he held a bow, and arrows in the other. and another little idol who stood by him, and, as they said, was his page, carried a short lance for him, and a very rich shield of gold and jewels. and huichilobos had his neck hung round with faces of indians, and what seemed to be the hearts of these same indians, made of gold, or some of them of silver, covered with blue gems; and there stood some brasiers there, containing incense made with copal and the hearts of three indians who had been slain that same day; and they were burning, and with the smoke and incense they had made that sacrifice to him; and all the walls of this oratory were so bathed and blackened with cakes of blood, as was the very ground itself, that the whole exhaled a very foul odour. "carrying our eyes to the left we perceived another great mass, as high as huichilobos. its face was like a bear's, and its shining eyes were made of mirrors called tezcat. its body was covered with rich gems like that of huichilobos, for they said that they were brothers. and this tescatepuca" (the mutilated form under which bernal diaz presents tezcatlipoca) "was the god of hell" (this is another mistake, for tezcatlipoca was a celestial deity).... "his body was surrounded with figures like little imps, with tails like serpents; and the walls were so caked and the ground so saturated with blood, that the slaughterhouses of castile do not exhale such a stench; and indeed we saw the hearts of five victims who had been slaughtered that same day.... and since everything smelt of the shambles, we were impatient to escape from the foul odour and yet fouler sight." ii. such was the impression made upon a spanish soldier and a good catholic by the sight of the two chief deities of the mexican people. to him they were simply two abominable inventions of satan. let us try to go a little further below the surface. uitzilopochtli signifies _humming-bird to the left_, from _uizilin_ (humming-bird), and _opochtli_ (to the left). the latter part of the name is probably due to the position we have just seen noticed to the left of the other great deity, tezcatlipoca. but why humming-bird? what can there be in common between this graceful little creature and the monstrous idol of the aztecs? the answer is given by the american mythology, in which the humming-bird is a divine being, the messenger of the sun. in the aztec language it is often called the "sunbeam" or the "sun's hair." this charming little bird, with the purple, gold and topaz sheen of its lovely plumage, as it flits amongst the flowers like a butterfly, darts out its long tongue before it to extract their juices, with a burring of its wings like the humming of bees, whence it derives its english name. moreover, it is extremely courageous, and will engage with far larger birds than itself in defence of its nest. in the northern regions of mexico, the humming-bird is the messenger of spring, as the swallow is with us. at the beginning of may, after a cold and dry season that has parched the soil and blighted all verdure, the atmosphere becomes pregnant with rain, the sun regains his power, and a marvellous transformation sets in. the land arrays itself, before the very eyes, with verdure and flowers, the air is filled with perfumes, the maize comes to a head, and hosts of humming-birds appear, as if to announce that the fair season has returned. we may lay it down as certain that the humming-bird was the object of a religious cultus amongst the earliest aztecs, as the divine messenger of the spring, like the wren amongst our own peasantry, the plover amongst the latins, and the crow amongst many tribes of the red-skins. it was the emissary of the sun. it was in this capacity, and under the law of anthropomorphism to which all the mexican deities were subject, that the divine humming-bird, as a revealing god, the protector of the aztec nation, took the human form more and more completely in the religious consciousness of his worshippers. and indeed the mexican mythology gives form to this idea that the divine humming-bird (of which those on earth were but the relatives or little brothers) was a celestial man like an aztec of the first rank, in the following legend of his incarnation. near to coatepec, that is to say the mountain of serpents,[10] lived the pious widow _coatlicue_ or _coatlantona_ (the ultimate meaning of which is "female serpent"). one day, as she was going to the temple to worship the sun, she saw a little tuft of brilliantly coloured feathers fall at her feet. she picked it up and placed it in her bosom to present as an offering to the sun. but when she was about to draw it forth, she knew not what had come upon her. soon afterwards she perceived that she was about to become a mother. her children were so enraged that they determined to kill her, but a voice from her womb cried out to her, "mother, have no fear, for i will save thee, to thy great honour and my own great glory." and in fact coatlicue's children failed in their murderous attempt. in due time uitzilopochtli was born, grasping his shield and lance, with a plume of feathers shaped like a bird's beak on his head, with humming-birds' feathers on his left leg, and his face, arms and legs barred with blue. endowed from his birth with extraordinary strength, while still an infant he put to death those who had attempted to slay his mother, together with all who had taken their part. he gave her everything he could take from them; and after accomplishing mighty feats on behalf of the aztecs, whom he had taken under his protection, he re-ascended to heaven, bearing his mother with him, and making her henceforth the goddess of flowers.[11] you will be struck by the analogy between this myth and more than one greek counterpart. there is the same method of reducing to the conditions of human life, and concentrating at a single point of time and space, a permanent or regularly recurrent and periodic natural phenomenon. uitzilopochtli, the humming-bird, has come from the sun with the purpose of making himself man, and he has therefore taken flesh in an aztec woman, coatlicue, the serpent, who is no other than the spring florescence, and therefore the mexican flora. it is not only amongst the mexicans that the creeping progress of the spring vegetation, stretching along the ground towards the north, has suggested the idea of a divine serpent crawling over the earth. the athenian myth of erichthonius is a conception of the same order. the celestial humming-bird, then, offspring of the sun, valiant and warlike from the day of his birth, champion of his mother, plundering and ever victorious, is the symbol instinctively seized on by the aztec people; for it, too, had sprung from humble beginnings, had been despised and menaced by its neighbours, and had grown so marvellously in power and in wealth as to have become the invincible lord of anahuac. uitzilopochtli had grown with the aztec people. he bears, amongst other surnames, that of mextli, the warrior, whence the name of mexico. he protects his people and ever extends the boundaries of its empire. and thus, in spite of his bearing the name of a little bird, his statue as an incarnate deity had become colossal. yet the aztecs did not lose the memory of his original minuteness of stature. did you observe, in the account given by bernal diaz, that there stood at the feet of the huge idol another quite small one, that served, according to the spanish captain, as his page? this was the _uitziton_, or "little humming-bird," called also the _paynalton_, or the "little quick one," whose image was borne by a priest at the head of the soldiers as they charged the enemy. on the day of his festival, too, he was borne at full speed along the streets of the city. he was, therefore, the diminutive uitzilopochtli, or, more correctly speaking, the uitzilopochtli of the early days, the portable idol of the still wandering tribe; and in fidelity to those memories, as well as to preserve the warlike rite to the efficacy of which they attached so much value, the aztecs had kept the small statue by the side of the great one. to sum up: uitzilopochtli was a derivative form or determination of the sun, and specifically of the sun of the fair season. he had three great annual festivals. the first fell in may, at the moment of the return of the flowering vegetation. the second was celebrated in august, when the favourable season unfolded all its beauty. the third coincided with our month of december. it was the beginning of the cold and dry season. on the day of this third festival they made a statue in uitzilopochtli's likeness, out of dough concocted with the blood of sacrificed infants, and, after all kinds of ceremonies, a priest pierced the statue with an arrow. uitzilopochtli would die with the verdure, the flowers and all the beauteous adornments of spring and summer. but, like adonis, like osiris, like atys, and so many other solar deities, he only died to live and to return again.[12] it was now his brother tezcatlipoca who took the direction of the world. his name signifies "shining mirror." as the sun of the cold and sterile season, he turned his impassive glance upon all the world, or gazed into the mirror of polished crystal that he held in his hand, in which all the actions of men were reflected. he was a stern god of judgment, with whose being ideas of moral retribution were associated. he was therefore much dreaded. up to a certain point he reminds us of the vedic varuna. his statue was made of dark obsidian rock, and his face recalled that of the bear or tapir. suspended to his hair, which was plaited into a tail and enclosed in a golden net, there hung an ear, which was likewise made of gold, towards which there mounted flocks of smoke in the form of tongues. these were the prayers and supplications of mortals. maladies, famines and death, were the manifestations of tezcatlipoca's justice. dry as the season over which he presided, he was not easily moved. and yet he was not absolutely inexorable. the ardent prayers, the sacrifices and the supplications of his priests might avert the strokes of his wrath. but in spite of all, he was pre-eminently the god of austere law. and this is why he was regarded as the civilizing and organizing deity of the aztecs. it was he who had established the laws that governed the people and who watched over their observance. in this capacity he made frequent journeys of inspection, like an invisible prefect of police, through the city of mexico, to see what was going on there. stone seats had been erected in the streets for him to rest upon on these occasions, and no mortal would have dared to occupy them. at the same time a terrible and cruel subtlety in the means he employed to accomplish his ends was attributed to him; and the legend about him, which is far less brilliant than that of his brother uitzilopochtli, led several europeans to believe that he was simply an ancient magician who had spread terror around him by his sorceries. all this we see exemplified in his conflicts with a third great deity whom we shall next describe. in any case we may define tezcatlipoca as another determination of the sun, and specifically of the winter sun of the cold, dry, sterile season.[13] the third great deity is quetzalcoatl, that is to say "the feathered serpent," or "the serpent-bird;" and it is specially noteworthy, in connection with the elevated rank which he occupied in the mexican pantheon, that he was not an aztec deity, but one of the ancient gods of the invaded country. he was in fact a toltec deity, and we recognize in his name, as well as in the special notes in the legend concerning him, that god of the wind whom we know already in central america under the varying names of cuculcan, hurakan, gucumatz, votan and so forth. he is almost always a serpent, and a serpent with feathers. his temple at mexico departed altogether from the pyramidal type that we have described. it was dome-shaped and covered. the entrance was formed by a great serpent-mouth, wide open and showing its fangs, so that the spaniards thought it represented a gate of hell. quetzalcoatl's priests were clothed in white, whereas the ordinary garb of the mexican priests was black. there was something mysterious and occult about the priesthood of this deity, as though it were possessed of divine secrets or promises, the importance of which it would be dangerous to undervalue. a special aversion to human sacrifice, and especially to the frightful abuse of the practice amongst the aztecs, was attributed to this god and his priests, in passive protest, as it were, against the sanguinary rites to which the aztecs attributed the prosperity of their empire. the legend of quetzalcoatl, as the aztecs transmitted it to the spaniards, is a motley concatenation of euhemerized myths. its historical basis is the continuous retreat of the toltecs before the northern invaders, with their god tezcatlipoca. this latter deity becomes a magician, cunning and malicious enough to get the better of the gentle quetzalcoatl on every occasion. i regret that time will not allow me to tell in detail of the combat between tezcatlipoca and quetzalcoatl. the latter was a sovereign who lived long ago at tulla, the northern focus of toltec civilization. under his sceptre men lived in great happiness and enjoyed abundance of everything. he had taught them agriculture, the use of the metals, the art of cutting stone, the means of fixing the calendar; and being opposed to the sacrifice of human victims--note this--he had advised their replacement by the drawing of blood from the tongue, the lips, the chest, the legs, &c. tezcatlipoca succeeded by his enchantments in destroying this rule of peace and prosperity, and forced quetzalcoatl to quit tulla, which thereupon fell in ruins. he then pursued him into cholula, the ancient sacred city of the toltecs, in which he had sought refuge, and in which he had again made happiness and abundance reign. finally, he forced him to quit the continent altogether, and embark in a mysterious vessel not far from vera cruz, near to the very spot where cortes disembarked. since then quetzalcoatl had disappeared; "but wait!" said his priests, "for he will return." this expectation of quetzalcoatl's return furnishes a kind of parallel to the messianic hope, or more closely yet to the early christian expectation of the _parousia_ or "second coming" of the christ. for when he returned, it would be to punish his enemies, to chastise the wicked, the oppressors and the tyrants. and that is why the aztecs dreaded his return, and why they had not dared to proscribe his cultus, but, on the contrary, recognized it and carried it on. and if you would know the real secret of the success of fernando cortes in his wild enterprize--for, after all, the mexican sovereign could easily have crushed him and his handful of men, by making a hecatomb of them before they had had time to entrench themselves and make allies--you will find it in the fact that montezuma, whose conscience was oppressed with more crimes than one, had a very lively dread of quetzalcoatl's return; and when he was informed that at the very point where the dreaded god had embarked, to disappear in the unknown east, strange and terrible beings had been seen to disembark, bearing with them fragments of thunderbolts, in tubes that they could discharge whenever they would--some of them having two heads and six legs, swifter of foot than the fleetest men--montezuma could not doubt that--it was quetzalcoatl returning, and instead of sending his troops against cortes, he preferred to negotiate with him, to allow him to approach, and to receive him in his own palace. and although doubts soon asserted themselves in his mind, yet he long retained, perhaps even to the last, a superstitious dread of cortes, that enabled the latter to secure a complete ascendancy over him. this, i repeat, was the secret of the bold spaniard's success; nor can we ever understand the matter rightly unless we take into consideration the significance of this worship of quetzalcoatl that the aztecs had continued to respect, though all the while flattering themselves that their own god, tezcatlipoca, would be able once more to protect them against his ancient adversary. years after the conquest, father sahagun had still to answer the question of the natives, who asked him what he knew of the country of quetzalcoatl.[14] what, then, was the fundamental significance of this feathered serpent that so pre-occupied the religious consciousness of the aztecs? he was not the sun. the sun does not disappear in the east. he was a god of the wind, as father sahagun perfectly well understood, but of that wind in particular that brings over the parched land of mexico the tepid and fertilizing exhalations of the atlantic. and this is why tezcatlipoca, the god of the cold and dry season, rather than uitzilopochtli, is his personal enemy. it is towards the end of the dry season that the fertilizing showers begin to fall on the eastern shores, and little by little to reach the higher lands of the interior. the flying serpent, then, the wind that comes like a huge bird upon the air, bringing life and abundance with it, is a benevolent deity who spreads prosperity wherever he goes. but he does not always breathe over the land, and does not carry his blessed moisture everywhere. tezcatlipoca appears. the lofty plateaux of tulla, of mexico and of cholula, are the first victims of his desolating force. quetzalcoatl withdraws ever further and further to the east, and at last disappears in the great ocean. such is the natural basis of the myth of quetzalcoatl, and the justification of my remark that we find in him the pendant of those deities, serpents and birds in one, who were adored in central america, and who answered, like quetzalcoatl, to the idea of the atlantic wind. he was, in truth, the ancient deity that the nahuas or mayas of the civilized immigrations brought with them when they settled in anahuac and still further north. like all the other gods of these regions, quetzalcoatl had assumed the human shape more and more completely. we still possess, especially in the trocadero museum at paris, great blocks of stone on which he is represented as a serpent covered with feathers, coiled up and sleeping till the time comes for him to wake. but there are also statues of him in human form, save that his body is surmounted by a bird's head, with the tongue projected. now in the mexican hieroglyphie this bird's head, with the tongue put out, is no other than the symbol of the wind. hence, too, his names of _tohil_ "the hummer" or "the whisperer," _ehecatl_ "the breeze," _nauihehecatl_ "the lord of the four winds," &c. the naturalistic meaning of quetzalcoatl, then, cannot admit of the smallest doubt. it is probably to the more gentle and humane religious tendency which was kept alive by the priesthood of this deity, that we must attribute the attempted reform of the king of tezcuco, netzalhuatcoyotl (the fasting coyote), who has been called the mexican solomon. he was a poet and philosopher as well as king, and had no love either of idolatry or of sanguinary sacrifices. he had a great pyramidal teocalli of nine stages erected in his capital for the worship of the god of heaven, to whom he brought no offerings except flowers and perfumes. he died in 1472, and, as far as we can see, his reformation made no progress. the ever-increasing preponderance of the aztecs was as unfavourable as possible to this humane and spiritual tendency in religion.[15] yet one loves to dwell upon the fact, that even in the midst of a religion steeped in blood, a protest was inspired by the sentiment of humanity, linked, as it should always be, with the progress of religious thought. iii. we must now proceed with our review of the mexican deities, but i must be content with indicating the most important amongst them; for without admitting, with gomara--who registered many names and epithets belonging to one and the same divinity as indicating so many distinct beings--that their number rose to two thousand, we find that the most moderate estimate of the historians raises them to two hundred and sixty. we shall confine ourselves, then, to the most significant. the importance of rain in the regions of mexico, so marked in the myths we have already considered, prepares us to find amongst the great gods the figure of tlaloc, whose name signifies "the nourisher," and who was the god of rain. he was believed to reside in the mountains, whence he sent the clouds. he was also the god of fecundity. lightning and thunder were amongst his attributes, and his character was no more amiable than that of the mexican deities in general. his cultus was extremely cruel. numbers of children were sacrificed to him. his statues were cut in a greenish white stone, of the colour of water. in one hand he held a sceptre, the symbol of lightning; in the other, a thunderbolt. he was a cyclops; that is to say, he had but one eye, which shows that he must be ultimately identified as an ancient personification of the rainy sky, whose one eye is the sun. his huge mouth, garnished with crimson teeth, was always open, to signify his greed and his sanguinary tastes. his wife was _chalchihuitlicue_, "the lady chalchihuit," whose name is identical with that of a soft green jade stone that was much valued in mexico. her numerous offspring, the tlalocs, probably represent the clouds. side by side with the hideous sacrifices of which tlaloc's festival was the occasion, we may note the grotesque ceremony in which his priests flung themselves pell-mell into a pond, imitating the action and the note of frogs. this is but one of a thousand proofs that in the rites intended to conciliate the nature-gods, it was thought well to reproduce in mimicry the actions of those creatures who were supposed to be their favourites or chosen servants. the frogs were manifestly loved by the god of the waters, and to secure his good graces his priests, as was but natural, transformed themselves into frogs likewise. it was with this cultus especially that the symbol of the mexican cross was connected, as indicating the four points of the horizon from which the wind might blow. _centeotl_ was another great deity, a kind of mexican ceres or demeter. she was the goddess of agriculture, and very specially of maize. indeed, her name signifies "maize-goddess," being derived from _centli_ (maize) and _teotl_ (divine being). sometimes, however, inasmuch as this goddess had a son who bore the same name as herself, centeotl stands for a male deity. the female deity is often represented with a child in her arms, like a madonna. this child, who is no other than the maize itself, grows up, becomes an adult god, and is the masculine centeotl. the feminine centeotl, moreover, bears many other names, such as _tonantzin_ (our revered mother), _cihuatcoatl_ (lady serpent), and very often _toci_ or _tocitzin_ (our grandmother). she was sometimes represented in the form of a frog, the symbol of the moistened earth, with a host of mouths or breasts on her body. she had also a daughter, _xilonen_, the young maize-ear, corresponding to the persephone or kore of the greeks. her face was painted yellow, the colour of the maize. her character, at least amongst the aztecs, had nothing idyllic about it, and we shall have to return presently to the frightful sacrifices which were celebrated in her honour. next comes the god of fire, _xiuhtecutli_ (the lord fire), a very ancient deity, as we see by one of his many surnames, _huehueteotl_ (the old god). he is represented naked, with his chin blackened, with a head-dress of green feathers, carrying on his back a kind of serpent with yellow feathers, thus combining the different fire colours. and inasmuch as he looked across a disk of gold, called "the looking-plate," we may ask whether his primitive significance was not very closely allied to that of tezcatlipoca, the shining mirror of the cold season. sacrifice was offered to him daily. in every house the first libation and the first morsel of bread were consecrated to him. and finally, as an instance of the astounding resemblance that is forced upon our attention between the religious development of the old world and that of the new, only conceive that in mexico, as in ancient iran and other countries of asia and europe, the fire in every house must be extinguished on a certain day in every year, and the priest of xiuhtecutli kindled fire anew by friction before the statue of his god. you are aware that this rite, with which so many customs and superstitions are connected, rests on the idea that fire is a divine being, of celestial and pure origin, which is shut up in the wood, and which is contaminated in the long run by contact with men and with human affairs. hence it follows that in order for it to retain its virtues, to continue to act as a purifier and to spread its blessings amongst men, it must be brought down anew, from time to time, from its divine source.[16] the aztecs also had a venus, a goddess of love, who bore the name of _tlazolteotl_ (the goddess of sensuality).[17] at tlascala she was known by the more elegant name of _xochiquetzal_ (the flowery plume). she lived in heaven, in a beautiful garden, spinning and embroidering, surrounded by dwarfs and buffoons, whom she kept for her amusement. we hear of a battle of the gods of which she was the object. though the wife of tlaloc, she was loved and carried off by tezcatlipoca. this probably gives us the clue to her mythic origin. she must have been the aquatic vegetation of the marsh lands, possessed by the god of waters, till the sun dries her up and she disappears. the legend about her is not very edifying. it was she--to mention only a single feat--who prevailed over the pious hermit yappan, when he had victoriously resisted all other temptations. after his fall he was changed into a scorpion; and that is why the scorpion, full of wrath at the memory of his fall and fleeing the daylight, is so poisonous and lives hidden under stones.[18] we have still to mention _mixcoatl_, the cloud-serpent, whose name survives to our day as the designation of water-spouts in mexico, and who was specially worshipped by the still almost savage populations of the secluded mountain districts,--_omacatl_, "the double reed," a kind of momus, the god of good cheer, who may very well be a secondary form of tlaloc, and who avenged himself, when defrauded of due homage, by interspersing hairs and other disagreeable objects amongst the viands,--_ixtlilton_, "the brown," a sort of esculapius, the healing god, whose priest concocted a blackish liquid that passed as an efficacious remedy for every kind of disease,--_yacatecutli_, "the lord guide," the god of travellers and of commerce, whose ordinary symbol was the stick with a carved handle carried by the mexicans when on a journey, who was sedulously worshipped by the commercial and middle classes of mexico, and in connection with whom we may note that every mexican, when travelling, would be careful to fix his stick in the ground every evening and pay his respectful devotions to it,[19]--and, finally, _xipe_, "the bald," or "the flayed," the god of goldsmiths, probably another form of uitzilopochtli (whose festival coincided with his), deriving his name apparently from the polishing process to which gold (no doubt regarded as belonging to the substance of the sun) had to undergo to give it the required brilliance, and to whose hideous cultus we shall have to return in our next lecture. i must now be brief, and will only speak further of the _tepitoton_, that is to say, the "little tiny ones," minute domestic idols, the number of which was incalculable. they insensibly lower to the level of animism and fetishism that religion which, as we have seen, bears comparison in its grander aspects with the most renowned mythologies of the ancient world. i must, however, allow myself a few words on the god _mictlan_, the mexican hades or pluto. his name properly signifies "region of the north;" but inasmuch as the north was regarded as the country of mist, of barrenness and of death, his name easily passed into the designation of the subterranean country of the dead. the germanic _helle_ has a similar history, for it was first localized in the wintry north and then carried underground. mictlan, like hades, was used as a name alike for the sojourn and for the god of the dead. this deity had a consort who bore divers names, and he also had at his command a number of genii or servants, called _tzitzimitles_, a sort of malicious demons held in great dread by the living. of course both mictlan and his wives are always represented under a hideous aspect, with huge open mouths, or rather jaws, often in the act of devouring an infant.[20] at last we have done! in the next lecture we shall penetrate to the very heart of this singular religion, as we discuss its terrible sacrifices, its institutions, and its doctrines concerning this world and the life to come. and here, again, we shall find cause for amazement in the striking analogies it presents to the rites and institutions of other religions much nearer home. meanwhile, observe that in examining the purely mythological portion of the subject which we have passed in review to-day, we have seen that there is not a single law manifested by the mythologies of the ancient world, which had not its parallel manifestations in mexico before it was discovered by the europeans. the great gods, derived from a dramatized nature--animism, with the fetishism that springs from it, occupying the basement, if i may so express myself, beneath these mythological conceptions--in the midst of all a tendency manifested from time to time towards a purer and more spiritual conception of the adorable being--all re-appears and all is combined in mexico, even down to something like an incarnation, and the hope of the coming of the god of justice and of goodness who will restore all things. indeed, i know not where else one could look for so complete a résumé of what has constituted in all places, now the smallness and wretchedness, now the grandeur and nobleness, of that incomprehensible and irresistible factor of human nature which we call _religion_. the "eternally religious" element in man had stamped its mark upon the unknown mexico as upon all other lands; and when at last it was discovered, evidence might have been found, had men been able to appreciate it, that there too, however frightfully misinterpreted, the divine breath had been felt. it is the spiritually-minded who must learn the art of discerning the spirit wherever it reveals itself; and when the horrors rise up before us of which religion has more than once in the course of history been the cause or the pretext, and we are almost tempted to ask whether this attribute of human nature has really worked more good than ill in the destinies of our race, we may remember that the same question might be asked of all the proudest attributes of our humanity. take polity or the art of governing human societies. to what monstrous aberrations has it not given birth! take science. through what lamentable and woful errors has it not pursued its way! take art. how gross were its beginnings, and how often has it served, not to elevate man, but to stimulate his vilest and most degrading passions! yet, who would wish to live without government, science or art? let us apply the same test to religion. the horrors it has caused cannot weigh against the final and overmastering good which it produces; and its annals, too often written in blood, should teach us how to guide it, how to purify it from all that corrupts and debases it. we shall see at the close of our lectures what that directing, normalizing, purifying principle is that must hold the helm of religion and guide it in its evolution. meanwhile, let no imperfection, no repulsiveness--nay, no atrocity even--blind us to the ideal value of what we have been considering, any more than we should allow the disasters that spring from the use of fire to make us cease to rank it amongst the great blessings of our earthly life. lecture iii. the sacrifices, sacerdotal and monastic institutions, eschatology and cosmogony of mexico. ladies and gentlemen, in our last lecture we passed in review the chief gods and goddesses of ancient mexico, and you might see how, in spite of very characteristic differences, the mexican mythology obeys the same law of formation that manifests itself among the peoples of the old world, thereby proving once more that the religious development of humanity is not arbitrary, that it proceeds in every case under the direction of the inherent and inalienable principles of the human mind. to-day we are to complete the internal study of the mexican religion, by dealing with its sacrifices, its institutions, and its eschatological and cosmogonical doctrines. we begin with those sacrifices of which i have already spoken as so numerous and so horrible. i. we have some little difficulty in our times, familiar as we are with spiritual conceptions of god and the divine purposes, in comprehending the extreme importance which sacrifices, offerings, gifts to the divine being, assumed in the eyes of peoples who were still enveloped in the darkness of polytheism and idolatry. and perhaps we may find it more difficult yet to realize the primitive object and intention of these sacrifices. there can be no doubt that they were originally suggested by the idea that the divine being, whatever it may have been--whether a natural object, an animal, or a creature analogous to man--liked what we like, was pleased with what pleases us, and had the same tastes and the same proclivities as ours. this is the fundamental idea that urged the polytheistic peoples along the path of religious anthropomorphism. this principle once established, and the object being to secure the goodwill and the protection of the divine beings, what could be more natural than to offer them the things in which men themselves took pleasure, such as viands, drinks, perfumes, handsome ornaments, slaves and wives? we must not carry back to the origins of sacrifice the meta-physical and moral ideas which did not really appear until much later. and since the necessity of eating, and the pleasure of eating choice food, take a foremost rank in the estimation of infant peoples, it is not surprising that the food-offering was the most frequent and the most important amongst them, so as in some sort to absorb all the rest. and here we are compelled to bow before a fact which cannot possibly be disputed, namely, that traces of the primitive sacrifice of human victims meet us everywhere. and this shows that cannibalism, which is now restricted to a few of the savage tribes who have remained closest to the animal life, was once universal to our race. for no one would ever have conceived the idea of offering to the gods a kind of food which excited nothing but disgust and horror amongst men. this being granted, two rival tendencies must be reckoned with. in the first place, moral development, with its influence on religious ideas, worked towards the suppression of the horrible custom of human sacrifice, whilst at the same time extirpating the taste and desire for human flesh. for we must not forget that where cannibalism still reigns, human flesh is regarded as the most delicious of foods; and the greek mythology has preserved legends and myths that are connected with the very epoch at which human sacrifices first became an object of horror to gods and men. but, in the second place, in virtue of the strange persistency of rites and usages connected with religion, human sacrifices prevailed in many places when cannibalism had completely disappeared from the habits and tastes of the population. thus the semites of western asia and the çivaïte hindus, the celts, and some of the populations of greece and italy, long after they had renounced cannibalism, still continued to sacrifice human beings to their deities. and this gives us the clue to a third phase, which was actually realized in mexico before the conquest. cannibalism, in ordinary life, was no longer practised. the city of mexico underwent all the horrors of famine during the siege conducted by fernando cortes. when the spaniards finally entered the city, they found the streets strewn with corpses, which is a sufficient proof that human flesh was not eaten even in dire extremities. and, nevertheless, the aztecs not only pushed human sacrifices to a frantic extreme, but they were _ritual cannibals_, that is to say, there were certain occasions on which they ate the flesh of the human victims whom they had immolated. this practice was connected with another religious conception, grafted upon the former one. almost everywhere, but especially amongst the aztecs, we find the notion that the victim devoted to a deity, and therefore destined to pass into his substance and to become by assimilation an integral part of him, is already co-substantial with him, has already become part of him; so that the worshipper in his turn, by himself assimilating a part of the victim's flesh, unites himself in substance with the divine being. and now observe that in all religions the longing, whether grossly or spiritually apprehended, to enter into the closest possible union with the adored being is fundamental. this longing is inseparable from the religious sentiment itself, and becomes imperious wherever that sentiment is warm; and this consideration is enough to convince us that it is in harmony with the most exalted tendencies of our nature, but may likewise, in times of ignorance, give rise to the most deplorable aberrations. note this, again, that immolation or sacrifice cannot be accomplished without suffering to the victim. yet more: the immense importance of sacrifice in the inferior religions raises the mere rite itself to a position of unrivalled efficacy as gauged by the childlike notions that have given it birth, so that at last it acquires an intrinsic and magical virtue in the eyes of the sacrificers. they have lost all distinct idea as to how their sacrifice gives pleasure to the gods, but they retain the firm belief that as a matter of fact, it is the appointed means of acting upon their dispositions and modifying their will. the civilized greeks and romans no longer believed that their gods ate the flesh of the sacrifices, but this did not prevent their continuing them as the indispensable means of appeasing the wrath or conciliating the favour of the deities. to such a length was this carried in india and iran, that sacrifice finally came to be regarded as a cosmic force, a creative act. the gods themselves sacrificed as a means of creation, or of modifying the existing order of the world. this idea of the intrinsic and magical virtue of sacrifice naturally re-acted on the importance attached to the sufferings of the victim so inseparably connected with it, until the latter came to be regarded as amongst the prime conditions of an efficacious sacrifice. for the rest, i need not do more than mention the notions of substitution, of compensation, and of renunciation on the part of the sacrificer, which so readily attach themselves to the idea of sacrifice, and represent its moral aspects. now all these considerations will help us to understand both the fearful intensity and the special significance of the practice of human sacrifice established among the aztecs. and here i must ask you to harden your hearts for a few moments while i conduct you through this veritable chamber of horrors. the mexican sacrifices were, in truth, of the most frightful description. it was an axiom amongst the aztecs that none but human sacrifices were truly efficacious. they were continually making war in order to get a supply of victims. they regarded the victim, when once selected, as a kind of incarnation of the deity who was ultimately to consume his flesh, or at any rate his heart. they retained the practice of cannibalism as a religious rite, and, as though they had had some of the red-skins' blood in their veins, they refined upon the tortures which they forced those victims, whom they had almost adored the moment before, to undergo at last. these victims were regularly selected a considerable time in advance. they were vigilantly watched, but in other respects were well cared for and fed with the choicest viands--in a word, fattened. there was not a single festival upon which at least one of these victims was not immolated, and in many cases great numbers of them were flung upon the "stone of sacrifices," where the priests laid their bosoms open, tore out their hearts, and placed them, as the epitome of the men themselves, in a vessel full of burning rezin or "copal," before the statue of the deity. some few of these sacrifices it is my duty to describe to you. for example: to celebrate the close of the annual rule of tezcatlipoca, which fell at the beginning of may, they set apart a year beforehand the handsomest of the prisoners of war captured during the preceding year. they clothed him in a costume resembling that of the image of the god. he might come and go in freedom, but he was always followed by eight pages, who served at once as an escort and a guard. as he passed, i will not say that the people either knelt or did not kneel before him, for in mexico the attitude expressive of religious adoration was that of squatting down upon the haunches. as he passed, then, the people squatted all along the streets as soon as they heard the sound of the bells that he carried on his hands and feet. twenty days before the festival, they redoubled their care and attention. they bathed him, anointed him with perfume, and gave him four beautiful damsels as companions, each one bearing the name of a goddess, and all of them instructed to leave nothing undone to make their divine spouse as happy as possible. he then took part in splendid banquets, surrounded by the great mexican nobles. but the day before the great festival, they placed him and his four wives on board a royal canoe and carried them to the other side of the lake. in the evening the four goddesses quitted their unhappy god, and his eight guardians conducted him to a lonely _teocalli_, a league distant, where he was flung upon the stone of sacrifices and his heart torn from his bosom. he must disappear and die with the god whom he represented, who must now make way for uitzilopochtli. this latter deity likewise had his human counterpart, who had to lead a war-dance in his name before being sacrificed. he had the grotesque privilege of choosing the hour of his own immolation, but under the condition that the longer he delayed it the less would his soul be favoured in the abode of uitzilopochtli. for we must note that in the mexican order of ideas, though the flesh of the victims was destined to feed the gods to whom they were sacrificed, their souls became the blessed and favoured slaves or servants of these same gods. centeotl, or toci, the goddess of the harvest, had her human sacrifices also, but in this case a woman figured as protagonist. she, too, was dressed like the goddess, and entrusted to the care of four midwives, priestesses of centeotl, who were commissioned to pet and amuse her. a fortnight before the festival, they celebrated "the arm dance" before her, in which the dancers, without moving their feet, perpetually raised and lowered their arms, as a symbol of the vegetation fixed at its roots, but moving freely above. then she had to take part in a mock combat, after which she received the title of "image of the mother of the gods." the day before her execution, she went to pay what was called her "farewell to the market," in which she was conducted to the market of mexico, sowing maize all along the street as she went, and reverenced by the people as toci, "our grandmother." but the following midnight she was carried to the top of a teocalli, perched upon the shoulders of a priest, and swiftly decapitated. then they flayed her without loss of time. the skin of the trunk was chopped off, and a priest, wrapping himself in the bleeding spoil, traversed the streets in procession, and made pretence of fighting with soldiers who were interspersed in the cortége. the skin of the legs was carried to the temple of centeotl, the son, where another priest made himself a kind of mask with it, to represent his god, and sacrificed four captives in the ordinary way. after this, the priest, accompanied by some soldiers, bore the hideous shreds to a point on the frontier, where they were buried as a talisman to protect the empire. the festivals of tlaloc, god of rain, were perhaps yet more horrible. at one of them they sacrificed a number of prisoners of war, one upon another, clothed like the god himself. they tore out their hearts in the usual way, and then carried them in procession, enclosed in a vase, to throw them into a whirlpool of the lake of mexico, which they imagined to be one of the favoured residences of the aquatic deity. but it was worse still at the festival of this same tlaloc which fell in february. on this occasion a number of young children were got together, and decked with feathers and precious stones. they put wings upon them, to enable them to fly up, and then placed them on litters, and bore them through the city in grand procession and with the sound of trumpets. the people, says sahagun,[21] could not choose but weep to see these poor little ones led off to the sacrifice. but if the children themselves cried freely, it was all the better, for it was a sign that the rain would be abundant.[22] i will not try your nerves by dwelling much longer on this dismal subject, though there is no lack of material. at the feast of xipe, "the flayed," for example, whole companies of men were wrapped in the skins of sacrificed captives, and engaged in mock battles in that costume. but the only further instance i am compelled to mention is connected with the festival of the god of fire, xiuhtecutli, which was celebrated with elaborate ceremonies. at set of sun, all who had prisoners of war or slaves to offer to the deity brought forward their victims, painted with the colours of the god, danced along by their side, and shut them up in a building attached to the teocalli of fire. then they mounted guard all round, singing hymns. at midnight, each owner entered and severed a lock of the hair of his slave or slaves, to be carefully preserved as a talisman. at daybreak they brought out the victims and led them to the foot of the temple stair. there the priests took them upon their shoulders and carried them up to the higher platform, where they had prepared a great brazier of burning embers. here each priest flung his human burden upon the fire, and i leave you to imagine the indescribable scene that ensued. nor is this all. the same priests, armed with long hooks, fished out the poor wretches before they were quite roasted to death, and despatched them in the usual fashion on the stone of sacrifices.[23] it was after these offerings of private devotion that family and friendly gatherings were held, at which a part of the victim's flesh was eaten, under the idea that by thus sharing the food of the deity his worshippers entered into a closer union with him. we ought, however, to note that a master never ate the flesh of his own slave, inasmuch as he had been his guest, and as it were a member of his family. he waited till his friends returned his attention. ii. human sacrifice, gentlemen, appears to have been a universal practice; but wherever the human sympathies developed themselves rapidly, it was early superseded by various substituted rites which it was supposed might with advantage replace it. such were flagellation, mutilation of some unessential part of the body, or the emission of a certain quantity of blood. this last practice, in particular, might be regarded as an act of individual devotion, a gift made to the gods by the worshipper himself out of his own very substance. the priesthood of quetzalcoatl, who had little taste for human sacrifices, seem to have introduced this method of propitiating the gods by giving them one's own blood; and the practice of drawing it from the tongue, the lips, the nose, the ears or the bosom, came to be the chief form of expression of individual piety and penitence in central america and in mexico. the priests in particular owed it to their special character to draw their blood for the benefit of the gods, and nothing could be stranger than the refined methods they adopted to accomplish this end. for instance, they would pass strings or splinters through their lips or ears and so draw a little blood. but then a fresh string or a fresh splinter must be added every day, and so it might go on indefinitely, for the more there were, the more meritorious was the act; nor can we doubt that the idea of the suffering endured enhancing the merit of the deed itself, was already widely spread in mexico. there was a system of mexican _asceticism_, too, specially characterized by the long fasts which the faithful, and more particularly the priests, endured. indeed, fasting is one of the most general and ancient forms of adoration. it rests, in the first place, on an instinctive feeling that a man is more worthy to present himself before the divine beings when fasting than when stuffed with food; and, in the second place, on the fact that fasting is shown by experience to promote dreams, hallucinations, extasies and so forth, which have always been considered as so many forms of communication with the deity.[24] it was only later that fasting became the sign and index of mourning, and therefore of sincere repentance and profound sorrow. mexico had its solitaries or hermits, too, who sought to enter into closer communion with the gods by living in the desert under conditions of the severest asceticism. are we not once more tempted to exclaim that there is nothing new under the sun? but the devotees of the ancient mexican religion had other methods of uniting themselves substantially and corporeally with their gods; and in accordance with the notions which we have seen were accredited by their religion, they had developed a kind (or kinds) of _communion_ from which, with a little theology, a regular doctrine of transubstantiation might have been drawn. thus, at the third great festival in honour of uitzilopochtli (celebrated at the time of his death), they made an image of the deity in dough, steeped it in the blood of sacrificed children, and partook of the pieces.[25] in the same way the priests of tlaloc kneaded statuettes of their god in dough, cut them up, and gave them to eat to patients suffering from the diseases caused by the cold and wet.[26] the statuettes were first consecrated by a small sacrifice. and so, too, at the yearly festival of the god of fire, xiuhtecutli, an image of the deity, made of dough, was fixed in the top of a great tree which had been brought into the city from the forest. at a certain moment the tree was thrown down, on which of course the idol broke to pieces, and the worshippers all scrambled for a bit of him to eat. it has been asked how far any moral idea had penetrated this religion, the repulsive aspects of which we have been describing. the question is a legitimate one. i believe, gentlemen, that in studying the religious origins of the different peoples of the earth, we shall come to the conclusion that the fusion of the religious and moral life--which has long been an accomplished fact for us, especially since the gospel, so that we cannot admit the possibility of uniting immorality and piety for a single instant--is not primitive, but is due to the development of the human spirit, and to healthier, more complete and more religious ideas concerning the moral law. at the beginning of things, and in our own day amongst savages, nay, even amongst the most ignorant strata of the population in civilized countries, it is obvious that religion and morals have extremely little to do with each other. some authors, accordingly, in the face of all the monstrous cruelty, selfishness and inhumanity of the mexican religion, have concluded that no element of morality entered into it at all, but that all was self-seeking and fanaticism. this is an exaggeration. we have seen that amongst the nature-gods of mexico there was one, tezcatlipoca, who was looked upon as the austere guardian of law and morals. if we are to believe father sahagun,--and even if we allow for strong suspicions as to the accuracy of his translations of the prayers and exhortations uttered under certain circumstances by parents and priests,--it is evident that the mexicans were taught to consider a decent and virtuous life as required by the gods. indeed, they had a system of confession, in which the priest received the statement of the penitent, laid a penance on him, and assured him of the pardon of the gods. generally the penitents delayed their confession till they were advanced in age, for relapses were regarded as beyond the reach of pardon.[27] it would be nearer the truth to say that the religious ethics of the mexicans had entered upon that path of dualism[28] by which alone, in almost every case, the normal synthesis or rational reconciliation of the demands of physical nature and the moral life has been ultimately reached. for inasmuch as fidelity to duty often involves a certain amount of suffering, the suffering comes to be regarded as the moral act itself, and artificial sufferings are voluntarily incurred under the idea that they are the appointed price of access to a higher and more perfect life, in closer conformity with the divine will. the cruel rites which entered into the very tissue of the mexican religion could hardly fail to strengthen the same ascetic tendency, by encouraging the idea that pain itself was pleasant to the eyes of the gods. but the truth is that in this matter we can discern no more than tendencies. there are symptoms of men's minds being busy with the relation of the moral to the religious life, but no fixed or systematic conclusions had been reached. it might, perhaps, have been otherwise in the sequel, and these tendencies might ultimately have taken shape in corresponding theories and doctrines, had not the spanish conquest intervened to put an end for ever to the evolution of the mexican religion. i have frequently spoken of the mexican priests, and the time has now come for dwelling more explicitly on this priesthood. it was very numerous, and had a strong organization reared on an aristocratic basis, into which political calculations manifestly entered. the noblest families (including that of the monarch) had the exclusive privilege of occupying the highest sacerdotal offices. the priests of uitzilopochtli held the primacy. their chief was sovereign pontiff, with the title of _mexicatl-teohuatzin_, "mexican lord of sacred things," and _teotecuhtli_, "divine master." next to him came the chief priest of quetzalcoatl, who had no authority, however, except over his own order of clergy. he lived as a recluse in his sanctuary, and the sovereign only sent to consult him on certain great occasions; whereas the primate sat on the privy council and exercised disciplinary powers over all the other priests in the empire. every temple and every quarter had its regular priests. no one could enter the priesthood until he had passed satisfactorily through certain tests or examinations before the directors of the _calmecac_, or houses of religious education, of which we shall speak presently. the power of the clergy was very great. they instructed youth, fixed the calendar, preserved the knowledge of the annals and traditions indicated by the hieroglyphics, sang and taught the religious and national hymns, intervened with special ceremonies at birth, marriage and burial, and were richly endowed by taxes raised in kind upon the products of the soil and upon industries. every successful aspirant to the priesthood, having passed the requisite examinations, received a kind of unction, which communicated the sacred character to him. all this indicates a civilization that had already reached a high point of development; but the indelible stain of the mexican religion re-appears every moment even where it seems to rise highest above the primitive religions: amongst the ingredients of the fluid with which the new priest was anointed was the blood of an infant! the priests' costume in general was black. their mantles covered their heads and fell down their sides like a veil. they never cut their hair, and the spaniards saw some of them whose locks descended to their knees. probably this was a part of the solar symbolism. the rays of the sun are compared to locks of hair, and we very often find the solar heroes or the servants of the sun letting their hair grow freely in order that they may resemble their god. their mode of life was austere and sombre. they were subject to the rules of a severe asceticism, slept little, rose at night to chant their canticles, often fasted, often drew their own blood, bathed every night (in imitation of the sun again), and in many of the sacerdotal fraternities the most rigid celibacy was enforced. you will see, then, that i did not exaggerate when i spoke of the belief that the gods were animated by cruel wills and took pleasure in human pain as having launched the mexican religion on a path of a systematic dualism and very stern asceticism.[29] but the surprise we experience in noting all these points of resemblance to the religious institutions of the old world, perhaps reaches its culminating point when we learn that the mexican religion actually had its convents. these convents were often, but not always, places of education for both sexes, to which all the free families sent their children from the age of six or nine years upwards. there the boys were taught by monks, and the girls by nuns, the meaning of the hieroglyphics, the way to reckon time, the traditions, the religious chants and the ritual. bodily exercises likewise had a place in this course of education, which was supposed to be complete when the children had reached the age of fifteen. the majority of them were now sent back to their families, while the rest stayed behind to become priests or simple monks. for there were religious orders, under the patronage of the different gods, and convents for either sex. the monastic rule was often very severe. in many cases it involved abstinence from animal food, and the people called the monks of these severer orders _quaquacuiltin_, or "herb-eaters." there were likewise associations resembling our half-secular, half-ecclesiastical fraternities. thus we hear of the society of the "_telpochtiliztli_," an association of young people who lived with their families, but met every evening at sunset to dance and sing in honour of tezcatlipoca. and, finally, we know that ancient mexico had its hermits and its religious mendicants.[30] the latter, however, only took the vow of mendicancy for a fixed term. these are the details which led von humboldt and some other writers to believe that buddhism must have penetrated at some former period into mexico. not at all! what we have seen simply proves that asceticism, the war against nature, everywhere clothes itself in similar forms, suggested by the very constitution of man; and there is certainly nothing in common between the gentle insipidity of buddha's religion and the sanguinary faith of the aztecs. the girls were under a rule similar to that of the boys. they led a hard enough life in the convents set apart for them, fasting often, sleeping without taking off their clothes, and (when it was their turn to be on duty) getting up several times in the night to renew the incense that burned perpetually before the gods. they learned to sew, to weave, and to embroider the garments of the idols and the priests. it was they who made the sacred cakes and the dough idols, whose place in the public festivals i have described to you. at the age of fifteen, the same selection took place among the girls as among the boys. those who stayed in the convent became either priestesses, charged with the lower sacerdotal offices, or directresses of the convents set aside for instruction, or simple nuns, who were known as _cihuatlamacasque_, "lady deaconesses," or _cihuaquaquilli_, "lady herb-eaters," inasmuch as they abstained from meat. the most absolute continence was rigorously enforced, and breach of it was punished by death.[31] one cannot but ask whether a priesthood so firmly organized, in which was centred the whole intellectual life and all that can he called the science of mexico, had not elaborated any higher doctrines or cosmogonic theories such as we owe to the priesthoods of the old world, especially when we know that they regulated the calendar, which presupposes some astronomical conceptions. but here we enter upon a region that has not yet been methodically reclaimed by the historians. we have often enough been presented with mexican cosmogonies, but the fundamental error of all these expositions is, that they present as a fixed and established body of doctrine what was in reality a very loose and unformed mass of traditions and speculations. the sponsors of these cosmogonies agree neither as to their number nor their order of succession, and it is obvious that a mistaken zeal to bring them as near as possible to the biblical tradition has been at work. an attempt has even been made to find a mexican noah, coming out of the ark, in a fish-god emerging from a kind of box floating on the waters.[32] one thing, however, is certain, namely, that these cosmogonies are not aztec. the aztec deities proper play no part in them. we may therefore suppose that they are of central american origin, or are due to that priesthood of quetzalcoatl which continued its silent work in the depths of its mysterious retreats. the contradictions of our authorities as to the number and order of these cosmogonies suggest the idea that their arrangement one after another is no more than a harmonizing attempt to bring various originally distinct cosmogonies into connection with each other. the fact is that others yet are known, in addition to those which have taken their place in what we may call the classical list established by humboldt and müller.[33] in this classical list there are five ages of the world, separated from each other by universal cataclysms, something after the fashion of the successive creations of the school of cuvier. each of these ages is called a sun, and, according to the elements that preponderate during their respective courses, they are called, 1st, the sun of the earth; 2nd, the sun of fire; 3rd, the sun of the air; and 4th, the sun of water. the fifth sun, which is the present one, has no special name. we cannot enter upon the details concerning each of these suns, and they are not very interesting in any case. they contain confused reminiscences of primitive life, of the ancient populations of anahuac, of old and bygone worships, but nothing particularly characteristic or original. the only specially striking feature in this mass of cosmogonic traditions is the sense of the instability of the established order alike of nature and society which pervades them. what was it that inspired the mexicans with this feeling? perhaps the mighty destructive forces for which tropical countries, equatorial seas and volcanic regions, so often furnish a theatre, had shaken confidence in the permanence of the physical constitution of the world. perhaps the numerous political and social revolutions, the frequent successions of peoples, rulers and subjects in turn, had accustomed the mind to conceive and anticipate perpetual changes, of which the successive ages of the world were but the supreme expression; and finally, perhaps that quasi-messianic expectation of the return of quetzalcoatl, to be accompanied by a complete renewal of things, may have given an additional point of attachment to this belief in the caducity of the whole existing order. what is certain is that this sentiment itself was very widely spread. it served as a consolation to the peoples who were crushed beneath the cruel yoke of the aztecs. they might well cherish the thought that all this would not last for ever; and even the aztecs themselves had no unbounded confidence in the stability of their empire. the spaniards profited greatly by this vague and all but universal distrust. after their victory they made much of pretended prodigies that had shadowed it forth, and even of prophecies that had announced it.[34] but the state of mind of the populations concerned being given, at whatever moment the spaniards had arrived they would have been able to appeal to auguries of a like kind, by dint of just giving them that degree of precision and clearness which usually distinguishes predictions that are recorded after their fulfilment! a further proof that the mexican religion helped to spread this sense of the instability of things is furnished by the grand jubilee festival which was celebrated every fifty-two years in the city of mexico and throughout the empire. the mexican cycle, marking the coincidence of four times thirteen lunar and four times thirteen solar years,[35] counted two-and-fifty years, and was called a "sheaf of years." now whenever the dawn of the fifty-third year drew near, the question was anxiously put, whether the world would last any longer, and preparations were made for the great ceremony of the _toxilmolpilia_, or "binding up of years." the day before, every fire was extinguished. all the priests of the city of mexico marched in procession to a mountain situated at two leagues' distance. the entire population followed them. they watched the pleiades intently. if the world was to come to an end, if the sun was never to rise again, the pleiades would not pass the zenith; but the moment they passed it, it was known that a new era of fifty-two years had been guaranteed to men. fire was kindled anew by the friction of wood. but the wood rested on the bosom of the handsomest of the prisoners, and the moment it was lighted the victim's body was opened, his heart torn out, and both heart and body burned upon a pile that was lit by the new fire. no sooner did the people, who had remained on the plain below, perceive the flame ascend, than they broke into delirious joy. another fifty-two years was before the world. more victims were sacrificed in gratitude to the gods. brands were lighted at the sacred flame on the mountain, from which the domestic fires were in their turn kindled, and swift couriers were despatched with torches, replaced continually on the route, to the very extremities of the empire. it was in the year 1507, twelve years before cortes disembarked, that the toxilmolpilia was celebrated for the last time. in 1559, although the mass of the natives had meanwhile been converted to roman catholicism, the spanish government had to take severe measures to prevent its repetition.[36] we have far firmer footing, then, than is furnished by the shifting ground of the cosmogonies, when we insist upon the general prevalence of the feeling that the world might veritably come to an end as it had done before. beyond this there was nothing fixed or generally accepted. much the same might be said of the future life. the mexicans believed in man's survival after death. this we see from the practice of putting a number of useful articles into the tomb by the side of the corpse, after first breaking them, so that they too might die and their spirits might accompany that of the departed to his new abodes. they even gave him some tepitoton, or little household gods, to take with him, and as a rule they killed a dog to serve as his guide in the mysterious and painful journey which he was about to undertake. sometimes a very rich man would go so far as to have his chaplain slaughtered, that he might not be deprived of his support in the other world. but in all this there is nothing to distinguish the mexican religion from the beliefs that stretched over the whole of america, and there is no indication that any moral conception had as yet vivified and hallowed the prospect beyond the grave. the mass of ordinary mortals remained in the sombre, dreary, monotonous realm of mictlan; for in mexico, as in polynesia, a really happy immortality was a privilege reserved for the aristocracy. there were several paradises, including that of tlaloc, and above all the "mansion of the sun," destined to receive the kings, the nobles and the warriors. there they hunt, they dance, they accompany the sun in his course, they can change themselves into clouds or humming-birds. an exception is made, however, irrespective of social rank, in favour of warriors who fall in battle and women who die in child-bed, as well as for the victims sacrificed in honour of the celestial deities and destined to become their servants. so, too, the paradise of tlaloc, a most beauteous garden, is opened to all who have been drowned (for the god of the waters has taken them to himself), to all who have died of the diseases caused by moisture, and to the children who have been sacrificed to him. we recognize in these exceptions an unquestionable tendency to introduce the idea of justice as qualifying the desolating doctrine of aristocratic privilege; and probably this principle of justice would have become preponderant, here as elsewhere, had not the destinies of the mexican religion been suddenly broken off. nor is it easy to explain the asceticism and austerities of which we have spoken, except on the supposition that those who practised them all their lives believed they were thereby acquiring higher rights in the future life. it must be admitted, however, that it is not in its doctrine of a future life that the mexican religion reached its higher developments. we must postpone till we have examined the peruvian religion, which presents so many analogies to that of mexico, while at the same time differing from it so considerably, the final considerations suggested by the strange compound of beliefs, now so barbarous and now so refined, which we have passed in review. spanish monks, as we all know, succeeded within a few years in bringing the populations who had submitted to the hardy conquerors within the pale of their church. it was no very difficult task. the whole past had vanished. the royal families, the nobility, the clergy, all had perished. faith in the national gods had been broken by events. the new occupants laid a grievous yoke upon the subject peoples, whom they crushed and oppressed with hateful tyranny; but we must do the franciscan monks, who were first on the field in the work of conversion, the justice of testifying that they did whatever in them lay to soften the fate of their converts and to plead their cause before the court of spain. nor were their efforts always unsuccessful. they were rewarded by the unstinted confidence and affection of the unhappy natives, who found little pity or comfort save at the hands of the good fathers. let us add that many of the peoples, especially those from whom the human tithes of which we have spoken had been exacted by the aztecs, were sensible of the humane and charitable aspects of a religion that repudiated these hideous sacrifices in horror, and raised up the hearts of the oppressed by its promises of a future bliss conditioned by neither birth nor social rank.[37] but the worthy monks could not give what they had not got. and the religious education which they gave their converts reflected only too faithfully their own narrow and punctilious monastic spirit, itself almost as superstitious, though in another way, as what it supplanted. nay, more: in spite of the best dispositions on either side, it was inevitable that the ancient habits and beliefs should long maintain themselves, though more or less shrouded beneath the new orthodoxy. in 1571, the terrible inquisition of spain came and established itself in mexico to put an end to this state of things; and alas! it found as many heretics as it could wish to show that it had not come for nothing. and when the natives saw the fearful tribunal at work, when the fires of the _autos-da-fé_ were kindled on the plain of mexico and consumed by tens or hundreds the victims condemned by the holy office, do you suppose that the new converts felt well assured in their own hearts that the god of the gospel was, after all, much better than uitzilopochtli and tezcatlipoca?[38] but we are stepping beyond the domain of history we have marked out for ourselves. the religion of mexico is dead, and we cannot desire a resurrection for it. but the memory it has left behind is at once mournful and instructive. it has enriched history with its confirmatory evidence as to the genesis, the power and the tragic force of religion in human nature; and he who inspects its annals, now so poetical and now so terror-laden, pauses in pensive thought before the grotesque but imposing monument which thrills him with admiration even while he recoils with horror. lecture iv. peru.--its civilization and constitution, the legend of the incas: their policy and history. ladies and gentlemen, we pass to-day from north to south america; and as in the former we confined ourselves to the district which presented the europeans of the sixteenth century with the unlooked-for spectacle of a native civilization and religion in an advanced stage of development, so in the latter we shall specially study that other indigenous civilization, likewise supported and patronized by a very curious and original religion, which established itself along the cordilleras on the immensely long but comparatively narrow strip of land between those mountains and the ocean. peru, like mexico, was the country of an organized solar religion; but the former, even more than the latter, displays this religion worked into the very tissues of a most remarkable social structure, with which it is so completely identified as not to be so much as conceivable without it. the empire of the incas is one of the most complete and absolute theocracies--perhaps the very most complete and absolute--that the world has seen. but in order to get a clear idea of what the peruvian religion was, we must first say a word as to the country itself, its physical constitution and its history. the peru of the incas, as discovered and conquered by the spaniards, transcended the boundaries of the country now so called, inasmuch as it included the more ancient kingdom of quito (corresponding pretty closely to the modern republic of ecuador), and extended over parts of the present chili and bolivia. we learn from our ordinary maps that this whole territory was narrowly confined between the mountains and the sea. observe, however, that it was nearly two thousand five hundred miles in length, four times as long as france, and that its breadth varied from about two hundred and fifty to about five hundred miles. from west to east it presents three very different regions. 1. a strip along the coast where rain hardly ever falls, but where the night dews are very heavy and the produce of the soil tropical. 2. the _sierra_ formed by the first spurs of the cordilleras, and already high enough above the level of the sea to produce the vegetation of the temperate regions. here maize was cultivated on a large scale, and great herds of vicunias, alpacas and llamas were pastured. and here we may note a great point of advantage enjoyed by peru over mexico; for the llama, though not very strong, serves as a beast of burden and traction, its flesh is well flavoured and its wool most useful. 3. the _montaña_, consisting of a region even yet imperfectly known, over which extend unmeasured forests, the home of the jaguar and the chinchilla, of bright-plumed birds and of dreaded serpents. above these forests stretch the dizzy peaks and the volcanos. the most remarkable natural phenomenon of the country is the lake titicaca, about seven times as great as the lake of geneva, not far distant from the ancient capital cuzco, and serving, like anahuac, the lake district of mexico, as the chief focus of peruvian civilization and religion. the mysterious disappearance beneath the ground of the river by which it empties itself, stimulated yet further the myth-forming imagination of the dwellers on its shores. there is a remarkable difference between the ways in which the two civilizations of which we are speaking formed and consolidated themselves in mexico and peru respectively. we have seen that in mexico the state of things to which the spanish conquest put an end was the result of a long series of revolutions and wars, in which successive peoples had ruled and served in turn; and the aztecs had finally seized the hegemony, while adopting a civilization the origins of which must be sought in central america. in peru things had followed a more regular and stable course. the dynasty of the incas had maintained itself for about six centuries as the patron of social progress and of a remarkably advanced culture. starting from its native soil on the shores of lake titicaca, and long confined in its authority to cuzco and its immediate territory, this family had finally succeeded in indefinitely extending its dominion between the mountains and the sea, sometimes by successful wars and sometimes by pacific means; for whole populations had more than once been moved to range themselves of their own free will under the sceptre of the incas, so as to enjoy the advantages assured to their subjects by their equitable rule. when pizarro and his companions disembarked in peru, the great inca, huayna capac, had but recently completed the empire by the conquest of the kingdom of quito. it has been asked, which was the more marvellous feat, the conquest of mexico by fernando cortes, or that of peru by pizarro. one consideration weighs heavily in favour of cortes. it is that he was the first. when francisco pizarro threw himself with his handful of adventurers upon peru in 1531, he had before him the example of his brilliant precursor, to teach him how a few europeans might impose by sheer audacity on the amazed and superstitious peoples; and in many respects he simply copied his model. like him, he took advantage of the divisions and rivalries of the natives; like him, he found means of securing the person of the sovereign, and was thereby enabled to quell the subjects. on the other hand, he had even fewer followers than cortes. his company scarcely numbered over two hundred men at first, and the peruvian empire was more compact and more wisely organized than that of mexico. we shall presently see the principal cause to which his incredible success must be ascribed; but the net result seems to be, that one hesitates to pronounce the feats of either adventurer more astounding than those of the other, especially when we remember that pizarro was without the political genius of fernando cortes, and was so profoundly ignorant that he could not so much as read! the family of the incas, whose scourge pizarro proved to be, must have numbered many fine politicians in its ranks. never has what is called a "dynastic policy" been pursued more methodically and ably. the proofs assail us at every moment. the incas were a family of priest-kings, who reigned, as children of the sun, over the peruvian land, and the sun himself was the great deity of the country. to obey the incas was to obey the supreme god. their person was the object of a veritable cultus, and they had succeeded so completely in identifying the interests of their own family with those of religion, of politics and of civilization, that it was no longer possible to distinguish them one from another. and yet it was this very method, so essentially theocratic, of insisting on the minute regulation of all the actions of human life in the name of religion, which finally ruined the incas. peru, in the sixteenth century, had become one enormous convent, in which everything was mechanically regulated, in which no one could take the smallest initiative, in which everything depended absolutely upon the will of the reigning inca; so that the moment pizarro succeeded in laying hold of this inca, this "father abbé," everything collapsed in a moment, and nothing was left of the edifice constructed with such sagacity but a heap of sand. and indeed this is the fatal result of every theocracy, for it can never really be anything but a _hierocracy_ or rule of priests. on the one hand it must be absolute, for the sovereign priest rules in the name of god; and on the other hand it is fatally impelled to concern itself with every minutest affair, to interfere vexatiously in all private concerns (since they too affect religious ethics and discipline), and to multiply regulations against every possible breach of the ruling religion. it is a general lesson of religious history that is illustrated so forcibly by the fate of the inca priest-kings. i will not weary you in this case, any more than in that of mexico, with the enumeration of the authors to whom we must go for information on the political and religious history of the strange country with which we are dealing. i must, however, say a few words concerning a certain writer who long enjoyed the highest of reputations, and was regarded throughout the last century as the most trustworthy and complete authority in peruvian matters. the peruvians, far as their civilization had advanced in many respects, were behind even the mexicans in the art of preserving the memory of the past; for they had not so much as the imperfect hieroglyphics known to the latter. they made use of _quipus_ or _quipos_, indeed, which were fringes, the threads of which were variously knotted according to what they were intended to represent; but unfortunately the peruvians anticipated on a large scale what so often happens on the small scale amongst ourselves to those persons of uncertain memory who tie knots on their handkerchiefs to remind them of something important. they find the knot, indeed, but have forgotten what it means! and so with the peruvians. they were not always at one as to the meaning of their ancient quipos, and there were several ways of interpreting them. moreover, after the conquest, the few peruvians who might still have made some pretension to a knowledge of them did not trouble themselves to initiate the europeans into their filiform writing. all that is left of it is the practice of the peruvian women who preserve this method of registering the sins they intend to record against themselves in the confessional.[39] let us hope that they at least never experience any analogous infirmity to that which besets the knot-tiers amongst ourselves.[40] to return to the peruvian author of whom i intended to speak. he is the celebrated garcilasso de la vega, who published his _commentarios reales_ in 1609 and 1617.[41] garcilasso's father was a european, but his mother was a peruvian, and, what is more, a _palla_, that is to say, a princess of the family of the incas. born in 1540, this garcilasso had received from his mother and a maternal uncle a great amount of information as to the family, the history and the persons of the ancient sovereigns. he was extremely proud of his origin; so much so, indeed, that he issued his works under the name of "garcilasso _el inca_ de la vega," though he had no real title to the name of inca, which could not be transmitted by women. a genuine fervour breathes through his accounts of the history of his peruvian country and his glorious ancestors, and it is to him that we owe the knowledge of many facts that would otherwise have been lost. the interest of his narrative explains the reputation so long enjoyed by his work, but the more critical spirit of recent times has discovered that his filial zeal has betrayed him into lavish embellishments of the situation created by the clever and cautious policy of his forebears, the incas. he has passed in silence over many of their faults, and has attributed more than one merit to them to which they have no just claim. but in spite of all this, when we have made allowance for his family weakness, we may consult him with great advantage as to the institutions and sovereigns of ancient peru. we must allow, with garcilasso, that from the year 1000 a.d. onwards (for he places the origin of their power at about this date) the incas had accomplished a work that may well seem marvellous in many respects. had there been any relations between peru and central america? can we explain the peruvian civilization as the result of an emigration from the isthmic region, or an imitation of what had already been realized there? there is not the smallest trace of any such thing. no doubt it would be difficult to justify a categorical assertion on a subject so obscure; but it is certain that when they were discovered, peru and the kingdom of quito were separated from north america by immense regions plunged in the deepest savagery. beginning at the isthmus of panama, this savage district stretched over the whole northern portion of south america, broken only by the demi-civilization of the muyscas or chibchas (new granada); and the peruvians knew nothing of the mexicans. neither the one nor the other were navigators, and nothing in the peruvian traditions betrays the least connection with central america. the most probable supposition is, that an indigenous civilization was spontaneously developed in peru by causes analogous to those which had produced a similar phenomenon in the maya country. in peru, as in central america, the richness of the soil, the variety of its products, the abundance of vegetable food, especially maize, secured the first conditions of civilization. the peruvian advance was further favoured by the fact that it was protected towards the east by almost impassable mountains, and towards the west by the sea, while to the north and south it might concentrate its defensive forces upon comparatively narrow spaces. the whole territory of the empire was divided into three parts. the first was the property of the sun, that is to say of the priests who officiated in his numerous temples; the second belonged to the reigning inca; and the third to the people. the people's land was divided out every year in lots apportioned to the needs of each family, but the portions assigned to the _curacas_, or nobles, were of a magnitude suited to their superior dignity. taxes were paid in days of labour devoted to the lands of the inca and those of the sun, or in manufactured articles of various kinds, for the cities contained a number of artizans. indeed, it was one of the maxims of the incas that no part of the empire, however poor, should be exempt from paying tribute of one kind or another. to such a length was this carried, that so grave a historian as herrera tells us how the inca huayna capac, wishing to determine what kind of tribute the inhabitants of pasto were to pay, and being assured that they were so entirely without resources or capacity of any kind that they could give him nothing at all, laid on them the annual tribute of a certain measure of vermine, preferring, as he said, that they should pay this singular tax rather than nothing.[42] we cannot congratulate the officials commissioned to collect the tribute, but we cite this sample in proof of the rigour with which the incas carried out the principles which they considered essential to the government of the country. the special principle we have just illustrated was founded on the idea that the sun journeys and shines for every one, and that accordingly every one should contribute towards the payment of his services. for the rest, the great herds of llamas, which constituted a regular branch of the national wealth, could only be owned by the temples of the sun and by the inca. every province, every town or village, had the exact nature and the exact quantity of the products it must furnish assigned, and the incas possessed great depôts in which were stored provisions, arms and clothes for the army. all this was regulated, accounted for and checked by means of official quipos. the numerous body of officials charged with the general superintendence and direction of affairs was organized in a very remarkable manner, well calculated to consolidate the inca's power. all the officials held their authority from him, and represented him to the people, just as he himself represented the sun-god. at the bottom of the scale was an official overseer for every ten families, next above an overseer of a hundred families, then another placed over a thousand, and another over ten thousand. each province had a governor who generally belonged to the family of the incas. all this constituted a marvellous system of surveillance and espionage, descending from the sovereign himself to the meanest of his subjects, and founded on the principle that the rays of the sun pierce everywhere. the lowest members of this official hierarchy, the superintendents of ten families, were responsible to their immediate superiors for all that went on amongst those under their charge, and those superiors again were responsible to the next above them, and so on up to the inca himself, who thus held the threads of the whole vast net-work in the depths of his palace. it was another maxim of the peruvian state that every one must work, even old men and children. infants under five alone were excepted. it was the duty of the superintendents of ten families to see that this was carried out everywhere, and they were armed with disciplinary powers to chastise severely any one who remained idle, or who ordered his house ill, or gave rise to any scandal. individual liberty then was closely restrained. no one could leave his place of residence without leave. the time for marriage was fixed for both sexes--for women at eighteen to twenty, for men at twenty-four or upwards. the unions of the noble families were arranged by the inca himself, and those of the inferior classes by his officers, who officially assigned the young people one to another. each province had its own costume, which might not be changed for any other, and every one's birthplace was marked by a ribbon of a certain colour surrounding his head.[43] in a word, the jesuits appear to have copied the constitution of the peruvian society when they organized their famous paraguay missions, and perhaps this fact may help us to trace the profound motives which in either case suggested so minutely precise a system of inserting individuals into assigned places which left no room for self-direction. the incas and the jesuits alike had to contend against the disconnected, incoherent turbulence of savage life, and both alike were thereby thrown upon an exaggerated system of regulations, in which each individual was swaddled and meshed in supervisions and ordinances from which it was impossible to escape. having said so much, we must acknowledge that, generally speaking, the incas made a very humane and paternal use of their absolute power. they strove to moderate the desolating effects of war, and generally treated the conquered peoples with kindness. but we note that in the century preceding that of the european conquest, they had devised a means of guarding against revolts exactly similar to the measures enforced against rebellious peoples by the despotic sovereigns of nineveh and babylon; that is to say, they transported a great part of the conquered populations into other parts of their empire, and it appears that cuzco, like babylon, presented an image in miniature of the whole empire. there, as at babylon, a host of different languages might be heard, and it was amongst the children of the deported captives that pizarro, like cyrus at babylon, found allies who rejoiced in the fall of the empire that had crushed their fathers. for the rest, the incas endeavoured to spread the language of cuzco, the _quechua_, throughout their empire.[44] nothing need surprise us in the way of political sagacity and insight on the part of this priestly dynasty. its monarchs seem to have hit upon every device which has been imagined elsewhere for attaching the conquered peoples to themselves or rendering their hostility harmless. thus you will remember that at mexico there was a chapel that served as a prison for the idols of the conquered. in the same way there stood in the neighbourhood of cuzco a great temple with seventy-eight chapels in it, where the images of all the gods worshipped in peru were assembled. each country had its altar there, on which sacrifice was made according to the local customs.[45] the spaniards, amongst whom respect for the royal person was sufficiently profound, were amazed by the marks of extreme deference of which the inca was the object. they could not understand at first that actual religious worship was paid to him. he alone had the inherent right to be carried on a litter, and he never went out in any other way, imitating the sun, his ancestor, who traverses the world without ever putting his foot to the ground. some few men and women of the highest rank might rejoice in the same distinction, but only if they had obtained the inca's sanction. in the same way, it was only the members of the inca family and the nobles of most exalted rank who were allowed to wear their hair long, for this was a distinctive sign of the favourites of the sun. none could enter the presence of the reigning inca save bare-footed, clad in the most simple garments and bearing a burden on his shoulders, all in token of humility; nor must he raise his eyes throughout the audience, for no man looks upon the face of the sun. it seems that the incas possessed "the art of royal majesty" in a high degree. they could retain the impassive air of indifference, whatever might be going on before their eyes, like the sun, who passes without emotion over everything that takes place below. it was thus that atahualpa appeared to the spaniards, who remarked the all but stony fixity of the peruvian monarch's features in the presence of all the new sights--horses, riding, fire-arms--which filled his subjects with surprise and terror.[46] and such was the superhuman character of the inca, that even the base office of a spittoon--excuse such a detail--was supplied by the hand of one of his ladies.[47] the salute was given to the inca by kissing one's hand and then raising it towards the sun. at his death the whole country went into mourning for a year. the young incas were educated together, under conditions of great austerity, and were never allowed to mingle with young people of the inferior classes.[48] the army of the incas was the army of the sun. the obligation to military service was universal, since the sun shines for all men. every sound man from twenty-five to fifty might be called on to serve in his company. thus numerous and highly-disciplined armies were raised, for the spirit of obedience had penetrated all classes of the people. the incas had abolished the use of poisoned arrows, which is so common amongst the natives of the new world.[49] justice was organized after fixed laws, and, as is usually the case in theocracies, these laws were severe. for in theocracies, to the social evil of the offence is added the impiety committed against the deity and his representative on earth. the culprit has been guilty not only of crime, but of sacrilege. the penalty of death was freely inflicted even in the case of offences that implied no evil disposition.[50] the palanquin-bearer, for instance, who should stumble under his august burden when carrying the inca, or any one who should speak with the smallest disrespect of him, must die. but we must also note certain principles of sound justice which the incas had likewise succeeded in introducing. the judges were controlled, and, in case of unjust judgments, punished. the law was more lenient to a first offence than to a second, to crimes committed in the heat of the moment than to those of malise prepense; more lenient to children than to adults, and (mark this) more lenient to the common people than to the great.[51] the members of the inca family alone were exempted from the penalty of death, which in their case was replaced by imprisonment for life. they alone might, and indeed must, marry their sisters, for a reason that we shall see further on. thus everything was calculated to set this divine family apart. polygamy, too, was only allowed to the incas and to the families of next highest rank after them, who, however, might not marry at all without the personal assent of the sovereign.[52] but the incas strove to make themselves loved. herrera tells us of establishments in which orphans and foundlings were brought up at the inca's charges, and of the alms he bestowed on widows who had no means of subsistence.[53] the same deliberate system shows itself in the attempts to spread education. the incas founded schools, but they were opened only to the children of the incas and of the nobility. this is a genuine theocratic trait. garcilasso tells us naively that his ancestor the inca roca (1200--1249) in founding public schools had no idea of allowing _the people_ "to get information, grow proud, and disturb the state."[54] the instruction, which was given by the _amautas_ (sages), turned on the history or traditions of the country, on the laws, and on religion. we have said that writing was unknown. there were only the mnemonic quipos, pictures on linen representing great events, and some rudimentary attempts at hieroglyphics which the incas do not seem to have encouraged. indeed, there is reason to believe that the hieroglyphics found graven on the rocks of yonan are anterior to the inca supremacy;[55] and it is said that a certain _amauta_ who had attempted to introduce a hieroglyphic alphabet, was burned to death for impiety at the order of the inca.[56] the most remarkable results of the rule of the incas are seen in the material well-being which they secured to their people. all the historians speak of the really extraordinary perfection to which peruvian agriculture had been carried, though the use of iron was quite unknown. the solar religion fits perfectly with the habits of an agricultural people, and the incas thought it became them, as children of the sun, to encourage the cultivation of the soil. they ordered the execution of great public works, such as supporting walls to prevent the sloping ground from being washed away; irrigation canals, some of which measured five hundred miles, and which were preserved with scrupulous care; magazines of guano, the fertilizing virtues of which were known in peru long before they were learned in europe.[57] the spaniards are far from having maintained peruvian agriculture at the level it had reached under the incas. splendid roads stretched from cuzco towards the four quarters of heaven; and humboldt still traced some of them, paved with black porphyry, or in other cases cemented or rather macadamized, and often launched over ravines and pierced through hills with remarkable boldness.[58] the incas had established reservoirs of drinking water for the public use from place to place along these roads, and likewise pavilions for their own accommodation when they were traversing their realms, on which occasions they never travelled more than three or four leagues a day. bridges were thrown across the rivers, sometimes built of stone, but more often constructed on the method, so frequently described, that consists in uniting the opposing banks by two parallel ropes, along which a great basket is slung.[59] a system of royal courier posts measured the great roads as in mexico. there were many important cities in peru, and, according to a contemporary estimate cited by prescott, the capital, cuzco, even without including its suburbs, must have embraced at least two hundred thousand inhabitants.[60] architecture was in a developed stage. we shall have to speak of the temples presently. the inca's palaces--and there was at least one in every city of any importance--were of imposing dimensions, and a high degree of comfort and luxury was displayed within them. gold glittered on the walls and beneath the roofs which were generally thatched with straw. they were provided with inner courts, spacious halls, sculptures in abundance, but inferior, it would seem, to those of central america, and baths in which hot or cold water could be turned on at will.[61] in a word, when we remember from how many resources the peruvians were still cut off by their ignorance and isolation, we cannot but admit that a genuine civilization is opening before our eyes, the defects of which must not blind us to its splendour. and since this civilization was in great part due (we shall see the force of the qualification presently) to the continuous efforts of the incas, our next task must be to ascend to the mythic origin of that family, which we borrow from the narrative of their descendant, garcilasso de la vega.[62] properly speaking, this narrative is the local myth of the lake titicaca and of cuzco, transformed into an imperial myth. before the incas, we are told, men lived in the most absolute savagery. they were addicted to cannibalism and offered human victims to gods who were gross like themselves. at last the sun took pity on them, and sent them two of his children, manco capac and mama ogllo (or oullo, ocollo, oolle, &c.), to establish the worship of the sun and alleviate their lot. the two emissaries, son and daughter of the sun and moon, rose one day from the depths of the lake titicaca. they had been told that a golden splinter which they bore with them would pierce the earth at the spot in which they were to establish themselves, and the augury was fulfilled on the site of cuzco, the name of which signifies _navel._[63] observe that, in classical antiquity, babylon, athens, delphi, paphos, jerusalem, and so forth, each passed for the navel of the earth. manco capac and mama ogllo, then, established the worship of the sun. they taught the savage inhabitants of the place agriculture and the principal trades, the art of building cities, roads and aqueducts. mama ogllo taught the women to spin and weave. they appointed a number of overseers to take care that every one did his duty; and when they had thus regulated everything in cuzco, they re-ascended to heaven. but they left a son and daughter to continue their work. like their parents, the brother and sister became husband and wife, and from them descends the sovereign family of the incas, that is to say, the lord-rulers, or master-rulers. such is the legend, from which the first deduction must be that the inca family has nothing in common with the other denizens of earth. it is super-imposed, as it were, on humanity. it is because of this difference of origin that the laws which restrain the rest of mankind are not always applicable to the incas. for example, they marry their sisters, as manco capac did, and as the sun does, for the moon is at once his wife and his sister. it is thus that they are enabled to preserve the divine character of their unique family. for ourselves, we can entertain no doubt that this is a cosmic myth. mama ogllo, or "the mother egg," and manco capac, or "the mighty man," are two creators. the myth indicates that there existed an ancient solar priesthood on one of the islands or on the shores of the lake of titicaca (at an early date the focus of a certain civilization), and that this priestly family became at a given period the ruling power at cuzco. it was thence that it radiated over the small states which surrounded cuzco, embracing them one after another under its prestige and its power, until it had become the redoubtable dynasty that we know it. manco capac and mama ogllo, the creator and the cosmic egg, have become the sun and moon, represented by their inca high-priest and his wife. there is no practice towards which a more wide-spread tendency exists in america than that of conferring the name of a deity on his chief priest. and if garcilasso fixes the appearance of manco capac at about 1000 a.d., it is simply because the historical recollections of his family mounted no higher, and that about that time it began to rise out of its obscurity. it had the advantage of numbering in its royal line both successful warriors and, what is more, consummate politicians, instances of whose ability we have already seen and shall see again. the point at which the legend preserved by garcilasso is clearly at fault, is in its claim for the incas as the first and only civilizers of peru. we shall presently meet with other peruvian myths of civilization which do not stand in the least connection with manco capac and the incas. the kingdom of quito, which the inca huayna capac had recently conquered when the spaniards arrived, though not on the same level as peru proper, was far removed from the savage state, while as yet a stranger to the influence of the incas. the country of the muyscas, the present new granada or land of bogota, though standing in no connection with peru, was the theatre of another sacerdotal and solar religion _sui generis_, which, though very little known, is highly interesting. the valley of the rimac, or lima, and the coast lands in general, were likewise centres of a pre-inca civilization. the chimus especially, themselves dwellers on the coast, were possessed of an original civilization differing from that of the incas. they were the last to be conquered. to sum up, everything leads us to suppose that various centres of social development had long existed, up and down the whole region, but that, under the presiding genius of the priesthood of manco capac, the civilization of cuzco had gradually acquired the preponderance, till it consecutively eclipsed and absorbed all the others. garcilasso labours hard to impress us with the belief that the sovereigns of his family maintained an unbroken age of gold, by dint of their wisdom and virtues. but we know, both from himself and from other sources, that as a matter of fact the incas' sky was not always cloudless. they had numbered both bad and incapable rulers in their line. more than once they had had to suppress terrible insurrections, and their palaces had witnessed more than one tragedy."[64] but after making all allowances, we must admit that they succeeded in governing well, and more especially in maintaining intact their own religious and political prestige. now this very cleverness, this conscious and often extremely deliberate and astutely calculated policy, compels us to ask how far the incas themselves were sincere in their pretension to be descended from the sun, and their faith in the very special favour in which the great luminary held them. there is so much rationalism in their habitual tactics, that one cannot help suspecting a touch of it in their beliefs. and the truth is that their descendant, garcilasso, has recorded certain traditions to that effect, which he has perhaps dressed up a little too much in european style, with a view to convincing us that his ancestors were monotheistic philosophers, but which nevertheless bear the marks of a certain authenticity. for the reasoning which garcilasso puts into the mouth of the incas closely resembles what would naturally commend itself to the mind of a pagan who should once ask himself whether the visible phenomenon, the sun, which he adored, was really as living, as conscious, as personal, as they said. thus the inca tupac yupanqui (fifteenth century) is said to have reasoned thus:[65] "they say that the sun lives, and that he does everything. but when one does anything, he is near to the thing he does; whereas many things take place while the sun is absent. it therefore cannot be he who does everything. and again, if he were a living being, would he not be wearied by his perpetual journeyings? if he were alive, he would experience fatigue, as we do; and if he were free, he would visit other parts of the heavens which he never traverses. in truth, he seems like a thing held to its task that always measures the same course, or like an arrow that flies where it is shot and not where it wills itself." note this line of reasoning, gentlemen, which must have repeated itself in many minds when once they had acquired enough independence and power of thought calmly to examine those natural phenomena which primitive naïveté had animated, personified and adored as the lords of destiny. their fixity and their mechanical and unvarying movements, when once observed, could not fail to strike a mortal blow at the faith of which they were the object. that faith was transformed without being radically changed when it was no longer the phenomenon itself, but the personal and directing spirit, the genius, the deity that was behind the phenomenon, but distinct from it and capable of detaching itself from it, which drew to itself the worship of the faithful. but in his turn this god, shaped in the image of man, must either be refined into pure spirit, or must fall below the rational and moral ideal ultimately conceived by man himself. when all is said and done, gentlemen, buddhism is still a religion of nature. it is the last word of that order of religions, and exists to show us that, at any rate in its authentic and primitive form, that last word is _nothingness_. and that is why buddhism has never existed in its pure form as a popular religion. for in religion, and at every stage of religion, mind seeks mind. without that, religion is nothing. note, too, the observant inca's remark, that if the sun were alive he must be dreadfully tired. you may find the same idea in more than one european mythology, in which the sun appears as an unhappy culprit condemned to a toilsome service for some previous fault; or, again, an iron constitution is given him, to explain why he is not worn out by his ceaseless journeying. now tupac yupanqui would not be the only inca who cherished a certain scepticism concerning his ancestor the sun. herrera tells us that the inca viracocha denied that the sun was god;[66] and according to a story preserved by garcilasso,[67] the inca huayna capac, the conqueror of quito, who died shortly after pizarro's first disembarkment, must have been quite as much of a rationalist. one day, during the celebration of a festival in honour of the sun, he is said to have gazed at the great luminary so long and fixedly that the chief priest ventured on some respectful remarks to the effect that so irreverent a proceeding must surprise the people. "i will ask you two questions," replied the monarch. "i am your king and universal lord. would any one of you have the hardihood to order me to rise from my seat and take a long journey for his pleasure?... and would the richest and most powerful of my vassals dare to disobey if i should command him on the spot to set out in all speed for chili?" and when the priest answered in the negative, the inca continued: "then i tell you there must be a greater and a more mighty lord above our father the sun, who orders him to take the course he follows day by day. for if he were himself the sovereign lord, he would now and again omit his journey and rest, for his pleasure, even if he experienced no necessity for doing so." once more: i will not vouch for the exact form of these audacious speculations of the free-thinking inca. but such reminiscences, collected independently by various authors, correspond to the conjectures forced upon us by the extreme political sagacity of the incas. none but theocrats, in whose own hearts faith in their central principle was waning, could develop such astuteness and diplomacy. a sincere and untried faith has not recourse to so many expedients dictated by policy and the fear lest the joint in the armour should be found. it is to be presumed, however, that these heterodox speculations of the incas themselves never passed beyond the narrow circle of the family and its immediate surroundings. nothing of the kind would ever be caught by the ear of the people. but the evidence as to huayna capac's scepticism derives a certain confirmation from the fact that he was the first inca who departed (to the woe of his empire, as it turned out) from some of the hereditary maxims that had always been scrupulously observed by his ancestors. huayna capac had considerably extended the peruvian empire by the conquest of the kingdom of quito. in the hope, presumably, of consolidating his conquest, he resided for a long time in the newly-acquired territory, and married the conquered king's daughter, to whom he became passionately attached. this was absolutely contrary to one of the statutes of the inca family, no member of which was allowed to marry a stranger. by his foreign wife he had a son called atahualpa, and whether it was that he thought it good policy to allow a certain autonomy to the kingdom of quito, or whether it was due to his tenderness towards atahualpa's mother and the son she had borne him, certain it is that when he died at quito in 1525, he decided that atahualpa should reign over this newly-acquired kingdom, whilst his other son huascar, the unimpeachably legitimate inca, was to succeed him as sovereign of peru proper. this, again, was a violation of the maxim that the kingdom of the incas, which was the kingdom of the sun, was never to be parted. it was in the midst of the struggles provoked by the hostility of the two brothers that pizarro fell like a meteor amongst the peruvians, who did not so much as know of the existence of any other land than the one they inhabited. but the hour warns me that i must pause. when next we meet, i shall have to recount the fall of the great religious dynasty of the incas, and we shall then examine more closely that peruvian religion of which we have to-day but sketched the outline. lecture v. fall of the incas.--peruvian mythology, priesthood. i. ladies and gentlemen, you will remember that when last we met we traced out the legendary origin of the royal house of the incas. starting from the shores of the lake titicaca and the city of cuzco, and progressively extending its combined religious and political dominion over the numerous countries situated west of the cordilleras, it had welded them into one vast empire, centralized and organized in a way that, in spite of its defects, extorts our admiration. you had occasion to notice the extraordinary degree to which the consummate practical sagacity which distinguished the sacerdotal and imperial family of the sun for successive centuries, was combined with purely mythological principles of faith; and we were compelled to ask whether so much diplomacy was really consistent with unreserved belief. finally we saw that, according to the historians, more than one of the incas had in fact expressed and justified a doubt as to the living and conscious personality of that sun-god whose descendants they were supposed to be. the position of affairs when the spaniards disembarked on the shores of peru is already known to you. the inca huayna capac, conqueror of quito, had broken with the constitutional maxims of his dynasty, in the first place by marrying a stranger, the daughter of a deposed king; and in the second place by leaving the kingdom of quito to the son, atahualpa, whom she bore him; while he allowed huascar, the heir-apparent to the empire, to succeed him in peru proper, thus severing into two parts the kingdom of the sun, in defiance of the principle hitherto recognized, which forbad the division of that kingdom under any circumstances. the war which speedily arose between atahualpa and his half-brother huascar was the great cause that made it possible for pizarro and his miniature army to get a footing in the peruvian territory. the military forces of both sections of the empire were engaged with each other far away from the place of landing, and the inhabitants, wholly unaccustomed to take any initiative, made no resistance to the strange invaders, whose appearance, arms and horses, struck terror into their hearts, and in whom (like the mexicans in the case of cortes and his followers) they thought they saw supernatural beings. pizarro, who knew how things stood, had but one idea, viz., to imitate cortes in laying hold of the sovereign's person. atahualpa returned victorious. he had defeated huascar, slaughtered many members of the inca family, and thrown his conquered brother into prison, so as to govern peru in his name, for he was not sure that he himself would be recognized and obeyed as a legitimate descendant of the sun. pizarro found means of making his arrival known to him, and at the same time offered him his alliance against his enemies.[68] atahualpa was delighted with these overtures, and invited his pretended allies to a conference near caxamarca, where the spaniards had installed themselves. the inca advanced, parading all the pomp and splendour of his solar divinity. four hundred richly-clad attendants preceded his palanquin, which sparkled at a thousand points with gold and precious stones, and was borne on the shoulders of officers drawn from amongst the highest nobles, while troops of male and female dancers followed the child of the sun and plied their art. then ensued one of those unique scenes of history upon which, as indignation contends with amazement for the mastery in our minds, we must pause for a moment to gaze. pizarro's almoner, father valverde, drew near to the inca, a crucifix in one hand and a missal in the other, and by means of an interpreter delivered a regular discourse to him, in which he announced that pope alexander vi. had given all the lands of america to the king of spain, which he had a right to do as the successor of st. peter, who was himself the vicar of the son of god. then he expounded the chief articles of christian orthodoxy, and summoned the inca there and then to abjure the religion of his ancestors, receive baptism, and submit to the sovereignty of the king of spain. on these conditions he might continue to reign. otherwise he must look for every kind of disaster. atahualpa was literally stupefied. much of the discourse, no doubt, he failed to follow, but what he did understand filled him with indignation. he answered that he reigned over his peoples by hereditary right, and could not see how a foreign priest could dispose of lands that were not his. he should remain faithful to the religion of his fathers, "especially," he added, as he pointed to the crucifix grasped by the monk, "since my god, the sun, is at any rate alive; whereas the one you propose for my acceptance, as far as i gather, is dead." finally, he desired to know whence his interlocutor had derived all the strange things that he had told him. "hence!" cried valverde, holding out his missal. the inca, who had never seen a book in all his life, took this object, so new to him, in his hands, opened it, put it to his ear, and finding that it said nothing, flung it contemptuously on the ground. pizarro saw the moment for striking the blow he contemplated. crying out at the sacrilege, he gave his soldiers the signal of attack. their horses and fire-arms caused an instant panic. in vain did some of his officers attempt to defend the inca. pizarro broke through to him, seized him by the arm and dragged him to his quarters. all his escort fled in terror. atahualpa, then, was in the immediate power of pizarro, who (still imitating cortes) surrounded his prisoner with every comfort and attention, though confining him strictly to one chamber, and warning him that any attempt at escape or resistance would be the signal for his death. atahualpa soon perceived that thirst for gold was the great motive that had impelled the spaniards to their audacious enterprize. he hoped to disarm them by offering as ransom gold enough to fill the chamber in which he was confined up to the height of a man. he gave the necessary orders for collecting the precious metal in the requisite amount, and to secure the good reception of the emissaries whom pizarro despatched everywhere to receive it. one of these detachments even entered into relations with the captive inca, huascar, and the latter hastened to offer the spaniards yet more gold than atahualpa was giving them if they would take his part. atahualpa heard of this, was alarmed, regarded his conquered brother's attempts in the light of high-treason, gave orders for his death--and was obeyed.[69] he was not aware how precarious was his own tenure of life. pizarro saw more and more clearly that, in order to become the real master of peru, he must get rid of the reigning inca, and put some child in his place, who would be a passive instrument in his hands. he was fairly alarmed by the religious obedience, timid but absolute, that the "child of the sun," even in his captivity, received from all classes of his subjects. he fancied that from the recesses of his prison, and even while paying off his enormous ransom,[70] atahualpa had sent secret orders to the most distant populations to arm themselves and come to his rescue. the interpreter through whom he communicated with his captive was out of temper with his master, for his head had been so turned by ambition, that he had demanded the hand of a _coya_, that is to say, one of the inca's women, and had been haughtily refused. in revenge, he made malicious reports to pizarro. but it was an accidental circumstance that brought the latter's ill-will towards his captive to a point. the inca greatly admired the art of writing when he discovered all the uses the spaniards made of it. one day it occurred to him to get one of the soldiers on guard over him to write the word _dio_ upon his nail, and he was delighted and astonished to find that every one to whom he showed it read it in the same way. so they told him that every one a little above the common herd could read and write in europe. his evil star would have it that he showed his thumb one day to pizarro, who could make nothing of it. pizarro, then, could not read! atahualpa concluded that he was merely one of the common herd, and found an opportunity of telling him so. pizarro, stung to the quick, hesitated no longer. a mock judgment condemned atahualpa to the extreme penalty for the crimes of idolatry, polygamy, usurpation, fratricide and rebellion. in vain he appealed to the king of spain. he was led to the stake, and father valverde made him purchase by a baptism _in extremis_ the privilege of being strangled instead of burned alive. from this moment the fate of peru was decided. the head once struck from the great body, long convulsions ensued, but no serious resistance was possible. pizarro set up as inca a young brother of huascar's, who was at first a mere instrument in the hands of his country's bleeders, but afterwards escaped and raised insurrections which ended in his total defeat. the spaniards had been reinforced, and had found allies amongst the peoples who had been torn from their native soils by the victorious incas.[71] other attempts, still attaching themselves to the name of some inca, failed in like manner. and yet the mass of the peruvians, in spite of their conversion to roman catholicism, remained obstinately attached to the memory of their incas. one of their real or pretended descendants, in the eighteenth century, did not shrink from serving as a domestic at madrid and rome, as the only means of learning the secret of that european power which had so cruelly crushed his ancestors.[72] but on his return to peru (1744 a.d.) his efforts only ended in his destruction. but this did not prevent a certain tupac amarou, who was descended from the incas through a female line, from fomenting a rebellion in 1780, which it cost the spaniards an effort to suppress.[73] later on, after the revolution that broke the bond of subjection to spain, this stubborn hostility of the peruvians changed its character; but in 1867, bustamente still tried to make capital out of the historical attachment of the natives to the incas by declaring himself their descendant. the opposition, however, had long lost all vestige of a religious character. the legend of manco capac, which is still current amongst the people, has been euhemerized. it is now no more than the story of a just and enlightened prince, the benefactor of the country. the natives, it seems, are fond of playing a kind of drama, in which the trial and death of atahualpa are represented. superstitious to the last degree, they accept the practices of catholicism with a submission that has in it more of a melancholy and hopeless resignation than an ardent or trusting faith. the glorious age of the incas is gone, and will never return, but it is still regretted.[74] ii. and now it is high time that we examined that religion which was so closely associated with the whole national life of peru. from all that i have said already, you will easily understand that the sun has never been worshipped more directly or with more devotion than in peru. it was he whom the peruvians regarded as sovereign lord of the world, king of the heaven and the earth. his peruvian name was _inti_, "light." the villages were usually built so as to look eastward, in order that the inhabitants might salute the supreme god as soon as he appeared in the morning. the most usual representation of him was a golden disk representing a human face surrounded by rays and flames. in peru, as everywhere else, a feeling existed that there was a certain relation between the substance of gold and that of the great luminary. in the nuggets torn from the mountain sides they thought they saw the sun's tears.[75] the great periodic fêtes of the year, the imperial and national festivals in which every one took part, were those held in honour of the sun. immediately after him came his sister and consort the moon, mama quilla. her image was a disk of silver bearing human features, and silver played the same part in her worship that gold did in that of the sun. it appears, however, that they performed fewer sacrifices to her than to her august consort, which is quite in harmony with the inferior position assigned to woman in the peruvian civilization.[76] like selene amongst the greeks, mama quilla, and her incarnation in human form, mama ogllo, were weavers. and that is why the latter was said to have taught the peruvian women the art of spinning and weaving. this is a mythological conception suggested by likening the moonbeams to twisted threads, out of which on fair clear nights the brilliant verdure in which the earth is clad is spun. but before going on to the gods who form the usual retinue of these two official and imperial deities, i must speak of two great peruvian gods whose worship was likewise widely spread, but who nevertheless are not attached to the solar family, or at least are only so attached by an after-thought and by dint of harmonizing efforts which the incas had their motives of policy for favouring: i mean the two great deities, _viracocha_ and _pachacamac_. the myth of viracocha is the first instance we shall cite of traces of a certain civilization prior to the incas, or at any rate of a belief widely spread in some parts of peru that civilization had not really been, as the legend of the incas would have it, the sole work of that sacerdotal family. the name of viracocha must be very ancient, for it became a generic name to signify divine beings. it was given to manco capac himself as a title of honour, and the spaniards on their arrival passed as _viracochas_ in the eyes of the people. this name, according to spanish authorities, followed by prescott,[77] signifies _foam of the sea_ or of the _lake_. this would make the deity a male aphrodite. he was represented with a long beard, and human victims were sacrificed to him. at the same time, they said that he had neither flesh nor bone, that he ran swiftly, and that he lowered mountains and lifted up valleys. the following legend was told of him.[78] there were men on the earth before the sun appeared, and the temples of viracocha, for instance, on the shores of lake titicaca, are older than the sun. one day viracocha rose out of the lake. he made the sun, the moon, the stars, and prescribed their course for them. then he made stone statues, put life into them, and commanded them to go out of the caverns in which he had made them and follow him to cuzco. there he summoned the inhabitants, and set a man over them called allca vica, who was the common ancestor of the incas. then he departed and disappeared in the water. evidently this myth belongs to a different body of tradition from that of the incas. when it says that the earth was peopled before the sun appeared, it is only a mythical way of asserting that there were men and even cities in peru before the establishment of sun-worship by the incas. now the latter claimed direct descent from the sun, the supreme god, and they would not have readily allowed that this supreme deity had been made by another. one is rather tempted to find in this myth the echo of the claims put forward with equal resignation and persistency by a priesthood of viracocha, that bowed its head before the supremacy acquired by the solar priesthood, but insisted all the same upon the fact that it was itself its elder brother. but to what element can we affiliate the god viracocha himself? his aquatic name, _foam of the sea_ or _lake_, in itself leads us to suppose that he was closely related to the water. the supposition is confirmed by the saying that he had neither flesh nor bone, and yet ran swiftly. we can understand, too, why he lowers mountains and raises valleys. he rises from the water and disappears in it. he is bearded, like all aquatic gods, with their fringes of reeds. finally, his consort and sister cocha is the lake itself, and also the goddess of rain. an old peruvian hymn that was chanted under the incas, and has fortunately been preserved, raises the character we have assigned to viracocha above all doubt.[79] the goddess cocha is represented as carrying an urn full of water and snow on her head. her brother viracocha breaks the urn, that its contents may spread over the earth. here is the hymn, which is composed in nineteen short verses or lines: 1. fair princess, 3. thy urn 2. thy brother 4. shatters. 5. at the blow 6. it thunders, lightens 7. flashes; 8. but thou, princess, 10. rainest down 9. thy waters. 11. at the same time 12. hailest, 13. snowest. 14. world-former, 15. world-animator, 16. viracocha, 17. to this office 18. thee has destined, 19. consecrated. it admits of no doubt, therefore, that viracocha held a place in the peruvian pantheon closely analogous to that of tlaloc, the rain-god, in its mexican counterpart. the blow with which he breaks his sister's urn is the thunder-stroke. inasmuch as rain is a fertilizing agent, viracocha represents its generative force. his resemblance to tlaloc extends to his demand for human victims, in which he is less ferociously insatiable, but quite as pronounced, as his mexican analogue. since his legend makes him rise out of the lake of titicaca, we must think of him as the chief god of the religion in honour before that of the incas rose to supremacy. when it is said that after accomplishing his task he disappeared, we are reminded that the river desaguadero, which carries off the waters of lake titicaca, sinks into the earth and is lost to sight. but there was yet another great deity whose pretensions the incas had allowed by making room for him in the official religion, although he really belonged to a totally different group of mythical formations: i refer to pachacamac, whose name signifies "animator of the earth," from _caman_, "to animate," and _pacha_, "earth."[80] the primitive centre of his worship was in the valley of lurin, south of lima, as well as in that valley of rimac which has given its name to the city of lima itself, for the latter is but a transformation of _rimac_. it was there that pachacamac's colossal temple rose. it was left standing by the incas, but is now in ruins.[81] the branch of the yuncas who resided there were already possessed of a certain civilization when the inca pachacutec annexed their country, at the close of the fourteenth century, partly by persuasion and partly by terror. pachacamac was the divine civilizer who had taught this people the arts and crafts.[82] it would even seem that he had supplanted a still more ancient worship of viracocha in these same valleys, for it is said that the latter was worsted in war by him and put to flight, upon which the new god renewed the world by changing the people he found on the earth into jaguars and monkeys, and creating a new and higher race. this opposition to viracocha, god of the waters, puts us on the traces of pachacamac's original significance. he must have been a god of fire, and especially of the internal fire of the earth, which displays itself in the volcanos and warms the spirit of man. he was a kind of peruvian dionysus. there was something gloomy and violent about his worship. he demanded human victims. the valley of rimac really means the valley of the _speaker_, of him who answers when questioned. there was a kind of oracle inspired by the god of internal fire there. a certain feeling of mystery, as though in pachacamac they had to do with a god less visible, less palpable, more spiritual than the rest, seems to have impressed itself upon his peruvian worshippers. garcilasso, who perhaps exaggerates a little, here as elsewhere, goes near to making him a god who could only be adored in the heart, without temple and without sacrifices.[83] thus, if the myth of viracocha, god of the waters, makes the stars and the earth rise out of the moist element which he has fertilized and organized, the myth of pachacamac makes him a kind of demiurge working within to form the world and enlighten mankind. i need not stay to point out what close analogies these two conceptions find in several of the cosmogonies of the old world. this confusion and rivalry of the peruvian gods has left its traces in the crude and obscure legend of the collas, or mountaineers of pacari tambo, to the south-west of cuzco. "from the caves of pacari tambo (i.e. 'the house of the dawn') issued one day four brothers and four sisters. the eldest ascended a mountain, and flung stones towards the four cardinal points, which was his way of taking possession of all the land. this aroused the displeasure of the other three. the youngest of all was the cunningest, and he resolved to get rid of his three brothers and reign alone. he persuaded his eldest brother to enter a cave, and as soon as he had done so closed the mouth with an enormous stone, and imprisoned him there for ever." this seems to refer to the quasi-subterranean cultus of pachacamac, the internal fire, the first revelation of whom must have been a volcano hurling stones in every direction.--"the youngest brother then persuaded the second to ascend a high mountain with him, to seek their lost brother, and when they stood on the summit he hurled him down the precipice and changed him into a stone by a spell." i cannot say to what special deity this part of the legend alludes, unless it simply refers to an ancient worship of stones or rocks, many vestiges of which remained under the incas, though it ceased to have any official importance in presence of the radiant worship of the sun promulgated and favoured by the ruling family.--"then the third brother fled in terror." this fleeing god must be viracocha, the god of showers, who flees before the sun.--"then the youngest brother built cuzco, caused himself to be adored as child of the sun under the name of pirrhua manco, and likewise built other cities on the same model."[84] this last trait puts it out of doubt that the legend is really an attempt to explain how the religion of manco capac established at cuzco had succeeded in eclipsing all others, owing to the superior skill of its priesthood. it is a formal confirmation of all that i have told you of the consummate art with which the incas gradually extended the circle of their political and religious dominion. _pirrhua_ is the contraction of viracocha, taken in the generic sense of "divine being." pirrhua manco was an alternative name of manco capac. of course this legend was not officially received under the incas. the latter, being unable or unwilling to abolish the worship of viracocha and of pachacamac, took up a far more conciliatory attitude than that of the legends i have given. the supreme god, the sun, was admitted to have had three sons, kon or viracocha, pachacamac and manco capac; but the latter was declared to have been quite specially designed by the common father to instruct and govern men. by this arrangement every one was satisfied,--and especially the incas. iii. we may now return to the other deities who were officially incorporated in the family or retinue of the sun. the rainbow, _cuycha_, was the object of great veneration as the servant of the sun and moon. he had his chapel contiguous with the temple of the sun, and his image was made of plates of gold of various shades, which covered a whole wall of the edifice. when a rainbow appeared in the clouds, the peruvian closed his mouth for fear of having all his teeth spoilt.[85] the planet venus, _chasca_ or the "long-haired star," so called from its extraordinary radiance, was looked upon as a male being and as the page of the sun, sometimes preceding and sometimes following his master. the pleiades were next most venerated. comets foreboded the wrath of the gods. the other stars were the moon's maids of honour.[86] the worship of the elements, too, held a prominent place in this complicated system of nature-worship. for example, fire, considered as derived from the sun, was the object of profound veneration, and the worship rendered it must have served admirably as a link between the religion of the incas and that of pachacamac. strange as it may seem at first sight, the symbols of fire were stones. but our surprise will cease when we remember that stones were thought, in a high antiquity, to be animated by the fire that was supposed to be shut up within them, since it could be made to issue forth by a sharp blow. the peruvian religion likewise adds its testimony to that of all the religions of the old world, as to the importance which long attached to the preservation amongst the tribes of men of that living fire which it was so difficult to recover if once it had been allowed to escape. a perpetual fire burned in the temple of the sun and in the abode of the virgins of the sun, of whom we shall have to speak presently. the wide-spread idea that fire becomes polluted at last and loses its divine virtue by too long contact with men, meets us once more. the fire must be renewed from time to time, and this act was performed yearly by the chief-priest of peru, who kindled wood by means of a concave golden mirror. this miracle is very easy for us to explain, but we cannot doubt that the priests and people of peru saw something supernatural in the phenomenon.[87] the thunder, likewise, was personified and adored in certain provinces under the name of _catequil_, but it is a peculiarity of the peruvian religion that it assigns a subordinate rank in the hierarchy to the god of thunder, who elsewhere generally takes the supreme place. in peru, he was but one of the sun's servants, though the most redoubtable of them all. the peruvians are remarkable for their childish dread of thunder. a great projecting rock, often one that had been struck by the thunder, passed for the deity's favoured residence. catequil appears in three forms: _chuquilla_ (thunder), _catuilla_ (lightning), and _intiallapa_ (thunderbolt). his remaining name, _illapa_, also means thunder. he had special temples, in which he was represented as armed with a sling and a club.[88] they sacrificed children, but more especially llamas, to him. twins were regarded as children of the lightning, and if they died young their skeletons were preserved as precious relics. and, finally, we find in peru the same idea that prevails in a great part of southern africa, viz. that a house or field that has been struck by lightning cannot be used again. catequil has taken possession of it, and it would be dangerous to dispute it with him.[89] we have seen how the element of water was adored under the names of viracocha and his sister mama cocha. the earth was worshipped in grottos or caves, often considered as the places whence men and gods had taken their origin, and as giving oracles.[90] there were also trees and plants that were clothed with a divine character, especially the esculent plants, such as the maize, personified as _zarap conopa_, and the potato, as _papap conopa_. a female statue was often made of maize or coca leaves, and adored as the mother of plants.[91] thus we descend quite gently from the official heights of the religion of the incas towards those substrata of religious thought which always maintain themselves beneath the higher religion that more or less expressly patronizes them, but to which they are not really bound by any necessary tie. they are the survivals of old superstitions, to which the common people are often far more attached than they are to the exalted doctrines which they are taught officially. and it is thus, for example, that we note in peru the very popular worship of numerous animals, mounting, without doubt, to a much higher antiquity than was reached by the religion of the incas. indeed, i should be inclined to ascribe to the religious diplomacy of the children of the sun the peruvian belief which established a connection of origin between each kind of animal and a particular star. the serpent, especially, seems to have been, in peru as in africa, the object of great veneration. we find it reproduced in wood and stone on an enormous number of the greater and smaller relics of peruvian art. the god of subterranean treasures, _urcaguay_, was a great serpent, with little chains of gold at his tail, and a head adorned with stag-like horns. the dwellers by the shore worshipped the whale and the shark. there were fish-gods, too, in the temple of pachacamac, no doubt because of the enormous power of reproduction possessed by fishes. the condor was a messenger of the sun, and his image was graven on the sceptre of the incas.[92] it is remarkable that the llama does not appear amongst these divine animals, probably because it was so completely domesticated and wholly subject to man. and finally, when we come to the _guacas_, or _huacas_, we reach the point where the peruvian religion sinks into absolute fetichism. the meaning of the word _guaca_, or _huaca_, was not very precise in the mouths of the peruvians themselves. on the one hand, it was applied to everything that bore a religious character, whether an object of worship, the person of the priests, a temple, a tomb, or what not. the sun himself was _huaca_. the chief priest of cuzco bore amongst other names that of _huacapvillac_, "he who converses with huaca beings."[93] on the other hand, in ordinary language, this same term was used to signify those wood, stone and metal objects which were so abundant in peru, of which we still possess numerous specimens, and of which we must now say a few words. some of these huacas, especially the stone ones, were of considerable size, and no doubt dated from the pre-historic religion before the incas. but as a rule they were small and portable, were private and hereditary property, and were regarded as veritable fetiches, that is to say, as the dwelling-places of spirits. animism, in fact, never ceased to haunt the imaginations of the peruvians, especially amongst the lower orders, whether the spirits were dreaded as malevolent sprites, or courted as protectors and revealers. these huacas represented (as true fetiches should) forms which were sometimes animal, sometimes human, sometimes simply grotesque, but always ugly and exaggerated. every valley, every tribe, every temple, every chief, had a guardian spirit. those which were analogous to _pænates publici_ were recognized by the incas, who endowed them with flocks and various presents. often a stone in the middle of the village passed as the abode of the patron spirit of the place. it was the _huacacoal_, the stone of the huaca, whereas the huacas of the family or house were distinguished as _conopas_. meteorites or thunderbolts were in great demand as huacas, and especially amongst lovers, since they were supposed to inspire a reciprocity of affection. the christian missionaries had more difficulty in rooting out the worship of the huacas than in abolishing that of the sun and moon, and we may still detect numerous traces of this ancient superstition amongst the natives of peru.[94] iv. let us now turn to the priesthood which presided over the worship of these numerous deities. there was no sacerdotal caste in peru, or, to speak more correctly, the inca family constituted the only sacerdotal caste in the strict sense of the word. this family retained for itself all the highest positions in the priesthood, as well as in the army and administration. these priests of the higher rank bore special garments and insignia, while the lower clergy wore the ordinary costume. at the head of all the priests of the empire, first after the reigning inca, stood the _villac oumau_, "the chief sacrificer," also, as we have seen, called the _huacapvillac_. he was nominated by the reigning inca, and in his turn nominated all his subordinates. his name indicates that he was the living oracle, the interpreter of the will of the sun. you can understand, therefore, how important it was for the policy of the incas that he should himself be subject to the authority and discretion of the sovereign. after him came the rest of the chief priests, also members of the inca family, whom he put in charge of the provincial temples of the sun. at cuzco itself all the priests had to be incas. they were divided into squadrons, which attended in succession, according to the quarters of the moon, to the elaborate ritual of the service. and here we must admire the consummate art with which the incas had planned everything in their empire to secure their supremacy against all attaint, in religion as in all else, while still leaving the successively annexed populations a certain measure of religious freedom. in the provinces, the inca family, numerous as it was, could not have provided priests for all the sanctuaries; and, moreover, there would be local rites, traditions, perhaps even priesthoods, which could not well be fitted into the framework of the official religion. the incas therefore had decided that the priests of the local deities should be affiliated to the imperial priesthood, but in such a way that the chief priests of the local deities should at the same time be subordinate priests of the deities of the empire. what a wonderful stroke of political genius! what happier method could have been found of teaching the subject populations, while still maintaining their traditional forms of worship, to regard the imperial cultus patronized by the reigning inca as superior to all others? and what an invaluable guarantee of obedience was obtained by this association of the non-inca priests with the official priesthood, the honours and advantages of which they were thus made to share, without any room for an aspiration after independence! i regard this organization of the priesthood in ancient peru as one of the most striking proofs of the political genius of the incas, and as one of the facts which best explain how a theocracy, which was after all based on the absolute and exclusive pretensions of one special mythology, was able to consolidate itself and endure for centuries, while exercising a large toleration towards other traditions and forms of worship.[95] by the side of the priests there were also priestesses; and they were clothed with a very special function. i refer to those _virgins of the sun_ (_acllia_ = chosen ones), those peruvian nuns, who so much impressed the early historians of peru. there were convents of these virgins at cuzco and in the chief cities of the empire. at cuzco there were five hundred of them, drawn for the most part from the families of the incas and the _curacas_ or nobles, although (for a reason which will be apparent presently) great beauty gave even a daughter of the people a sufficient title to enter the sacred abode. they had a lady president--i had almost said a "mother abbess"--who selected them while yet quite young; and under her superior direction, matrons, or _mamaconas_, superintended the young flock. they lived encloistered, in absolute retreat, without any relationship with the outside world. only the reigning inca, his chief wife, the _coya_, and the chief priest, were allowed to penetrate this sanctuary of the virgins. now these visits of the inca's were not exactly disinterested. the fact is, that it was here he generally looked for recruits for his harem. you will ask how that could be reconciled with the vow of chastity which the maidens had taken; but their promise had been never to take any consort except the sun, or _him to whom the sun should give them_. now the inca, the child of the sun, his representative and incarnation upon earth, began by assigning the most beautiful to himself, after which he might give some of those who had not found special favour in his eyes to his curacas. and thus the vow was kept intact. in other respects, the most absolute chastity was sternly enforced. if any nun violated her vow, or was unhappy enough to allow the sacred fire that burned day and night in the austere abode to be extinguished, the penalty was death. and the strange thing is, that the mode of death was identical with that which awaited the roman vestal guilty of the same offences. the culprit was buried alive. this illustrates the value of the theories started by those authors who can never discover any resemblance of rites or beliefs between two peoples without forthwith setting about to inquire which of the two borrowed from the other! it will hardly be maintained that the peruvians borrowed this cruel custom from the ancient romans, and assuredly the romans did not get it from peru. whence, then, can the resemblance spring? from the same train of ideas leading to the same conclusion. by the sacrilege of the culprit, the gods of heaven and of light, the protecting and benevolent deities, were offended and incensed, and the whole country would feel the tokens of their wrath. to disarm their anger, its unhappy cause must expiate her guilt, and at the same time must be removed from their sight and given over to the powers of darkness, for she was no longer worthy to see the light. and that is why the dark tomb must swallow her. she had betrayed her spouse the sun--let her henceforth be the spouse and the slave of darkness; and let her be sent alive to those dark powers, that they might do with her as they would. we must add that the guilty nun's accomplice was strangled, and that her whole family from first to last was put to death. the ordinary occupations of the virgins of the sun consisted in making garments for the members of the imperial family and tapestries destined to adorn the temples and palaces, in kneading and baking the sacred loaves, preparing the sacred drinks, and, finally, in watching and feeding the sacred fire. you perceive that it was not exactly the ascetic principle which had given rise to these convents--as in the case of the buddhist and christian institutions, for example--but rather the desire to do honour to the sun, the supreme god, by consecrating seraglios to him, in which his numerous consorts, protected by a severe rule, could be kept from all except himself and those to whom he might give them; accomplishing, meanwhile, those menial tasks which, especially under the rule of polygamy, woman is required to perform in the abode of her lord and master.[96] all this shows us once more, gentlemen, how the same fundamental logic of the human mind asserts itself across a thousand diversities, and re-appears under every conceivable form in every climate and every race. only let us look close enough and with the requisite information, and we shall find in every case that all is explained, that all holds together, that all is justified, by some underlying principle, and that "that idiot of a word," _chance_, is never anything but a veil for our ignorance. and thus, when we notice anything paradoxical, grotesque, and unexplained by the resources we command at present, we must be very careful not to pronounce it inexplicable. we should rather suspend our judgment, wait till wider reflection and renewed investigation have shown us the middle terms, and meanwhile keep silence rather than attribute to chance or to influences which escape all human reason the phenomena that seem abnormal. for instance, you have heard sometimes of the strange custom in accordance with which the father of a new-born child goes to bed and is nursed as an invalid. you are perhaps aware that this custom, that appears so strange to us and is now restricted to a few savage tribes, was noted in ancient times in europe itself, and has been preserved almost to our own time in certain cantons of the pyrenees. it must therefore have been extremely wide-spread. yet for a long time it seemed inexplicable. but now, thanks to investigations and comparisons, the explanation has been found. there is no doubt that the custom in question rested on the idea that there was a close solidarity between the health of the father and that of the new-born babe, so that if the father should fall sick, his far weaker child would die. the father, therefore, must be guarded from all over-exertion, must abstain from all excess--in short, was best in bed! so, too, in the present case. how are we to explain the resemblance between the treatment of the vestals at rome and the virgins of the sun at cuzco? it was once impossible, but now that we are better acquainted with the genesis, the spirit, the inner logic of the primitive religions, and the modes of life, the wants and the apprehensions proper to the pre-historic ages, we have no difficulty in attaching two parallel customs to a single religious principle which had found acceptance alike in italy and peru. and this is one of the chief tasks, and one of the greatest charms, of the branch of study which i have the honour of professing. it shows us that even in human error, human reason has never abdicated its throne. we have still to speak of the temples, the ritual and the chief festivals of ancient peru. to these subjects we shall devote the first part of our sixth and last lecture, reserving the closing portion for the conclusions and the general lessons suggested by our two-fold study of mexico and peru. lecture vi. peruvian cultus and festivals.--morals and the future life.--conclusions. ladies and gentlemen, to complete my account of the native religion of peru, i have still to speak of the cultus, the festivals, the religious ethics, and the ideas of a future life. i. the peruvian cultus had given birth to the _temple;_ and, indeed, it is highly interesting to witness what one may call the "genesis of the temple" on this soil, so different from those of the old world. there were temples, indeed, before the incas, but they differed both in style and in signification from those reared under their patronage. in peru, as in mexico, the temples were originally neither more nor less than extremely lofty altars; that is to say, artificial elevations, on the summit of which the sacrifices were presented, while a little chapel served to contain the image of the god or gods adored. round this great altar were grouped other chapels, galleries and columns, as though to accompany the great central altar formed by the eminence itself. under the incas, the crowning chapel increased so enormously that it encircled the altar and became the essential part of the sacred structure. the inca temples were veritable palaces, destined as abodes for the gods. none of them remain; but their ruins attest the fact that the architects aimed rather at colossal than at beautiful effects. they contained gigantic stone statues, gates cut out of monoliths, and the well-known pyramidal structures of which we have spoken already. the most imposing of the temples was the one at cuzco, which consisted in a vast central edifice, flanked with a number of adjacent buildings. gold was so prodigally lavished on its interior that it bore the name of _coricancha,_ that is to say, "the place of gold." the roof was formed by timber-work of precious woods plated with gold, but was covered, as in the case of all the houses of the land, with a simple thatch of maize straw. the doors opened to the east, and at the far end, above the altar, was the golden disk of the sun, placed so as to reflect the first rays of the morning on its brilliant surface, and, as it were, reproduce the great luminary. and note that the mummies of the departed incas, children of the sun, were ranged in a semicircle round the sacred disk on golden thrones, so that the morning rays came day by day to shine on their august remains. the adjacent buildings were abodes of the deities who formed the retinue of the sun. the principal one was sacred to the moon, his consort, who had her disk of silver, and ranged around her the ancient queens, the departed _coyas_. others served as the abodes of chaska, our planet venus, the pleiades, the thunder, the rainbow, and finally the officiating priests of the temple. in the provinces, the incas reared a number of temples of the sun on the model of that at cuzco, but on a smaller scale.[97] the incas, however, had been anticipated in this striking development of the temple by the religions anterior or adjacent to their own. witness the great temple of pachacamac, which they left standing in the valley of lurin, and the remarkable ruins of another great temple situated at some miles distance from lake titicaca, which has quite recently been made the subject of a careful reconstructive study by your compatriot mr. inwards.[98] the offerings presented to the gods were very varied in kind. flowers, fragrant incense, especially from preparations of coca, vegetables, fruits, maize, prepared drinks offered in cups of gold. at some of the feasts the officiating priest moistened the tips of his fingers in the cup and flung the drops towards the sun. we also find in peru a very special form of that remnant of self-immolation which enters, in more or less reduced and restricted shape, into the devotions of so many peoples and assumes such varied forms. the red-skin offers his sweat; the black offers his saliva or his teeth; the more poetical greek, a lock of his hair, or even all of it. the peruvian pulled out a hair from his eyebrow and blew it towards the idol![99] but there were also sacrifices of blood. a llama was sacrificed every day at cuzco. before setting out on war, the peruvians sacrificed a black llama that they had previously kept fasting, that the heart of their enemies might fail as did his. this was the peruvian application of the principle that lies at the base of all those superstitious ceremonies intended to provoke or stimulate a desired effect by reproducing its analogue in advance. small birds, rabbits, and, for the health of the inca, black dogs, were also sacrificed frequently. all these offerings were as a rule burned, that they might so be transmitted to the gods.[100] it should be noted that they only sacrificed edible animals,[101] which is a clear proof that the intention was to feed the gods. the sacrificing priest turned the animal's eyes towards the sun, and opened its body to take out its heart, lungs and viscera, and offer them to the idols. it is a characteristic fact that when the victim was not burned, its flesh was divided amongst the sacrificers and _eaten raw_. the peruvians had long learned to cook their meat, but this rite carries us back to a high antiquity, when cooking food was still an innovation which the power of tradition excluded from the ritual. it is to analogous causes that we must attribute the continued use of stone instruments in the religious ceremonies of peoples who are acquainted with iron and use it in ordinary life. in conclusion, they smeared the idols and the doors of the temples with the blood of the victims in order to appease the gods.[102] all this is sufficiently crude and material, and rests upon the same premisses as those which drove the mexicans to the frightful excesses which i have previously described. but humanity was far less outraged in the peruvian than in the mexican religion. garcilasso deceives himself, or is attempting to deceive his readers, when he gives his ancestors, the incas, the honour of having put an end to human sacrifices.[103] it is certain that in the religion of pachacamac more especially this kind of sacrifice was frequent, and for that matter we know that it was universal in the primitive epochs. all that we can allow to the descendant of the incas is, that they did not encourage, and were rather disposed to restrain, human sacrifice. but for all that, when the reigning inca was ill, they sacrificed one of his sons to the sun, and prayed him to accept the substitution of the son for the father. at certain feasts a young infant was immolated. others were sacrificed to the subterranean spirits when a new inca was enthroned. to the same category we must attach the custom which enjoined upon wives, especially those of the incas, the duty of burying themselves alive on the death of their husbands. it is asserted that when huayna capac died, a thousand members of his household incurred a voluntary death that they might go with him to serve him. the widows, however, were not compelled to take this step, and we know that the incas had organized the support of widows without resources. but public opinion was not favourable to those who refused to follow their husbands to the tomb. it was regarded as a species of infidelity.[104] we see, however, from other well-established facts, that the peruvian religion had been gradually softened. in peru, as in china, instead of the living beings that they used formerly to bury with the dead, they now placed statuettes of men and women with him in his tomb to represent his wives and his servants.[105] we must also mention those "columns of the sun" which appear never to have been absent in countries dominated by a solar worship. we have already seen them in central america and in mexico, and we also find them in egypt, in syria, in asia minor, in palestine, at carthage and elsewhere. in these columns the idea of fertilization is associated with that of the pleasure the sun must feel in tracing out their shadows as he caresses their faces and summits with his rays. the earliest quadrants were traced at the foot of these columns. in peru, they were levelled at the top, and were regarded as "seats of the sun," who loved to rest upon them. at the equinoxes and solstices they placed golden thrones upon them for him to sit upon. those nearest to the equator were held in greatest veneration, because the shadows were shorter there than elsewhere, and the sun appeared to rest vertically upon them.[106] prayer, in the proper sense of the word, asserted its place but feebly in the peruvian religion. but hymns to the sun were chanted at the great festivals and by the people as they went to cultivate the lands of the sun. every strophe ended with the cry, _hailly_, or "triumph." it was the peruvian _io pæan_. these chants, as far as they are still known to us, have something soft and sad about them. the rule of the incas, paternal indeed, but monotonous in the extreme, must have tended to produce melancholy. in 1555, a spanish composer wrote a mass upon the themes of these indigenous airs. it was sung in chorus, and it is chiefly to it that we owe the preservation of these chants.[107] but the grand form of religious demonstration among the peruvians was the dance. they were very assiduous in this form of devotion, and indeed we know what a large place the earliest of the arts occupied in the primitive religions generally. the dance was the first and chief means adopted by pre-historic humanity of entering into active union with the deity adored. the first idea was to imitate the measured movements of the god, or at any rate what were supposed to be such. afterwards, this fundamental motive was more or less forgotten; but the rite remained in force, like so many other religious forms which tradition and habit sustained even when the spirit was gone. in peru, this tradition was still full of life. the name of the principal peruvian festivals, _raymi_, signifies "dance." the performances were so animated, that the dancers seemed to the europeans to be out of their senses. it is noteworthy that the incas themselves took no part in these violent dances, but had an "incas' dance" of their own, which was grave and measured.[108] there were four great official festivals in the year, coinciding with the equinoxes and the solstices. the first was the festival of the winter solstice, which fell in june. it was the _raymi_, or festival _par excellence_, the _citoc raymi_, the feast of the diminished and (henceforth) growing sun. it lasted nine days, the first three of which were given up to fasting. on the morning of the great day, a grand procession, led by the reigning inca and his family, followed by the nobles and the people, proceeded, with insignia, banners and symbolic masks, towards the place of the dawn and the rising sun. when the luminary appeared, the crowd fell to the earth and threw him kisses. the inca presented the sacred beverage to the sun, drank some of it himself, and passed it on to his suite. this was a sort of solar communion. then they went to the temple of the sun to sacrifice a black llama there. after this, they kindled the new fire by means of the concave mirror, and slaughtered a number of llamas, representing the sun's present to the people. the pieces were distributed to the families, where they were eaten with the sacred cakes prepared by the virgins of the sun. this was the second act of communion with the luminary to whom the day was sacred. the remaining days of the festival were passed in rejoicings, when the people seem to have made themselves ample amends for the fast with which they had begun.[109] the second great festival, that of spring, which fell in september, was the _citua raymi_, the feast of purification. but do not attach any essentially moral significance to the idea of purification. the object in view was to purify the territory from all influences hostile to the health, security and prosperity of the inhabitants. ball-shaped cakes were eaten on this occasion, in which was mixed the blood of victims or of young children, who were not slaughtered however, but bled above the nose, which is evidence of a previous custom of far greater ferocity, and of the gradual softening of the peruvian ritual. with this bread the people rubbed their bodies all over, and the doors of their houses likewise. then, a little before sunset, a very strange ceremony was performed. an inca, clad in precious armour and lance in hand, descended from the fortress of cuzco, followed by four relatives whom the sun had specially charged with the task of chasing away by open force all the maladies from the city and its environs. they traversed the chief streets of cuzco at full speed, amid the acclamations of the inhabitants, and then surrendered their lances to others, who were relieved in their turn, till the limits of the ancient state of cuzco were reached. there the lances were fixed in the ground, as so many talismans against evil influences. at night there was a great torch-light procession, at the close of which the torches were hurled into the river, and thus the evil spirits of the night were expelled, as those of the day had been by the lancers of the sun.[110] observe that in africa, amongst the blacks, a kind of "chase of the evil spirits" is practised (though accompanied with far fewer ceremonies than in peru), in which the inhabitants of a village, armed with sticks and uttering formulæ of exorcism, expel the evil spirits from their houses and from their streets, and pursue them into the desert or the interior of a forest. but notice here, again, with what art the incas had contrived to turn an old superstition to account in the interests of their own prestige. if maladies did not decimate the people of cuzco, it was to their incas that they owed their safety. the third great festival, the aymorai, which fell in may, celebrated the harvest. a statue was constructed out of grains of corn glued together, and was adored under the name of _pirrhua_, which in this case may well be a contraction of viracocha, the god of fertilizing moisture. on this occasion a number of sacrifices were made at home by the householders.[111] the fourth great feast fell in december. it was the _capac raymi_, the festival of power, in which the god of thunder was the object of a special worship by the side of the sun. on this occasion the young incas, after fasts, tournaments and other tests, received the investiture of manhood by having their ears pierced, and receiving a scarf, an axe and a crown of flowers. the young curacas of the same age were also admitted to the privileges and duties of their rank, and shared with the inca the sacred bread in token of indissoluble communion with him.[112] there were also a number of other and less important feasts. each month had one of its own. then there were occasional feasts, to celebrate the triumphal return of a victorious inca for example, or when the tournaments of the young nobles, to which a religious value was attached, took place, or when silent processions lasting a day and night, and followed by dances, were instituted to avert threatening calamities, and so forth.[113] in peru, as in so many other regions, eclipses were the subject of great terror. the eclipses of the sun were attributed to his own anger, those of the moon to an illness caused by the attack of an evil spirit, to frighten which away and put it to flight a hideous yelling was raised.[114] there were sorcerers in peru as everywhere else; but in peru too, as everywhere else where a priesthood has acquired a regular organization and made its authority respected, sorcery was hardly resorted to save by the lower classes.[115] in fact, the sorcerer is the priest of backward tribes, and the priest is the developed sorcerer. by his superior knowledge, by the more stable guarantees which he can give as the member of an imposing organization, by the nature of the religion of which he is the organ, and which raises him above the incoherent puerilities of animism, the priest eclipses the sorcerer and relegates him to the lower strata of society, which is just where his own titles to superiority are least appreciated. the sorcerer sinks in proportion as the priest rises.[116] for the rest, the official priesthood had its own diviners, who could foretel the future, the _huacarimachi_, or "they who make the gods speak." the oracles of the valley of rimac or lima were much frequented; and, moreover, the peruvians, like so many peoples of the old world, thought that they could read the future in the entrails of the victims offered in sacrifice.[117] this wide-spread belief rests on the idea that immolation unites the victim so closely to the deity that it enters into communion with his thoughts and intentions, so that its heart, liver, and all other organs supposed to be affected by mental and moral dispositions, receive the impress of the divine prevision. is it not passing strange, gentlemen, that this mode of divination, which appears so absurd to us, which has no rational basis whatever, which rests on a singularly subtle conception of the relations between the creature sacrificed and the being to whom it is offered, has secured the prolonged confidence of the peoples of the old world, and appears again in peru, where it cannot have been imitated from any one? ii. it has been asked whether the native religion of peru rested any system of elevated morals on its fundamental principles. gentlemen, i am persuaded that religion and morals unite together and interpenetrate each other in the higher regions of thought and life. perhaps the most distinct result of our christian education is the full comprehension of the fact that what is moral is religious, and that immorality cannot on any pretext be allowed as legitimately religious. but we must certainly yield to the overwhelming evidence that in the lower stages of religion this union of the two sisters is present only in germ. religion, still quite selfish in its character, pursues its own way and seeks its own satisfactions independently of all moral considerations, and almost always lives in a state of separation from morality. we ought therefore to expect that in systems such as that of peru--which have already risen much above the low level of the primitive religions, but are still far below that of the higher ones--we should find a certain religious ethic, a certain moral tendency in religion, but likewise all kinds of inconsistencies, and constant relapses towards the ancient separation of the two sisters. as a general rule, we may say that even where the peruvian religion seems to undertake the elevation and protection of morals, it does so rather with a utilitarian and selfish view, than with any real purpose of sanctifying the heart and will. thus we have noted ceremonies which forcibly recal the communion. but the great object in view was to secure to the communicants the safety and well-being that would result from their union with the sun or his representatives. the moral idea occupies but a small place in this communion, though it is but right to add that the great social laws were placed under the patronage and sanction of the sun, whose legislation the incas were held responsible for enforcing. in the same way we find in peru something that closely resembles baptism. from fifteen to twenty days after birth the child received its first name, after being plunged into water. but this purification had nothing to do with the ideas of sin and regeneration. it was but a form of exorcism, destined to secure the child from the evil spirits and their malign influences. between the ages of ten and twelve, the child's definitive name was conferred. on this occasion his hair and nails were cut off, and offered to the sun and the guardian spirits.[118] this represented the consecration of his person, but its main object was to secure him the protection of the divine power. there was likewise a sacerdotal confession, but it was an institution of state and of police rather than a sacrament with a moral purpose. the great object was to discover all actions, whether voluntary or not, which might bring misfortune upon the state if not expiated by the appropriate penances and rites. the father confessors of peru were inquisitors charged with the searching out of secret faults and the exaction of their avowal. a refusal to confess might provoke severe measures. a proof of the small influence of the moral element in the whole system of inquisition may be found in the fact that the priest relied on purely fortuitous tests in deciding whether or not to give absolution. for instance, he would take a pinch of maize grains, and if the number turned out to be even, he would declare the confession good, and give absolution, otherwise he would say the penitent must have concealed something, and would make him confess again.[119] our conviction that the peruvian religion had but a very elementary moral significance, receives a final confirmation from the beliefs concerning the future life. it is clear that no very definite ideas on this point had become generally established. in fact, we find amongst the peruvians at the time of the conquest the underlying conceptions of the most widely severed peoples, all mingled together. thus the common people of peru, like all savages, thought of the future life as a continuation, pure and simple, of the present life. this explains the custom of burying all kinds of useful and desirable objects with the dead--giving him an emigrant's outfit, in short. the worship of ancestors is easily grafted upon this conception of the life beyond the grave. these ancestors may still succour, protect and inspire their descendants. i am assured at first hand that to this very day, and in spite of the efforts of the catholic clergy, the worship of ancestors is still widely practised by the native population. there was not the least idea of a resurrection of the body. if the corpse was preserved, especially in the case of departed incas, it was because the peruvians believed that the soul which had left it still retained a marked predilection for its ancient abode and liked to return to it from time to time; and also because they attributed magic virtues to the remains thus preserved. no idea of recompense is as yet associated with this purely animistic and primitive conception of the life beyond the tomb.[120] amongst the higher classes, the ideas entertained on this same subject had become a little less naive. the incas were supposed to be transported to the mansion of the sun, their father, where they still lived together as his family. the curacas or nobles would either follow them there, or would still live under the earth beneath the sceptre of the god of the dead, supay, the hades or pluto of the peruvian mythology. do not identify this deity with a satan or ahriman of any kind. he was not a wicked, but rather a sinister god, the conception of whom could wake no joyous or even serene emotions. he was a voracious deity, of insatiable appetite. at quito, at any rate before the conquest of the country by the incas, a hundred children were sacrificed to him every year. there is no idea of positive suffering inflicted on the wicked under his direction. but the subterranean abode is gloomy and dismal, like the place of shades in the odyssey. exceptional considerations of birth, rank or valour in war, determine the passage of chosen souls to heaven, where their lot will of course be far more brilliant and happy than that of the souls that remain in the subterranean regions. thus the aristocratic point of view, barely modified by the high importance attributed to the warlike virtues, still dominates the ideas of a future life in ancient peru, as in mexico, in polynesia and in africa. this is a final proof that the moral element was but feebly present in the ancient peruvian religion. for wherever a clear and definite belief in a conscious life beyond the grave is united to a sense of the religious character of morality, it is likewise held, by an obvious connection of ideas, that the lot of departed souls will depend completely upon their moral condition, without distinction of birth or rank.[121] this peruvian religion, then, in spite of its elevation and refinement in some respects, forcibly reminds us of the walls of its own temples, all plated with gold, but covered in with straw, and poor and unvaried in architecture. a monotonous, unformed, gloomy spirit seems to pervade the whole institution, in spite of its brilliant exterior. the air of the convent broods over it. those thousands of functionaries who spent their lives in superintending the furniture, the dress, the work, the very cookery, of the families under their charge, and inflicting corporal chastisement on those whom they surprised in a fault, might succeed in forming a correct and regular society, drilled like the bees in a hive, might form a nation of submissive slaves, but could never make a nation of _men_; and this is the deep cause that explains the irremediable collapse of this peruvian society under the vigorous blows of a handful of unscrupulous spaniards. it was a skilfully constructed machine, which worked like a chronometer; but when once the mainspring was broken, all was over. it is no part of our task to tell the story of the conversion of the natives to roman catholic christianity. it was comparatively easily effected. the fall of the incas was a mortal blow to the religious, no less than to the political, edifice in which they were the key-stone of the arch. it was evident that the sun had been unable or unwilling to protect his children. the conqueror imposed his religion on peru, as on mexico, by open force; and the spanish inquisition, though not giving rise to such numerous and terrible spectacles in the former as in the latter country, yet carried out its work of terror and oppression there too. the result was that peculiar character of the catholicism of the natives of peru which strikes every traveller, and consists in a kind of timid and superstitious submission, without confidence and without zeal, associated with the obstinate preservation of customs which mount back to the former religious régime, and with memories of the golden age of the inca rule under which their ancestors were privileged to live, but which has gone to return no more. iii. and now it only remains for us to draw the inferences and conclusions suggested by our examination of the ancient religions of mexico and peru, so closely associated with the remarkable though imperfect civilizations to which the two nations had attained. we have not stayed to discuss the hypotheses that have so often been put forward, to attach these religions and civilizations to some immigration from the old world. the fact is that all these attempts rest on the arbitrary selection of some few traits of resemblance, on which exclusive stress is laid, to the neglect of still more characteristic differences. the best proof that the work of affiliation has been abortive, in spite of the high authority of some of the names that have been lent to it, may be found in the fact that every possible nation of the old world has in its turn been selected as the true parent of the peruvians and mexicans. the carthaginians, the greeks, the chinese, the hindus, the buddhists of india and china, the romans, even the celts and the chaldeans, have been put forward one after the other. nay, the english themselves have been tried! there is a gratifying legend which brings the story of manco capac and mama ogllo into connection with the results of the shipwreck of an _englishman_, whose national name was transformed into _inga man_, which again, in conjunction with _cocapac_, the name of the father of the native wife whom the englishman had taken to himself, made _inca manco capac_! the sequel is obvious. the two fair-skinned children that sprang from this union were of course the founders of the inca family and the state of cuzco.[122] i need not tell you that all this will not bear a moment's examination. everything shows that the civilizations and religions of mexico and peru are autochthonous, springing from the soil itself. there is surely something very strange in this passion for localizing all origins at some single point of the globe. why not admit that what took place there may have taken place elsewhere also, that the same concourse of events which called forth such and such a result in a certain given place may have been reproduced somewhere else, and consequently given rise to identical or closely analogous results there too? does not our own experience teach us that the contact of a civilized with an uncivilized people is not enough in itself to ensure the adoption by the latter of the civilization that is brought to it? it is the exception, not the rule, for the red-skin, the kafir, the australian or the papuan, to become civilized. civilization can only be handed on if the invaded race possesses a special disposition and aptitude for civilized life; and this aptitude may have existed to such a degree as to be capable of independent development in the new-world as we know it did in the old; and if there were centres of such nascent civilization in central america, in mexico and in peru, it is absolutely superfluous to search elsewhere than in america itself for the origins of american civilization. but the mistake into which so many historians and travellers have fallen is explained, to a certain extent, by the fact that, in examining the beliefs, the monuments and the customs of peru and mexico, we come upon phenomena at every moment which are identical with or analogous to something we have observed in the old world. the temples, with their successive terraces, remind us of ancient chaldea, and the hieroglyphics of ancient egypt. the convents recal the indian and chinese buddhism. the cruel and bloody sacrifices and the preponderance of the sun-worship have a semitic tinge. there are myths and curious resemblances of words which wake thoughts of hellenic civilization; and sacerdotal castes and sacrificial rites which bring us round to the celts! nay, are there not even beliefs as to the arrival or return of a deity who will restore order and avenge outraged justice, round which there breathes a kind of messianic air? so much so, indeed, that i must add to the list of supposed ancestors of american civilization the ten lost tribes of israel, who must have fled from the yoke of their ninevite oppressors right across asia into america! the partizans of this ingenious hypothesis have, it is true, forgotten to inquire how far these israelites of the north, whose enthusiasm for the house of judah was, to say the least of it, decidedly subdued, had ever heard of the messianic hopes at all! the real result of all these wild speculations, however, is to bring out the fact very clearly, that in the native religions of mexico, of central america and of peru, we find a number of traits united which are scattered amongst the most celebrated religions of our own ancient world; so that this new and well-defined region gives us a precious opportunity of testing the value of the explanations of religious ideas and practices deduced from the comparative study of religions. let us take the question of sacrifice, for instance. in both religions sacrifice is frequent, often cruel,--in mexico even frightful. but it is easy to trace the original idea that inspired it. it is by no means the sense of guilt, or the idea that the culprit, terrified by the account that he must render to the divine justice, can transfer to a victim the penalty he has himself incurred. it is simply the idea that by offering the gods the things they like--that is to say, whatever will satisfy and gratify their senses--it is possible to secure their goodwill, their protection and their favour, while at the same time disarming their wrath, if need be, and appeasing their dangerous appetites. it is only at a later stage that the extreme importance attributed to this rite, the very essence of the worship rendered to the gods, leads to the association of mystic and ultimately of moral ideas with the circumstance of the pain inseparably connected with sacrifice. and when this stage is reached, men will either refine upon the suffering with frantic intensity, as they did in mexico, or, if the sentiment of humanity has made itself felt in religion, as was the case in peru and in the special worship of quetzalcoatl, they will try to restrain the number and mitigate the horror of the human sacrifices, while still inflexibly maintaining the principle they involve. again: there is not the smallest trace of an earlier monotheism preceding the polytheism of either the one or the other nation. on the other hand, we may trace in both alike three stages of religious faith superimposed, so to speak, one upon the other. at the bottom of all still lies the religion that we find to-day amongst peoples that are strangers to all civilization. it is an incoherent and confused jumble of nature-worship and of animism or the worship of spirits, but especially the latter; for the primitive nature-worship has been developed, enlarged and more or less organized, on a higher level, whereas animism has remained what it was. the spirits of nature, which may often be anonymous--spirits of forests, of plants, of rocks, of waters, of animals, generally with the addition of the spirits of ancestors--make up a confused and inorganic mass that may assume almost any form. fetichism is not the base, as it has been called, but the consequence and application of this animistic view. it is enough to secure adoration for any worthless object, natural or artificial, if it strikes the ignorant imagination forcibly enough to induce the belief that it is the residence of a spirit. magic, founded on the pretension of certain individuals to stand in special relations with the spirits, equips the priesthood of this lowest stage. but above this, through the action of the higher minds amongst the people, nature-worship develops itself into the adoration of the most important, most general and most imposing phenomena of nature. in the tropical countries, at once warm and fertile, it is the sun that reigns supreme, though not without leaving a very exalted place to other phenomena, such as wind, rain, vegetation and so on, personified as so many special deities. but in all this there is no indication of an antecedent and primitive monotheism. it is quite true that each one of these deities receives in his turn epithets which seem to attribute omnipotence to him and to make him the sole creator. but this is the case in all polytheistic systems, whether in greece, persia, and india, or in mexico and peru. it only proves that when man worships, he never limits the homage he renders to the object of his adoration; but if he is a polytheist, he has no scruple in attributing the same omnipotence to each of his gods in turn. it is much the same with the worthy curés in our rural districts, whose sermons systematically exalt the saint of the day, whoever he may be, to the chief place in paradise! and here in mexico and in peru, as in greece and in india, we observe the ever growing tendency towards _anthropomorphism_, transforming into men, of enormous strength, stature and power, those natural phenomena which at the earlier stage were rather assimilated to animals. uitzilopochtli still bears the traces of his ancient nature as a humming-bird, and tezcatlipoca of the time when he was no more than a celestial tapir. their cultus, like their functions in the order of nature, must be regular and subject to fixed rules. and thus the priesthood, organized and regulated in its turn, emerges from the earlier stage of sorcery, and becomes a great institution to protect and foster the nascent civilization. the third stage was not actually reached in ancient mexico and peru. one can but divine its beginnings in the mysterious priesthood of quetzalcoatl, or trace it in the traditions of the philosopher king of tezcuco, and the sceptical incas of whom garcilasso and others tell us. in such traits as these we may discover a certain dissatisfaction with the established polytheism, striving to raise itself higher in the direction of a spiritual monotheism. but this tendency is obviously the last term of the evolution, and in no sense its first. the history of the temple in mexico and peru suggests similar reflections. its point of departure is the altar, and not the tomb,--the altar on which, as on a sacred table, the flesh destined for their food was placed before the gods. little by little, as the developed and organized nature-worship substitutes gods of imposing might and greatness for the contemptible deities of the period when nature-worship and animism were confounded together, these altars assumed huge and at last gigantic proportions; and in mexico, except in the case of quetzalcoatl, there the development stopped, save that a little chapel, destined to serve as the abode of the national gods, was reared on the summit. peru passes through the same phases, but goes further. there the surmounting chapel grows, assumes vast dimensions, and ends by embracing the altar itself, of which at first it was but an adjunct. the two religions alike exhibit an initial penetration of religion by the moral idea. they are at bottom two theocracies, the laws and institutions of which rest upon the gods themselves, though the theocratic form is far more prominent in peru than in mexico. they share the advantages of a theocracy for a nascent civilization, and its disadvantages for one that has already reached a certain development. it was the theocratic and sacerdotal conception that maintained and enforced the religious butchery of which you have heard in mexico, and which transformed peru into one enormous convent, where no one had any will or any initiative of his own. for the same reason, asceticism, the principle that confuses, through an illusion we can easily understand, the moral act itself with the suffering that accompanies it, shows itself in both religions, but especially in that of mexico; and convents that startle us by their resemblance to those of buddhism and christianity rise in either realm. but this mutual interpenetration of the religious and moral ideas is still quite rudimentary. the prevailing tone of the religion is given by the self-seeking and purely calculating principle, aiming no doubt at a certain mystic satisfaction (for at every stage of religion this moving principle has been most powerful and fruitful), but likewise seeking material advantages without any scruple as to the means; and those monstrous forms of transubstantiation which the mexican thought he was bringing about when he ate of the same human flesh which he offered to his gods, are typical of the period in which religion pursued its purpose of union with the deity, regardless of the protests of the moral sense and of humanity. it was reserved for the higher religions, and especially for that of which our bible is the monument, to realize the intimate alliance of the religious and moral sentiments,--that priceless alliance, without which morals remain for the most part almost barren, and religion falls into monstrous aberrations. that the roots of religion pierce to the very cradles of humanity, may now be taken as demonstrated. its principle is found in the necessity we feel of surmounting the uncertainties and the limitations of destiny, by attaching ourselves individually to the loftier spirit revealed by nature outside us and within; and this principle has always remained the same; nor am i one of those who hold that we must now renounce it in the name of philosophy and science. for neither philosophy nor science can make us other than the poor creatures we are, with an unquenchable thirst for blessedness and life, yet constantly broken, crushed at every moment, by the very elements on the bosom of which we are forced to live. philosophy and science may guide religion, may reveal its true object in ever-growing purity, may cleanse it from the pollutions in which ignorance and sin still plunge it, but they cannot replace and they cannot destroy it. there is a dutch proverb, the profundity of which it would be difficult to exaggerate, "de natuur gaat boven de leer"--_nature is too strong for doctrine._ the evolutions of philosophy may seem to make the heavens void, and inspire man with the idea that all is over with the poetic or terrific visions that rocked the cradle of his infancy. but stay! nature, human nature, is still there; and under the impulse of the indestructible thirst for religion, human nature renews her efforts, looks deeper and looks higher, and finds her god once more. jérusalem renait plus brillante et plus belle. but let not this conclusion, confirmed as it seems to me by the whole history of religion, prevent our boldly declaring how much that is small, puerile, often even immoral and deplorable, there is in the religious past of humanity. it is no otherwise with art, with legislation, with science herself, with all that constitutes the privilege, the power, the joy of our race. it is just the knowledge of these aberrations which should serve to keep us from falling back into the errors and false principles of which they were the consequence. and in this respect the study of the religions of ancient mexico and peru is profoundly instructive. it teaches us that there is a principle, bordering closely upon that of religion itself, which must serve as the torch to guide the religious idea in its development--not to supplant it, but to direct it to the true path. it is the principle of humanity. the truer a religion is, the more absolute the homage it will render to the principle of humanity, and the more will he who lives by its light feel himself impelled to goodness, loving and loved, trustful and free. the last word of religious history is, that there exists an affinity, a mysterious relationship, between our spirit and the spirit of the universe; that this nobility of human nature embraces in itself all the promises, all the hopes, all the latent perfections, all the infinite ideals of the future; that, in spite of all appearances to the contrary, the supreme will is good to each one of the beings which it summons and draws to itself; and that man, in spite of his errors, his failures, his corruptions, his miseries, was never wrong in following the sacred instinct that raised him slowly from the mire, was always right in renewing his efforts, so constant, so toilsome--often, too, so woful--to mount the rounds de cette échelle d'or qui va se perdre en dieu. * * * * * and now, ladies and gentlemen, it only remains for me to bid you farewell, while giving you my warmest thanks for the perseverance, the encouragement and the sympathy, with which you have supported me. the reception you have given me has touched me deeply, and my stay in 1884 in your imposing and splendid capital will always remain amongst the most prized and the pleasantest recollections of my life. you have been good enough to pardon my linguistic infirmity. you have spared from your business or pleasure the time needed to listen to a stranger, who has come to speak to you of matters having no direct utility, and of purely historical and theoretical interest. this is far more to your honour than to mine. i thank you, but at the same time i congratulate you; for it is a trait in the nobleness in our human nature to be able thus to snatch ourselves from the vulgar pre-occupations of life, to contemplate the truth on those serene heights where it reveals itself to all who seek it with an upright heart. cease not to love these noble studies, which touch upon all that is most exalted and most precious in us! if we search history for light in politics and the higher interests of our fatherlands, and learn thereby to understand, to appreciate, to love them more, let us turn to history no less for light on the path which we must tread in that order of sublime realities, necessities and aspirations, in which the soul of each one of us becomes a temple and a sanctuary, lying open to the eternal spirit that fills the universe. * * * * * and now to the eternal, the invisible, to him whose name we can but stammer, whose infinite perfections we can but feel after, be rendered all our homage and our hearts! footnotes: [1] the second, third and fourth despatches (the first is lost) from _fernando cortes_ to charles v., written in 1520, 1522 and 1524 respectively. original editions as follows: "carta de relacio_n_ e_m_biada a su s. majestad del e_m_p_er_ador n_ues_tro señor ... por el capita_n_ general de la nueva spaña: llamado ferna_n_do cortes," &c.: seville, 1522. "carta tercera de relacio_n_: embiada por ferna_n_do cortes," &c.: seville, 1523. "la quarta relacion q_ue_ ferna_n_do cortes gouernador y capitan general ... embio al muy alto ... rey de españa," &c.: toledo, 1525. recent edition, with notes, &c.: "cartas y relaciones de hernan cortés al emperador carlos v. colegidas é ilustradas por don pascual de gayangos," &c.: paris, 1866. english translation: "the despatches of hernando cortes," &c., translated by george folsom: new york and london, 1843.--_francisco lopez de gómara_ (cortes' chaplain): "hispania victrix. primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las indias co_n_ todo el descubrimiento, y cosas notables que han acaescido dende que se ganaron hasta el año de 1551. con la conquista de mexico y dela nueva españa:" modina del campo, 1553. also printed in vol. xxii. of the "biblioteca de autores españoles:" madrid, 1852 (to the pagination of which references in future notes will be made). there is an old english translation of part ii. of this work, entitled, "the pleasant historie of the conquest of the weast india, now called new spayne, atchieved by the worthy prince hernando cortes, marques of the valley of huaxacac, most delectable to reade: translated out of the spanishe tongue by t. n. [thomas nicholas], anno 1578:" london.--_bernal diaz_: "historia verdadera de la nueva españa escrita por el capitan bernal diaz del castillo, uno de sus conquistadores. sacada a luz por el p. m. fr. alonso remon," &c.: madrid, 1632. english translation: "the memoirs of the conquistador bernal diaz del castillo, written by himself," &c.: translated by john ingram lockhart, f.r.a.s. 2 vols.: london, 1844. there is also a good french translation: "histoire véridique de la conquête ... par le capitaine bernal diaz del castillo," &c., by dr. jourdanet. second edition: paris, 1877.--_las casas._ numerous works collected by llorente: "collecion de las obras del venerable obispo de chiapa, don bartolomé de las casas, defensor de la libertad de los americanos." 2 vols.: paris, 1822. also translated into french, with some additional matter, by the same llorente, and published in the same year at paris. his "historia de las crueldades de los españoles," &c., was translated into english in 1655 by j. phillips, under the title of "the tears of the indians," &c., and dedicated to oliver cromwell. [n.b. translations in full or epitomized of several of the above works, together with others, may be found in vols. iii. and iv. of "purchas his pilgimes," &c.: london, 1625-26.]--_sahagun's_ history of new spain, a work of the utmost importance for the religious history of mexico, remained unpublished till the present century, and appeared almost simultaneously in mexico and london: "historia general de las cosas de nueva españa ... escribió el r. p. fr. bernardino de sahagun ... uno de los primeros predicadores del santo evangelio en aquellas regiones," &c. 3 vols.: mexico, 1829-30. the same work appeared in vols. v. and vii. of lord kingsborough's collection. vid. infr. a french translation by jourdanet appeared in 1880.--_acosta_: "historia natural y moral de las indias ... compuesta por el padre joseph de acosta religioso de la campañia de jesus," &c.: seville, 1590. english translation: "the naturall and morall historie of the east and west indies," &c.: translated by e. g.: london, 1604. e[dward] g[rimstone]'s translation was edited, with notes, for the hakluyt society, by clements r. markham, in 1880.--_torquemada_: "los veynte y un libros rituales y monarchia yndiana ... compuesto por fray ivan de torquemada," &c. 3 vols.: seville, 1615. printed again at madrid in 1723.--_herrera_ (official historiographer of philip ii.): "historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano," &c., by antonio de herrera; to which is prefixed, "descripcion de las indias ocidentales," &c., by the same. 4 vols.: madrid, 1601. english translation in epitome by capt. john stevens, "the general history of the vast continent and islands of america," &c. 6 vols.: london, 1725-26. the following native writers may also be consulted. _ixlilxochitl_ (fernando de alva): "historia chichimeca" and "relaciones," in lord kingsborough's "mexican antiquities," vol. ix. (vid. infr.). french translations in vols. viii. xii. and xiii. of h. ternaux-compans' collection: "voyages, relations et memoires originaux pour servir a l'histoire de la découverte de l'amérique:" paris, 1837-41.--_camargo_: "histoire de la république de tlaxcallan, par domingo muñoz camargo, indien, natif de cette ville," translated from the spanish ms. in vols. xcviii. and xcix. of the "nouvelles annales des voyages," &c.: paris, 1843.--_pomar (j. b. de)_: "relacion de las antiquedades de los indios." pomar was a descendant of the royal house of tezcuco, and his memoirs were made use of in ms. by torquemada. amongst later authorities may be mentioned (in addition to prescott's well-known work, and those cited in the following notes): _w. robertson_: "history of america."--_alx. von humboldt_: "vues des cordillières et monuments des peuples de l'amérique:" paris, 1810; forming the "atlas pittoresque" of part iii. of "voyage de humboldt et bonpland."--_francesco saverio clavigero_: "storia antica del messico," &c. 4 vols.: cesena, 1780-81. english translation by charles cullen: "the history of mexico," &c. 2 vols.: london, 1787.--_th. waitz_: "anthropologie der naturvölker," vol. iv.: leipzig, 1864.--_brasseur de bourbourg_: "histoire des nations civilisées du mexique et de l'amérique-centrale," &c. 4 vols: paris, 1857-59.--_müller (joh. george)_, professor at bâle: "geschichte der amerikanischen urreligionen." second edition: basel, 1867.--to these should be added the narratives and works of m. _d. charnay_, still in the course of publication. references will be given to the originals, but in such a form, wherever possible, as to serve equally well for the english and french translations. where, as is not unfrequently the case, the chapters or sections of the translations do not correspond to the originals, a note of the vol. and page of the former will generally be added. [2] the original collection is in seven magnificent folio volumes. "antiquities of mexico: comprising facsimiles of ancient mexican paintings and hieroglyphics ... together with the monuments of new spain, by m. dupaix ... the whole illustrated by many valuable inedited manuscripts by augustine aglio:" london, 1830. two supplementary volumes, on the title-page of which lord kingsborough's own name appears, were added in 1848, and a tenth volume was projected, but only a small portion of it (appended to vol. ix.) was printed. [3] five volumes: new york, 1875-76. [4] see _bancroft_, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312. [5] see _sahagun_, tom. i. p. 201, appendix to lib. ii. (vol. ii. p. 174, in jourdanet's translation). [6] the story is given by _bancroft_, vol. iii. p. 471, on the authority of _lopez medel_. [7] see _torquemada_, lib. viii. cap. xx. at the end. on the mexican temples in general, see _müller_, pp. 644-646. [8] on the great temple of mexico and its annexes, see _waitz_, iv. 148 sqq., where the scattered data of sahagun, acosta, gomara, bernal diaz, ixtlilxochitl, clavigero, &c., are drawn together. see also _bancroft_, ii. 577-587, iii. 430 sq. [9] op. cit. cap. xcii. [10] compare the german "schlangenberg" and the old french "guivremont." [11] see the legend in _clavigero_, lib. vi. § 6. [12] see _müller_, pp. 602 sqq., and _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 1, 237, sqq., lib. i. cap. i., and lib. iii. cap. i., &c. [13] see _clavigero_, lib. vi. § 2. _acosta_, pp. 324 sqq., lib. v. cap. ix. (pp. 353 sq. in e. g.'s translation); _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 2 sq., 241 sq., lib. i. cap. iii., lib. iii. cap. ii. see also _ternaux-compans_, vol. xii. p. 18. [14] on quetzalcoatl, see _müller_, pp. 577-590; _bancroft_, vol. iii. pp. 239-287; _torquemada_, lib. vi. cap. xxiv., lib. iii. cap. vii.; _clavigero_, lib. vi. § 4; _ixtlilxochitl_ in _ternaux-compans_, vol. xii. pp. 5-8 (further, pp. 9-27 of the same volume on the toltecs); _prescott_, bk. i. chap, iii., bk. iv. chap, v., and elsewhere; _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 3-4, 245-6, 255-259, lib. i, cap. v., lib. iii. cap p. iv. xii.-xiv. [15] see _clavigero_, lib. iv. §§ 4, 15, lib. vii. § 42; _humboldt_, pp. 319-20, cf. p. 95; _prescott_, bk. i. chap. i. and elsewhere; _bancroft_, vol. v. pp. 427-429; _müller_, pp. 526 sq. [16] _clavigero_, lib. vi. §§ 5, 15, 34; _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 16-19, lib. i. cap. xiii.; _bancroft_, vol. iii. p. 385. [17] see _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 10-16, lib. i. cap. xii. [18] see _boturini_, "idea de una nueva historia general de la america septentrional," &c.: madrid, 1746, pp. 63-65. [19] _bancroft_, vol. iii. pp. 403-417; _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 22-25, 29-33, lib. i. capp. xv. xvi. xix. [20] _bancroft_, vol. iii. pp. 396-402; _clavigero_, lib. vi. §§ 1, 5. [21] _sahagun_, tom. i. p. 86 (cf. p. 88), lib. ii. cap. xx. [22] _sahagun_, tom. i. p. 50, lib. ii. cap. i. [23] compare the detailed description of the festivals of the ancient religion of mexico in _bancroft_, vol. ii. pp. 302-341, vol. iii. pp. 297-300, 330-348, 354-362, 385-396. [24] amongst all the indigenous races of north america, prolonged fasting is regarded as the means _par excellence_ of securing supernatural inspiration. the red-skin to become a sorcerer or to secure a revelation from his _totem_, or the eskimo to become _angekok_, will endure the most appalling fasts. [25] _torquemada_, lib. vi. cap. xxxviii.; cf. _sahagun_, tom. i. p. 174, lib. ii. cap. xxiv. [26] _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 35--39, lib. i. cap. xxi. [27] _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 11-16, tom. ii. pp. 57-64, lib. i. cap. xii., lib. vi. cap. vii. [28] elements were not wanting for the formation of a dualistic system analogous to mazdeism. the _tzitzimitles_ nearly corresponded to the iranian _devas_. they were a kind of demon servants of mictlan, who delighted in springing upon men to devour them, and the protection of the celestial gods was needed to escape from their attacks. _sahagun_, tom. ii. p. 67, lib. vi. cap. viii. (in the middle of a prayer to tlaloc). cf. also tom. ii. pp. 14 sqq., lib. v. capp. xi.-xiii. [29] on the mexican priesthood, see _bancroft_, vol. ii. pp. 200-207, vol. iii. pp. 430-441; _clavigero_, lib. vi. §§ 13--17; cf. lib. iv. § 4; _humboldt_, pp. 98, 194, 290; _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii.; _torquemada_, lib. ix. capp. i.-xxxiv. [30] _camargo_ (in nouv. an. d. voy. xcix.), pp. 134-5. [31] _bancroft_, vol. ii. pp. 204-206, vol. iii. pp. 435-436; _torquemada_, lib. ix. capp. xiv. xv.; _sahagun_, tom. i. pp. 227-8 (last section of appendix to lib. ii.); _acosta_, lib. v. cap. xvi.; _clavigero_, lib. vi. capp. xvi. xxii. [32] see the "cuadro historico-geroglifico," &c., contributed by don _josé fernando ramirez_ (curator of the national museum at mexico) to _garcia y cubas_, "altas geographico, estadistico e historico de la republica mexicana," entrega 29a (1858). [33] on all that concerns the mexican cosmogonies, see _müller_, pp. 477 sq., 509--519; _bancroft_, vol. iii. pp. 57--65; _ixtlilxochitl_, "historia chichimeca," capp. i. ii.; _kingsborough_, "mexican antiquities," vol. v. pp. 164-167; _humboldt_, pp. 202--211. [34] see _sahagun_, tom. ii. pp. 281--283, lib. viii. cap. vi. [35] the sacerdotal year was lunar. the civil year, which was doubtless of later origin, and had been adopted as better suited to the purposes of agriculture, was solar. every thirteenth year the two coincided. the number _four_, which plays an important part in mexican symbolism (cf. the mexican cross) gave a kind of cosmic significance to 13 × 4 = 52. [36] see _bancroft_, vol. iii. pp. 393-396. [37] compare the appendix to jourdanet's translation of bernal diaz, pp. 912 sqq. [38] on the conversion of the mexicans, &c., compare the anonymous treatise at the end of _kingsborough's_ "mexican antiquities," vol. ix. cf. also _torquemada,_ lib. xvii. cap. xx., lib. xix. cap. xxix. [39] see _p. pauke,_ "reise in d. missionen von paraguay:" vienna, 1829, p. 111. [40] in addition to the works of _acosta_, _gomara_, _herrera_, _humboldt_, _waitz_ and _müller_, already cited in connection with mexico, and _prescott's_ "conquest of peru," we may mention the following authorities for the political and religious history of peru: _xeres_ (pizarro's secretary): "verdadera relacion de la conquista del peru y provincia del cuzco llamada la nueva castilla ... por francisco de xeres," &c.: seville, 1534. english translation by markham in "reports on the discovery of peru:" printed for the hakluyt society, london, 1872.--_zarate_ (official spanish "auditor" in peru): "historia del descubrimiento y conquista del peru.... la qual escriua augustin de çarate," &c.: antwerp, 1555. english translation: "the strange and delectable history, &c.: translated out of the spanish tongue by t. nicholas:" london, 1581.--_cieza de leon_ (served in peru for seventeen years): "parte primera dela chronica del peru," &c.: seville, 1553. the second and third parts have never been printed. english translation by markham: hakluyt society, 1864. [n. b. _xeres_ (or _jeres_), _cieza de leon_ and _zarate_, are all contained in tom. xxvi. of aribau's "biblioteca de autores españoles."]--_diego fernandez_ of palencia (historiographer of peru under the vice-royalty of mendoza): "primera, y segunda parte, de la historia del peru," &c.: seville, 1571.--_miguel cavello balboa:_ "histoire du pérou," in ternaux-compans, vol. xv.--_arriaga_: "extirpacion de la idolatria del piru ... por el padre pablo joseph de arriaga de la compañia de jesus:" lima, 1621. extracts are given in ternaux-compans, vol. xvii.--_fernando montesinos_: "memoires historiques sur l'ancien pérou:" translated from the spanish ms. in ternaux-compans, vol. xvii. montesinos rectifies garcilasso de la vega on more points than one.--_johannes de laet_: "novus orbis," &c.: leiden, 1633.--velasco: "historia del reino de quito," &c.: quito, 1844. this work is in three parts, the second of which, the "historia antigua," is the one referred to in future notes. this second part is translated in ternaux-compans, vols. xviii. xix. the abbé _raynal's_ "histoire philosophique et politique des établissements ... des européens dans les deux indes" (10 vols.: geneva, 1770) made a great stir in its time, the english translation by justamond reaching a third edition in 1777; but it is now completely forgotten, and has no real value for our purposes. i cannot refrain from a passing notice of a romance which is now almost as completely forgotten as the abbé raynal's history, in spite of its long popularity: i mean _marmontel's_ "les incas et la destruction de l'empire du pérou:" paris, 1777. the author derived his materials from garcilasso de la vega. in spite of the florid style and innumerable offences against historical and psychological fact which characterize this work, it cannot be denied that marmontel has disengaged with great skill the profound causes of the irremediable ruin of the peruvian state. _lacroix_: "pérou," in vol. iv. of "l'amérique" in "l'univers pittoresque."--_paul chaix_: "histoire de l'amerique méridionale au xvi^e siècle," part i.: geneva, 1853.--_wuttke_: "geschichte des heidenthums," theil i., 1852.--_j. j. von tschudi_: "peru. reiseskizzen aus den jahren 1838-1842:" st. gallen, 1846.--_thos. j. hutchinson_: "two years in peru, with explorations of its antiquities:" london, 1873. hutchinson had good reason to point out the exaggerations in which garcilasso indulges with reference to his ancestors the incas, but he himself speaks too slightingly of their government. had it not been in the main beneficent and popular, it could not have left such affectionate and enduring memories in the minds of the native population. for the method of citation, see end of note on p. 18. [41] this work is in two parts, the first of which (lisbon, 1609) gives an account of the native traditions, customs and history prior to the spanish conquest, while the second (published under the separate title of _historia general del peru_: cordova, 1617) deals with the spanish conquest, &c. english translation by sir paul rycaut: london, 1688, not at all to be trusted; both imperfect (omitting and condensing in an arbitrary fashion) and incorrect. as it may be in the possession of some of my readers, however, reference will be made to it in future notes. the earlier and more important part of garcilasso's work has recently been translated for the _hakluyt society_ by _clements r. markham_, 2 vols.: london, 1869, 1871. references are to the _commentarios reales_ (part i.), unless otherwise stated. [42] _herrera_, decada v. libro iv. cap. ii. (vol. iv. p. 335, in stevens's epitomized translation). [43] _garcilasso_, lib. iv. cap. viii., lib. v. capp. vi. vii. viii. xiii.; _acosta_, lib. vi. capp. xiii. xvi.; _montesinos_, p. 57. [44] _garcilasso_, lib. vi. cap. xxxv. [45] _garcilasso_, lib. v. cap. xii.; _herrera_, dec. v. lib. iv. cap. iv. (vol. iv. p. 344, in stevens's translation). see also _hazart_, "historie van peru," part ii. chap. iv.; in his "kerckelijcke historie van de gheheele wereldt," vol. i. p. 315: antwerp, 1682. [46] see _gomara_ (in vol. xxii. of the bibliotheca de autores españoles), p. 228a; _garcillasso_, "historia general," &c., lib. i. cap. xviii.; cf. _prescott_, bk. iii. chaps. v. vi., and appendices viii. ix. [47] _gomara_, p. 232 a. [48] cf. _waitz_, theil iv. s. 411, 418. [49] cf. _garcilasso_, lib. v. cap. xiii.; _prescott_, bk. i. chap. ii. [50] _müller_, p. 406. [51] see _herrera_, dec. v. lib. iv. cap. iii. (vol. iv. pp. 337 sqq. in stevens's translation); _garcilasso_, lib. ii. capp. xii. xiii. xiv. (p. 35 of rycaut's translation, in which the passage is much shortened), lib. v. cap. xi.; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 6. [52] _acosta_, lib. vi. cap. xviii.; _herrera_, dec. v. lib. iv. cap. i. and end of cap. iii. (vol. iv. pp. 329 sq., 342, in stevens's translation). [53] _garcilasso_, lib. iv. cap. vii.; _herrera_, dec. v. lib. iv. capp. ii. iii. (vol. iv. pp. 334, 341, in stevens's translation); cf. _montesinos_, p. 56. [54] _garcilasso_, lib. iv. cap. xix.; cf. lib. viii. cap. viii. (ad fin.). [55] cf. _tschudi_, vol. ii. p. 387; _hutchinson_, vol. ii. pp. 175-6. [56] _montesinos_, p. 119, cf. pp. 33, 108. [57] _garcilasso_, lib. v. cap. iii. [58] _humboldt_, pp. 108, 294. [59] _gomara_, p. 277 b. [60] _prescott_, bk. iii. chap. viii. [61] cf. _garcilasso_, lib. vi. cap. iv. [62] _garcilasso_, lib. i. capp. ix.-xvii.; cf. lib. ii. cap. ix., lib. iii. cap. xxv. [63] such at least is the etymology proposed by garcilasso (lib. i. cap. xviii.). modern peruvian scholars rather incline to refer _cuzco_ to the same root as _cuzcani_ ("to clear the ground"). [64] see the critical summary of the history of the incas in _waitz_, theil. iv. s. 396 sq. the following table of the successive incas follows garcilasso: manco capac, died about 1000 sinchi roca, " 1091 lloque yupanqui, " 1126 mayta capac, " 1156 capac yupanqui, " 1197 inca roca, " 1249 yahuar huacac, " 1289 viracocha inca ripac, " 1340 [inca urco, who only reigned 11 days, is omitted by garcilasso] tito manco capac pachacutec, " 1400 yupanqui, " 1438 tupac yupanqui, " 1475 huayna capac, " 1525 huascar, } " {1532 atahualpa,} " {1533 [65] _garcilasso_, lib. viii. cap. viii. garcilasso says that he translates this passage, word for word, from the latin ms. of the jesuit father, _blas valera_. [66] _herrera_, dec. v. lib. iv. cap. iv. (vol. iv. p. 346, in stevens's translation). [67] lib. ix. cap. x. [68] _herrera_, dec. v. lib. i. capp. ii. iii., lib. iii. cap. xvii. (vol. iv. pp. 240 sqq., 325 sqq., in stevens's translation). [69] _herrera_, dec. v. lib. iii. cap. ii. (vol. iv. p. 266, in stevens's translation); _gomara_, p. 231 a. [70] in the course of a few months, pizarro amassed such immense wealth that, after deducting the _fifth_ for the king and a large sum for the reinforcements brought him by almagro, he was still able to give £4000 to each of his foot-soldiers, and double that sum to each horseman. the calculation is made by robertson, who estimates the _peso_ at a pound sterling. to obtain the equivalent purchasing power in our own times, these sums would have to be more than quadrupled! [71] _herrera_, dec. v. lib. viii. capp. i. sqq. (vol. v. pp. 23 sqq. in stevens's translation). [72] see _alcedo_, "diccionario geográfico-historico de las indias occidentales," &c.: madrid, 1786-9: article _chunchos_. [73] see _waitz_, vol. iv. pp. 477-497; _tschudi_, vol. ii. pp. 346-351; cf. _castelnau_, "expedition dans les parties centrales de l'amerique du sud," &c.: paris, 1850, &c., part i. vol. iii. p. 282. [74] _tschudi_, ibid. [75] cf. spanish ms. cited by _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii.; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 4, sec. 15. [76] _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii. [77] cf. _garcilasso_, lib. v. cap. xxi., where the current etymology of the word is rejected. [78] see _müller_, pp. 313 sqq., where all the views concerning him are collected and discussed. [79] this hymn was found by _garcilasso_ (see lib. ii. cap. xvii., pp. 50, 51, in rycaut's translation) among the papers of father _blas valera_, and has been freed by _tschudi_ from the misprints, &c., that disfigured it in the printed editions of garcilasso and all subsequent reproductions. see _tschudi_, vol. ii. p. 381. [80] _johannes de laet_, lib. x. cap. i. (p. 398, ll. 51, 52). [81] _prescott_, bk. i. chap. i.; _garcilasso_, lib. vi. cap. xxx. [82] _gomara_, p. 233a; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 2, sec. 4. [83] _garcilasso_, lib. ii. capp. ii. iii. [84] see _montesinos_, pp. 3 sqq., whose version of the legend has been mainly followed in the text. cf. however, for some of the details, _garcilasso_, lib. i. cap. xviii. (omitted by rycaut); _acosta_, lib. i. cap. xxv.; _balboa_, pp. 4 sqq., &c. [85] _velasco_, lib. ii. § 4, sec. 17; _ph. h. külb_ in _widenmann_ and _hauff's_ "reisen u. länderbeshreibungen," lief, xxvii.: stuttgart, 1843, pp. 186-7. [86] _acosta_, lib. v. cap. iv.; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 4, sec. 16; _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii.; _külb_, ibid. [87] _prescott_, ibid. in cloudy weather they had recourse to the method of friction. [88] _prescott_, ibid. [89] _arriaga_, pp. 17, 32; _külb_, ibid. [90] cf. _arriaga_, pp. 10-17, &c. (cf. _ternaux-compans_, vol. xvii. pp. 13, 14). [91] _acosta_, lib. v. cap. v.; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, sec. 2; _arriaga_, ibid. [92] _tschudi_, vol. ii. pp. 396-7. [93] _arriaga_, p. 18 (cf. _ternaux-compans_, vol. xvii. p. 15). [94] cf. _arriaga_, pp. 10-17 (cf. _ternaux-compans_, vol. xvii. pp. 13, 14); _acosta_, lib. v; cap. v.; _montesinos_, pp. 161-2; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, sec. 1. [95] on the priesthood, cf. _arriaga_, pp. 17 sqq. (cf. _ternaux-compans_, vol. xvii. p. 15); _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii.; _balboa_, p. 29; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, sec. 8; _garcilasso_, lib. v. capp. viii. (ad fin.) xii. xiii.; _müller_, p. 387; _külb_, l.c. p. 187. [96] cf. _acosta_, lib. v. cap. xv.; _montesinos_, p. 56; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, sec. 12, § 9, sec. 10; _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii. and elsewhere. [97] cf. _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii.; _garcilasso_, lib. iii. capp. xx.-xxiv.; _paul chaix_, vol. i. pp. 249 sqq. on the temples of pachacamac, which must have attained gigantic proportions before the time of the incas, see _hutchinson_, vol. i. pp. 147-176. [98] _richard inwards_, "the temple of the andes:" london, 1884. [99] _acosta_, lib, v. cap. xviii.; _garcilasso_, lib. ii. cap. viii. (p. 31 in rycaut), lib. vi. cap. xxi.; _arriaga_, p. 77. [100] _acosta_, ibid.; _arriaga_, pp. 24-27 (cf. _ternaux-compans_, vol. xvii. pp. 15, 16); _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii. [101] _velasco_, lib. ii. § 4, sec. 20. [102] _acosta_, ibid.; _arriaga_, ibid. [103] _garcilasso_, lib. i. cap. xi., lib. ii. cap. xviii., lib. iv. cap. xv., and elsewhere (pp. 6, &c., in rycaut, who omits some of the passages). [104] _montesinos_, p. 121; _acosta_, lib. v. capp. v. xix., lib. vi. cap. xxii.; _prescott_, bk. i. chaps, i. ii.; _garcilasso_, lib. vi. cap. v.; _acosta_, lib. v. cap. vii.; _velasco_, lib. iii. § 1, sec. 1. [105] _gomara_, p. 234 a. cf. _montesinos_, p. 68, and _pöppig_ in ersch u. gruber's "encyklopädie," art. _incas_, p. 287 b, note 35. [106] _garcilasso_, lib. ii. capp. xxii, xxiii. (pp. 43, 44, in rycaut); _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iv.; _acosta_, lib. vi. cap. iii. [107] _garcilasso_, lib. v. cap. ii.; _tschudi_, vol. ii. p. 382; _rivero y tschudi_: antigüedades peruanas: viena, 1851. pp. 135-141. n. b. an english translation of this work by f. l. hawks appeared at new york in 1853. [108] _velasco_, lib. ii. § 5, secc. 4, 17 (ternaux-compans, vol. xviii. pp. 137, 148-9); _külb_, l.c. p. 190. [109] _garcilasso_, lib. vi. capp. xx.-xxii.; _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii. [110] _acosta_, lib. v. cap. xxviii. [wrongly numbered xxvii. in the original edition]; _garcilasso_, lib. vii. capp. vi. vii. [111] _acosta_, ibid. [112] _acosta_, ibid.; _garcilasso_, lib. vi. capp. xxiv.-xxvii. [113] cf. _acosta_, ibid.; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 5. [114] _gomara_, p. 233 b; _garcilasso_, lib. ii. cap. xxiii.; cf. _montesinos_, pp. 67, 68. [115] _balboa_, pp. 29, 30. [116] cf. _arriaga_, pp. 17-23, and _passim_ (ternaux-compans, vol. xvii. p. 15). [117] see _prescott_, ibid. [118] cf. _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, secc. 4, 5. [119] _balboa_, p. 3; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, sec. 6; _arriaga_, pp. 28, 29 (ternaux-compans, vol. xvii. pp. 16, 17). [120] cf. _tschudi_, vol. ii. pp. 355-6, 397-8. [121] _acosta_, lib. v. capp. vi. vii.; _velasco_, lib. ii. § 3, sec. 3; _arriaga_, p. 15 (cf. ternaux-compans, vol. xvii. p. 14); _garcilasso_, lib. ii. capp. ii. (supay), vii. (omitted by rycaut); _prescott_, bk. i. chap. iii. [122] compare _w. b. stevenson_, "a historical and descriptive narrative of twenty years' residence in south america:" london, 1825, vol. i. pp. 394 sqq. printed by c. green & son, 178, strand. transcriber's note: changes listed in the addenda et corrigenda on page ix have been made. spelling and spelling variations have been retained as in the original publication. the spanish pioneers [illustration: francisco pizarro.] the spanish pioneers by charles f. lummis author of "a new mexico david," "strange corners of our country," etc. illustrated sixth edition [illustration] chicago a. c. mcclurg & co. 1914 copyright by charles f. lummis a.d. 1893 to one of such women as make heroes and keep chivalry alive in our less single-hearted days: elizabeth bacon custer in pronouncing the spanish names give- _a_ the sound of ah _e_ " " ay _i_ " " ee _j_ " " h _o_ " " oh _u_ " " oo _h_ is silent _ll_ is sounded like lli in million _ñ_ " " ny in lanyard _hua_ " " wa in water the views presented in this book have already taken their place in historical literature, but they are certainly altogether new ground for a popular work. because it is new, some who have not fully followed the recent march of scientific investigation may fear that it is not authentic. i can only say that the estimates and statements embodied in this volume are strictly true, and that i hold myself ready to defend them from the standpoint of historical science. i do this, not merely from the motive of personal regard toward the author, but especially in view of the merits of his work, its value for the youth of the present and of the coming generations. ad. f. bandelier. preface. it is because i believe that every other young saxon-american loves fair play and admires heroism as much as i do, that this book has been written. that we have not given justice to the spanish pioneers is simply because we have been misled. they made a record unparalleled; but our text-books have not recognized that fact, though they no longer dare dispute it. now, thanks to the new school of american history, we are coming to the truth,--a truth which every manly american will be glad to know. in this country of free and brave men, race-prejudice, the most ignorant of all human ignorances, must die out. we must respect manhood more than nationality, and admire it for its own sake wherever found,--and it is found everywhere. the deeds that hold the world up are not of any one blood. we may be born anywhere,--that is a mere accident; but to be heroes we must grow by means which are not accidents nor provincialisms, but the birthright and glory of humanity. we love manhood; and the spanish pioneering of the americas was the largest and longest and most marvellous feat of manhood in all history. it was not possible for a saxon boy to learn that truth in my boyhood; it is enormously difficult, if possible, now. the hopelessness of trying to get from any or all english text-books a just picture of the spanish hero in the new world made me resolve that no other young american lover of heroism and justice shall need to grope so long in the dark as i had to; and for the following glimpses into the most interesting of stories he has to thank me less than that friend of us both, a. f. bandelier, the master of the new school. without the light shed on early america by the scholarship of this great pupil of the great humboldt, my book could not have been written,--nor by me without his generous personal aid. c. f. l. contents. i. the broad story. chapter page i. the pioneer nation 17 ii. a muddled geography 25 iii. columbus the finder 36 iv. making geography 43 v. the chapter of conquest 56 vi. a girdle round the world 71 vii. spain in the united states 78 viii. two continents mastered 90 ii. specimen pioneers. i. the first american traveller 101 ii. the greatest american traveller 117 iii. the war of the rock 125 iv. the storming of the sky-city 135 v. the soldier poet 144 vi. the pioneer missionaries 149 vii. the church-builders in new mexico 158 viii. alvarado's leap 170 ix. the american golden fleece 181 iii. the greatest conquest. i. the swineherd of truxillo 203 ii. the man who would not give up 215 iii. gaining ground 225 iv. peru as it was 238 v. the conquest of peru 246 vi. the golden ransom 257 vii. atahualpa's treachery and death 265 viii. founding a nation.--the siege of cuzco 275 ix. the work of traitors 284 i. the broad story. how america was found and tamed. the spanish pioneers. i. the pioneer nation. it is now an established fact of history that the norse rovers had found and made a few expeditions to north america long before columbus. for the historian nowadays to look upon that norse discovery as a myth, or less than a certainty, is to confess that he has never read the sagas. the norsemen came, and even camped in the new world, before the year 1000; but they _only_ camped. they built no towns, and practically added to the world's knowledge nothing at all. they did nothing to entitle them to credit as pioneers. the honor of giving america to the world belongs to spain,--the credit not only of discovery, but of centuries of such pioneering as no other nation ever paralleled in any land. it is a fascinating story, yet one to which our histories have so far done scant justice. history on true principles was an unknown science until within a century; and public opinion has long been hampered by the narrow statements and false conclusions of closet students. some of these men have been not only honest but most charming writers; but their very popularity has only helped to spread their errors wider. but their day is past, and the beginnings of new light have come. no student dares longer refer to prescott or irving, or any of the class of which they were the leaders, as authorities in history; they rank to-day as fascinating writers of romance, and nothing more. it yet remains for some one to make as popular the truths of american history as the fables have been, and it may be long before an unmistaken prescott appears; but meantime i should like to help young americans to a general grasp of the truths upon which coming histories will be based. this book is not a history; it is simply a guideboard to the true point of view, the broad idea,--starting from which, those who are interested may more safely go forward to the study of details, while those who can study no farther may at least have a general understanding of the most romantic and gallant chapter in the history of america. we have not been taught how astonishing it was that one nation should have earned such an overwhelming share in the honor of giving us america; and yet when we look into the matter, it is a very startling thing. there was a great old world, full of civilization: suddenly a new world was found,--the most important and surprising discovery in the whole annals of mankind. one would naturally suppose that the greatness of such a discovery would stir the intelligence of all the civilized nations about equally, and that they would leap with common eagerness to avail themselves of the great meaning this discovery had for humanity. but as a matter of fact it was not so. broadly speaking, all the enterprise of europe was confined to one nation,--and that a nation by no means the richest or strongest. one nation practically had the glory of discovering and exploring america, of changing the whole world's ideas of geography, and making over knowledge and business all to herself for a century and a half. and spain was that nation. it was, indeed, a man of genoa who gave us america; but he came as a spaniard,--from spain, on spanish faith and spanish money, in spanish ships and with spanish crews; and what he found he took possession of in the name of spain. think what a kingdom ferdinand and isabella had then besides their little garden in europe,--an untrodden half world, in which a score of civilized nations dwell to-day, and upon whose stupendous area the newest and greatest of nations is but a patch! what a dizziness would have seized columbus could he have foreseen the inconceivable plant whose unguessed seeds he held that bright october morning in 1492! it was spain, too, that sent out the accidental florentine whom a german printer made godfather of a half world that we are barely sure he ever saw, and are fully sure he deserves no credit for. to name america after amerigo vespucci was such an ignorant injustice as seems ridiculous now; but, at all events, spain sent him who gave his name to the new world. columbus did little beyond finding america, which was indeed glory enough for one life. but of the gallant nation which made possible his discovery there were not lacking heroes to carry out the work which that discovery opened. it was a century before anglo-saxons seemed to waken enough to learn that there really _was_ a new world, and into that century the flower of spain crowded marvels of achievement. she was the only european nation that did not drowse. her mailed explorers overran mexico and peru, grasped their incalculable riches, and made those kingdoms inalienable parts of spain. cortez had conquered and was colonizing a savage country a dozen times as large as england years before the first english-speaking expedition had ever seen the mere coast where it was to plant colonies in the new world; and pizarro did a still greater work. ponce de leon had taken possession for spain of what is now one of the states of our union a generation before any of those regions were seen by saxons. that first traveller in north america, alvar nuñez cabeza de vaca, had walked his unparalleled way across the continent from florida to the gulf of california half a century before the first foot of our ancestors touched our soil. jamestown, the first english settlement in america, was not founded until 1607, and by that time the spanish were permanently established in florida and new mexico, and absolute masters of a vast territory to the south. they had already discovered, conquered, and partly colonized _inland_ america from northeastern kansas to buenos ayres, and from ocean to ocean. half of the united states, all mexico, yucatan, central america, venezuela, ecuador, bolivia, paraguay, peru, chile, new granada, and a huge area besides, were spanish by the time england had acquired a few acres on the nearest edge of america. language could scarcely overstate the enormous precedence of spain over all other nations in the pioneering of the new world. they were spaniards who first saw and explored the greatest gulf in the world; spaniards who discovered the two greatest rivers; spaniards who found the greatest ocean; spaniards who first knew that there were two continents of america; spaniards who first went round the world! they were spaniards who had carved their way into the far interior of our own land, as well as of all to the south, and founded their cities a thousand miles inland long before the first anglo-saxon came to the atlantic seaboard. that early spanish spirit of _finding out_ was fairly superhuman. why, a poor spanish lieutenant with twenty soldiers pierced an unspeakable desert and looked down upon the greatest natural wonder of america or of the world--the grand cañon of the colorado--three full centuries before any "american" eyes saw it! and so it was from colorado to cape horn. heroic, impetuous, imprudent balboa had walked that awful walk across the isthmus, and found the pacific ocean, and built on its shores the first ships that were ever made in the americas, and sailed that unknown sea, and had been dead more than half a century before drake and hawkins saw it. england's lack of means, the demoralization following the wars of the roses, and religious dissensions were the chief causes of her torpidity then. when her sons came at last to the eastern verge of the new world they made a brave record; but they were never called upon to face such inconceivable hardships, such endless dangers as the spaniards had faced. the wilderness they conquered was savage enough, truly, but fertile, well wooded, well watered, and full of game; while that which the spaniards tamed was such a frightful desert as no human conquest ever overran before or since, and peopled by a host of savage tribes to some of whom the petty warriors of king philip were no more to be compared than a fox to a panther. the apaches and the araucanians would perhaps have been no more than other indians had they been transferred to massachusetts; but in their own grim domains they were the deadliest savages that europeans ever encountered. for a century of indian wars in the east there were three centuries and a half in the southwest. in one spanish colony (in bolivia) as many were slain by the savages in one massacre as there were people in new york city when the war of the revolution began! if the indians in the east had wiped out twenty-two thousand settlers in one red slaughter, as did those at sorata, it would have been well up in the eighteen-hundreds before the depleted colonies could have untied the uncomfortable apron-strings of the mother country, and begun national housekeeping on their own account. when you know that the greatest of english text-books has not even the name of the man who first sailed around the world (a spaniard), nor of the man who discovered brazil (a spaniard), nor of him who discovered california (a spaniard), nor of those spaniards who first found and colonized in what is now the united states, and that it has a hundred other omissions as glaring, and a hundred histories as untrue as the omissions are inexcusable, you will understand that it is high time we should do better justice than did our fathers to a subject which should be of the first interest to all real americans. the spanish were not only the first conquerors of the new world, and its first colonizers, but also its first civilizers. they built the first cities, opened the first churches, schools, and universities; brought the first printing-presses, made the first books; wrote the first dictionaries, histories, and geographies, and brought the first missionaries; and before new england had a real newspaper, mexico had a seventeenth-century attempt at one! one of the wonderful things about this spanish pioneering--almost as remarkable as the pioneering itself--was the humane and progressive spirit which marked it from first to last. histories of the sort long current speak of that hero-nation as cruel to the indians; but, in truth, the record of spain in that respect puts us to the blush. the legislation of spain in behalf of the indians everywhere was incomparably more extensive, more comprehensive, more systematic, and more humane than that of great britain, the colonies, and the present united states all combined. those first teachers gave the spanish language and christian faith to a thousand aborigines, where we gave a new language and religion to one. there have been spanish schools for indians in america since 1524. by 1575--nearly a century before there was a printing-press in english america--many books in _twelve_ different indian languages had been printed in the city of mexico, whereas in our history john eliot's indian bible stands alone; and three spanish universities in america were nearly rounding out their century when harvard was founded. a surprisingly large proportion of the pioneers of america were college men; and intelligence went hand in hand with heroism in the early settlement of the new world. ii. a muddled geography. the least of the difficulties which beset the finders of the new world was the then tremendous voyage to reach it. had that three thousand miles of unknown sea been the chief obstacle, civilization would have overstepped it centuries before it did. it was human ignorance deeper than the atlantic, and bigotry stormier than its waves, which walled the western horizon of europe for so long. but for that, columbus himself would have found america ten years sooner than he did; and for that matter, america would not have waited for columbus's five-times-great-grandfather to be born. it was really a strange thing how the richest half of the world played so long at hide-and-seek with civilization; and how at last it was found, through the merest chance, by those who sought something entirely different. had america waited to be discovered by some one seeking a new continent, it might be waiting yet. despite the fact that long before columbus vagrant crews of half a dozen different races had already reached the new world, they had left neither mark on america nor result in civilization; and europe, at the very brink of the greatest discovery and the greatest events in history, never dreamed of it. columbus himself had no imaginings of america. do you know what he started westward to find? _asia._ the investigations of recent years have greatly changed our estimates of columbus. the tendency of a generation ago was to transform him to a demigod,--an historical figure, faultless, rounded, all noble. that was absurd; for columbus was only a man, and all men, however great, fall short of perfection. the tendency of the present generation is to go to the other extreme,--to rob him of every heroic quality, and make him out an unhanged pirate and a contemptible accident of fortune; so that we are in a fair way to have very little columbus left. but this is equally unjust and unscientific. columbus in his own field was a great man despite his failings, and far from a contemptible one. to understand him, we must first have some general understanding of the age in which he lived. to measure how much of an inventor of the great idea he was, we must find out what the world's ideas then were, and how much they helped or hindered him. in those far days geography was a very curious affair indeed. a map of the world then was something which very few of us would be able to identify at all; for all the wise men of all the earth knew less of the world's topography than an eight-year old schoolboy knows to-day. it had been decided at last that the world was not flat, but round,--though even that fundamental knowledge was not yet old; but as to what composed half the globe, no man alive knew. westward from europe stretched the "sea of darkness," and beyond a little way none knew what it was or contained. the variation of the compass was not yet understood. everything was largely guess-work, and groping in the dark. the unsafe little "ships" of the day dared not venture out of sight of land, for there was nothing reliable to guide them back; and you will laugh at one reason why they were afraid to sail out into the broad western sea,--they feared that they might unknowingly get over the edge, and that ship and crew might fall off into space! though they knew the world was roundish, the attraction of gravitation was not yet dreamed of; and it was supposed that if one got too far over the upper side of the ball one would drop off! still, it was a matter of general belief that there was land in that unknown sea. that idea had been growing for more than a thousand years,--for by the second century it began to be felt that there were islands beyond europe. by columbus's time the map-makers generally put on their rude charts a great many guess-work islands in the sea of darkness. beyond this swarm of islands was supposed to lie the east coast of asia,--and at no enormous distance, for the real size of the world was underestimated by one third. geography was in its mere infancy; but it was engaging the attention and study of very many scholars who were learned for their day. each of them put his studious guessing into maps, which varied astonishingly from one another. but one thing was accepted: _there was land somewhere to the west_,--some said a few islands, some said thousands of islands, but all said land of some sort. so columbus did not invent the idea; it had been agreed upon long before he was born. the question was not if there was a new world, but if it was possible or practicable to reach it without sailing over the jumping-off place or encountering other as sad dangers. the world said no; columbus said yes,--and that was his claim to greatness. he was not an inventor, but an accomplisher; and even what he accomplished physically was less remarkable than his faith. he did not have to teach europe that there was a new country, but to believe that he could get to that country; and his faith in himself and his stubborn courage in making others believe in him was the greatness of his character. it took less of a man to make the final proof than to convince the public that it was not utter foolhardiness to attempt the proof at all. christopher columbus, as we call him (as colon[1] he was better known in his own day), was born in genoa, italy, the son of dominico colombo, a wool-comber, and suzanna fontanarossa. the year of his birth is not certain; but it was probably about 1446. of his boyhood we know nothing, and little enough of all his early life,--though it is certain that he was active, adventurous, and yet very studious. it is said that his father sent him for awhile to the university of pavia; but his college course could not have lasted very long. columbus himself tells us that he went to sea at fourteen years of age. but as a sailor he was able to continue the studies which interested him most,--geography and kindred topics. the details of his early seafaring are very meagre; but it seems certain that he sailed to england, iceland, guinea, and greece,--which made a man then far more of a traveller than does a voyage round the world nowadays; and with this broadening knowledge of men and lands he was gaining such grasp of navigation, astronomy, and geography as was then to be had. [illustration: autograph of christopher columbus.] it is interesting to speculate how and when columbus first conceived an idea of such stupendous importance. it was doubtless not until he was a mature and experienced man, who had become not only a skilled sailor, but one familiar with what other sailors had done. the madeiras and the azores had been discovered more than a century. prince henry, the navigator (that great patron of early exploration), was sending his crews down the west coast of africa,--for at that time it was not even known what the lower half of africa was. these expeditions were a great help to columbus as well as to the world's knowledge. it is almost certain, too, that when he was in iceland he must have heard something of the legends of the norse rovers who had been to america. everywhere he went his alert mind caught some new encouragement, direct or indirect, to the great resolve which was half unconsciously forming in his mind. about 1473 columbus wandered to portugal; and there formed associations which had an influence on his future. in time he found a wife, felipa moñiz, the mother of his son and chronicler diego. as to his married life there is much uncertainty, and whether it was creditable to him or the reverse. it is known from his own letters that he had other children than diego, but they are left in obscurity. his wife is understood to have been a daughter of the sea-captain known as "the navigator," whose services were rewarded by making him the first governor of the newly discovered island of porto santo, off madeira. it was the most natural thing in the world that columbus should presently pay a visit to his adventurous father-in-law; and it was, perhaps, while in porto santo on this visit that he began to put his great thoughts in more tangible shape. with men like "the world-seeking genoese," a resolve like that, once formed, is as a barbed arrow,--difficult to be plucked out. from that day on he knew no rest. the central idea of his life was "westward! asia!" and he began to work for its realization. it is asserted that with a patriotic intention he hastened home to make first offer of his services to his native land. but genoa was not looking for new worlds, and declined his proffer. then he laid his plans before john ii. of portugal. king john was charmed with the idea; but a council of his wisest men assured him that the plan was ridiculously foolhardy. at last he sent out a secret expedition, which after sailing out of sight of shore soon lost heart and returned without result. when columbus learned of this treachery, he was so indignant that he left for spain at once, and there interested several noblemen and finally the crown itself in his audacious hopes. but after three years of profound deliberation, a _junta_[2] of astronomers and geographers decided that his plan was absurd and impossible,--the islands could not be reached. disheartened, columbus started for france; but by a lucky chance tarried at an andalusian monastery, where he won the guardian, juan perez de marchena, to his views. this monk had been confessor to the queen; and through his urgent intercession the crown at last sent for columbus, who returned to court. his plans had grown within him till they almost overbalanced him, and he seems to have forgotten that his discoveries were only a hope and not yet a fact. courage and persistence he certainly had; but we could wish that now he had been a trifle more modest. when the king asked on what terms he would make the voyage, he replied: "that you make me an admiral before i start; that i be viceroy of all the lands that i shall find; and that i receive one tenth of all the gain." strong demands, truly, for the poor wool-comber's son of genoa to speak to the dazzling king of spain! ferdinand promptly rejected this bold demand; and in january, 1492, columbus was actually on his way to france to try to make an impression there, when he was overtaken by a messenger who brought him back to court. it is a very large debt that we owe to good queen isabella, for it was due to her strong personal interest that columbus had a chance to find the new world. when all science frowned, and wealth withheld its aid, it was a woman's persistent faith--aided by the church--that saved history. there has been a great deal of equally unscientific writing done for and against that great queen. some have tried to make her out a spotless saint,--a rather hopeless task to attempt in behalf of any human being,--and others picture her as sordid, mercenary, and in no wise admirable. both extremes are equally illogical and untrue, but the latter is the more unjust. the truth is that all characters have more than one side; and there are in history as in everyday life comparatively few figures we can either deify or wholly condemn. isabella was not an angel,--she was a woman, and with failings, as every woman has. but she was a remarkable woman and a great one, and worthy our respect as well as our gratitude. she has no need to fear comparison of character with "good queen bess," and she made a much greater mark on history. it was not sordid ambition nor avarice which made her give ear to the world-finder. it was the woman's faith and sympathy and intuition which have so many times changed history, and given room for the exploits of so many heroes who would have died unheard of if they had depended upon the slower and colder and more selfish sympathy of men. isabella took the lead and the responsibility herself. she had a kingdom of her own; and if her royal husband ferdinand did not deem it wise to embark the fortunes of arragon in such a wild enterprise, she could meet the expenses from her realm of castile. ferdinand seems to have cared little either way; but his fair-haired, blue-eyed queen, whose gentle face hid great courage and determination, was enthusiastic. the genoan's conditions were granted; and on the 17th of april, 1492, one of the most important papers that ever held ink was signed by their majesties, and by columbus. if you could see that precious contract, you would probably have very little idea whose autograph was the lower one,--for columbus's rigmarole of a signature would cause consternation at a teller's window nowadays. the gist of this famous agreement was as follows:-1. that columbus and his heirs forever should have the office of admiral in all the lands he might discover. 2. that he should be viceroy and governor-general of these lands, with a voice in the appointment of his subordinate governors. 3. that he should reserve for himself one tenth part of the gold, silver, pearls, and all other treasures acquired. 4. that he and his lieutenant should be sole judges, concurrent with the high admiral of castile, in matters of commerce in the new world. 5. that he should have the privilege of contributing one eighth to the expenses of any other expedition to these new lands, and should then be entitled to one eighth of the profits. it is a pity that the conduct of columbus in spain was not free from a duplicity which did him little credit. he entered the service of spain, jan. 20, 1486. as early as may 5, 1487, the spanish crown gave him three thousand maravedis (about $18) "for some secret service for their majesties;" and during the same year, eight thousand maravedis more. yet after this he was secretly proffering his services again to the king of portugal, who in 1488 wrote columbus a letter giving him the freedom of the kingdom in return for the explorations he was to make _for portugal_. but this fell through. of the voyage itself you are more likely to have heard,--the voyage which lasted a few months, but to earn which the strong-hearted genoese had borne nearly twenty years of disheartenment and opposition. it was the years of undaunted struggling to convert the world to his own unfathomed wisdom that showed the character of columbus more fully than all he ever did after the world believed him. the difficulties of securing official consent and permission being thus at last overcome, there was only the obstacle left of getting an expedition together. this was a very serious matter; there were few who cared to join in such a foolhardy undertaking as it was felt to be. finally, volunteers failing, a crew had to be gathered forcibly by order of the crown; and with his não the "santa maria," and his two caravels the "niña" and the "pinta," filled with unwilling men, the world-finder was at last ready. footnotes: [1] pronounced c[=o]-l[=o]n,--the spanish form. (transcriber's note: the = signifies a macron over the o) [2] pronounced _hoon_-tah. iii. columbus, the finder. columbus sailed from palos, spain, on friday, august 3, 1492, at 8 a. m., with one hundred and twenty spaniards under his command. you know how he and his brave comrade pinzon held up the spirits of his weakening crew; and how, on the morning of october 12, they sighted land at last. it was not the mainland of america,--which columbus never saw until nearly eight years later,--but watling's island. the voyage had been the longest west which man had yet made; and it was very characteristically illustrative of the state of the world's knowledge then. when the variations of the magnetic needle were noticed by the voyagers, they decided that it was not the needle but the north star that varied. columbus was perhaps as well informed as any other geographer of his day; but he came to the sober conclusion that the cause of certain phenomena must be that he was sailing over _a bump on the globe_! this was more strongly brought out in his subsequent voyage to the orinoco, when he detected even a worse earth-bump, and concluded that the world must be pear-shaped! it is interesting to remember that but for an accidental change of course, the voyagers would have struck the gulf stream and been carried north,--in which case what is now the united states would have become the first field of spain's conquest. the first white man who saw land in the new world was a common sailor named rodrigo de triana, though columbus himself had seen a light the night before. although it is probable--as you will see later on--that cabot saw the actual continent of america before columbus (in 1497), it was columbus who found the new world, who took possession of it as its ruler under spain, and who even founded the first european colonies in it,--building, and settling with forty-three men, a town which he named la navidad (the nativity), on the island of san domingo (española, as he called it), in december, 1492. moreover, had it not been that columbus had already found the new world, cabot never would have sailed. the explorers cruised from island to island, finding many remarkable things. in cuba, which they reached october 26, they discovered tobacco, which had never been known to civilization before, and the equally unknown sweet potato. these two products, of the value of which no early explorer dreamed, were to be far more important factors in the money-markets and in the comforts of the world than all the more dazzling treasures. even the hammock and its name were given to civilization by this first voyage. in march, 1493, after a fearful return voyage, columbus was again in spain, telling his wondrous news to ferdinand and isabella, and showing them his trophies of gold, cotton, brilliant-feathered birds, strange plants and animals, and still stranger men,--for he had also brought back with him nine indians, the first americans to take a european trip. every honor was heaped upon columbus by the appreciative country of his adoption. it must have been a gallant sight to see this tall, athletic, ruddy-faced though gray-haired new grandee of spain riding in almost royal splendor at the king's bridle, before an admiring court. the grave and graceful queen was greatly interested in the discoveries made, and enthusiastic in preparing for more. both intellectually and as a woman, the new world appealed to her very strongly; and as to the aborigines, she became absorbed in earnest plans for their welfare. now that columbus had proved that one could sail up and down the globe without falling over that "jumping-off place," there was no trouble about finding plenty of imitators.[3] he had done his work of genius,--he was the pathfinder,--and had finished his great mission. had he stopped there, he would have left a much greater name; for in all that came after he was less fitted for his task. a second expedition was hastened; and sept. 25, 1493, columbus sailed again,--this time taking fifteen hundred spaniards in seventeen vessels, with animals and supplies to colonize his new world. and now, too, with strict commands from the crown to christianize the indians, and always to treat them well, columbus brought the first missionaries to america,--twelve of them. the wonderful mother-care of spain for the souls and bodies of the savages who so long disputed her entrance to the new world began early, and it never flagged. no other nation ever evolved or carried out so noble an "indian policy" as spain has maintained over her western possessions for four centuries. the second voyage was a very hard one. some of the vessels were worthless and leaky, and the crews had to keep bailing them out. columbus made his second landing in the new world nov. 3, 1493, on the island of dominica. his colony of la navidad had been destroyed; and in december he founded the new city of isabella. in january, 1494, he founded there the first church in the new world. during the same voyage he also built the first road. as has been said, the first voyages to america were little in comparison with the difficulty in getting a chance to make a voyage at all; and the hardships of the sea were nothing to those that came after the safe landing. it was now that columbus entered upon the troubles which darkened the remainder of a life of glory. great as was his genius as an explorer, he was an unsuccessful colonizer; and though he founded the first four towns in all the new world, they brought him only ill. his colonists at isabella soon grew mutinous; and san tonias, which he founded in hayti, brought him no better fortune. the hardships of continued exploration among the west indies presently overcame his health, and for nearly half a year he lay sick in isabella. had it not been for his bold and skilful brother bartholomew, of whom we hear so little, we might not have heard so much of columbus. by 1495, the just displeasure of the crown with the unfitness of the first viceroy of the new world caused juan aguado to be sent out with an open commission to inspect matters. this was more than columbus could bear; and leaving bartholomew as adelantado (a rank for which we now have no equivalent; it means the officer in chief command of an expedition of discoverers), columbus hastened to spain and set himself right with his sovereigns. returning to the new world as soon as possible, he discovered at last the mainland (that of south america), aug. 1, 1498, but at first thought it an island, and named it zeta. presently, however, he came to the mouth of the orinoco, whose mighty current proved to him that it poured from a continent. stricken down by sickness, he returned to isabella, only to find that his colonists had revolted against bartholomew. columbus satisfied the mutineers by sending them back to spain with a number of slaves,--a disgraceful act, for which the times are his only apology. good queen isabella was so indignant at this barbarity that she ordered the poor indians to be liberated, and sent out francisco de bobadilla, who in 1500 arrested columbus and his two brothers, in española, and sent them in irons to spain. columbus speedily regained the sympathy of the crown, and bobadilla was superseded; but that was the end of columbus as viceroy of the new world. in 1502 he made his fourth voyage, discovered martinique and other islands, and founded his fourth colony,--bethlehem, 1503. but misfortune was closing in upon him. after more than a year of great hardship and distress, he returned to spain; and there he died may 20, 1506. the body of the world-finder was buried in valladolid, spain, but was several times transferred to new resting-places. it is claimed that his dust now lies, with that of his son diego, in a chapel of the cathedral of havana; but this is doubtful. we are not at all sure that the precious relics were not retained and interred on the island of santo domingo, whither they certainly were brought from spain. at all events, they are in the new world,--at peace at last in the lap of the america he gave us. columbus was neither a perfect man nor a scoundrel,--though as each he has been alternately pictured. he was a remarkable man, and for his day and calling a good one. he had with the faith of genius a marvellous energy and tenacity, and through a great stubbornness carried out an idea which seems to us very natural, but to the world then seemed ridiculous. as long as he remained in the profession to which he had been reared, and in which he was probably unequalled at the time, he made a wonderful record. but when, after half a century as a sailor, he suddenly turned viceroy, he became the proverbial "sailor on land,"--absolutely "lost." in his new duties he was unpractical, headstrong, and even injurious to the colonization of the new world. it has been a fashion to accuse the spanish crown of base ingratitude toward columbus; but this is unjust. the fault was with his own acts, which made harsh measures by the crown necessary and right. he was not a good manager, nor had he the high moral principle without which no ruler can earn honor. his failures were not from rascality but from some weaknesses, and from a general unfitness for the new duties to which he was too old to adapt himself. we have many pictures of columbus, but probably none that look like him. there was no photography in his day, and we cannot learn that his portrait was ever drawn from life. the pictures that have come down to us were made, with one exception, after his death, and all from memory or from descriptions of him. he is represented to have been tall and imposing, with a rather stern face, gray eyes, aquiline nose, ruddy but freckled cheeks, and gray hair, and he liked to wear the gray habit of a franciscan missionary. several of his original letters remain to us, with his remarkable autograph, and a sketch that is attributed to him. footnotes: [3] as he himself complains: "the very tailors turned explorers." iv. making geography. while columbus was sailing back and forth between the old world and the new one which he had found, was building towns and naming what were to be nations, england seemed almost ready to take a hand. all europe was interested in the strange news which came from spain. england moved through the instrumentality of a venetian, whom we know as sebastian cabot. on the 5th of march, 1496,--four years after columbus's discovery,--henry vii. of england granted a patent to "john gabote, a citizen of venice," and his three sons, allowing them to sail westward on a voyage of discovery. john, and sebastian his son, sailed from bristol in 1497, and saw the mainland of america at daybreak, june 24, of the same year,--probably the coast of nova scotia,--but did nothing. after their return to england, the elder cabot died. in may, 1498, sebastian sailed on his second voyage, which probably took him into hudson's bay and a few hundred miles down the coast. there is little probability in the theory that he ever saw any part of what is now the united states. he was a northern rover,--so thoroughly so, that the three hundred colonists whom he brought out perished with cold in july. england did not treat her one early explorer well; and in 1512 cabot entered the more grateful service of spain. in 1517 he sailed to the spanish possessions in the west indies, on which voyage he was accompanied by an englishman named thomas pert. in august, 1526, cabot sailed with another spanish expedition bound for the pacific, which had already been discovered by a heroic spaniard; but his officers mutinied, and he was obliged to abandon his purpose. he explored the rio de la plata (the "silver river") for a thousand miles, built a fort at one of the mouths of the paraña, and explored part of that river and of the paraguay,--for south america had been for nearly a generation a spanish possession. thence he returned to spain, and later to england, where he died about 1557. of the rude maps which cabot made of the new world, all are lost save one which is preserved in france; and there are no documents left of him. cabot was a genuine explorer, and must be included in the list of the pioneers of america, but as one whose work was fruitless of consequences, and who saw, but did not take a hand in, the new world. he was a man of high courage and stubborn perseverance, and will be remembered as the discoverer of newfoundland and the extreme northern mainland. after cabot, england took a nap of more than half a century. when she woke again, it was to find that spain's sleepless sons had scattered over half the new world; and that even france and portugal had left her far behind. cabot, who was not an englishman, was the first english explorer; and the next were drake and hawkins, and then captains amadas and barlow, after a lapse of seventy-five and eighty-seven years, respectively,--during which a large part of the two continents had been discovered, explored, and settled by other nations, of which spain was undeniably in the lead. columbus, the first spanish explorer, was not a spaniard; but with his first discovery began such an impetuous and unceasing rush of spanish-born explorers as achieved more in a hundred years than all the other nations of europe put together achieved here in america's first three hundred. cabot saw and did nothing; and three quarters of a century later sir john hawkins and sir francis drake--whom old histories laud greatly, but who got rich by selling poor africans into slavery, and by actual piracy against unprotected ships and towns of the colonies of spain, with which their mother england was then at peace--saw the west indies and the pacific, more than half a century after these had become possessions of spain. drake was the first englishman to go through the straits of magellan,--and he did it sixty years after that heroic portuguese had found them and christened them with his life-blood. drake was probably first to see what is now oregon,--his only important discovery. he "took possession" of oregon for england, under the name of "new albion;" but old albion never had a settlement there. sir john hawkins, drake's kinsman, was, like him, a distinguished sailor, but not a real discoverer or explorer at all. neither of them explored or colonized the new world; and neither left much more impress on its history than if he had never been born. drake brought the first potatoes to england; but the importance even of that discovery was not dreamed of till long after, and by other men. captains amadas and barlow, in 1584, saw our coast at cape hatteras and the island of roanoke, and went away without any permanent result. the following year sir richard grenville discovered cape fear, and there was an end of it. then came sir walter raleigh's famous but petty expeditions to virginia, the orinoco, and new guinea, and the less important voyages of john davis (in 1585-87) to the northwest. nor must we forget brave martin frobisher's fruitless voyages to greenland in 1576-81. this was the end of england in america until the seventeenth century. in 1602 captain gosnold coasted nearly our whole atlantic seaboard, particularly about cape cod; and five years later yet was the beginning of english occupancy in the new world. the first english settlement which made a serious mark on history--as jamestown did not--was that of the pilgrim fathers in 1602; and they came not for the sake of opening a new world, but to escape the intolerance of the old. in fact, as mr. winsor has pointed out, the saxon never took any particular interest in america until it began to be understood as a _commercial_ opportunity. [illustration: one of the moqui towns. _see page 87._] but when we turn to spain, what a record is that of the hundred years after columbus and before plymouth rock! in 1499 vincente yañez de pinzon, a companion of columbus, discovered the coast of brazil, and claimed the new country for spain, but made no settlement. his discoveries were at the mouths of the amazon and the orinoco; and he was the first european to see the greatest river in the world. in the following year pedro alvarez cabral, a portuguese, was driven to the coast of brazil by a storm, "took possession" for portugal, and founded a colony there. as to amerigo vespucci, the inconsiderable adventurer whose name so overshadows his exploits, his american claims are extremely dubious. vespucci was born in florence in 1451, and was an educated man,--his father being a notary and his uncle a dominican who gave him a good schooling. he became a clerk in the great house of the medicis, and in their service was sent to spain about 1490. there he presently got into the employ of the merchant who fitted out columbus's second expedition,--a florentine named juanoto berardi. when berardi died, in 1495, he left an unfinished contract to fit out twelve ships for the crown; and vespucci was intrusted with the completion of the contract. there is no reason whatever to believe that he accompanied columbus either on the first or the second voyage. according to his own story, he sailed from cadiz may 10, 1497 (in a spanish expedition), and reached the mainland eighteen days before cabot saw it. the statement of encyclopædias that vespucci "probably got as far north as cape hatteras" is ridiculous. the proof is absolute that he never saw an inch of the new world north of the equator. returning to spain in the latter part of 1498, he sailed again, may 16, 1499, with ojeda, to san domingo, a voyage on which he was absent about eighteen months. he left lisbon on his third voyage, may 10, 1501, going to brazil. it is not true, despite the encyclopædias, that he discovered and named the bay of rio janeiro; both those honors belong to cabral, the real discoverer and pioneer of brazil, and a man of vastly greater historical importance than vespucci. vespucci's fourth voyage took him from lisbon (june 10, 1503) to bahia, and thence to cape frio, where he built a little fort. in 1504 he returned to portugal, and in the following year to spain, where he died in 1512. these voyages rest only on vespucci's own statements, which are not to be implicitly believed. it is probable that he did not sail at all in 1497, and quite certain that he had no share whatever in the real discoveries in the new world. the name "america" was first invented and applied in 1507 by an ill-informed german printer, named waldzeemüller, who had got hold of amerigo vespucci's documents. history is full of injustices, but never a greater among them all than the christening of america. it would have been as appropriate to call it walzeemüllera. the first map of america was made in 1500 by juan de la cosa, a spaniard,--and a very funny map it would seem to the schoolboy of to-day. the first geography of america was by enciso, a spaniard, in 1517. it is pleasant to turn from an overrated and very dubious man to those genuine but almost unheard-of portuguese heroes, the brothers gaspard and miguel corte-real. gaspard sailed from lisbon in the year 1500, and discovered and named labrador,--"the laborer." in 1501 he sailed again from portugal to the arctic, and never returned. after waiting a year, his brother miguel led an expedition to find and rescue him; but he too perished, with all his men, among the ice-floes of the arctic. a third brother wished to go in quest of the lost explorers, but was forbidden by the king, who himself sent out a relief expedition of two ships; but no trace of the gallant corte-reals, nor of any of their men, was ever found. such was the pioneering of america up to the end of the first decade of the sixteenth century,--a series of gallant and dangerous voyages (of which only the most notable ones of the great spanish inrush have been mentioned), resulting in a few ephemeral colonies, but important only as a peep into the doors of the new world. the real hardships and dangers, the real exploration and conquest of the americas, began with the decade from 1510 to 1520,--the beginning of a century of such exploration and conquest as the world never saw before nor since. spain had it all to herself, save for the heroic but comparatively petty achievements of portugal in south america, between the spanish points of conquest. the sixteenth century in the new world was unparalleled in military history; and it produced, or rather developed, such men as tower far above the later conquerors in their achievement. our part of the hemisphere has never made such startling chapters of conquest as were carved in the grimmer wildernesses to our south by cortez, pizarro, valdivia, and quesada, the greatest subduers of wild america. there were at least a hundred other early spanish heroes, unknown to public fame and buried in obscurity until real history shall give them their well-earned praise. there is no reason to believe that these unremembered heroes were more _capable_ of great things than our israel putnams and ethan allens and francis marions and daniel boones; but they _did_ much greater things under the spur of greater necessity and opportunity. a hundred such, i say; but really the list is too long to be even catalogued here; and to pay attention to their greater brethren will fill this book. no other mother-nation ever bore a hundred stanleys and four julius cæsars in one century; but that is part of what spain did for the new world. pizarro, cortez, valdivia, and quesada are entitled to be called the cæsars of the new world; and no other conquests in the history of america are at all comparable to theirs. as among the four, it is almost difficult to say which was greatest; though there is really but one answer possible to the historian. the choice lies of course between cortez and pizarro, and for years was wrongly made. cortez was first in time, and his operations seem to us nearer home. he was a highly educated man for his time, and, like cæsar, had the advantage of being able to write his own biography; while his distant cousin pizarro could neither read nor write, but had to "make his mark,"--a striking contrast with the bold and handsome (for those days) autograph of cortez. but pizarro--who had this lack of education as a handicap from the first, who went through infinitely greater hardships and difficulties than cortez, and managed the conquest of an area as great with a third as many men as cortez had, and very much more desperate and rebellious men--was beyond question the greatest spanish american, and the greatest tamer of the new world. it is for that reason, and because such gross injustice has been done him, that i have chosen his marvellous career, to be detailed later in this book, as a picture of the supreme heroism of the spanish pioneers. but while pizarro was greatest, all four were worthy the rank they have been assigned as the cæsars of america. certain it is that the bald-headed little great man of old rome, who crowds the page of ancient history, did nothing greater than each of those four spanish heroes, who with a few tattered spaniards in place of the iron legions of rome conquered each an inconceivable wilderness as savage as cæsar found, and five times as big. popular opinion long did a vast injustice to these and all other of the spanish _conquistadores_, belittling their military achievements on account of their alleged great superiority of weapons over the savages, and taxing them with a cruel and relentless extermination of the aborigines. the clear, cold light of true history tells a different tale. in the first place, the advantage of weapons was hardly more than a moral advantage in inspiring awe among the savages at first, for the sadly clumsy and ineffective firearms of the day were scarcely more dangerous than the aboriginal bows which opposed them. they were effective at not much greater range than arrows, and were tenfold slower of delivery. as to the cumbrous and usually dilapidated armor of the spaniard and his horse, it by no means fully protected either from the agate-tipped arrows of the savages; and it rendered both man and beast ill-fitted to cope with their agile foes in any extremity, besides being a frightful burden in those tropic heats. the "artillery" of the times was almost as worthless as the ridiculous arquebuses. as to their treatment of the natives, there was incomparably less cruelty suffered by the indians who opposed the spaniards than by those who lay in the path of any other european colonizers. the spanish did not obliterate _any_ aboriginal nation,--as our ancestors obliterated scores,--but followed the first necessarily bloody lesson with humane education and care. indeed, the actual indian population of the spanish possessions in america is larger to-day than it was at the time of the conquest; and in that astounding contrast of conditions, and its lesson as to contrast of methods, is sufficient answer to the distorters of history. before we come to the great conquerors, however, we must outline the eventful career and tragic end of the discoverer of the pacific ocean, vasco nuñez de balboa. in one of the noblest poems in the english language we read,- "like stout cortes, when with eagle eyes he stared at the pacific, and all his men looked at each other with a wild surmise, silent upon a peak in darien." but keats was mistaken. it was not cortez who first saw the pacific, but balboa,--five years before cortez came to the mainland of america at all. balboa was born in the province of estremadura, spain, in 1475. in 1501 he sailed with bastidas for the new world, and then saw darien, but settled on the island of española. nine years later he sailed to darien with enciso, and there remained. life in the new world then was a troublous affair, and the first years of balboa's life there were eventful enough, though we must pass them over. quarrels presently arose in the colony of darien. enciso was deposed and shipped back to spain a prisoner, and balboa took command. enciso, upon his arrival in spain, laid all the blame upon balboa, and got him condemned by the king for high treason. learning of this, balboa determined upon a master-stroke whose brilliancy should restore him to the royal favor. from the natives he had heard of the other ocean and of peru,--neither yet seen by european eyes,--and made up his mind to find them. in september, 1513, he sailed to coyba with one hundred and ninety men, and from that point, with only ninety followers, tramped across the isthmus to the pacific,--for its length one of the most frightful journeys imaginable. it was on the 26th of september, 1513, that from the summit of the divide the tattered, bleeding heroes looked down upon the blue infinity of the south sea,--for it was not called the pacific until long after. they descended to the coast; and balboa, wading out knee-deep into the new ocean, holding aloft in his right hand his slender sword, and in his left the proud flag of spain, took solemn possession of the south sea in the name of the king of spain. the explorers got back to darien jan. 18, 1514, and balboa sent to spain an account of his great discovery. but pedro arias de avila had already sailed from the mother country to supplant him. at last, however, balboa's brilliant news reached the king, who forgave him, and made him adelantado; and soon after he married the daughter of pedro arias. still full of great plans, balboa carried the necessary material across the isthmus with infinite toil, and on the shores of the blue pacific put together the first ships in the americas,--two brigantines. with these he took possession of the pearl islands, and then started out to find peru, but was driven back by storms to an ignoble fate. his father-in-law, becoming jealous of balboa's brilliant prospects, enticed him back to darien by a treacherous message, seized him, and had him publicly executed, on the trumped-up charge of high treason, in 1517. balboa had in him the making of an explorer of the first rank, and but for de avila's shameless deed might probably have won even higher honors. his courage was sheer audacity, and his energy tireless; but he was unwisely careless in his attitude toward the crown. v. the chapter of conquest. while the discoverer of the greatest ocean was still striving to probe its farther mysteries, a handsome, athletic, brilliant young spaniard, who was destined to make much more noise in history, was just beginning to be heard of on the threshold of america, of whose central kingdoms he was soon to be conqueror. hernando cortez came of a noble but impoverished spanish family, and was born in estremadura ten years later than balboa. at the age of fourteen he was sent to the university of salamanca to study for the law; but the adventurous spirit of the man was already strong in the slender lad, and in a couple of years he left college, and went home determined upon a life of roving. the air was full of columbus and his new world; and what spirited youth could stay to pore in musty law-books then? not the irrepressible hernando, surely. accidents prevented him from accompanying two expeditions for which he had made ready; but at last, in 1504, he sailed to san domingo, in which new colony of spain he made such a record that ovando, the commander, several times promoted him, and he earned the reputation of a model soldier. in 1511 he accompanied velasquez to cuba, and was made _alcalde_ (judge) of santiago, where he won further praise by his courage and firmness in several important crises. meantime francisco hernandez de cordova, the discoverer of yucatan,--a hero with this mere mention of whom we must content ourselves,--had reported his important discovery. a year later, grijalva, the lieutenant of velasquez, had followed cordova's course, and gone farther north, until at last he discovered mexico. he made no attempt, however, to conquer or to colonize the new land; whereat velasquez was so indignant that he threw grijalva in disgrace, and intrusted the conquest to cortez. the ambitious young spaniard sailed from santiago (cuba) nov. 18, 1518, with less than seven hundred men and twelve little cannon of the class called falconets. no sooner was he fairly off than velasquez repented having given him such a chance for distinction, and directly sent out a force to arrest and bring him back. but cortez was the idol of his little army, and secure in its fondness for him he bade defiance to the emissaries of velasquez, and held on his way.[4] he landed on the coast of mexico march 4, 1519, near where is now the city of vera cruz (the true cross), which he founded,--the first european town on the mainland of america as far north as mexico. the landing of the spaniards caused as great a sensation as would the arrival in new york to-day of an army from mars.[5] the awe-struck natives had never before seen a horse (for it was the spanish who brought the first horses, cattle, sheep, and other domestic animals to the new world), and decided that these strange, pale new-comers who sat on four-legged beasts, and had shirts of iron and sticks that made thunder, must indeed be gods. here the adventurers were inflamed by golden stories of montezuma,--a myth which befooled cortez no more egregiously than it has befooled some modern historians, who seem unable to discriminate between what cortez _heard_ and what he _found_. he was told that montezuma--whose name is properly moctezuma, or motecuzoma, meaning "our angry chief"--was "emperor" of mexico, and that thirty "kings," called _caciques_, were his vassals; that he had incalculable wealth and absolute power, and dwelt in a blaze of gold and precious stones! even some most charming historians have fallen into the sad blunder of accepting these impossible myths. mexico never had but two emperors,--augustin de iturbide and the hapless maximilian,--both in this present century; and moctezuma was neither its emperor nor even its king. the social and political organization of the ancient mexicans was exactly like that of the pueblo indians of new mexico at the present day,--a military democracy, with a mighty and complicated religious organization as its "power behind the throne." moctezuma was merely tlacatécutle, or head war-chief of the nahuatl (the ancient mexicans), and neither the supreme nor the only executive. of just how little importance he really was may be gathered from his fate. having founded vera cruz, cortez caused himself to be elected governor and captain-general (the highest military rank)[6] of the new country; and having burned his ships, like the famous greek commander, that there might be no retreat, he began his march into the grim wilderness before him. it was now that cortez began to show particularly that military genius which lifted him so far above all other pioneers of america except pizarro. with only a handful of men,--for he had left part of his forces at vera cruz, under his lieutenant escalante,--in an unknown land swarming with powerful and savage foes, mere courage and brute force would have stood him in little stead. but with a diplomacy as rare as it was brilliant, he found the weak spots in the indian organization, widened the jealous breaches between tribes, made allies of those who were secretly or openly opposed to moctezuma's federation of tribes,--a league which somewhat resembled the six nations of our own history,--and thus vastly reduced the forces to be directly conquered. having routed the tribes of tlacala (pronounced tlash-cáh-lah) and cholula, cortez came at last to the strange lake-city of mexico, with his little spanish troop swelled by six thousand indian allies. moctezuma received him with great ceremony, but undoubtedly with treacherous intent. while he was entertaining his visitors in one of the huge adobe houses,--not a "palace," as the histories tell us, for there were no palaces whatever in mexico,--one of the sub-chiefs of his league attacked escalante's little garrison at vera cruz and killed several spaniards, including escalante himself. the head of the spanish lieutenant was sent to the city of mexico,--for the indians south of what is now the united states took not merely the scalp but the whole head of an enemy. this was a direful disaster, not so much for the loss of the few men as because it proved to the indians (as the senders intended it to prove) that the spaniards were not immortal gods after all, but could be killed the same as other men. as soon as cortez heard the ill news he saw this danger at once, and made a bold stroke to save himself. he had already strongly fortified the adobe building in which the spaniards were quartered; and now, going by night with his officers to the house of the head war-captain, he seized moctezuma and threatened to kill him unless he at once gave up the indians who had attacked vera cruz. moctezuma delivered them up, and cortez at once had them burned in public. this was a cruel thing, though it was undoubtedly necessary to make some vivid impression on the savages or be at once annihilated by them. there is no apology for this barbarity, yet it is only just that we measure cortez by the standard of his time,--and it was a very cruel world everywhere then. it is amusing here to read in pretentious text-books that "cortez now ironed montezuma and made him pay a ransom of six hundred thousand marks of pure gold and an immense quantity of precious stones." that is on a par with the impossible fables which lured so many of the early spaniards to disappointment and death, and is a fair sample of the gilded glamour with which equally credulous historians still surround early america. moctezuma did not buy himself free,--he never was free again,--and he paid no ransom of gold; while as for precious stones, he may have had a few native garnets and worthless green turquoises, and perhaps even an emerald pebble, but nothing more. just at this crisis in the affairs of cortez he was threatened from another quarter. news came that pamfilo de narvaez, of whom we shall see more presently, had landed with eight hundred men to arrest cortez and carry him back prisoner for his disobedience of velasquez. but here again the genius of the conqueror of mexico saved him. marching against narvaez with one hundred and forty men, he arrested narvaez, enlisted under his own banner the welcome eight hundred who had come to arrest him, and hastened back to the city of mexico. here he found matters growing daily to more deadly menace. alvarado, whom he had left in command, had apparently precipitated trouble by attacking an indian dance. wanton as that may seem and has been charged with being, it was only a military necessity, recognized by all who really know the aborigines even to this day. the closet-explorers have pictured the spaniards as wickedly falling upon an aboriginal _festival_; but that is simply because of ignorance of the subject. an indian dance is _not_ a festival; it is generally, and was in this case, a grim rehearsal for murder. an indian never dances "for fun," and his dances too often mean anything but fun for other people. in a word, alvarado, seeing in progress a dance which was plainly only the superstitious prelude to a massacre, had tried to arrest the medicine-men and other ringleaders. had he succeeded, the trouble would have been over for a time at least. but the indians were too numerous for his little force, and the chief instigators of war escaped. when cortez came back with his eight hundred strangely-acquired recruits, he found the whole city with its mask thrown off, and his men penned up in their barracks. the savages quietly let cortez enter the trap, and then closed it so that there was no more getting out. there were the few hundred spaniards cooped up in their prison, and the four dykes which were the only approaches to it--for the city of mexico was an american venice--swarming with savage foes by the countless thousands. the indian makes very few excuses for failure; and the nahuatl had already elected a new head war-captain named cuitlahuátzin in place of the unsuccessful moctezuma. the latter was still a prisoner; and when the spaniards brought him out upon the housetop to speak to his people in their behalf, the infuriated multitude of indians pelted him to death with stones. then, under their new war-captain, they attacked the spaniards so furiously that neither the strong walls nor the clumsy falconets, and clumsier flintlocks, could withstand them; and there was nothing for the spaniards but to cut their way out along one of the dykes in a last desperate struggle for life. the beginning of that six days' retreat was one of the bitterest pages in american history. then was the noche triste (the sad night), still celebrated in spanish song and story. for that dark night many a proud home in mother spain was never bright again, and many a fond heart broke with the crimson bubbles on the lake of tezcuco. in those few ghastly hours two thirds of the conquerors were slain; and across more than eight hundred spanish corpses the frenzied savages pursued the bleeding survivors. after a fearful retreat of six days, came the important running fight in the plains of otumba, where the spaniards were entirely surrounded, but cut their way out after a desperate hand-to-hand struggle which really decided the fate of mexico. cortez marched to tlacala, raised an army of indians who were hostile to the federation, and with their help laid siege to the city of mexico. this siege lasted seventy-three days, and was the most remarkable in the history of all america. there was hard fighting every day. the indians made a superb defence; but at last the genius of cortez triumphed, and on the 13th of august, 1521, he marched victorious into the second greatest aboriginal city in the new world. these wonderful exploits of cortez, so briefly outlined here, awoke boundless admiration in spain, and caused the crown to overlook his insubordination to velasquez. the complaints of velasquez were disregarded, and charles v. appointed cortez governor and captain-general of mexico, besides making him marquis de oaxaca with a handsome revenue. safely established in this high authority, cortez crushed a plot against him, and executed the new war-captain, with many of the caciques (who were not potentates at all, but religious-military officers, whose hold on the superstitions of the indians made them dangerous). but cortez, whose genius shone only the brighter when the difficulties and dangers before him seemed insurmountable, tripped up on that which has thrown so many,--success. unlike his unlearned but nobler and greater cousin pizarro, prosperity spoiled him, and turned his head and his heart. despite the unstudious criticisms of some historians, cortez was not a cruel conqueror. he was not only a great military genius, but was very merciful to the indians, and was much beloved by them. the so-called massacre at cholula was not a blot on his career as has been alleged. the truth, as vindicated at last by real history, is this: the indians had treacherously drawn him into a trap under pretext of friendship. not until too late to retreat did he learn that the savages meant to massacre him. when he did see his danger, there was but one chance,--namely, to surprise the surprisers, to strike them before they were ready to strike him; and this is only what he did. cholula was simply a case of the biter bitten. no, cortez was not cruel to the indians; but as soon as his rule was established he became a cruel tyrant to his own countrymen, a traitor to his friends and even to his king,--and, worst of all, a cool assassin. there is strong evidence that he had "removed" several persons who were in the way of his unholy ambitions; and the crowning infamy was in the fate of his own wife. cortez had long for a mistress the handsome indian girl malinche; but after he had conquered mexico, his lawful wife came to the country to share his fortunes. he did not love her, however, as much as he did his ambition; and she was in his way. at last she was found in her bed one morning, strangled to death. carried away by his ambition, he actually plotted open rebellion against spain and to make himself emperor of mexico. the crown got wind of this precious plan, and sent out emissaries who seized his goods, imprisoned his men, and prepared to thwart his secret schemes. cortez boldly hastened to spain, where he met his sovereign with great splendor. charles received him well, and decorated him with the illustrious order of santiago, the patron saint of spain. but his star was already declining; and though he was allowed to return to mexico with undiminished outward power, he was thenceforth watched, and did nothing more that was comparable with his wonderful earlier achievements. he had become too unscrupulous, too vindictive, and too unsafe to be left in authority; and after a few years the crown was forced to appoint a viceroy to wield the civil power of mexico, leaving to cortez only the military command, and permission for further conquests. in 1536 cortez discovered lower california, and explored part of its gulf. at last, disgusted with his inferior position where he had once been supreme, he returned to spain, where the emperor received him coldly. in 1541 he accompanied his sovereign to algiers as an attaché, and in the wars there acquitted himself well. soon after their return to spain, however, he found himself neglected. it is said that one day when charles was riding in state, cortez forced his way to the royal carriage and mounted upon the step determined to force recognition. "who are you?" demanded the angry emperor. "a man, your highness," retorted the haughty conqueror of mexico, "who has given you more _provinces_ than your forefathers left you _cities_!" whether the story is true or not, it graphically illustrates the arrogance as well as the services of cortez. he lacked the modest balance of the greatest greatness, just as columbus had lacked it. the self-assertion of either would have been impossible to the greater man than either,--the self-possessed pizarro. at last, in disgust, cortez retired from court; and on the 2d of december, 1554, the man who had first opened the interior of america to the world died near seville. there were some in south america whose achievements were as wondrous as those of cortez in mexico. the conquest of the two continents was practically contemporaneous, and equally marked by the highest military genius, the most dauntless courage, the overcoming of dangers which were appalling, and hardships which were wellnigh superhuman. francisco pizarro, the unlettered but invincible conqueror of peru, was fifteen years older than his brilliant cousin cortez, and was born in the same province of spain. he began to be heard of in america in 1510. from 1524 to 1532 he was making superhuman efforts to get to the unknown and golden land of peru, overcoming such obstacles as not even columbus had encountered, and enduring greater dangers and hardships than napoleon or cæsar ever met. from 1532 to his death in 1541, he was busy in conquering and exploring that enormous area, and founding a new nation amid its fierce tribes,--fighting off not only the vast hordes of indians, but also the desperate men of his own forces, by whose treachery he at last perished. pizarro found and tamed the richest country in the new world; and with all his unparalleled sufferings still realized, more than any other of the conquerors, the golden dreams which all pursued. probably no other conquest in the world's history yielded such rapid and bewildering wealth, as certainly none was bought more dearly in hardship and heroism. pizarro's conquest has been most unjustly dealt with by some historians ignorant of the real facts in the case, and blinded by prejudice; but that marvellous story, told in detail farther on, is coming to its proper rank as one of the most stupendous and gallant feats in all history. it is the story of a hero to whom every true american, young or old, will be glad to do justice. pizarro has been long misrepresented as a blood-stained and cruel conqueror, a selfish, unprincipled, unreliable man; but in the clear, true light of real history he stands forth now as one of the greatest of self-made men, and one who, considering his chances, deserves the utmost respect and admiration for the man he made of himself. the conquest of peru did not by far cause as much bloodshed as the final reduction of the indian tribes of virginia. it counted scarcely as many indian victims as king philip's war, and was much less bloody, because more straightforward and honorable, than any of the british conquests in east india. the most bloody events in peru came after the conquest was over, when the spaniards fell to fighting one another; and in this pizarro was not the aggressor but the victim. it was the treachery of his own allies,--the men whose fames and fortunes he had made. his conquest covered a land as big as california, oregon, and most of washington,--or as our whole seaboard from nova scotia to port royal and two hundred miles inland,--swarming with the best organized and most advanced indians in the western hemisphere; and he did it all with less than three hundred gaunt and tattered men. he was one of the great captains of all time, and almost as remarkable as organizer and executive of a new empire, the first on the pacific shore of the southern continent. to this greatness rose the friendless, penniless, ignorant swineherd of truxillo! pedro de valdivia, the conqueror of chile, subdued that vast area of the deadly araucanians with an "army" of two hundred men. he established the first colony in chile in 1540, and in the following february founded the present city of santiago de chile. of his long and deadly wars with the araucanians there is not space to speak here. he was killed by the savages dec. 3, 1553, with nearly all his men, after an indescribably desperate struggle. there is not space to tell here of the wondrous doings in the southern continent or the lower point of this,--the conquest of nicaragua by gil gonzales davila in 1523; the conquest of guatemala, by pedro de alvarado, in 1524; that of yucatan by francisco de montijo, beginning in 1526; that of new granada by gonzalo ximenez de quesada, in 1536; the conquests and exploration of bolivia, the amazon, and the orinoco (to whose falls the spaniards had penetrated by 1530, by almost superhuman efforts); the unparalleled indian wars with the araucanians in chile (for two centuries), with the tarrahumares in chihuahua, the tepehuanes in durango, the still untamed yaquis in northwestern mexico; the exploits of captain martin de hurdaide (the daniel boone of sinaloa and sonora); and of hundreds of other unrecorded spanish heroes, who would have been world-renowned had they been more accessible to the fame-maker. footnotes: [4] this mutiny against velasquez was the first hint of the unscrupulous man who was finally to turn complete traitor to spain. [5] tezozomoc, the indian historian, graphically describes the wonder of the natives. [6] another specific act of treason. vi. a girdle round the world. before cortez had yet conquered mexico, or pizarro or valdivia seen the lands with which their names were to be linked for all time, other spaniards--less conquerors, but as great explorers--were rapidly shaping the geography of the new world. france, too, had aroused somewhat; and in 1500 her brave son captain de gonneville sailed to brazil. but between him and the next pioneer, who was a florentine in french pay, was a gap of twenty-four years; and in that time spain had accomplished four most important feats. fernão magalhaes, whom we know as ferdinand magellan, was born in portugal in 1470; and on reaching manhood adopted the seafaring life, to which his adventurous disposition prompted. the old world was then ringing with the new; and magellan longed to explore the americas. being very shabbily treated by the king of portugal, he enlisted under the banner of spain, where his talents found recognition. he sailed from spain in command of a spanish expedition, august 10, 1519; and steering farther south than ever man had sailed before, he discovered cape horn, and the straits which bear his name. fate did not spare him to carry his discoveries farther, nor to reap the reward of those he had made; for during this voyage (in 1521) he was butchered by the natives of one of the islands of the moluccas. his heroic lieutenant, juan sebastian de elcano, then took command, and continued the voyage until he had circumnavigated the globe for the first time in its history. upon his return to spain, the crown rewarded his brilliant achievements, and gave him, among other honors, a coat-of-arms emblazoned with a globe and the motto, _tu primum circumdedisti me_,--"thou first didst go around me." juan ponce de leon, the discoverer of florida,--the first state of our union that was seen by europeans,--was as ill-fated an explorer as magellan; for he came to "the flowery land" (to which he had been lured by the wild myth of a fountain of perennial youth) only to be slain by its savages. de leon was born in san servas, spain, in the latter part of the fifteenth century. he was the conqueror of the island of puerto rico, and sailing in 1512 to find florida,--of which he had heard through the indians,--discovered the new land in the same year, and took possession of it for spain. he was given the title of adelantado of florida, and in 1521 returned with three ships to conquer his new country, but was at once wounded mortally in a fight with the indians, and died on his return to cuba. he, by the way, was one of the bold spaniards who accompanied columbus on his second voyage to america, in 1493. [illustration: autograph of hernando de soto.] more of the credit of florida belongs to hernando de soto. that gallant _conquistador_ was born in estremadura, spain, about 1496. pedro arias de avila took a liking to his bright young kinsman, helped him to obtain a university education, and in 1519 took him along on his expedition to darien. de soto won golden opinions in the new world, and came to be trusted as a prudent yet fearless officer. in 1528 he commanded an expedition to explore the coast of guatemala and yucatan, and in 1532 led a reinforcement of three hundred men to assist pizarro in the conquest of peru. in that golden land de soto captured great wealth; and the young soldier of fortune, who had landed in america with no more than his sword and shield, returned to spain with what was in those days an enormous fortune. there he married a daughter of his benefactor de avila, and thus became brother-in-law of the discoverer of the pacific,--balboa. de soto lent part of his soon-earned fortune to charles v., whose constant wars had drained the royal coffers, and charles sent him out as governor of cuba and adelantado of the new province of florida. he sailed in 1538 with an army of six hundred men, richly equipped,--a company of adventurous spaniards attracted to the banner of their famous countryman by the desire for discovery and gold. the expedition landed in florida, at espiritu santo bay, in may, 1539, and re-took possession of the unguessed wilderness for spain. but the brilliant success which had attended de soto in the highlands of peru seemed to desert him altogether in the swamps of florida. it is note-worthy that nearly all the explorers who did wonders in south america failed when their operations were transferred to the northern continent. the physical geography of the two was so absolutely unlike, that, after becoming accustomed to the necessities of the one, the explorer seemed unable to adapt himself to the contrary conditions of the other. de soto and his men wandered through the southern part of what is now the united states for four ghastly years. it is probable that their travels took them through the present states of florida, georgia, arkansas, mississippi, alabama, louisiana, and the northeastern corner of texas. in 1541 they reached the mississippi river; and theirs were the first european eyes to look upon the father of waters, anywhere save at its mouth,--a century and a quarter before the heroic frenchmen marquette and la salle saw it. they spent that winter along the washita; and in the early summer of 1542, as they were returning down the mississippi, brave de soto died, and his body was laid to rest in the bosom of the mighty river he had discovered,--two centuries before any "american" saw it. his suffering and disheartened men passed a frightful winter there; and in 1543, under command of the lieutenant moscoso, they built rude vessels, and sailed down the mississippi to the gulf in nineteen days,--the first navigation in our part of america. from the delta they made their way westward along the coast, and at last reached panuco, mexico, after such a five years of hardship and suffering as no saxon explorer of america ever experienced. it was nearly a century and a half after de soto's gaunt army of starving men had taken louisiana for spain that it became a french possession,--which the united states bought from france over a century later yet. [illustration: the rock of acoma. _see page 125._] so when verazzano--the florentine sent out by france--reached america in 1524, coasted the atlantic seaboard from somewhere about south carolina to newfoundland, and gave the world a short description of what he saw, spain had circumnavigated the globe, reached the southern tip of the new world, conquered a vast territory, and discovered at least half-a-dozen of our present states, since the last visit of a frenchman to america. as for england, she was almost as unheard of still on this side of the earth as though she had never existed. between de leon and de soto, florida was visited in 1518 by francisco de garay, the conqueror of tampico. he came to subdue the flowery land, but failed, and died soon after in mexico,--the probability being that he was poisoned by order of cortez. he left even less mark on florida than did de leon, and belongs to the class of spanish explorers who, though real heroes, achieved unimportant results, and are too numerous to be even catalogued here. in 1527 there sailed from spain the most disastrous expedition which was ever sent to the new world,--an expedition notable but for two things, that it was perhaps the saddest in history, and that it brought the man who first of all men crossed the american continent, and indeed made one of the most wonderful walks since the world began. panfilo de narvaez--who had so ignominiously failed in his attempt to arrest cortez--was commander, with authority to conquer florida; and his treasurer was alvar nuñez cabeza de vaca. in 1528 the company landed in florida, and forthwith began a record of horror that makes the blood run cold. shipwreck, savages, and starvation made such havoc with the doomed band that when in 1529 vaca and three companions found themselves slaves to the indians they were the sole survivors of the expedition. vaca and his companions wandered from florida to the gulf of california, suffering incredible dangers and tortures, reaching there after a wandering which lasted over eight years. vaca's heroism was rewarded. the king made him governor of paraguay in 1540; but he was as unfit for such a post as columbus had been for a viceroy, and soon came back in irons to spain, where he died. but it was through his accounts of what he saw in that astounding journey (for vaca was an educated man, and has left us two very interesting and valuable books) that his countrymen were roused to begin in earnest the exploration and colonization of what is now the united states,--to build the first cities and till the first farms of the greatest nation on earth. the thirty years following the conquest of mexico by cortez saw an astounding change in the new world. they were brimful of wonders. brilliant discovery, unparalleled exploration, gallant conquest, and heroic colonization followed one another in a bewildering rush,--and but for the brave yet limited exploits of the portuguese in south america, spain was all alone in it. from kansas to cape horn was one vast spanish possession, save parts of brazil where the portuguese hero cabral had taken a joint foothold for his country. hundreds of spanish towns had been built; spanish schools, universities, printing-presses, books, and churches were beginning their work of enlightenment in the dark continents of america, and the tireless followers of santiago were still pressing on. america, particularly mexico, was being rapidly settled by spaniards. the growth of the colonies was very remarkable for those times,--that is, where there were any resources to support a growing population. the city of puebla, for instance, in the mexican state of the same name, was founded in 1532 and began with thirty-three settlers. in 1678 it had eighty thousand people, which is twenty thousand more than new york city had one hundred and twenty-two years later. vii. spain in the united states. cortez was still captain-general when cabeza de vaca came into the spanish settlements from his eight years' wandering, with news of strange countries to the north; but antonio de mendoza was viceroy of mexico, and cortez' superior, and between him and the traitorous conqueror was endless dissension. cortez was working for himself, mendoza for spain. as mexico became more and more thickly dotted with spanish settlements, the attention of the restless world-finders began to wander toward the mysteries of the vast and unknown country to the north. the strange things vaca had seen, and the stranger ones he had heard, could not fail to excite the dauntless rovers to whom he told them. indeed, within a year after the arrival in mexico of the first transcontinental traveller, two more of our present states were found by his countrymen as the direct result of his narratives. and now we come to one of the best-slandered men of them all,--fray marcos de nizza, the discoverer of arizona and new mexico. fray (brother) marcos was a native of the province of nizza, then a part of savoy, and must have come to america in 1531. he accompanied pizarro to peru, and thence finally returned to mexico. he was the first to explore the unknown lands of which vaca had heard such wonderful reports from the indians, though he had never seen them himself,--"the seven cities of cibola, full of gold," and countless other marvels. fray marcos started on foot from culiacan (in sinaloa, on the western edge of mexico) in the spring of 1539, with the negro estévanico, who had been one of vaca's companions, and a few indians. a lay brother, onorato, who started with him, fell sick at once and went no farther. now, here was a genuine spanish exploration, a fair sample of hundreds,--this fearless priest, unarmed, with a score of unreliable men, starting on a year's walk through a desert where even in this day of railroads and highways and trails and developed water men yearly lose their lives by thirst, to say nothing of the thousands who have been killed there by indians. but trifles like these only whetted the appetite of the spaniard; and fray marcos kept his footsore way, until early in june, 1539, he actually came to the seven cities of cibola. these were in the extreme west of new mexico, around the present strange indian pueblo of zuñi, which is all that is left of those famous cities, and is itself to-day very much as the hero-priest saw it three hundred and fifty years ago. at the foot of the wonderful cliff of toyallahnah, the sacred thunder mountain of zuñi, the negro estévanico was killed by the indians, and fray marcos escaped a similar fate only by a hasty retreat. he learned what he could of the strange terraced towns of which he got a glimpse, and returned to mexico with great news. he has been accused of misrepresentation and exaggeration in his reports; but if his critics had not been so ignorant of the locality, of the indians and of their traditions, they never would have spoken. fray marcos's statements were absolutely truthful. when the good priest told his story, we may be sure that there was a pricking-up of ears throughout new spain (the general spanish name then for mexico); and as soon as ever an armed expedition could be fitted out, it started for the seven cities of cibola, with fray marcos himself as guide. of that expedition you shall hear in a moment. fray marcos accompanied it as far as zuñi, and then returned to mexico, being sadly crippled by rheumatism, from which he never fully recovered. he died in the convent in the city of mexico, march 25, 1558. the man whom fray marcos led to the seven cities of cibola was the greatest explorer that ever trod the northern continent, though his explorations brought to himself only disaster and bitterness,--francisco vasquez de coronado. a native of salamanca, spain, coronado was young, ambitious, and already renowned. he was governor of the mexican province of new galicia when the news of the seven cities came. mendoza, against the strong opposition of cortez, decided upon a move which would rid the country of a few hundred daring young spanish blades with whom peace did not at all agree, and at the same time conquer new countries for the crown. so he gave coronado command of an expedition of about two hundred and fifty spaniards to colonize the lands which fray marcos had discovered, with strict orders never to come back! coronado and his little army left culiacan early in 1540. guided by the tireless priest they reached zuñi in july, and took the pueblo after a sharp fight, which was the end of hostilities there. thence coronado sent small expeditions to the strange cliff-built pueblos of moqui (in the northeastern part of arizona), to the grand cañon of the colorado, and to the pueblo of jemez in northern new mexico. that winter he moved his whole command to tiguex, where is now the pretty new mexican village of bernalillo, on the rio grande, and there had a serious and discreditable war with the tigua pueblos. it was here that he heard that golden myth which lured him to frightful hardships, and hundreds since to death,--the fable of the quivira. this, so indians from the vast plains assured him, was an indian city where all was pure gold. in the spring of 1541 coronado and his men started in quest of the quivira, and marched as far across those awful plains as the centre of our present indian territory. here, seeing that he had been deceived, coronado sent back his army to tiguex, and himself with thirty men pushed on across the arkansas river, and as far as northeastern kansas,--that is, three-fourths of the way from the gulf of california to new york, and by his circuitous route much farther. there he found the tribe of the quiviras,--roaming savages who chased the buffalo,--but they neither had gold nor knew where it was. coronado got back at last to bernalillo, after an absence of three months of incessant marching and awful hardships. soon after his return, he was so seriously injured by a fall from his horse that his life was in great danger. he passed the crisis, but his health was wrecked; and disheartened by his broken body and by the unredeemed disappointments of the forbidding land he had hoped to settle, he gave up all hope of colonizing new mexico, and in the summer of 1542 returned to mexico with his men. his disobedience to the viceroy in coming back cast him into disgrace, and he passed the remainder of his life in comparative obscurity. this was a sad end for the remarkable man who had found out so many thousands of miles of the thirsty southwest nearly three centuries before any of our blood saw any of it,--a well-born, college-bred, ambitious, and dashing soldier, and the idol of his troops. as an explorer he stands unequalled, but as a colonizer he utterly failed. he was a city-bred man, and no frontiersman; and being accustomed only to jalisco and the parts of mexico which lie along the gulf of california, he knew nothing of, and could not adapt himself to, the fearful deserts of arizona and new mexico. it was not until half a century later, when there came a spaniard who was a born frontiersman of the arid lands, that new mexico was successfully colonized. while the discoverer of the indian territory and kansas was chasing a golden fable across their desolate plains, his countrymen had found and were exploring another of our states,--our golden garden of california. hernando de alarcon, in 1540, sailed up the colorado river to a great distance from the gulf, probably as far as great bend; and in 1543 juan rodriguez cabrillo explored the pacific coast of california to a hundred miles north of where san francisco was to be founded more than three centuries later. after the discouraging discoveries of coronado, the spaniards for many years paid little attention to new mexico. there was enough doing in mexico itself to keep even that indomitable spanish energy busy for awhile in the civilizing of their new empire. fray pedro de gante had founded in mexico, in 1524, the first schools in the new world; and thereafter every church and convent in spanish america had always a school for the indians attached. in 1524 there was not a single indian in mexico's countless thousands who knew what letters were; but twenty years later such large numbers of them had learned to read and write that bishop zumarraga had a book made for them in their own language. by 1543 there were even industrial schools for the indians in mexico. it was this same good bishop zumarraga who brought the first printing-press to the new world, in 1536. it was set up in the city of mexico, and was soon very actively at work. the oldest book printed in america that remains to us came from that press in 1539. a majority of the first books printed there were to make the indian languages intelligible,--a policy of humane scholarship which no other nation colonizing in the new world ever copied. the first music printed in america came from this press in 1584. the most striking thing of all, as showing the scholarly attitude of the spaniards toward the new continents, was a result entirely unique. not only did their intellectual activity breed among themselves a galaxy of eminent writers, but in a very few years there was a school of important _indian authors_. it would be an irreparable loss to knowledge of the true history of america if we were to lose the chronicles of such indian writers as tezozomoc, camargo, and pomar, in mexico; juan de santa cruz, pachacuti yamqui salcamayhua, in peru; and many others. and what a gain to science if we had taken pains to raise up our own aborigines to such helpfulness to themselves and to human knowledge! in all other enlightened pursuits which the world then knew, spain's sons were making remarkable progress here. in geography, natural history, natural philosophy, and other sciences they were as truly the pioneers of america as they had been in discovery. it is a startling fact that so early as 1579 a public autopsy on the body of an indian was held at the university of mexico, to determine the nature of an epidemic which was then devastating new spain. it is doubtful if by that time they had got so far in london itself. and in still extant books of the same period we find plans for repeating firearms, and a plain hint of the telephone! the first printing-press did not reach the english colonies of america until 1638,--nearly one hundred years behind mexico. the whole world came very slowly to newspapers; and the first authentic newspaper in its history was published in germany in 1615. the first one in england began in 1622; and the american colonies never had one until 1704. the "mercurio volante" (flying mercury), a pamphlet which printed news, was running in the city of mexico before 1693. when the ill reports of coronado had largely been forgotten, there began another spanish movement into new mexico and arizona. in the mean time there had been very important doings in florida. the many failures in that unlucky land had not deterred the spaniards from further attempts to colonize it. at last, in 1560, the first permanent foothold was effected there by aviles de menendez, a brutal spaniard, who nevertheless had the honor of founding and naming the oldest city in the united states,--st. augustine, 1560. menendez found there a little colony of french-huguenots, who had wandered thither the year before under ribault; and those whom he captured he hanged, with a placard saying that they were executed "not as frenchmen, but as heretics." two years later, the french expedition of dominique de gourges captured the three spanish forts which had been built there, and hanged the colonists "not as spaniards, but as assassins,"--which was a very neat revenge in rhetoric, if an unpraiseworthy one in deed. in 1586 sir francis drake, whose piratical proclivities have already been alluded to, destroyed the friendly colony of st. augustine; but it was at once rebuilt. in 1763 florida was ceded to great britain by spain, in exchange for havana, which albemarle had captured the year before. it is also interesting to note that the spaniards had been to virginia nearly thirty years before sir walter raleigh's attempt to establish a colony there, and full half a century before capt. john smith's visit. as early as 1556 chesapeake bay was known to the spaniards as the bay of santa maria; and an unsuccessful expedition had been sent to colonize the country. in 1581 three spanish missionaries--fray agostin rodriguez, fray francisco lopez, and fray juan de santa maria--started from santa barbara, chihuahua (mexico), with an escort of nine spanish soldiers under command of francisco sanchez chamuscado. they trudged up along the rio grande to where bernalillo now is,--a walk of a thousand miles. there the missionaries remained to teach the gospel, while the soldiers explored the country as far as zuñi, and then returned to santa barbara. chamuscado died on the way. as for the brave missionaries who had been left behind in the wilderness, they soon became martyrs. fray santa maria was slain by the indians near san pedro, while trudging back to mexico alone that fall. fray rodriguez and fray lopez were assassinated by their treacherous flock at puaray, in december, 1581. in the following year antonio de espejo, a wealthy native of cordova, started from santa barbara in chihuahua, with fourteen men to face the deserts and the savages of new mexico. he marched up the rio grande to some distance above where albuquerque now stands, meeting no opposition from the pueblo indians. he visited their cities of zia, jemez, lofty acoma, zuñi, and far-off moqui, and travelled a long way out into northern arizona. returning to the rio grande, he visited the pueblo of pecos, went down the pecos river into texas, and thence crossed back to santa barbara. he intended to return and colonize new mexico, but his death (probably in 1585) ended these plans; and the only important result of his gigantic journey was an addition to the geographical and ethnological knowledge of the day. in 1590 gaspar castaño de sosa, lieutenant-governor of new leon, was so anxious to explore new mexico that he made an expedition without leave from the viceroy. he came up the pecos river and crossed to the rio grande; and at the pueblo of santo domingo was arrested by captain morlette, who had come all the way from mexico on that sole errand, and carried home in irons. juan de oñate, the colonizer of new mexico, and founder of the second town within the limits of the united states, as well as of the city which is now our next oldest, was born in zacatecas, mexico. his family (which came from biscay) had discovered (in 1548) and now owned some of the richest mines in the world,--those of zacatecas. but despite the "golden spoon in his mouth," oñate desired to be an explorer. the crown refused to provide for further expeditions into the disappointing north; and about 1595 oñate made a contract with the viceroy of new spain to colonize new mexico at his own expense. he made all preparations, and fitted out his costly expedition. just then a new viceroy was appointed, who kept him waiting in mexico with all his men for over two years, ere the necessary permission was given him to start. at last, early in 1597, he set out with his expedition,--which had cost him the equivalent of a million dollars, before it stirred a step. he took with him four hundred colonists, including two hundred soldiers, with women and children, and herds of sheep and cattle. taking formal possession of new mexico may 30, 1598, he moved up the rio grande to where the hamlet of chamita now is (north of santa fé), and there founded, in september of that year, san gabriel de los españoles (st. gabriel of the spaniards), the second town in the united states. oñate was remarkable not only for his success in colonizing a country so forbidding as this then was, but also as an explorer. he ransacked all the country round about, travelled to acoma and put down a revolt of its indians, and in 1600 made an expedition clear up into nebraska. in 1604, with thirty men, he marched from san gabriel across that grim desert to the gulf of california, and returned to san gabriel in april, 1605. by that time the english had penetrated no farther into the interior of america than forty or fifty miles from the atlantic coast. in 1605 oñate founded santa fé, the city of the holy faith of st. francis, about whose age a great many foolish fables have been written. the city actually celebrated the three hundred and thirty-third anniversary of its founding twenty years before it was three centuries old. in 1606 oñate made another expedition to the far northeast, about which expedition we know almost nothing; and in 1608 he was superseded by pedro de peralta, the second governor of new mexico. oñate was of middle age when he made this very striking record. born on the frontier, used to the deserts, endowed with great tenacity, coolness, and knowledge of frontier warfare, he was the very man to succeed in planting the first considerable colonies in the united states at their most dangerous and difficult points. viii. two continents mastered. this, then, was the situation in the new world at the beginning of the seventeenth century. spain, having found the americas, had, in a little over a hundred years of ceaseless exploration and conquest, settled and was civilizing them. she had in the new world hundreds of towns, whose extremes were over five thousand miles apart, with all the then advantages of civilization, and two towns in what is now the united states, a score of whose states her sons had penetrated. france had made a few gingerly expeditions, which bore no substantial fruit; and portugal had founded a few comparatively unimportant towns in south america. england had passed the century in masterly inactivity,--and there was not so much as an english hut or an english man between cape horn and the north pole. that later times have reversed the situation; that spain (largely because she was drained of her best blood by a conquest so enormous that no nation even now could give the men or the money to keep the enterprise abreast with the world's progress) has never regained her old strength, and is now a drone beside the young giant of nations that has grown, since her day, in the empire she opened,--has nothing to do with the obligation of american history to give her justice for the past. had there been no spain four hundred years ago, there would be no united states to-day. it is a most fascinating story to every genuine american,--for every one worthy of the name admires heroism and loves fairplay everywhere, and is first of all interested in the truth about his own country. by 1680 the rio grande valley in new mexico was beaded with spanish settlements from santa cruz to below socorro, two hundred miles; and there were also colonies in the taos valley, the extreme north of the territory. from 1600 to 1680 there had been countless expeditions throughout the southwest, penetrating even the deadly llano estacado (staked plain). the heroism which held the southwest so long was no less wonderful than the exploration that found it. the life of the colonists was a daily battle with niggard nature--for new mexico was never fertile--and with deadliest danger. for three centuries they were ceaselessly harried by the fiendish apaches; and up to 1680 there was no rest from the attempts of the pueblos (who were actually with and all about the settlers) at insurrection. the statements of closet historians that the spaniards enslaved the pueblos, or any other indians of new mexico; that they forced them to choose between christianity and death; that they made them work in the mines, and the like,--are all entirely untrue. the whole policy of spain toward the indians of the new world was one of humanity, justice, education, and moral suasion; and though there were of course individual spaniards who broke the strict laws of their country as to the treatment of the indians, they were duly punished therefor. yet the mere presence of the strangers in their country was enough to stir the jealous nature of the indians; and in 1680 a murderous and causeless plot broke out in the red pueblo rebellion. there were then fifteen hundred spaniards in the territory,--all living in santa fé or in scattered farm settlements; for chamita had long been abandoned. thirty-four pueblo towns were in the revolt, under the lead of a dangerous tehua indian named popé. secret runners had gone from pueblo to pueblo, and the murderous blow fell upon the whole territory simultaneously. on that bitter 10th of august, 1680, over four hundred spaniards were assassinated,--including twenty-one of the gentle missionaries who, unarmed and alone, had scattered over the wilderness that they might save the souls and teach the minds of the savages. antonio de otermin was then governor and captain-general of new mexico, and was attacked in his capital of santa fé by a greatly-outnumbering army of indians. the one hundred and twenty spanish soldiers, cooped up in their little adobe city, soon found themselves unable to hold it longer against their swarming besiegers; and after a week's desperate defence, they made a sortie, and hewed their way through to liberty, taking their women and children with them. they retreated down the rio grande, avoiding an ambush set for them at sandia by the indians, and reached the pueblo of isleta, twelve miles below the present city of albuquerque, in safety; but the village was deserted, and the spaniards were obliged to continue their flight to el paso, texas, which was then only a spanish mission for the indians. in 1681 governor otermin made an invasion as far north as the pueblo of cochiti, twenty-five miles west of santa fé, on the rio grande; but the hostile pueblos forced him to retreat again to el paso. in 1687 pedro reneros posada made another dash into new mexico, and took the rock-built pueblo of santa ana by a most brilliant and bloody assault. but he also had to retire. in 1688 domingo jironza petriz de cruzate--the greatest soldier on new mexican soil--made an expedition, in which he took the pueblo of zia by storm (a still more remarkable achievement than posada's), and in turn retreated to el paso. at last the final conqueror of new mexico, diego de vargas, came in 1692. marching to santa fé, and thence as far as ultimate moqui, with only eighty-nine men, he visited every pueblo in the province, meeting no opposition from the indians, who had been thoroughly cowed by cruzate. returning to el paso, he came again to new mexico in 1693, this time with about one hundred and fifty soldiers and a number of colonists. now the indians were prepared for him, and gave him the bloodiest reception ever accorded in new mexico. they broke out first at santa fé, and he had to storm that town, which he took after two days' fighting. then began the siege of the black mesa of san ildefonso, which lasted off and on for nine months. the indians had removed their village to the top of that new mexican gibraltar, and there resisted four daring assaults, but were finally worn into surrender. meantime de vargas had stormed the impregnable citadel of the potrero viejo, and the beetling cliff of san diego de jemez,--two exploits which rank with the storming of the peñol of mixton[7] in jalisco (mexico) and of the vast rock of acoma, as the most marvellous assaults in all american history. the capture of quebec bears no comparison to them. these costly lessons kept the indians quiet until 1696, when they broke out again. this rebellion was not so formidable as the first, but it gave new mexico another watering with blood, and was suppressed only after three months' fighting. the spaniards were already masters of the situation; and the quelling of that revolt put an end to all trouble with the pueblos,--who remain with us to this day practically undiminished in numbers, though they have fewer towns, a quiet, peaceful, christianized race of industrious farmers, living monuments to the humanity and the moral teaching of their conquerors. then came the last century, a dismal hundred years of ceaseless harassment by the apaches, navajos, and comanches, and occasionally by the utes,--a harassment which had hardly ceased a decade ago. the indian wars were so constant, the explorations (like that wonderful attempt to open a road from san antonio de bejar, texas, to monterey, california) so innumerable, that their individual heroism is lost in their own bewildering multitude. more than two centuries ago the spaniards explored texas, and settlement soon followed. there were several minor expeditions; but the first of magnitude was that of alonzo de leon, governor of the mexican state of coahuila, who made extensive explorations of texas in 1689. by the beginning of the last century there were several spanish settlements and _presidios_ (garrisons) in what was to become, more than a hundred years later, the largest of the united states. the spanish colonization of colorado was not extensive, and they had no towns north of the arkansas river; but even in settling our centennial state they were half a century ahead of us, as they were some centuries ahead in finding it. in california the spaniards were very active. for a long time there were minor expeditions which were unsuccessful. then the franciscans came in 1769 to san diego bay, landed on the bare sands where a million-dollar american hotel stands to-day, and at once began to teach the indians, to plant olive-orchards and vineyards, and to rear the noble stone churches so beautifully described by the author of "ramona," which shall remain as monuments of a sublime faith long after the race that built them has gone from off the face of the earth. california had a long line of spanish governors--the last of whom, brave, courtly, lovable old pio pico, has just died--before our acquisition of that garden-state of states. the spaniards discovered gold there centuries, and were mining it a decade, before an "american" dreamed of the precious deposit which was to make such a mark on civilization, and had found the rich placer-fields of new mexico a decade earlier yet. in arizona, father franciscus eusebius kuehne,[8] a jesuit of austrian birth but under spanish auspices, was first to establish the missions on the gila river,--from 1689 to 1717 (the date of his death). he made at least four appalling journeys on foot from sonora to the gila, and descended that stream to its junction with the colorado. it would be extremely interesting, did space permit, to follow fully the wanderings and achievements of that class of pioneers of america who have left such a wonderful impress on the whole southwest,--the spanish missionaries. their zeal and their heroism were infinite. no desert was too frightful for them, no danger too appalling. alone, unarmed, they traversed the most forbidding lands and braved the most deadly savages, and left in the lives of the indians such a proud monument as mailed explorers and conquering armies never made. * * * * * the foregoing is a running summary of the early pioneering of america,--the only pioneering for more than a century, and the greatest pioneering for still another century. as for the great and wonderful work at last done by our own blood, not only in conquering part of a continent, but in making a mighty nation, the reader needs no help from me to enable him to comprehend it,--it has already found its due place in history. to record all the heroisms of the spanish pioneers would fill, not this book, but a library. i have deemed it best, in such an enormous field, to draw the condensed outline, as has now been done; and then to illustrate it by giving in detail a few specimens out of the host of heroisms. i have already given a hint of how many conquests and explorations and dangers there were; and now i wish to show by fair "sample pages" what spanish conquest and exploration and endurance really were. footnotes: [7] pronounced mish-tón. [8] often misspelled kino. ii. specimen pioneers. i. the first american traveller. the achievements of the explorer are among the most important, as they are among the most fascinating, of human heroisms. the qualities of mind and body necessary to his task are rare and admirable. he should have many sides and be strong in each,--the rounded man that nature meant man to be. his body need not be as strong as samson's, nor his mind as napoleon's, nor his heart the most fully developed heart on earth; but mind, heart, and body he needs, and each in the measure of a strong man. there is hardly another calling in which every muscle, so to speak, of his threefold nature will be more constantly or more evenly called into play. it is a curious fact that some of the very greatest of human achievements have come about by chance. many among the most important discoveries in the history of mankind have been made by men who were not seeking the great truth they found. science is the result not only of study, but of precious accidents; and this is as true of history. it is an interesting study in itself,--the influence which happy blunders and unintended happenings have had upon civilization. in exploration, as in invention, accident has played its important part. some of the most valuable explorations have been made by men who had no more idea of being explorers than they had of inventing a railroad to the moon; and it is a striking fact that the first inland exploration of america, and the two most wonderful journeys in it, were not only accidents, but the crowning misfortunes and disappointments of the men who had hoped for very different things. exploration, intended or involuntary, has not only achieved great results for civilization, but in the doing has scored some of the highest feats of human heroism. america in particular, perhaps, has been the field of great and remarkable journeys; but the two men who made the most astounding journeys in america are still almost unheard of among us. they are heroes whose names are as greek to the vast majority of americans, albeit they are men in whom americans particularly should take deep and admiring interest. they were alvar nuñez cabeza de vaca, the first american traveller; and andrés docampo, the man who walked farther on this continent than any other. [illustration: where zaldivar stormed the city. _see page 135._] in a world so big and old and full of great deeds as this, it is extremely difficult to say of any one man, "he was the greatest" this or that; and even in the matter of journeys there have been bewilderingly many great ones, of the most wonderful of which we have heard least. as explorers we cannot give vaca and docampo great rank; though the latter's explorations were not contemptible, and vaca's were of great importance. but as physical achievements the journeys of these neglected heroes can safely be said to be without parallel. they were the most wonderful walks ever made by man. both men made their records in america, and each made most of his journey in what is now the united states. cabeza de vaca was the first european really to penetrate the then "dark continent" of north america, as he was by centuries the first to _cross_ the continent. his nine years of wandering on foot, unarmed, naked, starving, among wild beasts and wilder men, with no other attendants than three as ill-fated comrades, gave the world its first glimpse of the united states inland, and led to some of the most stirring and important achievements connected with its early history. nearly a century before the pilgrim fathers planted their noble commonwealth on the edge of massachusetts, seventy-five years before the first english settlement was made in the new world, and more than a generation before there was a single caucasian settler of _any_ blood within the area of the present united states, vaca and his gaunt followers had trudged across this unknown land. it is a long way back to those days. henry viii. was then king of england, and sixteen rulers have since occupied that throne. elizabeth, the virgin queen, was not born when vaca started on his appalling journey, and did not begin to reign until twenty years after he had ended it. it was fifty years before the birth of captain john smith, the founder of virginia; a generation before the birth of shakspere, and two and a half generations before milton. henry hudson, the famous explorer for whom one of our chief rivers is named, was not yet born. columbus himself had been dead less than twenty-five years, and the conqueror of mexico had seventeen yet to live. it was sixty years before the world had heard of such a thing as a newspaper, and the best geographers still thought it possible to sail through america to asia. there was not a white man in north america above the middle of mexico; nor had one gone two hundred miles inland in this continental wilderness, of which the world knew almost less than we know now of the moon. the name of cabeza de vaca may seem to us a curious one. it means "head of a cow." but this quaint family name was an honorable one in spain, and had a brave winning: it was earned at the battle of naves de tolosa in the thirteenth century, one of the decisive engagements of all those centuries of war with the moors. alvar's grandfather was also a man of some note, being the conqueror of the canary islands. alvar was born in xeres[9] de la frontera, spain, toward the last of the fifteenth century. of his early life we know little, except that he had already won some consideration when in 1527, a mature man, he came to the new world. in that year we find him sailing from spain as treasurer and sheriff of the expedition of six hundred men with which panfilo de narvaez intended to conquer and colonize the flowery land, discovered a decade before by ponce de leon. they reached santo domingo, and thence sailed to cuba. on good friday, 1528, ten months after leaving spain, they reached florida, and landed at what is now named tampa bay. taking formal possession of the country for spain, they set out to explore and conquer the wilderness. at santo domingo shipwreck and desertion had already cost them heavily, and of the original six hundred men there were but three hundred and forty-five left. no sooner had they reached florida than the most fearful misfortunes began, and with every day grew worse. food there was almost none; hostile indians beset them on every hand; and the countless rivers, lakes, and swamps made progress difficult and dangerous. the little army was fast thinning out under war and starvation, and plots were rife among the survivors. they were so enfeebled that they could not even get back to their vessels. struggling through at last to the nearest point on the coast, far west of tampa bay, they decided that their only hope was to build boats and try to coast to the spanish settlements in mexico. five rude boats were made with great toil; and the poor wretches turned westward along the coast of the gulf. storms scattered the boats, and wrecked one after the other. scores of the haggard adventurers were drowned, narvaez among them; and scores dashed upon an inhospitable shore perished by exposure and starvation. the living were forced to subsist upon the dead. of the five boats, three had gone down with all on board; of the eighty men who escaped the wreck but fifteen were still alive. all their arms and clothing were at the bottom of the gulf. the survivors were now on mal hado, "the isle of misfortune." we know no more of its location than that it was west of the mouth of the mississippi. their boats had crossed that mighty current where it plunges out into the gulf, and theirs were the first european eyes to see even this much of the father of waters. the indians of the island, who had no better larder than roots, berries, and fish, treated their unfortunate guests as generously as was in their power; and vaca has written gratefully of them. in the spring his thirteen surviving companions determined to escape. vaca was too sick to walk, and they abandoned him to his fate. two other sick men, oviedo and alaniz, were also left behind; and the latter soon perished. it was a pitiable plight in which vaca now found himself. a naked skeleton, scarce able to move, deserted by his friends and at the mercy of savages, it is small wonder that, as he tells us, his heart sank within him. but he was one of the men who never "let go." a constant soul held up the poor, worn body; and as the weather grew less rigorous, vaca slowly recovered from his sickness. for nearly six years he lived an incomparably lonely life, bandied about from tribe to tribe of indians, sometimes as a slave, and sometimes only a despised outcast. oviedo fled from some danger, and he was never heard of afterward; vaca faced it, and lived. that his sufferings were almost beyond endurance cannot be doubted. even when he was not the victim of brutal treatment, he was the worthless encumbrance, the useless interloper, among poor savages who lived the most miserable and precarious lives. that they did not kill him speaks well for their humane kindness. the thirteen who escaped had fared even worse. they had fallen into cruel hands, and all had been slain except three, who were reserved for the harder fate of slaves. these three were andrés dorantes, a native of bejar; alonzo del castillo maldonado, a native of salamanca; and the negro estévanico, who was born in azamor, africa. these three and vaca were all that were now left of the gallant four hundred and fifty men (among whom we do not count the deserters at santo domingo) who had sailed with such high hopes from spain, in 1527, to conquer a corner of the new world,--four naked, tortured, shivering shadows; and even they were separated, though they occasionally heard vaguely of one another, and made vain attempts to come together. it was not until september, 1534 (nearly seven years later), that dorantes, castillo, estévanico, and vaca were reunited; and the spot where they found this happiness was somewhere in eastern texas, west of the sabine river. but vaca's six years of loneliness and suffering unspeakable had not been in vain,--for he had acquired, unknowingly, the key to safety; and amid all those horrors, and without dreaming of its significance, he had stumbled upon the very strange and interesting clew which was to save them all. without it, all four would have perished in the wilderness, and the world would never have known their end. while they were still on the isle of misfortune, a proposition had been made which seemed the height of the ridiculous. "in that isle," says vaca, "they wished to make us doctors, without examining us or asking our titles; for they themselves cure sickness by blowing upon the sick one. with that blowing, and with their hands, they remove from him the disease; and they bade us do the same, so as to be of some use to them. we laughed at this, saying that they were making fun, and that we knew not how to heal; and for that they took away our food, till we should do that which they said. and seeing our stubbornness, an indian said to me that i did not understand; for that it did no good for one to know how, because the very stones and other things of the field have power to heal,... and that we, who were men, must certainly have greater power." this was a characteristic thing which the old indian said, and a key to the remarkable superstitions of his race. but the spaniards, of course, could not yet understand. presently the savages removed to the mainland. they were always in abject poverty, and many of them perished from starvation and from the exposures incident to their wretched existence. for three months in the year they had "nothing but shell-fish and very bad water;" and at other times only poor berries and the like; and their year was a series of wanderings hither and thither in quest of these scant and unsatisfactory foods. it was an important fact that vaca was utterly useless to the indians. he could not serve them as a warrior; for in his wasted condition the bow was more than he could master. as a hunter he was equally unavailable; for, as he himself says, "it was impossible for him to trail animals." assistance in carrying water or fuel or anything of the sort was impossible; for he was a man, and his indian masters could not let a man do woman's work. so, among these starveling nomads, this man who could not help but must be fed was a real burden; and the only wonder is that they did not kill him. under these circumstances, vaca began to wander about. his indifferent captors paid little attention to his movements, and by degrees he got to making long trips north, and up and down the coast. in time he began to see a chance for trading, in which the indians encouraged him, glad to find their "white elephant" of some use at last. from the northern tribes he brought down skins and _almagre_ (the red clay so indispensable to the savages for face-paint), flakes of flint to make arrow-heads, hard reeds for the shafts, and tassels of deer-hair dyed red. these things he readily exchanged among the coast tribes for shells and shell-beads, and the like,--which, in turn, were in demand among his northern customers. on account of their constant wars, the indians could net venture outside their own range; so this safe go-between trader was a convenience which they encouraged. so far as he was concerned, though the life was still one of great suffering, he was constantly gaining knowledge which would be useful to him in his never-forgotten plan of getting back to the world. these lonely trading expeditions of his covered thousands of miles on foot through the trackless wildernesses; and through them his aggregate wanderings were much greater than those of either of his fellow-prisoners. it was during these long and awful tramps that cabeza de vaca had one particularly interesting experience. he was the first european who saw the great american bison, the buffalo, which has become practically extinct in the last decade, but once roamed the plains in vast hordes,--and first by many years. he saw them and ate their meat in the red river country of texas, and has left us a description of the "hunchback cows." none of his companions ever saw one, for in their subsequent journey together the four spaniards passed south of the buffalo-country. meanwhile, as i have noted, the forlorn and naked trader had had the duties of a doctor forced upon him. he did not understand what this involuntary profession might do for him,--he was simply pushed into it at first, and followed it not from choice, but to keep from having trouble. he was "good for nothing but to be a medicine-man." he had learned the peculiar treatment of the aboriginal wizards, though not their fundamental ideas. the indians still look upon sickness as a "being possessed;" and their idea of doctoring is not so much to cure disease, as to exorcise the bad spirits which cause it. this is done by a sleight-of-hand rigmarole, even to this day. the medicine-man would suck the sore spot, and pretend thus to extract a stone or thorn which was supposed to have been the cause of trouble; and the patient was "cured." cabeza de vaca began to "practise medicine" after the indian fashion. he says himself, "i have tried these things, and they were very successful." when the four wanderers at last came together after their long separation,--in which all had suffered untold horrors,--vaca had then, though still indefinitely, the key of hope. their first plan was to escape from their present captors. it took ten months to effect it, and meantime their distress was great, as it had been constantly for so many years. at times they lived on a daily ration of two handfuls of wild peas and a little water. vaca relates what a godsend it seemed when he was allowed to scrape hides for the indians; he carefully saved the scrapings, which served him as food for days. they had no clothing, and there was no shelter; and constant exposure to heat and cold and the myriad thorns of that country caused them to "shed their skin like snakes." at last, in august, 1535, the four sufferers escaped to a tribe called the avavares. but now a new career began to open to them. that his companions might not be as useless as he had been, cabeza de vaca had instructed them in the "arts" of indian medicine-men; and all four began to put their new and strange profession into practice. to the ordinary indian charms and incantations these humble christians added fervent prayers to the true god. it was a sort of sixteenth-century "faith-cure;" and naturally enough, among such superstitious patients it was very effective. their multitudinous cures the amateur but sincere doctors, with touching humility, attributed entirely to god; but what great results these might have upon their own fortunes now began to dawn upon them. from wandering, naked, starving, despised beggars, and slaves to brutal savages, they suddenly became personages of note,--still paupers and sufferers, as were all their patients, but paupers of mighty power. there is no fairy tale more romantic than the career thenceforth of these poor, brave men walking painfully across a continent as masters and benefactors of all that host of wild people. trudging on from tribe to tribe, painfully and slowly the white medicine-men crossed texas and came close to our present new mexico. it has long been reiterated by the closet historians that they entered new mexico, and got even as far north as where santa fé now is. but modern scientific research has absolutely proved that they went on from texas through chihuahua and sonora, and never saw an inch of new mexico. with each new tribe the spaniards paused awhile to heal the sick. everywhere they were treated with the greatest kindness their poor hosts could give, and with religious awe. their progress is a very valuable object-lesson, showing just how some indian myths are formed: first, the successful medicine-man, who at his death or departure is remembered as a hero, then as a demigod, then as divinity. in the mexican states they first found agricultural indians, who dwelt in houses of sod and boughs, and had beans and pumpkins. these were the jovas, a branch of the pimas. of the scores of tribes they had passed through in our present southern states not one has been fully identified. they were poor, wandering creatures, and long ago disappeared from the earth. but in the sierra madre of mexico they found superior indians, whom we can recognize still. here they found the men unclad, but the women "very honest in their dress,"--with cotton tunics of their own weaving, with half-sleeves, and a skirt to the knee; and over it a skirt of dressed deerskin reaching to the ground, and fastened in front with straps. they washed their clothing with a soapy root,--the _amole_, now similarly used by indians and mexicans throughout the southwest. these people gave cabeza de vaca some turquoise, and five arrow-heads each chipped from a single emerald. in this village in southwestern sonora the spaniards stayed three days, living on split deer-hearts; whence they named it the "town of hearts." a day's march beyond they met an indian wearing upon his necklace the buckle of a sword-belt and a horseshoe nail; and their hearts beat high at this first sign, in all their eight years' wandering, of the nearness of europeans. the indian told them that men with beards like their own had come from the sky and made war upon his people. the spaniards were now entering sinaloa, and found themselves in a fertile land of flowing streams. the indians were in mortal fear; for two brutes of a class who were very rare among the spanish conquerors (they were, i am glad to say, punished for their violation of the strict laws of spain) were then trying to catch slaves. the soldiers had just left; but cabeza de vaca and estévanico, with eleven indians, hurried forward on their trail, and next day overtook four spaniards, who led them to their rascally captain, diego de alcaráz. it was long before that officer could believe the wondrous story told by the naked, torn, shaggy, wild man; but at last his coldness was thawed, and he gave a certificate of the date and of the condition in which vaca had come to him, and then sent back for dorantes and castillo. five days later these arrived, accompanied by several hundred indians. alcaráz and his partner in crime, cebreros, wished to enslave these aborigines; but cabeza de vaca, regardless of his own danger in taking such a stand, indignantly opposed the infamous plan, and finally forced the villains to abandon it. the indians were saved; and in all their joy at getting back to the world, the spanish wanderers parted with sincere regret from these simple-hearted friends. after a few days' hard travel they reached the post of culiacan about the first of may, 1536, where they were warmly welcomed by the ill-fated hero melchior diaz. he led one of the earliest expeditions (in 1539) to the unknown north; and in 1540, on a second expedition across part of arizona and into california, was accidentally killed. after a short rest the wanderers left for compostela, then the chief town of the province of new galicia,--itself a small journey of three hundred miles through a land swarming with hostile savages. at last they reached the city of mexico in safety, and were received with great honor. but it was long before they could accustom themselves to eating the food and wearing the clothing of civilized people. the negro remained in mexico. on the 10th of april, 1537, cabeza de vaca, castillo, and dorantes sailed for spain, arriving in august. the chief hero never came back to north america, but we hear of dorantes as being there in the following year. their report of what they saw, and of the stranger countries to the north of which they had heard, had already set on foot the remarkable expeditions which resulted in the discovery of arizona, new mexico, our indian territory, kansas, and colorado, and brought about the building of the first european towns in the inland area of the united states. estévanico was engaged with fray marcos in the discovery of new mexico, and was slain by the indians. cabeza de vaca, as a reward for his then unparalleled walk of much more than ten thousand miles in the unknown land, was made governor of paraguay in 1540. he was not qualified for the place, and returned to spain in disgrace. that he was not to blame, however, but was rather the victim of circumstances, is indicated by the fact that he was restored to favor and received a pension of two thousand ducats. he died in seville at a good old age. footnotes: [9] pronounced hay-ress. ii. the greatest american traveller. the student most familiar with history finds himself constantly astounded by the journeys of the spanish pioneers. if they had done nothing else in the new world, their walks alone were enough to earn them fame. such a number of similar trips over such a wilderness were never heard of elsewhere. to comprehend those rides or tramps of thousands of miles, by tiny bands or single heroes, one must be familiar with the country traversed, and know something of the times when these exploits were performed. the spanish chroniclers of the day do not dilate upon the difficulties and dangers: it is almost a pity that they had not been vain enough to "make more" of their obstacles. but however curt the narrative may be on these points, the obstacles were there and had to be overcome; and to this very day, after three centuries and a half have mitigated that wilderness which covered half a world, have tamed its savages, filled it with convenient stations, crossed it with plain roads, and otherwise removed ninety per cent of its terrors, such journeys as were looked upon as everyday matters by those hardy heroes would find few bold enough to undertake them. the only record at all comparable to that spanish overrunning of the new world was the story of the california argonauts of '49, who flocked across the great plains in the most remarkable shifting of population of which history knows; but even that was petty, so far as area, hardship, danger, and endurance went, beside the travels of the pioneers. thousand-mile marches through the deserts, or the still more fatal tropic forests, were too many to be even catalogued. it is one thing to follow a trail, and quite another to penetrate an absolutely trackless wilderness. a big, well-armed wagon-train is one thing, and a little squad on foot or on jaded horses quite another. a journey from a known point to a known point--both in civilization, though the wilderness lies between--is very different from a journey from somewhere, through the unknown, to nowhere; whose starting, course, and end are all untrodden and unguessed wilds. i have no desire to disparage the heroism of our argonauts,--they made a record of which any nation should be proud; but they never had a chance to match the deeds of their brother-heroes of another tongue and another age. * * * * * the walk of alvar nuñez cabeza de vaca, the first american traveller, was surpassed by the achievement of the poor and forgotten soldier andrés docampo. cabeza de vaca tramped much more than ten thousand miles, but docampo much over _twenty_ thousand, and under as fearful hardships. the explorations of vaca were far more valuable to the world; yet neither of them set out with the intention of exploring. but docampo did make a fearful walk voluntarily, and for a heroic purpose, which resulted in his later enormous achievement; while vaca's was merely the heroism of a very uncommon man in escaping misfortune. docampo's tramp lasted nine years; and though he left behind no book to relate his experiences, as did vaca, the skeleton of his story as it remains to us is extremely characteristic and suggestive of the times, and recounts other heroism than that of the brave soldier. when coronado first came to new mexico in 1540, he brought four missionaries with his little army. fray marcos returned soon from zuñi to mexico, on account of his physical infirmities. fray juan de la cruz entered earnestly into mission-work among the pueblos; and when coronado and his whole force abandoned the territory, he insisted upon remaining behind among his dusky wards at tiguex (bernalillo). he was a very old man, and fully expected to give up his life as soon as his countrymen should be gone; and so it was. he was murdered by the indians about the 25th of november, 1542. the lay-brother, fray luis descalona, also a very old man, chose for his parish the pueblo of tshiquite (pecos), and remained there after the spaniards had left the country. he built himself a little hut outside the great fortified town of the savages, and there taught those who would listen to him, and tended his little flock of sheep,--the remnants of those coronado had brought, which were the first that ever entered the present united states. the people came to love him sincerely,--all save the wizards, who hated him for his influence; and these finally murdered him, and ate the sheep. fray juan de padilla, the youngest of the four missionaries, and the first martyr on the soil of kansas, was a native of andalusia, spain, and a man of great energy both mentally and physically. he himself made no mean record as a foot-traveller, and our professional pedestrians would stand aghast if confronted with the thousands of desert miles this tireless apostle to the indians plodded in the wild southwest. he had already held very important positions in mexico, but gladly gave up his honors to become a poor missionary among the savages of the unknown north. having walked with coronado's force from mexico across the deserts to the seven cities of cibola, fray padilla trudged to moqui with pedro de tobar and his squad of twenty men. then plodding back to zuñi, he soon set forth again with hernando de alvarado and twenty men, on a tramp of about a thousand miles more. he was in this expedition with the first europeans that ever saw the lofty town of acoma, the rio grande within what is now new mexico, and the great pueblo of pecos. in the spring of 1541, when the handful of an army was all gathered at bernalillo, and coronado set out to chase the fatal golden myth of the quivira, fray padilla accompanied him. in that march of one hundred and four days across the barren plains before they reached the quiviras in northeastern kansas, the explorers suffered tortures for water and sometimes for food. the treacherous guide misled them, and they wandered long in a circle, covering a fearful distance,--probably over fifteen hundred miles. the expedition was mounted, but in those days the humble _padres_ went afoot. finding only disappointment, the explorers marched all the way back to bernalillo,--though by a less circuitous route,--and fray padilla came with them. but he had already decided that among these hostile, roving, buffalo-living sioux and other indians of the plains should be his field of labor; and when the spanish evacuated new mexico, he remained. with him were the soldier andrés docampo, two young men of michuacan, mexico, named lucas and sebastian, called the donados, and a few mexican indian boys. in the fall of 1542 the little party left bernalillo on its thousand-mile march. andrés alone was mounted; the missionary and the indian boys trudged along the sandy way afoot. they went by way of the pueblo of pecos, thence into and across a corner of what is now colorado, and nearly the whole length of the great state of kansas. at last, after a long and weary tramp, they reached the temporary lodge-villages of the quivira indians. coronado had planted a large cross at one of these villages, and here fray padilla established his mission. in time the hostile savages lost their distrust, and "loved him as a father." at last he decided to move on to another nomad tribe, where there seemed greater need of his presence. it was a dangerous step; for not only might the strangers receive him murderously, but there was equal risk in leaving his present flock. the superstitious indians were loath to lose the presence of such a great medicine-man as they believed the fray to be, and still more loath to have such a benefit transferred to their enemies,--for all these roving tribes were at war with one another. nevertheless, fray padilla determined to go, and set out with his little retinue. one day's journey from the villages of the quiviras, they met a band of indians out on the war-path. seeing the approach of the savages, the good father thought first for his companions. andrés still had his horse, and the boys were fleet runners. "flee, my children!" cried fray padilla. "save yourselves, for me ye cannot help, and why should all die together? run!" they at first refused, but the missionary insisted; and as they were helpless against the savages, they finally obeyed and fled. this may not seem, at first thought, the most heroic thing to do, but an understanding of their time exonerates them. not only were they humble men used to give the good priests implicit obedience, but there was another and a more potent motive. in those days of earnest faith, martyrdom was looked upon as not only a heroism but a prophecy; it was believed to indicate new triumphs for christianity, and it was a duty to carry back to the world the news. if they stayed and were slain with him,--as i am sure these faithful followers were not physically afraid to do,--the lesson and glory of his martyrdom would be lost to the world. fray juan knelt on the broad prairie and commended his soul to god; and even as he prayed, the indians riddled him with arrows. they dug a pit and cast therein the body of the first kansas martyr, and piled upon it a great pile of stones. this was in the year 1542. andrés docampo and the boys made their escape at the time, but were soon captured by other indians and kept as slaves for ten months. they were beaten and starved, and obliged to perform the most laborious and menial tasks. at last, after long planning and many unsuccessful attempts, they escaped from their barbarous captors. then for more than eight years they wandered on foot, unarmed and alone, up and down the thirsty and inhospitable plains, enduring incredible privations and dangers. at last, after those thousands of footsore miles, they walked into the mexican town of tampico, on the great gulf. they were received as those come back from the dead. we lack the details of that grim and matchless walk, but it is historically established. for nine years these poor fellows zigzagged the deserts afoot, beginning in northeastern kansas and coming out far down in mexico. sebastian died soon after his arrival in the mexican state of culiacan; the hardships of the trip had been too much for even his strong young body. his brother lucas became a missionary among the indians of zacatecas, mexico, and carried on his work among them for many years, dying at last in a ripe old age. as for the brave soldier docampo, soon after his return to civilization he disappeared from view. perhaps old spanish documents may yet be discovered which will throw some light on his subsequent life and his fate. iii. the war of the rock. some of the most characteristic heroisms and hardships of the pioneers in our domain cluster about the wondrous rock of acoma, the strange sky-city of the quéres[10] pueblos. all the pueblo cities were built in positions which nature herself had fortified,--a necessity of the times, since they were surrounded by outnumbering hordes of the deadliest warriors in history; but acoma was most secure of all. in the midst of a long valley, four miles wide, itself lined by almost insurmountable precipices, towers a lofty rock, whose top is about seventy acres in area, and whose walls, three hundred and fifty-seven feet high, are not merely perpendicular, but in most places even overhanging. upon its summit was perched--and is to-day--the dizzy city of the quéres. the few paths to the top--whereon a misstep will roll the victim to horrible death, hundreds of feet below--are by wild, precipitous clefts, at the head of which one determined man, with no other weapons than stones, could almost hold at bay an army. this strange aerial town was first heard of by europeans in 1539, when fray marcos, the discoverer of new mexico, was told by the people of cibola of the great rock fortress of hákuque,--their name for acoma, which the natives themselves called ah'ko. in the following year coronado visited it with his little army, and has left us an accurate account of its wonders. these first europeans were well received there; and the superstitious natives, who had never seen a beard or a white face before, took the strangers for gods. but it was more than half a century later yet before the spaniards sought a foothold there. when oñate entered new mexico in 1598, he met no immediate resistance whatever; for his force of four hundred people, including two hundred men-at-arms, was large enough to awe the indians. they were naturally hostile to these invaders of their domain; but finding themselves well treated by the strangers, and fearful of open war against these men with hard clothes, who killed from afar with their thunder-sticks, the pueblos awaited results. the quéres, tigua, and jemez branches formally submitted to spanish rule, and took the oath of allegiance to the crown by their representative men gathered at the pueblo of guipuy (now santo domingo); as also did the tanos, picuries, tehuas, and taos, at a similar conference at the pueblo of san juan, in september, 1598. at this ready submission oñate was greatly encouraged; and he decided to visit all the principal pueblos in person, to make them securer subjects of his sovereign. he had founded already the first town in new mexico and the second in the united states,--san gabriel de los españoles, where chamita stands to-day. before starting on this perilous journey, he despatched juan de zaldivar, his _maestro de campo_,[11] with fifty men to explore the vast, unknown plains to the east, and then to follow him. oñate and a small force left the lonely little spanish colony,--more than a thousand miles from any other town of civilized men,--october 6, 1598. first he marched to the pueblos in the great plains of the salt lakes, east of the manzano mountains,--a thirsty journey of more than two hundred miles. then returning to the pueblo of puaray (opposite the present bernalillo), he turned westward. on the 27th of the same month he camped at the foot of the lofty cliffs of acoma. the _principales_ (chief men) of the town came down from the rock, and took the solemn pledge of allegiance to the spanish crown. they were thoroughly warned of the deep importance and meaning of this step, and that if they violated their oath they would be regarded and treated as rebels against his majesty; but they fully pledged themselves to be faithful vassals. they were very friendly, and repeatedly invited the spanish commander and his men to visit their sky-city. in truth, they had had spies at the conferences in santo domingo and san juan, and had decided that the most dangerous man among the invaders was oñate himself. if _he_ could be slain, they thought the rest of the pale strangers might be easily routed. but oñate knew nothing of their intended treachery; and on the following day he and his handful of men--leaving only a guard with the horses--climbed one of the breathless stone "ladders," and stood in acoma. the officious indians piloted them hither and yon, showing them the strange terraced houses of many stories in height, the great reservoirs in the eternal rock, and the dizzy brink which everywhere surrounded the eyrie of a town. at last they brought the spaniards to where a huge ladder, projecting far aloft through a trapdoor in the roof of a large house, indicated the _estufa_, or sacred council-chamber. the visitors mounted to the roof by a smaller ladder, and the indians tried to have oñate descend through the trapdoor. but the spanish governor, noting that all was dark in the room below, and suddenly becoming suspicious, declined to enter; and as his soldiers were all about, the indians did not insist. after a short visit in the pueblo the spaniards descended the rock to their camp, and thence marched away on their long and dangerous journey to moqui and zuñi. that swift flash of prudence in oñate's mind saved the history of new mexico; for in that dark _estufa_ was lying a band of armed warriors. had he entered the room, he would have been slain at once; and his death was to be the signal for a general onslaught upon the spaniards, all of whom must have perished in the unequal fight. returning from his march of exploration through the trackless and deadly plains, juan de zaldivar left san gabriel on the 18th of november, to follow his commander-in-chief. he had but thirty men. reaching the foot of the city in the sky on the 4th of december, he was very kindly received by the acomas, who invited him up into their town. juan was a good soldier, as well as a gallant one, and well used to the tricks of indian warfare; but for the first time in his life--and the last--he now let himself be deceived. leaving half his little force at the foot of the cliff to guard the camp and horses, he himself went up with sixteen men. the town was so full of wonders, the people so cordial, that the visitors soon forgot whatever suspicions they may have had; and by degrees they scattered hither and yon to see the strange sights. the natives had been waiting only for this; and when the war-chief gave the wild whoop, men, women, and children seized rocks and clubs, bows and flint-knives, and fell furiously upon the scattered spaniards. it was a ghastly and an unequal fight the winter sun looked down upon that bitter afternoon in the cliff city. here and there, with back against the wall of one of those strange houses, stood a gray-faced, tattered, bleeding soldier, swinging his clumsy flintlock club-like, or hacking with desperate but unavailing sword at the dark, ravenous mob that hemmed him, while stones rained upon his bent visor, and clubs and cruel flints sought him from every side. there was no coward blood among that doomed band. they sold their lives dearly; in front of every one lay a sprawling heap of dead. but one by one the howling wave of barbarians drowned each grim, silent fighter, and swept off to swell the murderous flood about the next. zaldivar himself was one of the first victims; and two other officers, six soldiers, and two servants fell in that uneven combat. the five survivors--juan tabaro, who was _alguacil-mayor_, with four soldiers--got at last together, and with superhuman strength fought their way to the edge of the cliff, bleeding from many wounds. but their savage foes still pressed them; and being too faint to carve their way to one of the "ladders," in the wildness of desperation the five sprang over the beetling cliff. never but once was recorded so frightful a leap as that of tabaro and his four companions. even if we presume that they had been so fortunate as to reach the very lowest point of the rock, it could not have been less than _one hundred and fifty feet_! and yet only one of the five was killed by this inconceivable fall; the remaining four, cared for by their terrified companions in the camp, all finally recovered. it would be incredible, were it not established by absolute historical proof. it is probable that they fell upon one of the mounds of white sand which the winds had drifted against the foot of the cliffs in places. fortunately, the victorious savages did not attack the little camp. the survivors still had their horses, of which unknown brutes the indians had a great fear. for several days the fourteen soldiers and their four half-dead companions camped under the overhanging cliff, where they were safe from missiles from above, hourly expecting an onslaught from the savages. they felt sure that this massacre of their comrades was but the prelude to a general uprising of the twenty-five or thirty thousand pueblos; and regardless of the danger to themselves, they decided at last to break up into little bands, and separate,--some to follow their commander on his lonely march to moqui, and warn him of his danger; and others to hasten over the hundreds of arid miles to san gabriel and the defence of its women and babes, and to the missionaries who had scattered among the savages. this plan of self-devotion was successfully carried out. the little bands of three and four apiece bore the news to their countrymen; and by the end of the year 1598 all the surviving spaniards in new mexico were safely gathered in the hamlet of san gabriel. the little town was built pueblo-fashion, in the shape of a hollow square. in the plaza within were planted the rude _pedreros_--small howitzers which fired a ball of stone--to command the gates; and upon the roofs of the three-story adobe houses the brave women watched by day, and the men with their heavy flintlocks all through the winter nights, to guard against the expected attack. but the pueblos rested on their arms. they were waiting to see what oñate would do with acoma, before they took final measures against the strangers. it was a most serious dilemma in which oñate now found himself. one need not have known half so much about the indian character as did this gray, quiet spaniard, to understand that he must signally punish the rebels for the massacre of his men, or abandon his colony and new mexico altogether. if such an outrage went unpunished, the emboldened pueblos would destroy the last spaniard. on the other hand, how could he hope to conquer that impregnable fortress of rock? he had less than two hundred men; and only a small part of these could be spared for the campaign, lest the other pueblos in their absence should rise and annihilate san gabriel and its people. in acoma there were full three hundred warriors, reinforced by at least a hundred navajo braves. but there was no alternative. the more he reflected and counselled with his officers, the more apparent it became that the only salvation was to capture the quéres gibraltar; and the plan was decided upon. oñate naturally desired to lead in person this forlornest of forlorn hopes; but there was one who had even a better claim to the desperate honor than the captain-general,--and that one was the forgotten hero vicente de zaldivar, brother of the murdered juan. he was _sargento-mayor_[12] of the little army; and when he came to oñate and begged to be given command of the expedition against acoma, there was no saying him nay. on the 12th of january, 1599, vicente de zaldivar left san gabriel at the head of seventy men. only a few of them had even the clumsy flintlocks of the day; the majority were not _arquebusiers_ but _piquiers_, armed only with swords and lances, and clad in jackets of quilted cotton or battered mail. one small _pedrero_, lashed upon the back of a horse, was the only "artillery." silently and sternly the little force made its arduous march. all knew that impregnable rock, and few cherished an expectation of returning from so desperate a mission; but there was no thought of turning back. on the afternoon of the eleventh day the tired soldiers passed the last intervening _mesa_,[13] and came in sight of acoma. the indians, warned by their runners, were ready to receive them. the whole population, with the navajo allies, were under arms, on the housetops and the commanding cliffs. naked savages, painted black, leaped from crag to crag, screeching defiance and heaping insults upon the spaniards. the medicine-men, hideously disguised, stood on projecting pinnacles, beating their drums and scattering curses and incantations to the winds; and all the populace joined in derisive howls and taunts. zaldivar halted his little band as close to the foot of the cliff as he could come without danger. the indispensable notary stepped from the ranks, and at the blast of the trumpet proceeded to read at the top of his lungs the formal summons in the name of the king of spain to surrender. thrice he shouted through the summons; but each time his voice was drowned by the howls and shrieks of the enraged savages, and a hail of stones and arrows fell dangerously near. zaldivar had desired to secure the surrender of the pueblo, demand the delivery to him of the ringleaders in the massacre, and take them back with him to san gabriel for official trial and punishment, without harm to the other people of acoma; but the savages, secure in their grim fortress, mocked the merciful appeal. it was clear that acoma must be stormed. the spaniards camped on the bare sands and passed the night--made hideous by the sounds of a monster war-dance in the town--in gloomy plans for the morrow. footnotes: [10] pronounced káy-ress. [11] commander in the field: equivalent to our colonel. [12] equivalent to lieutenant-colonel. [13] huge "table" of rock. iv. the storming of the sky-city. at daybreak, on the morning of january 22, zaldivar gave the signal for the attack; and the main body of the spaniards began firing their few arquebuses, and making a desperate assault at the north end of the great rock, there absolutely impregnable. the indians, crowded along the cliffs above, poured down a rain of missiles; and many of the spaniards were wounded. meanwhile twelve picked men, who had hidden during the night under the overhanging cliff which protected them alike from the fire and the observation of the indians, were crawling stealthily around under the precipice, dragging the _pedrero_ by ropes. most of these twelve were arquebusiers; and besides the weight of the ridiculous little cannon, they had their ponderous flintlocks and their clumsy armor,--poor helps for scaling heights which the unencumbered athlete finds difficult. pursuing their toilsome way unobserved, pulling one another and then the _pedrero_ up the ledges, they reached at last the top of a great outlying pinnacle of rock, separated from the main cliff of acoma by a narrow but awful chasm. late in the afternoon they had their howitzer trained upon the town; and the loud report, as its cobble-stone ball flew into acoma, signalled the main body at the north end of the _mesa_ that the first vantage-ground had been safely gained, and at the same time warned the savages of danger from a new quarter. that night little squads of spaniards climbed the great precipices which wall the trough-like valley on east and west, cut down small pines, and with infinite labor dragged the logs down the cliffs, across the valley, and up the butte on which the twelve were stationed. about a score of men were left to guard the horses at the north end of the _mesa_; and the rest of the force joined the twelve, hiding behind the crags of their rock-tower. across the chasm the indians were lying in crevices, or behind rocks, awaiting the attack. at daybreak of the 23d, a squad of picked men at a given signal rushed from their hiding-places with a log on their shoulders, and by a lucky cast lodged its farther end on the opposite brink of the abyss. out dashed the spaniards at their heels, and began balancing across that dizzy "bridge" in the face of a volley of stones and arrows. a very few had crossed, when one in his excitement caught the rope and pulled the log across after him. it was a fearful moment. there were less than a dozen spaniards thus left standing alone on the brink of acoma, cut off from their companions by a gulf hundreds of feet deep, and surrounded by swarming savages. the indians, sallying from their refuge, fell instantly upon them on every hand. as long as the spanish soldier could keep the indians at a distance, even his clumsy firearms and inefficient armor gave an advantage; but at such close quarters these very things were a fatal impediment by their weight and clumsiness. now it seemed as if the previous acoma massacre were to be repeated, and the cut-off spaniards to be hacked to pieces; but at this very crisis a deed of surpassing personal valor saved them and the cause of spain in new mexico. a slender, bright-faced young officer, a college boy who was a special friend and favorite of oñate, sprang from the crowd of dismayed spaniards on the farther bank, who dared not fire into that indiscriminate jostle of friend and foe, and came running like a deer toward the chasm. as he reached its brink his lithe body gathered itself, sprang into the air like a bird, and cleared the gulf! seizing the log, he thrust it back with desperate strength until his companions could grasp it from the farther brink; and over the restored bridge the spanish soldiers poured to retrieve the day. then began one of the most fearful hand-to-hand struggles in all american history. outnumbered nearly ten to one, lost in a howling mob of savages who fought with the frenzy of despair, gashed with raw-edged knives, dazed with crushing clubs, pierced with bristling arrows, spent and faint and bleeding, zaldivar and his hero-handful fought their way inch by inch, step by step, clubbing their heavy guns, hewing with their short swords, parrying deadly blows, pulling the barbed arrows from their quivering flesh. on, on, on they pressed, shouting the gallant war-cry of santiago, driving the stubborn foe before them by still more stubborn valor, until at last the indians, fully convinced that these were no human foes, fled to the refuge of their fort-like houses, and there was room for the reeling spaniards to draw breath. then thrice again the summons to surrender was duly read before the strange tenements, each near a thousand feet long, and looking like a flight of gigantic steps carved from one rock. zaldivar even now wished to spare unnecessary bloodshed, and demanded only that the assassins of his brother and countrymen should be given up for punishment. all others who should surrender and become subjects of "our lord the king" should be well treated. but the dogged indians, like wounded wolves in their den, stuck in their barricaded houses, and refused all terms of peace. the rock was captured, but the town remained. a pueblo is a fortress in itself; and now zaldivar had to storm acoma house by house, room by room. the little _pedrero_ was dragged in front of the first row of houses, and soon began to deliver its slow fire. as the adobe walls crumbled under the steady battering of the stone cannon-balls, they only formed great barricades of clay, which even our modern artillery would not pierce; and each had to be carried separately at the point of the sword. some of the fallen houses caught fire from their own _fogones_;[14] and soon a stifling smoke hung over the town, from which issued the shrieks of women and babes and the defiant yells of the warriors. the humane zaldivar made every effort to save the women and children, at great risk of self; but numbers perished beneath the falling walls of their own houses. [illustration: ruins of church at pecos. _see page 161._] this fearful storming lasted until noon of january 24. now and then bands of warriors made sorties, and tried to cut their way through the spanish line. many sprang in desperation over the cliff, and were dashed to pieces at its foot; and two indians who made that incredible leap survived it as miraculously as had the four spaniards in the earlier massacre, and made their escape. at last, at noon of the third day, the old men came forth to sue for mercy, which was at once granted. the moment they surrendered, their rebellion was forgotten and their treachery forgiven. there was no need of further punishment. the ringleaders in the murder of zaldivar's brother were all dead, and so were nearly all the navajo allies. it was the most bloody struggle new mexico ever saw. in this three days' fight the indians lost five hundred slain and many wounded; and of the surviving spaniards not one but bore to his grave many a ghastly scar as mementos of acoma. the town was so nearly destroyed that it had all to be rebuilt; and the infinite labor with which the patient people had brought up that cliff on their backs all the stones and timber and clay to build a many-storied town for nearly a thousand souls was all to be repeated. their crops, too, and all other supplies, stored in dark little rooms of the terraced houses, had been destroyed, and they were in sore want. truly a bitter punishment had been sent them by "those above" for their treachery to juan de zaldivar. when his men had sufficiently recovered from their wounds vicente de zaldivar, the leader of probably the most wonderful capture in history, marched victorious back to san gabriel de los españoles, taking with him eighty young acoma girls, whom he sent to be educated by the nuns in old mexico. what a shout must have gone up from the gray walls of the little colony when its anxious watchers saw at last the wan and unexpected tatters of its little army pricking slowly homeward across the snows on jaded steeds! the rest of the pueblos, who had been lying demure as cats, with claws sheathed, but every lithe muscle ready to spring, were fairly paralyzed with awe. they had looked to see the spaniards defeated, if not crushed, at acoma; and then a swift rising of all the tribes would have made short work of the remaining invaders. but now the impossible had happened! ah'ko, the proud sky-city of the quéres; ah'ko, the cliff-girt and impregnable,--had fallen before the pale strangers! its brave warriors had come to naught, its strong houses were a chaos of smoking ruins, its wealth was gone, its people nearly wiped from off the earth! what use to struggle against "such men of power,"--these strange wizards who must be precious to "those above," else they never could have such superhuman prowess? the strung sinews relaxed, and the great cat began to purr as though she had never dreamt of mousing. there was no more thought of a rebellion against the spaniards; and the indians even went out of their way to court the favor of these awesome strangers. they brought oñate the news of the fall of acoma several days before zaldivar and his heroes got back to the little colony, and even were mean enough to deliver to him two quéres refugees from that dread field who had sought shelter among them. thenceforth governor oñate had no more trouble with the pueblos. but acoma itself seemed to take the lesson to heart less than any of them. too crushed and broken to think of further war with its invincible foes, it still remained bitterly hostile to the spaniards for full thirty years, until it was again conquered by a heroism as splendid as zaldivar's, though in a far different way. in 1629 fray juan ramirez, "the apostle of acoma," left santa fé alone to found a mission in that lofty home of fierce barbarians. an escort of soldiers was offered him, but he declined it, and started unaccompanied and on foot, with no other weapon than his crucifix. tramping his footsore and dangerous way, he came after many days to the foot of the great "island" of rock, and began the ascent. as soon as the savages saw a stranger of the hated people, they rallied to the brink of the cliff and poured down a great flight of arrows, some of which pierced his robes. just then a little girl of acoma, who was standing on the edge of the cliff, grew frightened at the wild actions of her people, and losing her balance tumbled over the precipice. by a strange providence she fell but a few yards, and landed on a sandy ledge near the fray, but out of sight of her people, who presumed that she had fallen the whole height of the cliff. fray juan climbed to her, and carried her unhurt to the top of the rock; and seeing this apparent miracle, the savages were disarmed, and received him as a good wizard. the good man dwelt alone there in acoma for more than twenty years, loved by the natives as a father, and teaching his swarthy converts so successfully that in time many knew their catechism, and could read and write in spanish. besides, under his direction they built a large church with enormous labor. when he died, in 1664, the acomas from being the fiercest indians had become the gentlest in new mexico, and were among the furthest advanced in civilization. but a few years after his death came the uprising of all the pueblos; and in the long and disastrous wars which followed the church was destroyed, and the fruits of the brave fray's work largely disappeared. in that rebellion fray lucas maldonado, who was then the missionary to acoma, was butchered by his flock on the 10th or 11th of august, 1680. in november, 1692, acoma voluntarily surrendered to the reconqueror of new mexico, diego de vargas. within a few years, however, it rebelled again; and in august, 1696, vargas marched against it, but was unable to storm the rock. but by degrees the pueblos grew to lasting peace with the humane conquerors, and to merit the kindness which was steadily proffered them. the mission at acoma was re-established about the year 1700; and there stands to-day a huge church which is one of the most interesting in the world, by reason of the infinite labor and patience which built it. the last attempt at a pueblo uprising was in 1728; but acoma was not implicated in it at all. the strange stone stairway by which fray juan ramirez climbed first to his dangerous parish in the teeth of a storm of arrows, is used by the people of acoma to this day, and is still called by them _el camino del padre_ (the path of the father). footnotes: [14] fireplaces. v. the soldier poet. but now to go back a little. the young officer who made that superb leap across the chasm at acoma, pushed back the bridge-log, and so saved the lives of his comrades, and indirectly of all the spanish in new mexico, was captain gaspar perez de villagran.[15] he was highly educated, being a graduate of a spanish university; young, ambitious, fearless, and athletic; a hero among the heroes of the new world, and a chronicler to whom we are greatly indebted. the six extant copies of the fat little parchment-bound book of his historical poem, in thirty-four heroic cantos, are each worth many times their weight in gold. it is a great pity that we could not have had a villagran for each of the campaigns of the pioneers of america, to tell us more of the details of those superhuman dangers and hardships,--for most of the chroniclers of that day treat such episodes as briefly as we would a trip from new york to brooklyn. the leaping of the chasm was not captain villagran's only connection with the bloody doings at acoma in the winter of 1598-99. he came very near being a victim of the first massacre, in which juan de zaldivar and his men perished, and escaped that fate only to suffer hardships as fearful as death. in the fall of 1598 four soldiers deserted oñate's little army at san gabriel; and the governor sent villagran, with three or four soldiers, to arrest them. it is hard to say what a sheriff nowadays would think if called upon to follow four desperadoes nearly a thousand miles across such a desert, and with a _posse_ so small. but captain villagran kept the trail of the deserters; and after a pursuit of at least nine hundred miles, overtook them in southern chihuahua, mexico. the deserters made a fierce resistance. two were killed by the officers, and two escaped. villagran left his little _posse_ there, and retraced his dangerous nine hundred miles alone. arriving at the pueblo of puaray, on the west bank of the rio grande, opposite bernalillo, he learned that his commander oñate had just marched west, on the perilous trip to moqui, of which you have already heard. villagran at once turned westward, and started alone to follow and overtake his countrymen. the trail was easily followed, for the spaniards had the only horses within what is now the united states; but the lonely follower of it was beset with continual danger and hardship. he came in sight of acoma just too late to witness the massacre of juan de zaldivar and the fearful fall of the five spaniards. the survivors had already left the fatal spot; and when the natives saw a solitary spaniard approaching, they descended from their rock citadel to surround and slay him. villagran had no firearms, nothing but his sword, dagger, and shield. although he knew nothing of the dreadful events which had just occurred, he became suspicious of the manner in which the savages were hemming him in; and though his horse was gaunt from its long journey, he spurred it to a gallant effort, and fought his way through the closing circle of indians. he kept up his flight until well into the night, making a long circuit to avoid coming too near the town, and at last got down exhausted from his exhausted horse, and laid himself on the bare earth to rest. when he awoke it was snowing hard, and he was half buried under the cold, white blanket. remounting, he pushed on in the darkness, to get as far as possible from acoma ere daylight should betray him. suddenly horse and rider fell into a deep pit, which the indians had dug for a trap and covered with brush and earth. the fall killed the poor horse, and villagran himself was badly hurt and stunned. at last, however, he managed to crawl out of the pit, to the great joy of his faithful dog, who sat whining and shivering upon the edge. the soldier-poet speaks most touchingly of this dumb companion of his long and perilous journey, and evidently loved it with the affection which only a brave man can give and a faithful dog merit. starting again on foot, villagran soon lost his way in that trackless wilderness. for four days and four nights he wandered without a morsel of food or a drop of water,--for the snow had already disappeared. many a man has fasted longer under equal hardships; but only those who have tasted the thirst of the arid lands can form the remotest conception of the meaning of ninety-six hours without water. two days of that thirst is often fatal to strong men; and that villagran endured four was little short of miraculous. at last, fairly dying of thirst, with dry, swollen tongue, hard and rough as a file, projecting far beyond his teeth, he was reduced to the sad necessity of slaying his faithful dog, which he did with tears of manly remorse. calling the poor brute to him, he dispatched it with his sword, and greedily drank the warm blood. this gave him strength to stagger on a little farther; and just as he was sinking to the sand to die, he spied a little hollow in a large rock ahead. crawling feebly to it, he found to his joy that a little snow-water remained in the cavity. scattered about, were a few grains of corn, which seemed a godsend; and he devoured them ravenously. he had now given up all hope of overtaking his commander, and decided to turn back and try to walk that grim two hundred miles to san gabriel. but he was too far gone for the body longer to obey the heroic soul, and would have perished miserably by the little rock tank but for a strange chance. as he lay there, faint and helpless, he suddenly heard voices approaching. he concluded that the indians had trailed him, and gave himself up for lost, for he was too weak to fight. but at last his ear caught the accent of spain; and though it was spoken by hoarse, rough soldiers, you may be sure he thought it the sweetest sound in all the world. it chanced that the night before, some of the horses of oñate's camp had strayed away, and a small squad of soldiers was sent out to catch them. in following the trail of the runaways, they came in sight of captain villagran. luckily they saw him, for he could no longer shout nor run after them. tenderly they lifted up the wounded officer and bore him back to camp; and there, under the gentle nursing of bearded men, he slowly recovered strength, and in time became again the daring athlete of other days. he accompanied oñate on that long, desert march; and a few months later was at the storming of acoma, and performed the astounding feat which ranks as one of the remarkable individual heroisms of the new world. footnotes: [15] pronounced veel-yah-gráhn. vi. the pioneer missionaries. to pretend to tell the story of the spanish pioneering of the americas without special attention to the missionary pioneers, would be very poor justice and very poor history. in this, even more than in other qualities, the conquest was unique. the spaniard not only found and conquered, but converted. his religious earnestness was not a whit behind his bravery. as has been true of all nations that have entered new lands,--and as we ourselves later entered this,--his first step had to be to subdue the savages who opposed him. but as soon as he had whipped these fierce grown-children, he began to treat them with a great and noble mercy,--a mercy none too common even now, and in that cruel time of the whole world almost unheard of. he never robbed the brown first americans of their homes, nor drove them on and on before him; on the contrary, he protected and secured to them by special laws the undisturbed possession of their lands for all time. it is due to the generous and manly laws made by spain three hundred years ago, that our most interesting and advanced indians, the pueblos, enjoy to-day full security in their lands; while nearly all others (who never came fully under spanish dominion) have been time after time ousted from lands our government had solemnly given to them. that was the beauty of an indian policy which was ruled, not by politics, but by the unvarying principle of humanity. the indian was first required to be obedient to his new government. he could not learn obedience in everything all at once; but he must at least refrain from butchering his new neighbors. as soon as he learned that lesson, he was insured protection in his rights of home and family and property. then, as rapidly as such a vast work could be done by an army of missionaries who devoted their lives to the dangerous task, he was educated to citizenship and christianity. it is almost impossible for us, in these quiet days, to comprehend what it was to convert a savage half-world. in our part of north america there have never been such hopeless tribes as the spaniards met in mexico and other southern lands. never did any other people anywhere complete such a stupendous missionary work. to begin to understand the difficulties of that conversion, we must look into an appalling page of history. most indians and savage peoples have religions as unlike ours as are their social organizations. there are few tribes that dream of one supreme being. most of them worship many gods,--"gods" whose attributes are very like those of the worshipper; "gods" as ignorant and cruel and treacherous as he. it is a ghastly thing to study these religions, and to see what dark and revolting qualities ignorance can deify. the merciless gods of india, who are supposed to delight in the crushing of thousands under the wheels of juggernaut, and in the sacrificing of babes to the ganges, and in the burning alive of girl-widows, are fair examples of what the benighted can believe; and the horrors of india were fully paralleled in america. the religions of our north american indians had many astounding and dreadful features; but they were mild and civilized compared with the hideous rites of mexico and the southern lands. to understand something of what the spanish missionaries had to combat throughout america, aside from the common danger, let us glance at the condition of affairs in mexico at their coming. the nahuatl, or aztecs, and similar indian tribes of ancient mexico, had the general pagan creed of all american indians, with added horrors of their own. they were in constant blind dread of their innumerable savage gods,--for to them everything they could not see and understand, and nearly everything they could, was a divinity. but they could not conceive of any such divinity as one they could love; it was always something to be afraid of, and mortally afraid of. their whole attitude of life was one of dodging the cruel blows of an unseen hand; of placating some fierce god who could not love, but might be bribed not to destroy. they could not conceive a real creation, nor that _anything_ could be without father and mother: stones and stars and winds and gods had to be born the same as men. their "heaven," if they could have understood such a word, was crowded with gods, each as individual and personal as we, with greater powers than we, but with much the same weaknesses and passions and sins. in fact, they had invented and arranged gods by their own savage standards, giving them the powers they themselves most desired, but unable to attribute virtues they could not understand. so, too, in judging what would please these gods, they went by what would please themselves. to have bloody vengeance on their enemies; to rob and slay, or be paid tribute for not robbing and slaying; to be richly dressed and well fed,--these, and other like things which seemed to them the highest personal ambitions, they thought must be likewise pleasing to "those above." so they spent most of their time and anxiety in buying off these strange gods, who were even more dreaded than savage neighbors. their ideas of a god were graphically expressed in the great stone idols of which mexico was once full, some of which are still preserved in the museums. they are often of heroic size, and are carved from the hardest stone with great painstaking, but their faces and figures are indescribably dreadful. such an idol as that of the grim huitzilopochtli was as horrible a thing as human ingenuity ever invented, and the same grotesque hideousness runs through all the long list of mexican idols. these idols were attended with the most servile care, and dressed in the richest ornaments known to indian wealth. great strings of turquoise,--the most precious "gem" of the american aborigines,--and really precious mantles of the brilliant feathers of tropic birds, and gorgeous shells were hung lavishly upon those great stone nightmares. thousands of men devoted their lives to the tending of the dumb deities, and humbled and tortured themselves unspeakably to please them. but gifts and care were not enough. treachery to his friends was still to be feared from such a god. he must still further be bought off; everything that to an indian seemed valuable was proffered to the indian's god, to keep him in good humor. and since human life was the most precious thing an indian could understand, it became his most important and finally his most frequent offering. to the indian it seemed no crime to take a life to please a god. he had no idea of retribution after death, and he came to look upon human sacrifice as a legitimate, moral, and even divine institution. in time, such sacrifices became of almost daily occurrence at each of the numberless temples. it was the most valued form of worship; so great was its importance that the officials or priests had to go through a more onerous training than does any minister of a christian faith. they could reach their position only by pledging and keeping up unceasing and awful self-deprivation and self-mutilation. human lives were offered not only to one or two principal idols of each community, but each town had also many minor fetiches to which such sacrifices were made on stated occasions. so fixed was the custom of sacrifice, and so proper was it deemed, that when cortez came to cempohuál the natives could think of no other way to welcome him with sufficient honor, and in perfect cordiality proposed to offer up human sacrifices to him. it is hardly necessary to add that cortez sternly declined this pledge of hospitality. these rites were mostly performed on the teocallis, or sacrificial mounds, of which there were one or more in every indian town. these were huge artificial mounds of earth, built in the shape of truncated pyramids, and faced all over with stone. they were from fifty to two hundred feet high, and sometimes many hundreds of feet square at the base. upon the flat top of the pyramid stood a small tower,--the dingy chapel which enclosed the idol. the grotesque face of the stone deity looked down upon a cylindrical stone which had a bowl-like cavity in the top,--the altar, or sacrificial stone. this was generally carved also, and sometimes with remarkable skill and detail. the famous so-called "aztec calendar stone" in the national museum of mexico, which once gave rise to so many wild speculations, is merely one of these sacrificial altars, dating from before columbus. it is a wonderful piece of indian stone-carving. the idol, the inner walls of the temple, the floor, the altar, were always wet with the most precious fluid on earth. in the bowl human hearts smouldered. black-robed wizards, their faces painted black with white rings about eyes and mouth, their hair matted with blood, their faces raw from constant self-torture, forever flitted to and fro, keeping watch by night and day, ready always for the victims whom that dreadful superstition was always ready to bring. the supply of victims was drawn from prisoners taken in war, and from slaves paid as tribute by conquered tribes; and it took a vast supply. sometimes as many as five hundred were sacrificed on one altar on one great day. they were stretched naked upon the sacrificial stone, and butchered in a manner too horrible to be described here. their palpitating hearts were offered to the idol, and then thrown into the great stone bowl; while the bodies were kicked down the long stone stairway to the bottom of the great mound, where they were seized upon by the eager crowd. the mexicans were not cannibals regularly and as a matter of taste; but they devoured these bodies as part of their grim religion. it is too revolting to go more into detail concerning these rites. enough has been said to give some idea of the moral barrier encountered by the spanish missionaries when they came to such blood-thirsty savages with a gospel which teaches love and the universal brotherhood of man. such a creed was as unintelligible to the indian as white blackness would be to us; and the struggle to make him understand was one of the most enormous and apparently hopeless ever undertaken by human teachers. before the missionaries could make these savages even listen to--much less understand--christianity, they had the dangerous task of proving this paganism worthless. the indian believed absolutely in the power of his gory stone-god. if he should neglect his idol, he felt sure the idol would punish and destroy him; and of course he would not believe anything that could be told him to the contrary. the missionary had not only to say, "your idol is worthless; he cannot hurt anybody; he is only a stone, and if you kick him he cannot punish you," but he had to prove it. no indian was going to be so foolhardy as to try the experiment, and the new teacher had to do it in person. of course he could not even do that at first; for if he had begun his missionary work by offering any indignity to one of those ugly gods of porphyry, its "priests" would have slain him on the spot. but when the indians saw at last that the missionary was not struck down by some supernatural power for speaking against their gods, there was one step gained. by degrees he could touch the idol, and they saw that he was still unharmed. at last he overturned and broke the cruel images; and the breathless and terrified worshippers began to distrust and despise the cowardly divinities they had played the slave to, but whom a stranger could insult and abuse with impunity. it was only by this rude logic, which the debased savages could understand, that the spanish missionaries proved to the indians that human sacrifice was a human mistake and not the will of "those above." it was a wonderful achievement, just the uprooting of this one, but worst, custom of the indian religion,--a custom strengthened by centuries of constant practice. but the spanish apostles were equal to the task; and the infinite faith and zeal and patience which finally abolished human sacrifice in mexico, led gradually on, step by step, to the final conversion of a continent and a half of savages to christianity. vii. the church-builders in new mexico. to give even a skeleton of spanish missionary work in the two americas would fill several volumes. the most that can be done here is to take a sample leaf from that fascinating but formidable record; and for that i shall outline something of what was done in an area particularly interesting to us,--the single province of new mexico. there were many fields which presented even greater obstacles, and cost more lives of uncomplaining martyrs and more generations of discouraging toil; but it is safe to take a modest example, as well as one which so much concerns our own national history. new mexico and arizona--the real wonderland of the united states--were discovered in 1539, as you know, by that spanish missionary whom every young american should remember with honor,--fray marcos, of nizza. you have had glimpses, too, of the achievements of fray ramirez, fray padilla, and other missionaries in that forbidding land, and have gained some idea of the hardships which were common to all their brethren; for the wonderful journeys, the lonely self-sacrifice, the gentle zeal, and too often the cruel deaths of these men were not exceptions, but fair types of what the apostle to the southwest must expect. there have been missionaries elsewhere whose flocks were as long ungrateful and murderous, but few if any who were more out of the world. new mexico has been for three hundred and fifty years, and is to-day, largely a wilderness, threaded with a few slender oases. to people of the eastern states a desert seems very far off; but there are hundreds of thousands of square miles in our own southwest to this day where the traveller is very likely to die of thirst, and where poor wretches every year do perish by that most awful of deaths. even now there is no trouble in finding hardship and danger in new mexico; and once it was one of the cruellest wildernesses conceivable. scarce a decade has gone by since an end was put to the indian wars and harassments, which had lasted continuously for more than three centuries. when spanish colonist or spanish missionary turned his back on old mexico to traverse the thousand-mile, roadless desert to new mexico, he took his life in his hands; and every day in that savage province he was in equal danger. if he escaped death by thirst or starvation by the way, if the party was not wiped out by the merciless apache, then he settled in the wilderness as far from any other home of white men as chicago is from boston. if a missionary, he was generally alone with a flock of hundreds of cruel savages; if a soldier or a farmer, he had from two hundred to fifteen hundred friends in an area as big as new england, new york, pennsylvania, and ohio combined, in the very midst of a hundred thousand swarthy foes whose war-whoop he was likely to hear at any moment, and never had long chance to forget. he came poor, and that niggard land never made him rich. even in the beginning of this century, when some began to have large flocks of sheep, they were often left penniless by one night's raid of apaches or navajos. such was new mexico when the missionaries came, and very nearly such it remained for more than three hundred years. if the most enlightened and hopeful mind in the old world could have looked across to that arid land, it would never have dreamed that soon the desert was to be dotted with churches,--and not little log or mud chapels, but massive stone masonries whose ruins stand to-day, the noblest in our north america. but so it was; neither wilderness nor savage could balk that great zeal. the first church in what is now the united states was founded in st. augustine, fla., by fray francisco de pareja in 1560,--but there were many spanish churches in america a half century earlier yet. the several priests whom coronado brought to new mexico in 1540 did brave missionary work, but were soon killed by the indians. the first church in new mexico and the second in the united states was founded in september, 1598, by the ten missionaries who accompanied juan de oñate, the colonizer. it was a small chapel at san gabriel de los españoles (now chamita). san gabriel was deserted in 1605, when oñate founded santa fé, though it is probable that the chapel was still occasionally used. in time, however, it fell into decay. as late as 1680 the ruins of this honorable old church were still visible; but now they are quite indistinguishable. one of the first things after establishing the new town of santa fé was of course to build a church,--and here, by about 1606, was reared the third church in the united states. it did not long meet the growing requirements of the colony; and in 1622 fray alonzo de benavides, the historian, laid the foundations of the parish church of santa fé, which was finished in 1627. the church of san miguel in the same old city was built after 1636. its original walls are still standing, and form part of a church which is used to-day. it was partly destroyed in the pueblo rebellion of 1680, and was restored in 1710. the new cathedral of santa fé is built over the remnants of the still more ancient parish church. in 1617--three years before plymouth rock--there were already _eleven_ churches in use in new mexico. santa fé was the only spanish town; but there were also churches at the dangerous indian pueblos of galisteo and pecos, two at jemez (nearly one hundred miles west of santa fé, and in an appalling wilderness), taos (as far north), san yldefonso, santa clara, sandia, san felipe, and santo domingo. it was a wonderful achievement for each lonely missionary--for they had neither civil nor military assistance in their parishes--so soon to have induced his barbarous flock to build a big stone church, and worship there the new white god. the churches in the two jemez pueblos had to be abandoned about 1622 on account of incessant harassment by the navajos, who from time immemorial had ravaged that section, but were occupied again in 1626. the spaniards were confined by the necessities of the desert, so far as home-making went, to the valley of the rio grande, which runs about north and south through the middle of new mexico. but their missionaries were under no such limitation. where the colonists could not exist, _they_ could pray and teach; and very soon they began to penetrate the deserts which stretch far on either side from that narrow ribbon of colonizable land. at zuñi, far west of the river and three hundred miles from santa fé, the missionaries had established themselves as early as 1629. soon they had six churches in six of the "seven cities of cibola" (the zuñi towns), of which the one at chyánahue is still beautifully preserved; and in the same period they had taken foothold two hundred miles deeper yet in the desert, and built three churches among the wondrous cliff-towns of moqui. down the rio grande there was similar activity. at the ancient pueblo of san antonio de senecú, now nearly obliterated, a church was founded in 1629 by fray antonio de arteaga; and the same brave man, in the same year, founded another at the pueblo of nuestra señora del socorro,--now the american town of socorro. the church in the pueblo of picuries, far in the northern mountains, was built before 1632, for in that year fray ascencion de zárate was buried in it. the church at isleta, about in the centre of new mexico, was built before 1635. a few miles above glorieta, one can see from the windows of a train on the santa fé route a large and impressive adobe ruin, whose fine walls dream away in that enchanted sunshine. it is the old church of the pueblo of pecos; and those walls were reared two hundred and seventy-five years ago. the pueblo, once the largest in new mexico, was deserted in 1840; and its great quadrangle of many-storied indian houses is in utter ruin; but above their gray mounds still tower the walls of the old church which was built before there was a saxon in new england. you see the "mud brick," as some contemptuously call the adobe, is not such a contemptible thing, even for braving the storms of centuries. there was a church at the pueblo of nambé by 1642. in 1662 fray garcia de san francisco founded a church at el paso del norte, on the present boundary-line between mexico and the united states,--a dangerous frontier mission, hundreds of miles alike from the spanish settlements in old and new mexico. the missionaries also crossed the mountains east of the rio grande, and established missions among the pueblos who dwelt in the edge of the great plains. fray geronimo de la llana founded the noble church at cuaray about 1642; and soon after came those at abó, tenabo, and tabirá (better, though incorrectly, known now as the gran quivira). the churches at cuaray, abó, and tabirá are the grandest ruins in the united states, and much finer than many ruins which americans go abroad to see. the second and larger church at tabirá was built between 1660 and 1670; and at about the same time and in the same region--though many thirsty miles away--the churches at tajique[16] and chililí. acoma, as you know, had a permanent missionary by 1629; and he built a church. besides all these, the pueblos of zia, santa ana, tesuque, pojoaque, san juan, san marcos, san lazaro, san cristobal, alameda, santa cruz, and cochiti had each a church by 1680. that shows something of the thoroughness of spanish missionary work. a century before our nation was born, the spanish had built in one of our territories half a hundred permanent churches, nearly all of stone, and nearly all for the express benefit of the indians. that is a missionary record which has never been equalled elsewhere in the united states even to this day; and in all our country we had not built by that time so many churches for ourselves. a glimpse at the life of the missionary to new mexico in the days before there was an english-speaking preacher in the whole western hemisphere is strangely fascinating to all who love that lonely heroism which does not need applause or companionship to keep it alive. to be brave in battle or any similar excitement is a very easy thing. but to be a hero alone and unseen, amid not only danger but every hardship and discouragement, is quite another matter. the missionary to new mexico had of course to come first from old mexico,--or, before that, from spain. some of these quiet, gray-robed men had already seen such wanderings and such dangers as even the stanleys of nowadays do not know. they had to furnish their own vestments and church furniture, and to pay for their own transportation from mexico to new mexico,--for very early a "line" of semi-annual armed expeditions across the bitter intervening wilderness was arranged. the fare was $266, which made serious havoc with the good man's salary of $150 a year (at which figure the salaries remained up to 1665, when they were raised to $330, payable every three years). it was not much like a call to a fashionable pulpit in these times. out of this meagre pay--which was all the synod itself could afford to give him--he had to pay all the expenses of himself and his church. arriving, after a perilous trip, in perilous new mexico,--and the journey and the territory were still dangerous in the present generation,--the missionary proceeded first to santa fé. his superior there soon assigned him a parish; and turning his back on the one little colony of his countrymen, the fray trudged on foot fifty, one hundred, or three hundred miles, as the case might be, to his new and unknown post. sometimes an escort of three or four spanish soldiers accompanied him; but often he made that toilsome and perilous walk alone. his new parishioners received him sometimes with a storm of arrows, and sometimes in sullen silence. he could not speak to them, nor they to him; and the very first thing he had to do was to learn from such unwilling teachers their strange tongue,--a language much more difficult to acquire than latin, greek, french, or german. entirely alone among them, he had to depend upon himself and upon the untender mercies of his flock for life and all its necessities. if they decided to kill him, there was no possibility of resistance. if they refused him food, he must starve. if he became sick or crippled, there were no nurses or doctors for him except these treacherous savages. i do not think there was ever in history a picture of more absolute loneliness and helplessness and hopelessness than the lives of these unheard-of martyrs; and as for mere danger, no man ever faced greater. the provision made for the support of the missionaries was very simple. besides the small salary paid him by the synod, the pastor must receive some help from his parish. this was a moral as well as a material necessity. that interest partly depends on personal giving, is a principle recognized in all churches. so at once the spanish laws commanded from the pueblos the same contribution to the church as moses himself established. each indian family was required to give the tithe and the first fruits to the church, just as they had always given them to their pagan cacique. this was no burden to the indians, and it supported the priest in a very humble way. of course the indians did _not_ give a tithe; at first they gave just as little as they could. the "father's" food was their corn, beans, and squashes, with only a little meat rarely from their hunts,--for it was a long time before there were flocks of cattle or sheep to draw from. he also depended on his unreliable congregation for help in cultivating his little plot of ground, for wood to keep him from freezing in those high altitudes, and even for water,--since there were no waterworks nor even wells, and all water had to be brought considerable distances in jars. dependent wholly upon such suspicious, jealous, treacherous helpers, the good man often suffered greatly from hunger and cold. there were no stores, of course, and if he could not get food from the indians he must starve. wood was in some cases twenty miles distant, as it is from isleta to-day. his labors also were not small. he must not only convert these utter pagans to christianity, but teach them to read and write, to farm by better methods, and, in general, to give up their barbarism for civilization. how difficult it was to do this even the statesman of to-day can hardly measure; but what was the price in blood is simple to be understood. it was not the killing now and then of one of these noble men by his ungrateful flock,--it was almost a habit. it was not the sin of one or two towns. the pueblos of taos, picuries, san yldefonso, nambé, pojoaque, tesuque, pecos, galisteo, san marcos, santo domingo, cochiti, san felipe, puaray, jemez, acoma, halona, hauicu, ahuatui, mishongenivi, and oraibe--twenty different towns--at one time or another murdered their respective missionaries. some towns repeated the crime several times. up to the year 1700, _forty_ of these quiet heroes in gray had been slain by the indians in new mexico,--two by the apaches, but all the rest by their own flocks. of these, one was poisoned; the others died bloody and awful deaths. even in the last century several missionaries were killed by secret poison,--an evil art in which the indians were and are remarkably adept; and when the missionary had been killed, the indians burned the church. one very important feature must not be lost sight of. not only did these spanish teachers achieve a missionary work unparalleled elsewhere by others, but they made a wonderful mark on the world's knowledge. among them were some of the most important historians america has had; and they were among the foremost scholars in every intellectual line, particularly in the study of languages. they were not merely chroniclers, but students of native antiquities, arts, and customs,--such historians, in fact, as are paralleled only by those great classic writers, herodotus and strabo. in the long and eminent list of spanish missionary authors were such men as torquemada, sahagun, motolinia, mendieta, and many others; and their huge volumes are among the greatest and most indispensable helps we have to a study of the real history of america. footnotes: [16] pronounced tah-_hee_-ky. viii. alvarado's leap. if the reader should ever go to the city of mexico,--as i hope he may, for that ancient town, which was old and populous when columbus was born, is alive with romantic interest,--he will have pointed out to him, on the rivera de san cosme, the historic spot still known as el salto de alvarado. it is now a broad, civilized street, with horse-cars running, with handsome buildings, with quaint, contented folk sauntering to and fro, and with little outwardly to recall the terrors of that cruellest night in the history of america,--the _noche triste_. the leap of alvarado is among the famous deeds in history, and the leaper was a striking figure in the pioneering of the new world. in the first great conquest he bore himself gallantly, and the story of his exploits then and thereafter would make a fascinating romance. a tall, handsome man, with yellow locks and ruddy face, young, impulsive, and generous, a brilliant soldier and charming comrade, he was a general favorite with spaniard and indian alike. though for some reason not fully liked by cortez, he was the conqueror's right-hand man, and throughout the conquest of mexico had generally the post of greatest danger. he was a college man, and wrote a large, bold hand,--none too common an accomplishment in those days, you will remember,--and signed a beautiful autograph. he was not a great leader of men like cortez,--his valor sometimes ran away with his prudence; but as a field-officer he was as dashing and brilliant as could be found. captain pedro de alvarado was a native of seville, and came to the new world in his young manhood, soon winning some recognition in cuba. in 1518 he accompanied grijalva in the voyage which discovered mexico, and carried back to cuba the few treasures they had collected. in the following year, when cortez sailed to the conquest of the new and wonderful land, alvarado accompanied him as his lieutenant. in all the startling feats of that romantic career he played a conspicuous part. in the crisis when it became necessary to seize the treacherous moctezuma, alvarado was active and prominent. he had much to do with moctezuma during the latter's detention as a hostage; and his frankness made him a great favorite with the captive war-chief. he was left in command of the little garrison at mexico when cortez marched off on his audacious but successful expedition against narvaez, and discharged that responsible duty well. before cortez got back, came the symptoms of an indian uprising,--the famous war-dance. alvarado was alone, and had to meet the crisis on his own responsibility. but he was equal to the emergency. he understood the murderous meaning of this "ghost-dance," as every indian-fighter does, and the way to meet it. in his unsuccessful attempt to capture the wizards who were stirring up the populace to massacre the strangers, alvarado was severely wounded. but he bore his part in the desperate resistance to the indian assaults, in which nearly every spaniard was wounded. in the great fighting to hold their adobe stronghold, and the wild sorties to force back the flood of savages, the golden-haired lieutenant was always a prominent figure. when cortez, who had now returned with his reinforcements, saw that mexico was untenable and that their only salvation was in retreat from the lake city to the mainland, the post of honor fell to alvarado. there were twelve hundred spaniards and two thousand tlaxcaltecan allies, and this force was divided into three commands. the vanguard was led by juan velasquez, the second division by cortez, the third, upon which it was expected the brunt of pursuit would fall, by alvarado. all was quiet when the spaniards crept from their refuge to try to escape along the dyke. it was a rainy night, and intensely dark; and with their horses' hoofs and little cannon muffled, the spaniards moved as quietly as possible along the narrow bank, which stretched like a tongue from the island city to the mainland. [illustration: church, pueblo of isleta. _see page 163._] this dyke was cut by three broad sluices, and to cross them the soldiers carried a portable bridge. but despite their care the savages promptly detected the movement. scarcely had they issued from their barracks and got upon the dyke, when the boom of the monster war-drum, _tlapan huehuetl_, from the summit of the pyramid of sacrifice, burst upon the still night,--the knell of their hopes. it is an awesome sound still, the deep bellowing of that great three-legged drum, which is used to-day, and can be heard more than fifteen miles; and to the spaniards it was the voice of doom. great bonfires shot up from the teocalli, and they could see the savages swarming to overwhelm them. hurrying as fast as their wounds and burdens would permit, the spaniards reached the first sluice in safety. they threw their bridge over the gulf, and began crossing. then the indians came swarming in their canoes at either side of the dyke, and attacked with characteristic ferocity. the beset soldiers fought as they struggled on. but as the artillery was crossing the bridge it broke, and down went cannon, horses, and men forever. then began the indescribable horrors of "the sad night." there was no retreat for the spaniards, for they were assailed on every side. those behind were pushing on, and there was no staying even for that gap of black water. over the brink man and horse were crowded in the darkness, and still those behind came on, until at last the channel was choked with corpses, and the survivors floundered across the chaos of their dead. velasquez, the leader of the vanguard, was slain, and spaniard and tlaxcaltecan were falling like wheat before the sickle. the second sluice, as well as each side of the dyke, was blocked with canoes full of savage warriors; and there was another sanguinary mêlée until this gap too was filled with slain, and over the bridge of human corpses the fugitives gained the other bank. alvarado, fighting with the rearmost to hold in check the savages who followed along the dyke, was the last to cross; and before he could follow his comrades the current suddenly broke through the ghastly obstruction, and swept the channel clear. his faithful horse had been killed under him; he himself was sorely wounded; his friends were gone, and the merciless foe hemmed him in. we cannot but be reminded of the roman hero,- "of him who held the bridge so well in the brave days of old." alvarado's case was fully as desperate as that of horatius; and he rose as manlike to the occasion. with one swift glance about, he saw that to plunge into the flood would be sure death. so, with a supreme effort of his muscular frame, he thrust down his lance and sprang! it was a distance of eighteen feet. considerably longer jumps have been recorded. our own washington once made a running jump of over twenty feet in his athletic youth. but considering the surroundings, the darkness, his wounds, and his load of armor, the wonderful leap of alvarado has perhaps never been surpassed:- "for fast his blood was flowing, and he was sore in pain; and heavy was his armor, and spent with changing blows." but the leap was made, and the heroic leaper staggered up the farther bank and rejoined his countrymen. from here the remnant fought, struggling along the causeway, to the mainland. the indians at last drew off from the pursuit, and the exhausted spaniards had time to breathe and look about to see how many had escaped. the survivors were few in number. small wonder if, as the legend tells, their stout-hearted general, used as he was to a stoic control of his feelings, sat him down under the cypress, which is still pointed out as the tree of the _noche triste_, and wept a strong man's tears as he looked upon the pitiful remnant of his brave army. of the twelve hundred spaniards eight hundred and sixty had perished, and of the survivors not one but was wounded. two thousand of his allies, the tlaxcaltecan indians, had also been slain. indeed, had it not been that the savages tried less to kill than to capture the spanish for a more horrible death by the sacrificial knife, not one would have escaped. as it was, the survivors saw later three score of their comrades butchered upon the altar of the great teocalli. all the artillery was lost, and so was all the treasure. not a grain of powder was left in condition to be used, and their armor was battered out of recognition. had the indians pursued now, the exhausted men would have fallen easy victims. but after that terrific struggle the savages were resting too, and the spaniards were permitted to escape. they struck out for the friendly pueblo of tlaxcala by a circuitous route to avoid their enemies, but were attacked at every intervening pueblo. in the plains of otumba was their most desperate hour. surrounded and overwhelmed by the savages, they gave themselves up for lost. but fortunately cortez recognized one of the medicine men by his rich dress, and in a last desperate charge, with alvarado and a few other officers, struck down the person upon whom the superstitious indians hang so much of the fate of war. the wizard dead, his awe-struck followers gave way; and again the spaniards came out from the very jaws of death. in the siege of mexico,--the bloodiest and most romantic siege in all america,--alvarado was probably the foremost figure after cortez. the great general was the head of that remarkable campaign, and a head indeed worth having. there is nothing in history quite like his achievement in having thirteen brigantines built at tlaxcala and transported on the shoulders of men over fifty miles inland across the mountains to be launched on the lake of mexico and aid in the siege. the nearest to it was the great feat of balboa in taking two brigantines across the isthmus. the exploits of hannibal the great carthaginian at the siege of tarentum, and of the spanish "great captain" gonzalo de cordova at the same place, were not at all to be compared to either. in the seventy-three days' fighting of the siege, alvarado was the right hand as cortez was the head. the dashing lieutenant had command of the force which pushed its assault along the same causeway by which they had retreated on the _noche triste_. in one of the battles cortez's horse was killed under him, and the conqueror was being dragged off by the indians when one of his pages dashed forward and saved him. in the final assault and desperate struggle in the city cortez led half the spanish force, and alvarado the other half; and the latter it was who conducted that memorable storming of the great teocalli. after the conquest of mexico, in which he had won such honors, alvarado was sent by cortez to the conquest of guatemala, with a small force. he marched down through oaxaca and tehuantepec to guatemala, meeting a resistance characteristically indian. there were three principal tribes in guatemala,--the quiché, zutuhil, and cacchiquel. the quiché opposed him in the open field, and he defeated them. then they formally surrendered, made peace, and invited him to visit them as a friend in their pueblo of utatlan. when the spaniards were safely in the town and surrounded, the indians set fire to the houses and fell fiercely upon their stifling guests. after a hard engagement alvarado routed them, and put the ringleaders to death. the other two tribes submitted, and in about a year alvarado and his little company had achieved the conquest of guatemala. his services were rewarded by making him governor and adelantado of the province; and he founded his city of guatemala, which in his day probably became something like what mexico then was,--a town containing fifteen thousand to twenty thousand indians and one thousand spaniards. from this, his capital, governor alvarado was frequently absent. there were many expeditions to be made up and down the wild new world. his greatest journey was in 1534, when, building his own vessels as usual, he sailed to ecuador and made the difficult march inland to quito, only to find himself in pizarro's territory. so he returned to guatemala fruitless. during one of his absences occurred the frightful earthquake which destroyed the city of guatemala, and dealt alvarado a personal blow from which he never recovered. above the city towered two great volcanoes,--the volcan del agua and the volcan del fuego. the volcano of water was extinct, and its crater was filled with a lake. the volcano of fire was--and is still--active. in that memorable earthquake the lava rim of the volcan del agua was rent asunder by the convulsion, and its avalanche of waters tumbled headlong upon the doomed city. thousands of the people perished under falling walls and in the resistless flood; and among the lost was alvarado's wife, doña beatriz de la cueva. her death broke the brave soldier's spirit, for he loved her very dearly. in the troublous times which befell mexico after cortez had finished his conquest, and began to be spoiled by prosperity and to make a very unadmirable exhibition of himself, alvarado's support was sought and won by the great and good viceroy, antonio de mendoza,--one of the foremost executive minds of all time. this was no treachery on alvarado's part toward his former commander; for cortez had turned traitor not only to the crown, but also to his friends. the cause of mendoza was the cause of good government and of loyalty. it had become necessary to tame the hostile nayares indians, who had caused the spaniards great trouble in the province of jalisco; and in this campaign alvarado joined mendoza. the indians retreated to the top of the huge and apparently impregnable cliff of the mixton, and they must be dislodged at any cost. the storming of that rock ranks with the storming of acoma as one of the most desperate and brilliant ever recorded. the viceroy commanded in person, but the real achievement was by alvarado and a fellow officer. in the scaling of the cliff alvarado was hit on the head by a rock rolled down by the savages, and died from the wound,--but not until he saw his followers win that brilliant day. the man who, next to alvarado, deserves the credit of the mixton was cristobal de oñate, a man of distinction for several reasons. he was a valued officer, a good executive, and one of the first millionnaires in north america. he was, too, the father of the colonizer of new mexico, juan de oñate. june 11, 1548, several years after the battle of the mixton, the elder oñate discovered the richest silver mines on the continent,--the mines of zacatecas, in the barren and desolate plateau where now stands the mexican city of that name. these huge veins of "ruby," "black," arsenate, and virgin silver made the first millionnaires in north america, as the conquest of peru made the first on the southern continent. the mines of zacatecas were not so vast as those developed at potosi, in bolivia, which produced between 1541 and 1664 the inconceivable sum of $641,250,000 in silver; but the zacatecas mines were also enormously productive. their silver stream was the first realization of the dreams of vast wealth on the northern continent, and made a startling commercial change in this part of the new world. locally, the discovery reduced the price of the staples of life about ninety per cent! mexico was never a great gold country, but for more than three centuries has remained one of the chief silver producers. it is so to-day, though its output is not nearly so large as that of the united states. cristobal de oñate was, therefore, a very important man in the working out of destiny. his "bonanza" made mexico a new country, commercially, and his millions were put to a better use than is always the case nowadays, for they had the honor of building two of the first towns in our own united states. ix. the american golden fleece. we all know of that strange yellow ramskin which hung dragon-guarded in the dark groves of colchis; and how jason and his argonauts won the prize after so many wanderings and besetments. but in our own new world we have had a far more dazzling golden fleece than that mythical pupil of old cheiron ever chased, and one that no man ever captured,--though braver men than jason tried it. indeed, there were hundreds of more than jasons, who fought harder and suffered tenfold deadlier fortunes and never clutched the prize after all. for the dragon which guarded the american golden fleece was no such lap-dog of a chimera as jason's, to swallow a pretty potion and go to sleep. it was a monster bigger than all the land the argonauts lived in and all the lands they roamed; a monster which not man nor mankind has yet done away with,--the mortal monster of the tropics. the myth of jason is one of the prettiest in antiquity, and it is more than pretty. we are beginning to see what an important bearing a fairy tale may have on sober knowledge. the myth has always somewhere some foundation of truth; and that hidden truth may be of enduring value. to study history, indeed, without paying any attention to the related myths, is to shut off a precious side light. human progress, in almost every phase, has been influenced by this quaint but potent factor. where do you fancy chemistry would be if the philosopher's stone and other myths had not lured the old alchemists to pry into mysteries where they found never what they sought, but truths of utmost value to mankind? geography in particular has owed almost more of its growth into a science to myths than to scholarly invention; and the gold myth, throughout the world, has been the prophet and inspiration of discovery, and a moulder of history. we have been rather too much in the habit of classing the spaniards as _the_ gold-hunters, with an intimation that gold-hunting is a sort of sin, and that they were monumentally prone to it. but it is not a spanish copyright,--the trait is common to all mankind. the only difference was that the spaniards found gold; and that is offence enough to "historians" too narrow to consider "what would the english have done had they found gold in america at the outset." i believe it is not denied that when gold was discovered in the uttermost parts of his land the saxon found legs to get to it,--and even adopted measures not altogether handsome in clutching it; but nobody is so silly as to speak of "the days of '49" as a disgrace to us. some lamentable pages there were; but when california suddenly tipped up the continent till the strength of the east ran down to her, she opened one of the bravest and most important and most significant chapters in our national story. for gold is not a sin. it is a very necessary thing, and a very worthy one, as long as we remember that it is a means and not an end, a tool and not an accomplishment,--which point of business common-sense we are quite as apt to forget in wall street as in the mines. we have largely to thank this universal and perfectly proper fondness for gold for giving us america,--as, in fact, for civilizing most other countries. the scientific history of to-day has fully shown how foolishly false is the idea that the spaniards sought merely gold; how manfully they provided for the mind and the soul as well as the pocket. but gold was with them, as it would be even now with other men, the strong motive. the great difference was only that gold did not make them forget their religion. it was the golden finger that beckoned columbus to america, cortez to mexico, pizarro to peru,--just as it led us to california, which otherwise would not have been one of our states to-day. the gold actually found at first in the new world was disappointingly little; up to the conquest of mexico it aggregated only $500,000. cortez swelled the amount, and pizarro jumped it up to a fabulous and dazzling figure. but, curiously enough, the gold that was found did not cut a more important figure in the exploration and civilization of the new world than that which was pursued in vain. the wonderful myth which stands for the american golden fleece had a more startling effect on geography and history than the real and incalculable riches of peru. of this fascinating myth we have very little popular knowledge, except that a corruption of its name is in everybody's mouth. we speak of a rich region as "an eldorado," or "the eldorado" oftener than by any other metaphor; but it is a blunder quite unworthy of scholars. it is simply saying "an the," "the the." the word is dorado; and it does not mean "the golden," as we seem to fancy, but "the gilded man," being a contraction of the spanish _el hombre dorado_. and the dorado, or gilded man, has made a history of achievement beside which jason and all his fellow demi-gods sink into insignificance. like all such myths, this had a foundation in fact. the colchian ramskin was a poetic fancy of the gold mines of the caucasus; but there really _was_ a gilded man. the story of him and what he led to is a fairy tale that has the advantage of being true. it is an enormously complicated theme; but, thanks to bandelier's final unravelling of it, the story can now be told intelligibly,--as it has not been popularly told heretofore. a number of years ago there was found in the lagoon of siecha, in new granada, a quaint little group of statuary; it was of the rude and ancient indian workmanship, and even more precious for its ethnologic interest than for its material, which was pure gold. this rare specimen--which is still to be seen in a museum in berlin--is a golden raft, upon which are grouped ten golden figures of men. it represents a strange custom which was in prehistoric times peculiar to the indians of the village of guatavitá, on the highlands of new granada. that custom was this: on a certain great day one of the chiefs of the village used to smear his naked body with a gum, and then powder himself from head to foot with pure gold-dust. he was the gilded man. then he was taken out by his companions on a raft to the middle of the lake, which was near the village, and leaping from the raft the gilded man used to wash off his precious and wonderful covering and let it sink to the bottom of the lake. it was a sacrifice for the benefit of the village. this custom is historically established, but it had been broken up more than thirty years before the story was first heard of by europeans,--namely, the spaniards in venezuela in 1527. it had not been voluntarily abandoned by the people of guatavitá. the warlike muysca indians of bogota had ended it by swooping down upon the village of guatavitá and nearly exterminating its inhabitants. still, the sacrifice had been a fact; and at that enormous distance and in those uncertain days the spaniards heard of it as still a fact. the story of the gilded man, _el hombre dorado_, shortened to _el dorado_, was too startling not to make an impression. it became a household word, and thenceforward was a lure to all who approached the northern coast of south america. we may wonder how such a tale (which had already become a myth in 1527, since the fact upon which it was founded had ceased) could hold its own for two hundred and fifty years without being fully exploded; but our surprise will cease when we remember what a difficult and enormous wilderness south america was, and how much of it has unexplored mysteries even to-day. the first attempts to reach the gilded man were from the coast of venezuela. charles i. of spain, afterward charles v., had pawned the coast of that spanish possession to the wealthy bavarian family of the welsers, giving them the right to colonize and "discover" the interior. in 1529, ambrosius dalfinger and bartholomew seyler landed at coro, venezuela, with four hundred men. the tale of the gilded man was already current among the spaniards; and, allured by it, dalfinger marched inland to find it. he was a dreadful brute, and his expedition was nothing less than absolute piracy. he penetrated as far as the magdalena river, in new granada, scattering death and devastation wherever he went. he found some gold; but his brutality toward the indians was so great, and in such a strong contrast to what they had been accustomed to from the spaniards, that the exasperated natives turned, and his march amounted to a running fight of more than a year's duration. the trouble was, the welsers cared only to get treasure back for the money they had paid out, and had none of the real spanish spirit of colonizing and christianizing. dalfinger failed to find the gilded man, and died in 1530 from a wound received during his infamous expedition. his successor in command of the welser interests, nicolas federmann, was not much better as a man and no more successful as a pioneer. in 1530 he marched inland to discover the dorado, but his course was due south from coro, so he never touched new granada. after a fearful march through the tropical forests he had to return empty-handed in 1531. here already begins to enter, chronologically, one of the curious ramifications and variations of this prolific myth. at first a fact, in thirty years a fable, now in three years more the gilded man began to be a vagabond will-o'-the-wisp, flitting from one place to another, and gradually becoming tangled up in many other myths. the first variation came in the first attempt to discover the source of the orinoco,--the mighty river which it was supposed could flow only from a great lake. in 1530, antonio sedeño sailed from spain with an expedition to explore the orinoco. he reached the gulf of paria and built a fort, intending thence to push his exploration. while he was doing this, diego de ordaz, a former companion of cortez, had obtained in spain a concession to colonize the district then called maranon,--a vaguely defined area covering venezuela, guiana, and northern brazil. he sailed from spain in 1531, reached the orinoco and sailed up that river to its falls. then he had to return, after two years of vainly trying to overcome the obstacles before him. but on this expedition he heard that the orinoco had its source in a great lake, and that the road to that lake led through a province called meta, said to be fabulously rich in gold. on the authority of bandelier, there is no doubt that this story of meta was only an echo of the dorado tale which had penetrated as far as the tribes of the lower orinoco. ordaz was followed in 1534 by geronimo dortal, who attempted to reach meta, but failed even to get up the orinoco. in 1535 he tried to penetrate overland from the northeast coast of venezuela to meta, but made a complete failure. these attempts from venezuela, as bandelier shows, finally localized the home of the dorado by limiting it to the northwestern part of the continent. it had been vainly sought elsewhere, and the inference was that it must be in the only place left,--the high plateau of new granada. the conquest of the plateau of new granada, after many unsuccessful attempts which cannot be detailed here, was finally made by gonzalo ximenez de quesada in 1536-38. that gallant soldier moved up the magdalena river with a force of six hundred and twenty men on foot, and eighty-five horsemen. of these only one hundred and eighty survived when he reached the plateau in the beginning of 1537. he found the muysca indians living in permanent villages, and in possession of gold and emeralds. they made a characteristic resistance; but one tribe after another was overpowered, and quesada became the conqueror of new granada. the treasure which was divided by the conquerors amounted to 246,976 _pesos de oro_,--about $1,250,000 now,--and 1,815 emeralds, some of which were of enormous size and value. they had found the real home of the gilded man,--and had even come to guatavitá, whose people made a savage resistance,--but of course did not find him, since the custom had been already abandoned. hardly had quesada completed his great conquest when he was surprised by the arrival of two other spanish expeditions, which had been led to the same spot by the myth of the dorado. one was led by federmann, who had penetrated from the coast of venezuela to bogota on this his second expedition,--a frightful journey. at the same time, and without the knowledge of either, sebastian de belalcazar had marched up from quito in search of the gilded man. the story of that gold-covered chief had penetrated the heart of ecuador, and the indian statements induced belalcazar to march to the spot. an arrangement was made between the three leaders by which quesada was left sole master of the country he had conquered, and federmann and belalcazar returned to their respective places. while federmann was chasing the myth thus, a successor to him had already arrived at coro. this was the intrepid german known as "george of speyer," whose real name, bandelier has discovered, was george hormuth. reaching coro in 1535, he heard not only of the dorado, but even of tame sheep to the southwest,--that is, in the direction of peru. following these vague indications, he started southwest, but encountered such enormous difficulties in trying to reach the mountain pass, which the indians told him led to the land of the dorado, that he drifted into the vast and fearful tropical forests of the upper orinoco. here he heard of meta, and, following that myth, penetrated to within one degree of the equator. for twenty-seven months he and his spanish followers floundered in the tangled and swampy wastes between the orinoco and the amazon. they met some very numerous and warlike tribes, most conspicuous of which were the uaupes.[17] they found no gold, but everywhere heard the fable of a great lake associated with gold. of the one hundred and ninety men who started on this expedition only one hundred and thirty came back, and but fifty of these had strength left to bear arms. the whole of the indescribably awful trip lasted three years. the result of its horrors was to deflect the attention of explorers from the real home of the dorado, and to lead them on a wild-goose chase after a related but rather geographic myth to the forests of the amazon. in other words, it prepared for the exploration of northern brazil. shortly after george of speyer, and entirely unconnected with him, francisco pizarro, the conqueror of peru, had given an impulse to the exploration of the amazon from the pacific side of the continent. in 1538, distrusting belalcazar, he sent his brother, gonzalo pizarro, to quito to supersede his suspected lieutenant. the following year gonzalo heard that the cinnamon-tree abounded in the forests on the eastern slope of the andes, and that farther east dwelt powerful indian tribes rich in gold. that is, while the original and genuine myth of the dorado had reached to quito from the north, the echo myth of meta had got there from the east. since belalcazar had gone to the real former home of the dorado, and had failed to find that gentleman at home, it was supposed that the home must be somewhere else,--east, instead of north, from quito. gonzalo made his disastrous expedition into the eastern forests with two hundred and twenty men. in the two years of that ghastly journey all the horses perished, and so did all the indian companions; and the few spaniards who survived to get back to peru in 1541 were utterly broken down. the cinnamon-tree had been found, but not the gilded man. one of gonzalo's lieutenants, francisco de orellana, had gone in advance on the upper amazon with fifty men in a crazy boat. the two companies were unable to come together again, and orellana finally drifted down the amazon to its mouth with untold sufferings. floating out into the atlantic, they finally reached the island of cubagua, sept. 11, 1541. this expedition was the first to bring the world reliable information as to the size and nature of the greatest river on earth, and also to give that river the name it bears to-day. they encountered indian tribes whose women fought side by side with the men, and for that reason named it _rio de las amazones_,--river of the amazons. in 1543 hernan perez quesada, a brother of the conqueror, penetrated the regions which george of speyer had visited. he went in from bogota, having heard the twisted myth of meta, but only found misery, hunger, disease, and hostile savages in the sixteen awful months he floundered in the wilderness. meanwhile spain had become satisfied that the leasing of venezuela to the german money-lenders was a failure. the welser régime was doing nothing but harm. yet a last effort was determined upon, and philip von hutten, a young and gallant german cavalier, left coro in august, 1541, in chase of the golden myth, which by this time had flitted as far south as the amazon. for eighteen months he wandered in a circle, and then, hearing of a powerful and gold-rich tribe called the omaguas, he dashed on south across the equator with his force of forty men. he met the omaguas, was defeated by them and wounded, and finally struggled back to venezuela after suffering for more than three years in the most impassable forests and swamps of the tropics. upon his return he was murdered; and that was the last of the german domination in venezuela. the fact that the omaguas had been able to defeat a spanish company in open battle gave that tribe a great reputation. so strong in numbers and in bravery, it was naturally supposed that they must also have metallic wealth, though no evidence of that had been seen. driven from its home, the myth of the gilded man had become a wandering ghost. its original form had been lost sight of, and from the dorado had gradually been changed to a golden tribe. it had become a confusion and combination of the dorado and meta, following the curious but characteristic course of myths. first, a remarkable fact; then the story of a fact that had ceased to be; then a far-off echo of that story, entirely robbed of the fundamental facts; and at last a general tangle and jumble of fact, story, and echo into a new and almost unrecognizable myth. this vagabond and changeling myth figured prominently in 1550 in the province of peru. in that year several hundred indians from the middle course of the amazon--that is, from about the heart of northern brazil--took refuge in the eastern spanish settlements in peru. they had been driven from their homes by the hostility of neighbor tribes, and had reached peru only after several years of toilsome wanderings. they gave exaggerated accounts of the wealth and importance of the omaguas, and these tales were eagerly credited. still, peru was now in no condition to undertake any new conquest, and it was not till ten years after the arrival of these indian refugees that any step was taken in the matter. the first viceroy of peru, the great and good antonio de mendoza, who had been promoted from the vice-royalty of mexico to this higher dignity, saw in this report the chance for a stroke of wisdom. he had cleared mexico of a few hundred restless fellows who were a great menace to good government, by sending them off to chase the golden phantom of the quivira--that remarkable expedition of coronado which was so important to the history of the united states. he now found in his new province a similar but much worse danger; and it was to rid peru of its unruly and dangerous characters that mendoza set on foot the famous expedition of pedro de ursua. it was the most numerous body of men ever assembled for such a purpose in spanish america in the sixteenth century, but was composed of the worst and most desperate elements that the spanish colonies ever contained. ursua's force was concentrated on the banks of the upper amazon; july 1, 1560, the first brigantine floated down the great river. the main body followed in other brigantines on the 26th of september. the country was one vast tropical forest, absolutely deserted. it soon became apparent that their golden expectations could never be realized, and discontent began to play a bloody rôle. the throng of desperadoes by whose practical banishment the wise viceroy had purified peru, could not be expected to get along well together. no longer scattered among good citizens who could restrain them, but in condensed rascality, they soon began to suggest the fable of the kilkenny cats. their voyage was an orgie entirely indescribable. among these scoundrels was one of peculiar character,--a physically deformed but very ambitious fellow, who had every reason not to wish to return to peru. this was lope de aguirre. seeing that the object of the expedition must absolutely fail, he began to form a nefarious plot. if they could not get gold in the way they had hoped, why not in another way? in short, he conceived the audacious plan of turning traitor to spain and everything else, and founding a new empire. to achieve this he felt it necessary to remove the leaders of the expedition, who might have scruples against betraying their country. so, as the wretched brigantines floated down the great river, they became the stage of a series of atrocious tragedies. first, the commander ursua was assassinated, and in his place was put a young but dissolute nobleman, fernando de guzman. he was at once elevated to the dignity of a prince,--the first open step toward high treason. then guzman was murdered, and also the infamous yñez de atienza, a woman who bore a shameful part in the affair; and the misshapen aguirre became leader and "tyrant." his treason was now undisguised, and he commanded the expedition thenceforth not as a spanish officer, but as a rebel and a pirate. as he steered toward the atlantic, it was with plans of appalling magnitude and daring. he intended to sail to the gulf of mexico, land on the isthmus, seize panama, and thence sail to peru, where he would kill off all who opposed him, and establish an empire of his own! but a curious accident brought his plans to nought. instead of reaching the mouth of the amazon, the flotilla drifted to the left, in that wonderfully tangled river, and got into the rio negro. the sluggish currents prevented their discovering their mistake, and they worked ahead into the cassiquiare, and thence into the orinoco. on the 1st of july, 1561 (a year to a day had been passed in navigating the labyrinth, and the days had been marked with murder right and left), the desperadoes reached the atlantic ocean; but through the mouth of the orinoco, and not, as they had expected, through the amazon. seventeen days later they sighted the island of margarita, where there was a spanish post. by treachery they seized the island, and then proclaimed their independence of spain. this step gave aguirre money and some ammunition, but he still lacked vessels for a voyage by sea. he tried to seize a large vessel which was conveying the provincial monticinos, a dominican missionary, to venezuela; but his treachery was frustrated, and the alarm was given on the mainland. infuriated by his failure, the little monster butchered the royal officers of margarita. his plan to reach panama was balked; but he succeeded at last in capturing a smaller vessel, by means of which he landed on the coast of venezuela in august, 1561. his career on the mainland was one of crime and rapine. the people, taken by surprise, and unable to make immediate resistance to the outlaw, fled at his approach. the authorities sent as far as new granada in their appeals for help; and all northern south america was terrorized. aguirre proceeded without opposition as far as barquecimeto. he found that place deserted; but very soon there arrived the maestro de campo, (colonel) diego de paredes, with a hastily collected loyal force. at the same time quesada, the conqueror of new granada, was hastening against the traitor with what force he could muster. aguirre found himself blockaded in barquecimeto, and his followers began to desert. finally, left almost alone, aguirre slew his daughter (who had shared all those awful wanderings) and surrendered himself. the spanish commander did not wish to execute the arch-traitor; but aguirre's own followers insisted upon his death, and secured it. * * * * * there were many subsequent attempts to discover the gilded man; but they were of little importance, except the one undertaken by sir walter raleigh in 1595. he got only as far as the salto coroni,--that is, failed to achieve anything like as great a feat as even ordaz,--but returned to england with glowing accounts of a great inland lake and rich nations. he had mixed up the legend of the dorado with reports of the incas of peru,--which proves that the spanish were not the only people to swallow fables. indeed, the english and other explorers were fully as credulous and fully as anxious to get to the fabled gold. the myth of the great lake, the lake of parime,[18] gradually absorbed the myth of the gilded man. the historic tradition became merged and lost in the geographic fable. only in the eastern forests of peru did the dorado re-appear in the beginning of the last century, but as a distorted and groundless tale. but lake parime remained on the maps and in geographical descriptions. it is a curious coincidence that where the golden tribes of meta were once believed to exist, the gold fields of guiana (now a bone of contention between england and venezuela) have recently been discovered. it is certain that meta was only a myth, but even the myth was useful. the fable of the lake of parime--long believed in as a great lake with whole ranges of mountains of silver behind it--was fully exploded by humboldt in the beginning of the present century. he showed that there was neither a great lake nor were there mountains of silver. the broad savannas of the orinoco, when overflowed in the rainy season, had been taken for a lake, and the silver background was simply the shimmer of the sunlight on peaks of micaceous rock. with humboldt finally perished the most remarkable fairy tale in history. no other myth or legend in either north or south america ever exercised such a powerful influence on the course of geographical discovery; none ever called out such surpassing human endeavor, and none so well illustrated the matchless tenacity of purpose and the self-sacrifice inherent in the spanish character. it is a new lesson to most of us, but a true and proved one, that this southern nation, more impulsive and impetuous than those of the north, was also more patient and more enduring. the myth died, but it had not existed in vain. before it had been disproved, it had brought about the exploration of the amazon, the orinoco, all brazil north of the amazon, all venezuela, all new granada, and eastern ecuador. if we look at the map a moment, we shall see what this means,--that the gilded man gave to the world the geography of all south america above the equator. footnotes: [17] pronounced wów-pess. [18] pronounced pah-_ree_-may. iii. the greatest conquest. pizarro and peru. i. the swineherd of truxillo. somewhere between the years 1471 and 1478, (we are not sure of the exact date), an unfortunate boy was born in the city of truxillo,[19] province of estremadura, spain. he was an illegitimate son of colonel gonzalo pizarro,[20] who had won distinction in the wars in italy and navarre. but his parentage was no help to him. the disgraced baby never had a home,--it is even said that he was left as a foundling at the door of a church. he grew up to young manhood in ignorance and abject poverty, without schools or care or helping hands, thrown entirely upon his own resources to keep from starving. only the most menial occupations were open to him; but he seems to have done his best with them. how the neighbor-boys would have laughed and hooted if one had said to them: "that dirty, ragged youngster who drives his pigs through the oak-groves of estremadura will one day be the greatest man in a new world which no one has yet seen, and will be a more famous soldier than our great captain,[21] and will divide more gold than the king has!" and we could not have blamed them for their sneers. the wisest man in europe then would have believed as little as they such a wild prophecy; for truly it was the most improbable thing in the world. but the boy who could herd swine faithfully when there was no better work to do, could turn his hand to greater things when greater offered, and do them as well. luckily the new world came just in time for him. if it had not been for columbus, he might have lived and died a swineherd, and history would have lost one of its most gallant figures, as well as many more of those to whom the adventurous genoese opened the door of fame. to thousands of men as undivined by themselves as by others, there was then nothing to see in life but abject obscurity in crowded, ignorant, poverty-stricken europe. when spain suddenly found the new land beyond the seas, it caused such a wakening of mankind as was never before nor ever has been since. there was, almost literally, a new world; and it made almost a new people. not merely the brilliant and the great profited by this wonderful change; there was none so poor and ignorant that he might not now spring up to the full stature of the man that was in him. it was, indeed, the greatest beginning of human liberty, the first opening of the door of equality, the first seed of free nations like our own. the old world was the field of the rich and favored; but america was already what it is so proud to be to-day,--the poor man's chance. and it is a very striking fact that nearly all who made great names in america were not of those who came great, but of the obscure men who won here the admiration of a world which had never heard of them before. of all these and of all others, pizarro was the greatest pioneer. the rise of napoleon himself was not a more startling triumph of will and genius over every obstacle, nor as creditable morally. [illustration: atahualpa's house, caxamarca. _see page 260._] we do not know the year in which francisco pizarro, the swineherd of truxillo, reached america; but his first importance here began in 1510. in that year he was already in the island of española, and accompanied ojeda[22] on the disastrous expedition to urabá on the mainland. here he showed himself so brave and prudent that ojeda left him in charge of the ill-fated colony of san sebastian, while he himself should return to española for help. this first honorable responsibility which fell to pizarro was full of danger and suffering; but he was equal to the emergency, and in him began to grow that rare and patient heroism which was later to bear him up through the most dreadful years that ever conqueror had. for two months he waited in that deadly spot, until so many had died that the survivors could at last crowd into their one boat. then pizarro joined balboa, and shared that frightful march across the isthmus and that brilliant honor of the discovery of the pacific. when balboa's gallant career came to a sudden and bloody ending, pizarro was thrown upon the hands of pedro arias davila, who sent him on several minor expeditions. in 1515 he crossed the isthmus again, and probably heard vaguely of peru. but he had neither money nor influence to launch out for himself. he accompanied governor davila when that official moved to panama, and won respect in several small expeditions. but at fifty years of age he was still a poor man and an unknown one,--an humble _ranchero_ near panama. on that pestilent and wild isthmus there had been very little chance to make up for the disadvantages of his youth. he had not learned to read or write,--indeed, he never did learn. but it is evident that he had learned some more important lessons, and had developed a manhood equal to any call the future might make upon it. in 1522, pascual de andagóya made a short voyage from panama down the pacific coast, but got no farther than balboa had gone years before. his failure, however, called new attention to the unknown countries to the south; and pizarro burned to explore them. the mind of the man who had been a swineherd was the only one that grasped the importance of what awaited discovery,--his courage, the only courage ready to face the obstacles that lay between. at last, he found two men ready to listen to his plans and to help him. these were diego de almagro[23] and hernando de luque.[24] almagro was a soldier of fortune, a foundling like pizarro, but better educated and somewhat older. he was a brave man physically; but he lacked the high moral courage as well as the moral power of pizarro. he was in every way a lower grade of man,--more what would have been expected from their common birth than was that phenomenal character which was as much at home in courts and conquest as it had been in herding beasts. not only could pizarro accommodate himself to any range of fortune, but he was as unspoiled by power as by poverty. he was a man of principle; a man of his word; inflexible, heroic, yet prudent and humane, generous and just, and forever loyal,--in all of which qualities almagro fell far below him. de luque was a priest, vicar at panama. he was a wise and good man, to whom the two soldiers were greatly indebted. they had nothing but strong arms and big courage for the expedition; and he had to furnish the means. this he did with money he secured from the licentiate espinosa, a lawyer. the consent of the governor was necessary, as in all spanish provinces; and though governor davila did not seem to approve of the expedition, his permission was secured by promising him a share of the profits, while he was not called upon for any of the expenses. pizarro was given command, and sailed in november, 1524, with one hundred men. almagro was to follow as soon as possible, hoping to recruit more men in the little colony. after coasting a short distance to the south, pizarro effected a landing. it was an inhospitable spot. the explorers found themselves in a vast, tropical swamp, where progress was made almost impossible by the morasses and by the dense growth. the miasma of the marsh brooded everywhere, an intangible but merciless foe. clouds of venomous insects hung upon them. to think of flies as a danger to life is strange to those who know only the temperate zones; but in some parts of the tropics the insects are more dreadful than wolves. from the swamps the exhausted spaniards struggled through to a range of hills, whose sharp rocks (lava, very likely) cut their feet to the bone. and there was nothing to cheer them; all was the same hopeless wilderness. they toiled back to their rude brigantine, fainting under the tropic heat, and re-embarked. taking on wood and water, they pursued their course south. then came savage storms, which lasted ten days. hurled about on the waves, their crazy little vessel barely missed falling asunder. water ran short; and as for food, they had to live on two ears of corn apiece daily. as soon as the weather would permit they put to a landing, but found themselves again in a trackless and impenetrable forest. these strange, vast forests of the tropics (forests as big as the whole of europe) are nature's most forbidding side; the pathless sea and the desert plains are not so lonely or so deadly. gigantic trees, sometimes much more than a hundred feet in circumference, grow thick and tall, their bases buried in eternal gloom, their giant columns interwoven with mighty vines, so that it is no longer a forest but a wall. every step must be won by the axe. huge and hideous snakes and great saurians are there; and in the hot, damp air lurks a foe deadlier than python or alligator or viper,--the tropic pestilence. the men were no weaklings, but in this dreadful wilderness they soon lost hope. they began to curse pizarro for leading them only to a miserable death, and clamored to sail back to panama. but this only served to show the difference between men who were only brave physically and those of moral courage like pizarro's. he had no thought of giving up; yet as his men were ripe for mutiny, something must be done; and he did a very bright thing,--one of the small first flashes of that genius which danger and extremity finally developed so conspicuously. he cheered his followers even while he was circumventing their mutiny. montenegro, one of the officers, was sent back with the brigantine and half the little army to the isle of pearls for supplies. that kept the expedition from being given up. pizarro and his fifty men could not return to panama, for they had no boat; and montenegro and his companions could not well fail to come back with succor. but it was a bitter waiting for relief. for six weeks the starving spaniards floundered in the swamps, from which they could find no exit. there was no food except the shellfish they picked up and a few berries, some of which proved poisonous and caused tortures to those who ate them. pizarro shared the hardships of his men with unselfish gentleness, dividing with the poorest soldier, and toiling like the rest, always with brave words to cheer them up. more than twenty men--nearly half the little force--died under their hardships; and all the survivors lost hope save the stout-hearted commander. when they were almost at the last gasp, a far light gleaming through the forest aroused them; and forcing their way in that direction they came at last to open ground, where was an indian village whose corn and cocoanuts saved the emaciated spaniards. these indians had a few rude gold ornaments, and told of a rich country to the south. at last montenegro got back with the vessel and supplies to puerto de la hambre, or the port of hunger, as the spaniards named it. he too had suffered greatly from hunger, having been delayed by storms. the reunited force sailed on southward, and presently came to a more open coast. here was another indian village. its people had fled, but the explorers found food and some gold trinkets. they were horrified, however, at discovering that they were among cannibals, for before the fireplaces human legs and arms were roasting. they put to sea in the teeth of a storm sooner than remain in so repulsive a spot. at the headland, which they named punta quemada,--the burnt cape,--they had to land again, their poor bark being so strained that it was in great danger of going to the bottom. montenegro was sent inland with a small force to explore, while pizarro camped at a deserted indian _rancheria_. the lieutenant had penetrated but a few miles when he was ambushed by the savages, and three spaniards were slain. montenegro's men had not even muskets; but with sword and cross-bow they fought hard, and at last drove off their dusky foes. the indians, failing there, made a rapid march back to their village, and knowing the paths got there ahead of montenegro and made a sudden attack. pizarro led his little company out to meet them, and a fierce but unequal fight began. the spaniards were at great odds, and their case was desperate. in the first volley of the enemy, pizarro received _seven wounds_,--a fact which in itself is enough to show you what slight advantage their armor gave the spaniards over the indians, while it was a fearful burden in the tropic heats and amid such agile foes. the spaniards had to give way; and as they retreated, pizarro slipped and fell. the indians, readily recognizing that he was the chief, had directed their special efforts to slay him; and now several sprang upon the fallen and bleeding warrior. but pizarro struggled up and struck down two of them with supreme strength, and fought off the rest till his men could run to his aid. then montenegro came up and fell upon the savages from behind, and soon the spaniards were masters of the field. but it had been dearly bought, and their leader saw plainly that he could not succeed in that savage land with such a weak force. his next step must be to get reinforcements. he accordingly sailed back to chicamá, and remaining there with most of his men,--again careful not to give them a chance to desert,--sent nicolas de ribera, with the gold so far collected and a full account of their doings, to governor davila at panama. meanwhile almagro, after long delays, had sailed with sixty men in the second vessel from panama to follow pizarro. he found the "track" by trees pizarro had marked at various points, according to their agreement. at punta quemada he landed, and the indians gave him a hostile reception. almagro's blood was hot, and he charged upon them bravely. in the action, an indian javelin wounded him so severely in the head that after a few days of intense suffering he lost one of his eyes. but despite this great misfortune he kept on his voyage. it was the one admirable side of the man,--his great brute courage. he could face danger and pain bravely; but in a very few days he proved that the higher courage was lacking. at the river san juan (st. john) the loneliness and uncertainty were too much for almagro, and he turned back toward panama. fortunately, he learned that his captain was at chicamá, and there joined him. pizarro had no thought of abandoning the enterprise, and he so impressed almagro--who only needed to be _led_ to be ready for any daring--that the two solemnly vowed to each other to see the voyage to the end or die like men in trying. pizarro sent him on to panama to work for help, and himself stayed to cheer his men in pestilent chicamá. governor davila, at best an unenterprising and unadmirable man, was just now in a particularly bad humor to be asked for help. one of his subordinates in nicaragua needed punishment, he thought, and his own force was small for the purpose. he bitterly regretted having allowed pizarro to go off with a hundred men who would be so useful now, and refused either to help the expedition or to permit it to go on. de luque, whose calling and character made him influential in the little colony, finally persuaded the mean-hearted governor not to interfere with the expedition. even here davila showed his nature. as the price of his official consent,--without which the voyage could not go on,--he extorted a payment of a thousand _pesos de oro_, for which he also relinquished all his claims to the profits of the expedition, which he felt sure would amount to little or nothing. a _peso de oro_, or "dollar of gold," had about the intrinsic value of our dollar, but was then really worth far more. in those days of the world gold was far scarcer than now, and therefore had much more purchasing power. the same weight of gold would buy about five times as much then as it will now; so what was called a dollar, and _weighed_ a dollar, was really _worth_ about five dollars. the "hush-money" extorted by davila was therefore some $5,000. fortunately, about this time davila was superseded by a new governor of panama, don pedro de los rios, who opposed no further obstacles to the great plan. a new contract was entered into between pizarro, almagro, and luque, dated march 10, 1526. the good vicar had advanced gold bars to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars for the expedition; and was to receive one third of all the profits. but in reality most of this large sum had come from the licentiate espinosa; and a private contract insured that luque's share should be turned over to him. two new vessels, larger and better than the worn-out brigantine which had been built by balboa, were purchased and filled with provisions. the little army was swelled by recruits to one hundred and sixty men, and even a few horses were secured; and the second expedition was ready. footnotes: [19] pronounced troo-_heel_-yo. [20] pronounced pee-_sáh_-roh. [21] the famous european campaigner, de cordova. [22] pronounced o-_yáy_-dah. [23] pronounced dee-_ay_-go day al-_mah_-gro. [24] pronounced er-_nan_-do day _loo_-kay. ii. the man who would not give up. with so inadequate a force, yet much stronger than before, pizarro and almagro sailed again on their dangerous mission. the pilot was bartolomé ruiz, a brave and loyal andalusian and a good sailor. the weather was better now, and the adventurers pushed on hopefully. after a few days' sail they reached the rio san juan, which was as far as any european had ever sailed down that coast: it will be remembered that this was where almagro had got discouraged and turned back. here were more indian settlements, and a little gold; but here too the vastness and savagery of the wilderness became more apparent. it is hard for us to conceive at all, in these easy days, how _lost_ these explorers were. then there was not a white man in all the world who knew what lay beyond them; and the knowledge of something somewhere ahead is the most necessary prop to courage. we can understand their situation only by supposing a band of schoolboys--brave boys but unlearned--carried blindfold a thousand miles, and set down in a trackless wilderness they had never heard of. pizarro halted here with part of his men, and sent almagro back to panama with one vessel for recruits, and pilot ruiz south with the other to explore the coast. ruiz coasted southward as far as punta de pasado, and was the first white man who ever crossed the equator on the pacific,--no small honor. he found a rather more promising country, and encountered a large raft with cotton sails, on which were several indians. they had mirrors (probably of volcanic glass, as was common to the southern aborigines) set in silver, and ornaments of silver and gold, besides remarkable cloths, on which were woven figures of beasts, birds, and fishes. the cruise lasted several weeks; and ruiz got back to the san juan barely in time. pizarro and his men had suffered awful hardships. they had made a gallant effort to get inland, but could not escape the dreadful tropical forest, "whose trees grew to the sky." the dense growth was not so lonely as their earlier forests. there were troops of chattering monkeys and brilliant parrots; around the huge trees coiled lazy boas, and alligators dozed by the sluggish lagoons. many of the spaniards perished by these grim, strange foes; some were crushed to pulp in the mighty coils of the snakes, and some were crunched between the teeth of the scaly saurians. many more fell victims to lurking savages; in a single swoop fourteen of the dwindling band were slain by indians, who surrounded their stranded canoe. food gave out too, and the survivors were starving when ruiz got back with a scant relief but cheering news. very soon too almagro arrived, with supplies and a reinforcement of eighty men. the whole expedition set sail again for the south. but at once there rose persistent storms. after great suffering the explorers got back to the isle of gallo, where they stayed two weeks to repair their disabled vessels and as badly shattered bodies. then they sailed on again down the unknown seas. the country was gradually improving. the malarial tropic forests no longer extended into the very sea. amid the groves of ebony and mahogany were occasional clearings, with rudely cultivated fields, and also indian settlements of considerable size. in this region were gold-washings and emerald-mines, and the natives had some valuable ornaments. the spaniards landed, but were set upon by a vastly superior number of savages, and escaped destruction only in a very curious way. in the uneven battle the spaniards were sorely pressed, when one of their number fell from his horse; and this trivial incident put the swarming savages to flight. some historians have ridiculed the idea that such a trifle could have had such an effect; but that is merely because of ignorance of the facts. you must remember that these indians had never before seen a horse. the spanish rider and his steed they took for one huge animal, strange and fearful enough at best,--a parallel to the old greek myth of the centaurs, and a token of the manner in which that myth began. but when this great unknown beast divided itself into two parts, which were able to act independently of each other, it was too much for the superstitious indians, and they fled in terror. the spaniards escaped to their vessels, and gave thanks for their strange deliverance. but this narrow escape had shown more clearly how inadequate their handful of men was to cope with the wild hordes. they must again have reinforcements; and back they sailed to the isle of gallo, where pizarro was to wait while almagro went to panama for help. you see pizarro always took the heaviest and hardest burden for himself, and gave the easiest to his associate. it was always almagro who was sent back to the comforts of civilization, while his lion-hearted leader bore the waiting and danger and suffering. the greatest obstacle all along now was in the soldiers themselves,--and i say this with a full realization of the deadly perils and enormous hardships. but perils and hardships without are to be borne more easily than treachery and discontent within. at every step pizarro had to _carry_ his men,--morally. they were constantly discouraged (for which they surely had enough reason); and when discouraged they were ready for any desperate act, except going ahead. so pizarro had constantly to be will and courage not only for himself, who suffered as cruelly as the meanest, but for all. it was like the stout soul we sometimes see holding up a half-dead body,--a body that would long ago have broken loose from a less intrepid spirit. the men were now mutinous again; and despite pizarro's gallant example and efforts, they came very near wrecking the whole enterprise. they sent by almagro to the governor's wife a ball of cotton as a sample of the products of the country; but in this apparently harmless present the cowards had hidden a letter, in which they declared that pizarro was leading them only to death, and warned others not to follow. a doggerel verse at the end set forth that pizarro was a butcher waiting for more meat, and that almagro went to panama to gather sheep to be slaughtered. the letter reached governor de los rios, and made him very indignant. he sent the cordovan tafur with two vessels to the isle of gallo to bring back every spaniard there, and thus stop an expedition the importance of which his mind could not grasp. pizarro and his men were suffering terribly, always drenched by the storms, and nearly starving. when tafur arrived, all but pizarro hailed him as a deliverer, and wanted to go home at once. but the captain was not daunted. with his dagger he drew a line upon the sands, and looking his men in the face, said: "comrades and friends, on that side are death, hardship, starvation, nakedness, storms; on this side is comfort. from this side you go to panama to be poor; from that side to peru to be rich. choose, each who is a brave castilian, that which he thinks best." as he spoke he stepped across the line to the south. ruiz, the brave andalusian pilot, stepped after him; and so did pedro de candia, the greek, and one after another eleven more heroes, whose names deserve to be remembered by all who love loyalty and courage. they were cristóval de peralta, domingo de soria luce, nicolas de ribera, francisco de cuellar, alonso de molina, pedro alcon, garcia de jerez, anton de carrion, alonso briceño, martin de paz, and juan de la torre. the narrow tafur could see in this heroism only disobedience to the governor, and would not leave them one of his vessels. it was with difficulty that he was prevailed upon to give them a few provisions, even to keep them from immediate starvation; and with his cowardly passengers he sailed back to panama, leaving the fourteen alone upon their little island in the unknown pacific. did you ever know of a more remarkable heroism? alone, imprisoned by the great sea, with very little food, no boat, no clothing, almost no weapons, here were fourteen men still bent on conquering a savage country as big as europe! even the prejudiced prescott admits that in all the annals of chivalry there is nothing to surpass this. the isle of gallo became uninhabitable, and pizarro and his men made a frail raft and sailed north seventy-five miles to the isle of gorgona. this was higher land, and had some timber, and the explorers made rude huts for shelter from the storms. their sufferings were great from hunger, exposure, and venomous creatures which tortured them relentlessly. pizarro kept up daily religious services, and every day they thanked god for their preservation, and prayed for his continued protection. pizarro was always a devout man, and never thought of acting without invoking divine help, nor of neglecting thanks for his successes. it was so to the last, and even with his last gasp his dying fingers traced the cross he revered. for seven indescribable months the fourteen deserted men waited and suffered on their lonely reef. tafur had reached panama safely, and reported their refusal to return. governor de los rios grew angrier yet, and refused to help the obstinate castaways. but de luque, reminding him that his orders from the crown commanded assistance to pizarro, at last induced the niggard governor to allow a vessel to be sent with barely enough sailors to man it, and a small stock of provisions. but with it went strict orders to pizarro to return, and report at the end of six months, no matter what happened. the rescuers found the brave fourteen on the isle of gorgona; and pizarro was at last enabled to resume his voyage, with a few sailors and an army of _eleven_. two of the fourteen were so sick that they had to be left on the island in the care of friendly indians, and with heavy hearts their comrades bade them farewell. pizarro sailed on south. soon they passed the farthest point a european had ever reached,--punta de pasado, which was the limit of ruiz's explorations,--and were again in unknown seas. after twenty days' sail they entered the gulf of guayaquil, in ecuador, and anchored in the bay of tumbez. before them they saw a large indian town with permanent houses. the blue bay was dotted with indian sail-rafts; and far in the background loomed the giant peaks of the andes. we may imagine how the spaniards were impressed by their first sight of mountains that rose more than twenty thousand feet above them. the indians came out on their _balsas_ (rafts) to look at these marvellous strangers, and being treated with the utmost kindness and consideration, soon lost their fears. the spaniards were given presents of chickens, swine, and trinkets, and had brought to them bananas, corn, sweet potatoes, pineapples, cocoanuts, game, and fish. you may be sure these dainties were more than welcome to the gaunt explorers after so many starving months. the indians also brought aboard several llamas,--the characteristic and most valuable quadruped of south america. the fascinating but misled historian who has done more than any other one man in the united states to spread an interesting but absolutely false idea of peru, calls the llama the peruvian sheep; but it is no more a sheep than a giraffe is. the llama is the south american camel (a true camel, though a small one), the beast of burden whose slow, sure feet and patient back have made it possible for man to subdue a country so mountainous in parts as to make horses useless. besides being a carrier it is a producer of clothing; it supplies the camel's hair which is woven into the woollen garments of the people. there were three other kinds of camel,--the vicuña, the guanaco, and the alpaca,--all small, and all variously prized for their hair, which still surpasses the wool of the best sheep for making fine fabrics. the peruvians domesticated the llama in large flocks, and it was their most important helper. they were the only aborigines in the two americas who had a beast of burden before the europeans came, except the apaches of the plains and the eskimos, both of whom had the dog and the sledge. at tumbez, alonso de molina was sent ashore to look at the town. he came back with such gorgeous reports of gilded temples and great forts that pizarro distrusted him, and sent pedro de candia. this greek, a native of the isle of candia, was a man of importance in the little spanish force. the greeks everywhere were then regarded as a people adept in the still mysterious weapons; and all europe had a respect for those who had invented that wonderful agent "greek fire," which would burn under water, and which no man now-a-days knows how to make. the greeks were generally known as "fire-workers," and were in great demand as masters of artillery. [illustration: autograph of pedro de candia.] de candia went ashore with his armor and arquebuse, both of which astounded the natives; and when he set up a plank and shivered it with a ball, they were overwhelmed at the strange noise and its result. candia brought back as glowing reports as molina had done; and the tattered spaniards began to feel that at last their golden dreams were coming true, and took heart again. pizarro gently declined the gifts of gold and silver and pearls which the awe-struck natives offered, and turned his face again to the south, sailing as far as about the ninth degree of south latitude. then, feeling that he had seen enough to warrant going back for reinforcements, he stood about for panama. alonso de molina and one companion were left in tumbez at their own request, being much in love with the country. pizarro took back in their places two indian youth, to learn the spanish language. one of them, who was given the name of felipillo (little philip) afterward cut an important and discreditable figure. the voyagers stopped at the isle of gorgona for their two countrymen who had been left there sick. one was dead, but the other gladly rejoined his compassionate comrades. and so, with his dozen men, pizarro came back to panama after an absence of eighteen months, into which had been crowded the sufferings and horrors of a lifetime. iii. gaining ground. governor de los rios was not impressed by the heroism of the little party, and refused them aid. the case seemed hopeless; but the leader was not to be crushed. he decided to go to spain in person, and appeal to his king. it was one of his most remarkable undertakings, it seems to me. for this man, whose boyhood had been passed with swine, and who in manhood had been herding rude men far more dangerous, who was ignorant of books and unversed in courts, to present himself confidently yet modestly at the dazzling and punctilious court of spain, showed another side of his high courage. it was very much as if a london chimney-sweep were to go to-morrow to ask audience and favors of queen victoria. but pizarro was equal to this, as to all the other crises of his life, and acquitted himself as gallantly. he was still tattered and penniless, but de luque collected for him fifteen hundred ducats; and in the spring of 1528 pizarro sailed for spain. he took with him pedro de candia and some peruvians, with some llamas, some beautifully-woven indian cloths, and a few trinkets and vessels of gold and silver, to corroborate his story. he reached seville in the summer, and was at once thrown into jail by enciso under the cruel old law, long prevalent in all civilized countries, allowing imprisonment for debt. his story soon got abroad, and he was released by order of the crown and summoned to court. standing before the brilliant charles v., the unlettered soldier told his story so modestly, so manfully, so clearly, that charles shed tears at the recital of such awful sufferings, and warmed to such heroic steadfastness. the king was just about to embark for italy on an important mission; but his heart was won, and he left pizarro to the council of the indies with recommendation to help the enterprise. that wise but ponderous body moved slowly, as men learned only in books and theories are apt to move; and delay was dangerous. at last the queen took up the matter, and on the 26th of july, 1529, signed with her own royal hand the precious document which made possible one of the greatest conquests, and one of the most gallant, in human history. america owes a great deal to the brave queens of spain as well as to its kings. we remember what isabella had done for the discovery of the new world; and now charles's consort had as creditable a hand in its most exciting chapter. the _capitulacion_, or contract, in which two such strangely different "parties" were set side by side--one signing boldly _yo la reina_ ("i the queen"), and the other following with "francisco [x] pizarro, his mark"--was the basis of pizarro's fortunes. the man who had been sneered at and neglected by narrow minds that had constantly hindered his one great hope, now had won the interest and support of his sovereigns and their promise of a magnificent reward,--of which latter we may be sure a man of his calibre thought less than of the chance to realize his dream of discovery. followers he had to bait with golden hopes; and for that matter it was but natural and right that after more than fifty years of poverty and deprivation he should also think somewhat of comfort and wealth for himself. but no man ever did or ever will do from mere sordidness such a feat as pizarro's. such successes can be won only by higher minds with higher aims; and it is certain that pizarro's chief ambition was for a nobler and more enduring thing than gold. [illustration: autograph of francisco pizarro.] the contract with the crown gave to francisco pizarro the right to find and make a spanish empire of the country of new castile, which was the name given to peru. he had leave "to explore, conquer, pacify, and colonize" the land from santiago to a point two hundred leagues south; and of this vast and unknown new province he was to be governor and captain-general,--the highest military rank. he was also to bear the titles of adelantado and alguacil-mayor for life, with a salary of seven hundred and twenty-five thousand _maravedis_ (about $2,000) a year. almagro was to be commander of tumbez, with an annual rental of three hundred thousand _maravedis_ and the rank of hidalgo. good father luque was made bishop of tumbez and protector of the indians, with one thousand ducats a year. ruiz was made grand pilot of the south seas; candia, commander of the artillery; and the eleven others who had stood so bravely by pizarro on the lonely isle were all made hidalgos. in return, pizarro was required to pledge himself to observe the noble spanish laws for the government, protection, and education of the indians, and to take with him priests expressly to convert the savages to christianity. he was also to raise a force of two hundred and fifty men in six months, and equip them well, the crown giving a little help; and within six months after reaching panama, he must get his expedition started for peru. he was also invested with the order of santiago; and thus suddenly raised to the proud knighthood of spain he was allowed to add the royal arms to those of the pizarros, with other emblems commemorative of his exploits,--an indian town, with a vessel in the bay, and the little camel of peru. this was a startling and significant array of honors, hard to be comprehended by those used only to republican institutions. it swept away forever the disgrace of pizarro's birth, and gave him an unsullied place among the noblest. it is doubly important in that it shows that the spanish crown thus recognized the rank of pizarro in american conquest. cortez never earned and never received such distinction. this division of the honors led to very serious trouble. almagro never forgave pizarro for coming out a greater man than he, and charged him with selfishly and treacherously seeking the best for himself. some historians have sided with almagro; but we have every reason to believe that pizarro acted straightforwardly and with truth. as he explained, he made every effort to induce the crown to give equal honors to almagro; but the crown refused. pizarro's word aside, it was merely political common-sense for the crown to refuse such a request. two leaders anywhere are a danger; and spain already had had too bitter experience with this same thing in america to care to repeat it. it was willing to give all honor and encouragement to the arms; but there must be only one head, and that head, of course, could be none but pizarro. and certainly any one who looks at the mental and moral difference between the two men, and what were their actions and results both before and after the royal grant, will concede that the spanish crown made a most liberal estimate for almagro, and gave him certainly quite as much as he was worth. in the whole contract there is circumstantial evidence that pizarro did his best in behalf of his associate,--the ungrateful and afterward traitorous almagro,--an evidence mightily corroborated by pizarro's long patience and clemency toward his vulgar, ignoble, and constantly deteriorating comrade. pizarro had the head that fate could not turn. he was neither crushed by adversity, nor, rarer yet, spoiled by the most dazzling success,--wherein he rose superior to the greater genius, but less noble man, napoleon. when raised from lifelong, abject poverty to the highest pinnacle of wealth and fame, pizarro remained the same quiet, modest, god-fearing and god-thanking, prudent, heroic man. success only intensified almagro's base nature, and his end was ignominious. having secured his contract with the crown, pizarro felt a longing to see the scenes of his boyhood. unhappy as they had been, there was a manly satisfaction in going back to look upon these places. so the ragged boy who had left his pigs at truxillo, came back now a knighted hero with gray hair and undying fame. i do not believe it was for the sake of vain display before those who might remember him. that was nowhere in the nature of pizarro. he never exhibited vanity or pride. he was of the same broad, modest, noble gauge as gallant crook, the greatest and best of our indian conquerors, who was never so content as when he could move about among his troops without a mark in dress or manner to show that he was a major-general of the united states army rather than some poor scout or hunter. no; it was the man in him that took pizarro back to truxillo,--or perhaps a touch of the boy that is always left in such great hearts. of course the people were glad to honor the hero of such a fairy tale as his sober story makes; but i am sure that the brilliant general was glad to escape sometimes from the visitors, and get out among the hillsides where he had driven his pigs so many years before, and see the same old trees and brooklets, and even, no doubt, the same ragged, ignorant boy still herding the noisy porkers. he might well have pinched himself to see if he were really awake; whether that were not the real francisco pizarro over yonder, still in his rags tending the same old swine, and this gray, famous, travelled, honored knight only a dream like the years between them. and he was the very man who, finding himself awake, would have gone over to the ragged herder and sat down beside him upon the sward with a gentle _como lo va, amigo?_--"how goes it, friend?" and when the wondering and frightened lad stammered or tried to run away from the first great personage that had ever spoken to him, pizarro would talk so kindly and of such wonderful things that the poor herder would look upon him with that hero-worship which is one of the purest and most helpful impulses in all our nature, and wonder if he too might not sometime be somewhat like this splendid, quiet man who said, "yes, my boy, i used to herd pigs right here." the more i think of it, from what we know of pizarro, the surer i am that he really did look up the old pastures and the swine and their ignorant keepers, and talked with them simply and gently, and left in them the resolve to try for better things. [illustration: autograph of hernando pizarro.] [illustration: autograph of juan pizarro.] but the interest which everywhere centred upon pizarro did not bring in recruits to his banner as fast as could be desired. most people would much rather admire the hero than become heroes at the cost of similar suffering. among those who joined him were his brothers, hernando, gonzalo, and juan, who were to figure prominently in the new world, though until now they had never been heard of. hernando, the eldest of brothers, was the only legitimate son, and was much better educated. but he was also the worst; and being without the strict principles of francisco made a sorry mark in the end. juan was a sympathetic figure, and distinguished himself by his great manliness and courage before he came to an untimely end. gonzalo was a genuine knight-errant, fearless, generous, and chivalric, beloved alike in the new world by the soldiers he led and the indians he conquered. he made one of the most incredible marches in all history, and would have won a great name, probably, had not the death of his guide-brother francisco thrown him into the power of evil counsellors like the scoundrel carabajal and others, who led and pushed him to ruin. but while none of the brothers were wicked men, nor cowards, nor fools, there was none like francisco. he was one of the rare types of whom but a few have been scattered, far apart, up and down the world's path. he had not only the qualities which make heroes and which are very common, fortunately for us, but with them the insight and the unfaltering aim of genius. less than napoleon in insight, because less learned, fully as great in resolve and greater in principle, he was one of the prominent men of all time. but the six months were up, and he still lacked something of the necessary two hundred and fifty recruits. the council was about to inspect his expedition, and pizarro, fearing that the strict letter of the law might now prevent the consummation of his great plans just for the want of a few men, and growing desperate at the thought of further delay, waited no longer for official leave, but slipped his cable and put to sea secretly in january, 1530. it was not exactly the handsomest course to take, but he felt that too much was at stake to be risked on a mere technicality, and that he was keeping the spirit if not the letter of the law. the crown evidently looked upon the matter in the same light, for he was neither brought back nor punished. after a tedious voyage he got safely to santa marta. here his new soldiers were aghast at hearing of the great snakes and alligators to be encountered, and a considerable number of the weaker spirits deserted. almagro, too, began an uproar, declaring that pizarro had robbed him of his rightful honors; but de luque and espinosa pacified the quarrel, helped by the generous spirit of pizarro. he agreed to make almagro the adelantado, and to ask the crown to confirm the appointment. he also promised to provide for him before he did for his own brothers. early in january, 1531, francisco pizarro sailed from panama on his third and last voyage to the south. he had in his three vessels one hundred and eighty men and twenty-seven horses. that was not an imposing army, truly, to explore and conquer a great country; but it was all he could get, and pizarro was bound to try. he made the real conquest of peru with a handful of rough heroes; indeed, he would certainly have tried, and very possibly would have succeeded in the vast undertaking, if he had had but fifty soldiers; for it was very much more the one man who conquered peru than his one hundred and eighty followers. almagro was again left behind at panama to try to drum up recruits. pizarro intended to sail straight to tumbez, and there effect his landing; but storms beat back the weak ships, so that he was obliged to change his plan. after thirteen days he landed in the bay of san mateo (st. matthew), and led his men by land, while the vessels coasted along southward. it was an enormously difficult tramp on that inhospitable shore, and the men could scarcely stagger on. but pizarro acted as guide, and cheered them up by words and example. it was the old story with him. everywhere he had fairly to _carry_ his company. their legs no doubt were as strong as his, though he must have had a very wonderful constitution; but there is a mental muscle which is harder and more enduring, and has held up many a tottering body,--the muscle of pluck. and that pluck of pizarro was never surpassed on earth. you might almost say it had to carry his army pick-a-back. wild as the region was, it had some mineral wealth. pizarro collected (so pedro pizarro[25] says) two hundred thousand _castellanos_ (each weighing a dollar) of gold. this he sent back to panama by his vessels to speak for him. _it_ was the kind of argument the rude adventurers on the isthmus could understand, and he trusted to its yellow logic to bring him recruits. but while the vessels had gone on this important errand, the little army, trudging down the coast, was suffering greatly. the deep sands, the tropic heat, the weight of their arms and armor were almost unendurable. a strange and horrible pestilence broke out, and many perished. the country grew more forbidding, and again the suffering soldiers lost hope. at puerto viejo they were joined by thirty men under sebastian de belalcazar, who afterward distinguished himself in a brave chase of that golden butterfly which so many pursued to their death, and none ever captured,--the myth of the dorado. pushing on, pizarro finally crossed to the island of puná, to rest his gaunt men, and get them in trim for the conquest. the indians of the island attempted treachery; and when their ringleaders were captured and punished, the whole swarm of savages fell desperately on the spanish camp. it was a most unequal contest; but at last courage and discipline prevailed over mere brute force, and the indians were routed. many spaniards were wounded, and among them hernando pizarro, who got an ugly javelin-wound in the leg. but the indians gave them no rest, and were constantly harassing them, cutting off stragglers, and keeping the camp in endless alarm. then fortunately came a reinforcement of one hundred men with a few horses, under command of hernando de soto, the heroic but unfortunate man who later explored the mississippi. thus strengthened, pizarro crossed back to the mainland on rafts. the indians disputed his passage, killed three men on one raft, and cut off another raft, whose soldiers were overpowered. hernando pizarro had already landed; and though a dangerous mud-flat lay between, he spurred his floundering horse through belly-deep mire, with a few companions, and rescued the imperilled men. entering tumbez, the spaniards found the pretty town stripped and deserted. alonso de molina and his companion had disappeared, and their fate was never learned. pizarro left a small force there, and in may, 1532, marched inland, sending de soto with a small detachment to scout the base of the giant andes. from his very first landing, pizarro enforced the strictest discipline. his soldiers must treat the indians well, under the severest penalties. they must not even enter an indian dwelling; and if they dared disobey this command they were sternly punished. it was a liberal and gentle policy toward the indians which pizarro adopted at the very start, and maintained inflexibly. [illustration: church of st. francis, caxamarca. _see page 268._] after three or four weeks spent in exploring, pizarro picked out a site in the valley of tangara, and founded there the town of san miguel (st. michael). he built a church, storehouse, hall of justice, fort and dwellings, and organized a government. the gold they had collected he sent back to panama, and waited several weeks hoping for recruits. but none came, and it was evident that he must give up the conquest of peru, or undertake it with the handful of men he already had. it did not take a pizarro long to choose between such alternatives. leaving fifty soldiers under antonio navarro to garrison san miguel, and with strict laws for the protection of the indians, pizarro marched sept. 24, 1532, toward the vast and unknown interior. footnotes: [25] a spanish historian of the sixteenth century, a relative of francisco pizarro. iv. peru as it was. now that we have followed pizarro to peru, and he is about to conquer the wonderful land to find which he has gone through such unparalleled discouragements and sufferings, we must stop for a moment to get an understanding of the country. this is the more necessary because such false and foolish tales of "the empire of peru" and "the reign of the incas," and all that sort of trash, have been so widely circulated. to comprehend the conquest at all, we must understand what there was to conquer; and that makes it necessary that i should sketch in a few words the picture of peru that was so long accepted on the authority of grotesquely mistaken historians, and also peru as it really was, and as more scholarly history has fully proved it to have been. we were told that peru was a great, rich, populous, civilized empire, ruled by a long line of kings who were called incas; that it had dynasties and noblemen, throne and crown and court; that its kings conquered vast territories, and civilized their conquered savage neighbors by wonderful laws and schools and other tools of the highest political economy; that they had military roads finer than those built by the romans, and a thousand miles in length, with wonderful pavement and bridges; that this wonderful race believed in one supreme being; that the king and all of the royal blood were immeasurably above the common people, but mild, just, paternal, and enlightened; that there were royal palaces everywhere; that they had canals four or five hundred miles long, and county fairs, and theatrical representations of tragedy and comedy; that they carved emeralds with bronze tools the making of which is now a lost art; that the government took the census, and had the populace educated; and that while the policy of the remarkable aborigines of mexico was the policy of hate, that of the inca kings was the policy of love and mildness. above all, we were told much of the long line of inca monarchs, the royal family, whose last great king, huayna capac, had died not a great while before the coming of the spaniards. he was represented as dividing the throne between his sons atahualpa and huascar, who soon quarrelled and began a wicked and merciless fratricidal war with armies and other civilized arrangements. then, we were told, came pizarro and took advantage of this unfraternal war, arrayed one brother against the other, and thus was enabled at last to conquer the empire. all this, with a thousand other things as ridiculous, as untrue, and as impossible, is part of one of the most fascinating but misleading historical romances ever written. it never could have been written if the beautiful and accurate science of ethnology had then been known. the whole idea of peru so long prevalent was based upon utter ignorance of the country, and, above all, of indians everywhere. for you must remember that these wonderful beings, whose pictured government puts to shame any civilized nation now on earth, were _nothing but indians_. i do not mean that indians are not men, with all the emotions and feelings and rights of men,--rights which i only wish we had protected with as honorable care as spain did. but the north and south american indians are very like each other in their social, religious, and political organization, and very unlike us. the peruvians had indeed advanced somewhat further than any other indians in america, but they were still indians. they had no adequate idea of a supreme being, but worshipped a bewildering multitude of gods and idols. there was no king, no throne, no dynasty, no royal blood, nor anything else royal. anything of that sort was even more impossible among the indians than it would be now in our own republic. there was not, and could not be, even a nation. indian life is essentially tribal. not only can there be no king nor anything resembling a king, but there is no such thing as heredity,--except as something to be guarded against. the chief (and there cannot be even one supreme chief) cannot hand down his authority to his son, nor to any one else. the successor is elected by the council of officials who have such things in charge. where there are no kings there can be no palaces,--and there were neither in peru. as for fairs and schools and all those things, they were as untrue as impossible. there was no court, nor crown, nor nobility, nor census, nor theatres, nor anything remotely suggesting any of them; and as for the incas, they were not kings nor even rulers, but _a tribe of indians_. they were the only indians in the americas who had the smelter; and that enabled them to make rude gold and silver ornaments and images; so their country was the richest in the new world, and they certainly had a remarkable though barbaric splendor. the temples of their blind gods were bright with gold, and the indians wore precious metals in profusion, just as our own navajos and pueblos in new mexico and arizona wear pounds and pounds of silver ornaments to-day. they made bronze tools too, some of which had a very good temper; but it was not an art, only an accident. two of those tools were never found of the same alloy; the indian smith simply guessed at it, and had to throw away many a tool for every one he accidentally made. the incas were one of the peruvian tribes, at first weak and sadly mauled about by their neighbors. at last, driven from their old home, they stumbled upon a valley which was a natural fortress. here they built their town of cuzco,--for they built towns as did our pueblos, but better. then when they had fortified the two or three passes by which alone that pocket in the andes can be reached, they were safe. their neighbors could no longer get in to kill and rob them. in time they grew to be numerous and confident, and like all other indians (and some white peoples) at once began to sally out to kill and rob their neighbors. in this they succeeded very well, because they had a safe place to retreat to; and, above all, because they had their little camels, and could carry food enough to be gone long from home. they had domesticated the llama, which none of the neighbor tribes, except the aymaros, had done; and this gave the incas an enormous advantage. they could steal out from their safe valley in a large force, with provisions for a month or more, and surprise some village. if they were beaten off, they merely skulked in the mountains, living by their pack-train, constantly harassing and cutting off the villagers until the latter were simply worn out. we see what the little camel did for the incas: it enabled them to make war in a manner no other indians in america had then ever used. with this advantage and in this manner this warrior tribe had made what might be called a "conquest" over an enormous country. the tribes found it cheaper at last to yield, and pay the incas to let them alone. the robbers built storehouses in each place, and put there an official to receive the tribute exacted from the conquered tribe. these tribes were never assimilated. they could not enter cuzco, nor did incas come to live among them. it was not a nation, but a country of indian tribes held down together by fear of the one stronger tribe. the organization of the incas was, broadly speaking, the same as that of any other indian tribe. the most prominent official in such a tribe of land-pirates was naturally the official who had charge of the business of fighting,--the war-captain. he was the commander in war; but in the other branches of government he was far from being the only or the highest man! and that is simply what huayna capac and all the other fabulous inca kings were,--indian war-captains of the same influence as several indian war-captains i know in new mexico. huayna capac's sons were also indian war-captains, and nothing more,--moreover, war-captains of different tribes, rivals and enemies. atahualpa moved down from quito with his savage warriors, and had several fights, and finally captured huascar and shut him up in the indian fort at xauxa.[26] that was the state of things when pizarro began his march inland; and lest you should be misled by assertions that the condition of things in peru was differently stated by the spanish historians, it is needful to say one thing more. the spanish chroniclers were not liars nor blunderers,--any more than our own later pioneers who wrote gravely of the indian _king_ philip, and the indian _king_ powhatan, and the indian _princess_ pocahontas. ethnology was an unknown science then. none of those old writers comprehended the characteristic indian organization. they saw an ignorant, naked, superstitious man who commanded his ignorant followers; he was a person in authority, and they called him a king because they did not know what else to call him. the spaniards did the same thing. all the world in those days had but one little foot-rule wherewith to measure governments or organizations; and ridiculous as some of their measurements seem now, no one then could do better. no; the mistakes of the spanish chroniclers were as honest and as ignorant as those which prescott made three centuries later, and by no means so absurd. peru, however, was a very wonderful country to have been built up by simple indians, without even that national organization or spirit which is the first step toward a nation. its "cities" were substantial, and in their construction had considerable claim to skill; the farms were better than those of our pueblos, because they had indigenous there the potato and other plant-foods unknown then in our southwest, and were watered by the same system of irrigation common to all the sedentary tribes. they were the only shepherd indians, and their great flocks of llamas were a very considerable source of wealth; while the camel's-hair cloths of their own weaving were not disdained by the proud ladies of spain. and above all, their rude ovens for melting metal enabled them to supply a certain dazzling display, which was certainly not to be expected among american indians: indeed, it would surprise us to enter churches anywhere and find them so bright with golden plates and images and dados as were some of their barbaric temples. we cannot say that they never made human sacrifices; but these hideous rites were rare, and not to be compared with the daily horrors in mexico. for ordinary sacrifices, the llama was the victim. it was into the strongholds of this piratical but uncommon indian tribe that pizarro was now leading his little band. footnotes: [26] pronounced sów-sa. v. the conquest of peru. certainly no army ever marched in the face of more hopeless odds. against the countless thousands of the peruvians, pizarro had one hundred and seventy-seven men. only sixty-seven of these had horses. in the whole command there were but three guns; and only twenty men had even cross-bows; all the others were armed with sword, dagger, and lance. a pretty array, truly, to conquer what was an empire in size though not in organization! five days out from san miguel, pizarro paused to rest. here he noticed that the seeds of discontent were among his followers; and he adopted a remedy characteristic of the man. drawing up his company, he addressed them in friendly fashion. he said he wished san miguel might be better guarded; its garrison was very small. if there were any now who would rather not proceed to the unknown dangers of the interior, they were at perfect liberty to return and help guard san miguel, where they should have the same grants of land as the others, besides sharing in the final profits of the conquest. it was an audacious yet a wise step. four foot-soldiers and five cavalrymen said they believed they would go back to san miguel; and back they went, while the loyal one hundred and sixty-eight pressed on, pledged anew to follow their intrepid leader to the end. de soto, who had been out on a scout for eight days, now returned, accompanied by a messenger from the inca war-captain, atahualpa. the indian brought gifts, and invited them to visit atahualpa, who was now encamped with his braves at caxamarca.[27] felipillo, the young indian from tumbez, who had gone back to spain with pizarro and had learned spanish, now made a very useful interpreter; and through him the spaniards were able to converse with the inca indians. pizarro treated the messenger with his usual courtesy, and sent him home with gifts, and marched on up the hills in the direction of caxamarca. one of the indians declared that atahualpa was simply decoying the spaniards into his stronghold to destroy them without the trouble of going after them, which was quite true; and another indian declared that the inca war-captain had with him a force of at least fifty thousand men. but without faltering, pizarro sent an indian ahead to reconnoitre, and pushed on through the fearful mountain passes of the cordillera, cheering his men with one of his characteristic speeches:- "let all take heart and courage to do as i expect of you, and as good spaniards are wont to do. and do not be alarmed by the multitude the enemy is said to have, nor by the small number of us christians. for even if we were fewer and the opposing army greater, the help of god is much greater yet; and in the utmost need he aids and favors his own to disconcert and humble the pride of the infidels, and bring them to the knowledge of our holy faith." to this knightly speech, the men shouted that they would follow wherever he led. pizarro went ahead with forty horsemen and sixty infantry, leaving his brother hernando to halt with the remaining men until further orders. it was no child's play, climbing those awful paths. the horsemen had to dismount, and even then could hardly lead their horses up the heights. the narrow trails wound under hanging cliffs and along the brinks of gloomy _quebradas_,[28]--narrow clefts, thousands of feet deep, where the rocky shelf was barely wide enough to creep along. the pass was commanded by two remarkable stone forts; but luckily these were deserted. had an enemy occupied them, the spaniards would have been lost; but atahualpa was letting them walk into his trap, confident of crushing them there at his ease. at the top of the pass hernando and his men were sent for, and came up. a messenger from atahualpa now arrived with a present of llamas; and at about the same time pizarro's indian spy returned, and reiterated that atahualpa meant treachery. the peruvian messenger plausibly explained the suspicious movements related by the spy. his explanation was far from satisfactory; but pizarro was too wise to show his distrust. nothing but a confident front could save them now. the spaniards suffered much from cold in crossing that lofty upland; and even the descent on the east side of the cordillera was full of difficulty. on the seventh day they came in sight of caxamarca in its pretty oval valley,--a pocket of the great range. off to one side was the camp of the inca war-captain and his army, covering a great area. on the 15th of november, 1532, the spaniards entered the town. it was absolutely deserted,--a serious and dangerous omen. pizarro halted in the great square or common, and sent de soto and hernando pizarro with thirty-five cavalry to atahualpa's camp to ask an interview. they found the indian surrounded by a luxury which startled them; and the overwhelming number of warriors impressed them no less. to their request atahualpa replied that to-day he was keeping a sacred fast (itself a highly suspicious fact), but to-morrow he would visit the spaniards in the town. "take the houses on the square," he said, "and enter no others. they are for the use of all. when i come, i will give orders what shall be done." the peruvians, who had never seen a horse before, were astounded at these mounted strangers, and doubly charmed when de soto, who was a gallant horseman, displayed his prowess,--not for vanity; it was a matter of very serious importance to impress these outnumbering barbarians with the dangerous abilities of the strangers. the events of the next day deserve special attention, as they and their direct consequences have been the basis of the unjust charge that pizarro was a cruel man. the _real_ facts are his full justification. on the morning of november 16, after an anxious night, the spaniards were up with the first gray dawn. it was plain now that they had walked right into the trap; and the chances were a hundred to one that they would never get out. their indian spy had warned them truly. here they were cooped up in the town, one hundred and sixty-eight of them; and within easy distance were the unnumbered thousands of the indians. worse yet, they saw their retreat cut off; for in the night atahualpa had thrown a large force between them and the pass by which they had entered. their case was absolutely hopeless,--nothing but a miracle could save them. but their miracle was ready,--it was pizarro. it is by one of the finest provisions of nature that the right sort of minds think best and swiftest when there is most need for them to think quickly and well. in the supreme moment all the crowding, jumbled thoughts of the full brain seem to be suddenly swept aside, to leave a clear space down which the one great thought may leap forward like the runner to his goal,--or like the lightning which splits the slow, tame air asunder even as its fire dashes on its way. most intelligent persons have that mental lightning sometimes; and when it can be relied on to come and instantly illumine the darkest crisis, it is the insight of genius. it was that which made napoleon, napoleon; and made pizarro, pizarro. there was need of some wonderfully rapid, some almost superhuman thinking. what could overcome those frightful odds? ah! pizarro had it! he did not know, as we know now, what superstitious reasons made the indians revere atahualpa so; but he did know that the influence existed. somewhat as pizarro was to the spaniards, was their war-captain to the peruvians,--not only their military head, but literally equal to "a host in himself." very well! if he could capture this treacherous chieftain, it would reduce the odds greatly; indeed, it would be the bloodless equivalent of depriving the hostile force of several thousand men. besides, atahualpa would be a pledge for the peace of his people. and as the only way out of destruction, pizarro determined to capture the war-captain. for this brilliant strategy he at once made careful preparations. the cavalry, in two divisions commanded respectively by hernando de soto and hernando pizarro, was hidden in two great hallways which opened into the square. in a third hallway were put the infantry; and with twenty men pizarro took his position at a fourth commanding point. pedro de candia, with the artillery,--two poor little falconets,--was stationed on the top of a strong building. pizarro then made a devout address to his soldiers; and with public prayers to god to aid and preserve them, the little force awaited its enemy. the day was nearly gone when atahualpa entered town, riding on a golden chair borne high on the shoulders of his servants. he had promised to come for a friendly visit, and unarmed; but singularly his friendly visit was made with a following of several thousand athletic warriors! ostensibly they were unarmed; but underneath their cloaks they clutched bows and knives and war-clubs. atahualpa was certainly not above curiosity, unconcerned as he had seemed. this new sort of men was too interesting to be exterminated at once. he wished to see more of them, and so came, but perfectly confident, as a cruel boy might be with a fly. he could watch its buzzings for a time; and whenever he was tired of that, he had but to turn down his thumb and crush the fly upon the pane. he reckoned too soon. a hundred and seventy spanish bodies might be easily crushed; but not when they were animated by one such mind as their leader's. even now pizarro was ready to adopt peaceful measures. good fray vicente de valverde, the chaplain of the little army, stepped forth to meet atahualpa. it was a strange contrast,--the quiet, gray-robed missionary, with his worn bible in his hand, facing the cunning indian on his golden throne, with golden ornaments and a necklace of emeralds. father valverde spoke. he said they came as servants of a mighty king and of the true god. they came as friends; and all they asked was that the indian chief should abandon his idols and submit to god, and accept the king of spain as his _ally_, not as his sovereign. atahualpa, after looking curiously at the bible (for of course he had never seen a book before), dropped it, and answered the missionary curtly and almost insultingly. father valverde's exhortations only angered the indian, and his words and manner grew more menacing. atahualpa desired to see the sword of one of the spaniards, and it was shown him. then he wished to draw it; but the soldier wisely declined to allow him. father valverde did not, as has been charged, then urge a massacre; he merely reported to pizarro the failure of his conciliatory efforts. the hour had come. atahualpa might now strike at any moment; and if he struck first, there was absolutely no hope for the spaniards. their only salvation was in turning the tables, and surprising the surprisers. pizarro waved his scarf to candia; and the ridiculous little cannon on the housetop boomed across the square. it did not hit anybody, and was not meant to; it was merely to terrify the indians, who had never heard a gun, and to give the signal to the spaniards. the descriptions of how the "smoke from the artillery rolled in sulphurous volumes along the square, blinding the peruvians, and making a thick gloom," can best be appreciated when we remember that all this deadly cloud had to come from two little pop-cannon that were carried over the mountains on horseback, and three old flintlock muskets! yet in such a ridiculous fashion have most of the events of the conquest been written about. not less false and silly are current descriptions of the "massacre" which ensued. the spaniards all sallied out at the signal and fell upon the indians, and finally drove them from the square. we cannot believe that two thousand were slain, when we consider how many indians one man would be capable of killing with a sword or clubbed musket or cross-bow in half an hour's running fight, and multiplying that by one hundred and sixty-eight; for after such a computation we should believe, not that two thousand, but two hundred is about the right figure for those killed at caxamarca. the chief efforts of the spaniards were necessarily not to kill, but to drive off the other indians and capture atahualpa. pizarro had given stern orders that the chief must not be hurt. he did not wish to kill him, but to secure him alive as a hostage for the peaceful conduct of his people. the bodyguard of the war-captain made a stout resistance; and one excited spaniard hurled a missile at atahualpa. pizarro sprang forward and took the wound in his own arm, saving the indian chief. at last atahualpa was secured unhurt, and was placed in one of the buildings under a strong guard. he admitted--with the characteristic bravado of an indian, whose traditional habit it is to show his courage by taunting his captors--that he had let them come in, secure in his overwhelming numbers, to make slaves of such as pleased him, and put the others to death. he might have added that had the wily war-chief his father been alive, this never would have happened. experienced old huayna capac would never have let the spaniards enter the town, but would have entangled and annihilated them in the wild mountain passes. but atahualpa, being more conceited and less prudent, had taken a needless risk, and now found himself a prisoner and his army routed. the biter was bitten. the distinguished captive was treated with the utmost care and kindness. he was a prisoner only in that he could not go out; but in the spacious and pleasant rooms assigned him he had every comfort. his family lived with him; his food, the best that could be procured, he ate from his own dishes; and every wish was gratified except the one wish to get out and rally his indians for war. father valverde, and pizarro himself, labored earnestly to convert atahualpa to christianity, explaining the worthlessness and wickedness of his idols, and the love of the true god,--as well as they could to an indian, to whom, of course, a christian god was incomprehensible. the worthlessness of his own gods atahualpa was not slow to admit. he frankly declared that they were nothing but liars. huayna capac had consulted them, and they answered that he would live a great while yet,--and huayna capac had promptly died. atahualpa himself had gone to ask the oracle if he should attack the spaniards: the oracle had answered yes, and that he would easily conquer them. no wonder the inca war-chief had lost confidence in the makers of such predictions. the spaniards gathered many llamas, considerable gold, and a large store of fine garments of cotton and camel's-hair. they were no longer molested; for the indians without their professional war-maker were even more at a loss than a civilized army would be without its officers, for the indian leader has a priestly as well as a military office,--and their leader was a prisoner. at last atahualpa, anxious to get back to his forces at any cost, made a proposition so startling that the spaniards could scarce believe their ears. if they would set him free, he promised to fill the room wherein he was a prisoner as high as he could reach with gold, and a smaller room with silver! the room to be filled with golden vessels and trinkets (nothing so compact as ingots) is said to have been twenty-two feet long and seventeen wide; and the mark he indicated on the wall with his fingers was nine feet from the floor! footnotes: [27] pronounced cash-a-_már_-ca. [28] pronounced kay-_bráh_-das. vi. the golden ransom. there is no reason whatever to doubt that pizarro accepted this proposition in perfect good faith. the whole nature of the man, his religion, the laws of spain, and the circumstantial evidence of his habitual conduct lead us to believe that he intended to set atahualpa free when the ransom should have been paid. but later circumstances, in which he had neither blame nor control, simply forced him to a different course. atahualpa's messengers dispersed themselves through peru to gather the gold and silver for the ransom. meanwhile, huascar,--who, you will remember, was a prisoner in the hands of atahualpa's men,--having heard of the arrangement, sent word to the spaniards setting forth his own claims. pizarro ordered that he should be brought to caxamarca to tell his story. the only way to learn which of the rival war-captains was right in his claims was to bring them together and weigh their respective pretensions. but this by no mean suited atahualpa. before huascar could be brought to caxamarca he was assassinated by his indian keepers, the henchmen of atahualpa,--and, it is commonly agreed, by atahualpa's orders. the gold and silver for the ransom came in slowly. historically there is no doubt what was atahualpa's plan in the whole arrangement. he was merely _buying time_,--alluring the spaniards to wait and wait, until he could collect his forces to his rescue, and then wipe out the invaders. this, indeed, began to dawn on the spaniards. tempting as was the golden bait, they suspected the trap behind it. it was not long before their fears were confirmed. they began to learn of the secret rallying of the indian forces. the news grew worse and worse; and even the daily arrival of gold--some days as high as $50,000 in weight--could not blind them to the growing danger. it was necessary to learn more of the situation than they could know while shut up in caxamarca; and hernando pizarro was sent out with a small force to scout to guamachúcho and thence to pachacámac, three hundred miles. it was a difficult and dangerous reconnoissance, but full of interest. their way along the table-land of the cordillera was a toilsome one. the story of great military roads is largely a myth, though much had been done to improve the trails,--a good deal after the rude fashion of the pueblos of new mexico, but on a larger scale. the improvements, however, had been only to adapt the trails for the sure-footed llama; and the spanish horses could with great difficulty be hauled and pushed up the worst parts. especially were the spaniards impressed with the rude but effective swinging bridges of vines, with which the indians had spanned narrow but fearful chasms; yet even these swaying paths were most difficult to be crossed with horses. [illustration: an angle of the fortress of the sacsahuaman. _see page 278._] after several weeks of severe travel, the party reached pachacámac without opposition. the famous temple there had been stripped of its treasures, but its famous god--an ugly idol of wood--remained. the spaniards dethroned and smashed this pagan fetich, purified the temple, and set up in it a large cross to dedicate it to god. they explained to the natives, as best they could, the nature of christianity, and tried to induce them to adopt it. here it was learned that chalicuchima, one of atahualpa's subordinate war-captains, was at xauxa with a large force; and hernando decided to visit him. the horses were in ill shape for so hard a march; for their shoes had been entirely worn out in the tedious journey, and how to shoe them was a puzzle: there was no iron in peru. but hernando met the difficulty with a startling expedient. if there was no iron, there was plenty of silver; and in a short time the spanish horses were shod with that precious metal, and ready for the march to xauxa. it was an arduous journey, but well worth making. chalicuchima voluntarily decided to go with the spaniards to caxamarca to consult with his superior, atahualpa. indeed, it was just the chance he desired. a personal conference would enable them to see exactly what was best to be done to get rid of these mysterious strangers. so the adventurous spaniards and the wily sub-chief got back at last to caxamarca together. meanwhile atahualpa had fared very well at the hands of his captors. much as they had reason to distrust, and did distrust, the treacherous indian, they treated him not only humanely but with the utmost kindness. he lived in luxury with his family and retainers, and was much associated with the spaniards. they seem to have been trying their utmost to make him their friend,--which was pizarro's principle all along. prejudiced historians can find no answer to one significant fact. the indians came to regard pizarro and his brothers gonzalo and juan as their friends,--and an indian, suspicious and observant far beyond us, is one of the last men in the world to be fooled in such things. had the pizarros been the cruel, merciless men that partisan and ill-informed writers have represented them to be, the aborigines would have been the first to see it and to hate them. the fact that the people they conquered became their friends and admirers is the best of testimony to their humanity and justice. atahualpa was even taught to play chess and other european games; and besides these efforts for his amusement, pains was also taken to give him more and more understanding of christianity. notwithstanding all this, his unfriendly plots were continually going on. in the latter part of may the three emissaries who had been sent to cuzco for a portion of the ransom got back to caxamarca with a great treasure. from the famous temple of the sun alone the indians had given them seven hundred golden plates; and that was only a part of the payment from cuzco. the messengers brought back two hundred loads of gold and twenty-five of silver, each load being carried on a sort of hand-barrow by four indians. this great contribution swelled the ransom perceptibly, though the room was not yet nearly filled to the mark agreed upon. pizarro, however, was not a shylock. the ransom was not complete, but it was enough; and he had his notary draw up a document formally freeing atahualpa from any further payment,--in fact, giving him a receipt in full. but he felt obliged to delay setting the war-captain at liberty. the murder of huascar and similar symptoms showed that it would be suicidal to turn atahualpa loose now. his intentions, though masked, were fully suspected, and so pizarro told him that it would be necessary to keep him as a hostage a little longer. before it would be safe for him to release atahualpa he knew that he must have a larger force to withstand the attack which atahualpa was sure at once to organize. he was rather better acquainted with the indian vindictiveness than some of his closet critics are. meantime almagro had at last got away from panama with one hundred and fifty foot and fifty horse, in three vessels; and landing in peru, he reached san miguel in december, 1532. here he heard with astonishment of pizarro's magical success, and of the golden booty, and at once communicated with him. at the same time his secretary secretly forwarded a treacherous letter to pizarro, trying to arouse enmity and betray almagro. the secretary had gone to the wrong man, however, for pizarro spurned the contemptible offer. indeed, his treatment of his unadmirable associate from first to last was more than just; it was forbearing, friendly, and magnanimous to a degree. he now sent almagro assurance of his friendship, and generously welcomed him to share the golden field which had been won with very little help from him. almagro reached caxamarca in february, 1533, and was cordially received by his old companion-in-arms. the vast ransom--a treasure to which there is no parallel in history--was now divided. this division in itself was a labor involving no small prudence and skill. the ransom was not in coin or ingots, but in plates, vessels, images, and trinkets varying greatly in weight and in purity. it had to be reduced to something like a common standard. some of the most remarkable specimens were saved to send to spain; the rest was melted down to ingots by the indian smiths, who were busy a month with the task. the result was almost fabulous. there were 1,326,539 _pesos de oro_, commercially worth, in those days, some five times their weight,--that is, about $6,632,695. besides this vast sum of gold there were 51,610 marks of silver, equivalent by the same standard to $1,135,420 now. the spaniards were assembled in the public square of caxamarca. pizarro prayed that god would help him to divide the treasure justly, and the apportionment began. first, a fifth of the whole great golden heap was weighed out for the king of spain, as pizarro had promised in the _capitulacion_. then the conquerors took their shares in the order of their rank. pizarro received 57,222 _pesos de oro_, and 2,350 marks of silver, besides the golden chair of atahualpa, which weighed $25,000. hernando his brother got 31,080 _pesos de oro_, and 2,350 marks of silver. de soto had 17,749 _pesos de oro_, and 724 marks of silver. there were sixty cavalrymen, and most of them received 8,880 _pesos de oro_, and 362 marks of silver. of the one hundred and five infantry, part got half as much as the cavalry each, and part one fourth less. nearly $100,000 worth of gold was set aside to endow the first church in peru,--that of st. francis. shares were also given almagro and his followers, and the men who had stayed behind at san miguel. that pizarro succeeded in making an equitable division is best evidenced by the absence of any complaints,--and his associates were not in the habit of keeping quiet under even a fancied injustice. even his defamers have never been able to impute dishonesty to the gallant conqueror of peru. to put in more graphic shape the results of this dazzling windfall, we may tabulate the list, giving each share in its value in dollars to-day:- to the spanish crown $1,553,623 " francisco pizarro 462,810 " hernando pizarro 207,100 " de soto 104,628 " each cavalryman 52,364 " each infantryman 26,182 all this was besides the fortunes given almagro and his men and the church. this is the nearest statement that can be made of the value of the treasure. the study of the enormously complicated and varying currency values of those days is in itself the work for a whole lifetime; but the above figures are _practically_ correct. prescott's estimate that the _peso de oro_ was worth eleven dollars at that time is entirely unfounded; it was close to five dollars. the mark of silver is much more difficult to determine, and prescott does not attempt it at all. the mark was not a coin, but a weight; and its commercial value was about twenty-two dollars at that time. vii. atahualpa's treachery and death. but in the midst of their happiness at this realization of their golden dreams,--and we may half imagine how they felt, after a life of poverty and great suffering, at now finding themselves rich men,--the spaniards were rudely interrupted by less pleasant realities. the plots of the indians, always suspected, now seemed unmistakable. news of an uprising came in from every hand. it was reported that two hundred thousand warriors from quito and thirty thousand of the cannibal caribs were on their way to fall upon the little spanish force. such rumors are always exaggerated; but this was probably founded on fact. nothing else was to be expected by any one even half so familiar with the indian character as the spaniards were. at all events, our judgment of what followed must be guided not merely by what _was_ true, but even more by what the spaniards _believed_ to be true. they had reason to believe, and there can be no question whatever that they did believe, that atahualpa's machinations were bringing a vastly superior force down upon them, and that they were in imminent peril of their lives. their newly acquired wealth only made them the more nervous. it is a curious but common phase of human nature that we do not realize half so much the many hidden dangers to our lives until we have acquired something which makes life seem better worth the living. one may often see how a fearless man suddenly becomes cautious, and even laughably fearful, when he gets a dear wife or child to think of and protect; and i doubt if any stirring boy has come to twenty years without suddenly being reminded, by the possession of some little treasure, how many things _might_ happen to rob him of the chance to enjoy it. he sees and feels dangers that he had never thought of before. the spaniards certainly had cause enough to be alarmed for their lives, without any other consideration; but the sudden treasure which gave those lives such promise of new and hard-earned brightness undoubtedly made their apprehensions more acute, and spurred them to more desperate efforts to escape. there is not the remotest evidence of any sort that pizarro ever meditated any treachery to atahualpa; and there is very strong circumstantial evidence to the contrary. but now his followers began to demand what seemed necessary for their protection. atahualpa, they believed, had betrayed them. he had caused the murder of his brother huascar, who was disposed to make friends with them, for the sake of being put by this alliance above the power of his merciless rival. he had baited them with a golden ransom, and by delaying it had gained time to have his forces organized to crush the spaniards,--and now they demanded that he must not only be punished, but be put past further plotting. their logic was unanswerable by any one in the same circumstances; nor can i now bring myself to quarrel with it. not only did they _believe_ their accusation just,--it probably _was_ just; at all events, they acted justly by the light they had. so serious was the alarm that the guards were doubled, the horses were kept constantly under saddle and bridle, and the men slept on their arms; while pizarro in person went the rounds every night to see that everything was ready to meet the attack, which was expected to take place at any moment. yet in this crisis the spanish leader showed a manly unwillingness even to _seem_ treacherous. he was a man of his word, as well as a humane man; and it was hard for him to break his promise to set atahualpa free, even when he was fully absolved by atahualpa's own utter violation of the spirit of the contract. but it was impossible to withstand the demands of his followers; he was responsible for their lives as well as his own, and when it came to a question between them and atahualpa there could be but one decision. pizarro opposed, but the army insisted, and at last he had to yield. yet even then, when the enemy might come at any moment, he insisted upon a full and formal trial for his prisoner, and saw that it was given. the court found atahualpa proven guilty of causing his brother's murder, and of conspiring against the spaniards, and condemned him to be executed that very night. if there were any delay, the indian army might arrive in time to rescue their war-captain, and that would greatly increase the odds against the spaniards. that night, therefore, in the plaza of caxamarca, atahualpa was executed by the garrote; and the next day he was buried from the church of st. francis with the highest honors. again the peruvians were taken by surprise, this time by the death of atahualpa. without the direction of their war-captain and the hope of rescuing him, they found themselves hesitating at a direct attack upon the spaniards. they stayed at a safe distance, burning villages and hiding gold and other articles which might "give comfort to the enemy;" and upon the whole, though the immediate danger had been averted by the execution of the war-captain, the outlook was still extremely ominous. pizarro, who did not understand the peruvian titles better than some of our own historians have done, and in hope of bringing about a more peaceful feeling, appointed toparca, another son of huayna capac, to be war-captain; but this appointment did not have the desired effect. it was now decided to undertake the long and arduous march to cuzco, the home and chief town of the inca tribe, of which they had heard such golden stories. early in september, 1533, pizarro and his army--now swelled by almagro's force to some four hundred men--set out from caxamarca. it was a journey of great difficulty and danger. the narrow, steep trails led along dizzy cliffs, across bridges almost as difficult to walk as a hammock would be, and up rocky heights where there were only foot-holes for the agile llama. at xauxa a great number of indians were drawn up to oppose them, intrenched on the farther side of a freshet-swollen stream. but the spaniards dashed through the torrent, and fell upon the savages so vigorously that they presently gave way. in this pretty valley pizarro had a notion to found a colony; and here he made a brief halt, sending de soto ahead with a scouting-party of sixty men. de soto began to find ominous signs at once. villages had been burned and bridges destroyed, so that the crossing of those awful _quebradas_ was most difficult. wherever possible, too, the road had been blocked with logs and rocks, so that the passage of the cavalry was greatly impeded. near bilcas he had a sharp brush with the indians; and though the spaniards were victorious, they lost several men. de soto, however, resolutely pushed on. just as the wearied little troop was toiling up the steep and winding defile of the vilcaconga, the wild whoop of the indians rang out, and a host of warriors sprang from their hiding-places behind rock and tree, and fell with fury upon the spaniards. the trail was steep and narrow, the horses could barely keep their footing; and under the crash of this dusky avalanche rider and horse went rolling down the steep. the indians fairly swarmed upon the spaniards like bees, trying to drag the soldiers from their saddles, even clinging desperately to the horses' legs, and dealing blows with agile strength. farther up the rocky pathway was a level space; and de soto saw that unless he could gain this, all was lost. by a supreme effort of muscle and will, he brought his little band to the top against such heavy odds; and after a brief rest, he made a charge upon the indians, but could not break that grim, dark mass. night came on, and the worn and bleeding spaniards--for few men or horses had escaped without wounds from that desperate mêlée, and several of both had been killed--rested as best they might with weapons in their hands. the indians were fully confident of finishing them on the morrow, and the spaniards themselves had little room for hope to the contrary. but far in the night they suddenly heard spanish bugles in the pass below, and a little later were embracing their unexpected countrymen, and thanking god for their deliverance. pizarro, learning of the earlier dangers of their march, had hurriedly despatched almagro with a considerable force of cavalry to help de soto; and the reinforcement by forced marches arrived just in the nick of time. the peruvians, seeing in the morning that the enemy was reinforced, pressed the fight no further, and retreated into the mountains. the spaniards, moving on to a securer place, camped to await pizarro. he soon came up, having left the treasure at xauxa, with forty men to guard it. but he was greatly troubled by the aspect of affairs. these organized and audacious attacks by the enemy, and the sudden death of toparca under suspicious circumstances, led him to believe that chalicuchima, the second war-captain, was acting treacherously,--as he very probably was. after rejoining almagro, pizarro had chalicuchima tried; and being found guilty of treason, he was promptly executed. we cannot help being horrified at the manner of the execution, which was by fire; but we must not be too hasty in calling the responsible individual a cruel man for all that. all such things must be measured by comparison, and by the general spirit of the age. the world did not then deem the stake a cruelty; and more than a hundred years later, when the world was much more enlightened, christians in england and france and new england saw no harm in that sort of an execution for certain offences,--and surely we shall not say that our puritan forefathers were wicked and cruel men. they hanged witches and whipped infidels, not from cruelty, but from the blind superstition of their time. it seems a hideous thing now, but it was not thought so then; and we must not expect that pizarro should be wiser and better than the men who had so many advantages that he had not. i certainly wish that he had not allowed chalicuchima to be burned; but i also wish that the shocking pages of salem and slavery could be blotted from our own story. in neither case, however, would i brand pizarro as a monster, nor the puritans as a cruel people. at this juncture, the inca indian manco came in gorgeous fashion to pizarro and proposed an alliance. he claimed to be the rightful war-chief, and desired that the spaniards recognize him as such. his proposition was gladly accepted. moving onward, the spaniards were again ambushed in a defile, but beat off their assailants; and at last entered cuzco november 15, 1533. it was the largest indian "city" in the western hemisphere, though not greatly larger than the pueblo of mexico; and its superior buildings and furnishings filled the spaniards with wonder. a great deal of gold was found in caves and other hiding-places. in one spot were several large gold vases, gold and silver images of llamas and human beings, and cloths adorned with gold and silver beads. among other treasures pedro pizarro, an eye-witness and chronicler, mentions ten rude "planks" of silver twenty feet long, a foot wide, and two inches thick. the total treasure secured footed up 580,200 _pesos de oro_ and 215,000 marks of silver, or an equivalent of about $7,600,000. pizarro now formally crowned manco as "ruler" of peru, and the natives seemed very well pleased. good father valverde was made bishop of cuzco; a cathedral was founded; and the devoted spanish missionaries began actively the work of educating and converting the heathen,--a work which they continued with their usual effectiveness. quizquiz, one of atahualpa's subordinate war-captains and a leader of no small prowess, still kept the field. almagro with a few cavalry, and manco with his native followers, were sent out and routed the hostiles; but quizquiz held out until put to death by his own men. in march, 1534, pedro de alvarado, cortez's gallant lieutenant, who had been rewarded for his services in mexico by being made governor of guatemala, landed and marched on quito, only to discover that it was in pizarro's territory. a compromise was made between him and pizarro; alvarado received a compensation for his fruitless expedition, and went back to guatemala. pizarro was now very busy in developing the new country he had conquered, and in laying the cornerstone of a nation. january 6, 1535, he founded the ciudad de los reyes, the city of the kings, in the lovely valley of rimac. the name was soon changed to lima; and lima, the capital of peru, remains to this day. the remarkable conqueror was now showing another side of his character,--his genius as an organizer and administrator of affairs. he addressed himself to the task of upbuilding lima with energy, and his direction of all the affairs of his young government showed great foresight and wisdom. meantime hernando, his brother, had been sent to spain with the treasure for the crown, arriving there in january, 1534. besides the "royal fifth" he carried half a million _pesos de oro_ belonging to those adventurers who had decided to enjoy their money at home. hernando made a great impression in spain. the crown fully confirmed all former grants to pizarro, and extended his territory seventy leagues to the south; while almagro was empowered to conquer chile (then called new toledo), beginning at the south end of pizarro's domain and running south two hundred leagues. hernando was knighted, and given command of an expedition,--one of the largest and best equipped that had sailed from spain. he and his followers had a terrible time in getting back to peru, and many perished on the way. viii. founding a nation.--the siege of cuzco. but before hernando reached peru, one of his company carried thither to almagro the news of his promotion; and this prosperity at once turned the head of the coarse and unprincipled soldier. forgetful of all pizarro's favors, and that pizarro had made him all he was, the false friend at once set himself up as master of cuzco. it was shameful ingratitude and rascality, and very nearly precipitated the spaniards into a civil war. but the forbearance of pizarro bridged the difficulty at last; and on the 12th of june, 1535, the two captains renewed their friendly agreement. almagro soon marched off to try--and to fail in--the conquest of chile; and pizarro turned his attention again to developing his conquered province. in the few years of his administrative career pizarro achieved remarkable results. he founded several new towns on the coast, naming one truxillo in memory of his birthplace. above all, he delighted in upbuilding and beautifying his favorite city of lima, and promoting commerce and other necessary factors in the development of the new nation. how wise were his provisions is attested by a striking contrast. when the spaniards first came to caxamarca a pair of spurs was worth $250 in gold! a few years before pizarro's death the first cow brought to peru was sold for $10,000; two years later the best cow in peru could be bought for less than $200. the first barrel of wine sold for $1600; but three years later native wine had taken the place of imported, and was to be had in lima at a cheap price. so it was with almost everything. a sword had been worth $250; a cloak, $500; a pair of shoes, $200; a horse, $10,000; but under pizarro's surprising business ability it took but two or three years to place the staples of life within the reach of every one. he encouraged not only commerce but home industry, and developed agriculture, mining, and the mechanical arts. indeed, he was carrying out with great success that general spanish principle that the chief wealth of a country is not its gold or its timber or its lands, but its _people_. it was everywhere the attempt of the spanish pioneers to uplift and christianize and civilize the savage inhabitants, so as to make them worthy citizens of the new nation, instead of wiping them off the face of the earth to make room for the new-comers, as has been the general fashion of some european conquests. now and then there were mistakes and crimes by individuals; but the great principle of wisdom and humanity marks the whole broad course of spain,--a course which challenges the admiration of every manly man. while pizarro was busy with his work, manco showed his true colors. it is not at all improbable that he had meditated treachery throughout, and had made alliance with the spaniards simply to get them in his power. at all events he now suddenly slipped away, without provocation, to raise forces to attack the spaniards, thinking to overcome them while they were scattered at work in their various colonies. the loyal indians warned juan pizarro, who captured and imprisoned manco. just then hernando pizarro arrived from spain, and francisco gave him command at cuzco. the wily manco fooled hernando into setting him free, and at once began to rally his forces. juan was sent out with sixty mounted men, and finally met manco's thousands at yucay. in a terrible struggle of two days the spaniards held their ground, though with heavy loss, and then were startled by a messenger with the news that cuzco itself was besieged by the savages. by a forced march they got back to the city by nightfall, and found it surrounded by a vast host. the indians suffered them to enter,--evidently desiring to have all their mice in one trap,--and then closed in upon the doomed city. hernando and juan were now shut up in cuzco. they had less than two hundred men, while outside, the slopes far and near were dotted with the camp-fires of the enemy,--so innumerable as to seem "like a sky full of stars." early in the morning (in february, 1536), the indians attacked. they hurled into the town fire-balls and burning arrows, and soon had set fire to the thatched roofs. the spaniards could not extinguish the fire, which raged for several days. the only thing that saved them from being smothered or roasted to death was the public square, in which they huddled. they made several sallies, but the indians had driven stakes and prepared other obstacles in which the horses became entangled. the spaniards, however, cleared the road under a fierce fire and made a gallant charge, which was as gallantly resisted. the indians were expert not only with the bow but with the _reata_ as well, and many spaniards were lassoed and slain. the charge drove the savages back somewhat, but at heavy cost to the spaniards, who had to return to town. they had no chance for rest; the indians kept up their harrying assaults, and the outlook was very black. francisco pizarro was besieged in lima; xauxa was also blockaded; and the spaniards in the smaller colonies had been overpowered and slain. their ghastly heads were hurled into cuzco, and rolled at the feet of their despairing countrymen. the case seemed so hopeless that many were for trying to cut through the indians and escape to the coast; but hernando and juan would not hear of it. upon the hill overlooking cuzco was--and is to this day--the remarkable inca fortress of the sacsahuaman. it is a cyclopean work. on the side toward the city, the almost impregnable bluff was made fully impregnable by a huge wall twelve hundred feet long and of great thickness. on the other side of the hill the gentler slope was guarded by two walls, one above the other, and each twelve hundred feet long. the stones in these walls were fitted together with surprising skill; and some single stones were thirty-eight feet long, eighteen feet wide, and six feet thick! and, most wonderful of all, they had been quarried at least twelve miles away, and then transported by the indians to their present site! the top of the hill was further defended by great stone towers. this remarkable aboriginal fortress was in the hands of the indians, and enabled them to harass the beleaguered spaniards much more effectively. it was plain that they must be dislodged. as a preliminary to this forlorn hope, the spaniards sallied out in three detachments, commanded by gonzalo pizarro, gabriel de rojas, and hernando ponce de leon, to beat off the indians. the fighting was thoroughly desperate. the indians tried to crush their enemies to the earth by the mad rush of numbers; but at last the spaniards forced the stubborn foe to give ground, and fell back to the city. for the task of storming the sacsahuaman juan pizarro was chosen, and the forlorn hope could not have been intrusted to a braver cavalier. marching out of cuzco about sunset with his little force, juan went off as if to forage; but as soon as it was dark he turned, made a detour, and hurried to the sacsahuaman. the great indian fort was dark and still. its gateway had been closed with great stones, built up like the solid masonry; and these the spaniards had much difficulty in removing without noise. when at last they passed through and were between the two giant walls, a host of indians fell upon them. juan left half his force to engage the savages, and with the other half opened the gateway in the second wall which had been similarly closed. when the spaniards succeeded in capturing the second wall, the indians retreated to their towers; and these last and deadliest strongholds were to be stormed. the spaniards assaulted them with that characteristic valor which faltered at no odds of nature or of man, but at the first onset met an irreparable loss. brave juan pizarro had been wounded in the jaw, and his helmet so chafed the wound that he snatched it off and led the assault bareheaded. in the storm of indian missiles a rock smote him upon his unprotected skull and felled him to the ground. yet even as he lay there in his agony and weltering in his blood, he shouted encouragement to his men, and cheered them on,--spanish pluck to the last. he was tenderly removed to cuzco and given every care; but the broken head was past mending, and after a few days of agony the flickering life went out forever. the indians still held their stronghold; and leaving his brother gonzalo in charge of beleaguered cuzco, hernando pizarro sallied out with a new force to attack the towers of the sacsahuaman. it was a desperate assault, but a successful one at last. one tower was soon captured; but in the other and stronger one the issue was long doubtful. conspicuous among its defenders was a huge and fearless indian, who toppled over the ladders and struck down the spaniards as fast as they could scale the tower. his valor filled the soldiers with admiration. heroes themselves, they could see and respect heroism even in an enemy. hernando gave strict orders that this brave indian should not be hurt. he must be overpowered, but not struck down. several ladders were planted on different sides of the tower, and the spaniards made a simultaneous rush, hernando shouting to the indian that he should be preserved if he would yield. but the swarthy hercules, seeing that the day was lost, drew his mantle over his head and face, and sprang off the lofty tower, to be dashed to pieces at its base. the sacsahuaman was captured, though at heavy cost, and thereby the offensive power of the savages was materially lessened. hernando left a small garrison to hold the fortress and returned to the invested city, there with his companions to bear the cruel fortunes of the siege. for five months the siege of cuzco lasted; and they were five months of great suffering and danger. manco and his host hung upon the starving city, fell with deadly fury upon the parties that were driven by hunger to sally out for food, and harassed the survivors incessantly. all the outlying spanish colonists had been massacred, and matters grew daily darker. francisco pizarro, beleaguered in lima, had beaten off the indians, thanks to the favorable nature of the country; but they hovered always about. he was full of anxiety for his men at cuzco, and sent out four successive expeditions, aggregating four hundred men, to their relief. but the rescue-parties were successively ambushed in the mountain passes, and nearly all were slain. it is said that seven hundred spaniards perished in that unequal war. some of the men begged to be allowed to cut through to the coast, take ship, and escape this deadly land; but pizarro would not hear to such abandonment of their brave countrymen at cuzco, and was resolved to stand by them and save them, or share their fate. to remove the temptation to selfish escape, he sent off the ships, with letters to the governors of panama, guatemala, mexico, and nicaragua detailing his desperate situation and asking aid. at last, in august, manco raised the siege of cuzco. his great force was eating up the country; and unless he set the inhabitants to their planting, famine would presently be upon him. so, sending most of the indians to their farms, he left a large force to watch and harass the spaniards, and himself with a strong garrison retired to one of his forts. the spaniards now had better success in their forays for food, and could better stave off starvation; but the watchful indians were constantly attacking them, cutting off men and small parties, and giving them no respite. their harassment was so sleepless and so disastrous that to check it hernando conceived the audacious plan of capturing manco in his stronghold. setting out with eighty of his best horsemen and a few infantry, he made a long, circuitous march with great caution, and without giving the alarm. attacking the fortress at daybreak, he thought to take it unawares; but behind those grim walls the indians were watching for him, and suddenly rising they showered down a perfect hail of missiles upon the spaniards. three times with the courage of despair the handful of soldiers pressed on to the assault, but three times the outnumbering savages drove them back. then the indians opened their sluice-gates above and flooded the field; and the spaniards, reduced and bleeding, had to beat a retreat, hard pressed by the exultant foe. in this dark hour, pizarro was suddenly betrayed by the man who, above all, should have been loyal to him,--the coarse traitor almagro. ix. the work of traitors. almagro had penetrated chile, suffering great hardships in crossing the mountains. again he showed the white feather; and, discouraged by the very beginning, he turned and marched back to peru. he seems to have concluded that it would be easier to rob his companion and benefactor than to make a conquest of his own,--especially since he learned how pizarro was now beset. pizarro, learning of his approach, went out to meet him. manco fell upon the spaniards on the way, but was repulsed after a hot fight. despite pizarro's manly arguments, almagro would not give up his plans. he insisted that he should be given cuzco, the chief city, pretending that it was south of pizarro's territory. it was really within the limits granted pizarro by the crown, but that would have made no difference with him. at last a truce was made until a commission could measure and determine where pizarro's southern boundary lay. meantime almagro was bound by a solemn oath to keep his hands off. but he was not a man to regard his oath or his honor; and on the dark and stormy night of april 8, 1537, he seized cuzco, killed the guards, and made hernando and gonzalo pizarro prisoners. just then alonso de alvarado was coming with a force to the relief of cuzco; but being betrayed by one of his own officers, he was captured with all his men by almagro. at this critical juncture, pizarro was strengthened by the arrival of his old supporter, the licentiate espinosa, with two hundred and fifty men, and a shipload of arms and provisions from his great cousin cortez. he started for cuzco, but at the overpowering news of almagro's wanton treachery, retreated to lima and fortified his little capital. he was clearly anxious to avert bloodshed; and instead of marching with an army to punish the traitor, he sent an embassy, including espinosa, to try to bring almagro to decency and reason. but the vulgar soldier was impervious to such arguments. he not only refused to give up stolen cuzco, but coolly announced his determination to seize lima also. espinosa suddenly and conveniently died in almagro's camp, and hernando and gonzalo pizarro would have been put to death but for the efforts of diego de alvarado (a brother of the hero of the _noche triste_), who saved almagro from adding this cruelty to his shame. almagro marched down to the coast to found a port, leaving gonzalo under a strong guard in cuzco, and taking hernando with him as a prisoner. while he was building his town, which he named after himself, gonzalo pizarro and alonso de alvarado made their escape from cuzco and reached lima in safety. francisco pizarro still tried to keep from blows with the man who, though now a traitor, had been once his comrade. at last an interview was arranged, and the two leaders met at mala. almagro greeted hypocritically the man he had betrayed; but pizarro was of different fibre. he did not wish to be enemies with former friends; but as little could he be friend again to such a person. he met almagro's lying welcome with dignified coolness. it was agreed that the whole dispute should be left to the arbitration of fray francisco de bobadilla, and that both parties should abide by his decision. the arbitrator finally decided that a vessel should be sent to santiago to measure southward from there, and determine pizarro's exact southern boundary. meantime almagro was to give up cuzco and release hernando pizarro. to this perfectly just arrangement the usurper refused to agree, and again violated every principle of honor. hernando pizarro was in imminent danger of being murdered; and francisco, bound to save his brother at any cost, bought him free by giving up cuzco. at last, worn past endurance by the continued treachery of almagro, pizarro sent him warning that the truce was at an end, and marched on cuzco. almagro made every effort to defend his stolen prize, but was outgeneralled at every step. he was shattered by a shameful sickness, the penalty of his base life, and had to intrust the campaign to his lieutenant orgoñez. on the 26th of april, 1538, the loyal spaniards, under hernando and gonzalo pizarro, alonso de alvarado, and pedro de valdivia, met almagro's forces at las salinas. hernando had mass said, aroused his men by recounting the conduct of almagro, and led the charge upon the rebels. a terrible struggle ensued; but at last orgoñez was slain, and then his followers were soon routed. the victors captured cuzco and made the arch-traitor prisoner. he was tried and convicted of treason,--for in being traitor to pizarro, he had also been a traitor to spain,--and was sentenced to death. the man who could be so physically brave in some circumstances was a coward at the last. he begged like a craven to be spared; but his doom was just, and hernando pizarro refused to reverse the sentence. francisco pizarro had started for cuzco; but before he arrived almagro was executed, and one of the basest treacheries in history was avenged. pizarro was shocked at the news of the execution; but he could not feel otherwise than that justice had been done. like the man he was, he had diego de almagro, the traitor's illegitimate son, taken to his own house, and cared for as his own child. hernando pizarro now returned to spain. there he was accused of cruelties; and the spanish government, prompter than any other in punishing offences of the sort, threw him into prison. for twenty years the gray-haired prisoner lived behind the bars of medina del campo; and when he came out his days of work were over, though he lived to be a hundred years old. the state of affairs in peru, though improved by the death of almagro and the crushing of his wicked rebellion, was still far from secure. manco was developing what has since come to be regarded as the characteristic indian tactics. he had learned that the original fashion of rushing upon a foe in mass, fairly to smother him under a crush of bodies, would not work against discipline. so he took to the tactics of harassment and ambuscade,--the policy of killing from behind, which our apaches learned in the same way. he was always hanging about the spaniards, like a wolf about the flock, waiting to pounce upon them whenever they were off their guard, or when a few were separated from the main body. it is the most telling mode of warfare, and the hardest to combat. many of the spaniards fell victims; in a single swoop he cut off and massacred thirty of them. it was useless to pursue him,--the mountains gave him an impregnable retreat. as the only deliverance from this harassment, pizarro adopted a new policy. in the most dangerous districts he founded military posts; and around these secure places towns grew rapidly, and the people were able to hold their own. emigrants were coming to the country, and peru was developing a civilized nation out of them and the uplifted natives. pizarro imported all sorts of european seeds, and farming became a new and civilized industry. besides this development of the new little nation, pizarro was spreading the limits of exploration and conquest. he sent out brave pedro de valdivia,--that remarkable man who conquered chile, and made there a history which would be found full of thrilling interest, were there room to recount it here. he sent out, too, his brother gonzalo as governor of quito, in 1540. that expedition was one of the most astounding and characteristic feats of spanish exploration in the americas; and i wish space permitted the full story of it to enter here. for nearly two years the knightly leader and his little band suffered superhuman hardships. they froze to death in the snows of the andes, and died of heat in the desert plains, and fell in the forest swamps of the upper amazon. an earthquake swallowed an indian town of hundreds of houses before their eyes. their way through the tropic forests had to be hewn step by step. they built a little brigantine with incredible toil,--gonzalo working as hard as any,--and descended the napo to the amazon. francisco de orellana and fifty men could not rejoin their companions, and floated down the amazon to the sea, whence the survivors got to spain. gonzalo at last had to struggle back to quito,--a journey of almost matchless horror. of the three hundred gallant men who had marched forth so blithely in 1540 (not including orellana's fifty), there were but eighty tattered skeletons who staggered into quito in june, 1542. this may give some faint idea of what they had been through. meanwhile an irreparable calamity had befallen the young nation, and robbed it at one dastardly blow of one of its most heroic figures. the baser followers who had shared the treachery of almagro had been pardoned, and well-treated; but their natures were unchanged, and they continued to plot against the wise and generous man who had "made" them all. even diego de almagro, whom pizarro had reared tenderly as a son, joined the conspirators. the ringleader was one juan de herrada. on sunday, june 26, 1541, the band of assassins suddenly forced their way into pizarro's house. the unarmed guests fled for help; and the faithful servants who resisted were butchered. pizarro, his half-brother martinez de alcántara, and a tried officer named francisco de chaves had to bear the brunt alone. taken all by surprise as they were, pizarro and alcántara tried to hurry on their armor, while chaves was ordered to secure the door. but the mistaken soldier half opened it to parley with the villains, and they ran him through, and kicked his corpse down the stair-case. alcántara sprang to the door and fought heroically, undaunted by the wounds that grew thicker on him. pizarro, hurling aside the armor there was no time to don, flung a cloak over his left arm for a shield, and with the right grasping the good sword that had flashed in so many a desperate fray he sprang like a lion upon the wolfish gang. he was an old man now; and years of such hardship and exposure as few men living nowadays ever dreamed of had told on him. but the great heart was not old, and he fought with superhuman valor and superhuman strength. his swift sword struck down the two foremost, and for a moment the traitors were staggered. but alcántara had fallen; and taking turns to wear out the old hero, the cowards pressed him hard. for several minutes the unequal fight went on in that narrow passage, slippery with blood,--one gray-haired man with flashing eyes against a score of desperadoes. at last herrada seized narvaez, a comrade, in his arms, and behind this living shield rushed against pizarro. pizarro ran narvaez through and through; but at the same instant one of the crowding butchers stabbed him in the throat. the conqueror of peru reeled and fell; and the conspirators plunged their swords in his body. but even then the iron will kept the body to the last thought of a great heart; and calling upon his redeemer, pizarro drew a cross with bloody finger upon the floor, bent and kissed the sacred symbol, and was dead. so lived and so died the man who began life as the swineherd of truxillo, and who ended it the conqueror of peru. he was the greatest of the pioneers; a man who from meaner beginnings rose higher than any; a man much slandered and maligned by the prejudiced; but nevertheless a man whom history will place in one of her highest niches,--a hero whom every lover of heroism will one day delight to honor. * * * * * such was the conquest of peru. of the romantic history which followed in peru i cannot tell here,--of the lamentable fall of brave gonzalo pizarro; of the remarkable pedro de la gasca; of the great mendoza's vice-royal promotion; nor of a hundred other chapters of fascinating history. i have wished only to give the reader some idea of what a spanish conquest really was, in superlative heroism and hardship. pizarro's was the greatest conquest; but there were many others which were not inferior in heroism and suffering, but only in genius; and the story of peru was very much the story of two thirds of the western hemisphere. the end. works issued by the hakluyt society [illustration: _facsimile (reduced) of the_ coat of arms of king philip ii., _from the sarmiento ms., 1572, göttingen university library. reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth._] history of the incas by pedro sarmiento de gamboa translated and edited with notes and an introduction by sir clements markham, k.c.b. president of the hakluyt society. cambridge: printed for the hakluyt society. mdccccvii. cambridge: printed by john clay, m.a. at the university press. council of the hakluyt society. sir clements markham, k.c.b., f.r.s., _president_. the right hon. the earl of liverpool, _vice-president_. the right hon. the lord amherst of hackney, _vice-president_. the right hon. the lord belhaven and stenton. thomas b. bowring. colonel george earl church. sir william martin conway, m.a., f.s.a. the rev. canon john neale dalton, c.m.g., c.v.o. george william forrest, c.i.e. william foster, b.a. the right hon. sir george taubmin goldie, k.c.m.g., d.c.l., ll.d., f.r.s., _pres. r.g.s._ albert gray, k.c. edward heawood, m.a. colonel sir thomas hungerford holdich, k.c.m.g., k.c.s.i., c.b., r.e. john scott keltie, ll.d. admiral sir albert hastings markham, k.c.b. admiral of the fleet sir frederick william richards, g.c.b. admiral of the fleet sir edward honart seymour, g.c.b., o.m. lieut.-col. sir richard carnac temple, bart., c.l.e. roland venables vernon, b.a. basil harrington soulsby, b.a., f.s.a., _honorary secretary_. table of contents. introduction dedicatory letter to king philip ii i. division of the history ii. the ancient division of the land iii. description of the ancient atlantic island iv. first inhabitants of the world and principally of the atlantic island v. inhabitants of the atlantic island vi. the fable of the origin of these barbarous indians of peru, according to their blind opinions vii. fable of the second age, and creation of the barbarous indians according to their account viii. the ancient _behetrias_ of these kingdoms of peru and their provinces ix. the first settlers in the valley of cuzco x. how the incas began to tyrannize over the lands and inheritances xi. the fable of the origin of the incas of cuzco xii. the road which these companies of the incas took to the valley of cuzco, and of the fables which are mixed with their history xiv. entry of the incas into the valley of cuzco, and the fables they relate concerning it xiv. the difference between manco ccapac and the alcabisas, respecting the arable land xv. commences the life of sinchi rocca, the second inca xvi. the life of lloqui yupanqui, the third inca xvii. the life of mayta ccapac, the fourth inca xviii. the life of ccapac yupanqui, the fifth inca xix. the life of inca rocca, the sixth inca xx. the life of titu cusi hualpa, vulgarly called yahuar-huaccac xxi. what happened after the ayarmarcas had stolen titu cusi hualpa xxii. how it became known that yahuar-huaccac was alive xxiii. yahuar-huaccac inca yupanqui commences his reign alone, after the death of his father xxiv. life of viracocha, the eighth inca xxv. the provinces and towns conquered by the eighth inca viracocha xxvi. life of inca yupanqui or pachacuti, the ninth inca xxvii. coming of the chancas against cuzco xxviii. the second victory of pachacuti inca yupanqui over the chancas xxix. the inca yupanqui assumes the sovereignty and takes the fringe, without the consent of his father xxx. pachacuti inca yupanqui rebuilds the city of cuzco xxxi. pachacuti inca yupanqui rebuilds the house of the sun and establishes new idols in it xxxii. pachacuti inca yupanqui depopulates two leagues of country near cuzco xxxiii. pachacuti inca yupanqui kills his elder brother named inca urco xxxiv. the nations which pachacuti inca subjugated and the towns he took; and first of tocay ccapac, sinchi of the ayamarcas, and the destruction of the cuyos xxxv. the other nations conquered by inca yupanqui, either in person or through his brother inca rocca xxxvi. pachacuti inca yupanqui endows the house of the sun with great wealth xxxvii. pachacuti inca yupanqui conquers the province of colla-suyu xxxviii. pachacuti inca yupanqui sends an army to conquer the province of chinchay-suyu xxxix. pachacuti inca yupanqui plants _mitimaes_ in all the lands he had conquered xl. the collas, sons of chuchi ccapac, rebel against inca yupanqui to obtain their freedom xli. amaru tupac inca and apu paucar usnu continue the conquest of the collao and again subdue the collas xlii. pachacuti inca yupanqui nominates his son tupac inca yupanqui as his successor xliii. how pachacuti armed his son tupac inca xliv. pachacuti inca yupanqui sends his son tupac inca yupanqui to conquer chinchay-suyu xlv. how pachacuti inca yupanqui visited the provinces conquered for him by his captains xlvi. tupac inca yupanqui sets out, a second time, by order of his father, to conquer what remained unsubdued in chinchay-suyu xlvii. death of pachacuti inca yupanqui xlviii. the life of tupac inca yupanqui, the tenth inca xlix. tupac inca yupanqui conquers the province of the antis l. tupac inca yupanqui goes to subdue and pacify the collas li. tupac inca makes the _yanaconas_ lii. tupac inca yupanqui orders a second visitation of the land, and does other things liii. tupac inca makes the fortress of cuzco liv. death of tupac inca yupanqui lv. the life of huayna ccapac, eleventh inca lvi. they give the fringe of inca to huayna ccapac, the eleventh inca lvii. the first acts of huayna ccapac after he became inca lviii. huayna ccapac conquers chachapoyas lix. huayna ccapac makes a visitation of the whole empire from quito to chile lx. huayna ccapac makes war on the quitos, pastos, carangues, cayambis, huancavilcas lxi. the chirihuanas come to make war in peru against those conquered by the incas lxii. what huayna ccapac did after the-said wars lxiii. the life of huascar, the last inca, and of atahualpa lxiv. huascar inca marches in person to fight chalco chima and quiz-quiz, the captains of atahualpa lxv. the battle between the armies of huascar and atahualpa. huascar made prisoner lxvi. what chalco chima and quiz-quiz did concerning huascar and those of his side in words lxvii. the cruelties that atahualpa ordered to be perpetrated on the prisoners and conquered of huascar's party lxviii. news of the spaniards comes to atahualpa lxix. the spaniards come to caxamarca and seize atahualpa, who orders huascar to be killed. atahualpa also dies lxx. it is noteworthy how these incas were tyrants against themselves, besides being so against the natives of the land lxxi. summary computation of the period that the incas of peru lasted certificate of the proofs and verification of this history * * * * * account of the province of vilcapampa and a narrative of the execution of the inca tupac amaru, by captain baltasar de ocampo list of illustrations. 1. map of central peru. 1907. by graham mackay, r.g.s six facsimiles (reduced) from the sarmiento ms., 1572 (göttingen university library): 2. _a_. arms of philip ii of spain. coloured 3. _b_. last page of sarmiento's introductory letter to philip ii, with his autograph 4. _c_. arms of philip ii. fol. 1 5. _d_. title of the sarmiento ms. fol. 2 6. _e_. arms of don francisco de toledo, viceroy of peru, 1569--1581. fol. 132 7. _f_. signatures of the attesting witnesses, 1572. fol. 138 8. portrait of the viceroy, don francisco de toledo, at lima. from a sketch by sir clements markham in 1853 9. group of incas, in ceremonial dresses, from figures in the pictures in the church of santa ana, cuzco, a.d. 1570. from a sketch by sir clements markham in 1853 10. portraits of the incas. facsimile of the title-page of the fifth decade of antonio de herrera's _historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar oceano_, madrid, 1615. fol. from the rev. c.m. cracherode's copy in the british museum 11. capture of atahualpa, and siege of cuzco. from the title-page of the sixth decade of antonio de herrera 12. map of vilca-pampa. 1907. by graham mackay, r.g.s plates 2--7 have been reproduced from the negatives, kindly lent for the purpose by professor dr richard pietschmann, director of the göttingen university library. [illustration: 1907. series ii. vol. xxii. reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth. portraits of the incas. from the rev. c.m. cracherode's copy in the british museum.] introduction. the publication of the text of the sarmiento manuscript in the library of göttingen university, has enabled the council to present the members of the hakluyt society with the most authentic narrative of events connected with the history of the incas of peru. the history of this manuscript, and of the documents which accompanied it, is very interesting. the viceroy, don francisco de toledo, who governed peru from 1569 to 1581, caused them to be prepared for the information of philip ii. four cloths were sent to the king from cuzco, and a history of the incas written by captain pedro sarmiento de gamboa. on three cloths were figures of the incas with their wives, on medallions, with their _ayllus_ and a genealogical tree. historical events in each reign were depicted on the borders. the fable of tampu-tocco was shown on the first cloth, and also the fables touching the creations of viracocha, which formed the foundation for the whole history. on the fourth cloth there was a map of peru, the compass lines for the positions of towns being drawn by sarmiento. the viceroy also caused reports to be made to him, to prove that the incas were usurpers. there were thirteen reports from cuzco, guamanga, xauxa, yucay, and other places, forming a folio of 213 leaves, preserved in the _archivo de indias_[1]. at cuzco all the inca descendants were called upon to give evidence respecting the history of peru under their ancestors. they all swore that they would give truthful testimony. the compilation of the history was then entrusted to captain pedro sarmiento de gamboa, the cosmographer of peru. when it was completed the book was read to the inca witnesses, chapter by chapter, in their own language. they discussed each chapter, and suggested some corrections and alterations which were adopted. it was then submitted to the viceroy, who caused the documents to be attested by the principal spaniards settled at cuzco, who had been present at the conquest, or had taken a leading part in the subsequent administration. these were dr loarte, the licentiate polo de ondegardo[2], alonso de mena[3], mancio serra de leguisano[4], pero alonso carrasco, and juan de pancorvo[5], in whose house the viceroy resided while he was at cuzco. mancio serra de leguisano married beatriz ñusta, an inca princess, daughter of huayna ccapac. the viceroy then made some final interpolations to vilify the incas, which would not have been approved by some of those who had attested, certainly not by polo de ondegardo or leguisano. [note 1: printed in the same volume with montesinos, and edited by jimenes de la espada, _informaciones acerca del señorio y gobierno de los ingas hechas por mandado de don francisco de toledo,_ 1570--72.] [note 2: the accomplished lawyer, author, and statesman.] [note 3: one of the first conquerors. his house at cuzco was in the square of our lady, near that of garcilasso de la vega.] [note 4: a generous defender of the cause of the indians.] [note 5: one of the first conquerors. he occupied a house near the square, with his friend and comrade alonso de marchena.] sarmiento mentions in his history of the incas that it was intended to be the second part of his work. there were to be three parts. the first, on the geography of peru, was not sent because it was not finished. the third part was to have been a narrative of the conquest. the four cloths, and the other documents, were taken to spain, for presentation to the king, by a servant of the viceroy named geronimo pacheco, with a covering letter dated at yucay on march 1st, 1572. of all these precious documents the most important was the history of the incas by sarmiento, and it has fortunately been preserved. the king's copy found its way into the famous library of abraham gronovius, which was sold in 1785, and thence into the library of the university of göttingen, where it remained, unprinted and unedited, for 120 years. but in august, 1906, the learned librarian, dr richard pietschmann published the text at berlin, very carefully edited and annotated with a valuable introduction. the council of the hakluyt society is thus enabled to present an english translation to its members very soon after the first publication of the text. it is a complement of the other writings of the great navigator, which were translated and edited for the hakluyt society in 1895. the manuscript consists of eight leaves of introduction and 138 of text. the dedicatory letter to the king is signed by sarmiento on march 4th, 1572. the binding was of red silk, under which there is another binding of green leather. the first page is occupied by a coloured shield of the royal arms, with a signature _el capitã sarmi de gãboa_. on the second page is the title, surrounded by an ornamental border. the manuscript is in a very clear hand, and at the end are the arms of toledo (_chequy azure and argent_) with the date cuzco, 29 feb., 1572. there is also the signature of the secretary, alvaro ruiz de navamuel[6]. [note 6: alvaro ruiz and his brother captain francisco ruiz were the sons of francisco santiago rodriguez de los rios by inez de navamuel. both used their mother's name of navamuel as their surname; and both were born at aquilar del campo. alonso ruiz de navamuel was secretary to the governments of five successive viceroys. he wrote a _relacion de las cosas mas notables que hiza en el peru, siendo virev don francisco de toledo, 20 dec. 1578_. he died in the year 1613. the descendants of his son juan de los rios formed the _mayorazgos_ of rios and cavallero. by his wife angela ortiz de arbildo y berriz, a biscayan, he had a daughter inez married to her cousin geronimo aliaga, a son of the secretary's brother captain francisco ruiz de navamuel, the _encomendero_ of caracoto in the collao, by juana, daughter of captain geronimo de aliaga. his marriage, at which the viceroy toledo was present, took place on november 23rd, 1578. from the marriage of the younger geronimo de aliaga with inez navamuel, descend the aliagas, counts of luringancho in peru.] the history of the incas by sarmiento is, without any doubt, the most authentic and reliable that has yet appeared. for it was compiled from the carefully attested evidence of the incas themselves, taken under official sanction. each sovereign inca formed an _ayllu_ or "gens" of his descendants, who preserved the memory of his deeds in _quipus_, songs, and traditions handed down and learnt by heart. there were many descendants of each of these _ayllus_ living near cuzco in 1572, and the leading members were examined on oath; so that sarmiento had opportunities of obtaining accurate information which no other writer possessed. for the correct versions of the early traditions, and for historical facts and the chronological order of events, sarmiento is the best authority. but no one can supersede the honest and impartial old soldier, pedro de cieza de leon, as regards the charm of his style and the confidence to be placed in his opinions; nor the inca garcilasso de la vega as regards his reminiscences and his fascinating love for his people. molina and yamqui pachacuti give much fuller details respecting the ceremonial festivals and religious beliefs. polo de ondegardo and santillana supply much fuller and more reliable information respecting the laws and administration of the incas. it is in the historical narrative and the correct order of events that sarmiento, owing to his exceptional means of collecting accurate information, excels all other writers. there is one serious blemish. sarmiento's book was written, not only or mainly to supply interesting information, but with an object. bishop las casas had made europe ring with the cruelties of the spaniards in the indies, and with the injustice and iniquity of their conquests. don francisco de toledo used this narrative for the purpose of making a feeble reply to the good bishop. under his instructions sarmiento stated the viceroy's argument, which was that the king of spain was the rightful sovereign of peru because the incas had usurped their power by conquest and had been guilty of acts of cruelty. hence the constant repetition of such phrases as "cruel tyranny" and "usurping tyrant"; and the numerous interpolations of the viceroy himself are so obvious that i have put them in italics within brackets. he goes back as far as the first inca to make out the usurpation, and he is always harping on illegitimacy. if we go back as far as sancho iv the title of philip ii to spain was voided by the grossest usurpation, while we need only go back to henry ii to see how philip's title was vitiated by illegitimacy. as for cruelty, it would be a strange plea from the sovereign by whose orders the netherlands were devastated, the moors of granada almost annihilated, and under whose rule the inquisition was in full swing. it is the old story of preaching without practice, as dr newman once observed in quoting what james i said to george heriot: "o geordie, jingling geordie, it was grand to hear baby charles laying down the guilt of dissimulation, and steenie lecturing on the turpitude of incontinence." it is right to say that philip never seems to have endorsed the argument of his viceroy, while his father prohibited the circulation of a book by dr sepulveda which contained a similar argument; nor was the work of sarmiento published. barring this blemish, the history of the incas, written by order of the viceroy toledo, is a most valuable addition to the authorities who have given us authentic accounts of andean civilization; for we may have every confidence in the care and accuracy of sarmiento as regards his collection and statement of historical facts, provided that we always keep in mind the bias, and the orders he was under, to seek support for the viceroy's untenable argument. i have given all i have been able to find respecting the life of sarmiento in the introduction to my edition of the voyages of that celebrated navigator. but the administration of the viceroy don francisco de toledo, from 1569 to 1581, forms a landmark in the history of peru, and seems to call for some notice in this place. he found the country in an unsettled state, with the administrative system entirely out of gear. though no longer young he entered upon the gigantic task of establishing an orderly government, and resolved to visit personally every part of the vast territory under his rule. this stupendous undertaking occupied him for five years. he was accompanied by ecclesiastics, by men well versed in the language of the incas and in their administrative policy, and by his secretary and aide-de-camp. these were the bishop of popayan, augustin de la coruña, the augustine friars juan vivero and francisco del corral, the jesuit and well-known author, joseph de acosta, the inquisitor pedro ordoñez flores, his brother, the viceroy's chaplain and confessor, the learned lawyer juan matienzo, whose work is frequently quoted by solorzano[7], the licentiate polo de ondegardo, who had been some years in the country and had acquired an intimate knowledge of the laws of the incas, the secretary alvaro ruiz de navamuel, and as aide-de-camp his young nephew, geronimo de figueroa, son of his brother juan, the ambassador at rome[8]. [note 7: in his _politica indiana_. there are two manuscripts of juan matienzo de peralta at the british museum, _govierno del peru_ and _relacion del libro intitulado govierno del peru_, apparently one work in two parts. _add. mss_. 5469, in gayangos catalogue, vol. ii. p. 470.] [note 8: some sons took the father's surname, others that of the mother. the viceroy had the name of his father, francisco alvarez de toledo, the third count of oropesa, while his brother juan had the surname of figueroa, being that of his mother.] toledo was endowed with indefatigable zeal for the public service, great energy, and extraordinary powers of application. he took the opinions of others, weighed them carefully, and considered long before he adopted any course. but he was narrow-minded and obstinate, and when he had once determined on a measure nothing could alter him. his ability is undoubted, and his appointment, at this particular juncture, is a proof of philip's sagacity. the viceroy's intercourse with polo de ondegardo informed him respecting the administrative system of the incas, so admirably adapted to the genius of the people, and he had the wisdom to see that there was much to learn from it. his policy was to collect the people, who, to a great extent, were scattered over the country and hiding from the spaniards, in villages placed near the centres of their cultivated or pasture lands. he fixed the numbers in each village at 400 to 500, with a priest and alcalde. he also ordered the boundaries of all the parishes to be settled. spanish corregidors were to take the places of the _tucuyricoc_ or governors of inca times, and each village had an elected alcalde approved by the corregidor. under him there were to be two overseers, a _pichca pachaca_ over 500, and a _pachaca_ as assistant. another important measure was the settlement of the tribute. the name "tribute" was unfortunate. the system was that of the incas, and the same which prevailed throughout the east. the government was the landlord, and the so-called "tribute" was rent. the incas took two-thirds for the state and for religion, and set apart one-third for the cultivators. toledo did much the same, assessing, according to the nature of the soil, the crops, and other local circumstances. for the formation of villages and the assessment of the tribute he promulgated a whole code of ordinances, many of them intended to prevent local oppression in various forms. the viceroy next took up the questions of the position of _yana-cunas_ or domestic servants, and of forced service. both these institutions existed in incarial times. all that was needed were moderate laws for the protection of servants and conscripts, and the enforcement of such laws. toledo allowed a seventh of the adult male population in each village to be made liable for service in mines or factories, fixed the distance they could be taken from their homes, and made rules for their proper treatment. it is true that the _mita_, as it was called, was afterwards an instrument of cruel oppression, that rules were disregarded, and that it depopulated the country. but this was not the fault of toledo. the viceroy gave much attention to the mining industry, promoted the introduction of the use of mercury in the extraction of silver, and founded the town of huancavelica near the quick-silver mine. his personality pervaded every department of the state, and his _tasas_ or ordinances fill a large volume. he was a prolific legislator and a great statesman. his worst mistake was the policy he adopted with regard to the family of the incas. he desired to establish the position of the king of spain without a rival. he, therefore, sought to malign the preceding dynasty, persecuted the descendants of the incas, and committed one act of cruel injustice. when atahualpa put his half-brother huascar, the last reigning inca, to death, there remained three surviving sons of their father the great inca huayna ccapac, named manco, paullu, and titu atauchi, and several daughters. after his occupation of cuzco, pizarro acknowledged manco inca as the legitimate successor of his brother huascar, and he was publicly crowned, receiving all the insignia on march 24th, 1534. he escaped from the spaniards and besieged them in cuzco at the head of a large army. forced to raise the siege he established his head-quarters at ollantay-tampu, where he repulsed an attack led by hernando pizarro. he was, however, defeated by orgoñiez, the lieutenant of almagro, and took refuge in the mountainous province of vilcapampa on the left bank of the vilcamayu. from thence he made constant attacks on the spaniards, maintaining his independence in this small remnant of his dominions. some of the partisans of almagro took refuge with him, and he was accidentally killed by one of them in 1544, after a not inglorious reign of ten years. he left two legitimate sons, named sayri tupac and tupac amaru, by his wife and niece the princess ataria cusi huarcay, daughter of his ill-fated brother huascar. this marriage was legalized by a bull of pope paul iii in the time of the viceroy marquis of cañete, 1555--1561. he had also an illegitimate son named cusi titu yupanqui, and a daughter named maria tupac usca, married to don pedro ortiz de orue, one of the first conquerors[9]. [note 9: diego ortiz de orue was born in the village of getafe, near madrid. he went out to peru in 1559, and at once began to study the quichua language. he was _encomendero_ of maras, a village overlooking the valley of yucay. by the inca princess he had a daughter named catalina married to don luis justiniani of seville, descended from the genoese family. their son luis was the grandfather of dr justo pastor justiniani who married manuela cataño, descended from tupac inca yupanqui. their son don pablo justiniani was cura of laris until his death in 1858, and was a great depository of inca lore. he had a very early copy of the inca drama of ollanta.] sayri tupac succeeded as fourteenth inca of peru. on the arrival of the marquis of cañete as viceroy in 1555, he caused overtures to be made to sayri tupac through his aunts, who were living at cuzco with their spanish husbands, juan sierra de leguisano and diego hernandez. it was finally arranged that the inca should receive 17000 _castellanos_ of rent and the valley of yucay. on october 7th, 1557, sayri tupac left vilcapampa with 300 followers, reaching andahuaylas on november 5th. he entered lima on january 6th, 1558, was cordially greeted by the viceroy and received investiture, assuming the names of manco ccapac pachacuti yupanqui. he went to live in the lovely vale of yucay. he had been baptized with the name of diego, but he did not long survive, dying at yucay in 1560. his daughter clara beatriz married don martin garcia loyola. their daughter lorenza was created marchioness of oropesa and yucay, with remainder to descendants of her great uncle tupac amaru. she was the wife of juan henriquez de borja, grandson of the duke of gandia. on the death of sayri tupac, his illegitimate brother, cusi titu yupanqui assumed sovereignty, owing to the youth of the legitimate brother tupac amaru, both remaining in vilcapampa. paullu tupac yupanqui, the next brother of manco inca, was baptized with the name of cristóval. he accompanied almagro in his expedition to chile, and was with young almagro at the battle of chupas. eventually he was allowed to fix his residence on the colcampata of cuzco, at the foot of the fortress, and by the side of the church of san cristóval. from the terrace of the colcampata there is a glorious view with the snowy peak of vilcañota in the far distance. paullu died in may, 1549, and was succeeded on the colcampata by his son carlos inca. he had two other sons named felipe and bartolomé. from the latter was descended the late archdeacon of cuzco, dr justo salmaraura inca. titu atauchi, the youngest son of huayna ccapac, had a son alonso. the princesses, daughters of huayna ccapac and sisters of manco and paullu, were beatriz ñusta, married first to martin de mustincia, and secondly to diego hernandez of talavera; leonor ñusta, the wife of juan de balsa, who was killed at the battle of chupas on the side of young almagro, secondly of francisco de villacastin: francisca ñusta, niece of huayna ccapac, married to juan de collantes, and was great-grandmother of bishop piedrahita, the historian of nueva granada: another beatriz ñusta married mancio sierra de leguisano, the generous defender of the natives; and inez ñusta married first francisco pizarro and had a daughter francisca, who has descendants, and secondly to francisco ampuero. angelina, daughter of atahualpa, was married to juan de betanzos, the author and quichua scholar. the brother of huayna ccapac, named hualpa tupac yupanqui, had a daughter, isabel ñusta yupanqui, the wife of garcilasso de la vega, and mother of the inca garcilasso de la vega[10], the historian, author of the _comentarios reales_. [note 10: the inca garcilasso was a third cousin of the regicide viceroy toledo. their great grandfathers were brothers.] this then was the position of the inca family when the viceroy, francisco de toledo, came to cuzco in 1571. cusi titu yupanqui and tupac amaru, sons of the inca manco were in the mountains of vilcapampa, the former maintaining his independence. carlos inca, son of paullu, was baptized, and living on the colcampata at cuzco with his wife maria de esquivel. seven inca princesses had married spaniards, most of them living at cuzco with their husbands and children. the events, connected with the inca family, which followed on the arrival of the viceroy toledo at cuzco, will be found fully described in this volume. it need only be stated here that the inexorable tyrant, having got the innocent young prince tupac amaru into his power, resolved to put him to death. the native population was overwhelmed with grief. the spaniards were horrified. they entreated that the lad might be sent to spain to be judged by the king. the heads of religious orders and other ecclesiastics went down on their knees. nothing could move the obstinate narrow-minded viceroy. the deed was done. when too late toledo seems to have had some misgivings. the judicial murder took place in december, 1571. the history of the incas was finished in march, 1572. yet there is no mention of the death of tupac amaru. for all that appears he might have been still in vilcapampa. nevertheless the tidings reached philip ii, and the viceroy's conduct was not approved. there was astonishing audacity on the part of toledo, in basing arguments on the alleged cruelty and tyranny of the incas, when the man was actually red-handed with the blood of an innocent youth, and engaged in the tyrannical persecution of his relations and the hideous torture of his followers. his arguments made no impression on the mind of philip ii. the king even showed some favour to the children of tupac amaru by putting them in the succession to the marquisate of oropesa. in the inca pedigrees toledo is called "el execrable regicidio." when he presented himself on his return from peru the king angrily exclaimed: "go away to your house; for i sent you to serve kings; and you went to kill kings[11]." [note 11: "idos a vuestra casa, que yo os envie a servir reyes; y vos fuiste a matar reyes."] all his faithful services as a legislator and a statesman could not atone for this cruel judicial murder in the eyes of his sovereign. he went back to his house a disgraced and broken-hearted man, and died soon afterwards. the history of the incas by sarmiento is followed, in this volume, by a narrative of the execution of tupac amaru and of the events leading to it, by an eye-witness, the captain baltasar de ocampo. it has been translated from a manuscript in the british museum. the narrative of ocampo, written many years after the event, is addressed to the viceroy marquis of montes claros. its main object was to give an account of the province of vilcapampa, and to obtain some favours for the spanish settlers there. vilcapampa is a region of very special historical and geographical interest, and it is one of which very little is known. it is a mountainous tract of country, containing the lofty range of vilcacunca and several fertile valleys, between the rivers apurimac and vilcamayu, to the north of cuzco. the mountains rise abruptly from the valley of the vilcamayu below ollantay-tampu, where the bridge of chuqui-chaca opened upon paths leading up into a land of enchantment. no more lovely mountain scenery can be found on this earth. when manco inca escaped from the spaniards he took refuge in vilcapampa, and established his court and government there. the sun temple, the convent of virgins, and the other institutions of the incas at cuzco, were transferred to this mountain fastness. even handsome edifices were erected. here the incas continued to maintain their independence for 35 years. ocampo opens his story with a very interesting account of the baptism of melchior carlos, son of carlos inca, who had become a christian, and lived in the palace on the colcampata at cuzco. he then describes the events which culminated in the capture, of the inca tupac amaru, and gives a pathetic and touching account of the judicial murder of that ill-fated young prince. ocampo was an actor in these events and an eye-witness. the rest of his narrative consists of reminiscences of occurrences in vilcapampa after it was occupied by the spaniards. he owned property there, and was a settler holding official posts. he tells of the wealth and munificence of a neighbour. he gives the history of an expedition into the forests to the northward, which will form material for the history of these expeditions when it is written. he tells the story of an insurrection among the negro labourers, and complains of the spiritual destitution of his adopted land. he finally returns to cuzco and gives an account of a very magnificent pageant and tilting match. but this story should have preceded the mournful narrative of the fate of tupac amaru; for the event took place at the time of the baptism of melchior carlos, and before the viceroy toledo became a regicide. ocampo's story is that of an honest old soldier, inclined to be garrulous, but an eye-witness of some most interesting events in the history of peru. i think it is an appropriate sequel to the history by sarmiento, because it supplies material for judging whether the usurpation and tyranny were on the side of the incas or of their accuser. [illustration: _facsimile (reduced) of_ page ii of the sarmiento ms. 1572. _from the original, göttingen university library. reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth._] the second part of the general history called "indica" which was composed by the captain pedro sarmiento de gamboa by order of the most excellent lord don francisco de toledo viceroy governor and captain-general of the kingdoms of peru and mayor-domo of the royal household of castille 1572 [illustration: _facsimile (reduced) of_ page i of the sarmiento ms. 1572. _from the original, göttingen university library_. _reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth_.] to his sacred cæsarian majesty the king, don felipe, our lord. among the excellencies, o sovereign and catholic philip, that are the glorious decorations of princes, placing them on the highest pinnacle of estimation, are, according to the father of latin eloquence, generosity, kindness, and liberality. and as the roman consuls held this to be the principal praise of their glory, they had this title curiously sculptured in marble on the quirinal and in the forum of trajan---"most powerful gift in a prince is liberality[12]." for this kings who desired much to be held dear by their own people and to be feared by strangers, were incited to acquire the name of liberal. hence that royal sentence became immortal "it is right for kings to give." as this was a quality much valued among the greeks, the wise ulysses, conversing with antinous[13], king of the phæacians, said---"you are something like a king, for you know how to give, better than others." hence it is certain that liberality is a good and necessary quality of kings. [note 12: "primum signum nobilitatis est liberalitas."] [note 13: alcinous.] i do not pretend on this ground, most liberal monarch, to insinuate to your majesty the most open frankness, for it would be very culpable on my part to venture to suggest a thing which, to your majesty, is so natural that you would be unable to live without it. nor will it happen to so high minded and liberal a lord and king, what befell the emperor titus who, remembering once, during supper time, that he had allowed one day to pass without doing some good, gave utterance to this laudable animadversion of himself. "o friends! i have lost a day[14]." for not only does your majesty not miss a day, but not even an hour, without obliging all kinds of people with benefits and most gracious liberality. the whole people, with one voice, says to your majesty what virgil sang to octavianus augustus: "nocte pluit tota, redeunt spectacula mane, divisum imperium cum jove cæsar habet." [note 14: "amici! diem perdidi." suetonius.] but what i desire to say is that for a king who complies so well with the obligation of liberality, and who gives so much, it is necessary that he should possess much; for nothing is so suitable for a prince as possessions and riches for his gifts and liberalities, as tully says, as well as to acquire glory. for it is certain, as we read in sallust that "in a vast empire there is great glory[15]"; and in how much it is greater, in so much it treats of great things. hence the glory of a king consists in his possessing many vassals, and the abatement of his glory is caused by the diminution of the number of his subjects. [note 15: proem of catiline.] of this glory, most christian king, god almighty gives you so large a share in this life that all the enemies of the holy catholic church of christ our lord tremble at your exalted name; whence you most justly deserve to be named the strength of the church. as the treasure which god granted that your ancestors should spend, with such holy magnanimity, on worthy and holy deeds, in the extirpation of heretics, in driving the accursed saracens out of spain, in building churches, hospitals and monasteries, and in an infinite number of other works of charity and justice, with the zeal of zealous fathers of their country, not only entitled them to the most holy title of catholics, but the most merciful and almighty god, whom they served with all their hearts, saw fit to commence repayment with temporal goods, in the present age. it is certain that "he who grants celestial rewards does not take away temporal blessings[16]," so that they earned more than the mercies they received. this was the grant to them of the evangelical office, choosing them from among all the kings of this world as the evangelizers of his divine word in the most remote and unknown lands of those blind and barbarous gentiles. we now call those lands the indies of castille, because through the ministry of that kingdom they will be put in the way of salvation, god himself being the true pilot. he made clear and easy the dark and fearful atlantic sea which had been an awful portent to the most ancient argives, athenians, egyptians, and phoenicians, and what is more to the proud hercules, who, having come to cadiz from the east, and seen the wide atlantic sea, he thought this was the end of the world and that there was no more land. so he set up his columns with this inscription "ultra gades nil" or "beyond cadiz there is nothing." but as human knowledge is ignorance in the sight of god, and the force of the world but weakness in his presence, it was very easy, with the power of the almighty and of your grandparents, to break and scatter the mists and difficulties of the enchanted ocean. laughing with good reason at alcides and his inscription, they discovered the indies which were very populous in souls to whom the road to heaven could be shown. the indies are also most abundant in all kinds of inestimable treasures, with which the heavy expenses were repaid to them, and yet remained the richest princes in the world, and thus continued to exercise their holy and christian liberality until death. by reason of this most famous navigation, and new and marvellous discovery, they amended the inscription on the columns of hercules, substituting "plus ultra" for "ultra gades nil"; the meaning was, and with much truth, that further on there are many lands. so this inscription, "plus ultra," remained on the blazon of the arms and insignia of the indies of castille. [note 16: from the poem of coelius sedulius, a christian poet who flourished about a.d. 450. the passage is--"hostis herodes impie christum venire quod timeo? non eripit mortalia qui regna dat coelestia." (note by dr peitschmann.)] as there are few who are not afflicted by the accursed hunger for gold, and as good successes are food for an enemy, the devil moved the bosoms of some powerful princes with the desire to take part in this great business. alexander vi, the vicar of jesus christ, considering that this might give rise to impediments in preaching the holy evangel to the barbarous idolaters, besides other evils which might be caused, desired of his own proper motion, without any petition from the catholic kings, by authority of almighty god, to give, and he gave and conceded for ever, the islands and main lands which were then discovered and which might hereafter be discovered within the limits and demarcation of 180° of longitude, which is half the world, with all the dominions, rights, jurisdictions and belongings, prohibiting the navigation and trading in those lands from whatever cause, to the other princes, kings, and emperors from the year 1493, to prevent many inconveniences. but as the devil saw that this door was shut, which he had begun to open to introduce by it dissensions and disturbances, he tried to make war by means of the very soldiers who resisted him, who were the same preachers. they began to make a difficulty about the right and title which the kings of castille had over these lands. as your invincible father was very jealous in matters touching his conscience, he ordered this point to be examined, as closely as possible, by very learned doctors who, according to the report which was given out, were indirect and doubtful in their conclusions. they gave it as their opinion that these incas, who ruled in these kingdoms of peru, were and are the true and natural lords of that land. this gave a handle to foreigners, as well catholics as heretics and other infidels, for throwing doubt on the right which the kings of spain claim and have claimed to the indies. owing to this the emperor don carlos of glorious memory was on the point of abandoning them, which was what the enemy of the faith of christ wanted, that he might regain the possession of the souls which he had kept in blindness for so many ages. all this arose owing to want of curiosity on the part of the governors in those lands, at that time, who did not use the diligence necessary for ascertaining the truth, and also owing to certain reports of the bishop of chiapa who was moved to passion against certain conquerors in his bishoprick with whom he had persistent disputes, as i knew when i passed through chiapa and guatemala[17]. though his zeal appears holy and estimable, he said things on the right to this country gained by the conquerors of it, which differ from the evidence and judicial proofs which have been seen and taken down by us, and from what we who have travelled over the indies enquiring about these things, leisurely and without war, know to be the facts[18]. [note 17: see the introduction to my _voyages of sarmiento_ p. x.] [note 18: sarmiento here refers to the efforts of las casas to protect the natives from the tyranny and cruelties of the spanish settlers. he appears to have been in guatemala when las casas arrived to take up his appointment as bishop of chiapas, and encountered hostility and obstruction from certain "conquistadores de su obispado," as sarmiento calls them. on his return to spain, the good las casas found that a certain dr sepulveda had written a treatise maintaining the right of spain to subdue the natives by war. las casas put forward his _historia apologetica_ in reply. a junta of theologians was convoked at valladolid in 1550, before which sepulveda attacked and las casas defended the cause of the natives. mr. helps (_spanish conquest in america_, vol. iv. book xx. ch. 2) has given a lucid account of the controversy. sarmiento is quite wrong in saying that las casas was ignorant of the history of peru. the portion of his _historia apologetica_ relating to peru, entitled _de las antiguas gentes del peru_, has been edited and published by don marcos jimenez de la espada in the "coleccion de libros españoles raros ó curiosos" (1892). it shows that las casas knew the works of xeres, astete, cieza de leon, molina, and probably others; and that he had a remarkably accurate knowledge of peruvian history.] this chaos and confusion of ignorance on the subject being so spread over the world and rooted in the opinions of the best informed literary men in christendom, god put it into the heart of your majesty to send don francisco de toledo, mayor-domo of your royal household, as viceroy of these kingdoms[19]. when he arrived, he found many things to do, and many things to amend. without resting after the dangers and long voyages in two seas which he had suffered, he put the needful order into all the things undertook new and greater labours, such as no former viceroys or governors had undertaken or even thought of. his determination was to travel over this most rugged country himself, to make a general visitation of it, during which, though it is not finished, it is certain that he has remedied many and very great faults and abuses in the teaching and ministry of the christian doctrine, giving holy and wise advice to its ministers that they should perform their offices as becomes the service of god, and the discharge of your royal conscience, reducing the people to congregations of villages formed on suitable and healthy sites which had formerly been on crags and rocks where they were neither taught nor received spiritual instruction. in such places they lived and died like wild savages, worshipping idols as in the time of their inca tyrants and of their blind heathenism. orders were given to stop their public drinking bouts, their concubinage and worship of their idols and devils, emancipating and freeing them from the tyrannies, of their _curacas_, and finally giving them a rational life, which was before that of brutes in their manner of loading them as such. [note 19: don francisco de toledo was viceroy of peru, from nov. 16th, 1569, to sept. 28th, 1581, and in some respects a remarkable man. he was a younger son of the third count of oropesa who had a common ancestor with the dukes of alva. his mother was maria de figueroa daughter of the count of feria. through her he was directly descended from the first duke of alva. he was a first cousin of that duke of feria who made a love match with jane dormer, the friend and playmate of our edward vi. moreover don francisco was a third cousin of charles v. their great grandmothers were sisters, daughters of fadrique henriquez, the admiral of castille. this viceroy was advanced in years. he held the appointment of a mayor-domo at the court of philip ii, and another brother juan was ambassador at rome. the viceroy toledo came to peru with the inquisition, which proved as great a nuisance to him as it was a paralyzing source of terror to his people. he was a man of extraordinary energy and resolution, and was devoted heart and soul to the public service. sarmiento does not speak too highly of his devotion to duty in undertaking a personal visit to every part of his government. he was a most prolific legislator, founding his rules, to some extent, on the laws of the incas. he was shrewd but narrow minded and heartless; and his judicial murder of the young inca, tupac amaru, has cast an indelible stain on his memory. such a man could have no chance in an attack on the sound arguments of las casas. there is a picture which depicts the outward appearance of the viceroy toledo. a tall man with round stooping shoulders, in a suit of black velvet with the green cross of alcantara embroidered on his cloak. a gloomy sallow face, with aquiline nose, high forehead and piercing black eyes too close together. the face is shaded by a high beaver hat, while one hand holds a sword, and the other rests on a table.] [illustration: _facsimile (reduced) of the_ coat of arms of don francisco de toledo, viceroy of peru, 1569--1581. _from the sarmiento ms. 1572, göttingen university library. reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth._] the work done by your viceroy is such that the indians are regenerated, and they call him loudly their protector and guardian, and your majesty who sent him, they call their father. so widely has the news spread of the benefits he has conferred and is still conferring, that the wild warlike indians in many contiguous provinces, holding themselves to be secure under his word and safe conduct, have come to see and communicate with him, and have promised obedience spontaneously to your majesty. this has happened in the andes of xauxa, near pilcocanti, and among the mañaries and chunchos to the east of cuzco. these were sent back to their homes, grateful and attached to your royal service, with the presents he gave them and the memory of their reception. [illustration: don francisco de toledo, viceroy of peru, a.d. 1569-1581. after the portrait at lima, from a sketch by sir clements markham, 1853.] among christians, it is not right to take anything without a good title, yet that which your majesty has to these parts, though more holy and more honourable than that which any other kings in the world have for any of their possessions, has suffered detriment, as i said before, in the consciences of many learned men and others, for want of correct information. the viceroy proposes to do your majesty a most signal service in this matter, besides the performance of all the other duties of which he has charge. this is to give a secure and quiet harbour to your royal conscience against the tempests raised even by your own natural subjects, theologians and other literary men, who have expressed serious opinions on the subject, based on incorrect information. accordingly, in his general visitation, which he is making personally throughout the kingdom, he has verified from the root and established by a host of witnesses examined with the greatest diligence and care, taken from among the principal old men of the greatest ability and authority in the kingdom, and even those who pretend to have an interest in it from being relations and descendants of the incas, the terrible, inveterate and horrible tyranny of the incas, being the tyrants who ruled in these kingdoms of peru, and the _curacas_ who governed the districts. this will undeceive all those in the world who think that the incas were legitimate sovereigns, and that the _curacas_ were natural lords of the land. in order that your majesty may, with the least trouble and the most pleasure, be informed, and the rest, who are of a contrary opinion, be undeceived, i was ordered by the viceroy don francisco de toledo, whom i follow and serve in this general visitation, to take this business in hand, and write a history of the deeds of the twelve incas of this land, and of the origin of the people, continuing the narrative to the end. this i have done with all the research and diligence that was required, as your majesty will see in the course of the perusal and by the ratification of witnesses. it will certify to the truth of the worst and most inhuman tyranny of these incas and of their _curacas_ who are not and never were original lords of the soil, but were placed there by tupac inca yupanqui, [_the greatest, the most atrocious and harmful tyrant of them all_]. the _curacas_ were and still are great tyrants appointed by other great and violent tyrants, as will clearly and certainly appear in the history; so that the tyranny is proved, as well as that the incas were strangers in cuzco, and that they had seized the valley of cuzco, and all the rest of their territory from quito to chile by force of arms, making themselves incas without the consent or election of the natives. besides this, there are their tyrannical laws and customs. [_it will be understood that your majesty has a specially true and holy title to these kingdoms of peru, because your majesty and your most sacred ancestors stopped the sacrifices of innocent men, the eating of human flesh, the accursed sin, the promiscuous concubinage with sisters and mothers, the abominable use of beasts, and their wicked and accursed customs[20].]_ for from each one god demands an account of his neighbour, and this duty specially appertains to princes, and above all to your majesty. only for this may war be made and prosecuted by the right to put a stop to the deeds of tyrants. even if they had been true and natural lords of the soil, it would be lawful to remove them and introduce a new government, because man may rightly be punished for these sins against nature, though the native community has not been opposed to such practices nor desires to be avenged, as innocent, by the spaniards. for in this case they have no right to deliver themselves and their children over to death, and they should be forced to observe natural laws, as we are taught by the archbishop of florence, innocent, supported by fray, francisco de victoria in his work on the title to the indies. so that by this title alone, without counting many others, your majesty has the most sufficient and legitimate right to the indies, better than any other prince in the world has to any lordship whatever. for, whether more or less concealed or made known, in all the lands that have been discovered in the two seas of your majesty, north and south, this general breaking of the law of nature has been found. [note 20: for a contradiction of these slanders by an impartial witness see cieza de leon, ii. p. 78.] by this same title your majesty may also, without scruple, order the conquest of those islands of the archipelago of "nombre de jesus," vulgarly but incorrectly called the solomon isles, of which i gave notice and personally discovered in the year 1567; although it was for the general alvaro de mendaña; and many others which are in the same south sea[21]. i offer myself to your majesty to discover and settle these islands, which will make known and facilitate all the commercial navigation, with the favour of god, by shorter routes. i offer much, well do i see it, but i trust in almighty god with whose favour, i believe i can do what i say in your royal service. the talent which god has given me leads me to aspire to the accomplishment of these achievements, and does not demand of me a strict account, and i believe that i shall comply with what will be required, for never did i so wish to achieve anything. your majesty sees and does not lose what other kings desire and hold by good fortune. this makes me speak so freely of my desire to die in your service in which i have laboured since my childhood, and under what circumstances others may say. [note 21: see my introduction to the _voyages of sarmiento_, pp. xiii--xvii.] believing that, in writing this present history, i have not done a less but a greater service than all the rest, i obeyed your viceroy who made me undertake it. your majesty will read it many times because, besides that the reading of it is pleasant, your majesty will take a great interest in the matters of conscience and of administration of which it treats. i call this the second part, because it is to be preceded by the geographical description of all these lands, which will form the first part. this will result in great clearness for the comprehension of the establishment of governments, bishopricks, new settlements, and of discoveries, and will obviate the inconveniences formerly caused by the want of such knowledge. although the first part ought to precede this one in time, it is not sent to your majesty because it is not finished, a great part of it being derived from information collected during the general visitation. suffice that it will be best in quality, though not in time. after this second part will be sent a third part on the times of the evangel. all this i have to finish by order of the viceroy don francisco de toledo. may your majesty receive my work with the greatest and most favourable attention, as treating of things that will be of service to god and to your majesty and of great profit to my nation; and may our lord preserve the sacred catholic and royal person of your majesty, for the repair and increase of the catholic church of jesus christ. from cuzco. _the 4th of march_, 1572. your catholic royal majesty from the least vassal of your majesty the captain pedro sarmiento de gamboa. [illustration: _facsimile_ (_reduced_) _of the last page of_ sarmiento's introductory letter to king philip ii, 1572. _from the original ms., göttingen university library. reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth._] i. division of the history. this general history of which i took charge by order of don francisco de toledo, viceroy of these kingdoms of peru, will be divided into three parts. the first will be the natural history of these lands, being a particular description of them. it will contain accounts of the marvellous works of nature, and other things of great profit and interest. i am now finishing it, that it may be sent to your majesty after this, though it ought to have come before it. the second and third parts treat of the people of these kingdoms and of their deeds in the following order. in the second part, which is the present one, the most ancient and first peoplers of this land will be discussed in general, and then, descending to particulars, i shall describe [_the terrible and inveterate tyranny of_] the ccapac incas of these kingdoms, down to the end and death of huascar, the last of the incas. the third and last part will treat of the times of the spaniards, and of their notable deeds in the discovery and settlement of this kingdom and others adjoining it, with the captains, governors, and viceroys who have ruled here, down to the present year 1572. ii. the ancient division of the land. when historians wish to write, in an orderly way, of the world or some part of it, they generally first describe the situation containing it, which is the land, before they deal with what it contains, which is the population, to avoid the former in the historical part. if this is so in ancient and well known works, it is still more desirable that in treating of new and strange lands, like these, of such vast extent, a task which i have undertaken, the same order should be preserved. this will not only supply interesting information but also, which is more to be desired, it will be useful for navigation and new discoveries, by which god our lord may be served, the territories of the crown of spain extended, and spaniards enriched and respected. as i have not yet finished the particular description of this land, which will contain everything relating to geography and the works of nature minutely dealt with, in this volume i shall only offer a general summary, following the most ancient authors, to recall the remains of those lands which are now held to be new and previously unknown, and of their inhabitants. the land, which we read of as having existed in the first and second age of the world, was divided into five parts. the three continents, of which geographers usually write, asia, africa, and europe, are divided by the river tanais, the river nile, and the mediterranean sea, which pomponius calls "our" sea. asia is divided from europe by the river tanais[22], now called silin, and from africa by the nile, though ptolemy divides it by the red sea and isthmus of the desert of arabia deserta. africa is divided from europe by "our" sea, commencing at the strait of gibraltar and ending with the lake of meotis. the other two parts are thus divided. one was called, and still ought to be called, catigara[23] in the indian sea, a very extensive land now distinct from asia. ptolemy describes it as being, in his time and in the time of alexander the great, joined on to asia in the direction of malacca. i shall treat of this in its place, for it contains many and very precious secrets, and an infinity of souls, to whom the king our lord may announce the holy catholic faith that they may be saved, for this is the object of his majesty in these new lands of barbarous idolatry. the fifth part is or was called the atlantic island, as famous as extensive, and which exceeded all the others, each one by itself, and even some joined together. the inhabitants of it and their description will be treated of, because this is the land, or at least part of it, of these western indies of castille. [note 22: the don.] [note 23: marinus of tyre, quoted by ptolemy, gave an enormous extension to eastern asia, and placed the region he called catigara far to the s.e. of it. catigara was described by marinus of tyre as an emporium and important place of trade. it is not mentioned in the periplus of the erythræan sea.] iii. description of the ancient atlantic island. the cosmographers do not write of this ancient atlantic island because there was no memory, when they wrote, of its very rich commercial prosperity in the second, and perhaps in the first age. but from what the divine plato tells us and from the vestiges we see which agree with what we read, we can not only say where it was and where parts of it were, as seen in our time, but we can describe it almost exactly, its grandeur and position. this is the truth, and the same plato affirms it as true, in the timæus, where he gives its truthful and marvellous history. we will speak first of its situation, and then of its inhabitants. it is desirable that the reader should give his attention because, although it is very ancient history, it is so new to the ordinary teaching of cosmography that it may cause such surprise as to raise doubts of the story, whence may arise a want of appreciation. from the words which plato refers to solon, the wisest of the seven of greece, and which solon had heard with attention from the most learned egyptian priest in the city called delta, we learn that this atlantic island was larger than asia and africa together, and that the eastern end of this immense island was near the strait which we now call of gibraltar. in front of the mouth of the said strait, the island had a port with a narrow entrance; and plato says that the island was truly continental. from it there was a passage by the sea, which surrounded it, to many other neighbouring islands, and to the main land of europe and africa. in this island there were kings of great and admirable power who ruled over that and many adjacent islands as well as the greater part of europe and africa, up to the confines of egypt, of which i shall treat presently. the extent of the island was from the south, where were the highest mountains, to the north. the mountains exceeded in extent any that now exist, as well in their forests, as in height, and in beauty. these are the words of plato in describing the situation of this most richly endowed and delightful atlantic island. it now remains for me to do my duty, which is to explain what has been said more clearly and from it to deduce the situation of the island. from what plato says that this island had a port near the mouth of the strait of the pillars of hercules, that it was larger than asia and africa together, and that it extended to the south, i gather three things clearly towards the understanding of all that invites attention. the first is that the atlantic island began less than two leagues from the mouth of the strait, if more it was only a little more. the coast of the island then turned north close to that of spain, and was joined to the island of cadiz or gadiz, or caliz, as it is now called. i affirm this for two reasons, one by authority and the other by conjectural demonstration. the authority is that plato in his critias, telling how neptune distributed the sovereignty of the island among his ten sons, said that the second son was called in the mother tongue "gadirum," which in greek we call "eumelo." to this son he gave the extreme parts of the island near the columns of hercules, and from his name the place was called gadiricum which is caliz. by demonstration we see, and i have seen with my own eyes, more than a league out at sea and in the neighbourhood of the island of caliz, under the water, the remains of very large edifices of a cement which is almost imperishable[24], an evident sign that this island was once much larger, which corroborates the narrative of critias in plato. the second point is that the atlantic island was larger than asia and africa. from this i deduce its size, which is incredible or at least immense. it would give the island 2300 leagues of longitude, that is from east to west. for asia has 1500 leagues in a straight line from malacca which is on its eastern front, to the boundary of egypt; and africa has 800 leagues from egypt to the end of the atlantic mountains or "montes claros" facing the canary islands; which together make 2300 leagues of longitude. if the island was larger it would be more in circuit. round the coast it would have 7100 leagues, for asia is 5300 and africa 2700 leagues in circuit, a little more or less, which together makes 7100 leagues, and it is even said that it was more. [note 24: dr peitschmann quotes from juan bautista suarez de salazar, _grandezas y antigüedades de la isla y ciudad de cadiz_ (cadiz, 1610)---"that which all those who traverse the sea affirm was that to the south, the water being clear, there is seen beneath it at a distance of a league, ruins of edifices which are good evidence that the ocean has gained upon the land in this part." he refers also to a more recent history of cadiz and its province by adolfo de castro (1858), and to the five first books of the _general chronicle of spain_ of florian de ocampo, 1552 (lib. ii. cap. ii).] having considered the measurement of its great size we come to the third point, which is the true position over which this great island extended. plato says that the position of the island extended to the south; opposite to the north. from this we should understand that, the front conterminous with spain from the strait of gibraltar to cadiz thence extended westward, making a curve along the coast of barbary or africa, but very close to it, between west and south, which is what sailors call south-west. for if it was opposite to north, which is between east and north, called north-east, it must necessarily have its direction in the said south-west, west-south-west, or south-south-west. it would include and incorporate the canary islands which, according to this calculation, would be part of it, and from thence the land trended south-west. as regards the south, it would extend rather more to the south and south-south-west, finally following the route by which we go when we sail from spain to the indies, forming a continent or main land with these western indies of castille, joining on to them by the parts stretching south-west, and west-south-west, a little more or less from the canaries. thus there was sea on one side and on the other of this land, that is on the north and south, and the indies united with it, and they were all one. the proof of this is that if the atlantic island had 2300 leagues of longitude, and the distance of cadiz to the mouth of the river marañon or orellana and trinidad, on the coast of brazil, is, not more than 1000, 900, or 1100 leagues, being the part where this land joined to america, it clearly appears that, to complete the complement of 2300 leagues, we have to include in the computation all the rest of the land from the mouth of the marañon and brazil to the south sea, which is what they now call america. following this course it would come to coquimbo. counting what is still wanting, this would be much less than 2300 leagues. measuring the circumference, the island was more than 7100 leagues round, because that is about the circumference of asia and africa by their coasts. if this land is joined to the other, which in fact it was in conformity with the description, it would have a much greater circuit, for even now these parts of the western indies, measured by compass, and latitude, have more than 7100 leagues. from all this it may be inferred that the indies of castille formed a continent with the atlantic island, and consequently that the same atlantic island, which extended from cadiz over the sea we traverse to the indies, and which all cosmographers call the atlantic ocean because the atlantic island was in it, over which we now navigate, was land in ancient times. finally we shall relate the sequel, first giving an account of the sphere at that time and of the inhabitants. iv. first inhabitants of the world and principally of the atlantic island. having described the four parts of the world, for of catigara, which is the fifth, we shall not speak except in its place which the ancients assigned to it, it will be right to come to the races which peopled them. all of which i have to treat has to be personal and heathen history. the chief value and perfection of history consists in its accuracy, thoroughly sifting each event, verifying the times and periods of what happened so that no doubt may remain of what passed. it is in this way that i desire to write the truth in so far as my ability enables me to do so respecting a thing so ancient as the first peopling of these new lands. i wish, for the better illustration of the present history, to precede it with the foundations that cannot be denied, counting the time in conformity with the chronology of the hebrews in the days before our saviour jesus christ, and the times after his most holy nativity according to the counting used by our mother the holy church, not making account of the calculations of chaldean or egyptian interpreters. thus, passing over the first age from adam to the deluge, which covers 1656 years, we will begin from the second age, which is that of the patriarch noah, second universal father of mortals. the divine scriptures show us that eight persons were saved from the flood, in the ark. noah and his wife terra or vesta, named from the first fire lighted by crystal for the first sacrifice as berosus would have; and his three sons to wit, cam and his wife cataflua, sem and his wife prusia or persia, japhet and his wife fun a, as we read in the register of the chronicles. the names of some of these people remain, and to this day we can see clearly whence they were derived, as the hebrews from heber, the assyrians from amur, but most of them have been so changed that human intelligence is insufficient to investigate by this way. besides the three sons, noah had others after the flood. the descendants of these men having multiplied and become very numerous, noah divided the world among his first sons that they might people it, and then embarked on the euxine sea as we gather from xenophon. the giant noah then navigated along the mediterranean sea, as filon says and annius repeats, dividing the whole land among his sons. he gave it in charge to sem to people asia from the nile to the eastern indies, with some of the sons he got after the flood. to cam he gave africa from the rinocoruras to the straits of gibraltar with some more of the sons. europe was chosen for japhet to people with the rest of the sons begotten after the flood, who were all the sons of tuscan, whence descend the tadescos, alemanes, and the nations adjacent to them. in this voyage noah founded some towns and colonies on the shores of the mediterranean sea, and remained in them for ten years, until 112 years after the universal deluge. he ordered his daughter araxa to remain in armenia where the ark rested, with her husband and children, to people that country. then he, with the rest of his companions, went to mesopotamia and settled. there nembrot was raised up for king, of the descendants of cam. this nembrot, says berosus, built babylon 130 years after the flood. the sons of sem elected for their king, jektan, son of heber. those of japhet chose fenec for their king, called assenes by moses. there were 300,000 men under him only 310 years after the deluge. each king, with his companions, set out to people the part of the world chosen for them by the patriarch noah. it is to be noted that, although noah divided the parts of the world among his three sons and their descendants, many of them did not keep to the boundaries. for some of one lineage settled on the lands of another brother. nembrot, being of the line of cam, remained in the parts of sem, and many others were mixed together in the same way. thus the three parts of the world were peopled by these and their descendants, of whom i do not propose to treat in detail, for our plan is to proceed in our narrative until we come to the inhabitants of the atlantic island, the subject of this history. this was so near spain that, according to the common fame, caliz used to be so close to the main land in the direction of the port of santa maria, that a plank would serve as a bridge to pass from the island to spain. so that no one can doubt that the inhabitants of spain, jubal and his descendants, peopled that land, as well as the inhabitants of africa which was also near. hence it was called the atlantic island from having been peopled by atlas, the giant and very wise astrologer who first settled mauritania now called barbary, as godefridus and all the chronicles teach us. this atlas was the son of japhet by the nymph asia, and grandson of noah. for this there is no authority except the above, corroborated by the divine plato as i began by explaining, and it will be necessary to seek his help to give the reader such evidence as merits belief respecting the inhabitants of this atlantic island. v. inhabitants of the atlantic island. we have indicated the situation of the atlantic island and those who, in conformity with the general peopling of the world, were probably its first inhabitants, namely the early spaniards and the first mauritanian vassals of the king atlas. this wonderful history was almost forgotten in ancient times, plato alone having preserved it, as has already been related in its place, and which should again be consulted for what remains. plato, in critias, says that to neptune's share came the atlantic island, and that he had ten sons. he divided the whole island amongst them, which before and in his time was called the empire of the floating islands, as volaterranius tells us. it was divided by neptune into ten regions or kingdoms. the chief one, called venus, he gave to his eldest son named atlantis, and appointed him sovereign of the whole island; which consequently took the name of atlantica, and the sea atlantic, a name which it retains to this day. the second son, named gadirun, received the part which lies nearest to spain and which is now caliz. to the third son neptune gave a share. his name was amferes, the fourth's eutoctenes, the seventh's alusipo, the eighth's mestores, the ninth's azaen, the tenth's diaprepem. these and their descendants reigned for many ages, holding the lordships, by the sea, of many other islands, which could not have been other than hayti, which we call santo domingo, cuba and others, also peopled by emigrants from the atlantic island. they also held sway over africa as far as egypt, and over europe to tirrenia and italy. the lineage of atlas extended in a grand succession of generations, and his kingdom was ruled in succession by the firstborns. they possessed such a copious supply of riches that none of the natives had seen it all, and that no new comers could realise it. this land abounded in all that is necessary for sustaining human life, pasture, timber, drugs, metals, wild beasts and birds, domestic animals including a great number of elephants, most fragrant perfumes, liquors, flowers, fruits, wine, and all the vegetables used for food, many dates, and other things for presents. that island produced all things in great profusion. in ancient times it was sacred, beautiful, admirable and fertile, as well as of vast extent. in it were extensive kingdoms, sumptuous temples, palaces calling forth great admiration, as is seen from the relation of plato respecting the metropolis of the island which exceeded babylon, troy, or rome, with all their rich buildings, curious and well-constructed forts, and even the seven wonders of the world concerning which the ancients sing so much. in the chief city of this empire there was a port to which so many ships and merchants resorted from all parts, that owing to the vast concourse a great and continual noise caused the residents to be thunderstruck. the number of these atlantics ready for war was so great that in the capital city alone they had an ordinary garrison of 60,000 soldiers, always distributed among farms, each farm measuring 100 furlongs. the rest inhabited the woods and other places, and were innumerable. they took to war 10,000 two-horse chariots each containing eight armed men, with six slingers and stone throwers on either side. for the sea they had 200,000 boats with four men in each, making 800,000 men for the sea-service alone. this was quite necessary owing to the great number of subject nations which had to be governed and kept in obedience. the rest which plato relates on this subject will be discussed in the sequel, for i now proceed to our principal point, which is to establish the conclusion that as these people carried their banners and trophies into europe and africa which are not contiguous, they must have overrun the indies of castille and peopled them, being part of the same main land. they used much policy in their rule. but at the end of many ages, by divine permission, and perhaps owing to their sins, it happened that a great and continuous earthquake, with an unceasing deluge, perpetual by day and night, opened the earth and swallowed up those warlike and ambitious atlantic men. the atlantic island remained absorbed beneath that great sea, which from that cause continued to be unnavigable owing to the mud of the absorbed island in solution, a wonderful thing. this special flood may be added to the five floods recorded by the ancients. these are the general one of moses, the second in egypt of which xenophon makes mention, the third flood in achaia of greece in the time of ogyges atticus, described by isidore as happening in the days of jacob, the fourth in thessaly in the time of deucalion and pyrrha, in the days of moses according to isidore, in 782 as given by juan annius. the fifth flood is mentioned by xenophon as happening in egypt in the time of proteus. the sixth was this which destroyed so great a part of the atlantic island and sufficed so to separate the part that was left unsubmerged, that all mortals in asia, africa and europe believed that all were drowned. thus was lost the intercourse and commerce of the people of these parts with those of europe and africa, in such sort that all memory of them would have been lost, if it had not been for the egyptians, preservers of the most ancient deeds of men and of nature. the destruction of the atlantic island, over at least 1000 leagues of longitude, was in the time when aod[25] governed the people of israel, 1320 years before christ and 2162 years after the creation, according to the hebrews. i deduce this calculation from what plato relates of the conversation between solon and the egyptian priest. for, according to all the chronicles, solon lived in the time of tarquinius priscus the king of rome, josiah being king of israel at jerusalem, before christ 610 years. from this period until the time when the atlantics had put a blockade over the athenians 9000 lunar years had passed which, referred to solar years, make 869. all added together make the total given above. very soon afterwards the deluge must have come, as it is said to have been in the time of aod[25] or 748 years after the general deluge of noah. this being so it is to be noted that the isle of caliz, the canaries, the salvages, and trinidad must have been parts of the absorbed land. [note 25: ehud.] it may be assumed that these very numerous nations of atlantis were sufficient to people those other lands of the western indies of castille. other nations also came to them, and peopled some provinces after the above destruction. strabo and solinus say that ulysses, after the fall of troy, navigated westward to lusitania, founded lisbon, and, after it had been built, desired to try his fortune on the atlantic ocean by the way we now go to the indies. he disappeared, and it was never afterwards known what had become of him. this is stated by pero anton beuter, a noble valencian historian and, as he mentions, this was the opinion of dante aligheri, the illustrious florentine poet. assuming this to be correct we may follow ulysses from island to island until he came to yucatan and campeachy, part of the territory of new spain. for those of that land have the grecian bearing and dress of the nation of ulysses, they have many grecian words, and use grecian letters. of this i have myself seen many signs and proofs. their name for god is "teos" which is greek, and even throughout new spain they use the word "teos" for god. i have also to say that in passing that way, i found that they anciently preserved an anchor of a ship, venerating it as an idol, and had a certain genesis in greek, which should not be dismissed as absurd at first sight. indeed there are a sufficient number of indications to support my conjecture concerning ulysses. from thence all those provinces of mexico, tabasco, xalisco, and to the north the capotecas, chiapas, guatemalas, honduras, lasandones, nicaraguas, tlaguzgalpas, as far as nicoya, costa rica, and veragua. moreover esdras recounts that those nations which went from persia by the river euphrates came to a land never before inhabited by the human race. going down this river there was no way but by the indian sea to reach a land where there was no habitation. this could only have been catigara, placed in 90° s. by ptolemy, and according to the navigators sent by alexander the great, 40 days of navigation from asia. this is the land which the describers of maps call the unknown land of the south, whence it is possible to go on settling people as far as the strait of magellan to the west of catigara, and the javas, new guinea, and the islands of the archipelago of nombre de jesus which i, our lord permitting, discovered in the south sea in the year 1568, the unconquered felipe ii reigning as king of spain and its dependencies by the demarcation of 180° of longitude. it may thus be deduced that new spain and its provinces were peopled by the greeks, those of catigara by the jews, and those of the rich and most powerful kingdoms of peru and adjacent provinces by the atlantics who were descended from the primeval mesopotamians and chaldæans, peoplers of the world. these, and other points with them, which cannot be discussed with brevity, are true historical reasons, of a quality worthy of belief, such as men of reason and letters may adopt respecting the peopling of these lands. when we come to consider attentively what these barbarians of peru relate of their origin and of the tyrannical rule of the incas ccapacs, and the fables and extravagances they recount, the truth may be distinguished from what is false, and how in some of their fables they allude to true facts which are admitted and held by us as such. therefore the reader should peruse with attention and read the most strange and racy history of barbarians that has, until now, been read of any political nation in the world. vi. the fable of the origin of these barbarous indians of peru, according to their blind opinions. as these barbarous nations of indians were always without letters, they had not the means of preserving the monuments and memorials of their times, and those of their predecessors with accuracy and method. as the devil, who is always striving to injure the human race, found these unfortunates to be easy of belief and timid in obedience, he introduced many illusions, lies and frauds, giving them to understand that he had created them from the first, and afterwards, owing to their sins and evil deeds, he had destroyed them with a flood, again creating them and giving them food and the way to preserve it. by chance they formerly had some notice, passed down to them from mouth to mouth, which had reached them from their ancestors, respecting the truth of what happened in former times. mixing this with the stories told them by the devil, and with other things which they changed, invented, or added, which may happen in all nations, they made up a pleasing salad, and in some things worthy of the attention of the curious who are accustomed to consider and discuss human ideas. one thing must be noted among many others. it is that the stories which are here treated as fables, which they are, are held by the natives to be as true as we hold the articles of our faith, and as such they affirm and confirm them with unanimity, and swear by them. there are a few, however, who by the mercy of god are opening their eyes and beginning to see what is true and what is false respecting those things. but we have to write down what they say and not what we think about it in this part. we shall hear what they hold respecting their first age, [_and afterwards we shall come to the inveterate and cruel tyranny of the inca tyrants who oppressed these kingdoms of peru for so long. all this is done by order of the most excellent don francisco de toledo, viceroy of these kingdoms_]. i have collected the information with much diligence so that this history can rest on attested proofs from the general testimony of the whole kingdom, old and young, incas and tributary indians. the natives of this land affirm that in the beginning, and before this world was created, there was a being called viracocha. he created a dark world without sun, moon or stars. owing to this creation he was named viracocha pachayachachi, which means "creator of all things[26]." [note 26: uiracocha (viracocha) was the creator. garcilasso de la vega pointed out the mistake of supposing that the word signified "foam of the sea" (ii. p. 16). he believed it to be a name, the derivation of which he did not attempt to explain. blas valera (i. p. 243) said the meaning was the "will and power of god"; not that this is the signification of the word, but by reason of the godlike qualities attributed to him who was known by it. cieza de leon says that tici-uiracocha was god, creator of heaven and earth: acosta that to tici-uiracocha they assigned the chief power and command over all things; montesinos that illa-tici-uiracocha was the name of the creator of the world; molina that tecsi-uiracocha was the creator and incomprehensible god; the anonymous jesuit that uiracocha meant the great god of "pirua"; betanzos that the creator was con-tici-uiracocha. according to montesinos and the anonymous jesuit _uira_ or _vira_ is a corruption of _pirua_ meaning a depository. the first meaning of _cocha_ is a lake, but here it is held to signify profundity, abyss, space. the "dweller in space." _ticci_ or _tici_ is base or foundation, hence the founder. _illa_ means light. the anonymous jesuit gives the meaning "eternal light" to _illa-ticci_. the word _con_, given by betanzos and garcia, has no known meaning. pachacamac and pachayachachi are attributes of the deity. _pacha_ means time or place, also the universe. _camac_ is the ruler, _yachachi_ the teacher. "the ruler and teacher of the universe." the meaning and significance of the word _uiracocha_ has been very fully discussed by señor don leonardo villar of cuzco in a paper entitled _lexicologia keshua uiracocha_ (lima, 1887).] and when he had created the world he formed a race of giants of disproportioned greatness painted and sculptured, to see whether it would be well to make real men of that size. he then created men in his likeness as they are now; and they lived in darkness. viracocha ordered these people that they should live without quarrelling, and that they should know and serve him. he gave them a certain precept which they were to observe on pain of being confounded if they should break it. they kept this precept for some time, but it is not mentioned what it was. but as there arose among them the vices of pride and covetousness, they transgressed the precept of viracocha pachayachachi and falling, through this sin, under his indignation, he confounded and cursed them. then some were turned into stones, others into other things, some were swallowed up by the earth, others by the sea, and over all there came a general flood which they call _uñu pachacuti_, which means "water that overturns the land." they say that it rained 60 days and nights, that it drowned all created things, and that there alone remained some vestiges of those who were turned into stones, as a memorial of the event, and as an example to posterity, in the edifices of pucara, which are 60 leagues from cuzco. some of the nations, besides the cuzcos, also say that a few were saved from this flood to leave descendants for a future age. each nation has its special fable which is told by its people, of how their first ancestors were saved from the waters of the deluge. that the ideas they had in their blindness may be understood, i will insert only one, told by the nation of the cañaris, a land of quito and tumibamba, 400 leagues from cuzco and more. they say that in the time of the deluge called _uñu pachacuti_ there was a mountain named guasano in the province of quito and near a town called tumipampa. the natives still point it out. up this mountain went two of the cañaris named ataorupagui and cusicayo. as the waters increased the mountain kept rising and keeping above them in such a way that it was never covered by the waters of the flood. in this way the two cañaris escaped. these two, who were brothers, when the waters abated after the flood, began to sow. one day when they had been at work, on returning to their hut, they found in it some small loaves of bread, and a jar of chicha, which is the beverage used in this country in place of wine, made of boiled maize. they did not know who had brought it, but they gave thanks to the creator, eating and drinking of that provision. next day the same thing happened. as they marvelled at this mystery, they were anxious to find out who brought the meals. so one day they hid themselves, to spy out the bringers of their food. while they were watching they saw two cañari women preparing the victuals and putting them in the accustomed place. when about to depart the men tried to seize them, but they evaded their would-be captors and escaped. the cañaris, seeing the mistake they had made in molesting those who had done them so much good, became sad and prayed to viracocha for pardon for their sins, entreating him to let the women come back and give them the accustomed meals. the creator granted their petition. the women came back and said to the cañaris--"the creator has thought it well that we should return to you, lest you should die of hunger." they brought them food. then there was friendship between the women and the cañari brothers, and one of the cañari brothers had connexion with one of the women. then, as the elder brother was drowned in a lake which was near, the survivor married one of the women, and had the other as a concubine. by them he had ten sons who formed two lineages of five each, and increasing in numbers they called one hanansaya which is the same as to say the upper party, and the other hurinsaya, or the lower party. from these all the cañaris that now exist are descended[27]. [note 27: the same story of the origin of the cañaris is told by molina, p. 8. but the mountain is called huaca-yuan; and instead of women the beings who brought the food were macaws. molina tells another story received from the people of ancas-mayu. both seem to have been obtained by asking leading questions about a deluge.] in the same way the other nations have fables of how some of their people were saved from whom they trace their origin and descent. but the incas and most of those of cuzco, those among them who are believed to know most, do not say that anyone escaped from the flood, but that viracocha began to create men afresh, as will be related further on. one thing is believed among all the nations of these parts, for they all speak generally and as well known of the general flood which they call _uñu pachacuti_. from this we may clearly understand that if, in these parts they have a tradition of the great flood, this great mass of the floating islands which they afterwards called the atlanticas, and now the indies of castille or america must have begun to receive a population immediately after the flood, although, by their account, the details are different from those which the true scriptures teach us. this must have been done by divine providence, through the first people coming over the land of the atlantic island, which was joined to this, as has been already said. for as the natives, though barbarous, give reasons for their very ancient settlement, by recording the flood, there is no necessity for setting aside the scriptures by quoting authorities to establish this origin. we now come to those who relate the events of the second age after the flood, which is the subject of the next chapter. vii. fable of the second age, and creation of the barbarous indians according to their account. it is related that everything was destroyed in the flood called _uñu pachacuti_[28]. it must now be known that viracocha pachayachachi, when he destroyed that land as has been already recounted, preserved three men, one of them named taguapaca, that they might serve and help him in the creation of new people who had to be made in the second age after the deluge, which was done in this manner. the flood being passed and the land dry, viracocha determined to people it a second time, and, to make it more perfect, he decided upon creating luminaries to give it light. with this object he went, with his servants, to a great lake in the collao, in which there is an island called titicaca, the meaning being "the rock of lead," of which we shall treat in the first part. viracocha went to this island, and presently ordered that the sun, moon, and stars should come forth, and be set in the heavens to give light to the world, and it was so. they say that the moon was created brighter than the sun, which made the sun jealous at the time when they rose into the sky. so the sun threw over the moon's face a handful of ashes, which gave it the shaded colour it now presents. this frontier lake of chucuito, in the territory of the collao, is 57 leagues to the south of cuzco. viracocha gave various orders to his servants, but taguapaca disobeyed the commands of viracocha. so viracocha was enraged against taguapaca, and ordered the other two servants to take him, tie him hands and feet, and launch him in a _balsa_ on the lake. this was done. taguapaca was blaspheming against viracocha for the way he was treated, and threatening that he would return and take vengeance, when he was carried by the water down the drain of the same lake, and was not seen again for a long time. this done, viracocha made a sacred idol in that place, as a place for worship and as a sign of what he had there created[29]. [note 28: _uñu pachacuti_ would mean the world (_pacha_) overturned (_cuti_) by water (_uñu_). probably a word coined by the priests, after putting leading questions about a universal deluge.] [note 29: this servant of uiracocha is also mentioned by cieza de leon and yamqui pachacuti. cieza appears to consider that tuapaca was merely the name of uiracocha in the collao. yamqui pachacuti gives the names tarapaca and tonapa and connects them with uiracocha. but he also uses the word pachacca, a servant. these names are clearly the same as the tahuapaca of sarmiento. _tahua_ means four, but sarmiento gives three as the number of these servants of uiracocha. the meaning of _paca_ is anything secret or mysterious, from _pacani_ to hide. the names represent an ancient myth of some kind, but it is not possible, at this distance of time, to ascertain more than the names. tonapa looks like a slip of the pen, and is probably tarapa for tarapaca. don samuel a. lapone quevedo published a mythological essay entitled _el culto de tonapa_ with reference to the notice in the work of yamqui pachacuti; but he is given to speculations about phallic and solar worship, and to the arbitrary alteration of letters to fit into his theories.] leaving the island, he passed by the lake to the main land, taking with him the two servants who survived. he went to a place now called tiahuanacu in the province of colla-suyu, and in this place he sculptured and designed on a great piece of stone, all the nations that he intended to create. this done, he ordered his two servants to charge their memories with the names of all tribes that he had depicted, and of the valleys and provinces where they were to come forth, which were those of the whole land. he ordered that each one should go by a different road, naming the tribes, and ordering them all to go forth and people the country. his servants, obeying the command of viracocha, set out on their journey and work. one went by the mountain range or chain which they call the heights over the plains on the south sea. the other went by the heights which overlook the wonderful mountain ranges which we call the andes, situated to the east of the said sea. by these roads they went, saying with a loud voice "oh you tribes and nations, hear and obey the order of ticci viracocha pachayachachi, which commands you to go forth, and multiply and settle the land." viracocha himself did the same along the road between those taken by his two servants, naming all the tribes and places by which he passed. at the sound of his voice every place obeyed, and people came forth, some from lakes, others from fountains, valleys, caves, trees, rocks and hills, spreading over the land and multiplying to form the nations which are to-day in peru. others affirm that this creation of viracocha was made from the titicaca site where, having originally formed some shapes of large strong men[30] which seemed to him out of proportion, he made them again of his stature which was, as they say, the average height of men, and being made he gave them life. thence they set out to people the land. as they spoke one language previous to starting, they built those edifices, the ruins of which may still be seen, before they set out. this was for the residence of viracocha, their maker. after departing they varied their languages, noting the cries of wild beasts, insomuch that, coming across each other afterwards, those could not understand who had before been relations and neighbours. [note 30: jayaneo. this was the name given to giants in the books of chivalry. see _don quijote_, i. cap. 5, p. 43.] whether it was in one way or the other, all agree that viracocha was the creator of these people. they have the tradition that he was a man of medium height, white and dressed in a white robe like an alb secured round the waist, and that he carried a staff and a book in his hands. besides this they tell of a strange event; how that viracocha, after he had created all people, went on his road and came to a place where many men of his creation had congregated. this place is now called cacha. when viracocha arrived there, the inhabitants were estranged owing to his dress and bearing. they murmured at it and proposed to kill him from a hill that was near. they took their weapons there, and gathered together with evil intentions against viracocha. he, falling on his knees on some plain ground, with his hands clasped, fire from above came down upon those on the hill, and covered all the place, burning up the earth and stones like straw. those bad men were terrified at the fearful fire. they came down from the hill, and sought pardon from viracocha for their sin. viracocha was moved by compassion. he went to the flames and put them out with his staff. but the hill remained quite parched up, the stones being rendered so light by the burning that a very large stone which could not have been carried on a cart, could be raised easily by one man. this may be seen at this day, and it is a wonderful sight to behold this hill, which is a quarter of a league in extent, all burnt up. it is in the collao[31]. [note 31: not in the collaos but in the valley of the vilcamayu. afterwards a very remarkable temple was built there, described by squier.] after this viracocha continued his journey and arrived at a place called urcos, 6 leagues to the south of cuzco. remaining there some days he was well served by the natives of that neighbourhood. at the time of his departure, he made them a celebrated _huaca_ or statue, for them to offer gifts to and worship; to which statue the incas, in after times, offered many rich gifts of gold and other metals, and above all a golden bench. when the spaniards entered cuzco they found it, and appropriated it to themselves. it was worth $17,000. the marquis don francisco pizarro took it himself, as the share of the general. returning to the subject of the fable, viracocha continued his journey, working his miracles and instructing his created beings. in this way he reached the territory on the equinoctial line, where are now puerto viejo and manta. here he was joined by his servants. intending to leave the land of peru, he made a speech to those he had created, apprising them of the things that would happen. he told them that people would come, who would say that they were viracocha their creator, and that they were not to believe them; but that in the time to come he would send his messengers who would protect and teach them. having said this he went to sea with his two servants, and went travelling over the water as if it was land, without sinking. for they appeared like foam over the water and the people, therefore, gave them the name of viracocha which is the same as to say the grease or foam of the sea[32]. at the end of some years after viracocha departed, they say that taguapaca, who viracocha ordered to be thrown into the lake of titicaca in the collao, as has already been related, came back and began, with others, to preach that he was viracocha. although at first the people were doubtful, they finally saw that it was false, and ridiculed them[33]. [note 32: a mistake. see garcilasso de la vega, ii. p. 66.] [note 33: this story is told in a somewhat different form by yamqui pachacuti, p. 72.] this absurd fable of their creation is held by these barbarians and they affirm and believe it as if they had really seen it to happen and come to pass[34]. [note 34: the tradition of the exercise of his creative powers by viracocha at lake titicaca, is derived from the more ancient people who were the builders of tiahuanacu. besides sarmiento, the authors who give this titicaca myth are garcilasso de la vega, cieza de leon, molina, betanzos, yamqui pachacuti, polo de ondegardo, and the anonymous jesuit. acosta, montesinos, balboa and santillana are silent respecting it.] viii. the ancient _behetrias_[35] of these kingdoms of peru and their provinces. it is important to note that these barbarians could tell nothing more respecting what happened from the second creation by viracocha down to the time of the incas. but it may be assumed that, although the land was peopled and full of inhabitants before the incas, it had no regular government, nor did it have natural lords elected by common consent to govern and rule, and who were respected by the people, so that they were obeyed and received tribute. on the contrary all the people were scattered and disorganized, living in complete liberty, and each man being sole lord of his house and estate. in each tribe there were two divisions. one was called hanansaya, which means the upper division, and the other hurinsaya, which is the lower division, a custom which continues to this day. these divisions do not mean anything more than a way to count each other, for their satisfaction, though afterwards it served a more useful purpose, as will be seen in its place. [note 35: _behetria_. a condition of perfect equality without any distinction of rank. freedom from the subjection of any lord.] as there were dissensions among them, a certain kind of militia was organized for defence, in the following way. when it became known to the people of one district that some from other parts were coming to make war, they chose one who was a native, or he might be a stranger, who was known to be a valiant warrior. often such a man offered himself to aid and to fight for them against their enemies. such a man was followed and his orders were obeyed during the war. when the war was over he became a private man as he had been before, like the rest of the people, nor did they pay him tribute either before or afterwards, nor any manner of tax whatever. to such a man they gave and still give the name of _sinchi_ which means valiant. they call such men "sinchi-cuna" which means "valiant now" as who should say--"now during the time the war lasts you shall be our valiant man, and afterwards no ": or another meaning would be simply "valiant men," for "cuna" is an adverb of time, and also denotes the plural[36]. in whichever meaning, it is very applicable to these temporary captains in the days of _behetrias_ and general liberty. so that from the general flood of which they have a tradition to the time when the incas began to reign, which was 3519 years, all the natives of these kingdoms lived on their properties without acknowledging either a natural or an elected lord. they succeeded in preserving, as it is said, a simple state of liberty, living in huts or caves or humble little houses. this name of "sinchi" for those who held sway only during war, lasted throughout the land until the time of tupac inca yupanqui, the tenth inca, who instituted "curacas" and other officials in the order which will be fully described in the life of that inca. even at the present time they continue this use and custom in the provinces of chile and in other parts of the forests of peru to the east of quito and chachapoyas, where they only obey a chief during war time, not any special one, but he who is known to be most valiant, enterprising and daring in the wars. the reader should note that all the land was private property with reference to any dominion of chiefs, yet they had natural chiefs with special rights in each province, as for instance among the natives of the valley of cuzco and in other parts, as we shall relate of each part in its place. [note 36: cinchicona. _sinchi_ means strong. _cuna_ is the plural particle. _sinchi_ was the name for a chief or leader. i have not met with _cuna_ as an adverb of time and meaning "now." no such meaning is given in the _grammar_ of domingo de santo tomas, which was published in 1560, twelve years before sarmiento wrote.] ix. the first settlers in the valley of cuzco. i have explained how the people of these lands preserved their inheritances and lived on them in ancient times, and that their proper and natural countries were known. there were many of these which i shall notice in their places, treating specially at present of the original settlers of the valley where stands the present city of cuzco. for from there we have to trace the origin of the tyranny of the incas, who always had their chief seat in the valley of cuzco. before all things it must be understood that the valley of cuzco is in 130° 15' from the equator on the side of the south pole[37]. in this valley, owing to its being fertile for cultivation, there were three tribes settled from most ancient times, the first called sauaseras, the second antasayas, the third huallas. they settled near each other, although their lands for sowing were distinct, which is the property they valued most in those days and even now. these natives of the valley lived there in peace for many years, cultivating their farms. [note 37: 13° 31'. he is 16 miles out in his latitude.] some time before the arrival of the incas, three sinchis, strangers to this valley, the first named alcabisa[38], the second copalimayta, and the third culunchima, collected certain companies and came to the valley of cuzco, where, by consent of the natives, they settled and became brothers and companions of the original inhabitants. so they lived for a long time. there was concord between these six tribes, three native and three immigrant. they relate that the immigrants came out to where the incas then resided, as we shall relate presently, and called them relations. this is an important point with reference to what happened afterwards. [note 38: the alcabisas, as original inhabitants of the cuzco valley, are mentioned by cieza de leon (ii. p. 105) who calls them alcaviquiza. betanzos has alcaviya, and balboa allcay-villcas. cieza describes the victory over them by mayta ccapac. yamqui pachacuti gives allcayviesas, cullinchinas, and cayancachis as the names of the tribes who originally inhabited the cuzco valley. cayancachi is a southern suburb of cuzco outside the huatanay river.] before entering upon the history of the incas i wish to make known or, speaking more accurately, to answer a difficulty which may occur to those who have not been in these parts. some may say that this history cannot be accepted as authentic being taken from the narratives of these barbarians, because, having no letters, they could not preserve such details as they give from so remote an antiquity. the answer is that, to supply the want of letters, these barbarians had a curious invention which was very good and accurate. this was that from one to the other, from fathers to sons, they handed down past events, repeating the story of them many times, just as lessons are repeated from a professor's chair, making the hearers say these historical lessons over and over again until they were fixed in the memory. thus each one of the descendants continued to communicate the annals in the order described with a view to preserve their histories and deeds, their ancient traditions, the numbers of their tribes, towns, provinces, their days, months and years, their battles, deaths, destructions, fortresses and "sinchis." finally they recorded, and they still record, the most notable things which consist in their numbers (or statistics), on certain cords called _quipu_, which is the same as to say reasoner or accountant. on these cords they make certain knots by which, and by differences of colour, they distinguish and record each thing as by letters. it is a thing to be admired to see what details may be recorded on these cords, for which there are masters like our writing masters[39]. [note 39: the system of recording by _quipus_ is described by garcilasso de la vega, i. pp. 150 and 191, also ii. p. 117 and more fully at ii. pp. 121--125. cieza de leon mentions the _quipu_ system in his first part (see i. p. 291 and note) and in the second part (ii. pp. 33--35, 53, 57, 61,165). at p. 32 the method of preserving the memory of former events is described very much as in the text. see also molina, pp. 10, 169. molina also describes the boards on which historical events were painted, p. 4. they were, he says, kept in a temple near cuzco, called poquen-cancha. see also cieza de leon (second part), p. 28.] besides this they had, and still have, special historians in these nations, an hereditary office descending from father to son. the collection of these annals is due to the great diligence of pachacuti inca yupanqui, the ninth inca, who sent out a general summons to all the old historians in all the provinces he had subjugated, and even to many others throughout those kingdoms. he had them in cuzco for a long time, examining them concerning their antiquities, origin, and the most notable events in their history. these were painted on great boards, and deposited in the temple of the sun, in a great hall. there such boards, adorned with gold, were kept as in our libraries, and learned persons were appointed, who were well versed in the art of understanding and declaring their contents. no one was allowed to enter where these boards were kept, except the inca and the historians, without a special order of the inca. in this way they took care to have all their past history investigated, and to have records respecting all kinds of people, so that at this day the indians generally know and agree respecting details and important events, though, in some things, they hold different opinions on special points. by examining the oldest and most prudent among them, in all ranks of life, who had most credit, i collected and compiled the present history, referring the sayings and declarations of one party to their antagonists of another party, for they are divided into parties, and seeking from each one a memorial of its lineage and of that of the opposing party. these memorials, which are all in my possession, were compared and corrected, and ultimately verified in public, in presence of representatives of all the parties and lineages, under oaths in presence of a judge, and with expert and very faithful interpreters also on oath, and i thus finished what is now written. such great diligence has been observed, because a thing which is the foundation of the true completion of such a great work as the establishment of the tyranny of the cruel incas of this land will make all the nations of the world understand the judicial and more than legitimate right that the king of castille has to these indies and to other lands adjacent, especially to these kingdoms of peru. as all the histories of past events have been verified by proof, which in this case has been done so carefully and faithfully by order and owing to the industry of the most excellent viceroy don francisco de toledo, no one can doubt that everything in this volume is most sufficiently established and verified without any room being left for reply or contradiction. i have been desirous of making this digression because, in writing the history, i have heard that many entertain the doubts i have above referred to, and it seemed well to satisfy them once for all. x. how the incas began to tyrannize over the lands and inheritances. having explained that, in ancient times, all this land was owned by the people, it is necessary to state how the incas began their tyranny. although the tribes all lived in simple liberty without recognising any lord, there were always some ambitious men among them, aspiring for mastery. they committed violence among their countrymen and among strangers to subject them and bring them to obedience under their command, so that they might serve them and pay tribute. thus bands of men belonging to one region went to others to make war and to rob and kill, usurping the lands of others. as these movements took place in many parts by many tribes, each one trying to subjugate his neighbour, it happened that 6 leagues from the valley of cuzco, at a place called paccari-tampu, there were four men with their four sisters, of fierce courage and evil intentions, although with lofty aims. these, being more able than the others, understood the pusillanimity of the natives of those districts and the ease with which they could be made to believe anything that was propounded with authority or with any force. so they conceived among themselves the idea of being able to subjugate many lands by force and deception. thus all the eight brethren, four men and four women, consulted together how they could tyrannize over other tribes beyond the place where they lived, and they proposed to do this by violence. considering that most of the natives were ignorant and could easily be made to believe what was said to them, particularly if they were addressed with some roughness, rigour and authority, against which they could make neither reply nor resistance, because they are timid by nature, they sent abroad certain fables respecting their origin, that they might be respected and feared. they said that they were the sons of viracocha pachayachachi, the creator, and that they had come forth out of certain windows to rule the rest of the people. as they were fierce, they made the people believe and fear them, and hold them to be more than men, even worshipping them as gods. thus they introduced the religion that suited them. the order of the fable they told of their origin was as follows. xi. the fable of the origin of the incas of cuzco. all the native indians of this land relate and affirm that the incas ccapac originated in this way. six leagues s.s.w. of cuzco by the road which the incas made, there is a place called paccari-tampu, which means "the house of production[40]" at which there is a hill called tampu-tocco, meaning "the house of windows." it is certain that in this hill there are three windows, one called "maras-tocco," the other "sutic-tocco," while that which is in the middle, between these two, was known as "ccapac-tocco," which means "the rich window," because they say that it was ornamented with gold and other treasures. from the window called "maras-tocco" came forth, without parentage, a tribe of indians called maras. there are still some of them in cuzco. from the "sutic-tocco" came indians called tampus, who settled round the same hill, and there are also men of this lineage still in cuzco. from the chief window of "ccapac-tocco," came four men and four women, called brethren. these knew no father nor mother, beyond the story they told that they were created and came out of the said window by order of ticci viracocha, and they declared that viracocha created them to be lords. for this reason they took the name of inca, which is the same as lord. they took "ccapac" as an additional name because they came out of the window "ccapac-tocco," which means "rich," although afterwards they used this term to denote the chief lord over many. [note 40: correctly "the tavern of the dawn."] the names of the eight brethren were as follows: the eldest of the men, and the one with the most authority was named manco ccapac, the second ayar auca, the third ayar cachi, the fourth ayar uchu. of the women the eldest was called mama occlo, the second mama huaco, the third mama ipacura, or, as others say, mama cura, the fourth mama raua. the eight brethren, called incas, said--"we are born strong and wise, and with the people who will here join us, we shall be powerful. we will go forth from this place to seek fertile lands and when we find them we will subjugate the people and take the lands, making war on all those who do not receive us as their lords," this, as they relate, was said by mama huaco, one of the women, who was fierce and cruel. manco ccapac, her brother, was also cruel and atrocious. this being agreed upon between the eight, they began to move the people who lived near the hill, putting it to them that their reward would be to become rich and to receive the lands and estates of those who were conquered and subjugated. for these objects they moved ten tribes or _ayllus_, which means among these barbarians "lineages" or "parties"; the names of which are as follows: i. chauin cuzco ayllu of the lineage of ayar cachi, of which there are still some in cuzco, the chiefs being martin chucumbi, and don diego huaman paocar. ii. arayraca ayllu cuzco-callan. at present there are of this ayllu juan pizarro yupanqui, don francisco quispi, alonso tarma yupanqui of the lineage of ayar uchu. iii. tarpuntay ayllu. of this there are now some in cuzco. iv. huacaytaqui ayllu. some still living in cuzco. v. sañoc ayllu. some still in cuzco. the above five lineages are hanan-cuzco, which means the party of upper cuzco. vi. sutic-tocco ayllu is the lineage which came out of one of the windows called "sutic-tocco," as has been before explained. of these there are still some in cuzco, the chiefs being don francisco avca micho avri sutic, and don alonso hualpa. vii. maras ayllu. these are of the men who came forth from the window "maras-tocco." there are some of these now in cuzco, the chiefs being don alonso llama oca, and don gonzalo ampura llama oca. viii. cuycusa ayllu. of these there are still some in cuzco, the chief being cristoval acllari. ix. masca ayllu. of this there is in cuzco--juan quispi. x. oro ayllu. of this lineage is don pedro yucay. i say that all these _ayllus_ have preserved their records in such a way that the memory of them has not been lost. there are more of them than are given above, for i only insert the chiefs who are the protectors and heads of the lineages, under whose guidance they are preserved. each chief has the duty and obligation to protect the rest, and to know the history of his ancestors. although i say that these live in cuzco, the truth is that they are in a suburb of the city which the indians call cayocache and which is known to us as belem, from the church of that parish which is that of our lady of belem. returning to our subject, all these followers above mentioned marched with manco ccapac and the other brethren to seek for land [_and to tyrannize over those who did no harm to them, nor gave them any excuse for war, and without any right or title beyond what has been stated_]. to be prepared for war they chose for their leaders manco ccapac and mama huaco, and with this arrangement the companies of the hill of tampu-tocco set out, to put their design into execution. xii. the road which these companies of the incas took to the valley of cuzco, and of the fables which are mixed with their history. the incas and the rest of the companies or _ayllus_ set out from their homes at tampu-tocco, taking with them their property and arms, in sufficient numbers to form a good squadron, having for their chiefs the said manco ccapac and mama huaco. manco ccapac took with him a bird like a falcon, called _indi_[41], which they all worshipped and feared as a sacred, or, as some say, an enchanted thing, for they thought that this bird made manco ccapac their lord and obliged the people to follow him. it was thus that manco ccapac gave them to understand, and it was carried in _vahidos_[42], always kept in a covered hamper of straw, like a box, with much care. he left it as an heirloom to his son, and the incas had it down to the time of inca yupanqui. in his hand he carried with him a staff of gold, to test the lands which they would come to. [note 41: this bird called _indi_, the familiar spirit of manco ccapac, is not mentioned by any other author. there is more about it in the life of mayta ccapac, the great-grandson of manco ccapac. the word seems to be the same as _ynti_ the sun-god.] [note 42: _vahido_ means giddiness, vertigo.] marching together they came to a place called huana-cancha, four leagues from the valley of cuzco, where they remained for some time, sowing and seeking for fertile land. here manco ccapac had connexion with his sister mama occlo, and she became pregnant by him. as this place did not appear able to sustain them, being barren, they advanced to another place called tampu-quiro, where mama occlo begot a son named sinchi rocca. having celebrated the natal feasts of the infant, they set out in search of fertile land, and came to another place called pallata, which is almost contiguous to tampu-quiro, and there they remained for some years. not content with this land, they came to another called hays-quisro, a quarter of a league further on. here they consulted together over what ought to be done respecting their journey, and over the best way of getting rid of ayar cachi, one of the four brothers. ayar cachi was fierce and strong, and very dexterous with the sling. he committed great cruelties and was oppressive both among the natives of the places they passed, and among his own people. the other brothers were afraid that the conduct of ayar cachi would cause their companies to disband and desert, and that they would be left alone. as manco ccapac was prudent, he concurred with the opinion of the others that they should secure their object by deceit. they called ayar cachi and said to him, "brother! know that in ccapac-tocco we have forgotten the golden vases called _tupac-cusi_[43], and certain seeds, and the _napa_[44], which is our principal ensign of sovereignty." the _napa_ is a sheep of the country, the colour white, with a red body cloth, on the top ear-rings of gold, and on the breast a plate with red badges such as was worn by rich incas when they went abroad; carried in front of all on a pole with a cross of plumes of feathers. this was called _suntur-paucar_[45]. they said that it would be for the good of all, if he would go back and fetch them. when ayar cachi refused to return, his sister mama huaco, raising her foot, rebuked him with furious words, saying, "how is it that there should be such cowardice in so strong a youth as you are? get ready for the journey, and do not fail to go to tampu-tocco, and do what you are ordered." ayar cachi was shamed by these words. he obeyed and started to carry out his orders. they gave him, as a companion, one of those who had come with them, named tampu-chacay, to whom they gave secret orders to kill ayar cachi at tampu-tocco, and not to return with him. with these orders they both arrived at tampu-tocco. they had scarcely arrived when ayar cachi entered through the window ccapac-tocco, to get the things for which he had been sent. he was no sooner inside than tampu-chacay, with great celerity, put a rock against the opening of the window and sat upon it, that ayar cachi might remain inside and die there. when ayar cachi turned to the opening and found it closed he understood the treason of which the traitor tampu-chacay had been guilty, and determined to get out if it was possible, to take vengeance. to force an opening he used such force and shouted so loud that he made the mountain tremble. with a loud voice he spoke these words to tampu-chacay, "thou traitor! thou who hast done me so much harm, thinkest thou to convey the news of my mortal imprisonment? that shall never happen. for thy treason thou shalt remain outside, turned into a stone." so it was done, and to this day they show the stone on one side of the window ccapac-tocco. turn we now to the seven brethren who had remained at hays-quisro. the death of ayar cachi being known, they were very sorry for what they had done, for, as he was valiant, they regretted much to be without him when the time came to make war on any one. so they mourned for him. this ayar cachi was so dexterous with a sling and so strong that with each shot he pulled down a mountain and filled up a ravine. they say that the ravines, which we now see on their line of march, were made by ayar cachi in hurling stones. [note 43: _tupac-cusi_, meaning golden vases, does not occur elsewhere. it may be a mis-print for _tupac-ccuri, tupac_ meaning anything royal and ccuri gold.] [note 44: _napa_ was the name of a sacred figure of a llama, one of the insignia of royalty. see molina, pp. 19, 39, 47. the verb _napani_ is to salute, _napay_, salutation. _raymi-napa_ was the flock dedicated for sacrifice.] [note 45: _suntur-paucar_ was the head-dress of the inca. see balboa, p. 20. literally the "brilliant circle." see also molina, pp. 6, 17, 39, 42, 44, and yamqui pachacuti, pp. 14, 106, 120.] the seven incas and their companions left this place, and came to another called quirirmanta at the foot of a hill which was afterwards called huanacauri. in this place they consulted together how they should divide the duties of the enterprise amongst themselves, so that there should be distinctions between them. they agreed that as manco ccapac had had a child by his sister, they should be married and have children to continue the lineage, and that he should be the leader. ayar uchu was to remain as a _huaca_ for the sake of religion. ayar auca, from the position they should select, was to take possession of the land set apart for him to people. leaving this place they came to a hill at a distance of two leagues, a little more or less, from cuzco. ascending the hill they saw a rainbow, which the natives call _huanacauri_. holding it to be a fortunate sign, manco ccapac said: "take this for a sign that the world will not be destroyed by water. we shall arrive and from hence we shall select where we shall found our city." then, first casting lots, they saw that the signs were good for doing so, and for exploring the land from that point and becoming lords of it. before they got to the height where the rainbow was, they saw a _huaca_ which was a place of worship in human shape, near the rainbow. they determined among themselves to seize it and take it away from there. ayar uchu offered himself to go to it, for they said that he was very like it. when ayar uchu came to the statue or _huaca_, with great courage he sat upon it, asking it what it did there. at these words the _huaca_ turned its head to see who spoke, but, owing to the weight upon it, it could not see. presently, when ayar uchu wanted to get off he was not able, for he found that the soles of his feet were fastened to the shoulders of the _huaca_. the six brethren, seeing that he was a prisoner, came to succour him. but ayar uchu, finding himself thus transformed, and that his brethren could not release him, said to them--"o brothers, an evil work you have wrought for me. it was for your sakes that i came where i must remain for ever, apart from your company. go! go! happy brethren, i announce to you that you will be great lords. i, therefore, pray that in recognition of the desire i have always had to please you, you will honour and venerate me in all your festivals and ceremonies, and that i shall be the first to whom you make offerings. for i remain here for your sakes. when you celebrate the _huarachico_ (which is the arming of the sons as knights) you shall adore me as their father, for i shall remain here for ever." manco ccapac answered that he would do so, for that it was his will and that it should be so ordered. ayar uchu promised for the youths that he would bestow on them the gifts of valour, nobility, and knighthood, and with these last words he remained, turned into stone. they constituted him the _huaca_ of the incas, giving it the name of ayar uchu huanacauri.[46] and so it always was, until the arrival of the spaniards, the most venerated _huaca_, and the one that received the most offerings of any in the kingdom. here the incas went to arm the young knights until about twenty years ago, when the christians abolished this ceremony. it was religiously done, because there were many abuses and idolatrous practices, offensive and contrary to the ordinances of god our lord. [note 46: huanacauri was a very sacred _huaca_ of the peruvians. cieza de leon tells much the same story as sarmiento, ii. pp. 17, 18, 19, 22, 89, 101, 107, 111. garcilasso de la vega mentions huanacauri four times, i. pp. 65, 66, and ii. pp. 169, 230, as a place held in great veneration. it is frequently mentioned by molina. the word is given by yamqui pachacuti as huayna-captiy. _huayna_ means a youth, _captiy_ is the subjunctive of the verb _cani_, i am. the word appears to have reference to the arming of youths, and the ordeals they went through, which took place annually at this place.] xiii. entry of the incas into the valley of cuzco, and the fables they relate concerning it. the six brethren were sad at the loss of ayar uchu, and at the loss of ayar cachi; and, owing to the death of ayar cachi, those of the lineage of the incas, from that time to this day, always fear to go to tampu-tocco, lest they should have to remain there like ayar cachi. they went down to the foot of the hill, whence they began their entry into the valley of cuzco, arriving at a place called matahua, where they stopped and built huts, intending to remain there some time. here they armed as knight the son of manco ccapac and of mama occlo, named sinchi rocca, and they bored his ears, a ceremony which is called _huarachico_, being the insignia of his knighthood and nobility, like the custom known among ourselves. on this occasion they indulged in great rejoicings, drinking for many days, and at intervals mourning for the loss of their brother ayar uchu. it was here that they invented the mourning sound for the dead, like the cooing of a dove. then they performed the dance called _ccapac raymi_, a ceremony of the royal or great lords. it is danced, in long purple robes, at the ceremonies they call _quicochico_[47], which is when girls come to maturity, and the _huarachico_[48], when they bore the ears of the incas, and the _rutuchico_[49] when the inca's hair is cut the first time, and the _ayuscay_[50], which is when a child is born, and they drink continuously for four or five days. [note 47: quicu-chicuy was the ceremony when girls attained puberty. the customs, on this occasion, are described by molina, p. 53. see also yamqui pachacuti, p. 80, and the anonymous jesuit, p. 181.] [note 48: huarachicu was the great festival when the youths went through their ordeals, and were admitted to manhood and to bear arms. garcilasso de la vega gives the word as "huaracu"; and fully describes the ordeals and the ceremonies, ii. pp. 161--178. see also molina, pp. 34 and 41--46, and yamqui pachacuti, p. 80.] [note 49: rutuchicu is the ceremony when a child reaches the age of one year, from _rutuni_, to cut or shear. it receives the name which it retains until the huarachicu if a boy, and until the quicu-chicuy if a girl. they then receive the names they retain until death. at the rutuchicu the child was shorn. molina, p. 53.] [note 50: molina says that ayuscay was the ceremony when the woman conceives. molina, p. 53.] after this they were in matahua for two years, waiting to pass on to the upper valley to seek good and fertile land. mama huaco, who was very strong and dexterous, took two wands of gold and hurled them towards the north. one fell, at two shots of an arquebus, into a ploughed field called colcapampa and did not drive in well, the soil being loose and not terraced. by this they knew that the soil was not fertile. the other went further, to near cuzco, and fixed well in the territory called huanay-pata, where they knew the land to be fertile. others say that this proof was made by manco ccapac with the staff of gold which he carried himself, and that thus they knew of the fertility of the land, when the staff sunk in the land called huanay-pata, two shots of an arquebus from cuzco. they knew the crust of the soil to be rich and close, so that it could only be broken by using much force. let it be by one way or the other, for all agree that they went trying the land with a pole or staff until they arrived at this huanay-pata, when they were satisfied. they were sure of its fertility, because after sowing perpetually, it always yielded abundantly, giving more the more it was sown. they determined to usurp that land by force, in spite of the natural owners, and to do with it as they chose. so they returned to matahua. from that place manco ccapac saw a heap of stones near the site of the present monastery of santo domingo at cuzco. pointing it out to his brother ayar auca, he said, "brother! you remember how it was arranged between us, that you should go to take possession of the land where we are to settle. well! look at that stone." pointing out the stone he continued, "go thither flying," for they say that ayar auca had developed some wings, "and seating yourself there, take possession of land seen from that heap of stones. we will presently come to settle and reside." when ayar auca heard the words of his brother, he opened his wings and flew to that place which manco ccapac had pointed out. seating himself there, he was presently turned into stone, and was made the stone of possession. in the ancient language of this valley the heap was called _cozco_, whence that site has had the name of cuzco to this day[51]. from this circumstance the incas had a proverb which said, "ayar auca cuzco huanca," or, "ayar auca a heap of marble." others say that manco ccapac gave the name of cuzco because he wept in that place where he buried his brother ayar cachi. owing to his sorrow and to the fertility he gave that name which in the ancient language of that time signified sad as well as fertile. the first version must be the correct one because ayar cachi was not buried at cuzco, having died at ccapac-tocco as has been narrated before. and this is generally affirmed by incas and natives. [note 51: _cuzco_ means a clod, or hard unirrigated land. _cuzquini_ is to break clods of earth, or to level. montesinos derives the name of the city from the verb "to level," or from the heaps of clods, of earth called _cuzco_. cusquic-raymi is the month of june.] five brethren only remaining, namely manco ccapac, and the four sisters, and manco ccapac being the only surviving brother out of four, they presently resolved to advance to where ayar auca had taken possession. manco ccapac first gave to his son sinchi rocca a wife named mama cuca, of the lineage of sañu, daughter of a sinchi named sitic-huaman, by whom he afterwards had a son named sapaca. he also instituted the sacrifice called _capa cocha_[52], which is the immolation of two male and two female infants before the idol huanacauri, at the time when the incas were armed as knights. these things being arranged, he ordered the companies to follow him to the place where ayar auca was. [note 52: ccapac-cocha. the weight of evidence is, on the whole, in favour of this sacrifice of two infants having taken place at the huarachicu, cieza de leon, in remarking that the spaniards falsely imputed crimes to the indians to justify their ill-treatment, says that the practice of human sacrifice was exaggerated, ii. pp. 79, 80. see also molina, pp-54, 57. yamqui pachacuti, p. 86.] arriving on the land of huanay-pata, which is near where now stands the _arco de la plata_ leading to the charcas road, he found settled there a nation of indians named huallas, already mentioned. manco ccapac and mama occlo began to settle and to take possession of the land and water, against the will of the huallas. on this business they did many violent and unjust things. as the huallas attempted to defend their lives and properties, many cruelties were committed by manco ccapac and mama occlo. they relate that mama occlo was so fierce that, having killed one of the hualla indians, she cut him up, took out the inside, carried the heart and lungs in her mouth, and with an _ayuinto_, which is a stone fastened to a rope, in her hand, she attacked the huallas with diabolical resolution. when the huallas beheld this horrible and inhuman spectacle, they feared that the same thing would be done to them, being simple and timid, and they fled and abandoned their rights. mama occlo reflecting on her cruelty, and fearing that for it they would be branded as tyrants, resolved not to spare any huallas, believing that the affair would thus be forgotten. so they killed all they could lay their hands upon, dragging infants from their mothers' wombs, that no memory might be left of these miserable huallas. having done this manco ccapac advanced, and came within a mile of cuzco to the s.e., where a sinchi named copalimayta came out to oppose him. we have mentioned this chief before and that, although he was a late comer, he settled with the consent of the natives of the valley, and had been incorporated in the nation of sauaseray panaca, natives of the site of santo domingo at cuzco. having seen the strangers invading their lands and tyrannizing over them, and knowing the cruelties inflicted on the huallas, they had chosen copalimayta as their sinchi. he came forth to resist the invasion, saying that the strangers should not enter his lands or those of the natives. his resistance was such that manco ccapac and his companions were obliged to turn their backs. they returned to huanay-pata, the land they had usurped from the huallas. from the sowing they had made they derived a fine crop of maize, and for this reason they gave the place a name which means something precious[53]. [note 53: the origin of the inca dynasty derived from manco ccapac and his brethren issuing from the window at paccari-tampu may be called the paccari-tampu myth. it was universally received and believed. garcilasso de la vega gives the meanings of the names of the brothers. ayar cachi means salt or instruction in rational life, ayar uchu is pepper, meaning the delight experienced from such teaching, and ayar sauca means pleasure, or the joy they afterwards experienced from it. balboa gives an account of the death of ayar cachi, but calls him ayar auca. he also describes the turning into stone at huanacauri. betanzos tells much the same story as sarmiento; as do cieza de leon and montesinos, with some slight differences. yamqui pachacuti gives the names of the brothers, but only relates the huanacauri part of the story. montesinos and garcilasso de la vega call one of the brothers ayar sauca. sarmiento, betanzos and balboa call him ayar auca. all agree in the names of the other brothers.] after some months they returned to the attack on the natives of the valley, to tyrannize over them. they assaulted the settlement of the sauaseras, and were so rapid in their attack that they captured copalimayta, slaughtering many of the sauaseras with great cruelty. copalimayta, finding himself a prisoner and fearing death, fled out of desperation, leaving his estates, and was never seen again after he escaped. mama huaco and manco ccapac usurped his houses, lands and people. in this way manco ccapac, mama huaco, sinchi rocca, and manco sapaca settled on the site between the two rivers, and erected the house of the sun, which they called ynti-cancha. they divided all that position, from santo domingo to the junction of the rivers into four neighbourhoods or quarters which they call _cancha_. they called one quinti-cancha, the second chumpi-cancha, the third sayri-cancha, and the fourth yarampuy-cancha. they divided the sites among themselves, and thus the city was peopled, and, from the heap of stones of ayar auca it was called cuzco[54]. [note 54: garcilasso de la vega gives the most detailed description of the city of cuzco and its suburbs, ii. p. 235, but he does not mention these four divisions. the space from santo domingo to the junction of the rivers only covers a few acres; and was devoted to the gardens of the sun.] xiv. the difference between manco ccapac and the alcabisas, respecting the arable land. it has been said that one of the natural tribes of this valley of cuzco was the alcabisas. at the time when manco ccapac settled at ynti-cancha and seized the goods of the sauaseras and huallas, the alcabisas were settled half an arquebus shot from ynti-canchi, towards the part where santa clara now stands. manco ccapac had a plan to spread out his forces that his tyrannical intentions might not be impeded, so he sent his people, as if loosely and idly, making free with the land. he took the lands without distinction, to support his companies. as he had taken those of the huallas and sauaseras, he wished also to take those of the alcabisas. as these alcabisas had given up some, manco ccapac wished and intended to take all or nearly all. when the alcabisas saw that the new comers even entered their houses, they said: "these are men who are bellicose and unreasonable! they take our lands! let us set up landmarks on the fields they have left to us." this they did, but mama huaco said to manco ccapac, "let us take all the water from the alcabisas, and then they will be obliged to give us the rest of their land." this was done and they took away the water. over this there were disputes; but as the followers of manco ccapac were more and more masterful, they forced the alcabisas to give up their lands which they wanted, and to serve them as their lords, although the alcabisas never voluntarily served manco ccapac nor looked upon him as their lord. on the contrary they always went about saying with loud voices-to those of manco ccapac--"away! away! out of our territory." for this manco ccapac was more hard upon them, and oppressed them tyrannically. besides the alcabisas there were other tribes, as we have mentioned before. these manco ccapac and mama huaco totally destroyed, and more especially one which lived near ynti-cancha, in the nearest land, called humanamean, between ynti-cancha and cayocachi[55], where there also lived another native sinchi named culunchima. manco ccapac entered the houses and lands of all the natives, especially of the alcabisas, condemned their sinchi to perpetual imprisonment, sending the others to banishment in cayocachi, and forcing them to pay tribute. but they were always trying to free themselves from the tyranny, as the alcabisas did later[56]. [note 55: garcilasso de la vega describes cayau-cachi as a small village of about 300 inhabitants in his time. it was about 1000 paces west of the nearest house of the city in 1560; but he had been told that, at the time of his writing in 1602, the houses had been extended so as to include it.] [note 56: cieza de leon and balboa corroborate the story of sarmiento that the alcabisas (cieza calls them alcaviquizas, balboa has allcay-villcas) were hostile to the incas, cieza, ii. p. 105, balboa, p. 25. yamqui pachacuti mentions them as allcayviesas, p. 76.] having completed the yoke over the natives, their goods and persons, manco ccapac was now very old. feeling the approach of death, and fearing that in leaving the sovereignty to his son, sinchi rocca, he and his successors might not be able to retain it owing to the bad things he had done and to the tyranny he had established, he ordered that the ten lineages or companies that had come with him from tampu-tocco should form themselves into a garrison or guard, to be always on the watch over the persons of his son and of his other descendants to keep them safe. they were to elect the successor when he had been nominated by his father, or succeeded on the death of his father. for he would not trust the natives to nominate or elect, knowing the evil he had done, and the force he had used towards them. manco ccapac being now on the point of death, he left the bird _indi_ enclosed in its cage, the _tupac-yauri_[57] or sceptre, the _napa_ and the _suntur-paucar_ the insignia of a prince, [_though tyrant_,] to his son sinchi rocca that he might take his place, [_and this without the consent or election of any of the natives_]. [note 57: _tupac-yauri_ the sceptre of the sovereign. molina, pp. 25, 40, 41. yamqui pachacuti, p. 92.] thus died manco ccapac, according to the accounts of those of his _ayllu_ or lineage, at the age of 144 years, which were divided in the following manner. when he set out from paccari-tampu or tampu-tocco he was 36 years of age. from that time until he arrived at the valley of cuzco, during which interval he was seeking for fertile lands, there were eight years. for in one place he stayed one, in another two years, in others more or less until he reached cuzco, where he lived all the rest of the time, which was 100 years, as _ccapac_ or supreme and rich sovereign. they say that he was a man of good stature, thin, rustic, cruel though frank, and that in dying he was converted into a stone of a height of a vara and a half. the stone was preserved with much veneration in the ynti-cancha until the year 1559 when, the licentiate polo ondegardo being corregidor of cuzco, found it and took it away from where it was adored and venerated by all the incas, in the village of bimbilla near cuzco. from this manco ccapac were originated the ten ayllus mentioned above. from his time began the idols _huauquis_, which was an idol or demon chosen by each inca for his companion and oracle which gave him answers[58]. that of manco ccapac was the bird _indi_ already mentioned. this manco ccapac ordered, for the preservation of his memory, the following: his eldest son by his legitimate wife, who was his sister, was to succeed to the sovereignty. if there was a second son his duty was to be to help all the other children and relations. they were to recognize him as the head in all their necessities, and he was to take charge of their interests, and for this duty estates were set aside. this party or lineage was called _ayllu_ if there was no second son, or if there was one who was incapable, the duty was to be passed on to the nearest and ablest relation. and that those to come might have a precedent or example, manco ccapac made the first _ayllu_ and called it _chima panaca ayllu_, which means the lineage descending from chima, because the first to whom he left his _ayllu_ or lineage in charge was named _chima_, and _panaca_ means "to descend." it is to be noted that the members of this _ayllu_ always adored the statue of manco ccapac, and not those of the other incas, but the _ayllus_ of the other incas always worshipped that statue and the others also. it is not known what was done with the body, for there was only the statue. they carried it in their wars, thinking that it secured the victories they won. they also took it to huanacauri, when they celebrated the _huarachicos_ of the incas. huayna ccapac took it with him to quito and cayambis, and afterwards it was brought back to cuzco with the dead body of that inca. there are still those of this _ayllu_ in cuzco who preserve the memory of the deeds of manco ccapac. the principal heads of the _ayllu_ are now don diego chaco, and don juan huarhua chima. they are hurin-cuzcos. manco ccapac died in the year 665 of the nativity of christ our lord, loyba the goth reigning in spain, constantine iv being emperor. he lived in the ynti-cancha, house of the sun. [note 58: sarmiento says that every sovereign inca had a familiar demon or idol which he called _guauqui_, and that the _guauqui_ of manco ccapac was the _indi_ or bird already mentioned. this is corroborated by polo de ondegardo. the word seems to be the same as _huauqui_, a brother.] xv. commences the life of sinchi rocca, the second inca. it has been said that manco ccapac, the first inca, who tyrannized over the natives of the valley of cuzco, only subjugated the huallas, alcabisas, sauaseras, culunchima, copalimayta and the others mentioned above, who were all within the circuit of what is now the city of cuzco. to this manco ccapac succeeded his son sinchi rocca, son also of mama occlo, his mother and aunt[59]. he succeeded by nomination of his father, under the care of the _ayllus_ who then all lived together, but not by election of the people, they were all either in flight, prisoners, wounded or banished, and were all his mortal enemies owing to the cruelties and robberies exercised upon them by his father manco ccapac. sinchi rocca was not a warlike person, and no feats of arms are recorded of him, nor did he sally forth from cuzco, either himself or by his captains[60]. he added nothing to what his father had subjugated, only holding by his _ayllus_ those whom his father had crushed. he had for a wife mama cuca of the town of saño by whom he had a son named lloqui yupanqui. lloqui means left-handed, because he was so. he left his _ayllu_ called _raura panaca ayllu_ of the hurin-cuzco side. there are some of this _ayllu_ living, the chiefs being don alonso puscon and don diego quispi. these have the duty of knowing and maintaining the things and memories of sinchi rocca. he lived in ynti-cancha, the house of the sun, and all his years were 127. he succeeded when 108, and reigned 19 years. he died in the year of the nativity of our lord jesus christ 675, wamba being king of spain, leo iv emperor, and donus pope. he left an idol of stone shaped like a fish called _huanachiri amaru_, which during life was his idol or _guauqui_. polo, being corregidor of cuzco, found this idol, with the body of sinchi rocca, in the village of bimbilla, among some bars of copper. the idol had attendants and cultivated lands for its service. [note 59: all the authorities concur that sinchi rocca was the second sovereign of the inca dynasty, except montesinos, who makes him the first and calls him inca rocca. acosta has inguarroca, and betanzos chincheroca.] [note 60: cieza de leon and garcilasso de la vega also say that sinchi rocca waged no wars. the latter tells us that, by peaceful means, he extended his dominions over the canchis, as far as chuncara.] xvi. the life of lloqui yupanqui, the third inca. on the death of sinchi rocca the incaship was occupied by lloqui yupanqui, son of sinchi rocca by mama cuca his wife. it is to be noted that, although manco ccapac had ordered that the eldest son should succeed, this inca broke the rule of his grandfather, for he had an elder brother named manco sapaca[61], as it is said, who did not consent, and the indians do not declare whether he was nominated by his father. from this i think that lloqui yupanqui was not nominated, but manco sapaca as the eldest, for so little regard for the natives or their approval was shown. this being so, it was tyranny against the natives and infidelity to relations with connivance of the _ayllus_ legionaries; and with the inca's favour they could do what they liked, by supporting him. so lloqui yupanqui lived in ynti-cancha like his father[62]. he never left cuzco on a warlike expedition nor performed any memorable deed, but merely lived like his father, having communication with some provinces and chiefs. these were huaman samo, chief of huaro, pachaculla viracocha, the ayamarcas of tampu-cunca, and the quilliscachis[63]. [note 61: manco sapaca, the eldest son of sinchi rocca, is also mentioned by balboa, pp. 14, 20, 22.] [note 62: all the authorities concur in making lloqui yupanqui the third inca, except acosta, who has iaguarhuaque. herrera spells it lloki yupanqui, fernandez has lloccuco panque, merely corrupt spellings. cieza de leon also represents this reign to have been peaceful, but garcilasso de la vega makes lloqui yupanqui conquer the collao.] [note 63: huaro or guaro is a village south of cuzco in the valley of the vilcamayu (balboa, p. 110). huaman samo was the chief of huaro. balboa mentions pachachalla viracocha as a chief of great prudence and ability who submitted to lloqui yupanqui, pp. 21, 22. the ayamarcas formed a powerful tribe about 12 miles south of cuzco. the quilliscachis formed one of the original tribes in the valley of cuzco (yamqui pachacuti, p. 110). tampu-cunca only occurs here.] one day lloqui yupanqui being very sad and afflicted, the sun appeared to him in the form of a person and consoled him by saying---"do not be sorrowful, lloqui yupanqui, for from you shall descend great lords," also, that he might hold it for certain that he would have male issue. for lloqui yupanqui was then very old, and neither had a son nor expected to have one. this having been made known, and what the sun had announced to lloqui yupanqui having been published to the people, his relations determined to seek a wife for him. his brother manco sapaca, understanding the fraternal disposition, sought for a woman who was suitable for it. he found her in a town called oma, two leagues from cuzco, asked for her from her guardians, and, with their consent, brought her to cuzco. she was then married to lloqui yupanqui. her name was mama cava, and by her the inca had a son named mayta ccapac. this lloqui did nothing worthy of remembrance. he carried with him an idol, which was his _guauqui_ called _apu mayta_. his _ayllu_ is _avayni panaca ayllu_, because the first who had the charge of this _ayllu_ was named avayni. this inca lived and died in ynti-cancha. he was 132 years of age, having succeeded at the age of 21, so that he was sovereign or "ccapac" for 111 years. he died in 786, alfonso el casto being king of spain and leo iv supreme pontiff. some of this _ayllu_ still live at cuzco. the chiefs are putisuc titu avcaylli, titu rimachi, don felipe titu cunti mayta, don agustin cunti mayta, juan bautista quispi cunti mayta. they are hurin-cuzcos. the licentiate polo found the body of this inca with the rest. xvii. the life of mayta ccapac, the fourth inca[64]. [note 64: all authorities agree that mayta ccapac was the fourth inca, except acosta and betanzos. acosta has viracocha. betanzos places mayta ccapac after ccapac yupanqui, whom other authorities make his son. his reign was peaceful except that he encountered and finally vanquished the alcabisas. but garcilasso de la vega makes him the conqueror of the region south of lake titicaca, as well as provinces to the westward, including the settlement of arequipa. all this is doubtless a mistake on the part of garcilasso.] mayta ccapac, the fourth inca, son of lloqui yupanqui and his wife mama cava, is to those indians what hercules is to us, as regards his birth and acts, for they relate strange things of him. at the very first the indians of his lineage, and all the others in general, say that his father, when he was begotten, was so old and weak that every one believed he was useless, so that they thought the conception was a miracle. the second wonder was that his mother bore him three months after conception, and that he was born strong and with teeth. all affirm this, and that he grew at such a rate that in one year he had as much strength and was as big as a boy of eight years or more. at two years he fought with very big boys, knocked them about and hurt them seriously. this all looks as if it might be counted with the other fables, but i write what the natives believe respecting their ancestors, and they hold this to be so true that they would kill anyone who asserted the contrary. they say of this mayta that when he was of very tender years, he was playing with some boys of the alcabisas and culunchimas, natives of cuzco, when he hurt many of them and killed some. and one day, drinking or taking water from a fountain, he broke the leg of the son of a sinchi of the alcabisas, and hunted the rest until they shut themselves up in their houses, where the alcabisas lived without injuring the incas. but now the alcabisas, unable to endure longer the naughtiness of mayta ccapac, which he practised under the protection of lloqui yupanqui, and the _ayllus_ who watched over him, determined to regain their liberty and to venture their lives for it. so they selected ten resolute indians to go to the house of the sun where lloqui yupanqui and his son mayta ccapac lived, and enter it with the intention of killing them. at the time mayta ccapac was in the court yard of the house, playing at ball with some other boys. when he saw enemies entering the house with arms, he threw one of the balls he was playing with, and killed one. he did the same to another, and, attacking the rest, they all fled. though the rest escaped, they had received many wounds, and in this state they went back to their sinchis of calunchima and alcabasa. the chiefs, considering the harm mayta ccapac had done to the natives when a child, feared that when he was grown up he would destroy them all, and for this reason they resolved to die for their liberty. all the inhabitants of the valley of cuzco, that had been spared by manco ccapac, united to make war on the incas. this very seriously alarmed lloqui yupanqui. he thought he was lost, and reprehended his son mayta ccapac, saying, "son! why hast thou been so harmful to the natives of this valley, so that in my old age i shall die at the hands of our enemies?" as the _ayllus_, who were in garrison with the incas, rejoiced more in rapine and disturbances than in quiet, they took the part of mayta ccapac and told the old inca to hold his peace, leaving the matter to his son, so lloqui yupanqui took no further steps in reprehending mayta ccapac. the alcabisas and culunchimas assembled their forces and mayta ccapac marshalled his _ayllus_. there was a battle between the two armies and although it was doubtful for some time, both sides fighting desperately for victory, the alcabisas and calunchimas were finally defeated by the troops of mayta ccapac. but not for this did the alcabisas give up the attempt to free themselves and avenge their wrongs. again they challenged mayta ccapac to battle, which he accepted. as they advanced they say that such a hail storm fell over the alcabisas that they were defeated a third time, and entirely broken up. mayta ccapac imprisoned their sinchi for the remainder of his life. mayta ccapac married mama tacucaray, native of the town of tacucaray, and by her he had a legitimate son named ccapac yupanqui, besides four others named tarco huaman, apu cunti mayta, queco avcaylli, and rocca yupanqui. this mayta ccapac was warlike, and the inca who first distinguished himself in arms after the time of mama huaco and manco ccapac. they relate of him that he dared to open the hamper containing the bird _indi_. this bird, brought by manco ccapac from tampu-tocco, had been inherited by his successors, the predecessors of mayta ccapac, who had always kept it shut up in a hamper or box of straw, such was the fear they had of it. but mayta ccapac was bolder than any of them. desirous of seeing what his predecessors had guarded so carefully, he opened the hamper, saw the bird _indi_ and had some conversation with it. they say that it gave him oracles, and that after the interview with the bird he was wiser, and knew better what he should do, and what would happen. with all this he did not go forth from the valley of cuzco, although chiefs from some distant nations came to visit him. he lived in ynti-cancha, the house of the sun. he left a lineage called _usca mayta panaca ayllu_, and some members of it are still living in cuzco. the heads are named don juan tambo usca mayta, and don baltasar quiso mayta. they are hurin-cuzcos. mayta ccapac died at the age of 112 years, in the year 890 of the nativity of our lord jesus christ. the licentiate polo found his body and idol _guauqui_ with the rest. xviii. the life of ccapac yupanqui, the fifth inca[65]. [note 65: all authorities are agreed that ccapac yupanqui was the fifth inca, except betanzos, who puts him in his father's place. garcilasso attributes extensive conquests to him, both to south and west.] at the time of his death, mayta ccapac named ccapac yupanqui as his successor, his son by his wife mama tacucaray. this ccapac yupanqui, as soon as he succeeded to the incaship, made his brothers swear allegiance to him, and that they desired that he should be ccapac. they complied from fear, for he was proud and cruel. at first he lived very quietly in the ynti-cancha. it is to be noted that although ccapac yupanqui succeeded his father, he was not the eldest son. cunti mayta, who was older, had an ugly face. his father had, therefore, disinherited him and named ccapac yupanqui as successor to the sovereignty, and cunti mayta as high priest. for this reason ccapac yupanqui was not the legitimate heir, although he tyrannically forced his brothers to swear allegiance to him. this inca, it is said, was the first to make conquests beyond the valley of cuzco. he forcibly subjugated the people of cuyumarca and ancasmarca, four leagues from cuzco. a wealthy sinchi of ayamarca, from fear, presented his daughter, named ccuri-hilpay to the inca. others say that she was a native of cuzco. the inca received her as his wife, and had a son by her named inca rocca, besides five other sons by various women. these sons were named apu calla, humpi, apu saca, apu chima-chaui, and uchun-cuna-ascalla-rando[66]. apu saca had a son named apu mayta, a very valiant and famous captain, who greatly distinguished himself in the time of inca rocca and viracocha inca, in company with vicaquirau, another esteemed captain. besides these ccapac yupanqui had another son named apu urco huaranca[67]. this ccapac yupanqui lived 104 years, and was ccapac for 89 years. he succeeded at the age of 15, and died in the year 980 of the nativity of our redeemer jesus christ. his _ayllu_ or lineage was and is called _apu mayta panaca ayllu_. several of this lineage are now living, the principal heads being four in number, namely, don cristobal cusi-hualpa, don antonio piçuy, don francisco cocasaca, and don alonso rupaca. they are hurin-cuzcos. the licentiate polo found the idol or _guaoqui_ of this inca with the body. they were hidden with the rest, to conceal the idolatrous ceremonies of heathen times. [note 66: _calla_ means a distaff. _humpi_ means perspiration. _saca_ is a game bird, also a comet. chima-chaui is a proper name with no meaning. the name of the fifth son is rather unmanageable. uchun-cuna-ascalla-rando. _uchun-cuna_ would mean the peruvian pepper with the plural particle. _ascalla_ would be a small potato. _rando_ is a corrupt form of _runtu_, an egg. this little inca seems to have done the marketing.] [note 67: _urco_, the male gender. _huaranca_, a thousand.] xix. the life of inca rocca, the sixth inca[68]. when ccapac yupanqui died, inca rocca, his son by his wife ccuri-hilpay, succeeded by nomination of his father and the guardian _ayllus_. this inca rocca showed force and valour at the beginning of his incaship, for he conquered the territories of muyna[69] and pinahua with great violence and cruelty. they are rather more than four leagues to the south-south-east of cuzco. he killed their sinchis muyna pancu, and huaman-tupac, though some say that huaman-tupac fled and was never more seen. he did this by the help of apu mayta his nephew, and grandson of ccapac yupanqui. he also conquered caytomarca, four leagues from cuzco. he discovered the waters of hurin-chacan and those of hanan-chacan, which is as much as to say the upper and lower waters of cuzco, and led them in conduits; so that to this day they irrigate fields; and his sons and descendants have benefited by them to this day. [note 68: all authorities are agreed respecting inca rocca as the sixth inca. garcilasso makes him extend the inca dominion beyond the apurimac, and into the country of the chancos.] [note 69: muyna is a district with a lake, 14 miles s.s.w. of cuzco. pinahua is mentioned by garcilasso as a chief to the westward, i. p. 71.] inca rocca gave himself up to pleasures and banquets, preferring to live in idleness. he loved his children to that extent, that for them he forgot duties to his people and even to his own person. he married a great lady of the town of pata-huayllacan, daughter of the sinchi of that territory, named soma inca. her name was mama micay. from this marriage came the wars between tocay ccapac and the cuzcos as we shall presently relate. by this wife inca rocca had a son named titu cusi hualpa[70], and by another name yahuar-huaccac, and besides this eldest legitimate son he had four other famous sons named inca paucar, huaman taysi inca, and vicaquirau inca[70]. the latter was a great warrior, companion in arms with apu mayta. these two captains won great victories and subdued many provinces for viracocha inca and inca yupanqui. they were the founders of the great power to which the incas afterwards attained. [note 70: _titu_ means august or magnanimous. _cusi_ joyful. _hualpa_ a game bird. _paucar_ means beautiful or bright coloured. _huaman_ a falcon. _vica_ may be _nilca_ sacred. _quirau_ a cradle.] as the events which happened in the reign of inca rocca touching the ayamarcas will be narrated in the life of his son, we will not say more of this inca, except that, while his ancestors had always lived in the lower part of cuzco, and were therefore called hurin-cuzcos, he ordered that those who sprang from him should form another party, and be called hanan-cuzcos, which means the cuzcos of the upper part. so that from this inca began the party of upper or hanan-cuzcos, for presently he and his successors left their residence at the house of the sun, and established themselves away from it, building palaces where they lived, in the upper part of the town. it is to be noted that each inca had a special palace in which he lived, the son not wishing to reside in the palace where his father had lived. it was left in the same state as it was in when the father died, with servants, relations, _ayllus_ or heirs that they might maintain it, and keep the edifices in repair. the incas and their _ayllus_ were, and still are hanan-cuzco; although afterwards, in the time of pachacuti, these _ayllus_ were reformed by him. some say that then were established the two parties which have been so celebrated in these parts. inca rocca named his son vicaquirao as the head of his lineage, and it is still called after him the _vicaquirao panaca ayllu_. there are now some of this lineage living in cuzco, the principal heads who protect and maintain it being the following: don francisco huaman rimachi hachacoma, and don antonio huaman mayta. they are hanan-cuzcos. inca rocca lived 103 years, and died in the year 1088 of the nativity of our lord. the licentiate polo found his body in the town called rarapa, kept there with much care and veneration according to their rites. xx. the life of titu cusi hualpa, vulgarly called yahuar-huaccac. titu cusi hualpa inca, eldest son of inca rocca and his wife mama micay, had a strange adventure in his childhood[71]. these natives therefore relate his life from his childhood, and in the course of it they tell some things of his father, and of some who were strangers in cuzco, as follows. it has been related how the inca rocca married mama micay by the rites of their religion. but it must be understood that those of huayllacan had already promised to give mama micay, who was their countrywoman and very beautiful, in marriage to tocay ccapac, sinchi of the ayamarcas their neighbours. when the ayamarcas[72] saw that the huayllacans had broken their word, they were furious and declared war, considering them as enemies. war was carried on, the huayllacans defending themselves and also attacking the ayamarcas, both sides committing cruelties, inflicting deaths and losses, and causing great injury to each other. while this war was being waged, mama micay gave birth to her son titu cusi hualpa. the war continued for some years after his birth, when both sides saw that they were destroying each other, and agreed to come to terms, to avoid further injury. the ayamarcas, who were the most powerful, requested those of huayllacan to deliver the child titu cusi hualpa into their hands, to do what they liked with him. on this condition they would desist from further hostilities, but if it was not complied with, they announced that they would continue a mortal war to the end. the huayllacans, fearing this, and knowing their inability for further resistance, accepted the condition, although they were uncles and relations of the child. in order to comply it was necessary for them to deceive the inca. there was, in the town of paulo, a brother of inca rocca and uncle of titu cusi hualpa named inca paucar. he went or sent messengers to ask inca rocca to think well of sending his nephew titu cusi hualpa to his town of paulo in order that, while still a child, he might learn to know and care for his relations on his mother's side, while they wanted to make him the heir of their estates. believing in these words the inca rocca consented that his son should be taken to paulo, or the town of micocancha. as soon as they had the child in their town the huayllacans made great feasts in honour of titu cusi hualpa, who was then eight years old, a little more or less. his father had sent some incas to guard him. when the festivities were over, the huayllacans sent to give notice to the ayamarcas that, while they were occupied in ploughing certain lands which they call _chacaras_, they might come down on the town and carry off the child, doing with him what they chose, in accordance with the agreement. the ayamarcas, being informed, came at the time and to the place notified and, finding the child titu cusi hualpa alone, they carried it off. [note 71: the very interesting story of the kidnapping of the heir of inca rocca, is well told by sarmiento.] [note 72: the ayarmarcas seem to have occupied the country about 15 miles s.s.w. of cuzco, near muyna. the word ayar is the same as that in the names of the brethren of manco ccapac. but others omit the r, and make it ayamarca, cieza de leon, pp. 114, 115, garcilasso, i. p. 80, yamqui pachacuti, p. 90. the month of october was called ayamarca-raymi. molina says that it was because the ayamarca tribe celebrated the feast of huarachicu in that month.] others say that this treason was carried out in another way. while the uncle was giving the child many presents, his cousins, the sons of inca paucar, became jealous and treated with tocay ccapac to deliver the child into his hands. owing to this notice tocay ccapac came. inca paucar had gone out to deliver to his nephew a certain estate and a flock of llamas. tocay ccapac, the enemy of inca rocca was told by those who had charge of the boy. he who carried him fled, and the boy was seized and carried off by tocay ccapac. be it the one way or the other, the result was that the ayamarcas took titu cusi hualpa from the custody of inca paucar in the town of paulo, while inca paucar and the huayllacans sent the news to inca rocca by one party, and with another took up arms against the ayamarcas. xxi. what happened after the ayamarcas had stolen titu cusi hualpa. when the ayamarcas and their sinchi tocay ccapac stole the son of inca rocca, they marched off with him. the huayllacans of paulopampa, under their sinchi paucar inca, marched in pursuit, coming up to them at a place called amaro, on the territory of the ayamarcas. there was an encounter between them, one side to recover the child, and the other to keep their capture. but paucar was only making a demonstration so as to have an excuse ready. consequently the ayamarcas were victorious, while the huayllacans broke and fled. it is said that in this encounter, and when the child was stolen, all the _orejones_ who had come as a guard from cuzco, were slain. the ayamarcas then took the child to the chief place of their province called ahuayro-cancha. many say that tocay ccapac was not personally in this raid but that he sent his ayamarcas, who, when they arrived at ahuayro-cancha, presented the child titu cusi hualpa to him, saying, "look here, tocay ccapac, at the prisoner we have brought you." the sinchi received his prize with great satisfaction, asking in a loud voice if this was the child of mama micay, who ought to have been his wife. titu cusi hualpa, though but a child, replied boldly that he was the son of mama micay and of the inca rocca. tocay was indignant when he had heard those words, and ordered those who brought the child as a prisoner to take him out and kill him. the boy, when he heard such a sentence passed upon him, was so filled with sadness and fright, that he began to weep from fear of death. he began to shed tears of blood and with indignation beyond his years, in the form of a malediction he said to tocay and the ayamarcas, "i tell you that as sure as you murder me there will come such a curse on you and your descendants that you will all come to an end, without any memory being left of your nation." the ayamarcas and tocay attentively considered this curse of the child together with the tears of blood. they thought there was some great mystery that so young a child should utter such weighty words, and that the fear of death should make such an impression on him that he should shed tears of blood. they were in suspense divining what it portended, whether that the child would become a great man. they revoked the sentence of death, calling the child _yahuar-huaccac_, which means "weeper of blood," in allusion to what had taken place. but although they did not wish to kill him then and with their own hands, they ordered that he should lead such a life as that he would die of hunger. before this they all said to the child that he should turn his face to cuzco and weep over it, because those curses he had pronounced, would fall on the inhabitants of cuzco, and so it happened. this done they delivered him to the most valiant indians, and ordered them to take him to certain farms where flocks were kept, giving him to eat by rule, and so sparingly that he would be consumed with hunger before he died. he was there for a year without leaving the place, so that they did not know at cuzco, or anywhere else, whether he was dead or alive. during this time inca rocca, being without certain knowledge of his son, did not wish to make war on the ayamarcas because, if he was alive, they might kill him. so he did no more than prepare his men of war and keep ready, while he enquired for his son in all the ways that were possible. xxii. how it became known that yahuar-huaccac was alive. as the child yahuar-huaccac was a year among the shepherds without leaving their huts, which served as a prison, no one knew where he was, because he could not come forth, being well watched by the shepherds and other guards. but it so happened that there was a woman in the place called chimpu orma, native of the town of anta, three leagues from cuzco. she was a concubine of the sinchi tocay ccapac, and for this reason she had leave to walk about and go into all parts as she pleased. she was the daughter of the sinchi of anta, and having given an account of the treatment of the child to her father, brothers, and relations, she persuaded them to help in his liberation. they came on a certain day and, with the pass given them by chimpu orma, the father and relations arranged the escape of yahuar-huaccac. they stationed themselves behind a hill. yahuar-huaccac was to run in a race with some other boys, to see which could get to the top of the hill first. when the prince reached the top, the men of anta, who were hidden there, took him in their arms and ran swiftly with him to anta. when the other boys saw this they quickly gave notice to the valiant guards, who ran after the men of anta. they overtook them at the lake of huaypon, where there was a fierce battle. finally the ayamarcas got the worst of it, for they were nearly all killed or wounded. the men of anta continued their journey to their town, where they gave many presents to yahuar-huaccac and much service, having freed him from the mortal imprisonment in which tocay ccapac held him. in this town of anta the boy remained a year, being served with much love, but so secretly that his father inca rocca did not know that he had escaped, during all that time. at the end of a year those of anta agreed to send messengers to inca rocca to let him know of the safety of his son and heir, because they desired to know and serve him. the messengers went to inca rocca and, having delivered their message, received the reply that the inca only knew that the ayamarcas had stolen his son. they were asked about it again and again, and at last inca rocca came down from his throne and closely examined the messengers, that they might tell him more, for not without cause had he asked them so often. the messengers, being so persistently questioned by inca rocca, related what had passed, and that his son was free in anta, served and regaled by the chief who had liberated him. inca rocca rejoiced, promised favours, and dismissed the messengers with thanks. inca rocca then celebrated the event with feasts and rejoicings. but not feeling quite certain of the truth of what he had been told, he sent a poor man seeking charity to make enquiries at anta, whether it was all true. the poor man went, ascertained that the child was certainly liberated, and returned with the news to inca rocca; which gave rise to further rejoicings in cuzco. presently the inca sent many principal people of cuzco with presents of gold, silver, and cloth to the antas, asking them to receive them and to send back his son. the antas replied that they did not want his presents which they returned, that they cared more that yahuar-huaccac should remain with them, that they might serve him and his father also, for they felt much love for the boy. yet if inca rocca wanted his son, he should be returned on condition that, from that time forwards, the antas should be called relations of the _orejones_. when inca rocca was made acquainted with the condition, he went to anta and conceded what they asked for, to the sinchi and his people. for this reason the antas were called relations of the cuzcos from that time. inca rocca brought his son yahuar-huaccac to cuzco and nominated him successor to the incaship, the _ayllus_ and _orejones_ receiving him as such. at the end of two years inca rocca died, and yahuar-huaccac, whose former name was titu cusi hualpa, remained sole inca. before inca rocca died he made friends with tocay ccapac, through the mediation of mama chicya, daughter of tocay ccapac, who married yahuar-huaccac, and inca rocca gave his daughter ccuri-occllo in marriage to tocay ccapac. xxiii. yahuar-huaccac inca yupanqui commences his reign alone, after the death of his father[73]. when yahuar-huaccac found himself in possession of the sole sovereignty, he remembered the treason with which he had been betrayed by the huayllacans who sold him and delivered him up to his enemies the ayamarcas; and he proposed to inflict an exemplary punishment on them. when the huayllacans knew this, they humbled themselves before yahuar-huaccac, entreating him to forgive the evil deeds they had committed against him. yahuar-huaccac, taking into consideration that they were relations, forgave them. then he sent a force, under the command of his brother vicaquirau, against mohina and pinahua, four leagues from cuzco, who subdued these places. he committed great cruelties, for no other reason than that they did not come to obey his will. this would be about 23 years after the time when he rested in cuzco. some years afterwards the town of mollaca, near cuzco, was conquered and subjugated by force of arms. [note 73: _yahuar_ means blood. _huaccani_ to weep. yahuar-huaccac succeeded to inca rocca according to garcilasso de la vega, montesinos, betanzos, balboa, yamqui pachacuti and sarmiento. cieza de leon and herrera have inca yupanqui. garcilasso makes this inca banish his son viracocha, who returns in consequence of a dream, and defeats the chancas. this all seems to be a mistake. it was viracocha who fled, and his son inca yupanqui, surnamed pachacuti, who defeated the chancas and dethroned his father.] yahuar-huaccac had, by his wife mama chicya, three legitimate sons. the eldest was paucar ayllu. the second, pahuac hualpa mayta[74], was chosen to succeed his father, though he was not the eldest. the third was named viracocha, who was afterwards inca through the death of his brother. besides these he had three other illegitimate sons named vicchu tupac because he subdued the town of vicchu, marca-yutu, and rocca inca. as the huayllacans wanted marca-yutu to succeed yahuar-huaccac, because he was their relation, they determined to kill pahuac hualpa mayta, who was nominated to succeed. with this object they asked his father to let him go to paulo. forgetting their former treason, he sent the child to its grandfather soma inca with forty _orejones_ of the _ayllus_ of cuzco as his guard. when he came to their town they killed him, for which the inca, his father, inflicted a great punishment on the huayllacans, killing some and banishing others until very few were left. [note 74: or pahuac mayta inca (garcilasso de la vega, i. p. 23) so named from his swiftness. _pahuani_, to run.] the inca then went to the conquest of pillauya, three leagues from cuzco in the valley of pisac, and to choyca, an adjacent place, and to yuco. after that he oppressed by force and with cruelties, the towns of chillincay, taocamarca, and the caviñas, making them pay tribute. the inca conquered ten places himself or through his son and captains. some attribute all the conquests to his son viracocha. this inca was a man of gentle disposition and very handsome face. he lived 115 years. he succeeded his father at the age of 19, and was sovereign for 96 years. he left an _ayllu_ named _aucaylli panaca_, and some are still living at cuzco. the principal chiefs who maintain it are don juan concha yupanqui, don martin titu yupanqui, and don gonzalo paucar aucaylli. they are hanan-cuzcos. the body of this inca has not been discovered[75]. it is believed that those of the town of paulo have it, with the inca's _guauqui_. [note 75: in the margin of the ms., "the witnesses said that they believed that the licentiate polo found it." navamuel.] xxiv. life of viracocha the eighth inca[76]. [note 76: all authorities agree respecting viracocha as the eighth inca.] as the huayllacans murdered pahuac hualpa mayta who should have succeeded his father yahuar-huaccac, the second son viracocha inca was nominated for the succession, whose name when a child was hatun tupac inca, younger legitimate son of yahuar-huaccac and mama chicya. he was married to mama runtucaya, a native of anta. once when this hatun tupac inca was in urcos, a town which is a little more than five leagues s.s.e. of cuzco, where there was a sumptuous _huaca_ in honour of ticci viracocha, the deity appeared to him in the night. next morning he assembled his _orejones_, among them his tutor hualpa rimachi, and told them how viracocha had appeared to him that night, and had announced great good fortune to him and his descendants. in congratulating him hualpa rimachi saluted him, "o viracocha inca." the rest followed his example and celebrated this name, and the inca retained it all the rest of his life. others say that he took this name, because, when he was armed as a knight and had his ears bored, he took ticci viracocha as the godfather of his knighthood. be it as it may, all that is certain is that when a child, before he succeeded his father, he was named hatun tupac inca, and afterwards, for the rest of his life, viracocha inca. after he saw the apparition in urcos, the inca came to cuzco, and conceived the plan of conquering and tyrannizing over all the country that surrounds cuzco. for it is to be understood that, although his father and grandfather had conquered and robbed in these directions, as their only object was rapine and bloodshed, they did not place garrisons in the places they subdued, so that when the inca, who had conquered these people, died, they rose in arms and regained their liberty. this is the reason that we repeat several times that a place was conquered, for it was by different incas. for instance mohina and pinahua, although first overrun by inca rocca, were also invaded by yahuar-huaccac, and then by viracocha and his son inca yupanqui. each town fought so hard for its liberty, both under their sinchis and without them, that one succeeded in subjugating one and another defeated another. this was especially the case in the time of the incas. even in cuzco itself those of one suburb, called carmenca, made war on another suburb called cayocachi. so it is to be understood that, in the time of the seven incas preceding viracocha, although owing to the power they possessed in the _ayllus_, they terrorized those of cuzco and the immediate neighbourhood, the subjection only lasted while the lance was over the vanquished, and that the moment they had a chance they took up arms for their liberty. they did this at great risk to themselves, and sustained much loss of life, even those in cuzco itself, until the time of viracocha inca. this inca had resolved to subjugate all the tribes he possibly could by force and cruelty. he selected as his captains two valiant _orejones_ the one named apu mayta and the other vicaquirau, of the lineage of inca rocca. with these captains, who were cruel and impious, he began to subjugate, before all things, the inhabitants of cuzco who were not incas _orejones_, practising on them great cruelties and putting many to death. at this time many towns and provinces were up in arms. those in the neighbourhood of cuzco had risen to defend themselves from the _orejones_ incas of cuzco who had made war to tyrannize over them. others were in arms with the same motives as the incas, which was to subdue them if their forces would suffice. thus it was that though many sinchis were elected, their proceedings were confused and without concert, so that each force was small, and they were all weak and without help from each other. this being known to viracocha, it encouraged him to commence his policy of conquest beyond cuzco. before coming to treat of the nations which viracocha inca conquered, we will tell of the sons he had. by mama runtucaya, his legitimate wife, he had four sons, the first and eldest inca rocca, the second tupac yupanqui, the third inca yupanqui, and the fourth ccapac yupanqui. by another beautiful indian named ccuri-chulpa, of the ayavilla nation in the valley of cuzco he also had two sons, the one named inca urco, the other inca socso. the descendants of inca urco, however, say that he was legitimate, but all the rest say that he was a bastard[77]. [note 77: urco is made by cieza de leon to succeed, and to have been dethroned by inca yupanqui owing to his flight from the chancas. yamqui pachacuti records the death of urco. herrera, fernandez, yamqui pachacuti also make urco succeed viracocha.] xxv. the provinces and towns conquered by the eighth inca viracocha. viracocha, having named apu mayta and vicaquirau as his captains, and mustered his forces, gave orders that they should advance to make conquests beyond the valley of cuzco. they went to pacaycacha, in the valley of pisac, three leagues and a half from cuzco. and because the besieged did not submit at once they assaulted the town, killing the inhabitants and their sinchi named acamaqui. next the inca marched against the towns of mohina, pinahua, casacancha, and runtucancha, five short leagues from cuzco. they had made themselves free, although yahuar-huaccac had sacked their towns. the captains of viracocha attacked and killed most of the natives, and their sinchis named muyna pancu and huaman tupac. the people of mohina and pinahua suffered from this war and subsequent cruelties because they said that they were free, and would not serve nor be vassals to the incas. at this time the eldest son, inca rocca, was grown up and showed signs of being a courageous man. viracocha, therefore, made him captain-general with apu mayta and vicaquirau as his colleagues. they also took with them inca yupanqui, who also gave hopes owing to the valour he had shown in the flower of his youth. with these captains the conquests were continued. huaypar-marca was taken, the ayamarcas were subdued, and tocay ccapac and chihuay ccapac, who had their seats near cuzco, were slain. the incas next subjugated mollaca and ruined the town of cayto, four leagues from cuzco, killing its sinchi named ccapac chani they assaulted the towns of socma and chiraques, killing their sinchis named puma lloqui and illacumbi, who were very warlike chiefs in that time, who had most valorously resisted the attacks of former incas, that they might not come from cuzco to subdue them. the inca captains also conquered calca and caquia xaquixahuana, three leagues from cuzco, and the towns of collocte and camal. they subdued the people between cuzco and quiquisana with the surrounding country, the papris and other neighbouring places; all within seven or eight leagues round cuzco. [_in these conquests they committed very great cruelties, robberies, put many to death and destroyed towns, burning and desolating along the road without leaving memory of anything_.] as viracocha was now very old, he nominated as his successor his bastard son inca urco, without regard to the order of succession, because he was very fond of his mother. this inca was bold, proud, and despised others, so that he aroused the indignation of the warriors, more especially of the legitimate sons, inca rocca, who was the eldest, and of the valiant captains apu mayta and vicaquirau. these took order to prevent this succession to the incaship, preferring one of the other brothers, the best conditioned, who would treat them well and honourably as they deserved. they secretly set their eyes on the third of the legitimate sons named cusi, afterwards called inca yupanqui, because they believed that he was mild and affable, and, besides these qualities, he showed signs of high spirit and lofty ideas. apu mayta was more in favour of this plan than the others, as he desired to have some one to shield him from the fury of viracocha inca. mayta thought that the inca would kill him because he had seduced a woman named cacchon chicya, who was a wife of viracocha. apu mayta had spoken of his plan and of his devotion to cusi, to his colleague vicaquirau. while they were consulting how it should be managed, the chancas of andahuaylas, thirty leagues from cuzco, marched upon that city, as will be narrated in the life of inca yupanqui. inca viracocha, from fear of them, fled from cuzco, and went to a place called caquia xaquixahuana, where he shut himself up, being afraid of the chancas. here he died after some years, deprived of cuzco of which his son cusi had possession for several years before his father's death. viracocha inca was he who had made the most extensive conquests beyond cuzco and, as we may say, he tyrannized anew even as regards cuzco, as has been said above. viracocha lived 119 years, succeeding at the age of 18. he was ccapac 101 years. he named the _ayllu_, which he left for the continuance of his lineage, _socso panaca ayllu_, and some are still living at cuzco, the heads being amaru titu, don francisco chalco yupanqui, don francisco anti hualpa. they are hanan-cuzcos. this inca was industrious, and inventor of cloths and embroidered work called in their language _viracocha-tocapu_, and amongst us _brocade_. he was rich [_for he robbed much_] and had vases of gold and silver. he was buried in caquia xaquixahuana and gonzalo pizarro, having heard that there was treasure with the body, discovered it and a large sum of gold. he burnt the body, and the natives collected the ashes and hid them in a vase. this, with the inca's _guauqui_, called _inca amaru_, was found by the licentiate polo, when he was corregidor of cuzco. xxvi. the life of inca yupanqui or pachacuti[78], the ninth inca. [note 78: inca yupanqui surnamed pachacuti was the ninth inca. all the authorities agree that he dethroned either his father viracocha, or his half brother urco, after his victory over the chancas, and that he had a long and glorious reign.] it is related, in the life of inca viracocha, that he had four legitimate sons. of these the third named cusi, and as surname inca yupanqui, was raised to the incaship by the famous captains apu mayta and vicaquirau, and by the rest of the legitimate sons, and against the will of his father. in the course of their intrigues to carry this into effect, the times gave them the opportunity which they could not otherwise have found, in the march of the chancas upon cuzco. it happened in this way. thirty leagues to the west of cuzco there is a province called andahuaylas, the names of the natives of it being chancas. in this province there were two sinchis, [_robbers and cruel tyrants_] named uscovilca and ancovilca who, coming on an expedition from near huamanca with some companies of robbers, had settled in the valley of andahuaylas, and had there formed a state. they were brothers. uscovilca being the elder and principal one, instituted a tribe which he called hanan-chancas or upper chancas. ancovilca formed another tribe called hurin-chancas or lower chancas. these chiefs, after death, were embalmed, and because they were feared for their cruelties in life, were kept by their people. the hanan-chancas carried the statue of uscovilca with them, in their raids and wars. although they had other sinchis, they always attributed their success to the statue of uscovilca, which they called ancoallo. the tribes and companies of uscovilca had multiplied prodigiously in the time of viracocha. it seemed to them that they were so powerful that no one could equal them, so they resolved to march from andahuaylas and conquer cuzco. with this object they elected two sinchis, one named asto-huaraca, and the other tomay-huaraca, one of the tribe of hanan-chanca, the other of hurin-chanca. these were to lead them in their enterprise. the chancas and their sinchis were proud and insolent. setting out from andahuaylas they marched on the way to cuzco until they reached a place called ichu-pampa, five leagues west of that city, where they halted for some days, terrifying the neighbourhood and preparing for an advance. the news spread terror among the _orejones_ of cuzco, for they doubted the powers of inca viracocha, who was now very old and weak. thinking that the position of cuzco was insecure, viracocha called a council of his sons and captains apu mayta and vicaquirau. these captains said to him--"inca viracocha! we have understood what you have proposed to us touching this matter, and how you ought to meet the difficulty. after careful consideration it appears to us that as you are old and infirm owing to what you have undergone in former wars, it will not be well that you should attempt so great a business, dangerous and with victory doubtful, such as that which now presents itself before your eyes. the wisest counsel respecting the course you should adopt is that you should leave cuzco, and proceed to the place of chita, and thence to caquia xaquixahuana, which is a strong fort, whence you may treat for an agreement with the chancas." they gave this advice to viracocha to get him out of cuzco and give them a good opportunity to put their designs into execution, which were to raise cusi inca yupanqui to the throne. in whatever manner it was done, it is certain that this advice was taken by the inca viracocha. he determined to leave cuzco and proceed to chita, in accordance with their proposal. but when cusi inca yupanqui found that his father was determined to leave cuzco, they say that he thus addressed him, "how father can it fit into your heart to accept such infamous advice as to leave cuzco, city of the sun and of viracocha, whose name you have taken, whose promise you hold that you shall be a great lord, you and your descendants." though a boy, he said this with the animated daring of a man high in honour. the father answered that he was a boy and that he spoke like one, in talking without consideration, and that such words were of no value. inca yupanqui replied that he would remain where they would be remembered, that he would not leave cuzco nor abandon the house of the sun. they say that all this was planned by the said captains of viracocha, apu mayta and vicaquirau, to throw those off their guard who might conceive suspicion respecting the remaining of inca yupanqui in cuzco. so viracocha left cuzco and went to chita, taking with him his two illegitimate sons inca urco and inca socso. his son inca yupanqui remained at cuzco, resolved to defend the city or die in its defence. seven chiefs remained with him; inca rocca his elder and legitimate brother, apu mayta, vicaquirau, quillis-cacha, urco huaranca, chima chaui pata yupanqui, viracocha inca paucar, and mircoy-mana the tutor of inca yupanqui. xxvii coming of the chancas against cuzco. at the time when inca viracocha left cuzco, asto-huaraca and tomay-huaraca set out for ichu-pampa, first making sacrifices and blowing out the lungs of an animal, which they call _calpa_. this they did not well understand, from what happened afterwards. marching on towards cuzco, they arrived at a place called conchacalla, where they took a prisoner. from him they learnt what was happening at cuzco, and he offered to guide them there secretly. thus he conducted them half way. but then his conscience cried out to him touching the evil he was doing. so he fled to cuzco, and gave the news that the chancas were resolutely advancing. the news of this indian, who was a quillis-cachi of cuzco, made viracocha hasten his flight to chita, whither the chancas sent their messengers summoning him to surrender, and threatening war if he refused. others say that these were not messengers but scouts and that inca viracocha, knowing this, told them that he knew they were spies of the chancas, that he did not want to kill them, but that they might return and tell their people that if they wanted anything he was there. so they departed and at the mouth of a channel of water some of them fell and were killed. at this the chancas were much annoyed. they said that the messengers had been ordered to go to inca viracocha, and that they were killed by his captain quequo mayta. while this was proceeding with the messengers of the chancas, the chanca army was coming nearer to cuzco. inca yupanqui made great praying to viracocha and to the sun to protect the city. one day he was at susurpuquio in great affliction, thinking over the best plan for opposing his enemies, when there appeared a person in the air like the sun, consoling him and animating him for the battle. this being held up to him a mirror in which the provinces he would subdue were shown, and told him that he would be greater than any of his ancestors: he was to have no doubt, but to return to the city, because he would conquer the chancas who were marching on cuzco. with these words the vision animated inca yupanqui. he took the mirror, which he carried with him ever afterwards, in peace or war, and returned to the city, where he began to encourage those he had left there, and some who came from afar[79]. the latter came to look on, not daring to declare for either party, fearing the rage of the conqueror if they should join the conquered side. inca yupanqui, though only a lad of 20 or 22 years, provided for everything as one who was about to fight for his life. [note 79: susurpuquio seems to have been a fountain or spring on the road to xaquixahuana. molina relates the story of the vision somewhat differently, p. 12. mrs. zelia nuttall thinks that the description of the vision bears such a very strong resemblance to a bas relief found in guatemala that they must have a common origin.] while the inca yupanqui was thus engaged the chancas had been marching, and reached a place very near cuzco called cusi-pampa, there being nothing between it and cuzco but a low hill. here the quillis-cachi was encountered again. he said that he had been to spy, and that he rejoiced to meet them. this deceiver went from one side to the other, always keeping friends with both, to secure the favour of the side which eventually conquered. the chancas resumed the march, expecting that there would be no defence. but the quillis-cachi, mourning over the destruction of his country, disappeared from among the chancas and went to cuzco to give the alarm. "to arms! to arms!" he shouted, "inca yupanqui. the chancas are upon you." at these words the inca, who was not off his guard, mustered and got his troops in order, but he found very few willing to go forth with him to oppose the enemy, almost all took to the hills to watch the event. with those who were willing to follow, though few in number, chiefly the men of the seven sinchis, brothers and captains, named above, he formed a small force and came forth to receive the enemy who advanced in fury and without order. the opposing forces advanced towards each other, the chancas attacking the city in four directions. the inca yupanqui sent all the succour he could to the assailed points, while he and his friends advanced towards the statue and standard of uscovilca, with asto-huaraca and tomay-huaraca defending them. here there was a bloody and desperate battle, one side striving to enter the city, and the other opposing its advance. those who entered by a suburb called chocos-chacona were valiantly repulsed by the inhabitants. they say that a woman named chañan-ccuri-coca here fought like a man, and so valiantly opposed the chancas that they were obliged to retire. this was the cause that all the chancas who saw it were dismayed. the inca yupanqui meanwhile was so quick and dexterous with his weapon, that those who carried the statue of uscovilca became alarmed, and their fear was increased when they saw great numbers of men coming down from the hills. they say that these were sent by viracocha, the creator, as succour for the inca. the chancas began to give way, leaving the statue of uscovilca, and they say even that of ancovilca. attacking on two sides, inca rocca, apu mayta, and vicaquirau made great havock among the chancas. seeing that their only safety was in flight, they turned their backs, and their quickness in running exceeded their fierceness in advancing. the men of cuzco continued the pursuit, killing and wounding, for more than two leagues, when they desisted. the chancas returned to ichu-pampa, and the _orejones_ to cuzco, having won a great victory and taken a vast amount of plunder which remained in their hands. the cuzcos rejoiced at this victory won with so little expectation or hope. they honoured inca yupanqui with many epithets, especially calling him pachacuti, which means "over-turner of the earth," alluding to the land and farms which they looked upon as lost by the coming of the chancas. for he had made them free and safe again. from that time he was called pachacuti inca yupanqui. as soon as the victory was secure, inca yupanqui did not wish to enjoy the triumph although many tried to persuade him. he wished to give his father the glory of such a great victory. so he collected the most precious spoils, and took them to his father who was in chita, with a principal _orejon_ named quillis-cachi urco huaranca. by him he sent to ask his father to enjoy that triumph and tread on those spoils of the enemy, a custom they have as a sign of victory. when quillis-cachi urco huaranca arrived before viracocha inca, he placed those spoils of the chancas at his feet with great reverence, saying, "inca viracocha! thy son pachacuti inca yupanqui, to whom the sun has given such a great victory, vanquishing the powerful chancas, sends me to salute you, and says that, as a good and humble son he wishes you to triumph over your victory and to tread upon these spoils of your enemies, conquered by your hands." inca viracocha did not wish to tread on them, but said that his son inca urco should do so, as he was to succeed to the incaship. hearing this the messenger rose and gave utterance to furious words, saying that he did not come for cowards to triumph by the deeds of pachacuti. he added that if viracocha did not wish to receive this recognition from so valiant a son, it would be better that pachachuti should enjoy the glory for which he had worked. with this he returned to cuzco, and told pachacuti what had happened with his father. xxviii. the second victory of pachacuti inca yupanqui over the chancas. while pachacuti inca yupanqui was sending the spoil to his father, the chancas were recruiting and assembling more men at ichu-pampa, whence they marched on cuzco the first time. the sinchis tomay-huaraca and asto-huaraca began to boast, declaring that they would return to cuzco and leave nothing undestroyed. this news came to pachacuti inca yupanqui. he received it with courage and, assembling his men, he marched in search of the chancas. when they heard that the incas were coming, they resolved to march out and encounter them, but the advance of pachacuti inca yupanqui was so rapid that he found the chancas still at ichu-pampa. as soon as the two forces came in sight of each other, asto-huaraca, full of arrogance, sent to inca yupanqui to tell him that he could see the power of the chancas and the position they now held. they were not like him coming from the poverty stricken cuzco, and if he did not repent the past and become a tributary and vassal to the chancas; asto-huaraca would dye his lance in an inca's blood. but inca yupanqui was not terrified by the embassy. he answered in this way to the messenger. "go back brother and say to asto-huaraca, your sinchi, that inca yupanqui is a child of the sun and guardian of cuzco, the city of ticci viracocha pachayachachi, by whose order i am here guarding it. for this city is not mine but his; and if your sinchi should wish to own obedience to ticci viracocha, or to me in his name, he will be honourably received. if your sinchi should see things in another light, show him that i am here with our friends, and if he should conquer us he can call himself lord and inca. but let him understand that no more time can be wasted in demands and replies. god (ticci viracocha) will give the victory to whom he pleases." with this reply the chancas felt that they had profited little by their boasting. they ran to their arms because they saw pachacuti closely following the bearer of his reply. the two armies approached each other in ichu-pampa, encountered, and mixed together, the chancas thrusting with long lances, the incas using slings, clubs, axes and arrows, each one defending himself and attacking his adversary. the battle raged for a long time, without advantage on either side. at last pachacuti made a way to where asto-huaraca was fighting, attacked him and delivered a blow with his hatchet which cut off the chanca's head. tomay-huaraca was already killed. the inca caused the heads of these two captains to be set on the points of lances, and raised on high to be seen by their followers. the chancas, on seeing the heads, despaired of victory without leaders. they gave up the contest and sought safety in flight. inca yupanqui and his army followed in pursuit, wounding and killing until there was nothing more to do. this great victory yielded such rich and plentiful spoils, that pachacuti inca yupanqui proposed to go to where his father was, report to him the story of the battle and the victory, and to offer him obedience that he might triumph as if the victory was his own. loaded with spoil and chanca prisoners he went to visit his father. some say that it was at a place called caquia xaquixahuana, four leagues from cuzco, others that it was at marco, three leagues from cuzco. wherever it was, there was a great ceremony, presents being given, called _muchanaco_[80]. when pachacuti had given his father a full report, he ordered the spoils of the enemy to be placed at his feet, and asked his father to tread on them and triumph over the victory. but viracocha inca, still intent upon having inca urco for his successor, desired that the honour offered to him should be enjoyed by his favourite son. he, therefore, did not wish to accept the honours for himself. yet not wishing to offend the inca yupanqui pachacuti on such a crucial point, he said that he would tread on the spoils and prisoners, and did so. he excused himself from going to triumph at cuzco owing to his great age, which made him prefer to rest at caquia xaquixahuana. [note 80: _muchani_, i worship. _nacu_ is a particle giving a reciprocal or mutual meaning, "joint worship."] with this reply pachacuti departed for cuzco with a great following of people and riches. the inca urco also came to accompany him, and on the road there was a quarrel in the rear guard between the men of urco and those of pachacuti. others say that it was an ambush laid for his brother by urco and that they fought. the inca pachacuti took no notice of it, and continued his journey to cuzco, where he was received with much applause and in triumph. soon afterwards, as one who thought of assuming authority over the whole land and taking away esteem from his father, as he presently did, he began to distribute the spoils, and confer many favours with gifts and speeches. with the fame of these grand doings, people came to cuzco from all directions and many of those who were at caquia xaquixahuana left it and came to the new inca at cuzco. xxix. the inca yupanqui assumes the sovereignty and takes the fringe, without the consent of his father. when the inca yupanqui found himself so strong and that he had been joined by so many people, he determined not to wait for the nomination of his father, much less for his death, before he rose with the people of cuzco with the further intention of obtaining the assent of those without. with this object he caused a grand sacrifice to be offered to the sun in the inti-cancha or house of the sun, and then went to ask the image of the sun who should be inca. the oracle of the devil, or perhaps some indian who was behind to give the answer, replied that inca yupanqui pachacuti was chosen and should be inca. on this answer being given, all who were present at the sacrifice, prostrated themselves before pachacuti, crying out "ccapac inca intip churin," which means "sovereign lord child of the sun." presently they prepared a very rich fringe of gold and emeralds wherewith to crown him. next day they took pachacuti inca yupanqui to the house of the sun, and when they came to the image of the sun, which was of gold and the size of a man, they found it with the fringe, as if offering it of its own will. first making his sacrifices, according to their custom, he came to the image, and the high priest called out in his language "intip apu," which means "governor of things pertaining to the sun." with much ceremony and great reverence the fringe was taken from the image and placed, with much pomp, on the forehead of pachacuti inca yupanqui. then all called his name and hailed him "intip churin inca pachacuti," or "child of the sun lord, over-turner of the earth." from that time he was called pachacuti besides his first name which was inca yupanqui. then the inca presented many gifts and celebrated the event with feasts. [_he was sovereign inca without the consent of his father or of the people, but by those he had gained over to his side by gifts_.] xxx. pachacuti inca yupanqui rebuilds the city of cuzco. as soon as the festivities were over, the inca laid out the city of cuzco on a better plan; and formed the principal streets as they were when the spaniards came. he divided the land for communal, public, and private edifices, causing them to be built with very excellent masonry. it is such that we who have seen it, and know that they did not possess instruments of iron or steel to work with, are struck with admiration on beholding the equality and precision with which the stones are laid, as well as the closeness of the points of junction. with the rough stones it is even more interesting to examine the work and its composition. as the sight alone satisfies the curious, i will not waste time in a more detailed description. besides this, pachacuti inca yupanqui, considering the small extent of land round cuzco suited for cultivation, supplied by art what was wanting in nature. along the skirts of the hills near villages, and also in other parts, he constructed very long terraces of 200 paces more or less, and 20 to 30 wide, faced with masonry, and filled with earth, much of it brought from a distance. we call these terraces _andenes_, the native name being _sucres_. he ordered that they should be sown, and in this way he made a vast increase in the cultivated land, and in provision for sustaining the companies and garrisons. in order that the precise time of sowing and harvesting might be known, and that nothing might be lost, the inca caused four poles to be set up on a high mountain to the east of cuzco, about two _varas_ apart, on the heads of which there were holes, by which the sun entered, in the manner of a watch or astrolabe. observing where the sun struck the ground through these holes, at the time of sowing and harvest, marks were made on the ground. other poles were set up in the part corresponding to the west of cuzco, for the time of harvesting the maize. having fixed the positions exactly by these poles, they built columns of stone for perpetuity in their places, of the height of the poles and with holes in like places. all round it was ordered that the ground should be paved; and on the stones certain lines were drawn, conforming to the movements of the sun entering through the holes in the columns. thus the whole became an instrument serving for an annual time-piece, by which the times of sowing and harvesting were regulated. persons were appointed to observe these watches, and to notify to the people the times they indicated[81]. [note 81: the pillars at cuzco to determine the time of the solstices were called _sucanca_. the two pillars denoting the beginning of winter, whence the year was measured, were called _pucuy sucanca_. those notifying the beginning of spring were _chirao sucanca_. _suca_ means a ridge or furrow and _sucani_ to make ridges: hence _sucanca_, the alternate light and shadow, appearing like furrows. acosta says there was a pillar for each month. garcilasso de la vega tells us that there were eight on the east, and eight on the west side of cuzco (i. p. 177) in double rows, four and four, two small between two high ones, 20 feet apart. cieza de leon says that they were in the carmenca suburb (i. p. 325). to ascertain the time of the equinoxes there was a stone column in the open space before the temple of the sun in the centre of a large circle. this was the _inti-huatana_. a line was drawn across from east to west and they watched when the shadow of the pillar was on the line from sunrise to sunset and there was no shadow at noon. there is another _inti-huatana_ at pisac, and another at hatun-colla. _inti_, the sun god, _huatani_, to seize, to tie round, _inti-huatana_, a sun circle.] besides this, as he was curious about the things of antiquity, and wished to perpetuate his name, the inca went personally to the hill of tampu-tocco or paccari-tampu, names for the same thing, and entered the cave whence it is held for certain that manco ccapac and his brethren came when they marched to cuzco for the first time, as has already been narrated. after he had made a thorough inspection, he venerated the locality and showed his feeling by festivals and sacrifices. he placed doors of gold on the window ccapac-tocco, and ordered that from that time forward the locality should be venerated by all, making it a prayer place and _huaca_, whither to go to pray for oracles and to sacrifice. having done this the inca returned to cuzco. he ordered the year to be divided into twelve months, almost like our year. i say almost, because there is some difference, though slight, as will be explained in its place. he called a general assembly of the oldest and wisest men of cuzco and other parts, who with much diligence scrutinized and examined the histories and antiquities of the land, principally of the incas and their forefathers. he ordered the events to be painted and preserved in order, as i explained when i spoke of the method adopted in preparing this history. xxxi. pachacuti inca yupanqui rebuilds the house of the sun and establishes new idols in it. having adorned the city of cuzco with edifices, streets, and the other things that have been mentioned, pachacuti inca yupanqui reflected that since the time of manco ccapac, none of his predecessors had done anything for the house of the sun. he, therefore, resolved to enrich it with more oracles and edifices to appal ignorant people and produce astonishment, that they might help in the conquest of the whole land which he intended to subdue, and in fact he commenced and achieved the subjugation of a large portion of it he disinterred the bodies of the seven deceased incas, from manco ccapac to yahuar-huaccac, which were all in the house of the sun, enriching them with masks, head-dresses called _chuco_, medals, bracelets, sceptres called _yauri_ or _champi_[82], and other ornaments of gold. he then placed them, in the order of their seniority, on a bench with a back, richly adorned with gold, and ordered great festivals to be celebrated with representations of the lives of each inca. these festivals, which are called _purucaya_[83], were continued for more than four months. great and sumptuous sacrifices were made to each inca, at the conclusion of the representation of his acts and life. this gave them such authority that it made all strangers adore them, and worship them as gods. these strangers, when they beheld such majesty, humbled themselves, and put up their hands to worship or _mucha_ as they say. the corpses were held in great respect and veneration until the spaniards came to this land of peru. [note 82: _champi_ means a one-handed battle axe (garcilasso de la vega, i. lib. ix. cap. 31). novices received it at the festival of huarachicu, with the word _auccacunapac_, for traitors.] [note 83: according to mossi _puruccayan_ was the general mourning on the death of the inca.] besides these corpses, pachacuti made two images of gold. he called one of them viracocha pachayachachi. it represented the creator, and was placed on the right of the image of the sun. the other was called _chuqui ylla_, representing lightning, placed on the left of the sun. this image was most highly venerated by all. inca yupanqui adopted this idol for his _guauqui_[84], because he said that it had appeared and spoken in a desert place and had given him a serpent with two heads, to carry about with him always, saying that while he had it with him, nothing sinister could happen in his affairs. to these idols the inca gave the use of lands, flocks, and servants, especially of certain women who lived in the same house of the sun, in the manner of nuns. these all came as virgins but few remained without having had connexion with the inca. at least he was so vicious in this respect, that he had access to all whose looks gave him pleasure, and had many sons. [note 84: _huauqui_, brother.] besides this house, there were some _huacas_ in the surrounding country. these were that of huanacauri, and others called anahuarqui, yauira, cinga, picol, pachatopan[85] [_to many they made the accursed sacrifices, which they called_ ccapac cocha, _burying children, aged 5 or 6, alive as offerings to the devil, with many offerings of vases of gold and silver_]. [note 85: anahuarqui was the name of the wife of tupac inca yupanqui. yauira may be for yauirca, a fabulous creature described by yamqui pachacuti. cinga and picol do not occur elsewhere. pachatopan is no doubt _pacha tupac_, beautiful land.] the inca, they relate, also caused to be made a great woollen chain of many colours, garnished with gold plates, and two red fringes at the end. it was 150 fathoms in length, more or less. this was used in their public festivals, of which there were four principal ones in the year. the first was called raymi or ccapac raymi, which was when they opened the ears of knights at a ceremony called _huarachico_. the second was called situa resembling our lights of st john[86]. they all ran at midnight with torches to bathe, saying that they were thus left clean of all diseases. the third was called ynti raymi, being the feast of the sun, known as _aymuray_. in these feasts they took the chain out of the house of the sun and all the principal indians, very richly dressed, came with it, in order, singing, from the house of the sun to the great square which they encircled with the chain. this was called _moroy urco_[87]. [note 86: the months and the festivals which took place in each month are given by several authorities. the most correct are those of polo de ondegardo and calancha who agree throughout. calancha gives the months as received by the first council of lima. 22 june--22 july. intip raymi (_sun festival_). 22 july--22 aug. chahuar huarquiz--ploughing month. 22 aug.--22 sept. yapaquiz (situa _or moon festival_)--sowing month. 22 sept.--22 oct. ccoya raymi---expiatory feast. molina a month behind. 22 oct.--22 nov. uma raymi--month of brewing chicha. 22 nov.--22 dec. ayamarca--commemoration of the dead. 22 dec.--22 jan. ccapac raymi (huarachicu _festival_). 22 jan.--22 feb. camay--month of exercises. 22 feb.--22 march. hatun poccoy (great ripening). 22 march--22 april. pacha poccoy (mosoc nina _festival_). 22 april--22 may. ayrihua (harvest). 22 may--22 june. aymuray (harvest home).] [note 87: the great chain, used at festivals, is called by sarmiento muru-urco. see also molina. _muru_ means a coloured spot, or a thing of variegated colours. molina says that it was the house where the chain was kept that was called muru-urco, as well as the cable. _huasca_ is another name for a cable (see g. de la vega, ii. p, 422).] xxxii. pachacuti inca yupanqui depopulates two leagues of country near cuzco. after pachacuti had done what has been described in the city, he turned his attention to the people. seeing that there were not sufficient lands for sowing, so as to sustain them, he went round the city at a distance of four leagues from it, considering the valleys, situation, and villages. he depopulated all that were within two leagues of the city. the lands of depopulated villages were given to the city and its inhabitants, and the deprived people were settled in other parts. the citizens of cuzco were well satisfied with the arrangement, for they were given what cost little, and thus he made friends by presents taken from others, and took as his own the valley of tambo [_which was not his_]. the news of the enlargement of this city went far and wide, and reached the ears of viracocha inca, retired in caquia xaquixahuana[88]. he was moved to go and see cuzco. the inca yupanqui went for him, and brought him to cuzco with much rejoicing. he went to the house of the sun, worshipped at huanacauri and saw all the improvements that had been made. having seen everything he returned to his place at caquia xaquixahuana, where he resided until his death, never again visiting cuzco, nor seeing his son pachacuti inca yupanqui. [note 88: this great plain to the north-west of cuzco, called xaquixahuana, and sacsahuana, is now known as surita. most of the early writers call it sacsahuana. sarmiento always places the word caquia before the name. _capuchini_ is to provide, _capuchic_ a purveyor. hence _capuquey_ means "my goods," abbreviated to _caguey_, "my property." the meaning is "my estate of xaquixahuana."] xxxiii. pachacuti inca yupanqui kills his elder brother named inca urco. pachacuti inca yupanqui found himself so powerful with the companies he had got together by liberal presents to all, that he proposed to subjugate by their means all the territories he could reach. for this he mustered all the troops that were in cuzco, and provided them with arms, and all that was necessary for war. affairs being in this state pachacuti heard that his brother urco was in a valley called yucay, four leagues from cuzco, and that he had assembled some people. fearing that the movement was intended against him the inca marched there with his army. his brother inca rocca went with him, who had the reputation of being a great necromancer. arriving at a place called paca in the said valley, the inca went out against his brother urco, and there was a battle between them. inca rocca hurled a stone which hit urco on the throat. the blow was so great that urco fell into the river flowing down the ravine where they were fighting. urco exerted himself and fled, swimming down the river, with his axe in his hand. in this way he reached a rock called chupellusca, a league below tampu, where his brothers overtook him and killed him. from thence the inca pachacuti yupanqui, with his brother inca rocca marched with their troops to caquia xaquixahuana to see his father who refused ever to speak with or see him, owing to the rage he felt at the death of inca urco. but inca rocca went in, where viracocha was and said, "father! it is not reasonable that you should grieve so much at the death of urco, for i killed him in self defence, he having come to kill me. you are not to be so heavy at the death of one, when you have so many sons. think no more of it, for my brother pachacuti yupanqui is to be inca, and i hold that you should favour him and be as a father to him." seeing the resolution of his son inca rocca, viracocha did not dare to reply or to contradict him. he dismissed him by saying that that was what he wished, and that he would be guided by him in everything. with this the inca yupanqui and his brother inca rocca returned to cuzco, and entered the city triumphing over the past victories and over this one. the triumph was after this manner. the warriors marched in order, in their companies, dressed in the best manner possible, with songs and dances, and the captives, their eyes on the ground, dressed in long robes with many tassels. they entered by the streets of the city, which were very well adorned to receive them. they went on, enacting their battles and victories, on account of which they triumphed. on reaching the house of the sun, the spoils and prisoners were thrown on the ground, and the inca walked over them, trampling on them and saying--"i tread on my enemies." the prisoners were silent without raising their eyes. this order was used in all their triumphs. at the end of a short time inca viracocha died of grief at the death of inca urco, deprived and despoiled of all honour and property. they buried his body in caquia xaquixahuana. xxxiv. the nations which pachacuti inca subjugated and the towns he took: and first of tocay ccapac, sinchi of the ayamarcas, and the destruction of the cuyos. near cuzco there is a nation of indians called ayamarcas who had a proud and wealthy sinchi named tocay ccapac. neither he nor his people wished to come and do reverence to the inca. on the contrary, he mustered his forces to attack the inca if his country was invaded. this being known to inca yupanqui, he assembled his _ayllus_ and other troops. he formed them into two parties, afterwards called hanan-cuzcos and hurin-cuzcos, forming them into a corps, that united no one might be able to prevail against them. this done he consulted over what should be undertaken. it was resolved that all should unite for the conquest of all neighbouring nations. those who would not submit were to be utterly destroyed; and first tocay ccapac, chief of the ayamarcas, was to be dealt with, being powerful and not having come to do homage at cuzco. having united his forces, the inca marched against the ayamarcas and their sinchi, and there was a battle at huanancancha. inca yupanqui was victorious, assaulting the villages and killing nearly all the ayamarcas. he took tocay ccapac as a prisoner to cuzco, where he remained in prison until his death. after this inca yupanqui took to wife a native of choco named mama anahuarqui. for greater pleasure and enjoyment, away from business, he went to the town of the cuyos, chief place of the province of cuyo-suyu. being one day at a great entertainment, a potter, servant of the sinchi, without apparent reason, threw a stone or, as some say, one of the jars which they call _ulti_, at the inca's head and wounded him. the delinquent, who was a stranger to the district, was seized and tortured to confess who had ordered him to do it. he stated that all the sinchis of cuyo-suyu, who were cuyo ccapac, ayan-quilalama, and apu cunaraqui, had conspired to kill the inca and rebel. this was false, for it had been extorted from fear of the torture or, as some say, he said it because he belonged to a hostile tribe and wished to do them harm. but the inca, having heard what the potter said, ordered all the sinchis to be killed with great cruelty. after their deaths he slaughtered the people, leaving none alive except some children and old women. thus was that nation destroyed, and its towns are desolate to this day. xxxv. the other nations conquered by inca yupanqui, either in person or through his brother inca rocca. inca yupanqui and his brother inca rocca, who was very cruel, had determined to oppress and subdue all the nations who wished to be independent and would not submit to them. they knew that there were two sinchis in a town called ollantay-tampu, six leagues from cuzco, the one named paucar-ancho and the other tocori tupac, who ruled over the ollantay-tampus, but would not come to do homage, nor did their people wish to do so. the inca marched against them with a large army and gave them battle. inca rocca was severely wounded, but at last the ollantay-tampus were conquered. [_all were killed, the place was destroyed so that no memory was left of it_][89] and the inca returned to cuzco. [note 89: this is untrue. the splendid ruins remain to this day. the place was long held against the spaniards by inca manco.] there was another sinchi named illacumpi, chief of two towns four leagues from cuzco, called cugma and huata. inca yupanqui and inca rocca sent to him to do homage, but he replied that he was as good as they were and free, and that if they wanted anything, they must get it with their lances. for this answer the inca made war upon the said sinchi. he united his forces with those of two other sinchis, his companions, named paucar tupac and puma lloqui, and went forth to fight the inca. but they were defeated and killed, with nearly all their people. the inca desolated that town with fire and sword, and with very great cruelty. he then returned to cuzco and triumphed for that victory. the inca received information, after this, that there was a town called huancara, 11 leagues from cuzco, ruled by sinchis named ascascahuana and urcu-cuna. so a message was sent to them, calling upon them to give reverence and obedience to the inca and to pay tribute. they replied that they were not women to come and serve, that they were in their native place, and that if any one came to seek them they would defend themselves. moved to anger by this reply, inca yupanqui and inca rocca made war, killed the sinchis and most of their people and brought the rest prisoners to cuzco, to force them into obedience. next they marched to another town called toguaro, six leagues from huancara, killing the sinchi, named alca-parihuana, and all the people, not sparing any but the children, that they might grow and repeople that land. with similar cruelties in all the towns, the inca reduced to pay tribute the cotabambas, cotaneras, umasayus, and aymaracs, being the principal provinces of cunti-suyu. the inca then attacked the province of the soras, 40 leagues from cuzco. the natives came forth to resist, asking why the invaders sought their lands, telling them to depart or they would be driven out by force. over this question there was a battle, and two towns of the soras were subdued at that time, the one called chalco, the other soras. the sinchi of chalco was named chalco-pusaycu, that of soras huacralla. they were taken prisoners to cuzco, and there was a triumph over them. there was another place called acos, 10 or 11 leagues from cuzco. the two sinchis of it were named ocacique and utu-huasi. these were strongly opposed to the demands of the inca and made a very strenuous resistance. the inca marched against them with a great army. but he met with serious difficulty in this conquest, for the acos defended themselves most bravely and wounded pachacuti on the head with a stone. he would not desist, but it was not until after a long time that they were conquered. he killed nearly all the natives of acos, and those who were pardoned and survived after that cruel slaughter, were banished to the neighbourhood of huamanca, to a place now called acos[90]. [note 90: acobamba, the present capital of the province of angaraes.] in all these campaigns which have been described, inca rocca was the companion in arms, and participator in the triumphs of inca yupanqui. it is to be noted that in all the subdued provinces chiefs were placed, superseding or killing the native sinchis. those who were appointed, acted as guards or captains of the conquered places, holding office in the inca's name and during his pleasure. in this way the conquered provinces were oppressed and tyrannized over by the yoke of servitude. a superior was appointed over all the others who were nominated to each town, as general or governor. in their language this officer was called tucuyrico[91], which means "he who knows and oversees all." [note 91: _tucuyricuc_, he who sees all. _tucuy_ means all. _ricini_ to see. garcilasso de la vega, i. lib. ii. cap. 14. balboa, p. 115. montesinos, p. 55. santillana, p. 17.] thus in the first campaign undertaken by pachacuti inca yupanqui, after the defeat of the chancas, he subdued the country as far as the soras, 40 leagues to the west of cuzco. the other nations, and some in cunti-suyu, from fear at seeing the cruelties committed on the conquered, came in to submit, to avoid destruction. [_but they ever submitted against their wills_.] xxxvi. pachacuti inca yupanqui endows the house of the sun with great wealth. after pachacuti inca yupanqui had conquered the lands and nations mentioned above, and had triumphed over them, he came to visit the house of the sun and the mama-cunas or nuns who were there. he assisted one day, to see how the mama-cunas served the dinner of the sun. this was to offer much richly cooked food to the image or idol of the sun, and then to put it into a great fire on an altar. the same order was taken with the liquor. the chief of the mama-cunas saluted the sun with a small vase, and the rest was thrown on the fire. besides this many jars full of that liquor were poured into a trough which had a drain, all being offerings to the sun. this service was performed with vessels of clay. as pachacuti considered that the material of the vases was too poor, he presented very complete sets of vases of gold and silver for all the service that was necessary. to adorn the house more richly he caused a plate of fine gold to be made, two _palmas_ broad and the length of the court-yard. he ordered this to be nailed high up on the wall in the manner of a cornice, passing all round the court-yard. this border or cornice of gold remained there down to the time of the spaniards. xxxvii. pachacuti inca yupanqui conquers the province of colla-suyu. to the south of cuzco there was a province called colla-suyu or collao, consisting of plain country, which was very populous. at the time that pachacuti inca yupanqui was at cuzco after having conquered the provinces already mentioned, the sinchi of collao was named chuchi ccapac or colla ccapac, which is all one. this chuchi ccapac increased so much in power and wealth among those nations of colla-suyu, that he was respected by all the collas, who called him inca ccapac. pachacuti inca yupanqui determined to conquer him from a motive of jealousy, together with all the provinces of the collao. with this object he assembled his army and marched on the route to the collao in order to attack chuchi ccapac who waited for him at hatun-colla, a town of the collao where he resided, 40 leagues from cuzco, without having taken further notice of the coming nor of the forces of inca yupanqui. when he came near to hatun colla, the inca sent a message to chuchi colla, requesting him to serve and obey him or else to prepare for battle, when they would try their fortunes. this message caused much heaviness to chuchi colla, but he replied proudly that he waited for the inca to come and do homage to him like the other nations that had been conquered by him, and that if the inca did not choose to do so, he would prepare his head, with which he intended to drink in his triumph after the victory which he would win if they should come to a battle. after this reply inca yupanqui ordered his army to approach that of chuchi ccapac the next day, which was drawn up ready to fight. soon after they came in sight, the two forces attacked each other, and the battle continued for a long time without either side gaining any advantage. inca yupanqui, who was very dexterous in fighting, was assisting in every part, giving orders, combating, and animating his troops. seeing that the collas resisted so resolutely, and stood so firmly in the battle, he turned his face to his men saying in a loud voice: "o incas of cuzco! conquerors of all the land! are you not ashamed that people so inferior to you, and unequal in weapons, should be equal to you and resist for so long a time?" with this he returned to the fight, and the troops, touched by this rebuke, pressed upon their enemies in such sort that they were broken and defeated. inca yupanqui, being an experienced warrior, knew that the completion of the victory consisted in the capture of chuchi ccapac. although he was fighting, he looked out for his enemy in all directions and, seeing him in the midst of his people, the inca attacked them at the head of his guards, took him prisoner, and delivered him to a soldier with orders to take him to the camp and keep him safe. the inca and his army then completed the victory and engaged in the pursuit, until all the sinchis and captains that could be found were captured. pachacuti went to hatun-colla, the residence and seat of government of chuchi ccapac, where he remained until all the provinces which obeyed chuchi ccapac, were reduced to obedience, and brought many rich presents of gold, silver, cloths, and other precious things. leaving a garrison and a governor in the collao to rule in his name, the inca returned to cuzco, taking chuchi ccapac as a prisoner with the others. he entered cuzco, where a solemn triumph was prepared. chuchi colla and the other colla prisoners were placed before the inca's litter dressed in long robes covered with tassels in derision and that they might be known. having arrived at the house of the sun, the captives and spoils were offered to the image of the sun, and the inca, or the priest for him, trod on all the spoils and captives that pachacuti had taken in the collao, which was great honour to the inca. when the triumph was over, to give it a good finish, the inca caused the head of chuchi ccapac to be cut off, and put in the house called _llasa-huasi_[92], with those of the other sinchis he had killed. he caused the other sinchis and captains of chuchi ccapac to be given to the wild beasts, kept shut up for the purpose, in a house called _samca-huasi_[93]. [note 92: llasa-huasi. _llasa_ means weight, from _llasani_ to weigh. _huasi_ a house.] [note 93: samgaguacy. this should be _samca-huasi_, a prison for grave offences. serpents and toads were put into the prison with the delinquents. mossi, p. 233.] in these conquests pachacuti was very cruel to the vanquished, and people were so terrified at the cruelties that they submitted and obeyed from fear of being made food for wild beasts, or burnt, or otherwise cruelly tormented rather than resist in arms. it was thus with the people of cunti-suyu who, seeing the cruelty and power of inca yupanqui, humiliated themselves and promised obedience. it was for the cause and reason stated, and because they were threatened with destruction if they did not come to serve and obey. chuchi ccapac had subjugated a region more than 160 leagues from north to south, over which he was sinchi or, as he called himself, ccapac or colla-ccapac, from within 20 leagues of cuzco as far as the chichas, with all the bounds of arequipa and the sea-coast to atacama, and the forests of the musus. for at this time, seeing the violence and power with which the inca of cuzco came down upon those who opposed him, without pardoning anyone, many sinchis followed his example, and wanted to do the same in other parts, where each one lived, so that all was confusion and tyranny in this kingdom, no one being secure of his own property. we shall relate in their places, as the occasion offers, the stories of the sinchis, tyrants, besides those of the incas who, from the time of inca yupanqui, began to get provinces into their power, and tyrannize over the inhabitants. inca yupanqui, as has already been narrated, had given the house of the sun all things necessary for its services, besides which, after he came from colla-suyu, he presented many things brought from there for the image of the sun, and for the mummies of his ancestors which were kept in the house of the sun. he also gave them servants and lands. he ordered that the _huacas_ of cuzco should be adopted and venerated in all the conquered provinces, ordaining new ceremonies for their worship and abolishing the ancient rites. he charged his eldest legitimate son, named amaru tupac inca, with the duty of abolishing the _huacas_ which were not held to be legitimate, and to see that the others were maintained and received the sacrifices ordered by the inca. huayna yamqui yupanqui, another son of inca yupanqui, was associated with the heir in this duty. xxxviii. pachacuti inca yupanqui sends an army to conquer the province of chinchay-suyu. when pachacuti inca yupanqui returned from the conquest of colla-suyu and the neighbouring provinces, as has been narrated in the preceding chapter, he was well stricken in years, though not tired of wars, nor was his thirst for dominion satisfied. owing to his age he chose to remain at cuzco, as the seat of his government, to establish the lands he had subdued, in the way which he well knew how to establish. in order to lose no time in extending his conquests, he assembled his people, from among whom he chose 70,000 provided with arms and all things necessary for a military campaign. he nominated his brother, ccapac yupanqui, to be captain-general, giving him for colleagues another of his brothers named huayna yupanqui, and one of his sons named apu yamqui yupanqui. among the other special captains in this army was one named anco ayllo of the chanca nation, who had remained a prisoner in cuzco from the time that the inca conquered the chanca's at cuzco and at ichu-pampa. he had ever since been sad and brooding, thinking of a way of escape. but he dissimulated so well that the inca treated him as a brother and trusted him. hence the inca nominated him as commander of all the chancas in the army. for to each nation the inca gave a captain from among their own people, because he would understand how to rule them and they would obey him better. this anco ayllo, seeing there was an opportunity for fulfilling his desire, showed satisfaction at receiving this commission from the inca, and promised to do valuable service, as he knew those nations whose conquest was about to be undertaken. when the army was ready to march, the inca gave the captain-general his own arms of gold, and to the other captains he gave arms with which to enter the battles. he made a speech to them, exhorting them to achieve success, showing them the honourable reward they would obtain, and the favours he, as a friend, would show them, if they served in that war. he gave special orders to ccapac yupanqui that he should advance with his conquering army as far as a province called yana-mayu, the boundary of the nation of the hatun-huayllas, and that there he should set up the inca's boundary pillars, and he was on no account to advance further. he was to conquer up to that point and then return to cuzco, leaving sufficient garrisons in the subjugated lands. he was also to establish posts at every half league, which they call _chasquis_, by means of which the inca would be daily informed of what had happened and was being done[94]. [note 94: for accounts of the _chasquis_ or inca couriers see garcilasso de la vega, ii. pp. 49, 60, 119, 120, 121. balboa, p. 248. polo de ondegardo, p. 169.] ccapac yupanqui set out from cuzco with these orders, and desolated all the provinces which did not submit. on arriving at a fortress called urco-collac, near parcos, in the country of huamanca, he met with valorous resistance from the inhabitants. finally he conquered them. in the battle the chancas distinguished themselves so that they gained more honour than the cuzcos _orejones_ and the other nations. this news came to the inca, who was much annoyed that the chancas should have distinguished themselves more, and had gained more honour than the incas. he imagined that it would make them proud, so he proposed to have them killed. he sent a messenger ordering ccapac yupanqui to lay a plan for killing all the chancas in the best way he could devise, and if he did not kill them, the inca would kill him. the runner of the inca reached ccapac yupanqui with this order, but it could not be kept a secret. it became known to a wife of ccapac yupanqui, who was a sister of anco ayllo, the captain of the chancas. this woman told her brother, who always longed for his liberty, and now was urgently minded to save his life. he secretly addressed his chanca soldiers, putting before them the cruel order of the inca, and the acquisition of their liberty if they would follow him. they all agreed to his proposal. when they came to huarac-tambo, in the neighbourhood of the city of huanuco, all the chancas fled with their captain anco ayllo, and besides the chancas other tribes followed this chief. passing by the province of huayllas they pillaged it, and, continuing their route in flight from the incas, they agreed to seek a rugged and mountainous land where the incas, even if they sought them, would not be able to find them. so they entered the forests between chachapoyas and huanuco, and went on to the province of ruparupa. these are the people who are settled on the river pacay and, according to the received report, thence to the eastward by the river called cocama which falls into the great river marañon. they were met with by the captain gomez d'arias, who entered by huanuco, in the time of the marquis of cañete, in the year 1556. though ccapac yupanqui went in chase of the chancas, they were so rapid in their flight that he was unable to overtake them[95]. [note 95: garcilasso de la vega also gives an account of the flight of the chancas under anco-ayllu or hanco-hualla, ii. pp. 82, 329.] in going after them ccapac yupanqui went as far as caxamarca, beyond the line he was ordered not to pass by the inca. although he had the order in his mind, yet when he saw that province of caxamarca, how populous it was and rich in gold and silver, by reason of the great sinchi, named gusmanco ccapac, who ruled there and was a great tyrant, having robbed many provinces round caxamarca, ccapac yupanqui resolved to conquer it, although he had no commission from his brother for undertaking such an enterprise. on commencing to enter the land of caxamarca, it became known to gusmanco ccapac. that chief summoned his people, and called upon another sinchi, his tributary, named chimu ccapac, chief of the territory where now stands the city of truxillo on the coast of peru. their combined forces marched against ccapac yupanqui, who by a certain ambush, and other stratagems, defeated, routed and captured the two sinchis gusmanco ccapac and chimu ccapac, taking vast treasure of gold, silver and other precious things, such as gems, and coloured shells, which these natives value more than silver or gold. ccapac yupanqui collected all the treasure in the square of caxamarca, where he then was; and when he saw such immense wealth he became proud and vainglorious, saying that he had gained and acquired more than his brother the inca. his arrogance and boasting came to the ears of his sovereign, who, although he felt it deeply and desired an opportunity to kill him, dissimulated for a time and waited until the return to cuzco. inca yupanqui feared that his brother would rebel, and for this reason he appeared to be pleased before the envoys sent by ccapac yupanqui. he sent them back with orders that ccapac yupanqui should return to cuzco with the treasure that had been taken in the war, as well as the principal men of the subdued provinces, and the sons of gusmanco ccapac and chimu ccapac. the great chiefs themselves were to remain, in their territories with a sufficient garrison to keep those lands obedient to the inca. on receiving this order ccapac yupanqui set out for cuzco with all the treasure, and marched to the capital full of pride and arrogance. inca yupanqui, who himself subdued so many lands and gained so much honour, became jealous, as some say afraid, and sought excuses for killing his brother. when he knew that ccapac yupanqui had reached limatambo, eight leagues from cuzco, he ordered his lieutenant-governor named inca capon, to go there and cut off the head of ccapac yupanqui. the reasons given were that he had allowed anco ayllo to escape, and had gone beyond the line prescribed. the governor went and, in obedience to his orders, he killed the inca's two brothers ccapac yupanqui and huayna yupanqui. the inca ordered the rest to enter cuzco, triumphing over their victories. this was done, the inca treading on the spoils, and granting rewards. they say that he regretted that his brother had gained so much honour, and that he wished that he had sent his son who was to be his successor, named tupac inca yupanqui, that he might have enjoyed such honour, and that this jealousy led him to kill his brother. xxxix. pachacuti inca yupanqui plants _mitimaes_ in all the lands he had conquered. as all the conquests made by this inca were attended with such violence and cruelties, with such spoliation and force, and the people who became his subjects by acquisition, or to speak more correctly by rapine, were numerous, they obeyed so long as they felt the force compelling them, and, as soon as they were a little free from that fear, they presently rebelled and resumed their liberty. then the inca was obliged to conquer them again. turning many things in his mind, and seeking for remedies, how he could settle once for all the numerous provinces he had conquered, at last he hit upon a plan which, although adapted to the object he sought to attain, and coloured with some appearance of generosity, was really the worst tyranny he perpetrated. he ordered visitors to go through all the subdued provinces, with orders to measure and survey them, and to bring him models of the natural features in clay. this was done. the models and reports were brought before the inca. he examined them and considered the mountainous fastnesses and the plains. he ordered the visitors to look well to what he would do. he then began to demolish the fastnesses and to have their inhabitants moved to plain country, and those of the plains were moved to mountainous regions, so far from each other, and each so far from their native country, that they could not return to it. next the inca ordered the visitors to go and do with the people what they had seen him do with the models. they went and did so. he gave orders to others to go to the same districts, and, jointly with the _tucuricos_, to take some young men, with their wives, from each district. this was done and they were brought to cuzco from all the provinces, from one 30, from another 100, more or less according to the population of each district. these selected people were presented before the inca, who ordered that they should be taken to people various parts. those of chinchay-suyu were sent to anti-suyu, those of cunti-suyu to colla-suyu, so far from their native country that they could not communicate with their relations or countrymen. he ordered that they should be settled in valleys similar to those in their native land, and that they should have seeds from those lands that they might be preserved and not perish, giving them land to sow without stint, and removing the natives. the incas called these colonists _mitimaes_[96], which means "transported" or "moved," he ordered them to learn the language of the country to which they were removed, but not to forget the general language, which was the quichua, and which he had ordered that all his subjects in all the conquered provinces must learn and know. with it conversation and business could be carried on, for it was the clearest and richest of the dialects. the inca gave the colonists authority and power to enter the houses of the natives at all hours, night or day, to see what they said, did or arranged, with orders to report all to the nearest governor, so that it might be known if anything was plotted against the government of the inca, who, knowing the evil he had done, feared all in general, and knew that no one served him voluntarily, but only by force. besides this the inca put garrisons into all the fortresses of importance, composed of natives of cuzco or the neighbourhood, which garrisons were called _michecrima_[97]. [note 96: the system of _mitimaes_ was a very important part of the inca polity. it is frequently referred to by cieza de leon, and described by garcilasso de la vega, ii. p. 215. see also balboa, pp. 28, 114,143,249. molina, pp. 4, 22, 23. yamqui pachacuti, pp. 95, 97, polo de ondegardo, p. 161.] [note 97: _michec_ a shepherd, hence a governor. _rimay_ to speak.] xl. the collas, sons of chuchi ccapac, rebel against inca yupanqui to obtain their freedom. after inca yupanqui had celebrated the triumphs and festivities consequent on the conquest of chinchay-suyu, and arranged the system of _mitimaes_, he dismissed the troops. he himself went to yucay, where he built the edifices, the ruins of which may still be seen. these being finished, he went down the valley of yucay to a place which is now called tambo, eight leagues from cuzco, where he erected some magnificent buildings. the sons of chuchi ccapac, the great sinchi of the collao, had to labour as captives at the masonry and other work. their father, as has already been narrated, was conquered in the collao and killed by the inca. these sons of chuchi ccapac, feeling that they were being vilely treated, and remembering that they were the sons of so great a man as their father, also seeing that the inca had disbanded his army, agreed to risk their lives in obtaining their freedom. one night they fled, with all the people who were there, and made such speed that, although the inca sent after them, they could not be overtaken. along the route they took, they kept raising the inhabitants against the inca. much persuasion was not needed, because, as they were obeying by force, they only sought the first opportunity to rise. on this favourable chance, many nations readily rebelled, even those who were very near cuzco, but principally the collao and all its provinces. the inca, seeing this, ordered a great army to be assembled, and sought the favour of auxiliaries from gusmanco ccapac and chimu ccapac. he collected a great number of men, made sacrifices _calpa_[98], and buried some children alive, which is called _capa cocha_, to induce their idols to favour them in that war. all being ready, the inca nominated two of his sons as captains of the army, valorous men, named the one tupac ayar manco, the other apu paucar usnu. the inca left cuzco with more than 200,000 warriors, and marched against the sons of chuchi ccapac, who also had a great power of men and arms, and were anxious to meet the incas and fight for their lives against the men of cuzco. [note 98: _calpa_ means force, vigour; also an army.] as both were seeking each other, they soon met, and joined in a stubborn and bloody battle, in which there was great slaughter, because one side fought for life and liberty and the other for honour. as those of cuzco were better disciplined and drilled, and more numerous than their adversaries, they had the advantage. but the collas preferred to die fighting rather than to become captives to one so cruel and inhuman as the inca. so they opposed themselves to the arms of the _orejones_, who, with great cruelties, killed as many of the collas as opposed their advance. the sons of the inca did great things in the battle, with their own hands, on that day. the collas were defeated, most of them being killed or taken prisoners. those who fled were followed to a place called lampa. there the wounded were cared for, and the squadrons refreshed. the inca ordered his two sons, tupac ayar manco and apu paucar usnu, to press onward, conquering the country as far as the chichas, where they were to set up their cairns and return. the inca then returned to cuzco, for a triumph over the victory he had gained. the inca arrived at cuzco, triumphed and celebrated the victory with festivities. and because he found that a son had been born to him, he raised him before the sun, offered him, and gave him the name of tupac inca yupanqui. in his name he offered treasures of gold and silver to the sun, and to the other oracles and _huacas_, and also made the sacrifice of _capa cocha_. besides this he made the most solemn and costly festivals that had ever been known, throughout the land. this was done because inca yupanqui wished that this tupac inca should succeed him, although he had other older and legitimate sons by his wife and sister mama anahuarqui. for, although the custom of these tyrants was that the eldest legitimate son should succeed, it was seldom observed, the inca preferring the one he liked best, or whose mother he loved most, or he who was the ablest among the brothers. xli. amaru tupac inca and apu paucar usnu continue the conquest of the collao and again subdue the collas. as soon as the inca returned to cuzco, leaving his two sons tupac amaru and apu paucar usnu[99] in the callao, those captains set out from lampa, advancing to hatun-colla, where they knew that the collas had rallied their troops to fight the cuzcos once more, and that they had raised one of the sons of chuchi ccapac to be inca. the incas came to the place where the collas were awaiting them in arms. they met and fought valorously, many being killed on both sides. at the end of the battle the collas were defeated and their new inca was taken prisoner. thus for a third time were the collas conquered by the cuzcos. by order of the inca, his sons, generals of the war, left the new inca of the collas at hatun-colla, as a prisoner well guarded and re-captured. the other captains went on, continuing their conquests, as the inca had ordered, to the confines of charcas and the chichas. [note 99: tupac amaru. _tupac_ means royal, and _amaru_ a serpent. _apu_ a chief, _paucar_ beautiful and _usnu_ a judgment seat.] while his sons prosecuted the war, pachacuti their father, finished the edifices at tambo, and constructed the ponds and pleasure houses of yucay. he erected, on a hill near cuzco, called patallata, some sumptuous houses, and many others in the neighbourhood of the capital. he also made many channels of water both for use and for pleasure; and ordered all the governors of provinces who were under his sway, to build pleasure houses on the most convenient sites, ready for him when he should visit their commands. while inca yupanqui proceeded with these measures, his sons had completed the conquest of the collao. when they arrived in the vicinity of charcas, the natives of paria, tapacari, cochabambas, poconas and charcas retreated to the country of the chichas and chuyes, in order to make a combined resistance to the incas, who arrived where their adversaries were assembled, awaiting the attack. the inca army was in three divisions. a squadron of 5000 men went by the mountains, another of 20,000 by the side of the sea, and the rest by the direct road. they arrived at the strong position held by the charcas and their allies, and fought with them. the incas were victorious, and took great spoils of silver extracted by those natives from the mines of porco. it is to be noted that nothing was ever known of the 5000 _orejones_ who entered by the mountains or what became of them. leaving all these provinces conquered, and subdued, amaru tupac inca and apu paucar usnu returned to cuzco where they triumphed over their victories, pachacuti granting them many favours, and rejoicing with many festivals and sacrifices to idols. xlii. pachacuti inca yupanqui nominates his son tupac inca yupanqui as his successor. pachacuti inca yupanqui was now very old; and he determined to nominate a successor to take his place after his death. he called together the incas his relations, of the _ayllus_ of hanan-cuzco and hurin-cuzco and said, "my friends and relations! i am now, as you see, very old, and i desire to leave you, when my days are over, one who will govern and defend you from your enemies. some propose that i should name amaru tupac inca, but it does not appear to me that he has the qualifications to govern so great a lordship as that which i have acquired. i, therefore, desire to nominate another with whom you will be more content." the relations, in their reply, gave thanks to the inca, and declared that they would derive great benefit from his nomination. he then said that he named his son tupac inca, and ordered him to come forth from the house. he had been there for 15 or 16 years to be brought up, without any one seeing him except very rarely and as a great favour. he was now shown to the people, and the inca presently ordered a fringe of gold to be placed in the hand of the image of the sun, with the head-dress called _pillaca-llaytu_[100]. after tupac inca had made his obeisance to his father, the inca and the rest rose and went before the image of the sun where they made their sacrifices and offered _capa cocha_ to that deity. then they offered the new inca tupac yupanqui, beseeching the sun to protect and foster him, and to make him so that all should hold and judge him to be a child of the sun and father of his people. this done the oldest and principal _orejones_ took tupac inca to the sun, and the priests took the fringe from the hands of the image, which they call _mascapaycha_, and placed it over the head of tupac inca yupanqui until it rested on his forehead. he was declared inca ccapac and seated in front of the sun on a seat of gold, called _duho_[101], garnished with emeralds and other precious stones. seated there, they clothed him in the _ccapac hongo_[102], placed the _suntur paucar_ in his hand, gave him the other insignia of inca, and the priests raised him on their shoulders. when these ceremonies were completed, pachacuti inca yupanqui ordered that his son tupac inca should remain shut up in the house of the sun, performing the fasts which it is the custom to go through before receiving the order of chivalry; which ceremony consisted in opening the ears. the inca ordered that what had been done should not be made public until he gave the command to publish it. [note 100: _pillaca-llatu_ is a cloth or cloak woven of two colours, black and brown.] [note 101: this word is corrupt. _tiana_ is the word for a seat.] [note 102: ccapac uncu. the word _uncu_ means a tunic.] xliii. how pachacuti armed his son tupac inca. pachacuti inca yupanqui found happiness in leaving memory of himself. with this object he did extraordinary things as compared with those of his ancestors, in building edifices, celebrating triumphs, not allowing himself to be seen except as a great favour shown to the people, for as such it was considered, on the day that he appeared. then he ordered that no one should come to behold him without worshipping and bringing something in his hand to offer him. this custom was continued by all his descendants, and was observed inviolably. [_thus, from the time of this pachacuti began an unheard of and inhuman tyranny in addition to the tyrannies of his ancestors._] as he was now old and desirous of perpetuating his name, it appeared to him that he would obtain his desire by giving authority to his son and successor named tupac inca. so the boy was brought up, confined in the house of the sun for more than 16 years, seeing no one but his tutors and masters until he was brought and presented to the sun, to be nominated as has already been explained. to invest him at the _huarachico_ the inca ordered a new way of giving the order of chivalry. for this he built round the city four other houses for prayer to the sun, with much apparatus of gold idols, _huacas_ and service, for his son to perambulate these stations after he had been armed as a knight. affairs being in this state, there came to the inca pachacuti, his son amaru tupac inca, who had been named by his father as his successor some years before, because he was the eldest legitimate son. he said, "father inca! i understand that you have a son in the house of the sun whom you have ordered to be successor after your own days. order that he may be show to me." the inca, looking upon this as boldness on the part of amaru tupac, replied, "it is true, and i desire you and your wife shall be his vassals, and that you shall serve and obey him as your lord and inca." amaru replied that he wished to do so, and that for this reason, he desired to see him and offer sacrifice to him, and that orders should be given to take him where his brother was. the inca gave permission for this, amaru tupac inca taking what was necessary for the ceremony, and being brought to where tupac inca was fasting. when amaru saw him in such majesty of wealth and surroundings, he fell on his face to the earth, adoring, offering sacrifices and obedience. on learning that it was his brother, tupac inca raised him and saluted him in the face. presently inca yupanqui caused the necessary preparations to be made for investing his son with the order of chivalry. when all was ready, the inca, accompanied by all his principal relations and courtiers, went to the house of the sun, where they brought out tupac inca with great solemnity and pomp. for they carried with him all the idols of the sun, vircocha, the other _huacas, moro-urco_. all being placed in order with such pomp as had never been seen before, they all went to the great square of the city, in the centre of which a bonfire was made. all relations and friends then killed many animals, offering them as sacrifices by throwing them into the flames. they worshipped the heir, offering him rich gifts, the first that brought a gift being his father. following the example all the rest adored, seeing that his father had shown him reverence. thus did the _orejones_ incas and all the rest who were present, seeing that for this they had been called and invited, to bring their gifts and offer them to their new inca. [illustration: group of incas, in ceremonial dresses, from the pictures in the church of santa ana, cuzco a.d. 1570. from a sketch by sir clements markham, 1853.] this being done, the festival called _ccapac raymi_ was commenced, being the feast of kings, and consequently the most solemn festival kept by these people. when the ceremonies had been performed, they bored the ears of tupac inca yupanqui, which is their mode of investiture into the order of chivalry and nobility. he was then taken to the stations of the houses of the sun, giving him the weapons and other insignia of war. this being finished his father the inca yupanqui gave him, for his wife, one of his sisters named mama ocllo, who was a very beautiful woman with much ability and wisdom. xliv. pachacuti inca yupanqui sends his son tupac inca yupanqui to conquer chinchay-suyu. the inca yupanqui desired that his son should be employed on some service that would bring him fame, as soon as he had been proclaimed his successor, and armed as a knight. he had information that chinchay-suyu was a region where name and treasure might be acquired, especially from a sinchi named chuqui-sota in chachapoyas. he, therefore, ordered all preparations to be made for the conquest of chinchay-suyu. he gave the prince for his tutors, captains, and captains-general of his army, two of his brothers, the one named auqui yupanqui and the other tilca yupanqui. the army being assembled and the preparations made, they set out from cuzco. tupac went in such pomp and majesty that, where he passed, no one dared to look him in the face, in such veneration was he held. the people left the roads along which he had to pass and, ascending the hills on either side, worshipped and adored. they pulled out their eyebrows and eyelashes, and blowing on them, they made offering to the inca. others offered handfuls of a very precious herb called _coca_. when he arrived at the villages, he put on the dress and head-gear of that district, for all were different in their dress and head-gear as they are now. for inca yupanqui, so as to know each nation he had conquered, ordered that each one should have a special dress and head-gear, which they call _pillu_, _llaytu_ and _chuco_, different one from the other, so as to be easily distinguished and recognized. seating himself, tupac inca made a solemn sacrifice of animals and birds, burning them in a fire which was kindled in his presence; and in this way they worshipped the sun, which they believed to be god. in this manner tupac inca began to repeat the conquests and tyranny of all his ancestors and his father. for, although many nations were conquered by his father, almost all were again with arms in their hands to regain their liberty, and the rest to defend themselves. as tupac inca advanced with such power, force and pride, he not only claimed the subjection of the people, but also usurped the veneration they gave to their gods or devils, for truly he and his father made them worship all with more veneration than the sun. tupac inca finally marched out of cuzco and began to proceed with measures for subduing the people in the near vicinity. in the province of the quichuas[103] he conquered and occupied the fortresses of tohara, cayara, and curamba, and in the province of angaraes the fortresses of urco-colla and huaylla-pucara, taking its sinchi named chuquis huaman prisoner. in the province of xauxa he took sisiquilla pucara, and in the province of huayllas the fortresses of chuncu-marca and pillahua-marca. in chachapoyas the fortress of piajajalca fell before him, and he took prisoner a very rich chief named chuqui sota. he conquered the province of the paltas, and the valleys of pacasmayu and chimu, which is now truxillo. he destroyed it as chimu ccapac had been subdued before. he also conquered the province of the cañaris, and those who resisted were totally destroyed. the cañaris submitted from fear, and he took their sinchis, named pisar ccapac, cañar ccapac and chica ccapac, and built an impregnable fortress there called quinchi-caxa. [note 103: the province of the quichuas was in the valley of the pachachaca, above abancay.] tupac inca yupanqui then returned to cuzco with much treasure and many prisoners. he was well received by his father with a most sumptuous triumph, and with the applause of all the _orejones_ of cuzco. they had many feasts and sacrifices, and to please the people they celebrated the festival called inti raymi with feasts and dances, a time of great rejoicing. the inca granted many favours for the sake of his son tupac inca, that he might have the support of his subjects, which was what he desired. for as he was very old and unable to move about, feeling the approach of death, his aim was to leave his son in the possession of the confidence of his army. xlv. how pachacuti inca yupanqui visited the provinces conquered for him by his captains. it has been related how the inca yupanqui placed garrisons of cuzco soldiers, and a governor called _tucuyrico_ in all the provinces he conquered and oppressed. it must be known that owing to his absorbing occupations in conquering other provinces, training warriors, and placing his son in command for the conquest of chinchay-suyu, he had not been able to put his final intentions and will into execution, which was to make those he oppressed submissive subjects and tributaries. seeing that the people were in greater fear at beholding the valour of tupac inca, he determined to have a visitation of the land, and nominated 16 visitors, four for each of the four _suyus_ or divisions of the empire, which are _cunti-suyu_ from cuzco south and west as far as the south sea, _chinchay-suyu_ from cuzco to the north and west, _anti-suyu_ from cuzco to the east, and _colla-suyu_ from cuzco to the south, south-west, and south-east. these visitors each went to the part to which he was appointed, and inspected, before all things, the work of the _tucuyricos_ and the methods of their government. they caused irrigating channels to be constructed for the crops, broke up land where this had been neglected, built _andenes_ or cultivated terraces, and took up pastures for the sun, the inca, and cuzco. above all they imposed very heavy tribute on all the produce, [_so that they all went about to rob and desolate property and persons_]. the visitations occupied two years. when they were completed the visitors returned to cuzco, bringing with them certain cloths descriptive of the provinces they had visited. they reported fully to the inca all that they had found and done. besides these, the inca also despatched other _orejones_ as overseers to make roads and hospices on the routes of the inca, ready for the use of his soldiers. these overseers set out, and made roads, now called "of the inca," over the mountains and along the sea coast. those on the sea coast are all provided, at the sides, with high walls of _adobe_, wherever it was possible to build them, except in the deserts where there are no building materials. these roads go from quito to chile, and into the forests of the andes. although the inca did not complete all, suffice it that he made a great part of the roads, which were finished by his sons and grandsons. xlvi. tupac inca yupanqui sets out, a second time, by order of his father, to conquer what remained unsubdued in chinchay-suyu. pachacuti inca yupanqui knew from the report made by his son when he returned from the conquest of chinchay-suyu, that there were other great and rich nations and provinces beyond the furthest point reached by tupac inca. that no place might be left to conquer, the inca ordered his son to return with a view to the subjugation of the parts of quito. he assembled the troops and gave his son the same two brothers as his colleagues, tilca yupanqui and anqui yupanqui, who had gone with him on the former expedition. [_tupac inflicted unheard of cruelties and deaths on those who defended themselves and did not wish to give him obedience_.] in this way he arrived at tumipampa, within the territory of quito, whose sinchi, named pisar ccapac, was confederated with pilla-huaso, sinchi of the provinces and site of quito. these two chiefs had a great army and were determined to fight tupac inca for their country and lives. tupac sent messengers to them, demanding that they should lay down their arms and give him obedience. they replied that they were in their own native country, that they were free, and did not wish to serve any one nor be tributaries. tupac and his colleagues rejoiced at this answer, because their wish was to find a pretext to encounter them with blows and to rob them, which was the principal object of the war. they say that the inca army numbered more than 250,000 experienced soldiers. tupac ordered them to march against the men of quito and the cañaris. they encountered each other, both sides fighting with resolution and skill. the victory was for a long time doubtful because the quitos and cañaris pressed stubbornly against their enemies. when the inca saw this he got out of the litter in which he travelled, animated his people, and made signs for the 50,000 men who were kept in reserve for the last necessity. when these fresh troops appeared the quitos and cañaris were defeated and fled, the pursuit being continued with much bloodshed and cruelty, the victors shouting, "ccapac inca yupanqui! cuzco! cuzco!" all the chiefs were killed. they captured pilla-huaso in the vanguard. no quarter was given, in order to strike terror into those who heard of it. thence inca tupac marched to the place where now stands the city of san francisco de quito, where they halted to cure the wounded and give much needed rest to the others. so this great province remained subject, and tupac sent a report of his proceedings to his father. pachacuti rejoiced at the success of his son, and celebrated many festivals and sacrifices on receiving the tidings. after tupac inca had rested at cuzco, re-organized his army, and cured the wounded he went to tumipampa, where his wife and sister bore him a son, to whom he gave the name of titu cusi hualpa, afterwards known as huayna ccapac. after the inca tupac had rejoiced and celebrated the birthday festivals, although the four years were passed that his father had given him to complete the conquests, he heard that there was a great nation towards the south sea, composed of indians called huancavelicas. so he determined to go down to conquer. at the head of the mountains above them he built the fortress of huachalla, and then went down against the huancavelicas. tupac divided his army into three parts, and took one by the most rugged mountains, making war on the huancavelica mountaineers. he penetrated so far into the mountains that for a long time nothing was known of him, whether he was dead or alive. he conquered the huancavelicas although they were very warlike, fighting on land and at sea in _balsas_, from tumbez to huañapi, huamo, manta, turuca and quisin. marching and conquering on the coast of manta, and the island of puna, and tumbez, there arrived at tumbez some merchants who had come by sea from the west, navigating in _balsas_ with sails. they gave information of the land whence they came, which consisted of some islands called avachumbi and ninachumbi, where there were many people and much gold. tupac inca was a man of lofty and ambitious ideas, and was not satisfied with the regions he had already conquered. so he determined to challenge a happy fortune, and see if it would favour him by sea. yet he did not lightly believe the navigating merchants, for such men, being great talkers, ought not to be credited too readily. in order to obtain fuller information, and as it was not a business of which news could easily be got, he called a man, who accompanied him in his conquests, named antarqui who, they all declare, was a great necromancer and could even fly through the air. tupac inca asked him whether what the merchant mariners said was true. antarqui answered, after having thought the matter well out, that what they said was true, and that he would go there first. they say that he accomplished this by his arts, traversed the route, saw the islands, their people and riches, and, returning, gave certain information of all to tupac inca. the inca, having this certainty, determined to go there. he caused an immense number of _balsas_ to be constructed, in which he embarked more than 20,000 chosen men; taking with him as captains huaman achachi, cunti yupanqui, quihual tupac (all hanan-cuzcos), yancan mayta, quisu mayta, cachimapaca macus yupanqui, llimpita usca mayta (hurin-cuzcos); his brother tilca yupanqui being general of the whole fleet. apu yupanqui was left in command of the army which remained on land. tupac inca navigated and sailed on until he discovered the islands of avachumbi and ninachumbi, and returned, bringing back with him black people, gold, a chair of brass, and a skin and jaw bone of a horse. these trophies were preserved in the fortress of cuzco until the spaniards came. an inca now living had charge of this skin and jaw bone of a horse. he gave this account, and the rest who were present corroborated it. his name is urco huaranca. i am particular about this because to those who know anything of the indies it will appear a strange thing and difficult to believe. the duration of this expedition undertaken by tupac inca was nine months, others say a year, and, as he was so long absent, every one believed he was dead. but to deceive them and make them think that news of tupac inca had come, apu yupanqui, his general of the land army, made rejoicings. this was afterwards commented upon to his disadvantage, and it was said that he rejoiced because he was pleased that tupac inca yupanqui did not appear. it cost him his life. these are the islands which i discovered in the south sea on the 30th of november, 1567, 200 and more leagues to the westward, being the great discovery of which i gave notice to the licentiate governor castro. but alvaro de mendaña, general of the fleet, did not wish to occupy them[104]. [note 104: this story of the navigation of tupac inca to the islands of ninachumbi and avachumbi or hahua chumpi is told by balboa as well as by sarmiento. they were no doubt two of the galapagos islands. _nina chumpi_ means fire island, and _hahua chumpi_ outer island. see my introduction to the _voyages of sarmiento_, p. xiii; and _las islas de galapagos_ by marco jimenes de la espada.] after tupac inca disembarked from the discovery of the islands, he proceeded to tumipampa, to visit his wife and son and to hurry preparations for the return to cuzco to see his father, who was reported to be ill. on the way back he sent troops along the coast to truxillo, then called chimu, where they found immense wealth of gold and silver worked into wands, and into beams of the house of chimu ccapac, with all which they joined the main army at caxamarca. thence tupac inca took the route to cuzco, where he arrived after an absence of six years since he set out on this campaign. tupac inca yupanqui entered cuzco with the greatest, the richest, and the most solemny triumph with which any inca had ever reached the house of the sun, bringing with him people of many different races, strange animals, innumerable quantities of riches. but behold the evil condition of pachacuti inca yupanqui and his avarice, for though tupac inca was his son whose promotion he had procured, he felt such jealousy that his son should have gained such honour and fame in those conquests, that he publicly showed annoyance that it was not himself who triumphed, and that all was not due to him. so he determined to kill his sons tilca yupanqui and auqui yupanqui who had gone with tupac inca, their crime being that they had disobeyed his orders by delaying longer than the time he had fixed, and that they had taken his son to such a distance that he thought he would never return to cuzco. they say that he killed them, though some say that he only killed tilca yupanqui. at this tupac inca yupanqui felt much aggrieved, that his father should have slain one who had worked so well for him. the death was concealed by many feasts in honour of the victories of tupac inca, which were continued for a year. xlvii. death of pachacuti inca yupanqui. pachacuti inca yupanqui derived much comfort from his grandson, the son of tupac inca. he always had the child with him, and caused him to be brought up and cherished in his residence and dormitory. he would not let him out of his sight. being in the highest prosperity and sovereignty of his life, he fell ill of a grave infirmity, and, feeling that he was at the point of death, he sent for all his sons who were then in the city. in their presence he first divided all his jewels and contents of his wardrobe. next he made them plough furrows in token that they were vassals of their brother, and that they had to eat by the sweat of their hands. he also gave them arms in token that they were to fight for their brother. he then dismissed them. he next sent for the incas _orejones_ of cuzco, his relations, and for tupac inca his son to whom he spoke, with a few words, in this manner:--"son! you now see how many great nations i leave to you, and you know what labour they have cost me. mind that you are the man to keep and augment them. no one must raise his two eyes against you and live, even if he be your own brother. i leave you these our relations that they may be your councillors. care for them and they shall serve you. when i am dead, take care of my body, and put it in my houses at patallacta. have my golden image in the house of the sun, and make my subjects, in all the provinces, offer up solemn sacrifice, after which keep the feast of _purucaya_, that i may go to rest with my father the sun." having finished his speech they say that he began to sing in a low and sad voice with words of his own language. they are in castilian as follows: "i was born as a flower of the field, as a flower i was cherished in my youth, i came to my full age, i grew old, now i am withered and die." having uttered these words, he laid his head upon a pillow and expired, giving his soul to the devil, having lived 125 years. for he succeeded, or rather he took the incaship into his hands when he was 22, and he was sovereign 103 years. he had four legitimate sons by his wife mama anahuarqui, and he had 100 sons and 50 daughters who were bastards. being numerous they were called _hatun-ayllu_, which means a "great lineage." by another name this lineage is called _inaca panaca ayllu_. those who sustain this lineage at the present time are don diego cayo, don felipa inguil, don juan quispi cusi, don francisco chaco rimachi, and don juan illac. they live in cuzco and are hanan-cuzcos. pachacuti was a man of good stature, robust, fierce, haughty, insatiably bent on tyrannizing over all the world, [_and cruel above measure. all the ordinances he made for the people were directed to tyranny and his own interests_]. his conduct was infamous for he often took some widow as a wife and if she had a daughter that he liked, he also took the daughter for wife or concubine. if there was some gallant and handsome youth in the town who was esteemed for something, he presently made some of his servants make friends with him, get him into the country, and kill him the best way they could. he took all his sisters as concubines, saying they could not have a better husband than their brother. this inca died in the year 1191. he conquered more than 300 leagues, 40 more or less in person accompanied by his legitimate brothers, the captains apu mayta and vicaquirao, the rest by amaru tupac inca his eldest son, ccapac yupanqui his brother, and tupac inca his son and successor, with other captains, his brothers and sons. this inca arranged the parties and lineages of cuzco in the order that they now are. the licentiate polo found the body of pachacuti in tococachi, where now is the parish of san blas of the city of cuzco, well preserved and guarded. he sent it to lima by order of the viceroy of this kingdom, the marquis of cañete. the _guauqui_ or idol of this inca was called _inti illapa_. it was of gold and very large, and was brought to caxamarca in pieces. the licentiate polo found that this _guauqui_ or idol had a house, estate, servants and women. xlviii. the life of tupac inca yupanqui[105], the tenth inca. [note 105: all authorities agree that tupac inca yupanqui was the successor of pachacuti except betanzos, santillana and garcilasso de la vega. betanzos has a yamqui yupanqui. garcilasso gives the reign of another inca named inca yupanqui between pachacuti and tupac inca. he was ignorant of the fact that pachacuti and inca yupanqui were the same person. santillana follows garcilasso but calls pachacuti's other self ccapac yupanqui.] when pachacuti inca yupanqui died, two _orejones_ were deputed to watch the body, and to allow no one to enter or go out to spread the news of his death, until orders had been given. the other incas and _orejones_ went with tupac inca to the house of the sun and then ordered the twelve captains of the _ayllus_ of the inca's guard to come. they came with 2200 men of the guard, under their command, fully armed, and surrounded the yupanqui with the fringe, and gave him the other insignia of sovereignty, as he had now inherited and succeeded his father. taking him in the midst of themselves, and of the guards, they escorted him to the great square, where he was seated, in majesty, on a superb throne. all the people of the city were then ordered to come and make obeisance to the inca on pain of death. those who had come with the inca, went to their houses to fetch presents to show reverence and do homage to the new inca. he remained with his guards only, until they returned with presents, doing homage and adoring. the rest of the people did the same, and sacrifices were offered. [_it is to be noted that only those of cuzco did this, and if any others were present who did so, they must have been forced or frightened by the armed men and the proclamation_.] this having been done, they approached the inca and said, "o sovereign inca! o father! now take rest." at these words tupac inca showed much sadness and covered his head with his mantle, which they call _llacolla_, a square cloak. he next went, with all his company, to the place where the body of his father was laid, and there he put on mourning. all things were then arranged for the obsequies, and tupac inca yupanqui did everything that his father had ordered at the point of death, touching the treatment of his body and other things. xlix. tupac inca yupanqui conquers the province of the antis. pachacuti inca yupanqui being dead, and tupac inca ruling alone, he caused all the sinchis and principal men of the conquered provinces to be summoned. those came who feared the fury of the inca, and with them the indians of the province of anti-suyu, who are the dwellers in the forests to the eastward of cuzco, who had been conquered in the time of pachacuti his father. tupac inca ordered them all to do homage, adore, and offer sacrifices. the antis were ordered to bring from their country several loads of lances of palm wood for the service of the house of the sun. the antis, who did not serve voluntarily, looked upon this demand as a mark of servitude. they fled from cuzco, returned to their country, and raised the land of the antis in the name of freedom. tupac inca was indignant, and raised a powerful army which he divided into three parts. he led the first in person, entering the anti-suyu by ahua-tona. the second was entrusted to a captain named uturuncu achachi, who entered anti-suyu by a town they call amaru. the third, under a captain named chalco yupanqui, advanced by way of pilcopata. all these routes were near each other, and the three divisions formed a junction three leagues within the forest, at a place called opatari, whence they commenced operations against the settlements of the antis. the inhabitants of this region were antis, called opataris, and were the first to be conquered. chalco yupanqui carried an image of the sun. the forests were very dense and full of evil places; so that they could not force their way through, nor did they know what direction to take in order to reach the settlements of the natives, which were well concealed in the thick vegetation. to find them the explorers climbed up the highest trees, and pointed out the places where they could see smoke rising. so they worked away at road making through the undergrowth until they lost that sign of inhabitants and found another. in this way the inca made a road where it seemed impossible to make one. the sinchi of the greater part of these provinces of the antis was condin savana, of whom they say that he was a great wizard and enchanter, and they had the belief, and even now they affirm that he could turn himself into different shapes. tupac inca and his captains penetrated into this region of the antis, which consists of the most terrible and fearful forests, with many rivers, where they endured immense toil, and the people who came from peru suffered from the change of climate, for peru is cold and dry, while the forests of anti-suyu are warm and humid. the soldiers of tupac inca became sick, and many died. tupac inca himself, with a third of his men who came with him to conquer, were lost in the forests, and wandered for a long time, without knowing whether to go in one direction or another until he fell in with uturuncu achachi who put him on the route. on this occasion tupac inca and his captains conquered four great tribes. the first was that of the indians called opataris. the next was the mano-suyu. the third tribe was called mañaris or yanasimis, which means those of the black mouth: and the province of rio, and the province of the chunchos. they went over much ground in descending the river tono, and penetrated as far as the chiponauas. the inca sent another great captain, named apu ccuri-machi, by the route which they now call of camata. this route was in the direction of the rising of the sun, and he advanced until he came to the river of which reports have but now been received, called paytiti, where he set up the frontier pillars of inca tupac. during the campaign against these nations, tupac inca took prisoners the following sinchis: vinchincayua, cantahuancuru, nutan-huari[106]. [note 106: this expedition of tupac inca yupanqui into the montaña of paucartambo, and down the river tono is important. garcilasso de la vega describes it in chapters xiii., xiv., xv. and xvi. of book vii. he says that five rivers unite to form the great amaru-mayu or serpent river, which he was inclined to think was a tributary of the rio de la plata. he describes fierce battles with the chunchos, who were reduced to obedience. after descending the river tono, garcilasso says that the incas eventually reached the country of the musus (moxos) and opened friendly relations with them. many incas settled in the country of the musus. garcilasso then gives some account of spanish expeditions into the montaña, led by diego aleman, gomez de tordoya, and juan alvarez maldonado. the account in the text agrees, in the main, with that of garcilasso de la vega. sarmiento gives the names of four indian tribes who were encountered, besides the chunchos.] during the campaign an indian of the collas, named coaquiri, fled from his company, reached the collao, and spread the report that tupac inca was dead. he said that there was no longer an inca, that they should all rise and that he would be their leader. presently he took the name of pachacuti, the collas rose, and chose him as their captain. this news reached tupac inca in anti-suyu where he was in the career of conquest. he resolved to march against the collas and punish them. he left the forests, leaving uturuncu achachi to complete the conquest, with orders to return into peru when that service was completed, but not to enter cuzco triumphing until the inca should come. l. tupac inca yupanqui goes to subdue and pacify the collas. as the collas were one of those nations which most desired their freedom, they entered upon attempts to obtain it whenever a chance offered, as has already been explained. tupac inca yupanqui resolved to crush them once for all. having returned from the antis, he increased his army and nominated as captains larico, the son of his cousin ccapac yupanqui, his brother chachi, cunti yupanqui, and quihual tupac. with this army he advanced to the collao. the collas had constructed four strong places at llallaua, asillo, arapa, and pucara. the inca captured the chiefs and the leader of all, who was chuca-chucay pachacuti coaquiri, he who, as we have said, fled from anti-suyu. afterwards these were the drummers[107] of inca tupac. finally, owing to the great diligence of inca tupac, although the war occupied some years, the incas conquered and subdued all [_perpetrating great cruelties on them_]. following up his victories, in pursuit of the vanquished, he got so far from cuzco that he found himself in charcas. so he determined to advance further, subduing every nation of which he received notice. he eventually prosecuted his conquests so far that he entered chile, where he defeated the great sinchi michimalongo, and tangalongo, sinchi of the chilians as far as the river maule. he came to coquimbo in chile and to the banks of the maule, where he set up his frontier columns, or as others say a wall, to show the end of his conquests. from this campaign he returned with great riches in gold, having discovered many mines of gold and silver. he then returned to cuzco. these spoils were joined with those of uturuncu achachi, who had returned from the forests of the antis after a campaign of three years. he was at paucar-tampu, awaiting the return of his brother, who entered cuzco with a very great triumph. they made great feasts to commemorate the conquests, presenting gifts and granting many favours to the soldiers who had served with the inca in these campaigns. as the provinces of the chumpi-vilicas saw the power and greatness of tupac inca yupanqui they came to submit with the rest of cunti-suyu. [note 107: _i.e._ their skins were made into drums.] besides this the inca went to chachapoyas, and crushed those who had been suspected, visiting many provinces on the road. on his return to cuzco he made certain ordinances, as well for peace as for war time. he increased the _mitimaes_ which his father had instituted, as has been explained in the account of his life, giving more privileges and liberty. besides, he caused a general visitation to be made of all the land from quito to chile, registering the whole population for more than a thousand leagues; and imposed a tribute [_so heavy that no one could be owner of a_ mazorca _of maize, which is their bread for food, nor of a pair of_ usutas, _which are their shoes, nor marry, nor do a single thing without special licence from tupac inca. such was the tyranny and oppression to which he subjected them_]. he placed over the _tucuricos_ a class of officers called _michu_[108] to collect the taxes and tributes. [note 108: _michu_ should be _michec_ a shepherd, also a governor. _michisca_ the governed.] tupac inca saw that in the districts and provinces the sinchis claimed to inherit by descent. he resolved to abolish this rule, and to put them all under his feet, both great and small. he, therefore, deposed the existing sinchis, and introduced a class of ruler at his own will, who were selected in the following way. he appointed a ruler who should have charge of 10,000 men, and called him _huanu_, which means that number. he appointed another ruler over 1000, and called him _huaranca_, which is 1000. the next had charge of 500, called _pichca-pachaca_, or 500. to another called _pachac_ he gave charge of 100, and to another he gave charge of 10 men, called _chunca curaca_. all these had also the title of _curaca_, which means "principal" or "superior," over the number of men of whom they had charge. these appointments depended solely on the will of the inca, who appointed and dismissed them as he pleased, without considering inheritance, or succession. from that time forward they were called _curacas_, which is the proper name of the chiefs of this land, and not _caciques_, which is the term used by the vulgar among the spaniards. that name of _cacique_ belongs to the islands of santo domingo and cuba. from this place we will drop the name of _sinchi_ and only use that of _curaca_. li. tupac inca makes the yanaconas. among the brothers of the inca there was one named tupac ccapac, a principal man, to whom tupac inca had given many servants to work on his farms, and serve on his estates. it is to be understood that tupac inca made his brother visitor-general of the whole empire that had been conquered up to that time. tupac ccapac, in making the visitation, came to the place where his brother had given him those servants. under colour of this grant, he took those and also many more, saying that all were his _yana-cunas_[109], which is the name they give to their servants. he persuaded them to rebel against his brother, saying that if they would help him he would show them great favours. he then marched to cuzco, very rich and powerful, where he gave indications of his intentions. [note 109: garcilasso de la vega says that the meaning of _yanacona_ is "a man who is under the obligation to perform the duties of a servant." balboa, p. 129, tells the same story of the origin of the _yanaconas_ as in the text. the amnesty was granted on the banks of the river yana-yacu, and here they were called yana-yacu-cuna, corrupted into yana-cona. the spaniards adopted the word for all indians in domestic service, as distinguished from _mitayos_ or forced labourers.] he intended his schemes to be kept secret, but tupac inca was informed of them and came to cuzco. he had been away at the ceremony of arming one of his sons named ayar manco. having convinced himself that his information was correct, he killed tupac ccapac with all his councillors and supporters. finding that many tribes had been left out of the visitation by him, for this attempt, tupac inca went in person from cuzco, to investigate the matter and finish the visitation. while doing this the inca came to a place called yana-yacu, which means "black water" because a stream of a very dark colour flows down that valley, and for that reason they call the river and valley yana-yacu. up to this point he had been inflicting very cruel punishment without pardoning any one who was found guilty either in word or deed. in this valley of yana-yacu his sister and wife, mama ocllo, asked him not to continue such cruelties, which were more butchery and inhumanity than punishment, and not to kill any more but to pardon them, asking for them as her servants. in consequence of this intercession, the inca ceased the slaughter, and said that he would grant a general pardon. as the pardon was proclaimed in yana-yacu, he ordered that all the pardoned should be called yana-yacus. they were known as not being allowed to enter in the number of servants of the house of the sun, nor those of the visitation. so they remained under the curacas. this affair being finished, the visitation made by tupac ccapac was considered to be of no effect. so the inca returned to cuzco with the intention of ordering another visitation to be made afresh. lii. tupac inca yupanqui orders a second visitation of the land, and does other things. as the visitation entrusted to tupac ccapac was not to his liking, the inca revoked it, and nominated another brother named apu achachi to be visitor-general. the inca ordered him not to include the yana-yacus in the visitation, because they were unworthy to enter into the number of the rest, owing to what they had done, apu achachi set out and made his general visitation, reducing many of the indians to live in villages and houses who had previously lived in caves and hills and on the banks of rivers, each one by himself. he sent those in strong fastnesses into plains, that they might have no site for a fortress, on the strength of which they might rebel. he reduced them into provinces, giving them their curacas in the order already described. he did not make the son of the deceased a curaca, but the man who had most ability and aptitude for the service. if the appointment did not please the inca he, without more ado, dismissed him and appointed another, so that no curaca, high or low, felt secure in his appointment. to these curacas were given servants, women and estates, submitting an account of them, for, though they were curacas, they could not take a thing of their own authority, without express leave from the inca. in each province all those of the province made a great sowing of every kind of edible vegetable for the inca, his overseers coming to the harvest. above all there was a _tucurico apu_, who was the governor-lieutenant of the inca in that province. it is true that the first inca who obliged the indians of this land to pay tribute of everything, and in quantity, was inca yupanqui. but tupac inca imposed rules and fixed the tribute they must pay, and divided it according to what each province was to contribute as well for the general tax as those for _huacas_, and houses of the sun. [_in this way the people were so loaded with tributes and taxes, that they had to work perpetually night and day to pay them, and even then they could not comply, and had no time for sufficient labour to suffice for their own maintenance_.] tupac inca divided the estates throughout the whole empire, according to the measure which they call _tupu_. he divided the months of the year, with reference to labour in the fields, as follows. three months in the year were allotted to the indians for the work of their own fields, and the rest must be given up to the work of the sun, of _huacas_, and of the inca. in the three months that were given to themselves, one was for ploughing and sowing, one for reaping, and another in the summer for festivals, and for make and mend clothes days. the rest of their time was demanded for the service of the sun and the incas. this inca ordered that there should be merchants who might profit by their industry in this manner. when any merchant brought gold, silver, precious stones, or other valuable things for sale, they were to be asked where they got them, and in this way they gave information respecting the mines and places whence the valuables had been taken. thus a very great many mines of gold and silver, and of very fine colours, were discovered. this inca had two governors-general in the whole empire, called suyuyoc apu[110]; one resided at xauxa and the other at tiahuanacu in colla-suyu. [note 110: _suyu_ a great division of the empire, or a province. _yoc_ a terminal particle denoting possession or office.] tupac inca ordered the seclusion of certain women in the manner of our professed nuns, maidens of 12 years and upwards, who were called _acllas_[111]. from thence they were taken to be given in marriage to the _tucurico apu_, or by order of the inca who, when any captain returned with victory, distributed the _acllas_ to captains, soldiers and other servants who had pleased him, as gracious gifts which were highly valued. as they took out some, they were replaced by others, for there must always be the number first ordained by the inca. if any man takes one out, or is caught inside with one they are both hanged, tied together. [note 111: _aclla_ means chosen, selected.] this inca made many ordinances, in his tyrannical mode of government, which will be given in a special volume. liii. tupac inca makes the fortress of cuzco. after tupac inca yupanqui had visited all the empire and had come to cuzco where he was served and adored, being for the time idle, he remembered that his father pachacuti had called the city of cuzco the lion city. he said that the tail was where the two rivers unite which flow through it[112], that the body was the great square and the houses round it, and that the head was wanting. it would be for some son of his to put it on. the inca discussed this question with the _orejones_, who said that the best head would be to make a fortress on a high plateau to the north of the city. [note 112: this district of cuzco has always been called _pumap chupan_ or tail of the puma.] this being settled, the inca sent to all the provinces, to order the tucuricos to supply a large number of people for the work of the fortress. having come, the workmen were divided into parties, each one having its duties and officers. thus some brought stones, others worked them, others placed them. the diligence was such that in a few years, the great fortress of cuzco was built, sumptuous, exceedingly strong, of rough stone, a thing most admirable to look upon. the buildings within it were of small worked stone, so beautiful that, if it had not been seen, it would not be believed how strong and beautiful it was. what makes it still more worthy of admiration is that they did not possess tools to work the stone, but could only work with other stones. this fortress was intact until the time of the differences between pizarro and almagro, after which they began to dismantle it, to build with its stones the houses of spaniards in cuzco, which are at the foot of the fortress. great regret is felt by those who see the ruins. when it was finished, the inca made many store houses round cuzco for provisions and clothing, against times of necessity and of war; which was a measure of great importance[113]. [note 113: this fortress of cuzco, on the sacsahuaman hill, was well described by cieza de leon and in greater detail by garcilasso de la vega, ii. pp. 305--318. both ascribe it to inca yupanqui or his son tupac inca, as does sarmiento. the extensive edifices, built of masonry of his period, were no doubt the work of tupac inca who thus got credit for the whole. these later edifices were pulled down by the spaniards, for material for building their houses in the city. but the wonderful cyclopean work that remains is certainly of much more ancient date, and must be assigned, like tiahuanacu, to the far distant age of the monolithic empire.] liv. death of tupac inca yupanqui. having visited and divided the lands, and built the fortress of cuzco, besides edifices and houses without number, tupac inca yupanqui went to chinchero[114], a town near cuzco, where he had very rich things for his recreation; and there he ordered extensive gardens to be constructed to supply his household. when the work was completed he fell ill of a grave infirmity, and did not wish to be visited by anyone. but as he became worse and felt the approach of death, he sent for the _orejones_ of cuzco, his relations, and when they had assembled in his presence he said: "my relations and friends! i would have you to know that the sun my father desires to take me to himself, and i wish to go and rest with him. i have called you to let you know who it is that i desire to succeed me as lord and sovereign, and who is to rule and govern you." they answered that they grieved much at his illness, that as the sun his father had so willed it so must it be, that his will must be done, and they besought the inca to nominate him who was to be sovereign in his place. tupac inca then replied: "i nominate for my successor my son titu cusi hualpa, son of my sister and wife, mama ocllo." for this they offered many thanks, and afterwards the inca sank down on his pillow and died, having lived 85 years. [note 114: chinchero is a village near cuzco, on the heights overlooking the lovely valley of yucay, with magnificent mountains in the background. the remains of the inca palace are still standing, not unlike those on the colcampata at cuzco.] tupac inca succeeded his father at the age of 18 years. he had two legitimate sons, 60 bastards, and 30 daughters. some say that at the time of his death, or a short time before, he had nominated one of his illegitimate sons to succeed him named ccapac huari, son of a concubine whose name was chuqui ocllo. he left a lineage or _ayllu_ called _ccapac ayllu_, whose heads, who sustain it and are now living, are don andres tupac yupanqui, don cristobal pisac tupac, don garcia vilcas, don felipe tupac yupanqui, don garcia azache, and don garcia pilco. they are hanan-cuzcos. the deceased inca was frank, merciful in peace, cruel in war and punishments, a friend to the poor, a great man of indefatigable industry and a notable builder. [_he was the greatest tyrant of all the incas_.] he died in the year 1528. chalco chima burnt his body in 1533, when he captured huascar, as will be related in its place. the ashes, with his idol or _guauqui_ called _cusi-churi_, were found in calis-puquiu where the indians had concealed it, and offered to it many sacrifices. lv. the life of huayna ccapac, eleventh inca[115]. [note 115: all authorities agree that huayna ccapac was the son and successor of tupac inca.] as soon as tupac inca was dead, the _orejones_, who were with him at the time of his death, proceeded to cuzco for the customary ceremonies. these were to raise the inca his successor before the death of his father had become known to him, and to follow the same order as in the case of the death of pachacuti inca yupanqui. as the wives and sons of tupac inca also went to cuzco, the matter could not be kept secret. a woman who had been a concubine of the late inca, named ccuri ocllo, a kins-woman of ccapac huari, as soon as she arrived at cuzco, spoke to her relations and to ccapac huari in these words. "sirs and relations! know that tupac inca is dead and that, when in health, he had named ccapac huari for his successor, but at the end, being on the point of death, he said that titu cusi hualpa, son of mama ocllo, should succeed him. you ought not to consent to this. rather call together all your relations and friends, and raise ccapac huari, your elder brother, son of chuqui ocllo, to be inca." this seemed well to all the relations of ccapac huari, and they sent to assemble all the other relations on his behalf. while this was proceeding, the _orejones_ of cuzco, knowing nothing of it, were arranging how to give the fringe to titu cusi hualpa. the plot of the party of ccapac huari became known to the late inca's brother, huaman achachi. he assembled some friends, made them arm themselves, and they went to where titu cusi hualpa was retired and concealed. they then proceeded to where the friends of ccapac huari had assembled, and killed many of them, including ccapac huari himself. others say that they did not kill ccapac huari at that time, but only took him. his mother chuqui ocllo was taken and, being a rebel as well as a witch who had killed her lord tupac inca, she was put to death. ccapac huari was banished to chinchero, where he was given a maintenance, but he was never allowed to enter cuzco again until his death. they also killed the woman ccuri ocllo, who had advised the raising of ccapac huari to the incaship. lvi. they give the fringe of inca to huayna ccapac, the eleventh inca. the city of cuzco being pacified, huaman achachi went to quispicancha, three leagues from cuzco, where titu cusi hualpa was concealed, and brought his nephew to cuzco, to the house of the sun. after the sacrifices and accustomed ceremonies, the image of the sun delivered the fringe to titu cusi hualpa. this being done, and the new inca having been invested with all the insignia of ccapac, and placed in a rich litter, they bore him to the _huaca_ huanacauri, where he offered a sacrifice. the _orejones_ returned to cuzco by the route taken by manco ccapac. arrived at the first square, called rimac-pampa, the accession was announced to the people, and they were ordered to come and do homage to the new inca. when they all assembled, and saw how young he was, never having seen him before, they all raised their voices and called him _huayna ccapac_ which means "the boy chief" or "the boy sovereign." for this reason he was called huayna ccapac from that time, and the name titu cusi hualpa was no longer used. they celebrated festivals, armed him as a knight, adored, and presented many gifts---as was customary. lvii. the first acts of huayna ccapac after he became inca. as huayna ccapac was very young when he succeeded, they appointed a tutor and coadjutor for him named hualpaya, a son of ccapac yupanqui, brother of inca yupanqui. this prince made a plot to raise himself to the incaship, but it became known to huaman achachi, then governor of chinchay-suyu. at the time he was in cuzco, and he and his people killed hualpaya and others who were culpable. huaman achachi assumed the government, but always had as a councillor his own brother auqui tupac inca. in course of time huayna ccapac went to the house of the sun, held a visitation, took account of the officials, and provided what was necessary for the service, and for that of the _mama-cunas_. he took the chief custodianship of the sun from him who then held it, and assumed the office himself with the title of "shepherd of the sun." he next visited the other _huacas_ and oracles, and their estates. he also inspected the buildings of the city of cuzco and the houses of the _orejones_. huayna ccapac ordered the body of his father tupac inca to be embalmed. after the sacrifices, the mourning, and other ceremonies, he placed the body in the late inca's residence which was prepared for it, and gave his servants all that was necessary for their maintenance and services. the same huayna ccapac mourned for his father and for his mother who died nearly at the same time. lviii. huayna ccapac conquers chachapoyas. after huayna ccapac had given orders respecting the things mentioned in the last chapter, it was reported to him that there were certain tribes near the territory of the chachapoyas which might be conquered, and that on the way he might subdue the chachapoyas who had rebelled. he gave orders to his _orejones_ and assembled a large army. he set out from cuzco, having first offered sacrifices and observed the _calpa_[116]. on the route he took, he reformed many things. arriving at the land of the chachapoyas, they, with other neighbouring tribes, put themselves in a posture of defence. they were eventually vanquished and treated with great severity. the inca then returned to cuzco and triumphed at the victory gained over the chachapoyas and other nations. [note 116: _calpa_ means force, power. _calpay_ work. _calparicu_ "one who gives strength," used for a wizard. the calpa was a ceremony connected with divination.] while he was absent on this campaign, he left as governor of cuzco one of his illegitimate brothers named sinchi rocca, an eminent architect. he built all the edifices at yucay, and the houses of the inca at casana in the city of cuzco. he afterwards built other edifices round cuzco for huayna ccapac, on sites which appeared most convenient. lix. huayna ccapac makes a visitation of the whole empire from quito to chile. huayna ccapac having rested in cuzco for a long time and, wishing to undertake something, considered that it was a long time since he had visited the empire. he determined that there should be a visitation, and named his uncle huaman achachi to conduct it in chinchay-suyu as far as quito, he himself undertaking the region of colla-suyu. each one set out, huayna ccapac, in person, taking the route to the collao, where he examined into the government of his _tucuricos_, placing and dismissing governors and curacas, opening lands and making bridges and irrigating channels. constructing these works he arrived at charcas and went thence to chile, which his father had conquered, where he dismissed the governor, and appointed two native curacas named michimalongo and antalongo, who had been vanquished by his father. having renewed the garrison, he came to coquimbo and copiapo, also visiting atacama and arequipa. he next went to anti-suyu and alayda, by way of collao and charcas. he entered the valley of cochabamba, and there made provinces of _mitimaes_ in all parts, because the natives were few, and there was space for all, the land being fertile. thence he went to pocona to give orders on that frontier against the chirihuanas, and to repair a fortress which had been built by his father. while engaged on these measures, he received news that the provinces of quito, cayambis, carangues, pastos, and huancavilcas had rebelled. he, therefore, hurried his return and came to tiahuanacu, where he prepared for war against the quitos and cayambis, and gave orders how the urus[117] were to live, granting them localities in which each tribe of them was to fish in the lake. he visited the temple of the sun and the _huaca_ of ticci viracocha on the island of titicaca, and sent orders that all those provinces should send troops to go to that war which he had proclaimed. [note 117: the urus are a tribe of fishermen, with a peculiar language, living among the reed beds in the s.w. part of lake titicaca.] lx. huayna ccapac makes war on the quitos, pastos, carangues, cayambis, huancavilcas. knowing that the pastos, quitos, carangues, cayambis and huancavilcas had rebelled, killed the _tucuricos_, and strengthened their positions with strong forces, huayna ccapac, with great rapidity, collected a great army from all the districts of the four _suyus_. he nominated michi of the hurin-cuzcos, and auqui tupac of the hanan-cuzcos as captains, and left his uncle huaman achachi as governor of cuzco. others say that he left apu hilaquito and auqui tupac inca in cuzco, with his son who was to succeed named tupac cusi hualpa inti illapa, and with him another of his sons named titu atanchi, who remained to perform the fasts before knighthood. it is to be noted that huayna ccapac was married, in conformity with custom and with the prescribed ceremonies to cusi rimay coya, by whom he had no male child. he, therefore, took his sister araua ocllo to wife, by whom he had a son tupac cusi hualpa, vulgarly called huascar. preparing for the campaign he ordered that atahualpa and ninan cuyoche, his illegitimate sons, now grown men, should go with him. his other sons, also illegitimate, named manco inca and paulu tupac, were to remain with huascar. these arrangements having been made, the inca set out for quito. on the way he came to tumipampa where he had himself been born. here he erected great edifices where he placed, with great solemnity, the caul in which he was born. marching onwards and reaching the boundary of the region where the quitos were in arms, he marshalled his squadrons, and presently resolved to conquer the pastos. for this service he selected two captains of the collao, one named mollo cavana, the other mollo pucara, and two others of cunti-suyu named apu cautar canana and cunti mollo, under whose command he placed many men of their nations, and 2000 _orejones_ as guards, under auqui tupac inca, brother of huayna ccapac and acollo tupac of the lineage of viracocha. they marched to the country of the pastos who fell back on their chief place, leaving their old people, women and children, with a few men, that the enemy might think there was no one else. the incas easily conquered these and, thinking that was all, they gave themselves up to idleness and pleasure. one night, when they were engaged in a great rejoicing, eating and drinking freely, without sentries, the pastos attacked them, and there was a great slaughter, especially among the collas. those who escaped, fled until they came to the main army of the incas which was following them. they say that atahualpa and ninan cuyoche brought up assistance, and that, with the confidence thus gained, huayna ccapac ordered the war to be waged most cruelly. so they entered the country of the pastos a second time, burning and destroying the inhabited places and killing all the people great and small, men and women, young and old. that province having been subdued, a governor was appointed to it. huayna ccapac then returned to tumipampa, where he rested some days, before moving his camp for the conquest of the carangues, a very warlike nation. in this campaign he subdued the macas to the confines of the cañaris, those of quisna, of ancamarca, the province of puruvay, the indians of nolitria, and other neighbouring nations. thence he went down to tumbez, a seaport, and then came to the fortresses of carangui and cochisque. in commencing to subdue those of cochisque he met with a stubborn resistance by valiant men, and many were killed on both sides. at length the place was taken, and the men who escaped were received in the fortress of carangui. the incas decided that the country surrounding this fortress should first be subdued. they desolated the country as far as ancas-mayu and otabalo, those who escaped from the fury of the incas taking refuge in the fortress. huayna ccapac attacked it with his whole force, but was repulsed by the garrison with much slaughter, and the _orejones_ were forced to fly, defeated by the cayambis, the inca himself being thrown down. he would have been killed if a thousand of his guard had not come up with their captains cusi tupac yupanqui and huayna achachi, to rescue and raise him. the sight of this animated the _orejones_. all turned to defend their inca, and pressed on with such vigour that the cayambis were driven back into their fortress. the inca army, in one encounter and the other, suffered heavy loss. huayna ccapac, on this account, returned to tumipampa, where he recruited his army, preparing to resume the attack on the cayambis. at this time some _orejones_ deserted the inca, leaving him to go back to cuzco. huayna ccapac satisfied the rest by gifts of clothes, provisions, and other things, and he formed an efficient army. it was reported that the cayambis had sallied from their fortress and had defeated a detachment of the inca army, killing many, and the rest escaping by flight. this caused great sorrow to the inca, who sent his brother auqui toma, with an army composed of all nations, against the cayambis of the fortress. auqui toma went, attacked the fortress, captured four lines of defence and the outer wall, which was composed of five. but at the entrance the cayambis killed auqui toma, captain of the cuzcos, who had fought most valorously. this attack and defence was so obstinate and long continued that an immense number of men fell, and the survivors had nowhere to fight except upon heaps of dead men. the desire of both sides to conquer or die was so strong that they gave up their lances and arrows and took to their fists. at last, when they saw that their captain was killed, the incas began to retreat towards a river, into which they went without any care for saving their lives. the river was in flood and a great number of men were drowned. this was a heavy loss for the cause of huayna ccapac. those who escaped from drowning and from the hands of the enemy, sent the news to the inca from the other side of the river. huayna ccapac received the news of this reverse with heavier grief than ever, for he dearly loved his brother auqui toma, who had been killed with so many men who were the pick of the army. huayna ccapac was a brave man, and was not dismayed. on the contrary it raised his spirit and he resolved to be avenged. he again got ready his forces and marched in person against the fortress of the cayambis. he formed the army in three divisions. he sent michi with a third of the army to pass on one side of the fortress without being seen. this detachment consisted of cuzco _orejones_, and men of chinchay-suyu. they were to advance five marches beyond the fortress and, at a fixed time, return towards it, desolating and destroying. the inca, with the rest of his army marched direct to the attack of the fortress, and began to fight with great fury. this continued some days, during which the inca lost some men. while the battle was proceeding, michi and those of chinchay-suyu turned, desolating and destroying everything in the land of the cayambis. they were so furious that they did not leave anything standing, making the very earth to tremble. when huayna ccapac knew that his detachment was near the fortress, he feigned a flight. the cayambis, not aware of what was happening in their rear, came out of the fortress in pursuit of the inca. when the cayambis were at some distance from their stronghold, the chinchay-suyus, commanded by michi, came in sight. these met with no resistance in the fortress as the cayambis were outside, following huayna ccapac. they easily entered it and set it on fire in several parts, killing or capturing all who were inside. the cayambis were, by this time, fighting with the army of huayna ccapac. when they saw their fortress on fire they lost hope and fled from the battle field towards a lake which was near, thinking that they could save themselves by hiding among the beds of reeds. but huayna ccapac followed them with great rapidity. in order that none might escape he gave instructions that the lake should be surrounded. in that lake, and the swamps on its borders, the troops of huayna ccapac, he fighting most furiously in person, made such havock and slaughter, that the lake was coloured with the blood of the dead cayambis. from that time forward the lake has been called _yahuar-cocha_, which means the "lake of blood," from the quantity that was there shed. it is to be noted that in the middle of this lake there was an islet with two willow trees, up which some cayambis climbed, and among them their two chiefs named pinto and canto, most valiant indians. the troops of huayna ccapac pelted them with stones and captured canto, but pinto escaped with a thousand brave cañaris. the cayambis being conquered, the cuzcos began to select those who would look best in the triumphal entry into cuzco. but they, thinking that they were being selected to be killed, preferred rather to die like men than to be tied up like women. so they turned and began to fight. huayna ccapac saw this and ordered them all to be killed. the inca placed a garrison in the fortress, and sent a captain with a detachment in pursuit of pinto who, in his flight, was doing much mischief. they followed until pinto went into forests, with other fugitives, escaping for a time. after huayna ccapac had rested for some days at tumipampa, he got information where pinto was in the forests, and surrounded them, closing up all entrances and exits. hunger then obliged him, and those who were with him, to surrender. this pinto was very brave and he had such hatred against huayna ccapac that even, after his capture, when the inca had presented him with gifts and treated him kindly, he never could see his face. so he died out of his mind, and huayna ccapac ordered a drum to be made of his skin. the drum was sent to cuzco, and so this war came to an end. it was at cuzco in the _taqui_ or dance in honour of the sun. lxi. the chirihuanas come to make war in peru against those conquered by the incas. while huayna ccapac was occupied with this war of the cayambis, the chirihuanas, who form a nation of the forests, naked and eaters of human flesh, for which they have a public slaughter house, uniting, and, coming forth from their dense forests, entered the territory of charcas, which had been conquered by the incas of peru. they attacked the fortress of cuzco-tuyo, where the inca had a large frontier garrison to defend the country against them. their assault being sudden they entered the fortress, massacred the garrison, and committed great havock, robberies and murders among the surrounding inhabitants. the news reached huayna ccapac at quito, and he received it with much heaviness. he sent a captain, named yasca, to cuzco to collect troops, and with them to march against the chirihuanas. this captain set out for cuzco, taking with him the _huaca_ "cataquilla[118]" of caxamarca and huamachuco, and "curichaculla" of the chachapoyas; and the _huacas_ "tomayrica and chinchay-cocha," with many people, the attendants of the _huacas_. he arrived at cuzco where he was very well received by the governors, apu hilaquito and auqui tupac inca. having collected his troops he left cuzco for charcas. on the road he enlisted many men of the collao. with these he came up with the chirihuanas and made cruel war upon them. he captured some to send to huayna ccapac at quito, that the inca might see what these strange men were like. the captain yasca rebuilt the fortress and, placing in it the necessary garrison, he returned to cuzco, dismissed his men, and each one returned to his own land. [note 118: it was the policy of the incas that the idols and _huacas_ of conquered nations should be sent to cuzco and deposited there. catiquilla was an idol of the caxamarca and huamachuco people. arriaga calls it apu-cati-quilla. _apu_ the great or chief, _catic_ follower, _quilla_ the moon. apu-cati-quilla appears to have been a moon god. the other _huacas_ are local deities, all sent to cuzco. catiquilla had been kept as an oracle in the village of tauca in conchucos (calancha, p. 471). _cati-quilla_ would mean "following moon." (see also _extirpation de la idolatria del peru_, joseph de arriaga. lima, 1627.)] lxii. what huayna ccapac did after the said wars. as soon as huayna ccapac had despatched the captain against the chirihuanas, he set out from tumipampa to organize the nations he had conquered, including quito, pasto, and huancavilcas. he came to the river called ancas-mayu, between pasto and quito, where he set up his boundary pillars at the limit of the country he had conquered. as a token of grandeur and as a memorial he placed certain golden staves in the pillars. he then followed the course of the river in search of the sea, seeking for people to conquer, for he had information that in that direction the country was well peopled. on this road the army of the inca was in great peril, suffering from scarcity of water, for the troops had to cross extensive tracts of sand. one day, at dawn, the inca army found itself surrounded by an immense crowd of people, not knowing who they were. in fear of the unknown enemy, the troops began to retreat towards the inca. just as they were preparing for flight a boy came to huayna ccapac, and said: "my lord! fear not, those are the people for whom we are in search. let us attack them." this appeared to the inca to be good advice and he ordered an impetuous attack to be made, promising that whatever any man took should be his. the _orejones_ delivered such an assault on those who surrounded them that, in a short time, the circle was broken. the enemy was routed, and the fugitives made for their habitations, which were on the sea coast towards coaques, where the incas captured an immense quantity of rich spoils, emeralds, turquoises, and great store of very fine _mollo_, a substance formed in sea shells, more valued amongst them than gold or silver. here the inca received a message from the sinchi or curaca of the island of puna with a rich present, inviting him to come to his island to receive his service. huayna ccapac did so. thence he went to huancavilca, where he joined the reserves who had been left there. news came to him that a great pestilence was raging at cuzco of which the governors apu hilaquito his uncle, and auqui tupac inca his brother had died, also his sister mama cuca, and many other relations. to establish order among the conquered nations, the inca went to quito, intending to proceed from thence to cuzco to rest. on reaching quito the inca was taken ill with a fever, though others say it was small-pox or measles. he felt the disease to be mortal and sent for the _orejones_ his relations, who asked him to name his successor. his reply was that his son ninan cuyoche was to succeed, if the augury of the _calpa_ gave signs that such succession would be auspicious, if not his son huascar was to succeed. orders were given to proceed with the ceremony of the _calpa_, and cusi tupac yupanqui, named by the inca to be chief steward of the sun, came to perform it. by the first _calpa_ it was found that the succession of ninan cuyoche would not be auspicious. then they opened another lamb and took out the lungs, examining certain veins. the result was that the signs respecting huascar were also inauspicious. returning to the inca, that he might name some one else, they found that he was dead. while the _orejones_ stood in suspense about the succession, cusi tupac yupanqui said: "take care of the body, for i go to tumipampa to give the fringe to ninan cuyoche." but when he arrived at tumipampa he found that ninan cuyoche was also dead of the small-pox pestilence[119]. [note 119: ninan cuyoche is said by cobos to have been legitimate, a son of the first wife cusi rimay huaco, who is said by sarmiento and others not to have borne a male heir.] seeing this cusi tupac yupanqui said to araua ocllo--"be not sad, o coya! go quickly to cuzco, and say to your son huascar that his father named him to be inca when his own days were over." he appointed two _orejones_ to accompany her, with orders to say to the incas of cuzco that they were to give the fringe to huascar. cusi tupac added that he would make necessary arrangements and would presently follow them with the body of huayna ccapac, to enter cuzco with it in triumph, the order of which had been ordained by the inca on the point of death, on a staff. huayna ccapac died at quito at the age of 80 years. he left more than 50 sons. he succeeded at the age of 20, and reigned 60 years. he was valiant though cruel. he left a lineage or _ayllu_ called _tumipampa ayllu_. at present the heads of it, now living, are don diego viracocha inca, don garcia inguil tupac, and gonzalo sayri. to this _ayllu_ are joined the sons of paulu tupac, son of huayna ccapac. they are hanan-cuzcos. huayna ccapac died in the year 1524 of the nativity of our lord jesus christ, the invincible emperor charles v of glorious memory being king of spain, father of your majesty, and the pope was paul iii. the body of huayna ccapac was found by the licentiate polo in a house where it was kept concealed, in the city of cuzco. it was guarded by two of his servants named hualpa titu and sumac yupanqui. his idol or _guauqui_ was called _huaraqui inca_. it was a great image of gold, which has not been found up to the present time. lxiii the life of huascar, the last inca, and of atahualpa. huayna ccapac being dead, and the news having reached cuzco, they raised titu cusi hualpa inti illapa, called huascar, to be inca. he was called huascar because he was born in a town called huascar-quihuar, four and a half leagues from cuzco. those who remained at tumipampa embalmed the body of huayna ccapac, and collected the spoils and captives taken in his wars, for a triumphal entry into the capital. it is to be noted that atahualpa, bastard son of huayna ccapac by tocto coca, his cousin, of the lineage of inca yupanqui, had been taken to that war by his father to prove him. he first went against the pastos, and came back a fugitive, for which his father rated him severely. owing to this atahualpa did not appear among the troops, and he spoke to the inca _orejones_ of cuzco in this manner. "my lords! you know that i am a son of huayna ccapac and that my father took me with him, to prove me in the war. owing to the disaster with the pastos, my father insulted me in such a way that i could not appear among the troops, still less at cuzco among my relations who thought that my father would leave me well, but i am left poor and dishonoured. for this reason i have determined to remain here where my father died, and not to live among those who will be pleased to see me poor and out of favour. this being so you need not wait for me." he then embraced them all and took leave of them. they departed with tears and grief, leaving atahualpa at tumipampa[120]. [note 120: atahualpa is said by sarmiento and yamqui pachacuti to have been an illegitimate son of huayna ccapac by tocto coca his cousin, of the ayllu of pachacuti. cieza de leon says that he was a son by a woman of quilaco named tupac palla. gomara, who is followed by velasco, says that atahualpa was the son of a princess of quito. as huayna ccapac only set out for the quito campaign twelve years before his death, and atahualpa was then grown up, his mother cannot have been a woman of quito. i, therefore, have no doubt that sarmiento is right.] the _orejones_ brought the body of huayna ccapac to cuzco, entering with great triumph, and his obsequies were performed like those of his ancestors. this being done, huascar presented gold and other presents, as well as wives who had been kept closely confined in the house of the _acllas_ during the time of his father. huascar built edifices where he was born, and in cuzco he erected the houses of amaru-cancha, where is now the monastery of the "name of jesus," and others on the colcampata, where don carlos lives, the son of paulo. after that he summoned cusi tupac yupanqui, and the other principal _orejones_ who had come with the body of his father, and who were of the lineage of inca yupanqui and therefore relations of the mother of atahualpa. he asked them why they had not brought atahualpa with them, saying that doubtless they had left him there, that he might rebel at quito, and that when he did so, they would kill their inca at cuzco. the _orejones_, who had been warned of this suspicion, answered that they knew nothing except that atahualpa remained at quito, as he had stated publicly, that he might not be poor and despised among his relations in cuzco. huascar, not believing what they said, put them to the torture, but he extracted nothing further from them. huascar considered the harm that these _orejones_ had done, and that he never could be good friends with them or be able to trust them, so he caused them to be put to death. this gave rise to great lamentation in cuzco and hatred of huascar among the hanan-cuzcos, to which party the deceased belonged. seeing this huascar publicly said that he divorced and separated himself from relationship with the lineages of the hanan-cuzcos because they were for atahualpa who was a traitor, not having come to cuzco to do homage. then he declared war with atahualpa and assembled troops to send against him. meanwhile atahualpa sent his messengers to huascar with presents, saying that he was his vassal, and as such he desired to know how he could serve the inca. huascar rejected the messages and presents of atahualpa and they even say that he killed the messengers. others say that he cut their noses and their clothing down to their waists, and sent them back insulted. while this was taking place at cuzco the huancavilcas rebelled. atahualpa assembled a great army, nominating as captains--chalco chima, quiz-quiz, incura hualpa, rumi-ñaui, yupanqui, urco-huaranca and uña chullo. they marched against the huancavilcas, conquered them, and inflicted severe punishment. returning to quito, atahualpa sent a report to huascar of what had taken place. at this time atahualpa received news of what huascar had done to his messengers, and of the death of the _orejones_; also that huascar was preparing to make war on him, that he had separated himself from the hanan-cuzcos, and that he had proclaimed him, atahualpa, a traitor, which they call _aucca_. atahualpa, seeing the evil designs entertained by his brother against him, and that he must prepare to defend himself, took counsel with his captains. they were of one accord that he should not take the field until he had assembled more men, and collected as large an army as possible, because negotiations should be commenced when he was ready for battle. at this time an orejon named hancu and another named atoc came to tumipampa to offer sacrifices before the image of huayna ccapac, by order of huascar. they took the wives of huayna ccapac and the insignia of inca without communication with atahualpa. for this atahualpa seized them and, being put to the torture, they confessed what orders huascar had given them, and that an army was being sent against atahualpa. they were ordered to be killed, and drums to be made of their skins. then atahualpa sent scouts along the road to cuzco, to see what forces were being sent against him by his brother. the scouts came in sight of the army of huascar and brought back the news. atahualpa then marched out of quito to meet his enemies. the two armies encountered each other at riopampa where they fought a stubborn and bloody battle, but atahualpa was victorious. the dead were so numerous that he ordered a heap to be made of their bones, as a memorial. even now, at this day, the plain may be seen, covered with the bones of those who were slain in that battle. at this time huascar had sent troops to conquer the nations of pumacocha, to the east of the pacamoros, led by tampu usca mayta and by titu atauchi, the brother of huascar. when the news came of this defeat at riopampa, huascar got together another larger army, and named as captains atoc, huaychac, hanco, and huanca auqui. this huanca auqui had been unfortunate and lost many men in his campaign with the pacamoros. his brother, the inca huascar, to insult him, sent him gifts suited to a woman, ridiculing him. this made huanca auqui determine to do something worthy of a man. he marched to tumipampa, where the army of atahualpa was encamped to rest after the battle. finding it without watchfulness, he attacked and surprised the enemy, committing much slaughter. atahualpa received the news at quito, and was much grieved that his brother huanca auqui should have made this attack, for at other times when he could have hit him, he had let him go, because he was his brother. he now gave orders to quiz-quiz and chalco chima to advance in pursuit of huanca auqui. they overtook him at cusi-pampa, where they fought and huanca auqui was defeated, with great loss on both sides. huanca auqui fled, those of atahualpa following in pursuit as far as caxamarca, where huanca auqui met a large reinforcement sent by huascar in support. huanca auqui ordered them to march against chalco chima and quiz-quiz while he remained at caxamarca. the troops sent by huanca auqui were chachapoyas and many others, the whole numbering 10,000. they met the enemy and fought near caxamarca. but the chachapoyas were defeated and no more than 3000 escaped. huanca auqui then fled towards cuzco, followed by the army of atahualpa. in the province of bombon[121], huanca auqui found a good army composed of all nations, which huascar had sent to await his enemies there, who were coming in pursuit. those of atahualpa arrived and a battle was fought for two days without either party gaining an advantage. but on the third day huanca auqui was vanquished by quiz-quiz and chalco chima. [note 121: correctly pumpu.] huanca auqui escaped from the rout and came to xauxa, where he found a further reinforcement of many indians, soras, chancas, ayamarcas, and yanyos, sent by his brother. with these he left xauxa and encountered the pursuing enemy at a place called yanamarca. here a battle was fought not less stubbornly than the former one. finally, as fortune was against huanca auqui, he was again defeated by chalco chima, the adventurous captain of the army of atahualpa. the greater part of the forces of huanca auqui was killed. he himself fled, never stopping until he reached paucaray. here he found a good company of _orejones_ of cuzco, under a captain named mayta yupanqui who, on the part of huascar, rebuked huanca auqui, asking how it was possible for him to have lost so many battles and so many men, unless he was secretly in concert with chalco chima. he answered that the accusation was not true, that he could not have done more; and he told mayta yupanqui to go against their enemy, and see what power he brought. he said that atahualpa was determined to advance if they could not hinder his captains. then mayta yupanqui went on to encounter chalco chima, and met him at the bridge of anco-yacu where there were many skirmishes, but finally the _orejones_ were defeated[122]. [note 122: this campaign is also fully described by balboa, and in some detail by yamqui pachacuti, pp. 113--116.] lxiv. huascar inca marches in person to fight chalco chima and quiz-quiz, the captains of atahualpa. as the fortune of huascar and his captains, especially of huanca auqui, was so inferior to that of atahualpa and his adventurous and dexterous captains chalco chima and quiz-quiz, one side meeting with nothing that did not favour them, the other side with nothing that was not against them, such terrible fear took possession of huanca auqui and the other inca captains after the battle of anco-yacu bridge, that they fled without stopping to vilcas, 20 and more leagues from anco-yacu, on the road to cuzco. over the satisfaction that the captains of atahualpa felt at the glory of so many victories that they had won, there came the news sent by atahualpa that he had come in person to caxamarca and huamachuco, that he had been received as inca by all the nations he had passed, and that he had assumed the fringe and the _ccapac-uncu_. he was now called inca of all the land, and it was declared that there was no other inca but him. he ordered his captains to march onwards conquering, until they encountered huascar. they were to give him battle, conquer him like the rest, and if possible take him prisoner. atahualpa was so elated by his victories, and assumed such majesty, that he did not cease to talk of his successes, and no one dared to raise his eyes before him. for those who had business with him he appointed a lieutenant called "inca apu," which means "the inca's lord," who was to take his place by the inca when he was seated. those who had business transacted it with him, entering with a load on their backs, and their eyes on the ground, and thus they spoke of their business with the _apu_. he then reported to atahualpa, who decided what was to be done. atahualpa was very cruel, he killed right and left, destroyed, burnt, and desolated whatever opposed him. from quito to huamachuco he perpetrated the greatest cruelties, robberies, outrages, and tyrannies that had ever been done in that land. when atahualpa arrived at huamachuco, two principal lords of his house came to offer sacrifice to the _huaca_ of huamachuco for the success that had attended their cause. these _orejones_ went, made the sacrifice, and consulted the oracle. they received an answer that atahualpa would have an unfortunate end, because he was such a cruel tyrant and shedder of so much human blood. they delivered this reply of the devil to atahualpa. it enraged him against the oracle, so he called out his guards and went to where the _huaca_ was kept. having surrounded the place, he took a halberd of gold in his hand, and was accompanied by the two officers of his household who had made the sacrifice. when he came to where the idol was, an old man aged a hundred years came out, clothed in a dress reaching down to the ground, very woolly and covered with sea shells. he was the priest of the oracle who had made the reply. when atahualpa knew who he was, he raised the halberd and gave him a blow which cut off his head. atahualpa then entered the house of the idol, and cut off its head also with many blows, though it was made of stone. he then ordered the old man's body, the idol, and its house to be burnt, and the cinders to be scattered in the air. he then levelled the hill, though it was very large, where that oracle, idol or _huaca_ of the devil stood. all this being made known to chalco chima and quiz-quiz, they celebrated festivals and rejoicings, and then resumed their march towards cuzco. huascar received reports of all that had happened, and mourned over the great number of men he had lost. he clearly saw that there only remained the remedy of going forth in person to try his fortune, which had hitherto been so adverse. in preparation he kept some fasts--for these gentiles also have a certain kind of fasting, made many sacrifices to the idols and oracles of cuzco, and sought for replies. all answered that the event would be adverse to him. on hearing this he consulted his diviners and wizards, called by them _umu_, who, to please him, gave him hope of a fortunate ending. he got together a powerful army, and sent out scouts to discover the position of the enemy. the hostile army was reported to be at a place, 14 leagues from cuzco, called curahuasi[123]. they found there chalco chima and quiz-quiz, and reported that they had left the main road to cuzco, and had taken that of cotabamba, which is on the right, coming from caxamarca or lima to cuzco. this route was taken to avoid the bad road and dangerous pass by the apurimac bridge. huascar divided his army into three divisions. one consisted of the men of cunti-suyu, charcas, colla-suyu, chuys, and chile under the command of a captain named arampa yupanqui. his orders were to advance over cotabamba towards another neighbouring province of the omasayos, to harass the enemy on the side of the river of cotabamba and the apurimac bridge. the survivors of the former battles, under huanca auqui, ahua panti, and pacta mayta, were to attack the enemy on one flank, and to march into cotabamba. huascar in person commanded a third division. thus all the forces of both huascar and atahualpa were in cotabamba. [note 123: curahuasi is near the bridge over the apurimac.] arampa yupanqui got news that the forces of atahualpa were passing through a small valley or ravine which leads from huanacu-pampa. he marched to oppose them, and fought with a strong squadron of the troops under chalco chima. he advanced resolutely to the encounter, and slew many of the enemy, including one of their captains named tomay rima. this gave huascar great satisfaction and he said laughingly to the _orejones_--"the collas have won this victory. behold the obligation we have to imitate our ancestors." presently the captains-general of his army, who were titu atauchi, tupac atao his brother, nano, urco huaranca and others, marshalled the army to fight those of atahualpa with their whole force. the armies confronted each other and attacked with skill and in good order. the battle lasted from morning nearly until sunset, many being slain on both sides, though the troops of huascar did not suffer so much as those of chalco chima and quiz-quiz. the latter seeing their danger, many of them retreated to a large grassy plateau which was near, in huanacu-pampa. huascar, who saw this, set fire to the grass and burnt a great part of atahualpa's forces. chalco chima and quiz-quiz then retreated to the other side of the river cotabamba. huascar, satisfied with what he had done, did not follow up his advantages, but enjoyed the victory which fortune had placed in his hands. for this he took a higher position. chalco chima and quiz-quiz, who were experienced in such manoeuvres, seeing that they were not followed, decided to rest their troops, and on another day to attack those who believed themselves to be conquerors. they sent spies to the camp of huascar, and found from them that huascar would send a certain division of his troops to take atahualpa's captains, without their being able to escape. lxv. the battle between the armies of huascar and atahualpa huascar made prisoner. when the morning of the next day arrived huascar determined to finish off the army of his brother at one blow. he ordered tupac atao to go down the ravine with a squadron, discover the position of the enemy, and report what he had seen. tupac atao received this order and entered the ravine in great silence, looking from side to side. but the spies of chalco chima saw everything without being seen themselves and gave notice to chalco chima and quiz-quiz. chalco chima then divided his men into two parts and stationed them at the sides of the road where the _orejones_ would pass. when tupac atao came onwards, they attacked him to such purpose that scarcely any one escaped, tupac atao himself was taken, badly wounded, by whom chalco chima was informed that huascar would follow him with only a squadron of 5000 men, while the rest of his army remained in huanacu-pampa. chalco chima sent this information to quiz-quiz, who was at a little distance, that they might unite forces. he told him that tupac atao was taken, that huascar was expected with a small force, and that quiz-quiz was wanted that both might take this enemy on the flanks. this was done. they divided their forces, placing them on both sides as in the attack on tupac atao. a short time after they entered the ravine, huascar and his men came upon the dead bodies of the men of tupac atao who, being known to huascar he wished to turn back, understanding that they were all dead and that there must have been some ambush. but it was too late, for he was surrounded by his enemies. then he was attacked by the troops of chalco chima. when he tried to fly from those who fell upon his rear, he fell into the hands of quiz-quiz who was waiting for him lower down. those of chalco chima and those of quiz-quiz fought with great ferocity, sparing none, and killing them all. chalco chima, searching for huascar, saw him in his litter and seized him by the hands, and pulled him out of his litter. thus was taken prisoner the unfortunate huascar inca, twelfth and last tyrant of the inca sovereigns of peru, falling into the power of another greater and more cruel tyrant than himself, his people defeated, killed, and scattered. placing huascar in safe durance with a sufficient guard, chalco chima went on in the inca's litter and detached 5000 of his men to advance towards the other troops remaining on the plain of huanacu-pampa. he ordered that all the rest should follow quiz-quiz, and that when he let fall the screen, they should attack. he executed this stratagem because his enemies thought that he was huascar returning victorious, so they waited. he advanced and arrived where the troops of huascar were waiting for their lord, who, when they saw him, still thought that it was huascar bringing his enemies as prisoners. when chalco chima was quite near, he let loose a prisoner who had been wounded, who went to the inca troops. he told them what had happened, that it was chalco chima, and that he could kill them all by this stratagem. when this was known, and that chalco chima would presently order them to be attacked with his whole force, for he had let the screen fall, which was to be the sign, the inca troops gave way and took to flight, which was what chalco chima intended. the troops of atahualpa pursued, wounding and killing with excessive cruelty and ferocity, continuing the slaughter, with unheard of havock, as far as the bridge of cotabamba. as the bridge was narrow and all could not cross it, many jumped into the water from fear of their ferocious pursuers, and were drowned. the troops of atahualpa crossed the river, continuing the pursuit and rejoicing in their victory. during the pursuit they captured titu atauchi, the brother of huascar. chalco chima and quiz-quiz arrived at some houses called quiuipay, about half a league from cuzco, where they placed huascar as a prisoner with a sufficient guard. here they encamped and established their head-quarters. the soldiers of chalco chima went to get a view of cuzco from the hill of yauina overlooking the city, where they heard the mourning and lamentation of the inhabitants, and returned to inform chalco chima and quiz-quiz. those captains sent a messenger to cuzco to tell the inhabitants not to mourn, for that there was nothing to fear, it being well known that this was a war between two brothers for the gratification of their own passions. if any of them had helped huascar they had not committed a crime, for they were bound to serve their inca; and if there was any fault he would remit and pardon it, in the name of the great lord atahualpa. presently he would order them all to come out and do reverence to the statue of atahualpa, called _ticci ccapac_ which means "lord of the world." the people of cuzco consulted together, and resolved to come forth and obey the commands of chalco chima and quiz-quiz. they came according to their _ayllus_ and, on arriving at quiuipay, they seated themselves in that order. presently the troops of atahualpa, fully armed, surrounded all those who had come from cuzco. they took huanca auqui, ahua panti, and paucar usna, who had led the army against them in the battle at tumipampa. then they took apu chalco yupanqui and rupaca, priests of the sun, because these had given the fringe to huascar. these being prisoners quiz-quiz rose and said--"now you know of the battles you have fought with me on the road, and the trouble you have caused me. you always raised huascar to be inca, who was not the heir. you treated evilly the inca atahualpa whom the sun guards, and for these things you deserve death. but using you with humanity, i pardon you in the name of my lord atahualpa, whom may the sun prosper." but that they might not be without any punishment, he ordered them to be given some blows with a great stone on the shoulders, and he killed the most culpable. then he ordered that all should be tied by the knees, with their faces towards caxamarca or huamachuco where atahualpa was, and he made them pull out their eyelashes and eyebrows as an offering to the new inca. all the _orejones_, inhabitants of cuzco, did this from fear, saying in a loud voice, "long live! live for many years atahualpa our inca, may our father the sun increase his life!" araua ocllo, the mother of huascar, and his wife chucuy huypa, were there, and were dishonoured and abused by quiz-quiz. in a loud voice the mother of huascar said to her son, who was a prisoner, "o unfortunate! thy cruelties and evil deeds have brought you to this state. did i not tell you not to be so cruel, and not to kill nor ill-treat the messengers of your brother atahualpa." having said these words she came to him, and gave him a blow in the face. chalco chima and quiz-quiz then sent a messenger to atahualpa, letting him know all that had happened, and that they had made prisoners of huascar and many others, and asking for further orders. lxvi. what chalco chima and quiz-quiz did concerning huascar and those of his side in words. after chalco chima and quiz-quiz had sent off the messengers to atahualpa, they caused the prisoners to be brought before them, and in the presence of all, and of the mother and wife of huascar, they declared, addressing themselves to the mother of huascar, that she was the concubine and not the wife of huayna ccapac, and that, being his concubine, she had borne huascar, also that she was a vile woman and not a coya. the troops of atahualpa raised a shout of derision, and some said to the _orejones_, pointing their fingers at huascar--"look there at your lord! who said that in the battle he would turn fire and water against his enemies?" huascar was then tied hand and foot on a bed of ropes of straws. the _orejones_, from shame, lowered their heads. presently quiz-quiz asked huascar, "who of these made you lord, there being others better and more valiant than you, who might have been chosen?" araua ocllo, speaking to her son, said, "you deserve all this my son as i told you, and all comes from the cruelty with which you treated your own relations." huascar replied, "mother! there is now no remedy, leave us," and he addressed himself to the priest chalco yupanqui, saying--"speak and answer the question asked by quiz-quiz." the priest said to quiz-quiz, "i raised him to be lord and inca by command of his father huayna ccapac, and because he was son of a coya" (which is what we should call infanta). then chalco chima was indignant, and called the priest a deceiver and a liar. huascar answered to quiz-quiz, "leave off these arguments. this is a question between me and my brother, and not between the parties of hanan-cuzco and hurin-cuzco. we will investigate it, and you have no business to meddle between us on this point." enraged at the answer chalco chima ordered huascar to be taken back to prison, and said to the incas, to re-assure them, that they could now go back to the city as they were pardoned. the _orejones_ returned, invoking viracocha in loud voices with these words--"o creator! thou who givest life and favour to the incas where art thou now? why dost thou allow such persecution to come upon us? wherefore didst thou exalt us, if we are to come to such an end?" saying these words they beat their cloaks in token of the curse that had come upon them all. lxvii. the cruelties that atahualpa ordered to be perpetrated on the prisoners and conquered of huascar's party. when atahualpa knew what had happened, from the messengers of chalco chima and quiz-quiz, he ordered one of his relations named cusi yupanqui to go to cuzco, and not to leave a relation or friend of huascar alive. this cusi yupanqui arrived at cuzco, and chalco chima and quiz-quiz delivered the prisoners to him. he made inquiries touching all that atahualpa had ordered. he then caused poles to be fixed on both sides of the road, extending not more than a quarter of a league along the way to xaquixahuana. next he brought out of the prison all the wives of huascar, including those pregnant or lately delivered. he ordered them to be hung to these poles with their children, and he ordered the pregnant to be cut open, and the stillborn to be hung with them. then he caused the sons of huascar to be brought out and hung to the poles. among the sons of huayna ccapac who were prisoners there was one named paullu tupac. when they were going to kill him, he protested saying, it was unreasonable that he should be killed, because he had previously been imprisoned by huascar; and on this ground he was released and escaped death. yet the reason that he was imprisoned by huascar was because he had been found with one of the inca's wives. he was only given very little to eat, the intention being that he should die in prison. the woman with whom he was taken was buried alive. the wars coming on he escaped, and what has been related took place. after this the lords and ladies of cuzco who were found to have been friends of huascar were seized and hanged on the poles. then there was an examination of all the houses of deceased incas, to see which had been on the side of huascar, and against atahualpa. they found that the house of tupac inca yupanqui had sided with huascar. cusi yupanqui committed the punishment of the house to chalco chima and quiz-quiz. they seized the steward of the house, and the mummy of tupac inca, and those of his family and hung them all, and they burnt the body of tupac inca outside the town and reduced it to ashes. and to destroy the house completely, they killed many _mama cunas_ and servants, so that none were left of that house except a few of no account. besides this they ordered all the chachapoyas and cañaris to be killed, and their curaca named ulco colla, who they said had rebelled against the two brothers. all these murders and cruelties were perpetrated in the presence of huascar to torment him. they murdered over 80 sons and daughters of huascar, and what he felt most cruelly was the murder, before his eyes, of one of his sisters named coya miro, who had a son of huascar in her arms, and another in her womb; and another very beautiful sister named chimbo cisa. breaking his heart at the sight of such cruelty and grief which he was powerless to prevent, he cried, with a sigh, "oh pachayachachi viracocha, thou who showed favour to me for so short a time, and honoured me and gave me life, dost thou see that i am treated in this way, and seest thou in thy presence what i, in mine, have seen and see." some of the concubines of huascar escaped from this cruelty and calamity, because they had neither borne a child nor were pregnant, and because they were beautiful. they say that they were kept to be taken to atahualpa. among those who escaped were doña elvira chonay, daughter of cañar ccapac, doña beatriz carnamaruay, daughter of the curaca of chinchay-cocha, doña juana tocto, doña catalina usica, wife, that was, of don paullu tupac, and mother of don carlos, who are living now. in this way the line and lineage of the unfortunate tyrant huascar, the last of the incas, was completely annihilated. lxviii. news of the spaniards comes to atahualpa. atahualpa was at huamachuco celebrating great festivals for his victories, and he wished to proceed to cuzco and assume the fringe in the house of the sun, where all former incas had received it when he was about to set out there came to him two tallanas indians, sent by the curacas of payta and tumbez, to report to him that there had arrived by sea, which they call _cocha_, a people with different clothing, and with beards, and that they brought animals like large sheep. the chief of them was believed to be viracocha, which means the god of these people, and he brought with him many viracochas, which is as much as to say "gods." they said this of the governor don francisco pizarro, who had arrived with 180 men and some horses which they called sheep. as the account in detail is left for the history of the spaniards, which will form the third part to come after this, i will only here speak briefly of what passed between the spaniards and atahualpa. when this became known to atahualpa he rejoiced greatly, believing it to be the viracocha coming, as he had promised when he departed, and as is recounted in the beginning of this history. atahualpa gave thanks that he should have come in his time, and he sent back the messengers with thanks to the curacas for sending the news, and ordering them to keep him informed of what might happen. he resolved not to go to cuzco until he had seen what this arrival was, and what the viracochas intended to do. he sent orders to chalco chima and quiz-quiz to lose no time in bringing huascar to caxamarca, where he would go to await their arrival, for he had received news that certain viracochas had arrived by sea, and he wished to be there to see what they were like. as no further news came, because the spaniards were forming a station at tangarara, atahualpa became careless and believed that they had gone. for, at another time, when he was marching with his father, in the wars of quito, news came to huayna ccapac that the viracocha had arrived on the coast near tumbez, and then they had gone away. this was when don francisco pizarro came on the first discovery, and returned to spain for a concession, as will be explained in its place. lxix. the spaniards come to caxamarca and seize atahualpa, who orders huascar to be killed. atahualpa also dies. as the subject of which this chapter treats belongs to the third part (the history of the spaniards), i shall here only give a summary of what happened to atahualpa. although atahualpa was careless about the spaniards they did not miss a point, and when they heard where atahualpa was, they left tangarara and arrived at caxamarca. when atahualpa knew that the viracochas were near, he left caxamarca and went to some baths at a distance of half a league that he might, from there, take the course which seemed best. as he found that they were not gods as he had been made to think at first, he prepared his warriors to resist the spaniards. finally he was taken prisoner by don francisco pizarro, the friar, vicente valverde, having first made a certain demand, in the square of caxamarca. don francisco pizarro knew of the disputes there had been between atahualpa and huascar, and that huascar was a prisoner in the hands of the captains of atahualpa, and he urged atahualpa to have his brother brought as quickly as possible. huascar was being brought to caxamarca by atahualpa's order, as has already been said. chalco chima obeying this order, set out with huascar and the captains and relations who had escaped the butchery of cusi yupanqui. atahualpa asked don francisco pizarro why he wanted to see his brother. pizarro replied that he had been informed that huascar was the elder and principal lord of that land and for that reason he wished to see him, and he desired that he should come. atahualpa feared that if huascar came alive, the governor don francisco pizarro would be informed of what had taken place, that huascar would be made lord, and that he would lose his state. being sagacious, he agreed to comply with pizarro's demand, but sent off a messenger to the captain who was bringing huascar, with an order to kill him and all the prisoners. the messenger started and found huascar at antamarca, near yana-mayu. he gave his message to the captain of the guard who was bringing huascar as a prisoner. directly the captain heard the order of atahualpa he complied with it. he killed huascar, cut the body up, and threw it into the river yana-mayu. he also killed the rest of the brothers, relations, and captains who were with him as prisoners, in the year 1533. huascar had lived 40 years. he succeeded his father at the age of 31 and reigned for 9 years. his wife was chucuy huypa by whom he had no male child. he left no lineage or _ayllu_, and of those who are now living, one only, named don alonso titu atauchi is a nephew of huascar, son of titu atauchi who was murdered with huascar. he alone sustains the name of the lineage of huascar called the _huascar ayllu_. in this river of yana-mayu atahualpa had fixed his boundary pillars when he first rebelled, saying that from thence to chile should be for his brother huascar, and from the yana-mayu onwards should be his. thus with the death of huascar there was an end to all the incas of peru and all their line and descent which they held to be legitimate, without leaving man or woman who could have a claim on this country, supposing them to have been natural and legitimate lords of it, in conformity with their own customs and tyrannical laws. for this murder of huascar, and for other good and sufficient causes, the governor don francisco pizarro afterwards put atahualpa to death. he was a tyrant against the natives of this country and against his brother huascar. he had lived 36 years. he was not inca of peru, but a tyrant. he was prudent, sagacious, and valiant, as i shall relate in the third part, being events which belong to the deeds of the spaniards. it suffices to close this second part by completing the history of the deeds of the 12 inca tyrants who reigned in this kingdom of peru from manco ccapac the first to huascar the twelfth and last tyrant. lxx. it is noteworthy how these incas were tyrants against themselves, besides being so against the natives of the land. it is a thing worthy to be noted [_for the fact that besides being a thing certain and evident the general tyranny of these cruel and tyrannical incas of peru against the natives of the land, may be easily gathered from history_], and any one who reads and considers with attention the order and mode of their procedure will see, that their violent incaship was established without the will and election of the natives who always rose with arms in their hands on each occasion that offered for rising against their inca tyrants who oppressed them, to get back their liberty. each one of the incas not only followed the tyranny of his father, but also began afresh the same tyranny by force, with deaths, robberies and rapine. hence none of them could pretend, in good faith, to give a beginning to time of prescription, nor did any of them hold in peaceful possession, there being always some one to dispute and take up arms against them and their tyranny. moreover, and this is above all to be noted, to understand the worst aims of these tyrants and their horrid avarice and oppression, they were not satisfied with being evil tyrants to the natives, but also to their own proper sons, brothers and relations, in defiance of their own laws and statutes, they were the worst and most pertinacious tyrants with an unheard-of inhumanity. for it was enacted among themselves and by their customs and laws that the eldest legitimate son should succeed, yet almost always they broke the law, as appears by the incas who are here referred to. [illustration: _reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth._ capture of atahualpa, and siege of cuzco, etc. _from the rev. c.m. cracherode's copy in the british museum._] before all things manco ccapac, the first tyrant, coming from tampu-tocco, was inhuman in the case of his brother ayar cachi, sending him to tampu-tocco cunningly with orders for tampu-chacay to kill him out of envy, because he was the bravest, and might for that reason be the most esteemed. when he arrived at the valley of cuzco he not only tyrannized over the natives, but also over copalimayta and columchima who, though they had been received as natives of that valley were his relations, for they were _orejones_. then sinchi rocca, the second inca, having an older legitimate son named manco sapaca who, according to the law he and his father had made, was entitled to the succession, deprived him and nominated lloqui yupanqui the second son for his successor. likewise mayta ccapac, the fourth inca, named for his successor ccapac yupanqui, though he had an older legitimate son named cunti mayta, whom he disinherited. viracocha, the eighth inca, although he had an older legitimate son named inca rocca, did not name him as his successor, nor any of his legitimate sons, but a bastard named inca urco. this did not come about, inca urco did not enjoy the succession, nor did the eldest legitimate son, for there was a new tyranny. for inca yupanqui deprived both the one and the other, besides despoiling his father of his honours and estate. the same inca yupanqui, having an elder legitimate son named amaru tupac inca, did not name him, but a young son, tupac inca yupanqui. the same tupac inca, being of the same condition as his father, having huayna ccapac as the eldest legitimate son, named ccapac huari as his successor, although the relations of huayna ccapac would not allow it, and rose in his favour. if ccapac huari was legitimate, as his relations affirm, the evil deed must be fixed on huayna ccapac, who deprived his brother ccapac huari, and killed his mother and all his relations, making them infamous as traitors, that is supposing he was legitimate. huayna ccapac, though he named ninan cuyoche, he was not the eldest, and owing to this the succession remained unsettled, and caused the differences between huascar and atahualpa, whence proceeded the greatest and most unnatural tyrannies. turning their arms against their own entrails, robbing, and with inhuman intestine wars they came to a final end. thus as they commenced by their own authority, so they destroyed all by their own proper hands. it may be that almighty god permits that one shall be the executioner of the other for his evil deeds, that both may give place to his most holy gospel which, by the hands of the spaniards, and by order of the most happy, catholic, and unconquered emperor and king of spain, charles v of glorious memory, father of your majesty, was sent to these blind and barbarous gentiles. yet against the force and power of the incas on foot and united, it appeared that it would be impossible for human force to do what a few spaniards did, numbering only 180, who at first entered with the governor don francisco pizarro. it is well established that it is a thing false and without reason, and which ought not to be said, that there is now, in these kingdoms, any person of the lineage of the incas who can pretend to a right of succession to the incaship of this kingdom of peru, nor to be natural or legitimate lords. for no one is left who, in conformity with their laws, is able to say that he is the heir, in whole or in part of this land. only two sons of huayna ccapac escaped the cruelty of atahualpa. they were paullu tupac, afterwards called don cristóval paullu, and manco inca. they were bastards, which is well known among them. and these, if any honour or estate had belonged to them or their children, your majesty would have granted more than they had, their brothers retaining their estate and power. for they would merely have been their tributaries and servants. these were the lowest of all, for their lineage was on the side of their mothers which is what these people look at, in a question of birth[124]. [note 124: these statements about the illegitimacy of manco and paullu inca are made to support the viceroy's argument and have no foundation in fact. the two princes were legitimate; their mother being a princess of the blood.] and manco inca had been a traitor to your majesty and was a fugitive in the andes where he died or was killed. your majesty caused his son to be brought out, in peace, from those savage wilds. he was named don diego sayri tupac. he became a christian, and provision was made for him, his sons and descendants. sayri tupac died as a christian, and he who is now in the andes in rebellion, named titu cusi yupanqui, is not a legitimate son of manco inca, but a bastard and apostate. they hold that another son is legitimate who is with the same titu, named tupac amaru, but he is incapable and the indians called him _uti_. neither one nor the other are heirs of the land, because their father was not legitimate. your majesty honoured don cristóval paullu with titles and granted him a good _repartimiento_ of indians, on which he principally lived. now it is possessed by his son don carlos. paullu left two legitimate sons who are now alive, named don carlos and don felipe. besides these he left many illegitimate sons. thus the known grandsons of huayna ccapac, who are now alive and admitted to be so, are those above mentioned. besides these there are don alonso titu atauchi, son of titu atauchi, and other bastards, but neither one nor the other has any right to be called a natural lord of the land. for the above reasons it will be right to say to those whose duty it may be to decide, that on such clear evidence is based the most just and legitimate title that your majesty and your successors have to these parts of the indies, proved by the actual facts that are here written, more especially as regards these kingdoms of peru without a point to raise against the said titles by which the crown of spain holds them. respecting which your viceroy of these kingdoms, don francisco toledo, has been a careful and most curious enquirer, as zealous for the clearing of the conscience of your majesty, and for the salvation of your soul, as he has shown and now shows himself in the general visitation which he is making by order of your majesty, in his own person, not avoiding the very great labours and dangers which he is suffering in these journeys, so long as they result in so great a service to god and your majesty. lxxi. summary computation of the period that the incas of peru lasted. the terrible and inveterate tyranny of the incas ccapac of peru, which had its seat in the city of cuzco, commenced in the year 565 of our christian redemption, justin ii being emperor, loyva son of athanagild the goth being king of spain, and john iii supreme pontiff. it ended in 1533, charles v being the most meritorious emperor and most christian king of spain and its dependencies, patron of the church and right arm of christendom, assuredly worthy of such a son as your majesty whom may god our lord take by the hand as is necessary for the holy christian church. paul iii was then pope. the whole period from manco ccapac to the death of huascar was 968 years. it is not to be wondered at that these incas lived for so long a time, for in that age nature was stronger and more robust than in these days. besides men did not then marry until they were past thirty. they thus reached such an age with force and substance whole and undiminished. for these reasons they lived much longer than is the case now. besides the country where they lived has a healthy climate and uncorrupted air. the land is cleared, dry, without lakes, morasses, or forests with dense vegetation. these qualities all conduce to health, and therefore to the long life of the inhabitants whom may god our lord lead into his holy faith, for the salvation of their souls. amen[125]. maxima tolleti proregis gloria creuit dum regni tenebras, lucida cura, fugat. ite procul scioli, vobis non locus in istis! rex indos noster nam tenet innocue. [note 125: cieza de leon and other authorities adopt a more moderate chronology.] certificate of the proofs and verification of this history. in the city of cuzco, on the 29th day of february, 1572, before the very excellent lord don francisco de toledo, mayor-domo to his majesty, and his viceroy, governor, and captain-general of these kingdoms and provinces of peru, president of the royal audience and chancellory that resides in the city of the kings, and before me alvaro ruiz de navamuel his secretary and of the government and general visitation of these kingdoms, the captain pedro sarmiento de gamboa presented a petition of the following tenor: most excellent lord, i, the captain pedro sarmiento, cosmographer-general of these kingdoms of peru, report that by order of your excellency i have collected and reduced to a history the general chronicle of the origin and descent of the incas, of the particular deeds which each one did in his time and in the part he ruled, how each one of them was obeyed, of the tyranny with which, from the time of tupac inca yupanqui, the tenth inca, they oppressed and subjugated these kingdoms of peru until by order of the emperor charles v of glorious memory, don francisco pizarro came to conquer them. i have drawn up this history from the information and investigations which, by order of your excellency, were collected and made in the valley of xauxa, in the city of guamanga, and in other parts where your excellency was conducting your visitation, but principally in this city of cuzco where the incas had their continual residence, where there is more evidence of their acts, where the _mitimaes_ of all the provinces gathered together by order of the said incas, and where there is true memory of their _ayllus_. in order that this history may have more authority, i pray that you will see, correct, and give it your authority, so that, wherever it may be seen, it may have entire faith and credit. pedro sarmiento de gamboa. having been seen by his excellency he said that it may be known if the said history was in conformity with the information and evidence, which has been taken from the indians and other persons of this city and in other parts, and he ordered that doctor loarte, alcalde of the court of his majesty should cause to appear before him the principal and most intelligent indians of the twelve _ayllus_ or lineages of the twelve incas and other persons who may be summoned, and being assembled before me, the present secretary, the said history shall be read and declared to them by an interpreter in the language of the said indians, that each one may understand and discuss it among themselves, whether it is conformable to the truth as they know it. if there is anything to correct or amend, or which may appear to be contrary to what they know, it is to be corrected or amended. so i provide and sign don francisco de toledo before me alvaro ruiz de navamuel. afterwards, on the abovesaid day, month, and year the illustrious doctor gabriel de loarte, in compliance with the order of his excellency and in presence of me the said secretary, caused to appear before him the indians of the names, ages and _ayllus_ as follows: _ayllu of manco ccapac._ aged sebastian ylluc 30 francisco paucar chima 30 _ayllu of sinchi rocca._ diego cayo hualpa 70 don alonso puzcon 40 _ayllu of lloqui yupanqui._ hernando hualpa 70 don garcia ancuy 45 miguel rimachi mayta 30 _ayllu of mayta ccapac._ don juan tampu usca mayta 60 don felipe usca mayta 70 francisco usca mayta 30 _ayllu of ccapac yupanqui._ aged don francisco copca mayta 70 don juan quispi mayta 30 don juan apu mayta 30 _ayllu of inca rocca._ don pedro hachacona 53 don diego mayta 40 _ayllu of yahuar-huaccac._ juan yupanqui 60 martin rimachi 26 _ayllu of viracocha._ don francisco anti-hualpa 89 martin quichua sucsu 64 don francisco chalco yupanqui 45 _ayllu of pachacuti._ don diego cayo 68 don juan hualpa yupanqui 75 don domingo pascac 90 don juan quispi cusi 45 don francisco chanca rimachi 40 don francisco cota yupanqui 40 don gonzalo huacanhui 60 don francisco quichua 68 _ayllu of tupac inca._ don cristóval pisac tupac 50 don andres tupac yupanqui 40 don garcia pilco tupac 40 don juan cozco 40 _ayllu of huayna ccapac._ don francisco sayri 28 don francisco ninan coro 24 don garcia rimac tupac 34 _ayllu of huascar._ aged don alonso titu atauchi 40 _besides these ayllus._ don garcia paucar sucsu 34 don carlos ayallilla 50 don juan apanca 80 don garcia apu rinti 70 don diego viracocha inca 34 don gonzalo tupac 30 these being together in presence of his excellency, the said alcalde of the court, by the words of gonzalo gomez ximenes, interpreter to his excellency, in the general language of the indians, said:--"his excellency, desiring to verify and put in writing and to record the origin of the incas, your ancestors, their descent and their deeds, what each one did in his time, and in what parts each one was obeyed, which of them was the first to go forth from cuzco to subdue other lands, and how tupac inca yupanqui and afterwards huayna ccapac and huascar, his son and grandson became lords of all peru by force of arms; and to establish this with more authenticity, he has ordered that information and other proofs should be supplied in this city and other parts, and that the said information and proofs should be, by captain pedro sarmiento to whom they were delivered, digested into a true history and chronicle. the said pedro sarmiento has now made it and presented it to his excellency, to ascertain whether it is truthfully written in conformity with the sayings and declarations which were made by some indians of the said _ayllus_. his excellency is informed that the _ayllus_ and descendants of the twelve incas have preserved among themselves the memory of the deeds of their ancestors, and are those who best know whether the said chronicle is correct or defective, he has therefore caused you to assemble here, that it may be read in your presence and understood. you, among yourselves, will discuss what will be read and declared in the said language, and see if it agrees with the truth as you know it, and that you may feel a stronger obligation to say what you know, it is ordered that you take an oath." the said indians replied that they had understood why they had been sent for, and what it was that was required. they then swore, in the said language, by god our lord, and by the sign of the cross, that they would tell the truth concerning what they knew of that history. the oaths being taken the reading was commenced in sum and substance. there was read on that and following days from their fable of the creation to the end of the history of the incas. as it was read, so it was interpreted into their language, chapter by chapter. and over each chapter the indians discussed and conferred among themselves in the said language. all were agreed in confirming and declaring through the interpreter, that the said history was good and true, and in agreement with what they knew and had heard their fathers and ancestors say, as it had been told to them. for, as they have no writing like the spaniards, they conserve ancient traditions among themselves by passing them from tongue to tongue, and age to age. they heard their fathers and ancestors say that pachacuti inca yupanqui, the ninth inca, had verified the history of the former incas who were before him, and painted their deeds on boards, whence also they had been able to learn the sayings of their fathers, and had passed them on to their children. they only amended some names of persons and places and made other slight corrections, which the said alcalde ordered to be inserted as the indians had spoken, and this was done. after the said corrections all the indians, with one accord, said that the history was good and true, in conformity with what they knew and had heard from their ancestors, for they had conferred and discussed among themselves, verifying from beginning to end. they expressed their belief that no other history that might be written could be so authentic and true as this one, because none could have so diligent an examination, from those who are able to state the truth. the said alcalde signed the doctor loarte gonzalo gomez ximenes before me alvaro ruiz de navamuel. after the above, in the said city of cuzco, on the 2nd of march of the same year, his excellency having seen the declaration of the indians and the affidavits that were made on them, said that he ordered and orders that, with the corrections the said indians stated should be made, the history should be sent to his majesty, signed and authenticated by me the said secretary. it was approved and signed by the said doctor gabriel de loarte who was present at the verification with the indians, and then taken and signed don francisco de toledo before alvaro ruiz de navamuel i the said alvaro ruiz de navamuel, secretary to his excellency, of the government, and to the general visitation of these kingdoms, notary to his majesty, certify that the said testimony and verification was taken before me, and is taken from the original which remains in my possession, and that the said alcalde, the doctor loarte, who signed, said that he placed and interposed upon it his authority and judicial decree, that it may be valued and accepted within his jurisdiction and beyond it. i here made my sign in testimony of the truth alvaro ruiz de navamuel [illustration: _facsimile (reduced) of the_ signatures of the attesting witnesses to the sarmiento ms. 1572. _from the original, göttingen university library. reproduced and printed for the hakluyt society by donald macbeth_.] narrative of services in the liberation of chili, peru, and brazil, from spanish and portuguese domination by thomas, earl of dundonald, g.c.b. admiral of the red; rear-admiral of the fleet, etc. etc. vol. ii mdccclix contents chapter i. brazilian and portuguese factions--don pedro ordered to quit brazil--appointed "perpetual protector"--proclaimed emperor of brazil--efforts to obtain foreign officers and seamen--the naval command offered to me--acceptation thereof--arrival at rio de janeiro--visit of inspection to the squadron--condition of the vessels--inferiority of seamen--imperial affability--attempt to evade the terms offered me--this failing, to reduce the value of my pay--pretended commission conferred--and refused--the point argued--i decline the command--the prime minister gives in--explanatory portaria--formal commission--orders to blockade bahia--portuguese faction--averse to me from the outset. chapter ii. attempt to cut off the enemy's ships--disobedience to orders--letter to the prime minister--worthlessness of the men--their treachery--blockade established--equipment of fireships--enemy's supplies cut off--portuguese untrustworthy--demonstrations of the enemy--his pretended contempt for us--the enemy returns to port--their consternation at the fireships--portuguese contemplate attacking us--flagship reconnoitres enemy at anchor--excessive alarm at my nocturnal visit--proclamation of the commandant--consternation in the city--the authorities decide on evacuating bahia--instructions to the brazilian captains--warnings addressed to the authorities--enemy quits bahia--readiness for chase--numbers of the enemy--capture of the convoy--prizes disabled--attempt of troops to escape--prizes sent to pernambuco--pursuit discontinued--reasons for going to maranham--reasons for not taking more prizes--advantages to the empire. chapter iii. capture of the don miguel--summons to the authorities--reasons for threats held out--proposals for capitulation--proclamations--terms granted to portuguese garrison--declaration of independence--portuguese troops ordered to embark--symptoms of disobeying the order--delight of the people on becoming free--election of a provisional government--letters to the minister of marine. chapter iv. captain grenfell sent to summon parà--the junta demands the prize property--my refusal--imperial approval of my services--realisation of prize property--turi assu sends in its adhesion--money captured lent to the junta--its return to the squadron expected--possession taken of parà--insurrection at parà--misconduct of the maranham junta--their persecution of the portuguese--steps in consequence--manifestation of the national delight--the marquisate conferred on me--vote of thanks by the assemblea geral--my arrival at rio de janeiro--satisfaction with my services--lady cochrane joins me. chapter v. first effort to curtail the imperial power--portuguese intrigue--dismissal of the andradas--the assembly dissolved by force--exile of the andradas--letter to his imperial majesty--my advice partly adopted--and causes ministerial enmity towards me--ratification of my patent--i demand the adjudication of prizes--letter to the minister of marine--offer of personal advantage to foreign claims--squadron remained unpaid--i am appointed a privy councillor--the prize vessels plundered--shameful treatment of captain grenfell--troubles in pernambuco--hostility of the prize tribunal--condemns me to the restitution of prizes--forbids making any capture at all. chapter vi. remonstrance against decree of prize tribunal--settlement of prize question by the emperor--his ministers refuse to conform to it--obstacles thrown in the way of equipment--my services limited to the duration of war--my remonstrance on this breach of faith--ministers refuse to pay the squadron anything--a fresh insult offered to me--offer to resign the command--my resignation evaded--letter to the prime minister--letter to the minister of marine. chapter vii. ministerial malignity towards me--dangers in pernambuco--portuguese threats--my advice thereon--failure in manning the squadron--plot formed to search the flagship--timely warning thereon--i demand his majesty's interference--which was promptly granted--protest against prize decisions--my advice sought as regards pernambuco--letter to his imperial majesty--pointing out the annoyance practised--and tendering my resignation--the emperor's intervention--his ministers neglect to fulfil his engagement--confirmation of my previous patents--but with an unjustifiable reservation--prize money devoted to advance of wages--proofs thereof--baseless imputations on me--extracts from log--further distribution of prize money. chapter viii. republican government proclaimed at pernambuco--its concordat--the president carvalho--threat of bombardment--a bribe offered to me and refused--the revolt admitted of palliation--it was fast becoming general--intimidation ineffectual--the revolutionists expect foreign aid--pernambuco taken possession of--payment of prize money--the accounts rendered in due course--orders to put down revolt at parà--character of the revolution--difficulty in finding proper governors--revolt at cearà--steps taken to suppress it--they prove successful--the insurgent leader killed--measures for preserving tranquillity. chapter ix. arrival at maranham--character of disturbances there--i assume the military command--proclamation commanding surrender of arms--condition of the people--corruption of the authorities--murderous propensities--difficulty in detecting assassins--letter to minister of marine--pacification of parahyba--doubts as to the president's sincerity--he establishes secret agencies--extraordinary memorials--public complaints of the president--bruce endeavours to intercept them--my reply to the memorialists--letter to the minister of marine--enclosing complaints of the consuls--bruce prepares to resist my authority--complaints of the british consul--he considers my presence necessary--letter of the french consul--detailing shameful atrocities--danger of collision with foreign states--suspension of the president--provision for future government--conduct of the faction at rio de janeiro--no instructions sent for my guidance--letter to the minister of marine--the ministry had previously deposed bruce--but turned on me for anticipating their own act. chapter x. misrepresentations made in england--letter to the emperor--tendering my resignation--repayment demanded from the junta--conduct of the prize tribunal--no adjudication of prizes intended--letter to the interim president--demanding the sums owing to the squadron--disturbance in parà--statement of account to the junta--offer of compromise--imperial decree--right of the squadron to the claim. chapter xi. imperial approval--continued enmity of the administration--junta refuses to pay the squadron's claim--i persevere in the demand--junta agrees to pay the amount in bills--this refused--arrival of a new president--but without authority for the assumption--intrigues to establish him in office--i order him to quit the province--and send him to parà--letter to the president of cearà--international animosities--the squadron left to provide for itself--abuse of authority--explanations to minister of marine--of transactions at maranham--letter to carvalho e mello--anticipating ministerial displeasure--the junta reimburses part of its debt. chapter xii. i quit maranham for a cruise--bad state of the frigate--connivance at illicit trade--we are compelled to proceed to england--the frigate reported to the brazilian envoy--who cheats me of £2,000--his assumption that i had abandoned the service--my contradiction thereof--order to return to rio--reasons for not doing so--brazilian envoy tampers with my officer--who acquaints me therewith--envoy stops pay and provisions--declares that the brazilian government will give me nothing!--captain shepherd's reply--i prepare to return to rio--the envoy dismisses me from the service--without reason assigned--he declares that i voluntarily abandoned the service--receipts for accounts transmitted to brazil--these denied to have been sent. chapter xiii. i am dismissed the service by the brazilian government--without any acknowledgment of my services--inconsistency of this with former thanks--though dismissed i am tried as a deserter--and am refused all compensation--report of recent commission on the subject--false representations--but partially true conclusions--my original patents never set aside--untrue assumptions as to my dismissal--my claims founded on the original patents--less than half the interest due paid--opinions of eminent brazilians thereon--my services tardily acknowledged--no act of mine had annulled them--the estate conferred, not confirmed--promises on account of chili unfulfilled--the whole still my right. chapter xiv. proclamation for payment of officers and men--log extracts in proof thereof--the sum given up to the squadron disbursed--denial thereof by the brazilian government--though made to serve as advance of wages--the amount received at maranham--fully accounted for--by the receipts of the officers--officers' receipts--extracts from log in further corroboration--up to my arrival in england--all our prizes, monopolized by brazil--the conduct of the brazilian government unjustifiable. chapter i. brazilian and portuguese factions--don pedeo ordered to quit brazil--appointed "perpetual protector"--proclaimed emperor of brazil--efforts to obtain foreign officers and seamen--the naval command offered to me--acceptation thereof--arrival at rio de janeiro--visit of inspection to the squadron--condition of the vessels--inferiority of seamen--imperial affability--attempt to evade the terms offered me--this failing, to reduce the value of my pay--pretended commission conferred--and refused--the point argued--i decline the command--the prime minister gives in--explanatory fortaria--formal commission--orders to blockade bahia--portuguese faction--averse to me from the outset. although these memoirs relate to personal services in brazil, it is nevertheless essential, in order to their comprehension, briefly to recapitulate a few events which more immediately led to my connection with the cause of independence in that country. the expulsion of the portuguese royal family from lisbon, in consequence of the occupation of portugal by the armies of the french republic, was followed by the accession of don john vi. to the throne of portugal whilst resident in rio de janeiro. twelve months previous to my arrival in brazil, his majesty returned to portugal, leaving his son and heir-apparent, don pedro, regent of the portuguese possessions in south america, which had been for some time in a state of disaffection, arising from a growing desire throughout the various provinces for a distinct nationality. hence two opposing interests had arisen,--a brazilian party, which had for its object national independence; and a portuguese party, whose aim was to prevent separation from the mother country--or, if this could not be accomplished, so to paralyse the efforts of the brazilians, that in case of revolt it might not be difficult for portugal to keep in subjection, at least the northern portion of her south american colonies. it will be necessary, in the course of the narrative, to bear these party distinctions clearly in mind. as the regent, don pedro, was supposed to evince a leaning to the brazilian party, he gave proportionate offence to the portuguese faction, which--though inferior in number, was, from its wealth and position, superior in influence; hence the regent found himself involved in disputes with the latter, which in june 1821 compelled him to submit to some humiliations. shortly previous to this, the cortes at lisbon--aware of what was going on in brazil, and disregarding the temperate views of the king--issued a declaration inviting the brazilian municipalities to repudiate the regent's authority at rio de janeiro, and to adhere to the immediate administration of the cortes alone--thus indicating a course to be pursued by the portuguese faction in brazil. the result was--as had been anticipated--disunion amongst the people, consequent on the formation of petty provincial governments; each refusing to pay revenue to the central government at rio de janeiro, for the alleged reason that the regent was only waiting an opportunity to invest himself with absolute power. this opinion was eagerly adopted by the commercial class--consisting almost exclusively of native portuguese--in the hope that the cortes would reinvest them with their ancient trade privileges and monopolies, to the exclusion of foreigners, whom they considered as interlopers--the english especially, who, protected by a treaty of commerce, were fast undermining the former monopolists. amidst these difficulties don pedro, though nominally regent of brazil, found himself, in reality, little more than governor of rio de janeiro. in july 1821, the lisbon cortes passed a decree, that thenceforth the brazilian and portuguese armies should form one body; the object being to ship the brazilian troops to portugal, and to send portuguese troops to brazil, thereby ensuring its subjection. the regent was, moreover, ordered to return to portugal. these rash steps greatly irritated the native brazilians, who saw in them a subversion of all their hopes of nationality. with scarcely less rashness, they issued proclamations declaring brazil independent, with don pedro as emperor; but he repudiated the act, and prepared to quit brazil in obedience to orders. the approaching departure of the regent caused a general ferment, when a popular leader arose in the person of josé bonifacio de andrada e silva, vice-president of the provisional junta at san paulo. summoning his colleagues at midnight, they signed an address to the regent--to the effect that his departure would be the signal for a declaration of independence--daring the cortes at lisbon to promulgate laws for the dismemberment of brazil into insignificant provinces, possessing no common centre of union; above all, daring them to dispossess don pedro of the authority of regent conferred by his august father. this address was conveyed to the prince by bonifacio himself, and was shortly afterwards followed by others of a similar nature from the southern provinces, and from the municipality of rio de janeiro--all begging him to remain and avert the consequences of the late decrees of the cortes. on more deliberate reflection don pedro consented, and was shortly afterwards invested with the title of "perpetual protector and defender of brazil." meanwhile the cortes, confident in their own power, were enforcing their obnoxious decrees by the despatch of ships of war and troops to the northern provinces. as the intention of this step was unmistakeable, his royal highness the protector promptly issued a manifesto, declaring the wish of brazil to maintain an amicable union with portugal, but at the same time calling on the brazilians to secure their independence by force, if necessary. in furtherance of this determination, an attack was made by the brazilian troops upon general madeira, the portuguese commandant at bahia, but from want of proper military organization, it proved unsuccessful. despatches now arrived from portugal, which cut off every hope of reconciliation, and on the 12th of october, don pedro was induced to accept the title of "constitutional emperor of brazil," with bonifacio de andrada as his minister of the interior, of justice, and of foreign affairs. the southern provinces gave in their adhesion to the emperor, but all the northern provinces--including bahia, maranham, and parà--were still held by portuguese troops; a numerous and well appointed squadron commanding the seaboard, and effectually preventing the despatch of brazilian forces to those localities by water; whilst by land there were neither roads, nor other facilities of communication with the northern patriots, who were thus isolated from effectual aid, could such have been rendered from rio de janeiro. his imperial majesty saw that, without a fleet, the dismemberment of the empire--as regarded the northern provinces--was inevitable; and the energy of his minister bonifacio in preparing a squadron, was as praiseworthy as had been the emperor's sagacity in determining upon its creation. a voluntary subscription was enthusiastically entered into; artisans flocked into the dockyard; the only ship of the line in the harbour required to be nearly rebuilt; but to man that and other available vessels with native seamen was impossible--the policy of the mother country having been to carry on even the coasting trade exclusively by portuguese, who could not now be relied on by brazil, in the approaching contest with their own countrymen. orders were consequently sent to the brazilian _chargé d'affaires_ in london, to engage officers and seamen there; and to stimulate these, a decree was, on the 11th of december, 1822, issued by his imperial majesty, to sequestrate portuguese property throughout the empire, and also another, _that all prizes taken in the war should become the property of the captors_, which decrees must be borne in mind. his imperial majesty, having ascertained that the war of independence in the pacific had been brought to a successful conclusion by the squadron under my command, ordered his minister, bonifacio, to communicate with me, through the brazilian consul at buenos ayres; judging that, from the termination of hostilities in the pacific, i might be at liberty to organize a naval force in brazil, which--if properly conducted--might successfully cope with the portuguese fleet protecting the northern harbours of the empire. accordingly, whilst residing on my estate at quintera, in chili, i received from antonio manuel correa, the brazilian consul at buenos ayres, a letter on the part of his imperial majesty, inviting me to accept service under the brazilian flag, guaranteeing moreover rank and position in no way inferior to that which i then held under the republic of chili; the consul exhorting me, in addition, "to throw myself upon the munificence of the emperor, and the undoubted probity of his majesty's government, which would do me justice." the following is one of the letters of invitation:- _le conseiller agent du brésil, près le gouvernement de buenos ayres à l'amiral lord cochrane, commandant-en-chef les forces navales de la république du chili._ milord, le brésil, puissance du premier ordre devint un nouvel empire, une nation indépendente sous le légitime héritier de la monarchie, pierre le grand, son auguste defenseur. c'est par son ordre--c'est de sa part, et en vertu des dépêches ministériales, que je viens de reçevoir de monseigneur joseph bonifacio de andrada e silva, ministre de l'intérieur et des relations extérieures du brésil, en date du 13 septembre dernier--que j'ai l'honneur de vous adresser cette note; en laquelle votre grace est invitée, pour--et de part le gouvernement du brésil--à accepter le service de la nation brésilienne; chez qui je suis dûment autorisé à vous assurer le rang et le grade nullement inférieur à celui que vous tenez de la république. abandonnez vous, milord, à la reconnaisance brésilienne; à la munificence du prince; à la probité sans tache de l'actuel gouvernement; on vous fera justice; on ne rabaissera d'un seul point la haute considération--rang--grade--caractère--et avantages qui vous sont dûs. (signé) antonio manuel correa da camara, consul de l'empire du brésil, à buenos ayres, 4 novembre, 1822. annoyed by the ingratitude with which my services were requited in chili, and disliking the inaction consequent on the capture of valdivia, followed by the annihilation of the spanish naval force at callao, and elsewhere in the pacific--whereby internal peace had been obtained for chili, and independence for peru--i felt gratified by the further terms of invitation, contained in a second letter--"venez, milord, l'honneur vous invite--la gloire vous appelle. venez--donner à nos armés navales cet ordre merveilleux et discipline incomparable de puissante albion" --and on mature consideration returned the following reply:- valparaiso, nov. 29, 1832. sir, the war in the pacific having been happily terminated by the total destruction of the spanish naval force, i am, of course, free for the crusade of liberty in any other quarter of the globe. i confess, however, that i had not hitherto directed my attention to the brazils; considering that the struggle for the liberties of greece--the most oppressed of modern states--afforded the fairest opportunity for enterprise and exertion. i have to-day tendered my ultimate resignation to the government of chili, and am not at this moment aware that any material delay will be necessary, previous to my setting off, by way of cape horn, for rio de janeiro, calling at buenos ayres, where i hope to have the pleasure of meeting you, and where we may talk further on this subject; it being, in the meantime, understood that i hold myself free to decline--as well as entitled to accept--the offer which has, through you, been made to me by his imperial majesty. i only mention this from a desire to preserve a consistence of character, should the government (which i by no means anticipate) differ so widely in its nature from those which i have been in the habit of supporting, as to render the proposed situation repugnant to my principles--and so justly expose me to suspicion, and render me unworthy the confidence of his majesty and the nation. (signed) cochrane. to don antonio manuel coerea da camara, his brazilian majesty's consul at buenos ayres. having obtained the unqualified consent of the chilian government--there being now no enemy in the pacific--i chartered a vessel for my own conveyance, and that of several valuable officers and seamen who, preferring to serve under my command, desired to accompany me. knowing that the portuguese were making great efforts to re-establish their authority in brazil, no time was lost in quitting chili. we reached rio de janeiro on the 13th of march, 1822, barely six months after the declaration of independence. despatching a letter to the prime minister bonifacio de andrada--reporting my arrival in conformity with the invitation which his imperial majesty had caused to be transmitted to me through his consul-general at buenos ayres--i was honoured by the imperial command to attend his majesty at the house of his minister, where a complimentary reception awaited me. the emperor assured me that, so far as the ships themselves were concerned, the squadron was nearly ready for sea; but that good officers and seamen were wanting; adding, that, if i thought proper to take the command, he would give the requisite directions to his minister of marine. on the following day, the prime minister--after a profusion of compliments on my professional reputation, and an entire concurrence with the invitation forwarded to me by the consul at buenos ayres--which invitation he stated to have arisen from his own influence with the emperor--desired me to communicate personally with him, upon all matters of importance, the minister of marine being merely appointed to transact subordinate business. as nothing more positive was said in relation to my appointment, it struck me that this also might be included amongst the subordinate duties of the minister of marine, to whose house i repaired; but he could say nothing on the subject, as nothing specific had been laid before him. being desirous to come to a proper understanding, i wrote to the prime minister, that the officers who had accompanied me from chili would expect the same rank, pay, and emoluments as they had there enjoyed; that, as regarded myself, i was prepared to accept the terms offered by his imperial majesty, through the consul at buenos ayres, viz. the same position, pay, and emoluments as had been accorded to me by the chilian government; and that although i felt myself entitled to the customary remuneration in all well-regulated states for extraordinary, as well as ordinary, services, yet i was more anxious to learn the footing on which the naval service was to be put, than the nature of any stipulations regarding myself. on the following day his imperial majesty invited me at an early hour to the palace, in order to accompany him on a visit to the ships of war, with some of which i was much pleased, as demonstrative of the exertions which must have been made within a short time to get them into such creditable condition. great care had evidently been bestowed upon the _pedro primiero_, rated as a 74--though in the english service she would have been termed a 64. she was evidently a good sailer, and was ready for sea, with four months provisions on board, which scarcely half filled her hold, such was her capacity for stowage; i had therefore reason to be satisfied with my intended flagship. another showy vessel was the _maria da gloria_--a north american clipper; a class of vessels in those days little calculated to do substantial service, being built of unseasoned wood, and badly fastened. though mounting 32 guns, she was a ship of little force, having only 24-pounder carronades, mixed with short 18-pounder guns. as a redeeming feature, she was commanded by a frenchman, captain beaurepaire, who had contrived to rally round him some of his own countrymen, mingled with native brazilians--in which he displayed considerable tact to free himself from the unpromising groups elsewhere to be selected from. the history of this vessel was not a little curious: she had been built in north america at the expense of the chilian government, and sent to buenos ayres, where an additional 40,000 dollars was demanded by her owners. payment of this was demurred to, when, without the slightest consideration for the expense incurred by chili in her building and equipment, her captain suddenly got under weigh, and proceeding to rio de janeiro, sold her to the brazilian government. i was further much pleased with the _piranga_, a noble frigate mounting long 24-pounders on the main deck. not to enter into any further details, with regard to the ships, a brief notice must be taken of the men, who, with the exception of the crew of the _maria da gloria_, were of a very questionable description,--consisting of the worst class of portuguese, with whom the brazilian portion of the men had an evident disinclination to mingle. on inquiry, i ascertained that their pay was only eight milreas per month, whereas in the merchant service, eighteen milreas was the current rate for good seamen,--whence it naturally followed that the wooden walls of brazil were to be manned with the refuse of the merchant service. the worst kind of saving--false economy--had evidently established itself in the brazilian naval administration. the captains complained of the difficulties they had to contend with as regarded the crews, particularly that the marines were so much gentlemen that they considered themselves degraded by cleaning their own berths, and had demanded and obtained attendants to wait on them! whilst they could only be punished for offences by their own officers! or, to use the words of one of the captains, "they were very much their own masters, and seemed inclined to be his!" it was, indeed, evident to me that neither seamen nor marines were in any state of discipline. not having as yet had experience of political party in the empire, it struck me as an anomaly that portuguese should be employed in such numbers to fight their own countrymen, though i afterwards became but too well acquainted with the cause of a proceeding at the time beyond my comprehension. in the course of our visit of inspection, the phrase "attacking the portuguese parliamentary force," was frequently used by the emperor, and was no less singular, as implying that the brazilian government did not make war against the king or country of portugal, but merely against the cortes; the distinction, as regarded the conduct of hostilities, being without a difference. a curious circumstance occurred after this visit of inspection. on landing--hundreds of people of all ages and colours, crowded round to kiss his majesty's hands--paternally extended on both sides to rows of devoted subjects, who, under no other circumstances, could have come in such familiar contact with royalty. to this ceremony the emperor submitted with the greatest possible good humour and affability, his equanimity not even being ruined by familiarities such as i had never before seen taken with king or emperor. on the 17th, a visit was paid to me by the minister of marine, luiz da cunha moreira, relative to the terms of my appointment, he being evidently desirous that my services should be obtained at as cheap a rate as possible, notwithstanding the concurrence of the prime minister with the offers which had been made through the consul-general at buenos ayres. the pay now offered was that of an admiral in the portuguese service,--notoriously the worst paid in the world. on enquiring what this might be, i found it less than half what i had received in chill! my pay there being 8000 dollars per annum, with permission from the supreme director to appropriate another 4000 from the government moiety of captures made. by way of reply, i produced a letter from the chilian minister of marine, counter-signed by the supreme director, acknowledging the receipt of an offer subsequently made to the chilian government voluntarily to give up to public exigencies a portion of my pay greater than the amount now tendered--at the same time telling the minister, that by accepting such an arrangement i should lose more annually by entering the brazilian service than the whole sum offered to me. without condescending to chaffer on such a subject, i added that his imperial majesty had invited me to brazil on specific promises, which, if my services were required, must be strictly fulfilled; if not, it would be candid in him to say so, as it was not the amount of pay for which i contended; but the reflection, that if the first stipulations of the brazilian government were violated, no future confidence could be placed in its good faith. if the state were poor, i had no objection, conditionally, to surrender an equal or even a greater proportion of pay than i had tendered to the chilian government; but that it was no part of my intention to be placed on the footing of a portuguese admiral, especially after the terms, which, without application on my part, had been voluntarily offered to induce me to accept service in brazil. the minister of marine seemed hurt at this, and said the state was not poor, and that the terms originally offered should be complied with, by granting me the amount i had enjoyed in chili; a decision the more speedily arrived at, from an intimation on my part, of referring to the prime minister, as requested in cases of difficulty. this the minister of marine begged me not to do, saying that there was no occasion for it. he next proposed that, as my brazilian pay was to be equivalent to that which i received in chili, it should he numerically estimated in spanish dollars, at the rate of 800 reis per dollar--though the brazilian mint was then actually restamping those very dollars at the rate of 960 reis! thus, by a manoeuvre, which reflected little credit on a minister, lessening the pay agreed on by one-fifth. to this proposition i replied that there was no objection, provided my services were also revalued--as he seemed disposed to revalue his dollar; so that, setting aside the offers which had induced me to leave chili, i would make a new offer, which should not only compensate for the difference in dispute, but leave a considerable surplus on my side into the bargain. alarmed at the sarcasm, and perhaps judging from my manner, that i cared little for a service in which such petty expedients formed an important element, he at once gave up the false value which he had attached to the dollar, and agreed to estimate it at 960 reis--a microscopic saving, truly! as such a mode of proceeding had been adopted towards me, it became necessary on my part to look well after the interests of the officers who had accompanied me under the assurance that their position in brazil should be at least equal to that which they had held on the other side of the continent. this was not more a duty than a necessity, for i saw that, unless supported by officers upon whose talent and courage reliance could be placed, it would be out of my power individually to accomplish any enterprise satisfactory to myself or beneficial to brazil. i therefore required and obtained the same stipulations with regard to their respective rank and pay as had, in my own case, been insisted on. of these, admiral grenfell is the only survivor. on the 19th, a writing on a common sheet of letter paper was forwarded to me by the minister of marine, purporting to be a commission, with the rank of admiral; stating, however, inaccurately the amount of pay and table money agreed upon, by transposing the one for the other,--so that the table money was figured as pay, and the pay as table money; the effect being, that when on shore, my pay would have amounted to exactly one half of the sum stipulated! this proceeding could not be tolerated, so on the following morning i returned the commission to the minister of marine, who hastened to assure me that it was a mistake, which should be rectified. this pretended commission was accompanied by the following order to take command of the squadron:- his imperial majesty--through the secretary for naval affairs--commands that the admiral of the imperial and national marine--lord cochrane--shall take command of the squadron at anchor in this port, consisting of the ship _pedro primiero_; the frigates _unao, nitherohy_, and _carolina_; the corvettes _maria de gloria_ and _liberal_; the brig _guarani_, and the schooners _real_ and _leopoldina_; hoisting his flag aboard the line-of-battle ship: the said admiral having, at his choice, the whole--or any of the said vessels, for the purpose of the expedition about to sail. palace of rio de janeiro, march 19, 1823. (signed) luiz da cunha moreiea. there was, however, another point still less satisfactory. the commission conferred upon me the rank of admiral, but of what grade was not specified. on pressing the minister of marine, he admitted that it was only intended to give me the rank of junior admiral,--there being already two admirals in the service, whose functions would not, however, interfere with me, as their duties were confined to the ordinary administration of a board of admiralty. i at once told him that for me to serve under such naval administrators was out of the question. as the minister of marine professed want of sufficient power to warrant him in altering the commission, i announced my intention of taking it to the prime minister, and respectfully restoring it into his hands. the minister of marine again begged me not to do so, as an alteration might be made, if i would consent to go at once on board the _pedro primiero_--on board which ship my flag had been directed to be hoisted at mid-day! this, it is needless to add, was declined, not only by myself, but by the officers who had accompanied me from chili. the minister of marine affected to be surprised at my want of confidence in the government, but i explained that this was not the case. "it was quite possible that a congress might at any time be convened which would be less liberally inclined than the present ministry, and that acceptance of an appointment so loosely made might afford the admirals placed over me, not only a control over my movements, but an easy and convenient mode of getting rid of me after i had done their work; and this without any imputation of injustice on their proceedings. the fact, indeed, of a cortes being about to assemble, and the possibility of their interfering with me, was sufficient to fix my determination to have nothing to do with the command, under any circumstances, save those set forth in the tender made to me by command of his majesty." to this the minister replied, that, "if i could be thus dismissed, the government must likewise fall--because to suppose that a popular assembly could dictate to his majesty in such a case was to suppose the government no longer in existence." i then frankly told the minister, that "my experience as a naval officer--founded upon many years' practical observation, had taught me that, in engagements of this nature, it was necessary to be clear and explicit in every arrangement. i did not mean to insinuate anything disrespectful to the ministers of his brazilian majesty, but knowing that a senate was about to assemble, and having reason to believe that a majority of the members might differ from the ministerial views, and might--when the work was done--take a fancy to see the squadron commanded by one of their own countrymen--a step which would leave me no alternative but to quit the service--it was much better for all parties to put our mutual engagements on a firm basis." the minister continued to argue the point, but finding argument of no avail in altering my determination, he insinuated--though not stating as much in positive terms--that he had no prospect of any arrangement being effected regarding my rank other than that which had been tendered. determined to be no longer trifled with--on the following morning i waited on the prime minister, bonifacio de andrada, whom i found in high dudgeon at what he termed the unreasonableness of my demands; stating, moreover, that the consul at buenos ayres had exceeded his authority by writing me a bombastic letter, though but a few days before, andrada not only expressed his entire concurrence in its contents, but stated that the letter had been written through his influence with the emperor! to this i replied that, "be that as it might, it was absurd to suppose that i should have given up my position in chili for anything less in brazil, and that all that had been offered by the consul, or desired by me, was simply an equivalent to my chilian command, with adequate reimbursement of any losses i might sustain by quitting chili so abruptly, before the settlement of my affairs with that country. this offer had been made on behalf of his imperial majesty, under the express authority of the prime minister himself, as set forth in the consul's letters, and for this i held the government responsible. but, at the same time, i informed the prime minister that if he were disinclined to fulfil his own voluntary obligations, i would at once free him from them by declining the proffered command, and therefore begged of him to take back his commission, about which i would hold no further parley." this step was evidently unexpected, for, lowering his tone, bonifacio assured me that "good faith was the peculiar characteristic of the brazilian administration;" and to prove this, he had to announce to me that a cabinet council had that morning been held, at which it was resolved that the newly created honour of "first admiral of brazil" should be conferred upon me, with the pay and emoluments of chili, as stipulated through the consul at buenos ayres. he then asked me if i was content, to which i replied in the affirmative; pointing out, however, how much better it would have been to have taken this course at first, than to have caused such contention about a matter altogether insignificant, as compared with the work in hand. he replied that, as everything had been conceded, it was not worth while to reopen the question; but to this view i demurred, telling him that _nothing whatever had been conceded, the government having only fulfilled its own stipulations_, which were insignificant in comparison with obtaining the services of an officer whom it believed competent to carry out alone, what otherwise would entail great expense on the state. i further assured him that it would afford me much satisfaction to prove to him of how little importance was all that which had been the subject of dispute, and that his imperial majesty's government might rest assured that my utmost exertions would be used to bring the naval war to a speedy termination. he then requested me to hoist my flag forthwith, as the government was very anxious on this point. accordingly, at four o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st of march, 1823, i went on board the _pedro primiero_, and hoisted my flag, which was saluted with twenty-one guns from each ship of war, the salute being acknowledged from the flagship with an equal number. shortly afterwards, a _portaria_, dated on the same day, was sent to me, explanatory of the commission which had given rise to so much trouble, and detailing my future pay as agreed upon. by the same document i was ordered to take command of the squadron, and an intimation was given that a formal commission as "first admiral" would forthwith be made out. it was further acknowledged that, by accepting the brazilian command, i had risked an admitted reward for services rendered to chili and peru, to the extent of more than sixty thousand dollars--and it was agreed that this amount should be repaid to me in the event of those countries not fulfilling their obligations--provided equivalent services were rendered to brazil. for more than thirty years chili has withheld that amount, but the brazilian government has never fulfilled this portion of its engagements. notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the administration to place their navy in a creditable position as regarded the ships, the want of seamen was severely felt, and little had been done beyond shipping a number of portuguese sailors, whose fidelity to the imperial cause was doubtful. in the hope of getting a more reliable class of men for the flagship, i authorised captain crosbie to offer from my own purse, eight dollars per man, in addition to the bounty given by the government, and by this means procured some english and north american seamen, who, together with the men who accompanied me from chili, sufficed to form a tolerable nucleus for a future crew; as to the rest--though far short of the ship's complement--it had never before fallen to my lot to command a crew so inefficient. on the 26th of march, the following commission from his imperial majesty was presented to me:- imperador, the valour, intelligence, activity, and other qualities of lord cochrane as an admiral, being well-known by the performance of various services in which he has been engaged, and seeing how advantageous it would be for the empire to avail itself of the known qualities of an officer so gifted, i deem it proper to confer on him a patent as "first admiral of the national and imperial navy," with an annual salary of eleven contos and five hundred and twenty milreis, whether at sea or on shore; and further in table money, when embarked, five contos, seven hundred and twenty milreis, which is the same pay and table money as he received in chili. to which favour, no admiral of the imperial navy shall claim succession, neither to the post of "first admiral," which i have thought fit to create solely for this occasion, from the motives aforesaid, and from particular consideration of the merits of the said lord cochrane. the supreme military council will so understand, and shall execute the necessary despatches. given at the palace of rio de janeiro, march 21st, 1823. second year of the independence of the empire. (signed) imperador. luiz da cunha moreiea, secretary of state, march 26th, 1823. leonardo antonio basto. thus was a right understanding established, my only object during the undignified contentions which had arisen, being--relinquishment of the proffered command, in order to carry out my long-entertained intention of visiting greece, then engaged in a struggle for independence--or to obtain a definite arrangement with the brazilian government, which should recognise the circumstances under which i had been induced to quit chili--_confer upon me permanent rank--give me the equivalent promised with regard to pay_--and be binding on both parties. on the 29th of march, a proclamation was issued by the imperial government declaring bahia in a state of blockade, the portuguese having there assembled a combined naval and military force superior to that of brazil, and, under ordinary circumstances, fully competent to maintain itself; as well as to put down, or at least paralyse, any movement in favour of independence. the following orders were then communicated to me, and were of the usual kind, viz. "to capture or destroy all enemy's ships and property, whereever found:"- his imperial majesty, through the secretary of state for the marine, commands that the first admiral, lord cochrane, commander-in-chief of the squadron, shall, to-morrow morning, proceed from this port with such vessels as he shall judge proper to the port of bahia, to institute a rigorous blockade, destroying or capturing whatever portuguese force he may fall in with--doing all possible damage to the enemies of this empire, it being left to the discretion of the said admiral to act as he shall deem advantageous, in order to save that city from the thraldom to which it is reduced by the enemies of the cause of brazil; for this purpose consulting with gen. labatu, commanding the army, in order to the general good of the service, and glory of the national and imperial arms. palace of rio janeiro, march 30, 1823. luiz da cunha moreira. to the brazilian party and the mass of the people generally, the approaching departure of the squadron was a matter for congratulation, but to the portuguese faction it presented a cause for fear, as tending to destroy their hopes of re-establishing the authority of the mother country. their influence, as has before been said, was as great, if not greater, than that of the patriots, and being more systematic, it had been effectually employed to increase the disaffection which existed in the northern provinces to the--as yet--but partially established authority of his imperial majesty. it is not my intention for a moment to impute malicious motives to the portuguese faction in brazil. the king of portugal, don john vi. had, within twelve months, quitted their shores to resume the throne of his ancestors, so that they had a right to the praise of loyalty, and the more so, as at that time few calculated on separation from the mother country. the empire itself was not six months old, and therefore they were not to be blamed for doubting its stability. the cortes at lisbon had sent a large force for the protection of the more remote provinces, and in an attack upon these at bahia, the brazilian troops had been unsuccessful, so that no great confidence was to be reposed on any future _military_ efforts to eject the portuguese troops. where the portuguese party was really to blame, consisted in this,--that seeing disorder everywhere more or less prevalent, they strained every nerve to increase it, hoping thereby to paralyse further attempts at independence, by exposing whole provinces to the evils of anarchy and confusion. their loyalty also partook more of self-interest than of attachment to the supremacy of portugal, for the commercial classes, which formed the real strength of the portuguese faction, hoped, by preserving the authority of the mother country in her distant provinces, thereby to obtain as their reward the revival of old trade monopolies, which twelve years before had been thrown open, enabling the english traders--whom they cordially hated--to supersede them in their own markets. being a citizen of the rival nation, their aversion to me personally was undisguised; the more so perhaps, that they believed me capable of achieving at bahia--whither the squadron was destined--that irreparable injury to their own cause, which the imperial troops had been unable to effect. had i, at the time, been aware of the influence and latent power of the portuguese party in the empire, not all the so-called concessions made by de andrada would have induced me to accept the command of the brazilian navy; for to contend with faction is more dangerous than to engage an enemy, and a contest of intrigue was alike foreign to my nature and inclination. chapter ii. attempt to cut off the enemy's ships--disobedience to orders--letter to the prime minister--worthlessness of the men--their treachery--blockade established--equipment of fireships--enemy's supplies cut off--portuguese untrustworthy--demonstrations of the enemy--his pretended contempt for us--the enemy returns to port--their consternation at the fireships--portuguese contemplate attacking us--flagship reconnoitres enemy at anchor--excessive alarm at my nocturnal visit--proclamation of the commandant--consternation in the city--the authorities decide on evacuating bahia--instructions to the brazilian captains--warnings addressed to the authorities--enemy quits bahia--readiness for chase--numbers of the enemy--capture of the convoy--prizes disabled--attempt of troops to escape--prizes sent to pernambuco--pursuit discontinued--reasons for going to maranham--reasons for not taking more prizes--advantages to the empire. on the 3rd of april, we put to sea with a squadron of four ships only, viz. the _pedro primiero_, captain crosbie, _piranga_, captain jowett, _maria de gloria_, captain beaurepaire, and _liberal_, captain garcaõ--two others which accompanied us, viz. the _guarani_, captain de coito, and _real_, captain de castro, were intended as fireships. two vessels of war, the _paraguassu_ and the _nitherohy_, being incomplete in their equipment, were of necessity left behind. the _nitherohy_, captain taylor, joined on the 29th of april, and on the 1st of may we made the coast of bahia. on the 4th, we made the unexpected discovery of thirteen sail to leeward, which proved to be the enemy's fleet leaving port with a view of preventing or raising the blockade. shortly afterwards the portuguese admiral formed line of battle to receive us, his force consisting of one ship of the line, five frigates, five corvettes, a brig, and schooner. regularly to attack a more numerous and better trained squadron with our small force, manned by undisciplined and--as had been ascertained on the voyage--disaffected crews, was out of the question. on board the flagship there were only a hundred and sixty english and american seamen, the remainder consisting of the vagabondage of the capital, with a hundred and thirty black marines, just emancipated from slavery. nevertheless, observing an opening in the enemy's line, which would enable us to cut off their four rearmost ships, i made signals accordingly, and with the flagship alone gave the practical example of breaking the line, firing into their frigates as we passed. the portuguese admiral promptly sent vessels to the aid of the four cut off, when, hauling our wind on the larboard tack, we avoided singly a collision with the whole squadron, but endeavoured to draw the enemy's ships assisting into a position where they might be separately attacked to advantage. had the rest of the brazilian squadron come down in obedience to signals, the ships cut off might have been taken or dismantled, as, with the flagship i could have kept the others at bay, and no doubt have crippled all in a position to render them assistance. to my astonishment the signals were disregarded, and--for reasons which will presently be adduced--no efforts were made to second my operations. for some time the action was continued by the _pedro primiero_ alone, but to my mortification the fire of the flagship was exceedingly ill-directed. a still more untoward circumstance occurred in the discovery that two portuguese seamen who had been stationed to hand up powder, were not only withholding it, but had made prisoners of the powder boys who came to obtain it! this would have been serious but for the promptitude of captain grenfell, who, rushing upon the men, dragged them on deck; but to continue the action under such circumstances was not to be thought of; and as the enemy had more than double our numerical force, i did not consider myself warranted in further attempting, with greater hazard, what on a future opportunity might be accomplished with less. quitting the enemy's ships cut off, we therefore hauled our wind, to join the vessels which had kept aloof, and to proceed to the station previously appointed as the rendezvous of the squadron, whither the fireships were to follow. in this affair no lives were lost. extremely annoyed at this failure, arising from non-fulfilment of orders, and finding, from experience on the voyage, that we had been hurried to sea, without consideration as to the materials of which the squadron was composed, a rigid inquiry was instituted, which gave me such cogent reasons for losing all confidence in it, that on the day following i considered it expedient to address the following letter to the prime minister, andrada, pointing out that if prompt steps were not taken to add to our strength, by providing more efficient crews, the result might be to compromise the interests of the empire, no less than the character of the officers commanding. (secret) h.i.m.s. _pedro primiero_, at sea, may 5, 1823. most illustrious sir, availing myself of your permission to address you upon points of a particular nature, and referring you to my public despatches to the minister of marine, i beg leave to add that it was not only unfavourable winds which retarded our progress, but the extreme bad sailing of the _piranga_ and _liberal_. neither these ships nor the _nitherohy_, which sails equally ill, are adapted to the purposes to be effected, as from their slowness, the enemy has an opportunity to force an action under any circumstances, however disadvantageous to this undisciplined squadron. the _real_ is no better, and her total uselessness as a ship of war, has determined me to prepare her as a fireship, there appearing no probability of the others joining. from the defective sailing and manning of the squadron it seems, indeed, to me, that the _pedro primiero_ is the only one that can assail an enemy's ship of war, or act in the face of a superior force, so as not to compromise the interests of the empire and the character of the officers commanding. even this ship--in common-with the rest--is so ill-equipped as to be much less efficient than she otherwise would be. this letter, you will observe, is not intended to meet the public eye, but merely to put the government in possession of facts necessary for its information. our cartridges are all unfit for service, and i have been obliged to cut up every flag and ensign that could be spared, to render them serviceable, so as to prevent the men's arms being blown off whilst working the guns, and also to prevent the constant necessity of sponging, &c. which, from the time it consumes, diminishes the effective force of the ships fully one half. the guns are without locks--which they ought to have had in order to their being efficient. the sails of this ship are all rotten--the light and baffling airs on our way hither, having beaten one set to pieces, and the others are hourly giving way to the slightest breeze of wind. the bed of the mortar which i received on board this ship was crushed on the first fire--being entirety rotten; the fuzes for the shells are formed of such wretched composition that it will not take fire with the discharge of the mortar, and are consequently unfit for use on board a ship where it is extremely dangerous to kindle the fuze otherwise than by the explosion; even the powder with which this ship is supplied is so bad, that six pounds will not throw our shells more than a thousand yards, instead of double that distance. the marines neither understand gun exercise, the use of small arms, nor the sword, and yet have so high an opinion of themselves that they will not assist to wash the decks, or even to clean out their own berths, but sit and look on whilst these operations are being performed by seamen; being thus useless as marines, they are a hinderance to the seamen, who ought to be learning their duty in the tops, instead of being converted into sweepers and scavengers. i have not yet interfered in this injurious practice, because i think that reforms of the ancient practice of the service, ought to form the subject of instruction from the government --and also, because at this moment, any alterations of mine might create dissatisfactions and dissensions even more prejudicial to the service in which we are engaged, than the evils in question. with respect to the seamen, i would observe, that, in order to create an effective marine, young active lads of from fourteen to twenty should be selected. almost the whole of those who constitute the crews of these vessels--with the exception of the foreign seamen, are not only totally unpractised in naval profession, but are too old to learn. i warned the minister of marine, that every native of portugal put on board the squadron--with the exception of officers of known character--would prove prejudicial to the expedition, and yesterday we had a clear proof of the fact. the portuguese stationed in the magazine, actually withheld the powder whilst this ship was in the midst of the enemy, and i have since learned that they did so from feelings of attachment to their own countrymen. i now inclose you two letters on this subject--one just received from the officer commanding the _real_, whose crew were on the point of _carrying that vessel into the enemy's squadron for the purpose of delivering her up!_ i have also reason to believe, that the conduct of the _liberal_ yesterday in not bearing down upon the enemy and not complying with the signal which i had made to break the line--was owing to her being manned with portuguese. the _maria de gloria_ has also a great number of portuguese, which is the more to be regretted, as otherwise her superior sailing, with the zeal and activity of her captain, would render her an effective vessel. to disclose to you the truth, it appears to me that one half of the squadron is necessary to watch over the other half: and, assuredly, this is a system which ought to be put an end to without delay. a greater evil is, that this ship is one hundred and twenty seamen short of her complement and three hundred short of what i should consider an efficient crew, whilst the bad quality and ignorance of the landsmen, makes the task of managing her in action no easy matter, the incessant bawling going on rendering the voices of the officers inaudible. had this ship yesterday been manned and equipped as she ought to have been, and free from the disadvantages stated, there is no doubt whatever in my mind, but, that singly, we could have dismantled half the ships of the enemy. on the whole, sir, you must perceive that i have not been supplied with any of those facilities which i requested to be placed in my hands. i am, however, aware of the difficulties under which a new government labours, and am ready to do all in my power under any circumstances. what i have to request of you is, that you will do me the justice to feel that the predicament in which i am now placed, is somewhat analogous to your own, and that if i cannot accomplish all i wish, the deficiency arises from causes beyond my control; but i entreat you to let me have--at least this ship- _well manned_, and i will answer for her rendering more efficient service than the whole squadron besides--constituted as it now is. you will perceive by my public despatch addressed to the minister of marine, that although we passed through the enemy's line, and, i may add, actually brushed the nearest vessel, which we cut off--yet nothing really useful was effected, notwithstanding that the vessel we touched ought to have been sunk, and those separated to have been dismantled or destroyed. i am quite vexed at the result--which was such, however, as might have been expected from the bad manning of the squadron. i have determined to proceed forthwith to the moro san paulo, and to leave there the ill-sailing vessels. i intend to remove all the effective officers and seamen from the _piranga_ and _nitherohy_, into this ship, and with her alone, or attended only by the _maria de gloria_, to proceed to bahia, to reconnoitre the situation of the enemy at their anchorage, and obtain the information requisite to enable me to enter on more effectual operations. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. ill. exmo. senor josé bonifacio d'andrade y silva, ministro e secretario d'estado. a rigorous blockade was nevertheless established, in spite of our deficiencies or the efforts made to raise or evade it--though the enemy were bold in reliance upon their numbers, and none the less so, perhaps, from considering our recent failure a defeat. they did not, however, venture to attack us, nor were we yet in a condition to meddle further with them. the blockade of the port was not calculated to effect anything decisive, beyond paralysing the naval operations of the enemy's squadron. even this would not prevent the portuguese from strengthening themselves in positions on shore, and thus, by intimidating all other districts within reach,--enable them to bar the progress of independence. i therefore determined, as a force in our condition was not safe to hazard in any combination requiring prompt and implicit obedience, to adopt the step of which i had apprised the prime minister, and took the squadron to moro san paulo, where, transferring from the bad sailing frigates to the flagship, the captains, officers, and best petty officers and seamen, the _pedro primiero_ was rendered more efficient than the whole together; and with her and the _maria de gloria_, i resolved to conduct further operations against the enemy--leaving the _piranga_, and _nitherohy_, together with all the other vessels, in charge of captain pio--the two senior captains having been transferred to the flagship, in charge of their officers and men. there was, however, another reason for leaving the remainder of the squadron at moro san paulo. before quitting rio de janeiro, i had urged on the government the necessity of immediately forwarding fireships, as the most reliable means for destroying a superior force. these had not been supplied; but in their place a quantity of inflammable and explosive materials had been sent. as several prizes had been taken, i determined to convert them into fireships, as well as the _real_ schooner--a useless vessel, the crew of which had shewn that they were not to be depended upon; so that the remaining ships of the squadron, though unreliable in other respects, were well employed in carrying these objects into execution. in order to protect the ships and men thus engaged, i directed a body of marines to be landed, for the purpose of making a show by forming and manning batteries to repel any attack, though, had such been made, neither the batteries nor their defenders would have been of much service. the flagship, together with the _maria de gloria_, now proceeded to cruize off bahia, with such success that all supplies were cut off by sea, notwithstanding repeated attempts to introduce vessels from san mattheos with farinha--a dozen of which fell into our hands, in spite of the enemy's superiority. as the _carolina_ had now joined us, i directed her to take under convoy the captured transports with provisions, whilst the _guarani_ was sent to scour the coast, with orders to avoid approaching the enemy's fleet, and to bring me information as to the progress of the fireships, upon which i now saw that i must mainly rely. on the 21st, i considered it expedient to address the following private letter to the minister of marine:- off bahia, n.w. 12 miles, may 21, 1833. most illustrious sir, in addition to my official letters of the 3rd and 4th inst. i beg to acquaint you that, being convinced--not only from the conduct of the crew of this ship during the attack on the 4th, but from what i observed in regard to the other vessels--that nothing beneficial to his imperial majesty's service could be effected by any attempts to combine the whole squadron in an attack against the enemy--but, on the contrary, from the imperfect and incongruous manner in which the vessels are manned- consequences of the most serious nature would ensue from any further attempt of the kind. i have therefore determined to take the squadron to moro san paulo, for the adoption of other measures essential under such circumstances, viz. to take on board such officers and men from the bad sailing vessels as will render the _pedro primiero_ more effective than the whole squadron as now constituted. in the first conversation i had with you, i gave you my opinion as to the superior benefit of equipping one or two vessels _well_- rather than many imperfectly, and i again beg to press on your consideration the necessity of such efficient equipment of all vessels, whether many or few. i must also remind you of the great danger that arises from the employment of portuguese of the inferior class in active operations against their own countrymen, because they neither do nor can consider that the dispute between brazil and the portuguese government, bears any similarity to warfare as ordinarily understood. i have had sufficient proof since leaving rio de janeiro, that there is no more trust to be placed in portuguese, when employed to fight against their countrymen, than there was in the spaniards, who, on the opposite side of this continent, betrayed the patriot governments, by whom they were employed. i shall press this point no further than to say, that so long as his imperial majesty's ships are so manned, i shall consider them as not only wholly inefficient, but requiring to be vigilantly watched in order to prevent the most dangerous consequences. since making my arrangements at the moro, where i left all the squadron except this ship and the _maria de gloria_, i have been constantly off the port of bahia, but could see nothing of the enemy's squadron, till the 20th, when i learned from an english vessel that they had been as far down as the abrolhos shoals, for what purpose i know not. they consist of thirteen vessels, being the number which we encountered on the 4th. i am watching an opportunity to attack them in the night, in the hope not only of being able to damage them materially by the fire of this ship, but also in the expectation that, if they are not better disciplined than the crews of this squadron, they will occasion as much damage amongst themselves, as they would sustain if they had an equal force to contend with. in the meantime we are as effectually blockading bahia, as if the enemy did not dare to remove from his anchorage--for both this ship and the _maria de gloria_ outsail them all. we have captured three portuguese vessels, and from the letters found therein, many more are expected from maranham and other ports to leeward, as well as from san mattheos. should the enemy's squadron return to port before i can obtain a favourable opportunity of assailing them at sea, i shall endeavour to attack them at their anchorage, and the government may be assured that no exertion shall be wanting on my part, or on that of the officers now in this ship, to effect their destruction. i may fairly ascribe the prepared state of the enemy, and the great force in which they appeared on the 4th, and still exhibit--to the information carried by the british ship of war tartar, which was permitted to sail from rio so early after our departure for bahia, and thus served them as effectually as though she had been expressly hired for the purpose. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. to the minister of marine. on the 22nd we captured another vessel, and reconnoitred the port of bahia, the portuguese squadron being there at anchor. finding this to be the case, i returned to the moro to expedite the fireships--leaving the _maria de gloria_ to watch the enemy's movements. on the 26th the portuguese admiral again appeared in full force, and approached towards us at the moro san paulo, when we prepared for action, but the hostile squadron withdrew. the same demonstration was made for several days, the enemy not venturing on an attack, whilst, from the causes previously alleged, we were in no condition to take the initiative. on the 26th i apprised the minister of marine that, when the enemy returned to port, i should make an attempt on them on the first dark night with the flagship alone, pending the equipment of the fireships. at the same time i addressed the following letter to the prime minister, de andrada:- moro san paulo, 26th may, 1823. most illustrious sir, with regard to the transactions of the squadron, i beg to refer you to my despatches to the minister of marine, but solicit your attention to a few particulars which appear to me of importance. in the first place, you will observe from the enclosed bahia newspaper, that the maritime force of the enemy is contrasted with that of the squadron under my command. i should be well content were the real disparity of the respective forces no greater than the statement has set forth, but unfortunately, the brazilians, who have never before been at sea, are of little or no use, from their total want of discipline, and of any kind of nautical knowledge; whilst the portuguese seamen in the squadron, are not only useless--but a great deal worse, for the reasons stated in my former letters. the enemy in bahia are in want of all kinds of fresh provisions --though they have been using every means to procure them. some supplies they have lately had from buenos ayres, and even from the cape de verds; but the most surprising fact is that the brazilian governor of san mattheos, near the abrolhos, and the chiefs of other small brazilian ports in that quarter have been loading vessels for the enemy's use--under the simulated destination of rio de janeiro. permit me to suggest that an investigation into this matter is highly essential. from all the information which i can collect, the enemy at bahia are considerably distracted in their councils, which dissensions cannot fail to be increased by seeing their vessels taken in the very mouth of the harbour, and their look-out ships driven under the guns of the batteries by those of his imperial majesty, i may, indeed, say by two ships alone, because in the state of the other vessels and crews i have not deemed it prudent to trust them in the neighbourhood of a port occupied by the enemy. i have no doubt of succeeding--by some means or other--in effecting our object, and that in as short a time as can reasonably be expected--for it is not to be supposed that i should all at once accomplish objects of such magnitude with a force so inferior, and in great part so inexperienced and heterogeneously composed. on this subject i beg to call your attention to the low opinion entertained of our squadron by the enemy, as expressed in the enclosed bahia gazette (no 65), which, on that point, is in conformity with my own opinion as previously expressed. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. to the prime minister. the following proclamation from the _bahia gazette_ will shew the nature of these vapourings deliberately inserted by the bahia authorities:- last week the wind was southerly, with rain, which has rendered it impossible for our squadron to get at the rio squadron, to decide whether brazil shall remain in the fetters of the usurper of rio- or enjoy constitutional liberty. had they credited me more, we should not have seen on our bar, an enterprising man who ruined the commerce of the pacific, and now thinks to regain the glory he lost. the conduct of lord cochrane verberates in our ears- examine his conduct in the pacific, and observe that he lost all, and was obliged to abandon everything to the spaniards in peru, afterwards losing his little force in attacks and tempests. the ministry of rio sent for him, giving him the pompous title of "admiral of the brazils," and great promises--thinking that he would bring with him a squadron to help the imperial fraudulence. this is the great wonder, who has come to carry fire and blood to the trusty bahia, bringing with him vessels manned, for the most part, with portuguese sailors--and not leaving in rio a single vessel, from which he did not take even the negro sailors. it is only the _pedro primiero_ that is manned with the adventurous foreigners, so that we shall fall upon the 74, and by beating her, decide the business of brazil. our squadron is superior in physical force, having at their head brave officers, with plenty of troops. it is commanded in chief by an admiral who has success before him, and who wishes to regain the opinion of the public, so that we may all wait a happy result. commerce--the strong pillar which upholds the constitutional edifice--has promised great recompense to the victorious fleet and their chief, and has precious gifts for those who will shew their gratitude to bahia, and defend their liberty. officers who distinguish themselves, will have a medal representing their victory, which will make them known to the citizens of bahia, who will not be ungrateful. citizens of all classes are ready at a moment's warning to decide the great cause of our liberty, and will measure the greatness of our triumph by the sacrifices made. constance, courage, and union, and we shall see the despotic monster raging and tearing himself to pieces. all we look to, at this moment, is to destroy the rio squadron. the usurper who rules in that capital thinks that, reaching the bar with the squadron of his imaginary empire, we should be attacked on all sides, and compelled to make a shameful capitulation. how much you are mistaken--new-born monster! we have abundant force at our disposal; but in the meantime we must overthrow the plans of the enterprising cochrane, and wait the result of maritime prowess. notwithstanding that the portuguese opinion of the brazilian squadron, as expressed in the official gazette, is couched in terms of contempt, as compared with the efficiency of their own squadron--yet most inconsistently, they did not venture to attack us. the fact was, however, most painful to me, being aware of its truthfulness, and i wrote to the minister of marine, begging him to enable us to intercept the numerous vessels expected at bahia, by procuring three fast-sailing american clippers, armed with 18 or 24-pounders, in lieu of the useless schooners with which we were encumbered. in addition to the professed contempt of the portuguese authorities for the ships blockading bahia--the proclamation in which these expressions were contained, termed his imperial majesty a "turkish despot,"--his prime minister a "tyrannical vizier," and myself "a coward;" so that i had at least the satisfaction of being maligned in good company. on the 2nd of june, to my great satisfaction, the portuguese returned to port, and i felt certain that so soon as the fireships in preparation at the moro san paulo were ready, the destruction of the whole was inevitable--the portuguese naval officers being of the same opinion, whatever might be the official boasts of the military commandant. according to the secret correspondence which i had established with brazilian patriots resident within the city, the admiral's consternation on learning that fireships were nearly equipped was excessive--and being in nightly expectation of a repetition of the scene in basque roads; or at least of that which little more than a year previous had been enacted before callao--every precaution was taken against surprise. he was quite right in the conjecture as to what was intended; but did not calculate--as i was obliged to do--on the general want of experience of such matters in the brazilian service. our preparations being, on the 8th of june, reported to be favourably progressing, i determined to put the attack in execution so soon as the tide flowed late enough in the evening to prevent the enemy from perceiving us in time to disturb or defeat our operations. the difficulty was to find competent persons to take charge of the fireships, so as to kindle them at the proper moment--the want of which had rendered most of the fireships ineffective--as such--in the affair of basque roads in 1809, and had formed one of the principal obstacles when attacking callao in 1821. of the explosion vessel i intended myself to take charge, as i had formerly done in basque roads. on the 9th of june information arrived that the enemy had resolved on an attempt to destroy the fireships in the moro san paulo, and that the second division of their army was being embarked in transports for that purpose. preparations were at once made to receive them by ordering in the vessels scouring the coast, and by such other precautionary measures as were necessary for the defence of that important station. it was, however, difficult to make a proper defence, for, with the exception of portuguese--who could not be trusted--there were no artillerymen in the brazilian squadron who had any practical knowledge of their duty, even if the guns on the moro could be made to contribute to its defence, for the place was open, and commanded by heights, of which, as we had no troops, the enemy could possess themselves by night or by day. in case they did so, before adequate preparations could be made, i directed the guns to be spiked, that they might not be turned against the ships. no attack was, however, made, the enemy being doubtless deterred by the apparent promptitude in anticipating their movements. on the 11th of june further information was received that the contemplated attack on the moro had been abandoned, and that the enemy were seriously deliberating on evacuating the port before the fireships were completed, i therefore ordered the _maria de gloria_ to water and re-victual for three months, so as to be in readiness for anything which might occur, as, in case the rumour proved correct, our operations might take a different turn to those previously intended. the _piranga_ was also directed to have everything in readiness for weighing immediately, on the flagship appearing off the moro and making signals to that effect. the whole squadron was at the same time ordered to re-victual, and to place its surplus articles in a large shed constructed of trees and branches felled in the neighbourhood of the moro. whilst the other ships were thus engaged, i determined to increase the panic of the enemy with the flagship alone. the position of their fleet was about nine miles up the bay, under shelter of fortifications, so that an attack by day would have been more perilous than prudent. nevertheless, it appeared practicable to pay them a hostile visit on the first dark night, when, if unable to effect any serious mischief, it would at least be possible to ascertain their exact position, and to judge what could be accomplished when the fireships were brought to bear upon them. accordingly, having during the day carefully taken bearings of the high lands at the mouth of the river--on the night of the 12th june, i decided on making the attempt, which might possibly result in the destruction of part of the enemy's fleet, in consequence of the confused manner in which the ships were anchored, and from information received that the chief officers were invited ashore to a public ball. as soon as it became dark, we proceeded up the river, but unfortunately, when within hail of the outermost ship, the wind failed, and the tide soon after turning, our plan of attack was rendered abortive; determined, however, to complete the reconnaissance, we threaded our way amongst the outermost vessels, but dark as was the night--the presence of a strange ship under sail was discovered--and some beat to quarters, hailing to know what ship that was? the reply being "an english vessel," satisfied them, so that our investigation was made unmolested. the chief object thus accomplished, we succeeded in dropping out with the ebb tide, now rapidly running, and were enabled to steady our course stern-foremost with the stream anchor adrag, whereby we reached our former position off the mouth of the river. finding from the reconnaissance, that it would not be difficult to destroy the enemy's vessels, huddled together as they were amongst a crowd of merchantmen, i hastened to moro san paulo, to expedite the completion of the fireships. returning immediately to bahia, and again anchoring off the entrance of the harbour, i now learned that the alarm created by our nocturnal visit was excessive; indeed, my informants stated that the exploit had the effect of determining the portuguese admiral to remove as quickly as possible from a locality in which he could no longer consider himself safe. on the 29th of june, information was again forwarded to me, by persons favourable to the imperial cause, that a council of war had been held, at which it had been resolved to withdraw the fleet to st. catherine's or maranham, and not the fleet alone but the troops also--thus abandoning the city and province of bahia to the imperial squadron; the council judging that i should be well content to permit them to pass to another part of the coast, as their departure would result in the imperial occupation of bahia. the subjoined proclamation issued by general madeira will shew the straits to which the blockading squadron had reduced the city and garrison:- inhabitants of bahia, the crisis in which we find ourselves is perilous, because the means of subsistence fail us, and we cannot secure the entrance of any provisions. my duty as a soldier, and as governor, is to make any sacrifice in order to save the city; but it is equally my duty to prevent, in an extreme case, the sacrifice of the troops i command--of the squadron--and of yourselves. i shall employ every means to fulfil both duties. do not suffer yourselves to be persuaded that measures of foresight are always followed by disasters. you have already seen me take such once before. they alarmed you, but you were afterwards convinced that they portended nothing extraordinary. even in the midst of formidable armies measures of precaution are daily used, because victory is not constant, and reverses should be provided against. you may assure yourselves, that the measures i am now taking, are purely precautionary, but it is necessary to communicate them to you, because if it happens that _we must abandon the, city_, many of you will leave it also; and i should be responsible to the nation and to the king if i had not forewarned you. (signed) ignacio luiz madeira de mella. were it dignified to allude to the cowardice imputed to me by the same authority, it would be easy to refer to the above enumeration of distresses caused by our two ships having captured all their provisions in the face of thirteen, in every way better manned and equipped. the consternation caused by my nocturnal visit, which decided the evacuation of the city, was described as almost ludicrous. as i had been correctly informed, the portuguese admiral and his officers _were_ at a ball, and information of our appearance amongst the fleet was conveyed to him in the midst of the festivities. "what"--exclaimed he--"lord cochrane's line-of-battleship in the very midst of our fleet! impossible --no large ship can have come up in the dark." we, however, did find our way in the dark--and did not retire till our _reconnaissance_ was as complete as darkness would permit. the lamentations caused by general madeira's proclamation were no doubt faithfully chronicled in the bahia newspapers, one of these declaring "in the last few days we have witnessed in this city a most doleful spectacle that must touch the heart even of the most insensible. a panic terror has seized on all men's minds--the city will be left without protectors--and families, whose fathers are obliged to fly, will be left orphans--a prey to the invaders," &c. &c. a prognostication not at all in accordance with my mode of carrying on warfare, which, as portuguese families afterwards found, both at bahia and elsewhere, was to protect the defenceless and unoffending. the before-mentioned resolution of the council was precisely what i wished, as the evacuation of the port and province by the troops as well as the fleet, must prove more favourable to the imperial cause than if the fleet alone had been destroyed and the military force remained. as i had, however, every reason to believe that it was general madeira's intention to remove the troops to the northern provinces, which would only have shifted the scene of war to another locality, i was determined at all hazards to prevent such movement. on the 1st of july, information was brought, that, as the fireships were now known to be in readiness for the attack, the portuguese admiral had hastily embarked the whole of the troops in transports, and that a number of merchantmen were also filled with persons who wished to leave bahia under his protection. as it was clear that the total evacuation of the province by the enemy was preferable to an attack which might only end in destroying the ships and driving both naval and military forces on shore to renew their operations--i determined not to interfere with their retreat, till they were clear out of the harbour, when a vigilant pursuit would prevent them from again taking shelter in brazil. the following order was therefore issued to captain beaurepaire, of the _maria de gloria_, captain taylor, of the _nitherohy_, and captain. thompson, of the _carolina_, these being the only vessels on which i could in any degree depend:- having received information that the enemies of the independence of brazil are about to evacuate the city, and quit the port of bahia--taking under the protection of their ships of war numerous transports in which the military force and stores are embarked, together with all the moveable property, public and private--not excepting even the sacred vases appropriated to religious uses--and as it is highly expedient that the progress of the enemy should be interrupted and impeded as far as is practicable--you are required to be particularly vigilant in watching their escape, and are to endeavour to cut off such of their vessels as you can assail with safety, and are to continue in the execution of this duty so long as you can keep sight of the enemy. cochrane. given on board the _pedro primiero_ this 1st of july, 1823. to captain taylor, of the _nitherohy_, i gave further instructions to continue the chase as long as he considered it practicable to capture or destroy the enemy's vessels, using his utmost endeavours to disable all having troops on board; and as it was necessary to occupy bahia after its evacuation, i directed captains beaurepaire and thompson, after having captured or disabled all they could, to return forthwith to bahia, and take possession; for which purpose the following order was issued to captain beaurepaire:- after having executed the previous order, you are to return to the port of bahia, taking upon yourself the command of the naval department afloat in my absence, and it will be your duty to ascertain the nature of the cargoes of the neutral ships now in the port of bahia, or which may afterwards enter, as there are many neutral ships said to have embarked property to a large amount, which has been illegally transferred to such neutrals since the blockade, for the purpose of fraudulent concealment. all such vessels and all such property ought to be detained and subjected to legal investigation in the prize tribunals of his imperial majesty. you will have a perfect right to require this investigation, and though the neutrals may clamour, they cannot lawfully oppose your proceedings therein--advisedly taken. a portuguese frigate being daily expected at bahia, as well as other vessels from portugal and the portuguese colonies, it will be advisable, for the better opportunity of capturing the same, to arrange with the general and commander-in-chief, that the portuguese flag shall be displayed at least on the outer fort or battery on the appearance of such portuguese vessels, or of others whose nationality is doubtful. you are to continue on the service above pointed out until further orders from me, or from the minister of marine, with whom you are to communicate, and convey to him a copy of the present order. cochrane. having learned that a great number of the more influential inhabitants were about to quit bahia with the fleet--and not wishing to involve them in the consequences of war--i addressed the following caution to the junta of bahia:- gentlemen, understanding that it is in contemplation to abandon the town of bahia, without any security being given not again to resume hostilities against the subjects and territories of his imperial majesty, and as you may not be aware of the difficulty of retiring--whilst hopes may have been held out to you that this is practicable--i must, for the sake of humanity, caution you against any attempt to remove yourselves by sea, unless i have a perfect understanding as to the future intentions of the naval forces which may accompany you, but to whom i have nothing to suggest. i tell you however, that it is in my power to take advantages which may be fatal to your escape, and if, after this notice, you shall sail, you must not lay anything to my charge in the destruction of passengers, for in the obscurity of night it is impossible to discriminate ships in which they may be embarked. if, after this notice, you embark, or continue embarked, it will be to me a subject of great regret, because i have ever desired that the dangers of war should be confined to the military and naval profession. cochrane. to the junta, bahia, to general madeira, commanding the portuguese troops, i wrote as follows:- understanding that you are about to embark the military forces under your command, with a view to proceed to some of the northern provinces, humanity compels me to declare to you my duty, however painful, to take all measures within my power to dismantle whatever transports may attempt to sail from bahia under convoy of the ships of war. that i have the means of performing this duty, in defiance of the ships of war which may endeavour to obstruct my operations, is a fact which no naval officer will doubt--but which to you as a military man may not be so apparent. if, after this warning, i am compelled to have recourse to the measures alluded to, and if numerous lives should be sacrificed thereby, i shall stand acquitted of those consequences which would otherwise press heavily on my mind. (signed) cochrane. gen. madeira. to the portuguese admiral i addressed the following note:- sir, i have written to the junta and the general commanding the military force, relative to particulars which i have felt it my duty to submit to their consideration. to you, as a professional man, i have nothing to suggest or request--but merely to express my conviction that, for the sake of humanity, you will give that professional opinion on the subject of my letters--should they be referred to you--which may be expected from a naval officer of your experience. (signed) cochrane. the admiral of the portuguese squadron. on the 2nd of july, the whole portuguese force, naval and military, got under weigh, and steered out--the troops being embarked in the armed transports and large merchantmen, whilst other vessels were filled with portuguese families and their property--everything moveable being put on board--with the utmost confidence in the protection of their fleet. as only the flagship and _maria de gloria_ were present, we made no attempt to attack them whilst issuing from the mouth of the river, they no doubt ridiculing my warnings as communicated to the junta and the commanding officers. in this, however, they were mistaken; as every thing was in readiness, both on board the flagship and the _maria de gloria_, for immediate chase, so soon as the whole were clear of the port; though i had no intention--as they no doubt interpreted my letters--of attacking thirteen ships of war and numerous armed transports, with two ships alone, so long as they remained within the harbour; but when once out, the superior sailing qualities of these two ships would safely enable us to harass them with impunity. as the merchant brig, _colonel allen_, which had conveyed us from chili, was still with us, and as she might be made useful in looking after the prizes, i adopted her into the brazilian navy under the name of the _bahia_, appointing her master, captain haydon, to the rank of captain-lieutenant. whilst the portuguese were passing out, i wrote and despatched by the _liberal_ schooner, the following letter to the minister of marine at rio de janeiro:- _pedro primiero_, off bahia, july 2nd, 1833. most excellent sir, i have the satisfaction to acquaint your excellency that the enemy's squadron have this day evacuated bahia, their resources by sea being no longer available. their ships of war, consisting of thirteen sail of different sizes, and many large merchantmen filled with troops, are now standing out of the bay. it is my intention to pursue them as long as it shall appear beneficial so to do. this ship and the _maria de gloria_ are the only two in sight of the enemy, the _carolina_ having been obliged to return to the moro, in consequence of having lost a topmast, and the _nitherohy_ not having joined. i hope in my next to be able to give you some account of the ulterior objects the enemy have in view, which, whatever they may be, i shall endeavour to frustrate. (signed) cochrane. to the commanders of the other ships, i sent the following order on their joining the pursuit:- it being improper to weaken the squadron, and impossible to officer and man the vessels which may fall into our hands, you are to adopt the following plan to secure them, viz. to send with the boats crews which board the enemy's vessels a sufficient number of crowbars, for the purpose of breaking up their water casks, leaving only water enough to carry them, on short allowance, into bahia, to which port you are to order them immediately to return. their papers being essential to the justification of this or any other hostile act, the boarding officer will take especial care to secure them. cochrane. in addition to this, the masts of all troopships which might be boarded, were directed to be so far cut away as to prevent their escape--a written order instructing them to return forthwith to bahia, on pain of being treated with great severity if found on any other course. singular as the order may appear, it was in most cases obeyed, and thus the captured vessels navigated themselves into our hands. the portuguese squadron consisted of _don joaõ_, 74; _constitucaõ_,50; _perola_, 44; _princeza real_,28; _calypso_, 22; _regeneracaõ_, 26; _activa_, 22; _dez de fevereiro_, 26; _audaz_, 20; _s. gaulter_, 26; _principe do brazil_, 26; _restauracaõ_, 26; _canceicaõ_, 8; with between sixty and seventy merchant vessels and transports filled with troops. as soon as they were clear of the port, we fell upon the rearmost ships, disabling their main and mizen masts, so as to render it difficult for them to sail otherwise than before the wind, which would carry them to the brazilian coast, and ordering them back to bahia. the flagship and the _maria de gloria_ then resumed the pursuit, but the latter being employed in looking after the prizes, on the following morning we were alone amongst the enemy's convoy. the next day, july 3rd, the _carolina_ and _nitherohy_ came up, as did also the _colonel allen_. the frigates captured a number of merchantmen mostly filled with portuguese families--these unfortunate people finding to their cost that my warnings were not empty threats, though they had no doubt been led to ridicule the remonstrance by a misplaced confidence in the protection of their national squadron. many prizes were taken, and as evening closed the frigates dropped out of sight with the captured vessels. it would have been easy for the flagship also to have taken prizes, but about this i cared nothing,--my great object being to prevent the enemy from landing troops elsewhere, and with this view i determined on closely following the ships of war and transports--leaving the brazilian frigates to exercise their own discretion in disabling the convoy. it may be considered an act of temerity for one ship of war thus to chase thirteen; but, encumbered as they were, and, as i knew, short of provisions, i felt assured of accomplishing my object. the enemy--being greatly annoyed at our perseverance in following, and still more so at the loss of so many of the convoy--on the morning of the 4th, gave chase to the flagship with the whole squadron, endeavouring to hem her in, and at one time we were pursued so closely inshore, that there was some danger of getting embayed, but the handling and superior sailing qualities of the _pedro primiero_ enabled her to out-manoeuvre them and get clear. on seeing this, the portuguese squadron, finding further chase unavailing, gave us a broadside which did no damage, and resumed its position in the van of the convoy, to which we immediately gave chase as before, and as soon as night set in, dashed in amongst them, firing right and left till the nearest ships brought to, when they were boarded--the topmasts cut away--the rigging disabled--the arms thrown overboard--and the officers compelled to give their _parole_ not to serve against brazil until regularly exchanged--an event not likely to happen. keeping well up with them on the 5th--as soon as night set in, this mode of attack was repeated, when we took a russian vessel filled with portuguese troops, and disabled her in like manner. of the merchantmen within reach we took no notice, as it was impolitic to weaken the crew of the flagship by manning prizes, whilst, as we saw nothing of the remainder of the brazilian squadron, there was no other means of preventing their escape. the prudence of preserving the crew of the flagship entire, was now well exemplified. after taking possession of the russian transport, at dusk, i observed half-a-dozen large ships detach themselves from the main body of the convoy, and suspecting some valid reason for the movement, immediately gave chase. though they crowded all sail, we came up with them on the following morning, and singling out a large frigate-built ship, filled with troops, we fired upon her till she brought to. on boarding, we found her to be the _gran para_, containing--with the others--a division of several thousand troops, destined to maintain portuguese authority in the province of maranham--as, indeed, i had been informed at bahia. the private signals and instructions of the portuguese admiral--obtained by flag-lieutenant grenfell from her captain--put me in possession of the whole arrangement, which was thus luckily frustrated. as it was of importance not to let any of these troopships escape, captain grenfell was ordered to disable the _gran para_, cutting away her main and mizen masts, throwing the arms and ammunition overboard, taking possession of the regimental flags, and compelling the officers, as before, to give their _parole_ not to serve against brazil. this done, the other transports were successively boarded and disabled, so far as was consistent with not leaving them positive wrecks on the water; for with my single ship, to have made prisoners of so numerous a body of troops was manifestly impossible. the brig _bahia_ having opportunely hove in sight, i seized four of the vessels carrying troops, and ordered captain haydon to convoy them to pernambuco, to the president of which province i addressed the following letter:- pedro primiero, july 7th, 1823. illustrious and excellent sir, the abandonment of bahia by the enemy, in consequence of the rigours of blockade--and the capture of half of his army, ensigns, artillery, and stores, are events which you will be gratified to learn. part of the captured officers and troops i send in for your disposal, having engaged that they shall be treated after the manner which may justly be expected from the high character of the government of his imperial majesty, and the customary practice of all european states. i have to request that you will be pleased to order their disembarkation without delay. we require seamen to finish the war. if you will be pleased to grant the bounty of 24 dollars per man, as at rio--charging the same to the government--you will render an essential service to your country. i do not mean portuguese seamen--who are enemies; but able seamen of any other nation, and i need scarcely say, that from my knowledge of the character of the men, i should prefer british seamen to all others. i shall probably have the honour of shortly making myself known to you, but that depends on circumstances over which i have no control. if we can come in, permit me to observe, that it would be conducive to the health of my crew to have ready a supply of fresh provisions and fruits, especially lemons and oranges. i hope you will excuse my freedom in mentioning these things, as the health of the men is as conducive to the interests of the empire as are the ships of war themselves. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. sent by the _balia_, captain haydon. by the same opportunity i despatched the following to the minister of marine:- illustrious sir, i have the honour to inform you that half the enemy's army, their colours, cannon, ammunition, stores, and baggage, have been taken. we are still in pursuit, and shall endeavour to intercept the remainder of the troops, and shall then look after the ships of war, which would have been my first object, but that, in pursuing this course, the military would have escaped to occasion further hostilities against the brazilian empire. such of the enemy's colours as we have had time to take away i have the honour to transmit, and to lay them at the feet of his imperial majesty, and shall shortly forward the remainder. the vessels taken are large and beautiful ships, fast sailers, and resemble, in their appearance, ships of war. the portuguese squadron, and other vessels armed for war, i have every reason to believe are on their route for lisbon. i have also fully ascertained that the troopships which separated from their squadron during the night were destined for maranham. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. the minister of marine. the pursuit was now resumed, but the weather becoming hazy, we saw nothing of the enemy till the 11th, when they appeared to have recovered the _gran para_. as it became calm, nothing could be done till the 14th, when we crossed the equator in long. 33-30, making straight for the ships of war, but finding them well together, considered it prudent to defer an attack till they should become separated. on the 15th they continued united, giving us no opportunity for mischief, yet not venturing to attack us, though only one ship to thirteen. at 3 a.m. on the 16th, we crowded sail and went in amongst them, firing a broadside within half musket shot at one of the frigates with evident effect, as, from the damage caused, they did not return our fire. whilst tacking to give them the other broadside, our mainsail split in two, and night setting in, we relinquished the pursuit in 5 degrees north latitude. my object in so doing was--that as we had only taken part of the troopships destined for maranham, it was quite possible--as that port lay to leeward--that the remainder might even yet reach their destination; and as the portuguese authority still existed in that--as throughout all the northern provinces--they might again be armed and equipped. the instructions of the portuguese admiral were, moreover, that, in case of separation, they were to rendezvous at the island of fernando de noronha, near which they were fallen in with some days afterwards; so that there were good grounds for anticipating the possibility of their yet reaching their original destination. instead, therefore, of following the enemy's squadron farther, i thought we should better serve the interests of brazil by proceeding direct to maranham, with the double purpose of being beforehand with the enemy's troops, should the attempt be made--and, if practicable, reducing the province to the authority of the emperor; a proceeding which, though not within my orders, was, as i conceived, nevertheless of great importance. accordingly, quitting the portuguese fleet and convoy, during the obscurity of night, we made straight for maranham. thus were the northern provinces entirely rescued from the designs of this armament, which--luckily for the consolidation of the empire--i had been enabled to frustrate; so that the cause of independence became free to develop itself throughout its whole extent. it is satisfactory to record the fact, that the whole military force was captured or dispersed, and its objects averted--by a single ship--without the loss of a man on our part--or the additional cost of a dollar to the imperial government; though, when we left rio de janeiro, it was believed that such objects could only be effected by costly naval and military expeditions combined. during this chase, as i have said, it did not appear a national object to make captures, though many were secured--as officers and seamen must have been detached for the purpose, thereby diminishing our efficiency for the annexation of those provinces where the portuguese authority was still intact; to accomplish which--though such result was not expected by the government--i had formed plans during the pursuit. considering that zeal for brazilian interests would be better shewn by expelling the enemy which remained, i therefore refrained from taking possession of many valuable ships, otherwise completely at our mercy, _though not having done so--then (previous to my experience of the court of admiralty) seemed_ a heavy pecuniary loss to myself, the officers, and crew. such sacrifice should have secured us better treatment than we subsequently endured from the administration of a country whose entire independence was thus obtained by our personal sacrifices. the means of intimidation employed for the expulsion of the portuguese from bahia--the pursuit of the enemy's fleet--and the disabling of the troopships destined for maranham--acts altogether in excess of the imperial instructions--not only freed the northern provinces from the enemy, but, as before stated, saved the brazilian government the delay, expense, and uncertainty of powerful expeditions. these services--undertaken solely on my own responsibility--were productive of the most beneficial consequences to the future career of the brazilian empire, the integrity of which they secured at a blow, or it may rather be said, without a blow, for none of any magnitude was struck; the dread of the fireships and the certainty arising--from the nocturnal visit of the flagship on the 12th of june, that my plans for making use of them were completed--having determined the portuguese admiral to save his fleet by evacuating bahia. chapter iii. capture of the don miguel--summons to the authorities--reasons for threats held out--proposals for capitulation--proclamations--terms granted to portuguese garrison--declaration of independence--portuguese troops ordered to embark--symptoms of disobeying the order--delight of the people on becoming free--election of a provisional government--letters to the minister of marine. on the 26th of july, the _pedro primiero_ arrived in the river maranhaõ, and--knowing from the portuguese admiral's instructions found in the troopships overhauled in the chase, that reinforcements were expected--we hoisted portuguese colours, with a view of inducing a belief that the flagship belonged to that nation, and had arrived in support of its cause. the authorities, deceived by this ruse, sent off a brig of war--the _don miguel_, captain garcaõ--with despatches and congratulations upon our safe arrival! but the commander of the brig was disagreeably undeceived by finding himself upon the deck of a brazilian ship. the despatches put me in possession of the enemy's plans and intentions, and from them i learned that some reinforcements had already reached, independent of those which had been intercepted in the recent chase; thus shewing the great importance attached by portugal to the preservation of the wealthy and influential province of maranham. to the surprise of captain garcaõ--now a prisoner of war--i offered to release him and his vessel on condition of his carrying sealed letters to the governor and junta in the city--a proposition gladly accepted. previous to his departure--by a fiction held justifiable in war, and, indeed, necessary under our peculiar circumstances, as having only a single ship to reduce a province--he was duly impressed by the relation of an imaginary number of vessels of war in the offing, accompanied by transports filled with troops, which the superior sailing of the flagship had enabled her to outstrip. captain garcaõ being a seaman and well able to judge as to the sailing qualities of the _pedro primiero_, was easily impressed with this story, and returned to the city with intelligence of an irresistible force about to disembark for its reduction. my letters to the governor and junta were to the same effect; for--as before noticed--having only a single ship, it was necessary to impress on their imagination--that a fleet and army were at hand to add the province to brazil. as this is the only instance within my knowledge of a military force surrendering itself and the province which it defended, to a stratagem of this nature, i shall append the documents by which a result so desirable was effected. to don agostinho antonia de faria, the commandant, i wrote as follows:- pedro primiero, july 26, 1823. sir, the naval and military forces under my command, leave me no room to doubt the success of the enterprise in which i am about to engage, in order to free the province of maranham from foreign domination, and to allow the people free choice of government in the same manner as the inhabitants of portugal have decided with regard to their constitution. of the flight of the portuguese naval and military forces from bahia you are aware. i have now to inform you of the capture of two-thirds of the transports and troops, with all their stores and ammunition. i am anxious not to let loose the imperial troops of bahia upon maranham, exasperated as they are at the injuries and cruelties exercised towards themselves and their countrymen, as well as by the plunder of the people and churches of bahia. it is for you to decide whether the inhabitants of these countries shall be further exasperated by resistance which appears to me unavailing, and alike prejudicial to the best interests of portugal and brazil. although it is not customary amongst european nations to receive or respect flags of truce, being armed vessels, yet as a proof that we came here with objects far superior to the seizure of the brig of war just released, i have paid respect to the flag, in the hope that forbearance will facilitate that harmony which all must be desirous should exist between the government of the royal father and that of the imperial son; and in doing this, i only fulfil the gracious intentions of his imperial majesty. awaiting your early reply, i have the honour, &c. cochrane. don agostinho antonia de faria, commanding the portuguese forces. the subjoined was at the same time despatched to the provincial junta;- illustrious and excellent sirs, the forces of his imperial majesty the emperor of brazil, having freed the city and province of bahia from the enemies of independence--in conformity with the will of his imperial majesty that the beautiful province of maranham should be free also--i now hasten to offer to the oppressed inhabitants whatever aid and protection they need against a foreign yoke; desiring to accomplish their liberation and to hail them as brethren and friends. should there, however, be any who--from self-interested motives--oppose themselves to the deliverance of their country, let such be assured that the naval and military forces which have driven the portuguese from the south, are again ready to draw the sword in the like just cause--and having drawn it, the result cannot be long doubtful. the chief authorities are hereby invited to make known to me their decision, in order that the responsibility of consequences--in case of opposition--may not be imputed to any undue haste in the execution of the duty which i shall have to perform. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. to the illustrious and excellent the provincial junta of maranham. the reader may perhaps conclude, that the threats held out are somewhat inconsistent with my only having a single ship, without a soldier in her; and i must even confess to some compunction at this off-hand sketch of an imaginary fleet and army--but the matter was of the last importance. on the one hand, if my demands were vigorously pressed, there was a strong probability of obtaining them without bloodshed; but, on the other hand, if any delay took place, the enemy would, in a day or two at most, find out that the only force was the flagship, when the acquisition of maranham would be impossible. the sensation caused by the evacuation of bahia gave probability to my representations, and added to the despondency of the portuguese, so that the _ruse_ was completely successful. proposals of capitulation were immediately returned; but, as these were only conditional, i refused to accept them. in order to enforce the terms proffered, we entered the river--never before navigated by a line-of-battle ship--and anchored the _pedro primiero_ abreast of the fort. on the following day, july 27th, the junta, accompanied by the bishop, came on board, and gave in their adherence to the empire, after which the city, forts, and island, were unconditionally surrendered, though not without subsequent hesitation, which was dispelled by firing a shot over the town, whereupon a flag of truce was sent off, and all demands were complied with. landing a party of marines for the maintenance of order, the portuguese ensign was hauled down by lieutenant grenfell, who hoisted brazilian colours in its place. thus, without military force or bloodshed, was a second great province secured to the empire, neither result being anticipated, nor even contemplated in the orders communicated to me, which were to blockade the portuguese in bahia, and capture or destroy all ships met with--anything beyond this not having entered the imagination of the government. as--considering the circumstances in which i was placed--there was no time to be lost in completing the declaration of independence, i addressed the subjoined instructions to the civil authorities:- _pedro primiero_, july 27, 1823. most excellent sirs, it affords me the highest satisfaction that your excellencies have adopted a course by which all hostilities may be avoided, and the tranquillity and prosperity of this province peaceably established upon a secure and permanent basis. the declaration of the independence of brazil under his imperial majesty will at once tranquillise the public mind, and give opportunity to the worthy and patriotic inhabitants to proceed afterwards with a due formality and deliberation to take the oaths, and elect their provisional government. to-morrow, therefore--being the earliest possible day--it maybe well that the said declaration shall be made taking every necessary precaution that the public peace shall not be disturbed by individuals under any pretence. (signed) cochrane. to the inhabitants generally i issued the following proclamation:- the first admiral of brazil to the inhabitants of maranham. the auspicious day has arrived on which the worthy and public-spirited inhabitants of maranham have it in their power at once to declare the independence of their country, and their adherence to their patriotic monarch, pedro primiero, whose protection has afforded them the glorious privilege of freemen--that of choosing their constitution and enacting their laws by their own representatives assembled to decide upon their own affairs in their own country. that the glory of this day may not be tarnished by any acts of excess--even proceeding from enthusiasm for the cause in which we have embarked--must be the wish of every honourable and well-judging citizen. to these it would be superfluous to offer any advice as to their conduct; but should there be any who, from whatever motives, would disturb public tranquillity, they are hereby warned that the strictest orders are given to bring those guilty of disturbance to the punishment their crime shall deserve. taking the necessary oaths, and the election of civil government, are acts which must be deliberately performed, and for this, the 1st of august is selected. citizens! let us proceed gravely and methodically, without tumult, haste, or confusion, and let the act be accomplished in a manner worthy the approbation of his imperial majesty, and which shall give no cause for regret, and leave no room for amendment. long live the emperor, and the independence and constitution of brazil. (signed) cochrane. to the garrison of maranham, liberty was granted to remain or depart, as they chose; in the latter case, free egress to europe being permitted, with ensigns, arms, and military honours. of the vessels of war we took possession, giving to the officers and men, the option of entering the service of brazil, or accepting the conditions conceded to the army. as the brazilian people will naturally be interested in all that led to the completion of the integrity of the empire, the terms granted to the portuguese garrison are subjoined. _pedro primiero_, july 27, 1823. most excellent sir, in reply to your letter of this date, i beg leave to assure you, first, that my utmost endeavours shall be used to protect the persons and property of the citizens of maranham--with the exception of such species of property as, being proved to belong to a hostile party, shall become, according to the laws of war, subject to the decision of the tribunals of his imperial majesty; that the same leniency with respect to all past political opinions shall be used as has been observed under the constitutional government of his most faithful majesty john vi.; and that all persons desiring to remove shall be at liberty to do so, under the usual formalities. secondly,--you are at liberty either to depart to any other country, or to remain in this. thirdly,--the commanding officers, superior officers, and soldiers of the portuguese nation, shall be free to retire to their native country, or to any other quarter; and shall be permitted to embark with their ensigns, arms, and military honours. as independence is to be declared to-morrow, and as the vessels of war now in the port bear the ensigns of portugal--and as i believe the necessary authority is vested in you, i have to request that you will order that ensign not to be hoisted on board the said vessels, in order that the substitution of that of brazil may be made in the manner least offensive to the feelings of the officers--all, or any of whom may remain with their men in the service of brazil, or may consider themselves under the third article relating to the army. i have to express my regret at your indisposition, which has deprived me of the pleasure of seeing you; but, if circumstances permit, i shall avail myself of an early opportunity of paying you my personal respects. (signed) cochrane. to don agostinho antonia de faria, general-at-arms of maranhaõ. on the 28th the declaration of independence was made amidst the acclamation of the inhabitants generally--those who were adverse to the measure not venturing to make any demonstration to the contrary. still it was important to get rid of the portuguese troops before they found out the _ruse_ which had been practised upon them; for, three days having now elapsed without any appearance of my reputed forces, there was some fear that they might attempt to recover their former position. accordingly i addressed the following letter to general de faria:- _pedro primiero_, july 29, 1823. most excellent sir, the declaration of independence having been formally made, and his imperial majesty being declared constitutional emperor of brazil by acclamation of the worthy people of maranham--which important event has happily taken place, not only without disorder, but, to the honour and credit of the inhabitants, with the greatest harmony and regularity--it now becomes my duty, as military chief under his imperial majesty, to take care that no military interference or intimidation shall in any way overawe or influence the choice of the inhabitants in the election of their provisional government. i have, therefore, to request that you will be pleased to direct all the portuguese troops who intend to avail themselves of the third article of the stipulations entered into with regard to the military to repair to the place appointed, and there await the preparations which i shall immediately make for their transportation to lisbon. i have also to beg that you will he pleased to furnish me with a correct list of those who desire to depart, and also of those who choose to remain and take the oaths as brazilian citizens. i have, &c. &c. cochrane. to gen. a.a. de faria. these instructions were promptly complied with by the ex-commandant, and no time was lost in providing ships for the reception of the portuguese troops who wished to avail themselves of permission to sail for lisbon. this leniency was scarcely deserved, for the portuguese authorities had filled the gaols with respectable brazilian citizens, who were treated with great severity; but, for obvious reasons, i was desirous to get rid of the portuguese on any terms. the next step was to provide for the proper administration of government, and this--from the factions which were afterwards found to exist--was a work of infinitely greater difficulty than had been the acquisition of the city. some of the more influential inhabitants, however, offering their services, i formed them into a provisional junta, until a more popular government could be provided. municipal security being thus attained, the portuguese troops were embarked, on the 1st of august, though not without some difficulty, for, from the non-arrival of my supposed fleet and army, some amongst them began to suspect that a deception had been practised, and many--backed by the militia--refused to embark. upon this, a notice was issued that if the treaty were not instantly complied with, such steps should be taken as would render unnecessary the stipulation of safe conveyance to europe, as i was determined that a solemn engagement should not be violated with impunity. this, as a great portion of the troops were actually on board, and within reach of the flagship's guns, produced the desired effect on the refractory troops ashore, though not till i was compelled to send captain crosbie with a large party to enforce compliance and to disarm the militia, both of which objects he effected without bloodshed. the embarkation being accomplished, and the foreign portion of the militia disarmed, so as to leave the city in the hands of the civil authorities--on the 2nd of august, i issued a proclamation declaring the commerce of the coast free and uninterrupted; following this, shortly afterwards by another, declaratory of my willingness to accept from consignees and others, two-thirds of the estimated value of portuguese property liable to confiscation--in place of sending the captured vessels to rio de janeiro; which--from the state of the city, as well as from want of seamen to man them--was impossible. to the inhabitants of the city i had been careful to accord complete liberty, exacting, in return, perfect order, which was preserved, and property of all kinds respected; the delight of the inhabitants being unbounded at having been freed from a terrible system of exaction and imprisonment, which, when i entered the river, was being carried on with unrelenting rigour by the portuguese authorities towards all suspected of a leaning to the imperial government. instead of retaliating--as would have been gratifying to those so recently labouring under oppression--i directed oaths to the constitution to be administered, not to brazilians only, but also to all portuguese who chose to remain and conform to the new order of things; a privilege, of which many influential persons of that nation availed themselves. on the 1st of august the inhabitants of alcantara made a declaration of adherence to his imperial majesty, notwithstanding a report sedulously circulated amongst them that the portuguese troops at maranham were about to recover the city. an assurance from me, that the portuguese troops were embarked, and were under the guns of the flagship, as well as the fire of their own gunboats, which could be turned against them, and that the european militia was disarmed, speedily dispelled all grounds for alarm. the proceedings of the temporary provisional junta being unsatisfactory, especially as regarded their desire for retaliation on the portuguese, i determined to embody a more popular government, though, as yet the election would, of necessity, be confined to the inhabitants of the city only. accordingly on the 8th of august, in less than a fortnight after my first appearance off the port, a provisional government was chosen by the population, and the city and province were incorporated with brazil, with the national advantage of adding nearly a million of dollars to the annual revenue of the empire; and this without the expense of another expedition to the government, or the loss of time which would have been necessary, and might, had the reinforcements intercepted, gained their destination--have ended in a different result to the integrity of the empire. the first act of the new government was to address a congratulatory letter to his imperial majesty, explaining that they should long before have espoused the imperial cause, but from fear of the portuguese troops. the following is an extract from this letter:- what was our joy when unexpectedly we saw the _pedro primiero_ summoning our port. oh, 26th of july, 1823! thrice happy day, thou wilt be as conspicuous in the annals of our province, as the sentiments of gratitude and respect inspired by the illustrious admiral sent to our aid by the best and most amiable of monarchs will be deeply engraven on our hearts and on those of our posterity. yes! august sire! the wisdom, prudence, and gentle manners of lord cochrane have contributed still more to the happy issue of our political difficulties than even the fear of his force. to anchor in our port--to proclaim independence--to administer the oaths of obedience to your majesty--to suspend hostilities throughout the province--to provide proper government--to bring the troops of the country into the town, but only in sufficient numbers to ensure order and tranquillity--to open the communication between the interior and the capital--to provide it with necessaries--and to restore navigation and commerce to their pristine state--all this, sire, was the work of a few days. grant heaven, that this noble chief may end the glorious career of his political and military labours with the like felicity and success, and that your imperial majesty being so well served, nothing more may be necessary to immortalise that admirable commander, not only in the annals of brazil, but in those of the whole world. a large amount of government and public property in the several departments was seized, in conformity with the imperial proclamation, and an addition made to the brazilian navy of a brig-of-war, the _don miguel_, a schooner, and eight gunboats--besides merchant vessels, some of which were appropriated to the conveyance of the late garrison to lisbon, under engagement to restore their value--a stipulation which was never fulfilled. everything being thus satisfactorily settled, my next step was to inform the minister of marine at rio de janeiro of the extraordinary means by which possession of the city and province of maranham had been obtained; the subjoined letters were accordingly despatched. (secret.) _pedro primiero_, august 8, 1823. most illustrious sir, your excellency will perceive by the official documents accompanying this, that in order to effect the objects i had in view at maranham, i judged it expedient to create a belief amongst the people and garrison, that a large force was at my disposal, and therefore i used expressions in my public correspondence that were not borne out by the actual circumstances under which i summoned that city, as i had--in fact--no other force than this ship alone, which from the nature of the anchorage could scarcely approach within gunshot--whilst there was neither a soldier nor effective marine on board; but the fear entertained by the hostile government of imperial troops from bahia, whom they understood to be off the bar with the remainder of the squadron, and the sudden appearance of so large a ship as this, produced the effect which i had anticipated, and it is with the greatest satisfaction that i now communicate the occupation of this important city and province, which has been accomplished without effusion of blood, or material disturbance. as soon as i have completed the necessary arrangements here, i propose to return to rio de janeiro, and to have the honour personally to inform you of all particulars. i have, &c. cochrane. minister of marine. with this was transmitted the following official document:- _pedro primiero_, aug. 8, 1823. most illustrious sir, i had the honour to inform your excellency by letter, off pernambuco, that we had captured transports containing a moiety of the enemy's army--that we were in pursuit of the remainder--and that i hoped for further success. i have now to acquaint your excellency that, having followed the enemy's squadron to the fifth degree of north latitude beyond the line, until, by capture and dispersion, their convoy was so reduced that only thirteen vessels out of seventy remained with the ships of war, and as the latter were evidently steering for lisbon, and were too strong to be attacked with success by this ship alone--for the remainder of the brazilian squadron had separated in the chase--i judged it advantageous for the interests of his imperial majesty's service, to discontinue the pursuit, and to proceed, with all possible despatch, to maranham, where i arrived on the 26th ultimo. i have the happiness to acquaint you, for the satisfaction of the imperial government, that maranham is now united to the empire, the inhabitants having proclaimed their independence of portugal on the 28th, and elected their provisional government this day. i have embarked the portuguese troops for europe, and the militia are disarmed. i have the honour to enclose a copy of the correspondence which has taken place on the occasion, with other papers and documents. we have found here a fine brig of war--a schooner--eight gunboats, and about sixteen sail of portuguese merchant vessels. amongst the other advantages of this important event may be mentioned, that while the expense of an express expedition has been saved, an addition of nearly a million of dollars is made to the revenue of his imperial majesty. i have manned and sent the brig of war to parà, to summon that city--offering to the enemy the same terms as we have granted here. the beautiful new frigate, lately launched at parà, has not sailed for portugal, and i am in expectation that the next account which i shall have the honour to send or bring to your excellency, will communicate the pleasing intelligence that his imperial majesty has no enemy, either on shore or afloat, between the extremities of his empire. i have, &c. cochrane. the minister of marine. chapter iv. capt. grenfell sent to summon para--the junta demands the prize property--my refusal--imperial approval of my services--realisation of prize property--turi assu sends in its adhesion--money captured lent to the junta--its return to the squadron expected--possession taken of para--insurrection at para--misconduct of the maranham junta--their persecution of the portuguese--steps in consequence--manifestation of the national delight--the marquisate conferred on me--vote of thanks by the assemblea geral--my arrival at rio de janeiro--satisfaction with my services--lady cochrane joins me. as the province of parà was now the only one which remained under the authority of portugal, it became of importance to take possession of it, whilst the _prestige_ arising from our acquisition of maranham was in all its freshness; for we had still no other force than the flagship, which was necessary to maintain order there. in the absence of a brazilian ship-of-war, i manned the captured brig _don miguel_--changing her name to the _maranhaõ_--and placed her under the command of an able and gallant officer, captain-lieutenant (now admiral) grenfell, upon whose judicious management every reliance was to be placed. captain grenfell was the bearer of a summons from me to the junta and garrison of parà, dated off the bar, as though a force were at hand to second his operations. in short, he was instructed to employ the same _ruse_ for intimidating the city as had been so successful at maranham--the summons as well as the terms to be granted to the portuguese garrison being similar in both cases. he was further instructed to secure, if possible, the new frigate which had just been launched for the service of portugal, and if successful, to name her the _impératrice_, in honour of the empress--to take command of her--and after the submission of the city to return to rio de janeiro with his prize. the nature of captain grenfell's mission will be apparent from the following extracts from the orders given to him:- the enclosed orders in portuguese you may show. they purport to be addressed to you at the mouth of the river parà, and to be there dated on board this ship, she being supposed at anchor there; for it is essential to create a belief in the government at parà that you do not come alone, but that the squadron is at hand ready to cooperate. you will therefore fill up the date of the portuguese orders on the day of your arrival at the mouth of the river. you will also fill in the dates of the official letters to the junta, at the same time, without regard to the delay which may arise, from proceeding up the river. you will perceive that my intentions are to effect, by your means, objects _which would otherwise require an expedition_, and therefore the utmost prudence and circumspection are necessary. next to the liberation of parà, the great object is to secure the frigate. if you succeed in obtaining possession of her, and find yourself deficient in men, you are at liberty to leave the brig for the purpose of manning the frigate. i expect everything from your exertions and good management in bringing about the surrender of parà, with all that is important to his brazilian majesty. to return to the state of affairs at maranham. one of the first acts of the new junta--despite their professed admiration of the course i had pursued--was to transmit to me a demand that the property taken from the portuguese should be placed _at their disposal._ my surprise at such a request from men whom i had unexpectedly released from thraldom, and elevated to power, ceased as i became better acquainted with the factions existing amongst them. now that they were invested with power, they were evidently bent on turning it to their own private advantage, by representing to me that if i retained the property of portuguese in maranham--that of brazilians in lisbon, viz. _their own mercantile consignments_--would be confiscated in retaliation, and that, therefore, i ought to restore it! to this i replied, that the captures made by the flagship were strictly in accordance with the decrees of his imperial majesty, no less than with the rights of belligerents as defined by the laws of nations; so that their request was directly opposed to the imperial decrees against all the subjects of portugal, as well as against all who should contribute to continue the brazils under a foreign yoke. the junta was reminded that it was within my power to have imposed upon the portuguese authorities whatever terms i thought proper, but having granted those i had judged best for the interests of the empire to which i was bound, i would adhere to the treaty as it stood, and should any attempt be made to evade it, it would be my duty--however painful--to enforce its fulfilment, as being responsible to his imperial majesty. this specimen of patriotism in a body of men who little more than a fortnight before were imprisoned or in expectation of imprisonment, but now--to save their own interests in lisbon--sought to set his majesty's decrees and my instructions alike at defiance, inspired me with deep distrust of their fitness for the government of the province--it being evident that if the flagship quitted the port, they would construe the functions of government in favour of their own private purposes. i accordingly wrote to the prime minister, andrada, representing the course which had been pursued--concluding with the subjoined advice as to the steps to be taken in order to place the future government on a right basis:- i beg, through your excellency, to suggest most respectfully to his imperial majesty my opinion that it would greatly conduce to the peace and prosperity of this province, if some able and honourable person should be sent to take the chief authority; for--with all respect to the individuals composing the new junta, and to those from whom succeeding juntas might be chosen--none appear to me to possess either the talents or acquirements necessary for the good government of maranham. i may also add that family connections, together with private and political friendships, no less than enmities--exist here to a degree which can hardly fail to involve the province in internal dissensions, unless averted by the means which i respectfully suggest. i had shortly afterwards the pleasure of receiving the following expressions of satisfaction from his imperial majesty through the prime minister:- rio, july 12, 1823. most excellent sir, i have received the secret communications with which you have favoured me, whereby i learn in detail the distinguished conduct which you have pursued since quitting this port, and the various difficulties with which, (to my regret) you have had to contend. these are, however, of such a nature as to be irremediable in our present circumstances; but let us hope they will vanish when the empire is consolidated. meanwhile your excellency--being no less a politician than a warrior, and enjoying to the utmost the confidence of his imperial majesty--is fully empowered to adopt whatever means your judgment may suggest to facilitate the important objects of your commission. on this subject, i also refer to the imperial authority and other documents addressed to you in reply to your communications. i beg to add my personal thanks for the interesting communications with which you have favoured me, of which i shall avail myself in order to accomplish the objects desired to be effected. be assured of the particular esteem and high consideration with which i am, de v. exa. attento venerador e criado, joze bonifacio de andrada e silva. the junta continuing its unreasonable demand, the moveable property captured was embarked on board the _pombinho_, and another vessel--both prizes--for the purpose of being sent to rio de janeiro for adjudication. i then directed the provisional government to furnish me with an account of all money found in the treasury, customs, military chest, and other departments; also of all military stores in the various forts and magazines and of government property of every description, such property having been wholly awarded to the captors by imperial decree of the 11th of december, 1822, issued to induce foreign seamen to enter the service. on the 20th of august the portuguese troops were ordered to depart for lisbon--maranham being thus entirely freed from the presence of the armaments upon which the mother country had relied for the maintenance of her northern provinces; this result, wholly unexpected by the imperial government or the nation, having been accomplished within the space of a few months, by measures adopted on my own responsibility. still numerous vessels and much perishable property taken from the enemy, remained on hand--with which it was difficult to deal. from having manned the captured brig-of-war, _don miguel_--as well as the prize vessel, _pombinho_, from the crew of the flagship, it was not expedient further to reduce her efficiency; so that there were no means of forwarding the other prizes and property to rio de janeiro for adjudication. i therefore apprised the minister of marine, that the only course circumstances would permit me to pursue--though not perfectly regular--would be to dispose of them and remit to the government in specie the amount realised; as, in case of my departure from maranham, they were certain to be improperly appropriated. accordingly, an offer was again made to the merchants, to accept two-thirds of their value in specie, and to submit the amount to the further decision of the court of admiralty, i little anticipating at the time the anti-imperial predilections of the members composing the prize tribunal at rio de janeiro. the amount of the seizures effected by the squadron was very considerable, comprising upwards of a hundred and twenty vessels, some of which contained important cargoes. the aggregate amount of these--together with merchandise found in the custom-house--government and other public property and stores--was several millions of dollars, and this by his imperial majesty's decree of the 11th of december, 1822--promulgated to attract foreign seamen into the brazilian service--was, as before mentioned, the property of the captors; the imperial government, by that decree, disclaiming all share in it,--a stipulation afterwards remorselessly violated. on the 25th of august, the province of turi assu sent in its adhesion to the empire, this favourable circumstance being however counteracted by the arrival of deputies from the troops of cearà and piahuy, reporting their revolutionary tendency, and demanding payment for their previous service; the piahuy troops--consisting for the most part of indians recruited in the interior--even threatened to march upon maranham and enforce their demand, although they had rendered no assistance. the junta, alarmed at this demonstration, now forwarded to me a request that i would appropriate some portion of the captured property to satisfy the importunity of the mutinous troops. considering that the tranquillity of the province in a great measure depended upon silencing these troops--who were not only clamorous and menacing, but in a state of nakedness and destitution--which rendered it probable that they might help themselves at the expense of the inhabitants--i consented to the application of the junta, placing at their disposal the monies taken in the portuguese treasury, amounting in cash to rs.62.560 $423 (60,560 dollars); that found in the custom-house, to the amount of rs.54.167 $877 (54,167 dollars); and outstanding bills to the amount of rs.147.316 $656 (147,316 dollars); making in the whole rs.264.044 $776 (264,044 dollars): accounts of these sums, and the urgency of their appropriation to the necessities of the public service, being duly forwarded to the minister of marine at rio de janeiro. these sums are thus minutely set forth, because it has been erroneously represented that sixty contos of reis alone (60,000 dollars), were given up to the junta, though reference to the vouchers themselves would have dissipated this error, which will be found to have an important bearing upon a subsequent part of the narrative. it may be also necessary to explain how "outstanding debts" could be owing to the government. contrary to the english practice of paying duties to the revenue, before goods are cleared from the custom-house, it was the habit of the portuguese authorities to permit their clearance on receipt of bills to be paid after the goods were disposed of; hence merchants became indebted to the government in the amount of such engagements. it was impossible to avoid assisting the junta, in the extremity alluded to, as the neglected troops might have caused a dangerous _émeute_, which would have proved injurious to the interests of his imperial majesty. the assistance rendered to the junta was given at the expense of the officers and seamen, to whom the money of right belonged, and who looked for its repayment as soon as circumstances would permit. on this subject i wrote as follows to the minister of marine:- maranham, aug. 26, 1833. most excellent sir, since i had the honour of addressing you deputies have arrived from the troops of cearà and piahuy soliciting payment for their services. the provisional junta of maranham have requested my assistance in this object, and as i consider the tranquillity of this province to depend in a great measure on the speedy payment of these forces, i have placed at the disposal of the junta various funds arising from the capitulation of this place. this will doubtless be considered by the seamen--who are the captors--as an unwarrantable sacrifice of their rights in favour of mutinous troops, who have effected nothing; but feeling confident of support from the imperial government on a matter so essential to the public interest, i have had no hesitation in assuring the seamen that they _will not be losers by their captures being, in the first instance, applied to the relief of the immediate exigencies of the state._ (signed) cochrane. on the 30th of august, i had the satisfaction to learn from captain grenfell that his mission to parà had been completely successful, the frigate, together with another vessel of war, having been secured, the former being, by my previous directions, named the _imperatrice_, and added to the imperial navy; several merchantmen were also taken and sent to rio de janeiro. the summons despatched by captain grenfell was--as has been said--based upon the same _ruse_ as had been so successful at maranham. in order to produce a more decisive effect, it had been dated off the mouth of the river, as though the squadron was there at anchor to compel submission to the imperial government. the plan was so ably conducted by the talented officer to whom it was entrusted, that although his force consisted of less than a hundred men, the inhabitants of parà, without a dissentient voice--save that of the portuguese commandant--pronounced their adhesion to the government of his imperial majesty, and thus a province, greater in extent than france and england combined, was added to the empire, and the independence of brazil effected to its northern extremity. the only blood shed in the liberation of parà, was that of captain grenfell, who received a severe wound, treacherously inflicted by a portuguese who was hired to assassinate him! this cowardly act was resorted to, on the discovery--when too late--that i was not in the river, as the portuguese authorities had been led to believe. the subjoined is captain grenfell's letter announcing the success of his mission:- h.i.m.b. maranham, august 12, 1833. (off parà.) my lord, i have the honour to inform your lordship that your hopes of the union of parà to the empire of brazil are verified. agreeably to your lordship's instructions, and in virtue of the power conferred on me, i opened the communications with the junta, and enclose a letter from the general-at-arms to your lordship, and am glad to inform you that his is the only dissenting voice. i shall pursue the tenor of your lordship's instructions until further orders. i have the honour, &c. &c. j. pascoe grenfell. i had directed captain grenfell--in case of a declaration of independence by the inhabitants of parà--to form a junta, and to adopt generally the same course as had been so instrumental in preserving tranquillity at maranham; giving him, moreover, power to employ the resources at his command in supplying the exigencies of the imperial service generally, as might be necessary. a provisional government was accordingly formed, though not to the satisfaction of a number of refractory persons, who, on the pretence of adhesion to the imperial government, connected themselves with a body of undisciplined troops, and made an attempt to depose the newly constituted junta, which applied to captain grenfell for support. landing his men, the insurrection was with some difficulty put down; but as an ill feeling still prevailed, he considered it necessary to make an example by ordering the trial of five of the ringleaders, who, being condemned, were shot in the public square. on the 9th of september, i apprised the junta of maranham of my intention to proceed to parà, though--being without instructions from the administration, i really purposed to sail for rio de janeiro; for as the provisional authority temporarily established was not, by any means conducting public affairs in a satisfactory manner, i thought it as well to keep them in ignorance of our real destination, in order that they should believe me within reach, till the imperial government might exercise its own discretion as to the future. the junta of maranham, indeed, appeared to have no other object than to shew how liberty suddenly acquired could degenerate into despotism. it was, for the most part, composed of men, who were not only united by family connections and private friendship, but who were nearly allied, as members of one influential family. no sooner had they been invested with power, than they dismissed all civil and military officers, and filled the vacant situations with their own friends, relations, and dependents, without consideration as to their talents or qualifications, thus equally exciting discontent amongst the brazilians--who were excluded, and the portuguese--who were dismissed. their chief aim was to maintain themselves in power against the will of the people, who, now that tranquillity had been restored, desired a free and general election of a constitutional government throughout the province, in place of that which, of necessity, had been confined to the city only. to put down what they considered disaffection--towards themselves--the junta brought into the city a large body of irregular troops, intending, by means of these, to gratify their resentment against the resident portuguese, who, having taken the oaths of allegiance to the imperial government, were entitled to protection. it appeared, moreover, that the junta and their friends owed large sums of money to some of the more wealthy and influential portuguese, and that they intended to get rid of their debts, by the expulsion of their creditors. as it was sufficiently clear that the junta was determined not to be advised, it became my duty to avert the evils in contemplation, by expediting the change of administration so much desired by the people. therefore, on the 12th of september, i transmitted to the junta, an order for the election of a more comprehensive government, as they were only intended to remain in power until a general election throughout the province could conveniently take place. satisfactory as was this measure to the public, it was anything but agreeable to the despotic body, at whose ill-advised measures it was aimed; their resource being to increase the ferment amongst the soldiery brought into the city to uphold their authority, and who--partly from motives of revenge, but more from the hope of plunder--were eager to execute the hostile intentions of the junta against the portuguese. an attempt to arrest the president of the camara, senor luiz salgado, by the general-at-arms--who had reason to suspect salgado of intriguing to remove him from office, gave a pretext for disturbance. on the night of the 14th of september, the troops rose and plundered many portuguese houses, compelling their owners to fly for safety to neutral and other vessels in the harbour. they then deposed the general-at-arms, and chose salgado in his stead, a proceeding which was next day confirmed by a decree of the junta, in conjunction with the camara. addressing a letter to salgado, i firmly refused to acknowledge him as commandant, telling him, at the same time, that his only means of being recognised as a brazilian citizen, was by allaying the ferment he had contributed to raise. i wrote also to the junta and camara, threatening to act in a decisive manner, if these disgraceful scenes were not instantly put an end to, pointing out to them that, as they were the chief proprietors of houses and stores, so they would be the greatest sufferers from anarchy. this step checked the disturbance, but the junta granted the riotous military a gratuity, levied on the portuguese who had been attacked. the more respectable of whom soon after quitted maranham in disgust. it must, however, be stated that these disorders admitted of some palliation, from the consideration that hundreds of brazilians had been transported to lisbon, by the portuguese authorities, when in power; whilst hundreds of others were on my arrival imprisoned at maranham, in the gaols and vessels in the harbour. on my entrance into the city, i released numbers of these, and saved many others from impending incarceration. by the 18th, though tranquillity was restored, i postponed the election of a general provisional junta till the 20th of october, hoping that before that period, a reply to my earnest entreaties for instructions, would arrive from the imperial government. it was for the sake of preserving order during the interval, that i had announced my intention of taking the _pedro primiero_ to parà only, well knowing that a belief in her speedy return to maranham would have a salutary influence in maintaining public peace. intelligence of the reduction of maranham, and the annexation of that province, together with the province of parà, to the empire, was received at rio de janeiro with surprise and delight;--surprise, that, in less than six months, without military force, and, in truth, with one ship of war only, so much had been effected--and delight that the empire was cleared of its enemies without the expense and uncertainty of expeditions which had been calculated on. all brazilians were eager to vie with each other in the expression of entire satisfaction with my exertions. his imperial majesty was pleased to reward the services rendered, by creating me marquis of maranhaõ, as the fittest title to commemorate the advantages gained for the empire, at the same time awarding me an estate commensurate with the dignity of the honours conferred; the "assemblea geral, constituente e legislativa" adding a vote of thanks in the name of the nation. the estate, however, _was never given_, notwithstanding that, at maranham, and in other of the northern provinces, numerous fine properties, appertaining to the portuguese crown, were added to the imperial domain. the inconsistency of this was remarkable, seeing that i had been the means of adding to brazil a territory larger than half europe--for which service i was warmly thanked by the emperor, his ministers, and also by the general assembly--the latter body, nevertheless, refusing to confirm the gift of even so minute a portion of the vast territory unexpectedly added to the empire. the subjoined is the imperial order, elevating me to the marquisate:- his majesty the emperor, taking into consideration the great services which your excellency has just rendered to the nation by assisting to liberate the city of bahia from the unjust lusitanian yoke, and afterwards wisely aiding the honourable inhabitants of the province of maranham in throwing off the said foreign domination, so that they were enabled, according to their desire, to acknowledge his majesty as their constitutional emperor; and desiring to give your excellency a public testimonial of gratitude for these great and extraordinary services (_per estse altos e extraordinarios serviços_) on behalf of the generous brazilian people, who will ever preserve a lively remembrance of such illustrious acts, i deem it right to confer upon your excellency the title of marquis of maranhaõ. my secretary of state will expedite the necessary patent which i communicate to your excellency for your information. god preserve your excellency many years. palace of rio de janeiro, 25th of november, 1823. (signed) joaõ severiano maciel da costa. the annexed is the vote of thanks awarded by the _"assemblea geral"_ which, as has been said, refused to recognise his majesty's gift of an estate in order to support in a dignified manner the title which his majesty had graciously been pleased to confer. the reason assigned for this extraordinary proceeding, in a lengthy debate on the subject was, that in granting me an estate his majesty had exercised a feudal prerogative inconsistent with a free country. the general constituent and legislative assembly having been officially informed that your excellency, after having freed the province of bahia from the oppression of portuguese troops, and having pursued them beyond the equinoctial line, led the squadron on your own judgment and responsibility to the port of the city of st. louis of maranhaõ, where, with your accustomed valour and singular good judgment, you dislodged the portuguese troops, who had kept down the patriotism of its generous inhabitants, and accomplished their liberation, so that they proclaimed and spontaneously swore with unanimity their independence of portugal and their decided union with the brazilian empire. the general constituent and legislative assembly, acknowledging the importance of these great services has decreed in this day's session that there shall be given to your excellency in the name of the nation which it represents the thanks due. charged as organs to transmit this resolution to your excellency, we fulfil the task with pleasure, and have the honour to lay the same before your excellency. god preserve your excellency. palace of the assembly, oct. 3, 1823. martin francisco eibeieo de andeada, joaõ severiano maciel da costa, miguel calmon du pin e almeida. this vote of thanks by the assembly contains a remarkable error, by averring that i "led the squadron" to maranhaõ, whereas i had only a single ship, and with her singly performed all for which i received the thanks of the nation. in the interval between this recognition of my services and my return to rio de janeiro, an unfortunate change had taken place in the councils of his imperial majesty, introductive of persons more favourable to the interests of portugal than to furtherance of the judicious measures contemplated by his majesty for the consolidation of the newly-constituted empire. to the obstructive aspirations of these persons--in ill-concealed concert with the designs of the parent state--my annexation of the northern provinces necessarily proved fatal; and they ever afterwards regarded me with an animosity which appeared to increase as the empire became, by these, and my subsequent exertions, more firmly established. sailing from maranham on the 20th of september, the _pedro primiero_ arrived at rio de janeiro on the 9th of november--the emperor doing me the honour to come on board to welcome me. i immediately forwarded to the minister of marine a recapitulation of all transactions since my departure seven months before; viz. the evacuation of bahia by the portuguese in consequence of our nocturnal visit, connected with the dread of my reputed skill in the use of fireships, as arising from the affair of basque roads; the pursuit of their fleet beyond the equator, and the dispersion of its convoy; the capture and disabling of the transports filled with troops intended to maintain portuguese domination in maranham and parà; the device adopted to obtain the surrender to the _pedro primiero_ alone of the enemy's naval and military forces at maranham; the capitulation of parà with the ships of war to my summons sent by captain grenfell; the deliverance of the brazilian patriots whom the portuguese had imprisoned; the declaration of independence by the intermediate provinces thus liberated, and their union with the empire; the appointment of provisional governments; the embarkation and final departure of every portuguese soldier from brazil; and the enthusiasm with which all my measures--though unauthorised and therefore extra official--had been received by the people of the northern provinces, who--thus relieved from the dread of further oppression--had everywhere acknowledged and proclaimed his imperial majesty "constitutional emperor." the powers which i had taken upon myself to exercise during this eventful period, were, no doubt; in excess of those conferred by my orders, but, knowing that everything depended upon the annexation and pacification of the northern provinces by the expulsion of the enemy--setting aside my own interests--i considered it better for the welfare of the empire to exceed my instructions, than to entail the continuance of civil war by confining my operations within their scope. in the exercise of this self-imposed duty it may be said that i had also exercised imperial functions, but this was only in the unavoidable absence of imperial instructions, which it was my constant endeavour to anticipate rather than to exceed; that i judged and acted rightly, the elevation to the title of marquis of maranhaõ, before reaching rio de janeiro--the vote of thanks of the legislature, and the warm acknowledgment of his imperial majesty on landing, sufficiently testify. in addition to the gracious reception accorded by his majesty, i received from his own hands a decoration of the imperial order of the cruizeiro, and, though a foreigner, was subsequently nominated to the high office of privy councillor--the greatest honour in the imperial gift to bestow. during my absence from rio de janeiro, lady cochrane--ignorant of my having quitted chili--was on her way to rejoin me at valparaiso, but the vessel in which she embarked, having fortunately put into rio de janeiro, she was at once made acquainted with my change of service, and remained in the capital till my return. the most hospitable attention was paid to her by the royal family, the empress conferring upon her the appointment of lady of honour to her majesty. the relief to my mind on finding lady cochrane at rio de janeiro was very great, for, as there had not been opportunity to apprise her of my departure from chili in time to prevent her return thither, it had been a constant source of regret to me that she would have to endure the discomfort of two tedious voyages round cape horn before she could join me in brazil. the fortunate circumstance of putting into rio happily terminated the embarrassment. chapter v. first effort 10 curtail the imperial power--portuguese intrigue--dismissal of the andradas--the assembly dissolved by force--exile of the andradas--letter to his imperial majesty--my advice partly adopted--and causes ministerial enmity towards me--ratification of my patent--i demand the adjudication of prizes--letter to the minister of marine--offer of personal advantage to foreign claims--squadron remained unpaid--i am appointed a privy councillor--the prize vessels plundered--shameful treatment of captain grenfell--troubles in pernambuco--hostility of the prize tribunal--condemns me to the restitution of prizes--forbids making any captures at all. shortly before returning to rio de janeiro, a total change had taken place in the administration of which josé bonifacio de andrada was the head. as that minister's views were patriotic, he was, in consequence, obnoxious to the portuguese faction, which had made one or two unsuccessful efforts to supplant him, these only serving to confirm his power amongst the people, who justly appreciated his leadership in the cause of independence. becoming, thus, more confident in his position, he was accused, whether rightly or wrongly, of intolerance towards persons who were plotting against him, though, even if the accusation were true, he was scarcely to blame for discountenancing those whose chief aim was to paralyse the independence they were unable to prevent. on the proclamation of the empire, two influential portuguese, in the assembly, endeavoured to impose a condition on the emperor that, before ascending the throne, he should make oath to a constitution framed by the constituent assembly alone, thus reducing his majesty to a cypher in the hands of the legislature. the proposition was plausible enough to those who were anticipating power, but it gave rise to such dissensions, that bonifacio de andrada and his brother sent in their resignations, which, under these difficult circumstances, were accepted by the emperor. a violent tumult amongst the people was the immediate consequence, and his majesty was induced to recall the patriotic andradas to the cabinet--they however, refusing to resume their functions, unless their portuguese opponents were banished; to this the emperor assented, and the andradas returned to office amidst the plaudits of the populace, who drew the carriage of josé de andrada in triumph into the town. as might have been expected, less tolerance was manifested by the triumphant ministers than before, this just but perhaps impolitic course being eagerly seized on by the portuguese faction to excite the apprehension of the patriots, who were somewhat dissatisfied by the revival of what were considered feudal usages; above all, by the creation of an imperial guard of honour, selected from the youth of the principal families, who were required to take an oath "of implicit obedience to his majesty"--this act being especially represented by the adverse faction as evincing a tendency to absolutism. on the 20th of june, 1823, a project of law had been laid before the assembly, for the expulsion of all portuguese deemed hostile to the cause of the empire. this measure might have originated with the andradas, or not; it was certainly defended in the assembly by antonio andrada. the portuguese party, alarmed by the still impending danger, formed a coalition with the brazilian party, to eject the andradas from the ministry, and having, during a severe illness of the emperor, gained the ascendancy, the now obnoxious ministers were dismissed; and--though the patriots had not calculated thereon--were succeeded by the leaders of the portuguese faction itself, who, to the regret of all true brazilians, effected an immediate change of policy in the government. the chief object of the new administration, appeared to be to limit the functions of the emperor to an extent almost subversive of his authority; his majesty, in the unsettled state of the empire, being comparatively powerless amidst the machinations with which he was surrounded. no constitution had, as yet, been fixed upon--his majesty resenting the former attempt to force upon him a constitution framed solely by the will of the assembly, which was still seeking an opportunity to assert its supremacy. as the city and province abounded with influential portuguese, desirous of overthrowing the new _régime_, and as many of these were in the assembly, there was a total want of unity between the emperor and his legislature, the administration leaning to the side of the latter. about this time, the marquis of palmella had widely circulated a document, appealing to the loyalty of the portuguese, and declaring the policy desired by the mother country; which policy was--to divide brazil into a number of petty states, easy to be intimidated and controlled. as this scheme held out large promise of irresponsible power to influential persons in such anticipated states--it could scarcely fail to be agreeable to many expectants of office, whose interest it therefore was to prevent the consolidation of the empire, by promoting disunion. it was scarcely a secret that some in the administration were favourable to these views, though not openly professing them; so that the patriotic efforts of his majesty were paralysed, and the administration, no less than the legislature, exhibited a policy seriously detrimental to the interests of the empire. indeed, a powerful party in the legislative assembly openly called in question the emperor's authority--even requiring his majesty to divest himself of his crown in their presence. they deprived him of his council of state; denied him a voice in the enactment of laws, and the functions of administration; even objecting to his majesty's exercise of the common prerogative of royalty to confer crown lands as territorial rewards for public services--the latter limitation of the royal prerogative being avowedly directed against the grant of an estate to myself, as spontaneously accorded by his majesty, in gratitude for my recent services to the nation. this was the state of affairs on my return to rio de janeiro, and as his majesty did me the honour to consult with me in his difficulties, i unhesitatingly recommended him to support his dignity constitutionally--despite all attempts made for its limitation by the portuguese faction; which--extraordinary as it may appear--was now said to be countenanced by the andradas, who, though out of office, were still deputies to the assembly, and who--in consequence of their dismissal from power--were considered to be giving opposition to every measure calculated to promote unity between the emperor and the legislature. the brazilian patriots--and with good reason--were becoming alarmed, lest an attempt might yet be made to place portugal and brazil upon their former relative footing, and the emperor, who was thoroughly brazilian--from a conviction that portuguese ascendancy could never be regained--was no less so. matters, at length, rose to such a pitch in the assembly, that the intentions of the factious majority became no longer doubtful, when his majesty somewhat unceremoniously adopted the course pursued in england by cromwell in a somewhat similar predicament, viz. to dissolve the assembly, and, should it prove refractory, to turn the members out by force. cutting short all farther altercation with his legislature, the scene of the english protectorate was re-enacted in brazil; the emperor entering rio de janeiro at the head of a body of cavalry--surrounding the chamber with a military force--planting cannon before it--and ordering its instantaneous dissolution; the members--after in vain remonstrating against this proceeding--being compelled to retire. the andradas were soon afterwards arrested, and exiled--a proceeding impolitic and unjust to men who had laid the foundation of brazilian independence, and who were no less distinguished by their honesty than their ability. by consenting to their exile, his majesty lost three valuable servants, and at the same time placed himself in the hands of a faction which he never afterwards controlled, and which eventually forced him from his throne. as the expulsion of the assembly--whether justifiable or not, it is not my province to inquire--was decisive, it was obviously of the greatest importance to follow it up by some measure which should convince the public that so extreme a course was intended for their good. as yet no permanent constitution had been declared this, therefore, was clearly the moment for its proclamation, no less to satisfy the people--who were heart and soul with the emperor--than to prevent retaliation by the faction which had been thus summarily dealt with. seeing that nothing was promptly acted upon in an emergency involving the stability of government, i addressed to his imperial majesty the following letter:- rio de janeiro, november 14, 1823. sire, my sense of the impropriety of intruding myself on the attention of your imperial majesty, on any subject unconnected with the official position with which your majesty has been pleased to honour me, could only have been overcome by an irresistible desire, under existing circumstances, to contribute to the service of your majesty and the empire. the conduct of the late legislative assembly, which sought to derogate from the dignity and prerogatives of your majesty--even presuming to require you to divest yourself of your crown in their presence--who deprived you of your council of state--denied you a voice in the enactment of laws and the formation of the constitution, and who dared to object to your exercising the only remaining function of royalty--that of rewarding services, and conferring honours--could no longer be tolerated; and the justice and wisdom of your imperial majesty in dissolving such an assembly will be duly appreciated by discerning men, and by those whose love of good order and their country supersedes their ambition or personal interests. there are, however, individuals who will wickedly take advantage of the late proceedings to kindle the flames of discord, and throw the empire into anarchy and confusion, unless timely prevented by the wisdom and energy of your imperial majesty. the declaration that you will give to your people a practical constitution, more free than even that which the late assembly professed an intention to establish, cannot--considering the spirit which now pervades south america--have the effect of averting impending evils, unless your imperial majesty shall be pleased to dissipate all doubts by _at once declaring_--before news of the recent events can be dispersed throughout the provinces, and before the discontented members of the late congress can return to their constituents--what is the precise nature of that constitution which your imperial majesty intends to bestow. permit me, then, humbly and respectfully to suggest to your imperial majesty, as a means of tranquillising the public mind--of averting evils at home, and preventing injurious representations abroad--that, _even before the sailing of the next packet for europe_, your majesty should specifically declare the nature of the government you are graciously pleased should be adopted. as no monarch is more happy, or more truly powerful than the limited monarch of england, surrounded by a free people, enriched by that industry which the security of property by means of just laws never fails to create--if your majesty were to decree that the english constitution, in its most perfect practical form (which, with slight alteration, and, chiefly in name, is also the constitution of the united states of north america), shall be the model for the government of brazil under your imperial majesty, with power to the constituent assembly so to alter particular parts as local circumstances may render advisable--it would excite the sympathy of powerful states abroad, and the firm allegiance of the brazilian people to your majesty's throne. were your majesty, by a few brief lines in the gazette, to announce your intention so to do, and were you to banish all distrust from the public mind by removing from your person for a time, and finding employment on honourable missions abroad, for those portuguese individuals of whom the brazilians are jealous--the purity of your majesty's motives would be secured from the possibility of misrepresentation--the factions which disturb the country would be silenced or converted--and the feelings of the world, especially those of england and north america, would be interested in promoting the glory, happiness, and prosperity of your imperial majesty. these thoughts, hastily expressed, but most respectfully submitted to your gracious consideration will, i hope, be candidly appreciated by your imperial majesty, proceeding, as they do, from the heart of your majesty's most faithful and dutiful servant, cochrane and maranhaõ. his majesty saw good to adopt this advice in part, but in offering it--though instrumental in establishing the political liberties of brazil--i had unconsciously placed myself in the position of a partisan against the powerful faction which influenced the administration, and through them every part of the empire. my unauthorised services after the pursuit of the portuguese fleet and army--resulting in the annexation of the northern provinces--had drawn upon me the resentment of those now in power whose ultimate intentions were thus defeated. that i--a foreigner, having nothing to do with national politics--should have counselled his majesty to banish those who opposed him, was not to be borne, and the resentment caused by my recent services was increased to bitter enmity for meddling in affairs which it was considered did not concern me; though i could have had no other object than the good of the empire by the establishment of a constitution which should give it stability in the estimation of european states. the effect of this enmity towards me personally, was not long in manifesting itself, and fearing the extent to which this might be carried, i lost no time in demanding that the patent under which i had been invested with the grade of "first admiral," should be formally engrossed and registered, according to the engagement of the late prime minister, previous to my departure for bahia. on the 25th of november, this was accordingly done, and a commission conferring the same pay and emolument as before--without limitation as to time, received the sign manual--was counter-signed by the ministers--sealed with the great seal--and registered in the archives of the empire; his majesty further testifying his approbation of my conduct and services, by directing the transmission of the completed patent without payment of the usual fees. the following are the stipulations of the commission so solemnly conferred--but afterwards shamefully violated without cause, as though fidelity to its engagements formed no part of national honour and good faith:- i, don pedro, by the grace of god, and the unanimous voice of the people, constitutional emperor and perpetual defender of brazil, hereby make known to those who shall see this my charter patent, that the valour, intelligence, and activity united in admiral lord cochrane, now marquis of maranhaõ, who has so distinguished himself in the different services with which he has been entrusted--giving proof of the greatest bravery and talent; and seeing how advantageous it would be for the interests of this empire to avail itself of the skill of so valuable an officer--consider it beneficial to confer upon him--as by this charter is confirmed--the patent of "first admiral," with the annual pay of eleven contos five hundred and twenty milreas, as well ashore as afloat; and farther in table money, when embarked, five contos seven hundred and seventy milreas--which are the same emoluments as he received in chili. no admiral in the service having any right to consider himself entitled to succeed to the post of first admiral, which i create solely for this occasion for the motives expressed, and from the particular consideration merited by the said admiral. the pay referred to shall be entered in the books to which it appertains, in order to the payments when due. in attestation of that which i have hereby commanded, i give this charter under the sign manual and sealed with the great seal of the empire. given in the city of rio de janeiro on the 25th day of the month of november, in the year of our lord jesus christ, 1823. second of independence and of this empire. (signed) imperador p. countersigned by all the ministers. from the difference of expression used in this commission, as compared with the temporary commission given previous to my departure for bahia, it is clear that my late services were fully recognised; and from the fact that the new commission was conferred after the war was ended by the annexation of bahia, maranham, parà, and all the intermediate provinces, it is equally clear that my rank and pay--as originally stipulated were conferred without limitation of time--a circumstance which will have to be borne to mind. this being complied with, i requested an order for the speedy adjudication of the prize property surrendered at maranham, the flagship's portion being rs. 607.315 $000, or £.121,463 sterling, in addition to the captures made by the squadron generally--no less than one hundred and twenty enemy's ships, with portuguese registers and crews, having been taken, the value, at a very moderate computation, amounting to upwards of 2,000,000 dollars. as officers and men were anxiously awaiting their prize money, it became my duty to the squadron to urge its stipulated distribution upon the consideration of the government. his majesty directed this to be done, but the prize tribunal appointed--consisting of thirteen members, nine of whom were natives of portugal--was directly interested in defeating the claims of the captors, being inimical to any confiscation of portuguese vessels and property taken in the late campaign. not venturing, as yet, openly to act in this spirit, they adopted the alternative of doing nothing towards adjudicating the prizes. finding this to be the case, and fearing that the portuguese tendencies of the new administration might interfere with the repayment of the sums temporarily supplied to the maranham junta--i addressed the following letter to the new minister of marine, francisco villela barbosa:- (secret.) rio de janeiro, november 18, 1823. most excellent sir, in my letter, no. 38, i communicated to your predecessor my intention of aiding the provisional junta of maranham, in the payment of the auxiliary troops of cearà and piahuy, who being in a naked and destitute condition had become clamorous for their arrears; and i now beg to state that in prosecution of such intention, i placed at the disposal of the junta the monies taken in the portuguese treasury, amounting in cash and good bills to rs. 62,560 $243, together with outstanding debts amounting to rs. 147,316 $656, and i have also left in their hands the balance which we found in the portuguese custom-house, amounting to rs. 54,167 $877. all these accounts i have the honour to convey to you for the information of the imperial government. in addition to these large sums, i left at the disposal of the junta much moveable property which belonged to portuguese individuals in europe, desiring the authorities to render an account of the same for the information of the imperial government. your excellency will perceive that in leaving at maranham these monies, and other property captured from the enemy, instead of bringing them to rio for adjudication, we could be influenced by no other motive than zeal for the interests of his imperial majesty and the good of his people; as by so doing, we enabled the provisional government to meet the present exigencies of the moment, and to quiet the cearà and piahuy troops; whilst the revenue of the province thus remains clear and unanticipated- being applicable to such purposes as his imperial majesty shall command. all which i trust his imperial majesty will take into his gracious consideration, and be pleased to award such compensation to the officers and seamen as he, in his princely justice, shall deem fit. (signed) cochrane. for some days no notice was taken of this letter, but on the 24th i received a visit from the minister of marine, bringing what professed to be a verbal message from his majesty, that he "would do every thing in his power for me _personally_." the way in which this intimation was conveyed led me to infer that these personal favours implied a sacrifice on my part of the rights of the squadron, by shutting my eyes to the restoration of the captured portuguese ships and property to the friends and adherents of the ministry, for the purpose of conciliating the portuguese party. taking the message, however, literally--i told the minister that his majesty had "already conferred honours upon me quite equal to my merits--and that the greatest personal favour he could bestow, was, to urge on the speedy adjudication of the prizes, so that the officers and seamen might reap the reward decreed by the emperor's own authority." the policy of the portuguese faction in power, was--now that the squadron had expelled the fleet and army of the mother country--to conciliate their countrymen who remained, and thus to create and maintain an influence which should reduce the imperial authority to the smallest possible dimensions. the first object--if i could be brought to acquiesce--was to restore portuguese property, captured by imperial order, and now the right of the captors--my connivance being supposed to be procurable by offers of personal enrichment! i scarcely need say that the offer failed in its purpose. as the squadron had received no pay during the performance of all its services, it became my duty to urge attention to the subject, and this was apparently complied with, the 27th of november being appointed for the payment of the men. on that day _three months' pay only_ was offered to them, notwithstanding all they had achieved. this paltry pittance was refused. about this time the extraordinary news was received, that great rejoicings and a general illumination had taken place in lisbon in consequence of the destruction of the brazilian squadron by the portuguese fleet at bahia! this version having, no doubt, been transmitted home subsequently to the affair of the 4th of may. singularly enough, these ill-founded rejoicings were going on in lisbon at the time the flagship was chasing the portuguese fleet across the equator! it is difficult to say how the portuguese admiral contrived to reconcile this premature vaunt, and the unwelcome fact of his arrival in the tagus, with the loss of half his troops and more than half his convoy. on the 2nd of december despatches arrived from captain grenfell at parà, stating that he had possession of the new portuguese frigate, which according to my directions, had been named the _imperatrice_. he had also captured another vessel of war, and several merchantmen; thus fulfilling his difficult mission in a way which justified my confidence in his ability, and should have merited the warmest thanks from the government, instead of the treatment he subsequently experienced. on the 19th of december, his majesty appointed me a member of the privy council, the highest honour in his power to bestow. it was a singular circumstance that whilst his imperial majesty consulted me on matters of importance, and manifested his appreciation both of my opinions and services by the honours conferred--his anti-brazilian ministers were practising every species of annoyance towards myself and the squadron--more especially in the matter of the prizes, the condemnation of which they obstinately opposed. it would be wearisome to enter into details of the annoyance and injury now systematised by the portuguese faction in the administration; nevertheless, in order to appreciate subsequent occurrences, it is necessary briefly to advert to these matters. the personal feeling against myself was easily accounted for from my adherence to the emperor in opposition to interested councils, which imperilled the existence of the empire. these councils his majesty was unable to disregard or to counteract the injury inflicted on the officers and seamen, by the conduct of the court of admiralty towards the squadron; a policy persevered in with the object of annihilating the naval force, for no other reason than that its achievements had rendered itself obnoxious to the portuguese faction--the leaders of which no doubt calculated, that if the officers and crews could be worried out of the service, the dismemberment of the northern provinces might yet be effected by disunion. on the 13th of december, i wrote to the minister of marine that, as the prize vessels were daily being plundered, an immediate investigation was necessary--they having, by order of the administration, been delivered over to the charge of the inspector of the arsenal, the naval officers in charge being withdrawn. one officer was put in prison for obeying my orders to remain on board his prize till i received an answer from the minister of marine. the ship he had in charge (_the pombinho_) was immediately afterwards given up to a portuguese claim ant, together with all its contents, promiscuously taken from the custom house at maranham, none of which ever belonged to him. a number of additional prizes had been sent in by captain taylor, of the _nitherohy_, who had pursued the scattered ships of the enemy to the tagus, and there burned four vessels under the guns of the line-of-battle ship _don john vi_. for this he was sentenced by the prize council to six months imprisonment, and to forfeit double the amount of his prize money, on behalf of the owners of the property destroyed; it being thus decided by the _quasi_ portuguese prize tribunal that, to destroy enemy's property, in pursuance of his majesty's orders, was a crime! captain grenfell having arrived in the frigate _imperatrice_--captured at parà--bringing with him some forty thousand dollars--the ransom for prizes there taken, as had been done at maranham--the _imperatrice_ was boarded in his absence, and the money carried to the treasury, though by his majesty guaranteed to the captors. captain grenfell was afterwards charged with acting in opposition to the junta at parà, though only carrying out my instructions. upon this charge he was tried and acquitted. in consequence of these and other arbitrary acts, i represented to his majesty the necessity of forming some definite maritime code, which should put an end to proceedings so arbitrary, and proposed the adoption of the naval laws of england as the most experienced and complete. his majesty approving the suggestion, directed me to transmit a memorial on the subject to the privy council, which was accordingly done. by this, and similar suggestions to his majesty, with view to render the navy more efficient, i was widening the breach between myself and the portuguese party in the administration, whose object it was to frustrate any attempt of the kind. it was not long before an overt blow was struck at my authority as commander-in-chief by the preparation of the _atalanta_ for sea without my intervention. imagining that she might be on some secret service, i disregarded the circumstance, till, on the 27th of december, a notice appeared in the gazette announcing her destination to be for the blockade of monte video, whilst i was mentioned in the gazette, under the limited title of "commander of the naval forces in the port of rio de janeiro." thus, by a stroke of the minister's pen, was i, despite the patents of his imperial majesty, reduced to the rank of port admiral. convinced that this had been done without the sanction or even knowledge of the emperor, i protested against the despatch of the _atalanta_, except through my orders, as well as against the limitation indicated by my new title--contrary to the agreement under which i entered the service, as twice confirmed by imperial commissions--further informing the minister of marine that, although no one could be less ambitious of power than myself, i could not allow an agreement solemnly entered into to be thus violated. the remonstrance as regarded the _atalanta_ was effectual, and she was not despatched; but--as regarded the limitation of my rank--no notice was taken. intelligence now arrived from pernambuco that a strong party was there endeavouring to establish a republic, and that preparatory steps were being taken to throw off allegiance to the empire. the expedition sent by the ministry to put down this rising at pernambuco was a premeditated insult to me, as not having been at all consulted in the matter; and the reason why an inexperienced officer had been sent, doubtless was, that the ministry did not wish the insurrection to be put down. in this respect the expedition fulfilled the wishes of those who despatched it, by having failed. on its return i personally received _his majesty's orders_ that the _pedro primiero_, _piranga_, _nitherohy_, and _atalanta_, should be immediately equipped for important service. it was easy thus to give orders to equip a squadron, but after the treatment received, not so easy to effect it. all the foreign seamen had abandoned the ships in disgust, and to have shipped portuguese would have been worse than useless. i wrote to the minister of marine that the squadron could not be manned unless confidence was restored amongst the men, the shameful proceedings of the prize court having disinclined them to re-enter the service,--even if they did, i could not be responsible for order and discipline, or for the safety of the ships, unless some definite adjustment as to pay and prize money took place before putting to sea. in the face of these remonstrances the prize tribunal adopted an openly hostile course, by altogether denying the right of the squadron to the prizes taken at maranham, or the property there seized in the custom house, and shipped by me on board the _pombinho_ and another vessel. the _pombinho_, as has been said, was declared an illegal prize, and given up to her portuguese owner, together with all public property contained in her, though to this he had not the shadow of a claim, as the whole cargo belonged originally to others, and had been put on board this particular ship by my orders for transmission to rio de janeiro. numbers of similar decisions were made, on the false plea that maranham previously formed part of the brazilian empire, and consequently that all the seizures effected were invalid! i remonstrated that, on our arrival at maranham, the city and province were, and ever had been, in possession of portugal--that the portuguese had by the ordinary capitulations of war delivered up both to an armed brazilian force without question--and that, by a previous decree of the emperor, no less than by the customary usages of war, all enemy's property fell to the captors. the prize court not only overruled the objection, but condemned me to make restitution of all sums received in ransom for property taken at maranham. in one instance the tribunal declared me deserving of corporal punishment (_pena corporal!_) and would, had they dared, doubtless have enforced this, and the restitution to which i was condemned. as the plunder of prize property was becoming notorious, the tribunal directed it to be unloaded, in order to prevent the cargoes from being _damaged!_ but, on the execution of the order it was found that all the valuable portion had already disappeared! how, of course could not be ascertained; but no one doubted. the ships themselves were neglected till they became useless to the original owners, the government, or the captors. thus, of this vast amount of property taken in the campaign, not a _milrea_ was suffered to find its way into the pockets of the officers and men, and the squadron would have been wholly defrauded of its reward, had i not refused to give up to the prize tribunal the comparatively trifling sums received in redemption of the seizures at maranham; these being retained on board the flagship in consequence of the unjustifiable course which the tribunal was pursuing. a plot was, however, formed to seize it by force, but this was met by such measures as were calculated to prevent a renewal of the attempt. the prize tribunal being thus determined to deprive the squadron of the whole of its emoluments, proceeded to condemn the ships of war taken as being _droits_ to the crown, without compensation of any kind, notwithstanding that the before-mentioned imperial decree of the 11th of december, 1822, awarded all prizes wholly to the captors. the tribunal then issued a decree, that vessels taken within a certain distance from the shore--where alone a blockade could be effective--were not lawful seizures; the effect being that, as the squadron was about to blockade pernambuco it could have no opportunity of falling in with enemy's vessels at sea, and therefore _could not make captures at all!_ thus enemy's ships would be permitted to carry on their revolutionary occupations unmolested; which was, no doubt, the intention of those who framed the resolution, as wishing to defeat the blockade for their own purposes. chapter vi. remonstrance against decree of prize tribunal--settlement of prize question by the emperor--his ministers refuse to conform to it--obstacles thrown in the way of equipment--my services limited to the duration of war--my remonstrance on this breach of faith--ministers refuse to pay the squadron anything--a fresh insult offered to me--offer to resign the command--my resignation evaded--letter to the prime minister--letter to the minister of marine. on the 1st of january, 1824, i communicated to the minister of marine the contents of a despatch received from captain haydon at pernambuco, in which he apprised me of a plot on the part of the revolutionary government to seize his person and take possession of the imperial brig of war which he commanded; the latter intention having been openly advocated in the assembly. on the 6th, i addressed to the minister of marine the following remonstrance against the before-mentioned regulation of the admiralty court, that vessels captured within a certain distance of the shore should not be prize to the captor; this regulation being evidently intended as retrospective, with a view of nullifying the captures which had already been made:- as i have before endeavoured, by anticipating evils, to prevent their occurrence, so in the present instance, i feel it my duty to his imperial majesty to place you, as minister of marine, on your guard against countenancing any such measure in regard either to the vessels captured in the blockade of bahia, or to those taken in the colonial possessions, and under the forts and batteries of the enemy--and also in the case--if such there should be--of vessels captured on the shores of portugal. it is quite clear that these cases of capture are distinct from those in which protection is afforded by independent states to belligerents approaching within a certain distance of neutral shores. but you must be perfectly aware that, if enemy's ships are not to be prize--if captured navigating near the shore no blockade can be effective, as there will be no right to disturb them; besides which the mass of the people engaged in a naval service will certainly not encounter toil and hazard without remuneration of any kind beyond their ordinary pay. should such a decree be really in contemplation, there is nothing to hope from the naval service useful or creditable to the state; and this opinion is founded on more than thirty years' unremitting experience of seamen--that where there is no premium there is no permanent zeal or exertion. (signed) cochrane & maranhaõ. on the 10th of january, i communicated to the government the contents of another despatch from captain haydon, at pernambuco, reporting that the new junta there had seized the imperial ship of war, _independencia ou morte_, and had removed the officer in command, at the same time threatening to treat captain haydon as a pirate. the revolt was now becoming serious, and his majesty--anxious to expedite the equipment of the squadron--on the 12th of february, 1824, sent for me to consult on the subject. having told his majesty the course which had been pursued by the prize tribunal, he said he would see justice done in spite of faction, and asked me to make a moderate valuation of the prize property taken in the late campaign, ascertaining, at the same time, if the seamen were willing to accept a specific sum in compensation of their claims? on asking his majesty what assurance could be given that the administration would carry out such an arrangement, he replied that he would give me his own assurance, and ordering me to sit down beside him, wrote _with his own hand_ the following proposal--now in my possession:- "_the government is ready to pay to the squadron, the value of the prizes which have been, or may be judged bad, the value thereof being settled by arbitrators jointly chosen, and to pay the proprietors their losses and damages; that in the number of the said prizes, the frigate imperatrice is not included, but the government, as a remuneration for her capture, will immediately give from the public treasury the sum of 40,000 milreis to the captors; that the value of the prizes already declared bad, shall be immediately paid, this stipulation relating to all captures up to the present date, february 12th, and that henceforth captures shall be adjudged with more dispatch, the government being about to decree a provisional arrangement, remedying all errors and omissions that may have occurred._" nothing can be more clear than the above stipulations in his majesty's own handwriting, to pay the squadron immediately the value of their prizes despite the court of admiralty, to pay 40,000 milreis for the _imperatrice_, and that even the value of the prizes _adjudged bad_ should be paid, his majesty thus rightly estimating the conduct and motives of the court of admiralty. _not one of these conditions was ever complied with!_ on the 1st of march, his majesty, through his minister, francisco villela barbosa, informed me that he had assigned 40,000 milreis in recompense for the acquisition of the frigate _imperatrice_; stating that, with regard to the other prizes made at parà, they must be sentenced by the tribunal, in order that their value might be paid by the public treasury--the said treasury taking upon itself to satisfy all costs and damages on captures judged illegal; but that with regard to my assertion, that there were amongst them no illegal prizes, the government could not itself decide the question. that his majesty gave the order for payment of 40,000 milreis, as compensation for the _imperatrice_, there is no doubt; _but not a shilling of the amount was ever paid by his ministers, nevertheless even within the past few months the present brazilian ministry has charged that sum against me, as having been received and not accounted for!_ it is quite possible, that, in ignorance of the practices common amongst their predecessors of 1824, the present ministers of brazil may imagine that the orders of his majesty were complied with; but if so, the 40,000 milreis never reached me or the squadron. had it done so, nothing can be more easy than to find my receipt for the amount, which i defy them to do. considering our difficulties in a fair way of now being settled, i willingly undertook to conciliate the seamen, and having made the low calculation of _rs_. 650.000 milreis--a sum scarcely one-fourth the value of the prize property--reported to the minister of marine the willingness of the squadron generally to accept 600,000 dollars (about £.120,000) in compensation of their full rights; agreeing, moreover, to give up all claim on the imperial government on payment of one-half, and security for the remainder. notwithstanding this easy mode of arrangement, solely brought about by my personal influence with the men, not a milrea was allotted, his majesty's ministers deliberately evading the imperial wishes and promises. on the contrary, the more his majesty was determined to do the squadron justice the more was the portuguese faction in the ministry bent on frustrating the imperial intentions--notwithstanding that, by the revolutionary proceedings in the north, the integrity of the empire was at stake. i may indeed go farther and state with great truth, that whilst his majesty was most anxious for our speedy departure, in order to suppress the revolution at pernambuco, his ministers were, day by day, addressing to me letters on the most insignificant subjects, with the apparent object of delaying the squadron by official frivolities, the necessity of replying to which would prevent my attention to the fulfilment of the imperial wish. the best proof of this is the fact which will be apparent in the course of this chapter, viz.--that although the province of pernambuco was in open revolt, the administration contrived to delay the sailing of the squadron for _six months_ beyond the events just narrated. on the 24th of february, the following extraordinary _portaria_ was transmitted to me by the minister of marine:- desiring to give a further testimony of the high estimation in which the marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral of the national and imperial armada, is held, by reason of the distinguished services which he has rendered to the state, and which it is hoped that he will continue to render for the independence of brazil, i deem it proper to name him commander-in-chief of all the naval forces of the empire _during the present war_. the supreme military council is hereby informed thereof, and will cause this decree to be executed. palace of rio janeiro, the 23rd of february, 1824. third of the independence of the empire, with the rubrica of his imperial majesty. francisco villela barbosa, secretariat of state, 27th february, 1824. (signed) anastasio de brito, acting chief secretary. the audacity of this _portaria_--setting aside the stipulations of his majesty and his late ministers in my commission, thus rendering it null and void without my consent--was only equalled by its hypocrisy. as a "_further testimony_ of the high estimation in which i was held," &c.--his majesty's ministers were graciously pleased to annul my commission, in order that they might get rid of me at a moment's warning! the document transmitted to me _did not_ bear the rubrica of the emperor, though falsely asserted so to do. if the reader will take the trouble to compare it with my two commissions, he will agree with me in the inference that it was written by barbosa without the emperor's knowledge or consent, with the object of terminating my command--the imperial patents notwithstanding, as will be evident from the expression, "_during the present war;_" the war being _already ended_ by my expulsion of the portuguese fleet and army. no time was lost in remonstrating against this insidious decree. after pointing out to the minister of marine the agreements which had been made with me by the late ministers, and ratified by the imperial sign manual, i addressed his excellency as follows:- the late decree inserted in the gazette of february 28th, instead of increasing my official rank and authority--as it professes to do--in effect circumscribes it, because _there was no limitation of time_ in the offer which i accepted from his imperial majesty. but by this decree, my official rank and authority are limited to the duration of the present war. now, if i could believe that the idea of this limitation originated with his imperial majesty himself, i should respectfully and silently acquiesce; but being satisfied--from the gracious manner in which he has been pleased to act towards me on all occasions--that it did not so originate, i can only consider it an intimation of an opinion prevalent in the councils of the state, that myself and services can very well be done without, as soon as the independence of brazil shall be decided or peace restored. as no man can be expected to dedicate his professional services to a foreign country, without having a prospect of some recompence more durable than that which such a limitation as is expressed in the document in question seems to indicate, i am naturally led to inquire whether it is the intention of his majesty's advisers that, on the termination of the present war, _my pay is to cease with my authority?_ or whether i am to receive any permanent reward for services, _the consequences of which will be permanent to brazil?_ because--if no recompence is to be received for public services --however important and lasting in their effects those services may be--it is a duty to myself and family to consider how far i am justified in farther devoting my time to a service from which so little future benefit is to be expected; a consideration the more interesting to me, in consequence of repeated solicitations from the chilian government to resume my rank and command in that state. in saying thus much, you may consider me of a mercenary disposition; but i have received from brazil _no recompence whatever_, beyond the honours conferred by his imperial majesty. if you will peruse the accompanying papers, you will find that when i left chili i had disbursed of my own monies, 66,000 dollars, to keep the chilian squadron from starving, which sum, in consequence of my leaving chili, and accepting the offers of his imperial majesty, has not been repaid. this amount his majesty and his ministers agreed to repay on my acceptance of the command; but i declined to seek reimbursement at the expense of brazil, "unless i should perform greater services to the empire than i had rendered to chili; but in the event of such services being rendered to brazil, and of chili continuing its refusal to pay me, then--and not otherwise--i should hope for indemnification." to this stipulation the late ministers gave their assent. it is no proof of an avaricious disposition that i at once acquiesced in the proposition of his imperial majesty, that 40,000 dollars only for the _imperatrice_, which is not one-third of her value, should be apportioned to her captors. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. i might have added that the squadron had received _no emoluments of any kind whatever_, notwithstanding the spontaneous stipulations of his imperial majesty to pay everything, there not being even an indication of handing over to them the 40,000 dollars awarded by his majesty for the frigate captured at parà. on the contrary, i had been condemned in costs and damages to a great amount for having captured portuguese vessels in pursuance of his majesty's orders; so that had the court of admiralty been in a position to enforce these, i should not only be unpaid but be mulcted of a very large sum, as the price of having accepted the command of the brazilian navy! so far from the 40,000 dollars awarded by his majesty for the capture of the frigate _imperatrice_ having been paid according to the imperial directions, i received from the minister of marine a letter dated february 27th, implying that the above sum--one third the value of the vessel--was when paid, to be considered as the _sole_ reward of the squadron. this violation of his majesty's agreement was at once repudiated, and an explanatory letter from the minister of marine--almost as ambiguous as the former--assured me that i had misconstrued his intention, which, however, was not the case, for the 40,000 dollars were never paid. on the 19th of march, a direct insult was offered me by severiano da costa, now first minister, by an intimation to attend in the imperial chapel for the purpose of assisting at the ceremony of swearing to the constitution, but i was distinctly told that i should not be permitted to swear; the reason no doubt being, that, by a clause therein contained, military officers who swore to it, could not be dismissed without trial, and sentence of court martial; so that the not permitting me to swear--coupled with barbosa's _portaria_ limiting my command to the duration of the war--indirectly gave power to the administration to dismiss me at their option, whenever they might deem it expedient so to do. that such desire would arise the moment an opportunity might present itself, was certain, nor should i have waited for its expression, but from respectful attachment to his majesty, and from the expectation of obtaining justice for the squadron, which relied on me for procuring satisfaction of their claims. to have accepted an invitation of this public nature, under circumstances so insulting, was out of the question. i therefore joined lady cochrane at the island of governador, and sent an excuse to the minister expressive of my regret at being prevented by unavoidable circumstances from sharing in the honour of the august ceremony. in consequence of the insulting conduct of the administration, and the impossibility of obtaining compensation for the squadron, notwithstanding his majesty's orders to that effect, i made up my mind to quit a service in which the authority of the adverse ministry was superior to that of the sovereign. accordingly, on the 20th of march, i addressed to the minister of marine a letter, from which the subjoined is an extract:- if i thought that the course pursued towards me was dictated by his imperial majesty, it would be impossible for me to remain an hour longer in his service, and i should feel it my duty, at the earliest possible moment, to lay my commission at his feet. if i have not done so before--from the treatment which, in common with the navy, i have experienced--it has been solely from an anxious desire to promote his majesty's real interests. indeed, to struggle against prejudices, and at the same time against those in power, whose prepossessions are at variance with the interests of his majesty, and the tranquillity and independence of brazil, is a task to which i am by no means equal. i am, therefore, perfectly willing to resign the situation i hold, rather than contend against difficulties which appear to me insurmountable. i have only to add, that it will give me extreme satisfaction to find that your excellency is enabled to rear an effective marine out of the materials which constituted the fabric of the old marine of portugal--or any brazilian marine at all, without beginning on principles totally opposite to those which have been pursued since my return to this port. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. this proffer of resignation was met by an assurance that i had misconstrued both the acts and intentions of the administration, and the expression of a hope that i would not think of abandoning brazil for which i had done so much. the real fact was, that although the administration was endeavouring to delay the expedition for the suppression of revolution in the north, they were afraid of its results, dreading that a _republican_ government might be established, as was indeed imminent. it was only from a conviction of not being able to meet such an emergency, otherwise than through my instrumentality--that my resignation was not accepted. determined to pursue the course i had now begun, i addressed the following letter to the prime minister:- rio de janeiro, march 30, 1824. most excellent sir, the late prime minister, josé bonifacio de andrada e silva, was pleased to express a desire that i should communicate directly with him in all extraordinary difficulties with respect to the naval service. if i have not had recourse to your excellency until the present juncture, it has not been from any doubt of your readiness to accord me similar indulgence, but because the evils of which i had to complain were so palpable, that i conceived a remedy would--of necessity be applied in the ordinary course of things. but now that a system is adopted which must very soon bring the naval service of his imperial majesty to utter insignificance and ruin, i can no longer abstain from calling on your excellency as minister of state for the internal affairs of the empire, to interfere before it is too late. here follow complaints of the wretched state of the squadron--its want of repairs--the neglect of pay--the illegal imprisonment of officers for months without trial and on untenable grounds, &c. &c. by the promises held out last year of punctuality in payment, and of other rewards, foreign officers and seamen were induced to enter the service--believing in the good faith of the government. the result--in the short period that has elapsed--has been the complete expulsion of the enemy's forces, naval and military; all of whom would have been still in arms against the independence of brazil, had it not been for the assistance of the foreign officers and seamen. in the course of these important services, various captures were made and sent for adjudication to rio de janeiro, under the authority of his imperial majesty's orders to make war on the subjects and property of portugal. the captures made in prosecution of the war were--according to the engagements under which the expedition proceeded--to be the reward of the captors in return for the benefits derived by the empire for their exertions. judge then, sir, of the astonishment of the officers and seamen at finding on their return to this port eight months afterwards, that the court of admiralty (chiefly composed of natives of portugal) pretended to be ignorant whether the nation was at war or peace! under this plea they have avoided the adjudication of the prizes--have thrown every impediment in the way of the captors--by giving sentences equally contrary to law, common sense and justice. great quantities of goods in the captured ships have decayed or wholly perished from lapse of time--great quantities more have been stolen--whilst whole cargoes, by the arbitrary authority of an auditor, have been given up without trial, to pretended owners, without even the decency of communication to the captors or their agents. in short, nothing has been done in furtherance of the gracious directions of his majesty, given on the 12th ultimo, that the prize affairs should be instantly adjusted. it is certainly a hardship to the portuguese gentlemen in the court of admiralty, to be under the necessity of condemning property that belonged to their countrymen, friends, and relations; but if they have undertaken the duties of such an office, they ought not to be permitted to weigh their private feelings against their public duty--nor to bring upon the whole government that character of bad faith, which has been so disgraceful, and has proved so injurious to all the governments which have hitherto been established in south america. even the payment of wages was not made to the _pedro primiero_ till nearly three months after her return, when the seamen- irritated by the evasion of their dues--had nearly all abandoned the ship; and if the crews of the _nitherohy_ and _carolina_ did not follow their example on their return to port, it was entirely owing to my perseverance before their arrival in procuring this tardy justice. it was a maxim of the emperor napoleon, that "no events are trifling with regard to nations and sovereigns, their destinies being controlled by the most inconsiderable circumstances,"- though circumstances which have the effect of causing the imperial marine to be abandoned, ought not--in a national point of view--to be regarded as inconsiderable; but whether this be of importance or not, the consequences of such abandonment by men who have so faithfully performed their duty, will be far from beneficial to those short sighted and vain individuals who imagine that the employment of foreign officers is an obstacle to their own advancement. if the present foreign officers are compelled to abandon their situations an explanation must be given of the cause, and public indignation must inevitably fall on the unreflecting heads of the prejudiced or selfish authors of such impolitic injustice. i have heard it stated, as a motive for the delay in condemning the prizes, that the government--in case of a treaty of peace- might be called upon to refund the value to the original owners. but, sir, let me ask such wretched statesmen, what would have been the situation of brazil, if foreign officers and seamen had refused to enter the service--as would have been the case, had no prize money been promised? in that case, it is true, the vessels in question would not have been taken--but it is equally true that the enemy's troops would not have been starved into the evacuation of bahia, nor their squadron have been intimidated to flee from these shores. military warfare would still have raged in the interior, and the hostile fleet might now have been engaged in the blockade of rio de janeiro itself. would it not be infinitely better that the government should have to pay the value of these prizes even twice over--than that such calamities should not have been averted? but how can it be argued that the government may be required to restore to the enemy prizes lawfully taken in war? is it possible that the victors can be compelled to make humiliating terms with the vanquished? certainly not--unless the means by which victory was obtained are insanely sacrificed, by permitting the squadron to go to ruin and decay. the results which have been obtained could not have been accomplished by any other measures than those adopted by the wisdom of his imperial majesty. is it then justifiable, to suffer the engagements which produced such results to be evaded and set at nought? still more monstrous--decrees have been passed, both by the auditor of marine and the court of admiralty, to punish the captors for the execution of their duty, and by means of pains and penalties to deter them from the performance of it in future. it is even more unjust and inconsistent, that although his majesty's late ministers held out that ships of war were to be prize to the captors, they are now declared to be the property of the state! do those narrow-minded persons who prompted such a decree, imagine this to be a saving to the country? or do they expect that seamen--especially foreign seamen--will fight heartily on such terms? the power which the british navy has acquired arises from the wisdom of the government in making the interests of the officers and men identical with the interests of the state, which gives bounties and premiums even in addition to the full value of the prizes; whilst the insignificance and inefficiency of the navies of governments which adopt opposite principles, sufficiently indicate whether such liberality, or the want of it, is the best policy in maritime affairs. having said thus much on public matters, i shall very briefly trouble you with respect to myself, by stating that, as regards all which does not depend on the uncontrolled exercise of the imperial functions--there has been no respect paid to the written stipulations entered into with me on accepting the command of the brazilian navy, and that since my return from freeing the northern provinces and uniting them to the empire, every promise--written and verbal--has been evaded or set at nought, which facts i am prepared to prove beyond the possibility of contradiction. my nature is not suspicious, nor did i ever become doubtful of promises and professions of friendship till after the third year of my connection with chili--when, having swept every ship of war belonging to the enemy from the pacific, the chilian ministers imagined that they could dispense with my services. they had not, indeed, the candour which i have experienced here, for, after appointing me to a command without limitation as to time, _they did not publicly restrict the duration of that command to the earliest moment that they could dispense with me_. it was their plan--while openly professing kindness and gratitude--to endeavour, by secret artifices, to render me odious to the public, and to transfer to me the responsibility which they themselves incurred by bringing the navy to ruin, and causing the seamen to abandon it, by withholding their pay, and even the provisions necessary for their subsistence. as for the rest, my remonstrances against such conduct were treated in chili just as my representations have been treated here. like causes will ever produce similar effects; but as there was no hostile or spanish party in the chilian state, four years elapsed before the mischiefs could be accomplished, which, by the machinations of the portuguese faction, have been here effected in the short space of four months. truths are often disagreeable to those who are not in the habit of hearing them, and doubly offensive after long experience of the homage of blind obedience and subserviency. i have, nevertheless, always felt it my duty to the governments under which i have served, not to abstain from uttering truths under any dread of offence, because i have ever been impressed with the conviction that speaking truth is not only the most honourable mode of proceeding, but that the time seldom fails to arrive when those who are warned of a wrong line of conduct feel grateful to the man--who at the risk of personal inconvenience, or even punishment--dared to apprise them of their danger. in england--where mischiefs were heaped upon me for _opposing a ministerial vote of parliamentary thanks to an undeserving officer_--the people at once saw the propriety of my conduct, and the government has since virtually admitted its justice. in chili, the ministers who hated me, because they knew me to be aware of their deceitful and dishonest acts, were succeeded by others who have solicited my return. and the worthy and excellent supreme director (o'higgins, whom those ministers, by their wickedness and folly, brought to ruin) found at last, and acknowledged--but too late to attend to my warnings--that i had acted towards him, in all cases, with honour and fidelity. the error and fate of the excellent and eminent person whom i have just named--affords a proof of the folly and danger of the notion--that ministers who have forfeited the confidence of the public by breach of faith and evil acts, can be upheld by military force against public opinion, especially in governments recently constituted. the people respected their supreme director; but when he marshalled his troops to uphold his evil ministers, he fell with them. had he adopted the policy of cromwell, and delivered to justice those who merited punishment, he would have saved himself. permit me to say, in conclusion, that the ministers of his imperial majesty are identified with the court of admiralty, and with the officers whom they maintain in the different departments. let them--i repeat--take heed that the operation of similar causes does not produce like effects; for if the conduct of these individuals shall cause the naval service to be abandoned, and shall thereby--as a necessary consequence--occasion great disasters to the empire, i am convinced that in a short period, all the troops in rio de janeiro will not be able to repress the storm that will be raised against the factious portuguese. it is my fervent hope--that his imperial majesty, by gloriously adhering to the cause of independence and to brazil, will save and unite the largest portion of his royal patrimony in defiance of the blind efforts of portugal, and in spite of the cunning intrigues of the portuguese faction here, to prolong civil war, and create dismemberment and disunion. i have the honour to be, &c. &c. cochrane and maranhaõ. his excellency joao severiano maciel de costa, chief minister of state, &c. &c. one effect of the preceding letter was--that the court of admiralty requested my consent to give up certain prize property, the object being to construe my acquiescence as regarded a small portion--into a precedent for giving up the remainder. this was firmly refused on the ground of its being a fraud on the captors. chapter vii. ministerial malignity towards me--dangers in pernambuco--portuguese threats--my advice thereon--failure in manning the squadron--plot formed to search the flagship--timely warning thereon--i demand his majesty's interference--which was promptly granted--protest against prize decisions--my advice sought as regarded pernambuco--letter to his imperial majesty--pointing out the annoyance practised--and tendering my resignation--the emperor's intervention--his ministers neglect to fulfil his engagement--confirmation of my previous patents--but with an unjustifiable reservation--prize money devoted to advance of wages--proofs thereof--baseless imputations on me--extracts from log--further distribution of prize money. having failed in inducing the administration to withdraw the _portaria_ issued with a view to nullify the commissions conferred upon me by his imperial majesty,--i waited upon the emperor to beg his interference in a matter no less derogatory to his authority, than unjust to myself. his majesty regretted the circumstance, but having alluded to the difficulties in which he was placed with regard to the administration, begged me to rely on him for justice, assuring me that he would take care that nothing was done which should practically alter my original compact. his majesty was exceedingly anxious that the expedition to pernambuco should not be delayed, but i could only represent to him that nothing whatever had been done to satisfy the seamen, who, in consequence, would not re-enter--that several of the best officers were either in prison on frivolous accusations, or under arrest--that the necessary repairs to the ships were not completed--that no steps had been taken to provide for their equipment--and that, in fact, the greater was his majesty's anxiety to put down the revolution, the more obstructive were the obstacles interposed by the ministry to the accomplishment of his wishes. the ministers now resorted to a clumsy system in order to lower me in popular estimation, by imposing, for my guidance in naval matters, stringent orders about trifles which were absurd or impracticable, non-observance of these being followed by _printed reprimands_ such as were never before addressed to a commander-in-chief, whilst my refutations and remonstrances against such treatment were refused publication. this course was succeeded by another still more unworthy, the ministers so far forgetting the dignity of their position, as to write or cause to be written against me a series of scurrilous articles in the newspapers under the feigned signature of "curioso," these containing matters which could only have come from the minister of marine's office; but as i was able to reply to _anonymous_ attacks through the same channel, i took care that the refutation signally recoiled on the writers, who, finding the course pursued more detrimental to their objects than to mine, relinquished this mode of attack. pamphlets of an atrocious description were then resorted to, the more noticeable of which, was one purporting to emanate from chili, and representing that not only had i effected nothing for that country or peru, but that my very presence in the peruvian waters had been the greatest obstacle to the speedy attainment of independence! a circumstance however occurred which alarmed even the ministers themselves. on the 20th of april, i received a despatch from captain taylor, commanding the naval force before pernambuco, stating that on the 7th, the camara of that province had unanimously resolved that they would no longer obey the imperial authority--that the governor appointed by his imperial majesty had been deposed--and that they had elected a president from amongst their own body. this was an extremity upon which the portuguese faction in the administration had not calculated--their object being to encourage disturbance in remote provinces, in order to further their own purposes at rio de janeiro. an attempt to institute a republican form of government was, however, another thing, it being well known that this movement was fostered by merchants and influential citizens with republican tendencies. my advice was now asked as to what was best to be done in the emergency, to which i replied that "no time ought to be lost in sending small vessels to enforce the blockade of pernambuco, which had already been declared by captain taylor; as large vessels would be in imminent danger of being wrecked if anchored upon that open coast at this season of the year." to add to the dangers threatening the empire, intelligence was received that the portuguese had reinforced and refitted their fleet with the intention of returning to brazil and recovering the northern provinces. this course, no doubt, having been determined upon on account of information, that, in consequence of the injustice done to the brazilian squadron, it had been abandoned by the seamen, and was now powerless. i did not offer to accompany any vessels that might be sent to pernambuco; for i had made up my mind not to undertake anything unless some satisfaction were accorded to the squadron. on the 3rd of may, i, however, addressed to the prime minister a letter stating the plan which, in my opinion, ought to be pursued in the present predicament. the subjoined are extracts:- drawing a veil over that which has passed--though had my recommendations, given in writing to his imperial majesty on the 14th of november last--two days after the dissolution of the assembly--been attended to, the rebellion and separation of the northern provinces might have been prevented. passing over the errors committed in the non-employment of the greater part of the naval forces; passing over the disgust occasioned by the conduct pursued towards the seamen, the opposition which had been encountered in every step towards amelioration, and the mischief occasioned by these and many other sources of disunion and paralysation, i say--passing over all these--let me call your excellency's attention to the only means which appear to me practicable to save the country--if not from again devolving to portugal as colonial possessions, yet at least from protracted war, and its attendant calamities. taking it then for granted that an expedition is actually fitting out at lisbon, destined to act against brazil, the question is, how and by what means can that expedition be most successfully opposed? what is the force necessary? and how, under existing circumstances, it can be procured? (here follow plans for the reorganization of the navy, and its mode of operation, in order to prevent the anticipated invasion.) as regards myself, it is my conviction that, though i might be responsible for the discipline and good order of a single ship, i could make nothing of a squadron so manned, as it inevitably must be, and actuated by those feelings which have been excited to the detriment of the imperial service. since the date of my last letter to your excellency, i have received a copy of the laws relative to prizes, and am convinced that these laws differ in no material degree from the maritime code of england, the adoption of which i had solicited; and that the blame of all the disquiet that has been occasioned is entirely owing to the non-execution of the laws by those individuals who have been nominated to dispense justice, but who have perverted it. (signed) cochrane & maranhaõ. notwithstanding the threatening aspect of affairs in the north, no steps were taken to satisfy the seamen. in place of this i received orders to use my influence with them _to re-enter without payment!_ determined that the government should not have to find fault with any want of effort on my part, i obeyed the order, with what result the following letter to the minister of marine will shew:- in consequence of the directions from his imperial majesty, communicated through your excellency, to equip the _pedro primiero, carolina_, and _maria de gloria_, with all possible despatch, and to hold them in readiness to proceed on service, i ordered a commissioned officer to visit the different rendezvous which the seamen frequent, and endeavour to prevail on them to re-enter --assuring them that the continuance of their services was the best means whereby to obtain their rewards for captures made during the late campaign. it appears, however, that it will be difficult to prevail on them to engage again in the service, without some explicit declaration made public on the part of the imperial government, stating what they have to expect for the past, and to anticipate for the future; for the conduct that has been pursued, especially in regard to matters of prize, has led them to draw conclusions highly prejudicial to the service of his imperial majesty. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. i also protested against the intended arrest of captain grenfell, knowing that there were no grounds for such a step, and more especially against the seizure of his papers, which necessarily contained the requisite proofs in justification of his conduct at parà. the only offence he had committed was his firmness in repressing the seditious acts of the portuguese faction there; and as those whom he had offended had influence with their countrymen connected with the administration at rio de janeiro, a tissue of false representations as to his conduct, was the readiest mode of revenge, so that he shared the enmity of the faction in common with myself, though they did not venture to order my arrest. one instance of the annoyance still directed against myself, on the 4th of june, is perhaps worth relating. it had been falsely reported to the emperor by his ministers that--besides the 40,000 dollars which i refused to give up--specie to a large amount was secreted on board the _pedro primiero_, and it was suggested to his majesty, that, as i was living on shore, it would be easy to search the ship in my absence --whereby the emperor could possess himself of all the money found. this disgraceful insult was on the point of being put in execution, when an accident revealed the whole plot; the object of which was, by implied accusation, to lower me in popular estimation--a dastardly device, which, though contemptible, could hardly fail to be prejudicial to myself, against whom it was directed. late one evening i received a visit from madame bonpland, the talented wife of the distinguished french naturalist. this lady--who had singular opportunities for becoming acquainted with state secrets--came expressly to inform me that my house was at that moment surrounded by a guard of soldiers! on asking if she knew the reason of such a proceeding, she informed me that, under the pretence of a review to be held at the opposite side of the harbour early the following morning, preparations had been made by the ministers to board the flagship, which was to be thoroughly overhauled whilst i was detained on shore, and all the money found taken possession of! thanking my excellent friend for her timely warning, i clambered over my garden fence, as the only practicable way to the stables, selected a horse, and notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, proceeded to st. christoval, the country palace of the emperor, where, on my arrival, i demanded to see his majesty. the request being refused by the gentleman in waiting, in such a way as to confirm the statement of madame bonpland--i dared him to refuse me admission at his peril; adding that "the matter upon which i had come was fraught with grave consequences to his majesty and the empire." "but," said he, "his majesty has retired to bed long ago." "no matter," replied i, "in bed, or not in bed, i demand to see him, in virtue of my privilege of access to him at all times, and if you refuse to concede permission--look to the consequences." his majesty was not, however, asleep, and the royal chamber being close at hand, he recognised my voice in the altercation with the attendant. hastily coming out of his apartments in a _dishabille_ which, under ordinary circumstances, would have been inconsistent, he asked--"what could have brought me there at that time of night?" my reply was--that "understanding that the troops ordered for a review were destined to proceed to the flagship in search of supposed treasure, i had come to request his majesty immediately to appoint confidential persons to accompany me on board, when the key of every chest in the ship should be placed in their hands, and every place thrown open to their inspection; but that if any of his anti-brazilian administration ventured to board the ship in perpetration of the contemplated insult, they would certainly be regarded as pirates, and treated as such." adding at the same time--"depend upon it, that they are not more my enemies, than the enemies of your majesty and the empire, and an intrusion so unwarrantable, the officers and crew are bound to resist." "well," replied his majesty, "you seem to be apprised of everything, but the plot is not mine; being--as far as i am concerned--convinced that no money would be found more than we already know of from yourself." i then entreated his majesty to take such steps for my justification as would be satisfactory to the public. "there is no necessity for any," replied he; "but how to dispense with the review is the puzzle.--i will be ill in the morning--so go home, and think no more of the matter. i give you my word your flag shall not be outraged by the contemplated proceeding." the _denouement_ of the farce is worthy of being recorded. the emperor kept his word, and in the night was taken suddenly ill. as his majesty was really beloved by his brazilian subjects, all the native respectability of rio was early next day on its way to the palace to inquire after the royal health, and, ordering my carriage, i also proceeded to the palace, lest my absence might appear singular. on entering the room, where--surrounded by many influential persons--the emperor was in the act of explaining the nature of his disease to the anxious inquirers--a strange incident occurred. on catching my eye, his majesty burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, in which i as heartily joined; the bystanders, from the gravity of their countenances, evidently considering that both had taken leave of their senses. the ministers looked astounded, but said nothing--his majesty kept his secret, and i was silent. months had now been consumed in endeavours on the part of the administration to give annoyance to me--and on the part of the prize tribunal to condemn me in costs for making lawful captures, this appearing to form their only object; save when a prize vessel could be given up to a claimant or pretended claimant, in outrage of justice, as evinced in the case of the _pombinho's_ cargo, and numerous other instances. to such an extent was this being carried, that i sent protest after protest on the subject. the following will serve as a specimen:- protest. the marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of his imperial majesty, does hereby protest, on behalf of himself and those employed under his command in the blockade of bahia, and other services of the empire, against the sentence given in the case of the nova constitucaõ, _whereby costs and damages to the amount of four times the value are decreed against the captors of the said vessel_ (taken in the act of violating the blockade of bahia), in performance of duties which the law sanctioned and the service of his imperial majesty required. and further, the said marquis of maranhaõ, on behalf of himself and the captors, does again most solemnly protest against _all sentences of acquittal_ of vessels which violated the said blockade, or which were seized, navigating under portuguese flags or with portuguese registers--and against all proceedings to recover damages against the said marquis and captors _for any capture whatsoever_; his imperial majesty having been graciously pleased to signify that all expenses thus incurred in case of vessels pronounced "_malprisa_," shall be placed to the account of the state. rio de janeiro, july 23, 1824. the anxiety of his majesty on account of the revolt at pernambuco was meanwhile utterly set at nought, neither severiano, nor his colleague barbosa--though now beginning to be alarmed--shewing the slightest disposition to carry out his majesty's orders for the compromise with the officers and seamen, in order that the squadron might be manned. at length intelligence arrived from the revolted districts, of such a nature as to appear to his majesty fraught with immediate danger to the integrity of the empire, as in truth it was, for the republican nature of the insurrection had become an established fact, whilst the squadron which, months before, ought to have sailed to quell the revolt, was, from, want of men, lying idle in the port of the capital. setting aside all ministerial interposition, i received his majesty's orders to repair at once to the palace, to decide on the best plan of meeting these revolutionary manifestations. my advice was--at once to put them down with a strong hand; but i called his majesty's attention to the ministerial contempt of his orders to satisfy the seamen, and the consequent hopeless condition of the squadron--abandoned because no assurance had been given that past services would be rewarded by the adjudication of the prizes--against which adjudication the tribunal resolutely set their faces, or, what was worse, unwarrantably disposed of the property entrusted to them for adjudication. his majesty was greatly annoyed at learning the continuance and extent of the vexatious opposition to his wishes; but, begging me not to be influenced by the injustice committed, strongly urged the necessity of my using every endeavour for immediate action,--i at once pointed out to his majesty that the only way to accomplish this was, to restore confidence to the men by maintaining public faith with the officers and seamen, giving compensation--at least in part--of their prize money, with recognition of their claims to the remainder. still nothing was done, until, becoming tired of the harassing circumstances in which i was placed, i made up my mind to a last effort, which, if unsuccessful, should be followed by my resignation of the command, even though it might involve the loss of all that which was due to me. accordingly, i addressed to his majesty a letter from which the following are extracts:- the time has at length arrived when it is impossible to doubt that the influence which the portuguese faction has so long exerted, with the view of depriving the officers and seamen of their stipulated rights, has succeeded in its object, and has even prevailed against the expressed wishes and intentions of your majesty in person. (here follows a recapitulation of injuries and annoyances with which the reader is familiar):- the determined perseverance in a course so opposed to justice, by those members and adherents of the portuguese faction, whose influence prevails in the ministry and council, and more especially the proceedings of those individuals of that faction, who compose the naval tribunals, must come to an end. the general discontent which prevails in the squadron has rendered the situation in which i am placed one of the most embarrassing description; for though few may be aware that my own cause of complaint is equal to theirs, many cannot perceive the consistency of my patient continuation in the service, with disapprobation of the measures pursued. even the honours which your majesty has been pleased to bestow upon me, are deemed by most of the officers, and by the whole of the men--who know not the assiduity with which i have persevered in earnest but unavailing remonstrance--as a bribe by which i have been induced to abandon their interests. much, therefore, as i prize those honours, as the gracious gift of your imperial majesty, yet, holding in still dearer estimation my character as an officer and a man, i cannot hesitate a moment which to sacrifice when the retention of both is evidently incompatible. i can, therefore, no longer delay to demonstrate to the squadron, and the world, that i am no partner in the deceptions and oppressions which are practised on the naval service; and as the first, and most painful step in the performance of this imperious duty, i crave permission--with all humility and respect--to return those honours, and lay them at the feet of your imperial majesty. i should, however, fall short of my duty to those who were induced to enter the service by my example or invitation, were i to do nothing more than convince them that i had been deceived. it is incumbent on me to make every effort to obtain for them the fulfilment of engagements for which i made myself responsible. as far as i am personally concerned, i could be content to quit the service of your imperial majesty, either with or without the expectation of obtaining compensation at a future period, and could submit to the same sacrifices here as i did on the other side of the continent, even to abandoning the ships which i captured from the enemy--without payment or reward--as i did in chili and peru. after effectually fighting the battles of freedom and independence on both sides of south america, and clearing the two seas of every vessel of war, i could submit to return to my native country unrewarded; but i cannot submit to adopt any course which shall not redeem my pledge to my brother officers and seamen. neither can i relinquish the object which i have equally at heart, of depriving the portuguese faction of the means of undermining the nationality and independence of the empire, to which--notwithstanding their admission to places of honour and trust--they are notoriously and naturally opposed. it is impossible to view the prize tribunal--consisting of natives of the hostile nation--in any other light than as a party of the enemy, who, in the disguise of judges, have surprised and recaptured our prizes, after we had lodged them--as we thought--safely in port. and we have not the slightest reason to doubt that, if suffered to proceed unmolested, they will eventually get them clean out of the harbour, and convey them back to their own country. we do not ask for reprisals upon these people, but simply restitution of the fruits of our labours in the service of your majesty, of which they have insidiously despoiled us, and that no impediment to this act of justice may arise, or be pretended by the individuals in question, we are willing to wait for a still further period--retaining, however, what remains of the prizes in our own custody--until our claims are settled; when we shall punctually surrender them into your imperial hands at whatever moment your majesty shall be pleased to cause the said claims to be duly discharged. we most earnestly beseech your imperial majesty--upon whom alone we depend for justice--to take into your consideration the necessity of withdrawing all control over the naval service and its interests from the hands of individuals with whose country your majesty is at war, and against which, under your imperial authority, we have been employed in active hostilities. it is only by the removal of portuguese functionaries--more especially from the naval department, and the appointment of native brazilians in their stead, that your imperial majesty can reasonably hope to possess the full confidence of your people. such a proceeding would be far more effective for the suppression of the rebellion in the north, than the ill-equipped naval detachment employed on that service. i trust that your imperial majesty will perceive that nothing short of the most thorough conviction in my own mind, with regard to the step now taken, could have led me to adopt it on my own account, or on that of the squadron. to myself, in particular, it must be a source of great anxiety, and in all probability, for a time --before the circumstances are generally understood--it may bring on me a large share of obloquy. my resignation is attended with the surrender of the high honours with which your majesty has graciously invested me, in addition to the honourable situation which i hold under your imperial authority. your majesty may be assured that such sacrifices as these are not made without extreme reluctance, and if there had remained the slightest probability of obtaining by any ordinary means the justice for the squadron, which it is my bounden duty to persevere in demanding, i should have avoided a step so pregnant with disadvantages to myself. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. his majesty frankly admitted that the course pursued by his ministers towards the squadron was no less discreditable than injurious to the vital interests of the state, but begged me to reconsider my determination. to prevent further ministerial interposition, at a moment so pregnant with danger, the emperor offered to place at my disposal, for the temporary satisfaction of the men, 200,000 milreis in paper currency--not one-tenth of the value of the prizes--if i would endeavour to rally them under the national flag, and merge my own injuries in oblivion, till he should be better able to do us justice. my reply was that, personally, his majesty had ever manifested his desire to fulfil his promises to me, and that i would stand by the integrity of the empire, and its consolidation. it was of the ministers i had to complain, by whom all the imperial promises had been broken, and his majesty's intentions thwarted; but that this would neither interfere with my duty nor gratitude to his majesty, personally; and that if the 200,000 milreis were paid, i would endeavour to use the money to the best advantage by inducing the men to return to the ships. the amount was directed to be placed in my hands, with the request that i would proceed to pernambuco, and use my discretion in putting down the revolution, unfettered by orders; his majesty recommending me to withhold payment till the squadron was at sea, in order to prevent delay and desertion. i begged of his majesty to appoint a commission for the distribution of the money, as the responsibility was foreign to my duties. this, however, was overruled with a gracious compliment as to the manner in which my services had uniformly been conducted; being thus pressed i made no further opposition. still the ministers withheld the money, on which i wrote to the emperor, requesting that his majesty would perform the gracious compliment of delivering it on board personally. the emperor at once comprehended the nature of the hint, and insisted on the sum being placed in my hands. on receiving it, i immediately issued a proclamation to the seamen, informing them of his majesty's concession--inviting them to return to their duty--and promising payment to the extent of the funds supplied. the result was, that all who had not quitted rio de janeiro in despair, with one accord rejoined the service, and every effort was made to get the expedition ready for sea. before sailing for pernambuco i was naturally desirous of coming to a definite understanding on the subject of my commission, the patents conferring which had been ruthlessly attempted to be set aside under the signature of barbosa, on the _assumed pretence of authority_ from his imperial majesty, whose _rubrica_, however, was not attached to this violation of our original compact. accordingly, on the 26th of july, i addressed a letter to barbosa on the subject, and on the 29th received the following reply:- his imperial majesty commands, through the secretary of state and marine, that there shall be transmitted to the first admiral commanding-in-chief the naval forces of this empire the enclosed copy of a decree of the 27th of this month, by which his imperial majesty has judged proper to determine that the said first admiral shall receive _in full_, so long as he shall continue in the service of this empire, _the full pay of his patent_; and, _in the event of his not choosing to continue therein after the termination of the present war of independence, the one-half of his pay as a pension_--the same being extended to his wife in the event of his decease. the said first admiral is hereby certified that the said decree of his imperial majesty is not required to be inserted in his patent, as he requests in his letter of the 26th instant, the said decree being as valid as the patent itself. palace of rio de janeiro, july 29th, 1824. (signed) francisco villela barbosa. decree of his imperial majesty, inserted in the _mercurio de brazil_, sunday, 31st july, 1824. in consequence of what has been represented to me by the marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the empire, and in consequence of the great services he has rendered, and which we hope he will continue to render to the sacred cause of brazil, i hereby--by the advice of my council of state--determine that the said marquis of maranhaõ shall be paid in full, during the period that he shall remain in the service of this empire, the whole amount of salary due to his patent; and in the case of his _not wishing to continue in the service_ after the termination of the present war of independence, the one-half of the said pay as a pension, the same, in case of his death, being extended to his wife. francisco villela barbosa, of my council of state, minister and secretary of marine, is hereby commanded to promulgate the same, and execute the necessary despatches. given in the palace of rio de janeiro, the 27th of july, 1824, and the third of independence and the empire. with the _rubrica_ of his imperial majesty. (signed) francisco villela barbosa. this decree nullified the unjustifiable _portaria_ issued by barbosa, limiting my services to the period of the war, which, in reality, had been ended by my expulsion of the portuguese from bahia and maranham. it recognised and established the validity of the emperor's original patents, of which, by the minister's own explanation, it was a continuation, with an extension to lady cochrane; a boon spontaneously granted by the emperor, as a mark of gratitude for services rendered in the preceding year. it was, moreover, clearly left to my own option to continue in the service or to quit it on half-pay, on the termination of the war of independence. if there was any faith to be placed in princes or ministers, nothing could be more definite or satisfactory than the preceding document, with the exception of the phrase, "_in the event of his not choosing to continue therein_," which evidently contained an _arrière pensée_, implying, as was afterwards proved, that when i could be got rid of it would be easy to _compel me_ to retire from the service; but even this alternative was subsequently disregarded--though his imperial majesty, on my thanking him for having so far done me justice against the attempts of his ministers--remarked, "_never mind their injustice--they can't deprive you of that"_--alluding to the stipulations contained in the imperial patents, and this renewed confirmation thereof. the concession of 200,000 dollars, as a portion of the prize money so long due to the officers and crews, was actually made to suffice, in place of an advance of wages usually given on the departure of a naval expedition; so that, in fact, the squadron was manned at its own expense! no other payment being accorded by the _government_. as his majesty had requested that the men should not receive their money before going to sea, _the squadron_, with the exception of the flagship, was despatched on its voyage, the crews being satisfied--now that the money was on board--with my promise of payment when they should assemble at the rendezvous appointed. it is requisite to enter into some detail relative to the distribution of prize money thus of necessity substituted as an advance of wages: it being impossible to get the requisite numbers of foreign seamen for the _pedro primiero_ without such advance; and although the frigates which had sailed, manned for the most part with portuguese or brazilian crews, relied upon _me_ for payment of their prize money, the foreign seamen refused even to remain on board the flagship without the usual advance; the officers also were in want of everything, and the men--indebted to tavern keepers--clamorous for payment. as the necessity was urgent, i did not choose that the flagship, under my immediate command, should leave port in a discreditable manner, i therefore took upon myself--notwithstanding his majesty's suggestion to withhold payment till we were at sea--to accommodate the officers and satisfy the crew by the advance demanded; a step, in my judgment, the more necessary, since, as had been the case in the former campaign, i should mainly have to depend upon the foreign officers and seamen of my own ship, for the execution of plans which might become requisite--the best way, therefore, to ensure their zealous co-operation throughout the voyage, was to establish harmony at its commencement by complying with their just demand. the following were the principal sums disbursed on this occasion, as appears from my private memoranda, the vouchers themselves being afterwards transmitted to the minister of marine through captain shepherd, as will subsequently appear:- dollars. to myself 85,000 paid messrs. may and lukin, prize agents, for admiralty court expenses, and commission, at 5 per cent 15,000 advanced to squadron generally 23,000 ditto to captain crosbie 5,000 ditto, to other officers 3,750 disbursed at rio, 70,750 this sum, about £.14,000, may appear trivial to the english reader, accustomed to lavish expenditure in all naval expeditions as the most economical way of securing their future efficiency--and hence the mention of such an amount may be deemed superfluous. that this is not the case will presently appear. the reader must not however imagine that i am about to inflict on him an account current of the expenditure of the squadron; but circumstances compel me to a precision in this respect on personal grounds: the brazilian government--though in possession of the documents and vouchers afterwards transmitted by captain shepherd--publicly persisting in the statement that i never furnished accounts of the expedition to pernambuco and maranham--thus leaving the public to infer that the disbursements just narrated, together with subsequent payments, had never in reality been made! in other words, that i induced the crews to go to sea--put down the revolution in the north--spent nine months in pacifying the revolutionary provinces--and yet fraudulently withheld 200,000 dollars, the only sum supplied during the whole of the expedition; the seamen meanwhile not only serving without reward, but being content with my monopolizing the portion of the prize-money known by them to have been awarded for the expulsion of the portuguese in the preceding year, and notoriously in my possession! their forbearance being so improbable as to refute itself, being contrary to common sense; even in the absence of the vouchers, which were transmitted to the brazilian government, _but never acknowledged_--i am able however to account for the whole from documents no less convincing than the vouchers transmitted. it is true that nothing but the blind hatred of the old portuguese faction towards me could have originated such charges, and that hatred was greatly increased by my pacification of the revolutionary provinces--this being the death-blow to the intrigues recommended by palmella in favour of the mother country. as, however, the brazilian government did not acknowledge to me the receipt of my accounts, which must either exist to this day in the office of the minister of marine, or must have been destroyed, for the sake of traducing my character in justification of my prospective dismissal--it is incumbent on me to supply, for the information of the brazilian people, explanations which have been repeatedly given to their government, but which have not as yet been made public through the medium of the press--and that not for the information of the brazilian people solely, but of the british public, who, in the absence of official imputations recently promulgated, have never before been put in possession of facts. the brazilian people may rest assured that whenever i received, for the use of the squadron, sums which itself had captured, i could neither then conceal the circumstance nor can i now disavow the fact--giving, however, the reasons which, for the interests of the empire, justified my proceedings. the only instance of this kind which had hitherto occurred was my retention of 40,000 dollars captured at maranham, and they who have perused the preceding narrative will be at no loss for the ground of my refusal to surrender to the court of admiralty a sum which would have been returned by that tribunal to their portuguese brethren--nor for my resistance to the plot which the ministers had formed to take it by force from on board the flagship. to return to the advances made to the officers and seamen of the flagship. the following extracts from the original log kept by my secretary will shew the fact of the distribution previously narrated:- _july 12th_, 1824. received the 200,000 dollars at the treasury, and gave receipt, with captain crosbie and the commissary. deposited the notes in the iron chest on board the _pedro primiero_. _july 19th_. went on board the _pedro primiero_ to pay advance. (paid may and lukin 15,000 dollars.) engaged all day in paying the men. _july 26th._ went to the _pedro_, with the admiral and lieutenant blake, to pay advance from the prize-money. in the evening the emperor called and announced to the admiral that he was to sail on sunday next. _july 31st_. on board the _pedro_ paying seamen as before. soldiers came on board. _august 2nd._ emperor came alongside. admiral embarked. got under way, and set sail in company with the _maranhaõ_ brig and three transports. the preceding extracts shew that not only was an advance made for the good of the service, but this was done with such publicity, that both the emperor and his ministers could not fail to be aware of the circumstance. the further distribution as prize-money, according to his majesty's direction, took place at bahia and pernambuco, as will be shewn in the next chapter. chapter viii. republican government proclaimed at pernambuco--its concordat----the president carvalho--threat of bombardment--a bribe offered to me and refused--the revolt admitted of palliation--it was fast becoming general--intimidation ineffectual--the revolutionists expect foreign aid--pernambuco taken possession of--payment of prize money--the accounts rendered in due course--orders to put down revolt at para--character of the revolution--difficulty in finding proper governors--revolt at ceara--steps taken to suppress it--they prove successful--the insurgent leader killed--measures for preserving tranquillity. on the 2nd of august, 1824, the imperial squadron again quitted rio de janeiro, the rendezvous being appointed at jurugua, where we arrived on the 13th, and on the 16th landed a body of twelve hundred troops under general lima, at alagoas, seventy or eighty miles from the seat of revolt! this notable step being taken in pursuance of strict orders from the administration at rio de janeiro. on the 18th, the squadron reached pernambuco, falling in, near the entrance of the port, with a number of portuguese vessels quitting the city with passengers; but in consequence of the prize tribunal having _decreed damages_ for the seizure of enemy's ships within a certain distance of the coast, they were permitted to pass unmolested. we did not reach pernambuco too soon, for proclamations had been issued by manuel carvalho paes de andrade, the revolutionary president--denouncing don pedro as a traitor, whose aim it was to abandon brazil to the portuguese; which denunciation, though right in one sense, was wrong as regarded the emperor, whose views were thoroughly national--though the object of his ministers was as thoroughly portuguese. had the pernambucans been aware of the want of concord between the emperor's intentions and those of his ministers, who had forced themselves upon him--the probability is that they would have supported, instead of denouncing his government. the revolution had, however, now taken vigorous root, and the democratic spirit of the pernambucans was not to be trifled with. a republican form of government had been proclaimed, the views of which were on a more extensive scale than was commensurate with the abilities of those propounding them; it being their vain hope to constitute all the equatorial provinces into a federation, on the model of the united states, a project fostered--if not originated--by americans resident in the city. to further this object, an appeal was made to the other northern provinces to repudiate the imperial authority, and to form with pernambuco an alliance, under the title of "confederation of the equator;" the consequence being, that a large proportion of the inhabitants of parahyba, piahuy, rio grande do norte, and cearà, declared in favour of the measure. the annexed is the concordat of the revolutionary provinces:- in the year of our lord 1824, third year of the independence of brazil, and the 3rd of august in that year, in the hall of session of the government of the province of pernambuco, there being present, the brazilian citizen, quaresma torreaõ, on behalf of his excellency the president, carvalho paes de andrade, and the illustrious and reverend francisco da costa leixas; josé joaquim fernandez barros, and the citizen josé joaquim germiniano de moraes navarro, on behalf of the province of rio grande del norte, by diploma dated august 16, 1824, and also the illustrious deputies commissioned by his excellency the governor of the province of pernambuco to treat on behalf of his government, with a view to extinguish dissension in political opinions, which has so greatly retarded the progress of brazil, and of independence and liberty; and, at the same time, to do their endeavour to banish a servile spirit which tends to enthral brazil by a pretended constitution, domineering over the brazilian nation like that of the grand seignior of the ottoman porte. the commission of the government of this province, and the illustrious deputations before-mentioned, having maturely considered these subjects, agree- first,--that these provinces of pernambuco and rio grande unite in a fraternal league, offensive and defensive, to assemble all their forces against any aggression of the portuguese government, or that of the government of rio de janeiro, to reduce these provinces to a state of thraldom. secondly,--that the said league shall extend to the establishing constitutional liberty throughout the said provinces, and to supplant the servile spirit with which they are infected, and thus avert civil war, engendered by the intrigues at rio de janeiro, the influence of which now pervades the whole of brazil. thirdly,--that to insure the effect of this compact, the government of rio grande must form a body of troops, and place them on the borders of the province of parahyba, to be employed as necessity requires. fourthly,--that this body of troops shall be supported by the province of pernambuco, but shall be afterwards supported by the "confederation of the equador." and that the same may be carried into immediate effect, this concordat shall have full force, after being signed and ratified by their excellencies the presidents of the said provinces of pernambuco and rio del norte. (signed) p. francisco da costa leixas. josé joaquim fernandez barros. josé joaquim germiniano de moraes navarro. basilio quaresma torreaó. manoel de carvalho paes d'andrade, president. _printed at the national press._ carvalho, however, was not the man to carry out such a scheme, his enthusiasm being without prudence or daring; hence, on our arrival--in place of union, the contending factions were engaged in destroying each other's sugar-mills and plantations, whilst carvalho himself had taken the precaution to station a vessel at the island of tamarica, for the purpose of escaping, if necessary, from the turbulence which he had raised, but could not control. on learning this, i felt it my duty to despatch a corvette to seize her, _though at the risk of four-fold damages, according to the regulations of the admiralty court!_ knowing that it would take some time for the troops to come up, i determined to try the effect of a threat of bombardment, and issued a proclamation remonstrating with the inhabitants on the folly of permitting themselves to be deceived by men who lacked the ability to execute their schemes; pointing out, moreover, that persistence in revolt would involve both the town and its rulers in one common ruin; for, if forced to the necessity of bombardment,--i would reduce the port and city to insignificance. on the other hand, i assured them that if they retraced their steps, and rallied round the imperial throne, thus aiding to protect it from foreign influence--it would be more gratifying to me to act the part of a mediator, and to restore pernambuco to peace, prosperity and happiness--than to carry out the work of destruction which would be my only remaining alternative. in another proclamation i called the attention of the inhabitants to the distracted state of the spanish republics on the other side of the continent, asking whether it would be wise to risk the benefits of orderly government for social and political confusion; entreating them not to compel me to proceed to extremities, as it would become my duty to destroy their shipping and block up their port, unless within eight days the integrity of the empire were acknowledged. these threats were held out in the hope that by intimidation a struggle might be prevented, but they failed to produce the desired effect. one result was, however, not a little curious, as originating an offer to myself from the revolutionary president, of a bribe of 400,000 milreis, to be shipped immediately on board the english packet anchored off the port, if i would abandon the imperial cause, and come over to the republicans; this offer alluding, in strong terms, to the "infamous treatment with which my services had been met by the administration at rio de janeiro, and warning me that, by adhering to it, i should meet with nothing but continued ill-treatment and ingratitude." the subjoined is the revolutionary president's letter: my lord, frankness is the distinguishing character of free men, but your excellency has not found it in your connection with the imperial government. _your not having been rewarded for the first expedition affords a justifiable inference that you will get nothing for the second._ i therefore use the freedom to assure your excellency the amount of 400 contos of reis, as an indemnification for your losses. the services required from your excellency are to take up the cause of the "confederation of the equator," as adopted by the majority of the northern provinces, whose limits will be the river of francisco da norte. i have the honour to be your excellency's most humble servant, manuel de carvalho paes d'andeade. the letter contained, in addition, an argumentative justification of the revolt, but as it abounds in abuse of the emperor, couched in the most indecorous language, i will not sully these pages by printing it entire. the result predicted by carvalho--as i had learned by experience--was not improbable, but it did not follow that, because the brazilian ministers were unjust and hostile to me, i should accept a bribe from a traitor to follow his example. i therefore transmitted the following reply to his impudent proposal:- _pedro primiero,_ off pernambuco, aug. 26, 1824. sir, if i shall have an opportunity of becoming personally known to your excellency, i can afford you proof to conviction, that the opinion you have formed of me has had its origin in the misrepresentations of those in power, whose purposes i was incapable, on principle, to serve. i have, &c. &c. cochrane and maranhaõ. his excellency m. de c. paes d'andeade. on the 19th, the junta requested the interposition of the english and french consuls to induce me to give further time for consideration. this i refused, from the dangerous nature of the anchorage, by which the safety of the ships was imperilled. unwilling, however, to injure this fine city, i sent in proposals for capitulation, giving permission to the revolutionary leaders to depart unpunished, together with their property, provided they quitted the brazilian territory--demanding in return the surrender of the forts, ships of war, gunboats, &c. as well as of all public property. in order to prevent waste of time in correspondence, i proposed to carvalho to meet me on board any neutral ship of war, pledging my honour as to his being permitted to return in safety; he nevertheless declined the interview, proposing in return to meet me on shore on an island near the town but--as after his insulting proposal, i could have no confidence in his honour, this was of course declined. still anxious to avoid extremities--from which, after the threats made, i could not consistently refrain--i again wrote to carvalho, that, had he possessed the means of distinguishing between the intentions of the emperor, and the proceedings of a foreign faction, he would not have been in arms against his imperial majesty, by adherence to whom brazil could alone be saved from that anarchy and confusion into which mexico and other south american states had fallen through individual rivalry and the ignorance of their popular assemblies. i further pointed out to him, that if, by procrastination i was compelled to bombard the city, the popular clamour against the insurgent authorities might be followed by melancholy proof to himself how quickly political adventurers may be abandoned or betrayed in the hour of danger, and that he had better yield to reason, what he could not prevent my effecting by force. by writers who could not have known anything of the circumstances--which exist only in my own documents--i have been blamed for this tone of moderation towards the revolutionary president. there were two valid reasons for this course; first, that the conduct of the pernambucans admitted of great palliation, seeing that the distractions resulting from the portuguese faction in the administration at rio de janeiro had been ignorantly construed into acts of his imperial majesty--so that the injured people argued that it would have been better for them to have remained a colony of portugal, than a colony of the government at rio de janeiro--this mode of reasoning not being very far wrong. secondly--and this fully accounts for the moderation complained of--i knew, from the most authentic sources that, in case of attack on the city, carvalho had determined to retire into the interior, there to carry on civil war by enlisting the negro population under his standard; to avert which, i considered that moderation was the best course to induce him and his partisans to quit the empire, which would thus have been well rid of them. it was folly, therefore, to consider the rebellion local, as had been represented to the imperial government, or that its actors and instigators were few and insignificant, for, in truth, as has been said, it had already extended far and wide into the adjacent provinces, i therefore wrote to the minister of marine, that "although it might not be difficult to put down the revolution in the city, which, even the land forces could have already accomplished, had they not been landed at a distance--yet that without great circumspection, the prevention of further revolution in the interior would be a work of time, trouble, and expense; and that even all these would be thrown away, unless the causes which had led to the rebellion, were removed or explained." the time given having expired without acceptance of the terms, it became necessary to make at least a shew of enforcing them, though the water was too shallow to admit vessels of large burden to approach with safety, and the small vessels were ill adapted to the purpose; still i determined to make a demonstration, and as a preparatory step ordered captain welsh, of the _paraguassu_, to shift into the flagship all the english petty officers and seamen; but a heavy swell set in, and as the anchorage was bad, i considered the risk imprudent. the schooner _leopoldina_ was therefore ordered to try the effect of a few experimental shells; but the mortar so shook the vessel, that she had to be withdrawn, it being evident that nothing further could be done till the weather would permit the approach of ships, or that rafts could be constructed--for which purpose timber had been ordered from bahia. little damage was effected by this experiment, for the wealthiest inhabitants had fled into the interior, taking with them all their valuable property. heavy weather having now set in compelled the flagship to run to bahia for safety, the outer road of pernambuco being at this season exceedingly dangerous from the coralline nature of the bottom, as was practically proved by the fact that the _pedro primiero_ lost every anchor but one, so that to remain was certain destruction, and there was no alternative but to make for bahia to procure anchors. nothing had been heard of general lima's force since its debarkation, i was therefore anxious to know what had become of it, and how far it was in a condition to cooperate, the speedy possession of the place being nautically an important point--for, whilst blockading we had intercepted a portuguese vessel, only forty-three days from the tagus, and learned from her letters that a large force was preparing at lisbon, consisting of sixteen ships of war and numerous transports, their destination being pernambuco; this forming sufficient proof that the portuguese government counted on the recovery of those disorganised provinces which had alike revolted against the mother country and the emperor of brazil. on the 4th of september, the flagship left for bahia, first visiting the island of alexo, where the _cacique_ and _maranhaõ_ were at anchor. from them we learned that general lima's head-quarters were at leimham, his advance guard having joined the troops at mogado, on the banks of a river near cape st. augustine, the revolutionary forces occupying the other bank. on reaching bahia, we received information that the rebel government at pernambuco was in immediate expectation of several fast sailing vessels, ordered by the revolutionary president from north america, and also of two steamers from england. i therefore wrote to the minister of marine to send me some superior sailing vessels, as, if the anticipated expedition from lisbon, or those expected from england and america, made their appearance, four at least of our force would, from their bad sailing, run the risk of being captured on the first appearance of the enemy. on learning the panic which had been created in pernambuco, by the show of bombardment, and its anticipated repetition in earnest on my return, general lima pushed forward towards the capital with no more formidable opposition than a few desultory skirmishes; and on the 11th of september, with the co-operation of the naval officers and seamen there left, took possession of the city, carvalho retreating into the suburbs, where, breaking down the bridge which united them, he entrenched himself. on the following day, it was said that general lima found in the treasury 400,000 dollars; perhaps the same which carvalho had offered to me as a bribe to join the republican party. the _piranga_ arriving at this juncture with a convoy bringing eight hundred additional troops, preparations were made to attack carvalho; but the insurgent president, making his escape on a fishing raft, took refuge on board the british corvette _tweed_, and afterwards got to sea. during the interval which elapsed between my departure for bahia and my return to pernambuco, the distribution of prize money amongst those entitled to it took place, the flagship and the _maria de gloria_ being paid at bahia, and the rest at pernambuco. as his imperial majesty had left me altogether unfettered by orders or instructions, and as he had given the 200,000 dollars to be used in furthering the imperial objects, i determined not to regard the advances which had been made at rio de janeiro, as forming any portion of the reward, especially to the flagship, which had, unaided, achieved the more important results of the late campaign, and was therefore entitled to a share commensurate with the arduous exertions of the officers and crew, now again under my flag. the subjoined extracts from the log of my secretary will shew the periods at which the distribution took place:- _sept.10th._ made distribution of prize money in silver. _sept.15th to 16th._ went on board the _maria de gloria_, and paid prize money. _sept. 17th._ paid capt. crosbie, 10,400 dollars in specie. paid other officers 5750 dollars. _sept. 18th._ paid admiral 4750 dollars. _sept. 27th._ paying prize money to the _paraguassu_ and others. _sept. 28th._ similarly employed. _sept. 30th._ paying prize money. _oct. 1st to 5th._ paying prize money. the following were the amounts disbursed on these occasions, as far as they appear in my private memoranda--some doubtless having been lost:- dollars. disbursements at rio de janeiro 70,750 _(paid squadron as per account, made up sept. 23, 1824.)_ to petty officers and seamen of flagship, in classes numbered a to y, as per pay books transmitted by _piranha_ 18,289 paid captain crosbie 10,400 " captain-lieutenants carvalho, grenfell, and shepherd, 2250 dollars each 6,750 " capt. grenfell, on account of captures at parà 2,750 " seven lieutenants, at 1500 dollars each 10,500 " two lieutenants at 1000 dollars each 2,000 " six lieutenants at 750 dollars each 4,500 " lieutenant ross as prize master 500 " _maria de gloria_ 2,483 " _nitherohy, carolina,_ and _paraguassu_, no account, say the same 7,500 " brig _bahia_ 274 " officers and men of the _piranga_ 7,053 " mr. dean, purser 600 " lieutenant ayre 480 " florencia josé da costa 140 " gratifications to artisans 419 " to admiral 4,750 " secretary, for distribution 5,000 " may and lukin, prize agents, as per balance of account, july 15, 1824 5,324 ----- 160,462 original amount 200,000 ----- balance to be accounted for 39,538 ====== the above were not the whole amounts paid, but they are all that a search amongst my numerous papers at present furnish; and as the original accounts, as has been previously stated, were sent to rio de janeiro, a more precise balance cannot here be drawn; but even this is sufficient to carry conviction to any reasonable mind, that the sums above stated were disbursed in ordinary routine, and should make the brazilian administration ashamed to say, that "the first admiral never sent in his accounts of the 200,000 dollars entrusted to him," thus inducing an unworthy inference that they were not disbursed; though any man possessed of common understanding could never believe that a squadron, constituted as the brazilian marine was, would obey orders and cheerfully act in unison with me, knowing that their prize money was on board--of which i unwarrantably held possession! these explanations are more humiliating to the brazilian administration than to myself--though for so many years the subject of unmerited obloquy from their denial of accounts which must unquestionably have been in the possession of the administration of 1825. but i must carry these explanations yet farther. with the exception of 4750 dollars for my own necessities, i took none as my share, though entitled to an eighth in all cases, and to a fourth in the absence of other ships whenever important services were performed by the flagship alone. neither had i received from the imperial government a single dollar of the customary emoluments due to me, though, had these been honestly paid according to the usages of nations and the stipulations of the emperor's decree of december 11, 1822, my share ought to have been more than double the whole amount entrusted to me to man the ships and satisfy the officers and men. still i did not appropriate the 39,000 dollars which remained, after paying the men, but determined to withhold it till i saw what course the prize tribunal at rio de janeiro intended to pursue; and, if that course were not satisfactory, then to appropriate it as a right, although it was wholly inadequate to the services rendered, for which i had been loaded with imperial honours and national thanks, without a shilling of emolument, notwithstanding the capture of a hundred and twenty _bona fide_ enemy's ships--the expulsion of their fleet and army--and the annexation of more than one half the empire. but more of this in another place. on my return to pernambuco, i found general lima in quiet possession of the city, and as the _piranga_ had brought me instructions from his imperial majesty, that, as soon as order was restored, a force should proceed to parà, and depose the, general-at-arms there nominated, i applied to general lima for a small military detachment to effect that object; but he declined--on the ground, that in the present state of affairs in pernambuco, it was not practicable to diminish his force. it was not at parà only that irregularities prevailed: even at maranham serious disturbances had broken out, with the avowed intention, on the part of the insurgents, of deposing the governor acting under the authority of his imperial majesty--to whom this new attempt at revolution was as yet unknown. in short, the order to depose the general-at-arms at parà had unexpectedly resolved itself into the necessity of tranquillizing the whole of the northern provinces, which were only waiting the result of carvalho's measures at pernambuco, openly to declare against the imperial authority. the dissatisfaction in the northern provinces originated solely in the anti-brazilian system of government pursued at rio de janeiro, which in the estimation of all at a distance was portuguese rather than brazilian. as they were either ignorant, or did not believe, that the patriotic intentions of the emperor were overruled or thwarted by the portuguese faction in the administration, which, holding in reality the reins of power, left to his majesty little more than nominal authority. it was not, then, to be wondered at, that the inhabitants of these distant provinces, who, only a year before, had welcomed me as their liberator from portuguese oppression, and as the representative of constitutional authority, should now be dissatisfied with what they rightly considered an unnational system of government--preferring to submit to a bad government of their own choosing rather than to one thus arbitrarily imposed upon them. to avert revolution required able presidents, well skilled in the management of public affairs; but, in place of these, men of an opposite character had, for the most part, been chosen by the administration. it was no less essential that the generals-at-arms, or military commandants, should be temperate and unprejudiced; but those placed in this responsible position used their authority in the most obnoxious and arbitrary manner. it was, no doubt, difficult to find proper men; or, if they existed amongst the brazilians, the jealousy of the portuguese party in the administration prevented their elevation to power; the aim of that faction being disorder, as auxiliary to their anti-imperial views. this had been strikingly evinced by the instructions given to disembark general lima's force at alagoas, instead of near the seat of disturbance; thus entailing loss of time and a difficult and tedious march, which might have ended in failure, had it not been for the distraction caused by the threatened bombardment of pernambuco by water, and the demonstration made to shew how easily it would be effected, when means for a destructive attack were complete; the result was, that--knowing my return from bahia, with everything in readiness for an attack in earnest, could not be delayed beyond a few days, no serious opposition was offered to the occupation of the city by the force under general lima. the reports of increased disaffection in the northern provinces becoming daily more precise, it was necessary to take advantage of the panic which the recovery of pernambuco had occasioned; the more so, as serious commotions had arisen, whilst a strong disposition to revolt was almost universally manifested. as general lima had refused me a military detachment--and as the _pedro primeiro_ and _piranga_ could render him no further assistance, i considered it more in conformity with his majesty's interests to visit the northern ports with these ships; taking also the _cacique_ and _atalanta_, for the performance of services to which the larger vessels were not adapted. the mere presence of these off the disaffected ports would, i knew, suffice to restore order, by affording inferential demonstration that, if force were required, it was ready to be applied. accordingly, leaving at pernambuco the remainder of the squadron, we sailed on the 10th of october for rio grande do norte, where great confusion prevailed amongst the inhabitants, threatened by the insurgents in the adjacent province of cearà, on account of their abandonment of revolutionary designs in consequence of events at pernambuco. arriving off the rio grande on the 12th, i requested information from the president, relative to the state of the maritime towns and provinces between rio grande and parà, especially with regard to cearà. the nature of the reply determined me at once to proceed to the latter place, though regretting the necessity of going farther to leeward, on account of the time which would be occupied in getting back to rio de janeiro; yet feeling assured that it would not be satisfactory to his majesty, were we to return without ascertaining more particularly the condition of the north, and without contributing to the restoration of tranquillity. arriving off cearà on the 18th, i sent a communication to the president, requiring him to make known my arrival for the purpose of restoring order, and promising that all disaffected persons who, within fourteen days, should return to their allegiance, would be permitted to retire quietly to their homes, and would not in any way be molested on account of their previous acts or opinions. a deputation of the inhabitants came off to the flagship, asking me to land as large a force as i could spare, but as general lima had declined to supply a military detachment, it was out of my power to comply; for the roadstead being unsafe, and the flagship nearly aground, i could not dispense with the english seamen, whilst the portuguese portion of the crews was not to be trusted. besides which, the foreign seamen were not adapted to garrisoning a town. the application was, therefore, evaded; but with an assurance to the president that, should the insurgents advance, we would render effectual assistance; reminding him, however, that the inhabitants ought to be induced to adopt amongst themselves, measures for their own protection and preservation of tranquillity, which results were perfectly within their power; and would render unnecessary the presence of military. i however landed a small detachment for the purpose of ascertaining the means of defence, as well as in the hope of exciting the authorities on shore to some degree of activity in their own cause. in case of attack, i promised to disembark for their assistance the whole of the men who could be spared; at the same time giving permission to withdraw to the ships in case of sudden emergency, which might not admit of communication with me in time. this offer produced the best effect in the city, giving confidence to the well-affected, whilst, as the discontented were ignorant of the extent of aid that could be afforded, they deemed it wisest to keep quiet. on the following day, the inhabitants returned to their allegiance, the officiating president hoisting the imperial flag on the ramparts with his own hands, amidst every demonstration of general satisfaction. i next caused despatches to be sent to all quarters of the province, announcing the return of the city to its allegiance, promising oblivion of the past to all who followed the example, and this was succeeded by a general acknowledgment of the imperial authority. confidential agents, entrusted with similar despatches, were likewise sent to the revolutionary forces headed by bizarra, the rebel general-at-arms, the whole of whose troops abandoned him; whilst, by similar agency, the _corps_, under the immediate command of the revolutionary president, araripe, was reduced to a hundred men--even the indians, without exception, abandoning his standard. as one of the first steps towards the pacification of the province, i had published not only a general amnesty, but also a particular amnesty, offering to the insurgent leaders themselves especial pardon, from which, in ordinary general amnesty, they might otherwise imagine themselves excluded, i had, in my own mind, determined upon this as a general course to be pursued, as i could not but see that, in the outset of the revolt, both insurgents and leaders had good cause to be dissatisfied with the central government at rio de janeiro. i had even addressed a letter personally to the revolutionary president, araripe, remonstrating upon the folly of the course he was pursuing, and promising my protection to _himself_, as well as to the other revolutionary leaders, if they would return to their allegiance. he chose rather to withdraw into the interior, with the discontented who adhered to him, intending, no doubt, to wait till the naval force had retired. foreseeing the danger of this, i issued a proclamation, offering a reward for his capture, sufficient to induce the indians who had previously been his supporters to proceed in quest of him, the result being that he himself was killed, and the whole of his followers captured. the indian chiefs, as well as their dependants, were of great service in the restoration of order, combining superior bodily strength and activity, with energy, docility, and unfailing power of endurance --forming, indeed, the best specimens of the native race i had seen in south america. previous to this i had succeeded, without much trouble, in restoring tranquillity to the province of parahyba, which had also been disturbed by the mandates of araripe; the inhabitants complying with his orders, from the immediate danger to which they were exposed by his violence, and being under the impression that rio de janeiro was too far distant to afford them succour. their delight at finding a squadron at hand was, therefore, immediately followed by a repudiation of the insurgent chief, and a return to unqualified allegiance. my next endeavour was to organise an effective force at cearà, and this was accomplished by the embodiment of more than a thousand men, though we had not a soldier in the squadron. various _corps_ were also raised in the towns and villages of the province, and were active in pursuit of the scattered remains of the republican army. having thus assured myself of the complete restoration of order in the capital and province of cearà, and addressed a proclamation to the inhabitants, pointing out to them the folly of being misled by designing persons, who could have no accurate knowledge of matters which formed the ground of complaint against the imperial government, we sailed on the 4th of november for maranham, which province was found in a state of even greater anarchy than had prevailed at cearà. chapter ix. arrival at maranham--character of disturbances there--i assume the military command--proclamation commanding surrender of arms--condition of the people--corruption of the authorities--murderous propensities--difficulty in detecting assassins--letter to minister of marine--pacification of parahyba--doubts of the president's sincerity--he establishes secret agencies--extraordinary memorials--public complaints of the president--bruce endeavours to intercept them--my reply to the memorialists--letter to the minister of marine--enclosing complaints of the consuls--bruce prepares to resist my authority--complaints of the british consul--he considers my presence necessary--letter of the french consul--detailing shameful atrocities--danger of collision with foreign states--suspension of the president--provision for future government--conduct of the faction at rio de janeiro--no instructions sent fob my guidance--letter to the minister of marine--the ministry had previously deposed bruce--but turned on me for anticipating their own act. we arrived at maranham on the 9th of november, and ascertained that the city and province--as had been reported--were in a complete state of anarchy, arising from causes almost incomprehensible. the leaders of the army had risen against the authority of the president, miguel bruce, and fighting was going on when we entered the river. the strangest part of the affair was, that both parties declared themselves supporters of the imperial authority, whilst each accused the other of plotting to form a republic. bruce kept possession of the city by means of negro troops, from amongst whom he had also picked his officers, conferring upon them regular commissions; the result being, that their excesses kept the respectable inhabitants in a state of constant terror, so that my arrival was hailed with the greatest satisfaction, and addresses of congratulation were sent in from all quarters, even the ladies adopting the unusual course of sending a deputation to welcome me. i immediately demanded from the president a report of the condition of the province; but before this was presented, memorials from every part put me in possession of the causes of disorder universally prevailing. the general complaint was, that the president had established an autocracy, refusing the co-operation of a council, as required by the constitution, and that under his individual authority, military disorders of all kind prevailed, even to murder, whilst outrages of the most revolting nature were committed amidst cheers of "long live his imperial majesty;" thus using the imperial name as a sanction to the perpetration of acts the most unlawful and injurious. the president bruce was the same individual whom, on the expulsion of the portuguese in the previous year, i had temporarily appointed president to the first provisional junta under the empire, which body was quickly superseded by a government elected by the people. possessing influence amongst the portuguese, of which faction--as afterwards appeared--he was a prominent supporter, he had contrived to get himself reinstated as head of the provincial government, and was apparently following the policy of the portuguese faction in power at rio de janeiro, viz. that of keeping his province in a state of confusion with a view to disgust the populace with the imperial rule, and so dispose them, should opportunity offer, to favour the views of the mother country. this policy, as has been said, was marked out by the agents of portugal; but bruce, with every disposition to favour the views of the parent state, was not the man to be entrusted with political strategy of this nature. the fact being that, though possessed of a certain amount of cunning, bruce was unfit to be entrusted with authority at all--much less to exercise that which recognises no control--so that the disorder which prevailed was rather a natural consequence of his own want of capacity, and arbitrary system of government. finding every one against him, he was gradually throwing himself on the black population for support, promoting emancipated slaves to the rank of officers; and it was generally acknowledged that had it not been for our opportune arrival, both himself and the whites who remained in the city might speedily have fallen a sacrifice to the force which had been organised for his especial protection. on the other hand, the opponents of the president were not only in arms against him, but there were two or three family parties fighting each other under the imperial flag! and carrying their revengeful animosities to an outrageous extent, which threatened the extermination of one, at least, of the contending parties, if not the total ruin of the province. to deal with these parties was, from their mutual recriminations, more difficult than had they declared themselves inimical to the imperial government. in one thing, however, they were all agreed, viz. in opposition to the president; but as his was the constituted authority, this was precisely what i did not intend to sanction. it was clear to me that the first remedy was the appointment of a proper military authority, and as none could be trusted, i apprised the president of my intention to assume the chief military command during my stay, or at least until order was restored, issuing a proclamation to that effect. as hostilities were still going on, i sent an order to both parties to lay down their arms, with which mandate the anti-president party immediately complied, and dispersed; but as the savage blacks under the authority of the president attacked their now unarmed adversaries, and committed great excesses, i seized and put them on board some vessels, anchoring these under the guns of the flagship, and retained the whole as prisoners, thus keeping them out of the way of further mischief. the surrender of the arms was effected by the following proclamation, which also explains my motives for this measure:- whereas, it is essential to the interests of the empire in general and to the province of maranham in particular, to put an end to all public disturbances, whether arising from the contentions of individuals, or from other causes; and whereas, the constitution has provided not only for the administration of justice in civil cases, but also for the summary trial of military offences. be it henceforth known that--all persons armed, or commanding or acting with men in arms, or aiding and assisting any body of armed men in the support or defence of any persons assuming or pretending to authority as chieftains, or attempting to alter the constitution by force--are hereby subject to military jurisdiction and shall be tried by military law accordingly. but this regulation is not intended to prohibit individuals from meeting together unarmed, for the purpose of uniting in an application for the redress of grievances, or petitioning his imperial majesty on points connected with public or private interests. and whereas, military arms and ammunition have been obtained, by numerous individuals on the pretext of using them for private defence--it being essential to public tranquillity and general good that people should have recourse to the protection of the laws, and not to violence for their security--notice is hereby given, that all persons in possession of such military arms are to deliver them up to the chief military officers in their respective districts, to be deposited in the public armoury. whoever shall be found in possession of arms after the termination of this present month of november, shall be judged according to military law. given on board the _pedro primiero_ this 12th day of november, 1824. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. this proclamation is adduced in order to shew the condition of the province on my arrival, which it does more fully than would pages of description. to these difficulties were now added the chagrin of bruce, at having his military authority superseded, though his civil authority was not only uninterfered with, but supported. still, having the orders of his imperial majesty to use my discretion in tranquillizing the disturbed provinces, it was not my intention to permit his majesty's views to be frustrated by undue deference to a governor, whose folly and despotism combined, had been the chief cause of the disturbances, though i well knew that the course i was pursuing, even though approved by his majesty, would bring down upon me the indignation of the portuguese faction in power at rio de janeiro. the proclamation had the effect of procuring the surrender of arms to a great extent, followed by the disbandment of all irregular forces collected by the contending chieftains, so that apparent tranquillity was everywhere enforced. the great point was to establish permanent order, which, had we gone away, would soon have been broken. as, since the reduction of pernambuco, there was no other field for my active services, and as i had no instructions how to dispose of the squadron, i determined to remain at maranham, and employ myself in consolidating the good already produced, till further commands from his imperial majesty; for having in the preceding year expelled the portuguese from the province, its welfare was a matter of interest to me, and i felt assured that were his majesty acquainted with the want of unity existing, authority would be given to carry out my views. in maranham, as in the other northern provinces of the empire, there had been no amelioration whatever in the condition of the people, and without such amelioration, it was absurd to place reliance on the hyperbolical professions of devotion to the emperor which were now abundantly avowed by those who before my arrival had been foremost in promoting and cherishing disturbance. the condition of the province--and indeed of all the provinces--was in no way better than they had been under the dominion of portugal, though they presented one of the finest fields imaginable for improvement. all the old colonial imposts and duties remained without alteration--the manifold hindrances to commerce and agriculture still existed--and arbitrary power was everywhere exercised uncontrolled; so that in place of being benefited by emancipation from the portuguese yoke, the condition of the great mass of the population was literally worse than before. to amend this state of things it was necessary to begin with the officers of government, of whose corruption and arbitrary conduct, complaints--signed by whole communities--were daily arriving from every part of the province; to such an extent, indeed, was this misrule carried, that neither the lives nor property of the inhabitants were safe, where revenge, or baser motives, existed for the exercise of acts of oppression[1]. [footnote 1: numerous original, but lengthy, documents are in my possession proving all these facts.] i therefore addressed a letter to the president, warning him that such things ought not to be tolerated; that reports of excesses committed by those under his authority were reaching me from all quarters, the perpetrators deserving the most severe and exemplary chastisement; that i had determined to investigate these matters; and under the reservation made--of personally acting under extraordinary circumstances--would visit these cases with severe punishment, should the reality come up to the representations made. the recklessness of human life was amongst the more remarkable features of these excesses. only a short time before this, i had granted a passport to captain pedro martins, as the bearer of an offer from an insurgent party to lay down their arms, but he was murdered on his return. this atrocious act, perpetrated, as i had reason to believe, by some factious adherents to the president's party, from motives of revenge, was unfortunate, as affording a pretext for others who were ready to submit, to continue in arms for their mutual protection. i therefore directed that all troops under the authority of the president should remain where they were until further orders from me; and demanded of his excellency to use every endeavour to apprehend the parties guilty of an act so disgraceful to the imperial cause, that they might meet with due punishment. finding no effort made to apprehend the murderers, i addressed to bruce the following letter:- it is with great regret that i have learned the atrocious act committed by your soldiers against an officer having my passport for the purpose of endeavouring to tranquillize the province, by inducing the dissentient party to lay down their arms. this is a matter so disgraceful to the cause of those by whom it has been perpetrated, that i must enforce on your attention the necessity of exertion to apprehend all persons who may be suspected of having committed this crime, and send them immediately, prisoners, to this city. i have further to direct, in the name of his imperial majesty, that the troops under your command shall remain where they are until further orders from me, as commander-in-chief of the military and naval forces of this province, notwithstanding any authority or order which you may heretofore have received, or which you may hereafter receive--except from me--to the contrary. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ it is almost needless to say that the guilty parties--though doubtless well known--were permitted to escape with impunity; the president alleging as his excuse, "the insufficiency of the regular troops to preserve the tranquillity of the city;" this remark being intended to throw upon me the responsibility of having secured on board the black savages whom he had organized. my reply was, that--"for what i had done, i was responsible to the supreme government and the public, and if he could not find means to preserve the public tranquillity, i must do so; as he must be sensible that i had acted with propriety in relieving him from a portion of the labour and responsibility which he had hitherto sustained." on the 28th of november, i forwarded to the minister of marine, at rio de janeiro, a full report of these transactions, from which the subjoined are extracts:- the completion of the task of tranquillizing cearà in a manner i trust satisfactory to his imperial majesty, was, in a great measure, effected by the pardon promulgated in the name of his majesty--consigning to oblivion those occurrences which would otherwise have agitated the public mind. the only exception made was the intrusive president araripe, and this, because, instead of availing himself of the first proclamation of amnesty, in which he was included, he retired into the interior with a band of robbers, in order to excite further disturbance. the consequence of this obstinate perseverance in disobedience on the part of araripe, has been his death, and the capture of all his followers. the restoration of cearà to its allegiance and tranquillity having been thus accomplished, we proceeded to parahyba, where all was tranquil, the inhabitants having unanimously declared his imperial majesty constitutional emperor, the moment that they became free from the terror of their more powerful and military neighbours at cearà. some dissensions, however, remained in the province. with respect to maranham, things are different: no republican flag has been displayed--nor, as far as i can learn, did any intention exist on the part of the inhabitants of raising the standard of rebellion; the state of civil war in which we found the presidency arising from personal animosities amongst some of the principal families, especially between those families and that of his excellency the president. certain it is, that all were united against the president, who, to protect himself, had recourse to the assistance of the lowest classes of the community, even to emancipated slaves. the result has been, military disorders of all kinds--and there is no outrage which has not been perpetrated. the general complaint against the president is, that the constitution has in no way been put in practice; that he has not established any lawful council; and that he has been guilty of arbitrary acts. the original documents relating to these matters are enclosed for the judgment of his imperial majesty. i humbly hope that his imperial majesty will perceive that, although i had no express authority to interfere in internal disputes, yet it became my duty--on finding the province in a state of civil war--without any general-at-arms, or other military officer of sufficient authority or capacity, to restore public peace--to take upon myself powers which i trust have been used for the benefit of his imperial service. in order that the imperial government may judge of my proceedings, i have the honour to enclose copies of proclamations, and other documents relative to my transactions. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. on the 4th of december i was not a little surprised at receiving from president bruce a letter requiring me to banish certain persons obnoxious to himself, amongst others francisco de moraes, who had been the first to set the example of submission to the proclamation issued on my arrival. this most unreasonable request i refused--writing to bruce that dissensions were not likely to be healed by punishing those who had laid down their arms on the faith of a proclamation issued in the name of his imperial majesty; further assuring him that, if he did his duty, he would not find me remiss in endeavours to relieve the province and himself from the miseries and difficulties with which he had been surrounded. on the 5th of december i had the satisfaction of receiving a deputy from parahyba, assuring me of the perfect pacification of the town and province. on receipt of this gratifying intelligence i transmitted to parahyba a general amnesty, coupled with advice as to the folly "of rebelling under erroneous impressions of circumstances with regard to his imperial majesty, which could not come within the sphere of their personal knowledge, and hoping that, for the future, they would duly appreciate the beneficence of a sovereign who desired that his authority --limited by the constitution--should be felt by his people only through the exercise of justice and benevolence." it was a vexatious task to be thus constantly exhorting the disaffected in the northern provinces to confidence in the imperial government, because i knew that they had but too good reason to be dissatisfied--not with the emperor--but with his administration, whose hopes were founded on anarchy and intrigue. it was therefore my practice to exhort them to rely on his imperial majesty--it not being within the scope of my duty to draw the distinction between the imperial wishes and the sinister practices of those by whom his majesty was surrounded. during the period of my absence i had been pressing upon the department of marine at rio de janeiro the necessity of a speedy adjudication of the prizes belonging to the squadron, according to the written order of his imperial majesty. on the 5th of december i received an evasive reply from the auditor of marine, stating that "he did not consider himself in possession of all the laws and regulations whereon his judgment should be founded in regard to seizures made or vessels captured by the naval forces of brazil." a miserable subterfuge!--as though it were any part of my duty to supply an official with "laws and regulations" on such a subject. it was quite evident to me that, despite his majesty's orders, no adjudication was intended, nor was any afterwards made; but in order to prevent complaint of neglect on my part. i transmitted, on the same date, to the auditor the whole of my documents, with a request that they might be returned. from the state of the province on my first arrival, i had entertained suspicions as to the president's sincerity; and as outbreaks were again of frequent occurrence, notwithstanding the general desire for pacification, an investigation into the causes of these elicited the fact that he was secretly sending agents to promote disturbance, for the purpose of revenging himself upon those now disarmed, who, before my arrival, had opposed his arbitrary authority. to such an extent was this carried, that memorials reached me begging my interference, as the memorialists could not now defend themselves. two of these memorials, signed by upwards of three hundred of the respectable inhabitants of the province, were of such a nature as to render hopeless the perfect restoration of order so long as the president was permitted to exercise the autocracy, which, contrary to all the principles of the constitution, he had irresponsibly assumed. in order to account for a step which i subsequently considered it my duty to adopt, it is necessary to give some extracts from one of these memorials, signed by a hundred and fifty-two of the most respectable inhabitants in a distant part of the province:- "that the most demoralizing excesses are permitted amongst the soldiery, and, in order to preserve his influence with the troops, the president permits them to murder with impunity--even europeans; the perpetrators of these acts being not only unpunished, but rewarded, whilst military commandants and others attempting to repress these disorders are dismissed; so that absolute authority is established--the public money being squandered on the soldiery, in order to support a criminal despotism. "your excellency must have witnessed the state to which the province was reduced on your arrival, the people being compelled to have recourse to arms in order to ward off a multitude of vexations. your excellency must also have observed how quickly they laid down their arms at your summons, of which circumstance the party of the president availed themselves to sack and plunder the towns and villages everywhere in the country; the tears, desolation, and misery of so many villages and estates, accompanied by the blood of the murdered and wounded, remaining eternal monuments of these crimes. "the president and his followers, convinced of the abhorrence with which such atrocities were viewed, availed themselves of the false pretext that such acts were necessary for the imperial service, the people being in rebellion against him. "at the present moment he has given out that he has three thousand men ready to support him in the presidency against the measures of your excellency, and it is a fact that, in various parts of the province, he has troops, militia, and arms; whilst the commandants, appointed by himself, are all ready to execute his measures. "if your excellency should unhappily quit the province, whilst matters are in this state, it will be totally desolated--its commerce annihilated--and its agriculture abandoned; confiscation and terror will be everywhere established, accompanied by rebellion towards the emperor. if you will remain, we, the undersigned, undertake to support the squadron, in the absence of funds from the imperial treasury. "to terminate these evils, we beg to represent to your excellency that there is only one remedy. president bruce must be deposed and sent to rio de janeiro, with his coadjutors, who are well known, in order that his acts may be lawfully investigated, and punished as justice demands; and that, in the interim, there should be elected by your excellency, from amongst the more respectable inhabitants of this province, a person to represent to his imperial majesty the horrible state of things here existing, and to implore his imperial majesty's interposition for its salvation--your excellency, in the meantime, assuming the civil and military government of the province, until his imperial majesty's pleasure can become known. and we further beg of your excellency that you will name able magistrates, of known probity, to the respective districts, and cause oaths to be taken, in order that the respective camaras may proceed to the work of saving the province from tumult and anarchy, by observing faithful obedience to his imperial majesty and by the administration of laws for the government of the people. "maranhaõ, dec. 11, 1824." signed by one hundred and fifty-two of the principal inhabitants of the province. a similar document, signed by upwards of a hundred and fifty of the respectable inhabitants of alcantara--upon whom excesses had been committed in no way less reprehensible than at maranham--had been forwarded to me on the 6th of december; but, as the complaints were of the same nature, it is unnecessary to do more than advert to the circumstance. in addition to these, i received a statistic list of the murders and robberies perpetrated throughout the province, under the agency of those placed in authority by the president. the whole of these documents were retained by me as a justification of any contingency that might arise, and are still in my possession. the maranham memorial reached me on the 14th of december, and had scarcely been placed in my hands, when a letter arrived from president bruce, deprecating its reception, thus shewing that he had previously been made aware of the contents, and--as i had afterwards reason to believe--had attempted to intercept the memorial, but had failed in so doing. after glancing at the contents, i made him the following reply:- sir, i have this moment been honoured with the receipt of your excellency's letter, and have to state that the document to which you allude had not been delivered to me five minutes previous to your excellency's communication, and that i have not yet had time to read it. your excellency may, however, rest assured that if the said paper contains any thing injurious to the interests or dignity of his imperial majesty, i shall not fail to take such steps as the occasion may require. all papers that have been presented to me, it is my intention to transmit to rio de janeiro, where the imperial government will judge of the motives of the writers, and of the contents of their communications. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. dec. 14, 1824. my reply to the memorialists was as follows:- maranham, dec. 18,1834. gentlemen, i have read your memorial with attention, and regret that you should have occasion to detail complaints of so painful a nature, the more so as i do not know whether i am authorised to remedy the evils otherwise than by such measures as have been already adopted. according to the constitution, you ought to find a remedy in the laws; but if any authority, commissioned by his imperial majesty, has improperly placed obstacles in the way of law, to his majesty only can an appeal against such conduct be made, for they who attempt to redress evils arising from a breach of the constitution, by violating that very constitution place themselves in an equally disadvantageous position with the object of their accusation. as regards the deposition of the president, which you request, i frankly confess to you, gentlemen, that whatever may be my private opinion as to the course most advantageous to you and the province in general--and even to the president himself--i should feel extremely reluctant, except in a case of manifest and extreme necessity, to take upon myself a responsibility which might possibly subject me to the displeasure of his imperial majesty, and would most certainly expose me to be continually harassed by prejudicial reports and false accusations, supported by artful intrigues, against which neither prudence nor rectitude could effectually avail. to mention an instance of this, within your own knowledge, you all know that, last year, when this province was annexed to the empire, the property of brazilians under the flag of portugal, and of all resident portuguese, was by me respected and unmolested. you know, too, that all the public property of the portuguese government in the arsenals and magazines was left untouched, and it is equally true that upwards of sixty contos of reis (60,000 dollars) in specie, and one hundred and forty contos (140,000 dollars) in bills taken in the portuguese treasury and custom house, were left by me in the hands of the government of maranham, for the payment of the army. yet, notwithstanding these notorious facts, it has been audaciously declared by the portuguese authorities composing the prize tribunal at rio de janeiro, that that very army--which i had thus left the means to pay--_had served disinterestedly at their own expense, and that i was a mercenary and a robber!_ i may add, too, that the junta of maranham contributed in no small degree to this calumny, for, after they had secured the money, they refused to give me a receipt, though the sum i had so lent for the use of the army was, and still is, the indisputable property of the officers and men of the ships of war who were instrumental in freeing this province from a colonial yoke. in short, great as is my desire to render you every service in my power, i am not willing to interfere in matters over which i have no express authority--because i do not like to risk the displeasure of his imperial majesty, attended, as it might be, not only with sudden dismissal from my official situation, but even with heavy fines and imprisonment; not to mention the sacrifice of all those pecuniary interests which i possess at rio de janeiro, where i have enemies _eagerly watching for a pretence to deprive me of all to which i have a claim_. neither am i disposed to afford to those persons any opportunity of giving plausibility to those calumnies which they are ever so ready to utter, nor to be under the necessity of placing myself on my defence before the world against their false accusations. i have the honour, gentlemen, &c. &c. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. the memorial of the inhabitants of maranham was, together with other complaints, forwarded by me to the imperial government, accompanied by the following letter to the minister of marine:- december 16th, 1824. most excellent sir, my letters 278-279, will have acquainted your excellency of our proceedings here up to their respective dates, and will also have afforded the imperial government such information as i could collect regarding the origin and progress of the disputes which have so unhappily prevailed. it was my hope that--by taking their implements of war from the hands of the contending parties, and removing the most disorderly portion of the military--the public mind would have subsided into tranquillity. it appears, however, that--from the constant alarm occasioned by the "_pedestres_," and other irregular troops lately maintained by the president--the public still continue in dread of being exposed to outrages, similar to those lately committed on their persons and property. the terror excited is universal, and as the people must be well acquainted with the character and conduct of persons with whom they have been bred up, i cannot bring myself to believe--however desirous to support a president nominated by his imperial majesty--that all the respectable portion of the population, without exception, entertain fears that are groundless. indeed, from all that i have seen or heard, there is but little reason to hope that his excellency the president has any intention to govern this province on any other system than that of the captains-general, under the old portuguese government; that is to say, rather according to his own will than in conformity with the dictates of justice or equity. certain it is, that, up to the present moment, the constitution has never been put in practice, and even military law has not been adhered to. numerous persons have been banished without accuser or declared crime--others have been thrown into gaol--and the greater portion of the principal people who remained had--previous to our arrival--fled to the woods, to avoid being the objects of the like arbitrary proceedings. the representations which i now enclose to your excellency as a sample of the numerous documents of a similar nature addressed to me, will, at least, lead his imperial majesty to the conclusion that such complaints could not have arisen, and continued under the government of a person calculated to preside over the interests of so important a province. your excellency will find a memorial from the french consul, marked no. 7, and the other consuls have only been restrained from sending similar representations from the consideration that, on the squadron quitting this port, the consequences might be highly prejudicial to their interests and those whom they represent. i would further state to your excellency the remarkable fact that the president--after having continued a _high pay_ to the soldiery during the existence of those disorders of which they were the instrument--did, at the moment of my taking the command, send me an old order respecting the diminution of the pay of the troops, which order he himself had never put in execution. and it is still more extraordinary, that he since refused _any pay whatever_, to the small number of troops of the line, who are continued in service for the preservation of the tranquillity of the city. since my last letters, i have been using all possible diligence to get the remainder of the firearms out of the hands of the lower classes of the population. many, however, have been withheld--a circumstance which gives additional importance to the extraordinary fact, which i have only by accident learned--that the junta of fazenda, acting under the president, issued an order on the 6th of december (an attested copy of which is enclosed), _authorising the sale of powder, and that too, under the false pretence that "all motives for suspending the sale of powder had ceased."_ i have not words in which to express the astonishment i felt at this extraordinary proceeding. i shall only add that, as soon as it came to my knowledge, i gave orders that such sale should not be permitted, and i have since directed the whole of the powder in the magazines at maranham to be embarked and deposited in a vessel near the anchorage of the ships-of-war; by which precaution i consider the security of the white population to be in a great measure secured, till his imperial majesty shall be enabled to take such steps as in his judgment may appear necessary. were i to detail to your excellency all the facts that lead my mind to a conclusion that this province will be entirely lost to the empire unless a speedy remedy be applied to the evils which here exist--it would be necessary to trespass upon you at very great length; but as the brother of the secretary of government proceeds to rio de janeiro by the same conveyance as this, your excellency and colleagues will be able to obtain from him such further information as may satisfy your minds regarding the state of this province. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. it was not long before i learned that in many parts troops were being secretly organised to support the president's authority against me, but this was met by removing from command those officers who had either permitted or encouraged military insubordination; supplying their places with others upon whom i could better rely. an occurrence, however, now took place which threatened to involve brazil in serious difficulties. from the indiscrimination of bruce's troops in their career of injury and plunder, some renewed outrages had been committed on french subjects; for which the french consul required reparation from me, as having assumed the chief authority; at the same time again demanding passports for himself and the whole of the french residents, in case of my intention to quit the city and leave bruce again in power. the british consul also forwarded additional complaints of similar outrages against his countrymen; but, in place of requiring reparation at my hands, he forwarded representations to his own government, requesting protection against the acts of bruce, at the same time communicating the fact of these representations to me, but declining to furnish me with a copy of his despatch, as i had no direct appointment from the imperial government for the authority i was exercising. the demands of the french consul were, however, pressing; but i could only reply with regard to the outrages committed against french subjects by the adherents of the president:--"i was sorry that it was not in my power to remedy past evils; but that such steps had been taken as would prevent their recurrence for the future." the subjoined is one of the letters of the british consul:- british consul's office, maranhaõ, dec. 17, 1824. my lord, understanding that your lordship has an intention of soon withdrawing your presence from this province, i am forced, as the official and responsible protector of british interests in this quarter, to make the following statement, leaving it to be proved by the facts therein set forth that i am, by this course, adopting the only means within my reach, of providing for the interests confided to my attention, a satisfactory security! and that i am, by so doing, not departing from that line of conduct which, as a neutral officer, i am bound to observe. by this time your lordship must be fully aware of the violent character and desolating effects of the late civil commotions throughout this province. these commotions unhappily existed during a protracted period, and whilst they were raging, the regular pursuits of the community were either interrupted by violent party intrigues--suspended by a barbarous warfare--or totally stopped by merciless outrages. notwithstanding this disjointed state of society, and the consequent inefficiency of all constituted authority, the resident british, by general and firm perseverance in a strictly neutral line of conduct, and by calm endurance of not a few unavoidable ills--succeeded in averting from themselves the chief weight of those evils to which all the remaining population were exposed. but though they now feel grateful at having escaped outrage and have passed unhurt amidst general anarchy, still, they recollect, that while by their conduct they were entitled to protection, they nevertheless continued in a painful anxiety for their safety. in this state of uncertain security the resident british continued for several months, and when at last intrigue attempted to force them into the general scene of distress--some being openly threatened--your lordship's providential arrival averted the destruction of many inhabitants, and the dangerous condition of all. into this critical situation were british interests at this place thrown by violent party spirit. that spirit, though at present smothered, cannot be totally extinguished without time. it has unsettled the community at large, and disorganised all the military establishments of the province. after this exposition of facts, i may be allowed to assert, without thereby offering the least disrespect to any constituted authority, that your lordship's presence in this province for the time being is indispensable for the tranquillity and security of all its inhabitants- because the only means by which legal control can be revived, and consequently an occurrence which must be as desirable and needful to all public functionaries, as i frankly avow it to be to one, who has the honour to declare himself your lordship's most obedient and humble servant, robert hesketh, his britannic majesty's consul. to the right hon. lord cochrane, marquis of maranhaõ, admiral, &c. &c. the letter of the french consul is even more precise, and therefore i subjoin that also:- vice consulate of france at s. louis de maragnon, monsieur le marquis, dec. 4, 1821. la position difficile dans laquelle je me suis trouvé depuis trois mois--la délicatesse de celle dans laquelle je suis placé maintenant vis-à-vis m. le président de la province de maragnon, m'imposant le devoir de porter à la connoissance de votre excellence les justes motifs de plainte que j'ai à lui exposer centre la conduite de m. le président bruce envers un agent de sa majesté le roi de france, et venir à ce titre reclâmer un appui que je ne puis plus dorénavant attendre de sa part. la confiance que m'inspire le caractère dont votre excellence est revêtue, et la certitude qu'elle n'ignore pas les intimes relations qui lient la france à l'empire du brésil, me font qu'elle saura apprécier les conséquences graves que doivent entraîner l'avance faite ici aux sujets de mon souverain, et le silence méprisant que garde à cet égard le président depuis un mois que je lui ai demandé la participation du résultat d'une enquête qu'il m'assura avoir été ordonnée par lui. sans m'entendre sur les évènements facheux qui ont désolé cette province depuis cinq mois, pour être hors du but que je me propose je me bornerai à parler de ceux dont je puis garantir l'authenticité et de l'influence du gouvernement de m. bruce pendant cet intervalle sur le bien-être de mes nationaux. lors des premières armamens faits dans la province, pour opposer des forces à une expédition supposée de la part du portugal, un françois établi à caixas, compris dans une mesure générale fut obligé d'autorité de délivrer une partie d'armes dont il ne recût jamais la valeur, malgré un sejour prolongé de plusieurs mois dans le même endroit. quelque modique que soit la somme qu'il s'est vu dans la nécessité de venir reclâmer ici, elle est proportionnée à ses moyens. c'est un tort évident fait à cet homme qui ne put continuer à exercer son industrie dans le lieu qu'il avoit choisi, et fut contraint à un déplacement coûteux qui doit lui retirer toute confiance à l'avenir. l'arrivée des troupes envoyées par le président pour réprimer un mouvement dans l'intérieur immédiatement après le départ de m. josé felix burgos, ne fut signalée dans la ville d'alcantara que par des désordres, les etrangers même n'y furent pas respectés dans cet endroit, qui n'étoit pas encore le théâtre des hostilités. un homme de ma nation y exerçant paisiblement son commerce fut attaqué chez lui, eut les portes de sa maison enfoncées par les soldats, fut temoin deux fois du pillage de sa boutique et forcé pour sauver ses jours d'aller séjourner dans le bois; ce malheureux n'a d'autre ressource maintenant que le travail de ses mains, ce fait contre lequel il eut été de mon devoir de reclâmer vient seulement de parvenir à ma connoissance. les françois établis en cette ville avoient joui jusqu'à l'arrivée dans l'île des troupes armées contre le président d'une trop grande sécurité, pour ne pas révailler contre eux toute la haine dont avoit eut fait preuve déjà les portugais avant l'adhésion de cette province a l'empire du brésil. un acte émané _de leur despotique junte_ avoit malgré les traités fait fermer les loges françoises jusqu'à la reception des ordres précis de leur gouvernement, qui désapprouvait hautement cette mesure. ces mêmes portugais oubliant la générositie avec laquelle les commandants de trois bâtimens de sa majesté le roi de france venoient de sauver un grand nombre de leurs compatriotes lors des derniers troubles du parà, n'écoutant que leur jalousie ne s'efforcèrent qu'à nous perdre dans l'opinion publique _par le plus noires inculpations._ je les considère comme ayant influé puissament sur le malhereux évènement que j'ai eu à dèplorer. malgré l'avertissement que j'avois donné huit jours auparavant au président de la menace qui étoit faite aux françois de leur faire subir le genre d'assassinat usité ici, le 21 septembre, quatre françois été surpris par des assassins, deux furent très maltraités, l'un atteint de plusieurs blessures à la tête et au bras fut reconduit chez lui baigné dans son sang; ses blessures au bras, fracturé en deux endroits laissent encore douter après 70 jours de douleurs aigues s'il ne devra par subir l'amputation. le même jour à la même heure, un françois fut attaqué chez lui malgré le signe de reconnaisance qui distingue depuis les troubles les maisons des françois; des pierres lancées dans sa porte et ses fenêtres pendant un long espace de temps, l'obligèrent à venir lui-même dissiper par des menaces une troupe d'hommes qu'il espéroit ne pas voir échapper à la surveillance d'un porte militaire à proximité de sa maison. m'étant rendu chez le président, lui demander d'abord la punition de ce crime atroce, il eut l'inconvenance de m'objecter que la conduite des françois étoit très repréhensible, je remarquoi ces paroles et le lui fis observer; elles ne pouvoient s'appliquer d'ailleurs qu'à deux individus passés au service du parti opposé, que j'étois venu desavouer lui en demandant expulsion. le président repondant se rendit à ma demande, et me donna l'espoir d'avoir une satisfaction, tant pour l'attentat à la vie des quatre individus de ma nation, que pour l'attaque du domicile d'un françois. néanmoins les jours suivants les désordres continuerant, les françois étoient outragés publiquement; un soldat eut l'audace de poursuivre mon negre dans la maison consulaire et de l'y frapper en se repondant en invectives contre les françois; un enfant de neuf ans fut horriblement maltraité par des soldats, jusqu'aux négres osoient lever la tête, et nous insulter. mr. bruce avoit-il pris du mesures de repression? est-ce la protection que devoit en attendre l'agent d'une puissance amie du brésil? en butte à l'animositie d'une soldatesque indisciplinée, nous courûmes pendant quinze jours le danger le plus imminent, nous attendant à tout instant à voir se réaliser ses menaces de venir nous massacre dans nos maisons. j'ai eu depuis à reclamer contre le violation d'un batimen du commerce françois. malgré trois gardes de la douane, cinq soldats armés furent envoyés à son bord à neuf heures du soir; je les fis retirer le lendemain; ce dernier acte du président qui des lors commença à ne plus garder aucuns ménagemens avec moi, faisant incarcerer un des mes nationaux sans m'en donner avis ainsi que des motifs qui l'y portoient; le pavilion du roi placé au dessus de l'écusson de france, que je trouvai lacéré, me firent prévoir que je n'avois plus rien à attendre de la protection de l'autorité. monsieur le marquis, je me suis maintenu à mon poste malgré les dangers tant que j'ai eu l'espoir que l'arrivée de votre excellence si desirée de la population entière de la province, viendroit nous délivrer de ce déplorable état de choses. sans connaître les intentions de votre excellence, je vois mr. bruce encore président, non-seulement il ne m'a donné aucune satisfaction, mais encore apporte dans sa conduite, le mépris le plus marqué par un fileure qui ne pent s'interprêter autrement. c'est donc contre lui, monsieur le marquis, que je vieus en solliciter une aujourd'hui pour ce total oubli de ses devoirs envers un agent de sa majesté très chrétienne; cette conduite emporte le refus d'aucun appui de sa part pour l'avenir; d'ailleurs mon caractère publique m'impose de ne pas m'exposer à un outrage, et l'intérêt que je dois à mes nationaux de les soustraire à son implacable vengeance. si votre excellence ne jugeoit pas convenable d'user de ses pleins pouvoirs pour m'accorder la seule garantie qui puisse me permettre de séjourner plus longtemps ici, je viens lui demander de protéger mon embarquement et celui des françois qui restant encore à maragnon. je suis, avec respect, monsieur le marquis, de votre excellence le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, (signé) pl. des sallieres. à son excellence lord cochrane, marquis de maragnon, premier amiral du brésil, &c. &c. the steps alluded to were such as i considered most essential for the safety of the as yet unacknowledged empire; which, through the folly of a provincial governor, was in danger of being jeopardised by collision with powerful european states. as stated to the maranham memorialists, i did not adopt the extreme measure of deposing bruce from the presidential authority, but resolved to suspend him therefrom till the pleasure of his imperial majesty as regarded his conduct should be made known. accordingly, on christmas day, 1824, i addressed to him the following letter;- maranham, dec. 25,1824. sir, it is with extreme regret that i feel myself under the necessity of acquainting your excellency that it is impossible for me to withdraw the squadron from maranham, so long as your excellency continues to exercise the functions of president of this province; because it is evident that if your excellency is left in authority, without the aid of the squadron, you must again have recourse to the assistance of the lowest order of the people, whom, on my arrival here, i found in arms in support of your excellency, against nine-tenths of the upper classes of society, who continue to entertain the greatest terror of being left under the authority of your excellency. to prevent the recurrence of so lamentable a state of things--the loss of lives--and the calamities of every kind which would inevitably ensue, i would respectfully suggest to your excellency the necessity of your withdrawing from office, until the determination of his imperial majesty can be obtained. i can, with great truth, assure your excellency that my intentions are not in any degree dictated by any feelings of personal ill-will towards your excellency. on the contrary, i have a wish to rescue you from a situation of great jeopardy, and it is chiefly with a view of avoiding to do anything that might appear derogatory to your excellency, that i am desirous the change so necessary to be effected should proceed from your excellency's voluntary resignation. but i regret to add that so pressing is that necessity, that it is quite essential that your excellency's determination should be immediate, and therefore i hope to be favoured with your excellency's reply in the course of the present forenoon. permit me to assure you that if it should be your desire to continue in this city in the character of a private gentleman until the determination of his imperial majesty, with respect to your resumption of office, or otherwise, shall be known, no impediment to your excellency's wishes will originate with me; or, if you should think proper to proceed at once to the court of rio de janeiro, a commodious conveyance shall be provided for the accommodation of your excellency, and of those whom you may deem it convenient to accompany you. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. bruce did not resign, preferring to accept my offer of conveyance to rio de janeiro, there to await his majesty's decision. complete tranquillity being thus restored to the province of maranham, and not to that only, but also to the adjoining provinces, which had more or less entered into the existing disorders, either as adherents of the insurgent chiefs, or of the president, it became requisite to organize a government. not deeming it politic to elevate to power any member of those families of distinction whose feuds were only dormant on compulsion, i appointed manuel telles de silva lobo, the secretary of government, as interim president; he being entirely unconnected with family factions, well acquainted with the details of government, and of unimpeachable integrity. at the same time i caused the camaras to be re-assembled, so that the administration of law and public affairs might be carried on according to the forms and intentions of the constitution. this suspension of the president was afterwards fully approved of by his majesty, and the more patriotic of his advisers, as only anticipating their intentions, it being a remarkable fact that, at the very time i was suspending him, _an order from his majesty was on its way to supersede him_; information of his proceedings having previously reached rio de janeiro, so that in what had been done, i had only carried out the intentions of his majesty. nevertheless, the occasion--as affording a good opportunity to traduce me--was afterwards eagerly seized by the portuguese faction in the administration. all attempts to injure me in the estimation of the population at rio de janeiro--which was firmly attached to the emperor, and grateful to me for my services--had signally failed; but on his arrival at rio de janeiro the representations of the ex-president whose mal-administration i had summarily checked, were published in every possible shape, whilst the minister of marine unwarrantably withheld my despatches from the public, as well as from his majesty, the consequence of which was that the prejudicial representations of what were termed my arbitrary acts had full effect. it was represented that i, a foreigner, had dared, unauthorised, and on false pretences, to seize on the person of a gentleman occupying the highest position in one of the most important provinces, and had sent him to rio de janeiro as a prisoner, whilst it was i who deserved to be brought to condign punishment for the outrage; and had i at the moment been within reach of the portuguese faction at the capital, which was embittered against me for establishing order, when to further their own anti-imperial designs disorder was alone wished--a summary end might have been put to my efforts for preserving and consolidating the integrity of the brazilian empire. that this vituperation and hostility would be the result i well knew; but as the portuguese party in the administration could scarcely treat me worse than they had done, i had made up my mind to encounter their displeasure. of his majesty's approval i felt certain; and, in return for the uninterrupted favour and reliance, which, notwithstanding the self-interested hostility of his anti-brazilian ministers, i had uniformly experienced at his hands, i had all along resolved to secure that which i knew to be his majesty's earnest wish--the unity of the empire by the pacification of the northern provinces. all attempts to thwart this on the part of the portuguese faction were futile, and even unconsciously favourable to the course i was perseveringly pursuing, though all my despatches to the minister remained unanswered, and no instructions were sent for my guidance. notwithstanding the neglect of the administration to supply the squadron with necessaries, and myself with instructions, in a position foreign to my duties as naval commander-in-chief, and which i had only accepted at the earnest wish of his imperial majesty--i carefully kept the government advised of all that took place. the same ship which conveyed the ex-president to rio de janeiro, carried also the following despatch to the minister of marine:- maranham, december 31st, 1824. most excellent sir, i have to acquaint your excellency that a belief that the squadron was about to withdraw and leave the abandoned and disorderly military of this place under the feeble control of his excellency the president, excited a degree of dread in the public mind amounting almost to a state of frenzy--and convinced me that i had no alternative, but either to abandon the principal inhabitants, and, indeed, the whole white population, to the fury of mercenary troops and blacks--or to remain with the squadron until another president should be nominated by his imperial majesty. this last measure, however, upon mature consideration, appeared to be wholly incompatible with the interests of his imperial majesty, not only on account of the violent animosities subsisting between president and people, which, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance on my part, daily disturbed the public tranquillity--but because the presence on shore of nearly the whole of the seamen in the ships of war is requisite to counterbalance the influence and power which the president has obtained over the soldiery and irregular bands, by the impunity with which he has suffered them to act, and by rewards bestowed on persons in the ranks, or of the lowest orders of society. the continued absence of seamen from the ships would, it is evident, endanger the safety of the latter; besides which, the season is now approaching when diseases incident to the climate become prevalent, and would not fail considerably to thin the small force at my disposal. the necessity of adopting some decided measure became every day more urgent. representations continued to pour in from all quarters against the conduct of the president. the consul of his britannic majesty, moreover, having heard that the squadron is about to depart, has written me a letter, of which i enclose to your excellency a copy. i am aware that it is difficult to follow a course, under the circumstances in which i am placed, that when judged of at a distance, and merely on such evidence as can be conveyed by writing, will leave no room for persons to contend that a different line might have been followed with greater advantage; and i am perfectly aware that whether i had left this province, and anarchy had followed, or whether by remaining i had succeeded in preventing that anarchy, _i should equally be exposed to the cavils of those who are always disposed to reprobate the measures actually adopted, whatever they may be_. having, therefore, but _a choice of evils with respect to myself_, i have--without further care as to my personal responsibility--pursued that course which, on full consideration, appeared to me to be most conducive to the interests of his imperial majesty, and best adapted to secure the tranquillity of this province; and i have _reserved for my own security_ such original documents as will satisfy the mind of his imperial majesty on the subject of my conduct in suspending the functions of the president of maranham. a few of the many reasons which have induced me thus to take upon myself a heavier responsibility than would have attached to the adoption of either of the measures before alluded to, will be found on the printed paper which i enclose. in that paper, however, i did not consider it proper to set forth all the facts which have come to my knowledge; such as his tampering through various agents with the troops, artillery, and police, and above all with the disbanded "_pedestres_;" and the sending of emissaries to the distant quarters of the province to excite the people again to rise in arms for his support--though no legal prerogative which the president does, or ought to possess, had been in any way infringed by me or any person acting under my authority. the fact is, that this gentleman, bred up under the despotic captains-general, accustomed to their arbitrary proceedings, to the mal-administration of colonial law, and the absence of everything like fair trial, cannot brook any limitation to his power, and has demonstrated his desire, if not to establish an independent sway, at least to act solely according to his will and pleasure. i am anxious to ascribe his faults rather to the circumstances under which he has unfortunately been brought up, and to his advanced age, than to premeditated evil intentions. i have the satisfaction of adding, that, by the course i have adopted, a desolating civil war has been terminated--the treasury saved further expenditure--and the persons and property of the people have been rescued from destruction, and placed under the protection of the laws. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. such was the history of an affair, which would not have been thus minutely detailed, but for the obloquy against me to which it subsequently gave rise; the ministry afterwards declaring that, to serve my own purposes, i had _deposed_ bruce, and appointed lobo in his place--the facts being, that i never deposed him at all, but suspended his functions merely till his majesty's pleasure should be known--and that, at the very period when this took place, _the administration, unknown to me, had deposed him for the same causes which led me to suspend him!_ as will appear in the next chapter. nevertheless, when they found that--acting under the discretion accorded to me by his imperial majesty--i had partially only anticipated their own act, and that vituperation against me in my absence might be turned to their own account, they took up the cause of the very man whom they had deposed, and loaded me with abuse for having outraged the feelings and position of a most excellent person nominated by his majesty to one of the highest offices in the state. chapter x. misrepresentations made in england--letter to the emperor--tendering my resignation--repayment demanded from the junta--conduct of the prize tribunal--no adjudication of prizes intended--letter to the interim president--demanding the sums owing to the squadron--disturbance in para--statement of account to the junta--offer of compromise--imperial decree--right of the squadron to the claim. worn down in health by the harassing duties of the naval, military, and civil departments, the conduct of all these wholly devolving upon me, whilst the ministry at rio, by withholding instructions, neither incurred trouble nor responsibility--and aware that my character was being traduced by every species of malignity which could be devised by the party whose views were destroyed by the successful manner in which those duties had been performed, i was heartily sick of the ingratitude and misrepresentation with which the service of having twice secured the northern provinces to brazil was met on the part of the administration, in addition to their now apparent determination that neither myself nor the squadron should reap any benefit from the prize property taken in the preceding year, notwithstanding that, under the andrada ministry, both had been solemnly guaranteed to the captors. i was, however, even more annoyed on another account, viz. from being apprised that the vilest misrepresentations of my conduct were being sedulously circulated in england by the partisans of the administration. their vituperation in brazil could, to some extent, be met; but the petty meanness of attacking a man in a distant country, without the possibility of his defending himself, was a matter against which no prudence or foresight could guard. determined no longer to contend with an administration, which could thus conduct itself towards an officer whose exertions had been deemed worthy of the highest honours from the emperor, and the warmest thanks from the national assembly, i resolved to request permission from his imperial majesty to retire from so unequal a contest, for i did not choose spontaneously to abandon the command, without at least some compensation beyond my ordinary pay. even setting aside the stipulations under which i had entered and continued in the imperial service--this was at least due to me from the unquestioned fact that to my twice rendered exertions--first as naval commander-in-chief; and, secondly, as a pacificator--the empire owed its unity and stability, _even in the estimation of european governments_, which, now that the provinces were tranquillized and the empire consolidated, exerted themselves to promote peace between brazil and the mother country. accordingly--on new year's day, 1825--i addressed to the emperor the following letter:- sire, the condescension with which your imperial majesty has been pleased to permit me to approach your royal person, on matters regarding the public service, and even on those more particularly relating to myself, emboldens me to adopt the only means in my power, at this distance, of craving that your majesty will be graciously pleased to judge of my conduct in the imperial service, by the result of my endeavours to promote your majesty's interests, and not by the false reports spread by those who--for reasons best known to themselves--desire to alienate your majesty's mind from me, and thus to bring about my removal from your majesty's service. whilst i have the honour to continue as an officer acting under the authority of your imperial majesty, i shall ever perform my duty to your majesty and to the brazilian people; and i trust that, up to the present day, your majesty has not felt any reason to doubt my sincerity and fidelity to your imperial interests. and if his excellency the minister of marine has failed to lay before the public my despatches, and thereby permitted rumours prejudicial to my character to go forth, i respectfully look up to your imperial majesty for justice. in this hope, i most respectfully entreat permission to refer your imperial majesty to my letter no. 271, which i addressed to his excellency the minister of marine, from pernambuco, early in october, previous to my departure from that port, announcing my intention of proceeding northward, and the necessity of so doing, for the pacification of the northern provinces; also to my letter of the 13th of october (no. 273), written from rio grande do norte; and no. 274, dated october 28th, written from cearà; all of which letters, explicitly describing my proceedings, intentions, and reasons, were duly transmitted, both in original and duplicate, by different conveyances. i trust that your imperial majesty will please to believe me to be sensible that the honours which you have so graciously bestowed upon me, it is my duty not to tarnish; and that your majesty will further believe that, highly as i prize those honours, i hold the maintenance of my reputation in my native country in equal estimation. i respectfully crave permission to add, that--_perceiving it to be impossible to continue in the service of your imperial majesty, without_ _at all times, subjecting my professional character to great risks under the present management of the marine department--i trust that your majesty will be graciously pleased to grant me leave to retire from your imperial service, in which it appears to me that i have now accomplished all that can be expected from me--the authority of your imperial majesty being established throughout the whole extent of brazil._ i have the honour to be your imperial majesty's dutiful and faithful servant, cochrane and maranhaõ. the permission to retire was neither granted, nor was the request noticed, yet--notwithstanding that the ministerial organs of the press teemed with matters injurious to my reputation, and displayed the most unfair comments on my proceedings--no complaint was officially made to me, as indeed none could be made; this ungenerous mode of attack being resorted to, whilst the whole of my letters and despatches were withheld from public knowledge. on the 3rd of january, intelligence was received that an outbreak had occurred at caixas, promoted by the adherents of bruce on learning the fact of his suspension from the presidentship. the interim-president, lobo, was anxious to re-arm the disbanded troops against them, but this i forbade, telling him that, "in my opinion a military mode of governing was neither suited to the maintenance of tranquillity nor the promotion of obedience to the law, and that it would be better to give the civil law a trial before proceeding to extremities; and that although some outrages had occurred in the heat of party spirit, yet they would probably cease on the intelligence that president bruce had embarked for rio de janeiro." the result was in accordance with these anticipations, for, on learning this fact, the insurgents immediately laid down their arms--being only too glad to escape further notice. in the expectation that his imperial majesty would approve of the act, and that his ministers could offer no opposition, i considered it my duty to the officers and seamen of the squadron, no less than to myself, to obtain repayment from the junta of maranham--at least in part--of the sums temporarily left for their use in the preceding year. it will be remembered that after the expulsion of the portuguese from maranham in 1823, considerable sums of money and bonds had been taken in the treasury, custom-house, and other public offices, together with military and other stores--and the value of these, though guaranteed by his imperial majesty to the captors, had, with the consent of officers and seamen, been temporarily lent to the then provisional government, for the double purpose of satisfying the mutinous troops of cearà and piahuy, and carrying on the ordinary functions of government--there being no other funds available! at the period of this temporary surrender of the prize property to state exigencies, it was expressly stipulated and fully understood that, as soon as commerce had returned to its usual channels, and with it the customary revenues of the province, the whole should be repaid to the account of the captors. this had not been done, and the officers and men were still losers to the amount, in addition to the non-adjudication of their prizes generally by the portuguese tribunal at rio de janeiro, which, in unprincipled violation of the express decrees of his imperial majesty--asserted that "they knew nothing of prizes, and did not know that brazil was at war with portugal!" though, in the imperial order of march 30th, 1823--given for the vigorous blockade of bahia, his majesty had explicitly ordered the portuguese to be considered as "enemies of the empire."--"distruindo ou tomando todas as forcas portuguesas que encontrar e fazendo todas damnos possives a os inimigos deste imperio." it was further pretended by the tribunal that bahia and maranham were not foreign ports, but parts of the brazilian empire, though, at the time of my appearance before them, both provinces were then, and ever had been, in possession of portugal; the tribunal, nevertheless, deciding with equal absurdity and injustice, that captures made in those ports, or within three miles of the shore, were unlawful--this decision including, of necessity, the unaccountable declaration, that his majesty's orders to me to blockade the enemy's port of bahia, and to take, burn or destroy all portuguese vessels and property--were also unjust and unlawful! although this was the very purpose for which i had been invited to quit the chilian service. yet, notwithstanding this imperial decision, the tribunal also most inconsistently condemned all ships of war taken (as _droits_) to the crown, without the slightest compensation to the captors. but there was still a more flagrant injustice committed, viz. that whilst the officers and seamen were thus deprived of the fruits of their exertions, they became liable to about twenty thousand milreas in the prosecution of their claims; for no other reason than the unwillingness of the prize tribunal to order condemnations injurious to their friends and native country; for as has been said nine out of the thirteen members of the tribunal were portuguese! it had, therefore, been long apparent that no adjudication in favour of the squadron was intended, and that its services in having united the empire and saved it from dismemberment, would only be met by continued injustice. as the property left with the provisional government of maranham had been used for the benefit of that province, and as no part of it had ever been repaid, i determined that those to whom it was due should not, at least, be defrauded of that portion of their claims, or of a reasonable compromise thereof; and therefore i addressed to the interim-president the following letter:- to his excellency manoel telles da silva lobo, president interino. sir, the public duties which i had to perform for the service of his imperial majesty, and the pacification of this province, being now happily brought to a termination, it becomes my duty, as commander-in-chief, to call your excellency's attention to some facts concerning the interests of the officers and seamen under my command. on the occasion of my former visit, in 1823, which was so happily instrumental in rescuing this province from the yoke of portugal and annexing it to the empire, i was desirous of rendering the service performed still more grateful to the people by voluntarily granting, in the conditions of capitulation, not only my guarantee for the inviolability of all brazilian property then under the portuguese flag, but also of all the property belonging to resident portuguese who should subscribe to the independence of the empire, and the authority of his imperial majesty. these conditions were most scrupulously observed and fulfilled on my part, without the slightest infringement in any one instance. but--on the other hand--it was expressly set forth in the terms of capitulation, that all property belonging to those who remained in hostility--that is to say, property belonging to the crown or government of portugal, or to absent portuguese (though with respect to the latter a commutation was subsequently consented to) being, according to the laws of war, subject to condemnation to the captors --should be delivered to the captors accordingly, to be, by themselves, subjected to the customary investigation in the prize tribunals of his imperial majesty. amongst other articles of property of this description were, of course, included the money due on the balance of public accounts to the crown of portugal, and this amount--partly in specie and partly in bills--was held in readiness by the capitulating authorities to be delivered when required. but, as my attention was for some time solely directed to the arrangement of public affairs, i neglected to call for the said balance until the new junta of government, chosen under my authority, had taken possession of their office, and obtained the control of the public moneys. after several applications on my part to the said junta, and as many evasions on their part, i had, at last, a personal conference with them on the subject--on which occasion they solicited, as a particular favour, that i would permit the amount to remain in their hands, for the purpose of satisfying the claims of the troops of piahuy and cearà, whom they represented as being clamorous for their pay. to this request i agreed, under the assurance that i should receive bills from the said junta for the amount. these, however, they not only evaded granting, but, when afterwards called upon for a receipt, they declined giving any acknowledgment. to the truth, however, of the main fact, viz., the claims of myself, and the officers and men under my command, your excellency has now the power of satisfying yourself by a reference to the official documents that passed between the functionaries of government and myself, both previous and subsequent to the surrender of the portuguese authorities in this province. the conduct of this junta has proved to be merely a type of that which we have since experienced on a larger scale at the hands of the supreme tribunal of justice at rio de janeiro. but there is a point beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue, and i now call upon your excellency to direct that the junta of fazenda, who so unjustly and deceitfully withheld from the officers and men the property above described, shall, with all convenient despatch, proceed to the adjustment of the claim in question. an attested copy of the accounts, signed by the members of the late portuguese junta of government--being in my possession, i enclose a copy thereof, which your excellency can cause to be compared with the original treasury and custom-house books. i likewise enclose to your excellency a copy of a gracious communication which i received from his imperial majesty--the original of which, in his majesty's own handwriting, is now in my possession. this will enable your excellency to judge as to what the understanding and intentions of his imperial majesty really are, with respect to the claims of the squadron--when influenced by the dictates of honour and his own unbiassed judgment. nevertheless--should your excellency consider it necessary, i have no objection to prosecute the claims of the officers and seamen to the balance before alluded to--in the court of admiralty which your excellency is about to convene. but i beg it may be distinctly understood that i hold myself bound not to relax in any way from my determination that these accounts shall be settled, so as to enable me to fulfil the duty which i am engaged to perform to those under my command. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. to my annoyance parà became the scene of renewed disturbance, and even the life of the president was threatened. this was disheartening, as evincing a desire on the part of the provinces to pursue--each its own separate course; proving the deep hold which the counsels of palmella had taken to promote anarchy by fostering provincial pride--as a means to promote discord, and thus to reduce the newly-formed empire to insignificance and ruin,--from the same cause which had befallen the liberated provinces of spanish america. not having been furnished with troops, it was difficult to spare a force to meet this new emergency. there was no time, however, for hesitation, so i despatched the _atalanta_ to parà, with a detachment of the best seamen, under the command of lieutenants clarence and reed, upon whose zeal every reliance was to be placed; at the same time sending a recommendation to the president to use the force for the purpose of remitting to me those who had threatened his life, and of overawing those who had been endeavouring to subvert his authority. the junta of fazenda having now assembled, i transmitted to them the following; general statement of the money and other property claimed by the squadron on the surrender of the portuguese authorities of maranham; in conformity to the laws relative to matters of prize, and the gracious decrees of his imperial majesty:- milreis. treasury and custom-house 62,000 000 in bills and debts 147,000 000 value of artillery, stores, and ammunition, say 100,000,000 at 1/5th for the squadron 20,000 000 value of stores in the arsenal, including gunboats, launches, boats, and materials of all kinds 25,000,000 ___________ public property 254,000 000 obligations delivered as portuguese property under the decree of h.i.m. of dec. 11th, 1822; by that decree confiscated to the crown, but by the gracious bounty of h.i.m. awarded to the squadron, in his own handwriting, dated 12th february, 1824 170,196 461 ___________ sum total 424,196 461 together with this statement of account, i forwarded the following offer of compromise, on the part of the squadron, for the payment of one-fourth only:- his imperial majesty, having--by decree of the 11th of december, 1822--commanded the seizure and confiscation of all merchandise in the custom-houses of brazil belonging to portuguese subjects--all merchandise so belonging, or the proceeds thereof, in the hands of merchants--and all vessels or parts of vessels belonging to such subjects--i, therefore, in conformity with the said decree, having, on the occasion of the capitulation of maranham, directed, that all persons having property in their hands of the nature set forth in the said decree, should deliver in an account of the same; and the bills and papers herewith annexed having been given up by their respective holders as _portuguese property of the description set forth_, the said bills and papers are now laid before the court of vice-admiralty, in order to the adjudication thereof in conformity to the said decree. but, whereas, the said imperial decree could not be enforced at maranham in the ordinary manner, by means of civil officers acting under the authority of his imperial majesty, by reason of the port and province being under the authority and government of portugal; and whereas, his imperial majesty, in consideration of the annexation of the said port and province to the empire, by the naval means under my command--and generally of other important services--was graciously pleased, by virtue of a grant in his own handwriting, bearing date the 12th day of february last, to accord the value of the seizures to the officers and men as a reward for their exertions and services; the said officers and men agree to surrender these bills and the property, as set forth in the annexed list, amounting to 484,196,461, together with all other claims, for the sum of one-fourth, or 106,000, to be paid by the treasury of maranham by instalments, within the period of thirty days from the date hereof. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. the following is the imperial decree alluded to in the preceding letter:- decree. it being obvious that the scandalous proceedings and hostility manifested by the government of portugal against the liberty, honour, and interests of this empire, and by the captious insinuations of the demagogical congress of lisbon, which--seeing it impracticable to enslave this rich region and its generous inhabitants--endeavours to oppress them with all kinds of evils, and civil war, which has occurred through their barbarous vandalism. it being one of my principal duties, as constitutional emperor and defender of this vast empire, to adopt all measures to render effective the security of the country, and its defence efficient against further and desperate attempts which its enemies may adopt; and also to deprive, as far as possible, the inhabitants of that kingdom from continuing to act hostilely against brazil--tyrannizing over my good and honourable subjects- deem it well to order that there be placed in effective sequestration, 1_st_. all goods and merchandise existing in the custom-houses of this empire, belonging to subjects of the kingdom of portugal. 2_nd_. all portuguese merchandise, or the value thereof, which exists in the hands of subjects of this empire. 3_rd_. all real and agricultural property, held under the same circumstances. 4_th_. finally, all vessels or parts of vessels, which belong to merchants of the said kingdom. there being excepted from this sequestration, bills of the national bank, banks of security, and those of the iron company of villa sorocaba. joseph bonifacio de andrada e silva, of my council of state, minister of the interior, and of foreign affairs, shall cause the execution of this decree. given in the palace of rio de janeiro, december the eleventh, 1822, first of the independence of the empire. with the rubrica of his imperial majesty, josé bonifacio de andrade e silva. these documents--coupled with the decree of dec. 1822, awarding the above confiscations to the captors--shew so clearly the right of the squadron's claim, and the injustice of the course pursued by the prize tribunal at rio de janeiro, in refusing to adjudge portuguese property to the captors, that further comment is unnecessary. in order, however, to give every possible information relative to a matter which has been, to me, a cause of so much obloquy, i subjoin my letter to the interim president, accompanying the preceding documents:- sir, i have the honour to enclose to your excellency, two hundred and sixty obligations seized under the orders of his imperial majesty--dated the 11th december, 1822--which i request you will be pleased to cause to be laid before the junta of fazenda, together with the papers enclosed, in order that the junta may take the necessary steps to the liquidation of the just and moderate claims of the officers and seamen. i further beg your excellency will be pleased to intimate to the junta, that i cannot abstain from taking whatever measures may be necessary to prevent the violation of the laws and regulations of the military service--the infraction of the express engagement of his imperial majesty--and the consequent disorganization of the squadron, so essential for the maintenance of tranquillity, and the preservation of the independence of the empire. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. 20th jan. 1825. chapter xi. imperial approval--continued enmity of the administration--junta refuses to pay the squadron's claim--i persevere in the demand--junta agrees to pay the amount in bills--this refused--arrival of a new president--but without authority for the assumption--intrigues to establish him in office--i order him to quit the province--and send him to para--letter to the president of ceara--international animosities--the squadron left to provide for itself--abuse of authority--explanations to minister of marine--of transactions at maranham--letter to carvalho e mello--anticipating ministerial displeasure--the junta reimburses part of its debt. on the 16th of january i had at length the satisfaction to receive, through the minister of marine, the emperor's approval of the course pursued in the pacification of the northern provinces, and his confirmation of the changes that had been made in their administration. still not a word of instruction was vouchsafed for my future guidance. the subjoined is the letter conveying his imperial majesty's approval of my acts and judgment:- his imperial majesty commands the secretary of state of the marine to apprise the first admiral, commander-in-chief of the naval forces of this empire, that his majesty received his despatches by the schooner _maria de gloria_, by which his majesty was informed of his proceedings, and approves of his determination to proceed to the northern provinces, where the fire of rebellion has been lighted, with a view to establish therein the order and obedience due to the said august sovereign, a duty which he has so wisely and judiciously undertaken, and in which course he must continue, notwithstanding the previous instructions sent to him, bearing date the 4th of october last, which instructions are hereby annulled until he shall attain the highly important objects proposed in the before-mentioned provinces, viz., till they submit themselves to the authorities lately appointed, and enjoy the benefits of the paternal government of his imperial majesty. palace of rio janeiro, dec. 2, 1824. (signed) francisca villela barbosa. to this letter--annulling my recall after the fall of pernambuco--i returned the following reply:- no. 289. most excellent sir, since i had the honour of addressing your excellency in my letter, no. 288, i have not had any further intelligence from parà; i therefore conclude that the officers and seamen whom i detached there, will be sufficient to aid the president in maintaining good order. here, nothing particular has happened, beyond the collecting of a few runaway soldiers and vagabonds in the woods. a party detached in pursuit of them, dispersed them all, and brought in several prisoners yesterday. i have received your excellency's communication by the schooner _maria de gloria_, and _feel highly gratified that his imperial majesty has been pleased to approve of the course which i have pursued for the termination of dissensions in the northern provinces. since the gracious communication of his imperial majesty, i feel less weight of responsibility in the course which circumstances have compelled me to follow, with a view to restore order in the province of maranham._ i hope soon to inform your excellency that the task which his imperial majesty has been further pleased to confide to me, of causing the newly-appointed authorities to be acknowledged, is accomplished; but i beg respectfully again to add my opinion that these northern provinces will not long continue in a state of tranquillity, unless the provincial forces are shifted to other quarters of the empire. in fact, if attention be not paid to this, i consider that these provinces will shortly be entirely lost, both to the empire of brazil and to portugal. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. jan. 21, 1834. the continued absence of even the slightest instructions for my guidance--coupled with the imperial approval of all i had done upon my own responsibility, naturally implied that it was considered better to leave me entirely unfettered by orders, which, if given at all, must be issued in ignorance of the actual state of things which required renovation. in this light i should have regarded the omission to direct my conduct, but for the warnings privately received, to be careful what i was about, for that, despite any apparent public approval of my proceedings, my enemies in the administration were on the watch for some act which might be construed to my disadvantage, and thus become the pretext for blame which should outweigh the praise accorded. the opportunity i felt had already been afforded by the suspension of bruce from the presidency, notwithstanding that this--as has been seen--was fully justified by circumstances, and was not resorted to without deliberate consideration, and the deepest conviction of its necessity. still, any opposition to the suspension of bruce could only be factious, for, on the 2nd of december, the minister of marine had in anticipation forwarded to me a list of new presidents and generals-at-arms, every person in authority throughout the whole extent of the northern coast being changed--with the exception of the president of parà; so that there was every reason to anticipate that even the strong measures which i had been compelled to adopt with regard to bruce would meet the views of his imperial majesty. on the 31st of january, the interim president apprised me that the junta refused to liquidate any part of the claim made in behalf of the squadron. upon this refusal, i wrote to the junta that, such being their decision, i would hold them personally responsible that no bills, debts, nor claims of any kind beyond the current expenses of government should be paid, till this prior claim--in honour and justice due to the officers and seamen, who had generously advanced their prize money to meet state exigencies--should be liquidated; adding, that the seamen _relied on me for justice_, and if my warning were not attended to, i should be compelled to take such steps as the necessity of upholding the interests of the crown and the efficiency of the naval service appeared to demand. in taking this step, i frankly admit that it was the only way to obtain from the government of maranham even a compromise for the amount owing by the province to the captors. i had every confidence in his imperial majesty that as far as lay in _his_ power justice would be done, as evinced by the acknowledgments given in his own handwriting in opposition to the measures of his ministers, on whom, or the prize tribunal, no reliance could be placed; the former having done all in _their_ power to thwart my efforts in his majesty's service, whilst the tribunal, acting by the sanction or in conformity to the known wishes of the ministry, had delayed adjudication, with the evident intention of _evading it altogether_, except in cases which gave a colour for condemning me in damages, in which respect--apparently their only object--they were prompt enough. i therefore determined that as a specific portion of the prize property taken at maranham in 1823, had, at its own request, been given up to the provisional government, upon the express understanding of repayment --without which it could not have been thus surrendered--the junta should be made to preserve their own good faith, as well as mine, to the squadron, which, relying on my promises, had been influenced temporarily to devote to the exigencies of the state that which by imperial decree, as well as according to the laws of all nations, was their undoubted right. my orders to the junta of fazenda not to pay any claims--with the exception of the ordinary expenses of government--till those of the squadron had been satisfied, were, however, almost superogatory; for, on a visit of inspection to the arsenal on the 2nd of february, it appeared that they had established a system of not paying any debts, even those incurred for the provisions of the squadron, the contract prices being set down at _treble the market price!_ this overcharge was accounted for by the merchants on the ground of dilatory payments, which could only be obtained at all from the junta by fees to those whose duty it was to pass the accounts! to counteract this, i requested the interim president to forbid any further purchases on the part of the provincial government, as, in future, i would make them myself, and, what was more to the purpose, pay for them. by limiting the demand of repayment to one-fourth only of the amount captured from the portuguese government, i was not pressing at all severely upon the resources of the province, which is one of the richest in brazil; nor should i have put them to any inconvenience had i demanded repayment of the whole, _as i justly might have done_. on the 8th of february, the junta of fazenda sent me a verbal communication to the effect that they would give the sum agreed upon in commutation of prize money due to the captors--_in five bills, payable in five months_. as i knew that, in case of my departure, these would not be worth the paper upon which they were written, i refused the offer, adding that, after the course pursued by the prize tribunal at rio de janeiro the seamen had no faith in promises. finding that the junta shewed every disposition to evade the demand, i requested a personal interview with that body, intimating that i expected all the members to be present. at this interview, i told the junta that all the documents necessary in support of the claim had been laid before them, these being too precise to admit of dispute--that they had no right in law, justice, or precedent, to withhold the portion of the prize property left at maranham, by the request of the provisional government, no funds of their own being then available to meet the exigencies which had arisen--and therefore they were in honour bound to restore it. i was induced to adopt this step, not only on account of the evasive conduct experienced at the hands of the administration at rio de janeiro, but because i knew that negotiations were actually pending for the restitution of all the portuguese property captured, as a basis of the projected peace between portugal and brazil; in other words, that the squadron--whose exertions had added to the empire a territory larger than the whole empire as it existed previous to the complete expulsion of the portuguese--was to be altogether sacrificed to a settlement which its own termination of the war had brought about. so barefaced a proceeding towards those whose services had been engaged on the express stipulation of a right to all captures is, perhaps, unparalleled in the history of nations; and, as both officers and men looked to me for protection, i determined to persevere in demanding from the government of maranham--at least a compromise of the sums which the captors had, in 1823, lent to its pressing exigencies. no small amount of obloquy has been attached to me with regard to this act of justice, the only one the squadron was ever likely to obtain; but the transaction involved my own good faith with both officers and men, who had lent the money solely on my assurance that the government at rio de janeiro could not do otherwise than refund the amount--so important was it at the time, that the pressing difficulties of the province should be promptly met. a man must have a singularly constituted mind, who, in my position, would have acted otherwise. to this subject it will be necessary to recur. on the 7th of february, i was surprised by an intimation from pedro josé da costa barros, of his intention to assume the presidency of maranham, founding his pretensions upon a letter addressed to bruce, whom i had suspended. at first--believing that he possessed the requisite authority--i invited him to take possession of the office, but finding that he had no patent to shew for the appointment, i considered it my duty to his majesty not to admit such pretensions till their validity was established, and therefore told barros that he must await the official communications from rio de janeiro, before i could acknowledge him as president--for that tranquillity being now restored, i would not have the minds of the people again unsettled on the mere presumption of his appointment. in this arrangement barros appeared to acquiesce, but being a well-known partisan of the portuguese faction, he was soon surrounded by the adherents of that party in maranham. on the 10th of march, a series of allegations was forwarded to me by the party of barros against the interim president, but as they were of the most insignificant nature, and unsupported by proof, i refused to pay attention to them. they were shortly afterwards followed by a letter from barros to the same purport, but without any specific accusation against lobo, whom he nevertheless represented as about to fly from maranham in order to evade the punishment due to his crimes! upon this i addressed to him the following letter demanding specific charges against the interim president:- maranham, 10th march, 1825. sir, i have received your excellency's letter, in which the interim president, manuel pellas da silva lobo, is charged with an intention of departing from maranham in a sudden and clandestine manner, and in which your excellency calls on me to adopt measures for the prevention of his flight. i must, however, represent to your excellency that, since i have been in this province, so many reports have been made to me with the greatest confidence, impeaching the character and motives of individuals--all of which have proved unfounded--that i feel it impossible to act with any propriety on your excellency's intimation--without being furnished with proof of the truth of the allegation. your excellency, i am persuaded, is too honourable to propagate so serious a charge without believing it to be well founded, and i cannot doubt that you will have the candour to admit that i am entitled to be made acquainted with the grounds on which your excellency's belief rests, before proceeding to any measure of severity against the party accused. i have further to request that your excellency will be pleased to say _for what crime, or crimes_, the president interino is supposed to be about to abandon--not only this province--but to flee from his native country? (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. to pedro josé de costa barros. the charges against lobo, i well knew to have been fabricated for the purpose of getting me to place him in arrest, and instal barros in the presidency. this plot failing, i learned, on the following day, that arrangements had been made for the forcible seizure of the interim president's person without any specific cause for dissatisfaction with his government, which was in all respects just and excellent. finding the spirit of intrigue thus again manifested for the neutralisation of all my efforts to restore order and prosperity to the province--to the discomfiture of the intriguants--i again, on the 11th of march, declared martial law. such was the terror inspired by this act in the minds of those who had fomented renewed disorder, that, anticipating summary retribution from me, they prepared for the flight of which they had accused an innocent man. on learning this, i despatched a vessel with a competent officer to cruise at the mouth of the port, under orders neither to let ships nor passengers leave without passports counter-signed by myself. having received a letter from josé feliz de azevedo e sa, the president of cearà, warning me of the intentions of barros, who had come from that province, i was confirmed in my determination that the good which had been effected at maranham should not be neutralised by one who had no authority to shew for his interference. accordingly, i wrote to barros the following order to quit the province forthwith, until his majesty's intentions with regard to him should be made known:- march 11th,1825. sir, your excellency having acquainted me that the president interino intended to fly from justice, at the same time calling upon me to take precautionary measures to prevent his escape, without setting forth any crime of which he had been guilty; and further, with regard to my letter requesting that you would make known the nature of the delinquency which impelled the said president interino to fly from the province, you have not considered it necessary to give the slightest explanation. now, as i have ample reason to believe the whole allegation to be a fabrication--as i know that your excellency--instead of waiting, as is your duty, for communications from his imperial majesty --has, by your countenance, suffered to be stirred up a spirit of dissension and party, and as i understand the laws which i have been compelled to call into operation to prevent greater evils. i have to acquaint your excellency that i have provided a convenient conveyance for your excellency and suite, in order that you may reside in the neighbouring province of parà, until the arrival of orders from his imperial majesty; and that my barge will be at the service of your excellency and suite at any hour to-morrow, between sunrise and sunset, in order to proceed to the anchorage of the _pedro 1'ro_, where you will find the _cacique_ ready for your reception. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. to pedro josé de costa barros. barros strongly remonstrated against this proceeding; but knowing that the machinations of his party had been the direct cause of renewed disorders, i resolved not to give way; telling him that he had only himself to blame, by not having abstained from meddling with public affairs till the arrival of competent authority from his imperial majesty. accordingly, i insisted on his immediately embarking on board the _cacique_, in charge of captain manson, for conveyance to parà, to the president of which province i addressed the following letter:- maranham, 13th march,1825. most excellent sir, since i had the honour of writing to your excellency, pedro josé de costa barros, who arrived from cearà with the intention to take upon himself the office of president here--has unfortunately been the occasion of stirring up old animosities, which i had hoped experience might have taught him the advantage of leaving dormant. had barros been provided with proper authority under the sign manual of his imperial majesty, the difficulties that have occurred since his arrival might have been prevented; though i am extremely apprehensive that if ever he shall be invested with such authority, still greater evils will befal the province. the portuguese party are in favour of barros, and have expressed their sentiments unequivocally, and this your excellency knows is sufficient to raise up the native brazilians against him. the portuguese and some others had combined to place barros in the presidency by force, which intention i happily frustrated by arriving in maranham with a considerable reinforcement from the _pedro primiero_, at midnight--when the attempt was to have occurred. to put a stop to proceedings so injurious to the interests of his imperial majesty and the public, i have felt it necessary to remove barros from maranham until his commission shall arrive, or until his majesty's pleasure respecting the appointment of manoel telles da silva lobo, shall be known. barros therefore proceeds in the _cacique_ (which is the bearer of this) to parà--where having no pretensions, he will have no partisans, and will be inoffensive. i have not time, nor would it be of any utility to occupy your excellency with a minute detail of the affairs of this province, whilst your excellency has so much to do in that under your immediate superintendence: i am convinced that in all i have done, i have acted in conformity with the true interests of his majesty and his people, and am in no degree under any apprehension that the malevolent aspersions of self-interested or disappointed individuals will have the least influence on any candid mind, when a real statement of facts shall be laid before the public. i shall be gratified if your excellency attains the satisfaction of preserving the province of parà free from those party dissensions, the danger and inconvenience of which are best known to those who are obliged to be on the watch to counteract them. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. to josé feliz de azevedo e sa, the president of cearà, i addressed the subjoined letter of thanks for the warning he had given me respecting barros:- maranham, march 16th, 1825. most excellent sir, i have to offer your excellency many thanks for your kind letter, informing me, by anticipation, of the character of an individual whose principles and plans i was not long in discovering. scarcely had he placed his foot on the soil of maranham, when he was surrounded by all the portuguese of the city, who expressed their joy at his arrival in no equivocal manner. to give you a history of his intrigues would require pages. suffice it to say, that--after having attempted to thrust himself into the government within forty-eight hours after his arrival,--without having any lawful commission from his imperial majesty--and being defeated in that object--he placed himself at the head of a faction, brought charges against the president interino, and on the night of the 10th formed a plan to seize his person! this, however, i defeated, and as his charges against lobo were entirely false and malicious, i have sent him off to parà, there to await the determination of his imperial majesty. the intrigues here are so numerous, and there are so many interests to reconcile, that the harmony now restored will probably cease with the departure of the force under my command. but it is obvious that the squadron cannot remain here for ever to watch over private broils and feuds of so contemptible a nature. the only thing of which i am seriously afraid, is the influence and number of the portuguese settled here, should they find a president desirous of promoting their views and supposed interests. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. there was great difficulty to act for the best in this matter: but whether barros were appointed to the presidency or not, the course taken was the only one even temporarily to ensure public tranquillity. if appointed, it was evident, from his acts, that he had been selected by the administration to put in execution their anti-brazilian projects; whilst the portuguese party in maranham unequivocally expressed their intention to revive the old animosities between themselves and the native brazilians; thus causing a renewal of disorder which i was determined not to permit, in favour of one who had no patent to shew for his assumption of authority. this monstrous state of affairs--fostered by the imperial administration--was a natural consequence of their portuguese predilections, and could not have existed, except from want of union amongst the brazilians themselves, who, unskilled in political organization, were compelled to submit to a foreign faction, unable to carry out its own views, and only powerful in thwarting those of the patriots. their policy was the more reprehensible, for even the government of the mother country conceded that brazil was too extensive and powerful to be again reduced to a state of colonial dependence, and therefore confined its aims to the northern provinces, the portuguese party in the administration seconding the intentions of the parent state; both, however, shutting their eyes to the fact, that, if these were separated from brazil, they would become disorganized in a vain attempt to imitate the constitution of the united states--by whose more enlightened citizens they were greatly influenced--and, as a consequence, would be lost both to the parent state and the empire. as it was, all i had effected for their annexation and tranquillization was regarded with perfect hatred by the portuguese residents in the provinces as well as by the administration, who did everything in their power to thwart my measures for the union and consolidation of the empire. during the whole of this period, i repeat that i had received no communication from rio de janeiro, with the exception of the letter before mentioned, with the rubrick of his imperial majesty, thanking me for the course i had pursued. though no instructions were sent for my guidance, nor any fault found with my acts, yet, from private sources, i was advised that my success in restoring order to the northern provinces had greatly embittered the administration against me, as having destroyed the hopes of portugal--expressed through palmella--of profiting by disorder. i was also left to provide for the pay and maintenance of the squadron, one vessel only with supplies having been forwarded since our departure from rio de janeiro, in the preceding august! notwithstanding this marked neglect, i took care to keep the administration well advised of all my proceedings, and the causes thereof, the following being extracts from my letters to the minister of marine, respecting the events just narrated:- no. 290. maranham, march 16th, 1825. i beg to acquaint your excellency, for the satisfaction of the imperial government, that i have caused the provinces which required military assistance, to furnish pay and provisions for the ships immediately under my command; and further, that i have required the government of maranham to pay, as a recompence to the officers and seamen, _one-fourth part_ of the amount of money and bills, and _one-fifth part_ of the value of the military stores surrendered by the portuguese authorities on the 28th of july, 1823. thus the imperial government at rio de janeiro will be relieved from considerable disbursement, and the officers and seamen--notwithstanding the great additional trouble to which they have been put--will be satisfied, so far as regards their claim to the value of their captures in compensation for their services at maranham. i cannot refrain from drawing the attention of the imperial government to the abuses which exist in every department of the provincial government, where, notwithstanding the great revenue derived from various sources, the junta of fazenda possess so little credit, that their bills have actually been sold at 30 per cent. discount, and i am credibly informed that no money can, at any time, be received from the treasury without a heavy per centage being given to the inferior officers; but how such per centages are afterwards disposed of, is to me unknown. the price at which provisions were being purchased by the intendente for the use of the squadron being exorbitant, i instituted a minute inquiry, the result of which was the discovery of a fraudulent system which i abolished by purchasing our own provisions. american salt beef, for which the provincial government charged 25 milreis the barrel, i have purchased for 12 milreis--pork charged 32 milreis, i buy for 15-1/2 milreis. bread is charged 10 milreis the quintal, whilst the english sloop-of-war _jaseur_ is purchasing it at 5 milreis, for bills on england. indeed, the abuses here of all kinds are too numerous to be detailed by letter, and to endeavour to put a stop to them, unless under the express authority and protection of the imperial government, would be a thankless task. * * * * * no. 291. maranham, march 17th, 1825. the difficulties with which i have had to contend in this province have been greatly increased by the arrival of pedro josé de costa barros on the 5th of last month--when intrigue within intrigue was set on foot by different parties, and which--if barros were placed in power--i clearly foresaw would end in anarchy and bloodshed--and probably in the destruction of all the portuguese part of the community, whose unequivocal reception of a partisan president excited at once the jealousy and distrust of the brazilians. under these circumstances, i felt that the only course to be adopted, for the prevention of serious evils, was to defer the introduction of barros into authority, and to leave lobo as president interino, until further directions from the imperial government. this additional degree of responsibility i took upon myself with the less reluctance, as barros had no other authority to assume the government than a letter to bruce, whom i had previously been compelled to suspend from office and send to rio--to whom, therefore, such letter could not be delivered. besides which, having appointed lobo to be president interino, until his majesty's pleasure should be known, i could not consistently consent to his removal from office until his majesty was acquainted with his appointment, and had expressed his pleasure thereon. * * * * * no. 292. maranham, march 18th, 1825. as i observe by the lisbon newspapers that most of the vessels acquitted by the court of admiralty have arrived at lisbon, i beg to call your excellency's attention to the fact that i have received no reply to my letter addressed to your excellency on the 1st of august last, requesting to know whether, in addition to the loss of the property, _which ought to have been condemned_, i was personally liable to the enormous costs and damages decreed against me by that tribunal. * * * * * no. 293. maranham, march 18, 1825. in my letter, no. 291, i acquainted your excellency of the course pursued with regard to pedro josé de costa barros, who, under the mistaken counsels of a faction here, would have again involved this province in scenes of bloodshed and confusion. it is neither my duty nor inclination to become a tool in the hands of any faction, whose views are contrary to the true interests of his imperial majesty, and, were they countenanced and protected, would infallibly involve all brazil in civil war and anarchy. i contented myself, however, with continuing the usual precautions, which were sufficient to prevent disasters till his majesty's pleasure, with regard to recent occurrences in this province, should become known, of which i have been in daily expectation for some time past; but barros--after agreeing to await the expected instructions--considered that he had gained over a sufficient party to overthrow the government by violent means, and addressed to me the letter a, which was considered by him a sufficient pretext to warrant the imprisonment of the president interino, during my temporary absence on board the flagship, whence, it was supposed, i should not be able to arrive in time to prevent the execution of that violent measure; and i regret to add, that, in this plot--so prejudicial to his majesty's interests, and so disgraceful to the parties concerned--persons whose duty it was to have at once combatted such unjustifiable proceedings took an underhand but active part. the letters of barros, a and b, will sufficiently shew the violence of his prejudices, his credulity, and precipitancy in acting upon false information and reports, as well as his total ignorance of law and justice, in requiring the seizure of an individual without specifying either crime or accuser. i enclose to your excellency all the correspondence which has taken place between barros and myself, together with the proclamation which i felt it my duty to issue for the maintenance of order; for the legal department here now profess to consider that, although the constitution has been granted and accepted, they have no authority to put it in practice--hence, between the ancient and new laws, justice is at a stand. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. to these and all my previous communications no reply was returned either in the way of approval or otherwise. there was, however, one member of the administration, luiz josé carvalho e mello, who had ever been my friend, being himself a man of patriotic and enlightened views, but without the influence to counteract the designs of his portuguese colleagues. as i knew from private sources, that this silence had its objects, i addressed to carvalho e mello the following letter:- maranham, march 22nd, 1825. most excellent sir, by the arrival of my despatches transmitted by the _george_ and other ships, your excellency will have been successively informed of such public transactions and occurrences as seemed to me worthy of the attention of the imperial government. but notwithstanding that three months and upwards have now elapsed since the date of my first communications, i have the misfortune (for so i must call it) to be left without any precise or applicable instructions from rio de janeiro. the responsibility, therefore, rests entirely on my shoulders, and i feel this the more--being aware that not only shall i meet with no support from the majority of the ministry itself--but that the most powerful faction in rio de janeiro will represent every thing i have done--or may do--in the blackest colours. i console myself, however, with the knowledge that i possess the means of exposing the falsehood of every allegation that can be brought against me. i have acted towards his imperial majesty and the brazilian nation, in the same manner as i should have done for my native sovereign and country; and i must say--that, had i freed the shores of england from a superior hostile force, and rescued half the country from the dominion of an enemy--the british government would not have left me to seek the fruit of my labours, and those of the officers and seamen who served with me, in the manner in which i have been compelled to seek them in brazil; and would never have subjected me to the necessity of having recourse to measures capable of being so perversely represented as to obscure for a time that credit to which i am entitled for the successful conduct of the naval war. i am, however, resolved never to be deterred, by fear of consequences, from using every endeavour within my power to obtain justice for all who have continued to perform their duty in the imperial service. and i have the less hesitation in persevering in this resolution--because it cannot be denied that i have strictly limited the claims of the naval service to such rewards as would have been admitted to be due, under similar circumstances, in the navy of england. i have used the freedom to say thus much to your excellency as my friend--because i am well aware that the old cry of the portuguese faction in rio will be set up against me the moment they hear that i have caused the junta of fazenda of this province to pay a part of the amount of the money and bills taken on the surrender of the portuguese authorities at maranham. this, of course, though only one-fourth of the amount due, _will be represented as an outrageous robbery_; but i again say, that it is not from the portuguese faction at rio, that i expect either credit or justice. their object is sufficiently evident, namely--_the expulsion of every foreign officer from the service, by means of privation and insult, in order that they may fill the ships with their portuguese countrymen and dependents_; a result which i should lament to witness, because fraught with mischief to his imperial majesty and brazil. i feel myself much shaken in health by the great heat of the climate, and the anxiety occasioned by the peculiar circumstances in which i have been placed; all of which i might have saved myself under the plea of want of instructions, but for my desire to promote the real interests of his imperial majesty, by once more accomplishing that which his majesty, in his instructions to me of the 31st of july last, was graciously pleased to describe as "_of no less importance than the integrity and independence of the empire_." i am, with great respect, your excellency's devoted friend, and obedient servant, cochrane and maranhaõ. on the 16th of march, the junta--finding that i would not listen to any farther evasion--paid 30 contos (£.6000) in bills, and 3 contos (£.600) in silver, as the first instalment of the 106,000 dollars (£.21,200) for which the restoration of 425,000 dollars (£.85,000) had been commuted. the disbursement of this sum amongst the officers and men entitled to it, is fully narrated in the concluding chapter, containing a full statement of the disbursement of this and other monies charged against me, which statement is accompanied by vouchers fortunately retained in my possession, these placing the proper disbursement of the money amongst its rightful owners beyond doubt or question. chapter xii. i quit maranham for a cruise--bad state of the frigate--connivance at illicit trade--we are compelled to proceed to england--the frigate reported to the brazilian envoy--who cheats me of £.2,000--his assumption that i had abandoned the service--my contradiction thereof--order to return to rio--reasons for not doing so--brazilian envoy tampers with my officer--who acquaints me therewith--envoy stops pay and provisions--declares that the brazilian government will give me nothing!--captain shepherd's reply--i prepare to return to rio--the envoy dismisses me from the service--without reason assigned--he declares that i voluntarily abandoned the service--receipts foe accounts transmitted to brazil--these denied to have been sent. the anxiety occasioned by the constant harassing which i had undergone--unalleviated by any acknowledgment on the part of the imperial government of the services which had a second time saved the empire from intestine war, anarchy and revolution--began to make serious inroads on my health; whilst that of the officers and men, in consequence of the great heat and pestilential exhalations of the climate, and of the double duty which they had to perform, afloat and ashore, was even less satisfactory. as i saw no advantage in longer contending with factious intrigues at maranham--unsupported and neglected as i was by the administration at rio de janeiro, and as i knew that my immediate return to the capital would instantly be followed by resident contention, i resolved upon a short run into a more bracing northerly atmosphere, which would answer the double purpose of restoring our health, and of giving us a clear offing for our subsequent voyage to rio de janeiro. accordingly--after paying both to officers and crews their share of the prize money refunded by the junta of maranham (see concluding chapter), i shifted my flag into the _piranga_, despatched the _pedro primiero_ to rio, and leaving captain manson, of the _cacique_, in charge of the naval department at maranham, put to sea on the 18th of may. on the 21st we crossed the equator, and meeting with a succession of easterly winds, were carried to the northward of the azores, passing st. michael's on the 11th of june. it had been my intention to sail into the latitude of the azores, and then to return to rio de janeiro; but strong gales coming on we made the unpleasant discovery that the frigate's maintopmast was sprung, and when putting her about, the main and maintopsail yards were discovered to be unserviceable. a still worse disaster was, that the salt provisions shipped at maranham were reported bad; mercantile ingenuity having resorted to the device of placing good meat at the top and bottom of the barrels; whilst the middle, being composed of unsound provisions, had tainted the whole, thereby rendering it not only uneatable, but positively dangerous to health. for the condition of the ship's spars i had depended on others, not deeming it necessary to take upon myself such investigation; it is however possible that we might have patched these up, so as to reach rio de janeiro, had not the running rigging been as rotten as the masts, and we had no spare cordage on board. the state of the provisions, however, rendered a direct return to rio de janeiro out of the question, the good provisions on board being little more than sufficient for a week's subsistence of the crew. on ascertaining these facts, i convened the officers for the purpose of holding a survey on the state of the ship and provisions, they all agreeing with me as to the impracticability of attempting a six weeks' voyage with defective masts and rigging, and only a week's provisions on board, at the same time signing a survey to that effect, which document is now in my possession. it was therefore determined to put into some port for the purpose of refitting; but here another difficulty presented itself. portugal was still an enemy's country. had we made a spanish port, the prominent part i had taken in depriving spain of her colonies in the pacific would have ensured me a questionable reception. a french port too was unsuitable, as france had not acknowledged the independence of brazil. to enter an english harbour was attended with some risk of annoyance to myself, in consequence of the enactments of the "foreign enlistment bill," the provisions of which had been specially aimed at my having taken service in south america though before that bill was passed, so that i did not consider myself to come within the meaning of the act. still the point was debateable, and were it raised, might subject me to considerable personal inconvenience, the more so as being in command of a foreign ship of war belonging to an unacknowledged state. the necessity was, however, urgent, and taking all circumstances into consideration, i resolved, notwithstanding the foreign enlistment bill, to stretch on to portsmouth, and there procure provisions, anchors, cables, and stores, indispensable for the use of a ship of war; the frigate being so destitute of all these, that, had i been fully aware of her condition before quitting maranham, i should have hesitated to put to sea. in passing the azores, we overtook the brig _aurora_, which left maranham ten days before the _piranga_, cleared out for gibraltar under brazilian colours. she was now steering direct for lisbon under a portuguese ensign, in company with a portuguese schooner; this circumstance clearly shewing the kind of intercourse carried on between brazil and the mother country by connivance of the authorities. though both vessels were within my grasp i did not molest them, in consequence of having received private information of a decree passed by the supreme military council at rio de janeiro on the 26th of october, from the tenor of which decree, had i made further captures from the enemy, i should have incurred additional penalties, as acting contrary to the obvious intentions of a majority of the council, though their views had not been officially communicated to me. i had, however, stronger reasons for not molesting these vessels. knowing that both were bound for lisbon, i felt certain that they would carry the news of our approaching the shores of portugal with a view to mischief--and that a knowledge of the proximity of a brazilian ship of war, with the further consideration of the injury she might do to the trade of that nation in case of rupture of the pending negociations, could not fail to inspire a desire for peace on the minds of the mercantile portion of the population, who had hitherto been chiefly instrumental in delaying the paternal intentions of his portuguese majesty with regard to the independence of brazil as now firmly established under the government of his descendant and heir apparent. the effect anticipated was, in reality, produced by their report, so that we contributed in no small degree to hasten the peace which was shortly afterwards established. another motive for not molesting these vessels was, that being compelled, for the reasons before stated, to resort to an english port, at a time when i knew the british government to be carrying on negociations for peace between portugal and brazil, i felt it better to abstain from hostilities against portuguese vessels or property--considering that a contrary course might impede the reconciliation which was desirable both for the interests of his imperial majesty and his royal father; a result scarcely less advantageous to england on account of her rapidly extending commerce in brazil. we sighted the english coast on the 25th of june, and on the following day came to anchor at spithead, our available provisions being entirely expended. my first step was to inquire of the authorities at portsmouth, whether, in case of the _piranha's_ saluting, the compliment would be returned with the same number of guns? the inquiry being answered in the affirmative, the salute was fired, and replied to; thus, for the first time, was the flag of his imperial majesty saluted by an european state, and the independence of brazil virtually acknowledged. my next step was to report the arrival of the _piranga_ at portsmouth, to the chevalier manoel rodriguez gameiro pessoa, the brazilian envoy in london; at the same time informing his excellency of the circumstances which had unavoidably led to our appearance in british waters, and requesting him to forward the means of paying the men's wages. this requisition was complied with, to the extent of two months' pay to the men. as it was contrary to the law or usage of england to assist in the equipment of ships of war belonging to foreign belligerent states, the articles required for the re-equipment of the frigate could not be furnished from the royal arsenal--the duty of providing these, therefore, devolved upon the brazilian envoy, who soon afterwards represented that he was without means for the purpose, thus impeding the equipment of the frigate. the men being also without fresh provisions or the means to procure them, were beginning to desert, i advanced £.2000, in order to keep them together, giving the chevalier gameiro an order for this amount on my bankers, messrs. coutts, and taking his receipt for the amount, for which i drew a bill upon the imperial government at rio de janeiro, which was _protested, and has not been paid to this day!_ on the 4th of august, i was surprised at receiving from the envoy a letter charging _me personally_ with the amount he had advanced to the _piranga_, and also with £.295, an alleged error of account in payments made at maranham; his excellency concluding with the extraordinary declaration, that--"having received from my bankers, messrs. coutts and co. the sum of £.2000 he had placed against it the amount advanced, the transaction leaving me indebted to the legation in the sum of £.25!" though the legation could not have anything to do with the assumed error arising from transactions at maranham. on the 21st of august, i received a letter from the brazilian envoy to the effect that he had perceived in the newspapers a report that i had accepted from the government of greece the command of its navy--and wished to know if there was any truth in the assertion. to this inquiry i replied that so long as i continued in the brazilian service i could not accept any other command; that the greek command had been offered to me whilst in brazil, in the same manner as the brazilian command had been offered to me whilst in the service of chili; and that, soon after my return to portsmouth, the greek committee, zealous in the cause which they had adopted, had renewed their offers, under the impression that my work in brazil was now completed. at the same time, i assured the envoy that as, in the case of chili, i did not accept the brazilian command till my work was done, neither should i accept a greek commission till my relations with brazil were honourably concluded, but that nevertheless the offer made to me on behalf of greece was not rejected. this reply was construed by the chevalier gameiro into an admission that _i had_ accepted the greek command, and he addressed to me another letter, expressive of his regret that i should have "come to the resolution to retire from the service of his imperial majesty the emperor of brazil, in the great work of whose independence i had taken so glorious a part, (a grande obra da independencia, v. e'a teve tao gloriosa parte) regretting the more especially that his august sovereign should be deprived of my important services (prestantes servicios) just at a moment when new difficulties required their prompt application," &c. &c. these expressions were probably sincere, for, since my departure from maranham, serious difficulties had arisen in the river plate, which afterwards ended with little credit to the brazilian cause. but _i had not accepted the greek command_, and had no intention of so doing otherwise than consistently with my engagements with brazil. on the 6th of september, i therefore addressed to the envoy the following letter:- edinburgh, 6th sept. 1825. most excellent sir, i regret that your translator should have so far mistaken the words and meaning of my last letter as to lead your excellency to a conclusion that i had taken the resolution to leave the service of h.i.m. the emperor of brazil, or, in other words, that it was i who had violated the engagements entered into with the late ministers of his imperial majesty in 1823. whereas, on the contrary, the _portaria_ published in the rio gazette on the 28th of february, 1824, was promulgated without my knowledge or sanction, and the limitation of my authority to _the existing war_ was persevered in by the present ministers, notwithstanding my remonstrance in writing, both to the minister of marine and the minister of the interior. your excellency ought not therefore to be surprised, if--threatened as i am with this _portaria_--i should provide beforehand against a contingency which might _hereafter_ arise from an occasion happily so nigh, as seems to be the restoration of peace and amity between his imperial majesty and his royal father. with regard to any communications of a pressing nature relative to the equipment of the _piranga_, your excellency may consider captain shepherd authorised to act, in my absence, in all ordinary cases. and that officer, having instructions to acquaint me whenever the _piranga_ shall have two-thirds of her complement of men on board--i can at any time be in london within two days of the receipt of such communication, and most assuredly before the complement can be procured. i have the honour, &c. cochrane and maranhaõ. to chevalier manoel rodriguez gambiro pessoa. notwithstanding that my engagements with brazil rested on the original patents conferred upon me by his majesty, of which the validity had been further established by the additional documents given before my departure for pernambuco--the latter completely setting aside the spurious _portaria_ of barbosa, limiting my services to the duration of the war--i nevertheless felt confident that, when my services were no longer required, no scruples as to honourable engagements would prevent the ministry from acting on the spurious documents, though promulgated without my knowledge or consent, against every principle of the conditions upon which i entered the brazilian service. no blame could therefore attach to me, for not rejecting the offer of the greek command, in case a trick of this kind should be played, as i had every reason to believe it would be--and as it afterwards in reality was. on the 27th of september, the brazilian envoy forwarded to me an order from the imperial government at rio, dated june 27th, and addressed to me at maranham; the order directing me to proceed from that port to rio immediately on its receipt, to give an account of my proceedings there--though despatches relating even to minute particulars of every transaction had, as the reader is well aware, been sent by every opportunity. his majesty, when issuing the order, was ignorant that i had quitted maranham, still more that on the day the order was issued at rio de janeiro, i had anchored at spithead, so that obedience to his majesty's commands was impossible. acting on this order, the chevalier gameiro took upon himself to "require, in the name of the emperor, the immediate return of the _piranga_, so soon as her repairs were completed, and her complement of men filled up." as i knew that the order in question would not have been promulgated by the emperor, had he known the effect produced by the presence of the _piranga_ in the vicinity of portugal; and as, in everything i had accomplished in brazil, his majesty had placed the fullest confidence in my discretion, i felt certain that he would be equally well satisfied with whatever course i might deem it necessary to pursue, i did not therefore think it expedient to comply with the requisition of the envoy, assigning the following reasons for using my own judgment in the matter:- edinburgh, oct. 1, 1825. most excellent sir, i have this day been favoured with your letter containing a copy of a _portaria_ dated june 27th, wherein his imperial majesty, through his minister of marine, directs my immediate return from maranham to rio de janeiro, leaving only the small vessels there; which order you will observe i had anticipated on the 20th of may, when i left the imperial brig-of-war _cacique_ and the schooner _maria_ in that port. since then, his excellency the minister of marine is in possession of duplicates of my correspondence mentioning the arrangements i had so made in anticipation of the imperial order; and of my official communications--also in duplicate--transmitted on my arrival at portsmouth, by your excellency's favour, with your despatches. these will have acquainted his imperial majesty with the cause and necessity of our arrival at spithead--as well as with my intention there to wait a reasonable time before the departure of the _piranga,_ in order to learn the result of the negociations with portugal. i have only to add that, by some inadvertence, your excellency's secretary has sent me the copy instead of the original order addressed to me by order of his imperial majesty, which mistake may be remedied on my return to town. i am gratified to learn that there is less difficulty in procuring men than i had anticipated under the regulations respecting foreign seamen. i have the honour, &c. cochrane and maranhaõ. the chevalier gameiro. shortly previous to this, the chevalier gameiro addressed a letter to lieutenant shepherd, under the title of "commander of the _piranga_!" unjustifiably informing him officially that _"i had retired from the service of his majesty the emperor of brazil!"_ notwithstanding my letters to him in contradiction. indeed, the letter just quoted is sufficient to shew that not only had i not relinquished the service, but that i refused to obey gameiro's order to proceed to rio, because i knew that if the frigate returned to brazil, the impression her presence had produced on portugal would be altogether neutralized, and the negociations for peace might be indefinitely prolonged; so that his order to run away from the good which had been effected, was so truly absurd, that i did not choose to comply with it. had the negociations for peace been broken off, i had formed plans of attacking portugal in her own waters, though with but a single frigate; and i had no reasonable doubt of producing an impression there of no less forcible a character than, with a single ship, i had, two years before, produced on the portuguese fleet in brazil. the order was, therefore, one commanding me to run away from my own plans, of which the envoy however knew nothing, as i did not feel justified in entrusting him with my intentions. on receiving the above-mentioned intimation to proceed to rio de janeiro--without my intervention, lieutenant shepherd very properly forwarded the envoy's letter to me--when, of course, i apprised him that he was under my command, and not under that of the chevalier gameiro. at the same time i wrote to the latter, that "it would be the subject of regret if anything should cause the spurious decree of the 28th of february, 1824, to be brought into operation, but that, _at present, being in full possession of my office and authority_, my opinion was in no way changed, that the _piranga_ should be first fully equipped, and then wait for a reasonable time for the decision of those important matters in discussion." finding that lieutenant shepherd would not fly in the face of my authority, the envoy finally resorted to the extraordinary measure of stopping the seamen's wages and provisions. on the 6th of october, lieutenant shepherd wrote to me, that "in consequence of their wages not being paid they had all left off work, and though clarence did all he could to pacify them, and get them to return to their duty, they had determined not to go to work until they were paid." on the 8th, lieutenant shepherd again wrote, "that gameiro having ceased to supply the frigate with fresh provisions, he had, on his own responsibility, ordered the butcher to continue supplying them as usual." on lieutenant shepherd waiting upon the envoy to remonstrate against this system of starvation, he replied--and his words are extracted from lieutenant shepherd's letter to me, that as "his lordship did not think proper to sail at the time he wished, he would not be responsible for supplying the frigate with anything more--nor would he advance another shilling." in all this, gameiro--acting, no doubt, on instructions from the portuguese faction at rio--resorted to every kind of falsehood to get the officers to renounce my authority and to accept his! of the character of the man and his petty expedients, the following extract from lieutenant shepherd's letter of the 8th of october, will form the best exponent:- i have had another visit from general brown, when he began a conversation by mentioning the evils which would arise from the feeling between your lordship and gameiro, who was at a loss how to act, as he had no authority over you--gen. brown suggesting how much better it would be for me to place myself under gameiro's orders. finding that i refused--on the following morning he called again, and told me that he had seen gameiro, and had heard that the misunderstanding between your lordship and him was at an end, but that gameiro wanted to see me. on this i waited on gameiro, who after some conversation told me that if i had any regard for his imperial majesty's service, i should never have acted as i had done. i told him that all i had done had been for the good of the service, and that i was ready to put to sea as soon as i received your lordship's orders. he then asked me if i was the effective captain of the ship? and whether i was not under the orders of captain crosbie? i told him that i was not acting under the orders of captain crosbie, but that i was captain of the ship by virtue of a commission from the emperor, and by an order from lord cochrane. he then said--are you authorised to obey the orders of captain crosbie? and i said, i was not. suppose you were to receive an order from captain crosbie, would you obey it? i said i would not. then you consider yourself the lawful captain of that ship? i do. upon this gameiro remarked, "you are not an officer of lord cochrane's, but of the imperial government. it is impossible for lord cochrane to return to the brazils as the admiralty court there _has sentenced him to pay £.60,000 sterling, and his command will cease as soon as peace is made between brazil and portugal! besides, lord cochrane's motive for detaining the_ piranga _is the expectation on his part of receiving £.6000 per annum at the termination of the war, which the government will never give him_!" finding that this made no impression on me, he began to threaten, saying that "he would state to his government that all delay was occasioned by me, and that i should have to answer for it." i told him that, in the event of my sailing without your orders, i subjected myself to be tried by a court-martial for so doing, and leaving your lordship behind. he answered that "i must be aware that he was the legal representative of his imperial majesty, and that he would give me despatches of such a nature as would not only exonerate me from all blame, but would shew the great zeal i had for his imperial majesty's service." i asked gameiro--if i were to act in such a manner, what would people think of me? the answer was, "_never mind what lord cochrane says, you will be in the brazils and he in england, and i will take upon myself all the blame and the responsibility._" he gave me till the evening to think of his proposals, and if i would not consent to them, he had other means of sending the _piranga_ to sea. he further requested me to keep this secret from your lordship, as if you heard of it you would come post and stop it; adding that if i would consent, he would send a sufficient number of men in a steamboat, with every kind of store and provisions required to complete us, and we were to sail immediately. this deep laid plot of gameiro's was not to be carried on as portuguese plots are in general, but was to be done--using his own words--_at a blow_, before anybody could know anything about it. with this i send a copy of my answer to gameiro's proposals, and a letter representing the state of the ship. i have the honour to remain your lordship's obedient servant, ja's. shepherd. such were the underhand expedients of a man who was silly enough to tell the secrets of his government, as regarded the intended injustice of the brazilian ministry towards me--in spite of stipulations thrice ratified by the emperor's own hand. but in confiding them to lieutenant shepherd, the envoy's want of common honesty, no less than of common sense, did not perceive that he was imparting iniquitous projects to a brave and faithful officer, who would not lose a moment till he had apprised me of the whole. i should be unjust to the memory of captain shepherd did i not give his written reply to the infamous proposals of gameiro, a copy of which was enclosed to me in the preceding letter. copy of my answer to gameiro's proposals, sent in portuguese, and translated by mr. march:- most excellent sir, in answer to the wishes of your excellency to place myself under your immediate orders, i have to acquaint you that i have this morning had a letter from lord cochrane, stating that he had received letters from your excellency of such a nature as to require his immediate presence in town, where he intends to be on monday next. this alone--you must be aware--will entirely preclude the possibility of putting into execution the arrangements which you wished; the celerity of the admiral's movements being such as to preclude all hope of effecting them. i am sorry to add, that all our men have this morning left the ship in a complete state of mutiny, occasioned by their not having received their last two months' pay, and i much fear that it will be now more difficult than ever to get her manned--as, from their having been so long kept in arrears, and leaving their ship without being paid, has irritated their feelings to such a degree, that i have no hesitation whatever in saying that they will do all in their power to prevent others from joining her. i have the honour to remain your obedient humble servant, james shepherd. to his excellency manoel rodriguez gameiro pessoa. on the 29th of october, i received from the brazilian legation in london, further orders from the imperial government, dated august 25th, 1825, to return with the _piranga_ to rio de janeiro--and with these i made preparations to comply, notifying to gameiro my readiness to sail--by the following letter:- london, nov. 3, 1825. most excellent sir, having informed your excellency on the 1st of october, that previous to quitting maranham i had anticipated the imperial resolutions, and having in my letter of the 24th further made known to your excellency that the _piranga_ should sail for brazil on or as soon after the 10th of this month as the wind would permit, your excellency will perceive that there is nothing remaining of the imperial decree to be executed, unless the _piranga_ (which i much doubt) should be enabled to put to sea before the early day which i have fixed for departure. (signed) cochrane and maranhaõ. his excellency manoel rodriguez gameiro pessoa. this declaration of my readiness to comply with his imperial majesty's orders did not, however, suit the envoy, nor did it fall in with his instructions from the brazilian ministry, which, no doubt were, as soon as peace was proclaimed, _to get rid of me without satisfying my claims_--this course being, indeed, apparent from what the envoy, as just shewn, had communicated to lieutenant shepherd. (see page 260.) on the 3rd of november, peace between portugal and brazil was announced, and the independence of the empire acknowledged; gameiro being, on the occasion, created baron itabayana, whilst i--to whose instrumentality the peace--as a consequence of the consolidation of the empire had been mainly owing, _was to be ignominiously dismissed the service_! on the 7th of november--four days only after the announcement of peace--gameiro took upon himself the execution of the spurious ministerial decree issued by barbosa on the 27th of february, 1824, which _had been abrogated by the emperor, through the same minister, in the july following, as a prelude to my employment in the tranquillisation of the northern provinces_. gameiro did not venture previously to apprise me of the act lest i should resist it--but insultingly sent an order to the officers of the piranga to "disengage themselves from all obedience to my command." (se desligaõ de toda subordinacaõ a o ex'mo s'r marquez do maranhaõ), thus unjustifiably terminating my services--as i was on the point of returning, in obedience to the order of the emperor. the subjoined is the order alluded to:- _to_ captain shepherd, _commanding the piranga, still refusing supplies whilst i held the command._ having received the two letters which you addressed to me on the 4th of this month, enclosing three demands for various articles for the use of the frigate, i have to reply that i persist in my resolution not to furnish anything to the frigate unless she is placed under the immediate orders of this legation, which i shall only consider accomplished when i shall receive a reply signed by yourself, and by all the other officers, declaring that--in compliance with the orders of his imperial majesty, contained in the two portarias of 37th of june and 20th of august last--_you all place yourselves under the orders of this legation, and cast off all subordination to the marquis of maranhaõ!_ dated london, 7th november, 1825. (signed) gameiro. as this was done without the slightest motive existing or assigned, there was no doubt in my mind but that barbosa and his colleagues in the ministry had instructed gameiro to dismiss me from the service whenever peace was effected; indeed, he had so informed lieutenant shepherd by the letter before quoted. to resist a measure--though thus insultingly resorted to--in the face of the imperial order to return, was out of the question, as the instant consequence would have been a disgraceful outbreak between the brazilian and portuguese seamen of the _piranga,_ in the principal war port of england, to my own scandal, no less than to that of the imperial government. i had, therefore, no alternative to avert this outrage but by submitting to the forcible deposition from my authority as commander-in-chief. this act of the envoy--_based upon the deliberate falsehood that his imperial majesty had ordered the officers not to obey me, no such order existing_ in either of the portarias mentioned--precluded my obedience to the imperial command to return to rio de janeiro, for being no longer acknowledged as "first admiral of brazil, and commander-in-chief of the national armada," i could only have accompanied the _piranga_ as a passenger, or rather _quasi_ prisoner; and to this, in either capacity, it was impossible, without degradation, to submit. i had no inclination to place myself at the mercy of men who had taken advantage of a spurious decree to dismiss me--now that--in spite of their opposition--the destiny of the empire had been irrevocably decided by my having counteracted their _anti-national_ views whilst carrying out the intentions of his imperial majesty. as will presently be seen, it was falsely represented by gameiro, to the imperial government, that i had _voluntarily abandoned the service!_ though, from the letter just quoted--ordering the officers to "disengage themselves from all subordination to me," this subterfuge of my having _dismissed myself_ is obviously false. i will not, therefore, trespass on the patience of the reader by dilating upon the subject; suffice it to say that, not choosing to return to rio de janeiro as a passenger, i had no dignified alternative but to give up the frigate to the command of the senior officer, captain shepherd; confiding to him all accounts of monies distributed for the imperial service, with the vouchers for the same--taking the precaution to send however the duplicate receipts given by the officers on account of the monies paid by the junta of maranham--and retaining the originals in my possession, where they now remain, and will be adduced in the statement of account forming the concluding chapter of this volume. for these accounts--which the brazilian ministers _deny ever to have received_--captain shepherd gave me, under his own signature, the following acknowledgment--now in my possession; a photograph of which, together with photographs of other important documents has long since been sent to the brazilian government:- received from lord cochrane, marquess of maranhaõ, the key of the iron chest, in which the prize lists and receipts for the disbursement of public monies have been kept during his excellency's command; which key and chest i engage faithfully to deliver to the accountant-general of his imperial majesty's navy, or to the proper authority at rio de janeiro, taking his receipt for the same. on board h.i.m.'s ship _piranga_, november 12th, 1825, ja's shepherd. the denial by the brazilian administration--of the accounts and receipts thus acknowledged by captain shepherd, and the absence of any ministerial communication on the subject, forms an unworthy imputation on the memory of a gallant officer, who a short time afterwards nobly died in action in the cause of brazil. it was utterly impossible that captain shepherd should have done otherwise than have delivered them, for he was a man upon whose honour no reproach could be cast. there are only two ways to account for their not having been delivered, if such be the case. 1st, that gameiro on the delivery of the frigate to the legation obtained possession of the chest in which they were deposited, and withheld them to justify my dismissal by casting the reproach upon me of having appropriated the amount--an act of which the brazilian government may judge whether he was capable; or, 2ndly, that from the same reason they were purposely withheld or destroyed by the ministers who had been so inimical to me. the present brazilian administration is happily composed of men of a different stamp, and it becomes them, for the sake of the national reputation, to institute the strictest search for the documentary evidence adduced, as no man will believe that i withheld documents which could alone justify my acts. and here i must be permitted to remark, that the documentary evidence adduced in this volume proves the history, and not the history the documents. if any question be made as to their validity or fidelity, _i hereby call upon the brazilian government to appoint a commission, or authorise their embassy to compare the extracts with the originals in my possession, so that no manner of doubt or question shall attach to them._ my object in now producing them is, that i will not voluntarily go to my grave with obloquy, cast on me by men, who, at the outset of brazilian independence, were a misfortune to the empire no less than to myself; men who not only pursued this shameful line of conduct towards me who was unable to resist it,--but towards his imperial majesty,--who, by similar practices, was eventually disgusted into an abdication of his throne and an abandonment of the country--to which he had given one of the freest constitutions in existence--achieved under the imperial watchword, "independencia ou morte." chapter xiii. i am dismissed the service by the brazilian government--without any acknowledgment of my services--inconsistency of this with former thanks--though dismissed i am tried as a deserter--and am refused all compensation--report of recent commission on the subject--false representations--but partially true conclusions--my original patents never set aside--untrue assumptions as to my dismissal--my claims founded on the original patents--less than half the interest due paid--opinions of eminent brazilians thereon--my services tardily acknowledged--no act of mine had annulled them--the estate conferred, not confirmed--promises on account of chili unfulfilled--the whole still my right. having been thus unceremoniously dismissed from the imperial service--without doubt, by order of the brazilian ministry to their envoy in london, i was some months afterwards surprised by the receipt of a letter from the imperial government, dated december 21st, 1825, and signed "visconde de paranagua," informing me that his imperial majesty had ordered all my pay and other claims to be suspended till i should return to rio de janeiro to justify myself and give an account of my commission--this being now out of my power, as i had been deprived of command, and the frigate in which i came to england had returned, by order of the envoy, to rio de janeiro. without, however, giving me time to do this, i received another letter from the same authority, dated dec. 30, containing my formal dismission from the service--this shewing that gameiro had previous instructions to act in the way narrated in the last chapter. the following is the official letter dismissing me from the command of the navy, and from the post of first admiral:- his majesty the emperor, informed of that which your excellency has set forth in your letter no. 300, dated the 5th of november last, has been pleased to determine that your excellency shall fulfil the orders already several times transmitted to you, and further in compliance with the order of the 20th inst., a copy of which i inclose, you are to return to this court, where it is necessary you shall give an account of the commission with which you were entrusted. his majesty is much surprised that, after having taken the frigate _piranga_ to a foreign port, and having there remained in despite of the baron itabayana, you should have adopted the extraordinary resolution, not only _to abandon that frigate, but also to retire from the service of the emperor_, without having returned to give an account of your proceedings _previous to your dismissal from the command of the naval forces, and from the post of first admiral_ of the national and imperial armada. all which i communicate for the information and execution of your excellency. god preserve your excellency. palace of rio de janeiro, dec. 30th, 1825. (signed) visconde de paranagua. to the marquis of maranhaõ. from this extraordinary document it is plain that gameiro had written to the imperial government the same falsehood, as he had used when endeavouring to seduce lieut. shepherd from his duty to me as his commander-in-chief; viz. that i had voluntarily retired from the service, because the admiralty court having condemned me in £.60,000 _damages, i durst not return to rio de janeiro!_ though i announced to him my readiness to sail in the frigate. the jesuitical nature of the preceding letter amply proves its object and motive. it does not dismiss me--but _it calls on me to come and be dismissed_! carefully addressing me, however, as "marquis of maranhaõ," and not as first admiral, thereby intimating that i was _already dismissed_! as there can be no mistake about the meaning of the document, it is not worth while to discuss it--the reason why it is adduced being to shew that i was not only dismissed by the envoy gameiro, but in a little more than a month afterwards by the imperial government itself; which for thirty years reiterated in reply to my often pressed claims--that _i dismissed myself by abandoning the service of my own accord_! not a word of acknowledgment was ever given for having a second time saved the empire from dismemberment, though this service was entirely extra-official, it being no part of my contract with the brazilian government to put down revolution, nor to take upon myself the responsibility and difficult labour of reducing half the empire to the allegiance which it had perhaps not without cause repudiated--at the same time, of necessity, taking the management of the whole upon myself. this had been done at the pressing personal request of his imperial majesty, in face of the decree of the court of admiralty _that no prizes should be made within a certain distance of the shore_; so that no benefit, public or private--arising from the operations of war--could result from blockade; yet i had a right to expect even greater thanks and a more liberal amount of compensation in case of success, than from the first expedition. not a word of acknowledgment nor a shilling of remuneration for that service has ever been awarded to this day; though such treatment stands out in glaring inconsistency with the imperial thanks and honours--the thanks of the administration--and the vote of the general assembly, for expelling on the first expedition enemies not half so formidable as were the revolutionary factions with which i had to contend in the northern provinces. neither in brazil nor in england had i done anything to forfeit my right to the fulfilment of the explicit stipulations set forth in the imperial patents of march 26th, and november 25th, 1823. his imperial majesty had all along marked his approbation of my zealous exertions for the interests of the empire--designating them "_altos e extraordinarios servicios_."--and desired that i should have the most ample remuneration; having, in addition to every honour in his power to confer, granted me an estate, which grant was by the portuguese faction strenuously and successfully opposed, and not this only, but every other recompence proposed by his majesty as a remuneration for my services. the object being to subvert whatever had been effected by my exertions, though, but for these the inevitable consequence would have been the establishment of insignificant local governments in perpetual turmoil and revolution, in place of an entire empire in the enjoyment of uninterrupted repose. had i connived at the views of the anti-imperial faction--even by avoiding the performance of extra-official services--i might, without dereliction of my duty as an officer, have amply shared in their favours; but for my adherence to the emperor against their machinations, that influence was successfully used to deprive me even of the ordinary reward of my labours in the cause of independence. as soon as the compulsory deprivation of my command, by the envoy gameiro, became known in rio de janeiro--where, doubtless, it was expected--a great outcry was raised against me, _as though my non-return had been my own act_. the press was set in motion, and every effort was used to traduce me in the eyes of the brazilian people, from whom the truth of the matter was carefully withheld; the whole, eventually, terminating with a mock trial in my absence, when it had been placed out of my power to defend myself. at this trial i was accused of contumacy--stigmatised as a deserter, though, as has just been seen, formally dismissed by the government, in confirmation of my dismissal by the envoy in england--and not only this, but i was declared by the creatures of the administration in the national assembly, to merit punishment as a deserter! such was my reward for first consolidating and afterwards preserving the empire of brazil. never dreaming of the advantage which might thus be taken by the administration of the act of their envoy--on the 10th of february, 1826, i drew a bill upon the brazilian government for the remainder of my pay up to the period of my dismissal by itabayana. this was refused and protested, as was also another afterwards drawn. this course clearly indicated the intention of the administration not to pay me anything, now that they had dismissed me from the service. to have returned then to prosecute my claims against such judges, would have been an act of folly, if not of insanity; my only alternative being to memorialize the emperor, which for many successive years i did without effect--the execution of the imperial will unhappily depending on the decision of his ministers, who, little more than five years afterwards, partly forced, and partly disgusted his majesty into an abdication in favour of his infant son, don pedro de alcantara, now emperor of brazil; committing the guardianship of his family to josé bonifacio de andrada, who, like myself, had been forced into exile from the hatred of the very men who had so bitterly persecuted me, but had been permitted to return to brazil from which he never ought to have been exiled. for more than twenty years did i unceasingly memorialize successive brazilian governments, but without effect. at length the administration which had so bitterly visited its hatred on me passed away, and it became evident to his present imperial majesty, and the brazilian people, that i had been most shamefully treated. nearly at the same time i had fortunately succeeded in convincing the british government that the obloquy for so many years heaped upon me was unmerited; and lord clarendon warmly espoused my cause, as did the hon. mr. scarlett, the british minister at rio de janeiro; these excellent personages taking the trouble to investigate the matter, a boon which i had in vain solicited from any of their predecessors; though, had the favour previously been granted, it would have had the effect of explaining my conduct in brazil as satisfactorily as, i trust, this volume has done to the reader. the result of this was a commission, appointed by the brazilian government, to inquire into the case of the squadron generally. the following is an extract from their report, so far as regards myself:- lord cochrane. the first in rank and title assuredly is lord cochrane, earl of dundonald, and marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral and commander-in-chief of the national armada during the war of independence. the fame of the services rendered by lord cochrane in chili, as commander-in-chief of the squadron of that republic induced the imperial government to invite him to accept a similar command in brazil, so long as the war of independence should last, with the promise of the same advantages which he there enjoyed. accepting the invitation, he was appointed by the decree of the 21st of march, 1823, with the pay of 11.520 milreis, being the same as he had in chili, conferring upon him, by communication of the same date, the command of the squadron which was being equipped in the port of this city; and by decree of the 23rd of february, 1824, the command-in-chief of the naval forces of the empire during the war of independence. it was afterwards decreed, on the 27th of july, 1824, that he should enjoy the said pay in full, so long as he continued in the service of the empire; and _in case of his not desiring to continue therein_ after the war of independence, one half of the said pay as a pension, which, in the event of his decease, should revert to lady cochrane. lastly, by a _portaria_ of the 20th of december, 1825, it was decreed that all his muniments and rights should be suspended, and he was dismissed by a decree of the 10th april, 1827. justice demands that we shall acknowledge (says the commission) that the services of lord cochrane in the command of the squadron, put an end to the war more speedily than had been expected; but if his services were great, it is impossible to conceal that unqualified and arbitrary acts of the most audacious daring were committed by him and by the ships under his command, occasioning to the national treasury enormous losses, particularly by the heavy indemnification of an infinite number of bad prizes, which it was obliged to satisfy; and truth demands that we should declare that if the pretended claims are suspended, the fault was entirely his own, from having disobeyed the repeated orders of the imperial government, which commanded his return to this court to give account of his commission, aggravated by the crime of having withdrawn himself from the empire for england with the frigate _piranga_, and there remaining with that frigate, notwithstanding the reiterated orders of the imperial government, for more than two years, pretending that he had not received the said orders, which at last were ordered to be communicated to him through the brazilian minister resident in london. all this is amply proved by different official documents, some of which documents are from the claimant himself, this justifying the suspension of the payment of his claims, no less than the crime of his obstinate disobedience; and, indeed more by the indispensable obligation by which he was bound to give accounts of the sums which he received on account of prizes to distribute to the squadron under his command, which distribution he himself acknowledged in his letter of the 5th of november, 1825, wherein he says, "i shall forward to the imperial government an account of the money received from his imperial majesty for distribution to the seamen, as well as other sums to the account of the captors." having traced this outline relative to the services and excesses of lord cochrane, the commission now proceeds to discuss his claims. first,--his annual pay is 11.520 milreis, which was owing to him from the 1st of august to the 10th of november 1825, when he left the service of the empire. the claimant founds his demand on the decree of the 21st of march 1823, added to and confirmed on the 27th of july, 1824. the second decree says,--"i deem fit, by the advice of my council of state, to determine that the said marquis of maranhaõ shall receive, so long as he is in the service of the empire, the pay of his patent (11.520 milreis), and in case of his not choosing to continue therein after the termination of the present war, the half of the said pay, as a pension, the same being extended, in case of his death, to lady cochrane." the said enactment being so positive that at the sight thereof, the commission declares, that _it cannot do otherwise than confirm the right of the claimant to the prompt payment of the pension due to him._ in this report there are many inaccuracies. it is stated that when in chili i accepted "the brazilian command during the war of independence" only.--"_viesse occupar igual commando no brazil emquanto durasse guerra da independencia._" this is contrary to fact, as will be seen in the first chapter of this volume, where both the invitation to accept the command, and my conditional acceptance thereof are given. to repeat the actual words of the invitation, _"abandonnez-nous, milord, à la reconnaissance brésilienne--a la munificence du prince--à la probité sans tache de l'actuel gouvernement--on vous fera justice"_ &c. &c. it was neither "princely munificence"--"ministerial probity"--nor "common justice," to dismiss me from the service without my professional and stipulated emoluments, or even the arrears of my pay, the very moment tranquillity had been established as a consequence of my exertions, and so far the commission decided; though they ought to have added, as was well known, that my command in chili had been without limitation of time, and therefore my brazilian command, as expressed in the imperial patents, was not accepted under other conditions. the above opinion, expressed by the commission, could only have been given to justify the spurious decree of barbosa, in virtue of which, though set aside by his imperial majesty, i was dismissed by gameiro, that decree--under the hypocritical pretence of conferring upon me a boon--limiting my services to the war, _after the war had been terminated by my exertions;_ the object being to get rid of me, and thus to avoid condemning the prizes captured by the squadron. nevertheless, the promises held out to me in chili, were most honourably admitted by his imperial majesty and his first ministry--and were moreover twice confirmed by imperial patent, counter-signed by the ministers, and registered in the national archives. these patents _have never been set aside by any act of mine,_ yet to this day their solemn stipulations remain unfulfilled. the commission complains that the treasury was caused to sustain "enormous losses by the indemnification of an infinite number of bad prizes, which it was obliged to satisfy." i deny that there was _one bad prize,_ all, without exception, being captured in violation of blockade, or having portuguese registers, crews, and owners. but even if they had been bad--his majesty's stipulation, in his own handwriting (see page 118), provided that they should be paid by the state. the fact was, as proved in these pages beyond contradiction, that they were given back by the portuguese members of the prize tribunal to their own friends and relations--this alone constituting the illegality of the captures. some--as in the case of the _pombinho_'s cargo--were given up to persons who had not the shadow of a claim upon them. the squadron never received a shilling on their account. again, the commission declares that i was dismissed the service on the 10th of april, 1827; whereas i have given the letter of gameiro, dismissing me, on the 7th of november, 1825, and the _portaria_ of the imperial government, dismissing me, on the 30th of december, in the same year! this renewed dismissal was only a repetition of the former unjustifiable dismissals, adding nothing to their force, and in no way alleviating their injustice. the imputation of "the crime of obstinate disobedience" has been so fully refuted in this volume, that it is unnecessary to offer another word of explanation. finally, the commission decided that the "imperial act of july 27, 1824, _is so positive that, at the sight thereof, the commission declares it cannot do otherwise than confirm the right of the claimant to the prompt payment of the pension due to him._" but if the commissioners had examined this act of his imperial majesty more closely, together with the explanatory letter of barbosa, accompanying it, they would have seen that the decree of july 27th, 1824, was not only additive to the imperial patents, but admitted _to be confirmatory of them_, by barbosa himself, notwithstanding his own spurious decree, nullified by his imperial majesty, but afterwards unjustifiably acted upon. (see page 150.) if i have any claim at all for the numerous and important services which i rendered to brazil, it is founded _on the original patents_ granted to me by his imperial majesty, without limitation as to time, which i solemnly declare was not even mentioned--much less stipulated--as the patents themselves prove. the decree awarding me half pay as a pension, "in case _i did not choose_ to continue in the service," has no reference to me. i never left the service, but--as even admitted by gameiro, in his negotiations with lieutenant shepherd--was most unjustifiably, and by wilful falsehood, _turned out of it_, in order to rid the administration of my claims on a hundred and twenty ships, and a vast amount of valuable property captured in lawful warfare, under the express directions of his imperial majesty. why also is no compensation awarded to me for my extra-official services in putting down revolution in the northern provinces--an act, or series of acts--in my estimation, of far greater importance and difficulty than the expulsion of the portuguese fleet and army? every historian of brazil has spoken in high praise of my execution of this almost impracticable task--but coupled with the infamous lie derived from the government that, for my own personal benefit, i robbed the treasury at maranham of 106,000 dollars; though in the concluding chapter _i will print in full the receipt of every officer under my command for his share of the money returned by the junta_, the original receipts being now in my possession for the inspection of the brazilian government, or of any commission or persons it may choose to appoint for that purpose. were these services nothing, just as half the empire had declared itself republican? was my refusal to accept a bribe of 400,000 dollars from the revolutionary president of pernambuco the act of a man who would afterwards conduct himself as has been falsely imputed to me? the brazilian government cannot refuse to inspect or authorise the inspection of the originals of documents contained in this narrative, and if they consent, i have no fear but that the national honour will yet do me justice. it is not justice to have awarded to me the above-named pension merely--even on the assumption of the commissioners that i did leave the service of my own accord--for that sum is _less than one half the simple interest_ of the amount of which for thirty years i was, even by their own admission, unjustly deprived. this may be a cheap way of liquidating obligations, but it is not consistent with the honour of a nation thus to delay its pecuniary obligations, and then _pay the principal with less than half the interest_! i feel certain that when making an award--which they admit could not be avoided--the commissioners inadvertently lost sight of this obvious truth. let me refer the brazilian government to the officially recorded opinions of honourable men on the commission, or "_seccoes_," when commenting upon this very inadequate reward about to be given after the lapse of thirty years of unmerited obloquy, which would have sunk any man unsupported by the consciousness of rectitude to a premature grave. senor alvez bhanco e hollanda declared that "as a commemoration of the benefits which brazil had derived from lord cochrane, there was no other conclusion than that _he ought to be paid the whole sum which he claimed, for which the 'assemblea geral' should ask a credit_." senor hollanda cavalcante, in taking into account the requisition of lord cochrane, was "altogether of the opinion expressed by senor alvez branco--that his lordship as well as others should have the whole amount claimed." viscount olinda, in the council of state, gave his opinion that "lord cochrane shall be paid the various demands he has made. he repeated his opinion that this course alone was consistent with the dignity of the government, or the services of the admiral. he (viscount olinda) well remembered the great services of lord cochrane, and these ought not to be depreciated by paltry imputed omissions. it appeared to him little conformable to the dignity of brazil, to enter, at this distance of time, into questions of money with one to whom they owed so much." viscount parana "was of opinion that _no responsibility for captures rested on the officers who had made them, they acting under the orders of the government, which took the responsibility on itself_. justice demanded this view of the matter, and even the acquittal of many of the prizes might be attributed to _a change of ministerial policy_." senor aranjo vicuna. "there is no necessity for continuing the suspension of lord cochrane's pay. it ought to be paid as remuneration for important services, the benefits whereof were not diminished by any subsequent conduct on the part of his lordship." "it was the opinion of the council that lord cochrane's pension ought to be paid, notwithstanding any question as to the limitation of prizes, or any defects in the prize accounts."--_correio mercantil_, aug. 29, 1854. yet notwithstanding these expressions of opinion, less than half the interest of even the limited sum admitted to be due to me was awarded. the commissioners admit in the preceding report that _my speedy annexation of the portuguese provinces was unexpected_, and this alone should have made them pause ere they awarded me less than half the interest of my own money, withheld for 30 years--themselves retaining the principal--the amount received, being, in reality, insufficient to liquidate the engagements which i had of necessity incurred during the thirty years of neglect to satisfy my claims--now admitted to be beyond dispute. their admission involves the fact that the "_unexpected_" expulsion of the portuguese fleet and army _saved brazil millions of dollars in military and naval expeditions_ against an organised european power, which only required time to set at complete defiance any efforts which brazil herself was in a condition to make. it was, in fact, a question of "_speedy_" annexation, or no annexation at all, and it was this consideration which impelled me to the extraordinary measures adopted for the intimidation of the enemy, in the absence of means for their forcible expulsion. but is it generous to reward a service of such admitted importance, by giving me less than half the interest of a sum--acknowledged as a right which could no longer be withheld? is it not ungenerous to exclude me from my share of the prize-money taken in the first expedition, though a prize tribunal is at this moment sitting in rio de janeiro to consider the claims of officers and men, nine-tenths of whom are dead? is it not ungenerous to have engaged me in the extra-professional service of putting down revolution and anarchy in the northern provinces, and when the mission was successfully accomplished, to have dismissed me from the imperial service without one expression of acknowledgment or the slightest reward? but to put generosity out of the question--is it wise so to do? that, says burke--"can never be politically right which is morally wrong." brazil, doubtless, expects other nations to keep faith with her, and it is not wise on her part to afford a precedent for breaking national faith. the _amazon_ is a rich prize, and may one day be contested. what reply would brazil give to a power which might attempt to seize it, under the argument that she broke faith with those _who gave her the title to this, the most magnificent river on the face of the earth_, and that therefore it was not necessary to preserve faith with her? it would puzzle brazilian diplomatists to answer such a question. from what has been adduced in this volume, it must be clear to all who have perused it with ordinary attention that brazil is to this day in honour bound to fulfil the original stipulations solemnly entered into with me, and twice guaranteed under the imperial sign manual, with all the official ratifications and formalities usual amongst civilized states. this _i claim individually_; and further--_conjointly with the squadron_--my share of the prize-money conceded to the captors by imperial decree, without which customary incentive neither myself, nor any other foreign officer or seaman, would have been likely to enter the service. my _individual claim_, viz. the pay stipulated in the imperial patents, was agreed upon without limitation as to time, as is clear from the expression that i should receive it whether "afloat or ashore," "_tanto em terra como no mar_," _i.e._ whether "actively engaged or not"--whether "in war or peace." i have committed no act whereby this right could be cancelled, but was fraudulently driven from the imperial service, as the shortest way of getting rid of me and my claims together. these are no assertions of mine, but are the _only possible deductions_ from documents which have one meaning, and that incontestible. i claim, moreover, the estate awarded to me by his imperial majesty, with the double purpose of conferring a mark of national approbation of my services, and of supporting the high dignities to which--with the full concurrence of the brazilian people and legislature--i was raised as a reward for those services, the magnitude and importance of which were on all hands admitted. to have withheld that estate, after the reasons assigned by his imperial majesty for conferring it, was a national error which brazil should not have committed, and which it should, even now, be careful to efface; for by approving the dignities conferred, and withholding the means of supporting them, it has pronounced its highest honours to be worthless, empty sounding titles, lightly esteemed by the givers, and of no value to the recipient. had this estate cost anything to the brazilian nation, a miserable economy might have been pleaded as a reason for withholding it; but even this excuse is wanting. any territorial grant to myself could only have been an imperceptible fraction of the vast regions, which, together with an annual revenue of many millions of dollars--my own exertions, _without cost to the empire_, had added to its dominions "_unexpectedly_" as the commission appointed to investigate my claim felt bound to admit. if brazil value its national honour, that blot upon it should not be suffered to remain. with regard to the sum owing to me by chili, for which, in the event of its non-payment, both his imperial majesty don pedro i. and his minister josé bonifacio de andrada made the brazilian nation responsible. the discussion in the national assembly testifies to the validity of the claim, which therefore rests upon the generosity no less than the good faith of brazil, for whose interests, in accordance with the most flattering promises, i was induced to quit chili. to this day, chili has not fulfilled her obligations to me; the miserable pittance of £.6000, which--by some process i do not now care to inquire into, she has fixed upon as ample remuneration for one who consolidated her liberties and those of peru, supporting her navy at its own expense during the operation--constituted no part of my admitted claim for the capture of valdivia and other previous services, involving no dispute. payment of this sum (67,000 dollars) was promised at the earliest possible period by the then supreme director of the republic--but to this day the promise has never been redeemed by succeeding chilian governments. with regard to this claim, founded on the concessions of his late imperial majesty and his minister, i am content, as before said, to leave the matter to the generosity of the brazilian nation. the other, and more important claims, i demand as a right which has never been cancelled, and which a strict sense of national honour ought not longer to evade. if it be evaded, the documentary history of the whole matter is now before the world--and let the world judge between us. i have no fears as to its decision. chapter xiv. proclamation for payment of officers and men--log extracts in proof thereof--the sum given up to the squadron disbursed--denial thereof by the brazilian government--though made to serve as advance of wages--the amount received at maranham fully accounted for--by the receipts of the officers--officers' receipts--extracts from log in further corroboration--up to my arrival in england--all our prizes monopolized by brazil--the conduct of the brazilian government unjustifiable. the whole dispute raised by the brazilian administration as a pretext for evading my claims, has been--as the reader is now aware--about the sum of 200,000 dollars, _given out of the proceeds of our own captures, which cost nothing to the government; but were made to serve as a substitute for the usual advance of wages!_ also about 40,000 dollars ordered by his imperial majesty as compensation for the _imperatrice_ frigate, captured by captain grenfell at parà--but _never paid_, and therefore never accounted for. finally, with regard to 106,000 dollars reimbursed by the authorities of maranham, as a compromise for four times the amount generously surrendered by the squadron to the necessities of the province in 1823--on promise of repayment. as regards the whole of the sums, it is alleged that _i never furnished accounts of their expenditure, and therefore they are charged against me, as though not expended at all._ for the disbursement of the first item of 200,000 dollars, i have already stated sufficient to satisfy any reasonable person. the accounts set forth at page 169, shews that a balance remained in hand from the 200,000 dollars put on board at rio de janeiro, of 39,538 dollars. i shall now state what became of this sum. and first let me adduce the following proclamation:- by his excellency the marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral, &c. &c. whereas, many officers and seamen are here employed who were not present, last year, at the capitulation of the hostile authorities, and seizure of portuguese funds and property at maranhaõ; and whereas it is condusive to the interests of his imperial majesty, that all those officers and seamen who have now contributed to the restoration of tranquillity, good order, and obedience to his imperial majesty, shall receive encouragement and reward; it is hereby directed that three months additional pay shall, without deduction, be distributed _as a gratuity_ to the said officers and men. given under my hand, this 8th day of february, 1825, cochrane and maranhaõ. i had, it is true, no authority for making this extra payment, but at the same time, i had the authority of his imperial majesty to devote the 200,000 dollars to the good of the service--thus clearly leaving its disbursement to my discretion; and this appeared to me to be properly exercised in rewarding those who had been performing double duty afloat and ashore, in the arduous task of putting down, and keeping down revolt and anarchy. on this principle, i had previously doubled the pay of some of the officers, without whose incessant exertion, i could not have effected the tranquillization of the province. it is true that the principle adopted was opposed to that pursued by the administration, viz. neither to acknowledge these extra services nor reward them; but such a course neither accorded with my judgment nor discretion. the sums paid as above were entered in the usual manner in a pay book, acknowledged by the signatures of the recipients--attested by the officers--and, as has been said, duly forwarded to the imperial government. i shall now give some extracts from the log before quoted in reference to these and other transactions:- _january 5th_, 1825. his lordship left at hesketh's his last two months' pay, received this month, and also two months' pay for captain crosbie. paid other officers and men two months' pay. _6th_. employed in sorting the paper money in the small iron chest. _found its contents to be only_ 16,000 dollars. (this was all that now remained of the 200,000 dollars received at rio de janeiro.) _8th_. officers having been paid, the men received to-day two months' pay. _9th_. admiral took to hesketh's three bags of dollars (each containing 1000 dollars, the remainder of money which i had brought from chili, and which therefore had nothing to do with the brazilian government). _february 10th_. paid third payment of prize-money to clewley, clare and january. _11th_. paid prize-money to march and carter. _26th_. paid lieutenant shepherd 1,500 dollars. _28th_. paid commissary, escrivaõ, and pilot. _march 1st_. paid portuguese doctor. _3rd_. paid corning's account for ship provisions. the above payments, with others disbursed in pursuance of my proclamation, were all made out of the balance of the 200,000 dollars aforesaid, and 40,000 dollars which had been in my possession ever since the capture of maranham; the latter being the amount which i had refused to give up to the prize tribunal at rio de janeiro, well knowing that it would be returned to their portuguese friends and connections. when these payments were made, a few hundred dollars alone remained. as this 200,000 dollars was the indisputable property of the squadron before it was assigned for distribution amongst those to whom it belonged--on this ground alone it scarcely became the government to raise doubts about its proper application; for they well knew that if it were not distributed, the fact could not be concealed from the officers and men, who would not have submitted quietly to my retention of their money, as has been shamelessly imputed to me. not only was the whole disbursed--but the accounts, as has been stated, were faithfully transmitted to the brazilian authorities at rio de janeiro, as appears by captain shepherd's receipt, adduced in the present volume, and years ago photographed, and transmitted with a memorial to the brazilian government, which, nevertheless, on the 28th of april, _in the present year_, published in its official organ, the _correio mercantil_, a report on the prizes made during the war of independence--excluding me from a share, on _the ground of not having delivered my accounts_. the following is an extract:- (after enumerating the prizes, and estimating their gross value at 521,315 dollars--_not one-fourth of the real amount_--the commission goes on to say:--) referring to what has been stated, it appears that the first admiral and commander-in-chief of the squadron from its commencement to the conclusion of the war, _had a right to his share of all prizes_--and so the commission has judged in regard to the total value, amounting to the said sum of 521,315 milreis up to the 12th of february, 1824. _from that sum, however, must be deducted 200,000 dollars given to the admiral on account of prize-money for distribution, which it does not appear by any document that he made_. it also appears by the report of the junta of maranhaõ, of the 17th of october, 1825, that the said admiral received the further sum of 217,659 dollars at different times, there appearing 108,736 dollars under the title of indemnification for prizes made by the squadron in the port of that city, to be divided as such. _this division does not seem to have been made_. from this it appears that the said admiral must be charged as having received the sum of 308,238 dollars on account of prizes to be divided amongst the squadron; with the addition of 40,000 dollars which he received also by decree of the 23rd of february, to be, in like manner, divided amongst those who co-operated in the annexation of the province of maranhaõ, and the capture of the frigate _imperatrice--seeing that there is no evidence that such distribution took place_--thus increasing the sum due to 348,238 dollars, of which the said claimant is bound to give account to the imperial government. in consequence of the determination of the regulations let this decree be printed and published. rio, april 21, 1858. (signed) joaquim josé ignacio, _chefe de esquadra_, president. antonio josé da silva, _contador da marinha_. josé baptista lisboa, _auditor e secretario_. this document, so recently promulgated, after the decision of the _seccoes_ in 1854, and the expression of opinion given by the most eminent men of brazil (see page 282), that i ought to have the whole of my claims--is really wonderful. but the false assertions it contains must be met. and first--the receipt of the 40,000 dollars for the _imperatrice_, i altogether deny, and can be easily convicted of untruth if my receipt for that sum can be produced. it is worthy of note, that the date of the decree for the payment of this sum is carefully given in the preceding document, but the data of my acknowledgment of having received is annulled for the sufficient reason that no acknowledgment was ever given. the 200,000 dollars, i trust that i have sufficiently accounted for, as well as for the vouchers sent to rio by captain shepherd, whose receipt i took for the chest containing them. but the 200,000 dollars with which the government charges me--even supposing the accounts to be lost--destroyed--or purposely made away with--was not the property of the brazilian government, but of the squadron, who received it only as part payment of ten times the amount due to them! this sum though the property of the squadron, was made to serve _as an advance of wages_, no less than as prize-money; and does the brazilian government imagine that any squadron could be sent to sea without money? or that any reader of common sense will acquiesce in the assertion that under such circumstances it was not properly disbursed, even though i had not shewn _its precise disbursement_? the brazilian government well knows that the men composing the squadron were of so mutinous a character, that the slightest deviation from their rights would have been met with instant insubordination. did this ever occur, even in the slightest possible degree? it is no fault of mine, if the accounts were destroyed, as i have no doubt they were, from pure malice towards myself, in order to bring me into an amount of disrepute, which might justify the withholding of my claims according to the stipulations of the imperial patents. by whom this infamy was perpetrated, it is impossible for me to say--but that it was perpetrated--there cannot be the smallest possible doubt. it is altogether unnecessary to say another word about the 40,000 dollars for the _imperatrice_, or the 200,000 dollars for distribution--as the evidence adduced is sufficient to satisfy any man not determined to be unconvinced. i now come to the amount alleged to have been received from the junta of maranham, viz. 217,659 dollars, "at different times," which i have no doubt is perfectly correct, though that portion of it under the title of "indemnification for prizes"--is incorrect, the amount being 106,000 dollars--_minus_ the discount, and not 108,736 dollars as represented. the difference is not, however, worth notice. deducting this sum from the total of 217,659 dollars, would leave 108,923 dollars to be accounted for otherwise than as "indemnifieation." this also is, no doubt, correct. the inhabitants of maranham cheerfully agreed _to pay and subsist the squadron_, provided it remained amongst them to preserve the order which had been restored, and the offer was accepted by me. the 108,923 dollars thus went for the pay and subsistence of the squadron during many months of disturbance; and if it prove any thing, it is the economy with which the wants of the squadron were satisfied, despite the corruption of the authorities, in paying double for provisions, because the merchants could only get paid at all, except by bribes to their debtors. does the brazilian government mean to tell the world that it sent a squadron to put down revolution in a territory as large as half europe, _without receiving a penny in the shape of wages_, except their own 200,000 dollars of prize-money--that it never considered it necessary to send to the squadron a single dollar of pay whilst the work was in process--and that it now considers it just to charge the whole expenses to me as commander-in-chief, though the expedition did not cost the government any thing? yet this is precisely that which the brazilian administration has done--with what justice let the world decide. i aver that the accounts were faithfully transmitted. the imperial government of the present day, says that the accounts are not in existence--_not that i did not transmit them_! surely they ought to blame their predecessors, not me. let this history decide which of the two is deserving of reprobation. i now come to the 108,736 dollars--or rather 106,000 dollars received from the junta of maranham as "indemnification,"--respecting which the commission unjustly asserts that "_no division appears to have been made!_" the untruth of this imputation, the most atrocious of all, is very easily met _by the publication of every receipt connected with the matter_; and to this i now proceed, requesting the reader to bear in mind that in my letter to the minister of marine (see page 209), i announced my intention of retaining for my own justification all _original documents_, sending to the government, copies or duplicates. the whole of the subjoined receipts are now in my possession, and i demand from the brazilian government their verification, by its ministerial or consular representatives in great britain. receipts of officers, and others for their proportion of 106,000 dollars paid by the junta of fazenda of maranham in commutation of 425,000 dollars--the value of prize property left for the use of the province on its acquisition from portugal in 1823; the duplicates having been sent by me to the imperial government, the originals now remaining in my possession. 5,000 000. received from the right hon. lord cochrane, marquis of maranhaõ, and commander-in-chief of the imperial armada, the sum of five thousand milreis, being four thousand one hundred and thirty-seven, or one-third of the admiral's share of prize-money; and eight hundred and sixty three to account of double pay for services on shore. david jowett, maranhaõ, 19th march, 1825. chief of division. * * * * * received of the right hon. lord cochrane, marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral of brazil, and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the empire, the sum of five hundred milreis, as a recompence for extra services as commandant-interim of his imperial majesty's ship _piranga_, during the absence of chief of division jowett, on service on shore at maranhaõ during four months past. march 32nd, 1825. james wallace. witness, w. jackson. * * * * * received this 18th day of march, 1825, of the right hon. lord cochrane, marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral of brazil, and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the empire, the sum of ten thousand milreis, on account of a distribution of eighty contos of reis, being part of certain monies received from the junta of fazenda of maranhaõ. t. sackville crosbie. _rs._ 10,000 000. * * * * * 5,000 000. received of the right hon. lord cochrane, marquis of maranhaõ, first admiral and commander-in-chief of the naval forces of the empire, the sum of five thousand milreis, being the amount of additional pay to all the subordinate officers and seamen of his imperial majesty's ship _piranga_, who have served on shore at maranhaõ, between the 18th day of november, 1824, and the 14th day of march, 1825. david jowett, chief of division, commandant of the _piranga_. maranhaõ, 20th march, 1825. * * * * * received this 18th day of march, 1825, of the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of one thousand five hundred milreis, on account of a distribution of eighty contos of reis, being part of certain monies received from the junta of fazenda at maranhaõ. w. jackson, _rs._ 1,500 000. capt.-lieut. and secretary. received this 21st day of march, 1825, of the right hon. lord cochrane, marquis of maranhaõ, &c. &c. the sum of one thousand milreis, on account of an allowance of one-half per cent. for my trouble in the distribution of prize-money. w. jackson, 1,000 000. capt.-lieut. and secretary. * * * * * received this 21st of march, 1825, of the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum one thousand five hundred milreis, on account of a distribution of eighty contos of reis, being part of certain monies received from the junta of fazenda of maranhaõ. ja's shepherd, 1,500 000. first lieut. of _pedro primiero._ * * * * * _pedro primiero,_ march 24, 1825. received from the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of one thousand milreis, on account of a distribution of eighty contos of reis, being part of certain monies received from the junta of fazenda of maranhaõ. 1,000 000. s.e. clewley. * * * * * _pedro primiero_, march 24th, 1825. received from the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of one thousand milreis, on account of a distribution of eighty contos of reis, &c. &c. 1,000 000. francis clare. * * * * * naõ nacional e imperial, _pedro iro_, march 24, 1825. recebei do excellentissimo lord cochrane, &c. &c. a quartier de hum contos de reis, pro conta de huma divisiaõ de octento contos de reis, senda parte de certos dinheiros recebidos da junta da fazenda do maranhaõ. francisco de paulo dos santos gomez. 1,000 000. * * * * * officers' receipts precisely similar receipts, on same date, from the following officers: francisco adeiao pera............................... 1,000 000 manoel s. sinto .................................... 500 000 alexander josé (remainder illegible) ............... 200 000 * * * * * received from the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of five hundred milreis, on account of a distribution, &c. &c. 500 000. g. march. * * * * * maranhaõ, 24th march, 1825. received from the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of five hundred milreis, on account of a distribution, &c. &c. 500 000. w. jannary. * * * * * 24th march, 1825. received from the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of five hundred milreis, on account of distribution, &c. &c. 500 000. david carter, second lieut. * * * * * received, april 9th, 1825, of the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of one thousand four hundred and eighty milreis, being prize-money due to capt.-lieut. g. manson. for capt.-lt. manson, 1,480 000. w. jannary. * * * * * received of the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of one thousand milreis, on account of a distribution of eighty contos of reis, being part of certain monies received from the junta of fazenda of maranhaõ. 1,000 000. geo. manson. april 9, 1825. * * * * * received of the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of four hundred and eighty milreis, on account of prize-money due to me. 480 000. geo. manson. maranhaõ, april 9, 1825. authoriso se josé perea de sua excellencia marques do maranhaõ recober e quantier de quinhentos milreis. march 9th, 1825. (name illegible.) 500 000. * * * * * maranham, march 3, 1825. received of lord cochrane, &c. &c. the sum of two thousand six hundred and five milreis, being the amount of my account for provisions supplied to the brazilian squadron. 2,605 000. leonard coming. * * * * * received, the 12th of april, 1885, of his excellency lord cochrane, &c. &c. one hundred and ninety-five milreis, being additional pay for extra duty on shore for five months. rs. 195 000. g. march. * * * * * received, april 12th, 1825, of his excellency lord cochrane, &c. &c. four hundred and eighty milreis, being additional pay for extra duty as secretary to his lordship for the period of five months. 480 000. w. jackson. * * * * * received, april 21, 1825, of the right. hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. thirty-nine milreis, being a month's additional pay for extra services at maranham. 39 000. francis drummond. * * * * * received, april 21, 1825, of the right hon. lord cochrane, &c. &c. sixty-nine milreis, being additional pay for sixty days' extra service at maranham. 69 000. joseph fitzcosten. * * * * * received, april 3rd, of his excellency the marquis of maranhaõ, &c. &c. twenty-three dollars for my services as prize master of the vessels _dido_ and _joaninho_. 23 000. c. rose, second lieut. * * * * * received, may 14th, 1825, of mr. w. jackson, two hundred and eighty-five milreis, part of prize money due to me. 285 000. ja's shepherd. * * * * * _piranga_, spithead, july 5, 1835. received of mr. w. jackson, secretary to his excellency the marquis of maranham, &c. &c. the sum of two hundred and thirty-five pounds sterling, in order to pay the same as prize-money to those persons, late of the _pedro primiero_, but now belonging to this frigate, to whom the sum is due. £.235 or 1,175 000. * * * * * there is, however, _one omission_. the payment of the crews is not adduced, because the pay books were sent with duplicate receipts to rio de janeiro by the _piranga_. but as no reasonable man will imagine that i publicly paid the officers and _neglected payment to the crews_, the omission is of the least possible consequence. but lest the payment of the crews may be disputed, i subjoin the following extracts from the log before quoted, from the commencement of the payment, to its termination. dates and particulars. 1825. march 16th. received from the junta of maranham, 30 contos (£6,000) in bills, and 3 contos (£600) in money. " 17th. writing new book of distribution. " 18th. captain crosbie brought 30 contas (£6,000). went with him to hesketh's, where i found that he had received 10 contos (£2,000) for himself. " 19th. lord cochrane paid jowett 5,000 dollars as prize-money and double pay. " 20th. 5,000 dollars paid to jowett's officers and men as double pay. paid march his further share of prize-money, 500 dollars. took at admiral's desire 500 dollars for my distribution of the 100 contos in part received--from which it appears that i am to have half per cent, for distribution. march 22nd. received two months' pay to the 1st of february. went on board the _piranga_, and made wallace a gratuity from the admiral of 500 dollars. " 24th. paid shepherd, clewley, clare, commissary, doctors escrivaõ, jannary, and the pilot, a proportion of 80 contos, in course of payment by the junta. went on board the _piranga_, and paid prize-money to carter and a number of men. " 26th. paying prize-money to such of jowett's men as were absent on shore on the 24th. " 27th. paying prize-money to such of the _pedro's_ people entitled thereto, as are to remain on board that ship. " 30th. making book for distribution of double pay to those who have served on shore. april 6th. counting out the money for double pay to the men who did shore service. " 7th. paid part of the men their additional pay. " 8th. paying the additional pay. " 9th. paying additional pay. sent capt. manson by january 1480 dollars prize-money. " 10th. a decree arrives by the _guarani _from the imperial government, directing the interim president that no money shall be paid to the squadron on account of the taking of maranham. admiral suspects barros to be at the bottom of it. " 11th. went on shore with the admiral, with sixteen bags of dollars, besides clewley's bag and mine. " 13th. paid inglis and his men additional pay. " 14th. admiral proposed to hesketh to ship cotton to the extent of forty or sixty contos, to which mr. hesketh (british consul) agreed. " 25th. remainder of the money from the junta promised to-morrow. april 26th. captain crosbie received 2,000 dollars as his further share. received 285 dollars, seventy-six for distribution. more money from the treasury. may 5th. wrote to the junta, with further demand of 13,000 dollars to make up the stipulated amount. " 11th. paying his lordship's bills. " 12th. paying his lordship's bills. " 17th. received my last three months' pay to the 30th of april. " 18th. received the remaining money from the treasury. " 19th. sailed in the _piranga_. " 20th. sent sixty dollars by pilot to two soldiers on shore. june 6th. captain crosbie appointed captain of the fleet, with rank of chief of division. july 2nd. at portsmouth. agent arrived from london with two months' pay. " 4th. paying prize-money to men who had not been paid. received two months' pay to the 1st instant. " 11th. paid john skirr £.10 for wounds. the amount paid by the junta was, in fact, 105,800 dollars, partly in bills, from which a discount of 1800 dollars had to be taken. but these trifles are unworthy of notice: i have thus accounted for every shilling received from the brazilian government for the use of the squadron--to the satisfaction of my own conscience, and, i trust, to the satisfaction of all who may read this narrative. from what has been herein stated, it is obvious that brazil was, by my instrumentality--though with inadequate means--entirely freed from a foreign yoke, not only without national cost, but with positive gain, arising from the vast territories and revenues annexed--as well as from prizes, the value of which alone exceeded the cost of all naval equipments. it is true that, after a lapse of thirty-five years, a profession is made of adjudicating these prizes--but as nearly all the claimants are dead, and as an intention is manifested to retain my share, unless i produce accounts already transmitted--brazil will have thus monopolized the fruits of our exertions in the cause of independence--achieved without trouble or thought to the imperial government. for, beyond the usual orders on the departure of the squadron, not a single instruction was given--all being left to my discretion, and accomplished on my sole responsibility. even the favourable contraction of a loan in england--the acknowledgment of brazilian independence by european states--and the establishment of permanent peace--were the direct consequences of my services, but for which brazil might still have presented the same lamentable specimen of weakness without, and anarchy within, which forms the characteristics of other south american states. can any government then justify the conduct pursued towards me by brazil? can any government believe that the promises held out to me as an inducement to accept the command--may be optionally evaded after the more than completion of my part of the contract? the services rendered were fully acknowledged by those with whom that contract was made, and only repudiated by their factions successors, to whom brazil owed nothing but prospective confusion. can any one, then, judge otherwise--than that the present brazilian government is bound, in honour and good faith, to fulfil the national contract with me--not only on account of professional services accomplished--even beyond national expectation; but also on account of extra-official services which did not come within the scope of my professional duties, viz. the pacification of the northern provinces? that the fulfilment of these obligations is due, i once more quote the imperial invitation to adopt the cause of brazil:--"_votre grace est invitée, pour--et de part le gouvernement du brésil, à accepter le service de la nation brésilienne; chez qui je suis dûment autorisé à vous assurer le rang et le grade nullement inférieur à celui que vous tenez de la république. abandonnez-vous, milord, à la reconnaissance brésilienne;_ à la munificence du prince; à la probité sans tache de l'actuel gouvernement; on vous fera justice; on ne rabaissera d'un seul point la haute considération--rang--grade--caractère--et avantages qui vous sont dûs." "venez, milord, l'honneur vous invite--la gloire vous appelle. venez, donner à nos armes navales, cet ordre merveilleux et discipline incomparable de puissante albion." narrative of services in the liberation of chili, peru, and brazil, from spanish and portuguese domination by thomas, earl of dundonald, g.c.b. admiral of the red; rear-admiral of the fleet, etc. etc. vol. i london: james ridgway, no 169, piccadilly mdccclix to the most noble the marquis of lansdowne, k.g. etc. etc. my lord, i am proud to have been honoured with your lordship's permission to dedicate to you the following narrative of historical events, respecting which the public has not previously been placed in a position to form a correct judgment. your lordship's generous acquiescence enables me to discharge a double debt: first--of thanks to one whose high political character this country will ever warmly cherish;--secondly--of deep-felt gratitude for the countenance and efficient aid experienced from your lordship at a period when party faction made me the object of bitter resentment; the injustice of which could in no way be better demonstrated, than by the fact that--in the midst of unmerited obloquy, it was my high privilege to preserve your lordship's friendship and esteem. i have the honour to be, your lordship's obliged and faithful servant, dundonald. contents. preface chapter i. invitation to take command of chilian navy--arrival at valparaiso--first expedition to peru--attack on spanish shipping at callao--departure for huacho--capture of spanish convoys of money--paita taken--return to valparaiso to reorganise the squadron--offer to give up my share of prize money to the republic--this offer declined by the supreme director--popular congratulations--attempt on lady cochrane's life. chapter ii. second expedition to peru--disappointment at not being provided with troops--failure of rockets--departure for arica--capture of pisco--capture of spanish ships at puna--determine to make an attempt on valdivia--arrival off that port, and capture of spanish brig of war _potrillo_--troops obtained from conception--flag-ship nearly wrecked--attack on forts, and conquest of valdivia. chapter iii. departure for chiloe--preparations of the enemy--capture of fort corona--failure at fort aguy, and subsequent retreat--return to valdivia--capture of osorio--return to valparaiso--enthusiastic reception--chagrin of the ministry--importance of conquest of valdivia in a political point of view--promotion of officers under arrest--employment of indians by the spaniards--career of benavides--mutinous spirit of the seamen in consequence of their captures being appropriated by government--resignation of my commission--refusal thereof--renewed offer of an estate--this again declined--seamen obtain their wages--private purchase of an estate--government gives notice of taking it--appointment of flag captain against my wishes--annoyance given to me by minister of marine--renewed resignation of the command--officers of the squadron resign in a body--government begs of me to retain the command--my consent--general san martin--the senate--zenteno--corruption of parties in the administration. chapter iv. obstacles to equipping the squadron--sailing of the liberating expedition--debarcation at pisco--long inaction of the army--general san martin removes to ancon--capture of the esmeralda--exchange of prisoners--acknowledgment of the service by general san martin--lady cochrane's visit to mendoza. chapter v. san martin's violation, of truth--removal of blockade--spanish depression--troops dying of fever--san martin's designs on guayaquil--mutinous conduct of officers--refusal to obey orders--deposition of viceroy--san martin gives me troops--jealousy of san martin--attack on arica--capture of tacna--capture of moquega--refusal of more men--an armistice ratified--distress of lima--dissatisfaction of the army--lady cochrane in action--devotion of seamen. chapter vi. return to callao--lima abandoned--hesitation of general san martin to occupy the city--loss of the _san martin_--excesses of the spaniards--proclamation of independence--san martin assumes autocratic power under the title of protector--my remonstrance--his reply--mutinous state of the squadron from neglect. chapter vii. tampering with chilian officers--the archbishop of lima--his expulsion--negociation for surrender of the forts--this counteracted--san martin's bombastic proclamations--his refusal to encounter the enemy--the spaniards relieve callao--delusive proclamation--the unblushing falsehood--spaniards carry off the treasure--discontent of the squadron. chapter viii. prolonged destitution of squadron--the men mutiny in a body--the seamen's letters--san martin sends away the public treasure--my seizure of it--private property restored--san martin's accusations against me--the squadron paid wages--attempt on the officers' fidelity--i am asked to desert from chili--ordered to quit on refusal--monteagudo's letter--my reply--justification of seizing the treasure--no other course possible. chapter ix. arrival at guayaquil--address to guayaquilenos--injurious monopolies--ministerial folly--departure from guayaquil--arrival in mexico--anchor at acapulco--mock ambassadors--plot against me--return to guayaquil--venganza taken possession of--agreement with junta--general la mar--orders to withhold supplies--abominable cruelty--courtly splendour--destruction of a division of the army--dissatisfaction of officers--renewed overtures from san martin--their refusal by me--warning to the chilian government. chapter x. return to valparaiso--thanks of the government--reasons for satisfaction--illegitimate trade--turned to good account--denunciation of officers deserted--investigation of accounts--san martin's charges against me--my refutation--government refuses its publication--cruelty to spanish prisoners--retirement to quintero--political fruits of our success--destitute condition of squadron--infamous attempt to promote dissatisfaction therein--object of this course--steps taken to defeat it--disavowed by the minister--sympathy of officers--attempt to get rid of gen. freire--its eventual result--letter of the captains. chapter xi. negociations with bolivar--exile of monteagudo--complaints of the limeños--extravagance of the government--exculpation of san martin--effects of popular dissension--disagreement of bolivar and san martin--vote of peruvian congress--extraordinary neglect of the chilian squadron--san martin's arrival at valparaiso--i demand his trial--countenance of the supreme director--squadron at length paid wages--revolt of conception--general freire apprises me of it--freire asks for my support--his letter not replied to--san martin's influence. chapter xii. the squadron taken from me--i accept invitation from brazil--letter to the supreme director--san martin quits chili--his prudence--opinion of his aide-de camp--ministerial neglect--permission to quit chili--letter to general freire--for the first time made public--letter to the captains and officers--to the chilian people--to the foreign merchants--to the president of peru--san martin actuated by revenge--this shewn from his letters. chapter xiii. freire marches on valparaiso--elected supreme director--he begs of me to return--my reply--subsequent letter to general freire. chapter xiv. injustice to the squadron--inconsistency of this--estate taken from me--my losses by litigation--endeavours to enforce my claims--petty excuses for evading them--i am charged with expenses of the army--and with costs for making legal captures--my conduct approved at the time--ministerial approbation--paltry compensation at length given--ministerial corruption--proved by san martin--cause of official animosity to me--conclusion. appendix. preface. the first of these volumes forms a history of the consolidation of chilian independence, and of the subsequent liberation of peru--through the instrumentality of the chilian squadron under my command; a service which called forth from the governments and people of the liberated states the warmest expressions of gratitude to the naval service collectively, and to myself personally, as having planned and conducted the operations whereby these results were attained. it records also the strangely inconsistent fact that--beyond these marks of national approbation--neither chili nor peru ever awarded to the squadron or myself any more substantial reward--though, in a pecuniary sense, deeply indebted to us; for, during the greater portion of the war of independence, the subsistence of the crews, and the repairs and equipment of the chilian squadron were solely provided for by our own exertions, without cost to the government; since, in addition to the capture of spanish ships-of-war and merchant vessels--money, provisions, and stores to a great extent fell into our hands; all of which--though our own stipulated right--were voluntarily devoted to state exigencies, in the full conviction that, at the expiration of the war, the value of our sacrifices would, as a point of national honour, be returned to us by chili. as regards peru, our still unpaid for captures of ships-of-war formed her first naval force, for which the only requital has been, a vote of her first national assembly--almost its inaugural act--ascribing to me the double praise of her liberation from the spanish yoke, and of her subsequent deliverance from an intolerable military tyranny. the volume contains another point, which forms a yet stranger sequel to my services on the western shores of south america. after the expiration of thirty years, chili granted me the absurdly inadequate sum of £.6,000 _in full of all my claims!_ and this, with the knowledge that, after my return to england i was involved in litigation on account of the legal seizure of vessels under the orders of her former government--by which i was subjected to a loss, directly and indirectly, of _more than three times the amount_. the chilian portion of this history, therefore, resolves itself into the fact, that not only did i reap no reward whatever, for the liberation of chili and peru, but that the independence of both countries was achieved _at a heavy pecuniary sacrifice to myself!_ in compensation for which, as well as for my recognised services--chili has thought its national honour sufficiently vindicated by allotting me _one-third of my losses only_, without other compensation of any kind! i regret to add, that my necessities at the time, arising for the most part from the pecuniary difficulties to which i had been subjected on chilian account, compelled me to accept the amount tendered. the second volume is of a character somewhat similar. it narrates the circumstances under which--by promises the most inviting, and stipulations the most binding--i was induced to accept the command, or rather organization of the first brazilian navy. it details the complete expulsion of all portuguese armaments, naval and military, from the eastern shores of the south american continent, by the squadron alone, wholly unaided by military co-operation; in the course of which arduous service, ships of war, merchant vessels, and valuable property to the extent of several millions of dollars were captured under the imperial order, and their value--in spite of previous stipulations--_refused to the captors_, on the falsely assumed ground that the provinces liberated were brazilian--though a brazilian military force had been recently beaten in an attempt to expel the portuguese--and though these provinces were, at the period of my assuming the command, in the uninterrupted occupation of the very portuguese fleets and armies afterwards expelled, it was falsely pretended that the property captured was not enemy's property--though expressly described as such in numerous imperial decrees--and more especially by the instructions given to me by his imperial majesty to seize or destroy it wherever found. it was, in short, subsequently decided by a court of admiralty--for the most part composed of portuguese members, acting under the influence of a portuguese faction in the administration--that neither myself nor the squadron were entitled to the prizes made--though most inconsistently, the same tribunal condemned the ships of war taken--as "_droits_" to the crown--for which, compensation was awarded to the squadron by his imperial majesty, but never paid by the ministers to whom the order was directed. not to anticipate the contents of the volume devoted to brazilian affairs. it being found after the expulsion of the enemy, that the stipulations made with myself were too binding to be easily set aside, several futile attempts were made to evade them, but this being found impossible, the unworthy expedient was resorted to of summarily dismissing me from the service, after the establishment of peace with portugal--an event entirely consequent on my individual services. by this expedient--of the rectitude or otherwise of which the reader will be able to judge from the documentary evidence laid before him--i was got rid of without compensation for my claims, which for thirty years were altogether repudiated; but, at the expiration of that period, fully recognised as _having been due from the beginning!_ the brazilian government, however, satisfied its own sense of justice by awarding me less than _one-half the simple interest of the amount stipulated in my patents_; thus retaining the whole of the principal admitted to be due. the preceding remarks form a _synopsis_ of my career on both sides of the continent of south america; the narrative, where dispute might arise, being carefully founded on, and in all cases accompanied by documentary evidence, which admits neither dispute nor contradiction. the trifling amount awarded by chili, would probably not have been granted at all, but for the earnest remonstrance of lord palmerston, warmly seconded by the efforts of the hon. mr. jerningham, british minister to the chilian republic, by whose joint exertions the government was induced to admit--that national honour was involved in fulfilling national obligations; though an infinitesimal view of either the one or the other was certainly taken when awarding me the insignificant sum previously mentioned. in brazil the case was somewhat different. it is to his present imperial majesty, don pedro ii. that i owe any investigation of my claims, by the appointment of a commission (_secçoes_), which reported that they ought never to have been withheld, as being my stipulated right. but even the limited amount awarded in consequence of this decision, was on the point of being further diminished one half by its projected payment in a depreciated currency--and, had it not been for the intervention of lord clarendon, and of the hon. mr. scarlett, british minister at rio de janeiro, of whose zealous exertions in my favour i cannot speak too warmly--this further injustice would have been perpetrated without the knowledge or sanction of his present imperial majesty. it may be asked, why--with the clear documentary evidence in my possession--and now adduced--i have for so many years endured an amount of obloquy and injustice, which might at any time have been set aside by its publication? the reply is obvious. the withholding of my claims by the governments of both sides the south american continent, and the ruinous expense to which i was put on account of chili, entailed upon me many years of pecuniary difficulty. to have told even the truth--unbacked as i then was, by the british government--would have been to have all my claims set at defiance, so that compulsory discretion was a sufficient reason for my silence. it was long before i could induce a british minister to satisfy himself of the rectitude of my conduct--the soundness of my claims--or the dishonesty of those who, believing me to be powerless, laughed at reiterated demands for my stipulated rights. yet more i have never sought from those to whom i gave liberty and dominion. there is, however, a reason for the present publication, of which i have never lost sight. amidst all the injustice which it has been my lot to sustain, i have ever determined--for the sake of my family--to whom my character is an heir-loom--that no obloquy shall follow me to the grave, for none have i merited. on the day these volumes see the light, this resolution will be partially fulfilled. on that day i shall have completed the eighty-third year of a career strangely chequered, yet not undistinguished; and, therefore, the opinions of either chilians or brazilians are now of small moment to me in comparison with a reputation which has been demmed worthy of belonging to history. none of the present ruling powers in either chili or brazil can possibly be offended with me for giving a guardedly temperate documentary narrative of what must hereafter form the basis of their national annals. i do not for a moment contemplate that men of enlightened views such as now direct the affairs of both countries have either part or sympathy with self-interested adventurers who in popular revolutions too often rise to the surface, and for a time make confusion worse confounded; till replaced--as a matter of course, no less than by necessity--by men of greater grasp of mind and more exalted aspirations. but this is as it maybe--my reputation as a british seaman is to me of the highest moment, and it shall not be sullied after my death by the aspersions of those who wilfully revenged the thwarting of their anti-imperial designs, by imputations which can alone enter into the minds of men devoid of generous impulses and therefore incapable of appreciating higher motives. i have not followed their example, but where it is necessary to bring forward such persons--they will be viewed through the medium of their own documents, which are incontestible and irresistible, and which would as easily convict me of untruth as they convict my maligners of practices unworthy the honour of a nation. to my own countrymen these volumes can scarcely be matter of indifference; though, perhaps, few reflect that the numerous fleets of british merchantmen which now frequent both shores of south america, are the consequence of the deliverance of these vast territories from an exclusive colonial yoke. it is true that england had previously formed a treaty with portugal, permitting english vessels to trade to her south american colonies, but such was the influence of portuguese merchants with the local governments, that it was nearly inoperative; so that, practically, the portuguese were in the exclusive possession of that commerce which my expulsion of the fleet and army of the mother country unreservedly threw open to british enterprise. the same, even in a higher degree, may be said with regard to chili and peru. yet, scarcely had my mission to chili become known, than the influence of spain induced the british ministry to pass a "foreign enlistment act," the penal clauses of which were evidently aimed at me, for having entered into the service of unacknowledged governments without permission--though i had shortly before been most unjustly driven from the service of my native country. in blind animosity towards me, my former english persecutors failed to perceive the advantage to british commerce, of freeing both sides of south america from lingering war and internal dissension. an amusing instance of this occurred on my return to england. having occasion to wait upon the then attorney-general relative to a patent which i had in hand, he brusquely inquired "_whether i was not afraid to appear before him?_" on my replying that "i was not aware of having reason to fear appearing in the presence of any man," he told me the question had been officially put to him, whether i could be punished under the "foreign enlistment act," for the part i had taken in the liberation of chili, peru, and brazil? to this i replied, that "if government was indiscreet enough further to persecute me for having thrown open to british commerce the largest field for enterprise of modern times, they could take what steps they chose, for that i, having accepted service in south america before the passing of the act, was not afraid of the consequences of having infringed its provisions." it is almost needless to say that no such prosecution was instituted, though the will was good, despite the national benefits conferred. i will not enter farther into the subject in a preface to volumes which themselves form only a summary of events in which i was a principal actor, but at the same time, one, which i hope will prove satisfactory and decisive. it would have been easy to have dilated the narrative, but my object is solely to leave behind me a faithful record of events which must one day become history, and there is no history like documentary history. to those high personages who have advocated my cause with other nations, the present volume will give satisfaction, as affording additional proof that their advocacy rested upon no visionary basis. to the members of the press, who have adopted the same views, this exposition will be equally satisfactory. to all these i owe the thanks of recognising in me, a love for that service, from which--for a time i was unjustly expelled. it is my intention, if god spare my life, to add to these memoirs a narrative of my former experience in the british navy, and, what may be of greater utility, an exposition of that which, from jealousy and other causes no less unworthy, _i was not permitted to effect_. to these i shall add a few remarks upon my connexion with the liberation of greece, developing some remarkable facts, which have as yet escaped the notice of historians. these reminiscences of the past will, at least, be instructive to future generations and if any remarks of mine will conduce to the permanent greatness and security of my country, i shall deem the residue of my life well spent in recording them. at my advanced age, such a task as that now partially executed, would, perhaps, have presented insuperable difficulties, but for the assistance rendered me by mr. earp, who, with great perseverance, has unravelled--what, in the lapse of time, had become the almost inextricable confusion of my papers. that, however, has, with his assistance, been accomplished in such a way as to base upon original documents every incident contained in the work--the more important of these documents being adduced, so as to admit of neither doubt nor question. the same course will be pursued in the forthcoming english portion of my career, with a result, i trust, equally clear and convincing. dundonald. chapter i. invitation to take command of chilian navy--arrival at valparaiso--first expedition to peru--attack on spanish shipping at callao--departure for huacho--capture of spanish convoys of money--paita taken--return to valparaiso to reorganize the squadron--offer to give up my share of prizemoney to the republic--this offer declined by the supreme director--popular congratulations--attempt on lady cochrane's life. in the year 1817, don jose alvarez, accredited agent of the government of chili--as yet unacknowledged by european powers--applied to me to undertake the organization of a naval force in that country, capable of contending against the spaniards; who, notwithstanding the successful revolt of the chilenos by land, still maintained their predominance on the waters of the pacific. having at that time no professional employment, in consequence of my unjust expulsion from the british naval service, by the machinations of the powerful political party which i had offended--and finding that chili was making great efforts to create a navy, in furtherance of which object a war steamer had been placed on the stocks in london--i accepted the invitation, engaging to superintend her building and equipment, and to take her to valparaiso when completed. meanwhile, alvarez received orders from his government, that, if his proposals had been accepted, no time must be lost in my departure, as the position of chili was critical, the spaniards threatening valparaiso by sea, and being still in possession of the continent from conception to chiloe, where they were organizing the savage indian tribes to carry desolation into the newly emancipated provinces. reliable information had also been received, that the court of madrid was making strenuous efforts to recover its lost possessions by a powerful reinforcement to its pacific squadron, against which the chileno ships of war, in their present state, were not in a condition to contend. alvarez therefore begged me not to wait for the steamer, the completion and equipment of which he would hasten, but at once to sail for chili in the _rose_ merchantman, then on the eve of departure. knowing that the whole of peru was in the hands of the spaniards, and that they were also in possession of valdivia, the strongest fortified harbour to the southward--from both of which there would be considerable difficulty in dislodging them after the arrival of the anticipated reinforcements--i embarked without delay; and on the 28th of november, 1818, landed at valparaiso, accompanied by lady cochrane and our two children. our reception, both from the authorities and the people, was enthusiastic, the supreme director, general o'higgins, coming from the seat of government, santiago, to welcome us. this excellent man was the son of an irish gentleman of distinction in the spanish service, who had occupied the important position of viceroy of peru. the son had, however, joined the patriots, and whilst second in command had not long before inflicted a signal defeat upon the spaniards in the interior; in reward for which service the gratitude of the nation had elevated him to the supreme directorate. a variety of _fêtes_ was given at valparaiso in honour of our arrival, these being prolonged for so many days as to amount to a waste of time. the same scenes were, however, re-enacted at the distant capital, whither the supreme director insisted on taking us, till i had to remind his excellency that our purpose was rather fighting than feasting. nevertheless, the reception we had met impressed me with so high a sense of chilian hospitality, that, heartbroken as i had been by the infamous persecution which had driven me from the british navy, i decided upon chili as my future home; this decision, however, being only an exemplification of the proverb _"l'homme propose--dieu dispose."_ the chilian squadron had just returned from a successful cruise, the gallant admiral blanco encalada, who commanded it, having captured a noble spanish 50-gun frigate, the _maria isabel_, in the bay of talcahuano. the squadron consisted of the recently captured spanish frigate, now named the _o'higgins_, in honour of the supreme director; the _san martin_, 56 guns, formerly the _cumberland_ indiaman, which had been bought into the service; the _lautaro_, 44 guns, also a purchased indiaman; the _galvarino_, 18 guns, recently the british sloop of war _hecate_; the _chacabuco_, 20 guns; and the _aracauno_, 16 guns; a force which, though deficient in organization and equipment, was very creditable to the energy of a newly emancipated people. a few days after my arrival a commission was issued, conferring upon me the title of "vice-admiral of chili, admiral and commander in chief of the naval forces of the republic." admiral blanco, with patriotic liberality, relinquishing his position in my favour, though, from his recent achievement, justly entitled to retain it; paying me also the additional compliment of personally announcing to the ships' companies the change which had been effected. my advent was regarded by the captains of the squadron with great jealousy, the more so, as i had brought with me from england officers upon whom i could place implicit reliance. it so happened that two of the chilian commanders, captains guise and spry, had shortly before arrived from england with the _hecate_, which had been sold out of the british navy, and bought by them on speculation. the buenos ayrean government having declined to purchase her, they had brought her on to chili, where the government took her and received her former owners into its service. these officers, together with captain worcester, a north american, got up a cabal, the object of which was to bring about a divided command between myself and admiral blanco, or, as they expressed it--"two commodores and no cochrane." finding that admiral blanco would not listen to this, they persuaded one or two of the inferior ministers--whose jealousy it was not difficult to excite--that it was dangerous and discreditable to a republican government to allow a nobleman and a foreigner to command its navy, and still more so, to allow him to retain his title; the object being to place admiral blanco in the chief command, with myself as his second--by which arrangement, as he had not been accustomed to manage british seamen, they expected to control him as they pleased. admiral blanco, however, insisted on reversing our positions, offering his services as second in command, in which arrangement i gladly acquiesced. this insignificant squabble would not be worth narrating, but for its bearing on subsequent events; as well as enabling me to confer a pleasing testimony to the patriotic disinterestedness of admiral blanco, who is still one of the brightest ornaments of the republic which he so eminently aided to establish. on the 22nd of december my flag was hoisted on board the _o'higgins_, after which the greatest despatch was used to get the squadron ready for sea. anxious to avoid delay, on the 16th of january i sailed with four ships only, the _o'higgins, san martin, lautaro,_ and _chacabuco_; leaving admiral blanco to follow with the _gaharino, aracauno,_ and _puyrredon_. a mutiny having broken out on board the _chacabuco_, it became necessary to enter coquimbo, where the leading mutineers were landed, tried, and punished. i shall here narrate an incident which occurred on our departure. lady cochrane, with her children, had returned from santiago to valparaiso, to take leave of me on embarkation. she had just gone ashore, and the last gun had been fired to summon all hands on board, when, hearing a loud _hurrah_ near the house where she resided, she went to the window, and saw our little boy--now lord cochrane, but then scarcely more than five years old--mounted on the shoulders of my flag-lieutenant, waving his tiny cap over the heads of the people, and crying out with all his might, _"viva la patria!"_ the mob being in a frenzied state of excitement. the child had slipped out of lady cochrane's house with the officer, insisting on being carried to his father; with which request the lieutenant, nothing loth, complied. to the horror of lady cochrane, she saw her boy hurried down to the beach amidst the shouts of the multitude, and, before she could interfere, placed in a boat and rowed off to the flag-ship, which was at the time under weigh, so that he could not be sent ashore again; there being no alternative but to take him with us, though without clothes--which were afterwards made for him by the sailors--and with no other attendance save that which their rough but kindly natures could administer. on our way along the coast we received information that the _antonio_ was about to sail from callao for cadiz, with a considerable amount of treasure, so that, in the hope of intercepting her, we cruized just out of sight of the port till the 21st of february. as she did not make her appearance, preparations were made to put in execution a plan which had been formed to attack the spanish shipping during the carnival, when, in the height of that festival, less vigilance than ordinary might reasonably be expected. we had previously ascertained that the naval force in the harbour consisted of the frigates _esmeralda_ and _venganza_, a corvette, three brigs of war, a schooner, twenty-eight gun-boats, and six heavily-armed merchantmen; the whole being moored close in under the batteries, which mounted upwards of 160 guns, whilst the aggregate force of the shipping was 350 guns, as appeared from an official account of their armament. a direct attack with our small force seemed, therefore, a thing not at present to be attempted; but in its place i had formed the design to cut out the frigates during the carnival, which terminated on the 23rd. knowing that two north american ships of war were daily expected at callao, it was arranged to take in the _o'higgins_ and _lautaro_, under american colours, leaving the _san martin_ out of sight behind san lorenzo, and if the _ruse_ were successful, to make a feint of sending a boat ashore with despatches, and in the meantime suddenly to dash at the frigates, and cut them out. unfortunately, one of those thick fogs, so common on the peruvian coast, arose, in which the _lautaro_ parted company, and did not rejoin the flag-ship for four days afterwards, when the carnival being at an end, our plan was rendered abortive. the fog, which in the climate of peru often continues for a considerable length of time, lasted till the 29th, when hearing heavy firing, and imagining that one of the ships was engaged with the enemy, i stood with the flag-ship into the bay; the other ships, imagining the same thing, also steered in the direction of the firing, when the fog clearing for a moment, we discovered each other, as well as a strange sail near us; which, when taken possession of by the flag-ship, proved to be a spanish gun-boat, with a lieutenant and twenty men, who, on being made prisoners, informed us that the firing was a salute in honour of the viceroy, who had that morning been on a visit of inspection to the batteries and shipping, and was then on board the brig of war _pezuela_, which we saw crowding sail in the direction of the batteries. the fog again coming on, suggested to me the possibility of a direct attack, which, if not altogether successful, would give the spaniards such an idea of our determination of purpose, as would inspire them with respect for the chilian squadron, and might induce their ships to refrain from the protection of their commerce; in which case a blockade would prevent the necessity of separating our small force in chase of them, should they evince a desire of getting to sea. accordingly, still maintaining our disguise under american colours, the _o'higgins_ and _lautaro_ stood towards the batteries, narrowly escaping going ashore in the fog. the viceroy having no doubt witnessed the capture of the gun-boat, had, however, provided for our reception, the garrison being at their guns, and the crews of the ships of war at their quarters. notwithstanding the great odds, i determined to persist in an attack, as our withdrawing without firing a shot, would produce an effect upon the minds of the spaniards the reverse of that intended; having sufficient experience in war to know that moral effect, even if the result of a degree of temerity, will not unfrequently supply the place of superior force. the wind falling light, i did not venture on laying the flag-ship and the _lautaro_ alongside the spanish frigates, as at first intended, but anchored with springs on our cables, abreast of the shipping, which was arranged in a half-moon of two lines, the rear rank being judiciously disposed so as to cover the intervals of the ships in the front line. a dead calm succeeding, we were for two hours exposed to a heavy fire from the batteries, in addition to that from the two frigates, the brigs _pezuela_ and _maypeu_, and seven or eight gun-boats; nevertheless, the northern angle of one of the principal forts was silenced by our fire. a breeze springing up, we weighed anchor, standing to and fro in front of the batteries, and returning their fire; when captain guise, who commanded the _lautaro_, being severely wounded, that ship sheered off, and never again came within range. as from want of wind, or doubt of the result, neither the _san martin_ nor _chacabuco_ had ever got within fire, the flag-ship was thus left alone to continue the action; but as this, from want of co-operation on the part of the other ships, was useless, i was reluctantly compelled to relinquish the attack, and withdrew to the island of san lorenzo, about three miles distant from the forts; the spaniards, though nearly quadruple our numbers, exclusive of their gun-boats, not venturing to follow us. the annexed was the spanish naval force present: _frigates_.--esmeralda, 44 guns; venganza, 42 guns; sebastiana, 28 guns. _brigs_.--maypeu, 18 guns; pezuela, 22 guns; potrilla, 18 guns; and one, name unknown, 18 guns. _schooner_, name unknown, one long 24, and 20 culverins. _armed merchantmen_.--resolution, 36 guns; cleopatra, 28 guns; la focha, 20 guns; guarmey, 18 guns; fernando, 26 guns; san antonio, 18 guns. total, fourteen vessels, of which ten were ready for sea; and twenty-seven gun-boats. in this action my little boy had a narrow escape. as the story has been told by several chilian writers somewhat incorrectly, i will recapitulate the circumstances. when the firing commenced, i had placed the boy in my after-cabin, locking the door upon him; but not liking the restriction, he contrived to get through the quarter gallery window, and joined me on deck, refusing to go down again. as i could not attend to him, he was permitted to remain, and, in a miniature midshipman's uniform, which the seamen had made for him, was busying himself in handing powder to the gunners. whilst thus employed, a round shot took off the head of a marine close to him, scattering the unlucky man's brains in his face. instantly recovering his self-possession, to my great relief, for believing him killed, i was spell-bound with agony, he ran up to me exclaiming, "i am not hurt, papa: the shot did not touch me; jack says, the ball is not made that can kill mamma's boy." i ordered him to be carried below; but, resisting with all his might, he was permitted to remain on deck during the action. our loss in this affair was trifling, considering that we were under the fire of more than two hundred guns; but the ships were so placed that the enemy's frigates lay between us and the fortress, so that the shot of the latter only told upon our rigging, which was considerably damaged. the action having been commenced in a fog, the spaniards imagined that all the chilian vessels were engaged, and were not a little surprised, as it again cleared, to find that their own frigate, the quondam _maria isabella_, was their only opponent. so much were they dispirited by this discovery, that as soon as possible after the close of the contest, their ships of war were dismantled, the top masts and spars being formed into a double boom across the anchorage so as to prevent approach. the spaniards were also previously unaware of my being in command of the chilian squadron, but on becoming acquainted with this fact, bestowed upon me the not very complimentary title of "el diablo," by which i was afterwards known amongst them. the title might have been rendered more appropriate, had my efforts been better seconded by the other vessels. on the following day, having repaired damages, the flag-ship and _lautaro_ again went in and commenced a destructive fire upon the spanish gun-boats, the neutral vessels in the harbour removing out of the line of shot. as the gun-boats withdrew to a position closer under the batteries, where we could make little impression upon them without getting severely punished by the fire of the fortress, we contented ourselves with the demonstration made. on the 2nd of march, i despatched capt. foster with the gun-boat captured from the spaniards, and the launches of the _o'higgins_ and _lautaro_--to take possession of the island of san lorenzo, when an unworthy instance of spanish cruelty presented itself in the spectacle of thirty-seven chilian soldiers taken prisoners eight years before. the unhappy men had ever since been forced to work in chains under the supervision of a military guard--now prisoners in turn; their sleeping place during the whole of this period being a filthy shed, in which they were every night chained by one leg to an iron bar. the joy of the poor fellows at their deliverance, after all hope had fled, can scarcely be conceived. from the liberated patriots and the spanish prisoners, i learned that in lima there were a number of chilian officers and seamen taken on board the _maypeu_, whose condition was even more deplorable than their own, the fetters on their legs having worn their ancles to the bone, whilst their commander, by a refinement of cruelty, had for more than a year been lying under sentence of death as a rebel. upon this, i sent a flag of truce to the viceroy, don joaquim de la pezuela, requesting him to permit the prisoners to return to their families, in exchange for the spanish prisoners on board the squadron, and others in chili--where there were great numbers, who were comparatively well treated. the viceroy denied the charge of ill-treatment--asserted his right, if he thought proper, to regard his prisoners as pirates; retorting that after the battle of maypeu, general san martin had treated the spanish commissioner as a spy, and had repeatedly threatened him with death. the exchange of prisoners was uncourteously refused, the viceroy concluding his reply with an expression of surprise that a british nobleman should command the maritime forces of a government "unacknowledged by all the powers of the globe." to this latter observation, i considered it incumbent upon me to reply that "a british nobleman was a free man, and therefore had a right to adopt any country which was endeavouring to re-establish the rights of aggrieved humanity; and that i had hence adopted the cause of chili, with the same freedom of judgment that i had previously exercised when refusing the offer of an admiral's rank in spain, made to me not long before, by the spanish ambassador in london;" this offer having been made by the duke de san carlos, in the name of ferdinand the seventh. our means being clearly inadequate to any decisive attack on the spanish ships of war, i resolved to try the effect of an explosion vessel, and accordingly established a laboratory on the island of san lorenzo, under the superintendence of major miller, the commandant of marines. whilst engaged in this duty, that able and gallant officer was so severely burned by an accidental explosion, as to render his further services on this occasion unavailable. on the 22nd of march--our preparations being completed--we again stood towards the batteries, the flag-ship going close in under the combined fire of the forts and shipping, in order to divert the attention of the enemy from the explosion vessel, which was set adrift in the direction of the frigates, but, unfortunately, when within musket shot of them, she was struck by a round shot and foundered, causing complete failure in our object. the _san martin_ and the _lautaro_ keeping far astern, there was no alternative but to withdraw from further attack, leaving the explosion vessel to her fate. as other attempts, with our want of means, would answer no better purpose than useless demonstration, and as the ships were now destitute of water and provisions, we were obliged to fall back upon huacho, leaving the _chacabuco_ to watch the movements of the enemy. the inhabitants of huacho, who were well disposed to co-operate in any effort for the emancipation of peru, afforded us every assistance in provisioning and watering the ships, for which the commandant, cevallos, shot two influential persons who had been foremost in aiding us, and severely punished others; at the same time seizing our water casks, and sending me an insolent letter of defiance, on which a party of seamen and marines was landed and put the garrison to flight; the officer commanding the party however withdrew from pursuit at hearing salutes fired on the arrival of admiral blanco with the _galvarino_ and _puyrredon_, mistaking this for an engagement with a newly-arrived enemy. the whole of the government property found in the spanish custom-house was captured. the people of huacho having volunteered information that a quantity of specie belonging to the philippine company had been placed for safety on board a vessel in the river barrança, she was forthwith overhauled, and the treasure transferred to the flag-ship. leaving admiral blanco at huacho with the _san martin_ and _puyrredon_, on the 4th of april we sailed for supe, with the _o'higgins_ and _galvarino_, having previously ascertained that a sum of money destined for the payment of spanish troops was on its way from lima to guambucho; on the following day a party of marines being landed at patavilca, captured the treasure, amounting to 70,000 dollars, together with a quantity of military stores. on the 7th, having received further information that the philippine company had placed other treasure on board the french brig, _gazelle_, at guambucho, we sailed for that place, and, on the 10th, the seamen of the _o'higgins_ examined her, and brought off an additional sum of 60,000 dollars. the secret of our obtaining possession of these and other convoys of spanish money along the coast, was, that i paid the inhabitants highly for information relative to their transmission, and was thus enabled to seize the treasure even in the interior of the country. as the chilian ministry subsequently refused to allow me "secret service money," these, disbursements were actually made at my own expense. it was also my object to make friends of the peruvian people, by adopting towards them a conciliatory course, and by strict care that none but spanish property should be taken, whilst their own was in all cases respected. confidence was thus inspired, and the universal dissatisfaction with spanish colonial rule speedily became changed into an earnest desire to be freed from it. had it not been for this good understanding with the inhabitants, i should scarcely have ventured to detach marines and seamen for operations at a distance into the country, as was subsequently the case; the people giving me the most reliable information of every movement of the enemy. on the 13th, we arrived at paita, where the spaniards had established a garrison. a party of marines and seamen was again landed, on which the enemy fled from the fort, and a quantity of brass ordnance, spirits, and military stores, was captured. contrary to strict orders, some marines stole a number of valuable church ornaments, but on the complaint of the authorities i caused them to be restored, punishing the offenders, and at the same time presenting the priests with a thousand dollars to repair the damage done in their churches; this act, though far from conciliating the priests--who dreaded chilian success--adding greatly to our popularity amongst the inhabitants, which was my object in bestowing the amount. our thus refraining from plunder was almost beyond the comprehension of a people who had bitter experience of spanish rapacity, whilst the undisciplined chilenos, who formed the greater portion of the squadron, as little comprehended why their plundering propensities should be restrained. on the 5th of may, i proceeded with the flag-ship alone to reconnoitre callao, having learned that the _chacabuco_ and _puyrredon_ had been chased off the port by the spanish frigates. finding that these were again moored under shelter of the batteries, we returned to supe, convinced that our previous visit to callao had proved sufficient to deter them from putting to sea for the protection of their own coasts; this, indeed, forming my chief reason for having persisted in attacks which, with our small force, could answer no other purpose; but this alone was an advantage gained, as it enabled us to communicate freely with the inhabitants on the coast, and to ascertain their sentiments, which--from our forbearance, no less than command of the sea--were almost uniformly in favour of co-operation with chili for their emancipation. both at lima and on the coast, the best effect was produced by the circulation of the following proclamation:- "compatriots! the repeated echoes of liberty in south america have been heard with pleasure in every part of enlightened europe, more especially in great britain, where i, unable to resist the desire of joining in such a cause, determined to take part in it. the republic of chili has confided to me the command of her naval forces. to these must the dominion of the pacific be consigned. by their co-operation must your chains be broken. doubt not but that the day is at hand on which, with the annihilation of despotism and your now degraded condition, you will rise to the rank of a free nation, to which your geographical position and the course of events naturally call you." "but it is your duty to co-operate in preparing for this success, and to remove obstacles, under the assurance that you will receive the most efficacious assistance from the government of chili, and your true friend, cochrane." this proclamation was accompanied by another from the chilian government, declaratory of the sincerity of its intentions, so that these combined caused us to be everywhere received as liberators. on the 8th, we returned to supe, and having learned that a spanish force was in the vicinity, a detachment of marines and seamen was, after dark, pushed through a heavy surf, and landed, in the hope of taking them by surprise. but the enemy was on the alert, and on the following morning our little party fell into an ambuscade, which would have proved serious, had not major miller, who commanded the marines, promptly formed his men, who, attacking in turn, soon put the enemy to flight at the point of the bayonet, capturing their colours, and the greater portion of their arms. on the 13th, a detachment of spanish troops arrived from lima under major camba, who, notwithstanding his superiority of numbers, did not venture to attack our small party, which withdrew to the ships with a number of cattle taken from the spaniards; camba writing to the viceroy so effective a description of his having "driven the enemy into the sea," that he was immediately promoted. not to enter into further details of our visits to other parts of the coast, where similar captures of provisions and military stores, &c. were effected--it being my practice to compel the spaniards to supply all the wants of the squadron, nothing being ever taken from the natives without payment,--i resolved--as our means were clearly incommensurate with our main object--to return to valparaiso, for the purpose of organizing a more effective force, and on the 16th of june reached that port, where we found admiral blanco with the _san martin_ and _chacabuco_, he having been obliged to raise the blockade of callao for want of provisions; a step with which the government was highly displeased, though with more reason to blame its own negligence or want of foresight in not providing them. admiral blanco was nevertheless put under arrest, but a court of inquiry being held, he was honourably acquitted. the objects of the first expedition had been fully accomplished, viz. to reconnoitre, with a view to future operations, when the squadron should be rendered efficient; but more especially to ascertain the inclinations of the peruvians with regard to their desire for emancipation--a point of the first importance to chili, as being obliged to be constantly on the alert for her own newly-acquired liberties, so long as the spaniards were in undisturbed possession of peru. to the accomplishment of these objects had been superadded the restriction of the spanish naval force to the shelter of the forts, the defeat of their military forces wherever encountered, and the capture of no inconsiderable amount of treasure. it had, however, become evident to me that the passive system of defence which the spaniards adopted in callao, would render it a difficult matter to get at them without more effective means than the guns of the ships, which were greatly inferior in number to those of the enemy's fortress and shipping combined, whilst their experience in the use of artillery was greater than that of our crews. the supreme director having paid a visit to the squadron--on the 21st of june i addressed to him a letter, stating my apprehension that the finances of the government might be limited, and that i would gladly give up to the exigencies of the republic the whole of my share of prize-money taken during our recent cruize, provided it were applied to the manufacture of rockets. this offer was declined, with a compliment from the supreme director, on the advantage already gained, by compelling the spaniards ignominiously to shut "themselves up in their port, in spite of their numerical superiority." complimentary addresses from the chilian people were also presented to me in profusion, and a public panegyric was pronounced at the national institute of the capital, upon the service rendered; but as this was only a recapitulation of what has been already narrated--conveyed in flowery rhetorical phrases--in the use of which the occidentals are almost as expert, and often as exaggerated, as are the orientals--i shall refrain from giving it. suffice it to say, that the people were not a little delighted with the plain facts, that whereas only a few months before theirs had been the blockaded port, they were now able to beard the enemy in his stronghold, till then believed--both by spaniards and chilians--to be inviolable; and that, with only four ships on our part, the spanish viceroy had been shut up in his capital, and his convoys, both by sea and land, intercepted, whilst his ships of war did not venture to emerge from their shelter under the batteries of callao. the manufacture of rockets was now carried on in earnest, under the superintendence of mr. goldsack, an eminent engineer, who had been engaged in england for the purpose. from a mistaken notion of parsimony, the labour of constructing and filling them was allotted to a number of spanish prisoners, with what result will appear in the sequel. in these and other preparations two months were consumed, in the course of which another vessel--an american built corvette--was added to the squadron, and named by the supreme director the _independencia_. during my absence lady cochrane chiefly resided at valparaiso, where she diligently employed herself in promoting objects essential to the welfare of the squadron; after a time removing to a delightful country house at quillota, where her life was endangered by a ruffian in the interest of the spanish faction. this man, having gained admission to her private apartment, threatened her with instant death if she would not divulge the secret orders which had been given to me. on her declaring firmly that she would not divulge anything, a struggle took place for a paper which she picked off a table; and before her attendants could come to her assistance she received a severe cut from a stiletto. the assassin was seized, condemned, and ordered for execution, without the last offices of the catholic religion. in the dead of the night preceding the day fixed for his execution, lady cochrane was awoke by loud lamentations beneath her window. on sending to ascertain the cause, the wretched wife of the criminal was found imploring her ladyship's intercession that her husband should not be deprived of the benefits of confession and absolution. forgiving the atrocity of the act, lady cochrane, on the following morning used all her influence with the authorities, not for this alone, but to save the man's life, and at length wrung from them a reluctant consent to commute his punishment to banishment for life. chapter ii. second expedition to peru--disappointment at not being provided with troops--failure of rockets--departure for arica--capture of pisco--capture of spanish ships at puna--determine to make an attempt on valdivia--arrival off that port, and capture of spanish brig of war potrillo--troops obtained from conception--flag-ship nearly wrecked--attack on forts, and conquest of valdivia. on the 12th of september, 1819, i again sailed for the peruvian coast, with admiral blanco as second in command. the squadron consisted of the _o'higgins, san martin, lautaro, independencia_, and _puyrredon_, the _galvarino_ and _araucano_ not being in readiness. two vessels accompanied the squadron, to be afterwards fitted up as fire-ships. the government was exceedingly anxious that some decisive blow should be at once struck. with the exception of the rockets, the squadron was in little better condition than before, a loan having failed, whilst 4,000 dollars only were subscribed by the merchants. the crews for the most part consisted of _cholos_, or native peasants, whom it was difficult to shape into good seamen, though they fought gallantly when well led. the officers were nearly all english or north american, this being a redeeming feature, but very few of them possessed the tact to bring up the men to anything like a seaman-like standard; a by no means easy task however, as a considerable portion of those embarked did duty both as marines and seamen. i begged of the government to supply me with 1,000 troops, asserting that even with that number of men it would be possible to take the castles of callao, and destroy the whole of the spanish shipping in the harbour. i was assured that this force had been provided, and was in readiness to embark at coquimbo, where, on my arrival on the 16th, in place of 1,000 troops i found only 90!--and these in so ragged a condition, that a subscription of 400 dollars was raised by the inhabitants, and given to major miller to buy clothing for them. i was so much annoyed at this, as to be on the point of returning to valparaiso to throw up my commission; but, reflecting that the squadron was in possession of rockets, and that the government might even yet forward a military force, i made up my mind to proceed, and on the 29th the squadron again came to an anchor in callao roads. the two following days were occupied in making rocket rafts, and in getting ready life-preservers for the men, in case of their falling from the rafts. on the 1st of october the _galvarino, puyrredon_, and _araucano_, stood into the bay to reconnoitre, and sustained a heavy fire from the shore, upon which i ordered the _independencia_ to their aid; but that vessel was brought to an anchor when at the distance of several miles from them. on the same day lieutenant-colonel charles, a most able and gallant officer, reconnoitred in a boat, and made trial of some rockets, upon which he reported unfavourably. in this affair the mast of the _araucano_ was struck by a round shot, and severely damaged--the circumstance being merely mentioned to shew the state in which the squadron was equipped; the only means of repairing the damage being by fishing the mast with an anchor-stock taken from the _lautaro_, whilst an axe had to be borrowed for the purpose from the flag-ship! on the 2nd, the _araucano_ again went in, accompanied by a squadron of boats under the command of captain guise, and fired several rockets, but with no perceptible effect--the spaniards having unrigged their ships; the brig sustained considerable damage from the firing of the forts and shipping. after dark, an attack by rockets and shells was arranged, the _galvarino_ taking in tow a mortar raft, under the command of major miller, and placing it, under a heavy fire, within half a mile of the enemy's batteries. the _puyrredon_ followed with another raft, carrying the shells and magazine; the _araucano_ took charge of a rocket-raft, under captain hind, whilst the _independencia_ towed in a second rocket-raft, under lieut-colonel charles, the rest of the squadron remaining at anchor. great expectations were formed, as well by myself as the whole squadron, as to the effect to be produced by these destructive missiles, but they were doomed to disappointment, the rockets turning out utterly useless. some, in consequence of the badness of the solder used, bursting from the expansive force of the charge before they left the raft, and setting fire to others--captain hind's raft being blown up from this cause, thus rendering it useless, besides severely burning him and thirteen men: others took a wrong direction in consequence of the sticks not having been formed of proper wood, whilst the greater portion would not ignite at all from a cause which was only discovered when too late. it has been stated in the last chapter that the filling of the tubes was, from motives of parsimony, entrusted to spanish prisoners, who, as was found on examination, had embraced every opportunity of inserting handfulls of sand, sawdust, and even manure, at intervals in the tubes, thus impeding the progress of combustion, whilst in the majority of instances they had so thoroughly mixed the neutralizing matter with the ingredients supplied, that the charge would not ignite at all, the result being complete failure in the object of the expedition. it was impossible to blame the spanish prisoners in the chilian arsenal for their loyalty, but to me their ingenuity was a bitter ground for disappointment, as with useless rockets we were no better off than in the first expedition; nor indeed so well off, for in the interval the spaniards had so strengthened their booms at the anchorage, as to render it impossible for the ships to get at them--whilst, by constant practice, their fire had acquired a precision which our crews could not equal. the only damage effected was by major miller's mortar, the shells sinking a gun-boat, and doing some execution in the forts and amongst the shipping. as daylight appeared, i ordered the whole of the rafts to be towed off, there being no further use in their remaining exposed to the heavy fire of the batteries. as it was, our loss was trifling, only about twenty being killed and wounded; but amongst these i had to regret the death of a promising young officer, lieut. bealey, who was cut in two by a round shot. the failure of the rockets was very unfairly attributed by the chilian government to mr. goldsack, whereas the fault lay in itself for having neither supplied him with proper workmen nor materials. from the scarcity and high, price of spelter, he had also been compelled to make use of an inferior solder for the tubes, and thus the saving of a few hundred dollars frustrated the success of a great object. the consequence to poor goldsack was utter ruin, though of his capability there could be no question, he having for many years been one of the principal assistants of sir w. congreve at woolwich. by the 5th, one of the explosion vessels was completed, and i resolved to try her effect on the booms and shipping, for which purpose she was placed in charge of lieut. morgell, who carried her in gallant style towards the enemy's shipping, but the wind falling calm, she became a target for their really excellent practice, and was in a short time riddled through and through. as the spaniards began to fire red-hot shot, lieut. morgell was compelled to abandon her, first setting fire to the train, then turning her adrift, thus causing her to explode, though at a distance which did no damage to the enemy. whilst this was going on, a strange sail was reported off the bay, and the _araucano_ went in chase, captain crosbie returning the next morning with the intelligence that she was a frigate. upon this, the squadron got under weigh, in pursuit, when she made all sail, and as i did not deem it expedient to quit the bay of callao, the chase was given up, and we returned in the evening to our former anchorage. it was afterwards learned that she was the _prueba_, of 50 guns, just arrived from cadiz; whence she had convoyed another ship, with a cargo valued at half a million of dollars; this ship contriving to slip into callao during the short absence of the squadron in pursuit of the frigate, so that we lost both prizes. it was useless to remain any longer at callao, as my instructions peremptorily commanded me not to approach with the ships within range of the enemy's batteries, nor to make any attempt on their squadron, except with the rockets and fire-ships. i was moreover ordered to return within a given time to valparaiso, these restrictions being insisted on by the minister of marine, ostensibly from what he considered my temerity in having attacked the forts and shipping at callao on the first expedition--but really, from his own narrow-minded jealousy, that i, a foreigner, should effect anything which might give me undue prominence in the estimation of the chilian people. i had, however, other reasons for quitting callao. the newly-arrived spanish frigate _prueba_, was at large, and as i had reason to believe, was sheltering at guayaquil, from which port i made up my mind to dislodge her. the government had not sent any of the promised supplies for the squadron, which was running short of provisions, so that it was necessary to resort to my former practice of compelling the spaniards to furnish them; whilst as no troops had been supplied, it was clear that there had never been an intention of sending any; the assurance of the minister of marine that they were waiting for me at coquimbo being only a _ruse_ on his part to get me to sea without a military force. we now received intelligence that the _prueba_ had been accompanied from spain by two line of battle ships, and that these were daily expected at arica, whither i proceeded in quest of them, but was disappointed in not finding them. it was subsequently learned, that although they had sailed from cadiz, in company with the _prueba_, they never reached the pacific, one of them, the _europe_, being pronounced unseaworthy on crossing the line; and the other, the _elmo_, foundering on the passage round cape horn! on the 5th of november, three hundred and fifty troops--now brought by the experience and zeal of lieut.-col. charles into a tolerably soldier-like condition--were distributed on board the _lautaro, galvarino_, and the remaining fire-ship, and were despatched to pisco, under the command of captain guise, for supplies to be taken from the spaniards, the troops being under the orders of lieut.-col. charles, and the marines under the direction of major miller. as it was not improbable that the expected spanish ships would make for callao, whilst it was more than probable that the _prueha_ would again attempt to run in, i therefore proceeded towards that port, and on the 8th anchored at san lorenzo, the united states frigate _macedonia_ being also at anchor there. the presence of the latter put the spaniards on their mettle, for shortly after our arrival, they made a show of sending twenty-seven gun-boats to attack us, not however, venturing to get their frigates under weigh. preparations being made on our part to cut off the gun-boats, they quickly retreated, to the no small amusement of the north americans, for whose edification the spectacle had been exhibited. i was not mistaken in the expectation that the _prueba_ might again attempt to take shelter under the forts of callao. on her appearance, we immediately gave chase, but she once more escaped in the night. on my return, i fell in with, and captured her boat, which had been sent ashore with despatches to the viceroy, and from the information gained from the crew, i now felt certain that she would take refuge in guayaquil, whither i determined to follow her. before doing so in the narrative, the success of the expedition despatched to pisco must be mentioned. it was the intention of the officers commanding to land in the night, and thus take the garrison by surprise; but this plan was frustrated by the wind dying away, so that the landing could not be effected till broad daylight, when the garrison, supported by field artillery and cavalry, were prepared to receive them. nothing daunted, the patriot troops landed without firing a shot, through the fire of the guns, whilst the spanish infantry from house tops, and the church tower, thinned their ranks at every step. at length it came to the bayonet, for which the spaniards did not wait, but rushed into the square of the town, after having mortally wounded the brave col. charles. major miller instantly followed, when their last volley in the square, before flying in all directions, brought down him also, with three bullets in his body, so that his life was despaired of. the ships remained for four days, during which they obtained all they wanted; but 200,000 gallons of spirits, placed on the beach for shipment, was destroyed by order of captain guise, in consequence of his not being able to control the men, who, from the facility of obtaining liquor, were becoming unmanageable. on the 16th, the _galvarino_ and _lautaro_ rejoined me at santa, which place had previously been taken possession of by the marines left on board the flag-ship. on the 21st, i despatched the _san martin, independencia,_ and _araucano_ to valparaiso, together with a transport filled with sick--an epidemic of a destructive nature having broken out on board the squadron. this disease, which carried off many men, had been introduced on board by the minister of marine's army of ninety men, shipped at coquimbo. i now proceeded in search of the _prueba_, with the flag-ship, _lautaro, galvarino_, and _puyrredon_. on the 27th, we entered the river guayaquil, and leaving the _lautaro_ and the brigs outside, the flag-ship crowded all sail during the night--though without a pilot--arriving next morning at the island of puna, under which two large vessels were anchored, and instantly attacked, when, after a brisk fire of twenty minutes, they struck, proving to be the _aguila_, of 20 guns, and _vigonia_, of 16 guns, both laden with timber, destined for lima. the village of puna was also taken possession of. on rejoining the other vessels with the prizes, they were found ready to sail, imagining from the firing that i had fallen in with the _prueba_, and might possibly get the worst of the contest. the _prueba_ was at guayaquil as had been anticipated, but having been lightened of her guns and stores she had been towed up the river, where, from the shallowness of the water, it was impossible to get at her; whilst, as she lay under the protection of the batteries, i did not deem it practicable to cut her out with the boats. a circumstance here occurred which would not be worth mentioning, did it not bear upon future matters. captains guise and spry--imagining that i should now return to valparaiso, and that the comparative failure of the expedition would be attributed to me, instead of to the worthless rockets, and to my instructions not to attempt anything beyond their use--endeavoured to get up a mutiny, by circulating a report that i did not intend to permit the ships left outside to share in the prizes, and had indeed left them behind for this purpose; having also permitted my officers to plunder the prizes _ad libitum_, before leaving the river--further declaring, that i intended to claim a double share, from having acted in the capacity of admiral and captain. as there was not the slightest doubt of their having sedulously circulated these reports, with the object of entering the port of valparaiso with the squadron in a discontented condition, i determined to take serious notice of their conduct. on the necessary steps being taken, they both pledged their honour that they had not made or even heard of such a report! but i had no intention to return to valparaiso, and still less to make officers so inimical to me acquainted with my future plans. on the 13th of december, major miller was so far recovered as to be removed on board the flag-ship, after which i despatched the _lautaro_ to valparaiso with the two prizes, first transferring to her armament the beautiful brass guns taken in the _vigonia_; leaving the _galvarino_ and _puyrredon_ to watch the movements of the spanish frigate. as the reader may suppose, i was greatly annoyed at having been foiled at callao, from causes altogether beyond my control, for the bad rockets, and worse faith of the minister of marine in not supplying me with the promised troops, were no faults of mine. my instructions, as has been said, were carefully drawn up to prevent my doing anything rash--as the first trip to callao had been represented by certain officers under my command, who had no great relish for fighting. at the same time the chilian people expected impossibilities; and i had, for some time, been revolving in my mind a plan to achieve one which should gratify them, and allay my own wounded feelings. i had now only one ship, so that there were no other inclinations to consult; and felt quite sure of major miller's concurrence where there was any fighting to be done, though a ball in the arm, another through the chest, passing out at his back, and a left hand shattered for life, were not very promising fighting incentives as far as physical force was concerned, yet the moral courage of my gallant guest was untouched, and his capacity to carry out my plans was greater than before, as being more matured by sharp experience. my design was, with the flag-ship alone, to capture by a _coup de main_ the numerous forts and garrison of valdivia, a fortress previously deemed impregnable, and thus to counteract the disappointment which would ensue in chili from our want of success before callao. the enterprise was a desperate one; nevertheless, i was not about to do anything desperate, having resolved that, unless fully satisfied as to its practicability, i would not attempt it. rashness, though often imputed to me, forms no part of my composition. there is a rashness without calculation of consequences; but with that calculation, well-founded, it is no longer rashness. and thus, now that i was unfettered by people who did not second my operations as they ought to have done, i made up my mind to take valdivia, if the attempt came within the scope of my calculations. the first step clearly was to reconnoitre the place, where the flag-ship arrived on the 18th of january, 1820, under spanish colours, and made a signal for a pilot, who--as the spaniards mistook the _o'higgins_ for the long-expected _prueba_--promptly came off, together with a complimentary retinue of an officer and four soldiers, all of whom were made prisoners as soon as they came on board. the pilot was ordered to take us into the channels leading to the forts, whilst the officer and his men, knowing there was little chance of finding their way on shore again, thought it most conducive to their interests to supply all the information demanded, the result being increased confidence on my part as to the possibility of a successful attack. amongst other information obtained was the expected arrival of the spanish brig of war _potrillo_, with money on board for the payment of the garrison. as we were busily employing ourselves in inspecting the channels, the officer commanding the garrison began to suspect that our object might not altogether be pacific, this suspicion being confirmed by the detention of his officer. suddenly a heavy fire was opened upon us from the various forts, to which we did not reply, but, our reconnoissance being now completed, withdrew beyond its reach. having occupied two days in reconnoitring--on the third the _potrillo_ hove in sight; and being also deceived by our spanish colours was captured without a shot--20,000 dollars and some important despatches being found on board. as nothing could be done without troops, with which the chilian ministers had been careful not to supply me, i determined to sail to conception, where governor freire had a considerable force to keep in check the savage tribes of indians whom the spaniards employed, under the monster benavides and his brother, to murder the defenceless patriots. on the 22nd of january we anchored in talcahuano bay, where we found the buenos ayrean brig _intrepido_ and the chilian schooner _montezuma_. governor freire received us with great hospitality; and after explanation of my plans, placed two hundred and fifty men at my disposal, under the command of a gallant frenchman, major beauchef; notwithstanding that freire was on the eve of attacking benavides, and by thus weakening his division might incur the displeasure of the government. no time was lost in embarking the men in the three vessels, the _montezuma_ being taken into the service, and the buenos ayrean brig volunteering to accompany us. it was highly praiseworthy on the part of general freire to place these troops under my orders, inasmuch as they were destined for a service in the praise of which, even if successful, he could not participate; whilst, if unsuccessful, he would certainly have incurred great blame. he knew, moreover, that the ministry had refrained from supplying me with regular troops; yet he not only generously contributed them, but pledged himself not to communicate my plans to the government; our destination being even kept secret from the officers, who were told not to encumber themselves with baggage, as we were only going to tucapel, in order to harass the enemy at arauco, thus making it appear that we were about to aid general freire against benavides, instead of his aiding us to capture valdivia. but our difficulties, though we had obtained the troops, were not at an end. the flag-ship had only two naval officers on board, one of these being under arrest for disobedience of orders, whilst the other was incapable of performing the duty of lieutenant; so that i had to act as admiral, captain, and lieutenant, taking my turn in the watch--or rather being constantly on the watch--as the only available officer was so incompetent. we sailed from talcahuano on the 25th of january, when i communicated my intentions to the military officers, who displayed great eagerness in the cause--alone questioning their success from motives of prudence. on explaining to them that if unexpected projects are energetically put in execution they almost invariably succeed, in spite of odds, they willingly entered into my plans; and major miller's health being now sufficiently re-established, his value as a commander was as great as ever. on the night of the 29th, we were off the island of quiriquina, in a dead calm. from excessive fatigue in the execution of subordinate duties, i had laid down to rest, leaving the ship in charge of the lieutenant, who took advantage of my absence to retire also, surrendering the watch to the care of a midshipman, who fell asleep. knowing our dangerous position, i had left strict orders to be called the moment a breeze sprang up, but these orders were neglected, and a sudden wind taking the ship unawares, the midshipman, in attempting to bring her round, ran her upon the sharp edge of a rock, where she lay beating, suspended, as it were, upon her keel, and had the swell increased, she must inevitably have gone to pieces. we were forty miles from the mainland, the brig and schooner being both out of sight. the first impulse both of officers and crew was to abandon the ship, but as we had six hundred men on board, whilst not more than a hundred and fifty could have entered the boats, this would have been but a scramble for life. pointing out to the men that those who escaped could only reach the coast of arauco, where they would meet nothing but torture and inevitable death at the hands of the indians, i with some difficulty got them to adopt the alternative of attempting to save the ship. the first sounding gave five feet water in the hold, and the pumps were entirely out of order. our carpenter, who was only one by name, was incompetent to repair them; but having myself some skill in carpentry i took off my coat, and by midnight got them into working order, the water meanwhile gaining on us, though the whole crew were engaged in bailing it out with buckets. to our great delight the leak did not increase, upon which i got out the stream anchor, and commenced heaving off the ship, the officers clamouring first to ascertain the extent of the leak. this i expressly forbade, as calculated to damp the energy of the men, whilst as we now gained on the leak, there was no doubt the ship would swim as far as valdivia, which was the chief point to be regarded, the capture of the fortress being my object, after which the ship might be repaired at leisure. as there was no lack of physical force on board, she was at length floated; but the powder magazine having been under water, the ammunition of every kind--except a little upon deck and in the cartouch boxes of the troops--was rendered unserviceable; though about this i cared little, as it involved the necessity of using the bayonet in our anticipated attack, and to facing this weapon the spaniards had, in every case, evinced a rooted aversion. before making the land to the southward of punta galera, the troops in the _o'higgins_ as well as the marines, were, in a high sea, removed into the _intrepido_ and _montezuma_, to which i shifted my flag, ordering the _o'higgins_ to stand off and on out of sight of land, to avoid creating suspicion. we then made for the harbour, intending to land the same evening and take the spaniards by surprise, but, as it fell calm, this plan was frustrated. the fortifications of valdivia are placed on both sides of a channel three quarters of a mile in width, and command the entrance, anchorage, and river leading to the town, crossing their fire in all directions so effectually, that with proper caution on the part of the garrison no ship could enter without suffering severely, while she would be equally exposed at anchor. the principal forts on the western shore are placed in the following order:--el ingles, san carlos, amargos, chorocomayo alto, and corral castle. those on the eastern side are niebla, directly opposite amargos, and piojo; whilst on the island of manzanera is a strong fort mounted with guns of large calibre, commanding the whole range of the entrance channel. these forts, with a few others, amounted in the whole to fifteen, and in the hands of a skilful garrison would render the place almost impregnable, the shores on which they stand being almost inaccesible by reason of the surf, with the exception of a small landing place at the aguada del ingles. it was to this landing-place that we first directed our attention, anchoring the brig and schooner off the guns of fort ingles, on the afternoon of feb. 3rd, amidst a swell which rendered immediate disembarkation impracticable. the troops were carefully kept below; and to avert the suspicion of the spaniards, we had trumped up a story of our having just arrived from cadiz, and being in want of a pilot: upon which they told us to send a boat for one. to this we replied, that our boats had been washed away in the passage round cape horn. not being quite satisfied, they began to assemble troops at the landing-place, firing alarm guns, and rapidly bringing up the garrisons of the western forts to fort ingles, but not molesting us. unfortunately for the credit of the story about the loss of the boats, which were at the time carefully concealed under the lee of the vessels, one drifted astern, so that our object became apparent, and the guns of fort ingles, under which we lay, forthwith opened upon us, the first shots passing through the sides of the _intrepido_, and killing two men, so that it became necessary to land in spite of the swell. we had only two launches and a gig, into which i entered to direct the operation, major miller, with forty-four marines, pushing off in the first launch, under the fire of the party at the landing place, by which the coxswain being wounded, the major had to take the helm, and whilst doing this, received a ball through his hat, grazing the crown of his head. ordering a few only of his party to fire, the whole leaped ashore at the landing place, driving the spaniards, before them at the point of the bayonet. the second launch now pushed off from the intrepido, and, in this way, in less than an hour, three hundred men had made good their footing on shore. the most difficult task--the capture of the forts--was to come; the only way in which the first, fort ingles, could be approached being by a precipitous path, along which the men could only pass in single file; the fort itself being inaccessible except by a ladder, which the enemy, after being routed by major miller, had drawn up. as soon as it was dark, a picked party, under the guidance of one of the spanish prisoners, silently advanced to the attack, expecting to fall in with a body of the enemy outside the fort, but all having re-entered, our men were unopposed. this party having taken up its position, the main body moved forward, cheering and firing in the air, to intimate to the spaniards that their chief reliance was on the bayonet. the enemy, meanwhile, kept up an incessant fire of artillery and musketry in the direction of the shouts, but without effect, as no aim could be taken in the dark. whilst the patriots were thus noisily advancing, a gallant young officer, ensign vidal--who had previously distinguished himself at santa--got under the inland flank of the fort, and with a few men, contrived unperceived to tear up some pallisades, by which a bridge was made across the ditch, whereby he and his small party entered, and formed noiselessly under cover of some branches of trees which overhung it, the garrison directing their whole attention to the shouting patriots in an opposite direction. a volley from vidal's party convinced the spaniards that they had been taken in flank. without waiting to ascertain the number of those who had outflanked them, they instantly took to flight, filling with a like panic a column of three hundred men, drawn up behind the fort. the chilians, who were now well up, bayoneted them by dozens, in their efforts to gain the other forts, which were opened to receive them; the patriots thus entering at the same time, and driving them from fort to fort into the castle of corral, together with two hundred more, who had abandoned some guns advantageously placed on a height at fort chorocomayo. the corral was stormed with equal rapidity, a number of the enemy escaping in boats to valdivia, others plunging into the forest; whilst upwards of a hundred, besides officers, fell into our hands, the like number being found bayoneted on the following morning. our loss was seven men killed, and nineteen wounded. the spaniards had, no doubt, regarded their position as impregnable, which, considering its difficulty of access and almost natural impenetrability, it ought to have been, if properly defended. they had only found out their error when too late, thus justifying my former remark to the military officers, that an attack where least expected is almost invariably crowned with success. much less had the spaniards calculated on a night attack, the most favourable of all to the attacking party, as necessitating unity of action--and the least favourable of all to the party attacked, as inspiring doubt and panic, almost certain to end in irresolution and defeat. the garrison consisted of the cantabria regiment of the line, numbering about eight hundred, with whom was associated a militia of upwards of a thousand. on the 5th, the _intrepido_ and _montezuma_, which had been left at the aguada inglesa, entered the harbour, being fired at in their passage by fort niebla on the eastern shore. on their coming to an anchor at the corral, two hundred men were again embarked to attack forts niebla, carbonero, and piojo. the _o'higgins_ now appearing in sight off the mouth of the harbour, the spaniards abandoned the forts on the eastern side, no doubt judging that as the western forts had been captured without the aid of the frigate, they had--now that she had arrived--no chance of successfully defending them; the patriot troops were therefore disembarked at fort niebla till the tide served to take them to the town of valdivia. in crossing the harbour, the _intrepido_, from want of precaution in taking soundings, grounded on a bank in the channel, where, bilged by the surf, she finally became a wreck. nor was the _o'higgins_ in a much better condition, as, from the injury sustained at quiriquina, it became necessary to put her ashore on a mud bank, as the sole means of saving her from going down in deep water, so that the only vessel left was the little schooner _montezuma_. on the 6th, the troops were again embarked to pursue the flying garrison up the river, when we received a flag of truce informing us that the enemy had abandoned the town, after plundering the private houses and magazines; and, together with the governor, colonel montoya, had fled in the direction of chiloe. from the disorders which were committed by the spaniards, previous to their retreat, the town was in great consternation, many of the inhabitants having also fled; a proclamation issued by me, to the effect that no one should be molested in person or property, had, however, the effect of inducing them to return; and an additional order immediately to choose for themselves a governor, at once restored peace and tranquillity--the disposition of the people being for the most part good, whilst any leaning which might have existed in favour of spanish rule was dissipated by the excesses which, previous to their flight, the royalist troops had committed. the fortifications were so numerous, that at first it was my intention to destroy them and embark the artillery, as the spaniards who had escaped to chiloe--where another spanish regiment was stationed--might return after my departure and recover them, the force which could be spared to garrison them being insignificant when distributed amongst fifteen forts. on further reflection, i could not make up my mind to destroy fortresses, the erection of which had cost upwards of a million of dollars, and which chili would find it difficult to replace; and therefore determined on leaving them intact, with their artillery and ammunition, intending, before my return to valparaiso, to render the rout of the spaniards who had escaped, yet more complete. the booty which fell into our hands, exclusive of the value of the forts and public buildings, was considerable, valdivia being the chief military depot in the southern part of the continent. amongst the military stores, were upwards of 1,000 cwt. of gunpowder, 10,000 cannon shot, of which 2,500 were brass, 170,000 musket cartridges, a large quantity of small arms, 128 guns, of which 53 were brass, and the remainder iron; the ship _dolores_, afterwards sold at valparaiso for 20,000 dollars, with public stores, also sold for the like value; and plate, of which general sanchez had previously stripped the churches of conception, valued at 16,000 dollars. from correspondence found in the archives of valdivia, it was clear that quintanilla, the governor of chiloe, had serious apprehensions of a revolt at san carlos, so that, in place of returning to valparaiso, i resolved to see what could be effected there. the loss of the _intrepido_ was a serious drawback to our means of transporting troops, and the flag-ship would no longer float; as, however, we had possession of the _dolores_, it was resolved to crowd into her and the _montezuma_ all the troops that could be spared, leaving major beauchef the whole of those brought from conception. meanwhile, i despatched a _piragua_ to valparaiso with the intelligence of our success; the unexpected news, as was afterwards learned, creating such an amount of popular enthusiasm as had never before been witnessed in chili. the most amusing part of the affair was, that by the time my despatches announcing our victory reached vaparaiso, the other ships of the squadron had also arrived, when captain guise and his officers had attributed our rocket failure at callao to my want of skill in their use; the inference desired, being my want of capability to command a squadron. not a word of blame was then attributed to poor goldsack, who had superintended their manufacture, as indeed none was deserved, though the blame afterwards attributed to him ended as before stated in his ruin. to this alleged want of professional skill on my part, zenteno had drawn up an elaborate accusation against me of disobedience to orders, in not having returned, according to my instructions; the whole _clique_ felicitating themselves on my dismissal with disgrace. even the people did not know what judgment to form, as all materials for forming an opinion were kept from them, whilst every pretence tending to my discredit was carefully made known. on news of the victory, all this was immediately hushed up--the ministers, to retrieve their own credit, joined in the popular enthusiasm, which it would have been unavailing to thwart--and poor goldsack was overwhelmed with reproach for the failure of his rockets, though the whole blame rested with the government in having employed spanish prisoners as his workmen. chapter iii. departure for chiloe--preparations of the enemy--capture of fort corona--failure at fort aguy, and subsequent retreat--return to valdivia--capture of osorio--return to valparaiso--enthusiastic reception--chagrin of the ministry--importance of conquest of valdivia in a political point of view--promotion of officers under arrest--employment of indians by the spaniards--career of benavides--mutinous spirit of the seamen in consequence of their captures being appropriated by government--resignation of my commission--refusal thereof--renewed offer of an estate--this again declined--seamen obtain their wages--private purchase of an estate--government gives notice of taking it--appointment of flag captain against my wishes--annoyance given to me by minister of marine--renewed resignation of the command--officers of the squadron resign in a body--government begs of me to retain the command--my consent--general san martin--the senate--zenteno--corruption of parties in the administration. having provided for the safety of the city and province of valdivia, by establishing a provisional government, and left major beauchef with his own troops to maintain order--on the 16th of february, i sailed with the _montezuma_ schooner, and our prize the _dolores_, for the island of chiloe, taking with me two hundred men, under the command of major miller, my object being to wrest chiloe from spain, as i had done valdivia. unfortunately, the services of the flag-ship, the _o'higgins_, were not available, there being no way of rendering her seaworthy, without tedious repairs, for which there was no time, as our success depended on attacking chiloe before the governor had leisure to prepare for defence. neither of our vessels being armed for fighting, i depended altogether upon major miller and our handful of soldiers to oppose a thousand regular troops, besides a numerous militia; but having been informed that the garrison was in a mutinous state, i calculated that by judicious management, they might be induced to join the patriot cause. unluckily, our design had got wind, and the spanish governor, quintanilla, a judicious officer, had managed to conciliate them. on coming to an anchor on the 17th, at huechucucay, we found a body of infantry and cavalry, with a field-piece, ready to dispute our landing; but drawing off their attention by a feigned attack upon a distant spot, and thus dividing them into two parties, major miller got on shore, and soon routed them, capturing their field-piece. a night attack being decided upon, the troops, a hundred and seventy in number, moved on under the direction of a guide, who, wilfully or treacherously, misled them, the men thus wandering about in the dark throughout the whole night. at dawn, they found their way to fort corona, which, with a detached battery, was taken without loss. halting for a short time to refresh the men, major miller bravely, but too precipitately, moved on fort aguy, in broad daylight; this fort being the stronghold of the enemy, mounting twelve guns, with others flanking the only accessible path by which entrance could be gained, and being garrisoned by three companies of regulars, two companies of militia, and a full proportion of artillerymen. the fort stood on a hill, washed on one side by the sea, and having on the other an impenetrable forest, the only access being by a narrow path, whilst the means of retreat for the garrison was by the same path, so that the attack became for the latter a matter of life and death, since, in case of defeat, there was no mode of escape, as at valdivia. in spite of these odds, and the spectacle of two fanatical friars on the ramparts, with lance in one hand, and crucifix in the other, urging on the garrison to resist to the death the handful of aggressors--the indomitable courage of miller did not allow him to remain in the forts he had already taken till nightfall, when he would have been comparatively safe by attacking in the dark. choosing out of his small band a forlorn hope of sixty men, he perilled his own safety, upon which so much depended, by leading them in person; every gun and musket of the enemy being concentrated on a particular angle of the path which he must needs pass. as the detachment reached the spot, a shower of grape and musketry mowed down the whole, twenty out of the sixty being killed outright, whilst nearly all the rest were mortally wounded. seeing their gallant commander fall, the marines, who were waiting to follow, dashed through the fire, and brought him off, with a grape-shot through his thigh, and the bones of his right foot crushed by a round shot. another dash by the force which remained brought off the whole of the wounded, though adding fearfully to their numbers. this having been accomplished, captain erescano, who succeeded to the command, ordered a retreat; the spaniards, animated by success, and urged on by the friars, following just within musket-shot, and making three separate attacks, which were on each occasion repelled, though from the killed and wounded, the pursuers were now fully six times their number. nevertheless one-half of the diminished band kept the enemy at bay, whilst the other half spiked the guns, broke up the gun-carriages, and destroyed the military stores in the forts captured in the morning, when they resumed their march to the beach, followed by the spaniards as before. the marines who, with affectionate fidelity, had borne off major miller, had been careful to protect him from fire, though two out of the three who carried him were wounded in the act; and when, on arriving at the beach, they were invited by him to enter the boat, one of them, a gallant fellow named roxas, of whom i had spoken highly in my despatches from valdivia, on account of his distinguished bravery, refused, saying, "no, sir, i was the first to land, and i mean to be the last to go on board." he kept his word; for on his commander being placed in safety, he hastened back to the little band, now nearly cut up, and took his share in the retreat, being the last to get into the boats. such were the chilenos, of whom the mean jealousy of the minister of marine, zenteno, refused to allow me a thousand for operations at callao--which could have been conducted with ease, as valdivia had been captured with less than a third of that number. our force being now seriously diminished, and feeling convinced that the fanatics of chiloe were devoted to the cause of spain, there was nothing left but to return to valdivia, where, finding that the spaniards who had been dispersed in the neighbourhood were committing excesses, i despatched major beauchef with 100 men to osorio to secure that town, the relief being accepted with great joy even by the indians, of whom, wrote major beauchef to me, "i have embraced more than a thousand caciques and their followers. they have all offered their services to fight in the patriotic cause; but as circumstances do not require this, i have invited them to return to their own lands, and have received their promises to be ready if the country should call for their services." the spaniards being driven from osorio, the flag of chili was, on the 26th of february, hoisted on the castle by major beauchef, who returned to valdivia. there being nothing further to require my presence, i placed the _o'higgins_ under the orders of my secretary, mr. bennet, to superintend her repairs, and embarked in the _montezuma_, for valparaiso, taking with me five spanish officers who had been made prisoners, amongst whom was colonel fausto de hoyos, the commandant of the cantabria regiment. on my departure, the spaniards, elated by their success at chiloe, combined with those who had been driven from valdivia, in an attempt to recover their lost possessions, but major beauchef, having timely intelligence of their intention, set out to meet them. a number of volunteers having joined the patriot force, major beauchef on the 6th of march encountered the enemy on the river toro, and instantly attacked them, when, in about an hour, the spanish officers mounted their horses and fled in a body, leaving the men to their fate. nearly three hundred of these immediately surrendered, and major beauchef--having captured the whole of the arms and baggage--returned in triumph to valdivia. on the 27th of february, i arrived at valparaiso, in the _montezuma_, amidst the most lively demonstrations of enthusiasm on the part of the populace, and warm expressions of gratitude from the supreme director. but my reception by his ministers was wholly different. zenteno, through whose orders i had broken, declared, that the conquest of valdivia "was the act of a madman! that i deserved to have lost my life in the attempt; and even now ought to lose my head for daring to attack such a place without instructions, and for exposing the patriot troops to such hazard;" afterwards setting on foot a series of intrigues, having for their object the depreciation of the service which had been rendered, so that i found myself exposed to the greatest possible vexation and annoyance, with not the slightest indication of national acknowledgment or reward to myself, officers, or men. the chagrin of zenteno and the bad passions of his adherents were further enhanced by the congratulatory addresses which poured in on both the supreme director and myself from all parts, the people declaring, contrary to the assertions of zenteno, that i had acted, not from any feeling of personal vanity, but from a conviction of the national utility of the act; and that by its accomplishment the valour of the chilenos had been so displayed as to shew that they had the utmost confidence in their officers, and hence possessed the moral as well as physical courage necessary for further achievements. notwithstanding the envious dissatisfaction of zenteno, the government was compelled, in deference to the popular voice, to award medals to the captors, the decree for this stating that "the capture of valdivia was the happy result of the devising of an admirably arranged plan, and of the most daring and valorous execution." the decree further conferred on me an estate of 4,000 quadras from the confiscated lands of conception, which i refused, as no vote of thanks was given by the legislature; this vote i finally obtained as an indemnification to myself for having exceeded my orders; such being necessary after zenteno's expressions of ill-will towards me on account of breaking through instructions. situated as chili then was, it is impossible to over-rate the importance of this acquisition--the capture of a noble harbour protected by fifteen forts, and the magazines with their vast amount of military stores, being even secondary to the political advantages gained by the republic. the annexation of this province, at one blow conferred on chili complete independence, averting the contemplated necessity for fitting out a powerful military expedition for the attainment of that object, vitally essential to her very existence as an independent state; because, so long as valdivia remained in the hands of the spaniards, chili was, in her moments of unguardedness or disunion, in constant danger of losing the liberties she had, as yet, but partially acquired. the resources of the province of valdivia, together with those of conception, had contributed the means whereby the spaniards maintained their hold upon the chilian territory. not only were they deprived of these resources--now added to those of chili--but a great saving was effected by exonerating the republic from the necessity of maintaining a military force in the southern provinces, as a check upon both spaniards and indians, who, at the moment of our conquest of valdivia, were being let loose in all directions against the chilian patriots. setting aside, therefore, the removal of danger, and the complete establishment of independence, the money value alone of the conquest was, to a government of very limited means, of the first importance, as doing away with the necessity of military expenditure, estimated by competent judges at a million of dollars, merely to attempt the accomplishment of an object, which, without any additional cost, i had effected with a single ship, so unseaworthy that she had to be left behind. but the advantage of the conquest did not end here. had it not been for this capture, the spanish power in chili, aided by the indians, would have found it easy to maintain itself in such a country for a protracted period, despite any military force chili was in a condition to bring against it; so that no effective co-operation with the people of peru could have been undertaken--as common prudence would have deterred them from entering into distant revolutionary projects, so long as the spaniards were in possession of any part of the chilian territory; whilst the necessity of defending herself through a protracted civil war, would have prevented chili from aiding in the liberation of peru, which would thus have remained a permanent base of operations for the spaniards to annoy, if not again to recover, the chilian provinces. a further advantage was the successful negociation of a loan of one million sterling in england, which was accomplished solely on account of what had been achieved, every attempt at this having failed so long as the spaniards were in possession of the most important harbour and fortress in the country, from which, as a basis, they might organize future attempts to recover the revolted provinces. notwithstanding these advantages, not a penny in the shape of reward, either for this or any previous service, was paid to myself, the officers, or seamen, nevertheless the government appropriated the money arising from the sale of the _dolores_, and the stores with which she was loaded; neither was there any account taken of the value of the guns and the enormous amount of ammunition left in the forts at valdivia. the men who performed this achievement were literally in rags, and destitute of everything, no attempt being made by the department of marine to lessen their sufferings--for to this extent was their condition reduced. in place of reward, every encouragement was offered to the officers to disobey my orders. two of these i had marked for punishment, for deliberate murder. ensign vidal having captured two spanish officers in fort ingles, they surrendered their swords, receiving the gallant youth's pledge of safety; but captain erescano coming up, immediately butchered them. another case was even worse: ensign latapia, who had been left in command of the castle of corral, after my departure to chiloe, ordered two of his prisoners to be shot; and four officers would have met the same fate, had not my secretary, mr. bennet, taken them on board the _o'higgins_. for this i placed latapia under arrest, making the necessary declarations for a court-martial, and conveyed him as a prisoner to valparaiso, where, in place of being punished, both he and erescano were promoted, and taken into the liberating army of general san martin. i have spoken of the aid afforded to the spaniards by the indians. on the 10th of march general freire, afterwards supreme director, wrote me a letter congratulatory of my success against valdivia, which he concluded by informing me that its capture had already caused the indians of angol, and their cacique, benavente, to declare in favour of chili, and that he did not doubt but that this would shortly be followed by a similar declaration on the part of the indians throughout the province; general freire not being aware that i had already produced this effect by distributing amongst them an immense quantity of trumpery stores and gewgaws, accumulated by the spaniards in the magazines at valdivia, for the purpose of rewarding murderous inroads into the chilian territory. it will be interesting briefly to note the employment of indians by the spaniards. their agent, or leader, in this horrible warfare, was a wretch named benavides, who may fairly lay claim to the distinction of being the most perfect monster who ever disgraced humanity. he had originally been a common soldier in the buenos ayrean army, and, together with his brother, had _carte blanche_ from the spaniards to commit the most fearful atrocities on the chilian patriots, who could not defend themselves against the stealthy cowardice of indian warfare. his invariable practice was, whenever a village or estate could be surprised, to sew up the leading inhabitants as tightly as possible in raw ox-hides stripped from their own cattle, when, being laid in the burning sun, the contraction of the hides as they dried caused a slow and lingering death of perfect agony, which it was the amusement of himself and the savages whom he led to enjoy whilst smoking their cigars. when any persons of influence fell into his hands, he cut out their tongues, and otherwise horribly mutilated them--a bishop and several other gentlemen surviving as witnesses of his atrocities. valdivia was this man's _point d'appui_, whence he drew his supplies, and when we took the place a small vessel fell into our hands, laden with arms and ammunition for his disposal amongst the indians. she was destined for arauco, and had on board two spanish officers and four non-commissioned officers, sent for the purpose of rendering the indians still more formidable by indoctrinating them into european modes of warfare. the wretch benavides was afterwards bought over by general san martin, and sent to conception for the orders of general freire, who told him to his face that he would have nothing to do with such a monster; whereupon benavides left conception, and commenced a desolating warfare upon the inhabitants of the coast, even refining upon his former barbarities. the country getting too hot for him, he again offered his services to the spaniards, and was on his way to peru in a small vessel, when, being compelled to go ashore for water, in the vicinity of valparaiso, one of his men betrayed him, and he was sent to santiago, where he was hung. the seamen were becoming mutinous, in consequence of neither receiving pay nor prize-money, every promise given being broken, as well to them as to myself. as they looked to me for the vindication of their rights, and, indeed, had only been kept from open outbreak by my assurance that they should be paid, i addressed a letter of expostulation to the supreme director, recounting their services and the ill-merited harshness to which they were exposed at the hands of his ministers, notwithstanding that since their return they had aided the government in the construction of wharves and other conveniences necessary for the embarkation of troops and stores to peru--a military expedition to that country being now decided on. the fact was, that the proceeds of the captures were appropriated by the government, which, to avoid repayment, declared that the conquest of valdivia was a _restoration!_ though the place had never been in possession of chili. on my refusing to allow the stores i had brought from thence to be disembarked, unless as a compensation to the seamen, it was alleged as a reason for the course pursued that even if valdivia had not belonged to the republic, chili did not make war on every section of america. it was therefore put to my liberality and honourable character whether i would not give up to the government all that the squadron had acquired? these views were written by monteagudo, afterwards the willing instrument of general san martin in peru. i asked him, "whether he considered that which had been advanced as just, or according to law?" the reply was, "_certainly not, but i was ordered to write so!_" finding that i would surrender nothing, it was next debated in the council whether i ought not to be brought to a court martial for having delayed and diverted the naval forces of chili to the reduction of valdivia, without the orders of government! no doubt this course would have been decided on but from the unsettled condition of the republic and fear of the populace, who denounced the views of the ministry as heartily as they advocated my proceedings. as nothing in the shape of justice could be obtained for the squadron, on the 14th of may, i begged his excellency the supreme director to accept the resignation of my commission, as, by retaining it, i should only be instrumental in promoting the ruin which must follow the conduct of his advisers; at the same time telling him i had not accepted it to have my motives misconstrued, and my services degraded as they had been on account of objects which i was unable to divine, unless, indeed, a narrow-minded jealousy, such as that which designated the capture of valdivia, its "_restoration_," though it had never before passed from under the dominion of the spaniards. this course had not been anticipated, though it was not adopted in any spirit of intimidation, but from repugnance to the heartless ingratitude with which important national services had been met. the ministers were, however, thus brought for a time to their senses, the justice of my complaints being acknowledged, and every assurance given that for the future the government would observe good faith towards the squadron. an estate, as has been said, had been offered to me as a reward for my services, which was declined for reasons already adduced. the offer was now renewed, but again declined, as nothing but promises were as yet forthcoming to the service, and the only hold upon the seamen was my personal influence with them, in consequence of my unyielding advocacy of their rights--a hold which i was not likely to forego for a grant to myself. in place, therefore, of accepting the estate, i returned the document conveying the grant, with a request that it might be sold, and the proceeds applied to the payment of the squadron; but the requisition was not complied with. seeing that i was determined not to be trifled with, and shamed by my offer of applying the estate to the payment of the men, general san martin, who was appointed to command the military portion of the expedition to peru, came to valparaiso in june, and on the 13th of july, the squadron was paid wages in part only, but as i insisted on the whole being liquidated, this was done on the 16th; but without any portion of their prize-money. my share alone of the value of captures made at and previous to the capture of valdivia was 67,000 dollars, and for this i received the assurance of the supreme director that it should be paid to me at the earliest possible moment; upon which i accepted the estate which continued to be pressed upon me, the grant expressing the purpose for which it was given, adding as a reason that "my name should never cease from the land." this estate, situated at rio clara, was, after my departure from chili, forcibly resumed by the succeeding government; and the bailiff, whom i had placed upon it for the purpose of seeing how it could be improved by culture and the introduction of valuable european seeds, was forcibly expelled from its supervision. on my first refusal to accept the estate--for the reason before assigned--in order to convince the chilians how great was my desire to be enrolled amongst the number of their citizens, i purchased a hacienda at herradura, about eight miles from valparaiso. the effect produced by this upon the ministry was almost ludicrous. it was gravely argued amongst them as to what i, a foreigner, could intend by purchasing an estate in chili? the conclusion to which they came being, as i was credibly informed, that as the whole population was with me, i must intend, when opportunity served, to set myself up as the ruler of the republic, relying upon the people for support! such was statesmanship at that day in chili. it so happened, that soon after purchasing this property i pointed out to the government how much better the bay of herradura was calculated for a naval arsenal, than the ill-protected bay of valparaiso; offering at the same time to make them a gratuitous present of all the land required for the establishment of a naval arsenal and marine depot. this offer was, no doubt, construed into an act, on my part, to gain additional popularity--though this, perhaps, would have been no easy matter; and a notice was served upon me not to make any improvements, as the government intended to appropriate the estate--but would not reimburse any outlay, though they would repay me the purchase money, and also for any improvements that had already have been effected! i instantly solicited an explanation of the supreme director, and received an apology, attributing the whole affair to the officiousness of the attorney-general, who had founded his proceeding on an old spanish law; and there, for a time, the matter dropped, but for a time only--viz. so long as the necessities of the state required my services. a new source of annoyance now arose, in all kinds of attempts to lessen my authority in the navy, but as i was always on the alert to maintain my position, these resulted in nothing but defeat to their concoctors. at length an overt act was committed in the appointment of captain spry as my flag captain on board the _o'higgins_, which had been repaired at valdivia, and was now come down to valparaiso. an order to this effect was sent to me, which i promptly refused to obey, adding that captain spry should never tread my quarter-deck as flag captain, and that if my privilege as an admiral were not admitted, the government might consider my command as at an end, for so long as i continued in command of the squadron, i would not permit an executor of my orders to be forced upon me. the point was immediately conceded, and captain crosbie was appointed flag captain. the nomination of spry was, no doubt, meant to control my efforts in the future expedition to peru, the credit of which, if any, was to be reserved for the army. as far as i knew anything of captain spry, i had no personal objections to him, but, restricted as i had been by the minister of marine zenteno, i had great doubts as to the motives for appointments of his making, being convinced that his principal aim was to prevent me from doing anything beyond keeping the spaniards in check, an operation to which i was by no means inclined to accede, as had been evinced by the recent conquest of valdivia, in excess of his instructions. encouraged by the annoyance given to me by the minister of marine and his party, one or two of my captains thought themselves at liberty to manifest a disregard to my authority, which, as their admiral, i did not choose to tolerate. the most influential of these was captain guise, who, having been guilty of several acts of direct disobedience and neglect of duty, was, by my orders, put in arrest, pending a demand made by me that the government should institute a court martial for the investigation of his conduct. this act greatly irritated zenteno, who desired to support him, and refused consent to the inquiry; thus establishing a precedent for the captain of any ship to consider himself independent of the admiral. such an act of folly in violation of the discipline of the navy, no less than of personal insult to myself, determined me to have nothing more to do with the chilian administration, and on july 16th, i once more transmitted to the government my resignation, at the same time demanding my passport to quit the country, notifying to the officers of the squadron that on the receipt of the same i should cease to command. a meeting was immediately held amongst them, and on the same day, i received--not a valedictory address, as might have been expected--but two letters, one signed by five captains, and the other by twenty-three commissioned officers, containing resolutions of abandoning the service also, at the same time handing in their commissions. to this proof of attachment, i replied, by requesting that they would not sacrifice their own positions on my account, and recommended them not to make their resolutions public till they had further considered the matter, as it might be seriously detrimental to the interests of the country. the following letter was addressed to me on this occasion by the officers of the squadron:- "on board the _independencia_, july 18, 1820." my lord, the general discontent and anxiety which your lordship's resignation has occasioned amongst the officers and others of the squadron, afford a strong proof how much the ungrateful conduct of the government is felt by those serving under your command. "the officers whose names are subscribed to the enclosed resolutions, disdaining longer to serve under a government which can so soon have forgotten the important services rendered to the state, beg leave to put in your hands their commissions, and to request you will be kind enough to forward them to the minister of marine. at the same time that we are thus forced to withdraw ourselves from the service, our warmest wishes will be offered up for the prosperity and liberty of the country." "signed by 23 commissioned officers." the following resolutions accompanied this letter:-"resolved--1. that the honour, safety, and interest of the chilian navy entirely rest on the abilities and experience of the present commander-in-chief." "2. that, as the feelings of unbounded confidence and respect which we entertain for him cannot be transferred to another, we have come to the resolution of resigning our commissions, and of transmitting them to government, through the hands of our admiral." "3. that our commissions shall be accompanied by a letter expressive of our sentiments, signed by all whose commissions are enclosed." "signed by 23 officers." pending the acceptance of my resignation by the government, the equipment of the squadron was carried on with the greatest alacrity, so that there might be no ground for complaint that the termination of my command had caused any remissness in our duties. i, however, withheld the commissions which had been enclosed to me by the officers of the squadron, lest the measure should excite popular dissatisfaction, and thus cause a danger for which the government was unprepared. the only captains who did not sign the resolutions were guise and spry, the former being in arrest, and the latter being offended with me on account of my refusal to accept him as flag captain. there is no doubt but that he immediately communicated to zenteno the resolutions of the officers, for on the 20th i received from him the following letter:- "valparaiso, july 20th, 1820." "my lord," "at a moment when the services of the naval forces of the state are of the highest importance, and the personal services of your lordship indispensable, the supremacy, with the most profound sentiments of regret, has received your resignation, which, should it be admitted, would involve the future operations of the arms of liberty in the new world in certain ruin; and ultimately replace in chili, your adopted home, that tyranny which, your lordship abhors, and to the annihilation of which your heroism has so greatly contributed." "his excellency the supreme director commands me to inform your lordship that should you persist in resigning the command of the squadron which has been honoured by bearing your flag--the cause of terror and dismay to our enemies, and of glory to all true americans; or should the government unwisely admit it, this would indeed be a day of universal mourning in the new world. the government, therefore, in the name of the nation returns you your commission, soliciting your re-acceptance of it, for the furtherance of that sacred cause to which your whole soul is devoted." "the supremacy is convinced of the necessity which obliges your lordship to adopt the measures which placed captain guise, of the _lantaro_, in arrest, and of the justice of the charges exhibited against this officer; but being desirous of preventing any delay in the important services in which the ships of war are about to proceed, it is the request of his excellency the supreme director that his trial be postponed to the first opportunity which does not interfere with the service of the squadron, so important at the present epoch." "(signed) jose ignacio zenteno." in addition to this communication from the minister of marine, i received private letters from the supreme director and general san martin, begging me to continue in command of the naval forces, and assuring me that there should be no further cause for complaint. on receipt of these letters i withdrew my resignation, and returned to the officers of the squadron their commissions, at the same time setting captain guise at liberty, and reinstating him in the command of his ship. i would not have done this but from a feeling of attachment to the supreme director, general o'higgins, whose amiable disposition--too easy to contend with the machinations of those around him,--was a sufficient assurance that he was neither an actor in, nor even privy to the system of annoyance pursued towards me by a clique of whom zenteno was the agent. like many other good commanders, o'higgins did not display that tact in the cabinet which had so signally served his country in the field, in which,--though general san martin, by his unquestionable powers of turning the achievements of others to his own account, contrived to gain the credit--the praise was really due to general o'higgins. the same easy disposition, after the elevation of the latter to the supreme directorate, induced him to consent to the establishment of a senatorial court of consultation, conceding to it privileges altogether incompatible with his own supremacy; and it was with this body that all the vexations directed against me originated--as has been asserted by writers on chili, at the instigation of general san martin; but having no documentary evidence to prove this, i shall not take upon myself to assert the fact, notwithstanding that the subsequent conduct of the general gave more than probability to the generally received opinion. there was, however, no doubt but that general san martin had been privy to much of the annoyance given to the squadron and myself, as, upon my accusing him of this, he replied that he only "wanted to see how far the supreme director would allow a party spirit to oppose the welfare of the expedition;" adding, "never mind, my lord, i am general of the army, and you shall be admiral of the squadron." _"bien, milord, yo soy general del exercito, y v. sara almirante de la esquadra."_ his allusion to the complicity of the supreme director i knew to be false, as his excellency was anxious to do all in his power both for the squadron and his country; had not the senate, on which he had conferred such extraordinary powers, thwarted all his endeavours. general san martin was, however, much surprised when i shewed him the letters and returned commissions of the officers, he having no conception of their determination not to serve under any command but my own; this step on their part being fraught with the greatest danger to the equipment of the contemplated expedition. the senate just noticed was an anomaly in state government. it consisted of five members, whose functions were to remain only during the first struggles of the country for independence; but this body had now assumed a permanent right to dictatorial control, whilst there was no appeal from their arbitrary conduct, except to themselves. they arrogated the title of "most excellent," whilst the supreme director was simply "his excellency;" his position, though nominally head of the executive, being really that of mouth-piece to the senate, which, assuming all power, deprived the executive government of its legitimate influence, so that no armament could be equipped, no public work undertaken, no troops raised, and no taxes levied, except by the consent of this irresponsible body. for such a clique, the plain, simple good sense, and thorough good feeling of the supreme director was no match; as, being himself above meanness, he was led to rely on the honesty of others from the uprightness of his own motives. though in every way disposed to believe, with burke, that "what is morally wrong can never be politically right," he was led to believe that a crooked policy was a necessary evil of government; and as such a policy was adverse to his own nature, he was the more easily induced to surrender its administration to others who were free from his conscientious principles. of these the most unscrupulous was zenteno, who, previous to the revolution, had been an attorney at conception, and was a _protégé_ of general san martin--carrying with him into state administration the practical cunning of his profession, with more than its usual proportion of chicanery. as he was my bitter opponent, obstructing my plans for the interests of chili in every possible way, it might ill become me to speak of him as i then felt, and to this day feel. i will therefore adduce the opinion of mrs. graham, the first historian of the republic, as to the estimation in which he was generally held:--"zenteno has read more than usual among his countrymen, and thinks that little much. like san martin, he dignifies scepticism in religion, laxity of morals, and coldness of heart, if not cruelty, with the name of philosophy; and while he could shew creditable sensibility for the fate of a worm, would think the death or torture of a political opponent matter for congratulation." i was his political opponent, as wishing to uphold the authority of the supreme director, and hence, no doubt, his enmity to me; his influence even extending so far as to prevent the supreme director from visiting me whilst in santiago, on the ground that such a course on his part would be undignified! at this distance of time--now that chili is in possession of a government acting on more enlightened principles--there is no necessity for withholding these remarks, without which the subsequent acts of the chilian government towards me might be liable to misconstruction as to my representations of them. so long as chili was in a transition state from a corrupt and selfish government to one acting in accordance with the true interests of the country, i forbore to make known these and other circumstances, which, having now become matters of history, need not any longer be withheld. writing in this spirit, i may mention a reason, notorious enough at the time, why the squadron was not paid even its wages. the government _had_ provided the means, but those to whom the distribution was entrusted retained the money during their pleasure, employing it for their own advantage in trading speculations or in usury, only applying it to a legitimate purpose when further delay became dangerous to themselves. one great cause of the hatred displayed towards me by these people, was my incessant demands that the claims of the squadron should be satisfied as regarded wages. as to prize-money, not a dollar was ever conceded by the government either to myself, officers, or men, so long as i remained in chili; but i had the satisfaction to see that the constant watch which i kept on those financial disorders, was the means of ameliorating the system, though with the additional dislike to myself of those whose short-sighted policy i was thwarting, and whose avaricious speculations were thus curtailed. in spite of his enmity, the minister of marine had been officially compelled to write me the following letter:- "my lord," "if victories over an enemy are to be estimated according to the resistance offered, or the national advantages obtained, the conquest of valdivia is, in both senses, inestimable; encountering, as you did, the natural and artificial strength of that impregnable fortress which, till now, had obstinately defended itself by means of those combined advantages. the memory of that glorious day will occupy the first pages of chilian history, and the name of your excellency will be transmitted from generation to generation by the gratitude of our descendants." "his excellency the supreme director, highly gratified by that noble conquest, orders me to inform you (as i have now the satisfaction of doing), that he experiences, in his own name, and in that of the nation, the most heartfelt gratification at that signal achievement. the meritorious officers, beauchef, miller, erescano, carter, and vidal, and all the other officers and soldiers who, in imitation of your excellency, encountered such vast dangers, will be brought to the notice of government, in order to receive a decorative medal, in gratitude for their gallantry, and in proof that chili rewards the heroes who advocate her cause." our national flag has been displayed amidst the most festive public demonstrations, above those of valdivia and cantabria, in proof of the subjection of our enemies. "i beg, with the greatest gratification, the honour to announce to you your letter of the 3rd instant, transmitting those of major beauchef and major miller." "god preserve your excellency many years." (signed) jose ignacio zenteno. "the vice-admiral commanding the chilian squadron." it is difficult to see how a man who could have written the above letter, even officially, could have become my worst enemy; the reasons for which will, however, develop themselves as we proceed. as the estate which was conferred upon me at rio clara was afterwards taken from me, without reason assigned, i will here give the letter conveying it, as this will again have to be alluded to. the attorney-like cunning of zenteno prevented its conveyance by any more formal document than the decree conferring it. "my lord," "a decree of this date has been issued by his excellency the supreme director, of which the annexed is a copy:--" "desirous to expedite, without loss of time, the gift of 4000 _quadras_ of land, which, by decree of the senate, was assigned to the commander-in-chief of the squadron, vice-admiral lord cochrane, as a demonstration of public appreciation for his distinguished services in the '_restoration,_' of the important fortress of valdivia; the said 4000 _quadras_ are assigned on the lands of rio clara, in the province of conception, being part of the confiscated estate of pablo furtado, a fugitive spaniard." "'the present deed shall serve as a sufficient title to the property in favour of the vice-admiral, being communicated to the minister of finance, in order to the accustomed formalities, to receive possession and enjoy the benefits.'" "i have the honour to communicate the above, by supreme orders, for your information." "god preserve your excellency many years." "(signed) jose ignacio zenteno. administration of marine, valparaiso, august so, 1820. published by order of his excellency." * * * * * chapter iv. obstacles to equipping the squadron--sailing of the liberating expedition--debarcation at pisco--long inaction of the army--general san martin removes to ancon--capture of the esmeralda--exchange of prisoners--acknowledgment of the service by general san martin--lady cochrane's visit to mendoza. the difficulties which attended the equipment of the squadron and troops destined for the liberation of peru were very great, the government being without credit, whilst its treasury had been completely exhausted by efforts to organise an army--a loan being impossible, and indeed refused. by my influence with the british merchants, i managed to obtain considerable quantities of naval and military stores, and in addition, a contribution to a subscription which was set on foot, in place of a forced loan, upon which the government hesitated to venture. the greatest difficulty was, however, with regard to the foreign seamen, who, disgusted with the want of faith towards them, refused to re-enter the service. the government, upon this, requested me to resort to impressment, which i declined, telling them, moreover, that the captain of the british frigate then in port would not permit his countrymen to be impressed. the alternative proposed was to use my influence with the men, by issuing such a proclamation, dictated by myself, as would render them dependent for their pay and prize-money upon general san martin, and on the success of the expedition; it being evident that they would not place further confidence in the promises of the government. a joint proclamation was therefore issued by gen. san martin and myself, my signature being added as a guarantee, whilst his bore the authority of commander-in-chief. the following extract will shew the nature of this proclamation:- "on my entry into lima, i will punctually pay to all foreign seamen who shall voluntarily enlist into the chilian service, the whole arrears of their pay, to which, i will also add to each individual, according to his rank, one year's pay over and above his arrears, as a premium or reward for his services, if he continue to fulfil his duty to the day of the surrender of that city, and its occupation by the liberating forces." (signed) jose de san martin. "cochrane." this proclamation had the desired effect, and the crews of the ships were immediately completed. the chilian force amounted to 4200 men, general san martin, to the great disappointment of general freire, being nominated captain-general--the force under his command was designated the "liberating army" _(exercito libertador)_. whilst the expedition was in process of formation, the supreme director had apprised the peruvian people of its object, and lest they should entertain any jealousy of its presence uninvited, had declared his views in a general proclamation, from which the following is an extract:- "peruvians--do not think we shall pretend to treat you as a conquered people? such a desire could have entered into the heads of none but those who are inimical to our common happiness. we only aspire to see you free and happy; _yourselves will frame your own government_, choosing that form which is most consistent with your customs, your situation, and your wishes. consequently, _you will constitute a nation as free and independent as ourselves_." this, and subsequent proclamations, will require to be borne in mind, as the result by no means corresponded with the intentions of the supreme director, whose honesty of purpose was afterwards set at nought by those in whose estimation peru was only a field for the furtherance of their own ambition. the chileno officers, both native and foreign, certainly believed in the sincerity of their leaders, but were subsequently doomed to be miserably disappointed as regarded the chief of them. on the 21st of august, 1820, the squadron sailed amidst the enthusiastic plaudits of the people, who felt proud that in so short a time the power of spain had not only been humbled, but that they were enabled to despatch an army to liberate her principal remaining state. on the 25th, the squadron hove to off coquimbo, taking on board another battalion of troops. on the 26th we again sailed, when general san martin made known to me his intention of proceeding with the main body of the army to truxillo, a place four degrees to leeward of lima, where the army could have gained no advantage, nor, indeed, have found anything to do, except to remain there safe from any attack by the spaniards, who could not approach it by land, whilst the squadron could protect it by sea. by representing to general san martin that this course would cause great dissatisfaction amongst the chileno officers and men, who expected to be landed and led at once against lima, for the immediate conquest of which they were amply sufficient, he consented to give up his plan of proceeding to truxillo, but firmly refused to disembark his men in the vicinity of lima; for what reason i could not then divine. my own plan was to land the force at chilca, the nearest point to callao, and forthwith to obtain possession of the capital; an object by no means difficult of execution, and certain of success. finding all argument unavailing, we sailed for pisco, where the expedition arrived on the 7th of september, and on the 8th, to my great chagrin, the troops were disembarked, and for fifty days remained in total inaction! with the exception of despatching colonel arenales into the interior with a detachment, which, after defeating a body of spaniards, took up a position to the eastward of lima. even on arriving at pisco, general san martin declined to enter the town, though the spanish forces consisted of less than three hundred men. landing the troops under major-general las heras, he went down the coast in the schooner _montezuma_ the inhabitants meanwhile retiring into the interior, taking with them their cattle, slaves, and even the furniture of their houses. this excess of caution excited great discontent in the army and the squadron, as contrasting strangely with the previous capture of the place, in the preceding year, by lieut.-colonel charles and major miller, with their handful of men. on the return of general san martin, he professed to be greatly chagrined at the departure of the inhabitants, and the consequent loss of supplies. instead of attributing this to his own tardy movements, he declared his disbelief in the accounts he had received from peru as to the friendly disposition of the inhabitants, even throwing out doubts as to the success of the expedition in consequence. it was of the first importance to have taken the place immediately, and to have conciliated the inhabitants, as the ships were scantily provisioned, and all but destitute of other necessary supplies. a detailed account, however, of the capture of the place was transmitted to santiago, where it was duly recorded in the official organ as the first feat of the great expedition. during these fifty days the squadron was also necessarily kept in inaction, having achieved nothing beyond the capture of a few merchantmen along the coast, and a fruitless chase of two spanish frigates, the _prueba_ and _venganza_, which i did not follow up, as involving risk to the transports during my absence. this delay was productive of the worst disasters which could have befallen the expedition. the people were eager to receive us, and not calculating on such tardiness on the part of general martin--were everywhere declaring in our favour; but being unsupported, were fined, imprisoned, and subjected to corporal punishment by the viceroy. rendered cautious by this, they naturally distrusted the force idling away its time at pisco, manifesting reluctance to bring forward the requisite supplies, upon which they were treated, by order of general san martin, with military rigour; being thus harassed, the peruvians began to look upon the chilenos as oppressors in common with the spaniards, to the no small danger of losing every desire for national independence. nevertheless, on reaching pisco, gen. san martin had promulgated a proclamation from the supreme director full of fervent appeals to god and man as regarded the good intentions of the chilian government: the following are extracts:- "peruvians, here are the engagements under which chili--before the supreme being--and calling all nations to witness as avengers of any violation of the compact, engages to aid you--setting death and toil at defiance. you shall be free and independent. you shall choose your own government and laws, by the spontaneous will of your representatives. no military or civil influence, direct or indirect, shall your brethren use to influence your social dispositions. you shall dismiss the armed force sent to your assistance the moment you judge proper, without regard to our opinion of your danger or security. never shall any military division occupy the soil of a free people, unless called for by your lawful magistrate. neither by ourselves, nor by our aid, shall party opinions which may have preceded your liberty be punished. ready to overthrow any armed force which may resist your rights, we beseech you to forget all grievances antecedent to the day of your glory, so as to reserve the most severe justice to obstinacy and oppression." such, were the inducements held out to the peruvian people, and such was their first experience with regard to their liberators. yet even amidst inaction the fruits of demonstration early became manifest, a vessel arriving on the 4th of october, from guayaquil, with the intelligence that on receiving news of the sailing of the expedition, that province had declared itself independent. upon the arrival of this welcome news, i again begged of general san martin to reimbark the troops and move on lima, and at length succeeded in inducing him to make a move. previous to our departure, general san martin issued the following proclamation, here given to shew how promises solemnly entered into could afterwards be broken. "peruvians! i have paid the tribute which, as a public man, i owe to the opinion of others, and have shewn what is my object and mission towards you. i come to fulfil the expectations of all those who wish to belong to the country which gave them birth, and who desire to be governed by their own laws. on the day when peru shall freely pronounce as to the form of her institutions, be they whatever they may, _my functions shall cease_, and i shall have the glory of announcing to the government of chili, of which i am a subject, that their heroic efforts have at last received the consolation of giving liberty to peru, and peace to the neighbouring states." the troops being reimbarked--on the 28th we sailed from pisco, and on the following day anchored before callao. after having reconnoitred the fortifications, i again urged on general san martin an immediate disembarcation of the force, but to this he once more strenuously objected, to the great disappointment of the whole expedition; insisting on going to ancon, a place at some distance to the northward of callao. having no control over the disposition of the troops, i was obliged to submit; and on the 30th, detached the _san martin, galvarino,_ and _araucano_, to convoy the transports to ancon, retaining the _o'higgins, independencia_, and _lautaro_, as if for the purpose of blockade. the fact was, that--annoyed in common with the whole expedition--at this irresolution on the part of general san martin, i determined that the means of chili, furnished with great difficulty, should not be wholly wasted, without some attempt at accomplishing the objects of the expedition; and accordingly formed a plan of attack with the three ships which i had kept back--though being apprehensive that my design would be opposed by general san martin, i had not even mentioned to him my intentions. this design was to cut out the _esmeralda_ frigate from under the fortifications, and also to get possession of another ship, on board of which we had learned that a million of dollars was embarked for flight, if it became necessary; my opinion being that if such display of power were manifested, the spaniards would either surrender the capital or abandon it. the enterprise was hazardous, for since my former visit the enemy's position had been much strengthened, no less than 300 pieces of artillery being mounted on shore, whilst the _esmeralda_ was crowded with the best sailors and marines that could be procured, these sleeping every night at quarters. she was, moreover, defended by a strong boom with chain moorings, and by armed blockships; the whole being surrounded by twenty-seven gun-boats; so that no ship could possibly get at her. for three days we occupied ourselves in preparations, still keeping secret the purpose for which they were intended. on the evening of 5th of november, this was communicated to the ships by the following proclamation:- "marines and seamen," "this night we are going to give the enemy a mortal blow. tomorrow you will present yourselves proudly before callao, and all your comrades will envy your good fortune. one hour of courage and resolution is all that is required of you to triumph. remember, that you have conquered in valdivia, and be not afraid of those who have hitherto fled from you." "the value of all the vessels captured in callao will be yours, and the same reward in money will be distributed amongst you as has been offered by the spaniards in lima to those who should capture any of the chilian squadron. the moment of glory is approaching, and i hope that the chilenos will fight as they have been accustomed to do, and that the english will act as they have ever done at home and abroad." "cochrane." on issuing this proclamation, it was stated that i should lead the attack in person, volunteers being requested to come forward, on which the whole of the marines and seamen on board the three ships offered to accompany me. as this could not be permitted, a hundred and sixty seamen and eighty marines were selected, and after dark were placed in fourteen boats alongside the flag-ship, each man armed with cutlass and pistol, being, for distinction's sake, dressed in white, with a blue band on the left arm. the spaniards i expected would be off their guard, as, by way of _ruse_, the other ships had been sent out of the bay under the charge of captain foster, as though in pursuit of some vessels in the offing--so that the spaniards would consider themselves safe from attack for that night. at ten o'clock all was in readiness, the boats being formed in two divisions, the first commanded by my flag-captain crosbie, and the second by captain guise,--my boat leading. the strictest silence, and the exclusive use of cutlasses were enjoined; so that, as the oars were muffled, and the night dark, the enemy had not the least suspicion of the impending attack. it was just upon midnight when we neared the small opening left in the boom, our plan being well-nigh frustrated by the vigilance of a guard-boat, upon which my launch had luckily stumbled. the challenge was given, upon which, in an under-tone, i threatened the occupants of the boat with instant death if they made the least alarm. no reply was made to the threat, and in a few minutes our gallant fellows were alongside the frigate in line, boarding at several points simultaneously. the spaniards were completely taken by surprise--the whole, with the exception of the sentries, being asleep at their quarters--and great was the havoc made amongst them by the chileno cutlasses whilst they were recovering themselves. retreating to the forecastle, they there made a gallant stand, and it was not until the third charge that the position was carried. the fight was for a short time renewed on the quarter-deck, where the spanish marines fell to a man, the rest of the enemy leaping overboard and into the hold to escape slaughter. on boarding the ship by the main chains, i was knocked back by the butt end of the sentry's musket, and falling on a thole pin of the boat, it entered my back near the spine, inflicting a severe injury, which caused me many years of subsequent suffering. immediately regaining my footing, i reascended the side, and when on deck, was shot through the thigh, but binding a handkerchief tightly round the wound, managed, though with great difficulty, to direct the contest to its close. the whole affair, from beginning to end, occupied only a quarter of an hour, our loss being eleven killed and thirty wounded, whilst that of the spaniards was a hundred and sixty, many of whom fell under the cutlasses of the chilenos before they could stand to their arms. greater bravery i never saw displayed than that of our gallant fellows. before boarding, the duties of all had been appointed, and a party was told off to take possession of the tops. we had not been on deck a minute, when i hailed the foretop, and was instantly answered by our own men, an equally prompt answer being returned from the frigate's maintop. no british man-of-war's crew could have excelled this minute attention to orders. the uproar speedily alarmed the garrison, who, hastening to their guns, opened fire on their own frigate, thus paying us the compliment of having taken it; though, even in this case, their own men must still have been on board, so that firing on them was a wanton proceeding, as several spaniards were killed or wounded by the shot of the fortress, and amongst the wounded was captain coig, the commander of the _esmeralda_--who, after he was made prisoner, received a severe contusion by a shot from his own party. the fire from the fortress was, however, neutralised by a successful expedient. there were two foreign ships of war present during the contest--the united states frigate _macedonian_, and the british frigate _hyperion_; and these, as previously agreed on with the spanish authorities in case of a night attack--hoisted peculiar lights as signals, to prevent being fired upon. this contingency being provided for by us--as soon as the fortress commenced its fire on the _esmeralda_, we also ran up similar lights, so that the garrison became puzzled which vessel to fire at; the intended mischief thus involving the _hyperion_ and _macedonian_, which were several times struck, the _esmeralda_ being comparatively untouched. upon this the neutral frigates cut their cables and moved away; whilst captain guise, contrary to my orders, cut the _esmeralda_ cables also, so that there was nothing to be done but to loose her top-sails and follow; the fortress then ceasing its fire. my orders were not to cut the cables of the, _esmeralda_; but after taking her to capture the _maypu_, a brig of war previously taken from chili--and then to attack and cut adrift every ship near, there being plenty of time before us; no doubt existing but that when the _esmeralda_ was taken, the spaniards would desert the other ships as fast as their boats would permit them, so that the whole might either have been captured or burned. to this end all my previous plans had been arranged; but on being placed _hors de combat_ by my wounds, captain guise, on whom the command of the prize devolved, chose to interpose his own judgment, and content himself with the _esmeralda_ alone, cutting her cables without my orders; the reason assigned being, that the english had broken into her spirit-room and were getting drunk, whilst the chilenos were disorganized by plundering. it was a great mistake, for if we could capture the _esmeralda_, with her picked and well-appointed crew, there would have been little or no difficulty in cutting the other ships adrift in succession. it would only have been the rout of valdivia over again, chasing the enemy, without loss, from ship after ship, instead of from fort to fort. the following extract, from the order issued preparatory to the attack, will clearly shew the plan frustrated by cutting the _esmeralda_ adrift:- "on securing the frigate, the chilian seamen and marines are not to give the chilian cheer, but to deceive the enemy, and give time for completing the work: they are to cheer '_viva el rey_.'" "the two brigs of war are to be fired on by the musketry _from the esmeralda_, and are to be taken possession of by lieutenants esmonde and morgell, in the boats they command; which, being done, they are to cut adrift, run out, and anchor in the offing as quickly as possible. the boats of the _independencia_ are to turn adrift all the outward spanish merchant ships; and the boats of the _o'higgins_ and _lautaro_, under lieutenants bell and robertson, are to set fire to one or more of the headmost hulks; but these are not to be cut adrift, so as to fall down upon the rest." (signed) "cochrane." by the cutting of the _esmeralda's_ cables, not one of these objects was effected. the captured frigate was ready for sea, with three months' provisions on board, and with stores sufficient for two years. she was, no doubt, if opportunity offered, intended to convoy the treasure-ship, which, by the precipitancy of captain guise, we had missed; indeed the spanish admiral being on board at the time, with his flag flying, was a pretty clear proof that she was on the point of departure; instead of which, the admiral, his officers, and 200 seamen were made prisoners, the remainder of the crew, originally 370 in number, being killed, wounded, or drowned. an incident occurred during the contest which, at this distance of time, i shall not refrain from mentioning. his britannic majesty's ship _hyperion_ was so close to the _esmeralda_, as to be a witness of the whole proceeding. a midshipman was standing at the gangway looking on, amongst others, when his truly english nature, unable to restrain itself as our gallant fellows cleared the forecastle of the enemy, gave vent to its expression by clapping his hands in approbation. it was afterwards reported that he was immediately ordered below by his commander, captain searle, who threatened to put him under arrest. such was the feeling of an english commander towards me. i should not have condescended to notice this occurrence but for the bravado shown by the same officer on a previous occasion, by casting loose his guns, with their tompions out, when my flag-ship entered the roads; thereby either intimating that he considered me a pirate, or that he would so treat me, if he had an opportunity. when approaching the _esmeralda_, the british frigate also hailed each boat separately, with the evident intention of alarming the enemy; which would no doubt have been the case, had not the spaniards been thrown off their guard by the before-mentioned ruse of sending the ships out of the bay. far different was the conduct of the commander of the united states frigate _macedonian_--whose sentinels did not hail the boats--the officers in an under-tone wishing us success; and still more honourable was the subsequent testimony of that talented officer, captain basil hall, who commanded his britannic majesty's ship _conway_, then in the pacific. this testimony, though in some degree a recapitulation of the events already related, but slightly inaccurate as regards the number of men employed, i feel proud to adduce:- "while the liberating army, under general san martin, was removing to ancon, lord cochrane, with part of his squadron, anchored in the outer roads of callao. the inner harbour was guarded by an extensive system of batteries, admirably constructed, and bearing the general name of the 'castles of callao.' the merchant ships, as well as the men of war, consisting of the _esmeralda_, a large 40-gun frigate, and two sloops of war, were moored under the guns of the castle, within a semicircle of fourteen gun-boats, and a boom made of spars chained together." "lord cochrane, having previously reconnoitred these formidable defences in person, undertook, on the 5th of november, 1820, the desperate enterprise of cutting out the spanish frigate, although she was known to be fully prepared for an attack. his lordship proceeded in fourteen boats, containing 240 men--all volunteers from the different ships of the squadron--in two divisions, one under the orders of captain crosby, and the other under captain guise, both officers commanding the chileno squadron." "at midnight, the boats having forced their way across the boom, lord cochrane, who was leading, rowed alongside the first gun-boat, and taking the officer by surprise, proposed to him, with a pistol at his head, the alternative of silence or death. no reply being made, the boats pushed on unobserved, and lord cochrane, mounting the _esmeralda's_ side, was the first to give the alarm. the sentinel on the gangway levelled his piece and fired, but was instantly cut down by the coxwain, and his lordship, though wounded in the thigh, at the same moment stepped on the deck, the frigate being boarded with no less gallantry on the opposite side by captain guise, who met lord cochrane midway on the quarter-deck, as also captain crosby, and the afterpart of the ship was soon carried, sword in hand. the spaniards rallied on the forecastle, where they made a desperate resistance, till overpowered by a fresh party of seamen and marines, headed by lord cochrane. a gallant stand was again made on the main deck, but before one o'clock the ship was captured, her cables cut, and she was steered triumphantly out of the harbour." "this loss was a death-blow to the spanish naval force in that quarter of the world; for, although there were still two spanish frigates and some smaller vessels in the pacific, they never afterwards ventured to shew themselves, but left lord cochrane undisputed master of the coast." on the morning of the 6th a horrible massacre was committed on shore. the market-boat of the united states frigate was, as usual, sent for provisions, when the mob took it into their heads that the _esmeralda_ could not have been cut out without the assistance of the _macedonian_, and, falling upon the boat's crew, murdered the whole of them. the wounded amongst the _esmeralda's_ crew were sent on shore under a flag of truce, a letter from me to the viceroy proposing an exchange of prisoners being at the same time transmitted. the proposal was this time civilly acceded to, and the whole were sent on shore; the chilian prisoners, who had long languished in the dungeons of the fortress, being returned, and ordered to join the army of general san martin. on transmitting the intelligence of our success to general san martin, i received from him the following acknowledgment of the achievement:- _10th november, 1820._ "my lord," "the importance of the service you have rendered to the country by the capture of the frigate _esmeralda_, and the brilliant manner in which you conducted the gallant officers and seamen under your orders to accomplish that noble enterprise, on the night of the memorable 5th of november, have augmented the gratitude due to your former services by the government, as well as that of all interested in the public cause, and in your fame." "all those who participated in the risks and glory of the deed, also deserve well of their countrymen, and i have the satisfaction to be the medium of transmitting the sentiments of admiration which such transcendent success has excited in the chiefs of the army under my command. permit me to express them to you, in order that they may be communicated to the meritorious officers, seamen, and marines of the squadron, to whom will be religiously fulfilled _the promises you made_." "it is grievous that, connected with the memory of so glorious a deed, regret for those who shed their blood in its achievement should enter; but let us hope that such thoughts will be dissipated, by your adding further deeds of glory to the country, and to your name." "god preserve you many years." "jose de san martin." san martin's expression of religiously fulfilling the "promises i made," is in allusion to the promise, signed by himself, which had been exacted previous to the departure of the squadron from valparaiso, that the men should have a year's pay given to them. with the preceding letter general san martin voluntarily sent another promise to the captors, of 50,000 dollars, to be paid on gaining possession of lima. neither the one promise nor the other were ever fulfilled, nor did they ever obtain any prize-money. to the administration in chili general san martin wrote as follows:- "head quarters, supe, dec. 1, 1820. senor minister," "i have the honour of forwarding to you the despatches of the right hon. lord cochrane, vice-admiral of the squadron, relative to the heroic capture of the frigate _esmeralda_, by boarding her under the batteries of callao." "it is impossible for me to eulogise in proper language the daring enterprise of the 5th of november, by which lord cochrane has decided the superiority of our naval forces--augmented the splendour and power of chili--and secured the success of this campaign." "i doubt not that his excellency the supreme director will render the justice due to the worthy chief, his officers, and other individuals who have had a share in that successful action." "i beg you will honour me by congratulating his excellency on this important success, and principally on account of the influence it will have on the great object which occupies his attention." "jose de san martin." "to don jose ignacio zenteno, minister of marine." soon after my departure for peru, lady cochrane undertook a journey across the _cordillera_, to mendoza, the passes being, at that season, often blocked up with snow. having been entrusted with some despatches of importance, she pushed on rapidly, and on the 12th of october arrived at the celebrated _ponte del inca_, 15,000 feet above the level of the sea. here the snow had increased to such an extent as to render farther progress impossible, and her ladyship was obliged to remain at a _casucha_, or strong house, built above the snow for the safety of travellers; the intense cold arising from the rarity of the atmosphere, and the absence of all comfort--there being no better couch than a dried bullock's hide--producing a degree of suffering which few ladies would be willing to encounter. whilst proceeding on her mule up a precipitous path in the vicinity, a royalist, who had intruded himself on the party, rode up in an opposite direction and disputed the path with her, at a place where the slightest false step would have precipitated her into the abyss below. one of her attendants, a tried and devoted soldier, named pedro flores, seeing the movement, and guessing the man's intention, galloped up to him at a critical moment, striking him a violent blow across the face, and thus arresting his murderous design. the ruffian finding himself vigorously attacked, made off, without resenting the blow, and so, no doubt, another premeditated attempt on lady cochrane's life was averted. chapter v. san martin's violation of truth--removal of blockade--spanish depression--troops dying of fever--san martin's designs on guayaquil--mutinous conduct of officers--refusal to obey orders--deposition of viceroy--san martin gives me troops--jealousy of san martin--attack on arica--capture of tacna--capture of moquega--refusal of more men--an armistice ratified--distress of lima--dissatisfaction of the army--lady cochrane--goes into the interior--dangerous position--lady cochrane in action--devotion of seamen. on the 8th of november i went to ancon with our prize, this being hailed with great enthusiasm by the army, which--now that the spanish naval force had received, what even the spaniards themselves considered its death blow--made certain that it would be at once led against lima, before the authorities recovered from their consternation. to their mortification--no less than my own--general san martin, in defiance of all argument to the contrary, ordered the troops on board the transports, having decided on _retreating to huacho!_ whither the _o'higgins_ and _esmeralda_, abandoning the blockade, had to convoy them. in place of prompt action--or rather demonstration, for the occupation of the city would have amounted to little more--he issued a proclamation, promising, as before, the most perfect freedom to the peruvian people if they would join him:- "spaniards, your destiny is in your own hands. i come not to declare war against the fortunes and persons of individuals. the enemy of the liberty and independence of america alone is the object of the vengeance of the arms of the patria. i promise you in the most positive manner, that your property and persons shall be inviolable, and that you shall be treated as respectable citizens, if you co-operate in the great cause," &c. &c. by the 12th the army was again disembarked, amidst evident manifestations of dissatisfaction on the part of the officers, who were naturally jealous of the achievements of the squadron, from being themselves restrained from enterprise of any kind. to allay this feeling general san martin had recourse to an almost incredible violation of truth, intended to impress upon the chilian people, that the army, and not the squadron, had captured the _esmeralda!_--indeed stating as much in words, and declaring that the whole affair was the result of his own plans, to which i had agreed! though the truth is, that doubting his confidants, i had concealed from him my intentions of making the attack. the following is an extract from the bulletin issued to the army:- "before the general-in-chief left the vice-admiral of the squadron, _they agreed on the execution of a memorable project, sufficient to astound intrepidity itself!_ and to make the history of the liberating expedition of peru eternal!" "those valiant soldiers who for a length of time have suffered with the most heroic constancy the severest oppression, and the most inhuman treatment in the dungeons of casas-matas, have just arrived at our head-quarters. flattering promises of liberty, and the threats of death, were not sufficient to destroy their loyalty to their country; they have waited with firmness the day on which their companions in arms should rescue them from their misery, and revenge the insults which, humanity has received in their persons. this glory was reserved _to the liberating army, whose efforts have snatched from the hands of tyranny these respectable victims._ let this be published for the satisfaction of these individuals, _and that of the army, to whose arms they owe their liberty_." it thus went forth to the people of chili, that the army captured the frigate, and subsequently released the prisoners, though not a man in the whole force had the most distant idea that an attack was even contemplated, much less could it have co-operated, seeing that it was far away in cantonments! this bulletin excited the astonishment of the troops; but as it contributed to their _amour propre_, by representing to the chilian people that the achievement which had been effected was due to them, they accepted it; whilst i thought it beneath me to refute a falsehood palpable to the whole expedition. it had, however, as general san martin no doubt calculated, the effect of allaying, for the moment, a dissatisfaction which foreboded serious consequences. on the 15th we again sailed from huacho, to renew the blockade at callao, beyond which nothing could be done; though even this was of importance, as cutting off supplies from the capital, the inhabitants of which, in consequence of the privations they were subjected to, caused great uneasiness to the viceregal government. several attempts were now made to entice the remaining spanish naval force from their shelter under the batteries, by placing the _esmeralda_ apparently within reach, and the flag-ship herself in situations of some danger. one day i carried her through an intricate strait called the boqueron, in which nothing beyond a fifty-ton schooner was ever seen. the spaniards, expecting every moment to see the ship strike, manned their gun-boats, ready to attack as soon as she was aground, of which there was little danger, for we had found, and buoyed off with small bits of wood invisible to the enemy, a channel through which a vessel could pass without much difficulty. on the 2nd of december the _esmeralda_, being in a more than usually tempting position, the spanish gun-boats ventured out in the hope of recapturing her, and for an hour maintained a smart fire; but on seeing the _o'higgins_ manoeuvring to cut them off, they precipitately retreated. the preceeding successes caused great depression amongst the spanish troops, and on the following day the battalion of numantia, numbering 650 disciplined men, deserted in a body, and joined the chilian forces at chancay. on the 8th, forty spanish officers followed their example; and every day afterwards, officers, privates, and civilians of respectability, joined the patriot army, which thus became considerably reinforced; the defection of so large a portion of his troops being a severe loss to the viceroy. on the 6th, colonel arenales, who, after his previous success, had marched into the interior, defeated a division of the royalist army at pasco. on his proceeding to huamanga, the authorities fled, and the inhabitants declared themselves independent. tarma was next abandoned, and followed the same example, as did huanuco, cueñca, and loxa; whilst, on the news of the capture of the _esmeralda_ arriving at truxillo, that important province also revolted, under the direction of the spanish governor, the marquis of torre tagle. notwithstanding this succession of favourable events, general san martin still declined to march on lima, remaining inactive at haura, though the unhealthy situation of the place was such, that nearly one-third of his troops died of intermittent fever, during the many months they remained there. in place of securing the capital, where the army would have now been welcomed, he proposed to send half the army to guayaquil, in order to annex that province, this being the first manifestation on the part of general san martin to found a dominion of his own--for to nothing less did he afterwards aspire, though the declared object of the expedition was to enable the south pacific provinces to emancipate themselves from spain, leaving them free to choose their own governments, as had been repeatedly and solemnly declared, both by the chilian government and himself. finding that i would not consent to avert the naval force from the purposes to which it was destined, the project was abandoned; but the troops which had advanced to chancay were ordered to fall back on haura, this step being actually a further retreat as regarded the position of the spanish forces, which thus managed to check further desertion by apprehending and shooting all who attempted it. still general san martin was determined, if possible, to accomplish his views on guayaquil. two deputies, tomas guido and colonel luzuriago, were despatched with complimentary messages to torre tagle and others, warning them against the designs of bolivar, whose success in the north led san martin to fear that he might have designs on peru. the deputies were strictly enjoined to represent that if such were bolivar's intention, guayaquil would only be regarded as a conquered province; whilst, if the people of that place would adhere to him, he would, on the fall of lima, make it the _principal port of a great empire_, and that the establishment of the docks and arsenals which _his navy_ would require, would enrich the city beyond measure. they were at the same time exhorted to form a militia, in order to keep out bolivar. by way of conciliating me, general san martin proposed in a flattering way to call the captured frigate the "_cochrane_," as two vessels before had been named the "_san martin_," and "_o'higgins_;" but to this i demurred, as acquiescence in such a proceeding might in the estimation of others have identified me with any course the general might be inclined to pursue, and i had already formed my conjectures as to what were evidently his future purposes. finding me firm in declining the proffered honour, he told me to give her what name i thought proper; but this was also refused, when he said, "let her be called the '_valdivia_,' in memory of your conquest of that place;" her name was accordingly changed from the _esmeralda_ to the _valdivia_. the command of the frigate had been given to captain guise; and after her change of name, his officers wrote to him a letter deprecating the name, and alleging, that as they had nothing to do with the conquest of valdivia, it ought to be withdrawn, and one more consonant with their feelings substituted. this letter was followed by marked personal disrespect towards myself, from the officers who had signed it, who made it no secret that the name of guise was the one sought to be substituted. as the conversations held by these officers with the rest of the squadron were of such a derogatory nature as regarded my character and authority, as might lead to serious disorganization, i brought the whole of the officers who had signed the letter to a court-martial, two being dismissed the service, the remainder being dismissed the ship, with a recommendation to general san martin for other appointments. during the arrest of these officers, i had determined upon an attack upon the fortifications of callao, intending to carry them by a coup de main, similar to that which had succeeded at valdivia, and having, on the 18th, taken soundings in the _potrillo_, was convinced of the feasibility of the plan. on the 20th, this intention was notified by an order, stating that on the following day i should make the attack with the boats of the squadron and the _san_ _martin_, the crew of which received the order with loud cheers, volunteers for the boats eagerly pressing forward from all quarters. in place of preparing to second the operations, captain guise sent me a note refusing to serve with any other but the officers under arrest--stating that unless they were restored, he must resign his command. my reply was that i would neither restore them nor accept his resignation, without some better reason for it than the one alleged. captain guise answered, that my refusal to restore his officers was a sufficient reason for his resignation, whereupon i ordered him to weigh anchor on a service of importance; the order being disobeyed on the ground that he could no longer act, having given over the command of the ship to lieutenant shepherd. feeling that something like a mutiny was being excited, and knowing that guise and his colleague, spry, were at the bottom of the matter, i ordered the latter to proceed with the _galvarino_ to chorillos, when he also requested leave to resign, as "his friend captain guise had been compelled so to do, and he had entered the chilian navy conditionally to serve only with captain guise, under whose patronage he had left england." such was the state of mutiny on board the _galvarino_, that i deputed my flag-captain, crosbie, to restore order, when spry affected to consider himself superseded, and claimed exemption from martial law. i therefore tried him by court-martial, and dismissed him from the ship. the two officers now made their way to head-quarters, where general san martin immediately made spry his naval _aide-de-camp_, thus promoting him in the most public manner for disobedience to orders, and in defiance of the sentence of the court-martial; this being pretty conclusive proof that they had been acting under the instructions of general san martin himself, for what purpose will appear in the course of the narrative. the course now pursued by general san martin sufficiently showed that the disturbance previously made at valparaiso emanated also from himself, and that in both cases the mutinous officers felt quite secure in his protection; though i will do both the credit of supposing them ignorant at the time of the treacherous purposes of which they were afterwards the instruments. knowing that i should take their punishment into my own hands if they returned to the squadron, general san martin kept both about his own person at head-quarters, where they remained. so dissatisfied were the spanish troops at lima with the government of their viceroy, pezuela, to whose want of military capacity they absurdly attributed our successes, that they forcibly deposed him, after compelling him to appoint general lacerna as his successor. the deposed viceroy wishing to send his lady and family to europe, applied to general san martin for a passport, to avoid capture by the chilian squadron. this was refused; but lady cochrane having arrived at callao in the british frigate _andromache_, to take leave of me previous to her departure for england, the viceroy's lady, donna angela, begged of her ladyship to use her influence with the general to obtain leave for her departure for europe. lady cochrane immediately proceeded to haura, and effected the object; after which she remained for a month at head-quarters, residing at the house of a peruvian lady, donna josefa monteblanco. a passage was also, by lady cochrane's influence, procured for the lady in the _andromache_, on board which ship captain sherriff politely invited me to meet her. at this interview the ex-vicequeen expressed her surprise at finding me "a gentleman and _rational being_ and not the _ferocious brute_ she had been taught to consider me!" a declaration, which, from the unsophisticated manner in which it was made, caused no small merriment in the party assembled. as i was determined not to be idle, general san martin was with some difficulty prevailed upon to give me a division of 600 troops, under the command of lieutenant-colonel miller. on the 13th of march we sailed for pisco, of which, on its previous abandonment by the army, after a useless sojourn of fifty days, the enemy had again taken possession. on the 20th it was retaken, when it was found that the spaniards had severely punished the alleged defection of the inhabitants for contributing to the supplies of the patriot force during its stay. not imagining that we should return, the spanish proprietors of estates had brought back their cattle, of which we managed to seize some 500 head, besides 300 horses for the use of the chilian forces, the squadron thus supplying their wants instead of remaining in total inaction. previous to going to pisco, i had again urged on general san martin to advance on lima, so convinced was i of the goodwill of the inhabitants. on his refusal, i begged him to give me 2,000 men, with whom i offered to take the capital, but this was also declined. i then offered to undertake the capture of lima with 1,000 men, but even this was refused, and the detachment under colonel miller was only given to me to get rid of my importunity. of this detachment i however determined to make the most before our return. the only way of accounting for this indisposition on the part of general san martin to place an adequate military force at my disposal, was the reason current amongst the officers of the army, who were all eager to place themselves under my orders; viz. the violent jealousy which caused him to look upon me as a rival, though without reason, as i should certainly not have attempted to interfere with him in the government of peru when its reduction was complete. suspicious himself he could not trust me, employing every effort to lessen my reputation amongst his officers, and endeavouring to the utmost to prevent the squadron from gathering fresh laurels; even sacrificing his own reputation to this insane jealousy, by preventing anything being done in which i could take part. on the 18th i shifted my flag into the _san martin_, and leaving the _o'higgins_ and _valdivia_ at pisco to protect the troops, sailed for callao, where we arrived on the 2nd of april. on the 6th, we again attacked the enemy's shipping under the batteries, and did them considerable damage, but made no further attempt to gain possession of them, as i had other aims in view. after this demonstration, the object of which was to deter them from quitting their shelter, we returned to pisco. general san martin having now given me discretionary power to do what i pleased with the few troops placed at my disposal, i determined on attacking arica, the southernmost port of peru. reimbarking the troops, and abandoning pisco, we sailed on the 21st, and on the 1st of may arrived off arica, to the governor of which i sent a summons to surrender, promising to respect persons and personal property. as this was not complied with, an immediate bombardment took place, but without any great effect, as, from the difficulties of the port, it was impracticable to get sufficiently near to the fortifications. after a careful survey, the _san martin_ was on the 6th, hauled nearer in shore, and some shells were thrown over the town by way of intimidation. as this had not the desired effect, a portion of the troops was landed at sama, to the northward of the town, being followed by colonel miller with the remainder, and captain wilkinson with the marines of the _san martin_; when the enemy fled, and the patriot flag was hoisted on the batteries. we took here a considerable quantity of stores, and four spanish brigs, besides the guns of the fort and other detached artillery. a quantity of european goods, belonging to the spaniards at lima, was also seized and put on board the _san martin_. on the 14th colonel miller, with the troops and marines, advanced to tacna, and by my directions took possession of the town, which was effected without opposition, two companies of infantry deserting the royalist cause and joining his force. these i ordered to form the nucleus of a new regiment, to be called the "tacna independents." learning that the spanish general ramirez had ordered three detachments from arequipa, puno, and la paz, to form a junction at tacna, to execute the usual spanish order--to "drive the insurgents into the sea"--miller determined on attacking them separately. the arequipa detachment, under colonel hera, was fallen in with at maribe, and immediately routed, the result being that nearly the whole were killed or taken prisoners, together with four hundred mules and their baggage. in this affair we lost a valued officer, mr. welsh, an assistant surgeon, who had volunteered to accompany the detachment. this gentleman was sincerely mourned by all, and his early death was a great loss to the patriot service. this action was fought none too soon, for before it was over the other detachments from puno and la plaz appeared in sight, so that the patriots had to face a fresh enemy. with his usual promptness miller despatched captain hind, with a rocket party, to oppose their passage of a river; when, finding that the arequipa detachment had been cut up, the royalists remounted their mules and decamped, in the direction of moquega. on the 22nd miller pursued the runaway royalists, and, on the 24th, entered moquega, by a forced march of nearly a hundred miles, where he found the enemy, deserted by their colonel. notwithstanding the fatigue of the chilenos, an instant attack was made, when the whole, with the exception of about twenty killed, were made prisoners. the inhabitants at once gave in their adherence to the cause of independence, their governor, colonel portocarrera, being the first to set the example. on the 25th colonel miller learned that a spanish force was passing torata, about fifteen miles distant, when, coming up with them on the following day, they were all taken prisoners or dispersed, as were also those who had fled from arica, numbering four hundred men; so that in less than a fortnight after landing at arica, the patriot forces had killed and made prisoners upwards of one thousand of the royalist army, by a series of difficult forced marches, and amidst hunger and privations of every kind, which were cheerfully borne by the chilenos, who were no less inspired by a love of country than with attachment to their commander. the result was the complete submission of the spaniards from the sea to the cordilleras, arica forming the key to the whole country. having ascertained that colonel miller was at moquega, i took the _san martin_ to ilo, from which anchorage the patriot force was supplied with everything requisite. the sick were taken on board the brigs captured at arica, as were also the spanish colonels, sierra and suares, who had been taken prisoners, but whom i liberated on their _parole_, not to serve again until regularly exchanged. it has been said that, before sailing to arica, i had procured from general san martin discretionary powers to do as i pleased with the troops placed at my disposal. my object was believed to be to create a diversion in favour of the general, but this was the least part of my intention; for, as the army had remained inactive from its first landing in peru--with the exception of the detachment under colonel arenales,--no diversion would have been of much use. i wrote to the government at santiago for 1,000 men, or, if these could not be sent, for 500, and also for 1,000 stand of arms, of which there was abundance in the arsenal to equip recruits, who would have been forthcoming; and with these we could, with the greatest ease, have secured the whole of the southern provinces of peru, the people being warmly disposed in our favour. i therefore told the government that with such a force, we could hold the whole of lower peru, and gain eventual possession of upper peru. my request was refused, on the false ground that the government had no means to equip such an expedition, and thus the good will manifested by the natives was thrown away. in spite of this neglect, i determined to persevere, relying upon sacrifices made by the peruvians themselves in our favour. general ramirez was actively engaged in drawing men from distant garrisons to act against our small force, which was suffering severely from ague. nevertheless, every effort was made again to advance into the interior--a number of recruits from the adjacent provinces having been enrolled--and everything promised a general revolt in favour of independence, when the governor of arequipa communicated to us intelligence that an armistice had been agreed upon for twenty days, between general san martin and the viceroy lacerna. this happening just at the moment when hostilities could have been carried on with the greatest effect, and we were preparing to attack arequipa itself--was annoying in the extreme; the more so, as the application had come from the viceroy, who, being the first to receive intelligence of our success, had, no doubt, deceived general san martin into the arrangement, in order to check our operations in the south. this armistice was ratified on the 23rd of may, and sent by express to the governor of arequipa, the unusual haste proving the object of the viceroy in persuading general san martin to its ratification. to have regarded the armistice as a preliminary to the independence of peru was a great mistake on the part of general san martin, as the viceroy lacerna had no more power to acknowledge the absolute independence of the colonists, than had his predecessor; and therefore the object of the armistice could have been none other than to put a stop to our progress, thereby giving the spanish generals time to collect their scattered forces, without any corresponding advantage to the patriot cause. being thus reluctantly reduced to inaction, i dropped down to mollendo, where we found a neutral vessel taking in corn for supplying the city of lima, which city, from the vigilance of the squadron, was reduced to great straits, as shewn in an address from the _cabildo_ to the viceroy:--"the richest and most opulent of our provinces has succumbed to the unopposable force of the enemy, and the remaining provinces are threatened with the same fate; whilst this suffering capital of lima is undergoing the horrible effects of a rigorous blockade, hunger, robberies, and death. our soldiers pay no respect to the last remains of our property, even our oxen, indispensable for the cultivation of the land, being slain. if this plague continues, what will be our lot--our miserable condition?" from this extract it is plain that lima was on the point of being starved out by the squadron, whilst the inhabitants foresaw that, although the army of general san martin was inactive, our little band in the south would speedily overrun the provinces, which were willing to second our efforts in favour of independence. to return to the shipment of wheat for the relief of lima. on ascertaining the fact, i wrote to the governor of arequipa, expressing my surprise that neutrals should be allowed to embark provisions during an armistice; the reply being that the most positive orders should be given to put a stop to it, upon which i retired from mollendo, but leaving an officer to keep watch, and finding that the embarkation was persisted in, i returned and shipped all the wheat found on shore. the consequence of this was that colonel la hera, with 1,000 royalists, took possession of moquega, on pretence that i had broken the armistice. my private advices from head quarters informed me that the dissatisfaction of the chilian army was daily increasing, on account of their continued inaction, and from jealousy at our success; knowing also, that the capital of peru was, from the straits to which it was reduced, as well as from inclination, eager to receive them. general san martin nevertheless declined to take advantage of the circumstances in his favour, till dissension began to assume the character of insubordination. a daily toast at the tables of the officers was, to those who fight for the liberties of peru, not those who write. "_a los que pelean por la libertad del peru, no los que escriven_." general san martin, aware of the state of feeling in the army, went on board the schooner _montezuma_, for the re-establishment of his health. i was further informed that the viceroy was negociating with general san martin for the prolongation of the armistice to _sixteen months_, in order to give time for communication with the court of madrid, to ascertain whether the parent state would consent to the independence of peru! at the same time official information was forwarded to me that a further prolongation of twelve days had been conceded. feeling certain that there was something wrong at head-quarters, i determined to proceed to callao for the purpose of learning the true state of affairs, leaving colonel miller to return to arica, and in case of emergency, victualling and equipping the prizes, so as to be in readiness, if necessary, for the reception of his troops. during my absence lady cochrane sailed for england, partly for the sake of her health, but more for the purpose of obtaining justice for me, for in addition to the persecution which i had undergone, a "foreign enlistment bill" had been passed, the enactments of which were especially aimed at my having engaged in a service which had for its object the expulsion of spain, then in alliance with england, from her colonies in the pacific. as an incident relating to her ladyship has been mentioned in the "memoirs of general miller," i may be pardoned for giving it as narrated in that work. "on the 25th, six hundred infantry and sixty cavalry, all picked men, were placed under the command of lieutenant-colonel miller, who received directions to embark on a secret service under the orders of lord cochrane, and proceeded to huacho. on the day after his arrival there, and whilst he was inspecting the detachments in the plaza, lady cochrane galloped on to the parade to speak to him. the sudden appearance of youth and beauty on a fiery horse, managed with skill and elegance, absolutely electrified the men, who had never before seen an english lady. '_que hermosa! que graciosa! que linda! que airosa! es un angel del cielo_!' were exclamations which escaped from one end of the line to the other. colonel miller, not displeased at this involuntary homage to the beauty of his countrywoman, said to the men, 'this is our _generala_;' on which her ladyship, turning to the line, bowed to the troops, who no longer confining their expressions of admiration to suppressed interjections, loud _vivas_ burst from officers and men, to which lady cochrane, smiling her acknowledgments, cantered off the ground like a fairy." in the month of february, during my absence, lady cochrane, tired of the crowded villages occupied by the liberating army, undertook a journey into the interior, in the hope that change of air might prove advantageous to our infant child, which was in a precarious state of health. she performed the journey on horseback, under the intense heat of a vertical sun, across a desert, impeded by the precipitous beds of torrents which intersect the country in every direction. on her arrival at quilca, she was most hospitably received by the marchioness de la pracer, who placed her palace and every luxury at lady cochrane's disposal. in the midst of the festivities which followed, her child was taken dangerously ill, whilst no medical assistance of any kind was at hand. on this she determined to return to the coast, and seek the aid of an english or spanish physician, but as the royalist army was advancing towards the direction necessary to be taken, this was judged impracticable till they had passed. whilst her ladyship was in this state of suspense, information was received that the royalists, having gained intelligence that she was at quilca, had determined to seize her and her infant that very evening, and to detain them as hostages. this intelligence arrived just as a large party was assembled in the ball-room, when, with a decision which is one of her chief characteristics, lady cochrane ordered a _palanquin_--presented to her by the marquis of torre tagle--to be got ready instantly, and placing the child and its nurse in it, she despatched them under the protection of a guard. leaving the ball-room secretly, she changed her dress, immediately following on horseback with relays of her best horses. travelling all night and the following day without intermission, the party came to one of those swollen torrents which can only be crossed by a frail bridge made of cane-rope, a proceeding of extreme danger to those who are not well accustomed to the motion produced by its elasticity. whilst the party was debating as to how to get the palanquin over, the sound of a royalist bugle was heard close at hand. lady cochrane sprang to the palanquin, and taking out her suffering infant, rushed on to the bridge, but when near the centre, the vibration became so great that she was compelled to lie down, pressing the child to her bosom--being thus suspended over the foaming torrent beneath, whilst in its state of vibration no one could venture on the bridge. in this perilous situation, pedro, the faithful soldier of whom mention has been previously made, seeing the imminent danger of her ladyship, begged of her to lie still, and as the vibration ceased, crept on his hands and knees towards her ladyship, taking from her the child, and imploring her to remain motionless, when he would bring her over in the same way; but no sooner had he taken the child, than she followed, and happily succeeded in crossing, when the ropes being cut, the torrent was interposed between her and her pursuers. all travellers agree in describing these torrent bridges as most perilous. they are constructed of six elastic cane or hide ropes, four of which, with some sticks laid across, form the floor, and two the parapet. only one person can pass at a time, and as the weight of the passenger causes the bridge to belly downwards, he remains suspended as it were in an elastic bag, from which it requires considerable skill to extricate himself with safety. mules and horses cannot go over at all, but are hauled through the torrent with ropes. having reached the coast in safety, lady cochrane came down to me at callao. whilst she was on board, i received private information that a ship of war laden with treasure was about to make her escape in the night. there was no time to be lost, as the enemy's vessel was such an excellent sailer that, if once under weigh, beyond the reach of shot, there was no chance of capturing her. i therefore determined to attack her, so that lady cochrane had only escaped one peril ashore to be exposed to another afloat. having beat to quarters, we opened fire upon the treasure-ship and other hostile vessels in the anchorage, the batteries and gun-boats returning our fire, lady cochrane remaining on deck during the conflict. seeing a gunner hesitate to fire his gun, close to which she was standing, and imagining that his hesitation from her proximity might, if observed, expose him to punishment, she seized the man's arm, and directing the match fired the gun. the effort was, however, too much for her, as she immediately fainted, and was carried below. the treasure-vessel having been crippled, and the gun-boats beaten off, we left off firing and returned to our former anchorage, lady cochrane again coming on deck. as soon as the sails were furled, the men in the tops, and the whole crew on deck, no doubt by preconcerted arrangement, spontaneously burst forth with the inspiring strains of their national anthem, some poet amongst them having extemporized an alteration of the words into a prayer for the blessing of divine providence on me and my devoted wife; the effect of this unexpected mark of attachment from five hundred manly voices being so overwhelming as to affect her ladyship more than had the din of cannon. chapter vi. return to callao--lima abandoned--hesitation of gen. san martin to occupy the city--loss of the san martin--excesses of the spaniards--proclamation of independence--san martin assumes autocratic power under the title of protector--my remonstrance--his reply--mutinous state of the squadron from neglect. we arrived at callao on the 2nd of july, when learning that lima was no longer tenable from want of provisions, and that an intention existed on the part of the viceroy to abandon it, i forebore to make any hostile demonstration which might interfere with such decision, and withdrew to a distance from the port, awaiting the result, which could not be far distant, as the people had become clamorous, and all hope of assistance from spain was abandoned. having, however, learned, on the 5th of july, that an attempt was being made by the viceroy to obtain a still further prolongation of the armistice, i again entered the bay with the _san martin_--my former flag-ship, the _o'higgins_, being absent on the coast. on the 6th the viceroy abandoned the city, retaining, however, the fortresses at callao, the garrison of which was reinforced from the troops which had evacuated lima; a large quantity of warlike stores being also deposited in the forts, thus securing greater efficiency than before. to the astonishment of the peruvians and chilenos, no movement was made by the liberating army to take possession of the capital; and as the spanish troops were withdrawn, whilst no government existed, serious disorders were anticipated, so that the _cabildo_ applied to capt. basil hall, then in command of the british ship of war _conway_, for his assistance to maintain tranquillity and protect public and private property. captain hall immediately despatched a party of marines, who contributed to maintain order. general san martin having been apprised by the viceroy of his intention to abandon the capital, had entered the harbour in the schooner _sacramento_, but nevertheless gave no orders for its occupation. on the 7th a detachment of cavalry, _without orders_, entered lima, and those on the 8th were followed by another detachment of infantry. on working up to the port on the 8th, i was surprised to find general san martin still afloat in his schooner, though the liberating army was now entering the city in a body, and the occupation was complete; general san martin remained on board till the evening of the 10th, when he privately landed. as the forts at callao were still in the possession of the enemy, i made preparations to attack them, and to destroy the shipping still sheltered under them. aware of my intentions, the garrison, on the 11th, sank the _san sebastian_, the only frigate left in the harbour, in order to prevent her falling into our hands on the following day, the _o'higgins, lautaro, puyrredon_, and _potrillo_ arrived, so that the squadron was again complete. it was mentioned in the last chapter that i had seized a considerable quantity of wheat at mollendo, on account of a breach of the armistice. this was still on board, and the city being in a state of famine, general san martin directed that the wheat, of which there were upwards of two thousand _fanegas_, should be landed at the chorillos free of duty. as the _san martin_ was deeply laden, i objected to this from the dangerous nature of the anchorage, but more especially, that the only anchor on board was made from the remains of two broken anchors lashed together; this objection was nevertheless overruled, and, as i had anticipated, she went ashore at chorillos, where, from the heavy swell which set in, she became a total wreck. on the 17th i received an invitation from the _cabildo_ to visit the city, and on landing, found that preparations had been made to give the visit the character of a public entry, carriages being provided, with deputations from the various corporations. finding this to be the case, i declined entering lima in a manner so ostentatious, as general san martin had entered the city privately by night. i was, however, compelled to hold a _levee_ at the palace, where the compliments of the established authorities and principal inhabitants were tendered to me. general san martin declined to attend this complimentary manifestation, remaining at la legua, about halfway between lima and callao, where he had established his head quarters; probably considering such honours out of place towards one whom as captain-general he might regard as a subordinate, and the more so, as no such compliment had been offered to himself. on the following day, general san martin directed a civic guard to be organized in place of the spanish guard which had evacuated the city, the marquis of torre tagle being appointed its commandant. at the same time the general retained the whole of the liberating army, though had even a portion of these followed the retreating spaniards, the greater part would have joined the patriot standard--it being afterwards ascertained that colonel rodil who commanded them, had shot great numbers in the attempt to desert; even the patriot guerilla parties, unaided, had defeated those who were kept together; so that had a division of the liberating army been sent to co-operate with the guerillas, the entire spanish force might have been annihilated, in place of forming the _nucleus_--as they afterwards did--of a force which, after my departure from chili, threatened not only the independence of peru, but even that of the chilian republic itself. being thus unopposed, and the towns which had given in their adhesion to the cause of independence being left defenceless--the retreating spaniards committed great excesses amongst the inhabitants of the interior, who found themselves exposed to more than the rigours of martial law, without the least attempt for their protection; though a promise of this had formed one of the principal inducements for throwing off their allegiance to the viceroy, at whose mercy--or rather want of it--they now found themselves exposed. in place of protecting the peruvians in the interior, a number of highly inflated proclamations were issued, in which it was left to be inferred that the city had been taken by hard fighting, though not a blow had been struck, except by the detachment of colonel arenales and the squadron, whose vigilance of blockade and previous actions had so dispirited the enemy and reduced them to such straits, that abandonment of the capital was inevitable. nor was the large force present even required to maintain lima, the inhabitants having for a long period been subjected to miseries which they had no disposition to re-encounter. but general san martin had other views in retaining the army than protecting those who had confided in his promises; the military force being required for very different purposes to that which had been set forth in his proclamations and in those entrusted to him by the chilian government. on the 24th i ordered captain crosbie to proceed to callao in the boats, and cut out as many of the enemy's vessels as he could bring away. the service was gallantly performed, for on the following day he brought out two large merchantmen, the _san fernando_ and _milagro_, and the sloop of war _resolucion_, together with several launches; burning moreover two vessels within musket shot of the batteries. on the 27th, the _cabildo_ sent me an invitation to be present at the public proclamation of the independence of peru. as their letter fully recognises the obligations of the limeños to the services of the squadron,--i shall transcribe it:- "lima is about to solemnize the most august act which has been performed for three centuries, or since her foundation; this is the proclamation of her independence, and absolute exclusion from the spanish government, as well as from that of any other foreign potentate, and this _cabildo_--wishing the ceremony to be conducted with all possible decorum and solemnity, _considers it necessary that your excellency, who has so gloriously co-operated in bringing about this highly desired object_, will deign to assist at the act with your illustrious officers, on saturday, the 28th instant." imagining that myself and officers had been mainly instrumental in establishing the independence of peru--for i had in vain urged the captain-general to action, as far as the army was concerned, the invitation was accepted, but judge of my surprise at the ceremony, when medals were distributed, ascribing to general san martin and the army the whole credit of having accomplished that which the squadron had achieved! the inscription on the medals was as follows.--"lima secured its independence on the 28th of july, 1821, under the protection of _general san martin and the liberating army_." the declaration of independence was however complete, according to the promises and intentions of the chilian government. on hoisting the national flag, general san martin pronounced the following words:--"peru is from this moment free and independent, by the general vote of the people, and by the justice of her cause, which god defend." the inhabitants of lima were in a state of great delight at this termination of centuries of spanish misrule, and that their independence of action was fully recognized as had been stipulated by chili. as a mark of gratitude, a deputation from the _cabildo_, on the next day waited on general san martin, offering him, in the name of the inhabitants of the capital, the first presidency of their now independent state. to the astonishment of the deputation they were curtly told that their offer was altogether unnecessary, as he had _already taken the command, and should keep it as long as he thought proper, whilst he would allow no assemblies for the discussion of public matters_. the first act of the freedom and independence so ostentatiously proclaimed on the previous day, being the establishment of a despotic government, in which the people had neither voice nor share; and this by the general of a republic which existed only by the will of the people! in this extraordinary assumption of power i had not been at all consulted, probably because it was known that i would not countenance anything but carrying out intact the intentions of the supreme director of chili as declared in his proclamations. it now became evident to me that the army had been kept inert for the purpose of preserving it entire to further the ambitious views of the general, and that with the whole force now at lima the inhabitants were completely at the mercy of their pretended liberator, but in reality their conqueror. as the existence of this self-constituted authority was no less at variance with the institutions of the chilian republic than with its solemn promises to the limeños, i again shifted my flag on board the _o'higgins_, determined to adhere solely to the interests of chili; but not interfering in any way with general san martin's proceedings till they interfered with me in my capacity as commander in chief of the chilian navy. on the 3rd of august, general san martin issued a proclamation to the same effect as his declaration to the now extinct _cabildo_; setting forth that although it was abundantly notorious that he aspired only to retirement and tranquillity, nevertheless a moral responsibility required him to unite all government in his own person, and he therefore declared himself "protector of peru," with don juan garcia del rio, don bernardo monteagudo, and don hipolito unanue, as his three ministers of state. being at the time on board the flag-ship, i knew nothing of this proclamation; but as the squadron had not been paid their twelve months' wages, nor the 50,000 dollars promised by general san martin, i went on shore on the 4th of august, to make the demand on behalf of the squadron, the seamen having served their time. being ignorant of the self-imposed title which general san martin had assumed, i frankly asked him to devise some means for defraying these payments. i forbear personally to relate what passed at this interview; but as my secretary was present, and on his return to england published an account thereof, which is in every respect substantially true, i will give it in his words:- "on the following morning, august 4th, lord cochrane, uninformed of the change which had taken place in the title of san martin, visited the palace, and began to beg of the general in chief to propose some means for the payment of the foreign seamen, who had served their time and fulfilled their contract. to this, san martin answered, that 'he would never pay the chilian squadron unless it was sold to peru, and then the payment should be considered part of the purchase money!' to this lord cochrane replied, that 'by such a transaction the squadron of chili would be transferred to peru by merely paying what was due to the officers and crews for services done to that state.' san martin knit his brows, and turning to his two ministers, garcia and monteagudo, ordered them to retire, to which his lordship objected, stating that 'as he was not master of the spanish language, he wished them to remain as interpreters, fearful that some expression, not rightly understood, might be considered offensive.' san martin now turned round to the admiral, and said--'are you aware, my lord, that i am protector of peru?'--'no,'--said his lordship, 'i ordered my secretaries to inform you of it,' returned san martin. 'that is now unnecessary, for you have personally informed me,' said his lordship; 'i hope that the friendship which has existed between san martin and myself will continue to exist between the protector of peru and myself.' san martin then--rubbing his hands--said, 'i have only to say, that i am protector of peru!'" "the manner in which this last sentence was expressed, roused the admiral, who, advancing, said--'then it becomes me, as senior officer of chili, and consequently the representative of the nation, to request the fulfilment of all the promises made to chili and the squadron; but first--and principally--the squadron.' san martin returned--'chili! chili! i will never pay a single _real_ to chili! as to the squadron, you may take it where you please, and go where you choose; a couple of schooners are quite enough for me;' '_chili! chili, yo nunca pagare 'un real a chili! y en quanto a la esquadra, puede v llevarla donde quiere, e irse quando guste, con un par de golestas me basta a mi_.'" "on hearing this, garcia left the room, and monteagudo walked to the balcony. san martin paced the room for a short time and turning to his lordship, said,--'forget, my lord, what is past.' the admiral replied--'i will, when i can,' and immediately left the palace." his lordship was now undeceived by the man himself; the repeated reports he had heard of his past conduct crowded on his imagination, and knowing what might be attempted, from what had been already done, his lordship agreed with me, that his life was not safe ashore. he therefore immediately took horse--rode to boca negra, and went on board his frigate[1]. [footnote 1: "_twenty years residence in south america_," by w.b. stevenson, secretary to lord cochrane, vice-admiral of chili, &c. &c. 1825.] one thing has been omitted in the preceding narrative. general san martin, following me to the staircase, had the temerity to propose to me to follow his example--viz. to break faith with chilian government to which we had both sworn--to abandon the squadron to his interests--and to accept the higher grade of "first admiral of peru." i need scarcely say that a proposition so dishonourable was declined; when in a tone of irritation he declared that "he would neither give the seamen their arrears of pay, nor the gratuity he had promised." on arriving at the flag-ship, i found the following official communication, requesting me to fire a salute in honour of san martin's self-elevation to the protectorship:- lima, 4th aug. 1821. my lord, his excellency the protector of peru commands me to transmit to you the annexed organic decree, announcing his exaltation to the supreme authority; in order that the squadron may be informed of this momentous event, and that the new government may be acknowledged by the naval department under your command, belonging to the republic of chili. i hope, that duly estimating this high act, you will cause it to be celebrated with all the dignity which is compatible with the martial usage of the naval service. (signed) monteagudo. attested by the _rubrica_ of the protector. though this was a request to acknowledge general san martin as invested with the attributes of a sovereign prince, i complied with it in the hope that quiet remonstrance might recal him to a sense of duty to the chilian government, no less than to his own true interests. on the 7th of august, i addressed to him the following letter:- callao roads, 7th aug. 1821. my dear general, i address you for the last time under your late designation, being aware that the liberty i may take as a friend might not be deemed decorous to you under the title of "protector," for i shall not with a gentleman of your understanding take into account, as a motive for abstaining to speak truth, any chance of your resentment. nay, were i certain that such would be the effect of this letter, i would nevertheless perform such an act of friendship, in repayment of the support you gave me at a time when the basest plots and plans were laid for my dismissal from the chilian service, for no other reason than that certain influential persons of shallow understanding and petty expedients hate those who despise mean acts accomplished by low cunning. permit me, my dear general, to give you the experience of eleven years during which i sat in the first senate in the world, and to say what i anticipate on the one hand, and what i fear on the other, nay, what i foresee; for that which is to come, in regard to the acts of governments and nations, may as certainly be predicted from history, as the revolutions of the solar system. you have it in your power to be the napoleon of south america, as you have it in your power to be one of the greatest men now acting on the theatre of the world; but you have also the power to choose your course, and if the first steps are false, the eminence on which you stand will, as though from the brink of a precipice, make your fall the more heavy and the more certain. the rocks on which the south american government have split have hitherto been bad faith, and consequent temporary expedients. no man has yet arisen, save yourself, capable of soaring aloft, and with eagle eye embracing the expanse of the political horizon. but if in your flight, like icarus, you trust to waxen wings, your descent may crush the rising liberties of peru, and involve all south america in anarchy, civil war, and political despotism. the real strength of government is public opinion. what would the world say, were the protector of peru, as his first act, to cancel the bonds of san martin, even though gratitude may be a private and not a public virtue? what would they say, were the protector to refuse to pay the expense of that expedition which placed him in his present elevated situation? what would they say, were it promulgated to the world that he intended not even to remunerate those employed in the navy which contributed to his success. what good can be arrived at by a crooked path that cannot be attained by a straight and open way? who has advised a tortuous policy and the concealment of the real sentiments and intentions of government? has an intriguing spirit dictated the refusal of pay to the chilian navy, whilst the army is doubly paid? is it proposed thus to alienate the minds of the men from their present service, and by such policy to obtain them for the service of peru? if so, the effect will, i predict, be the contrary, for they have looked, and do look, to peru for their remuneration, and, if disappointed, they will feel accordingly. see to what a state the senate had brought the beautiful and fertile province of chili. nay, had not their notorious want of faith deprived them, notwithstanding their mines, their confiscated and public lands, of the means possessed even by the spanish government, and of the credit necessary to procure a dollar in any foreign country, or even in their own? i say, therefore, my dear general, that whoever has advised you to commence your protectorship with devices unworthy of san martin, is either a thoughtless or a wicked man, whom you should for ever banish from your counsels. my dear general, look to the flattering addresses presented by the servile of all countries to the most base in power. think not that it is to the person of san martin that the public are attached. believe not, that without a straight and dignified course you can obtain the admiration or love of mankind. so far yet you have succeeded, and, thank god, it is in your power to succeed yet farther. flatterers are more dangerous than the most venomous serpents, and next to them are men of knowledge, if they have not the integrity or courage to oppose bad measures, when formally discussed, or even when casually spoken of. what political necessity existed for any temporary concealment of the sentiments of government in regard to the fate of the spaniards in peru? were not the army and the people ready to support your measures, and did not the latter call aloud for their expulsion? believe me, my dear general, that after your declaration, even the seizing on spanish property belonging to those who remain, is an act which ought not to be resorted to without crime on their part subsequently committed. in the feelings of my breast no man can deceive me. of the sentiments of others, i judge by my own, and i tell you what they are as an honest man and a friend. i could say much to you, my dear general, on other subjects of little inferior importance, but as the foregoing are the only acts immediately contemplated of which i have acquired a knowledge, and which are, in their consequences, ruinous, i shall, at present, only add, that had kings and princes but one man in their dominions who would, on all occasions, utter the naked truth, multifarious errors would be avoided, and the mischief to mankind would be infinitely less. you will plainly perceive that i have no personal interests in these, or any other points, at variance with yours; but, on the contrary, if i were base and interested, i have now taken a decisive and irrevocable step to ruin my prospects; having no other security for such not being the consequence of my candour save my good opinion of your judgment and your heart. believe me, under all circumstances, your attached friend, cochrane. to this letter, on the 9th of august, general san martin replied as follows:- lima, 9th august, 1821. my lord, the best proof of friendship that can be given by you is the sincere announcement of your opinions as to the course i should follow in my new political character. assuredly you have not erred, when, under the title of protector, you do not anticipate any change in my personal character. happily, the alteration is only in a name, which, in my opinion, was required for the benefit of the country; and if, in the character in which you have known me, you have met with _civility_ and frankness, it would be an injustice to deny me confidence, having always listened to you as an enlightened person, experienced in the world; especially as you do me justice in enabling me to make observations on the spirit of your last communication. i am aware that good faith in one who presides over a nation, is the vital spirit of its prosperity; and as, in this respect, a singular current of success has called me temporarily to the supreme magistracy of this country, i should renounce the advantages acquired and betray my principles, if vanity or servile acquiescence in bad advice were to induce me to deviate from the social interests of peru, and so expose it to the evils which in such case you dread. i know, my lord, that one cannot fly with waxen wings. i perceive the course i ought to pursue, and that, however great the advantages already gained, there are rocks which, _without the aid of prudence and good faith_, must be encountered. by good fortune, i have not forgotten the maxim of religiously adhering to the word of a gentleman, which, as general, has been the pivot on which my anticipations have rested. it now behoves me to explain my engagements towards the chilian squadron, to which, it is very gratifying to declare that peru, in part, owes its liberty; an acknowledgment which would have been made on the medals coined, if, in the hurry of business, _i had been able to give my attention to the subject of the inscription that was presented to me as a model!_ you yourself have heard me eulogise its merits and services. i have offered to the crews of the squadron of chili twelve months' pay, as an acknowledgment of its services, and am employed in providing the means, and also in endeavouring to collect the reward of 50,000 dollars which _you_ offered to the seamen who should capture the _esmeralda_, and i am not only disposed to pay these sums, but to recompense valour displayed in the cause of the country. but you know, my lord, that the wages of the crews do not come under these circumstances, and that i--_never having engaged to pay the amount--am not obliged to do so!_ that debt is due from chili, whose government engaged the seamen. although it may be just, in the state of its finances, to indemnify chili in some degree for the expeditionary expenses, that will be, for me, an agreeable consideration; but in no degree will i acknowledge a right to claim arrears of pay! if i could forget the services of the squadron, and the sacrifices of chili, i should manifest ingratitude, which, neither as a public or private virtue will i ever forego; but it is as imprudent to lavish rewards, as to withhold them from the meritorious. i am engaged in finding means to realize measures as regards the squadron, which i intend to propose to the supreme government of chili, and thus conciliate all interests. your affectionate friend, jose de san martin. to lord cochrane, vice-admiral of chili. in this letter, san martin attributes his usurpation to a "singular current of success;" omitting to state that he neither achieved one blow, nor devised one plan which led to it, whilst he had all along offered it every obstruction in his power. he declares that the arrogation of the fall of the spaniards, attributed by the inscription on the medal to the army and himself, was a mistake, brought about by "his not being able, in the hurry of business, to give attention to the model presented to him;" whereas the inscription was his own writing, after days of deliberation and consultation with others, who advised him not to mention the squadron in the inscription. in this letter he repudiates all connection with chili, though he had sworn fidelity to the republic as its captain general. he denies ever having engaged to pay the squadron their wages, though on no other condition had it put to sea from valparaiso, and his own handwriting to this specific promise was accepted as the inducement. though himself an officer of chili, he treats chili as a state with which he had nothing to do, whose debts he declares that he will not pay, as he had previously told me on the 4th of august; finally, he says that he will propose to chili to pay its own seamen! as to his promises to give the men a twelvemonths' pay in acknowledgment of their services, this was neither intended nor given; whilst, as to the 50,000 dollars promised to the captors of the _esmeralda_, which he is "endeavouring to collect," he had long before "collected" many times the amount from the old spaniards--who had offered a similar reward for the capture of any vessels of the chilian squadron--and kept it. fortunately, his own letters prove these matters, which otherwise i should have hesitated to mention, unsupported by testimony so irrefutable. general san martin afterwards denied to the chilian government that he refused, on the 4th of august, to pay the squadron. here is the same assertion, in his own handwriting, on the 9th! during the whole of this time the squadron was in a state of literal destitution; even the provisions necessary for its subsistence being withheld from it, though the protector had abundant means of supplying them; but his object was to starve both officers and men into desertion--so as to accelerate the dismemberment of the squadron which i would not give up to his ambitious views. the sound advice contained in my letter general san martin never forgave--and he afterwards fell exactly as i had predicted--there was no merit in the prophecy, for similar causes lead to like effects. adhering to my own duty, i felt that i was free from his command, and determined to follow no other course than to carry out, as far as lay in my power, the pledge of the chilian government to the peruvian people. concealing for the present his resentment, and reflecting that the forts of callao were still in the hands of the spaniards, the protector endeavoured to explain away the disagreeable nature of our interview on the 4th of august, by asserting, "that he only said, or meant to say, that it might be interesting to chili to _sell some of her vessels of war to peru_, because the latter wanted them for the protection of her coasts;" adding, that "the government of chili would at all times devote their squadron to the furtherance of the cause of peru." he repeated, that the arrears of pay to the squadron should be liquidated, as well as the rewards which had been promised. as none of these were forthcoming, the squadron began to shew symptoms of mutiny at the conduct of the protector. on the 11th of august i wrote to him, apprising him of the increasing discontent of the seamen, again requesting payment. on this a decree was issued, ordering one-fifth of the customs receipts to be set aside for the joint pay of the army and navy, but as the fortress and port of callao were in the hands of the spaniards, these receipts were most insignificant, and the measure was rightly regarded by the squadron as a subterfuge. to this communication the protector replied, on the 13th of august--at the same time hinting that i might _reconsider_ my refusal to accept the command of the contemplated peruvian navy. the subjoined is his letter:- lima, 13th of august, 1821. my lord, in my official letter addressed to you on the disagreeable business of paying the squadron, which causes us so much uneasiness, i have told you that it is impossible to do as we wish. i have nothing to add, unless my previous declaration, that i shall never view with indifference any thing that interests you. i told you in valparaiso, that "your lot should be equal to mine" and i believe myself to have proved that my intentions have not varied--nor can vary, because every day renders my actions more important. no, my lord, i do not view with indifference anything which concerns you, and i shall be deeply grieved, if you do not wait till i can onvince you of the truth. if, however, in despite of all this, you determine on the course, which, at our interview a few days ago, you proposed to take, it will be for me a difficulty from which i cannot extricate myself, but i hope that--_conforming yourself to my wishes_--you will conclude the work begun, on which our common lot depends. adieu, my lord, i repeat that i am, with sincere esteem, your eternal friend, jose de san martin. the assertion, that he could not satisfy the seamen, was a subterfuge; he had abundance of money, derived from the wholesale spoliation of the spaniards, to which indefensible course i had alluded in my letter of august 7th. he also hoped that "_conforming to his wishes_," i would accept the appointment of "first admiral;" the consequence of which--together with the decree transferring the chilian officers--without their consent--to the service of peru, would have been to turn over to his government the chilian squadron. chapter vii. tampering with chilian officers--the archbishop of lima--his expulsion--negociation for surrender of the forts--this counteracted--san martin's bombastic proclamations--his refusal to encounter the enemy--the spaniards relieve callao--delusive proclamation--the unblushing falsehood--spaniards carry off the treasure--discontent of the squadron. finding that i was indisposed to acknowledge his self-assumed authority, and still less to contribute to measures which would, in effect, have deprived chili of the navy, which by her patriotic sacrifices had been created, the protector issued a proclamation, again _promising_ the payment of arrears to the seamen, and a pension for life to the officers, _acknowledging them as officers of peru_! no inference can be drawn from this other than a direct intimation to the officers to desert from the chilian service. the following are extracts from the proclamation, which was published in a gazette extraordinary of august 17th, 1821:- "the army and squadron of chili united, have, at last, completed the oath which they took, to liberate peru, and have raised it to the rank which justice and the interests of the world demand. their constancy and heroism will hand them down to posterity with gratitude. i should be deficient in my political duty, did i not manifest the appreciation due to their transcendent deeds, promoting the interests of both hemispheres." "1. the state of peru acknowledges as a national debt the arrears of the army and squadron, as well as the promises made by me to both." "2. all the property of the state, and also twenty per cent, on the revenue, are pledged to the extinction of these debts." "3. all the officers of the army and squadron who sailed with the liberating expedition, and now remain in them, _are acknowledged as officers of peru_." "4. those comprehended in the preceding articles, and those employed in the said cause, shall receive, during the period of their lives, a pension of half their full pay, awarded on leaving valparaiso, which pension shall be paid even in the case of their settling in a foreign country." "5. all shall receive a medal," &c, &c. not a penny of the arrears and the other emoluments promised, was, however, paid to the squadron; nor was any intended to be paid, the object being to get the officers quietly to transfer themselves from the chilian squadron to the service of the protector, on the strength of the promises made: and, in this, he was ably seconded by his instruments, guise and spry, who, in defiance of their desertion, and the sentence of court-martial on the latter, had been retained near his person for the accomplishment of this object. one of the most fearless opponents of the protector was the archbishop of lima, an excellent man, much beloved by the people--who made no secret of his indignation at the usurpation which had taken place, despite all the promises of chili, declared "before god and man"--as well as those of the protector himself, to "leave the peruvians free as regarded their own choice of government." as the honest prelate denounced, in no measured terms, the despotism which had been established in the place of the liberty guaranteed, it was determined to get rid of him. the first step was an order to the archbishop, dated august 22, 1821, to close all the houses of spiritual exercises. this was politely refused; but, at the same time, the prelate stated, that if any confessor disturbed public order, he would take the requisite measures for his punishment. on the 27th, the archbishop was told in reply, that "the protector's orders were irrevocable, and he must at once decide on the line of conduct he intended to adopt." on the 1st of september, the prelate, in an admirable letter, told the protector, that "the principal obligation of a bishop was to defend the deposit of doctrine and faith which had been confided to him, and, if threatened by any great potentate, to remonstrate with respect and submission, to the end that he might not be a participator in crime by a cowardly condescension. god had constituted bishops as the pastors and guards of the flock, and he tells us, that we are not to be cowards in the presence of the greatest potentates on earth, but, if necessary, we must shed our blood, and lay down our lives, in so just a cause; anathematizing us, on the contrary, as dumb dogs who do not bark when the spiritual health of the flock is in danger." the end of this was, that the protector urged on the archbishop to resign, promising him a vessel to convey him to panama; relying on which promise, he sent in his resignation, and was ordered to quit lima in twenty-four hours! as the promise of a conveyance to panama was broken, the archbishop embarked in a merchant vessel for rio de janeiro, addressing to me the following letter previous to his departure. chancay, nov. 2, 1821. my dear lord, the time is arrived for my return to spain, the protector having granted me the necessary passport. the polite attention which i owe to your excellency, and the peculiar qualifications which adorn and distinguish you, oblige me to manifest to you my sincere regard and esteem. in spain, if god grant that i arrive in safety, i request that you will deign to command me. on leaving this country, _i am convinced that its independence is for ever sealed_. this i will represent to the spanish government, and to the papal see, and will do all in my power to preserve the tranquillity, and to further the views, of the inhabitants of america, who are dear to me. deign, my lord, to receive these sentiments as emanating from the sincerity of my heart, and command your obliged servant and chaplain, bartolomé maria de las heras. this forcible expulsion of the archbishop was an act of political folly, as being tantamount to a declaration that he was too good a man to countenance the designs of those who had usurped an unjust dominion over his flock. had the promises of chili been carried out in their integrity, both the archbishop and his clergy would have used all their influence to promote the cause of liberty--not more from interest than inclination. the expression of the archbishop, that "the independence of peru was _for ever_ sealed," was, however, erroneous. tyranny is not composed of enduring materials. the bishop of guamanga, who resided at lima, was also ordered to leave peru within eight days, without reason assigned, and thus the opposition of the church was got rid of, though not without deep feeling on the part of the limeños, who were, however, powerless to help their clergy or themselves. the affairs of the squadron becoming every day worse, and a mutinous spirit being excited from actual destitution, i endeavoured to obtain possession of the castles of callao by negociation, offering to the spanish commandant permission to depart with two-thirds of the property contained in the fort, on condition of the remainder, together with the forts, being given up to the chilian squadron. my object was to supply the crews with the absolute necessaries, of which they stood in need from the evasive conduct of the protector, who continued to withhold, not only pay, but provisions, though the squadron had formed the ladder on which he had ascended to his present elevated position. there were large sums and a vast amount of plate in the possession of the spanish garrison,--the wealthy citizens of lima--fearing their liberators--having deposited both in the forts for security. a third of this would have relieved us from our embarrassments. the vessels were, in fact, in want of stores of every kind, their crews being without animal food, clothing, or spirits, indeed their only means of subsistence was upon money obtained from the spanish fugitives, whom i permitted to ransom themselves by surrendering a third only of the property with which they were escaping. as soon as my offer to the spanish commandant, la mar, became known to the protector--in order to counteract it, and ensure the success of his design to starve out the chilian squadron, and so procure its transfer to himself--he offered la mar unlimited and unconditional protection, both as to persons and property, on purchase of letters of citizenship! the commandant, therefore, rejected my proposal, and the hope of obtaining a sufficient sum for the payment of the seamen, and for refitting the ships, was frustrated. general san martin afterwards accused me to the chilian government of aiming at the possession of the fortress of callao, for the purpose of setting at defiance the government of peru! this was ridiculous; though, had it been my object, it would have been perfectly consistent with my duty to chili, from which state the protector of peru had cast off his allegiance. my object was simply to obtain means to subsist the squadron; though, had i obtained possession of the forts, i would most certainly have dictated to general san martin the fulfilment of his promises; and should as certainly have insisted on his performing his solemn engagement to the peruvians, of giving them the free choice of their own government. he also accused me of wishing to appropriate the sum proposed to be surrendered by the spanish commandant to my own use, though the seamen were in a state of mutiny from actual starvation! instead of contributing to this useful end, as before the protector's interference la mar was not unwilling to do, the spaniards were afterwards permitted to retire unmolested with the whole of their treasure; and to this, the most discreditable act which ever sullied the name of a military commander, we now come. as the whole transaction has been well described by another writer, who was present throughout, i prefer extracting his words, in order to prevent any suspicion of mental bias which i may be supposed to entertain on the subject:- "the spanish army at janja, in the beginning of september, spread alarm in lima, from advices received of their movements. it appeared that they were determined to attack the capital, and on the 5th of september the following proclamation was issued at head-quarters by the protector:--" "inhabitants of lima," "it appears that the justice of heaven, tired of tolerating for so long a time the oppressors of peru, now guides them to destruction. three hundred of those troops who have desolated so many towns, burnt so many temples, and destroyed so many thousands of victims, are at san mateo, and two hundred more at san damian. if they advance on this capital, it will be with the design of immolating you to their vengeance (san martin had 12,000 troops to oppose them), and to force you to purchase at a high price your decision, and enthusiasm for independence. vain hope! the valiant who have liberated the illustrious lima, those who protect her in the most difficult moments, know how to preserve her against the fury of the spanish army. yes, inhabitants of this capital, my troops will not abandon you; _they and myself are going to triumph over that army which--thirsty of our blood and property, is advancing; or we will perish with honour, for we will never witness your disgrace_. in return for this noble devotion, and that it may receive the favourable success of which it is worthy, all we require of you is, union, tranquillity, and efficacious co-operation. this alone is necessary to ensure the felicity and splendour of peru." "san martin." "on the morning of the 10th, lord cochrane received on board the _o'higgins_ an official communication, informing him that the enemy was approaching the walls of lima, and repeating the request that his lordship would send to the army every kind of portable arms then on board the squadron, as well as the marines and all volunteers; because the protector was '_determined to bring the enemy to an action, and either conquer or remain buried in the ruins of what was lima_.' this heroic note was, however, accompanied by a private one from monteagudo, containing a request that the boats of the vessels of war might be kept in readiness, and a look out placed on the beach of boca negra." "lord cochrane immediately pressed forward to san martin's camp, where, being recognised by several officers, a murmur of congratulation was heard, and even guise and spry exclaimed, 'we shall have some fighting now the admiral is come.' general las heras, acting as general-in-chief, saluting the admiral, begged of him to endeavour to persuade the protector to bring the enemy to an action. his lordship, on this, rode up to san martin, and taking him by the hand, in the most earnest manner entreated him to attack the enemy without losing a single moment; his entreaties were, however, in vain, the only answer received being--'my resolutions are taken'--'_mis medidas están tomadas_.'" "notwithstanding this apathy, his lordship remonstrated, stating the situation in which he had, not five minutes before, observed the enemy's infantry, and begged of the protector to ascend an eminence at the back of the house, and convince himself how easily a victory might be obtained; but he only received the same cold reply--_mis medidas están tomadas_.'" "the clamour of the officers in the _patio_ of the house roused san martin, who called for his horse and mounted. in a moment all was bustle, and the anticipated glow of victory shone in every countenance. the order to arms was given, and instantly obeyed by the whole army, amounting to about 12,000 men, including guerillas, all anxious to begin the fight. the protector beckoned to the admiral and general las heras, who immediately rode up to him, hoping that he was either about to consult them respecting the attack, or to inform them how it was to be conducted." "at this moment a peasant approached san martin on horseback, the general with most unparalleled composure lending an attentive ear to his communications as to where the enemy was the day before! the admiral, exasperated at so unnecessary a waste of time, bade the peasant 'begone,' adding--'the general's time is too important to be employed in listening to your fooleries.' at this interruption, san martin frowned on the admiral, and turning his horse rode up to the door of the house, where he alighted and went in." "lord cochrane then requested a private conference with san martin--which was the last time he ever spoke to him--and assured him that it was not even then too late to attack the enemy, begging and entreating that the opportunity might not be lost, and offering himself to lead the cavalry. but to this he received the reply, 'i alone am responsible for the liberties of peru.'--_'yo solo soy responsable de la libertad del peru_.' on this the protector retired to an inner apartment of the house to enjoy his customary _siesta_, which was disturbed by general las heras, who came to receive orders, and recalled to the attention of the protector that the force was still under arms, when san martin ordered that the troops should receive their rations!" "thus gen. cantarac, with 3,200 men, passed to the southward of lima--within half-musket shot of the protecting army of peru, composed of 12,000--entered the castles of callao with a convoy of cattle and provisions, where he refreshed and rested his troops for six days, and then retired on the 15th, taking with him the _whole of the vast treasure deposited therein by the limeños_, and leisurely retreating on the north side of lima." "after cantarac had led his troops into the batteries of callao, the success was announced by the firing of guns and other demonstrations which harrowed up the souls of the chilian officers. the patriot army thereupon passively occupied their old camp at the legua, between callao and lima." "it would be an act of injustice not to mention that the second in command, general las heras, disgusted with the result, left the service of the protector, and requested his passport to chili, which was granted; his example being followed by several officers of the army, who, deeply wounded by what had taken place, preferred obscurity, and even poverty, to further serving under such circumstances. the british ship of war, _superb_, was in the bay, and several of the officers, expecting to see the decisive blow struck in peru, repaired to san martin's head-quarters, and were astounded at the coolness of a general, who, commanding 12,000 men, could abandon a favourable position in which he might at least have intercepted the convoy of cattle, and so at once have compelled the surrender of callao, instead of permitting them to pass without a single shot being fired."[2] [footnote 2: "_twenty years residence in south america_," by w.b. stevenson. vol. iii. london, 1825.] the preceding extract, published in london by one who was by my side during the whole affair, is perfectly correct. the limeños were deeply humiliated by the occurrence, nor was their annoyance mitigated by the publication of the following proclamation in the ministerial gazette of the 19th, in which general san martin informed them that he had beaten the enemy and pursued the fugitives! though, the said enemy had relieved and reinforced the fortress, and then coolly walked off unmolested with plate and money to the amount of many millions of dollars; in fact, the whole wealth of lima, which, as has been said, was deposited by the inhabitants in the fortress for security. limeños, it is now fifteen days since the liberating army left the capital, resolved not to permit that even the shadow of the spanish flag should again darken the illustrious city of lima. the enemy haughtily descended the mountains, filled with the calculations they had formed in their ignorant meditations. they fancied that to appear before our camp was enough to conquer us; but they found _valour armed with prudence_! they acknowledged their inferiority. _they trembled at the idea of the hour of battle, and profited by the hour of darkness_!! and they sought an asylum in callao. my army began its march, and at the end of eight days the enemy has had to fly precipitately--convinced of their impotency to try the fortune of war, or to remain in the position they held. the desertion which they experience ensures us that, before they reach the mountains, there will only exist a handful of men, terrified and confounded with the remembrance of the colossal power which they had a year ago, and which has now disappeared like the fury of the waves of the sea at the dawn of a serene morning. _the liberating army pursues the fugitives. they shall he dissolved or beaten_. at all events, the capital of peru shall never be profaned with the footsteps of the enemies of america--_this truth is peremptory_. the spanish empire is at an end for ever. peruvians! your destiny is irrevocable; consolidate it by the constant exercise of those virtues which you have shown in the epoch of conflicts. _you are independent_, and nothing can prevent your being happy, if you will it to be so, san martin. to these monstrous assertions i only know one parallel, viz:--falstaff's version of his victory over the robbers at gadshill. the protector asserts that "the shadow of the spanish flag should never again darken lima." it nevertheless passed completely round the city within half-musket shot. "the enemy thought that to view our camp was to conquer us." they were only 3,000 to 12,000. "they trembled at the hour of battle, _and profited by the hour of darkness_!" the fact being that with droves of cattle and abundance of other provisions, they triumphantly marched into callao _at mid-day_! viz, from eleven a.m. to three p.m. "the liberating army pursues the fugitives." this is the only fact contained in the proclamation. the enemy _was_ pursued by 1,100 men, who followed them at a distance for ten miles, when cantarac suddenly facing about, let loose his cavalry at them, and nearly the whole were cut up! the spaniards in fact came to relieve callao, and fully effected their object. were not the preceding proclamation indelibly imprinted in the columns of the ministerial gazette, it would be deemed a malicious fabrication. yet the poor, _independent_ limeños dared not utter a voice against falsehood so palpable. disarmed and betrayed, they were completely at the mercy of the protector, who, if he can be said to have had a motive in not encountering the small force of cantarac, no doubt founded it in keeping his own troops intact for the further oppression of the unhappy limeños--with what effect we shall presently see. this triumphant retreat of the spanish force with its large amount of treasure was a disaster which, after the limeños had risen against the tyranny of san martin and forcibly expelled him from their city, entailed the shedding of torrents of blood in peru, for the spaniards were thus enabled to reorganize a force which would have subjected the country to its ancient oppressors, had not the army of colombia stepped in to resist a common enemy. even chili trembled for her liberties, and, after i had left the pacific, begged me to return and check disasters with which she was incompetent to grapple. had not the protector prevented the spanish commandant, la mar, from accepting my offer of permitting him to retire with two-thirds of the enormous treasure deposited in the fort, chili would, at the lowest computation, have received ten millions of dollars, whilst the spaniards would have retired with twenty millions. surely this would have been better than to permit them--as general san martin did--to retire unmolested with the whole. foiled in this attempt to relieve the necessities of the squadron, whilst the protector's government pertinaciously refused to supply them, it was impossible to keep the men from mutiny; even the officers--won over by guise and spry, who paid midnightly visits to the ships for the purpose--began to desert to the protectoral government. the following letter, addressed to monteagudo, will shew the state of the matter as regarded the squadron:- most excellent sir, i have written you an official letter to-day, by which you will perceive that the consequences which i have long predicted will have so far come to pass, as to render the removal of the large ships of the squadron indispensable. if by a total neglect of all i tell the protectoral government through you, things happen prejudicial to the service, the protector and yourself will at least do me the justice to feel that i have done my duty; the base, interested, and servile, for the promotion of their selfish views, may clamour, but i regard them not. i would send you the _original_ reports of the provisions and state of the ships issued by the captains, but i must hold these for my public justification, should such be necessary. what is the meaning of all this, monteagudo? are these people so base as to be determined to force the squadron to mutiny? and are there others so blind as not to foresee the consequences? ask sir thomas hardy, and the british captains, or any other officers, what will be the result of such monstrous measures. believe me, with a heavy heart, yours, &c. cochrane. chapter viii. prolonged destitution of squadron--the men mutiny in a body--the seamen's letters--san martin sends away the public treasure--my seizure of it--private property restored--san martin's accusations against me--the squadron paid wages--attempt on the officers' fidelity--i am asked to desert from chili--ordered to quit on refusal--monteagudo's letter--my reply--justification of seizing the treasure--no other course possible. previous to this time i had on board the flag-ship the unexpended portion of the money captured at arica, but as the chilian government, trusting to peru to supply the wants of the squadron, neither sent funds or provisions, i was compelled to spend for our subsistence the uncondemned portion of the prize money belonging to the seamen--a necessity which, no less than their want of pay or reward, irritated them beyond measure, as, in effect, compelling them to fight the battles of the republic not only without pay but at their own expense. in addition to this, i was in possession of the uncondemned portion of other sums taken on the coast, and these also i was obliged to expend, at the same time transmitting accounts thereof to the minister of marine at valparaiso, the appropriation being fully approved by the chilian government. the destitute condition of the squadron, and the consequent dissatisfaction of the crews, will be best shewn by a few extracts from the letters of the officers and the men themselves. on the 2nd of september, captain delano, the commander of the _lantaro_, wrote to me as follows:- "the officers as well as the men are dissatisfied, having been a long time on the cruise, and at present without any kind of meat or spirits, and without pay, so that they are not able to provide for themselves any longer, though, _until starved_, they have borne it without a murmur." "the ship's company have now absolutely refused duty on account of short allowance. the last _charqui_ (dried beef) they got was rotten and full of vermin. they are wholly destitute of clothing, and persist in their resolution not to do duty till beef and spirits are supplied, alleging that they have served their time, with nothing but promises so frequently broken that they will no longer be put off." "in your lordship's absence i took the liberty to write to the government and make their complaints known, but the minister of marine did not even give me an answer." "the greater portion have now left the ship and are all gone ashore, so that under existing circumstances, and with the dissatisfaction of the officers and the remainder of the ship's company i do not hold myself responsible for any accident that may happen to the ship until these difficulties are removed, as the cables are bad and not to be trusted to, and we have no anchor sufficient to hold her." "paul delano, _captain_." on captain delano sending his first lieutenant on shore to persuade the men to return to the ship, he was arrested by order of the government and put in prison, the protector's object being to get all the men to desert, thus furthering his views towards the appropriation of the squadron. the _galvarino_ was even in a worse condition, so that i deemed it expedient to address a letter to the ship's company asking them to continue at their duty till i could devise means for their relief; with what result the following letter from captain esmond, commanding the _galvarino_ will shew. _galvarino_, sept. 8th, 1821. my lord, pursuant to your excellency's order, i have read your letter of the 6th instant to the ship's company, respecting your communication with his excellency the protector, concerning arrears of pay, prize-money, &c. i am sorry to inform your excellency that they still persist in their demands, _and are determined not to proceed to sea_. i. esmond, _captain_. on the 19th, the foreign seamen of the flag-ship itself mutinied in a body, on which my flag-captain, crosbie, wrote me the following letter:- my lord, it is with the utmost regret i have to inform your lordship that being ready for sea early this morning, the foreigners refused heaving up the anchor in consequence of arrears of pay and prize-money, and to my great surprise many of the natives also came aft. i endeavoured by persuasive means to induce them to return quietly and willingly to their duty, which had no effect. knowing well, had i commenced hostile measures to enforce those orders the consequence might be serious, i refrained therefrom, being aware of your lordship's wish to conduct everything as peaceably as possible. the names of the foreigners who refuse going to sea i have the honour to enclose to your lordship, and also to enclose several letters sent me officially from captain cobbett, of the _valdivia_. i.s. crosbie, _captain_. not to multiply these letters from other commanders, i will adduce two written by the whole of the english and north-american seamen themselves. captin crosby, sir, it his the request of us all in the ship's company to inform you that we would wish to acquaint his lordship that we was promised by general san martin to receive a bounty of 50,000 dollars and the total amount of the spanish frigate _ismeralda_, it his the sole thought of us all that if san martin had any honure he would not breck his promises wish out to have been fulfilled long a go. ship's company of _o'higgins_. capt. corbet it is the request of us all on bord the chili states ship _valdivia_ to aquaint you that we are disatisfied on account of our pay and prize money, and likewise the promises made to us on leaving valpariso, it is likewise our determination not to weigh the anchor of the _valdivia_ untill we get the whole of our wages and prize money, likewise a number of us is a bove twelvemonths above our time that we shipt for and we should likewise wish our discharge and let them that wish to reenter again may do as they think proppre as we consider this a patriot port. the ship's company at large of the _valdivia_. capt crosby, esq we would wish to acquaint you of wot his bean read to us on board of the different c. states ship under his lordship's command concerning the capture of the _ismeralda_. sir it was thus the importance of the service performed by your lordship to the states by the capture of the spanish frigat _ismeralda_, and the brillant manner in which this noble enterprize was conducted under your command on the memorable night of the fifth of november, has aurgumented the claims which your previous services gave to the consideration of the government and those that is interested in thar cause as well as my present esteem. all those who partook in the risk and glory of this interprise deserves also the estermation of thar companions in the army, and i enjoy the pleasure of being the organ of thar sentiments of admiration wich so important an action as praduced in the officers and army, permit me tharfore to express such thar sentiments to your lordship that may be communicated to the officers and seamen and troops of the sqwardon. regarding the premium for the frigat it is to be regretted that the memorey of so herioic an interprise should be mixed with the painful ideer that blood as been shed in accomplishment, and we hope that your lordship and the gallant officers and seamen may be enabbled to give new days of glorry to the cause of indispendence. ship's company, _o'higgins_. n.b.--warre one single sentiment his not been fulfilled. this letter, though somewhat incomprehensible, was intended as a farewell complimentary address to myself, previous to the desertion of the flag-ship; and, had this taken place, there was no doubt that the ships' companies of the whole squadron would have followed the example, so that the protector would have gained his ends, in spite of my endeavours to keep the men faithful to the flag under which they were engaged to serve. fortunately for chili and myself, an occurrence took place which averted the evil, and was brought about by the very means which the protector had devised to promote his individual views. the occurrence alluded to, was the embarkation of large sums of money by the protector in his yacht _sacramento_, which had cast out her ballast to stow the silver, and in a merchant vessel in the harbour, to the exclusion of the _lantaro_ frigate, then at the anchorage. this money was sent to ancon, on the pretence of placing it in safety from any attack by the spanish forces, but possibly to secure it for the further purposes of the protector. the squadron having thus ocular demonstration that its arrears could be paid, but were not, both officers and men refused longer to continue in a service which had brought them nothing but prolonged suffering. my own views coincided with theirs, and i determined that the squadron should be no longer starved nor defrauded. i therefore sailed to ancon, and personally seized the treasure, before witnesses; respecting all that professed to belong to private individuals, and also the whole of that contained in the protector's schooner, _sacramento_, considering it his private property, though it could not have been other than plunder wrested from the limeños. independently of this yacht-load of silver, there were also on board, seven _surrones_ (sacks) of uncoined gold, brought down on his account by the legate parroisien; so that, after all the moveable wealth of lima was supposed to have been previously deposited for safety in the castles of callao, but carried off by cantarac, the condition of the unhappy limeños may be imagined, from the additional sums of which they were subsequently deprived. i immediately made proclamation, that all private individuals, having the customary documents, might receive their property upon application, and considerable sums were thus given up to dr. unanue, don juan aguero, don manuel silva, don manuel primo, don francisco kamirez, and several others, though connected with the government. besides which, i gave up 40,000 dollars to the commissary of the army, who claimed it; so that, having returned all the money for which dockets were produced, there remained 285,000 dollars, which was subsequently applied to the payment of one year's arrears to every individual of the squadron; but relying on the justice of the chilian government, i took no part myself, reserving the small surplus that remained for the more pressing exigencies and re-equipment of the squadron. accounts of the whole money seized, were forwarded to the minister of marine at valparaiso, as well as vouchers for its disbursement, and in due course, i received the approbation of the chilian government for what had been done. general san martin entreated, in the most earnest terms, the restoration of the treasure, promising the faithful fulfilment of all his former engagements. letter after letter was sent, begging me to save the credit of the government, and pretending that the money seized was all the government possessed for indispensable daily expenses. to this i replied, that had i been aware that the treasure spared in the _sacramento_ was the property of government, and not that of the protector, i would have seized it also, and retained it till the debts due to the squadron were liquidated. finding all arguments unavailing, and that no attention was paid to his threats, the protector--to save the credit of his government--addressed a proclamation to the squadron, confirming the distribution which was going on by my orders, at the same time writing to me, that i "might employ the money as i thought proper." san martin afterwards accused me to the chilian government of seizing the whole of the treasure, that in his yacht included, which, at a low computation, must have been worth several millions of dollars, which were all left untouched. he also asserted, that i had retained the whole belonging to private individuals, though each _real_ claimed was given up, as was well known to every individual concerned, and he also knew that i did not retain a penny on my own account. nevertheless, he added, that i had kept the whole myself,--that, in consequence, the squadron was in a state of mutiny, and the seamen were abandoning their ships to offer their services to the government of peru! the fact being, that those who went on shore to spend their pay after the fashion of sailors, were prevented from returning on board, a lieutenant of my flag-ship being put in jail for attempting to bring them off again. the first intimation of this outrage was conveyed by the officer himself, in the following letter, from his place of confinement. my lord, whilst obeying your lordship's orders in bringing off the men to the _o'higgins_, captain guise sent his lieutenant to tell me that i could not ship any more men. my answer was, that, till i received contrary orders from you i could not think of desisting. i then went to captain guise to tell him your orders, and he told me, that it was the governor's order that i should not do it; he likewise told me, that several officers had spoken against the government, instancing captain cobbett and others. he then asked me, whether i thought that your lordship's _robbery_! of the money at ancon was right? and, whether i believed that the government meant to keep its promise, and pay us, or not? my answer was, that i thought your lordship had acted perfectly right, and that, in my opinion, the government never intended to pay us; upon which, he ordered me to be seized. my lord, i am now a prisoner in the case-mates, and am told that the governor has written to you on the subject. the men, my lord, will, i have no doubt, come off, as many have promised me to do so, to-morrow morning. hoping that your lordship will enquire into the circumstance, i remain, &c. &c, j. payntor. on receipt of this, i immediately demanded his release, which was complied with. before distributing the money to the squadron, i took the precaution to request that a commissary of the government might be sent on board to take part in the payment of the crews. as this was not complied with, i again urged it, but without effect--the object of not attending to the request being, as was afterwards learned, the expectation that i should place the money in his hands ashore, when it doubtless would have been seized, without payment to officers or men. this was, however, foreseen, the government being informed by me that "the money was on board ready for distribution, whilst the people were on board ready to receive it, there was, therefore no necessity to take it on shore;" it was then distributed by my own officers. annoyed beyond measure at my having taken such steps to restore order in the squadron by doing justice to the officers and men, the protector, on the very day, september 26th, on which he told me by letter to "make what use i pleased of the money," sought to revenge himself by sending on board the ships of the squadron his two _aides-de-camp_, colonel paroissien and captain spry, with papers for distribution, stating that "the squadron of chili was under the command of the protector of peru, and not under that of the admiral, who was an inferior officer in the service; and that it was consequently the duty of the captains and commanders to obey the orders of the protector and not mine." one of these papers was immediately brought to me by that excellent and highly honourable officer, captain simpson, of the _araucano_ (now an admiral in the chilian service), to whose ship's company it had been delivered. these emissaries offered, in the name of the protector, commissions, and the promise of honours, titles, and estates to all such officers as might accept service under the government of peru. from the _araucano_, the protector's envoys went to the _valdivia_, where similar papers were given to the men, and captain cobbett, nephew of the celebrated william cobbett, was reminded of the preference which an officer, for his own interests, ought to give to the service of a rich state like peru, in place of adhering to chili, which must soon dwindle to comparative insignificance; besides which the authority of the protector over the chilian forces being unquestionable, it was the duty of the officers to obey the orders of the protector as general-in-chief. captain cobbett, who was a faithful and excellent officer, sarcastically inquired of spry whether, if his disobedience to the admiral brought him to a court-martial, the protector's authority would ensure him an acquittal? this closed the argument; for spry being at the time under sentence of court-martial, the question was much too pertinent to be pleasant, especially as he by no means felt confident that cobbett might not seize him as a deserter. unfortunately for the emissaries, my flag-captain, crosbie, was on a visit to captain cobbett, and on learning their errand he pushed off to the flag-ship with the intelligence. observing this movement they immediately followed, judging it more prudent to visit me than to run the risk of being compelled so to do. at one o'clock in the morning their boat came alongside, when paroissien solicited an interview, spry remaining in the boat, having his own reasons for not wishing to attract my attention. paroissien then addressed me with the most high-flown promises, assuring me of the protector's wish, notwithstanding all that had occurred, to confer upon me the highest honours and rewards, amongst others the decoration of the newly-created order of "the sun," and telling me how much better it would be for me to be first admiral of a rich country like peru, than vice-admiral of a poor province like chili. he assured me, as one of the commissioners of confiscated property, that it was the intention of the protector to present me with a most valuable estate, and regretted that the present unlucky difference should form an obstacle to the protector's intentions to confer upon me the command of the peruvian navy. perceiving that he felt nervously uneasy in his attempt at negotiation, i reminded him that the peruvian navy had no existence except in imagination; that i had no doubt whatever of his desire for my prosperity, but that it might be more agreeable to him to join me in a bottle of wine than to reiterate his regrets and lamentations. after taking a glass he went into his boat, and pulled off, glad no doubt to escape so easily, not that it occurred to me to resent the treachery of visiting the ships of the squadron in the dark, to unsettle the minds of the officers and men. this, however, and other efforts proved but too successful, twenty-three officers abandoning the chilian service, together with all the foreign seamen, who went on shore to spend their pay, and who were either forced, or allured by promises of a year's additional pay to remain, so that the squadron was half unmanned. the fortress, notwithstanding the supplies so successfully introduced by general cantarac, having again--by the vigilance of the squadron--been starved into surrender, i received an order immediately to quit callao and proceed to chili, although the peruvian government believed that from the abandonment of the squadron by the officers and foreign seamen, it would not be possible to comply with the order. the following is monteagudo's letter conveying the commands of the protector:- lima, sept. 26th, 1821. my lord, your note of yesterday, in which you explain the motives which induced you to decline complying with the positive orders of the protector, _temporarily_ to restore the money which you forcibly took at ancon, has frustrated the hopes which the government entertained of a happy termination to this most disagreeable of all affairs which have occurred during the expedition. to answer your excellency in detail, it will be necessary to enter into an investigation of acts which cannot be fully understood without referring to official communications and documents which prove the interest which has been taken in the necessities of the squadron. (here follows a reiteration of the _promises_ and good intentions of the protector, with which the reader is already well acquainted.) this has been a mortal blow to the state, and worse could not have been received from the hand of an enemy, there only remaining to us a hope in the moderation and patient suffering of the valiant men who have sacrificed all! you will immediately sail from this port to chili, with the whole squadron under your command, and there deliver up the money which you have seized, and which you possess without any pretext to hold it. in communicating this order to your excellency, the government cannot avoid expressing its regret at being reduced to this extremity towards a chief with whom it has been connected by ties of friendship and high consideration since august 20th, 1820. i have to complain of the style of your excellency's secretary, who, perhaps from his ignorance of the idiom of the spanish language, cannot express himself with decency--his soul not having been formed to conceive correct ideas. monteagudo. the complaining tone of this letter about the "valiant sacrificing all," is worthy of the writer; when i had left untouched many times the amount seized, and the army, according to the admission of the protectoral government, had received two-thirds of its pay, whilst the squadron had even been suffered to starve. on the 28th i replied to the minister as follows:- sir, i should have felt uneasy, had the letter you addressed to me contained the commands of the protector to quit the ports of peru without reason assigned, and i should have been distressed had his motives been founded in reason, or on facts; but finding the order based on the groundless imputation that i had declined to do what i had no power to effect, i console myself that the protector will ultimately be satisfied that no blame rests on me. at all events, i have the gratification of a mind unconscious of wrong, and gladdened by the cheering conviction that, however facts may be distorted by sycophancy, men who view things in their proper colours will do me the justice i deserve. you address me as though i required to be convinced of your good intentions. no, sir, it is the seamen who want convincing, for it is they who put no faith in professions so often broken. they are men of few words and decisive acts, and say that "for their labour they have a right to pay and food, and will work no longer than they are paid and fed"--though this may be uncourtly language, unfit for the ear of high authority. they urge, moreover, that they have had no pay whatever, whilst their fellow-labourers, the soldiers, have had two-thirds of their wages; they were starved, or living on stinking _charqui_, whilst the troops were wholly fed on beef and mutton; they had no grog, whilst the troops had money to obtain that favourite beverage, and anything else they desired. such, sir, are the rough grounds on which an english seaman founds his opinions. he expects an equivalent for the fulfilment of his contract, which, on his part, is performed with fidelity; but, if his rights are withheld, he is as boisterous as the element on which he lives. it is of no use, therefore, to convince me, but them. in what communication, sir, have i insisted on the payment of 200,000 dollars. i sent you an account of money due, but told you in my letter that it was the mutinous seamen who demanded the disbursements, and that i was doing all in my power, though without effect, to restrain their violence and allay their fears. you tell me in your letter that it was impossible to pay the clamorous crews. how, then, is it _that they are now paid out of the very money then_ lying at your disposal, i having left untouched ten times as much? my warning to you, that they were no longer to be trifled with, was founded on a long acquaintance with their character and disposition; and facts have proved, and may more fully prove, the truth of what i told you. why, sir, is the word "immediate" put into your order to go forth from this port? would it not have been more decorous to have been less peremptory, knowing, as you do, that the delay of payment had unmanned the ships--that the total disregard of all my applications had left the squadron destitute--and that the men were enticed away by persons acting under the peruvian government? this being so, why are matters pushed to this extremity? i thank you for the _approval of my services since the 20th of august_, 1820, and assure you that no abatement of my zeal for the protector's interest took place till the 5th of august, when i became acquainted with his excellency's installation, and when, in your presence, he uttered sentiments that struck a thrill through my frame, which no subsequent act, nor protestation of intentions, has been able to mitigate. did he not say--aye, did you not hear him declare, that he would never pay the debt to chili, nor that due to the navy, unless chili would sell the squadron to peru? what would you have thought of me as an officer, sworn to be faithful to the state of chili, had i listened to such language in cold, calculating silence, weighing my decision in the scale of personal interest? no, sir, the promise of san martin, that "my fortune should be equal to his own," will not warp from the path of honour your obedient, humble servant, cochrane. after a lapse of nearly forty years' anxious consideration, i cannot reproach myself with having done any wrong in the seizure of the money of the protectoral government. general san martin and myself had been, in our respective departments, deputed to liberate peru from spain, and to give to the peruvians the same free institutions which chili herself enjoyed. the first part of our object had been fully effected by the achievements and vigilance of the squadron; the second part was frustrated by general san martin arrogating to himself despotic power, which set at naught the wishes and voice of the people. as "my fortune in common with his own" was only to be secured by acquiescence in the wrong he had done to chili by casting off his allegiance to her, and by upholding him in the still greater wrong he was inflicting on peru, i did not choose to sacrifice my self-esteem and professional character by lending myself as an instrument to purposes so unworthy. i did all in my power to warn general san martin of the consequences of ambition so ill-directed, but the warning was neglected, if not despised. chili trusted to him to defray the expenses of the squadron when its objects--as laid down by the supreme director--should be accomplished; but in place of fulfilling the obligation, he permitted the squadron to starve, its crews to go in rags, and the ships to be in perpetual danger for want of the proper equipment which chili could not afford to give them when they sailed from valparaiso. the pretence for this neglect was want of means, though at the same time money to a vast amount was sent away from the capital to ancon. seeing that no intention existed on the part of the protector's government to do justice to the chilian squadron, whilst every effort was made to excite discontent among the officers and men with the purpose of procuring their transfer to peru, i seized the public money, satisfied the men, and saved the navy to the chilian republic, which afterwards warmly thanked me for what i had done. despite the obloquy cast upon me by the protector's government, there was nothing wrong in the course i pursued, if only for the reason that if the chilian squadron was to be preserved, _it was impossible for me to have done otherwise_. years of reflection have only produced the conviction, that, were i again placed in similar circumstances, i should adopt precisely the same course. chapter ix. arrival at guayaquil--address to guayaquilenos--injurious monopolies --ministerial folly--departure from guayaquil--arrival in mexico--anchor at acapulco--mock ambassadors--plot against me--return to guayaquil--venganza taken possession of--agreement with junta--general la mar--orders to withhold supplies--abominable cruelty--courtly splendour--destruction of a division of the army--dissatisfaction of officers--renewed overtures from san martin--their refusal by me--warning to the chilian government. the orders of the protector to proceed to chili were not complied with, 1st, because having thrown off his allegiance to chili, he had no right to interfere with the squadron; and, 2ndly, as the spanish frigates remained at large, my mission was incomplete till they were taken or destroyed. before going in quest of them, it was essential to repair, equip, and provision the ships, none of which purposes could be effected in peru, the protector not only having refused supplies, but having also issued orders on the coast to withhold necessaries of all kinds even to wood and water. from want of stores, none of the ships were fit for sea; even the _valdivia_, so admirably found when captured, was now in as bad a condition as the rest, from the necessity which had arisen of distributing her equipment amongst the other ships; and to complete her inefficiency, the protector refused to restore the anchors which had been cut away from her bows at the time of her capture, thus adding to our embarrassment. many of the officers had gone over to the service of peru, and the foreign seamen had been kept on shore in such numbers, that there were not sufficient left to perform the duties of reefing and steering. i therefore resolved on sending part of the squadron to chili, and with the remainder to proceed to guayaquil, in order to repair and refit for a cruise on the coast of mexico in search of the spanish frigates. we reached guayaquil on the 18th of october, and were extremely well received by the authorities, who saluted the chilian flag, the like compliment being paid to their own. the work of repairing and refitting occupied six weeks, during which period the newly-constituted government rendered us all the assistance in its power, entering into the most friendly intercourse with us. the expenses, which were heavy, were all defrayed out of the uncondemned prize-money remaining on board, this rightfully belonging to the officers and seamen, as never having had their previous claims satisfied by the government, on which account it had been retained. to inspire the seamen with the reasonable expectation that the chilian government would reimburse them for their generosity, i added money of my own, on which they willingly consented to the appropriation of that due to the squadron. before quitting the anchorage, i was honoured with a public address, and thinking the opportunity good for striking a blow at those spanish prejudices which, in spite of independence, still lingered from force of habit, the compliment was returned by the following address:- guayaquilenos, the reception which the chilian squadron has met with from you not only shews the generosity of your sentiments, but proves that a people capable of asserting their independence in spite of arbitrary power must always possess noble and exalted feelings. believe me, that the state of chili will ever be grateful for your assistance, and more especially the supreme director, by whose exertions the squadron was created, and to whom, in fact, south america owes whatever benefit she may have derived from its services. may you be as free as you are independent, and as independent as you deserve to be free! with the liberty of the press, now protected by your excellent government, which discriminates enlightenment from that fount, guayaquil can never again be enslaved. see what difference a year of independence has produced in public opinion. in those whom you then looked upon as enemies, you have discovered your truest friends, whilst those formerly esteemed as friends have proved enemies. remember your former ideas on commerce and manufactures, and compare them with those which you at present entertain. accustomed to the blind habits of spanish monopoly, you then believed that guayaquil would be robbed, were not her commerce limited to her own merchants. all foreigners were forbidden by restrictive laws from attending even to their own business and interests: now you appreciate a true policy, and your enlightened government is ready to further public opinion in the promotion of your riches, strength, and happiness, as well as to assist these, by disseminating through the press the political opinions of great and wise men--without fear of the inquisition, the faggot, or the stake. it is very gratifying to me to observe the change which has taken place in your ideas of political economy, and to see that you can appreciate and despise the clamour of the few who would still interrupt the public prosperity; though it is difficult to believe how any citizen of guayaquil can be capable of opposing his private interest to the public good, as though his particular profit were superior to that of the community, or as if commerce, agriculture, and manufactures were to be paralysed for his especial behoof. guayaquilenos! let your public press declare the consequences of monopoly, and affix your names to the defence of your enlightened system. let it shew that, if your province contains 80,000 inhabitants, and that if 80 of these are privileged merchants according to the old system, 9,999 persons out of 10,000 must suffer because their cotton, coffee, tobacco, timber, and other productions must come into the hands of the monopolist, as the only purchaser of what they have to sell, and the only seller of what they must necessarily buy! the effect being that he will buy at the lowest possible rate, and sell at the dearest, so that not only are the 9,999 injured, but the lands will remain waste, the manufactories without workmen, and the people will be lazy and poor for want of a stimulus, it being a law of nature that no man will labour solely for the gain of another. tell the monopolist that the true method of acquiring general riches, political power, and even his own private advantage, is to sell his country's produce as high, and foreign goods as low as possible--and that public competition can alone accomplish this. let foreign merchants who bring capital, and those who practise any art or handicraft, be permitted to settle freely; and thus a competition will be formed, from which all must reap advantage. then will land and fixed property increase in value; the magazines, instead of being the receptacles of filth and crime, will be full of the richest foreign and domestic productions, and all will be energy and activity, because the reward will be in proportion to the labour. your river will be filled with ships, and the monopolist degraded and shamed. you will bless the day in which omnipotence permitted the veil of obscurity to be rent asunder, under which the despotism of spain, the abominable tyranny of the inquisition, and the want of liberty of the press, so long hid the truth from your sight. let your customs' duties be moderate, in order to promote the greatest possible consumption of foreign and domestic goods; then smuggling will cease, and the returns to the treasury increase. let every man do as he pleases as regards his own property, views, and interests; because every individual will watch over his own with more zeal than senates, ministers, or kings. by your enlarged views set an example to the new world; and thus, as guayaquil is from its situation the _central republic_, it will become the centre of the agriculture, commerce, and riches of the pacific. guayaquilenos! the liberality of your sentiments, and the justice of your acts and opinions, are a bulwark to your independence more secure than that of armies and squadrons. that you may pursue the path which will render you as free and happy as the territory is fertile, and may be rendered productive, is the sincere wish of your obliged friend and servant, cochrane. the english reader may consider a lecture of this nature superfluous to an emancipated people, but the adherence to injurious monoplies, in spite of independence, was one of the most marked features of the south american republics, and one which i never lost an opportunity of combating. even the chilian republic, which was amongst the first to assert its freedom, increased its monopolistic practices, instead of diminishing them. one or two examples will not be here out of place. english malt liquor bore a very high price in chili, from the heavy freight and customs' duties. an ingenious scotchman, named macfarlane, set up a brewery at considerable expense, and malt costing in chili barely a shilling per _fanega_ (about a bushel), soon produced beer of a fine quality, at a low price. the government forthwith imposed a duty on his beer equal to the whole freight from england, customs' dues, and his profit, the consequence being, that the brewery was stopped and the capital employed lost. he had unwittingly interfered with the established duties on beer! some enterprising americans formed a whale fishery on the chilian coast near coquimbo, where the sperm whale abounded, and so successful was the fishery, that the speculation promised a fortune to all concerned. a large plant had been provided, including abundance of casks to contain the oil. the government directed the whole of the casks to be seized for the purpose of watering the squadron, that being easier than to provide them themselves, which being done, pursuant to orders, the americans formed pits lined with clay, in which the oil was put till fresh casks could be procured. on this, the governor of coquimbo forbade the practice, as the wind might waft an unpleasant smell to coquimbo, though the trade wind never blew in that direction. the americans were therefore compelled to abandon the pursuit, and with it several sperm whales which were lying in the bay ready for boiling. an enterprising english engineer, mr. miers, brought out complete machinery for smelting, rolling, and manufacturing copper, purchasing land whereon to erect his factory. as soon as his purpose became known, he was involved in a long and expensive law-suit to prevent the use of the land which he had bought, the result being great pecuniary loss, complete prevention of his operations, and the final removal of such of his machinery as was not utterly spoiled, to brazil. it would be easy to multiply similar instances to a great extent, but these will show that my advice to the guayaquilenos was not unnecessary; and to give counsel of this nature, wherever it could be applied, was my invariable practice, in place of engaging in petty intrigues, or bargaining for personal power or advantages, which, situated as i was, i could have commanded to any extent by a sacrifice of my own principles. efforts of the above nature to enlighten the people, rendered me obnoxious to men in power, as interfering with their cherished monoplies, out of which they contrived to extract individual profit. the necessity for a speedy pursuit of the enemy's frigates, precluded more than a temporary repair of the ships; nothing, indeed, had been done to remedy the leak in the hull of the flag-ship, as, from the rotten state of her masts, we durst not venture to heave her down, so that when we got in a sea-way she made six feet of water a day. we quitted the guayaquil river on the 3rd of december, coasting along the shore, and examining every bay for the objects of our search. on the 5th we reached salango, where we again watered the ships, there being only twenty-three tons of water casks on board the flag-ship. on the 11th we reached cocos island, when we found and took possession of an english pirate, commanded by a man, named blair. on the following day we captured a _felucca_, which turned out to be a deserter from callao. from the men on board we learned that, after my departure, san martin had refused to fulfil the promises by which they had been induced to remain, though he had thus allured nearly the whole of the foreign seamen, who comprised the only skilled portion of the chilian squadron, into the service of peru. the _felucca_ thus manned, and sent as a _guarda costa_ to chorillas, the men took advantage of the absence of their captain on shore, and seized the vessel, which they named the _retaliation_, having put to sea, no doubt with the intention of turning pirates. as they had committed no depredations, and i had no wish to be encumbered with them, they were suffered to escape. on the 14th we made the coast of mexico, the leak of the flag-ship daily increasing, and on the 19th we anchored in the bay of fonseca, with five feet of water in the hold, the chain pumps being so worn as to be useless, there being no artificers on board to repair them, the ship was only kept afloat by the greatest possible exertions, in which my personal skill in smiths' work had to be called into requisition. after three days' constant baling at the hatchways, we got two pumps from the _valdivia_; but these proving too short, i ordered holes to be cut through the ships' sides, on a level with the berth deck, and thus managed to keep her clear till the old pumps could be refitted. nearly all our ammunition was spoiled, and, in order to preserve the dry provisions, we were compelled to stow them in the hammock-nettings. having transferred forty men from the other ships to assist at the pumps, we quitted fonseca bay on the 28th, and on the 6th of january, 1822, arrived at tehuantepec, a volcano lighting us every night. this was one of the most imposing sights i ever beheld; large streams of molten lava pouring down the sides of the mountain, whilst at intervals, huge masses of solid burning matter were hurled into the air, and rebounding from their fall, ricocheted down the declivity till they found a resting place at its base. on the 29th we anchored at acapulco, where we met the _araucano_ and _mercedes_, the latter having been sent on to gain intelligence of the spanish frigates. we were civilly received by the governor, though not without misgivings, on his part, that we might attempt to seize some spanish merchantmen at anchor in the harbour; so that we found the fort manned by a strong garrison, and other preparations made to receive us in case of hostile demonstration. we were not a little surprised at this, as nothing could be more friendly than our intentions towards the newly emancipated republic. the mystery was, however, soon cleared up. when at guayaquil, we met with two officers, general wavell and colonel o'reilly, to whom the chilian government had given passports to quit the country, not estimating the value of their services as tantamount to their pay. as no secret was made of the object of the chilian squadron, they had, owing to our delay on the coast, carried their own version of our mission to mexico, and had reported to the mexican government, both personally and by letter, that lord cochrane had possessed himself of the chilian navy,--plundered the vessels belonging to peru,--was now on a piratical cruise,--and was coming to ravage the coast of mexico; hence the preparations which had been made. the two worthies whom i have mentioned had represented to the authorities at guayaquil that they were ambassadors from chili to mexico, deputed to congratulate the mexican government on their achievement of independence. knowing this to be false, i requested them to shew their credentials, which of course they could not do. their passports were then demanded, and evinced by their dates that the pretended ambassadors had quitted chili prior to the intelligence of the establishment of independence in mexico. this disclosure having become known to the lady of the captain-general of guatemala, who happened to be at guayaquil, she forwarded the account to her husband, and he reported it to the mexican authorities, who were thus informed of the true character of their visitors; who, in revenge, trumped up the story of our piratical intentions, to which the governor of acapulco attached sufficient importance to strengthen his forts as narrated. the reserve, however, immediately wore off, and the most cordial relations were entered into; the president of mexico, iturbide, writing me a very polite letter, regretting that he could not visit me personally, but inviting me to repair to his court, assuring me of the most honourable reception. this, of course, i could not accept. on the 2nd of february, a vessel arrived at acapulco, and reported the spanish frigates to the southward, whither, notwithstanding the unseaworthy state of the ships, i determined to proceed in search of them. during our stay an officer of marines, named erescano--who by cruelty to his prisoners had made himself notorious at valdivia--endeavoured to revenge my disapprobation of his conduct by representing to the men, that, notwithstanding the expenses we had been put to, there was still money on board the flag-ship, and that it ought to be divided amongst them. failing in this, he had laid a plot to get possession of the chest, even at the cost of my assassination. all this was duly reported to me by the commander of the _valdivia_, captain cobbett. as i did not wish to produce a ferment by punishing this diabolical plot as it deserved, i contented myself with thwarting its execution, till we were under weigh, when i ordered captain cobbett to send erescano on shore with a despatch to the governor, detailing the whole plot; the result being, that the traitor was left on shore, the squadron sailing without him. what afterwards became of him i never heard. after despatching the _independencia_ and _araucano_ to california for the purpose of purchasing provisions, with instructions to follow us to guayaquil, we stood down the coast, and when off tehuantepec, encountered a gale of wind, which, owing to the bad state of the frigate, threatened her destruction. to add to our distress, a sea struck the _valdivia_--to which vessel we contemplated escaping--and forced in the timbers on her port side, so that she was only saved from sinking by passing a sail over the leak, till the damage could be repaired. on the 5th of march we made the coast of esmeraldas, and came to an anchor in the bay of tacames, where we learned that the spanish frigates had some time before left for guayaquil. on receipt of this intelligence we immediately pursued our voyage, and on the 13th anchored off the forts of guayaquil, where we found the _venganza_. our reception was not of the same cordial nature as on the previous visit--two agents of san martin having arrived, who by promises had gained over the government to the protector's interests, and had excited in their minds a jealousy of me which was as unexpected as ill-founded. some attempts were even made to annoy me; but as, upon their manifestation, i laid the flag-ship alongside the _venganza_, civility was enforced. the _prueba_ and _venganza_, being short of provisions, were compelled by our close pursuit, to put into guayaquil, daily expecting us to follow. previous to our arrival, the peruvian envoy, salasar, had so impressed upon the officers commanding the certainty of their being captured by the chilian squadron, that he had induced them to give up the ships to peru, on the promise that the protectoral government would pay the whole of the officers and crews all the arrears due to them, and that those who chose to remain in south america should be naturalized, with lands and pensions assigned to them; whilst such as were desirous of returning to spain should have their passages defrayed by the peruvian government. many of the spanish officers and most of the crews were adverse to the surrender of the ships, so that a mutiny was the consequence; when, at the instance of salasar, the government of guayaquil was induced to sanction an assertion that the chilian squadron was at anchor in the bay of la manta, and that letters had been received from me announcing my intention to come to guayaquil and seize the ships. this mendacity had the desired effect, and both officers and crews accepted the terms offered; so that san martin's agents had thus tricked the chilian squadron out of its prizes. under the before-mentioned impression the _prueba_ was hastily sent to callao before our arrival, but the _venganza_, being in a condition unfit for sea, remained at guayaquil. on being positively assured of the dishonourable transaction which had taken place, on the morning of the 14th of march i sent captain crosbie on board the _venganza_ to take possession, of her, for chili and peru jointly, being unwilling to embroil chili in hostilities with guayaquil by seizing her on our own account, as we were indisputably entitled to do, having chased her from port to port, until, destitute of provisions, she was compelled to take refuge in that port. my orders to captain crosbie were to hoist at the peak of the _venganza_, the flag of chili conjointly with that of peru. this act gave great offence to the guayaquil government, which manned its gun-boats, erected breast-works, and brought guns to the river side with the apparent intention of firing upon us; the spanish sailors, who shortly before had sold their ships from the dread of having to fight, being extremely active in these hostile demonstrations. upon this, i ordered the _valdivia_ to drift with the flood tide in the direction of the gun-boats, now filled with spanish officers and seamen. imagining that the frigate was about to attack them--though there was no intention of the kind--these heroes ran the boats ashore, and took to their heels in most admired disorder, not stopping till they had gained the protection of the city. the junta, finding that we did not consider their warlike demonstration worthy of notice, remonstrated at my taking possession of the _venganza_, but without effect, as i was not going to permit the chilian squadron to be thus cheated out of its prize. i therefore proposed such terms as were best calculated to be accepted and ratified by the junta of government, composed of olmedo, kimena, and roco, as follows:- 1st.--the frigate _venganza_ shall remain as belonging to the government of guayaquil, and shall hoist her flag, which shall be duly saluted. 2nd.--guayaquil guarantees to the chilian squadron, on responsibility of 40,000 dollars, that the frigate _venganza_ shall not be delivered to, nor negotiated for with any government, till those of chili and peru shall have decided on what they may esteem most just. moreover, the government of guayaquil is bound to destroy her rather than consent that the said vessel shall serve any other state till such decision be made. _3rd_.--any government which may henceforward be established in guayaquil shall be bound to the fulfilment of the articles here made. _4th_.--these articles shall be understood literally, and in good faith, without mental reservations or restrictions. (signed) &c. &c. after the ratification of this agreement, the government of guayaquil addressed to me a letter acknowledging the important services which had been conferred on the states of south america, and assuring me that "guayaquil would always be the first to honour my name, and the last to forget my unparalleled achievements," &c, &c. yet no sooner had i sailed from the port, than the _venganza_ was given up to the agent of peru, but the 40,000 dollars have never been paid. at guayaquil, i met general la mar, the late governor of the fortress of callao; and a report having been circulated by the peruvian government that during the recent blockade i had made an offer to supply the fortress with provisions, in order to prevent its falling into the hands of the protector, i requested the general to favour me with a statement whether i did or did not promise to succour his garrison, to which request the general obligingly returned the following answer:- guayaquil, march 13th, 1823. most excellent sir, in consequence of the official note which i yesterday received from your excellency through the hands of the government, it is my duty to assert that i have neither said, nor written, nor ever heard that you proposed to supply with provisions the place of callao during the whole of the time that it was under my charge. god preserve your excellency many years. (signed) jose de la mar. on the 27th we left the guayaquil river, and on the 29th fell in with captain simpson, of the _araucano_, whose crew had mutinied and carried off the ship. on the 12th of april we reached guambucho, whither we had gone for the purpose of taking in water. to our surprise the alcalde shewed a written order from san martin, telling him that if any vessel of war belonging to chili touched there he was to forbid their landing, and to deny assistance of every kind, not even permitting them to obtain wood and water. to this order no attention was paid by us, and we took on board whatever was required, remaining further to repair the _valdivia_. on the 16th we sailed, and on the 25th anchored at callao, where we found the _prueba_ under peruvian colours, and commanded by the senior chilian captain, who had abandoned the squadron! on our arrival she was immediately hauled in close under the batteries, with guns housed, and ports closed, whilst she was so crammed with troops that three died on the following night from suffocation; these steps being taken to prevent her sharing the fate of the _esmeralda_. to calm their fears, i wrote to the government that there was no intention of taking her, otherwise i would have done so, and at midday too in spite of any such precautions. lima was at this time in an extraordinary condition, there being no less than five different peruvian flags flying in the bay and on the batteries. the protector had passed a decree ordering that all spaniards who might quit the place should surrender half their property to the public treasury, or the whole should be confiscated, and the owners exiled. another decree imposed the penalties of exile and confiscation of property upon all spaniards who should appear in the streets wearing a cloak; also against any who should be found in private conversation! the punishment of death was awarded against all who should be out of their houses after sunset; and confiscation and death were pronounced on all who possessed any kind of weapons except table-knives! a wealthy lady in lima was so annoyed at the rigour of these decrees, that her patriotism overcame her prudence, and having called the protector ill names, she was compelled to give up her property. she was then habited in the garb of the inquisition,--a garment painted with imaginary devils!--and taken to the great square, where an accusatory libel being fastened to her breast, a human bone was forced into her mouth--her tongue being condemned as the offending member--and then secured; in which state, with a halter round her neck, she was paraded through the streets by the common hangman, and afterwards exiled to callao, where after two days she died from mental anguish arising from the treatment she had received. such was the liberty conceded to peru. in the midst of this national degradation, the protector had assumed the style of a sovereign prince. an order of nobility was established, under the title of "the institute of the sun," the insignia being a golden sun suspended from a white ribbon, the chilian officers who had abandoned the squadron coming in for a full share as the reward of their subserviency. a quasi-royal guard was established, consisting of the leading youth of the city, who formed the protector's escort in public; a precaution which, notwithstanding that the exasperated limeños were weaponless, was not altogether unnecessary. the solar nobility were permitted to place their armorial bearings in front of their houses, with the sun blazoned in the centre, which was certainly an addition to, if not an improvement on all previous orders of nobility. in short, the limeños had a republic swarming with marquises, counts, viscounts, and other titles of monarchy, to which consummation all expected the protector to aspire; the more so, as the only unfettered portion of the press was that which saluted him under the title of emperor. (_see appendix, ode of "the dove," sung in celebration, of our protector and emperor of peru!_) the strength of a state so constituted did not keep pace with the brilliancy of its court. on the 7th of april, general cantarac had fallen upon a division of the liberating army, and cut up or made prisoners of the whole, capturing 5,000 muskets, the military chest, containing 100,000 dollars, and all their ammunition and baggage. it would have been thought that so serious a disaster occurring amongst a justly-exasperated people would have caused some embarrassment to the government, but the gazette of the 13th of april almost turned it into matter for congratulation. limeños, the division of the south, _without having been beaten_, has been surprised and dispersed. in a long campaign all cannot be prosperity. you know _my_ character, and you know that _i_ have always spoken the truth! i do not mean to search for consolation in conflicts, notwithstanding, i dare to assure you, that the iniquitous and tyrannical empire of the spaniards in peru will cease in the year 1823. i will make an ingenuous confession to you. it was my intention to go in search of repose after so many years of agitation, but i believed your independence was not secured. some trifling danger now presents itself, and so long as there remains the least appearance of it, till you are free you shall not be left by your faithful friend, san martin. his proclamation to the army is still more extraordinary:- companions of the united army, your brothers in the division of the south have not been beaten--but they have been dispersed. to you it belongs to revenge this insult. you are valiant, and have known long ago the path to glory. sharpen well your bayonets and your swords. the campaign of peru shall finish in this year. your old general assures it. prepare to conquer! san martin. to the inhabitants of the interior, proclamations of a still more bombastic nature were despatched, in which they were assured that a reverse of this kind "weighed nothing in the balance of destiny of peru. providence protects us, and by this action will accelerate the ruin of the enemies of peru. proud of their first victory, _they will spare us part of our march in search of them_. fear not! the army that _drove them from the capital_ is ready to punish them a third time, and to punish them for ever!" the army, however, rightly dreaded another reverse, and what remained of the chilian force was discontented, as no promise to them had been fulfilled. all gold and silver had disappeared, and paper money was issued by the government in its stead. contributions from the already drained inhabitants were increased, and had to be collected at the point of the bayonet. in short, on my arrival, peru presented the extraordinary spectacle of a court whose minions indulged in every species of costly luxury, and a people impoverished to the dregs to administer to their rapacity. those who had condemned my conduct in taking possession of the money at ancon, now admitted that i had adopted the only possible step to preserve the squadron of chili. the officers of the liberating army sent me deplorable accounts of the state of affairs; and the regiment of numantia, which had deserted from the spaniards soon after the capture of the _esmeralda_, sent an officer, captain doronso, with a message, asking me to receive them on board, and convey them to colombia, to which province they belonged. my appearance in the port of callao caused serious, though, as far as i was concerned, unnecessary alarm to the government, to which i transmitted a fresh demand for the sums due to the squadron, further alluding, in no measured language, to the events which had taken place at guayaquil. without replying to this by letter, monteagudo came off to the _o'higgins_, lamenting that i should have resorted to such intemperate expressions, as the protector, before its receipt, had written me a private letter praying for an interview, but on the receipt of my note he became so indignant as to place his health in danger. monteagudo further assured me that in that letter he had made me the offer of a large estate, and the decoration of the "sun" set in diamonds, if i would consent to command the united navies of chili and peru, in a contemplated expedition to capture the philippine islands, by which i should make an immense fortune. my reply was, "tell the protector from me, mr. monteagudo, that if, after the conduct he has pursued he had sent me a private letter, on any such subject, it would certainly have been returned unanswered; and you may also tell him, that it is not my wish to injure him; i neither fear him nor hate him, but i disapprove of his conduct." monteagudo, in spite of his reception, begged of me to reconsider my determination, saying that the marquis of torre tagle had got ready his house for my reception; asking me further to recal the letter i had written the day before, and accept the offers which had been made. i again told him that "i would not accept either honours or rewards from a government constituted in defiance of solemn pledges; nor would i set foot in a country governed not only without law, but contrary to law. neither would i recal my letter, my habits were frugal, and my means sufficient without a fortune from the philippine islands." finding he could make no impression upon me, and not liking the scowl on the countenances of those on board, though he wore his blazing decoration of the first order of the "sun," and was covered with ribbons and embroideries, the minister retired, accompanied by his military escort. consequent upon my refusal to comply with his wishes the protector shortly afterwards, unknown to me, despatched colonel paroissien and garcia del rio to chili with a long series of the most preposterous accusations, in which i was represented as having committed every species of crime, from piracy to petty robbery; calling on the chilian government to visit me with the severest punishment. on the 8th of may, the schooner _montezuma_, which had been lent to general san martin by the chilian government, entered callao _under peruvian colours_. the insolence of thus appropriating a vessel of my squadron was too great for forbearance, so that i compelled her to come to an anchor, though not before we were obliged to fire upon her. i then turned all the officers ashore, and took possession of her; the protectoral authorities, by way of reprisal, detaining a boat belonging to the flag-ship, and imprisoning the men; but, rightly calculating the consequences of such a step, they were soon set at liberty, and the boat was, on the same night, permitted to return to the ship. on the 10th of may we quitted callao, and arrived at valparaiso on the 13th of june, after an absence of a year and nine months, during which the objects of the expedition had been completely accomplished. having satisfied myself, that, from the oppression practised, the protectoral government could not endure longer than the first favourable opportunity for a general revolt which might present itself to the limeños, and judging that the fall of san martin might involve serious consequences to chili, i had addressed the following letter to the supreme director:- _private and confidential_. callao roads, may 2, 1822. most excellent sir, you will perceive by my public despatches the points of most interest as regards the proceedings of the squadron, and the result of our pursuit of the enemy's frigates, _prueba_ and _venganza_, both of which i have embargoed, the one at guayaquil and the other here, until your pleasure shall be known, whatever that may be, whether to give up the squadron of chili, or to bring those vessels to you, shall be alike obeyed. san martin has now laid down the external pomp of protector, and, like cincinnatus, has withdrawn to retirement, but not with the same view. this modesty is to captivate the crowd, who are to call on him to convert the ploughshare _into an imperial sceptre!_ i have excellent information to this effect, having found means to obtain it from behind the scenes of this political actor. great hopes are entertained, from the mission to chili, that the squadron will at least be withdrawn, and that when the sun of peru shall rise on the ocean, the star (the national emblem of chili) which has hitherto shone, will be for ever eclipsed! some spots have, however, appeared on the sun's surface. two thousand men have ceased to see its light at pasco; and the numantian regiment, once dazzled by its splendour, are about to grope their way to their native land. as the attached and sincere friend of your excellency, i hope you will take into your serious consideration the propriety of at once fixing the chilian government upon a base not to be shaken by the fall of the present tyranny in peru, of which there are not only indications, but their result is inevitable; unless, indeed, the mischievous counsels of vain and mercenary men can suffice to prop up a fabric of the most barbarous political architecture, serving as a screen from whence to dart their weapons against the heart of liberty. thank god, my hands are free from the stain of labouring in any such work, and, having finished all which you gave me to do, i may now rest till you shall command my further endeavours for the honour and security of my adopted land. the enemy's forces, since the destruction of the division at pasco, under tristan, are superior to those of san martin at lima, and are said to be advancing on the capital. everything being fully explained in my despatches, i need not trouble your excellency with a repetition. trusting that you will judge of my conduct and intentions by my acts--not by the vile scandals of those who have deserted their flag, and set your proclamations at defiance, i have the honor, &c, cochrane. chapter x. return to valparaiso--thanks of the government--reasons for satisfaction--illegitimate trade--turned to good account--denunciation of officers deserted--investigation of accounts--san martin's charges against me--my refutation--government refuses its publication--cruelty to spanish prisoners--retirement to quintero--political fruits of our success--destitute condition of squadron--infamous attempt to promote dissatisfaction therein--object of this course--steps taken to defeat it--disavowed by the minister--sympathy of officers--attempt to get rid of gen. freire--its eventual result--letter of the captains. on my arrival at valparaiso, i found that san martin's agents, paroissien and garcia del rio, had produced his accusations against me to the government at santiago, though without effect, as i had taken care to keep it apprised of everything which had transpired, exercising the most scrupulous care in furnishing accounts of monies and stores taken from the spaniards, but especially as regarded the public money of the peruvian government appropriated at ancon. the return of the squadron was announced by me to the government in the following letter:- the anxious desires of his excellency the supreme director are now fulfilled, and the sacrifices of the chilian people are rewarded. the naval power of spain in the pacific has succumbed and is extinguished, the following vessels having surrendered to the unceasing efforts of the squadron of this free state:- _prueba_, 50 guns; _esmeralda_, 44; _venganza_, 44; _resolution_, 34; _sebastiana_, 34; _pesuela_, 18; _potrillo_, 16; _prosperina_ 14; _arausasu_; seventeen gun-boats; the armed ships _aguila_ and _begonia_; the block ships at callao; and many merchantmen. it is highly gratifying to me, after labouring under such difficulties as were never before witnessed on board ships of war, to announce the arrival of the chilian squadron in valparaiso--its cradle; where, owing to its unceasing services in the cause of liberty and independence of chili, peru, colombia, and mexico, it forms an object of admiration and gratitude to the inhabitants of the new world. (signed) cochrane. by the inhabitants of valparaiso our return was hailed with every manifestation of delight, almost every house in the place being decorated with the patriot flag, whilst other demonstrations of national joy showed the importance which the chilian people attached to our services, in spite of the obstacles which they well knew had been opposed to them. on the 4th of june, the following letters of thanks were forwarded to me:- ministry of marine, santiago de chili, june 4th, 1822. most excellent sir, the arrival of your excellency at valparaiso with the squadron under your command, has given the greatest pleasure to his excellency the supreme director. in those feelings of gratitude which the glory acquired by your excellency during the late campaign has excited, you will find the proof of that high consideration which your heroic services so justly deserve. among those who have a distinguished claim are the chiefs and officers, who, faithful to their duty, have remained on board the vessels of war of this state, a list of whom your excellency has honoured me by enclosing. these gentlemen will most assuredly receive the recompense so justly due to their praiseworthy constancy. be pleased to accept the assurance of my highest esteem. joaquim de echeverria. his excellency the vice-admiral and commander-in-chief of the squadron, the right honourable lord cochrane. from the preceding letter it will be observed that my old opponent, zenteno, was no longer at the head of the department of marine, but was appointed governor of valparaiso, where he exercised the office of port-admiral, a position in which, with all his former enmity, he contrived, notwithstanding the complete satisfaction of the government with my services, to give me great annoyance. in addition to the above acknowledgment of our services, a decree was issued commanding a medal to be struck in commemoration thereof. ministry of marine, santiago de chili, 19th june, 1822. most excellent sir, his excellency the supreme director being desirous of making a public demonstration of the high services that the squadron has rendered to the nation, has resolved that a medal be struck for the officers and crews of the squadron, with an inscription expressive of the national gratitude towards the worthy supporters of its maritime power. i have the honour to communicate this to your excellency by supreme command, and to offer you my highest respects. joaquim de echeverria. his excellency the rt. hon. lord cochrane, vice-admiral and commander-in-chief, &c. &c. it is here observable, that whereas san martin, on the occupation of lima, had caused a medal to be struck, arrogating the success of the expedition entirely to the army, which had done little or nothing towards it--leaving out all mention of the services of the squadron; the chilian government gave the credit, as was deserved, to the squadron--omitting all mention of the army, which remained under the standard of the protector. nothing can be more conclusive as to the opinions of the chilian government on the subject. chili had indeed reason to be grateful, no less for the management than the achievements of the squadron. i had now been in command something more than two years and a half, during which we either took, destroyed, or forced to surrender, every spanish ship of war in the pacific; the whole of the west coast was cleared of pirates, which before abounded; we had reduced unaided the most important fortresses of the enemy, either by storm or blockade; the commerce both of chili and neutral powers had been protected; and the cause of independence placed on a basis so firm, that nothing but folly or corruption could shake it. for these most important results, chili had been at no cost whatever beyond the original ineffective equipment of the ships. with the exception of three or four cargoes of provisions sent to callao, i had, by my own exertions, for the whole period, provided for the maintenance and subsistence of the squadron, its repairs, equipment, stores, provisions, and pay, as far as the men had been paid; not a dollar having been expended for these purposes by the chilian government, which trusted--but in vain--to peru. to have been ungrateful--as far as the public expression of gratitude went, for other reward there was none--would have been a national crime. as one of my modes of providing for the necessities of the squadron has not been mentioned, it must be here given. under the spanish régime, no foreign vessel could trade at their ports in the pacific. but, for the sake of revenue as well as to obtain supplies, it had become the practice of the viceroy to sell licences, enabling british merchants to employ british vessels in the spanish colonial trade. these had to load in some port in spain, and were there furnished with legalized spanish papers. under the altered state of things in chili, in order to secure such vessels from capture by the chilian ships of war, as having spanish property on board, the device of simulated papers was resorted to, representing the cargoes as british property, coming from the port of gibraltar; one set of papers being used ashore, and the other afloat, or as occasion required. several british vessels had been detained by the chilian squadron, whereof the spanish papers were found in the peruvian custom-houses when taken possession of; they were accordingly liable to be libelled as spanish property. in order, however, to land their cargoes in safety, the commanders and supercargoes of such british vessels voluntarily offered terms which should confer upon their trade a legitimate character, viz. to pay a certain impost as an equivalent for customs' duties. i accepted these terms as furnishing me with means to supply the necessities and defray the expenses of the squadron, the wants of which were with great difficulty supplied, as the protectoral government refused to aid in any way, notwithstanding that it owed its very existence to our efforts. the duties thus collected,--for the most part in contraband of war,--were duly accounted for by me to the government of chili, whilst such compromise was received as a boon by the british merchants, and highly approved of by the british naval authorities, sir thomas hardy especially. yet general san martin, and others interested in a line of policy which in its prosecution was inimical to the true interests of chili, afterwards charged these proceedings upon me as "acts of piracy." that the chilian government was, however, well satisfied with all the steps taken for provisioning and maintaining the squadron, as well as with the seizure and disposal of the public money at ancon, is evident from the following acknowledgment:- most excellent sir, i have informed the supreme director of the note which you addressed to me on the 7th of october, accompanying the accounts of the monies supplied to the payment of the officers and seamen of the squadron, and to the other objects of the naval service; as well as the accounts of money and bars of silver returned at ancon to their respective owners. his excellency approves of all that you have done in these matters and orders me in reply to convey his approbation, which i have the honour now to do. accept the assurance of my high consideration, (signed) joaquim de echeverria, ministry of marine, santiago de chili. to lord cochrane, vice-adm. & comm.-in-chief. nov. 13, 1821. on the same date, the following was received relative to the officers who had deserted from the squadron, for the purpose of entering the service of the protector:- santiago de chili, nov. 13, 1821. most excellent sir, his excellency the supreme director has received with the greatest dissatisfaction a list of the naval officers who have deserted from the squadron. these will not fail to be noted in order to be tried by a court-martial, in case they should again tread the soil of chili. it is fortunate that your excellency has altered the private signals, lest capt. esmonde should divulge those which were in use. (signed) joaquim de echeverria. vice-adm. lord cochrane. immediately after my arrival, an intimation was forwarded to me by the supreme director of his wish to confer with me privately on the subject of my letter of may 2nd, in which had been pointed out the danger arising in peru, from the tyranny exercised by the protectoral government. santiago, june 4th, 1822. my distinguished friend lord cochrane, i do not wish to delay a moment in expressing my satisfaction at your arrival, of which you have informed me in your letter of the 2nd inst. as in that letter you acquaint me that you will speedily be in this capital, with a view to communicate matters which would be better conveyed in a verbal conference, shall anxiously await the day to express to you all the consideration with which i am your sincere friend, bernardo o'higgins. having as yet received no official acknowledgment of the accounts of the squadron, beyond the previously mentioned general expression of entire satisfaction on the part of the government, i applied to the minister of marine for a more minute investigation into their contents, as from the charges made against me by san martin, i was desirous that the most rigid inquiry should be instituted forthwith, and indeed expressed my surprise--from the time which had elapsed since they were forwarded--that this had not been done. on the 14th of june, the minister replied as follows:- most excellent sir, the accounts of monies applied by your excellency in the necessary requirements of the vessels of war under your command, which you conveyed to me in your two notes of the 25th of may last, have been passed to the office of the accountant-general, for the purpose indicated by your excellency. joaquim de echeverria. knowing the dilatory habits of the departments of state, i did not deem this satisfactory, and being engaged in preparing a refutation of san martin's charges, i again urged on the minister to investigate the accounts without further delay, when, on the 19th of june, he acknowledged--in a letter too long for insertion--the specific items; at the same time declaring his "high consideration for the manner in which i had made the flag of chili respected in the pacific." this was satisfactory, but it is perhaps necessary to assign a reason why so much importance is attached to a mere matter of routine, especially after the government had declared its satisfaction with all my proceedings. the reason is this--that for all the services so warmly acknowledged, the government of chili restrained from conferring either upon myself or the squadron the slightest pecuniary recompense, even the prize-money due to the officers and seamen, part of which the ministry had appropriated. on pressing these claims year after year subsequent to my departure from chili, i was informed _sixteen years afterwards!_ that my accounts required explanation! the reason for this unworthy proceeding being, that, as the claim could not be disputed, it might thus be evaded. my refutation of san martin's accusations was drawn up in the most minute manner, replying to every charge _seriatim_, and bringing to light a multitude of nefarious practices on the part of his government, which had been previously kept back. lest i might appear in the invidious light of an accuser, i was strongly dissuaded from its publication, as being unnecessary, the chilian government paying no attention whatever to his charges, but being afraid of embroiling themselves with peru, the weakness of which they failed rightly to estimate. having, however, my own character to defend, i did not think proper to comply, and therefore forwarded my refutation to the government, the minister of marine acknowledging its receipt, with an intimation that it had been deposited in the archives of the republic. as, from the minister of marine's reply, the document was evidently intended to remain there without further notice, i addressed the following letter to the supreme director:- most excellent sir, as the game attempted to be played by the government of peru for the annihilation of the marine of chili is now being put in practice in another form, conjointly with further attacks on my character, i have to request permission from the supreme authority to publish my correspondence with san martin and his agents on these subjects; together with a copy of his accusation against me, with my reply thereto, in order that the public may no longer be deceived, and falsehood pass for truth. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. to this the following reply was returned:- santiago, oct. 1, 1822. most excellent sir, your excellency is too well acquainted with political affairs not to understand the reasons which oppose the publication of the disagreeable occurrences which have taken place with the protector at the termination of the peruvian campaign. were they made public, it would be opening a vast field of censure to the enemies of our cause, and also weakening the credit of the independent governments, by shewing dissensions amongst themselves. already have we felt the inconveniences of the injurious impressions _made on the british cabinet_ by the dissensions between your excellency and gen. san martin; for they had no sooner been informed thereof, than the diplomatic negociations which had been established with our envoy at that court were paralysed; and had he not laboured to counteract the rumours, which had been exaggerated by distance, there is no doubt but that his influence in advocating the cause of south america would have most prejudicially failed. his excellency the supreme director feels confident that these reflections will have in your mind all the weight they merit; but if you still insist on the publication of your reply to gen. san martin, you may nevertheless avail yourself of the liberty of the press which prevails in chili. (signed) joaquim de echeverria. it was "_the injurious impressions made on the british cabinet,_" which made me chiefly desirous of replying to the protector's charges; but being thus adjured not to sacrifice the interests of south america, and being, moreover, strenuously requested to let the matter drop, as being of no consequence to me in chili, i reluctantly yielded, contenting myself with sending a copy of my reply to the peruvian government. further to assure me of the disbelief of the chilian government in the charges made, an additional vote of thanks was given me by the senate, and inserted in the gazette. on my return to valparaiso, i found a lamentable instance of the cruelty practised by the military tyrants of peru, it has been mentioned that the old spaniards were ostensibly permitted to quit lima on surrender of half their property--a regulation of which many availed themselves rather than submit to the caprices of the protectoral government. in place of the security which they thus purchased for the remainder of their property, they were seized and stripped on their way to callao of the whole that remained, thrust on board the prison ship, and finally sent, in a state of complete destitution of the necessaries of life, to be added to the spanish prisoners in chili. the _milagro_ had arrived in valparaiso full of these miserable people, many of whom were shortly before amongst the most respectable inhabitants of lima; and, to add to the bitterness of their treatment, they were accompanied to chili by the agents of the protector, paroissien and garcia del rio, with his charges against me, no doubt for the further purpose of again tampering with the officers of the squadron. i did all in my power to interfere on the part of the unhappy prisoners, but in vain; they were at length transferred to the hospital of san juan de dios, where they were confined with the common felons, and would have been starved but for the english inhabitants of valparaiso, who raised a subscription on their behalf, and appointed one of their body to see their daily food distributed. they were afterwards transferred to santiago. the cruelty practised towards these prisoners in peru, is of itself a reason why their tyrants did not venture to encounter the spanish general cantarac. cruel people are invariably cowards. on my arrival at santiago, i found the supreme director on the point of resigning his high office from the opposition he had to encounter by adhering to a ministry which in one way or other was constantly bringing his government into discredit, and from being supposed to favour the designs of general san martin, though to this i attached no credit, believing that his high sense of principle led him to take upon himself the obnoxious acts of his ministers, who were partisans of the protector. the dissatisfaction increasing, the supreme director at length tendered his resignation to the convention, who, being unprepared for this step, insisted on reinstating him in the supreme executive authority. being indisposed to mingle in the conflicting state of parties which distracted chili after my return, and being in need of relaxation after the two years and a-half of harassing anxiety which i had encountered, i requested permission of the government to retire to my estate at quintero, intending also to visit the estate which had been conferred upon me at rio clara as an acknowledgment of services rendered at valdivia; my object being to bring it into a state of cultivation, which might give an impetus to the low condition of agriculture in chili. at this juncture, the _rising star_, the steamer which was spoken of as having been left behind in england, arrived in valparaiso, too late, however, to take any part in the operations which were now brought to a close by the surrender of the spanish navy. this delay had been caused by want of funds to complete her equipment, which could not even now have been accomplished, had not large means been furnished to the chilian agent in london, by my brother, the hon. major cochrane, who, to this day, has not been reimbursed a shilling of the outlay advanced on the faith of the accredited chilian envoy! though the _rising star_ was now of little use as regarded naval operations, she was the first steamer which had entered the pacific, and might, had she not been repudiated by the government, have formed the nucleus of a force which would have prevented an infinity of disasters which shortly after my departure from chili befel the cause of independence, as will presently be seen. the political fruits of our successes in chili and peru now began to manifest themselves in the recognition of the south american republics by the united states, so that chili had assumed the rank of a recognised member of the family of nations. i took with me as a guest to quintero, my former prisoner, colonel fausto del hoyo, the commandant at valdivia on our reduction of that fortress. previous to my departure for peru, i had obtained from the government a promise for his generous treatment, but no sooner had the squadron sailed, than he was thrust into prison, without fire, light, or books, and in this miserable condition he had remained till our return. as he received the promise of generous treatment from me, i insisted on and obtained his liberation, and he was now on parole. by paying him every attention, i hoped to inculcate that national greatness does not include cruelty to prisoners of war. no sooner had i arrived at quintero, than i zealously entered on my improvements, having now received from england a variety of agricultural implements, such as ploughs, harrows, spades, &c, all of which were new to chili; also european agricultural seeds, such as carrots, turnips, &c, which, previous to their introduction by me were unknown in the country. but i was not long permitted to enjoy the "_otium_" marked out for myself. letter after letter came from the squadron, complaining that, like the spanish prisoners, they too were in a state of destitution, without pay, clothes, or provisions. starting again for valparaiso, i found their complaints to be more than realized, upon which i addressed to the minister of marine the following letter:- most excellent sir, three months having passed since the squadron anchored in this port, and the same period since my representations on its condition were made to the supreme government, relative to the nakedness and destitute condition of the crews; who still continue in the same state as that in which they passed the winter, without beds or clothes, the sentinel at my cabin door being in rags, no portion of which formed his original uniform. as it is impossible that such a state of things can continue, without exciting dangerous discontent and mutiny, i beg that you will order such clothing as may be found in valparaiso to be supplied through the commissary of the squadron, in order that it may immediately be distributed to the naked crews. (signed) cochrane. the determination with which i had entered upon the relief of the seamen, was so offensive to those who, in popular estimation, were deserving of blame, that a report was circulated of my having surreptitiously shipped on board the english frigate _doris_, then lying in the harbour of valparaiso, 9000 ounces of coined gold, and also a quantity of gold and silver bars to the like amount! the object no doubt being to induce a belief in the popular mind, that money had been applicable for the use of the squadron, but that it had been dishonestly appropriated by myself. as i had returned to quintero, this rumour did not reach me till it had become widely disseminated amongst the chilian people. the first intimation i had of it, was contained in the following letter from captain cobbett, of the _valdivia_:- my dear lord, when i informed you, on my arrival at quintero, that something unpleasant would take place, i was not altogether ignorant of a report which has now become prevalent. it was said on the day of your departure, that your lordship had placed a large sum of money on board one of the british men of war in the harbour, 9,000 ounces in gold in a package directed to lady cochrane, and an equal amount in gold and silver bars to wait further orders from your lordship. every exertion was made by one interested in injuring your lordship, to convince me of the fact, my reply being, that i had too long been accustomed to rely in your lordship's integrity to believe any such report without proof. yesterday the same person came again to my house to inform me that the matter was cleared beyond doubt, for that the master of the _doris_ frigate had told him that the two boxes of gold and silver were on board, directed as above-mentioned. this report has created great sensation here, and the greatest pains are being taken to spread it far and wide. on making inquiry on board the _doris_, captain wilkinson and myself found that no packages of the kind were on board, and on telling the parties engaged in spreading the report the result of our inquiry, they seemed much chopfallen, but would not retract their charge, which i am certain they intend to carry to the supreme director, the consequence of which would be, that were the report true or false, the government would blame your lordship, and accuse us of being your abettors; whilst, as the want of pay and prize-money renders the officers irritable, they are ready for anything and everything which might promise to relieve their necessities. i have told your lordship all i know, and have conceived the rumour to be of so much importance, as to send one of my own horses with the little doctor to inform you immediately of what is going on, as such reports ought not to be treated lightly. i beg to subscribe myself, with the greatest respect, your lordship's grateful servant, henry cobbett. another letter, from captain wilkinson, was to the same effect:- my dear lord, a report is in circulation that your lordship has put on board the british frigate _doris_ nine thousand ounces in gold. i feel it my duty to acquaint you of this, as no person can have your lordship's reputation more at heart than myself. i have been told this by two or three persons after your lordship left for quintero, and in the evening by moyell, who must have known it to be false, and i declared it so to him. i trust your lordship will be able to trace the shameless offender. i am, my lord, &c. &c. w. wilkinson. as soon as these letters were received, i lost no time in repairing to valparaiso, not doubting that zenteno and the peruvian agents were again at work to disorganize the squadron, and in case of the overthrow of the supreme director, which was still impending, to place it in the hands of san martin. the object of the party was to cause dissension amongst the seamen, by making them believe that, amidst their poverty and sufferings, i had been taking care of myself, and hence they hoped to destroy that confidence in me which officers and men had all along exhibited, notwithstanding their privations. as they had never before been so wretchedly destitute, this circumstance was considered favourable to the impression, that having secured all i could for myself, i was about to abandon them. though there was not a word of truth in the report which had been thus sedulously disseminated, it was too serious to be trifled with; accordingly, on the receipt of captain cobbett's letter, i hastened to valparaiso, and to the chagrin of zenteno, again hoisted my flag on board the _o'higgins_. my first step was to demand from the government the appointment of a commission to go on board the _doris_, and there ascertain whether i had placed any packages on board that frigate for transmission to england or elsewhere. the reply was, that no such commission was requisite, as no one gave credit to the assertion that i had done so, or suppose me capable of acting in the way which had been falsely reported! the re-hoisting my flag was a step which had not been anticipated, and as it was unbidden, a remonstrance was addressed to me upon having taken such a step unauthorised by the government. my reply was, that i had taken the step upon my own responsibility, and that as such an infamous accusation had been promulgated against me, for the purpose of promoting mutiny amongst the men, i intended to keep my flag flying till they were paid. at the same time i addressed the following letter to the minister of marine:- most excellent sir, aroused from the tranquillity in which i had vainly hoped to spend at least the short period of my leave of absence by imputations against my character, propagated with a view to excite dissatisfaction and mutiny in the squadron, by taking advantage of the irritation occasioned by the necessities of the officers, and the destitute and naked condition of the men, which i have so often implored you to remedy; i have reluctantly proceeded to this port to refute the calumny and prevent the evil anticipated, for which purpose i have re-hoisted my flag, to haul it down when the discontent shall cease, by the people being clothed and paid, or when i shall be ordered to haul it down for ever. i enclose a copy of a letter which i have sent to the governor of valparaiso. (signed) cochrane. it is unnecessary to give the letter to zenteno, as being to the same effect with the preceding, with some additional guesses at the infamous author of the report, these proving sufficient for his discreet silence on the subject. the following reply from the minister of marine was immediately forwarded to me:- santiago, oct. 1, 1822. most excellent sir, his excellency the supreme director is impressed with deep disgust at the calumny to which you allude in your note, a copy of which i have forwarded to the governor of valparaiso. your excellency may rest satisfied that the authors thereof will not remain unpunished if discovered. accept the assurance of my high consideration. the minister of marine, joaquim de echeverria. to the vice-admiral com.-in-chief of the squadron. as a matter of course the libeller was neither discovered nor punished, otherwise the governor of valparaiso, and the agents of san martin would have been placed in an unpleasant position. but they had nothing to fear, as, from the daily increasing perplexities of the chilian government, it was in no condition to defend itself, much less to assert the majesty of the law. from the promptitude displayed in meeting a charge as utterly groundless as it was infamous, and from the conviction of the squadron that i was incapable of acting in the manner imputed to me, the calumny produced the opposite effect to that which was intended, viz. by inspiring in the minds of the officers and men the most intense disgust towards its originators. on my re-hoisting my flag, i was received with every demonstration of enthusiasm and affection, the officers unanimously uniting in the following address;- may it please youe excellency, we, the undersigned officers of the chilian squadron, have heard with surprise and indignation the vile and scandalous reports tending to bring your excellency's high character in question, and to destroy that confidence and admiration with which it has always inspired us. we have seen with pleasure the measures your excellency has adopted to suppress so malicious and absurd a conspiracy, and trust that no means will be spared to bring its authors to public shame. at a time like the present, when the best interests of the squadron and our dearest rights as individuals are at stake, we feel especially indignant at an attempt to destroy that union and confidence which at present exists, and which we are assured ever will exist, while we have the honour to serve under your excellency's command. with these sentiments we subscribe ourselves, your excellency's most obedient humble servant, (signed) j.p. grenfell, lieut.-com. _mercedes_, and all the officers of the squadron. the excellent officer whose name is prominently attached to this address, is now admiral grenfell, consul-general in england of the brazilian empire. he was my flag-lieutenant at the capture of the _esmeralda_, under the batteries of callao, and it is no more than justice to mention, that his distinguished gallantry in that affair in an eminent degree contributed to the success of the enterprise. but i was not the only person of whom the envoys of san martin and their creatures in the chilian government desired to get rid. general santa cruz was openly appointed to supersede general freire as governor of conception and chief of the army of the south; the keen discrimination of freire having estimated san martin and his proceedings in peru as they deserved, and hence he had become obnoxious to those whose design it was to lay chili at the feet of the protector. on santa cruz proceeding to conception to take up the command, the troops unanimously refused to obey his authority, or to permit general freire to leave them. the people of conception, who had suffered more from their patriotism than any other in chili, were equally resolute, not only from attachment to freire, but because they knew that if the ministry gained their ends, conception would be destroyed as a port; it being their object to shut up every port but valparaiso, in order that by the corrupt practices prevalent there, they might monopolize the whole advantage to be personally gained from the commerce of the country. the supreme director was, as usual, made the scapegoat for the unsuccessful attempt of his ministers to depose general freire, and the consequence was that in three months after the attempt was made, general o'higgins was deposed from his authority, and general freire elevated to the supreme directorate! as i had been falsely accused of stealing money which ought to have been divided amongst the seamen, i was determined that no ground for future accusation of the kind should arise in consequence of their not being paid; and with this view, pertinaciously insisted on the payment of the arrears due to the squadron. these efforts were seconded by the commanding officers of ships, who, in a temperate address to the government, set forth the nature of their claims. from this address, the following extracts are given, as forming an excellent epitome of the whole events of the war:- "ever since the capture of the _isabel_, the dominion of the pacific has been maintained by the chilian navy, and such have been the exertions of our commander and ourselves that with chileno crews unaccustomed to navigation, and a few foreign seamen whom we alone could control, not only have the shores of this state been effectually protected from injury and insult, but the maritime forces of the enemy have been closely blockaded in the face of a superior force. by means of the navy the important province, fortifications, and port of valdivia have been added to the republic. by the same means the spanish power in peru was brought into contempt, and the way opened for the invasion of that country. the enemy's ships of war have all fallen into our hands or by our means have been compelled to surrender. their merchant vessels have been seized under their very batteries, whilst the chilian transports and trading vessels have been in such perfect security that not even the smallest has been compelled to haul down its flag. amongst these achievements, the capture of the _esmeralda_ has reflected lustre on the chilian marine equal to anything recorded in the chronicles of ancient states, greatly adding to chilian importance in the eyes of europe; whilst, from the vigilance of the naval blockade, the fortifications of callao were finally compelled to surrender." "this happy event, so long hoped for, was by all considered to complete our labours in peru, and to entitle us if not to a remuneration from that state, _as in the case of those officers who abandoned the chilian service_! yet, at least, to a share of the valuable property taken by our means, as awarded under similar circumstances by other states, which, by experience, are aware of the benefit of stimulating individuals by such rewards for great enterprises undertaken for the public good. but, alas! so far from either of these modes of remuneration being adopted, _even the pay so often promised was withheld, and food itself was denied, so that we were reduced to a state of the greatest privation and suffering; so great, indeed, that the crew of the lautaro abandoned their ship for want of food, and the seamen of the squadron, natives as well as foreigners, were in a state of open mutiny, threatening the safety of all the vessels of the state_." "we do not claim merit for not relieving ourselves from this painful situation by an act of a doubtful nature, viz. by an acquiescence in the intentions of the general commanding-in-chief the expeditionary forces; _who, having declared us officers of peru,_ offered, through his _aides-de camps_, colonel paroissien and captain spry, honours and estates to those who would further his views. _nor do we envy those who received those estates and honours_; but having rejected these inducements to swerve from our allegiance, we may fairly claim the approbation of government for providing the squadron of chili with provisions and stores at callao, _out of monies in our hands justly due for the capture of the esmeralda, when such supplies had been refused by general san martin_. we may also claim similar approbation for having repaired the squadron at guayaquil, and for equipping and provisioning it for the pursuit of the enemy's frigates, _prueba_ and _venganza_, which we drove from the shores of mexico in a state of destitution to the shores of peru; and if they were not actually brought to chili, it was because they were seized by our late general and commander-in-chief, and appropriated in the same manner as he had previously intended with respect to the chilian squadron itself. we may add, that every endeavour short of actual hostilities with the said general, was made on our part to obtain the restitution of those valuable frigates to the government of chili. in no other instance through the whole course of our proceedings, has any dispute arisen but what has terminated favourably to the interests of chili, and the honour of her flag. private friendships have been preserved with the naval officers of foreign powers; no point has been conceded that could be maintained consistently with the maritime laws of civilized nations, by which our conduct has been scrupulously guided; and such has been the caution observed, that no act of violence contrary to the laws of nations, nor any improper exercise of power, can be laid to our charge. the chilian flag has waved in triumph, and with universal respect, from the southern extremity of the republic to the shores of california; population and the value of property have by our exertions increased threefold; whilst commerce and its consequent revenue have been augmented in a far greater proportion; which commerce, so productive to the state, might, without the protecting aid of its navy, be annihilated by a few of those miserable privateers which the terror of its name alone deters from approaching." "the period has now arrived at which it is essential for the well-being of the service in general, and especially for our private affairs, that our arrears, so long due, should be liquidated; and far as it is from our desire to press our claims on the government, yet we cannot abstain from so doing, in justice to the state, as well as to ourselves; because want of regularity in the internal affairs of a naval service is productive of relaxation of discipline, as just complaints cannot be redressed, nor complainants chastised--discontent spreading like a contagious disease, and paralysing the system." "permit us, therefore, to call to the notice of the government that since our return to valparaiso _with our naked crews, even clothes have been withheld for four months_, during which no payment has been made, the destitute seamen being _without blankets, ponchos, or any covering to protect them from the cold of winter_, the more severely felt from the hot climates in which they have for nearly three years been employed." "the two months' pay offered the other day could not now effect its purpose, as the whole--and more is due to the pulperia keepers, to whose benefit, and not that of the seamen, it must have immediately accrued. judge, then, of the irritation produced by such privations, and the impossibility of relieving them by such inadequate payment; also whether it is possible to maintain order and discipline amongst men worse circumstanced than the convicts of algiers! under such circumstances, it is no exaggeration to affirm that confidence will be for ever gone, and the squadron entirely ruined, if measures of preservation are not immediately resorted to." "with respect to the offer of _one month's pay to ourselves!_ after our faithful and persevering services, undergoing privations such as were never endured in the navy of any other state, we are afraid to trust ourselves to make any observations; but it is quite impossible that it could have been accepted under any circumstances, as it would have placed us in no better situation than if, on our arrival here four months ago, we had actually paid the government three months' salary for the satisfaction of having served it, during a period of two years, with unremitting exertions and fidelity." "in conclusion, we respectfully hope, that the supreme government will be pleased to take what we have stated into its serious consideration, and more especially that it will be pleased to comply with its existing engagements to us, with the same alacrity and fidelity with which we have acted towards the government; the duties of each being reciprocal, and equally binding on both parties." signed by all the captains. the preceding statement of the captains is a faithful statement of the case as regarded the injustice done to the squadron, which had throughout supported itself, even to the repairs and equipment of the ships. as to the ruin which the captains predict, it was no doubt intended by the envoys of san martin and their creatures in the chilian ministry, as the effect would have been to have driven the men to desertion, when the ships would have been turned over to peru, and manned with fresh crews. fortunately for chili, this consummation was prevented by an occurrence as strange as unexpected by her short-sighted rulers, though long before predicted by myself. chapter xi. negociations with bolivar--exile of monteagudo--complaints of the limenos--extravagance of the government--exculpation of san martin--effects of popular dissension--disagreement of bolivar and san martin--vote of peruvian congress--extraordinary neglect of the chilian squadron--san martin's arrival at valparaiso- i demand his trial--countenance of the supreme director- squadron at length paid wages--revolt of conception--general freire apprises me of it--freire asks for my support--his letter not replied to--san martin's influence. mention has been made in a previous chapter of the all but total destruction of a division of the liberating army by general canterac, and of the bombastic proclamations issued on that occasion by san martin, to the effect that they were "only dispersed, not beaten," &c. the protector was however ill at ease, and entered into a correspondence with bolivar, with a view to procure the assistance of columbian troops against the spaniards, who, following up their success, were making demonstrations of attacking the patriot forces in lima. to this request was added another soliciting an interview with bolivar at guayaquil. a similar despatch was sent to santiago, asking, in the most urgent terms, for aid from the chilian government. the whole affair--as narrated at the time, for personally i had nothing to do with it--was somewhat curious. san martin's designs on guayaquil having got wind, bolivar marched the columbian troops across the cordillera, successfully invaded quito, and was hastening towards guayaquil, with a view of being beforehand with san martin, of whose intentions upon that province he was aware. after the above-mentioned defeat of the peruvian army by canterac, san martin had been compelled to withdraw his forces from truxillo, on which sucre, the next in command to bolivar, advanced to guayaquil and took possession of it. at this time, as was afterwards well known, the limeños were privately soliciting bolivar to give them his assistance in liberating peru, _both from the protector_ and the spaniards! ignorant of this, the protector, having delegated the supreme authority to the marquis of torre tagle, and appointed general alvarado commander-in-chief in his absence, departed for guayaquil, for the purpose of the proposed interview. no sooner had san martin turned his back, than a public meeting of the limeños took place in the plaza, and insisted on the reconstitution of the _cabildo_, which assembly had been put down by the protector immediately after the declaration of independence. the members having complied, it was decided that "the minister monteagudo should be deposed, tried, and subjected to the severity of the law," a note being despatched to this effect to the supreme delegate, torre tagle. the council of state met, and informed monteagudo of what had taken place, when he was induced to resign; the supreme delegate politely informing the _cabildo_ that the ex-minister should be made to answer to the council of state for the acts of his administration. this note not satisfying the municipality, the _cabildo_ requested that monteagudo should at once be placed in arrest till called upon for his defence, which was immediately complied with; but the step was disapproved by the limeños, who feared that some crafty subterfuge might again place him in authority. the _cabildo_, therefore, in order to satisfy the people and get rid of the ex-minister, requested of the government that he might be put on board ship, and exiled for ever from peru. this was also acceded to; and, on the anniversary of his arrival in lima, monteagudo was sent under escort to callao, and forthwith taken to sea. torre tagle was unable to cope with the returning spirit of the limeños, nor did he attempt it, as the army was as much disgusted as were the inhabitants, and would not have raised a hand against them. the liberty of the press returned, and the first use of it was the following picture of the exiled minister, taken from the lima newspapers; this would not have been inserted here, except to shew the class of men with whom i had so long to contend. "every honourable citizen found in don bernardo monteagudo, (this is the name of the man of whom we speak,) an enemy who at any price would have sacrificed him. how many victims has he not immolated in his one year's ministry! more than eight hundred honourable families have been reduced by him to extreme indigence, and the whole city to misery! amongst the patriots of lima, nothing was thought of but where they might find an asylum in a foreign land. without agriculture, commerce, industry, personal security, property, and laws, what is society here but a scene of the most afflicting torments?" "the religion of our forefathers suffered an equal persecution in its ministers and its temples; these were deprived of their riches, not for the service of our country, but for the reward of _espionage_, and to deceive us with useless trickeries. the satellites of this bandit were equally despotic with himself, and committed under his protection the most horrid crimes. this is not a proper place in which to insert the baseness with which he abused the delicacy and weakness of females. fathers of families * * * *. every man was intimidated. every feeling man wept, because all were the victims of the caprice of this insolent upstart, who made an ostentation of atheism and ferocity." "it is impossible to recapitulate his actions. volumes would be necessary to shew the world the arbitrary crimes of this atrocious individual. it would appear that for the commission of so many offences he must have had some cause that impelled him, for they could not possibly be the effect of ignorance. it was impossible to believe that by insulting and ruining every one, plundering our property, despising the ingenuity and talents of the peruvians, and endeavouring to introduce anarchy, he could be longer tolerated in this capital. was the reduction of peru to the most degrading slavery, the means to make us or even himself happy?" &c. &c. &c the reader can--from what has been narrated in these pages,--form pretty correct opinions upon the majority of the enormities which drove monteagudo into exile. of his private character i have always foreborn to speak, as considering it a thing apart from official acts--but as the limeños themselves have forcibly alluded to it, i can say that in no respect can their allegations be called in question. the opinion of the roused limeños, that for monteagudo's plunders, insults, and cruelties, there "must have been an impelling cause," is correct, though it is rather surprising that they should not have more justly estimated that cause. the vast amount of silver and gold which i spared in the _sacramento_ at ancon, as being the property of the protector, shews the gulf which swallowed up his plunder of the inhabitants. the costly extravagance of the government--amidst which the degraded minister's ostentation was even more conspicuous than that of the protector himself--could have had no other source but plunder, for of legitimate revenue there was scarcely enough to carry on the expenses of the government--certainly none for luxurious ostentation; which, nevertheless, emulated that of the roman empire in its worst period--but without the "_panem et circenses_." the "impelling cause" was the protector himself. ambitious beyond all bounds, but with a capacity singularly incommensurate with his ambition, he believed that money could accomplish everything. monteagudo supplied this literally by plunder and cruelty, whilst san martin recklessly flung it away in ostentation and bribes. in return for the means of prodigality, the minister was permitted to carry on the government just as he chose, the protector meanwhile indulging in the "_otium cum dignitate_" at his country palace near la legua--his physical powers prostrated by opium and brandy, to which he was a slave, whilst his mental faculties day by day became more torpid from the same debilitating influence. this was well known to me, and alluded to in my letter to him of august 7th, 1821, in which i adjured him to banish his advisers and act as became his position. i now mention these things, not to cast a slur on san martin, but for the opposite purpose of averting undue reproach, though my bitter enemy. the enormities committed in his name were for the most part not his, but monteagudo's; for, to paraphrase the saying of a french wit, "san martin reigned, but his minister governed." duplicity and cunning were san martin's great instruments when he was not too indolent to wield them; and while he was wrapped in ease, his minister superadded to these qualities all the cruelty and ferocity which sometimes converts a ruler into a monster, as the limeños very appropriately designate him. san martin was not innately cruel, though, as in the execution of the carreras, he did not hesitate to sacrifice men of far greater patriotism and ability than himself, regarding them as rivals; but he would not, as monteagudo did, have endeavoured to tempt me ashore to the house of torre tagle, for the purpose of assassinating me; nor, failing in this, would he as monteagudo also did, have liberated a convict for the express purpose of murdering me on board my own ship. at this distance of time these things may be mentioned, as there can be no delicacy in thus alluding to monteagudo, who, having lived the life of a tyrant, died the death of a dog; for having sometime afterwards imprudently returned to the peruvian capital, he was set upon and killed in the streets by the enraged limeños. this bad commencement of the peruvian government subsequently entailed on the country years of misery and civil war, from intestine feuds and party strife--the natural results of the early abuse which unhappily inaugurated its liberation. no such features have been exhibited in chili, where the maritime force under my command at once and for ever annihilated the power of spain, leaving to the mother country neither adherents nor defenders, so that all men agreed to consolidate the liberty which had been achieved. the same good results followed my expulsion of the portuguese fleets and army from brazil, where, whatever may have been the contentions of the parties into which the country was divided, the empire has ever since been preserved from those revolutions which invariably characterise states based at the outset upon virulent contentions. in peru, the liberty which had been promised was trodden under foot by the myrmidons of san martin, so that a portion of the people, and that the most influential, would gladly have exchanged the degradation of their country for a return to spanish rule, and this was afterwards very nearly achieved. another portion, dreading the spaniards, invited bolivar to free them from the despotism to which, in the name of liberty, they had been subjected. a third party sighed for independence, as they originally hoped it would have been established. the community became thus divided in object, and, as a consequence, in strength; being in constant danger of the oppressor, and in even more danger from its own intestine dissensions; which have continued to this day, not in peru only, but in the majority of the south american states, which, having commenced their career in the midst of private feud and public dissension, have never been able to shake off either the one or the other monuments of their own incipient weakness. the intelligence of monteagudo's forced exile was received at valparaiso on the 21st of september; and if this excited the surprise of the chilians, still greater must have been their astonishment when, on the 12th of october, general san martin himself arrived at valparaiso, a fugitive from his short-lived splendour, amidst the desolation of despotism. the story of this event is brief, but instructive. having met bolivar, as previously agreed upon, the liberator, in place of entering upon any mutual arrangement, bitterly taunted san martin with the folly and cruelty of his conduct towards the limeños; to such an extent, indeed, that the latter, fearing designs upon his person, precipitately left guayaquil, and returned to callao shortly after the expulsion of monteagudo. finding what had taken place, he remained on board his vessel, issuing vain threats against all who had been concerned in exiling his minister, and insisting on his immediate recal and reinstatement. a congress had however, by this time been appointed, with xavier de luna pizarro as its head, so the remonstrances of the protector were unheeded. after some time spent in useless recrimination, he made a virtue of necessity, and sent in his abdication of the protectorate, returning, as has been said, to chili. one of the first acts of the peruvian congress, after his abdication, was to address to me the following vote of thanks, not only marking my services in the liberation of their country, but denouncing san martin as a military despot:- _resolution of thanks to lord cochrane by the sovereign congress of peru._ the sovereign constituent congress of peru, in consideration of the services rendered to peruvian liberty by lord cochrane, by whose talent, worth, and bravery, the pacific ocean has been liberated from the insults of enemies, and the standard of liberty has been planted on the shores of the south, has resolved,- that the supreme junta, on behalf of the nation, shall offer to lord cochrane, admiral of the chilian squadron, its most expressive sentiments of gratitude for his hazardous exploits on behalf of peru, hitherto under the tyranny of military despotism, but now the arbiter of its own fate. this resolution being communicated to the supreme junta, they will do that which is necessary for its fulfilment, by ordering it to be printed, published, and circulated. given in the hall of congress, at lima, september 27th, 1822. xavier de luna pizarro, president. jose sanchez carrion, deputy and secretary. francisco xavier mariatique, deputy and secretary. in fulfilment of the preceding resolution, we direct the same to be executed. jose de la mar, felipe anto. alvarado, el conde de vista florida. by order of his excellency, francisco valdivieso. san martin had, however, played his cards so cunningly, that, in order to be well rid of him, the peruvian congress had been induced to give him a pension of 20,000 dollars per annum, whilst nothing but thanks were awarded to me, both for liberating their country and for freeing them from military despotism! notwithstanding that the new peruvian government was in possession of our prizes, the _prueba_ and _venganza_, the latter only to be given up by paying 40,000 dollars to the chilian squadron, which at its own cost had run it down in guayaquil--these sums, no less than the value of the other frigate, being, in common honesty, due from peru to the chilian squadron to this day. to have thanked me so warmly as the exclusive instrument of their independence and deliverance from military tyranny--yet to have rewarded the tyrant and not myself in any form beyond the acknowledgment of my services, is a circumstance to which the peruvian government of the present day cannot look back with satisfaction; the less so as chili has, after the lapse of thirty years, partially atoned for the ingratitude of a former government in availing itself of my aid, without a shilling in the way of recompense, though i had supported its squadron by my own exertions, with comparatively no expense to the government, during the whole period that i held the command. to add to this palpable injustice, the peruvian congress distributed 500,000 dollars amongst twenty general and field officers of the army; but the officers of the squadron, whose prowess had freed the pacific of the enemy, and by the admission of the congress itself peru also--were not only excluded from the peruvian bounty, but were denied the prize-money which they had won and generously given up to the temporary exigencies of chili. such a monstrous perversion of justice and even common honesty, never before reflected discredit on a state. but more of this hereafter. it having been circulated in lima that san martin had secreted a quantity of gold in the _puyrredon_, steps were taken to verify the rumour, on which, at midnight on the 20th of september, he ordered the captain to get under weigh, though the vessel was not half manned, and had scarcely any water on board. he then went to ancon, and despatched a messenger to lima, on whose return, he ordered the captain instantly to weigh anchor and proceed to valparaiso, where on his arrival, it was given out that an attack of rheumatism compelled him to have resource to the baths of cauquenes. on the arrival of the ex-protector, two _aides-de-camp_ were sent by zenteno to compliment him, and his flag was regularly saluted, the governor of valparaiso's carriage being sent to convey him to the government house. yet shortly before, this very governor of valparaiso had rightly branded those who abandoned the chilian flag for that of peru, as "deserters;" but now he received the man who had not only first set the example, but had also induced others to desert--with the honours of a sovereign prince! the patriots were eager that i should arrest general san martin, and there were those in power who would not have complained had i done so, but i preferred to leave the government to its own course. on the following day, general san martin was forwarded in one of the director's carriages to santiago with an escort, the pretence for this mark of honour being fears for his personal safety, in which, there might be something of truth, for the chilian people rightly estimated his past conduct. without troubling myself about such matters, i immediately forwarded to the supreme director the annexed demand, that he should be tried for his desertion and subsequent conduct:- most excellent sir, don jose de san martin, late commander-in-chief of the expeditionary forces from chili for the liberation of peru, having this day arrived at valparaiso, and being now within the jurisdiction of the laws of chili, i lose no time in acquainting you that, if it be the pleasure of government to institute an inquiry into the conduct of the said don jose de san martin, i am ready to prove his forcible usurpation of the supreme authority of peru, in violation of the solemn pledge given by his excellency the supreme director of chili; his attempts to seduce the navy of chili; his receiving and rewarding deserters from the chilian service; his unjustifiably placing the frigates, _prueba_ and _venqanza_, under the flag of peru; with other demonstrations and acts of hostility towards the republic of chili. given under my hand this 12th day of october, 1822, on board the chilian ship _o'higgins_, in the harbour of valparaiso. (signed) cochrane. in place of my demand being complied with, san martin was honoured by having the palace appointed as his residence, whilst every mark of public attention was paid him by the ministry, the object being no other than to insult me, both as regarded the countenance given to him in the face of my demand for his trial, and the infamous accusations which he had made against me, but which he did not dare to sustain. the passive acquiescence of the supreme director in the treachery of his advisers caused an amount of popular discontent which ended in his exile also; both chilenos and spaniards revolting at the idea of san martin being thus publicly honoured. to see the supreme director parade himself as the friend and ally of such a man, was more than the patriot spirit could bear, and the voice of dissatisfaction was loud in every direction. by the partisans of san martin this was attributed to the squadron; and at his instigation, as was generally believed, troops were sent to valparaiso for the purpose of overawing it. i was cautioned to be on my guard against personal seizure or assault, as had been attempted in peru, but did not place sufficient reliance on the courage of my opponents to adopt any steps evincing doubt of the chilian people, who were well disposed to me. on the 21st of november there occurred an earthquake, which completely destroyed the town of valparaiso, so that scarcely a house remained habitable; the people rushing to the hills or to the ships in the harbour. on the first shocks, knowing that terrible disasters would ensue, i went on shore to restore what order could be maintained amongst the terrified people, and met with the supreme director, who had narrowly escaped with his life when hurrying out of his house. it being impossible to render the unhappy townspeople any service, i paid his excellency every possible attention, even though i had reason to believe that his visit was unfriendly to me, he being falsely persuaded that my incessant demands for the payment of the squadron was an act of hostility to himself, instead of a measure of justice to the officers and men. finding me determined, after what had occurred, to procure the payment of the squadron, the now tottering government gave in, and thus far decided on doing justice; but even in this--as i had reason to believe--the counsels of san martin induced them to adopt a plan of making the payments ashore, and paying the men and petty officers first--after which, they were to be allowed a furlough of four months. as this plan was palpably meant to unman the squadron, and thus place the officers and myself at the mercy of the intriguers, i would not suffer it to be carried into effect, the men were therefore paid on board their respective ships. a new system of annoyance was hereupon practised towards me by zenteno, who had again assumed the office of minister of marine. from the neglect to repair the ships--which were left in the same wretched condition as when they returned from peru and mexico--the _independencia_ was alone seaworthy; and was sent to sea by zenteno without even the formality of transmitting the requisite orders through me. but a crisis was now at hand. the insult offered to general freire, by sending santa cruz to supersede him, will be fresh in the reader's recollection. soon after this the provincial convention of conception met, and passed a vote of censure upon the council of government at santiago, for re-electing general o'higgins as supreme director after his resignation--an act which it considered illegal, as no such power was vested in the ministry--and it became known that general freire was about to march with the troops under his command to enforce these views. on the 17th, general freire had advanced his troops as far as talca, and a division of the army at santiago was ordered to be in readiness to meet him. the marines belonging to the squadron, under the command of major hind, were also ordered to reinforce the director's troops. i was at this time at my country residence at quintero, but learning what was going on, i immediately went to valparaiso and resumed the command of the squadron, to which i found that orders had been issued at variance with the arrangements which had been entered into in regard to the prize-money due to the officers and men--the _galvarino_, which was pledged to be sold for that purpose, being under orders for sea, to convey san martin to some place of safety, for, not anticipating the disorganisation which he found in chili, he was afraid of falling into the hands of general freire, from whom he would doubtless have experienced the full amount of justice which his conduct deserved. the squadron in my absence had, however, taken the matter into its own hands, by placing the _lautaro_, with her guns loaded, in a position to sink the _galvarino_ if she attempted to move. the forts on shore had also loaded their guns for retaliation, though of these the squadron would have made short work. no sooner had i restored order, by resuming the command, than i received from general freire the subjoined letter, which no longer left me in doubt of his intentions:- conception, dec. 18th, 1822. my lord, the province under my command being tired of suffering the effects of a corrupted administration, which has reduced the republic to a state of greater degradation than that under which it was labouring when it made the first struggle to obtain its liberty; and when, by means of an illegitimately-created convention, without the will of the people, they have traced the plans of enslaving them, by constituting them as the patrimony of an ambitious despot, whilst, in order to ensure him the command, they have trodden under foot the imprescriptible right of the citizens, exiling them in the most arbitrary manner from their native country. nothing now remains for us but heroically to resolve that we will place the fruit of eleven years of painful sacrifices in the way of saving it; to which effect i have deposited in the hands of its legal representatives who are united in this city the authority that i have hitherto exercised; but notwithstanding my want of merit, and sincere renouncement, the constituent power has deigned to place upon my weak shoulders this enormous weight, by again depositing the civil and military command in my person, which the adjoining resolution i have the honour of remitting will explain to your lordship. god preserve your lordship many years. (signed) ramon freire. in short, a revolution to depose the supreme director had commenced, and general freire, supported by the inhabitants of conception and coquimbo, was in arms to effect it. with this revolution i was determined to have nothing to do, because, as a foreigner, it was not desirable for me to become a party to any faction, though it was evident that the authority of general o'higgins would shortly be at an end. regarding general freire's letter as an indirect request to me to aid him in deposing general o'higgins, i did not even reply to it. on the 20th of september he made the following direct overture to me to join in the revolution:- conception, nov. 20th, 1853. my best and most distinguished friend, the time has arrived when circumstances and the country require the protection of those who generously and judiciously know how to maintain its sacred rights. let us withdraw the curtain from the scene which trifles with the interests of the republic, leading it to inevitable ruin. its deplorable state is public and notorious. there is not a man who is unacquainted with it, and who does not bewail the prospective loss of its independence, with a thraldom also in view more grievous than the spanish yoke. the self-assumed powers of the government, the restrictions on commerce, and, above all, the constitution recently promulgated, place the ambitious views of the chief magistrate and the corruption of his ministers in a clear light. every act proves that the intentions of the supreme director have undergone a change. fortune, which has hitherto favoured him, has given a new turn to his ambition, as if the proposal of a crown could no longer be resisted--all the measures pursued throughout the state leading to that end. it is grievous to see laurels thus stained in the grasp of one who so gloriously obtained them. it is, however, needless to trespass on you with further reflections on these occurrences, as your judgment cannot fail to be formed both on the facts and their consequences. let us therefore touch on other subjects. permit me, without offence to your delicacy, to make some reflections on subjects equally public and notorious. you enjoyed honours, rank, and fortune, amidst a people the most distinguished in europe. you generously abandoned ease and comfort in order to aid in the attainment of our liberty, and you have been the chief instrument which has enabled us to achieve it. the whole world is acquainted with your gallant efforts to abolish tyranny and give liberty to south america. the people of this republic are full of the most lively gratitude, and are grieved that it is not in their power to give you an effectual proof of their deep attachment. this province, holding valour and merit in estimation, idolizes you, whilst it holds in abhorrence and detestation the tyrant "liberator of peru!" who has stained our soil with tears of blood shed for his pretended services. chacabuco would have terminated the war throughout the republic, had it not been deemed necessary to foster its continuance for the interests of this individual. this province (conception) having been completely sacrificed, has arrived at the point of exasperation. its inhabitants are unanimously determined on a change and a reform of government, and declare that in arauco they will breathe the air of liberty, and that they will perish in the field of battle to obtain it. this is the decision universally adopted without exception. this is the determination of the gallant troops which i have the honour to command, and of their valiant officers, and is moreover sanctioned by the holy orders of the clergy. compromised by these declarations, what am i to reply to them? must i profess my sympathy and accordance of opinion with them, and admit to you, that, though yesterday a private citizen, with a heart burning to be freed from fetters, _i must to-day gird on the sword_. may heaven favour my lot in the absence of personal merit! to my country i owe my life and the position i hold--from having contributed to its welfare--can i then neglect the duty that i owe to it? no, my dear friend, far be that course from me. freire has sworn to live or perish for the liberty of his native country, and he now repeats that solemn oath, grieved at the cause which compels him to renew it, but trusting in the hope that god will avert the effusion of blood in the accomplishment of the object. i know that you are deeply interested in securing the liberty of chili, for which you have so gloriously contended. i know you will deeply feel the privation of hope--for neither in your generous heart, nor in mine, can such events be received with indifference. let us then pursue a course in uniformity with the glory of chili, and the opinion of the world. let us listen to the voice of the country, which calls us to avert evils when repose might have been anticipated. i count, together with the whole province, on your co-operation to avert mischief and advance the good of the country. act as you judge best, but for the promotion of that object, the moment has arrived for action. answer me with promptitude and frankness. let us have the satisfaction of applying effective remedies to the evils which afflict the country, zealously and disinterestedly for the good of the republic, and without personal views. _i hold the residence of san martin in any part of chili as suspicious and dangerous. let him be off to make some other quarter happy, where he can sell his protection to the ill-fated inhabitants._ i hope my intentions meet your approbation, and will be seconded by the officers of the squadron. i trust you will receive this as the sincerest proof that i can give of the high consideration with-which i am your most faithful and unchangeable friend, ramon freire. to vice-adm. lord cochrane, commanding the squadron of chili. i did not reply with promptitude, for i felt that it was no part of my mission to mingle in civil warfare. this letter, however, corroborated my opinion as to the fact of san martin's influence over the supreme director, and the recent coolness in his conduct towards me. if general freire's information was correct, there was evidently a desire to restore san martin to the empire of peru! when possession could be got of the squadron, and he in return had deluded general o'higgins into the plot by promise of support. whether this was so in reality is problematical, but there is general freire's letter, for the first time published, and the chilian people can thence draw their own conclusions. fortunately an occurrence took place, which relieved me from the dilemma in which i was placed, as will be narrated in the succeeding chapter. chapter xii. the squadron taken from me--i accept invitation from brazil--letter to the supreme directo--san martin quits chili--his prudence--opinion of his aide-de-camp--ministerial neglect--permission to quit chili--letter to general freire--for the first time made public--letter to the captains and officers--to the chilian people--to the foreign merchants--to the president of peru--san martin actuated by revenge--this shewn from his letters. the event alluded to in the last chapter was the arrival of an express from the brazilian _charge d'affaires_ at buenos ayres, with a request from the imperial court at rio de janeiro, to the effect that, as by my exertions the spaniards had now been driven from the pacific, i would accept the command of the brazilian navy, for the purpose of expelling the portuguese, who still maintained their hold upon the greater portion of that side of the south american continent. as acquiescence in this offer would relieve me from the embarrassing situation in which i was placed in chili, i began seriously to consider the expediency of accepting it. at this juncture freire commenced his march towards the capital, at the same time sending captain casey to valparaiso with an armed merchantman, to ascertain the effect of his last letter to me. without coming to an anchor, captain casey sent a boat on board the _o'higgins_ to ascertain my sentiments, but meeting with a refusal to acquiesce in the revolution, he again sailed. the ministers, however, judging me by themselves, and suspecting that i was about to become a party to general freire's designs, began to withdraw the ships from my command, on the pretence of repairs or converting them into store-ships, several being thus taken from the squadron. i was also ordered to place the _o'higgins_ and _valdivia_ under the charge of the commandant of marine, to be repaired, and to make a store-ship of the _lautaro_, and being thus deprived of the slightest authority over them, i was now considered as a sort of state prisoner; but in pursuing this course, the little schooner _montezuma_, which i had rescued from peru, had been overlooked, and on board of her i hoisted my flag. the _galvarino_ was now sent to sea without my permission, and without an englishman in her. the _lautaro_, the pretended store-ship, was also being got ready for sea, when i addressed the following note to captain worcester, who commanded her:- memo, having received directions from the supreme government to cause the _lautaro_ to be placed as a store-ship, under the command of the governor, and observing that the said order is in process of violation by the preparations making for sea; you are hereby required and directed to hoist my flag, and obey all such orders as you shall receive from me on the service of the state. given under my hand this 8th day of january, 1823, on board the _montezuma_. cochrane. tired of this heartless ingratitude, and disgusted with the suspicion that i was about to join general freire with the squadron--an idea which could only have arisen from the expectation that i should thus resent the injuries inflicted on me--i resolved to accept the invitation from his majesty the emperor of brazil, leaving all which the chilian government owed me to the honour of a juster and more enlightened administration. accordingly i addressed to the supreme director the following letter:- valparaiso, jan. 8, 1822. most excellent sir, the difficulties which i have experienced in accomplishing the naval enterprizes successfully achieved during the period of my command as admiral of chili, have not been effected without responsibility such as i would scarcely again undertake, not because i would hesitate to make any personal sacrifice in a cause of so much interest, but because even these favourable results have led to the total alienation of the sympathies of meritorious officers, --whose co-operation was indispensable,--in consequence of the conduct of the government. that which has made most impression on their minds has been, not the privations they have suffered, nor the withholding of their pay and other dues, but the absence of any public acknowledgment by the government of the honours and distinctions promised for their fidelity and constancy to chili; especially at a time when no temptation was withheld that could induce them to abandon the cause of chili for the service of the protector of peru; even since that time, though there was no want of means or knowledge of facts on the part of the chilian government, it has submitted itself to the influence of the agents of an individual whose power having ceased in peru, has been again resumed in chili. the effect of this on me is so keenly sensible that i cannot trust myself in words to express my personal feelings. desiring, as i do, to extenuate rather than accuse, nothing shall enter into a narrative of these circumstances which is not capable of undeniable proof. whatever i have recommended or asked for the good of the naval service has been scouted or denied, though acquiescence would have placed chili in the first rank of maritime states in this quarter of the globe. my requisitions and suggestions were founded on the practice of the first naval service in the world--that of england; they have, however, met with no consideration, as though their object had been directed to my own personal benefit. until now i have never eaten the bread of idleness. i cannot reconcile to my mind a state of inactivity which might even now impose upon the chilian republic an annual pension for past services; especially as an admiral of peru is actually in command of a portion of the chilian squadron, whilst other vessels are sent to sea without the orders under which they act being communicated to me, and are despatched by the supreme government through the instrumentality of the governor of valparaiso (zenteno.) i mention these circumstances incidentally as having confirmed me in the resolution to withdraw myself from chili for a time; asking nothing for myself during my absence; whilst as regards the sums owing to me, i forbear to press for their payment till the government shall be more freed from its difficulties. i have complied with all that my public duty demanded, and if i have not been able to accomplish more, the deficiency has arisen from circumstances beyond my control--at any rate, having the world still before me, i hope to prove that it is not owing to me. i have received proposals from mexico, from brazil, and from an european state, but have not as yet accepted any of these offers. nevertheless, the active habits of my life do not permit me to refuse my services to those labouring under oppression, as chili was before the annihilation of the spanish naval force in the pacific. in this i am prepared to justify whatever course i may pursue. in thus taking leave of chili, i do so with sentiments of deep regret that i have not been suffered to be more useful to the cause of liberty, and that i am compelled to separate myself from individuals with whom i hoped to have lived for a long period, "without violating such sentiments of honour as, were they broken, would render me odious to myself and despicable in their eyes." until this day i have abstained from pressing upon your excellency's attention my reply to the infamous accusations presented against me by the agents of san martin--knowing that your excellency had more urgent objects to attend to. nevertheless, i now beg your excellency's consideration of this matter, in order that--as has been the case in peru--these falsehoods may be rendered manifest--as well as the despicable character of that man who falsely arrogated to himself the attributes of a general and a legislator, though destitute of courage or legislative knowledge--the substitution for which was duplicity and cunning. (signed) cochrane. foiled in getting one of the ships of the squadron, wherein to escape from the impending storm, san martin remained in santiago till the beginning of january, 1823, when finding matters in chili becoming dangerous to his safety, he crossed the cordillera to mendoza, and from thence went to europe to avoid reprobation in retirement. throughout this narrative i have been careful that san martin's proceedings should be shown from his own acts and letters, there not being in this volume one which has not been published in the gazettes of chili and peru, or of which the originals are not now in my possession. of the latter, i could communicate san martin's letters to me by dozens, and had i so far trespassed on the patience of the reader, his acts would have appeared in a yet more invidious light. what have been given are strictly relative to public transactions, and belong to the people of chili as part of their national history, which, rather than any defence of my own conduct--which was never brought in question by the chilian government--is my chief reason for now making them public. there may be, however, some who think that i have mistaken general san martin's _prudence_ in not approaching lima when every advantage was before him--for a worse quality, which until my letter to the supreme director o'higgins, just quoted, i had never publicly attributed to him, though, in the estimation of every officer of the army and squadron, richly deserving it. it will be in the recollection of the reader, that instead of marching on lima, he wasted nearly two months at haura, and that from the pestilential character of the climate, a fearful amount of sickness amongst the troops was the consequence. i will here give a letter to me from his _aide-de-camp_ paroissien, who was subsequently employed by san martin to promulgate his infamous accusations against me, when he had no longer any hope of securing my co-operation; premising that in my ardour to get the army at once to lima, and unsuspicious at that time of san martin's secret designs, i had laid paroissien a wager that by a given day we should be in the peruvian capital; the _aide-de-camp_ being a better judge of his chief than i was, accepted the wager, and as a matter of course, won it. haura, 10 april, 1821 my dear lord, with what pleasure would i lose twenty bets like that which i have unfortunately won of you, if you could but tell me that i should be _the loser_. nay more, i will lay you the same wager now, that in another three weeks we shall not get to the little room over the great entrance of the palaccio. i have received this afternoon a fine fat turtle; and egad, if i thought i _should lose_, i would fatten him up all the more--but, alas! i fear we shall have to calipee and calipash it in haura; however, the bustle that has lately prevailed seems to indicate some movement; and those of us who are well, are ready to march at an hour's notice--but of course you are infinitely better acquainted with these things than i am. still, i think that _were we more active and enterprising, a great deal might he done, particularly with our cavalry--whose swords for want of use are getting rusty. if we do not make a push now, god knows when we shall do so._ * * * * * the general appears desirous of striking a blow against baldez. it may be right---and i dare say it is; _but i should rather we had a touch against the capital_. thank god we are about to do something. yours very truly, paroissien. the reader will have gathered from the narrative, that san martin struck no blow anywhere, even hesitating to enter lima when no blow was required to be struck. his _aide-de-camp's_ view of the matter can hardly be mistaken. it is not a little remarkable, that in a letter addressed to the supreme director, before sailing on the liberating expedition to peru, i should have, from the first, correctly estimated san martin's character in persisting not to make any military movement without an unnecessary force to ensure his personal safety, though our recent victory at valdivia with a force of 350 men only, could not have given him any very great idea of the difficulties to be encountered. as this letter was omitted in its place, i will here transcribe it. may 4, 1820. most excellent sir, finding that all the measures proposed in the expedition to peru are made public--that all that is decided on to-day is contradicted to-morrow--that no system is followed, either in regard to naval or state matters, which can promote your interest--that mischievous delays of all kinds are opposed to the success of an enterprise, which your excellency is desirous of promoting --that the expedition of 2,000 men (abundantly sufficient), was not to be delayed on any pretence, but that it has been delayed in order to increase it to 4,000--and that even now it is kept back, in order to ascertain the position and force of the enemy at callao, of which we know just as much now as we should when the _montezuma_ may return, some forty days hence, after an investigation to no purpose--in short, finding that everything stipulated and agreed upon has been deviated from. i am desirous to give up the command of the squadron to whoever may enjoy the confidence of your excellency; which act will, i hope, add to your tranquillity, by relieving you from my opinions in regard to what ought to be done, but has not been done--and to that which could be effected, but has not even been attempted. i have abstained from sending the _montezuma_ on a meaningless voyage of forty days to callao, till i receive your excellency's definitive commands--considering that the despatch of that vessel is not only useless, but a pretext for delay, and is calculated to frustrate all that your excellency has in contemplation. would that you could yourself note the palpable treachery which prevents anything of importance being collected for the expedition--i say palpable treason--as not a single article necessary has yet been procured. can your excellency believe, that only one vessel is in the hands of the contractor; and even she is not prepared for sea? will you believe that the only provisions that the contractor's agent has in hand is twenty-one days' rations of bread, and six days' of salt meat, whilst to my query whether he had any _charqui_ ready, his reply was, "there is plenty in the country." will your excellence believe that there are only 120 water casks ready for 4,000 troops and the crews of the squadron? your excellency may be assured that only your interest and that of the state could induce me to utter these opinions; but, in order to convince you that i have no wish to abandon the service, if my continuance in it can be of any use--my only wish being to avoid becoming the butt of disasters after their occurrence--i now offer to give up the command of the squadron, and to accept in lieu thereof, the command of the four armed prizes taken by the _o'higgins_ in the last cruise, and with 1,000 troops selected by myself, to accomplish all that is expected from the 4,000 troops and the squadron; the former being a manageable force, capable of defeating all the defensive measures of the enemy--whilst the latter, solely under military command, will not only be unmanageable for desultory operations, but, from its unhandiness, will paralyse naval movements. lastly, i must repeat to your excellency that the inviolable secresy of determinations and the rapidity of operations under present circumstances, are the only security for the prosperity of the chilian government and the hoped-for liberty of peru. if those are to be set at nought, i hereby again place at your excellency's disposal the commission with which i have been honoured, in order that you may be convinced of my having no other object than to serve your excellency in every way compatible with honour. i have the honour, &c. cochrane. to his excellency the supreme director, &c. &c. to return to my, now in reality, approaching departure from chili. the request to be permitted to retire for a time from the service, was promptly complied with, and no doubt gladly so, from the belief of the government that i might otherwise ally myself with general freire, though, that i had no such intention, the annexed reply to his communications--made shortly after i had left chili, and when he had succeeded in overthrowing the government of general o'higgins--will shew. bahia, june 21, 1823. my respected friend, it would give me great pleasure to learn that the change which has been effected in the government of chili proves alike conducive to your happiness and to the interests of the state. for my own part--like yourself--i suffered so long and so much, that i could not bear the neglect and double dealing of those in power any longer, but adopted other means of freeing myself from an unpleasant situation. not being under those imperious obligations which, as a native chileno, rendered it incumbent on you to rescue your country from the mischiefs with which it was assailed by the scandalous measures of some of those who were unhappily in the confidence of the late supreme director, i could not accept your offers. my heart was with you in the measures you adopted for their removal; and my hand was only restrained by a conviction that my interference, as a foreigner, in the internal affairs of the state, would not only have been improper in itself, but would have tended to shake that confidence in my undeviating rectitude which it was my ambition that the people of chili should ever justly entertain. indeed, before i was favoured with your communications, i had resolved to leave the country, at least for a time, and return to england, but accident so ordered it that at the very moment i was preparing to execute this intention, i received an offer from the emperor of brazil to command his navy, and conditionally accepted it. brazil has one great advantage over other south american states, it is free from all question as to the authority of its chief, who has nothing to fear from the rivalry to which those elevated to power are so frequently subject. i pray god that this may not be your case. the command of the army will enable you to accomplish great things without jealousy, but the possession of the supreme power of the state will hardly fail to excite the envy of the selfish and ambitious to a degree that may operate to the destruction of your expectations of doing good, and to the injury of the cause in which you have embarked. permit me to add my opinion, that whoever may possess the supreme authority in chili--_until after the present generation, educated as it has been under the spanish colonial yoke, shall have passed away_, will have to contend with so much error, and so many prejudices, as to be disappointed in his utmost endeavours to pursue steadily the course best calculated to promote the freedom and happiness of the people. i admire the middle and lower classes of chili, but i have ever found the senate, the ministers, and the convention, actuated by the narrowest policy, which led them to adopt the worst measures. it is my earnest wish that you may find better men to co-operate with you; if so, you may be fortunate, and may succeed in what you have most at heart--the promotion of your country's good. believe me that i am--with gratitude for the disinterested and generous manner in which you have always acted towards me- your unshaken and faithful friend, cochrane. to his excellency don ramon freire, supreme director of chili, &c. this letter has never before seen the light, and i here make it public, in order to show that the government of general o'higgins had nothing to fear, even from its ingratitude to me; my only desire being to escape from it, even at the cost of leaving behind the whole amount due to my services, none of which was conceded. previous to my departure, i addressed the following letter to the squadron:- to the captains and officers generally of the chilian navy, gentlemen, as i am now about to take my leave of you, at least for a time, i cannot refrain from expressing my satisfaction at the cheerful manner in which the service has been carried on, the unanimity which has prevailed, and the zeal which, on all trying occasions, you have shown. these have compensated me for the difficulties with which i have had to contend, and which i am confident have been such as never before presented themselves in any service. your patience and perseverance under privations of all kinds were such as chili had no right to expect, and such as no other country would have demanded, even from its own native subjects. in all maritime states the strictest attention is paid to the necessities of officers and men--regularity of pay and adequate reward for services are deemed necessary as excitements to perseverance, and the achievement of effective and heroic exploits--but your exertions and achievements have been made independently of any such inducements. gentlemen, by our united exertions, the naval power of the enemy of these seas, though superior to our own, has been annihilated, and the commerce of the pacific is everywhere carried on in security under the protection of the independent flag of chili. to me it is highly gratifying to reflect, that these services have not been sullied by any act of illegality or impropriety on your part; and that, while you have asserted the rights of chili, and maintained and confirmed her independence, you have so conducted yourselves, as uniformly to preserve the strictest harmony and good fellowship with the officers of the ships of war of all neutral states. the services you have rendered to chili will, however, be better appreciated at a future period, when the passions which now actuate individuals shall have ceased to influence those in power, and when your honourable motives shall no longer be felt as a reproach by those whose selfishness has withheld the reward of your fidelity, and whose jealousy has denied you even the official expression of public approbation. gentlemen, the best approbation is that of your own hearts--of that, none can deprive you. however, if it be any satisfaction to you to receive my assurance that your conduct has, on all occasions, merited my warmest applause, i can say with perfect truth that i have great pleasure in rendering you that assurance, and in conveying to you my heartfelt thanks for your uniform cordial and efficient co-operation in the cause in which we have been engaged. towards the brave seamen under my command i entertain similar sentiments, which you will oblige me by communicating to them in terms most gratifying to their feelings. in taking my leave of you and them, i have only to add, that if i have not been able to evince my gratitude so fully as i ought, it has not been owing to any deficiency of zeal, but to circumstances over which i had no control. i remain, gentlemen, your grateful and faithful friend and servant, cochrane. jan. 18th, 1823. on my acceptance of the brazilian command becoming known, several highly meritorious officers begged to accompany me--giving up, like myself, all present hope of adequate payment for their services. knowing that in brazil--as had been the case in chili--it would be necessary to organize a navy, i gladly complied with the requisition; so that neither then, nor afterwards, did they receive from chili any recompense for their unparalleled bravery and perseverance in the cause of independence. to the people of chili--amongst whom, disgusted with the treatment i had received at home, i had once hoped to spend the remainder of my days in the bosom of my family--i issued the following address:- chilenos--my fellow countrymen! the common enemy of america has fallen in chili. your tricoloured flag waves on the pacific, secured by your sacrifices. some internal commotions agitate chili. it is not my business to investigate their causes, to accelerate or retard their effects; i can only wish that the result may be favourable to the national interest. chilenos. you have expelled from your country the enemies of your independence, do not sully the glorious act by encouraging discord and promoting anarchy--that greatest of all evils. consult the dignity to which your heroism has raised you, and if you must take any step to secure your national liberty--judge for yourselves--act with prudence--and be guided by reason and justice. it is now four years since the sacred cause of your independence called me to chili. i assisted you to gain it. i have seen it accomplished. it only remains to preserve it. i leave you for a time, in order not to involve myself in matters foreign to my duties, and for other reasons, concerning which i now remain silent, that i may not encourage party spirit. chilenos. you know that independence is purchased at the point of the bayonet. know also, that liberty is founded on good faith, and on the laws of honour, and that those who infringe upon these, are your only enemies, amongst whom you will never find cochrane. quintero, jan. 4th, 1823. on the same day i issued another address to the english and other merchants at valparaiso who at the outset had given me every confidence and assistance, but--notwithstanding the protection imparted by the squadron to their legitimate commerce, the minds of some had become alienated because i would not permit illegitimate trading at which the corrupt ministers not only connived, but for their own individual profit, encouraged,--by granting licences to supply the enemy, even to contraband of war. in the subjoined, allusion is made to this matter- to the merchants of valparaiso. gentlemen, i cannot quit this country without expressing to you the heartfelt satisfaction which i experience on account of the extension which has been given to your commerce, by laying open to all the trade of these vast provinces, to which spain formerly asserted an exclusive right. the squadron which maintained the monopoly has disappeared from the face of the ocean, and the flag of independent south america waves everywhere triumphant, protecting that intercourse between nations which is the source of riches, power, and happiness. if, for the furtherance of this great object, some restraints were imposed, they were no other than those sanctioned by the practice of all civilized states: and though they may have affected the immediate interests of a few who were desirous to avail themselves of accidental circumstances presented during the contest, it is a gratification to know that such interests were only postponed for the general good. should there, however, be any who conceive themselves aggrieved by my conduct. i have to request them to make known their complaints, in order that i may have an opportunity of particular reply. i trust that you will do me the justice to believe that i have not determined to withdraw myself from these seas, whilst anything remained within my means to accomplish for your benefit and security. i have the honour to be, gentlemen, your faithful humble servant, cochrane. quintero, chili, jan. 4, 1823. though i remained in chili a fortnight after the date of this letter, not a complaint of any kind was forwarded from the merchants; indeed, considering the protection which the squadron had afforded to their existing commerce, and the facilities which it had given for extending it, i had no reason to suppose that any complaint would be made. the above addresses were printed by a lithographic press in my house at quintero, this being the first introduced into the pacific states. i had sent for this press from england, together with other social improvements, and a number of agricultural implements, hoping thereby, though at my own expense, to give an impetus to industry in chili. all this was, however, frustrated, and the mortification was not a little enhanced by the circumstance that, whilst turning printer for the nonce, there lay opposite my house at quintero one of our best prizes, the _aguila_, a wreck, tenanted only by shell-fish--she having gone ashore whilst waiting the decision of the chilian government, previous to being sold for the benefit of her captors! as the chilian government refused to permit my refutation of san martin's charges against me in a way as public as they had been promulgated, i addressed the following note to the peruvian congress, together with a copy of the refutation:- to his excellency the president of the congress of peru. sir, i have the honour to transmit through you to the sovereign congress a copy of a letter addressed by me to don jose de san martin, translations of which i have forwarded to europe and to north america, to be issued to the world through the press. mankind will then cease to accuse the peruvians of ingratitude, and will do longer wonder that an imperial crown was withheld from the protector as the reward of labours in the cause of liberty, but will applaud your resolution to select from amongst yourselves the most enlightened of your citizens--men capable of securing the independence and promoting the prosperity of the state on principles of national freedom under the rule of law. be pleased to solicit in my name that the sovereign congress may deign to deposit in their archives that letter and the charges against me thereto annexed, which were preferred by don jose de san martin to the chilian government relative to my conduct in peru, in order that a record may remain whereby to judge of facts when the actors shall have passed from this scene. then the even hand of time shall poise the scale of justice, apportioning to all the due measure of approbation or reproach. that the acts of the sovereign congress and of the executive government of peru may be such as shall call forth the admiration and secure the affections of its people, is the prayer of your excellency's obedient humble servant, cochrane. valparaiso, dec. 12, 1822. one word more with regard to these accusations of san martin. it was not till all his offers to me to abandon my allegiance to chili, and to join him in his defection had proved unavailing, that he sought to revenge himself by such charges, well knowing that zenteno and his party in the chilian ministry would second any chance of injuring me in public estimation from their unabating personal enmity to me, arising from my constant opposition to their selfish measures for private advantage. into these matters i have no inclination to enter, though possessing abundant materials for disclosing a career of state dishonesty without parallel in the history of governments. up to the time of my last refusal of san martin's offers, made through monteagudo, everything was "couleur de rose"--with all kinds of declarations that "my lot should be equal to his own"--though, thank god, my lot has been of a far different nature. it was within a week of my last refusal that his charges against me were trumped up. i will select one more from his numerous letters now in my possession, to show that nothing but revenge at being disappointed in my co-operation to ensure his personal aggrandisement, could have influenced him to perpetrate such an act of meanness. lima, 20 aug., 1821. my esteemed friend, your appreciated letter, received yesterday, has convinced me that the frankness of your sentiments is only equalled by the regard you entertain for the public cause--especially as to matters under my charge. i cannot view the counsel and opinions you offer, otherwise than as proof of the zeal you entertain for my interests. aware of the estimation in which you hold glorious acts, i cannot do otherwise than sympathize with you, as you desire that i shall augment those i have acquired. without entertaining a doubt that i shall contribute effectually in the field still open to us--_more particularly to you_, i wish that the enterprises in which you evince so much zeal, _did not require so great temerity to carry them out, and such enthusiasm to bring them to a successful result._ believe me, my lord, that nothing will make me swerve from the determination that the _lot of lord cochrane shall be that of gen. san martin._ i hope that in your correspondence with sir thos. hardy, all difficulties will be smoothed in a manner satisfactory to both. i understand that he is desirous to accord to _our_ flag all that justice demands and the policy of england will permit. on these points i confide in your prudence. never doubt, my lord, of the sincere friendship with which i am your affectionate jose de san martin. it is so utterly incredible that a man entertaining such opinions of me should believe in the charges he afterwards made against me, _with regard to acts occurring long previous to this period_, even to accusing me of "endangering the safety of the squadron from the first moment of our quitting valparaiso," that i will not weary the reader's patience in commenting further upon them. chapter xiii. freire marches on valparaiso--elected supreme director--he begs of me to return--my reply--subsequent letter to general freire. on the 18th of january, 1823, i hauled down my flag, hoisted in the _montezuma_ schooner--the only vessel which the suspicious jealousy of the chilian ministers had left me--and sailed for rio de janiero in the chartered brig, colonel allen, though my brother's steamer, the _rising star_--or rather the chilian government's steamer, upon which he had a lien for money advanced for its completion and equipment--was lying idle at valparaiso. could i have taken this vessel with me to brazil, on the refusal of chili to repay the sums which my brother had advanced on the guarantee of its london envoy alvarez--the brazilian government would have eagerly availed itself of an advantage to which the chilian ministry was insensible: though recently by the exertions of admiral simpson, and the more enlightened views of the present government, chili is now beginning to appreciate the advantage of a steam marine, which, at the period of her liberation, she so perversely rejected by refusing to honour the comparatively trifling pecuniary engagements of her minister in london. the probable reason why the chilian government refused to acknowledge these obligations was--that the war being now ended by the annihilation of the spanish naval power in the pacific through the instrumentality of sailing ships alone, there was no necessity for a steam ship of war--the narrow-minded policy of the ministers who have figured in these pages never conceiving that to maintain maritime preponderance is scarcely less difficult than to achieve it. hence, to get rid of the paltry sum of £13,000 due--and still due--to my brother for his advances on the ship, she was rejected; the consequence was, that after my departure, the independence of chili was again placed in jeopardy, whilst peru was only saved from a spanish reconquest by the intervention of the colombian liberator, bolivar. shortly after my departure, the partisans of general freire, and the enemies of general o'higgins, having entered into a combination--the former marched on valparaiso, where the people ardently espoused his cause; so that abandoned by his evil genius, san martin, and equally so by others who had caused his downfall, the supreme director found himself a prisoner in the hands of the very man who had most conduced to his overthrow, viz., zenteno, in whose charge he was placed on pretence of being made accountable for the expenditure of those who now held him in durance! the end of this was, a five months' examination of o'higgins, which resulted in his being permitted to leave the country; general freire having, meanwhile, been elected to the supreme directorate, in the midst of internal dissensions in chili, and disasters in peru, where the spaniards, under cantarac--emboldened by the pusillanimity of the protector in permitting them to relieve callao unmolested, and elated with their decisive victory over a division of his army, as narrated in a previous chapter--had availed themselves of the treasure carried away from callao in reorganising their forces, which now threatened lima, and would no doubt have recovered peru, had not bolivar, foreseeing the result, sent a division of his army, under general sucre, to the assistance of the beleaguered city. in the midst of these embarrassments, the new government of chili despatched the following letter to rio de janeiro, for the purpose of inducing me to return, and reorganise the navy, the officers and men of which had, as i learned, shortly subsequent to my departure been turned adrift, without any reward whatever for their extraordinary privations and exertions in the cause of independence. ministry of foreign affairs. santiago de chili, april 11, 1823. most excellent sir, the representatives of the people of chili, legally assembled, having elected don ramon freire as supreme director of the state, this event has happily terminated the internal movements which agitated the country. the new government, on entering on its delicate functions, has been impressed with the want of your excellency to give preponderance to this maritime state, by the imposing aptitude of your excellency's measures and extraordinary renown, so highly prized by the chilenos, and dreaded by their enemies. the loss of the allied army in moquegua, where it has been beaten by general cantarac, has occasioned such an effect on the result of the war, that possibly the capital of peru may fall into the hands of the enemy in consequence of the ascendancy thus acquired. in consequence of this event, chili must give a new impulse to her maritime affairs, especially as an expedition is about to sail from cadiz, composed of two ships of the line, to restore the spanish authority in peru. your excellency, on leaving chili, promised not to abandon the cause of independence; and chili--which has ever admired in your excellency one of its most illustrious protectors--must not therefore be deprived of your services in a time of danger, and your great work thus be left incomplete. these considerations his excellency desires me to lay before you in the name of the nation, and in his own name, to request that you will return to this state, at least during the period of danger. his excellency trusts in your generosity and zeal for the cause of humanity, that you will return as speedily as circumstances require, without taking into account fatigue or sacrifices in supporting the cause which you have advocated since its commencement. be pleased to accept the expression of my high consideration. (signed) mariano de egana. it is almost unnecessary to state that my engagements with brazil, and the fact that when the invitation to resume the command of the chilian navy was received, i was blockading the portuguese fleet in bahia--rendered it impossible to comply with the request. that a state whose ministers had, by the greatest injustice, compelled me to quit it--should, in so short a period, have thus earnestly entreated me to return and free it from impending disaster, is not more a proof of the peril in which the government was placed, than of its thorough satisfaction with my conduct as its admiral, and of its anxiety for my renewed assistance. in reply to the request, i addressed the following letter to the minister:- most excellent sir, i have just been honoured with your letter of april 11th, announcing the elevation of mareschal don ramon freire to the high dignity of director of the state of chili, by acclamation of the people--a choice at which i cordially rejoice, as it has placed in power a patriot and a friend. my sentiments with respect to his excellency have long been well known to the late supreme director, as well as to his ministers, and i would to god that they had availed themselves of gen. freire's able and disinterested services in the expedition to peru--in which case the affairs of south america would have now worn a different aspect; but the buenos ayrean faction, being actuated by ambitious motives and more sordid views, interfered, and rendered abortive those plans which, under gen. freire's management, would have brought the war to a speedy and successful termination. on my quitting chili, there was no looking to the past without regret, nor to the future without despair, for i had learned by experience what were the views and motives which guided the councils of the state. believe me, that nothing but a thorough conviction that it was impracticable to render the good people of chili any further service under existing circumstances, or to live in tranquillity under such a system, could have induced me to remove myself from a country which i had vainly hoped would have afforded me that tranquil asylum which, after the anxieties i had suffered, i felt needful to my repose. my inclinations, too, were decidedly in favor of a residence in chili, from a feeling of the congeniality which subsisted between my own habits and the manners and customs of the people, those few only excepted who were corrupted by contiguity with the court, or debased in their minds and practices by that species of spanish colonial education which inculcates duplicity as the chief qualification of statesmen in all their dealings, both with individuals and the public. i now speak more particularly of the persons late in power- excepting, however, the late supreme director--who i believe to have been the dupe of their deceit; and i do assure you that nothing would afford me greater pleasure, for the sake of the ingenuous chilian people, than to find that with a change of ministers, a change of measures has also taken place, and that the errors of your predecessors, and their consequent fate, shall operate as an effectual caution against a course so destructive. point out to me one engagement that has been honourably fulfilled--one military enterprise of which the professed object has not been perverted--or one solemn pledge that has not been forfeited; but my opinions on this want of faith, at various periods of the contest, when everything was fresh in my recollection, are recorded in my correspondence with the minister of marine, and more particularly in my private letters to his excellency, the late supreme director, whom i unavailingly warned of all that has happened. my letter also to san martin, in answer to his accusations--a copy of which was officially transmitted to your predecessor in office--contains a brief abstract of the errors and follies committed in peru; as my public letters and those documents are, of course, in your possession, i shall abstain from trespassing on your attention with a repetition of facts with which you are acquainted. look to my representations on the necessities of the navy, and see how they were relieved! look to my memorial, proposing to establish a nursery for seamen by encouraging the coasting trade, and compare its principles with the code of rodriguez, which annihilated both. you will see in this, as in all other cases, that whatever i recommended in regard to the promotion of the good of the marine, was set at naught, or opposed by measures directly the reverse. look to the orders which i received, and see whether i had more liberty of action than a schoolboy in the execution of his task. look back into the records of the minister of marine's office, and you will find that, while the squadron was nearly reduced to a state of starvation, provisions were actually shipped at valparaiso, _apparently for the navy, but were consigned to don luiz de cruz, and disposed of in such a way as to reflect eternal reproach and disgrace_. you may probably find also, the copy of an order, the original of which is in my possession, (not rubricated by the supreme director) _to permit a vessel laden with corn to enter the blockaded port of callao at the period of its greatest distress_, and which did enter in my absence, and was sold for an enormous amount; whilst funds could not be found to send even 500 troops on an eight days' voyage from chili to secure upper peru, when the greater part of the country was actually in our possession, and when the minds of the people, afterwards alienated by the base conduct of san martin, were universally in our favour. sir, that which i suffered from anxiety of mind whilst in the chilian service, i will never again endure for any consideration. to organise new crews--to navigate ships destitute of sails, cordage, provisions, and stores--to secure them in port without anchors and cables, except so far as i could supply these essentials by accidental means, were difficulties sufficiently harassing; but to live amongst officers and men--discontented and mutinous on account of arrears of pay and other numerous privations--to be compelled to incur the responsibility of seizing by force from peru, funds for their payment, in order to prevent worse consequences to chili--and then to be exposed to the reproach of one party for such seizure, and the suspicions of another that the sums were not duly applied, though the pay-books and vouchers for every material item were delivered to the accountant-general--are all circumstances so disagreeable and so disgusting that until i have certain proof that the present ministers are disposed to act in another manner, i cannot possibly consent to renew my services, where, under such circumstances, they would be wholly unavailing to the true interests of the people. intrigue and faction might again place me in the predicament in which i found myself previous to my departure from valparaiso, viz., a cypher and a public burthen; for the ships of war might again be placed in the hands of a governor zenteno, for the purpose of exposing me to popular odium, as a person receiving a large salary from the state, for which--without a vessel under my command--no adequate services could be rendered. that this was the intention of the late ministers in withdrawing the ships from my command, on the false pretence of repairing them, there can be no doubt; for whilst every honorary reward was withheld from me, they refused to accept the remission which i offered of 4,000 dollars from my annual pay- treating me at the same time with every neglect and indignity. such proceedings, i am aware, are far distant from the contemplation of the excellent person who now presides over the affairs of chili, as in my conscience i believe that they were no less distant from the mind and heart of the late supreme director, who, being placed in that elevated situation, was unfortunately exposed to the errors that arise from listening to the reports of interested individuals who ever surround the powerful, making a gain by concealing the truth and propagating falsehood. it is a fact--as is well known to all my friends--that i had determined to quit chili, previous to my receiving any proposition from the government of brazil. by that government i have been hitherto treated with the utmost confidence and candour, and the orders they have given me are in everything the reverse of those narrow and restricted instructions with which i was hampered by the senate, the ministers of chili, and san martin, under whose orders they had placed me. the government of brazil, having in view the termination of the war, gave orders to that effect, without any of those miserable restrictions which are calculated to retard, if not finally to defeat, their object. the consequence is, that the war in brazil is already successfully terminated--though we have had to contend with a much superior force--by the evacuation of bahia- the flight of the portuguese fleet--the capture of great part of their transports and troops--and the surrender of maranham--all in fewer months than the chilian government have employed years without having even yet accomplished their object, nay, with no other result than that of removing the independence of peru, and their own peace and security to a greater distance. i must now call your attention, although i have already addressed a letter on the subject to the minister of finance, to a breach of faith on the part of the late government of chili in respect to the contract between senor alvarez, their envoy in england, and my brother, the honourable william erskine cochrane, for the completion, outfit, and navigation to chili of the steamer _rising star_, by which my brother has been involved in expenses to a very great amount. whether the inconvenience he is sustaining from the perfidy of the late ministers is in the course of removal by the good faith of their successors i have yet to learn, but if not, i must respectfully state to you on behalf of my brother that i demand payment of the amount due to him under the contract above-mentioned. i also respectfully suggest, that it is your duty to examine the accounts of mr. price, and cause him to pay over the bonus of 40,000 dollars which was granted by the government on account of the _rising star_, which bonus mr. price prematurely obtained in advance nearly three years ago, although it did not become due till the arrival of the ship. this sum, which is part of the remuneration due to my brother on account of the said ship, mr. price, or the house of which he is a member, refuses to deliver up, under the pretence that its detention is necessary to their own security, in the event of the chilian government requiring it to be restored. this is a most extraordinary way of justifying the detention of another's property, and i trust, sir, that you will immediately take the necessary steps to cause both that sum, and all other sums due to my brother for the _rising star_--the particulars of which you may receive from mr. barnard--to be paid without further delay. to that end, and in order to prevent the risk and serious expense attending the remittance of money to so great a distance, i beg to suggest that the best mode of payment will be by an order on your agents in london. i am much less solicitous on the subject of the debt due to myself, but after repeatedly requesting the accountant-general, correa de saa, during the last six months of my residence in chili, to investigate and determine on my accounts, without his proceeding therein in any effectual way, i was astonished to receive from him a communication calling upon me to appoint an agent to explain certain particulars, which i had considered as explicitly set forth in the documents delivered. this delay and these obstacles, i cannot consider in any other light than _as mere pretexts to avoid the payment of the balance due to me for my services_, and for the expenditure of monies that were my own, inasmuch as i might, with perfect justice--instead of employing them for the maintenance of the chilian navy--have applied them to the liquidation of the debt due to myself, and have left the service, as the government did, to shift for itself. besides, sir, let me call to your recollection that not a _real_ of these monies came out of the pocket of any chileno, but that the whole were captured or collected by me from sources never before rendered available to supply the necessities of a destitute squadron. i call upon you, sir, as the minister of marine, to see justice done on the above subjects, and if in my accounts or demands you find anything false or fraudulent, let it be printed in the _gazette_, and give me the privilege of reply. i trust you will excuse my entering into the present detail, and do me the justice to feel that no part of it is irrelevant to the subject of your letter. indeed, if i were not desirous of troubling you as briefly as possible, i could assign numerous other reasons for desiring to have demonstration of a change of ministerial conduct in the management of affairs in chili, before again exposing myself to difficulties of so painful a nature, and re-occupying a situation which i have found to be harassing, thankless, and unprofitable. when the _puertos non habilitados_ (unlicensed ports) shall be thrown open to the national commerce--when those obstacles shall be removed which now render the transport by sea more expensive than carriage by land--when the coasting trade, that nursery for native seamen, shall be encouraged instead of prohibited, it will be time enough to think of re-establishing the marine, for, with regard to foreign seamen, such is the disgust they entertain for a service in which they have been so neglected and deceived, that i am confident that the ships of chili will never again be effectively supplied with men of that description. indeed, there was not an individual amongst the foreign seamen under my command during the latter period of my services in chili whose fidelity was not shaken to such a degree as to be undeserving of confidence on any occasion of danger or emergency. could the late ministers even expect the natives to serve them faithfully without pay and without food?- but his excellency the present director can solve this question in a similar case with regard to the army. it will be well if the foreign seamen have sufficient forbearance to refrain from revenging--by acts of hostility to the state--the deception and breach of promise which they experienced from san martin, and that destitute condition to which they were reduced, especially during the last six months of my stay at valparaiso, by similar frauds on the part of rodriguez, who, i believe, as minister of finance, has been actuated by the hope of compelling the men to abandon their country without remuneration for their services, when they appeared to him and to other short-sighted individuals to be no longer useful. the chilian expedition to the intermedios, and the mean methods by which it was proposed to obtain chiloe without my intervention, excited in my mind at the time no other feeling than pity and contempt, mixed with regret that the sacrifices of so good a people should be rendered unavailing by the imbecility of their rulers. the failure of both these wretched attempts i predicted. from the men now in power i hope better things, and it will gratify me extremely to observe that you succeed in establishing just laws--a free constitution--and a representative body to direct civil affairs. in fine, that you succeed in all you undertake for the public good; and when i see you entered on the right path, my most zealous cooperation--if required--shall not be withheld. i cannot conclude without expressing my high sense of the honour which his excellency the present director conferred upon me, by desiring my continuance in the command of the navy. to him i return my heartfelt thanks, and to you also for the polite manner in which you communicated his obliging wishes. (signed) cochrane. to his excellency don mariano egana, minister of foreign affairs, &c. i will quote one more letter, subsequently addressed by me to the supreme director, general freire, in whose administration i felt a sincere interest, knowing him to be a truly honest man, having only at heart the good of his country; but from his rough training in the camp, without the administrative ability to contend with the intrigues by which he was surrounded. rio de janeiro, dec. 14, 1823. my respected and esteemed friend, it would afford me great satisfaction to learn that everything you contemplated for the advancement and happiness of your country, has succeeded to the extent of your wishes and endeavours, but here we live at so great a distance, and the communication by letter is so scanty, that we have no certain knowledge with respect to your proceedings. i dare not venture to offer you my congratulations, being well aware that the re-union of the congress would present difficulties which might possibly be insuperable, fearing also that you may have been subjected to much uneasiness by the diversity of views entertained by the members, and their deficiency in those habits, and that general information in affairs of government, so necessary in the deliberations of a legislative assembly. here we have had our cortes, but their meeting has produced nothing beneficial to the state. there existed indeed amongst them so great a discordance of opinion, and the temper of those who found their crude notions opposed was so violent, that the emperor--finding it impracticable to act with them--determined to dissolve them, which he did on the 12th of last month, and issued his commands for the meeting of a new cortes, but i much doubt whether the people in the various provinces can find others competent to the task. everything here is quiet, and i have no doubt will remain so in the neighbourhood of the capital, but i have some fear as to the disposition of the northern provinces. i shall regret much should anything occur which will disturb the public tranquillity, now that all the provinces are entirely free and independent of european authority. with regard to myself, the friendship you have always expressed and entertained towards me, justifies my belief that you will be gratified to learn that everything has succeeded here to the full extent of my expectations, the foreign war being entirely brought to a close within the short space of six months; during which period about seventy vessels have fallen into our hands, including several ships of war, amongst which is a beautiful new frigate of the largest dimensions. we have gone on here in the happy manner that i fondly anticipated we should have done in peru, and which would have been the case if the expedition which was intended to be sent to the puertos intermedios three years ago under your command, had not been prevented by the intrigues of san martin, who was jealous of anything being done in which he was not personally engaged, though he had neither the courage nor talent to avail himself of circumstances when appointed to the command of the peruvian expedition. i have heard that my reply to san martin's accusations has been published in peru, but as it is chiefly a personal defence, it cannot be very interesting to the public, to whom i feel a great inclination to address a letter on the causes of the miscarriage of their _military enterprises_, and the origin and progress of those intrigues which led to the mismanagement of public affairs, and disappointed the hopes and expectations of the worthy people of chili, who conducted themselves so long with patient submission to rulers who governed without law, and often without justice. in my letter to you of the 21st of june last, i mentioned at some length my reasons for leaving chili, but as that letter may possibly have miscarried, i think it well to repeat here--which i do with great truth--that it would have given me great pleasure to have been at liberty to co-operate with you; but having, long previous to your communications, determined from the ill-treatment i received to quit the country, i considered that it was better in every point of view to conform to that resolution, without mixing myself in its internal affairs, it being my province, as a foreigner, to leave all parties uncontrolled, and in the free exercise of their civil rights. in adhering to this resolution, i sacrificed both my inclination to have acted with you in overthrowing the ministers, and my own personal interests--abandoning nearly all that i had individually hoped to attain; but i had predetermined to do this, rather than endure any longer the base intrigues of those men, and their packed convention; whose injustice became the more conspicuous after their receiving the stars and distinctions bestowed by san martin, with the promise of estates and further bounties. indeed, the reception which even the late supreme director influenced by these persons gave to san martin after his apostacy to chili, his cowardice, ambition, and tyranny in peru, formed a sufficient contrast with the conduct pursued towards me, to convince me that my presence in chili was no longer desired by the government, and could not, under existing circumstances, be useful to the people. i hear that o'higgins has proceeded to peru. personally i wish him well, and hope that the lesson he has received will enlighten him, and enable him in future to distinguish between sincere friends and insidious enemies. i fear, however, that his asylum in peru will not meet his expectations, because his passive acquiescence in the barbarities inflicted by san martin on the spaniards to whom he had tendered protection cannot be forgotten; and the peruvian people are not ignorant that the miseries which they have suffered might have been averted by a little firmness on the part of o'higgins. i have no reason to believe that the old intrigue on the part of puyrredon and san martin, is again revived by the latter, and that a french frigate which lately sailed hence for buenos ayres, has a commission on that subject. whether these intrigues extend from mendoza over the cordilleras, or not, i have no means to ascertain, but i know that the french _charge d'affaires_ here has been endeavouring underhand to induce this government to give up the fortifications of monte video to the state of buenos ayres, which can only be with the view of extending the influence of france in that quarter. i fear that i have already trespassed too long on the time of your excellency, otherwise i might take the liberty to throw out some suggestions which it appears to me ought to be useful, though you may probably have anticipated them. the principal one is the benefit which might be derived from having some accredited agent here; and from the reciprocal and formal acknowledgment of the independence of the respective states. treatises of commerce and, if possible, alliance and mutual protection against any hostile attempts on the independence of south america should be entered into. this country possesses a squadron of considerable force, in addition to which six new frigates and eight large steam gallies have been ordered to be built in north america, england, and the northern ports of the empire. i shall be gratified if you will do me the favour to honour me with the continuance of your friendly correspondence, and believe me to be, your respectful and attached friend, (signed) cochrane and marenhaõ. his excellency don ramon freire, supreme director of chili. p.s. i did not intend to have trespassed on you with anything of a private nature, having written at length to the accountant-general on the subject of my brother's claim for the steamer "_rising star_," and my own claims for monies disbursed _for the maintenance of the chilian squadron, whilst in pursuit of the prueba and venganza_; but, on consideration, i think it well to request you to do me the favour to cause justice to be done. chapter xiv. injustice to the squadron--inconsistency of this--estate taken from me--my losses by litigation--endeavours to enforce my claims--petty excuses for evading them--i am charged with expenses of the army--and with costs for making legal captures--my conduct approved at the time--ministerial approbation--paltry compensation at length given--ministerial corruption--proved by san martin--cause of official animosity to me----conclusion. my services to chili and peru have been so fully narrated in these pages, that recapitulation is unnecessary. i will, therefore, briefly notice their reward. i was compelled to quit chili by the political dissensions previously related--without any of the emoluments due to my position as commander-in-chief of the navy, or any share of the sums belonging to myself, officers, and seamen; which sums, on the faith of repayment had, at my solicitation, been appropriated to the repairs and maintenance of the squadron generally, but more especially at guayaquil and acapulco, when in pursuit of the _prueba_ and _venganza_. neither was any compensation made for the value of stores captured and collected by the squadron, whereby its efficiency was chiefly maintained during the whole period of the peruvian blockade. the revolutionary movements already detailed, also compelled me to quit the pacific without any compensation from peru, either to myself or the officers who remained faithful to chili--though my absence ought not to have operated as a bar to such compensation as the sovereign congress awarded to the generals and field officers of the army, who, though restrained by general san martin from effecting anything of importance towards the liberation of the country, nevertheless received 500,000 dollars as a reward, whilst nothing was bestowed on myself or the squadron, except thanks for "hazardous exploits on behalf of peru, hitherto," as the congress expressed it, "under the _tyranny of military despotism_, but now the arbiter of its own fate." to the "military despot" himself, a pension of 20,000 dollars was granted, no doubt, as has been said, in order to be rid of him; but it was i who gave the death-blow to his usurped power, by seizing the treasure at ancon to pay the squadron, and by my constant refusal of his insidious overtures to aid him in further treading under foot the liberties of peru. it is scarcely possible that the government of peru, even at this day, can contrast with any degree of satisfaction, the empty thanks which were alone given to one--to use the words of the sovereign congress in its laudatory vote to myself--"by whose talent, worth, and bravery, the pacific ocean has been liberated from the insults of enemies, and the standard of liberty has been planted on the shores of the south"--and its lavish reward to the enemy of that liberty, and even to those officers who deserted from chili to aid the specious views of the protector, of which rewards all who remained faithful to their duty were wholly deprived. still more inconsistent has been the neglect of succeeding peruvian governments in not fulfilling existing obligations. the supreme director of chili, recognising--as must also the peruvians--the justice of their paying, at least, the value of the _esmeralda_, the capture of which inflicted the death-blow on spanish power, sent me a bill on the peruvian government for 120,000 dollars, which was dishonoured, and never since paid by any succeeding government. even the 40,000 dollars stipulated by the authorities at guayaquil as the penalty of giving up the _venganza_ was never liquidated, though the frigate was delivered to peru contrary to written stipulations previously adduced--and was thus added to the peruvian navy without cost to the state, but in reality at the expense of the chilian squadron, which ran it down into guayaquil. how the successive governments of peru can have reconciled this appropriation to the injury of one whom their first independent government so warmly eulogised, it is difficult to conceive. to return, however, to my relations with chili. shortly after my departure for brazil, the government forcibly and indefensibly resumed the estate at rio clara, which had been awarded to me and my family in perpetuity, as a remuneration for the capture of valdivia, and my bailiff, mr. edwards, who had been left upon it for its management and direction, was summarily ejected. situated as this estate was, upon the borders of the indian frontier, it was, indeed, a trifling remuneration for overthrowing the last remnant of spanish power in the continental territory of chili. to have resumed it then, without pretext of any kind, was an act reflecting infinite discredit upon those who perpetrated that act, whether from revengeful feelings or baser motives. the sum of 67,000 dollars, the speedy payment of which was promised to me by the supreme director after our return from valdivia, was never paid, though the conquest of that fortress proved the immediate cause of success in negociating a loan in england, which, before that event, had been found impracticable. by a remarkable coincidence, the first instalment of the loan arrived at valparaiso at the period of my departure; but the english merchants to whose care it was consigned, refused to permit the money to be landed, in consequence of the disorganization in which the corrupt conduct of the ministry had involved the state. no compensation for the severe wounds received during the capture of the _esmeralda_ was either offered or received--though for these all states make separate provision. even the grand cross of the legion of merit, conferred for the capture of the _esmeralda_, was suspended; whilst, in its place, i was exposed to the greatest imaginable insults, even to the withdrawal of every ship of war from under my command. unhappily, this ingratitude for services rendered was the least misfortune which my devotedness to chili brought upon me. on my return to england, in 1825, after the termination of my services in brazil, i found myself involved in litigation on account of the seizure of neutral vessels by authority of the then unacknowledged government of chili. these litigations cost me, directly, upwards of £.14,000, and indirectly, more than double that amount; for, in order to meet the expenses, i was compelled to dispose of property at a great sacrifice, amongst which the loss arising from the sale of my residence and grounds in the regent's park alone was upwards of £.6,000--whilst that on other property also sacrificed was as much more; thus, in place of receiving anything for my efforts in the cause of chilian and peruvian independence, i was a loser of upwards of £.25,000, this being more than double the whole amount i had received as pay whilst in command of the chilian squadron: in other words, not only did i obtain no compensation for my services in chili--but was, in addition, compelled to sacrifice all i afterwards earned in brazil to satisfy claims arising from seizures made under the authority of the chilian government! no consideration whatever for these losses has been shewn by those whom i so zealously and faithfully served in their hour of need; not even by peru, in behalf of which country nearly all these litigations arose, though the services of the squadron cost nothing to that country or chili, beyond the expense to the latter of its original ineffective equipment, the provisioning and maintenance of the ships having been provided for at the cost of the enemy, even to the payment of the crews with their own prize-money, none of which was ever refunded! for sixteen years i made unceasing efforts to induce the succeeding governments of chili to liquidate my claims, but without effect. at the expiration of that period, i was no less surprised than annoyed by receiving from the accountant-general a demand for explanation of my accounts, though, whilst i remained in chili, i had urged incessantly their official investigation, for, notwithstanding that the government had pronounced its approbation upon all i had done, i foresaw that quibbles might arise as the pretext for continued injustice. that the accounts were not adjusted previous to my departure from chili, was no fault of mine, as i was, in self-defence, compelled to quit the country, unless i chose to take part with the late supreme director, in supporting a ministry which, unknown to him, were guilty of the most avaricious and injurious acts--or aid gen. freire in overthrowing one to whom i was attached, as having always believed him to be a sincere and honourable man. to call upon me, therefore, in the year 1838, for an explanation of complicated accounts delivered to the chilian government and unquestioned in 1821-2, was an unworthy course, the more so as most of the explanations required were of a paltry description, even to the expenditure of a single dollar in the purser's accounts--as though amidst operations of such magnitude as had successfully resulted in the accomplishment of every object proposed, my time could be occupied in minor details, yet even to these i was compelled to attend, the government not furnishing me with a competent person to register the expenditure of the squadron. the explanations thus demanded, after a lapse of nearly twenty years, were one hundred in number--no great amount in a series of accounts extending over more than three years' prosecution of an arduous service, during which i had to find the means of supporting the squadron, the expenditure of which was now, for the first time, called into question. the paltry character of many of the matters in dispute will be best judged of from the following items:- no. 4. vouchers demanded for ten dollars' worth of mutton. 23 to 32. certificates for cases of gin lost in the san martin. 40. deficiency of nine dollars in the pay-books of the lautaro. 42. do. of three dollars in the pay-books of the independencia. 69. error of three dollars in the valuation of goods captured at arica. 73. forty dollars for repairing pumps at a time when the ships could hardly be kept afloat. 75. imputed error of _one dollar!_ in the purchase of 756 gals. of gin, &c. &c. in addition to many such petty items, i was accused of giving bounty to seamen unauthorised--though the seamen had captured the very monies with which they were rewarded--and was expected to refund some which had been stolen. my having supplied rudders and rigging to the vessels cut out from before the batteries at callao, was called into question, though the ships could not be sent from the port without re-equipment, the spaniards having dismantled them before their capture. i was expected, after the lapse of sixteen years, to produce the pursers' books of the division of stores captured, the books having been sent in due course to the minister of marine's office; yet the government had not furnished the squadron with the necessary articles for the safety of the ships, whether under sail or at anchor, whilst the stores which were taken from the enemy and applied to the use of the expedition, were so much clear gain to the state. a still more unjust act of the chilian government was that of calling upon me for vouchers for the expenditure of 50,000 dollars, captured by col. miller, in upper peru, and expended by him in paying and provisioning his troops, of which transactions i was not at all cognizant: the sums, however, were no doubt faithfully applied by col. miller to the exigencies of the service in which he was engaged; he merely apprising me that he had captured or otherwise collected 32,000 dollars, with which he had given his men two months' pay, and an additional month's gratuity for their gallantry, a transaction no less essential than honourable, but one which the narrow views of the ministry failed to appreciate. no vouchers were, however, remitted to me whilst i remained on the coast, as the following letter from col. miller will shew:- ica, aug. 27, 1821. my lord, inclosed is a memorandum of money received and disbursed to the division under my command. so soon as time will permit, another more detailed and circumstantial account shall be forwarded for your lordship's approval. i have written to major soler, who is in lima, to furnish your lordship with the necessary particulars relative to the capture of the cash. i have the honour, &c. wm. miller, col. comm. southern division. i never afterwards saw col. miller nor his division in peru; but the whole that was expended by him in emancipating the country, was charged to me, and thus i was made responsible for the price of his victories, though they did not cost either government a dollar. but the most flagrant act of injustice was the deduction from my claims of costs and damages for the detention of neutral vessels seized under the orders of blockade issued by the chilian government. the circumstances were as follows:-the spanish government had chartered the _edward ellice_ and other ships to transport troops from spain to peru, but internal divisions in the parent state prevented their despatch. the masters of these vessels thereupon claimed demurrage, which it was not convenient for the spanish government to pay--but in lieu thereof licences were granted to carry spanish goods to peru. these ships, being thus loaded, proceeded to gibraltar, where the house of gibbs & co. provided them with british papers, in addition to the spanish manifests supplied at cadiz--this fact alone shewing that they considered the speculation illegitimate. furnished with these double sets of papers, they came to peru for the purpose of trading; but as i had advice of this proceeding--and afterwards found the spanish duplicates in the peruvian custom houses--i seized the vessels on account of the fraudulent papers, they having also on board contraband of war, and was about to send them to valparaiso for adjudication, when their commanders offered to surrender to me all the anchors, cables, and other illegal cargo, if i would forego this determination, which i did, and applied these articles to the use of the chilian squadron, which at that time had not a trustworthy anchor in any of the ships. the course pursued was satisfactory to the masters and supercargoes, and subsequently, on explanation, to sir thomas hardy, whilst it was highly approved by the chilian government. after my return to england, actions were brought against me for even the contraband which had been voluntarily surrendered by the masters; but as i was fortunately enabled to produce the spanish duplicates, they were abandoned, otherwise i should have been involved in utter ruin, for releasing british vessels subject to condemnation, and at the same time _gratuitously providing_ for the chilian ships of war, the essential articles of which they were entirely destitute. in order to conciliate the english merchants at valparaiso, the admiralty court acquitted various vessels seized under the orders of the government, charging the costs and damages to my account! and that in the face of its own right to blockade and seizure as expressed to the british commodore, sir thomas hardy, who, though he insisted on the protection of british ships, disavowed their taking advantage of his protection to supply the enemy with contraband of war, as had been done. sir thomas hardy's view was this, that if the blockading power was not in a position to render the blockade efficient over the whole coast, it was not recognisable anywhere by the law of nations; but, whilst expressing this erroneous view of blockade, he added, "nor can i resist the right which the government of chili has to establish and maintain blockade on the same footing as other belligerents." but even in the extreme views of sir thomas hardy, we were competent to establish and maintain a blockade in its widest extent, and the best proof of the fact is, that the blockade was established. even zenteno, the minister of marine, pointed out to sir thomas hardy, the ability of the squadron to maintain the blockade which he recognised. "our naval forces, perhaps diminished in apparent magnitude by distance, was not believed sufficient to maintain the blockade in all its extent, yet it has had the glory of setting at liberty, and of placing in the hands of the american independents, all the ports and coasts of peru, excepting only the port of callao. moreover, from the very centre even of that port, and from under the fire of the batteries, the spanish ship of war, _esmeralda_, has been cut out by our naval forces, and our strength thereby augmented, whilst that of the enemy is reduced to nothing." (signed) "jose ignacio zenteno." so that, in face of this declaration by the chilian minister himself, as to the naval supremacy of the squadron on the coast of peru, and its consequent right of seizure, the admiralty court, for its own sinister purposes, chose to decide that i was liable for seizures of neutral vessels made by my captains, without my knowledge--condemning me in costs and damages for their acts; the result being that i was mulcted in this, and every other charge it saw fit to make in my absence. the injustice of this was the more striking, as san martin was appointed commander-in-chief of the squadron as well as the army, so that, even supposing the decisions of the admiralty court to be right, the onus lay upon him, not me. yet he was rewarded, and i was compelled to pay for acts executed under his authority. in the year 1845, _twenty-three years after_ the liberation of peru, and the annihilation of the spanish power in the pacific, the chilian government deducted all charges thus unjustly placed to my account, and awarded me the balance of 30,000 dollars (£.6000) for all the services rendered to the country. i have before mentioned that, from the consequence of litigation proceeding from obedience to the orders of the chilian government, i was subjected to a loss in england of nearly £.25,000; so that in place of my reaping any reward whatever for my services to chili and peru, the liberation of the latter and the completion of independence of the former cost me £.19,000 out of my own pocket! i would ask the chilian people and government whether they do not now see the injurious treatment pursued towards me--arising from the base impositions then practised upon them, though these have been partly compensated by the present enlightened government, which, as its recent decision has shewn, is composed of men of a far higher stamp than those with whom i was placed in contact, and, as i have every reason to believe, would redeem the stigma left on the national character by their corrupt predecessors of 1820-23, on fully comprehending the treatment to which i was subjected. that explanation is here truthfully laid before them, enabling them to judge for themselves. i will only add that not a single statement has been made in this narrative which is not based on original documents, the more important of which have been incorporated, the whole being about to be photographed and sent out to chili, so that, comparing them with their official originals, their authenticity shall be beyond question. i have said that the ministry which paralysed my operations, and by their ill-disguised mercenary practices overthrew the supreme director, o'higgins, was corrupt, though i have thought it beneath the dignity of historical narrative, more particularly to expose their dishonest practices, of which i was well apprised. i feel, however, that in making such a charge, some proof thereof is incumbent on me, i will therefore in conclusion simply adduce a solitary instance of those practices, so damning, that, unless supported by irrefutable testimony, i might well be deemed a malicious libeller for making accusations otherwise utterly incredible. it has been proved by the narrative--as indeed it has never been disputed--that the vigilance of the blockade before callao starved the spanish garrison out of lima, and ultimately out of the fortress of callao, this being the main object of the blockade. whilst i was thus, as the only means within my power, endeavouring to starve out the spaniards, _the chilian ministers were sending corn to be sold, at a thousand per cent, profit, to the blockaded garrison!_ to such an extent was this carried, that even gen. san martin, aware of the villainy of his pretended supporters in the chilian ministry, and dreading the result, put me on my guard by writing to me the following letter:- haura, feb. 21, 1821. my esteemed friend, i am expecting information from you with great anxiety, and sincerely hope that it may be as favourable as that which i received in ancon when i was in similar uncertainty. the _miantinomo_ is on her way from valparaiso, _by permission of the government, to introduce a cargo of corn into callao! it is most essential at all risks to avert this mischief, for it would be perfect ruin to admit such a cargo under existing circumstances!_ i have officially given you information on this subject. the day before yesterday the _andromache_ arrived at huacho; capt. sherriff tells me that in a few days he shall return to callao. lady cochrane is at huaita, making shift in the best way she can. god give you happiness, my friend. always count on the sincere esteem of your affectionate jose de san martin. this testimony from one whose creatures the more influential of the chilian ministers were, is indisputable, but in the present case their rapacity alarmed even their patron. san martin is however wrong in attributing the traitorous attempt to the government collectively--the supreme director, o'higgins, not being capable of such practices as were carried on under his authority--of which this is only one solitary instance. the real perpetrators of these enormities are fresh in the recollection of many chilenos still living. yet these were the men who, under the mask of patriotism, originated the most unworthy charges against me, without giving me the slightest credit for having carried on the naval war without national assistance either in money or stores. the present generation of chilenos are proud of their country, and--as their present excellent president, when awarding me an admiral's pay for the remainder of my life has stated--desire to reward those illustrious foreigners who assisted them in their struggles for independence--but they have great reason to regret the conduct of those ministers who imperilled that independence, and jeopardised the liberties of chili for private gain. it is scarcely necessary to add that not a grain of corn in the _miantinomo_, or other vessels similarly despatched, with the exception of one which arrived during my absence, found its way to the starving garrison of callao. yet on their arrival i was implored to permit its landing, and on replying that no such treachery to the people of chili should be carried on before my face, i was coolly asked to stand off during the night from the blockade, _that i might not see what was going on!_ such was ministerial honesty in the first days of chilian independence. the cause of official animosity to me is now apparent. had i participated in these nefarious practices, or had i accepted the rank, decorations, and estates offered to me by san martin as the price of my defection from chili, i should now be rich, however despicable to myself--in place of having long and severely suffered in consequence of my rigorous adherence to the national interests--with the proud consciousness of never having done an act which i desire to conceal. appendix. _recent address of the president of chili to the senate and chamber of deputies, recognising lord dundonald's services, and according to him full pay as admiral for the remainder of his life._ _fellow citizens of the senate and chamber of deputies,_ towards the end of 1818, when chili celebrated the first maritime triumph obtained by our squadron in talcahuano, the gallant seaman thomas lord cochrane, now earl of dundonald, and an admiral in the british service, appeared upon our seas, decided to assist the noble cause of our independence. the important services of this chief in the british navy are well known during the european war which ended in 1815. he was a post captain, not in active service, when the squadron of his country was reduced to the peace establishment, and he accepted the invitation which was made to him in london by the chilian agent, to enter the service of this country, and came to take the command of our naval forces, bringing in the prestige of his name, his great skill and intelligence, his active and daring spirit,--a powerful contingent to that struggle of such vital importance for our independence, the dominion of the pacific. in how far the well-founded hopes in the cooperation of lord cochrane were realised by the able direction which he knew how to give to our maritime forces, are facts which have been judged by the world at large and history. still alive in our memory is the taking of valdivia, the feats at callao, the bloody and splendid triumph of the _esmeralda_, the taking of the spanish frigates _prueba_ and _venganza_ on the coast of the ecuador, and the complete annihilation of the power of spain in these seas executed by our squadron under the command of lord cochrane; and this chief upon leaving the service of chili in january 1823, and when he delivered over to government, when there were no longer any enemies to contend with, the triumphant insignia of his rank, he might with justice and truth have said, "i return this into your hands when chili has ensured the dominion of the pacific." chili at the same time that she resists unjust and exaggerated pretensions, has always been proud of her desire to reward, in a dignified and honourable manner, the services of illustrious foreigners who have assisted us in the glorious struggle for our independence. this noble and spontaneous sentiment of national gratitude was what dictated the law of 6th october, 1842, incorporating, during his life with the full pay of his rank, general d. jose san martin, even when he might reside in foreign parts; and it is the same sentiment which induces me to propose to you at present, and with consent of the council of state, the following project of law:- sole article.--vice-admiral thomas lord cochrane, now earl of dundonald, is to be considered during the term of his life as in active service of the squadron of the republic, with the full pay of his rank, even although he may reside without the territory of chili. santiago, july 28, 1857. manuel montt. jose francisco gana. * * * * * _lord dundonald's reply to the preceding._ _to his excellency the president in council and congress of chili._ your excellency magnanimously presented to congress a brief but lucid enumeration of my services to the state, which being taken into consideration by the enlightened representatives of a judicious and gallant people, "full pay during my life," and an honorary medal, were voted to me, accompanied by the truly gratifying announcement that such estimable gifts were "en testimonio de gratitud nacional por grandes servicios que prestò a la republica durante la guerra de independencia." these honours i most thankfully accept, as highly gratifying proofs that, after the lapse of more than thirty years, my zealous, official, extra-official, and successful exertions, to ensure to chili complete independence, internal peace, and the dominion of the pacific, are held in grateful remembrance by the government and people of that highly respected nation. nevertheless i must be permitted to observe that the grant of full pay, only prospectively, to one who is upwards of eighty years of age, is little more than nominal, as my life, in all human probability, is approaching its close. i had hoped that, as vast benefits have uninterruptedly accrued to the state, ever since the completion of the services so honourably recognised, the grant would have dated from that period, in the same manner that has recently been accorded to me by the government of brazil, which has decreed the restitution of arrears of pay from the period that my actual command ceased, and also its continuance during my life. if my services to chili be acknowledged to have been great, might i not expect an equal boon from a country which owes the blessings of peace and subsequent tranquillity, and consequent prosperity, to the speedy termination of war? i plead not for myself, most excellent sir, for at my advanced age, i have few wants, but for the sake of my children and for the honour of my family. i need only point to the additional examples of spain and portugal, where all general officers and admirals of first rank, employed in the struggle for the emancipation and independence of those countries, were rewarded by the subsequent continuance of their pay during their lives; an engagement ever punctually discharged. i have no doubt that had the recollection of my advanced age been present to the mind of your excellency when you proposed the project of law in my behalf, and had you remembered that a merely prospective grant would be of little personal benefit to me or to my numerous family, your excellency would have been happy to have recommended, and the congress to have conceded, that it should likewise be retrospective, especially as chili had not (as is the case in my native country) to rear and maintain numerous officers for one found suited to command. in order to convince your excellency that i do not desire _full_ pay to be granted to me during the long period elapsed since my services were rendered (though from the privations i have suffered and the losses i have sustained, such delay in truth might be deemed an additional title), i therefore beg most respectfully to suggest to the consideration of your excellency, to that of the council and national congress, as well as to the just feeling of the honourable people of chili, that _one half_ of the pay which i received in actual service, be accorded to me retrospectively, in the same manner that a similar boon was granted by the brazilian nation. this i should accept with deep gratitude, in compensation for the wounds i received this day thirty-six years, in the capture of the _esmeralda_, for other perilous extra-official services rendered, and the heavy responsibilities incurred, all of which terminated in results most important to the national cause. be assured, most excellent sir, that it is only my advanced age that prevents me from attempting to re-visit your now peaceful and prosperous country, personally to acknowledge your excellency's courtesy, and the kind feeling evinced towards me by the council of state, by the representatives, and people of chili. it would be with delight that i should see steam vessels now introduced into the national marine, the great railroad from valparaiso to quillotta and santiago, now in progress, and witness the various important improvements accomplished, and advancement in national prosperity effected in the course of the last third of a century. such happy results testify highly to the merits of the government and to the character of the chilian people. cochrane--dundonald. london, nov. 5, 1857. _letter from the supreme director of chili, approving all i had done in peru. this letter was written in english, in which tongue his excellency was by no means unversed, having, in early life, had the advantage of a few years spent at richmond; a circumstance which, in after years, gave to his mind an english tone, elevating him far above the then narrow-minded men by whom, unfortunately for chili, he was surrounded and thwarted._ most secret and confidential. santiago, nov. 12, 1821. my dear friend lord cochrane, capt. morgell, the bearer of this, has delivered to me the despatches sent by you in the _ceransasee_, together with your interesting notes, nos. 1 to 9, dated 10th to 30th of september last; as also the documents to which they are referred. i have read them, with great attention, but have always felt just indignation against the ungrateful course pursued towards chili, which can only be tempered by the pleasure which i feel in reading the dignity, good judgment, and knowledge with which you knew how to sustain your rights, and those of this republic. it was my wish that this reply should not be in writing, but personally, and with embraces of approbation for all that you have said and practised under the difficult circumstances detailed in your private and official letters; but as the great distance in which you are from this deprives me of this pleasure, and as you expect to add new glories to chili in the seizure of the _prueba_ and _venganza_, and to bring them to port bernardo under your orders, i will hastily answer the principal points of your communications. the party and the words you mention, do not leave any doubt of the small hopes which chili is to have for its sacrifices; yet there is nothing to fear from such intentions when discovered. whilst the squadron under your orders commands the pacific, this republic is very well covered, and it is in our hands to be the masters of the moral, political, commercial, and even of the physical force of this part of america. * * * * * although the battery placed at ancon _after_ the enemy went away in tranquillity, and the threat (_from san martin_,) about not paying one _real_, unless chili should sell the squadron to peru, made it excusable not to send any mission there; yet i have named my minister of finance, in whom i have the greatest confidence, to go to lima to fix the basis of relations, and to ask compensation for the active debt of chili against peru. my minister has orders to return as soon as possible, let the end of his mission be what it will, and by that time you may have returned to chili, and then we will accord the ulterior. it is very painful that the garrison of callao would not capitulate under your flag! then you and chili would have been implored for grants,--then all should have been paid without excuse,--and then you would not have found yourself under the necessity of taking the property retained, to pay and save the squadron. i _would have done the same if i had been there, therefore i say again all has my approbation_, and i give to you, as to the meritorious officers under your orders, my cordial thanks for their fidelity and heroism, in favour of chili, where, in a more glorious and decorous way, the fortune of all will be made in the course of progress which events are preparing for this happy country; whilst it is not known what is to be had in peru, because, as you observe, the war is only beginning, which will be followed by poverty, discontent, and above all, anarchy. they will soon feel the want of you and of the squadron, and those ungrateful officers who separated themselves from you to enter the peruvian navy will also feel their deceit and punishment. they have been scratched out of the list of the chilian navy, and i only wait your arrival or an official detail relating to the expedition, to assign lands and premiums to those who have not abandoned you, and in particular to the honourable captains crosbie, wilkinson, delano, cobbet, and simpson, whom you recommend. although we live in poverty, and the exchequer continues in affliction, yet we have sufficient resignation and courage to make convenient sacrifices. all my efforts shall be employed in making the _rising star_ one of the vessels of our squadron, and then we shall be invincible, and by keeping good relations with sir thomas hardy, and by his means with england, we shall establish fundamental principles to our glories. i am satisfied of the conferences and deliberations you had with this gentleman, and i approve the whole, although the valparaiso merchants might scream. i like the precautions you have taken in sending correspondence directly to me, and not to the ministry. but you must understand that even before i had read your private and official letters, much of their contents was known to the public, no doubt by the private communications of some officers, or by what was verbally communicated in valparaiso by the officers of the _aransasu_. on my part, i also recommend you all necessary secrecy on the contents of this letter, so that our reserve may not be frustrated, and our best measures disappointed. i shall claim from the lima government satisfaction for putting in prison the first lieutenant of the _o'higgins_, and also for imprisoning him of the same class belonging to the _valdivia_, as also for the threat of the ungrateful guida, as narrated in your favour of the 29th of september last. i assure you that i will never permit the least insult against the flag of this republic. i felt the greatest pleasure in the answer you gave to monteagudo and guida in your note of the 28th and 29th. as you have left callao there is nothing officially to communicate upon your conduct there. you have not submitted to lima neither directly nor indirectly, and from the moment the independence of that country was declared under the protectoral government of san martin ceased the provisional control that he had upon the squadron. the province of conception is almost free of enemies, and i hope chiloe will be so very soon, to accomplish our greatness. there is a nursery for a good navy, and when you can visit that archipelago you will discover advantages and richness, relieved from the care of indolent and despotic spain. believe me, my dear lord, your eternal friend, o'higgins. harry escombe a tale of adventure in peru by harry collingwood ________________________________________________________________________ harry escombe is a young apprentice in a civil engineer's office. the firm has received a contract to survey and built a railway line in peru. harry is chosen to go, and is informed that if he does well in the work the future for him is pretty bright. but there is a fly in the ointment. the man in charge of the project is about as nasty as anyone can be: his character is beautifully depicted throughout the book. he makes harry do a piece of surveying in an unnecessarily dangerous manner, as a result of which he falls down a precipice from which he cannot be rescued, and is therefore written off as dead. but he was indeed rescued. he was taken to a house where he remained in a coma for some time. then he is thought to be a re-incarnation of the inca, and taken by indians to their own city, where he is worshipped as a god. this could be quite embarrassing if you found yourself in this situation, as you'd be unable to perform miracles, and do the things a deity might be expected to do. however, harry managed rather well. but eventually he manages to escape from the situation, and to return to his home in england. ________________________________________________________________________ harry escombe a tale of adventure in peru by harry collingwood chapter one. how the adventure originated. the hour was noon, the month chill october; and the occupants--a round dozen in number--of sir philip swinburne's drawing office were more or less busily pursuing their vocation of preparing drawings and tracings, taking out quantities, preparing estimates, and, in short, executing the several duties of a civil engineers' draughtsman as well as they could in a temperature of 35° fahrenheit, and in an atmosphere surcharged with smoke from a flue that refused to draw--when the door communicating with the chief draughtsman's room opened and the head of mr richards, the occupant of that apartment, protruded through the aperture. at the sound of the opening door the draughtsmen, who were acquainted with mr richards's ways, glanced up with one accord from their work, and the eye of one of them was promptly caught by mr richards, who, raising a beckoning finger, remarked: "escombe, i want you," and immediately retired. thereupon escombe, the individual addressed, carefully wiped his drawing pen upon a duster, methodically laid the instrument in its proper place in the instrument case, closed the latter, and, descending from his high stool, made his way into the chief draughtsman's room, closing the door behind him. he did this with some little trepidation; for these private interviews with his chief were more often than not of a distinctly unpleasant character, having reference to some stupid blunder in a calculation, some oversight in the preparation of a drawing, or something of a similar nature calling for sharp rebuke; and as the lad-he was but seventeen--accomplished the short journey from one room to the other he rapidly reviewed his most recent work, and endeavoured to decide in which job he was most likely to have made a mistake. but before he could arrive at a decision on this point he was in the presence of mr richards, and a single glance at the chief draughtsman's face--now that it could be seen clearly and unveiled by a pall of smoke--sufficed to assure harry escombe that in this case at least he had nothing in the nature of censure to fear. for mr richards's face was beaming with satisfaction, and a large atlas lay open upon the desk at which he stood. "sit down, escombe," remarked the dreaded potentate as he pointed to a chair. escombe seated himself; and then ensued a silence of a full minute's duration. the potentate seemed to be meditating how to begin. at length-"how long have you been with us, escombe?" he enquired, hoisting himself onto a stool as he put the question. "a little over two years," answered escombe. "i signed my articles with sir philip on the first of september the year before last, and came on duty the next day." "two years!" ejaculated mr richards. "i did not think it had been so long as that. but time flies when one is busy, and we have done a lot of work during the last two years. then you have only another year of pupilage to serve, eh, escombe?" "only one year more, mr richards," answered the lad. "ah!" commented mr richards, and paused again, characteristically. "look here, escombe," he resumed; "you have done very well since you came here; sir philip is very pleased with you, and so am i. i have had my eye on you, and have seen that you have been studying hard and doing your best to perfect yourself in all the details of your profession. so far as theory goes you are pretty well advanced. what you need now is practical, out-of-door work, and," laying his hand upon the open atlas, "i have got a job here that i think will just suit you. it is in peru. do you happen to know anything of peru?" escombe confessed that his knowledge of peru was strictly confined to what he had learned about that interesting country at school. "it is the same with me," admitted mr richards. "all i know about peru is that it is a very mountainous country, which is the reason, i suppose, why there is considerably less than a thousand miles of railway throughout the length and breadth of it. and what there is is made up principally of short bits scattered about here and there. but there is some talk of altering all that now, and matters have gone so far that sir philip has been commissioned to prepare a scheme for constructing a railway from a place called palpa--which is already connected with lima and callao--to salinas, which is connected with huacho, and from huacho to cochamarca and thence to a place called cerro de pasco, which in its turn is connected with nanucaca; and from nanucaca along the shore of lake chinchaycocha to ayacucho, cuzco, and santa rosa, which last is connected by rail with mollendo, on the coast. there is also another scheme afoot which will involve the taking of a complete set of soundings over the length and breadth of lake titicaca. now, all this means a lot of very important and careful survey work which i reckon will take the best part of two years to accomplish. sir philip has decided to entrust the work to mr butler, who has already done a great deal of survey work for him, as of course you know; but mr butler will need an assistant, and sir philip, after consultation with me, has decided to offer that post to you. it will be a splendid opportunity for you to acquire experience in a branch of your profession that you know very little of, as yet; and if the scheme should be carried out, you, in consequence of the familiarity with the country which you will have acquired, will stand an excellent chance of obtaining a good post on the job. now, what do you say, escombe; are you willing to go? your pay during the survey will be a guinea a day--seven days a week-beginning on the day you sail from england and ending on the day of your return; first-class passage out and home; all expenses paid; twenty-five pounds allowed for a special outfit; and everything in the shape of surveying instruments and other necessaries, found. after your return you will of course be retained in the office to work out the scheme, at a salary to be agreed upon, which will to a great extent depend upon the way in which you work upon the survey; while, in the event of the scheme being carried out, you will, as i say, doubtless get a good post on the engineering staff, at a salary that will certainly not be less than your pay during the survey, and may possibly be a good deal more." young escombe's heart leapt within him, for here was indeed a rosy prospect suddenly opening out before him, a prospect which promised to put an abrupt and permanent end to certain sordid embarrassments that of late had been causing his poor widowed mother a vast amount of anxiety and trouble, and sowing her beloved head with many premature white hairs. for harry's father had died about four months before this story opens, leaving his affairs in a condition of such hopeless disorder that the family lawyer had only just succeeded in disentangling them, with the result that the widow had found herself left almost penniless, with no apparent resource but to allow her daughter lucy to go out into a cold, unsympathetic world to earn her own living and face the many perils that lurk in the path of a young, lovely, innocent, and unprotected girl. but here was a way out of all their difficulties; for, as harry rapidly bethought himself, if all his expenses were to be paid while engaged upon the survey, he could arrange for at least three hundred pounds of his yearly salary to be paid to his mother at home, which, with economy and what little she had already, would suffice to enable her and lucy to live in their present modest home, free from actual want. there was but one fly in his ointment, one disturbing item in the alluring programme which mr richards had sketched out, and that was mr butler, the man who was to be escombe's superior during the execution of the survey. this man was well known to the occupants of sir philip swinburne's drawing office as a most tyrannical, overbearing man, with an arrogance of speech and offensiveness of manner and a faculty for finding fault that rendered it absolutely impossible to work amicably with him, and at the same time retain one's self respect. moreover, it was asserted that if there were two equally efficient methods of accomplishing a certain task, he would invariably insist upon the adoption of that method which involved the greatest amount of difficulty, discomfort, and danger, and then calmly sit down in safety and comfort to see it done. mr richards had said that escombe would, upon his return to england, be retained in the office to work out the scheme, at a salary the amount of which would "to a great extent depend upon the way in which he worked on the survey"; and it seemed to harry that sir philip's estimate of the way in which he worked on the survey would be almost entirely based upon mr butler's report. now it was known that, in addition to possessing the unenviable attributes already mentioned, butler was a most vindictive man, cherishing an undying enmity against all who had ever presumed to thwart or offend him, and he seemed to be one of those unfortunately constituted individuals whom it was impossible to avoid offending. it is therefore not to be wondered at if escombe hesitated a moment before accepting mr richards's offer. "well, escombe, what do you say?" enquired the chief draughtsman, after a somewhat lengthy pause. "you do not seem to be very keen upon availing yourself of the opportunity that i am offering you. is it the climate that you are afraid of? i am told that peru is a perfectly healthy country." "no, mr richards," answered escombe. "i am not thinking of the climate; it is mr butler that is troubling me. you must be fully aware of the reputation which he holds in the office as a man with whom it is absolutely impossible to work amicably. there is munro, who helped him in that scottish survey, declares that nothing would induce him to again put himself in mr butler's power; and you will remember what a shocking report mr butler gave of munro's behaviour during the survey. yet the rest of us have found munro to be invariably most good natured and obliging in every way. then there was fielding--and pierson--and marshall--" "yes, i know," interrupted mr richards rather impatiently. "i have never been able to rightly understand those affairs, or to make up my mind which was in the wrong. it may be that there were faults on both sides. but, be that as it may, mr butler is a first-rate surveyor; we have always found his work to be absolutely accurate and reliable; and sir philip has given him this survey to do; so it is too late for us to draw back now, even if sir philip would, which i do not think in the least likely. so, if you do not feel inclined to take on the job--" "no; please do not mistake my hesitation," interrupted escombe. "i will take the post, most gratefully, and do my best in it; only, if mr butler should give in an unfavourable report of me when all is over, i should like you to remember that he has done the same with everybody else who has gone out under him; and please do not take it for granted, without enquiry, that his report is perfectly just and unbiased." this was a rather bold thing for a youngster of escombe's years to say in relation to a man old enough to be his father; but mr richards passed it over--possibly he knew rather more about those past episodes than he cared to admit--merely saying: "very well, then; i dare say that will be all right. now you had better go to mitford and draw the money for your special outfit; also get from him a list of what you will require; and to-morrow you can take the necessary time to give your orders before coming to the office. but you must be careful to make sure that everything is supplied in good time, for you sail for callao this day three weeks." the enthusiasm which caused escombe's eyes to shine and his cheek to glow as he strode up the short garden path to the door of the trim little villa in west hill, sydenham, that night, was rather damped by the reception accorded by his mother and sister to the glorious news which he began to communicate before even he had stepped off the doormat. where the lad saw only an immediate increase of pay that would suffice to solve the problem of the family's domestic embarrassments, two years of assured employment, with a brilliant prospect beyond, a long spell of outdoor life in a perfect climate and in a most interesting and romantic country, during which he would be perfecting himself in a very important branch of his profession, and, lastly, the possibility of much exciting adventure, mrs escombe and lucy discerned a long sea voyage, with its countless possibilities of disaster, two years of separation from the being who was dearer to them than all else, the threat of strange and terrible attacks of sickness, and perils innumerable from wild beasts, venomous reptiles and insects, trackless forests, precipitous mountain paths, fathomless abysses, swift-rushing torrents, fierce tropical storms, earthquakes, and, worse than all else, ferocious and bloodthirsty savages! what was money and the freedom from care and anxiety which its possession ensured, compared with all the awful dangers which their darling must brave in order to win it? these two gently nurtured women felt that they would infinitely rather beg their bread in the streets than suffer their beloved harry to go forth, carrying his life in his hands, in order that they might be comfortably housed and clothed and sufficiently fed! and indeed the picture which they drew was sufficiently alarming to have daunted a lad of nervous and timid temperament, and perhaps have turned him from his purpose. but harry escombe was a youth of very different mould, and was built of much sterner stuff. there was nothing of the milksop about him, and the dangers of which his mother and sister spoke so eloquently had no terrors for him, but, on the contrary, constituted a positive and very powerful attraction; besides, as he pointed out to his companions, he would not always be clinging to the face of a precipice, or endeavouring to cross an impassable mountain torrent. storms did not rage incessantly in peru, any more than they did elsewhere; mr richards had assured him that the climate was healthy; ferocious animals and deadly reptiles did not usually attack a man unless they were interfered with; and reference to an encyclopaedia disclosed the fact that peru, so far from swarming with untamed savages, was a country enjoying a very fair measure of civilisation. talking thus, making light of such dangers as he would actually have to face, and dwelling very strongly upon the splendid opening which the offer afforded him, the lad gradually brought his mother and sister into a more reasonable frame of mind, until at length, by the time that the bedroom candles made their appearance, the two women, knowing how completely harry had set his heart upon going, and recognising also the strength of his contention as to the advantageous character of the opening afforded him by mr richards's proposal, had become so far reconciled to the prospect of the separation that they were able to speak of it calmly and to conceal the heartache from which both were suffering. so on the following morning mrs escombe and lucy were enabled to sally forth with cheerful countenance and more or less sprightly conversation as they accompanied the lad to town to assist him in the purchase of his special outfit, the larger portion of which was delivered at the limes that same evening, and at once unpacked for the purpose of being legibly marked and having all buttons securely sewn on by two pairs of loving hands. the following three weeks sped like a dream, so far as the individual chiefly interested was concerned; during the day he was kept continually busy by mr butler in the preparation of lists of the several instruments, articles, and things--from theodolites, levels, measuring chains, steel tapes, ranging rods, wire lines, sounding chains, drawing and tracing paper, cases of instruments, colour boxes, t-squares, steel straight-edges, and drawing pins, to tents, camp furniture, and saddlery--and procuring the same. the evenings were spent in packing and re-packing his kit as the several articles comprising it came to hand, diversified by little farewell parties given in his honour by the large circle of friends with whom the escombes had become acquainted since their arrival and settlement in sydenham. at length the preparations were all complete; the official impedimenta--so to speak-had all been collected at sir philip swinburne's offices in victoria street, carefully packed in zinc-lined cases, and dispatched for shipment in the steamer which was to take the surveyors to south america. escombe had sent on all his baggage to the ship in advance, and the morning came when he must say good-bye to the two who were dearest to him in all the world. they would fain have accompanied him to the docks and remained on board with him until the moment arrived for the steamer to haul out into the river and proceed upon her voyage; but young escombe had once witnessed the departure of a liner from southampton and had then beheld the long-drawn-out agony of the protracted leave taking, the twitching features, the sudden turnings aside to hide and wipe away the unbidden tear, the heroic but futile attempts at cheerful, light-hearted conversation, the false alarms when timid people rushed ashore, under the unfounded apprehension that they were about to be carried off across the seas, and the return to the ship to say goodbye yet once again when they found that their fears were groundless. he had seen all this, and was quite determined that his dear ones should not undergo such torture of waiting, he therefore so contrived that his good-bye was almost as brief and matter of fact as though he had been merely going up to westminster for the day, instead of to peru for two years. taking the train for london bridge, he made his way thence to fenchurch street and so to blackwall, arriving on board the s.s. _rimac_ with a good hour to spare. but, early as he was, he found that not only had mr butler arrived on board before him, but also that that impatient individual had already worked himself into a perfect frenzy of irritation lest he--harry-should allow the steamer to leave without him. "look here, escombe," he fumed, "this sort of thing won't do at all, you know. i most distinctly ordered you to be on board in good time this morning. i have been searching for you all over the ship; and now, at a quarter to eleven o'clock, you come sauntering on board with as much deliberation as though you had days to spare. what do you mean by being so late, eh?" "really, mr butler," answered harry, "i am awfully sorry if i have put you out at all, but i thought that so long as i was on board in time to start with the ship it would be sufficient. as it is i am more than an hour to the good; for, as you are aware, the ship does not haul out of dock until midday. have you been wanting me for anything in particular?" "no, i have not," snapped butler. "but i was naturally anxious when i arrived on board and found that you were not here. if you had happened to miss the ship i should have been in a pretty pickle; for this peruvian survey is far too big a job for me to tackle singlehanded." "of course," agreed escombe. "but you might have been quite certain that i would not have been so very foolish as to allow the ship to leave without me. i am far too anxious to avail myself of the opportunity which this survey will afford me, to risk the loss of it by being late. is there anything that you want me to do, mr butler? because, if not, i will go below and arrange matters in my cabin." "very well," assented butler ungraciously. "but, now that you are on board, don't you dare to leave the ship and go on shore again--upon any pretence whatever. do you hear?" "you really need not feel the slightest apprehension, mr butler," replied harry. "i have no intention or desire to go on shore again." and therewith he made his way to the saloon companion, and thence below to his sleeping cabin, his cheeks tingling with shame and anger at having been so hectored in public; for several passengers had been within earshot and had turned to look curiously at the pair upon hearing the sounds of butler's high-pitched voice raised in anger. "my word," thought the lad, "our friend butler is beginning early! if he is going to talk to me in that strain on the day of our departure, what will he be like when we are ready to return home? however, i am not going to allow him to exasperate me into forgetting myself, and so answering him as to give him an excuse for reporting me to sir philip for insolence or insubordination; there is too much depending upon this expedition for me to risk anything by losing my temper with him. i will be perfectly civil to him, and will do my duty to the very best of my ability, then nothing very serious can possibly happen." upon entering his cabin escombe was greatly gratified to learn from the steward that he was to be its sole occupant. he at once annexed the top berth, and proceeded to unpack the trunk containing the clothing and other matters that he would need during the voyage, arranged his books in the rack above the bunk, and then returned to the deck just in time to witness the operation of hauling out of dock. he found butler pacing the deck in a state of extreme agitation. "where have you been all this while?" demanded the man, halting abruptly, square in escombe's path. "what do you mean by keeping out of my sight so long? are you aware, sir, that i have spent nearly an hour at the gangway watching to see that you did not slink off ashore?" "have you, really?" retorted harry. "there was not the slightest need for you to do so, you know, mr butler, for i distinctly told you that i did not intend to go ashore again. didn't i?" "yes, you did," answered butler. "but how was i to know that you would keep your word?" "i always keep my word, sir; as you will learn when we become better acquainted," answered the lad. "i hope so, for your sake," returned butler. "but my experience of youngsters like yourself is that they are not to be trusted." then, glancing round him and perceiving that several passengers in his immediate neighbourhood were regarding him with unconcealed amusement, he hastily retreated below. as he did so, a man who had been lounging over the rail close at hand, smoking a cigar as he watched the traffic upon the river, turned, and regarding escombe with a good-natured smile, remarked: "your friend seems to be a rather cantankerous chap, isn't he? he will have to take care of himself, and keep his temper under rather better control, or he will go crazy when we get into the hot weather. is he often taken like that?" "i really don't know," answered harry. "the fact is that i only made his acquaintance about three weeks ago; but i fear that he suffers a great deal from nervous irritability. it must be a very great affliction." "it is, both to himself and to others," remarked the stranger dryly. "i have met his sort before, and i find that the only way to deal with such people is to leave them very severely alone. he seems to be a bit of a bully, so far as i can make out, but he will have to mind his p's and q's while he is on board this ship, or he will be getting himself into hot water and finding things generally made very unpleasant for him. you are in his service, i suppose?" "yes, in a way i am," answered escombe with circumspection; "that is to say, we are both in the same service, but he is my superior." "i see," answered the stranger. "how far are you going in the ship?" "we are going to callao," answered harry. "to peru, eh?" returned the stranger. "so am i. i know the country pretty well. i have lived in lima for the last nine years, and i can tell you that when your friend gets among the peruvians he will have to pull in his horns a good bit. they are rather a peppery lot, are the peruvians, and if he attempts to talk to them as he has talked to you to-day, he will stand a very good chance of waking up some fine morning with a long knife between his ribs." "oh, i hope it will not come to that!" exclaimed escombe. "but--to leave the subject of my friend and his temper for the present--since you have lived in peru so long, perhaps you can tell me something about the country, what it is like, what is the character of its climate, and so on. it is possible that i may have to spend a year or so in it. i should therefore be glad to learn something about it, and to get such tips as to the manner of living, and so on, as you can give me before we land." "certainly," answered the stranger; "i shall be very pleased indeed to give you all the information that i possibly can, and i fancy there are very few people on board this ship who know more about peru than i do." and therewith escombe's new acquaintance proceeded to hold forth upon the good and the bad points of the country to which they were both bound, describing in very graphic language the extraordinary varieties of climate to be met with on a journey inland from the coast, the grandeur of its mountain scenery, the astonishing variety of its products, its interesting historical remains; the character of the aboriginal indians, the beliefs they cherish, and the legends which have been preserved and handed down by them from father to son through many generations; the character and abundance of its mineral wealth, and a variety of other interesting information; so that by the time that harry went down below to luncheon, he had already become possessed of the feeling that to him peru was no longer a strange and unknown land. chapter two. the chief officer's yarn. upon entering the saloon and searching for his place, harry found that, much to his satisfaction, he had been stationed at the second table, presided over by the chief officer of the ship--a very genial individual named o'toole, hailing from the emerald isle--and between that important personage and his recently-made peruvian acquaintance, whose name he now discovered to be john firmin; while mr butler, it appeared, had contrived to get himself placed at the captain's table, which was understood to be occupied by the elite of the passengers. with the serving of the soup escombe was given a small printed form, which he examined rather curiously, not quite understanding for the moment what it meant. mr firmin volunteered enlightenment. "that," he explained, "is an order form, upon which you write the particular kind of liquid refreshment--apart from pure water--with which you wish to be served. you fill it in and hand it to your own particular table steward, who brings you what you have ordered, and at the end of each week he presents you with the orders which you have issued, and you are expected to settle up in spot cash. very simple, isn't it?" "perfectly," agreed harry. "but supposing that one does not wish to order anything, what then?" "you leave the order blank, that is all," answered firmin. then noticing that the lad pushed the form away, he asked: "are you a teetotaler?" "by no means," answered harry; "i sometimes take a glass of wine or beer, and very occasionally, when i happen to get wet through or am very cold, i take a little spirits; but plain or aerated water usually suffices for me." "i see," remarked firmin. he remained silent for a few seconds, then turning again to harry, he said: "i wonder if you would consider me very impertinent if, upon the strength of our extremely brief acquaintance, i were to offer you a piece of advice?" "certainly not," answered harry. "you are much older and more experienced than i, mr firmin, and have seen a great deal more of the world than i have; any advice, therefore, that you may be pleased to give me i shall be most grateful for, and will endeavour to profit by." "very well, then," said firmin, "i will risk it, for i have taken rather a fancy to you, and would willingly do you a good turn. the advice that i wish to give you is this. make a point of eschewing everything in the nature of alcohol. have absolutely nothing to do with it. you are young, strong, and evidently in the best of health; your system has therefore no need of anything having the character of a stimulant. nay, i will go farther than that, and say that you will be very much better, morally and physically, without it; and even upon the occasions which you mention of getting wet or cold, a cup of scalding hot coffee, swallowed as hot as you can take it, will do you far more good than spirits. i am moved to say this to you, my young friend, because i have seen so many lads like you insensibly led into the habit of taking alcohol, and when once that habit is contracted it is more difficult than you would believe to break it off. i have known many promising young fellows who have made shipwreck of their lives simply because they have not possessed the courage and strength of mind to say `no' when they have been invited to take wine or spirits." "by the powers, misther firmin, ye niver spoke a thruer word in your life than that same," cut in the chief officer, who had been listening to what was said. "whin i was a youngster of about misther escombe's age i nearly lost my life through the dhrink. i was an apprentice at the time aboard a fine, full-rigged iron clipper ship called the _joan of arc_. we were outward bound, from london to sydney, full up with general cargo, and carried twenty-six passengers in the cuddy, and nearly forty emigrants in the 'tween decks. we had just picked up the north-east trades, blowing fresh, and the `old man', who was a rare hand at carrying on, and was eager to break the record, was driving her along to the south'ard under every rag that we could show to it, including such fancy fakements as skysails, ringtails, water-sails, and all the rest of it. it was a fine, clear, starlit night, with just the tradeclouds driving along overhead, but there was no moon, and consequently, when an exceptionally big patch of cloud came sweeping up, it fell a bit dark. still, there was no danger--or ought to have been none--for we were well out of the regular track of the homeward-bounders, and in any case, with a proper look-out, it would have been possible to see another craft plenty early enough to give her a good wide berth. but after jack has got as far south as we then were he is apt to get a bit careless in the matter of keeping a look-out--trusts rather too much to the officer of the watch aft, you know, and is not above snatching a cat-nap in the most comfortable corner he can find, instead of posting himself on the heel of the bowsprit, with his eyes skinned and searching the sea ahead of him. "now, it happened--although none of us knew it until it was too late-that our chief mate had rather too strong a liking for rum; not that he was exactly what you might call a drunkard, you know, but he kept a bottle in his cabin, and was in the habit of taking a nip just whenever he felt like it, especially at night time; and on this particular night that i'm talking about he must have taken a nip too many, for when he came on deck at midnight to keep the middle watch he hadn't been up above an hour before he coiled himself down in one of the passenger's deck-chairs and--went to sleep. of course, under such circumstances as those of which i am speaking--the weather being fine and the wind steady, with no necessity to touch tack or sheet--the watch on deck don't make any pretence of keeping awake; they're on deck and at hand all ready for a call if they're needed, and that's as much as is expected of 'em at night time, since there's no work to be done; and the consequence was that all hands of us were sound asleep long before the mate; and there is no doubt that the look-out--who lost his life, poor chap! through his carelessness--fell asleep too. as to the man at the wheel, well he is not expected to steer the ship and keep a look-out at the same time, and, if he was, he couldn't do it, for his eyes soon grow so dazzled by the light of the binnacle lamps that he can see little or nothing except the illuminated compass card. "that, gentlemen, was the state of affairs aboard the _joan of arc_ on the night about which i'm telling ye; the skipper, the passengers, the second mate, and the watch below all in their bunks; and the rest of us, those who were on deck and ought to have been broad awake, almost if not quite as sound asleep as those who were below. i was down on the main deck, sitting on the planks, with my back propping up the front of the poop, my arms crossed, and my chin on my chest, dhreaming that i was back at school in dear old dublin, when i was startled broad awake by a shock that sent me sprawling as far for'ard as the coaming of the afterhatch, to the accompaniment of the most awful crunching, ripping, and crashing sounds, as the _joan_ sawed her way steadily into the vitals of the craft that we had struck. then, amid the yelling of the awakened watch, accompanied by muffled shrieks and shouts from below, there arose a loud twang-twanging as the backstays and shrouds parted under the terrific strain suddenly thrown upon them, then an ear-splitting crash as the three masts went over the bows, and i found myself struggling and fighting to free myself from the raffle of the wrecked mizenmast. i felt very dazed and queer, and a bit sick, for i was dimly conscious of the fact that i had been struck on the head by something when the masts fell, and upon putting up my hand i found that my hair was wet with something warm that was soaking it and trickling down into my eyes and ears. then i heard the voice of the `old man' yelling for the mate and the carpenter; and as i fought myself clear of the raffle i became aware of many voices frantically demanding to know what had happened, husbands calling for their wives, mothers screaming for their children, the sound of axes being desperately used to clear away the wreck, a sudden awful wail from somewhere ahead, and a rushing and hissing of water as the craft that we had struck foundered under our forefoot, and the skipper's voice again, cracked and hoarse, ordering the boats to be cleared away." o'toole paused for a moment and gasped as if for breath; his soup lay neglected before him, his elbows were on the table, and his two hands locked together in a grip so tense that the knuckles shone white in the light that came streaming in through the scuttles in the ship's side, his eyes were glassy and staring into vacancy with an intensity of gaze which plainly showed that the whole dreadful scene was again unfolding itself before his mental vision, and the perspiration was streaming down his forehead and cheeks. then the table steward came up, and, removing his soup, asked him whether he would take cold beef, ham-and-tongue, or roast chicken. the sound of the man's voice seemed to bring the dazed chief officer to himself again; he sighed heavily, and as though relieved to find himself where he was, considered for a moment, and, deciding in favour of cold beef, resumed his narrative. "the next thing that i can remember, gentlemen," he continued, "was that i was on the poop with the skipper, second and third mates, the carpenter, and a few others, lighting for our lives as we strove to keep back the frantic passengers and prevent them from interfering with the hands who were cutting the gripes and working furiously to sling the boats outboard. we carried four boats at the davits, two on each quarter, and those were all that were available, for the others were buried under the raffle and wreckage of the fallen masts, and it would have taken hours to clear them, with the probability that, when got at, they would have been found smashed to smithereens, while a blind man could have told by the feel of the ship that she was settling fast, and might sink under us at any moment. at last one of the boats was cleared and ready for lowering, and as many of the women and children as she would carry were bundled into her, the third mate, two able seamen, and myself being sent along with them by the skipper to take care of them. i would willingly have stayed behind, for there were other women and children--to say nothing of men passengers--to be saved, but i knew that a certain number of us jacks must of necessity go in each boat to handle and navigate her, and there was no time to waste in arguing the matter; so in i tumbled, just as i was, and the next moment we were rising and falling in the water alongside, the tackle blocks were cleverly unhooked, and we out oars and shoved off, pulling to a safe distance and then lying on our oars to wait for the rest. "i shall never, to my dying day, forget the look of that ship as we pulled away from her. the _joan_ had been as handsome a craft as ever left the stocks when we hauled out of dock at london some three weeks earlier; but now--her bows were crumpled in until she was as flat for'ard as the end of a sea-chest; her decks were lumbered high with the wreckage of her masts and spars; the standing and running rigging was hanging down over her sides in bights; and she had settled so low in the water that her channels were already buried; while her poop was crowded with madly struggling figures, from which arose a confused babel of sound--shouting, screaming, and cursing--than which i have never heard anything more awful in all my life. "when we had pulled off about fifty fathoms the third mate, who was in charge of the boat, ordered us to lie upon our oars; and presently we saw that the second quarter-boat was being lowered. she reached the water all right, and then we heard the voice of the second mate yelling to the hands on deck to let run the after tackle. the next moment, as the sinking ship rolled heavily to starboard, we saw the stern of the lowered boat lifted high out of the water, the bow dipped under, and in a second, as it seemed, she had swamped, and the whole load of people, some twenty in number, were struggling and drowning alongside as they strove ineffectually to scramble back into the swamped boat, which had now by some chance become released from the tackle that had held her. "for a moment we, in the boat that had got safely away, sat staring, dumb and paralysed with horror at the dreadful scene that was enacting before our eyes. but the next moment those of us who were at the oars started madly backing and pulling to swing the boat round and pull in to the help of the poor wretches who were perishing only a few fathoms away from us. we had hardly got the boat round, however, when mr gibson, the third mate, gave the order for us to hold water. "`we mustn't do it,' he said. `the boat is already loaded as deep as she will swim, and the weight of even one more person would suffice to swamp her! as it is, it will take us all our time, and tax our seamanship to the utmost, to keep her afloat; you can see for yourselves that it would be impossible for us to squeeze more than one additional person in among us, and, even if we had the room, we could not get that one in over the gunnel without swamping the craft. to attempt such a thing would therefore only be to throw away uselessly the lives of all of us; we must therefore stay where we are, and endure the awful sight as best we can--ah, there you have a hint of what will happen if we are not careful!'--as the boat, lying broadside-on to the sea, rolled heavily and shipped three or four bucketfuls of water--`pull, starboard, and get her round stem-on to the sea; and you, o'toole, get hold of the baler and dish that water out of her.' "it was true, every word of it, as a child might have had sense to see. we could do absolutely nothing to help the poor wretches who were drowning there before our very eyes; and in a few minutes all was over, so far as they were concerned. two or three men, i believe, managed to get back aboard the sinking ship by climbing up the davit tackles; but the rest quickly drowned--as likely as not because they clung to each other and pulled each other down. "but the plight of those aboard the _joan_ was rapidly becoming desperate; and we could see that they knew it by observing the frantic efforts which they were making to get the other two boats into the water. we could distinctly hear the voice of the skipper rising from time to time above the clamour, urging the people to greater efforts, encouraging one, cautioning another, entreating the maddened passengers to keep back and give the crew room to work. then, in the very midst of it all there came a dull boom as the decks blew up. we heard the loud hissing of the compressed air as it rushed out between the gaping deck planks; there arose just one awful wail--the sound of which will haunt me to my dying day--and with a long, sliding plunge the _joan_ lurched forward and dived, bows first, to the bottom. "as for us, we could do nothing but just keep our boat head-on to the sea and let her drift, humouring and coaxing her as best we could when an extra heavy sea appeared bearing down upon us, and baling for dear life continuously to keep her free of the water that, in spite of us, persisted in slapping into her over the bows. the canaries were the nearest bits of dry land to us, but mr jellicoe, the third mate, reckoned that they were a good hundred and fifty miles away, and dead to wind'ard; so it was useless for us to think of reaching them in a boat with her gunnels awash, and not a scrap of food or a drop of fresh water in her. the only thing that we could do was to exert our utmost endeavours to keep the craft afloat, and trust that providence would send something along soon to pick us up. but--would you believe it?-although we were right in the track of the outward-bound ships, and although we sighted nine sailing craft and three steamers, nothing came near enough to see us, lying low in the water as we were, until the ninth day, when we were picked up by a barque bound for cape town. but by that time, gentlemen, mr jellicoe, one seaman, and i were all that remained alive of the boatload that shoved off from the stricken _joan of arc_ on that fatal night. don't ask me by what means we contrived to keep the life in us for so long a time, for i won't tell you. thus you see that, of the complete complement of ninety-two persons who left london in the _joan of arc_, eighty-nine were drowned--to say nothing of those aboard the craft that we had run down--because the mate couldn't-or wouldn't--control his love of drink. since that day, gentlemen, coffee is the strongest beverage that has ever passed my lips." "i am delighted to hear it," remarked firmin, "for observation has led me to the conviction that at least half the tragedies of human life have originated in the craving for intoxicants; and therefore,"--turning to escombe--"i say again, my young friend, have absolutely nothing to do with them. i have no doubt that, ere you have been long in peru, you will have made the discovery that it is a thirsty country; but, apart of course from pure water, there is nothing better for quenching one's thirst than fresh, sound, perfectly ripe fruit, failing which, tea, hot or cold--the latter for preference--without milk, and with but a small quantity of sugar, will be found hard to beat. now, if you are anxious for hints, there is one of absolutely priceless value for you; but i present it you free, gratis, and for nothing." "thanks very much!" returned harry. "i will bear it in mind and act upon it. no more intoxicants for me, thank you. mr o'toole, accept my thanks for telling us that terrible story of your shipwreck. it has brought home to me, as nothing else has ever done, the awful danger of tampering with so insidious an enemy as alcohol, which i now solemnly abjure for ever." meanwhile, at the captain's table, mr butler was expressing his opinion upon various subjects in loud, strident tones, and with a disputatiousness of manner that caused most of those about him mentally to dub him a blatant cad, and to resolve that they would have as little as possible to do with him. one afternoon, when the _rimac_ had reached the other side of the atlantic, butler called harry into the cabin of the former and said: "i understand that we shall be at montevideo the day after to-morrow. now i want you to understand that i shall expect you not to go on shore either at montevideo or either of the other places that the _rimac_ will be stopping at. she will only remain at anchor at any of these places for a few hours; and if you were to go on shore it would be the easiest thing in the world for you to get lost and to miss your passage; therefore in order to obviate any such possibility i have decided not to allow you to leave the ship. do you understand?" "yes," answered escombe, "i understand perfectly, mr butler, what you mean. but i certainly do not understand by what authority you attempt to interfere with my personal liberty to the extent of forbidding me to go on shore for a few hours when the opportunity presents itself. i agreed with sir philip swinburne to accompany you to peru as your assistant upon the survey which he has engaged you to make; and from the moment when that survey commences i will render you all the obedience and deference due to you as my superior, and will serve you to the best of my ability. but it was no part of my contract that i should surrender my liberty to you during the outward and homeward voyage; and when it comes to your forbidding me to leave the ship until our arrival at callao, you must permit me to say that i feel under no obligation to defer to your wishes. and, quite apart from that, i may as well tell you that i have already accepted an invitation to accompany mr and mrs westwood and a party ashore at montevideo, and i see no reason why i should withdraw my acceptance." "w-h-a-t!" screamed butler; "do i understand that you are daring to disobey and defy me?" "certainly not, sir," answered harry, "because, as i understand it, disobedience and defiance are impossible where no authority exists; and i beg to remind you that your authority over me begins only upon our arrival at callao. yet, purely as a matter of courtesy, i am of course not only prepared but perfectly willing to show all due deference to such reasonable wishes as you may choose to express. but i reserve to myself the right of determining where the line shall be drawn." "very well, sir," stuttered butler, "i am glad to learn thus early what sort of behaviour i may expect from you. i shall write home at once to sir philip, reporting to him what has passed between us, and requesting him to send me out someone to take your place--someone who can be depended upon to render me implicit obedience at all times." and therewith he whirled about and marched off to his own cabin, where, with the heat of his anger still upon him, he sat down and penned to sir philip swinburne a very strong letter of complaint of what he was pleased to term young escombe's "insolently insubordinate language and behaviour". as for harry, butler's threat to report him to sir philip furnished him with a very valuable hint as to the wisest thing to do under the circumstances, and he too lost no time in addressing an epistle to sir philip, giving his own version of the affair. thenceforward butler pointedly ignored young escombe's existence for the remainder of the voyage; but by doing so he only made matters still more unpleasant for himself, for his altercation with harry had been overheard by certain of the passengers, and by them repeated to the rest, with the final result that butler was promptly consigned to coventry, and left there by the whole of the saloon passengers. harry duly went ashore with his friends at montevideo and--having first posted his letter to sir philip and another to his mother and sister-went out with them by train to bellavista, where they all enjoyed vastly the little change from the monotony of life at sea, returning in the nick of time to witness a violent altercation between butler and the boatman who brought him off from the shore. also harry went ashore for an hour or two at punta arenas, in the straits of magellan; and again at valparaiso and arica; finally arriving at callao something over a month from the day upon which he sailed from london. chapter three. butler the tyrant. at this point escombe acknowledged himself to be legitimately under butler's rule and dominion, to obey unquestioningly all the latter's orders, to go where bidden and to do whatever he might be told, even as did the soldiers of the roman centurion; and butler soon made him understand and feel that there was a heavy score to be wiped off--a big wound in the elder man's self esteem to be healed. there were a thousand ways now in which butler was able to make his power and authority over harry felt; he was careful not to miss a single opportunity, and he spared the lad in nothing. he would not even permit harry to land until the latter had personally supervised the disembarkation of every item of their somewhat extensive baggage; and when this was at length done he insisted that escombe should in like manner oversee the loading of them into a railway wagon for lima, make the journey thither in the same truck with them--ostensibly to ensure that nothing was stolen on the way--and finally, upon their arrival in lima, he compelled harry to remain by the truck and mount guard over it until it was coupled to the train for palpa, and then to proceed to that town in the same truck without seeing anything more of the capital city than could be seen from the station yard. then, again, at palpa he insisted that harry should remain by the truck and supervise the unloading of the baggage and its transference to a lock-up store, giving the lad to understand that he would be held responsible for any loss or damage that might occur during the operation; so that by the time that all this was done poor escombe was more dead than alive, so utterly exhausted was he from long exposure to the enervating heat, and lack of proper food. but harry breathed no word of expostulation or complaint. he regarded everything that he now did as in the way of duty and merely as somewhat unpleasant incidents in the execution of the great task that lay before him, and he was content, if not quite as happy and comfortable as he might have been under a more congenial and considerate leader. besides, he was learning something every minute of the day, learning how to do things and also how not to do them, for he very quickly recognised that although butler might possibly be an excellent surveyor, he was but a very poor hand at organisation. then, too, butler had characteristically neglected the acquisition of any foreign language, consequently they had no sooner arrived at palpa than he found himself absolutely dependent upon harry's knowledge of spanish; and this advantage on escombe's part served in a great measure to place the two upon a somewhat more equal footing, and gradually to suppress those acts of petty tyranny which butler had at first evinced a disposition to indulge in. palpa was the place at which their labours were to begin, and here it became necessary for them to engage a complete staff of assistants, comprising tent bearers, grooms, bush cutters, porters, cooks, and all the other attendants needed for their comfort and convenience during a long spell of camp life in a tropical climate, and in a country where civilisation is still elementary except in the more important centres. luckily for them, the first section of their work comprised only a stretch of a little more than thirty miles of tolerably flat country, where no serious natural difficulties presented themselves, and that part of their work was soon accomplished. yet escombe found even this trifling bit of the great task before him sufficiently arduous; for butler not only demanded that he should be up and at work in the open at daybreak, and that he should continue at work so long as daylight lasted, but that, when survey work was no longer possible because of the darkness, the lad should "plot" his day's work on paper before retiring to rest. thus it was generally close upon midnight before escombe was at liberty to retire to his camp bed and seek his hard-earned and muchneeded rest. but it was when they got upon the second section of their work--between huacho, cochamarca, and cerro de pasco--that their real troubles and difficulties began, for here they had to find a practicable route up the face of the western cordillera in the first instance, and, having found it, to measure with the nicest accuracy not only the horizontal distances but the height of every rise and the depth of every declivity in the face of a country made up to a great extent of lofty precipices and fathomless ravines, the whole overgrown with dense vegetation through which survey lines had to be cut at enormous expense of time and labour. and here it was that butler's almost fiendish malice and ingenuity in the art of making things unpleasant for other people shone forth conspicuously. it was his habit to ride forth every morning accompanied by a strong band of attendants armed with axes and machetes, and well provided with ropes to assist in the scaling of precipitous slopes, for the purpose of selecting and marking out the day's route, a task which could usually be accomplished in a couple of hours; and then to return and supervise the work of his subordinate, which he made as difficult and arduous as possible by insisting upon the securing of a vast amount of superfluous and wholly unnecessary information, in the obtaining of which harry was obliged to risk his life at least a dozen times a day. yet the lad never complained; indeed he could not have done so even had he been so disposed, for it was for butler to determine what amount of information and of what nature was necessary for the proper execution of the survey; but escombe began to understand now the means by which his superior had acquired the reputation of an accomplished surveyor. it is easy for a man in authority to stand or sit in safety and command another to perform a difficult task at the peril of his life! and if butler was tyrannically exacting in his treatment of harry, he was still more so toward the unfortunate peons in his service, and especially those whom he detailed to accompany him daily to assist in the task of selecting and marking out the route of the survey line. these people knew no language but their own, and since harry was always engaged elsewhere with theodolite, level, and chain, and was, therefore, not available to play the part of interpreter, it became necessary for butler to secure the services of a man who understood enough english to translate his orders into the vernacular; and because this unfortunate fellow was necessarily always at butler's elbow, he became the scapegoat upon whose unhappy head the sins and shortcomings of the others were visited in the form of perpetual virulent abuse, until the man's life positively became a burden to him, to such an extent, indeed, that he would undoubtedly have deserted but for the fact that butler, suspecting his inclination perhaps, positively refused to pay him a farthing of wages until the conclusion of his engagement. it can easily be understood, therefore, that, under the circumstances described, an element of tragedy was steadily developing in the survey camp. but although the overbearing and exacting behaviour of the chief of the expedition was thus making matters particularly unpleasant for everybody concerned, nothing of a really serious character occurred until the second section of the survey had been in progress for a little over two months, by which time the party had penetrated well into the mountain fastnesses, and were beginning to encounter some of the more formidable difficulties of their task. butler was still limiting his share of the work to the mere marking out of the route, leaving harry to perform the whole of the actual labour of the survey under his watchful eye, and stirring neither hand nor foot to assist the young fellow, although the occasions were frequent when, had he chosen to give a few minutes' assistance at the theodolite or level, such help would have saved young escombe some hours of arduous labour, and thus expedited the survey. now, it happened that a certain day's work terminated at the edge of a _quebrada_, and butler informed harry that the first task of the latter, upon the following morning, would be to take a complete set of accurate measurements of this _quebrada_, before pushing on with the survey of the route. a _quebrada_, it may be explained, is a sort of rent or chasm in the mountain, usually with vertical, or at least precipitous sides, and very frequently of terrific depth, the impression suggested by its appearance being that at some period of the earth's history the solid rock of the mountain had been riven asunder by some titanic force. sometimes a _quebrada_ is several hundreds of feet in width, and of a depth so appalling as to unnerve the most hardy mountaineer. the _quebrada_ in question, however, was of comparatively insignificant dimensions, being only about forty feet wide at the point where the survey line crossed it, and some four hundred feet deep. now, although harry was only an articled pupil, he knew quite enough about railway engineering to be perfectly well aware that the elaborate measurements which butler had instructed him to take were absolutely unnecessary, the accurate determination of the width at the top--where a bridge would eventually have to be thrown across--being all that was really required. yet he made no demur, for he had already seen that it would be possible to take as many measurements as might be required, with absolute accuracy and ease, by the execution of about a quarter of an hour's preliminary surveying. but when, on the following morning, he commenced this bit of preliminary work, butler rushed out of his tent and interrupted him. "what are you doing?" he harshly demanded. "have you forgotten that i ordered you to measure very carefully the _quebrada_ this morning, before doing anything else?" "no, sir," answered harry, "i have not forgotten. i am doing it now, or, rather, doing the necessary preliminary work." "doing the necessary preliminary work?" echoed butler. "what do you mean? i don't understand you." "then permit me to explain," said harry suavely. "i have ascertained that, by placing the theodolite over that peg yonder,"--pointing to a newly driven peg some four hundred feet away to the left--"i shall be able to get an uninterrupted view of the _quebrada_ from top to bottom, and, by taking a series of vertical and horizontal angles from the top edge, can measure the contour of the two sides, at the point crossed by the survey line, with the nicest accuracy." "how do you mean?" demanded butler. harry proceeded to elaborate his explanation, patiently describing each step of the intended operation, and making it perfectly clear that the elaborate series of unnecessary measurements demanded could be secured with the most beautiful precision. "but," objected butler, "when you have taken all those angles you will have done only part of the work; you will still have to calculate the length of the vertical and horizontal lines subtended by them--" "a matter of about half an hour's work!" interjected harry. "possibly," agreed butler. "but," he continued, "i do not like your plan at all; i do not approve of it; it is amateurish and theoretical, and i won't have it. a much simpler and more practical way will be for you to go down the _quebrada_ at the end of a rope, measuring as you go." "that is one way certainly," assented harry; "but, with all submission, mr butler, i venture to think that it will not be nearly so accurate as mine. besides, consider the danger. if the rope should happen to be cut in its passage over the sharp edge of that rock--" "look here," interrupted butler, "if you are afraid, you had better say so, and i will do the work myself. but i should like you to understand that timid people are of no use to me." the taunt was unjust, for harry was not afraid; but he was convinced that his own plan was far and away the more expeditious and the more accurate, also it involved absolutely no danger at all; while it was patent to even the dullest comprehension that there was a distinct element of danger attaching to the other, inasmuch as that if anything should happen to the rope, the person suspended by it must inevitably be precipitated to the bottom, where a mountain stream roared as it leaped and boiled and foamed over a bed of enormous boulders. had escombe been ten years older than he actually was he would probably not have hesitated--while disclaiming anything in the nature of cowardice--to express very strongly the opinion that where there were two methods of executing a certain task, one of them perfectly safe, and the other seriously imperilling a human life, it was the imperative duty of the person with whom the decision rested to select the safer method of the two, particularly when that method offered equally satisfactory results with the other. but, being merely a lad, and as yet scarcely certain of himself, remembering also that his future prospects were absolutely at butler's mercy, to make or mar as he pleased, harry contented himself with a disclaimer of any such feeling as fear, and expressed his readiness to perform the task in any manner which butler might choose to approve. at the same time he confessed his inability to understand precisely how the required measurements were to be taken, and requested instructions. "why," explained butler impatiently, "the thing is surely simple enough for a baby to understand. you will be lowered over the cliff edge and let down the cliff face exactly five feet at a time. as it happens to be absolutely calm, the rope by which you are to be lowered will hang accurately plumb; all that you will have to do, therefore, will be to measure the distance from your rope to the face of the rock, at every five feet of drop, and you will then have the particulars necessary to plot a contour of the cliff face, from top to bottom. you will do this on both sides of the _quebrada_, and then measure the width across at the top, which will enable us to produce a perfectly correct section of the gorge." "but how am i to measure the distance from the rope to the cliff face?" demanded harry. "for, as you will have observed, sir, the rock overhangs at the top, and the gorge widens considerably as it descends." "you can do your measuring with a ranging-rod," answered butler tersely; "and if one is not long enough, tie two together." "even so," persisted harry, "i fear i shall not be able to manage--" "will you, or will you not, do as you are told?" snapped butler. "if you cannot manage with two rods, i will devise some other plan." "very well, sir," said harry. "if you are quite determined to send me over the cliff, i am ready to go. what rope is it your pleasure that i shall use?" "take the tent ropes," ordered butler. "you will have an ample quantity if you join them all together. make a seat for yourself in the end, and then mark off the rest of the rope into five-foot lengths, so that we may know exactly how much to pay out between the measurements. then lash two ranging-rods together, and you will find that you will manage splendidly." harry had his doubts, for to his own mind the tent ropes seemed none too strong for such a purpose. moreover, the clips upon them would render the paying out over the cliff edge exceedingly awkward; still, since it seemed that the choice lay between risking his life and ruining his professional prospects, he chose the former, and set about making his preparations for what he could not help regarding as a distinctly hazardous experiment. these did not occupy him very long, and in about twenty minutes he was standing at the cliff edge, with a padded bight of the rope about his body, and the two joined ranging-rods in his hand, quite ready to be lowered down the face. then two peons whom he had specially selected for the task, drew in the slack of the rope, passed a complete turn of it round an iron bar driven deep into a rock crevice, and waited for the command of a third who now laid himself prone on the ground, with his head projecting over the edge of the cliff, to watch and regulate the descent. then harry, fully realising, perhaps for the first time, the perilous nature of the enterprise, laid himself down and carefully lowered himself over the rocky edge. "lower gently, brothers!" ordered the man who was supervising the operation, and the rope was carefully eased away until the first fivefoot mark reached the cliff edge, while butler, who now also began at last to recognise and appreciate the ghastly peril to which his obstinacy had consigned a fellow creature, moved off to a point about a hundred yards distant, from which he could watch the entire descent. and he no sooner reached it than he perceived that harry's objections to the plan were well grounded, and that, even with the two joined rods, it would be impossible for the lad to take the required measurements over more than the first quarter of the depth. this being the case, it was obviously his duty at once to put a stop to so dangerous an attempt, especially as he knew perfectly well that it was as unnecessary as it was dangerous; but to do this would have been tantamount to confessing that he had made a mistake, and this his nature was too mean and petty to permit, so he simply sat down and watched in an ever-growing fever of anxiety lest anything untoward should happen for which he could be blamed. meanwhile, at the very first stoppage, harry began to experience some of the difficulties that beset him in the task which he had undertaken. despite the utmost care in lowering, the rope would persist in oscillating, very gently, it is true, but still sufficient to render it necessary to pause until the oscillation had ceased before attempting to take the measurement; also the torsion of the rope set up a slow revolving movement, so that, even when at length the oscillation ceased, it was only with difficulty that the correct measurement was taken and recorded in the book. this difficulty recurred as every additional five-foot length of rope was paid out, so that each measurement cost fully five minutes of precious time. moreover, despite the padding of the rope, harry soon began to find it cutting into his flesh so unpleasantly that he had grave doubts whether he would be able to endure it and hold out until the bottom, far below, should be reached. at length, when about forty feet of rope had been very cautiously paid out, and some eight measurements taken, the peon who was superintending the operation of lowering was suddenly seen to stiffen his body, as though something out of the common had attracted his attention; he raised one hand as a sign to the other two to cease lowering, and gazed intently downward for several seconds. then he signed for the lowering to be continued, and, to the astonishment of the others, wriggled himself back from the edge of the cliff until he had room to stand upright, when, scrambling hastily to his feet, he sprang to the two men who were lowering, and hissed between his set teeth: "lower! lower away as quickly and as steadily as you can, my brothers; the life of the young _senor_ depends upon your speed and steadiness. the rope has stranded--cut by the edge of the rock, most probably--and unless you can lower the _muchacho_ to the bottom ere it parts altogether, he will be dashed to pieces!" meanwhile harry, hanging there swinging and revolving in the bight of the rope, was not a little astonished when he found himself being lowered without pause, save such momentary jerks as were occasioned by the passage of the clips round the bar and over the cliff edge, and he instinctively glanced upward to see if he could discover what was wrong--for that something had gone amiss he felt tolerably certain. for a few seconds his eye sought vainly for an explanation, then his gaze was arrested by the sight of two severed ends of one strand of the rope standing out at a distance of about thirty feet above his head, and he knew!--knew that the strength of the slender rope had been decreased by one third, and that his life now depended upon the holding together of the two remaining strands! harry could see that those two remaining strands were stretched by his hanging weight to the utmost limit of their resistance, and he watched them with dull anxiety, as one in a dream, every moment expecting to see the yarns of which they were composed part one by one under the strain. and the worst of it was that that strain was not a steady one, otherwise there might be some hope that the strands would withstand it long enough to permit him to reach the bottom of the _quebrada_; but at frequent intervals there occurred a couple of jerks--one as a clip passed round the bar, and another as it slid over the cliff edge--and, of course, at every recurrence of the jerk the strain was momentarily increased to an enormous extent. and presently that which he feared happened, a more than usually severe jerk occurred, and one of the yarns in the remaining strands parted. escombe dully wondered how far he still was from the bottom--a fearful distance, he believed--for he seemed to be cruelly close to the overhanging edge of the cliff, although he had been hanging suspended for a length of time that seemed to him more like hours than minutes. he did not dare to look down, for he had the feeling that if he removed his gaze from those straining and quivering strands for a single instant they would snap, and he would go plunging downward to destruction. then, as he watched, another yarn parted, and another. a catastrophe was now inevitable, and the lad began to speculate curiously, and from a singularly impersonal point of view, what the sensation would be like when the last yarn had snapped. he had read somewhere that the sensation of falling from a great height was distinctly pleasurable; but what about the other, upon reaching the bottom? a quaint story came into his mind about an irishman who was said to have fallen off the roof of a house, and who, upon being picked up, was asked whether he had been hurt by his fall, to which the man replied: "no, the fall didn't hurt me a bit, it was stoppin' so quick that did all the mischief!" the humour of the story was not very brilliant, yet somehow it seemed to escombe at that moment to be ineffably amusing, and he laughed aloud at the quaintness of the conceit. and, as he did so, the remaining yarns of the second strand parted with a little jerk that thrilled him through and through, and he hung there suspended by a single strand, but still being lowered rapidly from above. his eyes were now fixed intently upon the unbroken strand, and he distinctly saw it stretching and straightening out under his weight, but, as it seemed to him, with inconceivable slowness. then--to such a preternatural state of acuteness had his senses been wrought by the imminence and certainty of ghastly disaster--he saw the last strand slowly parting, not yarn by yarn but fibre by fibre, until, after what seemed to be a veritable eternity of suspense, the last fibre snapped, he heard a loud twang, and found himself floating--as it seemed to him-very gently downward, so gently, indeed, that, as he was swung round, facing the rocky wall, he was able to note clearly and distinctly every inequality, every projection, every crack, every indentation in the face of the rock; nay, he even felt that, were it worth while to do so, he would have had time enough to make sketches of every one of them as they drifted slowly upward. the next thing of which he was conscious was a loud swishing sound which rose even above the deafening brawl of water among rocks, that he now remembered with surprise had been thundering in his ears for--how many months--or years, was it? then he became aware that he was somehow among leaves and branches; and again memory reproduced the scene upon which he had looked when, standing upon the cliff edge at a point from which he could command a view of the whole depth of the gorge, he had idly noted that, at the very bottom of it, a few inconsiderable shrubs or small trees, nourished by eternal showers of spray, grew here and there from interstices of the rock, and he realised that he had fallen into the heart of one of them. he contrived to grasp a fairly stout branch with each hand, and was much astonished when they bent and snapped like twigs as his body ploughed through the thick growth; but he knew that the force of his fall had been broken, and, for the first time since he had made the discovery of the severed strand, the hope came that, after all, he might emerge from this adventure with his life. then he alighted--on his feet--on a great, moss-grown boulder, felt his legs double up and collapse under him, sank into a huddled heap upon the wet, slippery moss, shot off into the leaping, foaming water, and knew no more. chapter four. mama cachama. when young escombe regained his senses it was night, or so he supposed, for all was darkness about him, save for such imperfect illumination as came from a small wood fire which flickered and crackled cheerfully in one corner of the apartment in which he found himself. the apartment! nay, it was far too large, much too spacious in every dimension, to be a room in an ordinary house, and those walls--or as much as could be seen of them in the faint, ruddy glow of the firelight--were altogether too rough and rugged to have been fashioned by human hands, while the roof was so high that the flickering light of the flames was not strong enough to reach it. it was a cavern, without doubt, and harry began to wonder vaguely by what means he had come there. for, upon awakening, his mind had been in a state of the most utter confusion, and it was not until he had lain patiently waiting for his ideas to arrange themselves, and had thereby come to the consciousness that he was aching in every bone and fibre of his body, while the latter was almost entirely swathed in bandages, that the recollection of his adventure returned to him. even then the memory of it was but a dreamy one, and indeed he did not feel at all certain that the entire incident was not a dream from beginning to end, and that he should not presently awake to find himself on the cot in his tent, with the cold, clear dawn peering in past the unfolded flap, and another day's arduous work before him. but he finally concluded that the fire upon which his eyes rested was too real, and, more especially, that his pain was too acute and insistent for him to be dreaming. then he fell to wondering afresh how in the name of fortune he had found his unconscious way into that cave and upon the pallet which supported him. the fire was the only thing in the cavern that was distinctly visible; certain objects there were here and there, a vague suggestion of which came and went with the rise and fall of the flame, but what they were harry could not determine. there was, among other matters, an object on the far side of the fire, that looked not unlike a bundle of rags; but when escombe, in attempting to turn himself over into a more comfortable position, uttered an involuntary groan as a sharp twinge of pain shot through his anatomy, the bundle stirred, and instantly resolved itself into the quaintest figure of a little, old, bowed indian woman that it is possible to picture. but, notwithstanding her extreme age and apparent decrepitude, the extraordinary old creature displayed marvellous activity. in an instant she was on her feet and beside the pallet, peering eagerly and anxiously into harry's wide-open eyes. the result of her inspection appeared to be satisfactory, for presently she turned away and, muttering to herself in a tongue which was quite incomprehensible to her patient, disappeared in the all-enveloping darkness, only to reappear a moment later with a small cup in her hand containing a draught of very dark brown, almost black, liquid of an exceedingly pungent but rather agreeable bitter taste, which she placed to his lips, and which the lad at once swallowed without demur. the effect of the draught was instantaneous, as it was marvellously stimulating and exhilarating; and it must also have possessed very remarkable tonic properties, for scarcely had escombe swallowed it when a sensation of absolutely ravenous hunger assailed him. "ah!" he sighed, "that was good; i feel ever so much better now. mother," he continued in spanish, "i feel hungry: can you find me something to eat?" "aha! you feel hungry, do you?" responded the old woman in the same language. "good! i am prepared for that. wait but a moment, _caro mio_, until i can heat the broth, and your hunger shall soon be satisfied." and with the birdlike briskness which characterised all her actions she moved away into the shadows, presently returning with three iron rods in her hand, which she dexterously arranged in the form of a tripod over the fire, and from which she suspended a small iron pot. then, taking a few dry sticks from a bundle heaped up near the fire, she broke them into short lengths, which she carefully introduced, one by one, here and there, into the flame, coaxing it into a brisk blaze which soon caused a most savoury and appetising steam to rise from the pot. next, from some hidden receptacle she produced a bowl and spoon, emptied the smoking contents of the pot into the former, and then, carefully propping her patient into a sitting position, proceeded to feed him. the stew was delicious, to such an extent, indeed, that harry felt constrained to compliment his hostess upon its composition and to ask of what it was made. he was much astonished--and also, it must be confessed, a little disgusted--when the old lady simply answered, _lagarto_ (lizard). there was no doubt, however, that he had greatly enjoyed his meal, and felt distinctly the better for it; he therefore put his squeamishness on one side, and asked his companion to enlighten him as to the manner in which he came to be where he was. "it is very simple," answered the old woman. "while my son yupanqui was fishing in the river, two days ago, he caught sight of something unusual lying at the edge of a sandbank, and upon paddling his _balsa_ to the spot, he found your insensible body lying stranded there, bruised and bleeding; so, like a sensible boy, he took you up and brought you hither as quickly as possible, in order that i might exercise my skill in the attempt to restore you to life. we managed to do so at last, between us; but you were _caduco_ (crazy), and could tell us nothing of yourself, for you spoke persistently in a language that we did not understand; so, as soon as it was seen that you would live, i busied myself in dressing your wounds and bruises, after which i prepared for you a certain medicine which, as i expected, threw you into a deep sleep, from which you have at length awakened in your right mind. and now you have but to lie still and allow your wounds to heal. which reminds me that now is a very favourable time to dress them afresh." "two days ago--stranded on a sandbank!" repeated escombe in bewilderment. "i do not understand you, mother. surely i have not been lying insensible for two whole days! and how could i possibly have become stranded on a sandbank? i fell into the river in the _quebrada_, and i am prepared to avouch that there were no sandbanks there!" "in the _quebrada_! is it possible?" echoed the old woman. "why, the end of the _quebrada_ is more than a mile away from where yupanqui found you! but i think i begin to understand a little. you are not a spaniard--i can tell that by your accent--therefore you must be an ingles, one of the _ingenieros_ who are making the new railway among the mountains. is it not so?" "you have guessed it, mother," answered escombe. "yes, i was taking some measurements in the _quebrada_ when the rope by which i was hanging broke, and i fell into a tree, and thence on to the rocks beneath, after which i lost consciousness." "ah!" exclaimed the old woman, as she proceeded to remove deftly the bandages and re-dress harry's hurts; "yes, it is wonderful--very wonderful; for if you had not chanced to fall into the tree before striking the rocks, you must certainly have been killed. that i can quite understand. but i cannot understand how, after having fallen into the river, you escaped being dashed to pieces upon the many rocks among which it flows, nor how, having escaped that death, you afterwards escaped drowning in the deep water, for you must have been swept along quite a mile after issuing from the _quebrada_. it is true that when yupanqui found you, you were lying upon your back; so that, i suppose, is the reason why the river did not suffocate you. your hurts are doing famously, _senor ingles_, thanks to my knowledge of simples. there is only one--this in your head--which is likely to give trouble; but we will soon mend that, if you can prevail upon yourself to lie still and not disturb the bandage." "oh!" answered harry; "i will do that all right, now that my senses have come back to me, don't you fear; for i must get well quickly, and return to my work as soon as possible. meanwhile, mother, where is your son? i should like to send him with a message to the engineer's camp, if he will go, to let them know that i am alive." "assuredly, assuredly," assented the queer old creature, as she assiduously bathed the wound in harry's head with a hot fomentation which she had specially prepared. "he is out hunting, now, but the evening is drawing in and i expect him back ere long. when he returns we will hear what he has to say about it. doubtless he will willingly go; but if your camp is near the spot where i think you must have fallen, it will take him quite half a day to reach it." "half a day!" echoed harry, aghast. "how is that? i should have thought that half an hour would have been nearer the mark." "nay, my son," answered the old woman, "he will have to travel fast to do it in half a day. you do not know how difficult it is to travel from place to place among these mountains, even when one knows the way. he will have to go a long way round to reach the spot of which i am thinking, for there are many impassable precipices in his course, to say nothing of bogs in which, if one be not very careful, one can disappear, leaving no trace behind." harry could understand this, now that it had been explained to him, for he had already had experience of the impassable precipices and bottomless morasses spoken of by his companion. but it was disconcerting, to say the least of it, that it would occupy so long to send a message to camp; for, taking into consideration the fact that he had already been two days absent, and that it would require another half-day to send a message, the chances were that, when yupanqui reached the spot, he would find the survey party gone, and would be obliged to follow them up until he should overtake them. also he began to wonder how long it would be before his injuries would be sufficiently healed to allow him to travel over a road of so difficult a character as that hinted at in his companion's remarks. he had only to attempt to move on his pallet, and to feel the intolerable aching in every limb that resulted from the effort, to understand that some days--probably at least a week--must elapse ere he would be fit to attempt the journey; and meanwhile where would the survey party be, and how would they be faring without him? what would butler do? would he take harry's death for granted, and proceed singlehanded with the survey; or would he send out a search party to seek for traces of his lost assistant? he must of necessity do one or the other, and the comforting reflection came to harry that, even if the first course were adopted, the party could not get very far away without being overtaken. "how long do you think it will be, mother, before i shall be able to rise and move about again?" he enquired. "nay, my son, who can tell save the good god who holds our lives in his hands?" answered the old woman. "it may be two weeks, or it may be two months, according to whether or not the fever returns. much must depend upon yourself. if you keep quite quiet, and do not become impatient, you may be able to rise and go into the open for a short time in two weeks, possibly even in less. but you must do in all things exactly as i say, if you wish to get well quickly; and you may trust in me, for i have seen many years and have always been skilled in the art of healing." "i will trust you, of course," answered harry, reaching out at the cost of some pain and squeezing the old creature's clawlike hand. "get me well as quickly as you can, mother, and you will not find me ungrateful. i have the means of rewarding you liberally for all your trouble as soon as i can return to camp." "reward!" ejaculated the old woman, angrily snatching away her hand; "who spoke of reward? i require no reward, if by that you mean money payment. i have no need of money. this cave has provided me with dry and comfortable housing for many years, while the garden outside and my son's hunting and fishing furnish us with ample food. what need have we of money?" "pardon, mother," exclaimed harry penitently, "i did not mean to offend you. but if you do not need money, there are perhaps other things that you or your son may be glad to have, and you must let me show my gratitude to you in some way, for i cannot forget that to you and your son i owe my life." "ay, ay; ay, ay; that's as may be," muttered the old creature, as though speaking to herself. "there," she added, as, having completed the dressing of escombe's injuries, she secured the last bandage, "that is done. now, more medicine, and then more sleep." and therewith she bustled away into the shadows, returning, a few minutes later, with a generous draught that foamed and sparkled in the goblet like champagne, but left a taste of sickly sweetness upon the palate. as the invalid swallowed the dose a sensation of great ease and comfort permeated his entire system, and the next moment he was asleep. when harry next awoke, feeling very much better, he saw that his hostess, and a fine, stalwart, copper-coloured young indian whom he took to be her son, were seated at a roughly framed table, at some little distance from his cot, taking a meal by the light of an earthenware lamp, and conversing together in low tones in a language with which he was unfamiliar. from the manner in which the pair glanced in his direction from time to time he rather suspected that he was the subject of their conversation, which was being conducted with much earnestness, especially by the old woman. that she was maintaining a very keen watch upon her patient was perfectly evident, for at harry's first movement she sprang to her feet and, snatching up the lamp, rapidly approached his bedside, peering down into his eyes with the same intense eagerness that she had before exhibited, muttering and mumbling to herself excitedly the while. "ah, ah!" she exclaimed, in tones of much satisfaction, "so you are awake again at last! you have slept well and long, my friend--slept all through the night without a movement. and your skin is cool, too," she continued, laying her skinny hand on harry's forehead; "cool and moist; no fever. but what of the pain? is it still severe as ever?" "the pain!" exclaimed hal, moving himself slightly. "why, no, it seems almost gone. what magic is this?" "no magic at all," chuckled the quaint old creature, "but merely a poor old indian woman's skill in simples. you are doing excellently well, _senor ingles_--better, even, than i dared hope. and now you are hungry, is it not so? good! your breakfast is ready and shall be brought to you instantly; and when you have finished, there is my son yupanqui, who is ready to take any message that you may desire to send to your camp." an excellently roasted bird--which the patient subsequently learned was a parrot,--bread made of indian corn flour, and a cup of delicious chocolate were speedily dispatched. then harry having asked for his notebook, which had been found in his pocket and carefully dried, he pencilled a note to butler, briefly informing that individual of his escape, and of his hope that he would be sufficiently recovered from his injuries to rejoin the camp in about a fortnight's time, and dispatched yupanqui with it, describing to the indian the probable situation of the camp, as nearly as he could, and instructing the man to give it only into the hands of the englishman, and to ask for a reply, which he was to bring back with him. the next few days passed uneventfully, save that the invalid's progress toward recovery was so rapid and satisfactory that about midday of the third day harry--who began to find bed becoming very wearisome--was allowed by his nurse to rise and, clad in trousers and the remains of his shirt, go as far as the entrance of the cave and sit there for an hour or two, enjoying the magnificent prospect which greeted his astonished eyes. he found that the cave which had afforded him such perfect shelter during his helplessness formed a chamber, or rather a series of chambers, in an enormous mass of rock that rose sheer out of a little circular, basin-like valley through which flowed the stream from the _quebrada_, the water here spreading out in the form of a lake measuring about a mile across and evidently rather shallow, for here and there he could see small sandbanks showing clear of the water. it was upon one of these that he had been found stranded by yupanqui. the _quebrada_ died out in the valley about a mile from the mouth of the cave, as could be seen when the spot was indicated by the old indian woman, and escombe wondered more than ever by what chance his senseless body had been carried so far by the rushing water without destroying such life as remained in it. the ground sloped rather steeply from the cave down to the water's edge, and some eight or ten acres of it had been dug up at intervals and planted with maize, vegetables of various kinds, and fruit trees, among which harry recognised the peach, the orange, the mulberry, and the cacao. it was no wonder, he told himself, that his queer but kind-hearted old hostess indignantly disclaimed any need of money. for, with the produce of the garden, and what yupanqui could bring in from the forest and the river, it seemed to him that their every want, except perhaps in the matter of clothes, must be abundantly supplied. and, so far as clothes were concerned, doubtless the cultivated ground yielded a superabundance ample enough to afford them the means of bartering it for such simple clothing as they needed. the valley was of basin-like form, the sides of it growing ever steeper as they receded from the middle, until they eventually merged into the mountain slopes which hemmed in the valley on every side and went rolling away, ridge beyond ridge, in interminable perspective, until, in the extreme distance, they terminated in the snow-clad peaks of the andes. harry's hostess--who now mentioned that she bore the name of cachama-appeared to be in a singularly communicative mood that day, for she beguiled the time by not only pointing out and naming the principal peaks in sight, but she also related several very interesting legends connected with certain of them and with the country generally, going back to the time before the conquest, and painting in dazzling colours the glories of the inca dynasty, and the incredible wealth of the ancient rulers of peru. she appeared to be pretty intimately acquainted with the history of the conquest of the country by pizarro, and had many bitter things to say of the strange pusillanimity of the inca, atahuallpa, on that fatal 16th of november, 1532, when he went, openeyed, into the trap prepared for him at caxamalca, and suffered himself to be seized, in the presence of his entire army, by a mere handful of spaniards. she gave a most emphatic denial to the suggestion that the country had benefited by the civilised conditions that had followed the conquest. "no, no," said she, "we are infinitely worse off in every way, to-day, than we were under the rule of the incas. poverty, misery, oppression, and suffering of every kind are to be met with on all hands and wherever one goes, while four hundred years ago we had a far higher state of civilisation than now exists, in which poverty and oppression, with their countless attendant evils, were unknown. but it will not last for ever, i tell you; brighter and happier days are in store for us of the ancient race, and perhaps even i, old as i am, may live to see it. yes, i, poor though i am, and compelled to lodge my worn-out body in a cave, have royal blood in my veins, as had my husband, yupanqui; we are both descended from huayna capac, and, but for atahuallpa's incredible folly, i might have been enjoying comfort and affluence to-day; ay, and possibly my husband might also have been living." escombe had read prescott's _conquest of peru_ during his schooldays, and the romantic story had implanted within his mind a keen interest in everything pertaining to the history of the country, which had never waned, and which had received a fresh stimulus when he learned that he was not only to visit and spend some time in peru but also to explore certain parts of it. and now, to find himself actually conversing with someone who claimed descent from those proud incas, who appeared to have lived in a regal splendour only to be equalled by that of the potentates of the _arabian nights_, seemed to him to be a rare slice of good luck; he was therefore careful to say nothing calculated to divert the conversation from the channel in which it was so satisfactorily flowing, but, on the contrary, did everything he could to keep it there. he was, however, very much surprised to find his hostess looking forward so confidently to brighter and happier times for the despised indian race; for if any one thing seemed absolutely certain, it was that the time was not very far distant when the few scattered survivors must perish, and the race vanish from the face of the earth. it was therefore in somewhat incredulous tones that he turned to cachama and said: "what grounds have you for the hope--or should i call it the certainty-that better days are in store for your race? to me it seems that there are very few of you left." "ay," she answered, "it may so seem to you, for you have as yet seen but little of the country save the _terra caliente_, and very few of us are now to be found near the coast. but when you get farther up among the mountains, and especially when you get into the neighbourhood of lake titicaca, you will find that we have not all perished. furthermore, it is said--with what truth i know not--that when atahuallpa fell into the hands of the _conquistadors_, and was strangled by torchlight in the great _plaza_ of caxamalca, many of the nobles who had been with him fled with their families into the heart of the mountains, and, establishing themselves in a certain secret place, set to work, at the bidding of one titucocha, a priest of the sun, to build a new city of the sun--beside the glories of which those of cuzco were to be as nothing--against the time when our lord the sun should again send manco capac, the founder of the inca dynasty, back to earth to restore the dynasty in all its ancient splendour." "and do you really believe that such a restoration is possible?" asked escombe with a smile at the old woman's credulity. "ay," answered cachama with conviction, "i more than believe, i know! for i have the gift of foreknowledge, to a certain extent, and from my earliest childhood i have felt convinced that the prophecy is true--i cannot explain how, or why; i only know that it is so. and with the passage of the years i have ever felt that the time for its fulfilment was drawing nearer, until now i know that it is so close at hand that even i, old though i am, may live to see it. i would that i could feel as sure of the continuance of the dynasty as i am of its restoration; but i cannot; i can only see--dimly--up to a certain point, beyond which everything is misty and uncertain, with a vague suggestion of disaster which fills, me with foreboding." chapter five. what has become of butler? on the second day after the dispatch of yupanqui to the surveyors' camp, he had duly returned with a curt officially worded note from butler acknowledging the receipt of escombe's "report" of his accident and its result, and requesting the latter to rejoin the survey party with the least possible delay, "as his absence was the cause of much inconvenience and delay in the progress of the survey". not a word of regret at the occurrence of the accident, much less anything that could be construed into an admission that the writer's own unreasonable demands and orders were the cause of the mishap; and not even a word of congratulation at escombe's narrow escape from a terrible death; simply a formal request that he would rejoin, "with the least possible delay", for a certain good and sufficient reason. poor harry shrugged his shoulders with something very like contempt for the hidebound creature who was, to a great extent, the master of his fate, and who seemed to be absolutely destitute of the very smallest shred of good feeling. he felt that it would be quite hopeless to look for any praise or appreciation from such a man; he foresaw that the fellow would appropriate to himself whatever credit might result from the expedition, and lay upon his (harry's) shoulders the onus of any shortcomings of complete success. and he came to the conclusion that since such a chief was not worth putting oneself out for, he would remain where he was until it was quite certain that he could travel with perfect safety, and resume duty immediately upon his return to camp. but he was young, and possessed a thoroughly sound constitution; moreover, he had miraculously escaped with unbroken bones, his recovery therefore was rapid, and on the nineteenth day after the accident he rejoined the camp and formally reported himself as prepared to resume duty. it had been butler's custom, from the commencement of the survey, to flag out a certain length of route daily, and to insist--without very much regard to the difficulties of the task--that that amount of work should be done by nightfall. this length of route usually amounted to from two to three miles, and escombe had once or twice protested--when the natural difficulties of the work were excessive--that he could not undertake to guarantee the accuracy of his work if so much were demanded of him; to which butler had retorted that, in his opinion, the amount of work demanded was exceedingly moderate, that he should expect it to be done, and that he should hold escombe responsible for all inaccuracies. yet, upon escombe's return to camp he found that, during the nineteen days of his absence, butler had advanced the survey by a distance of less than four miles! the explanation which the elder man condescended to make being that, during the four days immediately following the accident, no survey work at all had been done, the whole body of peons having been scattered in various directions, seeking some clue to harry's fate. for a week or two after escombe's return to camp matters went very much more smoothly. whether it was that harry's accident had given butler a wholesome fright, or that the conviction had been forced upon the latter that he had been outrageously exacting, there was nothing to show, but certain it was that, for a while, escombe was allowed to take his own time over his work and do it his own way, with the result that while this state of affairs lasted the lad actually took pleasure in, nay, thoroughly enjoyed, his work. but on the third week after his return harry began to detect signs that these agreeable conditions were drawing to an end. thenceforth butler allowed himself to gradually drift back into his former exacting and autocratic ways, until at length life in the camp again became a veritable purgatory for everybody concerned, butler himself included, the natural result of his tyrannical conduct being that everybody--harry excepted--did everything in his power to thwart him, while even the lad himself ceased to attempt the apparently impossible task of pleasing his chief. in this unpleasant and unsatisfactory manner the railway survey proceeded for the two months following escombe's return to duty; by which time butler's behaviour had become so unendurable that nearly three-fourths of the peons originally engaged had deserted, notwithstanding the fact that their desertion involved them in the loss of a sum in wages that, to these humble toilers, represented quite a little fortune, and their places had been filled by others of a much less desirable type in every way. and this was all the more to be regretted since the surveyors were now in the very heart of the mountains, where the natural difficulties to be contended with were at their worst, while the newcomers, being of course utterly strange to such work, had to be taught their duties, down to the simplest detail, under the most adverse conditions possible. it can be readily understood that the attempt to instruct a set of ignorant, stupid, sullen, and lawless half-castes under such conditions was a task of surpassing difficulty, resulting in constant acute friction, and demanding the nicest judgment and the utmost diplomacy upon the part of the teachers. harry met this difficulty by bringing to his assistance an almost sublime patience, that in the course of time--and not a very long time either--completely wore down the opposition of his unwilling pupils and brought a change in their mental attitude which was as surprising as it was satisfactory. butler, however, knew not the meaning of the word "patience", nor did his character contain the smallest particle of that valuable quality; his method was what he termed "the rough-and-ready", and consisted in emphasising every order, and item of construction, with a kick! it was not surprising, therefore, that the relations between him and the peons daily grew more strained. it was when the tension between butler on the one hand and the peons on the other had developed to such an extent that the labourers had been goaded into a state of almost open mutiny, that the former set out as usual, on horseback, one morning, accompanied by a half-dozen of the new hands, to seek for and stake out a few miles farther of practicable route. such a duty as this he usually contrived to complete in time to return to the camp for lunch, after which he was wont to saunter out along the line until he encountered harry, when he would spend the remainder of the day in making the poor lad's life a burden to him by finding fault with everything he did, frequently insisting upon having some particularly awkward and difficult piece of work done over again. consequently the progress of the survey was abnormally and exasperatingly slow; and when, upon the day in question, butler failed to put in an appearance on the scene of operations, young escombe's first feeling was one of gratification, for he was just then engaged upon an exceptionally difficult task which he was most anxious to complete without being interfered with. so absorbed was the lad in his work that he had not much thought to spare for speculation as to the reason for so unusual a piece of good luck, although it is true that, as the afternoon wore on, he did once or twice permit himself to wonder whether "perchance" he had to thank a slight touch of indisposition, or possibly a sprained ankle, for this unexpected and most welcome freedom from interruption. but when at length, upon his arrival in camp at the conclusion of his day's survey work, he learned, to his astonishment, that neither butler nor his party of peons had returned, the impression forced itself upon him that something serious had happened, and mustering afresh his own gang of tired and hungry assistants, and providing them with lanterns, ropes, and other aids to a search, he led them forth along the survey line in quest of the absent ones. for a distance of nearly two miles from the camp the route of the missing party was easily followed, being marked by stakes at frequent intervals, indicating the line chosen by butler as that to be surveyed by escombe. it ended at the foot of a precipitous slope of bare rock towering aloft some seven or eight hundred feet, with further heights beyond it. here the searchers were brought to an abrupt halt, for harry was fully aware that no sane engineer would for a single moment dream of carrying an ordinary railway up that rocky acclivity, while it was well understood that the rack system of construction was to be avoided, if possible, upon the score of expense. the probability was that butler, upon reaching this point, and finding himself confronted by the necessity to make a wide detour, or, alternatively, to consider the question of a tunnel, had struck off, either to the right or to the left, on a tour of investigation; and there was the chance that, becoming involved in the maze-like intricacies of his surroundings, he had decided to camp out for the night rather than risk an accident by attempting to return in darkness over difficult ground. but this was a question which harry felt ought to be settled forthwith, and he accordingly issued instructions to his peons to search for the spoor of the party and follow it up. to find the spoor was a very easy matter, for the last stake had been driven in comparatively soft ground, and despite the fact that it was by this time almost pitch dark, a short search, aided by the light of the lanterns, disclosed the hoof prints of butlers horse, which led off to the left, and which were followed until the searchers found themselves on the borders of an extensive pine wood growing on hard, steeply rising ground over which it was impossible to trace further the trail in the darkness. this impossibility once realised, the search was abandoned for the night, and harry very reluctantly gave the word for a return to camp, which was reached about nine o'clock. at daybreak the next morning the camp was roused, breakfast prepared and eaten, and, taking with them rations to last until nightfall, the search party again set out upon their quest, making their way direct to the spot where the trail had been lost on the previous night, where it was again picked up without much trouble. it led in straight toward the heart of the wood, and was followed, with ever-increasing difficulty, for a distance of about three-quarters of a mile until it was lost on hard, shaley ground, nor were the utmost efforts of the party equal to finding it again. after carefully considering the situation, therefore, escombe detailed one man, an indian, to accompany him, and, placing the remainder of the peons in charge of a man whom he believed he could trust, with instructions to search the wood thoroughly, returned to the outskirts of the timber, and, beginning at the spot where the trail entered it, proceeded, with the assistance of the indian, to encircle the wood, carefully examining every foot of the ground as they went, in the hope that, if butler and his party had passed through the timber and emerged on its other side, the indian would succeed in picking up the spoor. but the hope was vain, for the wood was completely encircled-the task occupying the entire day--without the discovery of the faintest trace or sign of the passage of the missing party, which was not at all surprising, for when the far side of the wood was reached the soil proved to be of so stony a character, thickly interspersed with great outcrops of rock, that even the most skilled and keen-eyed of trackers might have been excused for failing in the search for footprints on so unyielding a surface. it was a little puzzling to harry that not even the horse had left any trace behind him; but this was accounted for when, upon rejoining the party who had been detailed to search the interior of the wood, it was discovered that the animal had been found by them, still saddled and bridled, wandering aimlessly about in search of such scanty herbage as the soil there afforded. upon the horse being brought to him, the young englishman--mindful of the scarcely concealed hatred which butler had, almost wantonly, as it seemed, aroused in the breasts of the peons--immediately subjected the animal and his trappings to a most rigorous examination in search of any sign of possible violence, but nothing of the kind could be found, and the only result of the examination was the conclusion, to which everything pointed, that butler had, for some reason, voluntarily dismounted and at least temporarily abandoned the animal. butler and his party had now been missing for full twenty-four hours, and harry speedily arrived at two conclusions which inexorably led him to a third. the first conclusion at which he arrived was that the peons who had accompanied his chief, accustomed as they had been from their earliest childhood to make their way about the country, were so little likely to have lost their way that that theory might be unhesitatingly abandoned; the second was that butler would certainly not have absented himself purposely from the camp for a whole night and a day, and that therefore--this was the third conclusion--something had gone very seriously wrong. the next problem that presented itself for solution was: what was it that had gone wrong? had the entire party met with an accident? it was most unlikely. there were seven of them altogether, and in the event of an accident, surely at least one of the seven would have escaped and returned to the camp for help. had they been seized and carried off by brigands? when harry put this question to the peons who remained with him he was laughed at good-naturedly and assured that, in the first place, there were no brigands in peru, so far as they were aware; and, in the second place, that if perchance there were they would probably not have contented themselves with simply carrying off seven men, six of whom would be only an encumbrance to them, but would almost certainly have attacked and sacked the camp some time during the hours of daylight, when it was left comparatively unprotected. there was but one other probable alternative of which harry could think, and that was that butler's peons, exasperated at length beyond endurance by some fresh piece of petty tyranny on the white man's part, had deserted, carrying off their employer with them, either with the purpose of being revenged upon him, or in the hope that by holding him as a hostage they might be able to secure payment of the amount of wages due to them. but when escombe submitted this alternative to his peons for their consideration and opinion, they shook their heads and emphatically declared that they did not believe that any such thing had happened. and when further asked for their opinion as to what had happened, they simply answered that they did not know what to think. but to harry it seemed that there was a certain lack of spontaneity in this reply, which caused him to doubt whether the speakers were quite sincere in so saying. with a very heavy load of responsibility thus unexpectedly thrown upon his shoulders, the young englishman spent several anxious hours in camp that night pondering upon what was the proper course for him now to pursue, and he finally came to the conclusion that, having ascertained beyond much possibility of doubt that his chief had been abducted, the next thing to be done was to discover whither and under what circumstances he had been carried off, and then to take the necessary steps to effect his rescue. on the following morning, therefore, he mustered the peons who still remained with him, and briefly explaining to them his theory of an abduction, dispatched six of them in as many different directions to seek for traces of the missing party, offering a substantial reward to the one who should bring him such information as should lead to the recovery of the missing white man; and then, taking a couple of sure-footed mules, set off in company with an indian tracker to scour the entire neighbourhood, in the hope of obtaining some clue to the whereabouts of the missing party from some of the people by whom that particular part of the country was sparsely inhabited. and in order to avoid the loss of time which would be entailed by returning to camp at night, he took with him three days' provisions for himself and his guide, intending to carry out as exhaustive a search as possible in that space of time. thus far the search had been prosecuted entirely in a forward direction; but at the last moment, before setting out upon his three days' quest, it suddenly occurred to escombe that the missing ones might possibly have doubled back and be making their way toward the sea coast, so in order to test the value of this theory he determined to return a few miles along the line of the survey and see whether he could discover any traces of them in that direction. at this time the surveyors were in the heart of an exceptionally difficult tract of country, where the obstacles to rapid work were such that, since harry's return to duty after his adventures in the _quebrada_, they had not advanced very much more than twenty miles from that spot; thus it was still early in the afternoon of the first day when he found himself gazing down into the abyss, wherein he had so narrowly escaped a terrible death. by a natural association of ideas he no sooner beheld the scene so indelibly engraven upon his memory than his thoughts reverted to cachama, his kind-hearted old indian nurse, and her son yupanqui, and he vaguely wondered whether perhaps either of these might be able to afford him any information or suggestion that would assist him in his quest. the more he thought of it the more did the idea grow upon his mind, and at length he came to the decision that he might as well prosecute his search in the direction of their cave as in any other, and he forthwith communicated his decision to his guide, who, somewhat to escombe's surprise, at once admitted that he was well acquainted with cachama and her son, and offered to conduct the young englishman to the cave in which the two resided, by a short route, if harry would consent to be blindfolded during their passage of certain portions of the way. to this the lad readily agreed--for he was by this time becoming exceedingly anxious on butler's account--and thereupon the indian, having hobbled the mules, demanded harry's pocket--handkerchief and immediately proceeded to blindfold the owner therewith, after which, with joined hands, the pair resumed their way, travelling for two full hours or more over exceedingly broken and difficult ground. then the pocket-handkerchief was removed, and harry found himself standing in the midst of a number of enormous fallen boulders at the foot of a stupendous cliff, and facing an opening in the latter which had all the appearance of being the mouth of a cavern. but by what route he had arrived at the spot he could not tell, for he was so completely hemmed in on every side by the boulders in the midst of which he stood that the surrounding landscape was completely shut out, nothing being visible save the boulders and the face of the cliff with the opening in it. that he was correct in his surmise that this opening was a cavern was now demonstrated by his indian guide, who said: "be pleased to take my hand again, senor, and follow me without fear. this is one of several entrances to the cavern in which cachama dwells. you will find the ground smooth and even for almost the entire distance, and presently we shall find torches by which to light our way." and so, as a matter of fact, they did; for after traversing some ten or fifteen yards the indian halted and, releasing escombe's hand, was heard groping about in the darkness, and a moment later the rattling of dry branches reached the lad's ears. "now, senor," came the voice of the indian out of the darkness, "if you will graciously condescend to produce fire by means of those small sticks which you call `matches' we shall soon have light to guide our steps." so said, so done; and as the torch kindled and blazed up the pair found themselves standing in a rugged rock passage some five feet wide and about eight feet high, with a perfectly smooth floor which, in the flickering, uncertain light of the torch, presented the appearance of having been brought into this condition by human agency. it was not only smooth, but also level at the point where they stood. but even as they started to resume their journey--the indian bearing the torch and leading the way--harry saw that it almost immediately began to dip, and ere they had advanced many paces the dip became so pronounced that the smooth floor gave place to a long flight of roughly hewn steps, at first broad and shallow, but rapidly steepening, until they became so narrow and deep as to necessitate a considerable amount of care in the negotiation of them. to harry this flight seemed interminable; there must have been hundreds of steps, for--although the lad did not time himself--the descent appeared to have occupied considerably more than half an hour; but at length they once more reached level ground and, leaving the steps behind them, proceeded to traverse a narrow and winding passage, the air in which smelt stale and musty, while here and there they were obliged to squeeze their painful way between long, spiky stalactites and stalagmites until they came to more steps--this time leading upward. harry counted these; there were only one hundred and twenty-three of them, and they were not nearly so steep as the others; and then they ceased, and the pair came to a gently rising floor, along which they passed for about half a mile, finally entering a spacious chamber or cavern, where, very much to the young englishman's surprise, they found cachama awaiting them with a torch in her hand. it was perfectly evident that the old lady was intensely angry, for upon the appearance of her visitors she darted toward them and, shaking her fist furiously in the face of the indian--whom, by the way, she addressed as arima--she poured out upon him a torrent of strange words, the virulence of which could be pretty accurately estimated by the effect which they produced upon their recipient, for poor arima writhed under them as though they had been the lash of a whip. for fully ten minutes the old woman stormed relentlessly before she was reduced to silence through want of breath, and then the indian got his chance to reply, and apparently vindicate himself, for, as he proceeded with what appeared to escombe to be his explanation, cachama's wrath gradually subsided until she became sufficiently mistress of herself to greet the young white man, which she did with more cordiality than her previous outburst had led him to expect. "welcome back to my poor home, senor!" she exclaimed. "i knew that you were coming, and am glad to see you; but that dolt arima enraged me, for he brought you by the secret way, although he knew that it is forbidden to reveal that way, or even the fact of its existence, to strangers. he tells me, however, that the matter is urgent, and that he adopted the precaution of blindfolding you so that you might not learn the secret of the approach, therefore i will let the matter pass, especially as i feel certain that i have but to express the wish and you will forget that such a way exists." "certainly i will, mama cachama," answered harry cheerfully. "you saved my life not long ago, and i should be an ingrate indeed if i refused to conform to your wishes in so simple a matter as that. but i understood you to say that you knew i was coming to you! how on earth could you possibly know that? i didn't know it myself until a few hours ago!" "did not i tell you that i possess the gift of foreknowledge?" remarked cachama somewhat impatiently. "you had no sooner conceived the idea of coming to me than i became aware of it; nay, i even knew the way by which you were coming, and it was that knowledge which angered me, for i knew that you could not visit the cave by the secret approach except with the help of one of us! but let that pass. follow me to my living room, where i have provided a meal for you; and while you are partaking of it you may tell me in what manner you think i can assist you." ten minutes later escombe once more found himself in the cavern which he knew so well, partaking of a most excellent stew, and detailing to his hostess between mouthfuls all the particulars relating to the disappearance of butler and his party of peons. he brought his recital to a close by enquiring whether cachama or yupanqui had chanced to see any of the missing ones. "no," said cachama. "they have not passed near here, or yupanqui would certainly have seen something of them and mentioned the fact to me. but you have done well to come to me, for it will be strange indeed if i cannot help you. you wish to know what has become of the senor whom you call butler; is not that so? very well. seat yourself there before me, hold my two hands in yours, and recall to your mind as vividly as possible all the circumstances, be they ever so trivial, that you can remember relating to the doings of the day upon which the senor disappeared, beginning with the moment of your awakening. now begin, for i am ready." while the old creature spoke she was arranging matters in such a way that she and escombe could sit facing each other, knee to knee and with their hands clasped, she leaning slightly back in a reclining posture, with her eyes upturned toward the invisible roof of the cavern. as she finished speaking the young englishman directed his thoughts backward to the morning of two days ago, mentally reproducing every incident of the day, beginning with the moment when he arose from his camp bed, and intending to continue, if need were, to that other moment when, after the long fruitless search in the pine wood, he cast himself on that same bed at the end of the day and, completely exhausted, sank to sleep. but when he had reached this latter point of retrospection mama cachama's eyes were closed and, to harry's chagrin, she appeared to have fallen into a deep sleep. before, however, his disappointment had found time to express itself in words the old indian woman began to speak in a low tone, as though soliloquising. "yes," she murmured, "i see it all quite distinctly, the white tents gleaming in the brilliant sunshine of early morning, with their ropes strained tight by the dew that has fallen heavily during the night; the peons moving hither and thither, shivering in the keen air as they make their preparations for the day's work; the horses and mules feeding eagerly; the fires blazing cheerily and the blue smoke streaming straight up in the still air. yes, and i see the two englishmen, the old and the young one, sitting at breakfast in their tents. the elder man is tall and thin, with black hair touched here and there with grey, and a close-clipped moustache. he is dressed in dark-grey woollen clothing, and wears brown boots reaching to the knee. he is glancing through a little book as he eats, writing in it from time to time. now he rises and, taking a whip in his hand, puts on a soft cloth cap and goes to the tent door. he calls to one named jose to bring him his horse, and then gives the young _ingles_ certain instructions, speaking sharply as though in anger. "now the horse is brought, and the elder _ingles_ mounts him somewhat awkwardly, as though he were not accustomed to life in the saddle, and rides off, accompanied by six peons who carry long poles with small flags on them, also heavy hammers, axes, machetes, ropes, and bundles of wooden stakes. the young _ingles_ also prepares to leave the camp, and busies himself in examining certain strange instruments that are packed in boxes of polished wood. but it is the elder _ingles_ that i must follow. he leads the way over rising ground, riding toward a snow-clad peak that gleams like silver in the far distance, pausing occasionally while his peons drive a stake into the ground where directed by him. they proceed thus until they find themselves facing a bare rocky slope so steep that scarcely might a llama climb it; and here they pause for a time while the _ingles_ looks about him. then they move off to the left, skirting the precipice until they come to a great wood growing on a steep spur of the mountain. they enter this wood and penetrate it for a considerable distance, the ground ever rising more steeply and becoming looser and more difficult as they go. here the horse finds it so hard to keep his feet, and is in such constant danger of falling, that at length the rider dismounts and, leaving the horse standing, presses forward as though anxious to get to the other side of the wood, his peons following and whispering eagerly together. they are encumbered with the various articles which they carry, and consequently cannot travel over that steep, loose ground so rapidly as the englishman, who carries nothing but his riding whip and one of the poles with a flag on it, which he uses to help him over the rough ground, and he turns upon them from time to time with angry words, urging them to greater exertion. at first they answer nothing; but at length the strictures of the _ingles_ goad them to retort, humbly in the beginning, but soon with such heat that he lifts his whip and strikes one of them savagely with it across the face. and at that, as though the blow were a signal, every peon flings from him his burden, and the whole of them hurl themselves upon the white man and bear him to the ground, the one who was struck raising his machete as though to split the skull of his enemy." chapter six. found! at this point mama cachama became greatly agitated, and struggled violently in an endeavour to wrench her hands out of escombe's grasp, crying that they were going to murder the englishman, and that she would not remain to see it. but the vision which she had thus far described was of so extraordinary a character, and impressed the young man so strongly with a sense of its reality and truth, that he was determined to follow up the clue as far as possible; he therefore resolutely retained his grip upon the old woman's hands, under the impression that, if he released them, the vision would pass, possibly beyond recall. but suddenly cachama's struggles ceased, and she sighed as though relieved of some great fear. "ah!" she exclaimed, "they will not kill him after all; one of the peons intervenes, pointing out that if the englishman is killed, none of them may dare to again show their faces in the towns, for information of the murder will be given, and the peruvian corporation--who have employed the englishman to do this work for them--will never rest until every one of the murderers is brought to justice. the others understand this at once, and agree that there shall be no murder; but they are binding the englishman's hands and feet, so that he cannot escape; and now they are asking each other what will be best to do with him. there is much talk--some urge one thing, some another--now jose, the man who prevented the murder, speaks--he proposes that the prisoner shall be carried to a certain place and there detained until the whole of their wages be paid them, after which they are to release their prisoner, and each man will go his way, working no more for the englishman. now they are pondering on the proposal--yes, they have all agreed to it; and now they are releasing the englishman's feet, in order that he may walk with them, but his hands remain tied behind him, and one of the peons holds the end of the rope, to make sure that their prisoner shall not escape. two others grasp him, one by either arm, to help him, for the ground is rough and steep, and the going bad. they move forward again, following an easterly direction--their progress is slow, for the englishman stumbles at almost every step, his hands being tied. he declares that walking, under such circumstances, is impossible, and angrily demands to be released--but they laugh and jeer at him. he struggles on, falling frequently despite the assistance of the two men who are holding him, and at length the party emerge from the wood on its far side and find themselves on the spur of the mountain, on barren, rocky, open ground. now they reach the crest of the spur, and, passing over it, still travelling in an easterly direction, descend into the valley beyond until they reach the margin of a small stream flowing northward. here they pause in the shadow of an enormous granite rock of very remarkable appearance, for it bears a most extraordinary resemblance to the head and neck of an indian--i know it well; and among us it is called `the inca's head'. they sit down beneath this rock and proceed to eat and drink--for it is now two hours past midday--binding the englishman's feet and releasing his hands to enable him to feed himself. now the meal is over, and the party resume their march, going northward along the western bank of the stream and plunging ever deeper into the valley. the soil here is once more rich and fertile, being overgrown with long, rank grass--through which they leave a trail easy to follow--and dense masses of mimosa and other bush. now it is evening, the valley grows dark, and the party prepare to camp for the night; they have found a suitable spot, quite close to the river bank, and are lighting a large fire. they eat and drink again. now they have finished, and are disposing themselves to rest, one man of the party undertaking to remain awake for a certain time to watch the prisoner, until relieved by another who will perform the same service. "the night passes; the light of dawn sweeps down the steep mountain slopes into the valley, and the peon who is watching the prisoner awakes his fellows. again they eat and drink. now they have finished their meal and resume their march, still following the western bank of the stream. i go with them as they plod on, hour after hour, until they reach a point where the stream turns westward, and here they take advantage of a shallow spot which enables them to cross to the other side. they are now marching eastward up the slope of the valley, and at length they emerge upon a great plateau, thickly dotted with extensive clumps of bush, interspersed here and there with wide belts of timber through which they pass. for many miles they plod onward, winding hither and thither among the clumps of bush and through the belts of forest trees, but all the while holding steadily toward the east. night comes again; a fire is lighted, as on the preceding night, they eat and drink, and once more dispose themselves to sleep, one man again undertaking to watch the prisoner. for a time--how long i know not, but it appears to be about an hour--this man remains faithful to his duty; but, as the moments pass and the prisoner appears to be sleeping heavily, the watcher's vigilance relaxes, he grows drowsy, his eyelids close, he dozes, awakes, dozes again, once more awakes, and finally succumbs to sleep. "meanwhile the prisoner, who has to all appearance been sleeping heavily, has remained very wide awake, and, observing that his guard is not over watchful, proceeds to strain stealthily upon his bonds, which, he has noticed, are not drawn quite so tight as usual. gradually he succeeds in loosening them to such an extent that eventually he is able to free one hand. to free the other at once becomes easy, and, this done, the prisoner very cautiously raises himself sufficiently to assure himself that his captors are all soundly sleeping. satisfied of this, he rolls himself gently over and over, a few inches at a time, until he is outside the circle of his captors, when he rises to his feet and with infinite caution withdraws into the darkness, making for the nearest clump of bush, which, upon reaching, he places between himself and the faint glow of the dying camp fire. hidden thus from his late captors, should any of them chance to awake and miss him, he now walks rapidly forward, constantly glancing over his shoulder in fear lest he should be pursued; and in this manner he soon places a couple of miles between himself and the sleeping peons. he believes that he is now returning toward the camp over the ground which he has already traversed, and he hastens onward as fast as the uneven nature of the ground will permit. but the night is dark, the stars are obscured by heavy masses of threatening rain-cloud; there is therefore no beacon by which he can guide his footsteps, and, unsuspected by himself, he has gradually swung round until he is heading south-east. and now the gathering storm breaks, the rain falls heavily, and in a few minutes the unhappy fugitive is drenched to the skin, and chilled to the marrow by the fierce and bitter wind which comes swooping down from the snowfields and glaciers of the higher andes; yet he dares not take shelter from the storm, even in the recesses of a clump of scrub, for he fears that by dawn at the latest, his enemies will be on his track, and--forgetful or ignorant of the fact that the storm will obliterate his trail from all but dogs or experienced trackers--of which the peons have none--the fugitive is madly anxious to put as many miles as possible between himself and his pursuers. on he staggers, blindly and breathlessly, whipped by the pelting rain, buffeted by the furious wind, half-fainting already from exhaustion, yet spurred on by unreasoning terror--i think that unless he is quickly rescued the englishman will die." escombe shuddered and went white to the lips. this man, whose every wandering footstep had been faithfully traced through mama cachama's marvellous clairvoyant gift, was a remorseless tyrant in his petty way, so curiously constituted that his one idea of pleasure appeared to be the making miserable the lives of all about him, even to going out of his way to do so, to such extent, indeed, that men had been heard to say bitterly that, as in the case of some noxious animal or reptile, the world would be the better for his death. the young englishman could recall without effort many an occasion when he had been so harassed and worried, and his existence so embittered by the impish spite of this same butler that even he, gentle and kindly as was his disposition in general, believed he could have contemplated the demise of the other with a feeling not far removed from equanimity. yet, now that the man was in actual peril, all that was forgotten, every generous instinct in the lad sprang at once to the surface, his one idea was to hurry to the rescue, and he cried eagerly: "tell me exactly where to find him and i will go at once and bring him in." "wait, _muchacho_, wait!" exclaimed cachama impatiently. "let me follow him first as far as i may, lest i lose him, for now his way is growing erratic, his mind and body are becoming numb with the misery of his plight, and he no longer has any clear knowledge of anything, the one conviction which haunts him being that he must press onward anywhere--no matter where--otherwise his pursuers will overtake him and put him to a terrible death. ah! now the dawn breaks, and the storm is subsiding; but the englishman takes no note of this. he seems quite incapable of noticing anything now, but runs on aimlessly, panting and gasping, his breath bursting from his labouring lungs in great sobs, his eyes staring unseeingly before him, his limbs quivering and staggering beneath him, his thin clothing clinging in saturated tatters to his body, which is streaked here and there with blood where the thorns have torn him, as he burst through them in his headlong flight. aha! the end must surely now be drawing near, for see, the foam upon his lips is tinged with blood, and rapidly grows a deeper crimson; he reels and stumbles as he runs--he is down--no--yes--he is up again--and staggers onwards for a few yards-now he is down again, falling with a crash--and, rolling over on his back with outstretched arms, lies motionless, his eyes closed, and the blood trickling out of the corners of his mouth." "is he dead, mama cachama? is he dead?" gasped escombe, his grievances all forgotten now, and his sense of pity stirred to its uttermost depths by the shocking plight of his chief, so graphically painted by the words of the old indian woman. "nay," answered cachama, "he still lives, for his chest heaves and he now and then gasps for breath; but his flight is ended, for the present at least, and if you would find him with the life still in his body you must surely hasten." "but how shall i find him?" demanded harry. "you must direct me how to go straight to where he lies; for should it be necessary for us to pick up his trail and follow that, he would be dead long ere we could reach him." "where is arima?" demanded cachama. "let him come to me." "i am here," answered the indian, drawing near to the old woman. "then listen attentively, arima, and mark well what i say," commanded the mama. she spoke to him for a full minute or more in the indian tongue, of which escombe comprehended enough to understand that she was describing what might be termed the bearings of the spot where butler lay exhausted and senseless, arima nodding his head understanding and murmuring here and there a word of comprehension as she went on. her description ended, she paused for a few seconds, then murmured: "it is enough. now let me awake, for i am old. i have wandered afar, and the journey has wearied me." whereupon, after an interval of a minute or two, she slowly opened her eyes, stared about her vacantly for a little, and finally said: "ah, yes, i remember! i was to tell you something, senor. have you learned what you desired to know?" "yes, thanks," answered harry, "always provided, of course, that-that,"--he was about to say--"that your information is reliable"; but substituted for those somewhat ungracious words--"that arima can find the spot which you have described to him." "think you that you can find it, arima?" demanded the old woman. "yes, mama cachama," answered arima, "i shall find it without doubt; for i have listened attentively to all that you have said, and already know the direction generally, in which to seek it, while the particulars which you have given me are so explicit that i can scarcely miss the exact spot." "that is well," approved cachama. then, turning to escombe, she said: "and now, senor, if you will remain with me for the rest of the day and the coming night it will give me pleasure, and i will do my best for your comfort; the afternoon is wellnigh spent, and if, as i understood you to say, you started from your camp shortly after daybreak this morning, you can scarcely return to it ere nightfall, and the way is a rough and dangerous one to travel in the darkness." "nevertheless, with many thanks for your hospitable offer, i must go," answered harry, "for the matter is urgent, as you must know, for your last words to me were that if i would find my--friend with the life still in him i must hasten." "nay, _amigo_, i know nothing of what i told you while in my state of trance," answered the old woman; "but, whatever it may have been, you may depend that it was true; therefore if i bade you hasten, it is certain that hasten you must, and in that case it would be no kindness in me to urge you to stay. yet you will not go until you have again eaten and drank." "thanks again, mama," answered harry, "but i fear we must. as you have said, the afternoon is far advanced, and there is therefore all the more reason why we should make the best possible use of every remaining moment of daylight. if you will excuse us, therefore, we will bid you adios and go forthwith. you have rendered me an inestimable service, mama, for which mere words of thanks seem a very inadequate recompense, yet i will not offend you by offering any other reward. still, if there is a way--" "there is none--at present--_amigo mio_" interrupted the old woman; "nor do i wish any recompense beyond your thanks. if, as you say, i have been able to help you i am glad, and shall be glad to help you again whenever and as often as you may need my assistance. nevertheless,"-looking with sudden intentness into the young englishman's eyes--"i think--nay, i am certain--that a time is coming when, if you care to remember them, mama cachama and yupanqui will be glad that they befriended you." "rest assured, then, mama, that when that time arrives, you will not be forgotten," answered harry. "and now, _adios_, until we meet again. remember me to yupanqui, and say that i am sorry i could not stay to see him. are you ready, arima? then march!" it was close upon midnight when escombe and his indian guide rode into camp, after a fatiguing and somewhat adventurous journey; for as mama cachama had said, the way was rough and by no means devoid of danger even in the daytime, while at night those dangers were multiplied a hundredfold. enquiry revealed that none of the six peons whom harry had that morning despatched to seek for traces of the missing party had returned, and the young man therefore gave arima instructions to make all necessary preparations to start with him at daybreak, in search of the spot at which cachama had described butler as falling exhausted after his terrible flight through the night and storm. of course harry scarcely expected to find butler there, and still less did he hope it, for in that event it would only too probably mean that the missing man was dead, whereas harry hoped that, after lying exhausted for perhaps some hours, his chief would recover strength enough to make a further effort to return to camp; but he knew that in any case the search must necessarily start from the spot indicated by cachama, and for that spot, therefore, he must make in the first instance. it was broad daylight, but the sun had not yet risen above the snowcapped andes when escombe, accompanied by arima, each of them mounted upon a sturdy mule, and the indian leading butler's saddled and bridled horse, rode out of camp the next morning on their quest for the missing man, taking with them a week's rations for each, and a similar quantity for butler's use--should they be fortunate enough to find him--as well as a small supply of medical comforts, the whole contained in a pack securely strapped upon the saddle of the led horse. for the first hour the route followed by arima was identical with that described by mama cachama while in her clairvoyant state; but when they reached the wood wherein butler's horse had been found straying, the indian bore away to the right, and, skirting the belt of timber for some distance, cut through it near its southern extremity, emerging upon the mountain spur some three miles from, and much higher than, the spot where the first search party had come out. the crest of the spur now lay about half a mile in front of them, and upon reaching it the travellers beheld a magnificent prospect before them. the mountain spur sloped away steeply from their feet, plunging down until it was lost in a wide, densely wooded ravine about a mile in width, beyond which the ground again rose somewhat irregularly in a wide sweep of upland, gradually merging into foothills which, viewed from that distance, appeared to be the advance guard of the towering andes. the atmosphere was exquisitely clear, revealing every object in the landscape with photographic sharpness, and arima paused for a few minutes, with the double object of breathing the animals and taking a good, long, comprehensive view of the scene before him. for some minutes he gazed intently at the many landmarks, that stretched away before him and on either hand, and at length turned to escombe and said, pointing: "you see those twin peaks yonder, senor?" "assuredly," assented harry. "and you also see that hill between them and us--the one, i mean, with the cloud shadow resting upon it which causes it to tell up dark against the sunlit mountain slopes beyond?" "certainly," again assented harry. "it is a few miles on the other side of that hill that we shall find the spot of which mama cachama spoke," explained arima. "then you recognise the various marks which she described for your guidance, do you, and believe that she actually saw them in her trance?" "without doubt, senor," answered the indian in a tone of surprise, as though he wondered at the slight hint of incredulity suggested by the question. "and do you think that, when we arrive, we shall find the chief there?" asked harry. "nay, senor, that i cannot say," answered arima. "but this i know, that if he is still there when we reach the spot he will be dead." "yes," assented escombe, "i fear you are right. and how long will it take us to reach the spot?" "we shall do well if we get there before the sun sinks half-way down the heavens to-morrow," was the answer. "to-morrow!" ejaculated harry incredulously. "how far, then, is it from where we now stand?" "if we could ride straight to it we might reach it to-day some two hours before sunset," answered arima. "but that is impossible, senor; our road lies off yonder to the right, along the slope of the mountain, to the nearest point at which it will be possible for us to cross the ravine; and when we have accomplished that, there will still be a toilsome ride of some three hours before us, ere we can hope to emerge from the ravine on the other side. we shall be fortunate if we accomplish so much before we are overtaken by the darkness." "is that so?" questioned harry. "then in that case we had better press forward without further delay." and, digging his heels into the ribs of his mule, the young englishman resumed his march. it was shortly after three o'clock on the following afternoon when arima, who for the previous half-hour had been riding slowly and studying the ground intently, suddenly reined up his mule, and, leaping lightly to the ground, knelt down and carefully examined the long, coarse grass that thickly carpeted the soil. for a full minute he remained thus, delicately fingering the blades and gently pushing them aside, then he rose to his feet, and, with a sigh of satisfaction, pointed with his finger, saying: "here is the trail of the chief, senor; he came from yonder and went in that direction." "are you sure, arima?" demanded harry. "i can see no sign of the passage of a man through this grass." "very possibly not, senor," answered arima dryly, "because, you see, you are not accustomed to tracking; moreover, this trail is some days old, and was made while the grass was wet and beaten down by the rain. but it is there, nevertheless, for practised eyes to read, and, being found, can now be easily followed. when the chief passed here he was in a terribly exhausted state, and staggered as he ran, exactly as mama cachama described, for just here he stumbled--if your honour will take the trouble to dismount you can see the mark where the toe of his boot dug into the soil--and i think the spot where he fell finally cannot be very far from here." "in that case," said harry, "let us press on as quickly as possible, for even minutes may be of inestimable value now. as to dismounting and examining the marks for myself, we have no time for that at present, arima, and i am quite content to take your word for it that matters are as you say. can you follow the trail mounted, or must you proceed on foot?" "i can follow it mounted, senor, seeing that i was mounted when i found it," answered arima. "but it will be well that you should ride a few yards behind me, lest the trail should swerve suddenly to right or left and be crossed by your mule." so saying, the indian sprang into his saddle and, turning the head of his animal, rode forward at a foot pace, his eyes intently searching the sea of waving grass before him. for a quarter of an hour he rode on thus, with harry, leading butler's horse, following a yard or two in his rear; then he suddenly reined his mule aside and, pointing to a barely perceptible depression in the grass, said: "see, senor, there is where the chief first fell, as described by mama cachama--yes--and,"--as his keen eyes roved hither and thither--"yonder is the spot where he fell and lay." a few paces brought them to the spot indicated, and here the signs were clear enough for even escombe's untrained eyes to read, the grass being still depressed sufficiently to show that a human form had lain there motionless and stretched at length for several hours; moreover, at that part of the depression where the man's head had rested, the grass blades were still flecked here and there with dried, ruddy froth, beneath which lay a little patch of coagulated blood, from which a swarm of flies arose as arima bent over it and pointed it out to harry. but the fugitive had disappeared, and the indian gave it as his opinion that the chief had revived after lying insensible for about six hours, and had immediately resumed his interrupted flight. as to the direction in which he had gone, there was no difficulty in determining that, for, leading away toward the eastward there were two wavering lines, close together, traced through the long grass by the feet of the wanderer, and still distinct enough to be followed by even so inexperienced a tracker as the young englishman. "now, arima," exclaimed harry, "is there anything worth knowing to be gained by a prolonged examination of this `form'? because, if not, we will press on at once, since time is precious. the chief went in that direction, of course--even i can see that--and the trail is so clear that we ought to be able to follow it at a canter." "yes, quite easily, senor," acquiesced arima. "there is nothing to be learned here beyond the fact that the senor butler fell at this spot, and lay absolutely motionless for so long a time that he must have been in a swoon. then he revived, sat up, rose to his knees--see, there are the impressions of his two knees, and of the toes of his boots behind them--then he stood for several minutes, as though uncertain whither he would go, and finally struck off to the eastward. but see how the trail wavers this way and that way, even in the short length of it that we can trace from here. he moved quite aimlessly, not knowing whither he would go; and i think that, if he is still alive when we find him, senor, he will be quite crazy." "so much the greater reason for finding him as quickly as possible. mount and ride, arima," exclaimed harry, pressing his heels into his mule's sides, and urging the animal into a canter along the plainly marked trail until he was taught better by the indian. "never ride immediately over a trail which you are following, senor, but close beside it, on one side or the other of it, so that the trail itself is left quite undisturbed. one never can tell when it may be necessary to study the trail carefully in search of some bit of information which might easily be obliterated if it were ridden or walked over." harry at once pulled his mule to one side of the trail, arima following it on the opposite side, and the pair pushed on, winding hither and thither as the track of the fugitive swerved this way and that, until they had travelled a further distance of some nine or ten miles, when they came upon another "form", where butler had laid himself down to rest for--as arima estimated--a space of about two hours. there was nothing of importance to be learned here; they therefore pushed forward again with all possible speed, for the sun was now rapidly declining toward the western horizon, and escombe was anxious to find the wanderer before nightfall, if possible, since another night's exposure in the keen air of that elevated plain might very well prove fatal to a man in butler's terribly exhausted condition. for the last hour of the pursuit the track had led over rising ground, and it soon became pretty evident that the fugitive had been making his uncertain way toward a gorge between two mountains, which had gradually been opening out ahead of the pursuers. meanwhile the spoor had been growing fresher with every stride of the cantering mules, showing that the trackers were rapidly gaining upon the chase, and that the latter was now in the very last stage of exhaustion, for the "forms" where he had paused to rest were ever becoming more frequent and closer together. the indian, therefore, after attentively studying the last form which was encountered, gave it as his opinion that the hunted man could not now be more than a mile or two ahead, and suggested that harry should push straight on for the entrance of the gorge, in the hope of sighting the fugitive and running him down, while he (arima), with the led horse, should continue to follow the trail, for if butler should gain the gorge before being overtaken, his pursuit over the rocky ground might be slow and difficult. accordingly, harry turned his mule slightly aside from the trail, and made straight for a landmark indicated by the indian, pressing his beast forward at its best pace. he had ridden thus about a quarter of an hour, and was rapidly approaching the entrance of the gorge, when he suddenly caught sight of a moving object ahead, winding its way among a number of masses of granite outcrop; and urging his exhausted mule to a final effort, escombe presently had the satisfaction of identifying the moving object as a man--a white man--attired in a few tattered remnants of what had once been civilised clothing. that the man was butler there could be no shadow of doubt, and a few strides farther enabled harry to recognise him. as he did so, the stumbling, staggering figure paused for a moment, glanced behind him, and saw that he was pursued; whereupon he flung his arms above his head, emitted a most horrible, eldritch scream, started to run forward again, staggered a few paces, and fell forward prone upon the ground, where he lay motionless. chapter seven. the jewel. reining up his mule, escombe at once glanced behind him to ascertain whether arima happened to be within sight. yes, there he was, about a mile distant, pushing along at a trot and winding hither and thither, as he persistently followed the erratic twistings and turnings of the pursued man's spoor. harry therefore drew his revolver from his belt, and, pointing the muzzle of the weapon upward, discharged two shots in rapid succession to attract the indian's attention, and then waved his white pocket handkerchief in the air as a sign that the lost man had been found, and that the pursuit was at an end. the indian immediately uttered a peculiar shrill whoop by way of reply, and turned his beast's head directly toward the spot where the young englishman could be seen sitting motionless in his saddle; whereupon harry at once sprang to the ground and, throwing his mule's bridle upon the grass--a sign which the animal had been trained to obey by standing perfectly still--rushed toward the prostrate figure, and, turning it gently over, raised it to a sitting posture, passing his arm round the neck as a support to the drooping head. yes, the man was butler, there could be no doubt about that; but oh! what a dreadful change had been wrought by those few days of flight and exposure! butler had always been a man of somewhat spare build, but now he was emaciated to an extent almost past belief--his cheeks were so hollow that it seemed as though an incautiously rough touch would cause the protruding cheek-bones to burst through the skin; his closed eyes were sunk so deep in their sockets that the eyeballs appeared to have dwindled to the size of small marbles; while the lips had contracted to such an extent as to leave the tightly clenched teeth clearly visible, the general effect being that of a grinning, fleshless skull with a covering of shrivelled skin drawn tightly over it. the once immaculate suit of white clothing was now deeply soiled and stained by contact with the earth and grass, and was a mere wrapping of scarcely recognisable rags, the coat being missing altogether, while great rents in the remaining garments revealed the protruding ribs and the shrunken limbs, the colour of the yellowish-brown skin being almost completely obscured by the latticing of long and deep blood-smeared scratches that mutely told how desperately the man had fought his way through all obstacles in his headlong, panic-stricken flight; his finger nails were broken and ragged; his boots were cut and torn to pieces to such an extent that they afforded scarcely any protection to his feet; and his once irongrey hair and moustache, as well as his short growth of stubbly beard, were almost perfectly white. with a quick slash of his knife escombe severed the filthy wisp of silk that had once been a smart necktie, as it had somehow become tightly knotted round the unconscious man's throat, and then impatiently awaited the coming of arima, who was leading the horse on the saddle of which were strapped the small supply of medical comforts which had been brought along to meet just such a contingency as this; and a few minutes later the indian cantered up and, flinging himself from the back of his mule, came forward to render assistance. bidding the man kneel down and support the unconscious butler's head, harry sprang to the saddle bags and drew forth a flask of brandy, which he held to the sick man's lips, allowing a few drops of the liquid to find their way between the clenched teeth. for fully ten minutes he strove to coax a small quantity of the spirit down his chiefs throat, and at length had the satisfaction of seeing that some at least had been swallowed. the almost immediate result of this was a groan and a slight, spasmodic movement of the emaciated limbs; and presently, after a few minutes of further persistent effort, butler opened his eyes. "ah, that's better!" ejaculated the amateur physician with a sigh of extreme satisfaction. "you will soon be all right now, sir. let me give you just another spoonful and you will feel like a new man. no, no, please don't keep your teeth clenched like that; open your mouth, mr butler, and let me pour a little more down your throat. do please,"--in a most insinuating tone of voice--"it will do you no end of good. arima, take hold of his chin and see if you can force his lower jaw open, but be as gentle as you can. there, that's right! now then!" with a deft touch and no apparent violence the indian succeeded in getting the locked jaws apart, and escombe promptly availed himself of the opportunity to pour about a tablespoonful of spirits into the partially open mouth. for a moment there was no result, then a cough and a splutter on the part of the sick man showed that the potent elixir was making its way down his throat, and, with another groan, the patient made a feeble effort to struggle to his feet. but the attempt was a failure, the last particle of strength had already been spent, and, sighing heavily, butler subsided back upon the supporting arm of the indian, and lay staring vacantly at the rich sapphire sky that arched above him. then harry took him by the hand, and, calling him by name, endeavoured to win some sign of recognition from him, but all in vain. the utmost that he could accomplish was to extract from his patient a few meaningless, incoherent mumblings, which conveyed nothing save the fact that the speaker's mind was, at least for the moment, a perfect blank. at length, convinced that he could do no more until he had got his patient settled in camp, he called upon arima to help him, and between the two they soon had the unfortunate man comfortably stretched upon a blanket under the lee of an enormous granite rock, which would at least partially shield him from the keen wind of the fast approaching night. then, with the help of a few stout saplings cut from a clump of bush close at hand, they contrived to rig a small, makeshift kind of tent over the upper half of his body, as a further protection from the cold, and lighted their camp fire close to his feet. then, while the indian, with gentle touch, cut away the soiled rags of clothing from the wasted body and limbs, and swathed them in a waterproof rug, escombe unsaddled and hobbled the horse and mules, and turned them loose to graze. next he unpacked the saddle bags and camp equipage, and proceeded to prepare a small quantity of hot, nourishing soup, which, with infinite difficulty, he at length induced his patient to swallow, a few drops at a time; and finally, with a makeshift pillow beneath his head, the invalid was gently laid down in a comfortable posture, when he soon sank into a refreshing sleep. the weary pair seized the opportunity thus afforded them to attend to their own most pressing needs; but neither of them closed their eyes in sleep that night, for they had scarcely finished their supper when butler awoke and again demanded their most unremitting care and attention, as he evinced great uneasiness and perturbation of mind which speedily developed into a state of such violent delirium, that it was only with the utmost difficulty the combined efforts of the pair were able to restrain him from doing either himself or them some serious injury. for more than forty hours did that dreadful delirium continue, the patient being extraordinarily violent during almost the entire period; then his unnatural strength suddenly collapsed, leaving him weak as an infant and in an almost continuous state of lethargy, so profound that it was with great difficulty that his two nurses were able to arouse him sufficiently to administer small quantities of liquid nourishment. it was by this time evident, even to harry's inexperienced eye, that butler's condition was desperate, even if not altogether hopeless, and he consulted arima as to the possibility of procuring the services of a qualified physician; but the indian had no encouragement to offer. cerro de pasco, the nearest town in which one might hope to find a doctor, was some fifty miles distant, as the crow flies, but the difficulties of the way were such that, using the utmost expedition, it would take a messenger at least four days to reach the place, and as many to return--assuming that the messenger were fortunate enough to find a doctor who could be persuaded to set out forthwith--by which time, harry knew instinctively, the patient would be long past all human aid. besides, there was no messenger to send, save arima; and, in view of the possible recurrence of delirium, the lad felt that he would not be justified in sending the indian away. while the two were still engaged in debating the question of what was best to be done under the distressing circumstances, butler ended the difficulty by quietly breathing his last, crossing the borderland between life and death without a struggle, and without recovering consciousness. indeed so perfectly quiet and peaceful was the end that it was some time before young escombe could convince himself that his chief was really dead; but when at length there could no longer be any question as to the fact, the body was at once wrapped in the waterproof sheet which had formed a makeshift tent for the shelter of the sick man, and packed, with as much reverence as the circumstances would allow, upon the deceased man's horse, for conveyance back to camp for interment, the pair having with them no implements wherewith to dig a grave. moreover, harry considered that, taking the somewhat peculiar circumstances of the case into consideration, it was very desirable that the body should be seen and identified by the other members of the survey party before burial took place. this event occurred on the evening of the third day after death, escombe himself reading the burial service; and he afterwards fashioned with his own hands, and placed at the head of the grave, a wooden cross, upon which he roughly but deeply cut with his pocket knife the name of the dead man and the date of his death. he also, as a matter of precaution, took a very careful set of astronomical observations for the determination of the exact position of the grave, recording the result in his diary at the end of the long entry detailing all the circumstances connected with the sad event. escombe now suddenly found his young shoulders burdened with a heavy load of responsibility, for not only did butler's death leave the lad in sole charge of the survey party, with the task of carrying on unaided the exceedingly important work upon which that party was engaged, until assistance could be sent out to him from england; but it also became his immediate duty to report all the circumstances of the death of his leader to the british consul at lima--who would doubtless put in motion the necessary machinery for the capture and punishment of the men who were responsible for the events which had brought about butler's death-and also to sir philip swinburne, who would, of course, in turn, communicate the sad intelligence to the deceased man's family. and there were also all butler's private effects to be packed up and sent home forthwith. yet, taking everything into consideration, the death of his chief was a relief rather than otherwise to the lad, unfeeling though the statement may appear at the first blush. butler was a man for whom it was quite impossible for anyone to acquire a friendly feeling; harry therefore felt that when he had committed his chief's body to the earth with as much respectful observance as the circumstances permitted, had carefully and scrupulously collected together and dispatched to england all the dead man's personal belongings, and had taken such steps as were possible for the capture and punishment of the men who were primarily responsible for butler's death, he had done everything that a strict sense of duty claimed from him, and was not called upon to feign and outwardly manifest a sorrow which had no place in his heart. besides, he was now the responsible head of the survey party; upon him depended-for at least the next three months--the conduct of an important and highly scientific operation; and upon the manner in which he conducted it depended very serious issues involving the expenditure of exceedingly large sums of money. this was his opportunity to demonstrate to all concerned the stuff of which he was made; it was an opportunity so splendid that many a young fellow of his age would cheerfully give half a dozen years of his life to obtain such another; for harry fully realised that if he could carry his task to a successful conclusion his fortune, from the professional point of view, was made. and he felt that he could--ay, and would--do this. the experience which he had already gained since his arrival in peru had been of inestimable value to him, and he had made the very utmost of it; he therefore felt confident of his ability to carry through his task to the satisfaction of his employers and with credit to himself, and he entered upon it with avidity and keen enjoyment. moreover, he was tactful, and possessed the happy knack of managing those under him in such a way that he was able to extract the very last ounce of work from them without offending their susceptibilities, or causing them to feel that he was making undue demands upon them. under these circumstances, and with the perpetual galling irritation of butler's presence and influence removed, the survey made rapid and very satisfactory progress, the party arriving at cerro de pasco in a trifle under six weeks from the date of butler's death, thus completing the second section of the survey. the third section was very much longer and more difficult in every respect than either of the two completed, since it extended from nanucaca--already connected by rail with cerro de pasco--along the shore of lake chinchaycocha to ayacucho and cuzco, and thence on to santa rosa, the distance being some four hundred and seventy miles as the crow flies, while the difficulties of the route might possibly increase that distance by nearly one-third. but escombe was by no means dismayed by the formidable character of the obstacles that lay before him; he had come to realise that, to the man who would achieve success, obstacles exist only that they may be overcome, and he was gaining experience daily in the overcoming of obstacles. he therefore attacked this third and very formidable section, not only without any anxiety or fear, but with a keen zest that instantly communicated itself to his little band of followers, welding them together into a perfectly harmonious, smooth-working whole. it must not be thought, however, that escombe allowed himself to become so completely absorbed in his work that he could think of nothing else. on the contrary, he understood perfectly the meaning of the word "recreation" and the value of the thing itself. he knew that no man can work for ever without wearing himself out, and he looked upon recreation as--what its name implied--a re-creation or rebuilding of those forces, mental and physical, which labour wears away, and valued it accordingly, taking it whenever he felt that he really needed it, even as he took food or medicine. now it chanced that fishing was one of escombe's favourite recreations; and no sooner had he started the third section of the survey--which began by skirting the eastern shore of lake chinchaycocha--than he made a practice of indulging in an hour or two's fishing whenever the opportunity offered. it was this practice that led to an occurrence which was destined to culminate in an adventure so startling and extraordinary as to be scarcely credible in these prosaic twentiethcentury days. it happened on a saturday afternoon. on the day in question, the survey party being then encamped on the shore of lake chinchaycocha, as soon as he had squared up his week's work, and snatched a hasty luncheon, the young englishman brought forth his fishing tackle, and, getting aboard a balsa, or light raft, which arima had constructed for him, proceeded to paddle some distance out from the shore to a spot which he had already ascertained afforded him a fair prospect of sport. arrived there he dropped his keeleg--a large stone serving the purpose of an anchor--overboard and settled down comfortably to enjoy his favourite pastime, and also provide an exceedingly welcome addition to the somewhat monotonous fare of camp life. the sport that afternoon was not so good as harry had expected, and it was drawing well on toward evening before the fish began to bite at all freely--he was trying especially for a certain particularly delicious kind of fish, something between a trout and a mullet, which was only to be captured by allowing the hook to rest at the very bottom of the lake. suddenly he felt a smart tug at his line and at once began to haul it in, but he had scarcely got it fairly taut when the tremulous jerk which denoted the presence of a fish at the other end was exchanged for a steady strain, and it soon became perfectly evident that the hook had become entangled in something at the bottom. now escombe's stock of fishing tackle was of exceedingly modest proportions, so much so, indeed, that the loss of even a solitary hook was a matter not to be contemplated with indifference, therefore he brought all his skill to bear upon the delicate task of releasing the hook from its entanglement. but at the end of half an hour he was no nearer to success than at the beginning of his endeavours, while the sun was within a hand's breadth of the horizon, and he had no fancy for being caught by the darkness while on the lake, therefore he adopted other tactics, and strove to bring the object, whatever it might be, to the surface by means of a steady yet not dangerously powerful strain. ah, that was better! at the very first tug escombe felt the resistance yield by the merest hairs-breadth, and presently a faint jerk told him that he had gained another fraction of an inch, which success was repeated every few seconds until he was able to lift and drop the line a clear foot. then the sun's lower limb touched and rested for an instant upon the ridge of the western cordilleras before it began to sink behind them, and harry realised that the moment for energetic measures had arrived; for he was a good two miles from the shore, and it would take him the best part of an hour to paddle his clumsy craft that distance. therefore he steadily increased the strain upon his line, determined to release himself one way or another, even though at the cost of a hook. but it proved unnecessary for him to make so great a sacrifice, it was the unknown object that yielded, with little momentary jerks and an ever decreasing resistance until it finally let go its hold of the bottom altogether and came to the surface securely entangled with the hook. upon its emergence from the water harry gazed at his catch in astonishment; he had expected to see the water-logged branch of a tree, a bunch of weed, or something of that sort, but as it dangled, dripping with sandy ooze in the last rays of the setting sun, certain ruddy-yellow gleams that flashed from it told its finder that he had fished up something metallic from the bottom of the lake. the next moment escombe was busily engaged in disentangling his find from the fish hook, but long ere he had succeeded in doing so the young man had made the interesting discovery that he had been fortunate enough to retrieve a most remarkable jewel, in the form of a gold and emerald collar, from the depths of the lake. methodical even in the midst of his excitement at having made so valuable a find, the young englishman carefully disentangled his hook and line from the jewel, neatly wound up the former, and then proceeded patiently to wash away from the latter the ooze with which it was thickly coated, having done which he found himself in possession of an ornament so massive in material and so elaborate and unique in workmanship that he felt certain it must be worth quite a little fortune to any curio collector. it was, or appeared to be, a collar or necklace, a trifle over two feet in length, the ends united by a massive ring supporting a medallion. the links, so to speak, of the necklace consisted of twelve magnificent emeralds, each engraved upon one side with certain cabalistic characters, the meaning of which escombe could not guess at, and upon the other with a symbol which was easily identifiable as that of the sun; these emeralds were massively set-framed would be almost the more appropriate word--in most elaborately sculptured gold, and joined together by heavy gold links also very elaborately cut. the pendant was likewise composed of a superb emerald of fully three inches diameter set in a gold frame, chiselled to represent the rays of the sun, the emerald itself being engraved with the representation of a human face, which, oddly enough, harry recognised, even at the first glance, to be extraordinarily, astoundingly like his own. this was a find worth having, the young man told himself, and might prove worth several hundreds of pounds if judiciously advertised and offered for sale at christie's upon his return home; for safety's sake, therefore, he put it round his neck, tucking it inside his shirt, snugly out of sight, and, heaving up his keeleg, proceeded to paddle thoughtfully back to the shore. it was some three months after this occurrence--and in the interim young escombe had pushed forward the survey so rapidly, despite all difficulties, that he had covered more than half the distance between nanucaca and ayacucho--when, as he returned to camp at the end of his day's work, he observed two strange mules tethered near his tent; and presently a stranger emerged from the tent and advanced toward him. the stranger, although deeply tanned by the sun, was unmistakably an englishman, some twenty-eight years of age, rather above middle height, and with a pleasant though resolute expression stamped upon his good-looking features. approaching harry, he held out his hand and smilingly remarked: "mr escombe, i presume. my name is bannister--john bannister--and i come from sir philip swinburne to act as your colleague in the completion of the survey upon which you are engaged. these,"--producing a packet of papers--"are my credentials. grand country this,"--casting an admiring glance at the magnificent scenery amid which the camp was pitched--"but, my word, you must have had some tough bits of work, even before reaching this spot." "you are right, we have," answered harry as he cordially returned bannister's grasp. "i am right glad to see you, and to bid you welcome to our camp, for i have been pretty badly in want of intelligent help lately. these fellows,"--indicating the native helpers who were now scattered about the camp busily preparing for the evening meal--"are all well enough in their way, and since poor butler's death i have managed to drill them into something like decent, useful shape; but i have often been badly hampered for the want of another surveyor who could work with me in surmounting some of the especially bad places. now that you have come we shall be able to get ahead nearly twice as fast. i suppose you came out by the last mail, eh? and how are things going in the dear old country?" harry led the new arrival into his tent, and proceeded forthwith to discard his working clothes and divest himself of the stains of his day's toil as he chatted animatedly, asking questions for the most part, as is the wont of the old hand--and escombe had by this time grown to quite regard himself as such--when he foregathers with somebody fresh from "home". bannister, having arrived at the camp pretty early in the afternoon, had already bathed and changed; he therefore had nothing to do but to sit still and answer harry's questions, jerking in one or two himself occasionally, until the younger man's toilet was completed, when they sat down to dinner together. by the time that the meal was over each felt perfectly satisfied that he would be able to get on well with the other, and was looking forward to a quite pleasant time up there among the stupendous mountains. upon first seeing bannister, and learning that he had come out from sir philip, harry naturally thought that the new arrival had been dispatched to fill the position of chief of the survey party, rendered vacant by the death of the unfortunate butler; but upon opening the credentials which bannister had presented, he found that it was actually as the bearer had stated, that he and harry were to act as colleagues, not as chief and subordinate, in the completion of the survey, thus making the pair jointly responsible for the work, while they would share equally the credit upon its completion. they spent an exceedingly pleasant evening together, chatting mostly over the work that still lay before them, harry producing his plans and explaining what had already been done, while bannister sat listening gravely to the recital of sundry hairbreadth escapes from death in the execution of duty, and of the manner in which a few of the more than ordinarily difficult bits of work had been accomplished; and when the pair again sat chatting together, twenty-four hours later, at the end of their first day together, each felt absolutely satisfied with the comrade with which fortune had brought him into touch. under these agreeable circumstances the survey progressed with greater rapidity than ever, the two englishmen conquering obstacle after obstacle, and meeting with plenty of thrilling adventures in the process, until in the fullness of time they reached first ayacucho and then cuzco, when the worst of their troubles were over. for there was a road--of sorts--between the ancient capital and santa rosa, and the two englishmen, after riding over it in company, agreed that, for a considerable part of the way at least, the best route for a railway would be found contiguous to the highroad, by following which the surveyors would derive many substantial advantages, in addition to finding a comparatively easy route to survey. chapter eight. the abduction. the survey party had traversed about half the distance between cuzco and santa rosa when the two englishmen, following their invariable custom of indulging in a swim as often as opportunity afforded, made their way, at the end of a hard day's work, to a most romantic spot which they had encountered. here a small stream, flowing through a rocky gorge, fell over a granite ledge on to a large flat slab of rock some nine feet below, from which in turn it poured into a noble basin almost perfectly circular in shape, about twenty feet deep, and nearly or quite a hundred feet in diameter, ere it continued its course down the ravine. to stand on the slab of rock beneath the fall was to enjoy an ideal shower bath; and to dive from that same slab into the deep, pellucid pool and thereafter swim across the pool and back three or four times was a luxury worth riding several miles to enjoy; small wonder, therefore, was it that the two englishmen resolved to make the most of their opportunity, and continue to use this perfect natural swimming bath so long as their work kept them within reach of it. the camp was situated some two miles back from the pool, the bathers therefore, fatigued with a long day's work, decided to ride to and from the spot, instead of walking, and arima, the indian--who had by this time constituted himself escombe's especial henchman--was directed to accompany them to look after the horses while the riders were enjoying their dip. arrived at the pool, the two friends dismounted and proceeded to undress on a small space of rich, lush grass in close proximity to the basin, the indian meanwhile squatting upon his heels and holding the horses' bridles while the animals eagerly grazed. now, arima's devotion to harry, originating at the time when the two had made their memorable journey together to mama cachama's cave, and very greatly strengthened during the adventurous hunt for the missing butler, had steadily developed until it had become almost if not quite as strong as that of a parent for an idolised child. the indian could not bear his young master to be out of his sight for a moment, and was always most unhappy whenever the exigencies of work necessitated a separation of the two. he had been known to resort to the most extraordinary devices to prevent such an occurrence, and when the two were together arima never allowed his gaze to wander for a moment from his master's form if he could help it. yet, singularly enough, it was not until this particular evening that the indian had become aware of escombe's possession of the jewel so strangely fished up from the depths of lake chinchaycocha, or had ever caught sight of it. but he saw it now, as escombe undressed at a few yards' distance, the light falling strongly upon the dull red gold and the emeralds, as the lad carefully removed it from his neck and laid it upon the top of his clothes ere he rushed, with a joyous shout, and placed himself immediately beneath the foaming water of the fall. the sight appeared to arouse a feeling of very powerful curiosity in the breast of the indian, for it was only with the utmost difficulty that he contrived to retain his attitude of passivity until the more deliberately moving bannister had joined his friend upon the slab beneath the fall; but no sooner had this happened than, abandoning the horses to their own devices, arima crept cautiously forward until he reached escombe's heap of clothing, and, availing himself of the preoccupation of the bathers, took the jewel in his hand and examined it with the most rapt attention and care. for a space of nearly five minutes he continued his examination, after which he slowly and thoughtfully made his way back to the horses, which were too busily feeding upon the luscious grass to stray far. for the remainder of the evening the indian seemed to be plunged in a state of meditation so profound as to be quite oblivious of all outward things save his young master, his conduct toward whom was marked by a new and yet subtle attitude of almost worshipping reverence. but when the hands were mustered for work on the following morning, arima was nowhere to be found; he had vanished some time during the night, saying nothing to anyone, and leaving no trace behind. harry was very much upset at this sudden and inexplicable disappearance of the servant who, in a thousand little unobtrusive ways, had ministered so effectually to his comfort that his loss was at once felt as a serious misfortune, and he devoted two whole days to a search for the missing man, fearing that the fellow had strayed away from the camp and that something untoward had befallen him. but the search was quite unavailing, and on the third day it was abandoned, the only conclusion at which escombe could arrive being that the indian had deserted under the influence of pique at some unintentional affront and gone back to his own people. it was some two months later--by which time the party was drawing near to santa rosa, and the great railway survey was approaching completion-that in the dead of a dark and starless night three indians stealthily approached the surveyors' camp and, having first reconnoitred the ground as carefully as the pitch darkness would permit, made their way, noiseless as shadows, to the tent occupied by young escombe. the leading indian was arima, the two who followed were very old men, their scanty locks, white as snow, hanging to their shoulders, their ascetic, clean-cut features sharp and shrunken, yet they carried themselves as upright as though they had been in the heyday of youth, and their sunken eyes glowed and sparkled with undiminished fire. they wore sleeveless shirts of pure white, finely woven of vicuna wool, reaching to the knee, the opening at the throat and arms, and also the hem of the garment, being richly ornamented with embroidery in heavy gold thread. this garment was confined at the waist by a massive belt of solid gold composed of square placques hinged together, and each elaborately sculptured with conventional representations of the sun. over this was worn a long cloak, dyed blue, also woven of vicuna wool, but without ornament of any description. their heads were bare, and the lobe of each ear was pierced and distended to receive a gold medallion nearly four inches in diameter, also heavily sculptured with a representation of the sun. their legs were bare, but each wore sandals bound to the feet and ankles by thongs of leather. to judge from the travel-stained appearance of their garments they must have come a considerable distance, and have been exposed to many vicissitudes of weather. entering escombe's tent, which was dimly lighted by a hanging lamp turned low, arima noiselessly moved aside and silently, with outstretched hand, indicated to his two companions the form of the sleeping lad, who lay stretched at length upon his camp bed, breathing the long, deep breath of profound slumber. nodding silently, one of the two withdrew from a pouch which hung suspended from his belt a soft cloth and a small phial. extracting the stopper from the latter, he emptied the contents of the phial upon the cloth, which he then very gradually approached to the nostrils of the sleeper until it was within an inch of them. he held the cloth thus for about five minutes, allowing the fumes of the liquid to enter the sleeper's nostrils, while his companion very gently laid his fingers upon the pulse of escombe's right hand, which happened to be lying outside the coverlet. at length the second indian--he who held harry's wrist--nodded to the first, saying, in a low voice, in the ancient quichua language: "it is enough; nothing will now awaken him,"--whereupon the holder of the cloth returned it and the phial to his pouch and stepped back from the side of the bed. then, turning to arima, he said, in the same language: "say you, arima, that this youth always wears the collar upon his person, night and day?" "even so, lord," answered arima. "at least," he modified his statement, "so i surmise; for i have never seen the jewel save the once whereof i told you, and again on that same night when i stole into his tent while he slept, and found that he was wearing it then. whereupon i hastened to you with my momentous news." "you have done well, friend," answered the first speaker. "should all prove to be as you say, you shall be richly rewarded. and now,"--he caught his breath with sudden excitement--"to settle the question." then, turning to his companion, he said: "approach, brother, and look with me. it is meet that we should both gaze upon the sacred emblem--if so it should prove--at the self-same moment." he signed to arima, who turned up the flame of the lamp, whereupon the two inca priests--for such the strangers actually were-bent over escombe's sleeping figure, one on each side of the bed, and while one drew down the coverlet the other unbuttoned the lad's sleeping jacket, exposing to view the jewel which he had fished up from lake chinchaycocha, and which, for safety, he always wore round his neck. eagerly the two priests bent down and scrutinised the magnificent ornament as it lay upon the gently heaving breast of the sleeper; and as their eyes hungrily took in the several peculiarities of the jewel a thrill of excitement visibly swept over them. finally, he who appeared to be the elder of the two said to the other: "there can scarcely be a doubt that arima's surmise is correct; nevertheless, brother, pass your hand beneath the young man's shoulder and raise him slightly that i may remove the collar and examine it." the priest addressed at once obeyed the request of the other, who thereupon gently passed the ornament over the sleeper's head and, taking it immediately beneath the lamp, proceeded to examine every part of it with the closest scrutiny, his companion allowing escombe's limp body to subside back on the pillow before he, too, joined in the inspection. every link, almost every mark of the chisel, was subjected to the most careful examination, and apparently certain of the engraved marks were recognised as bearing a definite meaning; for on more than one occasion the elder of the two priests pointed to such a mark, saying, "behold, motahuana, here is, unmistakably, the secret sign," while the other would nod his head solemnly and respond, "even so, tiahuana; i see it." finally he who had been addressed by the other as tiahuana turned the jewel over in his hand and examined the back of it. his gaze instantly fell upon the cabalistic characters engraved upon the backs of the emeralds, which had puzzled escombe, and, laying the jewel gently down upon the bed, he prostrated himself before it, motahuana immediately following his example, as also did arima. for a space of some three or four minutes the trio appeared to be absorbed in some act of silent devotion, then tiahuana rose to his feet and fixed his gaze on the jewel which lay upon the coverlet of escombe's bed. meditatively his eyes rested upon the great emerald pendant with its engraved representation of a human face, and from thence they wandered to the calm features of the sleeping lad. suddenly he started, and his gaze became alert, almost startled. he bent down and scrutinised the engraved features intently, then quickly diverted his gaze to those on the pillow. was it some trick of light, he asked himself, or were the two sets of features identical? "look, motahuana, look!" he whispered in tense accents; "see you the resemblance? i have but observed it this instant. nay, man, you can scarcely see it from where you stand, for that side of his face is in shadow. come to this side of the couch--or, stay, i will move the lamp." he did so, holding the lamp so that its light fell full upon the sleeper's face, while with the other hand he rearranged the collar so that the pendant lay upright upon escombe's breast. in this position, and in the stronger light, the likeness was even more startlingly striking than before, and for two long minutes the aged pair bent intently over the object of their scrutiny with an ever-growing expression of wonder and awe upon their attenuated features. "well, brother," at length demanded tiahuana, somewhat sharply, "see you what i mean, or is it merely my fancy--a figment of my over-heated imagination?" "nay, lord," answered motahuana in an awestruck whisper, "it is no figment, no fancy; the likeness is wonderful, marvellous, perfect; the features are identical, curve for curve and line for line, save that those engraved on the emerald bear the impress of a few more years of life. that, however, is immaterial, and in no wise affects the fact that in this sleeping youth we behold the reincarnation of him who first wore the sacred jewel, the lord and father of our people, manco capac!" "even so; you say truly, motahuana," agreed tiahuana in tones of exultation. "the revelation is complete and indisputable past all doubt; the mighty manco capac has returned to earth from his home among the stars, and soon now shall peru resume its former glorious position as the greatest and most powerful nation in the world. it is true that the great manco returns to us in the guise of a young englishman, for which circumstance i was scarcely prepared; but what of that? it is better so; for england is to-day the wisest and most mighty nation on the face of the earth, and doubtless the inca brings with with him a rich store of the knowledge of england. come, there is no occasion for further delay; let us be going, for we must be far hence and beyond the reach of pursuit ere our father the sun awakens his children and discloses the fact of our lord's disappearance. go thou, arima, and summon hither the litter bearers and the others." in a perfect ecstasy of pride and delight that it should have fallen to his lot to become the humble instrument whereby had been made known to his people the glorious fact of the great inca's reincarnation in the person of escombe--as he never for a moment doubted was the case--arima hurried out to where the remainder of the party lay patiently in ambush, briefly announced to them that all was well, and bade them follow him in perfect silence to the tent in which harry still lay plunged in a deathlike yet quite harmless sleep. the litter--a light but strong structure, framed of bamboos and covered with vicuna cloth, so arranged that it could be completely closed--was carried right into the tent, the covering thrown back, and escombe was lifted, on his mattress and still covered with the bedclothes, off the little iron camp bedstead and carefully placed in the litter, the jewel was replaced about his neck, the pillow under his head was comfortably arranged by arima, the litter was closed, and then a little procession, consisting of the litter and its four bearers, with the eight other men who acted as reliefs, headed by the two priests, filed silently out into the darkness, leaving arima, with six men, armed to the teeth with bows and arrows--the latter tipped with copper--lances of hardwood sharpened by fire, and short swords, the copper blades of which were hardened and tempered almost to the consistency of steel by a process known only to the peruvians themselves. the duty of these men was to collect together and pack, under arima's supervision, the whole of escombe's private and personal belongings; and this they did with such expedition that, in less than half an hour from the involuntary departure of its owner, the tent was almost entirely stripped of its contents and left deserted. under the anaesthetic influence of the vapour which he had unconsciously inhaled, escombe continued to sleep soundly until close upon midday, by which time the effect had almost entirely passed off, and he began to awake very gradually to the consciousness that something very much out of the ordinary course of things was happening. the first thing to impress itself upon his slowly awakening senses was the fact that the bed upon which he was lying was in motion, a gentle, easy, rhythmic, swaying motion, unlike any movement that he had ever before experienced. yet the bed seemed to be the same as that upon which he had retired to rest upon the preceding night, so far as he could judge; the mattress had the old familiar feel, and--yes, certainly, he was still under the shelter of the bedclothes, and his head still rested upon the familiar pillow--he could feel the lumps in it where the flock filling had become matted together. but why the mysterious motion? could it be that he was experiencing for the first time the effects of a peruvian earthquake? slowly and reluctantly he opened his eyes, and saw that his bed was indeed the same, yet with a certain difference, the precise nature of which he was at first unable to define. but presently he saw that the bed or couch upon which he was lying was closely encompassed by a soft blanket-like cloth, tightly strained over a light bamboo framework, forming a sort of canopy. and the motion? he was by this time sufficiently awake to understand that it was real; nor was it due to earthquake, as he had at first been inclined to think it might be; no, it was the regular, rhythmic movement of men marching and keeping step; he was being carried! with a rush his senses came fully back to him, and he started up into a sitting posture. it was high time for him to get to the bottom of this mystery, he told himself. he saw that midway in their length the side curtains which enclosed him were divided and overlapped, and, stretching out his hand, he wrenched them apart, at the same time, in his forgetfulness, calling loudly for arima. in an instant the indian was by the side of the litter and peering in through the opening between the parted curtains, to his masters intense astonishment. "you called, senor--my lord, i mean?" exclaimed the man submissively. "i did!" answered escombe incisively. "what has happened, arima? where have you been? where am i? why am i being carried off in this outrageous manner? answer me quickly." "my lord," answered the indian deprecatingly, "i implore you not to be disturbed or alarmed in the least. we are all your slaves, and are prepared to lay down our lives in your service. no harm is intended you; but it is necessary that you accompany us to the place whither we are going. here is my lord tiahuana. he will perhaps explain further." meanwhile, during this brief colloquy, the cortege had come to a halt, and now the elder of the two priests presented himself as arima retired, and, with a profound obeisance, said: "let my lord pardon his servants, and let not his anger be kindled against them. what we have done has been done of necessity and because there seemed to be no other way. but my lord need have no fear that evil is meditated against him; on the contrary, a position of great power and glory will be his at the end of his journey; and meanwhile every possible provision has been made for the comfort and wellbeing of my lord during his passage through the mountains." "but--but--i don't understand," stammered harry. "who are you, why do you address me as lord, and what do you mean by talking about a passage through the mountains? there is a ridiculous mistake." "nay, lord, be assured that there is no mistake," answered tiahuana impressively. "the matter has been most carefully investigated, and the fact has been conclusively established that my lord is he whom we want. the jewel which my lord even now wears about his neck proves it. further than that--" "the jewel that i am wearing about my neck--this thing?" exclaimed harry, drawing it forth. "why, man, i fished this up from the bottom of lake chinchaycocha, and am simply wearing it because it appeared valuable and i did not wish to lose it." "even so, lord," answered tiahuana soothingly, and with even increased reverence, if that were possible. "the circumstance that my lord drew the collar of the great manco capac from the depths of chinchaycocha is but an added proof--if such were needed--that my lord is he whom we have believed him to be, and that no mistake has been made." "but, my good man, i tell you that a mistake _has_ been made--a very stupid mistake--which i must insist that you rectify at once," exclaimed escombe, who was beginning to grow a trifle exasperated at what he inwardly termed the fellow's stupid persistence. "look here," he continued, "i don't in the least know whom you suppose me to be, but i will tell you who i am. my name is escombe--henry escombe. i am an englishman, and i only came to peru--" "my lord," interposed tiahuana with deep humility, yet with a certain inflection of firmness in his voice, "all that you would say is perfectly well known to us your servants; it has been told to us by the man arima. but nothing can alter the fact that my lord is the man referred to in the prophecy pronounced by the great high priest titucocha on the awful night when the inca atahuallpa was strangled by the spaniards in the great square of caxamalca. from that moment the ancient peruvian people have looked for the coming of my lord to free them from the yoke of the foreign oppressor, to give them back their country, and to restore them to the proud position which they occupied ere the coming of the cruel spaniard; and now that my lord has deigned to appear we should be foolish indeed to permit anything--anything, lord--to stand in the way of the realisation of our long-deferred hopes." harry began to realise that the misunderstanding was more serious than he had at first thought. it must be put right without any further delay. but he could not sit there in that ridiculous palankeen affair and argue with a man who stood with his head thrust between the curtains; he must get up and dress. moreover, he was ravenously hungry, and felt certain that the breakfast hour must have long gone past. so, instead of replying to tiahuana's last remarks, he simply said: "send arima to me." the old priest instantly withdrew, and in his place appeared arima again, who had been standing within earshot, quite expecting a summons at any moment. "behold, i am here, lord," remarked the indian with a deep obeisance. "what is my lord's will with the least of his servants?" "my will," answered harry, "is to dress and have breakfast at once. when you and your friends kidnapped me last night, did you by any chance have the sense to bring my clothes along?" "we have brought everything with us, lord," answered arima. "nothing that i know to be my lord's property has been left behind." "um!" thought harry, "the beggar has been altogether too faithful for my liking. he has brought everything of mine, has he? that means that if i cannot persuade these idiots to take me back to the camp, and it becomes necessary for me to make my escape, i shall have to go off with just what i stand up in, leaving the rest of my belongings in their hands!" aloud he said: "very well, then please bring me the clothes that i wore while at work yesterday." with breathless haste the clothes required were brought forth from a bundle into which they had been hastily thrust, and presented to their owner; the litter was gently deposited upon the ground, and harry, lightly clad in his pyjama suit, scrambled out, to find himself in the midst of an extensive pine wood, with his escort, consisting of twentyone persons all told, prostrate on their faces around him! evidently, he told himself, he was a personage of such dignity and consequence that he must not be looked at by profane eyes while dressing. smiling to himself at the absurdity of the whole adventure, he quickly proceeded with his toilet, obsequiously assisted by the faithful arima; and when at length he was dressed, a word from arima caused the escort to rise to their feet. then, while some of them proceeded to gather branches and light a fire, others set to work to open certain bundles from which they rapidly extracted bread, chocolate, sugar, and, in short, all the ingredients required to furnish forth an appetising and satisfying breakfast. finally, about half an hour later, the young englishman, in a frame of mind about equally divided between annoyance at his abduction and amazement at the unaccountable behaviour of his abductors, found himself partaking of the said breakfast, presented to him in a service of solid gold of curious but most elaborate design and workmanship, and waited upon by his entire suite with as much ceremony and obsequiousness as though he were a king. chapter nine. tiahuana tells a strange story. escombe's appetite was good, the food delicious, the cooking perfection, the service irreproachable, if somewhat elaborate. it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that the young man made an excellent meal, and that at its conclusion he should feel himself in admirable form for tackling his captors upon the subject of their outrageous abduction of him. therefore, after performing his post-prandial ablutions in a basin of solid gold, held before him by a kneeling man, and drying himself upon an immaculate towel woven of cotton which was a perfect miracle of absorbent softness, tendered to him by another kneeling man, he resolutely seated himself upon a moss-grown rock which happened to conveniently protrude itself from the soil close at hand, and proceeded to deal with the matter. he had no difficulty in recognising that tiahuana and motahuana were the two wielders of authority in his escort--which, by the way, he noticed had a persistent trick of arranging itself about him in a tolerably close circle of which he was the centre--he therefore opened the proceedings by remarking: "now, before i go another step i insist upon having a full and explicit explanation of your unwarrantable behaviour in entering my camp last night and abducting me, to the serious detriment of the exceedingly important work upon which i am engaged. you have assured me that i have nothing to fear at your hands, and you appear to be quite satisfied that in abducting me you have got the man you want; but i am as far as ever from understanding what your motive can be. which of you two men is responsible for the outrage?" "i am the responsible one, lord," answered tiahuana. "i, the high priest of the remnant of the ancient peruvian race, now and for many long years established in the city of the sun which, unknown to any but ourselves, lies hidden far away among the mountains. you demand an explanation of what you have termed my unwarrantable action in taking possession of your august person. it is a just and reasonable demand, lord; moreover, it is necessary that you should have it. therefore, let my lord deign to listen to what to him may seem a wild and incredible story, but which is strictly true in every particular. "when in the dim and remote past our lord and father the sun took compassion upon us his people, he sent two of his children--manco capac and mama oello huaco--to earth in order that they might form us into a united and consolidated nation. these two established themselves in a certain spot, the locality of which had been divinely revealed to them by a certain sign--even as your identity, lord, has been revealed to us; and our forefathers gathering about them, the ancient and royal city of cuzco was built, wherein manco capac took up his abode as our first inca. now, manco capac, being of divine origin, was endowed with marvellous wisdom and knowledge, even to the foreseeing of future events; and among the events which he foretold was that of the conquest of our country by the spaniard. he also formulated many wise and righteous laws for the government of the people, which laws were further added to by his successors. "now, with the building of the city of cuzco and his establishment therein as inca, manco assumed royal dignity, and inaugurated a code of stately ceremonial for all those who formed his court and might have occasion to come to it. he also arrayed himself in regal garments and adorned his person with certain regal ornaments, of which the collar now worn by you, lord, was the most important next to the imperial borla, or tasselled fringe of scarlet, adorned with coraquenque feathers, which was the distinguishing insignia of royalty. "when in the fullness of time manco was called home to the mansions of his father the sun, he gave minute instructions, before his departure, as to the disposal of everything belonging to him, including his royal jewels. some of these he ordained were to be deposited with his body in the great temple of the sun at cuzco. but the jewel which you are now wearing, lord, he decreed was to be handed down from inca to inca, even unto the last of the race; and it was so. atahuallpa wore it as he entered the city of caxamalca at the head of his vassals and retinue on the afternoon of that fatal day when he fell into the hands of the treacherous spaniards and, helpless to prevent it, beheld thousands of his unarmed followers slaughtered like sheep in the great square. but he did not wear it on the night when, at the command of the false and treacherous pizarro, he was haled forth himself to die in the great square where so many of his followers had previously perished. nor did it fall into the hands of his captors, thus much was ascertained beyond all possibility of doubt. what became of it nobody could--or would-say; but on the night of atahuallpa's murder the high priest titucocha suddenly emerged from the great temple of the sun in cuzco and, standing before the entrance, summoned the inhabitants of the city to assemble before him. then he told them that atahuallpa was dead, that the inca dynasty was at an end, and that the great peruvian nation was doomed to pass under the rule of the _conquistadors_, and be swallowed up by them and their descendants. `but not for all time, my children,' he cried. `we have sinned in that we have permitted the spaniards to overrun our country without opposition, instead of utterly destroying them as we might have done; and this is our punishment for not defending the land which our father the sun gave us for our sustenance and enjoyment. but be not dismayed; a remnant of you shall survive, and under my leadership shall retire to a certain place the locality of which has been revealed to me, and there will we build a new city of the sun, the glory of which shall exceed that of cuzco, even as the glory of our lord and father the sun exceeds that of his consort the moon. and in the fullness of time it shall come to pass that manco capac, the founder of our nation, shall be reincarnated and shall appear among us, and he will become our inca, to reign over us as aforetime, and restore the peruvian nation to its pristine power and glory by virtue of his own wisdom and the power of the wealth which we will accumulate for his use. and when he appears ye shall know him from the fact that he will wear about his neck the great emerald collar worn first by himself and afterward by all the incas.' "and behold, lord, as titucocha spake, so hath it all happened. a remnant of the ancient peruvian race survives to this day, untainted by any admixture with the blood of aliens; and while many of them are scattered abroad over the face of the country watching ever for the reappearance of manco capac, the lesser part are gathered together in the city of the sun, founded by titucocha, and now in the very zenith of its magnificence, awaiting the coming of my lord." "so that is the yarn, is it?" exclaimed harry, as tiahuana came to a halt in his narrative. "and a very extraordinary story it is; never heard anything like it in all my life! and i suppose, friend tiahuana, that because i happen to have fished up this collar out of lake chinchaycocha, and am wearing it round my neck because i do not wish to lose it, you identify me as the reincarnated manco capac, eh?" "assuredly, lord," answered tiahuana. "he would indeed be a sceptic who should venture to entertain the shadow of a doubt in the face of proof so complete in all respects as that which has been vouchsafed to us." "ah!" ejaculated harry, bracing himself to demolish this absurd fable, and secure his release at a stroke. "now, i don't understand very much about the doctrine of reincarnation, but i suppose, if i were really manco capac come to earth again, i should have some recollection of my former state of existence, shouldn't i? well, will it surprise you to learn that i have nothing of the sort--not the feeblest glimmer?" "nay, lord," answered tiahuana, "that is not in the least surprising. it often happens that the reincarnated one has no recollection of his former existence until he finds himself amid surroundings similar to those with which he was familiar in his past state; and even then remembrance often comes but slowly. your lack of recollection does not in the least alter facts; and of those facts we have all the proof that can possibly be required. and now, lord, will it please you that we resume our journey? there are many difficulties to be surmounted before we reach the spot at which we must encamp to-night, and it is high time that our march should be resumed." "no," answered harry, "it does not please me that we resume our journey. on the contrary, i refuse to accompany you another step unless you will undertake to convey me back to the camp whence you brought me. if you will do this i am willing to overlook the outrage which you have perpetrated in abducting me, and promise that you shall hear nothing more about it. but if you persist in keeping me a prisoner, i warn you that the british consul will be speedily made acquainted with the facts, and he will never rest until i have been released and every one of you severely punished; and that punishment, let me tell you, will be no joke; for he will take care that it is adequate to the offence. you will be made to understand that even a solitary young englishman like myself cannot be kidnapped with impunity!" "pardon, lord," answered tiahuana with a deprecatory gesture. "i am overwhelmed with distress at having incurred my lord's displeasure; but i must not permit even that to interfere with the discharge of my duty. it is imperative that my lord should accompany us. were we to fail to convey him to the hidden city of the sun we should all be justly put to death; my lord will therefore see that we have no choice in the matter. the only one who has a choice is my lord himself, who can choose whether he will accompany us willingly, or whether we must resort to something in the nature of coercion." as tiahuana spoke the last words he made a sign with his hand, upon which the little band of attendants contracted themselves into a circle of considerably smaller diameter than before, yet still preserving an attitude of the most profound respect. escombe saw at once that the moment was by no means favourable for an attempt to escape; he therefore quickly decided to make the best of things and to submit _pro tem_, with a good grace to what was unavoidable. he accordingly said: "very well; since you are absolutely determined to carry me off, i prefer to accompany you voluntarily. but i warn you that you will all suffer severely for this outrage." it is most regrettable to be obliged to record it, but escombe's threatened invocation of britain's might and majesty seemed to discompose those obstinate indians not at all; to use his own expression when talking of it afterwards, his threats glanced off them as harmlessly as water off a duck's back, and all that they seemed in the least concerned about was his welfare and comfort during the journey. with much solicitude tiahuana enquired whether it would please him to walk or to be carried in the litter. "we would have brought your horse with us for your use, lord," the high priest explained apologetically, "but much of the road before us is impassable for horses or mules--nay, even a llama might scarcely pass it." "oh, that's all right!" answered harry cheerily; "i dare say i can walk as fast and as far as you people can." nevertheless he deeply regretted that they had not thought fit to bring his horse, for he felt that, mounted, he would have had a much better chance of escape than on foot; and this conviction was greatly strengthened when, as the day wore on toward evening and the stiff ascents which they were frequently obliged to negotiate began to tell upon him, he observed how the indians, with their short, quick step, covered mile after mile of the uneven, rocky road, without the slightest apparent effort or any visible sign of distress. then it began to dawn upon him gradually that, even should he find a suitable opportunity to give his custodians the slip, they could easily run him down and recapture him. besides, he was by no means certain that he could now find his way back to the camp. he had not the remotest notion of the direction in which the camp lay, for during many hours of his journey he had been asleep, and the indians were not only continually changing the direction of their travel, but were apparently taking a constant succession of short cuts across country, now winding their way for a mile or two along the face of some dizzy precipice by means of a ledge only a foot or two in width, anon clambering some hundreds of feet up or down an almost vertical rock face, where a slip or a false step meant instant death; now crossing some ghastly chasm by means of a frail and dilapidated suspension bridge constructed of cables of maguey fibres and floored with rotten planking, which swung to the tread until the oscillation threatened to precipitate the entire party into the terrible abyss that yawned beneath them, and perhaps half an hour later forcing their way, slowly and with infinite labour and difficulty, up the boulder-strewn bed of some half-dry mountain stream that was liable at any moment--if there happened to be rain higher up among the hills--to become swollen into a raging, foaming, irresistible torrent, against the impetuous fury of which no man could stand for an instant. to do the indians no more than the barest justice, they were to the last degree solicitous to spare their prisoner the least fatigue, and repeatedly assured him that there was not the slightest necessity for him to walk a single step of the way, while whenever there was the barest possibility of danger there was always a sufficient number of them within arm's reach to render him every required assistance, and to ensure that no harm should possibly befall him. but although continuous travelling hour after hour over such very difficult ground became at last most horribly fatiguing. harry set his teeth and plodded grimly on. he was not going to let "those copper-coloured chaps" suppose that they could tire an englishman out, not he! besides, he wished to become accustomed to the work against the time when the opportunity should come for him to break away successfully and effect his escape. for that he would escape he was resolutely determined. the prospect of being an inca--an absolute monarch whose lightest word was law--had, at that precise moment, no attraction for him. he had not a particle of ambition to become the regenerator of a nation; or, if a scarce-heard whisper reached his mental ear that to become such would be an exceedingly grand thing, he promptly replied that his genius did not lie in that direction, and that any attempt on his part to regenerate anybody must inevitably result in dismal and utter failure. no, he had been sent out to peru by sir philip swinburne to execute certain work, and he would carry out his contract with sir philip in spite of all the indians in the south american continent. as to that story about his being the reincarnated inca, manco capac, harry escombe was one of those estimable persons whose most valued asset is their sound, sterling common sense. he flattered himself that he had not an ounce of romance in his entire composition; and it did not take him a moment to make up his mind that the yarn, from end to end, was the veriest nonsense imaginable. he laughed aloud--a laugh of mingled scorn and pity for the stupendous ignorance of these poor savages, isolated from all the rest of the world, and evidently priding themselves, as such isolated communities are apt to do, upon their immeasurable superiority to everybody else. then he happened to think of the exquisitely wrought service of gold plate off which he had fed that day, and the wonderfully fine quality of the material of the priests' clothing; and he began to modify his opinion somewhat. a people with the taste and skill needed to produce such superb goldsmith's work and such beautiful cloth--soft and smooth as silk, yet as warm as and very much finer than any woollen material that he had ever seen--could scarcely be classed as mere savages; they must certainly possess some at least of the elements of civilisation. and then those "second thoughts", which are proverbially best, or more just, gradually usurped in young escombe's mind his first crude ideas relative to the ignorance and benighted condition generally of the inhabitants of the unknown city of the sun. and as they did so, a feeling of curiosity to see for himself that wonderful city gradually took root, and began to spring up and strengthen within him. why should he not? he asked himself. the only obstacle which stood in the way was his duty to sir philip swinburne to complete the work which he had been sent out to do. but after all, when he came to consider the matter dispassionately, his absence--his enforced absence--was not likely to prejudice appreciably sir philip's interests; for the railway survey was very nearly completed, and what remained to be done was simple in the extreme compared with what had already been accomplished, and there was bannister--a thoroughly capable man--to do it. and as to the soundings on lake titicaca, they were simply child's play--anybody could take them! no, it was only his own conceit that had caused him to think that his absence, especially at the existing state of the survey, would be in the least inimical to sir philip's interests; it would be nothing of the kind. bannister could finish the work as satisfactorily as he-escombe--could, probably much more so! it will be seen, from these arguments--which were in the main perfectly sound--that mr henry escombe, having conceived the idea that he would like to have a peep at the mysterious city of the sun, was now endeavouring to reconcile himself as thoroughly as might be to what was rapidly assuming to him the appearance of the inevitable; for with every step that the party took, it was being borne with increasing clearness upon his inner consciousness that to escape was already impossible. for, first of all, their route had been over such trackless wastes that, despite the keenness with which he had noted the appearance of every conspicuous object passed, they were all so very much alike that he had the gravest doubts as to his ability to find his way back to the camp without a guide. and if he were to attempt it and should lose his way, there could be very little doubt that he would perish miserably of exposure and starvation in that wilderness, where not even so much as a solitary hut had been sighted throughout the day. but, apart from this, and granting for the moment that his memory might be trusted to guided him aright, there were places to be passed and obstacles to be overcome which he admitted to himself he would not care to attempt unaided unless he were in actual peril of his life, and the assurances of tiahuana had completely set his mind at rest on that score. the thought of invoking arima's assistance came to him for a moment, only to be dismissed the next, however; for, faithful and devoted as the indian had proved himself in the past, harry remembered that it was through his instrumentality and direct intervention that all the pother had arisen. arima seemed to be as completely convinced as any of the others that harry was the person foreordained to restore the ancient peruvian nation to its former power and splendour, and escombe knew enough of the fellow's character to feel certain that he would not permit personal feeling to interfere with so glorious a consummation. it seemed, then, as though fate, or destiny, or whatever one pleased to call it, willed that he--harry escombe--should see the mysterious city; and he finally concluded that, taking everything into consideration, perhaps the wisest thing would be to go quietly and with as much semblance of goodwill as possible, since it appeared that no other course was open to him. this thought naturally suggested others, each more wild and extravagant than the last, until by the time that the party at length reached the camping ground that had been their objective all through the day, the young englishman discovered, to his unqualified amazement, that not only did there exist within him a strong vein of hitherto entirely unsuspected romance--awakened and brought to light by the extraordinary nature of the adventure of which he was the hero--but also that, quite unconsciously to himself, his views relative to the exigency and binding character of his engagement to sir philip swinburne had become so far modified that it no longer appeared imperatively necessary for him to jeopardise his life in a practically hopeless endeavour to escape. the journey had been an up-and-down one all day, that is to say, the party had been either climbing or descending almost the whole of the time; the general tendency, however, had been distinctly upward, and when at length a bare, rocky plateau was reached about sunset, affording ample space upon which to camp, the greatly increased keenness of the atmosphere indicated a net rise of probably some two or three thousand feet. the scene was one of almost indescribable but dreary grandeur, titanic peaks crowned with snow and ice towering high on every hand, divided by gorges of immeasurable depth, their sides for the most part shaggy with pine forests, and never a sign of human habitation to be seen, nor indeed any sign of life in any form, save where, here and there, a small moving blotch on the distant landscape indicated the presence of a flock of huanacos or vicunas; but even these were but few, for the travellers had not yet reached the lofty frozen wastes where alone the ychu grass is found, which is therefore the favoured habitat of those animals. escombe now had fresh evidence of the foresight exercised by his escort in providing for his comfort and welfare; for no sooner had the precise spot been selected upon which to camp than from among the baggage borne by the attendants a small tent made of cloth woven from vicuna wool was produced and erected upon jointed bamboo poles; and in a few minutes, with his litter placed inside it to serve as a bed, and a lighted talc lantern suspended from the ridge pole, the young man was able to enter and make himself quite at home. nor was he at all sorry; for although he had now been accustomed for several months to be on his feet all day long, day after day, and up to that moment had regarded himself as in the very pink of condition as to toughness and wiriness, the past day's journey had been a revelation to him in the matter of endurance. he had never before in his life experienced anything like the intense fatigue which now racked every joint in his body; and, ravenously hungry as he was, he felt that it would scarcely be possible for him to remain awake long enough to get a meal. but those wonderful indians appeared to have foreseen everything. loaded as most of them were with heavy burdens in addition, to their weapons, they had each gradually accumulated a very respectable bundle of firewood during the progress of their march; and while one party had been erecting the tent and arranging its interior for harry's occupation, a second had been busily engaged in lighting a roaring fire, while a third had been still more busily occupied in preparing the wherewithal to furnish forth a most appetising and acceptable evening meal, which, when placed before the prospective inca, was found to consist of broiled vicuna chops, delicious bread, mountain honey, fruit, and chocolate. by the time that the meal was ready night had completely fallen, a bitterly keen and piercing wind from the eastward had arisen and came swooping down from the frozen wastes above in savage gusts that momentarily threatened to whirl the frail tent and its occupant into space, and hurl them into one of the many unfathomable abysses that yawned around the party, while, to add to the general discomfort, the wind brought with it a dank, chilling fog, thick as a blanket, that penetrated everywhere and left on everything great beads of icy moisture like copious dew. but escombe was too unutterably weary to let any of these things trouble him. sleep was what every fibre of his body was crying aloud for; and he had no sooner finished his meal than, leaving all responsibility for the safety and welfare of the party in the hands of the two priests, he hurriedly divested himself of his clothing, and snuggling into his warm and comfortable bed-litter, instantly sank into absolute unconsciousness, his last coherent thought being a vague wonder how he would fare in such a place and on such a night if, instead of being under the care and protection of the indians, he had chanced to be a lonely and houseless fugitive from them. chapter ten. the valley of mystery. when young escombe next morning awoke from the soundest sleep that he had ever enjoyed in his life he at once became aware, from the motion of the litter, that his indian friends were already on the move; and when, in obedience to his command, they halted to enable him to dress and partake of breakfast, a single glance, as he stepped forth from the litter into the keen air, sufficed to assure him that they must have been in motion for at least three or four hours, for the sun had already topped the peaks of the andes, and the aspect of the landscape surrounding him was entirely unfamiliar. not a trace of the spot where they had camped during the preceding night was to be seen, and there was no indication of the direction in which it lay; which fact tended still further to drive home to the young man a conviction of the folly of attempting to find his way back to the survey party alone and unaided. the journey that day was in all essential respects a counterpart of that of the day before. tiahuana, who was evidently the leader of the expedition in a double sense, chose his own route, making use of the regular roads only at very infrequent intervals, and then for comparatively short distances, soon abandoning them again for long stretches across country where no semblance of a path of any description was to be found. as on the preceding day, he skirted, climbed, or descended precipices without hesitation, crossing ravines, ascending gorges, and, in fact, he took the country pretty much as it came, guiding the party apparently by means of landmarks known only to himself, but, on the whole, steadily ascending and steadily forcing his way ever deeper into the heart of the stupendous mountain labyrinth that lay to the eastward. and ever as they went the air grew keener and more biting, the aspect of the country wilder and more desolate, the _quebradas_ more appalling in their fathomless depth. the precipices became more lofty and difficult to scale, the mountain torrents more impetuous and dangerous to cross, the primitive suspension bridges more dilapidated and precarious, the patches of timber and vegetation more tenuous, the flocks of huanaco and vicuna larger and more frequent, the way more savage and forbidding, the storms more frequent and terrible, until at length it began to appear to escombe as though the party had become entangled in a wilderness from which escape in any direction was impossible, and wherein they must all quickly perish in consequence of the unendurable rigours of the climate. yet tiahuana still pushed indomitably forward, overcoming obstacle after obstacle that, to anyone less experienced than himself in the peculiarities of the country and the mode of travel in it, must have seemed unconquerable. for ten more days--which to the indians must have seemed endless by reason of the awful toil, the frightful suffering, and the intense misery that were concentrated in them, although, thanks to the sublime self sacrifice of his escort, escombe was permitted to feel very little of them--the priest led the way over vast glaciers, across unfathomable crevasses, and up apparently unscalable heights, battling all the time with whirling snow storms that darkened the air, blinded the eyes, and obliterated every landmark, and buffeted by furious winds that came roaring and shrieking along the mountain side and momentarily threatened to snatch the party from their precarious hold and hurl them to destruction on the great gaunt rocks far below, while the cold was at times so terrible that to continue to live in it seemed impossible. about the middle of the afternoon of the twelfth day after leaving the survey camp, the party topped a ridge and saw before them a long, steep, smooth slope of snow, frozen hard by a night of almost deadly frost; and a sigh of intense relief and thankfulness broke from the breasts of the utterly exhausted indians. without wasting a moment, they proceeded to open and unpack a certain bale which formed part of the baggage which they had brought with them, and drew from it a number of llama skins. these they spread out flat on the crest of the snow slope, with the hair side upward, and then the entire party carefully seated themselves upon them--two men to each skin, one behind the other--when, with a little assistance from the hands of the occupants, the skins started to glide smoothly over the surface of the snow, slowly at first, but with swiftly increasing velocity, until the descent of the party became a sweeping, breathless, exhilarating flight, speedy as that of a falcon swooping upon its prey. the riders sat cross-legged upon the skins, and to escombe--who was piloted by tiahuana--it seemed that the slightest inclination, right or left as the case might be, throwing a trifle more weight on one knee than the other, and thus causing one part of the skin to press more hardly than another upon the snow, was all that was needed for steering purposes; for the toboggan-like skins swept downward straight as the flight of an arrow, save when some black fang of rock protruded through the snow fair in the track, when a slight slope of the body sufficed to cause a swerve that carried the adventurous riders safely clear of the obstacle. to escombe this headlong, breathless swoop down the slope seemed to last but a few seconds, yet during those few seconds the party had travelled nearly three miles and descended some three thousand feet. the slide terminated at last upon the very edge of the snow-line, where it met a mile-wide meadow thickly clothed with lush grass and bountifully spangled with lovely flowers, many of which were quite new to the young englishman. for some minutes the entire party, as with one consent, remained sitting motionless just where their impromptu toboggans had come to a halt; for they felt that they needed a certain amount of time in which to become accustomed to the glorious change that had been wrought by that threemile glissade. above and behind them were furious tempest, deadly cold, and never-ceasing danger; while here was perfect safety, cloudless sunshine, grateful warmth, and surroundings of surpassing beauty. the meadow upon which they rested sloped gently away before them for about a mile, where it appeared to plunge abruptly down into a thickly wooded ravine, beyond which shot up a long, rocky ridge, the slopes of which appeared to be absolutely inaccessible; for, search as escombe might with the aid of his telescope, nowhere could he detect so much as a single speck of snow to indicate the presence of even the smallest ledge or inequality in the face of the rock. this ridge, or range, stretched away to right and left of the spot where the party had come to a halt, retiring to the eastward, as it went, in a tolerably regular curve, until the cusps, if such there were, swept out of sight behind the nearer ridge. at length escombe rose from his llama skin and, with an ejaculation of inexpressible relief, began to slap his still benumbed hands together, and vigorously rub his stiffened limbs, in order to restore feeling and warmth to them; whereupon tiahuana also rose and gave the order to repack the skins prior to resuming the journey. a few minutes later the entire party were once more on the march, moving rapidly athwart the meadow toward the ravine, and within a quarter of an hour they were in the ravine itself, clambering down the steep slope of its hither side toward where the sound of rushing water began to make itself heard with increasing distinctness. another ten minutes, after a wild and breathless downward scramble among the trunks of thick-growing pine trees, brought them to the margin of a wide and turbulent mountain torrent that in the course of ages had scored a deep channel for itself right down the centre of the ravine. the bed of the stream was thickly strewed with enormous boulders, moss-grown upon their upper surfaces where drenched with the everlasting spray, and between these the turbid waters from the melting snow on the heights above leapt and foamed with a clamour and fury that rendered conversation impossible, and threatened instant death to the foolhardy adventurer who should attempt to cross them. yet those indomitable indians somehow contrived to win a passage across; and half an hour later the entire party stood safely on the opposite side. then followed a long and toilsome scramble up the other side of the ravine, the top of which was not reached until the sun had set and darkness had fallen upon the scene. but, at the top of the ravine and clear of the trees, they found themselves on a grassy slope very similar in character to that which they had encountered on the other side of the stream, and there, fatigued to the point of exhaustion by their long and arduous day's travel, they went into camp, prepared and partook of their evening meal, and at once resigned themselves to a long night of repose under conditions of infinitely greater comfort than they had enjoyed for many days past. escombe's sleep that night was unusually sound, even after making every allowance for the excessive fatigue of the past day; in fact he had not slept so soundly and so long since the night of his abduction from the survey camp. when at length he awoke he found himself labouring under the same feeling of puzzlement that had oppressed him on that eventful morning; for when consciousness again returned to him and, opening his eyes, he looked about him, he at once became aware that his surroundings were very different from what he had expected. it is true that he still occupied the litter in which he had retired to rest on the previous evening, but a single glance was sufficient to show him that the litter was no longer in the little tent which had then sheltered it; the tent was gone, and the litter, or couch, upon which he lay comfortably stretched now stood in a room lighted by a single window in the wall, facing the foot of the couch. the window was unglazed, and apparently had no window frame; it seemed in fact to be no more than a mere rectangular aperture in a thick stone wall through which the sun, already some hours high in the sky, was pouring his genial rays into the room. the couch stood so low on the floor that from it nothing could be seen of the landscape outside save a glimpse of a range of serrated peaks, touched here and there with snow that gleamed dazzlingly white in the brilliant sunshine. urged therefore by surprise at the mysterious change that had been wrought in his surroundings while he slept, and curious to ascertain where he now was, harry sprang from his couch and went to the open window, out of which he gazed in an ecstasy of astonishment and admiration. for his eyes rested upon the most glorious landscape that he had ever beheld. he discovered that the building in which he so strangely found himself stood at one extremity of an enormous, basin-like valley, roughly oval in shape, some thirty miles long by twenty miles in width, completely hemmed in on every side by a range of lofty hills averaging, according to his estimate, from three to four thousand feet in height. the centre of the valley was occupied by a most lovely lake about fifteen miles long by perhaps ten miles wide, dotted here and there with fairy-like islets, some of which were crowned by little clumps of trees, while others appeared to be covered with handsome buildings. but that was only a part of the wonder! at the far end of the lake he could distinctly see--so exquisitely clear and transparent was that crystalline atmosphere--the general outline and formation of a large and doubtless populous town built on the margin of the lake, his attention being at once attracted to it by the strong flash and gleam of the sun upon several of the roofs of the buildings, which had all the appearance of being covered with sheets of gold! from this city broad white roads shaded by handsome trees ran right round the margin of the lake, and for a mile or two on either side of the city, glimpses could be had of detached buildings embosomed in spacious gardens, forming a kind of suburb of the city; while the entire remainder of the valley, and the sides of the hills for a distance of about one-third of their height, were entirely laid out as orchards, pasture, and cultivated land, the appearance of the whole strongly suggesting that the utmost had been made of every inch of available space. as escombe stood gazing, enraptured at the surpassing beauty of the panorama thus spread out before him, the sound of approaching footsteps reached his ear, and, turning round, he beheld arima entering the room. the indian made the profound obeisance usual with him upon entering harry's presence, and enquired: "is it the will of my lord that he now bathe, dress, and partake of breakfast?" "yes, by all means," answered harry, "for i have somehow managed to oversleep myself again, and am ravenously hungry. but, arima, what means this? how do i come to be here? and what town is that which i see yonder at the far end of the lake?" "as my lord has truly said, he slept long this morning, being doubtless greatly fatigued with the toilsome journey of yesterday," answered arima smoothly, with another profound bow. "therefore, when the hour arrived to break camp and resume our march it was tiahuana's order that my lord should not be disturbed, but should be allowed to sleep on and take a full measure of rest; and therefore was my lord brought hither to this house, there to sojourn and recruit himself after the fatigues and hardships of his long journey, while tiahuana went forward to the city of the sun--which my lord sees yonder at the head of the valley--to acquaint the council with the success of our expedition, and to make the necessary arrangements for my lord's reception by the inhabitants of the city. if it be my lord's will, i will now conduct him to the bath, which i have made ready for him." "so that is the city of the sun, is it?" remarked harry, still gazing admiringly at the enchanting view from the window. "i guessed as much; and it appears to be fully worthy of its name. all right, arima," he continued, tearing himself reluctantly away; "yes, i will have my bath now. where is it?" "if my lord will be pleased to follow i will show it him," answered the indian, with the inevitable bow, as he led the way out of the room. they passed into a long stone corridor, lighted at each end by an unglazed window, and, traversing the length of it, entered another room, much larger than the first, stone paved, and having a large plunge-bath full of crystal-clear water, sunk into the floor at one end. the room was unfurnished, save for a plain wooden bench, or seat, a soft woollen mat for the bather to stand on when emerging from the bath, and a few pegs along the wall, from which harry's own clothes and three or four very large bath towels depended. this room also was illuminated by a large, unglazed window through which the sun-rays streamed, warming the atmosphere of the apartment to a most delightful temperature. harry therefore made no delay, but forthwith discarded his pyjama suit and at once plunged headlong into the cool, refreshing water. to dress and take breakfast were the next things in order; and half an hour later escombe rose from the table like a giant refreshed, amid the obsequious bows of his attendants. then motahuana stepped forward and, prefacing his speech with another bow, said: "lord, i have been commanded by tiahuana to say that, knowing well how anxious the inhabitants of the city of the sun will be to learn the issue of this expedition, he has presumed to hasten forward to apprise them that all is well, without waiting until my lord awoke to mention his intention and crave my lord's permission to absent himself; for the way is long, and my lord slept late this morning. the high priest also bade me say that he will probably be absent at least four days, for there are many preparations to be made in connection with my lord's triumphal entrance into his city, and his reception by his rejoicing people. my lord will therefore have time to rest and recover his strength after the fatigue of his arduous journey; and it is the prayer of tiahuana that he will do so, since there will be much to fatigue my lord in the various ceremonies attendant upon his ascent of the throne of the ancient incas." "thanks, motahuana," answered harry; "but i am not in the least fatigued by what i have gone through during the last twelve days. if anyone were suffering from fatigue it should be yourself and tiahuana, for you are both well advanced in years, while i am young and strong, and, so far from being fatigued, i feel quite fresh after my long and refreshing night's sleep; so much so, indeed, that i was just thinking how much i should enjoy a walk down into that lovely valley. i suppose there is no objection to my doing so?" "my lord is monarch of the valley and all within it," answered motahuana with another bow and an expressive throwing apart of the hands. "all is his; his will is absolute in all things; he has but to express a wish, and we his slaves will gladly do our best to gratify it. if my lord desires to go forth into the open, either on foot or in his litter, he has but to say so, and we his slaves will make the path smooth for him or bear him upon our shoulders, as may seem best to him. but it will be well that my lord should not venture too far into the valley, for he is a stranger; and it is undesirable, on many accounts, that he should be seen by the inhabitants of the valley until all preparations have been made for his public reception." "oh, very well!" returned escombe. "i have no desire to go very far; a walk of a mile or two from the house, and back, with arima as my only attendant, to show me the way and answer questions, will satisfy me." whereupon motahuana, with another bow, turned away and addressed a few quick words to arima in a tongue which was strange to escombe, after which the indian fetched the young englishman's hat and signified his readiness to attend the latter whithersoever he might be pleased to go. harry's first act, upon getting outside the house, was to walk away from it some fifty feet, and then turn round and stare at the building to which he had been so mysteriously conveyed while asleep. he saw before him simply a solid, rectangular, stone--built structure, plain almost to the point of ugliness, for it had not a single projection of any kind to mitigate the severity of its simplicity, not even so much as a window sill; and it was thatched!--not with the trim neatness characteristic of some of our charmingly picturesque country cottages in england, but in a slovenly, happy-go-lucky style, that seemed to convey the idea that, so long as a roof was weather-proof, it did not in the least matter what it looked like. the windows were simply rectangular holes in the thick stone walls, unglazed, and without even a frame; but now that escombe was outside he was able to see that each window was provided with a shutter, something like the jalousies fitted to the houses in most tropical and sub-tropical countries, to keep out the rain. the only thing remarkable about the house, apart from its extreme plainness, was the fact that it appeared to be cut out of a single enormous block of stone; and it was not until he went close up to it, and examined it minutely, that he discovered it to be built of blocks of stone dressed to fit each other with such marvellous precision that the joints were practically invisible. having satisfied his curiosity thus far, escombe looked about him at his surroundings generally. he found that the house to which he had been brought stood at the extreme end of the extraordinary basin-like valley, immediately opposite to the city of the sun, which occupied the other end, and he naturally concluded that the entrance to the valley must be somewhere not very far distant from the spot on which he stood. but, look as he would, he could see nothing in the remotest degree resembling a pass through those encircling sierras, the upper portion of the sides of which appeared to be everywhere practically vertical, without even as much projection or ledge anywhere as would afford foothold to a goat. nor was there the least semblance of a road or path of any description leading to the house, save a narrow and scarcely perceptible footpath leading down to the great road which encompassed the lake. harry turned to the indian. "those hills appear to be everywhere quite impassable, arima," he said. "where is the road by which we came over them?" "it is not permitted to me to say, lord," answered arima with a deprecatory bow. "there is but one known way of passing to and from the outside world, and that way is a jealously guarded secret, communicated to but few, who are solemnly sworn to secrecy. it is regarded by the council as of the first importance that the secret should be preserved intact, as it is known that rumours of the existence of the city of the sun have reached the outer world, and more than one attempt has been made to find it. but we are all pure-blooded peruvians of the ancient race here, and it is a tradition with us to keep ourselves uncontaminated by any admixture of alien blood, therefore every possible precaution is taken to maintain the most absolute secrecy as to the way by which the valley of the sun is entered and left." "but if that is so, why has tiahuana brought me here?" demanded harry. "i am an alien, you know; yet, as i understand it, i have been brought here to rule over you all!" "yes, it is even so, lord," answered arima. "but my lord is an alien only by an accident of birth, which must not be allowed to interfere with the fact that my lord is in very truth the reincarnation of manco capac, our first inca and the founder of the peruvian nation." "in that case," said harry, "it is but meet and right that i should know the secret way into the outer world. surely what is known to several of my subjects should also be known to me?" "undoubtedly, lord," answered the indian; "and the information will certainly be imparted to my lord in due time, when he has been accepted and proclaimed inca by the council of seven. but i have no authority to impart that information, and i implore my lord that he will not urge me to do so and thus break the solemn oath of secrecy which i have sworn." "very well, arima, let it be so," answered harry. "doubtless, as you say, i shall be informed in due time; and meanwhile you are perfectly right to remain true to the oath which you have sworn. now, let us get down into the valley. after scrambling up and down mountain sides for so many days, i have a longing to walk on a smooth and level road once more." the footpath from the house to the main road sloped obliquely along the face of the hill, descending by a tolerably easy gradient for a distance of about a mile before it joined the road at a depth of some three hundred feet below the level of the house. upon reaching the road, which, be it remembered, completely encircled the lake, escombe had yet another opportunity to note the thoroughness with which the peruvians did their work, and the inexhaustible patience which they brought to bear upon it. for this road, approximating to one hundred miles in length, was constructed of a uniform width of about one hundred feet, apparently also of uniform gradient--for in some parts it was raised on a low embankment, while in others it passed through more or less shallow cuttings--and with just the right amount of camber to quickly throw off the rainwater into the broad gutters or watercourses that were built on either side of it. the most remarkable feature of the road, however, was that it was paved throughout with broad flags of stone, which, like the blocks of which the house was built, were so accurately fitted together that the joints could only be found with difficulty. the young englishman spent some three hours sauntering along that magnificent road, enjoying the pure air, the genial temperature, and the sight of the superb panorama that hemmed him in on every side, pausing often to note the clever system of irrigation adopted by the inhabitants, whereby every square inch of cultivable soil could at any moment receive precisely the right quantity of water to satisfy its requirements; admiring, with the eye of an engineer, the workmanship displayed in the construction of the ample culverts whereby all excess of water was promptly discharged into the lake; and marvelling at the varied nature of the agricultural products of the valley; for it seemed to him that, in the comparatively circumscribed space between the margin of the lake and the highest point on the mountain slope to which the barest handful of soil could be induced to cling, there were to be found examples of every vegetable product known to the sub-tropical and temperate zones, while it was a never-ceasing source of astonishment to him that such enormous numbers of cattle and sheep were apparently able to find ample sustenance on the proportionately small quantity of land allotted to pasture. what seemed to him somewhat remarkable was that, while cattle, sheep, and even horses were apparently plentiful in the valley, he saw no llamas; but it was afterwards explained to him that the climate there was altogether too mild for them, and that the enormous herds owned by the inhabitants were kept in the highlands on the other side of the encircling mountains. chapter eleven. the city of the sun. on the afternoon of the fourth day following tiahuana's departure, about an hour before sunset, as escombe was about to enter the house after a somewhat longer walk than usual in the valley, he paused for a moment at the head of the footpath to take a last, long look at the lovely landscape, with the leading features of which he was now becoming tolerably familiar, when his wandering gaze was arrested by the glint of the sunlight upon what had the appearance of a number of rapidly moving objects indistinctly seen about a mile distant among the low spreading branches of the trees which lined the great road leading from the city of the sun. "hillo, arima," he said to the indian who was his sole attendant, "who comes here? are they soldiers? do you see that flash and glitter yonder among the trees? to me it has the appearance of sun-glint upon spear points and military accoutrements." arima looked for a moment, and then replied: "without question it is so, lord. doubtless it is tiahuana returning with the bodyguard which is to escort my lord the inca on the occasion of his triumphal entry into the city of the sun." "but those fellows are surely mounted, arima!" said escombe. "the movement is that of cavalry; and--listen!--unless i am greatly mistaken, i can hear the clatter of hoofs on the stone pavement of the road." "it is even so, lord," answered the indian. "the bodyguard of my lord the inca consists of a thousand picked men, mounted on the finest horses that it is possible to breed in the valley." "but i have always understood," said harry, "that you peruvians did not believe in mounted men, and that it was, in fact, as much due to your terror of the mounted spaniards as anything else that you were vanquished in the old days. but i am forgetting; you knew nothing of horses then, did you?" "my lord says truth," answered arima. "we had no horses in peru until the spaniards brought them. but since then we have learned the value of horses, and i understand that the inhabitants of the valley have devoted especial attention to the breeding of them, even from the date of the foundation of the city." "and with a marvellous success, i should say, if one may judge from the appearance of the animals yonder," remarked harry enthusiastically, as he watched the approaching horsemen. the cavalcade had by this time reached the junction of the footpath with the road, and, debouching on to the former, or rather on to the hillside which it traversed, breasted the slope at a gallop, presenting as it did so a superb and inspiriting picture of eager, prancing, satin-skinned, gaily caparisoned, foam-flecked horses, bestridden by lithe, sinewy forms gorgeous in their blue and gold uniforms, and a-glitter with their burnished copper shields, swords, maces, and lance-heads. at their head rode tiahuana in his long, white, gold-embroidered robe and mitre-like head--dress as chief priest, gallantly holding his own with the magnificently attired commander of the regiment; and in the centre of the cortege there appeared an open litter--somewhat similar to a sedan chair with the top part removed--entirely covered with burnished plates of gold and silver, hammered into a bold but very intricate pattern, while the interior was lined with richly coloured feathers also arranged in a very elaborate design. this structure was supported before and behind by a pair of long, springy poles or shafts, to which were harnessed six white horses, three abreast, the harness and trappings of the animals being blue, elaborately embroidered with gold, while the headstall of each horse was decorated with a plume of half a dozen long blue feathers. the middle horse of each trio--that which ran between the shafts--was ridden by a postilion, who guided and controlled all three of the horses under his charge. while the gorgeous cavalcade was still some distance away, motahuana came running out of the house, babbling the most earnest and urgent entreaties that harry would be graciously pleased to enter the house forthwith, as it was not meet that the members of the inca's bodyguard should set eyes upon their sovereign lord until the latter should be attired in the robes of his regal rank; and harry, already painfully aware of the dilapidated condition of the jacket and knickers in which he had accomplished the march from the survey camp, fully agreeing with him, hastily retreated to the interior of the building and, standing well back from the window, where he was concealed in the deep shadow, interestedly watched the movements of his regiment as it went into camp on a little plateau at the rear of the house. but the troopers had scarcely begun to unsaddle before tiahuana, still hot and dusty from his long ride, entered the house, followed by a servant bearing a large bundle. and a few minutes later the old fellow entered the room where harry was standing and, having first made his obeisances, respectfully invited the young englishman to retire to his sleeping room, there to don certain garments more suitable to his rank and state than those which he was wearing, in order that he might be ready to receive the lord umu, commander of the royal bodyguard, who was represented to be dying of impatience to do homage to his sovereign lord. with another glance at his ragged and disreputable garments, harry smilingly admitted the desirability of the change, and followed tiahuana into the chamber where arima, now formally confirmed in his rank and position of chief valet and body servant of the new inca, awaited his master. ten minutes later, attired in white skin-tight pantaloons which were also stockings; a shirt of white wool, of so marvellously fine a texture that it was thin, soft, and light as silk; a fine white wool sleeveless tunic, the material of which was stiff and almost completely hidden by an elaborately embroidered pattern in heavy gold thread, and which was confined to the waist by a broad white leather belt, also heavily embroidered in gold and fastened by a massive and exquisitely chased gold clasp; with soft, white, gold-embroidered boots on his feet, reaching halfway up to the knee; with the royal borla, or tasselled fringe of scarlet adorned with two feathers from the coraquenque bound round his temples, and the emerald collar of manco capac--which he had fished up from the mud of lake chinchaycocha--round his neck and hanging down over the breast of his tunic, young escombe was led by tiahuana into the largest room in the house. here, seated upon an extemporised throne, and with his feet resting upon a footstool of solid gold, massively chiselled in an elaborate and particularly graceful scroll-work pattern, hastily brought in from the imperial litter, he presently received not only umu, the captain of the royal bodyguard, but also some half-dozen other nobles who had come from the city of the sun to pay their homage to their re-incarnated lord and sovereign, manco capac. these individuals were introduced, one by one, by tiahuana, who, as each person presented himself in the doorway, loudly proclaimed the rank and titles of the visitor, who then, barefooted, and carrying a light burden upon his shoulders as an act of humility in the presence of his sovereign, slowly advanced, with head and body humbly bent, until he reached the footstool, when he knelt down on the bare stone floor and kissed, first the hands and then the feet of the young inca; after which, still kneeling, he murmured a few words expressive of joy, gratitude, and devotion at the condescension of the great manco in deigning to return to earth for the purpose of regenerating the ancient peruvian nation. then he rose to his feet and, with more bows, retired to make way for the next. the whole ceremony was exceedingly brief, not occupying much more than a quarter of an hour altogether; but, brief as it was, it constituted in itself an education for harry, who, as he witnessed the almost slavish humility of the demeanour of these proud and haughty nobles toward him, now began to realise, for the first time, the tremendous power to which he had been raised by a most unique and extravagant freak of fortune. and it did him good; for it set him to think seriously of the enormous responsibility which he had almost unwittingly incurred when he so light-heartedly allowed himself to become enmeshed in the toils of the adventure, and caused him to make many very excellent resolutions as to the manner in which he would discharge that responsibility. with the coming of dawn on the following morning the camp of the royal bodyguard suddenly awoke to strenuous life and activity. the troopers, attired only in thin shirts, riding their barebacked horses down to the lake, where the animals were watered and bathed in preparation for the return journey to the city of the sun. then, having returned to the camp, the horses were carefully groomed and fed, after which the troopers spent a busy hour in examining and burnishing their arms and accoutrements. for this was the great day upon which the re-incarnated inca was to make his triumphal entry into his capital, the new holy and royal city which, during a period of over three hundred and fifty years, his people had been patiently building and extending and decorating and enriching in order that it might be worthy the reception of the monarch when it should please him to return to earth. it was to be the day of days, the first day in the history of a great, glorious, regenerated nation, in which much was to be done, and that in a manner which would becomingly adorn the first page of that history. then everybody, including harry--who, meanwhile had bathed and dressed--partook of breakfast; after which the final preparations for the journey were completed. then tiahuana and umu, having first craved audience of their lord, presented themselves before harry to intimate respectfully that there were two alternative methods of travel open to him, namely by horse litter or on horseback, and to crave humbly that he would be pleased to indicate which of the two he would choose. to which harry, who was by this time beginning to enter thoroughly into the spirit of the adventure, replied that, since the task had been laid upon him of restoring the ancient peruvian race to its former power and splendour, and that, before this could be accomplished it would be necessary for him to lead his troops many times to battle, it was his will to make his first appearance among his subjects on horseback, as a warrior, at the head of his own bodyguard; a reply which created a perfect furore of enthusiasm among the other nobles, and the troopers of the royal bodyguard, when it was communicated to them by tiahuana and umu. that the possibility of such a choice on the part of their new inca had not been altogether unanticipated was soon apparent; for umu presently returned to the house, bearing on a cushion of azure blue--which it appeared was the royal colour--trimmed with a heavy cord of bullion and with a bullion tassel at each corner, a sword of hardened and burnished copper, with a hilt of solid gold elaborately chased, and encased in a scabbard of solid gold, also most magnificently chased. this he presented on bended knees to tiahuana, who, in his capacity of high priest, then knelt before harry and girded the weapon to his side, after which arima came forward with a long roll of extraordinarily fine silklike cloth woven in bands of many different colours in which, however, scarlet and azure predominated. this was the llautu, or turban, which the indian at once proceeded with deft fingers to bind about his royal master's head in such a manner as to afford complete protection from the ardent rays of the sun while leaving the borla, or tasselled fringe of scarlet, which was really the royal diadem, fully exposed to view. a woollen mantle of almost silken texture, azure blue in colour, with a very broad border of gold embroidery, and with more gold embroidery on the shoulders and halfway down the back, was next laid upon his shoulders and secured at the throat by a pair of massive gold clasps and chain, and escombe was fully equipped for the road. and a very handsome and gallant figure he looked as, tall, lithe, and slim, and clad in all his barbaric finery, he stepped out of the house into the dazzling sunshine, to be greeted with a deafening shout of welcome from the officers and troopers of his bodyguard, who were already mounted and drawn up in a double line for his inspection. so obviously was this expected of him that harry needed no hint to that effect, but, vaulting lightly into the saddle of the magnificent white stallion that, gorgeously caparisoned, chafed and fretted under the restraint of his bridle, held by two of the nobles, while two more held the heavy gold stirrups for the royal rider's feet, wheeled his steed and cantered gaily off to where umu, sitting bolt upright in his saddle with drawn sword, waited in the centre, and some few paces in front of the regiment, to receive him. that the military usages of the more civilised nations had not been permitted to pass altogether unnoticed now became apparent; for as harry approached umu uttered a loud shout of command, and at the word every sword flashed up in salute in the most approved fashion, while a band of mounted musicians blared forth certain weird strains which, the young inca subsequently learned, was the national anthem of the ancient peruvians. accompanied by umu, harry now rode to the right flank of the regiment, from whence he proceeded slowly along the front rank and finally the rear, noting critically the appearance and bearing of the men, and gauging the breed and quality of the horses as he went. the horses were, without exception, splendid animals, while the men were, for the most part, fine, stalwart fellows, well set up; but, accustomed as escombe had been to the sight of the life guards and other crack cavalry regiments in london, he could not avoid seeing that there was plenty of room for improvement in the appearance and discipline generally of his own bodyguard. yet it was glaringly apparent to him that umu, their captain, was inordinately proud of his regiment; and the new inca was by no means untactful. wherefore, having completed his inspection, harry spoke a few well-considered words of praise that rang sufficiently true to make umu his devoted slave henceforward, while the faint suggestion conveyed that the praise was not quite unqualified impressed the indian noble with a sense of the high standard of perfection that must exist in the young monarch's mind, and caused him there and then to register a silent vow that the regiment should be brought up to that standard, even though he should be obliged to kill every man of it in the process. by the time that the inspection was completed the priests and nobles had climbed into their saddles, and everything was ready for the commencement of the march. harry therefore gave the word to umu, who in turn uttered a few sharp orders to the men, whereupon the ranks closed up. the horses pranced and tossed their heads as they wheeled into line, and the cavalcade proceeded, the band leading the way, followed by a solitary horseman in gorgeous array who bore proudly aloft the inca's banner--a blue silk flag embroidered in gold and coloured thread with an image of the rainbow, which was the symbol sacred to the inca, and trimmed with heavy gold fringe round the three free edges. harry rode immediately behind, surrounded by a little group consisting of the two priests and the nobles who had come out to meet him, and followed by umu, who led his glittering and imposing regiment. it was rather a trying ride in some respects for the young inca, at least at the outset, for escombe's knowledge of the quichua, or ancient peruvian, language was extremely restricted, while the nobles, with the exception of tiahuana and umu, were apparently ignorant of spanish. anything in the nature of conversation was therefore extremely difficult, quite apart from the fact that everybody excepting tiahuana seemed altogether too shy to address the inca, unless first spoken to by him. harry very quickly realised that his ignorance of the quichua was likely to handicap him most seriously, and he there and then ordered tiahuana to make the necessary arrangements to have himself taught without delay. but although for the first few miles of the journey the young inca suffered from a certain feeling of constraint, he did not allow it to trouble him long, for if conversation lagged there was plenty apart from it to interest and delight him. there was his horse, for instance. harry had alway been particularly fond of horses, and was an excellent rider; as a boy, indeed, he had often followed the staghounds over dartmoor. he therefore had a very fair idea of what a horse ought to be; but he had not been in the saddle more than five minutes, on this particular morning, before he realised that at length he had come into possession of that rarest of all good things, a perfect horse; perfect in temper, shape, and action, full of fire and courage, yet with a mouth so sensitive that it would be quite possible to control him with a thread for a bridle, while one had but to glance at the great; hard muscles sliding so smoothly beneath the satin skin to be assured of his indomitable endurance and insensibility to fatigue. then there was plenty to interest and occupy his attention as they swept along the great, smooth road at a hand gallop. first of all, there was the road itself, which was, in its way, a masterpiece of engineering; but, apart from that, harry could not but marvel at the perfect cleanliness of it, until he learned that it had been traversed throughout the entire length of the route by a whole army of sweepers during the early hours of the morning, since when no living thing had been allowed upon it. then there was the noble and endless avenue of shade trees which bordered the road on either hand, dividing it from the wide footpaths, which in their turn were shaded by less lofty trees, fruit-bearing for the most part, the fruit being intended for the refreshment of the wayfarer. then there were neat, orderly, and perfectly cultivated fields of sugar cane, maize, tobacco, indigo, cotton, rice, coca trees, cacao, and other tropical products on the flats immediately adjoining the road, while farther back, toward the hills, were grain of all sorts, interspersed with vast orchards and, at intervals, a stretch of pasture land, with low, squat farmhouses and outbuildings dotted about in the midst. the farmers and their helpers were all busily engaged upon various kinds of labour in their fields, but those who were near enough to the roads to do so no sooner heard the distant hoof-beats of the approaching cavalcade, and beheld the royal banner flaunting its blue and gold in the wind, than they flung down their implements and rushed helterskelter to the roadside to watch the inca go by, and acclaim him as he passed. but with every mile of that exhilarating ride towards the city of the sun the aspect of the landscape became subtly modified; the farms became more extensive, the farmhouses larger and more elaborate in their style of architecture, ornamental and decorative features became increasingly conspicuous in every building encountered, until finally the aspect became distinctly suburban, the farmhouses gave place to country residences, the farms gradually merged into pleasure gardens, gay with flowers and rich in carefully-cultivated fruit trees; the houses drew closer together, and little groups of people in gala attire were encountered, gradually increasing in numbers until the footpaths on either hand were lined with joyous crowds of cheering people. then the white buildings of the city itself swung into view, gleaming like alabaster between the boles of the bordering trees, with here and there a flash of sunlight from the golden roofs of the principal buildings; and finally a great archway, pierced through the lofty and massive wall that enclosed the city, came into view, spanning the road, and at the same moment a great blare of horns stifled the sound of trampling hoof-beats, the jingle of accoutrements, and the frantic shouts of the cheering multitude. then umu flung his flashing swordblade aloft and shouted a word of command, whereupon the panting, sweating horses were pulled into a walking pace, the riders straightened themselves in their saddles, the band of musicians which led the way struck up a weird, barbaric air, the great bronze gates, which had been closed, were flung open, and the cavalcade passed through into the principal street of the city of the sun. if escombe had been questioned ten minutes earlier he would, in reply, have expressed the confident opinion that every man, woman, and child had left the city in order to line the road outside the gates by which it was known that he must pass; but he had no sooner traversed the echoing archway in the immensely thick city wall than he saw how greatly mistaken such an opinion would have been. for, starting from the very wall itself, the pavement on either hand, all along the line of route, was simply packed with people--the children in front, the women next, and the men in the rear-frantic with enthusiasm, and shouting themselves hoarse in their eagerness to afford an adequate welcome to the inca whose coming had been looked forward to by them and their ancestors for more than three hundred years. but they did not confine their demonstrations of welcome to mere acclamations. at frequent intervals triumphal arches of an elaborate character and of great beauty, decorated with banners and flags, and profusely wreathed with flowers, were thrown across the roadway, each being connected with the next by a line of poles, painted blue, surmounted by a banner or flag, twined with flowers, and supporting a heavy festoon of flowers which formed an unbroken floral chain from one triumphal arch to the next. the houses on either hand were also decorated with flowers, banners, and long streamers of manytinted cloths hung from the eaves and windows, the whole scene strongly reminding the young englishman of the aspect of london's streets on the occasion of our own gracious king's coronation. but what impressed escombe more than anything else was the fact that all along the line of route children and young girls, provided with large baskets of flowers, were stationed, and, as the procession approached, these young people stepped forward and strewed the road with the contents of their baskets, thus carpeting the hard pavement with freshly gathered flowers, which exhaled a delightful fragrance as they were trampled under foot by the horses. the young monarch, bowing right and left in response to the enthusiastic greetings of his subjects, now had an opportunity to observe a few of the more striking characteristics of the people among whom he had been thrown in so extraordinary a fashion, and he was considerably surprised to see how widely the different types varied. the lower orders--or what he deemed to be such, from the fact that they were compelled to take as their viewpoint the pavement of the open street--were, as a rule, of merely medium stature, sturdily built, and not particularly intellectual in expression, while the colour of their skin was something very nearly approaching to ruddy copper, very few even of their womenkind having any pretentions to comeliness, to say nothing of beauty. the occupants of the buildings, however, who viewed the procession from their windows or the flat roofs of their houses, and who might be taken to represent a somewhat better class, were not only lighter in colour and more intelligent in expression, but some of them were distinctly goodlooking. and, as a general rule, the larger and more important the building--and presumably, therefore, the higher the rank of the owner-the more strongly marked was the difference, which at length, in the case of the nobles, became so accentuated that they might very easily have been taken to be members of a distinct race, the men being much fairer of complexion, of greater stature, and more finely proportioned, as well as much more intellectual in appearance than their humbler brethren; while the women of the higher classes and nobility were in many cases as fair and as lovely as, say, spanish or italian women. winding its way slowly through some two miles of wide and handsome streets, the buildings in which became ever more imposing as it advanced, the cavalcade at length arrived before a very large building of two stories in height--as against the single story which appeared to be the vogue in the city of the sun--planned to form three sides of a square, and standing in the midst of a magnificent garden of some thirty acres in extent, which escombe rightly judged to be the royal palace. it was not a particularly handsome structure--indeed, the builders of the city seemed to be singularly devoid of architectural taste as it is understood elsewhere--but it was imposing on account of its size and solidity, and the bold and massive character of such ornamentation as it displayed. contrary to the usual custom, which appeared to favour white marble as a building material, the palace was built throughout of massive blocks of greyish-green granite, so accurately joined together that the joints were almost indistinguishable. it stood upon a solid base of much darker granite, some six feet high, and access to its interior was gained by means of a very wide flight of eighteen steps, each about four inches high and some eighteen inches wide from back to front. the door and window openings were surrounded by broad bands or frames of granite projecting some six inches beyond the general face of the walls, and in these bands were set several large, elaborately sculptured medallions, which had all the appearance of--and, as a matter of fact, actually were--solid gold. and all round the building, between the upper and lower tier of windows, ran a flat band, or string course, of solid gold, about two feet in depth, upon which a graceful pattern of scroll-work was boldly chased. finally, above the upper row of windows, in the place usually occupied by a cornice in european buildings, there was a massive bull-nose moulding, quite three feet deep, also of solid gold, surmounted by the parapet which guarded the flat roof of the building. the facade of the building was the middle of the three sides, and faced toward the road, while the two wings ran from it at right angles back toward the lake. so much escombe was able to note with regard to his new home, as the cavalcade swung in through the magnificent gates of wrought copper which gave access to the grounds, and made its way up a wide path or drive to the main entrance, before which it halted. in an instant the two nobles who had held his horse for him while he mounted some hours earlier were again at the animal's head, and harry swung himself somewhat stiffly out of the saddle; for the ride had been a long and hot one, and it was now a full fortnight since he had last been on horseback. as his foot touched the ground the band of his bodyguard again struck up the national anthem, and every officer and man raised his sword in salute, after which, as harry ascended the steps and passed through the wide doorway of the palace, umu shouted a command, the swords flashed in the glaring afternoon sunshine as they were returned to their scabbards, and the weary horses and their riders trotted soberly off to the cavalry stables. the nobles who had accompanied harry on his ride, and also tiahuana, entered the palace with the young inca, doing the honours of the building, and indicating the character of the various apartments which they passed as they conducted him to a superb bathroom, where they assisted him to disrobe, and where he enjoyed a most welcome "tub" in tepid water, made additionally refreshing by the mingling with it of a certain liquid which imparted to it a most exquisite fragrance. then, attired in a fresh costume, they conducted him to a small but very handsome room, the chairs and tables in which were made of solid silver, where, waited on by a small army of servants in the royal livery, he partook of a light meal. tiahuana, who, at harry's special invitation, joined him at the repast, explaining that there was still much to be done that day, since in little more than an hour a solemn service of thanksgiving was to be held in the great temple of the sun to commemorate the return of the great manco to his long-expectant people, and to inaugurate suitably the commencement of a new and glorious era in that people's history. chapter twelve. huanacocha is unconvinced. the meal over, it became necessary for escombe to effect another change of attire, the simple garb that he had assumed upon emerging from the bath being discarded in favour of certain gorgeous garments that had been especially prepared for the solemn service in the great temple of the sun. there was only one item in this costume which harry had worn before, and that was the borla or tasselled fringe of scarlet round the temples, which proclaimed his royal rank. on this occasion also, the ceremony in which he was about to take part being a strictly religious one, he wore no weapons. the great temple of the sun being the most important building in the city, not even excepting the royal palace, was built on the crest of a hill which dominated the entire city, and was situated about a mile from the palace; the journey thither, therefore, afforded opportunity for another royal procession, in which harry was to figure in a sort of litter borne aloft on the shoulders of eight men. this litter consisted of a platform covered with a magnificent carpet woven in a pattern composed of many rich colours, and supported by two pairs of shafts made of some tough, springy wood, the end of each shaft being attached to a kind of yoke which rested upon the shoulders of two of the bearers. upon the platform, which was carried shoulder-high, was mounted a throne, the woodwork of which was entirely enclosed in gold plates, richly wrought and thickly studded with emeralds; and, seated on this throne and surrounded by an escort of some five hundred foot soldiers gorgeously attired and armed with bows, spears, and maces with heavy spiked heads, the young inca presently found himself being borne at a rapid trot through another wide and handsome street, which, judging from the character of the buildings bordering it, evidently formed the aristocratic quarter of the town. this street, like those which he had already passed through, was lined on both sides by gaily attired people of both sexes and all ages, who rent the air with their enthusiastic acclamations as the cortege swept past them, the only difference being that the majority at least of these folk were, like himself, hurrying in the direction of the temple. it was with a somewhat abstracted air that harry acknowledged the salutations of these people, for, truth to tell, his mind and his conscience were being rather severely exercised upon the subject of the function in which he was about to take part. the one great outstanding fact in relation to it was that it was a pagan rite; and he felt that, regarded from an abstract point of view, it was distinctly wrong for him, a professed christian, to countenance or abet idolatry in any form. yet he had not been all those months in peru without having acquired a certain elementary knowledge of the early history of the country, much of which, by the way, had been gained through his conversations with arima long before that individual had so much as dreamed of the brilliant destiny that awaited his pleasant-mannered young english master. thus, for instance, he knew that the peruvian indians recognised the existence of a supreme being, the creator and ruler of the universe, whom they sometimes named pachacamac, and at others viracocha; and he also knew that the attributes of this being were believed to be of so superlatively divine a character that the simple indians had never dared to rear more than one temple in his honour, which had long since been destroyed. he was aware also that the inca was not only an absolute monarch, an autocrat invested with greater powers than any other earthly monarch, but that he was implicitly believed to be of divine origin, and that some of the attributes of divinity still clung to him; he was therefore not only a monarch who wielded absolute power, and whose will was law, but he was also the head of the priesthood. taking these two facts in conjunction, escombe, with the extreme assurance of youth, and perhaps not attaching quite enough importance to the fact that the sun was the deity whose worship had been especially inculcated and carefully handed down from generation to generation, thought, as he considered the matter, that he could see his way first to divert the adoration of his subjects from the sun to pachacamac, and afterwards to explain that pachacamac and the god of the christians were one and the same, thus insensibly leading them from the paths of paganism into those of christianity. and he resolved to do it. it was a grand ambition, and it spoke well for him that this should be the first definite resolution that he had taken in connection with the tremendous powers with which he had become so strangely invested; for, singularly enough, it had never occurred to him until within the last hour that he would be called upon to take any part in the functions and ceremonies of pagan worship. moreover, it swept away every one of the scruples that had been worrying him as to whether or not he was justified in being present at the impending function; for he felt that, having come to the above resolution, he was justified in being present, otherwise how could he offer any suggestions as to a change in the ceremonial? by the time that he had thought the matter out thus far, and had arrived at the conclusion that he believed he could see his way pretty clearly before him, he had reached the great open space, in the centre of which stood the temple, and he had time only to run his eye hastily over the enormous building and gather in a general idea of its aspect before his litter was deposited at the foot of the magnificent flight of forty-five broad, shallow steps which ran all round the building, and which gave access to the spacious platform upon which the edifice was raised. as harry leisurely dismounted from the litter his escort ran nimbly up the steps and arranged itself--four deep on each step, and the remainder on the platform above--into a wide avenue of spearmen to keep back the crowds that thronged the steps, and thus afford the young inca a clear space in which to accomplish the ascent to the great main doorway of the building. at the same moment tiahuana, gorgeously attired in a long flowing robe of white that was stiff with the heavy gold embroidery which almost covered it, with a mitre-like headdress, similarly embroidered, on his head, and a gold wand surmounted by a golden image of the sun in his right hand, emerged from the doorway, followed by apparently the entire staff of the priesthood, and stood at the head of the long flight of steps to receive the inca. contrary to his expectation, instead of being conducted directly into the main body of the building, escombe, surrounded by fully a hundred priests, was led by tiahuana into an anteroom, where he found assembled the council of seven, under the leadership of one huanacocha--who, tiahuana whisperingly mentioned, was the chief and most powerful noble of the entire nation--and some five hundred other nobles, to whom he was now to be presented, and who were thus to be afforded an opportunity of thoroughly satisfying themselves before matters were allowed to proceed any further, that the young man was indeed the re-incarnated manco, for whose return to earth the nation had been looking forward for over three hundred years. upon entering this anteroom escombe found himself upon a dais occupying one end of, and reaching across the entire width of the apartment. in the centre of the dais, but close up to the front of it, was a throne of solid silver, with a footstool before it, and upon this throne harry was directed by tiahuana to seat himself, the body of priests immediately arranging themselves behind and on either side of it. before him, and on the main floor of the room, which was some eighteen inches below the level of the dais, were arranged several rows of benches upon which the nobles were seated, the council of seven, which had governed in the absence of an inca, with huanacocha occupying the middle place, being seated on the front bench, or that nearest the dais. the little stir which had been occasioned by the entrance of harry and the priests having subsided, arima--to escombe's amazement--was mysteriously produced by tiahuana and led forward to the front of the dais, from which standpoint he was ordered to relate the circumstances under which he first came into contact with the young englishman; how his suspicions as to the identity of his employer with the expected inca were first aroused; what steps he took to verify those suspicions, and how he proceeded after those suspicions were confirmed; all of which he told in the quichua language, not only with a total absence of embarrassment, but with a certain undertone of pride and exultation running through his narrative; for he felt that, as the first discoverer of the returned manco, he was a person of very great consequence. then harry was requested to state where and in what manner he came into possession of the long-lost emerald collar of manco capac, which he did in spanish, tiahuana afterwards interpreting his brief statement into quichua. then came tiahuana's own turn. he began by reminding his hearers of the terrible happenings of that dreadful day when atahuallpa, deceived by the treacherous spaniards, unsuspectingly entered the city of caxamalca, only to see his followers ruthlessly slaughtered, and to find himself a captive in the hands of the _conquistadors_. then he drew a graphic word picture of that still more awful night when atahuallpa, chained hand and foot, was led out into the great square of the city and ignominiously strangled by his unscrupulous and bloodthirsty betrayers. warming to his subject, he next very briefly sketched the untoward fate of the inca manco, son of huayna capac, whom the spaniards had installed, as their tool and puppet, on the throne vacated by the murder of atahuallpa; and he concluded this portion of his address by briefly reminding his hearers of the sudden and dramatic appearance of the prophet-priest titucocha on the night of atahuallpa's murder, and of the prophecy then uttered by him, which tiahuana repeated word for word. then, gathering fresh energy and fire as he proceeded, the high priest told how, after waiting impatiently all his life long for the reappearance of the great manco, foretold by titucocha, until he had begun to despair of living to see that happy day, he had been suddenly startled into new life and hope by the arrival of arima in the city with the glad news that the divine manco had actually returned to earth and was even then among the mountains of his beloved peru. he reminded them of how he, tiahuana, had conducted arima into the presence of the council of seven and caused him to relate his story to them; of the scepticism with which that story had been received, of the difficulty which he had encountered in persuading the council that it was their duty to permit him, as high priest, to sift the story and ascertain how far it was true; and how, having at length secured their somewhat reluctant consent, he had triumphantly accomplished his mission and now had the duty and pleasure to present them to the divine manco, promised of heaven as the deliverer and restorer of the peruvian nation. "but how are we to be assured beyond all possibility of doubt that this young man is in very deed the reincarnated manco, whose return was foretold by the prophet titucocha, and for whom the nation has looked these three hundred years and more?" demanded huanacocha, the head of the council of seven. "he is a white man to begin with; and for my part it has always been in my mind that when the divine manco should deign to return to us, he would come in the form of a full-blooded peruvian indian, even as we are." a low murmur of concurrence and approval filled the room at these bold words of huanacocha, and every eye was at once turned upon tiahuana to see what reply he would give to this apparently unanswerable objection. "why should you suppose any such thing?" demanded tiahuana in a cold, level voice. "there is no word in titucocha's prophecy, as handed down to us in our records, to justify any such belief. i am prepared to admit, if you like, that such an expectation was natural, but further than that i cannot go. nay, rather let me say that, taking into consideration the careful minuteness with which titucocha particularised the several means of identification--every one of which has been literally fulfilled in him whom you now see before you--i am convinced that if our lord the sun had intended that his child should return to us as an indian, born of us and among us, titucocha would have specifically said so. but, as i have already reminded you, he did not. what he said was that the re-incarnated manco was to be the deliverer and restorer of the ancient peruvian nation; and who so fit to undertake and successfully carry through this stupendous task as one born, and who has lived all his life in england, that great nation of which we have all heard, whose empire extends north and south, east and west, to the uttermost parts of the earth, so that it has been said of her that she is the empire upon which the sun never sets. my lords, i, who am full of years and of the wisdom that comes with many years, tell you that if ever we are to free ourselves from the yoke of the oppressor, and to restore peru to its ancient position of power and glory, we must be helped and guided in that great, that almost impossible task, by one who unites within himself superlative wisdom and superlative courage; and the crowning proof, to my mind, that heaven has now at last fulfilled its glorious promise is to be found in the fact that it has ordained our new inca to be born an englishman, possessed of all that courage, that wisdom, and that knowledge for which englishmen are famed throughout the world. i have spoken! and now, i pray you, come forward every one of you, from the first unto the last, and see with your own eyes the final proof that the great manco has indeed returned to us. thus far you have merely been called upon to believe the testimony of arima and myself; but now it is for you to look with your own eyes upon the collar which this young man wears, and to say whether in very truth it is or is not the emerald collar of the divine manco, of which we have so perfect and complete a description, and by the wearing of which he was to be recognised in his re-incarnated form." as tiahuana ceased speaking, another low murmur ran round the assembly, but whether of approval or of dissent it was not easy to judge. then huanacocha, as chief of the council of seven, arose, and, stepping forward to the dais, took in his hand the emerald collar that tiahuana handed to him--having removed it from harry's neck for the purposes of inspection--and examined it with the most scrupulous care. he was about to return it to tiahuana when the latter said: "has my lord huanacocha compared the features delineated on the pendant with those of him whom i am offering to the nation as its long-lookedfor deliverer?" huanacocha had not, it seemed, for, taking the pendant in his hand, he studied it intently, and then gazed long and steadily at harry's features. "i admit that there certainly is some resemblance," he said coldly, as he handed back the jewel. then, one after the other, the remaining members of the assembly came forward one by one, scrutinised the jewel with more or less deliberation, and returned to their seats, until every one in the room had obeyed tiahuana's summons. then the high priest stepped forward to the edge of the dais, and said: "nobles of the ancient peruvian blood-royal, i have now submitted to you the last piece of evidence upon which i base my contention that the young man whom i have brought into your midst--and of whose existence we became aware through a sequence of events that can only be described as miraculous--is in very truth he for whose appearance we and our forefathers have been anxiously looking during a period of more than three hundred years. you are all perfectly acquainted with the words of the prophecy which foretold his appearance; for so important, so vital to the interests of the nation, were those words regarded that it has been our rule throughout the ages to teach them to every child until that child can repeat them by heart. you are therefore perfectly cognisant of all the signs and tokens of identification by which the reincarnated manco was to be recognised when in the fulness of time he should again come to us, to execute his great mission of our regeneration. it now rests with you to decide whether those signs and tokens have been fulfilled in the case of this young man so clearly and unmistakably as to justify our acceptance of him as the being whom i claim him to be. although it is perhaps hardly necessary for me to do so, it is my duty to remind you that never in the history of our nation have the peruvian nobility been called upon to decide a more momentous question. i now ask you to rise in your places, one by one, beginning with my lord huanacocha, and say whether or not you are satisfied that this young man is in very truth the divine manco returned to earth." a very perceptible pause followed this appeal, and then huanacocha rose to his feet. "before replying to your question, my lord tiahuana," said he, "i should like the young man to tell us what he can remember of his former existence. the history of manco capac, our first inca and the founder of our nation, is well known to all of us, and if your claim be indeed justified there must be many incidents in his career, well known to us but quite unknown to the outer world, which the claimant can recall. let him mention a few of those incidents, and the most doubting among us will be satisfied." this speech was delivered in the quichua language, and it was necessary for tiahuana to translate to harry, who at once replied: "i have already told you, i believe, that i have no recollection whatever of any former state of existence." "my lords," said tiahuana, "the young man asserts, with perfect candour, that he has no recollection whatever of any former state of existence; therefore he is unable to furnish those further proofs demanded by the lord huanacocha. but what of that? does this absence of recollection invalidate all the other proofs that have been given? how many of us remember any of our former states of existence distinctly enough to recall any of their happenings? i confess that i do not. does my lord huanacocha, or do any of you?" a long and profound silence followed this pointed question. so prolonged, indeed, was it that it at length became evident that no one in that assembly had a reply to it; whereupon tiahuana, his eyes gleaming with triumph, once more stepped forward and said: "my lords, your silence is a complete and sufficient answer to my question, and proves that the objection raised by my lord huanacocha was an unreasonable one. i must therefore again call upon him to say whether he is or is not satisfied with the other proofs advanced." there was no pause or hesitation this time; huanacocha at once rose and said: "i have no fault to find with the other proofs; but i contend that they do not go far enough. i am still strongly of opinion that when the divine manco returns to us he will come in the guise of one of ourselves, an indian of the blood-royal; and therefore i must refuse to accept the dictum of my lord tiahuana that the young white man is the re-incarnation of the first manco, the founder of our nation." and he resumed his seat. this bold and defiant speech created, as might be expected, a most tremendous sensation among the other occupants of the hall; but tiahuana, with a slight gesture of impatience, at once threw up his hand to demand silence, and said: "you have all heard the objections raised by my lord huanacocha, and are as well able as i am to weigh and judge their value. let now the other lords arise, each in his turn, and express his opinion." the man on huanacocha's right at once arose, and said: "i am quite satisfied with the proofs adduced by the high priest. to me they are complete and perfectly convincing." the man on the left of huanacocha then sprang to his feet and said: "i find it quite impossible to come to a definite decision, one way or the other. on the one hand, i regard the proofs adduced by my lord tiahuana as perfectly satisfactory; but on the other i think there is reason in the objection raised by my lord huanacocha that the aspirant is a white man. notwithstanding what has been said by the high priest, my conviction is that the true manco, when he appears, will be born among us and be one of ourselves. i am unconvinced." thus the expression of opinion went on until all had given one, when it appeared that huanacocha had four adherents to his views, the remainder of the nobles being quite unanimous in their conviction that harry was in very deed the re-incarnation of the first manco. he was therefore accepted by an overwhelming majority, as tiahuana had confidently anticipated; and the discomfited huanacocha and his friends were compelled to waive their objections, which, after recording them, they did with a somewhat better grace than might have been expected. then came the ceremony of swearing allegiance to the new sovereign, which was done by every individual present, beginning with tiahuana, who was followed by motahuana and the entire body of the priests, who, in their turn, were succeeded by the nobles, beginning with huanacocha. by the time that this ceremony was concluded the afternoon was well advanced and it was time to repair to the main body of the temple, where the service of thanksgiving was to be held; and in consideration of the fact that harry was a stranger, and of course completely ignorant of the religious ritual followed by the worshippers of the sun, motahuana was told off to accompany and prompt him. accordingly, led by the deputy high priest, the young monarch, followed by the nobles, passed down a long corridor and, wheeling to the left, passed through an enormous archway veiled by great gold-embroidered curtains which, upon being drawn aside at their approach, revealed the whole of the vast interior of the temple proper in which the ceremony was to be held. when, an hour or two earlier, the young inca--whose official name was now manco capac--had approached the enormous building in which he now found himself, he had promptly come to the conclusion that the edifice owed little or nothing of its imposing character to the skill of the architect; for, so far as architectural beauty was concerned, it was almost as plain and unpretentious as his own palace: it was imposing merely because of its immense dimensions. it consisted of a huge rectangular block of pure white marble, the walls of which were from eight to ten feet thick, without columns, or pediment, or even so much as a few pilasters to break up the monotonous smoothness and regularity of its exterior surface, the only aids in this direction being the great east doorway, or main entrance, which was some thirty feet wide by about sixty feet high, with an immense window opening on either side of it, through which and the doorway entered all the light which illuminated the interior. true, the doorway and window openings were each surrounded by heavy marble borders, or frames, encrusted with great plates of gold elaborately ornamented with a boldly sculptured design. there was also a heavy gold string course and bull-nose moulding similar to that on the palace; but, apart from that and the gold-tiled roof, there was no attempt at exterior decorative effect. whatever might have been deemed lacking in this direction, however, was more than compensated for by the barbaric splendour and profusion of the interior decorations. the entire west wall of the building was covered with a solid plate of burnished gold emblazoned with a gigantic face from which emanated rays innumerable, representing the sun, the great eyes being reproduced in a perfect blaze of gems; precious stones of all kinds being thickly powdered also all over the plate, which was primarily intended to receive the rays of the rising sun through the great east door in the early morning--at which hour the most impressive ceremony of the day was celebrated--and reflect the light back upon the people. the two side walls were also decorated with great gold plates, about two feet square, richly engraved, and arranged in a chequer pattern, a square of gold alternating with a square of the white marble wall of the building from top to bottom and from end to end, each of the white marble squares having in its centre a gold ornament about the size of one's hand which formed a mount for a precious stone, rubies and emeralds being the most numerous, although diamonds of considerable size gleamed here and there. had the stones been cut and polished, instead of being set in the rough, the effect would have been gorgeous beyond description. perhaps the most wonderful part of the whole building, however, was the ceiling. this was composed entirely of white marble slabs supported and divided into panels by great beams of solid marble made up of enormous blocks of the stone the ends of which were so cunningly "scarphed", or fitted together, that the joints were invisible and gripped each other so tightly that neither cement nor bolts were needed to complete the union. and in the centre of each panel of the ceiling, and at each crossing of the beams, was a great golden ornament bearing some resemblance to a full-blown rose. the western wall of the building was decorated like the two side walls, save that in place of the bare marble a silver square alternated with a gold one. and, finally, the great doors in the western wall were of solid silver wrought to represent timber, the grain and knots of the wood being imitated with marvellous fidelity, while the nails were represented in gold. chapter thirteen. the daughter of umu. piloted by motahuana, harry presently found himself installed in a marble throne raised on a dais at the western extremity of the building, behind the altars--of which there were three--and facing them and the vast assembly. immediately on the other side of the altars, and facing them, were the nobles, also occupying marble seats; and a brave show they made in their gala attire, umu, the captain of the royal bodyguard, in his gorgeous uniform, being a very conspicuous figure among them. and behind the nobles, seated on wooden benches, was the people ranged row after row, until, so vast was the building, the features of those seated near the eastern wall were quite indistinguishable to the young inca. the slight stir in that immense assemblage caused by the entrance of the monarch and his train of nobles had scarcely subsided when the strains of distant music were heard, rapidly increasing in power and volume as the musicians drew near; and presently, through an archway immediately opposite that by which escombe had entered, there filed a small army of priests led by tiahuana, still in his robes and bearing his wand. some sixty of these were performing on a variety of wind and string instruments more or less remotely suggestive of those known to civilised nations, while the remainder chanted to their accompaniment a quaint but by no means unpleasing melody, the air of which was quite distinctly suggestive of rejoicing. the words of the song--or hymn, rather--were quichua, and escombe was therefore unable to gather the sense of them. in the midst of the priests walked a band of some twenty youths attired in richly embroidered white tunics of soft woollen material, girt about the waist with a gold-embroidered belt; and each youth bore in his arms a mass of beautiful flowers, the delicate perfume of which quickly diffused itself throughout the building. priests and youths were alike barefooted; and a more careful scrutiny soon revealed to harry the fact that he was the only individual in the building--so far as he could see--who remained shod. led by the instrumentalists, the procession wheeled to the right and passed slowly down the first aisle of the building to its eastern extremity, then right across it, past the great eastern door, up the fourth aisle, down the third, and up the second, which brought them finally to the altar which stood on the right of the main or high altar, as looked at from escombe's point of view. then, while the priests continued their chanting, the flower-laden youths piled their fragrant burdens upon the right-hand altar and twined them about it until it was completely hidden from view by the vari-coloured blooms and their delicate foliage. this done, the youths retired, and the high priest-or villac vmu, as he was called--standing before the flower-draped altar, with his back to the people, uttered what appeared to be a short invocation or prayer, during which the worshippers all knelt upon the beautifully tessellated marble pavement. this prayer lasted three or four minutes, and upon its conclusion the people rose and resumed their seats; while tiahuana, turning and facing them, delivered an address of some twenty minutes' length, after which another hymn was sung by both priests and people, the former slowly filing out of the building during the singing, and so timing their movements that as the last note was sung the last priest disappeared through the arch, and the curtain fell behind him. harry not unnaturally concluded that this ended the ceremonial; but he was quickly undeceived by motahuana, who informed him that one, if not two, burnt sacrifices yet remained to be offered. and indeed, scarcely had this piece of information been conveyed when the music and singing again made themselves heard, and the priests filed into the building once more. but, instead of the band of flower-bearing youths, there appeared a llama, decked with garlands and wreaths of flowers, and led by two young priests. this time the order of procedure was reversed, the procession crossing over to the fourth aisle, passing down it and up the first, down the second, and up the third, which finally brought them opposite the second subsidiary altar, to a golden ring in which the llama was now tethered, the processional hymn lasting long enough to allow this operation to be completed. then followed another prayer, succeeded by another address, during which the unfortunate llama was bound and trussed up so ingeniously that the unhappy creature was rendered incapable of making the least struggle. then a number of priests seized the helpless animal and laid it upon the top of the altar, upon which meanwhile a great pile of cedar boughs and other scented wood had been carefully piled. this done, two priests strode forward, one bearing a very formidable-looking copper knife, while the other carried a large and most beautifully wrought basin of solid gold. seizing the llama by the ears and dragging its head back, the first of these two priests raised his knife on high. there was a yellow flash as the keen and heavy blade descended upon the animal's throat, and the next instant the llama's lifeblood was pouring and smoking into the basin which the second priest held to receive it. and so dexterously was the whole thing done that not a single drop of blood stained the white garment of either priest; had it been otherwise, it would have been regarded as an unfavourable omen. the moment that the blood ceased to flow, the thongs which confined the poor beast's limbs to its body were released, the carcass was turned upon its back, the belly was ripped open, and the villac vmu stepped forward and carefully examined the entrails, during which the people appeared to be held in a state of the most painfully breathless suspense. this, however, was happily not prolonged, for it lasted only a few seconds when tiahuana, stepping forward and facing the assembly, threw up his hands and shouted: "blessed be our father the sun, the omens are all exceptionally, marvellously, favourable, and our sovereign lord the inca is assured of a long and prosperous reign, during which he will be permitted to accomplish all that was prophesied concerning him." instantly the priests burst into a loud paean of praise, which was promptly taken up by the entire people, standing, during the singing of which a priest appeared, bearing a torch kindled at the sacred fire, which was kept alight throughout the year. this torch he presented to harry, who, at motahuana's prompting, and with several qualms of conscience, rose to his feet and thrust it in among the pile of wood on the top of the altar, beneath the body of the llama. the crackling of the dry twigs that formed the substructure of the cunningly arranged pile, and the curling wreaths of fragrant smoke, soon showed that the wood was fairly alight; and as the little tongues of yellow flame leapt from twig to twig and gathered power, and the smoke shot upward from the altar in a thin perfectly straight column to the ceiling, the great building fairly resounded with the shouts of jubilation of the enormous congregation, for this was the last and most important omen of all. if the smoke column had bent or wavered in the least it would have foretold trouble--ay, or even disaster, had the wavering been sufficiently pronounced. but, on the contrary, every omen, from first to last, had been of so exceptionally favourable a character that the special sacrifice of thank-offering that was always tentatively arranged for upon such occasions as the present became a foregone conclusion, and the assembly, instead of dispersing, as they would have done had the omens been less eminently favourable, settled again into their seats with a great sigh and shudder of tense expectancy; for this would be the first time that many of them had ever been present at a ceremony of the kind that was now pending. escombe, who was by this time beginning to feel very tired, as well as distinctly dissatisfied with himself for taking part in all this mummery, noticed vaguely that something out of the common was evidently toward, but he was too thoroughly distrait to even seek an explanation from motahuana, and he watched, as in a dream, the long procession of priests file out of the building to the accompaniment of an unmistakable song of triumph. presently, with more singing and music, they came filing back again; but in the comparatively brief interval of their absence they had contrived to effect a complete change in their appearance, for, instead of the white garments which they had previously worn, they were now robed in crimson, heavily bordered with gold embroidery, while tiahuana's robe was so completely covered with gold embroidery, encrusted with gems, that it was as stiff as a board, the crimson colour of the material scarcely showing through it. he still bore his wand in his hands, and the mitre which he now wore blazed with gold and precious stones. on this occasion, instead of leading the procession, he was preceded by a priest, scarcely less gorgeously robed than himself, who held aloft a beautiful banner of crimson cloth emblazoned with the figure of the sun. other banners, equally rich and beautiful, about twenty in all, were borne by the main body of the priests. but no sooner was the procession--singing a peculiarly sweet and plaintive air--fairly inside the body of the temple than escombe aroused himself with a violent start, for walking in the midst of the priests, attired in a simple white robe, from the hem of which her little bare feet peeped as she walked with downcast eyes, and wreathed and garlanded about with a long chain of magnificent crimson roses, and with her hands bound behind her, there walked the most lovely maiden that the young man had ever seen. although there was little doubt that she was of pure indian blood, she was as fair as a spaniard, but without a vestige of colour--as might well be expected under the circumstances. her long, dark hair, unbound, clustered in wavy ringlets upon her shoulders and far enough below her waist to completely veil her tied hands. every eye in the building was instantly turned upon this fair vision as the congregation rose _en masse_, and a loud gasp of what sounded very much like dismay drew escombe's attention to umu, who distinctly staggered as he rose to his feet, while his face went a sickly, yellowish-white, and the perspiration poured from his forehead like rain. the poor fellow stared at the girl as though he could scarcely believe his eyes; yet that he did believe them was perfectly evident, while the anguished expression of his countenance made it equally evident that he was very deeply interested in the young lady and her fate. as to what that fate was to be there could be no shadow of doubt, even in the mind of one so ignorant of the details of the religious ceremonial of the peruvians as was its new monarch. the girl's awful pallor, her very presence in the procession, and the fact of her being garlanded with flowers, each had its own significance, and pointed indubitably to the fact that she was the destined victim in a human sacrifice! turning to motahuana, harry demanded, in a fierce whisper: "who is that girl, and why is she taking part in the procession?" to which motahuana replied: "she is maia, the daughter of umu, captain of my lord's bodyguard; and, as the most beautiful maiden in the city, she has been chosen by the villac vmu as worthy the great honour of being offered in sacrifice upon the altar of thanksgiving on this most memorable and auspicious occasion. it is a great surprise to umu, of course, to see his only daughter occupying her present proud position, for by the order of tiahuana she was taken from her father's house within an hour of his departure to meet my lord and escort him to the city; and his duties have probably not permitted him to visit his home since his return, hence the sight of his daughter in the procession is the first intimation which he has received of the honour conferred upon her--and him." the utter indifference to the anguish of those chiefly concerned which motahuana betrayed in this speech made escombe fairly writhe with disgust and abhorrence, which feelings were increased a hundredfold by the knowledge that this young maiden was to be forced to lay down her life, and her parent's home was to be made desolate, in order that his-harry escombe's--accession to the throne of the incas might be fitly celebrated! he ground his teeth in impotent fury, and unrestrainedly execrated the stupendous folly which had induced him to enter so lightheartedly into an adventure fraught with elements of such unimaginable horror. true, he had done so with the very best intentions; yes, but how often, even in his comparatively brief experience of life, had he known of actions instigated by "the very best intentions" that had culminated in grim disaster! and now he was adding yet another to the long list! but stay; was this thing inevitable? he suddenly remembered that many of the good intentions that had determined him to acquiesce passively in the events that had placed him where he now was were based upon the fact that, as inca, he would be the possessor of absolute power, and would be able to mould events to his will; that, as inca, he would be superior to everybody, even the priesthood, for the inca was not only the head of the priesthood but was actually credited with the possession of a certain measure of divinity in his own person. if all this were really true, now was the time to assert his authority and test his power. he would forbid the sacrifice, and see what came of it. as he arrived at this determination he glanced up, to find umu's gaze fixed fully upon him, and there was such intensity of unmistakable anguish and entreaty in the gaze that harry unhesitatingly answered it with a nod and an encouraging smile, which evoked a gasp of almost incredulous joy and relief from its recipient. the procession had by this time passed down the first aisle and was coming up the second, the paean of triumph and thanksgiving pealing louder and more thrillingly on the ear with every step of its progress. at length it reached the head of the aisle and wheeled to the right with the evident intention of turning into the third aisle, which would have caused it to brush close past the row of benches by which umu was standing. but a moment before the banner bearer who was leading the procession arrived at the wheeling point, harry rose from his throne and, standing on his footstool, so that every person in that vast building might see and hear him, flung up his right hand and imperiously called a halt in the proceedings, in response to which the procession came to an abrupt standstill, and the singers and musicians almost as abruptly became silent. then harry beckoned tiahuana to his side, and said: "interpret for me; i have a message for the people." then, as tiahuana gazed aghast and speechless at the young man who had resorted to so unheard of a proceeding as to interrupt a ceremony of thanksgiving at its most intensely interesting and dramatic moment, harry proceeded: "children of the ancient peruvian nation, hearken unto me; for pachacamac, the supreme, the creator and ruler of the universe, who made all things, yea even unto the sun, moon, and stars which you adore, each in their several seasons, has this moment put a message into my mouth and bid me deliver it unto you. "thus saith pachacamac, the great and only one. `in the days of old, when the peruvians were but a few scattered tribes plunged in the depths of ignorance and barbarism, i took pity upon them and sent to them manco capac and mama oello huaco, two of my children, to gather together those scattered tribes and form them into communities, to instruct them in the mysteries of my worship, and to teach them the arts whereby they might become a great and civilised nation. and for a time all things went well with the peruvians, for they listened to the voice of my messengers, and obeyed it, worshipping me and acting in accordance with my commands. therefore i blessed and prospered them exceedingly, and made of them a glorious and powerful nation, wise in the art of government, and invincible in the field of battle, so that as the years rolled on they conquered all the surrounding tribes and nations and absorbed them into themselves. "`but with the progress of time my people fell into error. they ceased to worship and honour me, and transferred their adoration to the sun, which i had made and given unto them as the beneficent source of all their material benefits, from which they derived light and warmth, which caused their streams to flow and their soil to bring forth abundant crops for the sustenance of man and beast, which caused their flocks to increase and multiply greatly, and which is the source of all life, health, and beauty. they gave their gratitude and devotion to that which i had created, and forgot me, the creator of all things; they built hundreds of temples in honour of the sun--and one only did they dedicate to me! therefore was i displeased with them and withdrew from them the light of my countenance. i permitted the _conquistadors_ to land upon their shores and gave them power to triumph over the peruvians in battle, to destroy atahuallpa, and to wrest their land from them until, behold, all that is left of that once great nation is this valley and the city that ye have built in it. "`but my anger burns not for ever, nor will i hide my face from you for all time. behold, i have given you another inca, who shall guide your straying feet back into the right path, who shall point out to you the mistakes which you have made and teach you how to correct them. and if ye will obey him it may be that in process of time i will again make you a great and powerful nation, even as you were in the old days ere i hid my face from you and permitted calamity to overtake you. "`and now, listen, my people, unto this. i have no pleasure in sorrow or suffering; the shedding of blood in sacrifice is an abomination unto me. therefore do i forbid now and henceforth the sacrifice in burnt offering of any creature that doth breathe the breath of life; for death is a curse that i have sent upon the earth, and not a blessing, as ye shall be taught in due time. ye may deck my altars with flowers, and make beautiful the houses in which ye worship me, if ye will; but obedience to my laws and precepts is more precious to me than any other thing, and if ye render that unto me ye shall do well.'" as harry uttered the last words, and sank back into his seat, it is safe to say that no individual in that great building was more astonished at his behaviour than himself; for he had sprung to his feet without the ghost of a notion of what he meant to say, animated only by the one great and overmastering impulse to save the life of umu's daughter and rescue a household from a great and terrible grief. but the words had leapt to his lips, and he had spoken as one under the influence of inspiration, without thought, or pause, or hesitation. in the very building devoted to the worship of that object which, ever since peru became a nation, had been the especial veneration of its inhabitants, he had stood up and boldly denounced the worship of the sun as idolatry; had told them that their religious beliefs were all wrong, and had unceremoniously broken in upon and put a stop to the most impressive ceremony in their ritual, and had forbidden certain practices hallowed by ages of religious teaching! and now, what was to be the result? would the priests and the congregation rise up as one man and tear the audacious young innovator limb from limb, or offer him up as a sacrifice on the altar from which he had essayed to snatch its destined victim, to propitiate their outraged deity? the sensation produced on all sides as tiahuana had translated escombe's denunciation, sentence by sentence, was tremendous, and grew in intensity as the denunciation proceeded. but whether the emotion excited was that of anger, or of blank astonishment, the young man could not determine; nor, to speak the truth, did he very greatly care, for he felt that he was doing his duty regardless of the possibility of the most ghastly peril to himself. indeed there are few possibilities more dreadful than those attendant upon the bearding of a multitude of fanatical idolators and the denouncing of the objects of their idolatry. everything, or almost everything, would depend entirely upon the view which tiahuana and the priests took of harry's conduct. if, after that uncompromisingly outspoken attack upon the worship of the sun--the fundamental principle of their religion--tiahuana's belief in the theory that escombe was indeed the re-incarnation of the first manco, foretold by the prophet titucocha, remained unshaken, all might yet be well; but if not--! for some minutes excitement and consternation reigned supreme over that vast assembly, yet there was nothing approaching tumult or disorder in the behaviour of the people; the points raised by the young inca's message were evidently of such tremendous import that they felt themselves quite unable to deal with them. they recognised, almost from the first moment, that these were matters which must be left in the hands of the priests, and presently the excitement began to die down, and everybody waited to see what would next happen. as for tiahuana, the denunciation had fallen upon him with such paralysing effect that he had simply translated escombe's message as nearly word for word as the quichua language would permit, with the air and aspect of a man speaking under the influence of some fantastically horrible dream. but by the time that the excitement had subsided, and silence again reigned in the great building, he had pulled himself together and, turning to harry, said: "is my lord quite certain, beyond all possibility of doubt, that the message which he has just delivered has been put into his mouth by pachacamac, and not by some evil and malignant spirit?" "yes," answered escombe with conviction; "i am. what evil spirit would instruct the peruvians to worship and adore the great pachacamac himself instead of one of the works of his hands? the very import of the message ought to be convincing testimony of the source from which it comes." "it may be; it may be; i cannot tell," answered tiahuana wearily. "if the message comes in very truth from pachacamac, then have we indeed strayed far from the right path, and much that has troubled and puzzled the wisest heads among us can be accounted for. it would also explain why our forefathers were so blind as to permit the _conquistadors_ to enter their country, and so weak as to be conquered by them! yes, methinks there are matters of vast moment contained in that message; but they cannot be discussed here and now. is it my lord's will that the people be dismissed?" "yes," answered harry, almost breathless with astonishment at the complete success of his intervention. "tell the people that my appearance among them is the signal for many great and momentous changes decreed by pachacamac for their advantage, one of the most important of which will be that, henceforth, pachacamac himself--the supreme, the creator of the heavens and earth, and all that are therein, and only he, is to be worshipped in this building. ye have wandered far astray; but be of good comfort, i--and, later on, others whom pachacamac will send to you--will point the way of return, and all shall be well with you." "and the maiden, lord, who was to have been offered as a thankoffering--what is to be done with her?" demanded tiahuana. "let her be returned with all honour to her home and parent," answered harry. "henceforth there are to be no burnt sacrifices, whether human or otherwise." then tiahuana, standing before the central altar, where he could be seen by all, and heard by perhaps about half of the congregation, raising his hand to command the attention of his audience, interpreted escombe's second message to them, adding the words "go in peace!" and raising both hands in a gesture of blessing, which he maintained until the last person had passed out through the great eastern door. meanwhile maia, the daughter of umu and the destined victim of the thank-offering, having not only heard but also understood everything that had transpired, had fainted from excess of emotion produced by the revulsion of feeling from that of lofty exaltation to relief and joy at her reprieve from death--even though that death had come, through long usage, to be regarded as more honourable and glorious than anything that this life had to offer--and had been delivered to her father, who had lost not a moment in conveying her back to the shelter of his roof. "and now, lord," said tiahuana, "tell me, i pray you, what is to be done in the matter of conducting the ceremonies in the temple, henceforth; for pachacamac's message seems to strike at the very root of our religion, and until i am more fully instructed i know not what to do, or how to proceed." "nay," said harry reassuringly, for he saw that the old man was intensely worried and distressed, "the matter is surely very simple. all that you have to do is to transfer your adoration from the sun to pachacamac, offering to him your prayers and praises instead of addressing them to the sun. surely it is wiser and more reasonable to worship him who made all things, than it is to worship one of the things that he has made? do this, and ye shall do well. and if any doubts should arise in your minds, come to me and i will resolve them. also i will instruct you from time to time in the truth concerning pachacamac, until his messengers shall arrive. and now, go in peace; for ye have but to be obedient, and to instruct the people in the truth, even as you yourselves shall be instructed, and all will be well." then harry rose, and, escorted by the nobles, made his way out of the building to the place where his litter and his guard awaited him, whence, mounting into his seat, he was rapidly borne back to the palace amid the enthusiastic acclamations of the populace which lined the streets. but as the bearers trotted smoothly and evenly along the road escombe detected--or thought that he did--a new note in those acclamations; a note which he could not for the life of him interpret. it was not that the acclamations were less hearty than before. on the contrary, they seemed to be more enthusiastic than ever; yet, mingled with their enthusiasm and joy there seemed to be a certain subtle undertone that thrilled him curiously and caused him to vaguely wonder whether that "message" of his, delivered without forethought on the spur of the moment, would prove to have been a master-stroke of genius--or an irreparable mistake. anyhow, he had delivered it, and that was the main thing. he had quite determined that he would deliver it at the first fitting and convenient opportunity; he had, therefore, no regrets on that score, and the only thing that worried him was the question whether it had been delivered prematurely; whether, in fact, it would have been more powerful and effective if he had deferred its deliverance until he had taken time to prepare the minds of the people for its reception. but, be the issue what it might, he had accomplished at least one good deed; he had saved a life and given joy to one household in the city, and that was certainly a matter upon which he might unreservedly congratulate himself. meditating thus, harry found himself, he scarcely knew how, back at the palace, where his chamberlain informed him, first, that a grand banquet had been arranged for that same evening, to be given by him to the nobles to celebrate his accession to the throne; and, secondly, that the lord umu was in waiting, and craved an audience. whereupon the young man requested to be conducted to some room in which he could suitably receive the captain of his bodyguard, and directed that functionary to be brought to him. flinging himself wearily into the only chair in the room to which he had been conducted, escombe awaited the arrival of umu, who was presently ushered into the apartment barefooted, and carrying upon his shoulders a small burden as a badge of his immeasurable inferiority--great and powerful noble though he was--to the inca. so intense was his emotion upon finding himself in his lord's presence that, for the moment, he seemed quite incapable of speech; and, to help him out of his difficulty, whatever it might be, harry extended his hand to him and said: "well, umu, my friend, what is it? are you in trouble, and can i help you?" whereupon umu, the great and powerful noble, and captain of a thousand picked warriors, flung himself upon his knees before the young inca, and, clasping the outstretched hand in both of his, pressed it convulsively to his lips, while the tears streamed like rain from his eyes. but he quickly pulled himself together, and, gazing up into harry's face, answered: "gracious lord, pardon this unseemly emotion, i pray you, and attribute it to the awful ordeal through which i have this day passed. i have presumed to hasten hither, lord, to express, as well as may be, the heartfelt gratitude of myself and my daughter for your gracious intervention to-day in the temple, but for which my maia would now be dead and my home desolate. lord, you are as yet strange among us, and may therefore not know that for a maiden to be chosen to be offered as a thank-offering on the altar of the temple upon such an occasion as that of to-day is regarded by the peruvian indians as the highest honour that can be conferred upon her and all who are connected with her; and doubtless it would be so regarded by many. but, lord, natural affection is not always to be so easily stifled. i am a widower, and maia my daughter is my only child; the love that exists between us is therefore perhaps unusually strong, and the honour of having given my daughter as a thank-offering would never have compensated me for, or reconciled me to, her loss. the shock which i experienced to-day when i recognised her, bound and decked with flowers for the sacrifice, in the midst of the priests, i shall never forget, for i had not then been to my house, and knew not that she had been chosen. and though, having been chosen, she had wrought herself up to the point of passive submission, she had no wish to die, for she is young, and the best part of her life is still before her; moreover she loves me, and knows that without her my heart and my house would be empty and desolate. therefore, lord, i pray you to accept our heartfelt thanks for her deliverance, and to believe my assurance that henceforth, let what will betide, we two are your faithful and devoted slaves unto our lives' end." "thanks, umu, for your assurance of devotion, which, i am convinced, comes from your heart," said harry, raising the soldier to his feet. "but, umu, i wish to regard you henceforth not as my `slave', but as a faithful and devoted friend. servants who will unhesitatingly do my will i shall doubtless be able to command in plenty; but sincere friends are less easily won, especially by a monarch, and a wise, faithful, devoted friend who will help and advise me in the difficult task that lies before me will be of greater value than many slaves. i shall always remember with especial pleasure that my first official act was to save an innocent life, and that the life of your daughter, whom heaven long spare to be a joy and comfort to you. go in peace, umu, and serve me faithfully." "i will, lord; i swear it by the great pachacamac himself!" answered umu, raising his right hand as though to register his oath. then, turning, he went forth from the palace the proudest, and probably the happiest, man in the valley of the sun that day. chapter fourteen. the inca's treasure chambers. the fatigue and excitement of the momentous day were by this time beginning to tell upon escombe. if he could have followed his own inclination he would certainly have called for a light meal, and, having partaken of it, retired forthwith to rest; but he was already beginning to learn the lesson that even an absolute monarch has sometimes to put aside his own inclinations and do that which is politic rather than that which is most pleasing in his own eyes. here was this banquet, for instance. he would much rather not have been present at it; but it was an official affair, and to absent himself from it would simply be to inflict a gratuitous slight upon every guest present, and sow a seed of unpopularity that might quite possibly, like the fabled dragon's teeth, spring up into a harvest of armed men to hurl him from his throne. with a sigh of resignation, therefore, he summoned arima, and, resigning himself into that functionary's hands, submitted to be conducted to the bath, and afterwards attired in the festal garments prepared for the occasion. the bath of warm, delicately perfumed water he found to be so wonderfully refreshing that upon emerging from it all sensation of fatigue had vanished; and by the time that he was completely arrayed for the banquet he felt perfectly prepared to do both himself and the occasion full justice. he was only just ready in the nick of time, for as arima was completing the adjustment of the imperial borla upon the young monarch's temples, the lord high chamberlain appeared with the intimation that the guests were all assembled, and that nothing now was needed, save the inca's presence, to enable the banquet to be begun. whereupon harry arose, and, preceded by the chamberlain and his satellites, made his way to the banqueting hall, which was an enormous chamber on the upstairs floor of the palace, occupying the entire length and width of that part of the building in which was situated the main entrance. one row of windows overlooked that part of the garden which gave upon the main road, while the windows on the opposite side of the apartment commanded a view of the piece of garden which lay between the two wings and extended down to the shore of the lake. the decorations of this room, if they could not be accurately described as "artistic", from a european's point of view, were at least impressive on account of the wanton lavishness with which gems and the precious metals were used; for, look where one would, the eye encountered nothing but gold, silver, and precious stones; indeed the impression conveyed was that the architect had exhausted his ingenuity in devices for the employment of the greatest possible quantity of these costly minerals. the huge beams which supported the ceiling were encased in thick plates of gold, the ceiling itself, or at least those portions of it which showed between the beams, consisted of plates of silver, thickly studded with precious stones arranged--as tiahuana explained--to represent the stars in the night sky over the city. the walls, of enormous thickness, with deep niches or recesses alternating with the windows, were covered with thick gold plates heavily chased into a variety of curious patterns; and each niche contained either a life-size image of an animal--the llama figuring most frequently--in solid gold, wrought with the most marvellous patience and skill, or was a miniature garden in which various native trees and plants, wrought with the same lifelike skill, and of the same precious materials, seemed to flourish luxuriantly. the floor was the only portion of the apartment that had escaped this barbarously magnificent system of treatment, but even that was composed of thick planks of costly, richly tinted native timber of beautiful grain, polished to the brilliancy of a mirror; and, as though this were not sufficient to meet the insatiable craving for extravagance everywhere displayed, the beauties of the highly polished wood were almost completely concealed by thick, richly coloured, woollen rugs of marvellously fine texture, made of the wool of the vicuna. nor was the furniture of the apartment permitted to fall short of its surroundings in point of extravagance. for the tables and chairs occupied by the guests were of solid silver, while that occupied by the inca and such of his guests as he chose to especially honour by an invitation to sit with him were of solid gold; and all the table utensils throughout the room were of the same precious metal, most exquisitely and elaborately wrought. as for the guests, as might be expected, they had taken especial care that their personal appearance should be in keeping with the general scheme of wantonly lavish display that characterised the adornment of the banqueting room. every one of them, men and women alike, were apparelled in the richest and most brilliantly coloured stuffs procurable, stiffened with great masses of embroidery in heavy gold thread, while they were literally loaded with ornaments of massive gold, encrusted with gems, upon the hair, neck, and arms. and now, for the first time, harry had leisure to note--and to strongly disapprove of-the characteristic ornament which was adopted to distinguish the peruvian noble from his plebeian brother. this consisted of a massive circular disc of gold, wrought into the semblance of a wheel, and measuring in some cases three or four inches in diameter, which was inserted into the cartilage of each ear, which, of course, had previously been pierced and gradually distended to receive it. to harry's unsophisticated eye these so-called ornaments constituted a hideous disfigurement, and he was glad to see that they were worn by men only, the ears of the women being for the most part innocent of artificial adornment, although a few of the ladies wore ear-rings of somewhat similar character to those of their more civilised sisters. the inca's table was placed at one end of the room, and raised upon a dais some three feet high, from which elevation he could of course be seen of all, and also command a view of the entire apartment, easily distinguishing the whereabouts of any particular guest whom he desired to honour especially with a summons to his own table; and to this he was conducted by the chamberlain and ushers, the guests rising upon his entrance and remaining standing until he had seated himself. there was at this moment but one guest at the royal table, and that was tiahuana, whom harry had commanded to sit beside him to act as a sort of "coach", and generally explain things. and the first communication which the villac vmu made to his young monarch was not precisely of a reassuring character. it was to the effect that huanacocha, and the four friends who had sided with him that afternoon in the expression of a doubt as to the genuine character of harry's claims to be accepted as inca, had absented themselves from the feast. "yes," said tiahuana, again casting his eyes carefully over the room, "they are all five absent, lord; and i like it not. they are men of great power and influence, and they can easily stir up very serious trouble in the city if they choose to do so. we must keep a wary eye upon them; and upon the first sign of a disposition to be troublesome they must be summarily dealt with." "yes," said harry; "i have been raised to the position of inca by a very remarkable combination of circumstances, in the bringing about of which i have had no part; but, being where i am, i intend to govern firmly and justly, to the best of my ability; and i will certainly not tolerate the presence in the city of turbulent spirits bent upon the stirring up of discord and strife. i have already seen, elsewhere, too much of the evil results of mistaken leniency to permit anything of the kind here. but this is not the moment to discuss politics: you hinted, a short time ago, tiahuana, that at functions of this kind it is usual for the inca to show honour to certain individuals by inviting them to his table. now, of course i know none of those present--except umu, the captain of my bodyguard, whom i see yonder--so i must look to you for guidance in the matter of making a judicious choice. there is room for ten at this table, beside ourselves; therefore, if it be the proper thing for me to do, choose ten persons, and i will summon them to come to us." whereupon tiahuana, who to the sanctity of the villac vmu added the shrewdness and sagacity of a prime minister, named those members of the late council of seven who had accepted escombe as inca, and certain other powerful nobles, completing the list by naming umu, whom, he rather satirically suggested, was perhaps entitled to some especial consideration in recompense for the distinction which he had that day missed in consequence of the rescue of his daughter from the sacrificial altar. "and, remember, lord," concluded tiahuana, "that it is not necessary to keep any of those people at your table during the entire progress of the banquet; let them stay here long enough to taste a single dish, or to drink with you out of your cup, and then dispatch them with instructions to send up someone else in their stead." upon this principle, accordingly, harry acted, arranging matters so judiciously that, under tiahuana's able guidance, he was able, during the course of the evening, to compliment every guest whom that astute old diplomatist considered it desirable especially to honour, and thus avoid all occasion for jealousy. it is not necessary to describe the banquet in detail; let it suffice to say that for fully three hours there was placed before the inca and his guests a constant succession of dishes representing all that was esteemed most choice and dainty in peruvian culinary art, washed down by copious libations of the wine of the country, prepared from the fermented juice of the maguey, for which, it is deplorable to add, the peruvians exhibited an inordinate fondness. by the exercise of extreme circumspection, taking merely a taste here and there of such food as especially appealed to him, and merely suffering the wine to moisten his lips when pledging his nobles, the young inca contrived to emerge from the ordeal of the banquet not a penny the worse. the next morning escombe spent in the company of a sort of committee of the chief _amautas_ or "wise men", who represented the concentrated essence--so to speak--of all peruvian wisdom and learning, and who had been embodied for the express purpose of instructing the young inca in the intricacies--such as they were--of the code of tavantinsuyu--or "four quarters of the world"--as it then stood. this code was simple, but exceedingly severe, the laws, properly so called, relating almost exclusively to criminal matters and their punishment. the regulations governing the daily life of the peruvian indian--where he should live, what should be the character of his work, what should be the distinctive character of his clothing, when and whom he should marry, how much land he should hold and cultivate, and so on, were the result of ages of tentative experiment, and were so numerous and intricate that probably none but the _amautas_ themselves thoroughly understood them. the committee, however, which had for nearly a month been preparing itself for the task of initiating the young inca into the secrets of good government, had arranged a procedure of such a character that even in the course of that one morning's instruction they contrived to give escombe a sufficiently clear general insight of the subject to enable him to see that, taken altogether, the system of government was admirably designed to secure the prosperity of the nation. then, in the afternoon, at the instigation of the council of seven, who had now become a sort of cabinet, to control the machinery of government, under the supervision of the inca, harry was conducted, by an official who performed the functions of chief of the treasury, through the enormous vaults beneath the palace, in order that he might view the treasure, industriously accumulated during more than three hundred years, to form the sinews of war for the regeneration of the race which was escombe's great predestined task. if, before visiting these vaults, harry had been invited to express an opinion upon the subject, he would have confidently asserted the conviction that such treasure as the inhabitants of the valley of the sun had been able to accumulate must all, or very nearly all, have been expended in the adornment of the great temple and the royal palace. but that such a conviction would have been absolutely erroneous was speedily demonstrated when the great bronze doors guarding the entrance of the vaults were thrown open. for the first room into which he was conducted--an apartment measuring some twenty feet wide by thirty feet long, and about fourteen feet high--was full of great stacks of silver bars, each bar being about twenty pounds in weight; the stacks, of varying height, being arranged in tiers of three running lengthwise along the room, with two narrow longitudinal passages between them. escombe, after staring in dumb amazement at this enormous accumulation of dull white metal, drew from his pocket a small memorandum book and pencil which he had found in one of the pockets of his old clothes, and, with the instinct of the engineer rising for a moment to the surface, made a rapid calculation by which he arrived at the astounding result that there must be very nearly eight hundred tons of bar silver in the stacks before him! from this room he was conducted into another of about the same size, and similarly arranged; but in this case the metal in the stacks was virgin gold, instead of silver, while the bulk of the stacks was, if anything, rather greater than those in the outer rooms. but, for the purposes of a rough estimate, escombe assumed them to be of only equal bulk, upon the strength of which assumption his figures informed him that the gold in this vault amounted to the not altogether insignificant weight of close upon fourteen hundred tons. the sight of such incredible quantities of the precious metals had so paralysing an effect upon the young englishman that he could scarcely stammer an enquiry as to where it all came from. the custodian of this fabulous wealth replied, with a smile, that the mountains which hemmed the valley about were enormously rich in both gold and silver, and that some hundreds of men had been kept industriously employed in working the mines almost from the moment when the city had been first founded. "but, lord," he continued, flinging open a third door, "what you have already seen is by no means all our wealth; the most valuable part of it is to be found in this small room." passing through the doorway, which, like the other two, was fitted with massive doors of solid bronze secured by an enormously strong lock of the same metal, the young inca--who, as one of the results of his having been placed upon the throne, had become the absolute owner of all this wealth, with power to use it in such manner as might seem to him good-found himself in a much smaller room, its dimensions being about ten feet long by the same width, and some twelve feet high. to the sides of the room were fitted large chests of very heavy wood, three chests on each side occupying the entire length of the room, with a passage way about six feet wide between the two rows of chests. each chest was fitted with a massive wooden cover secured to it by strong bronze hinges, and fastened by a ponderous bronze lock. the custodian unlocked these chests one at a time, and, raising the heavy cover with difficulty, held the lamp which he carried over the yawning interior, disclosing its contents. the first chest opened was nearly full of what to escombe appeared to be dull black stones, most of them with at least one smooth surface, ranging in size from that of a walnut to lumps as large as a man's two fists. one of these lumps harry's conductor took out and handed to the young man for his inspection. "well, what do you call this?" demanded harry, turning the stone about in his hands, and inspecting it curiously. "that, lord, is an amethyst," answered the other; "and, as you see, the chest is nearly full of them. but, unless we should happen to discover a new mine, i am afraid we shall get no more of them, for the mine from which those were extracted appears to be exhausted; and it was never very productive even at its best. we did not know what the stones were when they were first discovered, but, as it was suspected that they might possess a certain value, steps were taken to determine the question, with the result that we were told they are amethysts. they are not especially valuable, i believe, but we make a point of never wasting anything, so it was decided to store these until wanted. now here,"--opening the next chest--"we have another mineral about which we were a bit puzzled at first; but we were in less doubt in this case than we were with regard to the amethysts, as the appearance of the stone seemed to indicate that it possessed a value. we dealt with this as we did with the amethysts, and found that we had chanced upon a particularly rich opal deposit." the chest of opals was, like the one previously opened, almost full, and harry took admiringly into his hand the great piece of rock representing the half of a mass of stone that had been accidentally broken in two, and found to contain a considerable quantity of iridescent, many-hued crystal. the next chest contained some very fine specimens of sapphire; but it was little more than half-full, the mine having only been discovered within the last decade, and even then not very industriously worked; but there were in the chest a few specimens that escombe shrewdly suspected to be practically priceless. having completed the inspection of the contents of the coffers on one side of the room, the custodian crossed over to the other side, and threw up the lid of a chest, the interior of which at once began to glow as though each of the stones--looking very much like lumps of ordinary washing soda--contained within it a morsel of phosphorus. "aha!" exclaimed escombe, plunging his hand delightedly into the chest and fishing up two or three of the stones; "no need to ask what these are; there's no possibility of mistaking them. yes, there's the genuine soapy feel about them all right," as he ran his fingers over the smooth surface of the crystals. "but i didn't know that you had diamonds in peru." "there is at all events one mine in the country, lord, namely that from which these stones came," answered the indian. "but the existence and locality are known only to the few who work it and who guard the approach to it; for we believe it to be the richest mine in the whole world, and we are naturally anxious to retain possession of it for ourselves exclusively. it is not in this valley; it lies a long threedays' journey from here, in a particularly wild and desolate part of the country which is practically inaccessible, save to the boldest and hardiest mountaineers among us. it has only been known for about twenty years, and the contents of this coffer represent the labour of only six men during that time. but the mine is enormously rich, and, as you may see, the size and quality of the stones improve as the miners penetrate deeper, the largest and finest stones, which are those most recently extracted, being at the top of the others in the chest." harry stooped over and picked up a particularly fine specimen, larger than one of his clenched fists, which glowed and scintillated in the light of the lamp as though it were on fire. "why," he said, gazing admiringly at the stone as he turned it about in his hand, "the contents of this chest must be of absolutely incalculable value! this stone alone would constitute a very handsome fortune to its lucky possessor, if i am any judge of diamonds." "true, lord," answered his companion. "but there are several finer stones than that--this one, and this, for example," as he fished up a couple of superb specimens. "there are probably no diamonds in the world equal to these two in size and purity of colour. and all belong to my lord." "ay," said harry; "with such enormous and inexhaustible wealth as this at one's command it should not be very difficult to provide the means of reconquering the country and restoring it to its former state of power and glory. what have you in the other two chests?" "my lord shall see," answered the indian, as he unlocked and threw back the lid of the next chest, which proved to be three parts full of rubies, every one of which constituted a little fortune in itself, while many were of such exceptional size and superb colour that the young englishman could only gasp in speechless amazement and admiration. "why, huatama," he exclaimed at length, "i am at a loss to express my astonishment. aladdin's cave was nothing to this, nothing at all!" "aladdin, did my lord say?" murmured the indian, looking enquiringly at harry. "i do not seem to remember him. surely he was not a peruvian? the name does not--" "no," answered harry with a laugh. "aladdin knew nothing of peru; he was an eastern--a chinese fellow, or something like that, if i remember rightly." "ah, yes!" remarked huatama reflectively; "i have seen a few chinese, down at lima and callao, when i had occasion to go there a year ago on business for the council of seven. i do not like them; and i hope that when my lord has subjugated the country he will drive them all out of it." "well, we shall see," rejoined escombe with a laugh. "but it is early days as yet to talk of driving out the chinese; there is a great deal to be done before we shall find ourselves face to face with that question. and now, what does your last chest contain?" it contained emeralds, and was more than half-full of stones of surpassing size and purity of colour, every one of them being a picked stone especially selected for its exceptional quality. but escombe's powers of admiration were by this time completely exhausted, and after having rather perfunctorily examined and expressed his approval of a few of the finest specimens, and commended the treasure as a whole to the unflagging care of huatama, he returned to his apartments in the palace and flung himself into a chair to endeavour to convince himself that what he had seen in those rock-hewn chambers below was all prosaically real and not the fantasy of a disordered imagination. as he pictured to himself the great chambers with their heaped-up stacks of silver and gold bars, and the smaller room with its six coffers of uncut gems, his thoughts insensibly floated away across the ocean to the modest little sydenham home, and he tried to imagine the raptures of his mother and sister, could they but behold the incredible accumulation of priceless gems that his eyes had rested upon that day. then he remembered that in consequence of this extraordinary adventure of his a mail boat had been permitted to leave for england with no letter on board from him to his mother, and he began to wonder anxiously what would happen at the limes when its occupants fully realised that the peruvian mail had arrived, and that there was no letter for them. it was the first time that such a thing had ever been permitted to occur; and, although he had been quite helpless to prevent the accident, escombe somehow felt that it ought not to have been allowed to happen; that he ought to have remembered in time, and taken steps to ensure that a letter had been despatched by some means or other. what was the use of being an inca if he could not manage a simple little thing like that? to summon arima and enquire of that trusty henchman whether, in the hurry of departure from the survey camp, he had remembered to pack up and bring away his master's writing desk was naturally the next thing in order. upon learning that the desk had not been forgotten, escombe at once had it brought to him, and sat down and wrote a long letter, addressed jointly to his mother and sister. this letter contained a full account of his abduction and all that had followed thereupon, together with an assurance that not only would he contrive henceforward to communicate with them regularly, but also that if, after the lapse of a certain length of time to allow the process of "settling down" to become complete, it should appear that his scheme of government was likely to prove a success, he would send for them to come out to him. he added that, meanwhile, the enormous wealth represented by the accumulations of more than three hundred years was at his absolute disposal, and that he felt quite justified in awarding himself a salary of one gold bar per calendar month for his services to the state; also, that since under present circumstances he had no use for a private purse, he should dispatch to them the monthly bar of gold for their own personal use and enjoyment, and that he should expect them to employ it for the purpose named. this somewhat lengthy epistle concluded by giving instructions for the conversion of the gold bar into coin of the realm. harry also wrote to sir philip swinburne, stating that he had fallen into the hands of the indians, but was being well-treated by them, and believed he was in no immediate danger, also that at the moment he saw no prospect of being permitted to return to civilisation; he was therefore writing for the purpose of allaying any apprehension that might be experienced on his account. finally, he wrote to bannister in somewhat similar terms. then he sent for huatama, and gave that functionary instructions to withdraw one gold bar from the treasury vaults and have it securely packed in a suitable box for transmission to europe. chapter fifteen. the monsters that haunted the lake. these matters attended to, escombe summoned the council of seven to the palace, and held what might be considered his first official conference. he began by laying before them his views as to the steps necessary to be taken in order to carry out successfully the desire of the people to become a regenerated nation, instructing them to cause several different kinds of information to be obtained for him, and finally pointing out to them the necessity for free communication with the outside world, and the consequent establishment of something in the nature of a regular postal and transport service between the valley and two or three points on the railway system. long before he had finished all that he had to say it was perfectly evident to the young inca that the members of the council--or at least some of them--were entirely out of sympathy with many of his views and ideas, and that he would have to contend with a vast amount of ignorance and prejudice. to indicate a few out of many points where this lack of sympathy most strongly manifested itself, harry had commented upon the necessity for establishing an army and providing it with the most modern and efficient weapons and equipment. to this huanacocha and his supporters strongly objected, arguing that the state already possessed an army in the shape of the inca's bodyguard, horse and foot, which, in their opinion, ought to be amply sufficient to reconquer the country in view of the fact that pizarro's army numbered less than two hundred men when he captured atahuallpa and thus achieved the conquest of peru. and, as to the importation of modern weapons, they were altogether opposed to the proposal for many reasons, the chief of which were the difficulty and delay attendant upon the procuring of them and of their introduction into the country, and the further delay involved in training the troops to use them. moreover, the weapons with which the existing troops were armed were such as they had always been accustomed to, and in the use of which they were already thoroughly skilled. such a radical change as was proposed must of necessity involve an enormous delay, and for their part they were unable to see any advantage in the proposal. they looked with equal disfavour upon the proposal to establish a postal and transport service, arguing that there was no need for anything of the kind, the fundamental idea governing the settlement of their forefathers in the valley and the founding of the city of the sun being that its inhabitants and the resources of the valley itself would be amply sufficient to achieve the reconquest of the country. it was not until harry had very nearly lost his temper in arguing with these men that he learned that not one of them had ever been outside the valley, and that their very meagre knowledge of the outside world had been derived from the few individuals who at rare intervals had been obliged to make short and hasty journeys outside the confines of the encircling mountains upon state business. as soon as harry had thoroughly grasped this fact he gave them to understand, as politely as possible, that none of them knew in the least what they were talking about, and for that reason he would feel himself compelled to dispense with their advice for the future, forming his own plans in accordance with the knowledge which he had acquired during a residence of several years in the biggest, busiest, and best-informed city in the world; and that henceforth he would ask of them nothing more than loyal wholehearted obedience to his commands. he finally dismissed them with instructions to establish immediately a service of postal runners between the valley and the town of juliaca on the santa rosa, puno, arequipa, and mollendo railway; with further instructions to arrange for the establishment of a thoroughly trustworthy agent at juliaca, whose sole business it should be to see that all letters for europe and other parts of the world were duly stamped and posted upon receipt by him; and to the care of whom all letters for the valley might be addressed. this done, escombe summoned arima to his presence and, handing him all the coin that he happened to have in his possession, delivered to him the letters which he had written, together with the gold bar--by this time securely packed and ready for posting--and directed him to proceed with all possible speed to islay--using the railway as far as possible in order to save time--and there post the letters and the box containing the bar. then he suddenly bethought himself and, before dismissing arima upon his journey, sat down and wrote a long letter to mr john firmin, of lima, he who had been a fellow-passenger from england with harry on board the _rimac_, in this letter he told firmin as much of his story as he thought it necessary for him to know, and made certain arrangements whereby firmin was to undertake certain business transactions from time to time, and to supply immediately certain necessaries, for the due delivery of which harry gave his friend the most minute instructions. this completed what the inca was pleased to regard as a very excellent and satisfactory day's work. and now the young englishman began to find his time very fully occupied, so much so, indeed, that the days seemed not nearly long enough to enable him to accomplish the half of what he wished to do. there was, for instance, the learning of the quichua language. harry had not been domiciled in his palace twenty-four hours before it had become patent to him that this was the first task which he must undertake; for very few of the nobles had any knowledge whatever of spanish, and the inconvenience and loss of time involved in conversing through an interpreter were far too great to be passively endured. and, since he could do very little else as satisfactorily as he would wish until he had mastered this rich and expressive language, he devoted four hours of every day--two in the morning and two in the evening--to its study. then he soon learned that, exclusive of the inhabitants of the valley of the sun, there were some three hundred and fifty thousand indians scattered up and down the country, at least one in every ten of whom might be counted as a fighting man. these people had to be brought into the valley, housed, fed, disciplined, in preparation for the time when arms should be put into their hands; also--what was more difficult still--matters had to be so arranged that the families of these men, and all dependent upon them, should suffer neither loss nor inconvenience from the drafting of the able-bodied into the valley. then the arrangements and preparations for the importation of arms and ammunition into the country--everything connected with which had, of course, to be done entirely without the knowledge of the authorities--involved a tremendous amount of hard and intricate work. it is therefore not to be wondered at that during the first six months of his reign the young inca was unable to spare a single hour for amusement. but the moment was at hand when harry was to enjoy some sport of a quite unique character; and the way in which it came about was thus. as he stood one morning in the palace garden, gazing out over the lake, with his faithful henchman arima close at hand, an idea suddenly occurred to him, and, turning, he remarked: "the lake looks particularly enticing this morning, arima. are there any balsas near at hand? because, if so, you shall fetch me one, and we will go out together to deep water and indulge in a glorious swim." "a swim, lord, in the deep water of the lake?" ejaculated arima in horror-stricken accents. "nay, that is impossible." "impossible!" repeated harry. "and why, pray?" "because of the monsters, lord," answered arima. "were we to venture to plunge into the lake we should almost certainly be devoured." "indeed!" answered harry. "so there are monsters in the lake, are there? i was not aware of that. and what are those `monsters'? are they alligators, or voracious fish, or what are they? i should hardly have supposed that the water of the lake was warm enough for alligators to flourish in it." "nay, lord," answered arima, "they are not alligators. i have seen alligators in some of the northern rivers, and know them well enough to be able to distinguish between them and the monsters which haunt our lake. nor are they fish; or if they be, they are quite unlike any other fish that these eyes of mine have ever beheld. we call them `monsters' because our forefathers did so, and because we have no other name for them; also because of their exceeding size and malevolence." "ah!" commented harry. "well, what are these creatures--these monsters--like, and how big are they? have you ever seen them?" "yes, lord," was the answer. "i have seen them no less than three times at close quarters, and always with the same disastrous results. the first time was when, during my passage of the lake on a balsa, one of my companions had the misfortune to fall into the water. ere the balsa could be stopped and paddled back to where the man was struggling, two of the monsters appeared and tore him limb from limb. the resemblance to an alligator lies chiefly in the shape of the head, which, however, is longer in proportion and more pointed than that of the alligator. also, our monsters have smooth skins, nearly black in colour, and instead of feet and legs they have fins. the tail also is differently shaped from that of an alligator, being wide and flat at the end." "by jove!" exclaimed harry in astonishment, "they must be queer and formidable-looking creatures indeed; and fins in place of legs and feet! i'll be shot if i can place them at all. are there many of them?" "we do not generally see more than two, or three at most, although it is on record that on one occasion, many years ago, four were seen, two of them being obviously young ones," answered arima. "upon my word, this all sounds exceedingly interesting," commented harry. "i should dearly like to see the creatures myself. do they often show themselves?" "very rarely, lord, save in the case of such accidents as those of which i have told you," answered arima. "yet," he continued, "if my lord desires to see the monsters it could doubtless be managed. if the carcass of an animal were deposited upon yonder rock,"--the indian pointed to a rock showing slightly above the water's surface about a mile from the shore--"and another were cast into the water quite near it, the monsters would doubtless be attracted to the place; and if my lord were close at hand at the time, upon a large and safe balsa, he would see them when they crawl up on the rock to reach the carcass exposed there." "ah!" ejaculated harry; "you think so? then let the matter be arranged for to-morrow, arima. i confess that your description of the creatures has powerfully excited my curiosity, and made me very anxious to see them." and on the morrow the young inca's curiosity was fully gratified, and with something to spare. oh, those monsters! harry believed he possessed a passably fair general knowledge of natural history, but these creatures--monsters truly--were entirely new to him. in no natural history had he ever seen a representation of anything like them. and yet, when he came to think of it again, singular and terrifying as was their appearance, it was not altogether unfamiliar. he believed he had seen them portrayed somewhere, although he could not for the moment remember where. fully forty feet long from the snout to the tip of the tail, with a head shaped midway between that of a pike and a crocodile, with enormous protruding eyes, with a smooth somewhat fish-shaped body almost black above and shading off to a dirty whitish-grey beneath, with a long tail broad and flat at its extremity, and with four seal-like flippers instead of legs and feet, the monsters looked more like nightmare creatures, evolved by reading a book on antediluvian animals after a--. of course, that was it, escombe decided, as his thoughts took some such turn as above. he now distinctly remembered having read some years ago a most interesting illustrated magazine article upon extinct animals, and one of the pictures portrayed these identical monsters, labelling them "plesiosaurus"! yes, the more harry thought about it the less room did he find for doubt that these so-called monsters haunting the lake in the valley of the sun were actually survivors--most probably the only ones--of the antediluvian plesiosaurus. how they got there was a most interesting problem, yet it seemed by no means a difficult one to solve. the conclusion at which escombe speedily arrived--rightly or wrongly-was that upon the subsidence of the waters of the deluge a pair of plesiosauri had found themselves imprisoned in the great basin of the valley, where, the conditions presumably being exceptionally favourable, they had not only survived but had actually contrived to perpetuate their species to a very limited extent. and the reason why the lake was not swarming with them, instead of containing probably only three or four specimens at the utmost, was doubtless that the waters were too circumscribed in extent, and too unproductive in the matter of fish, to support more than that number. the problem of how they came to be where they were was, however, not one of very great importance; the thing that really mattered was, in escombe's opinion, that their presence in the lake constituted a horrible danger to those who were obliged to traffic upon its waters, and they must be destroyed. they must not be permitted to exist another day longer than was absolutely necessary. why, when one came to think of it, how many hundreds of lives might not already have fallen victims to the savage voracity of those creatures? what hope for his life would a man have if he chanced to fall off his balsa at a moment when one of those monsters happened to be close at hand? positively none. escombe shuddered as he reflected that, ignorant as he had hitherto been of the presence of the plesiosauri in the lake, it had only been by a series of fortuitous circumstances--or was it the intervention of a merciful providence?--that he had been from time to time prevented from bathing in the lake, ay, and actually swimming out to the distant rock, as he had several times been strongly tempted to do. yes, those implacably ferocious monsters must be destroyed forthwith; and the only point remaining to be settled was, how was the work of destruction to be accomplished? the plan which first suggested itself to the young inca was the very obvious one of fishing for them with a baited hook and line, even as sharks were fished for. true, it would need a very big hook and a very strong line to capture a creature of the size and strength of a plesiosaurus; but to manufacture them was surely not beyond the resources of the inhabitants of the valley. yes; but there was another matter to be considered. what about a craft from which to do the fishing? the largest balsa that harry had ever seen upon the lake was not nearly big enough for the purpose; a hooked plesiosaurus would drag it under water without an effort, and then what would become of its occupants? the probabilities were too awful for contemplation, and the idea was not to be entertained for a moment. besides, a balsa was not at all the kind of craft on which to engage in so dangerous a form of sport, even though it were possible to build one big enough; what was needed was a good stanch sturdy boat of, say, twenty tons or so. and, having arrived at this point in his meditations, escombe was naturally reminded that he had often wished that he possessed a small yacht wherein to disport himself on the lake. why should he not have one? his will was law; he had but to speak the word and the best and most skilled workers in the valley would be at his disposal for the construction of the vessel. and as to her design, why, he had always been an enthusiastic yacht sailor, and knew, as well as most amateurs, what the shape of such a craft should be, and was quite capable of putting that shape on paper in a form that could be worked from. escombe's mind was made up: he would destroy those plesiosauri, and to destroy them a suitable boat was necessary. that boat might be so designed and built as to also afford him a great deal of pleasure, and he would have her. and thereupon he set to work and devoted every minute he could spare to the preparation of her design, which, a week later, was in the hands of a small army of carpenters, eager to show what they could do in a line of work that was entirely new to them. chapter sixteen. the slaying of the monsters. "many hands make light work"; and in just two months from the day of starting work upon the cutter she was complete, rigged, and ready for launching. she was of the most up-to-date type with which escombe was acquainted; that is to say, beamy, rather shallow of body, with spoon bow, and a fin keel, and her designer felt particularly proud of her as he walked round her and critically surveyed her lines and general shape the last thing before giving the word to put her into the water. needless to say she was also the object of great and ever-increasing curiosity to the inhabitants of the valley generally, not more than perhaps a dozen of whom had ever seen anything more handy and shipshape than the unwieldy balsa, or raft constructed of reeds, a not very manageable craft at the best of times, and of course quite incapable of being navigated under sail except before the wind. the cutter was got into the water without accident, and after some slight readjustment of her inside ballast, to bring her accurately to her correct water line, her young owner got on board and, a nice sailing breeze happening to be blowing right down the lake, took her for a trial spin from one end of the lake to the other, running down and beating back. the result was eminently satisfactory in every respect, the little vessel developing a fine turn of speed, not only before the wind but also close-hauled, while she was of course, like all craft of similar form, remarkably weatherly; indeed the smartness with which she worked back against the wind, from the lower end of the lake, was regarded by the unsophisticated inhabitants of the valley as nothing short of miraculous. meanwhile, escombe having given instructions for the manufacture of a hardened copper hook, with two fathoms of chain attached, and a stout rope of plaited raw hide, at the same time that he had put the yacht in hand, these articles were now ready. therefore, after exercising his crew for a week, to get them thoroughly accustomed to the working of the new craft, he made arrangements for a grand plesiosaurus hunt, to which he invited his stanch friend umu, and three or four other nobles who had manifested a capacity for development into kindred spirits. on a certain glorious morning this novel fishing party embarked on board the yacht, taking with them, of course, their fishing line and the carcasses of two llamas, cut in half, for bait, together with a formidable battery of bows and arrows, spears, heavy maces, and other weapons for the killing of their quarry when captured; to which armament escombe added his magazine rifle and two packets of cartridges, which the faithful arima had been careful to bring away from the survey camp, together with everything else belonging to his young master, on the memorable occasion of that individual's abduction. starting under easy sail, and heading for the bottom of the lake, the great fishing line-made fast by its inner end to the windlass bitts, and the remainder of it led aft outside and clear of all rigging--was baited and paid out astern as soon as the cutter had run into deep water. it was not very long before the party, intently on the watch for the approach of the plesiosauri, detected a strong, swirling ripple mingling with that of the yacht's wake, which indicated that at least one of the monsters was at hand, and presently the ripple broke, revealing some six feet of smooth, black, glistening back keeping pace with the little vessel, while occasionally, when the light favoured, an indistinct and momentary glimpse might be caught, through the swirling water, of two enormous, glaring eyes. but the beast, in its eagerness to reach its supposed prey, had apparently passed the baited hook as unworthy of its notice, for the bait was a long way astern of the creature, which seemed intent only on overtaking the yacht, for it now made frequent rushes forward until it was within a few fathoms of the little vessel's counter, and then sank out of sight and dropped astern again, as though it knew not what to make of the moving object ahead of it. but, provokingly enough, from the sportsmen's point of view, it never dropped far enough astern to bring it level with the bait, while, on the other hand, when it approached the yacht it was careful to keep far enough below the surface to render anything like an accurate aim impossible; indeed it behaved as though it instinctively knew that danger threatened it. although escombe's companions were eager enough to waste their arrows in obviously futile attempts to hit it, the young leader of the expedition rigorously forbade everything of the nature of chance shooting, lest the creature should happen to receive a more or less slight wound, and thus be driven to flight. and, for the same reason, escombe himself declined to attempt a shot with his rifle. but while they were all intently watching the movements of the creature, and standing with weapons in hand, ready to discharge an effective shot at the first favourable opportunity, a sudden, startled yell from arima, who was tending the fishing line, caused the whole party to wheel round to see what was the matter, and harry had only bare time to drop his rifle and grip his faithful henchman by the belt, to thus prevent him from being dragged overboard, as the line suddenly tautened out like a bar, flinging up a great shower of spray as it did so, while a terrific plunge in the water far astern revealed the fact that a second monster, whose presence had hitherto been undetected, had taken the bait and become hooked. "let go the line, you idiot, let go!" hissed escombe through his clenched teeth, as he braced his feet against a stanchion and flung himself back, clinging with both hands to arima's belt, while that individual vainly strove to hold the now frantically struggling reptile--"let go, man, if you don't want to be dragged overboard and eaten alive! haul down the foresail, there, for'ard!" the stout raw-hide line twanged like a harp-string as the terrified arima relaxed his convulsive grip on it and was hauled back inboard to safety by his master, and the yacht's forward progress was checked with an abruptness that threatened to drag the bitts out of her as the strain of the line, with the plunging, struggling monster at the end of it, was suddenly thrown upon them, while the shock sent every individual, fore and aft, sprawling upon the deck, to the uproarious and most undignified amusement of the young inca, and the mortal terror of his faithful subjects. then, as all hands scrambled to their feet again and instinctively regained possession of their weapons, the hooked saurian started to "run", in the vain hope, possibly, of breaking away from the restraining influence which had so suddenly and unaccountably seized upon it. the yacht was whirled violently round--almost capsizing in the process--and dragged, with her bows nearly buried in the hissing and curling water, back toward the head of the lake, at a steadily increasing pace, as the now thoroughly terrified plesiosaurus surged forward at headlong speed in its frenzied endeavour to escape, with its companion keeping pace by its side. the yacht had only travelled a distance of some three miles down the lake when the monster had taken the bait, and on the backward journey this distance was covered in about a quarter of an hour--a fact which bore eloquent testimony to the tremendous strength of the creature. harry was beginning to feel exceedingly uneasy lest his vessel should be towed into such shallow water that he would be compelled to cut the line in order to save her from being dragged ashore, when the quarry, which probably also objected to shallow water, wheeled suddenly right round and, rushing close past the cutter, in a perfect maelstrom of foam and spray, headed back for the lower end of the lake, with its companion still bearing it company. to thrust the helm hard over, and to shout to everybody to lie down and hang on for their lives, was, with harry, the work of but a moment; yet the yacht, handy as she was on her helm, had scarcely swept halfway round when the stout line again jerked itself taut, the terrific strain again came upon the bitts, causing them to ominously creak and groan, and once more the little vessel heeled gunwale under as she was whirled violently round, until she righted again and ploughed up a glassy sheet of foam-laced water on either bow as she tore along in the wake of the monster reptiles. "this cannot possibly last very much longer," remarked escombe reassuringly to his companions, who had by this time turned a sickly, greenish-yellow with terror at so unaccustomed an adventure--and that, too, on an element to which they were practically strangers--"the brute will soon become exhausted at this rate, and when he does we will haul him alongside and finish him off with our spears and arrows. i don't care how far he runs, so long as he heads as he is now going; it is those sudden twists and turns that are dangerous. if he were to break away we should probably never have a chance to hook him again." nevertheless, despite harry's confident prognostication, they had traversed quite half the length of the lake ere there was the slightest perceptible sign of the creature weakening; and they accomplished another quarter of the distance ere the reptile slackened speed sufficiently to admit of their attempting to haul the yacht up alongside it. then, when they at length proceeded to make the attempt, the additional strain thrown on the rope, as it was hauled in and coiled down, seemed to exhaust the last remnant of the brute's strength, and, stopping suddenly, it rose to the surface and, throwing its head out of the water, shook it savagely from side to side in a futile endeavour to shake itself free of the hook, emitting a curious grunting kind of roar as it did so. yet, even now, the creature was not conquered; for when it found itself being hauled alongside the yacht it suddenly sank, and nearly the whole of the length of rope that had been hauled in was allowed to run out again ere harry, by taking a quick turn round the bitts, was able to stay its downward progress. and then it became a matter of sheer, downright drag by all hands ere the huge bulk could be brought near enough to the surface to permit of the use of their weapons on it, when it was found that its companion still clung faithfully to its side. at length, after some fifteen minutes of exhausting labour on the one hand, opposed to stolid dogged resistance on the other, the monster reptile was dragged so close to the surface that the point of its snout was actually raised above the level or the water, and the whole of the gigantic body, right down to the extremity of the broad-ended tail, could be clearly seen hanging suspended vertically in the pellucid depths beneath the yacht, while swimming agitatedly round and round the suspended body could occasionally be seen the creature's mate, now plunging deep, as though, thoroughly terrified, it had at length determined to abandon so dangerous a neighbourhood, and anon returning with a swift rush to the surface, and furious dartings to and fro, as though meditating an attempt at the rescue of its companion. and now, for the first time, the hunters were able to obtain a thoroughly clear and satisfactory view, at close quarters, of the gruesome-looking brutes, and a truly hideous and nightmare-inspiring sight it was; a sight which, as escombe gazed at the ponderous, powerful, thick-skinned bodies, the enormous, protruding, balefully glaring eyes, and the long, cavernous, gaping jaws, armed with great serrated teeth--those of the upper jaw fitting in between those of the lower--caused him to feel, more strongly than ever, the conviction that in destroying the creatures he was a public benefactor. the captured brute now hung so nearly motionless, with the point of the great barbed hook protruding through its upper jaw, that it was evident its strength must be practically exhausted; and escombe, standing by to open fire with his magazine rifle in case of an emergency, gave the word to his companions to deal the death stroke, advising some to endeavour to reach the creature's brain by means of a spear-thrust through the eye, while others were to attempt to pierce the heart. but, with the arrival of the crucial moment, the nerves of the natives seemed to suddenly fail them; they became flurried and frightened in the very act of raising their weapons to strike, and every man of them missed his mark, inflicting many serious and doubtless painful wounds, but not one that seemed in the least degree likely to prove mortal. the result was the immediate resumption of a struggle so violent that for a breathless minute or two it really seemed as though the cutter, stout little craft as she was, would be dragged under water and sunk. and in the very height of the confusion one of the hunters must needs fall overboard into the midst of the boiling flurry of bloodstained foam raised by the struggles of the frantic brute, and was only dragged aboard again by harry in the very nick of time to save him from the terrific rush of the second plesiosaurus. then the young leader of the party, seeing that his companions were too completely unnerved to be of any use, and that the violent struggles of the wounded brute threatened to seriously injure, if they did not actually destroy, the cutter, stepped forward, and, raising his rifle, seized the opportunity afforded by a pause of a fraction of a second in the violent movements of the creature, and sent a bullet crashing through its right eye into its brain. that settled the matter. the struggles ceased for a moment or two with startling suddenness; a convulsive, writhing movement followed; then came a terrible shudder, and with a final gasping groan the monster yielded up its life and hung motionless, its body supported, still in an upright position, by the great hook through its jaw. with the crack of escombe's rifle the second monster had suddenly vanished. the question now was, what was to be done with the carcass of the dead plesiosaurus. as harry stood there, contemplatively regarding it, it was perfectly obvious to him that if the great fish hook were cut out of the creature's jaw with an axe, the body would at once sink to the bottom of the lake, and there would be an end of it, so far as he was concerned, and the party would at once be free to resume their fishing, although he had his doubts as to whether, after what had already happened, another of the monsters could be tempted to take the baited hook. but it suddenly occurred to him that, the plesiosaurus being to all intents and purposes an extinct and antediluvian animal, the only remains of it in existence must necessarily consist of such fossilised fragments as had been accidentally discovered in the course of excavation, and that the complete skeleton of such a gigantic specimen as that before him would be regarded as a priceless acquisition by the curator of the natural history museum at south kensington; so he at once resolved to take the necessary steps for its preservation. he gave orders for the line to which the hook was bent to be led aft, for convenience of towage, and then commanded his crew to set the cutter's sails, his purpose being to tow the carcass to a lonely part of the shore, and there have the body hauled up out of water, the flesh carefully removed from the bones, and the skeleton as carefully disarticulated, prior to packing it for dispatch to england. but the cutter was scarcely under way, and heading for the spot that had been selected as suitable for the above operations, when a disturbance of the water near at hand indicated the presence of some bulky moving body, most probably the companion of the dead creature, which had been terrified into temporary flight by the report of harry's rifle. the animal, however, or whatever it might be, remained invisible, the little swirling eddies and ripples on the surface of the water alone betraying its whereabouts. but while harry and his friends were discussing this appearance, and wondering what it might portend, one of them happened to glance around him in another direction, and his startled exclamation caused the rest of the party to look in the direction toward which he pointed. and there, somewhat to their consternation, the party saw, not half a dozen yards away, on the cutter's weather beam, the indications that two more of the monsters were present, keeping way with the cutter, and, as was presently pretty evident, edging in toward her; indeed, so close were they to her that an occasional momentary flicker of the black back of the nearer of the two could already be caught through the gleaming water. two or three of the nobles who had by this time succeeded in pulling themselves together and getting a grip upon their courage, proposed an instant attack upon the monsters; but escombe felt that, for the moment, he had as much upon his hands as he could manage. for with that huge dead bulk in tow the cutter was scarcely under command, and he had no desire to scare the creatures away by commencing an attack upon them which he could not follow up. the choice, however, was not left to him for long; for within five minutes of the discovery of the last arrivals all three of the plesiosauri, as with one consent and at a signal, closed in upon the carcass of their comrade, and, flinging themselves upon it with the utmost fury, gave themselves up to the task of tearing it to pieces, the work being accomplished in the midst of a foaming, splashing turmoil of water that was absolutely terrifying to witness, which caused the little cutter to pitch and roll to such an extent that it was almost impossible to retain a footing upon her heaving deck. whether the creatures made any attempt to devour the great lumps of flesh that they tore from the violently swaying carcass it was quite impossible to determine, but in any case the process of disintegration was a speedy one, for in less than ten minutes from the moment of attack all that was left attached to the hook was the head of the defunct saurian. justly vexed at this malicious interference with his plans, and determined to save at least this last relic as a trophy of his prowess, the young inca gave orders for the head to be hauled inboard; but upon the first attempt to do this, one of the monsters made a savage rush and seized the head in its great jaws, worrying it as a dog worries a rat, giving utterance as it did so to a succession of horrid grunting kind of growls that caused most of the hearers to break into a cold perspiration. so tenaciously did the brute retain its grip that for a few minutes the onlookers were almost persuaded that it was hooked; but ultimately it released the mangled fragment--which its powerful jaws had by this time crushed and splintered almost out of recognition--and, retreating some thirty yards, suddenly wheeled and came foaming back to the yacht, at which it made a furious dash, with the apparent determination to climb on board and sweep her deck clear of its human freight. so resolute, indeed, was it in driving home its attack that it actually succeeded in getting its two fore flippers in on the boat's deck, scattering its occupants right and left, and almost driving two or three over the side, while so heavily was the boat listed by the weight of the monster, that harry, sliding upon the steeply inclined deck, had the narrowest possible escape of being precipitated headlong into the creature's gaping jaws, and indeed only saved himself by stretching out his hand and thrusting the snout violently aside, the violence of the thrust luckily enabling him to recover his equilibrium. then umu--who appeared to be the only native of the party blessed with any real courage or presence of mind--seeing his beloved master in imminent danger, as he believed, of being seized and devoured before their eyes, raised his bow, and hastily fitting an arrow to the string, drew the shaft to its very head and let it fly into the reptile's throat, where it stuck fast, inflicting so much pain that the beast at once flung itself back into the water, roaring and choking, coughing up blood, and throwing itself into the most indescribable contortions. then a very extraordinary thing happened. no sooner did the wounded plesiosaurus begin to vomit blood than the other two, which had meanwhile been swimming excitedly to and fro, hurled themselves upon it in what seemed to be a perfect frenzy of fury, and a most ferocious and sanguinary battle ensued, the swirling, flying, foam-flecked water being almost instantly deeply dyed with blood, while the air fairly vibrated with the terrifying sounds emitted by the combatants. the cutter, meanwhile, relieved of the heavy drag upon her of the carcass of the dead plesiosaurus, began to slide rapidly away from the vicinity of the fighting monsters, and would soon have left them far behind. but this did not at all suit harry, who, having undertaken to destroy the ferocious reptiles, was by no means inclined to leave his task less than half done. he therefore put the cutter about and, to the mingled astonishment and dismay of his companions, headed her back toward the scene of the combat, steering in such a manner as to pass just to leeward of the spot where the violent commotion in the water showed that the battle was still raging with unabated fury. then, as the boat ranged up alongside, with her foresheet hauled to windward, the great bodies of the monsters could be seen rushing and plunging and leaping hither and thither, whereupon the whole party of sportsmen opened a vigorous and well-directed fire of arrows and javelins upon them, harry chiming in with his deadly rifle whenever a good chance for a shot offered itself. the result of this determined attack was that the young leader was lucky enough to get in a splendid shot close behind the left shoulder of one of the struggling brutes, which must have reached its heart, for upon receiving the bullet the great reptile flung itself more than half out of the water, uttering a dreadful cry as it did so, and then, falling back, turned slowly over, and with one last writhing, convulsive shudder, sank slowly to the bottom of the lake. meanwhile the remaining two, both severely wounded, flung themselves upon each other with such a maniacal intensity of fury as was truly awful to see. finally, one of the monsters succeeded in getting a firm grip upon the throat of the other, and hung on, despite the frantic struggles of the other to get clear. for perhaps two full minutes the commotion in the water was positively terrific; then it rapidly decreased until, probably quite exhausted by the intensity of their prolonged efforts, they lay practically still upon the surface of the water, their only signs of life being an occasional slight twist of the body on the part of one or the other of them. such an opportunity was much too good to be missed, and, raising his rifle, escombe was lucky enough to shoot both the monsters dead by a couple of rapid, well-directed shots through the head. the two carcasses immediately began to sink; but before they vanished completely out of sight, one of the cutter's crew, by means of a lucky cast, succeeded in hooking one of the defunct saurians with the great fish hook; and by this means the monster was eventually landed, with some difficulty, at the spot originally chosen for the purpose. thus terminated the great plesiosaurus hunt, after nearly three hours of the most exciting work that escombe had ever enjoyed. chapter seventeen. huanacocha the plotter. about a fortnight after escombe's destruction of the plesiosauri, it pleased huanacocha, the late chief of the council of seven, to entertain a small but select party of his especial friends at a banquet, which he gave in his house, situate on the borders of the lake, the grounds of which adjoined those of the virgins of the sun, which, in turn, were contiguous to those of the royal palace. huanacocha was probably the most wealthy man in the city of the sun, next to the inca himself; for he had held the position of chief of the council of seven for nearly a quarter of a century, and previous to the appearance of escombe upon the scene the portion of the national revenue that would otherwise have gone into the coffers of the sovereign had always been awarded to the council of seven; while, huanacocha being not only an astute but also an utterly unscrupulous man, of exceptionally strong and overbearing character, the larger portion of this award had regularly found its way, by various devious channels, into his own private treasure chest. he was consequently well able to offer his guests an entertainment of almost regal magnificence. it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that when the lord huanacocha issued invitations to a banquet--which was not very often--the full number of the invited generally made a point of accepting, and being present at the function. upon the occasion in question the guests consisted of our old friends tiahuana, the villac vmu, and motahuana, together with the lords licuchima and chalihuama, late of the council of seven, and the lords chinchacocheta and lehuava--six in all. it is not necessary to describe the banquet in detail; let it suffice to say that, for reasons of his own, the host had given special instructions that neither trouble nor expense was to be spared to make the function a complete success; and that therefore, so well had his instructions been carried out, the entertainment as a whole fell not very far short of that which had marked the occasion of escombe's accession to the throne of the incas. there is no need to record in detail the conversation that followed upon the dismissal of the servants. it is sufficient to say that huanacocha had arranged this banquet with the express object of eliciting the views of his guests upon a certain project that had been gradually taking shape in his mind, which he believed was now ripe for execution. but, to his astonishment and consternation, he now discovered that he had to a very important extent entirely misapprehended the situation; and after a long and somewhat heated discussion the meeting had broken up without result, save that the guests had departed from his house in a mutually distrustful and uneasy frame of mind. when huanacocha at length retired to rest that night not only did he feel somewhat uneasy, but he was also distinctly angry with himself; for although he had achieved the purpose with which the banquet had been given--which was to elicit a frank expression of opinion from certain individuals relative to the inca and his schemes of reformation--he felt that he had blundered badly. he had used neither tact nor discretion in his manner of conducting the conversation; he had been reckless even to the point of suggesting opposition to the decrees of the sovereign; and when it was too late, when he had fatally committed himself, he had seen, to his discomfiture, that two of his companions--and those two the most powerful persons in the community, next to the inca himself, namely the villac vmu and his deputy, motahuana--were distinctly out of sympathy with him. true, the villac vmu had expressed himself as puzzled, disturbed, anxious at the attitude of the inca towards the religious question; but it was perfectly clear that the frame of mind of the high priest was not nearly acute enough to induce him to regard with favour, or even with patience, any suggestion at all savouring of sedition. and he, huanacocha, in his heat and impatience, had been foolish enough to throw out such a suggestion. the question that now disturbed him was: what would be tiahuana's attitude toward him henceforward in view of what he had said; nay more, what would be the attitude of the high priest toward his friends in view of what they had said? would the villac vmu and his deputy accept a suggestion which he had thrown out, that this momentous and imprudent conversation should be regarded as private and confidential, and treat it as such, or would they consider it their duty to report the affair to the inca? if they did, then huanacocha knew that he and his friends would have good cause to regret their imprudence; for, despite all his cavilling, the late chief of the council of seven had already seen enough of escombe's methods to feel certain that the young monarch would stand no nonsense, particularly of the seditious kind, and that, at the first hint of anything of that sort, if the culprits did not lose their heads, they would at least find themselves bestowed where their seditious views could work no mischief. as these reflections passed through the mind of huanacocha, that somewhat impulsive and overbearing individual grew increasingly uneasy, and he now began to fear that he had been altogether too outspoken. for, be it known, this man huanacocha had conceived nothing less than the audacious idea of overthrowing the inca, and securing his own election in his stead. in his capacity of chief of the council of seven he had for a long term of years enjoyed a measure of power scarcely less than that invested in the inca himself; for, being by nature of an unusually arrogant and domineering disposition, while the other members of the council had been exceedingly pliant and easy-going, he had never experienced any difficulty in browbeating them into tolerably quick compliance with his wishes, however extravagant they might happen to have been. as for the people, they had rendered the same implicit, unquestioning obedience to the council that they would have rendered to the inca, had there been one on the throne. having enjoyed this power, together with all the privileges and emoluments attaching thereto, for so long a time, huanacocha had found it particularly hard and unpleasant to be called upon to resign them all, practically at a moment's notice, when young escombe made his appearance upon the scene. possibly, had harry chanced to conform to this man's preconceived opinion of what the inca would be like whenever it should please him to revisit the earth, he might have accepted the situation with a reasonably good grace; but to be ousted by "a mere boy"--for as such he always thought of the young inca--was altogether too much to be submitted to tamely. at the first his mental revolt had been vague, indefinite, and formless; perhaps he had thought that in course of time it would pass away and he would grow reconciled to the new order of things, particularly if the young inca should show himself properly willing to submit to the guiding hand of the council of seven, as represented by its late chief. but escombe lost no time in making it perfectly clear to everybody that he had his own ideas upon the subject of government, and meant to act upon them. upon more than one occasion--upon several, in fact--the young inca had turned a deaf ear to the counsels of huanacocha, and had carried out his own ideas because he had honestly believed them to be better and more advantageous to the community. he had put his foot down heavily upon many abuses of power on the part of certain of the highest nobles, and in this way huanacocha had suffered perhaps more severely than anyone else. for this reason his condition of mental revolt, instead of passing away, gathered new force and gradually began to assume a definite form which ultimately resolved itself into the determination to cause harry's "removal" by some means--he did not particularly care what they were--and procure his own election to the vacant throne, if that might be; or, if not that, at least the reinstatement of the council of seven, with himself, of course, as its chief. with this object in view he had commenced operations by proceeding to manufacture sedulously a number of imaginary grievances from which he asserted that the people were suffering, and these he industriously spread abroad among his own friends, hoping that in course of time they would filter through to the people themselves, and be eagerly adopted by them; which delectable plan certainly met with some measure of success. but as he lay tossing sleeplessly upon his bed he realised that he had that evening been both foolish and precipitate: he had seriously mistaken the nature of the views held by the two priests, and had betrayed himself and his friends in their presence. how would the villac vmu and his deputy act, or would they act at all, was the question which he now repeatedly asked himself? could he by any means ascertain their intentions? he must, by fair means or foul: it would never do for him to remain in ignorance upon such a vital point after the reckless manner in which he and his friends had spoken. ay, and more than that, he must make quite sure that they maintained silence upon the subject of that most imprudent conversation, otherwise--! he flung himself over restlessly upon his bed: the longer he thought upon the matter the more glaring did his folly appear. he must guard himself and his friends from the consequences of that folly at all costs. but how? who was there to advise him? suddenly he bethought himself of xaxaguana, the priest who ranked next below motahuana. of course, he was the very man of all others; for, first of all, he was huanacocha's very particular friend, and a man, moreover, who was deeply indebted to him for many past favours of a somewhat exceptional kind; also he was young, comparatively speaking, very ambitious, and not over scrupulous. yes, xaxaguana was undoubtedly the man for his purpose, and huanacocha told himself, with a smile of relief, that he had been a fool for not thinking of the priest before. but although huanacocha believed that he saw in xaxaguana the "friend in need" for whom he had been so anxiously casting about, he was still much too uneasy to sleep, and he was up and about with the appearance of the first faint suggestion of dawn, too anxious to remain inactive any longer, yet fully conscious of the fact that the hour was altogether too early for him to seek his friend without running a very grave risk of attracting unwelcome attention by so unusual a proceeding. he therefore decided to take a long walk, and think the whole affair over again while his brain and his pulses were being steadied by the cool, fresh air of the morning. was it fate or was it mere chance that caused him to select a route which led him past that part of the temple which constituted the quarters of the priests? huanacocha told himself that it was his lucky star that was in the ascendant; for as he was passing the building the door gently opened and the very man that he was so anxious to see stepped into the roadway and quietly closed the door behind him. then he looked round and beheld huanacocha, and a little ejaculation of astonishment escaped him. "this is a fortunate meeting indeed," he exclaimed as he stepped forward to greet his friend; "most fortunate; for perhaps you will be astonished to hear that i am thus early astir with the express object of seeking you." "ah!" thought huanacocha; "unless i am greatly mistaken that means that i must prepare for the worst." but, having by this time shaken off his panic to a considerable extent, and once more pulled himself together, he decided to allow his friend to speak first, as by so doing he would probably be better able to judge what he should himself say. he therefore responded to xaxaguana's greeting by remarking: "then it is lucky that i chose this direction for my morning ramble, otherwise we should have missed each other. you look somewhat astonished at seeing me astir so early; but the fact is, my friend, that i was sleepless; i have therefore left my bed early, to take a walk in the early morning air. but i understood you to say that you wished to see me. which way shall we go?" "let us go up the road toward the hills," answered xaxaguana. "there will be the less chance of our being seen; and it may be well for me to mention, at the outset, that there may be several good reasons why you and i should not be seen together at this juncture, my lord huanacocha." "ah! and wherefore so, my good friend?" demanded huanacocha. "because," answered xaxaguana, "last night you betrayed yourself into the committal of a serious imprudence, namely that of presuming to criticise unfavourably certain acts of our lord the inca, which, as you are surely aware, is a crime punishable with death. do you ask how i happen to know this? i will tell you. it chanced that i was kept late from my bed last night by certain business connected with the approaching feast of raymi, and i was therefore astir when the villac vmu and motahuana returned from your banquet. you may possibly be aware that it is a rule among us that nothing which transpires within the precincts of the temple is ever to be referred to, or even so much as hinted at, outside the temple walls. it is therefore our habit, when within those walls, to speak before each other with the most perfect freedom; and, friend huanacocha, i am breaking one of our most stringent vows in telling you even this much. i hope, therefore, that should the time ever arrive when you can do me a service, you will remember this fact, and allow it to weigh in my favour." "rest assured that i will do so, my good friend," answered huanacocha; "although methinks that there are one or two services rendered to you for which i have as yet received no adequate return. but let that pass; i am interrupting you; pray proceed with your story." "i will," returned xaxaguana. "as i have already mentioned, i was astir when tiahuana and motahuana returned from your house last night. they entered the common room, in which i was at work--possibly because it was the only room in which any lights were burning--and, flinging themselves upon a couch quite near to me, began to talk. it was easy to see that they were much agitated and excited; but, being busy, i paid little heed to their conversation at the outset, and only pricked up my ears when i heard your name mentioned. then i confess that i listened, and soon heard sufficient to convince me that you, huanacocha, and your friends lehuava, chinchacocheta, licuchima, and chilihuama were, last night, guilty of such imprudence as may well cost you all your lives, unless you have the wit and readiness of action to prevent it!" "but," ejaculated huanacocha, all his former alarms returning to him with tenfold force, "how mean you, friend? surely, neither the villac vmu nor motahuana will dream of reporting what was said within the privacy of my house, will they?" "what was said in the privacy of your house, last night, amounted to blasphemy," remarked xaxaguana dryly; "and it is the bounden duty of every loyal subject of the inca to report blasphemy, wherever it may be spoken. from what was said last night i gathered the impression that neither of the persons mentioned are likely to shrink from the performance of their duty, however unpleasant it may be; so for this reason i set out to warn you this morning. and it was for reasons connected with this that i ventured to indicate the exceeding undesirability of our being seen together just now." "but--but--" stammered huanacocha, completely thrown off his balance by what he had just learned--"if i understand you aright, my good xaxaguana, all this means that the lives of my friends and myself have been put into the utmost jeopardy by my crass folly of last night, i knew--yes, i knew, when it was too late, that i had been a fool," he concluded bitterly. "to be absolutely candid with you, friend huanacocha, i think you were," rejoined xaxaguana somewhat cynically. "why did you do it?" huanacocha stopped short in the middle of the road and looked his friend square in the eye. "xaxaguana," said he, "when i was chief of the council of seven it was in my power to do you several good turns--and i did them. under certain conceivable circumstances it might be in my power to do you several others; and if you can indicate to me a way by which i can extricate myself from my present peril, rest assured that i will not prove ungrateful. i believe you are my friend; and i believe also that you are astute enough to recognise that i can serve you better living than dead. i will therefore be perfectly frank with you and will tell you all that has been in my mind of late. but see, there is the sun, and the good folk of the town will soon be astir, and we may be seen together; let us go over yonder and sit in the shadow of that pile of rocks; we can talk freely there without risk of being seen, or interrupted." without another word xaxaguana turned and led the way across the upland meadow to a somewhat remarkable pile of rocks that cropped out of the soil about a hundred yards from the road, and, passing round to the shady side, which was also the side hidden from the road, seated himself on a bed of soft moss, signing to his companion to do the same. for nearly an hour the pair conversed most earnestly together; then xaxaguana rose to his feet and, reconnoitring the road carefully to see that there was no likelihood of his being observed, stepped forth from his place of concealment. then he hurried across the intervening stretch of grass, and on reaching the road, once more glanced keenly about him, and briskly turned his steps homeward. half an hour later huanacocha did pretty much the same thing; and it was noticeable--or would have been, had there been anyone there to see--that his countenance had lost much of the expression of anxiety that it had worn when he set out for his walk early that morning. he had scarcely bathed and finished his morning meal after his unwonted exertions when his favourite servant rushed into his presence and in agitated accents informed him that one of the underlings of the temple, on his passage into the town, had given forth the startling intelligence that the villac vmu and motahuana, both of whom had been his lord's honoured guests at the banquet of the previous night, had just been found dead upon their beds! chapter eighteen. trapped! the emotion of huanacocha at this surprising piece of news was almost painful to see. as he listened to the hurriedly told story, poured forth by his man, his features took on a sickly yellow tinge, his eyes seemed to be on the point of starting out of his head, and his breath came in labouring gasps from his wide-open mouth; finally, when at length he seemed to have fully grasped the purport of the story, he hid his face in his hands, rested his elbows upon his knees, and sat there quivering like an aspen leaf. in the course of a few minutes, however, he regained his self-control, and with a sigh of such depth that anyone unaware of its melancholy cause might have almost mistaken it for one of relief, he rose to his feet and, muttering to himself something about the difficulty of believing so incredible a story, and the necessity for personally ascertaining the truth, he gave orders for his litter to be brought to the door, and presently sallied forth on his way to the temple, with this intention. the distance to be covered was not great, and by the time that huanacocha reached the temple he had almost completely recovered his composure. alighting from his litter, and bidding his bearers to wait, he climbed the long flight of steps leading up to the building and, accosting the first person he met, demanded, in an authoritative tone of voice to see xaxaguana. it was perfectly evident, even to one less experienced than huanacocha in matters pertaining to the temple routine and its discipline, that some very unusual occurrence had happened, for everybody about the place seemed excited, agitated, distraught; but huanacocha was, of course, well known to every inhabitant of the city of the sun, and presently someone was found possessing enough authority to deal with the great man's request, or command, rather, and in the course of a few minutes he was conducted along a passage and shown into an empty room, there to await the arrival of the man he sought. apparently xaxaguana was busy at the moment, for it was nearly a quarter of an hour ere he appeared, and when he did so his countenance was heavy with concern. "pardon me for having kept you so long waiting, my lord," he said in a loud voice, "but this terrible occurrence, of which i presume you have heard, has thrown us all into a shocking state of confusion, and when your message reached me i was, in my capacity of senior priest, with the physicians whom we summoned, and who have been endeavouring to discover the cause of the death of our lamented friends the villac vmu and motahuana." and, as he spoke, he closed the door carefully behind him. "and have they succeeded?" demanded huanacocha. "oh yes!" answered xaxaguana. "they are in complete agreement that the cause of death in each case was senile decay. they were both very old men, you know." "senile decay!" exclaimed huanacocha, in astonishment. "surely you are not serious, xaxaguana. why, they were at my house last night, as you know, and nobody who then saw them will ever believe that they died of old age. they were almost as active and vigorous as the youngest of us, and neither of them exhibited the slightest symptoms of senile decay." "possibly not," assented xaxaguana; "nevertheless that is the verdict of the physicians. and, after all, you know, these exceedingly old men often pass away with the suddenness of a burnt-out lamp; a single flicker and they are gone. i must confess that, personally, i am not altogether surprised; for when they returned from your house last night it occurred to me that they seemed to have suddenly grown very old and feeble; indeed i said as much when the news of their death was brought to me." "you did, did you?" retorted huanacocha. "by our lord the sun, you are a wonder, xaxaguana; nothing less! how did you manage it, man, and so promptly too? why it must all have happened within half an hour of your return home this morning." "it did," said xaxaguana. "i was still in my bath--for you must know that, being somewhat fatigued with my protracted labours of yesterday, i overslept myself this morning--when the intelligence was brought to me that our two friends had been discovered lying dead in their beds. and they could only have died very recently, for they were neither stiff nor cold." "and--i suppose there were no signs--no marks of violence on the bodies; nothing to suggest the possibility of--of--foul play?" stammered huanacocha. "no," answered xaxaguana; "the physicians found nothing whatever of that kind. how should they? it is certain that both men died in their beds, within the precincts of the temple. and who is there within these precincts who would dare to commit an act of sacrilege, to say nothing of the fact that, so far as is known, there is no one who would be in the slightest degree benefited by their death, or could possibly desire it." huanacocha looked at his friend admiringly. "as i said just now, you are a wonder, xaxaguana," he remarked. "but you have not yet told me how you managed it, and i am anxious to know. so set aside all further pretence, my friend; be frank with me, and satisfy my curiosity." "no," said xaxaguana firmly. "the man who has a secret and fails to keep it to himself is a fool, friend huanacocha, and i am not a fool; therefore if i happen to have a secret i prefer to retain it within my own breast. but the matter stands thus. you told me certain things this morning, and among them was this. you said that if perchance anything were to happen to tiahuana and motahuana, that they died before it was possible for them to take certain action which you had reason to fear, you would use your powerful influence with our lord the inca to see that i obtained promotion to the position of villac vmu, as is, indeed, my right, together with certain other advantages. is not that so? very well. singularly enough, that which you desired has happened--most fortunately for you; and now it seems to me that all that remains is for you to fulfil your promise. do not you agree with me?" "yes," answered huanacocha frankly, "i do; and i will proceed hence to the palace and officially inform the inca of the sudden and lamented death of the villac vmu and his deputy, and will urge the immediate appointment of yourself to the vacant post of high priest. there is no doubt that you will get the appointment, for in the first place you are entitled to it as senior priest; in the next, you will get the full advantage of my recommendation; and, in the third, the inca has no personal friend to whom he would wish to give the appointment in preference to yourself. that matter may therefore be regarded as settled. "but there is another, and an equally important, matter which i now wish to discuss with you, xaxaguana, and in which i desire your advice and help. tiahuana and motahuana being dead, there is nobody, so far as i know, who has any particular interest in retaining the present inca upon the throne. to that remark you may of course object that he is the reincarnated manco whose coming, as the regenerator of the ancient peruvian nation, was prophesied by titucocha, and that, in the event of anything happening to him, the regenerating process would be deferred indefinitely. but, i ask you, my dear friend, what if it were? in what way should we suffer? it is true that we have accustomed ourselves to look forward to our regeneration as the one thing to be desired above and before all others; but is it? we are perfectly happy here in this valley as we are. do we in very truth desire to exchange our present happy and peaceful existence for an indefinite and doubtless long period of toil, and warfare, and suffering? and in what respects should we be the better at the end, even if we should be successful--of which, permit me to say, i have my doubts? and do we really desire that change in the character of our religion, and the so-called amendment of our morals upon which this young man insists? i doubt it, my friend, not only as regards you and myself, but also as regards the people generally. now, i have spoken to you quite frankly; be equally frank with me, and give your view of the matter." "i will, my friend, and in a very few words," answered xaxaguana. "my view of the matter is identical with your own. and it is possibly identical also with that of many others. but how is that going to help us? also, with all your frankness you have not yet given utterance to the idea that i see you have in your mind. you are far too cautious, friend huanacocha, ever to become a successful conspirator." "one must needs be cautious in broaching such a conspiracy as i have in my mind," answered huanacocha. "nevertheless," he continued, "boldness and caution are sometimes the same thing, therefore will i be bold with you, xaxaguana, since i think it will not be difficult for me to prove to you that not only our views, but also our interests, are identical. in a word, then, i believe that it would be advantageous to you and to me--and possibly also to the rest of the inhabitants of this valley--if the present inca were deposed, and i were made inca in his place. the question is, how is the matter to be accomplished? if he were to die now, even as the villac--" "it would be the most unfortunate thing that could possibly happen," cut in xaxaguana. "the villac vmu and motahuana were both old men, and therefore that they should die is not at all remarkable. but that they should both die at the same moment is, to say the least of it, somewhat singular, and, despite all our precautions, is not unlikely to arouse more or less suspicion in many minds. now, if the inca also were to die, that suspicion would undoubtedly be converted into certainty and an investigation would assuredly be set on foot which could not fail to end disastrously for those found responsible for the three deaths, and especially for that of the inca; for, as of course you are fully aware, practically the whole of the inhabitants of the valley are still oldfashioned enough to cling to the superstition that to murder the inca is the blackest of black sacrilege. "but on the day when the inca was presented to us in the temple, you spoke certain words which, if they were now repeated, might find an echo in the mind of many an inhabitant of this city. you boldly expressed your doubts as to the identity of the youth with him whose appearance was foretold by the prophet titucocha, and whom we of the ancient peruvian nation have been expecting for the last three hundred years and more. now, we know that many of the inca's ordinances are regarded with disfavour by the people generally; and i believe that, as a consequence of this, it would not be very difficult to implant in the minds of the discontented a suggestion that the late villac vmu made a very serious mistake--if, indeed, he did not commit an unpardonable crime--in introducing this young man to us as the re-incarnated manco capac. that suspicion once instilled into them, it should be a comparatively easy matter to incite them to demand that the inca shall establish his identity by submitting to the ordeal by fire, after which your election to the vacant throne should be a foregone conclusion; for, of course, neither you nor i believe for a moment that the young englishman can possibly survive the fire ordeal." huanacocha gazed at his companion for several moments in silent admiration; then he exclaimed enthusiastically: "i have already told you twice this morning that you are a wonder, and i now say it for the third time--you are a wonder, xaxaguana, the possessor of the most astute and clever brain in the valley; and i foresee that, working together, you and i may achieve such dazzling results as we have scarcely yet dared to dream of. but how do you propose to bring about the result of which you have just spoken? it will be a slow and tedious process at best, and while it is being achieved many things may happen." "nay," answered xaxaguana, "it will not be nearly so lengthy a process as you seem to think. this is my plan." and, placing his mouth to his companion's ear, xaxaguana proceeded to whisper a few sentences which appeared to fill huanacocha with wonder and admiration. "do you think it will succeed?" xaxaguana demanded, as he concluded his communication. "it cannot possibly fail, if carried out with promptitude and discretion," answered huanacocha in tones of conviction. "and its perfect simplicity is its greatest recommendation. when do you propose to commence operations?" "at once," answered xaxaguana, "now, this very day. nothing will be talked of during the next few days save the sudden death of the villac vmu and motahuana, and such a topic of conversation will afford me the precise opportunity which i require. and now, friend huanacocha, you and i have been together quite as long as is either prudent or desirable. go, therefore, hence to the palace, acquaint the inca with the sad news of which you are the official bearer; inform him, if you will, that in the zealous discharge of your duty you have visited me for the purpose of obtaining the fullest information relative to the deplored event, and direct his attention to the extreme desirability of creating me villac vmu at once." "fear not, friend," answered huanacocha, as he rose to take his leave, "you shall receive the notification of your appointment in the course of the day." and, followed by xaxaguana, who accompanied him as far as the outer door, he left the apartment and proceeded on his way to the palace. huanacocha was as good as his word; for he not only secured from harry the appointment of xaxaguana to the dignity of villac vmu, but actually took the trouble to hurry back from the palace to the temple with the information of his success, and the royal warrant duly signed. as xaxaguana had anticipated, almost the sole topic of conversation during the ensuing fortnight was the death of the late villac vmu, and that of his deputy, at practically the same instant of time, as was determined by the physicians. for the first few days this circumstance was spoken of simply as a somewhat remarkable coincidence, but not very long after the obsequies--which were celebrated with unprecedented pomp in the temple--were over, it began to be noticed that, when the subject happened to be referred to, people were acquiring a trick of putting their heads together and whispering mysteriously to each other. the trick rapidly developed into something nearly approaching a habit; and as it did so, the whispers as rapidly changed into plain, open speech, and the words which were interchanged lost their original air of confidential mysteriousness, until, finally, people told each other without very much circumlocution that there was, in their opinion, more in the strange deaths of tiahuana and motahuana than met the eye. and if they were asked to express themselves more plainly they reminded each other that the two priests, who had died under such really remarkable circumstances, were the men who were responsible for the finding of the white inca, and the introduction of him into the community, and this reminder was quite frequently followed by a somewhat pointed question as to whether, after all, they--the priests--could by any chance have made a mistake in their method of identifying the inca, some people even going to the length of expressing the opinion that it was no question of mistake, but rather a case of deliberate deception of the people, with some mysterious purpose which would probably now be never brought to light, inasmuch as that our lord the sun, angry at the change in the form of the national religion, has cut off the offenders in the midst of their sins, as a sign of his displeasure. the transition from such talk as this to openly expressed doubts concerning the genuineness of the inca's claim to be the re-incarnation of the divine manco capac was an easy one, made all the more easy by the unpopular character of many--one might indeed almost say all--of escombe's decrees. yet so consummate was the cunning and subtlety with which the campaign was conducted that scarcely a whisper of it was allowed to reach the ears of those who were suspected of being favourably inclined toward the inca, and not the faintest inkling of it ever penetrated to escombe himself. such extreme care indeed was exercised by those who were pulling the strings that no sign whatever of the inca's fast-waning popularity was for a moment permitted to manifest itself. the process of corrupting the palace officials and staff generally was found to be exceptionally tedious and difficult, for escombe's genial disposition and straightforward character enabled him to endear himself without effort to everybody with whom he was brought into intimate contact. but it was accomplished at length by the exercise of almost superhuman ingenuity, with a solitary exception in the case of arima, who, it was at once recognised, was so faithfully and devotedly attached to his royal master that it would be worse than folly to attempt to corrupt him; he was therefore left severely alone; the most stringent precautions being taken to keep the whole thing secret from him. matters had reached the stage above indicated when escombe, having grappled with an exceptionally arduous day's work, retired to rest close upon midnight, and soon afterward sank into a heavy sleep, only to be, as it seemed, almost instantly awakened by the light of torches flashing upon his closed eyelids, and the scuffle of sandalled feet about his couch. springing up into a sitting posture in his bed, he opened his eyes, still heavy with sleep, to find his chamber full of men--many of whom were armed--conspicuous among whom were huanacocha and xaxaguana, the new villac vmu. "why, my lord huanacocha," he exclaimed, rubbing his eyes to assure himself that he was awake, "what does this mean? how did you get in here? and what is the matter?" "the matter, lord," answered huanacocha, "is one of the utmost gravity and importance, as the villac vmu, here, will inform you. it is nothing less than a revolt among the priests generally, most of whom have declared against the modifications in the form of the worship and service in the temple, instituted by my lord, and have risen against the villac vmu and those others who have pronounced themselves in favour of my lord's modifications. some of those who were in favour of the modifications have been slain; but the larger number, amounting to between twenty and thirty, are even now being subjected to the fire ordeal, as would have been the villac vmu, had he not happily escaped and made his way to my house for shelter and help. that, in brief, is how the matter stands; is it not, villac vmu?" "'tis even so, lord," answered xaxaguana. "and when i had stated the facts to my lord huanacocha, he regarded them as of import serious enough to justify us even to the extent of disturbing the rest of my lord the inca, and--" "by jove, yes, i should think so," exclaimed harry, interrupting the high priest unceremoniously, and springing from his couch to the floor. "where is arima? pass the word for arima, somebody, please--or, stay, hand me my clothes; i'll get into them myself without waiting for arima. how many of these revolting priests are there, do you say?" "they number about a thousand, lord," answered xaxaguana. "we have already taken it upon ourselves to send to umu, asking him to come to our assistance; but it will be some time ere our messenger can reach him, and he in turn can reach and order out the guard. we therefore thought it well to come to my lord and ask him to hasten with us to the temple, there to use his authority to save the lives of those who must otherwise undergo the fire ordeal." "of course," assented harry, as he scrambled into his clothes. "but what will happen if those mutinous beggars refuse to obey me, eh?" "refuse to obey you, lord?" repeated the villac vmu in shocked tones. "nay, they will certainly not do that. they have revolted now merely because they cannot be brought to believe that the innovations against which they rebel are in accordance with the orders of our lord the inca. you have but to personally assure them that such is the case, and they will instantly return to their allegiance." "very well," answered harry, as he threw a heavy cloak over his shoulders to protect himself from the keen night air. "now i am ready. lead the way, somebody, and let us be going." emerging from the palace, and hurrying along the almost pitch--dark garden paths, the party swept through the palace gates into the main road, and made a dash for the temple by the nearest possible route, which happened to be through several dark, narrow, deserted side streets, in which not a soul was stirring; the little crowd of hurrying figures consequently passed on its way and soon reached the temple without having been observed by so much as a single person. somewhat to escombe's surprise the temple proved to be in absolute darkness, when the party arrived before the walls; but xaxaguana explained this by informing the young monarch that the revolted priests were all assembled in the opposite wing of the building, and that he had deemed it a wise precaution not to attempt to enter on that side, lest they should meet with resistance before the inca could find an opportunity to make his presence known. as they drew in under the temple walls xaxaguana called a halt, expressing some anxiety as to the possibility of the door being closed by means of which he proposed to effect an entrance, and he sent forward a scout to reconnoitre. his anxiety, however, proved to be unfounded, for the scout presently returned with the information that the door was unfastened and everything quiet on that side of the building. the party therefore moved forward once more, and presently escombe found himself being conducted along a corridor, unlighted save by the smoky flare of the torches carried by his escort. contrary to the young ruler's expectations, the building, even now that he was inside it, remained dark and silent as the grave; but this was explained by the statement of xaxaguana that the revolting priests were all gathered together in the rock-hewn basement of the building, where they were at that moment engaged in putting their more faithful brethren to the dreadful "ordeal by fire". accordingly, when xaxaguana unlocked a massive bronze gate let into a wall, and invited harry to descend with him to the chamber where the horrid rite was in progress, the young man followed unhesitatingly, as he also did through a door which the priest unlocked when they had reached the foot of the flight of stone steps and traversed some yards of corridor apparently hewn out of the living rock. the room was comfortably enough furnished, and looked almost as though it might have been prepared for his reception, for it was lighted by a handsome lamp suspended from the roof. "if my lord will condescend to wait here a moment and rest, i, his servant, will go and see exactly what is happening, and return to report," remarked xaxaguana as he stood aside to allow harry to pass him. "but why wait?" demanded harry, facing round to the high priest. "surely we have not a moment of time to waste. would it not be--" but, even as he was speaking, the villac vmu slid rapidly back into the passage, closing the door behind him with a slam, through the thunderous reverberation of which in the hollow vault harry thought he caught the sound of a sharp click. with a muttered ejaculation, expressive of annoyance, he sprang to the door and endeavoured to open it; but it was fast, and, as he listened, he heard the sounds of hastily retreating footsteps in the passage outside. and in that same moment the truth flashed upon him that, for some inscrutable reason, he was trapped and a prisoner! chapter nineteen. umu takes a hand in the game. the first rays of the next morning's sun had scarcely flashed over the ridge of the sierra which hemmed in the eastern side of the valley, when arima, awaking with a most atrocious headache, and the feeling generally of a man who has just passed through an unusually prolonged bout of dissipation--or, alternatively, has been drugged--arose from his bed and, staggering across the room, plunged his throbbing and buzzing head into a large basin of cold water, preparatory to dressing. once, twice, thrice did he plunge head, neck, and hands into the cooling liquid, with but little satisfactory result, for the relief which he sought, and confidently expected to derive, from the process, refused to come; and he groaned as he sank upon a seat and tightly gripped his throbbing temples in his hands. never before in his life had he felt so ill, so utterly cheap and used-up, as he did at that moment. in addition to the violent headache from which he was suffering, his blood felt like fire in his veins, his skin was dry and rough; he was so giddy that he could scarcely stand. the truth was that he had been drugged with such brutal severity on the preceding night, by xaxaguana's emissaries, to make sure of his being out of the way at the moment of his master's seizure, that it had been due more to chance than anything else that he had ever again awakened. after a few minutes' rest he felt so much better that he was able to dress, and afterwards make his way to his master's room. for, ever since the slaying of the monsters in the lake, it had been escombe's habit to rise early in the morning, and, making his way to the bottom of the garden, embark on a balsa, from which, after arima had paddled it a few hundred yards from the shore, master and man had been wont to bathe together. and now, according to custom, the faithful indian hurried away to awaken his master, as usual, for indulgence in the regular morning dip. but upon entering the sleeping chamber he of course found it untenanted, and for a moment the thought occurred to him that possibly he was late, and that his master, having awakened at his usual hour, had risen and gone down into the garden alone. a single glance out of the window, however, at the length of the shadows cast by the various objects lighted by the sun outside, sufficed to satisfy him that habit had triumphed over even the influence of the narcotic which had been administered to him, and that he was certainly not more than a few minutes late. then, with the instinct of the semi-savage, he flung his glances quickly about the room, and instantly detected signs that it had been invaded during the night by a number of people, and that his master had arisen and dressed in haste. quick to take the alarm where escombe was concerned, he at once hurried out, and, without waiting to find any of the palace officials to whom to report his discovery, proceeded forthwith to question as many of the servants as he met. but here again he only found matter for further alarm and apprehension; for not only did the whole service of the building appear to be in a state of complete disorganisation, but it at once became evident to him that every man he met was confused, agitated, and more or less anxious of manner; and, although each and all professed themselves unable to throw any light upon the mystery of the inca's inexplicable disappearance, he felt instinctively that they were all lying to him. realising at length that no information was to be obtained from these people, arima passed from the palace into the grounds, making his way, in the first instance, down to the shore of the lake, for the purpose of satisfying himself beyond all possibility of question whether or not there was any foundation for his first surmise, that escombe had risen early and left the palace without waiting for him. but no; there was no sign of his young master in that direction; moreover, the balsa was lying moored in its proper place; also the cutter was at her usual moorings. there was therefore no possibility that the inca had taken it into his head to go for a solitary early morning sail. satisfied upon this point, the indian next made his way round to the front of the palace, and here at once the evidences of a visit of a large party of people to the palace, some time during the preceding night, once more presented themselves, the latest--that is to say the topmost--set of footprints showing that quite a crowd of people had hurried from the main entrance of the building down the broad path leading to the entrance gates of the garden and thence into the main road. moreover, the "spoor" remained undisturbed in the road for a distance sufficient to indicate the general direction in which the party had gone, although it was lost in the ordinary signs of traffic within a few yards of the gates. having ascertained thus much, arima returned to the spot where the footprints first showed outside the palace doors, and, going down upon his hands and knees, patiently set himself to the task of endeavouring to discover his young master's among them. but before he had had time to achieve any result in this direction one of the palace officials appeared and, angrily demanding to know what he was doing there, ordered him back into the palace to attend to his duty; explaining, by way of reply to arima's agitated representations, that the inca had left the palace during the early hours of the morning, with a party of companions, to hunt the vicuna. the indian at once knew this to be a falsehood, for the hunting grounds lay many miles down the valley, and hunting parties never dreamed of proceeding thither otherwise than on horseback, and arima was prepared to swear that none of the party had been mounted. moreover he was convinced that his master would never have dreamed of leaving his favourite servant behind had he been bound upon a hunting expedition. the official, however, was curt and peremptory in his manner, and arima soon understood that he must obey his orders or suffer arrest. he therefore returned to the inca's rooms and proceeded to put them in order, as was his duty. but the very curtness and peremptoriness of the official's manner to him, as well as the improbable story which he had told, only had the effect of strengthening and confirming the suspicions in the faithful fellow's mind; for the attachment of the young inca to this man was well known, and even the highest officials of the palace had thus far not disdained to be extremely civil to him. but the question in arima's mind now was: what precisely was it that had happened to his young master, and whither and why had he gone? for even thus far no glimmering of the hideous truth had reached the indian's mind. his suspicions and apprehensions were all as yet chaotic and formless, and he was very far from fearing that escombe's life was in danger. but as he proceeded with his business, seeking from time to time to get some relief from his splitting headache and the other extremely disagreeable symptoms from which he was still suffering acutely, it gradually began to dawn upon him, as his mental faculties slowly shook off their stupor, that every one of those symptoms were synonymous with those following upon the administration of an overdose of a decoction made from a certain poisonous plant growing here and there in the valley, and which was sometimes used as an anaesthetic by the local physicians. he was fully aware of the tremendous potency of the extracted juices of this plant, as also of its tastelessness, and the consequent ease with which it could be administered, and he recognised clearly that if anyone had wished to administer such a draught to him on the previous night it could easily have been done. the question which next arose in his mind naturally was: why should anyone desire to administer such a draught to him? but his mental powers had by this time sufficiently recovered from the effects of the drug to enable him quickly to trace a connection--however obscure as yet--between this act and the extraordinary fact of his master being missing. when once the faithful fellow had reached the length of connecting the two circumstances together he was not long in realising the terrible possibilities that lurked in such a sinister combination of circumstances. and with this realisation he suddenly took fright, for at the same moment the significance of certain apparently trivial remarks and occurrences that had lately come to his knowledge suddenly dawned upon him. could it be that these matters, scarcely noticed at the moment, really bore the significance which he now attached to them, or was it all the result of some bodily disorder reacting upon his mental processes and causing him to take a distorted and unnatural view of things that were actually of no moment whatever? he could not tell; his brain was still in too muddled a condition for him to feel that he could trust it. but there was one sensible thing that he could do, he told himself. he could go to umu and lay the whole matter before him. umu was a shrewd sensible man, who would soon say whether or not there was anything in those mad fantasies that were now beginning to chase each other through his bewildered brain. besides, umu was the inca's most devoted friend--next to himself, perhaps. so, slipping out of the palace by the garden entrance--lest perchance he should be seen and stopped if he attempted to pass out by way of the other--he plunged at once into the most unfrequented paths, and so betook himself, by a circuitous route, to the lake shore, where he at once got aboard the balsa, and, paddling the primitive craft some half a mile beyond the royal demesne, beached her in a secluded spot, and thence made the best of his way to umu's house. the morning was by this time so well advanced that the hour for the first meal of the day was past, and it became a moot point with arima whether to seek umu at his house or at the barracks of the inca's bodyguard. he decided, however, upon trying the house first, and it was well that he did; for, although umu was not at home, neither, it seemed, was he at the barracks. but maia, his daughter, had an impression that she knew where he might be found, and arima had not poured into the girl's ear half a dozen sentences of his somewhat disjointed tale before she cut him short by explaining that she was about to seek her father, and that he (arima) must on no account whatever attempt to stir from the house until her return, unless, of course, her father should make his appearance in the interim. having bestowed that injunction, maia, wildeyed and white-lipped, rushed into the street and hurried on her way; for she, too, had heard words said, to which at the moment she had given scant heed, but which in the light of what was hinted at by arima now bore to the quick-witted girl an awful significance. as it happened, she had not to go very far, for she had not left the house more than five minutes at the utmost when she caught sight of her father, mounted, on his way to the barracks, a good mile distant. fortunately for her he reined up to exchange a few passing words with an acquaintance, and that afforded her the opportunity to overtake and stop him. she did not dare, however, to mention the errand which had brought her out in search of her father until the two friends had parted, when she briefly explained that arima was seeking him, and urged him to hasten back to the house without delay, at the same time telling him sufficient of what had passed between herself and the inca's henchman to cause umu to realise something of the gravity of the situation; for he dug his heels into his charger's ribs and dashed off at a gallop. when maia arrived back at the house, she found arima in the midst of the relation of his story to her father, and, quite as a matter of course, sat down to listen. the indian had, in the interim between her departure and umu's arrival, found time to pull himself together and properly arrange his thoughts, and he related his narrative with due regard to sequence of events, beginning with such apparently casual words and trivial occurrences as had come under his notice, and had only assumed a significance in the light of more recent happenings. then going on to describe his sensations upon awaking that morning, he completed his story by relating in detail everything he had done, and the thoughts and suspicions that had occurred to him subsequent to his discovery of his master's absence. "yes," agreed umu, when arima had brought his story to a conclusion, "the whole thing seems reasonably clear, up to a certain point. i have not a shadow of doubt that certain disaffected persons have adopted the extreme, and altogether unprecedented, step of seizing the person of our lord the inca; and they caused you, my friend, to be drugged in order that you might not interfere with their plans. the question which we now have to decide is: who are those persons, and what is their object in seizing the inca? they must be individuals of very great power and influence, otherwise they would never dare--" at this point maia, who had been betraying rapidly increasing signs of anxiety and impatience, cut in with: "my father, to me it seems of the utmost importance that not a moment should be lost in discovering what has become of the inca, whose life may at this moment be in the utmost jeopardy; for those who were desperate enough to carry him off would probably not hesitate to kill him, if need were: indeed that may be their purpose. your task, therefore, must be to rescue him without an instant's unnecessary delay, which you should be easily able to do with the aid of your troops. probably if the officials of the palace were carefully questioned they could be persuaded to tell you what has become of the inca, for doubtless they know, since he could not have been carried off without their knowledge and acquiescence." "yes, you are right, maia. i see exactly what you mean, and i have no doubt that i can devise a method of making the palace people tell what they know," answered umu. "i will ride to the barracks at once, and order the guard to turn out in readiness to proceed wherever required; after which i will proceed to the palace with a squadron, and it will be strange if i do not find means to make somebody tell me what i require to know. you, arima, had better go to the barracks and await my return there from the palace, when you can ride with us. and now i will go; for, as maia has said, even moments may now be of importance." some twenty minutes later a troop of the inca's mounted bodyguard, led by umu, dashed at a gallop in through the gates of the palace gardens, and, at a word from their commander, surrounded the building, a party of a dozen of them following their leader into the palace, to the consternation of all who encountered them. this dozen constituted a search party, which, with drawn swords, systematically swept the building from basement to roof-tree, gathering together every official and individual of the palace staff that could be found, until the whole, with the exception of some dozen or so underlings, had been captured. then all were marched out into the vast palace garden and surrounded by the now dismounted troopers, who meanwhile had made prisoners of four of the chief officials as they were endeavouring to slink out of the palace and make good their escape. marching the whole of the captives off to a secluded part of the gardens, where nothing which might happen could be seen save by those immediately concerned, umu ordered the chamberlain and his three immediate subordinates to be brought to him, and said to them: "now, sirs, my business here is to ascertain from you what has become of our lord the inca. i have not the slightest doubt that you can tell me; but whether you will tell me the truth or not is quite another matter. i intend to arrive at the truth, however, either by persuasion or force, and i will try the former first: let me very earnestly advise you not to compel me to resort to the latter. and to make as certain as i can that the information with which you are about to furnish me is true, you will each withdraw from your comrades to a distance at which it will be impossible for you to communicate with each other, and where you will each inform the officer--who, with a file of men, will accompany you--of everything that you know concerning the mysterious disappearance of the inca--where he has been taken, by whom, and for what purpose. if your stories, when compared with each other, are found to agree at all points, i shall consider that i am justified in believing them to be true; if they do not--" he turned to the other captives and said: "go to work at once, collect timber, and build a large fire in this open space." then, turning to the officers who had been deputed to examine the four prisoners, umu concluded: "take them away; hear their story; and then bring them back to me, that each man's tale may be compared with those of the others." umu knew his fellow countrymen well. he was fully aware that while the south american indian, like his brother of the northern continent, will endure the most frightfully excruciating tortures with stoical fortitude if the occasion happens to demand it, he will not willingly subject himself to even a very minor degree of suffering for the sake of shielding those whom he has no particular object in serving. he felt pretty well convinced that these craven wretches who had allowed themselves to be corrupted into betraying their monarch would have very little hesitation in also betraying their corrupters, especially as they might feel assured that, umu having taken the matter in hand, those corrupters would henceforth have scant power or opportunity either to reward or to punish. the hint conveyed by the building of a large fire therefore proved quite sufficiently persuasive. in little more than ten minutes the commander of the bodyguard found himself in possession of all the information which the palace officials had it in their power to communicate. this information, in brief, was to the effect that they had, one and all, from the highest to the lowest, been heavily bribed by the emissaries of huanacocha and xaxaguana to allow those two powerful nobles, with a strong party of followers, to enter the palace in the dead of night and abduct the person of the inca, and to hold their peace upon the matter until either huanacocha or xaxaguana should personally give them leave to speak and tell them what to say. as the stories of all four of the officials happened to agree, even down to the smallest detail, umu decided that he might venture to accept them as true; whereupon the whole of the prisoners were hustled back into the palace by way of the back entrance, driven down into one of the basement chambers, and there securely locked up, with a corporal's guard in the passage outside. the palace then being locked up, the troop mounted and departed at a gallop for the house of huanacocha. this house, or palace as it might be more appropriately termed, was, like most of the residences of the great peruvian lords, a large and sumptuous edifice, standing in its own spacious grounds. umu's tactics upon approaching it were similar to those which he had employed upon approaching the palace; that is to say, upon entering the grounds he caused his men to dismount and surround the building, which he then entered, accompanied by a sergeant in charge of a squad of troopers. as he unceremoniously made his way into the great entrance hall he found himself confronted by the chief steward of the establishment, who, followed by the entire staff of terrified servants, was hurrying to the garden, anxious to ascertain the meaning of this unwonted invasion of his master's privacy. "where is your lord, sirrah?" thundered umu, as a file of soldiers promptly arrested the quaking functionary. "i know not, lord umu," answered the unfortunate man, as well as his chattering teeth would allow; "indeed i was about to send out the servants to seek news of him, for i am beginning to fear that evil has befallen him. he left the house alone last night, less than an hour before midnight, saying that he knew not when he should return; and he has not since been seen." "then, if he told you that he knew not when he would return, why do you fear that evil has befallen him?" demanded umu. "because, lord--nay, i know not, except that--that--well, it is a most unusual--for my lord huanacocha to absent himself for so many hours without saying whither he intended to go," stammered the steward. "say you so?" sneered umu. "that seems to me strange indeed; for it is not the usual custom of a noble to acquaint his steward with his business. nay, friend, i cannot believe your story: you must have some better reason than the one which you have given me for your anxiety as to your lord's safety, and it will be to your great advantage to acquaint me with it forthwith." "lord, i have told you the truth; indeed i have," protested the unfortunate man, making as though he would throw himself upon his knees before umu. "so much the worse for you," growled umu savagely, for the delay was beginning to tell upon his patience. "is there any man here," he continued, "who can tell me where my lord huanacocha is to be found?" he glared round upon the assembled servants, the whole of whom had by this time been quietly herded together by the soldiers. there was no answer. "very well," continued umu, addressing his men. "take these people down to the cellars below; lock them in securely; and then set fire to the house and burn it over their heads! i can waste no more time here." as the troopers, in obedience to this order, closed round the prisoners, and with coarse jests began to hustle them unceremoniously toward the head of the flight of steps leading down to the basement of the building, the steward, suddenly realising the desperate nature of his own and his fellow servants' predicament, turned to umu and cried: "stay, lord, i pray you, and visit not upon us the misdeeds of our lord. when i said just now that i knew not the whereabouts of my lord huanacocha, i spoke only the truth, for indeed i cannot tell for certain where he is--nay, lord, have patience, and hear what i have to say ere you condemn me to a frightful death for a fault which is not mine. it is indeed true that i know not where my lord huanacocha is to be found, for he did not deign to tell me his business when he went out last night; but i believe i can form a very good guess as to where he now is." "you can?" ejaculated umu. "then say on, and that right quickly. for within the next five minutes this house will be ablaze, and you within it, if you have not by then told me what i want to know." then, turning to a sergeant, he said: "take with you a dozen men; bring everything in the house that will burn, pile it in this hall, and pour on it all the oil you can find. now, sirrah, proceed with your tale." "then, lord, in brief, it is this," answered the wretched steward, speaking as well as his chattering teeth would allow. "from words which i have overheard from time to time of late passing between my lord huanacocha and others, especially the new villac vmu, i believe that when my master left this house last night he did so with the purpose of accompanying the high priest and an armed party to the palace in order to seize the person of our lord the inca and convey him to the temple, that he might be subjected to the fire ordeal, to prove whether or no--" "the fire ordeal, say you?" roared umu in a paroxysm of fury, as the full horror of the situation at last dawned upon him. "even so, lord," answered the quaking steward. "i heard my--" "you had reason to believe that your master had conspired with the villac vmu to seize the inca and subject him to the fire ordeal, yet you never took the trouble to come and report the matter to me?" roared umu. "i--i--lord, i knew not that--it was no part of my duty to--" stammered the wretched steward, as too late he began to realise the terrible nature of the predicament in which he had placed himself by his too great fidelity to his master. "it is enough," interrupted umu. "bind him hand and foot; lay him upon that pile yonder; and set fire to it. sergeant huarima, you will remain here with six men to ensure the utter destruction of this house, after which you will follow the rest of the corps to the temple. as for you," he continued, turning to the staff of servants, who were huddling together, paralysed with terror at the tragic turn which affairs were taking, "you would only be receiving your just deserts if i were to order you to be consumed, with your chief, upon that pile. i am merciful, however; you are therefore at liberty to go. but let the fate of the steward be a lesson to you all henceforth, that fidelity to the inca comes before fidelity to your master. and now, men, pass out and mount. our next place of call is the temple." chapter twenty. in the nick of time! "well," soliloquised harry, as he glanced about him upon realising that he was indeed a prisoner, "what does this mean? is it mutiny, or treason, or what is it? and as to there being a revolt of the priests, i don't believe a word of it. had there been any such thing it would not have been possible for me to have entered this building without encountering some sign--either sight or sound--of it. no; that was just a yarn, a ruse to get me to come here willingly. now, i wonder what the dickens they want with me, and what they intend to do with me now that they have me. nothing very serious, i expect; for i am the inca, and they would never dare to lay violent hands upon the inca; that amounts to sacrilege of the very worst kind. yes; no doubt. and yet i am by no means certain that that fact would exercise any very powerful restraining influence upon our friends huanacocha and xaxaguana. they are both ambitious men, and i am very much inclined to question whether the religious convictions of either man are powerful enough to hold him back from sacrilege, if his ambition urged him in that direction. ah, well! time will show, i have no doubt; meanwhile i have not had half my night's rest, so i will do what i can to recover arrears." and, thus thinking, he quietly stretched himself upon a couch which stood against one wall of the room, and composed himself to sleep. with the light-hearted carelessness of extreme youth he actually did sleep--slept so soundly that he was not even disturbed when, some hours later, the door was quietly opened and two attendants entered bearing food and drink, which, seeing that the prisoner still slumbered, they placed upon the table and departed, securing the door again as they passed out. it was past ten o'clock in the forenoon when the young man, having completely rested, opened his eyes and looked about him in wonderment at finding himself in strange quarters. the next moment, however, memory returned to him: he recalled the proceedings of the past night, and once more began to speculate upon the purpose which could have been powerful enough to induce huanacocha and xaxaguana to resort to so extreme a measure as that of his abduction from the palace. and now, with the more sober reflections following upon a sound night's rest, he began to take a somewhat more serious view of the situation. he began to realise that what these two powerful nobles had done was no hasty, ill-considered act, undertaken upon the spur of the moment, without thought of the probable consequences, but was doubtless the result of long and anxious premeditation; and, if so, they would surely have taken every possible precaution to guard themselves against evil consequences. and--a slight shudder thrilled through him as the thought obtruded itself upon his mind--for aught that he could tell to the contrary one of those precautions might take the form of providing that he should never return to the light of day, and that no one should ever know what had become of him! but here again the optimism of youth came to support him, and he dismissed the grim reflection with a smile; the matter, of course, could not be anything like so serious as that, he told himself, and without doubt in an hour or two hence he would be back in the palace, heartily laughing at the whole adventure. he drew forth his watch and looked at it. to his astonishment he found that it was a quarter after ten o'clock--for, his place of confinement being below the ground level, and hewn out of the heart of the rock, there were no windows to it, and the only source of light was the lamp suspended from the roof, which still burned brightly. for an instant he was under the impression that his watch had stopped overnight at the hour indicated, but upon putting it to his ear he found that it was still running. then his eye felt upon the viands on the table, and he suddenly discovered that he was hungry. without further ado, therefore, he seated himself at the table, and, dismissing for the moment all further considerations of the future, fell to and made a most excellent breakfast. escombe had finished his meal a full hour and more, and had found time once more to become distinctly apprehensive as to the intentions of huanacocha and xaxaguana toward him, when the sound of footsteps approaching along the passage outside his door warned him that the crisis was at hand, and the next moment the door was flung open and a priest entered. "my lord," he said, "it is the command of the villac vmu that you accompany me into his presence." "the command, did you say?" retorted harry. "surely the villac vmu strangely forgets himself and his position when he presumes to send commands to the inca. however," seeing that the passage outside was full of armed men who were evidently quite prepared to enforce obedience to the orders of the high priest, he continued, "i will not stand upon ceremony, or carp at a mere form of words, but will obey the summons of the villac vmu. yet, let him and all who hear me remember that i am the inca, and that my power to reward obedience is as great as it is to punish presumption. now, lead on." the priest led the way into the passage, harry following, and the moment that the latter emerged from the room in which he had been confined an armed guard of a dozen men closed in around him, rendering escape on his part impossible. in this order the procession passed along the passage, up the steps which harry had descended upon his arrival, and thence along a corridor into a room crowded with priests and civilians, where, raised upon a dais, sat the villac vmu enthroned. still surrounded by the guard, harry was halted in front of this dais, and directed to seat himself in a handsome chair that had been placed there for his reception. this done, the proceedings at once commenced, and harry immediately perceived that he was about to be subjected to some sort of a trial, for no sooner was he seated than the villac vmu cried: "let my lord huanacocha stand forth." there was a moment's bustle and confusion, and then from the midst of the assembled crowd huanacocha shouldered his way through, and placed himself near harry, but outside the encircling guards. "my lord huanacocha," said the villac vmu, "at your instigation, and because of certain representations made by you, i have taken the unprecedented course of causing our lord the inca to be brought hither, that he may answer, before those here assembled, to the charges which i understand you desire to bring against him. state, therefore, those charges; but before doing so ye shall swear by the light of our lord the sun that your motive in instigating these proceedings is free from all bias or personal ill will; that you are animated therein solely by anxiety for the public welfare, and that you will say no word save what you, personally, know to be the truth." "all this i swear!" answered huanacocha, raising his right hand aloft. "it is well," commented the high priest. "proceed now with your charges." "my lord," answered huanacocha, "my first and most serious charge against the young man who sits there, and whom we have for these many months past honoured and served as the re-incarnated manco capac, the father and founder of our nation, is that he is an impostor, with no right or title whatsoever to the service and reverence which we have given him. "my second charge," continued huanacocha, "which, however, should be preferred by you rather than by me, o villac vmu, is that this youth has blasphemously forbidden us any longer to worship our lord the sun, our father and benefactor, and the giver of all good gifts, and has commanded that we shall worship instead pachacamac, whom he calls god, of whom we know little or nothing, and whom we have never until now been bidden to worship. i am strongly opposed to this change of religion-for it amounts to nothing less--as is everybody else with whom i have spoken on the subject. we all fear that such change will certainly bring disaster and ruin upon the nation. there are other charges which could be preferred against the prisoner," concluded huanacocha; "but i am content that the case against him shall rest upon those which i have already enumerated." "it is well," commented xaxaguana. "my lord huanacocha, the gratitude of the community is due to you for the public spirit which has prompted you to come forward and perform what we all recognise to be an exceedingly disagreeable task, and doubtless the public generally will be careful to see that your disinterestedness is suitably rewarded. is there anyone present who desires to support the charges preferred against the prisoner by my lord?" there was. the ball of high treason once set rolling, everybody seemed anxious to add to its momentum, and man after man came forward, either to support the charges made by huanacocha, or to ventilate some petty grievance, real or imaginary, of his own, until at length so much time had been consumed that xaxaguana, growing impatient, refused to listen to any further evidence. he then turned to escombe and said: "prisoner, you have heard the charges that have been brought against you. what answer have you to them?" "i might well answer," said escombe, "that i am the inca, and that no one has the right to question my actions, and no one--not even the villac vmu--has the right to bring me to trial, as you have dared to do; for i am supreme and infinitely above and beyond you all. but i have no desire to take refuge behind my dignity. if anyone considers that he has a grievance against me, as appears to be the case, i prefer to answer it. "and first as to the charge which huanacocha brings against me of being an impostor. let me remind you who were present of what took place in the temple upon the memorable occasion when i was first brought here by tiahuana and motahuana. tiahuana was the man responsible for my presence in this valley, and my elevation to the position of inca. it was he who, having heard certain particulars concerning me, sought me out, satisfied himself and his colleague that i fulfilled in my person all the conditions referred to in a certain prophecy, and brought me hither without even going through the preliminary formality of asking my consent. it was he who, when he presented me before you all here in the temple, convinced you all, with two or three exceptions, of whom huanacocha was one, that i was the re-incarnated manco capac, the inca destined to restore the ancient peruvian nation to its former power and grandeur; and it was you who, convinced by his arguments, placed me on the throne. i had nothing whatever to do with that; i made no claims or pretensions of any kind; i was simply passive throughout. but when, convinced by tiahuana's arguments and proofs, you had placed me on the throne, and i learned what was expected of me, i devoted all my energies to the performance of the task which i felt had been laid upon me; and you know how far i have succeeded. you know that those of pure peruvian blood are being daily gathered into this valley from every part of the kingdom; you know that they are being trained to play their part as fighting men; and you know also--at least huanacocha does--that i am even now engaged in making plans and arrangements for the secret introduction into the country of an adequate supply of the most modern weapons, in order that, when the proper moment comes, you may be able to fight upon equal terms with your enemies. "as to my having decreed an alteration in your religion, i did so because when i came among you i found you to be idolaters, worshippers of the sun, which is but one of the many beneficent gifts which pachacamac--whom i call god--has given to his children. the sun can only give you his light and heat according to god's will and pleasure; and therefore it is god, and not the sun, whom you should worship. and i tell you that until you transfer your adoration from the sun to him who made it, you will never be a prosperous and happy people; nor will i consent to rule over you, or help to restore you as a nation to your ancient power and glory. choose, therefore, now, whether you will worship god, or continue in idolatry; whether you will achieve the great destiny which titucocha, your prophet, foretold for you, or whether you will remain the mere remnant of a once powerful and splendid nation, lurking here in obscurity in this valley from which you dare not venture forth lest those who now hold the land that once was yours fall upon and destroy you. if you choose the latter fate, as you seem inclined to do, then must i go forth from this valley, and leave you to your own devices; for, as i have said, i will not rule a nation of idolaters. but if you choose to obey me, and submit unquestioningly to such ordinances as i shall promulgate from time to time for your advantage, then will i undertake to make you all that titucocha foretold you should become." it was evident that harry's address had produced an exceedingly powerful impression upon the bulk of his audience, for the moment that he ceased to speak there arose a great hubbub among those who composed it, the assembly almost instantly breaking up into little knots and groups, the members of which at once proceeded to discuss eagerly the several points of the speech. it was a result as unwelcome as unlooked for by the prime movers of the conspiracy, and the glance which huanacocha shot at the villac vmu was full of dismay and apprehension. the latter, however, who had noted something of the effect which harry was producing, saw also how to avail himself of that effect and at the same time achieve his own and his friend's purpose. he therefore allowed the commotion to continue unchecked for full ten minutes, before he rose and held up his hand for silence. then, when the disturbance had subsided sufficiently to allow his voice to be heard, he said: "my friends, i perceive that, like myself, you are in a difficulty, and know not what to believe. you feel, as i do, that if this youth is in very truth the re-incarnated manco whose return to earth was promised by the prophet titucocha, it would not only be rankest folly but absolute sacrilege to reject him. but how are we to know; how is this most important, this vital point to be determined? there is but one way--a way which i have already provided for: we must subject him to the ordeal by fire! if he survives that ordeal, well and good; we shall then know for certain who he is, and we will serve and obey him in all things. but, if not--" he got no further; for at the mention of the ordeal by fire harry saw at once, as in a lightning flash, the villainous trap into which he had been betrayed, and the hideous fate to which it was intended to consign him. leaping to his feet, he snatched the drawn sword from the hand of one of the astonished guards who surrounded him and, before any of them could interpose to prevent him, had leapt upon the dais and seized the terrified xaxaguana by the throat with one hand, while with the sword which he held in the other he threatened to run the quaking wretch through the heart. "oh no, you don't," he cried, as he tightened his grip upon the struggling priest's throat; "no fire ordeal for me, thank you! sit still and give over struggling, you villain, or i'll pin you to the back of the chair you sit in. do you hear me? ah, that's better; put your hands down by your sides and keep them there. and you other fellows stand still where you are, and don't attempt to lift so much as a hand against me, unless you wish to see me slay this man before your eyes! now, villac vmu, grasp the seat of your chair with both hands--just to keep them out of mischief, you know--and do as i tell you. first order those men of yours to lay down their arms and march out of the building--see, i release your throat that you may draw breath to give the order--ah! would you, you treacherous scoundrel? then take that!" for as harry released his grip upon the priest's throat the latter sprang to his feet and endeavoured to clasp the young englishman round the arms and body, at the same time shouting to the others to come to his help. but harry was too quick for his would-be captor; he sprang back a single pace, thus just eluding the grip of the priest, and at the same time lunged at him with the copper sword which he held, driving it straight through the man's scheming, treacherous heart. then, as a great roar of dismay and execration arose from the assemblage, he quickly withdrew his reeking weapon from the quivering body and, hastily wrapping his cloak about his left arm, leaped to the wall, placed his back to it, and prepared to sell his life as dearly as might be. he gave himself about half a minute more to live; for what could he single-handed do against the swordsmen, to say nothing of the rest of that howling, bloodthirsty crowd who now came surging toward him. they could overwhelm him in a moment, by sheer force of numbers! but as the swordsmen sprang upon the dais, with gleaming eyes and threatening points, the voice of huanacocha rang through the chamber as he shouted: "take the young fool alive, and harm him not, as you value your lives! he has slain the villac vmu; and for that reason, if for no other, he must pass through the fire. hem him in, take his weapon from him, and then bind him hand and foot!" it was, however, very much easier to give that order than to obey it; for escombe had always been passionately fond of sword-play--to such an extent, indeed, that he had placed himself in the hands of a certain well-known _maitre d'armes_ in westminster, and had been pronounced by that gentleman to be his most promising pupil--so now, with a tolerably good weapon in his hand, and his back to a solid, substantial wall, he felt quite in the mood and form to put up an excellent fight. the swordsmen closed in round him and, as by tacit consent, flung themselves upon him in a huddled mob, with the evident intention of bearing him to the ground by sheer preponderance of numbers. but the next instant three of them recoiled, shrieking, with their faces slashed open, as harry met their charge with a sweeping circular cut from left to right. then a fourth man staggered and fell with a ghastly wound in his throat, while the rest drew back in dismay and wonder at a feat of swordsmanship that to their comparatively untrained minds seemed to savour strongly of either magic or the supernatural. as to escombe, he took a long breath, and told himself that perhaps, with luck, he might be able to hold out for as much as five minutes; for that first encounter, brief though it was, showed him that these men had not the remotest idea of how to handle a sword, while as for himself, he had no sooner gripped the hilt of his weapon than he felt all the keen delight of the practised fencer thrill through him at the prospect of an encounter. oh yes! he would put up a good fight, such a fight as these people should remember to their dying day; though of course one of them would get him, sooner or later, when his weapon happened to be plunged in the body of an enemy. these thoughts flashed through the young englishman's mind in the drawing of a breath. then he braced himself afresh against the wall to meet a second and much more wary attack--his enemies had learned caution already, for instead of flinging themselves upon him pell-mell, as at the first rush, they attacked him three at a time, one in front, and one on either hand, thus allowing plenty of room for the play of their blades. also they strove, by every stratagem they could think of, to entice him away from the wall, so that they might be able to slip round and take him in the rear; but to keep one's back to the wall was one of the fundamental rules of self defence that had been dinned into him until it had become impossible to forget it, and harry was not to be tempted. close to the wall he kept, allowing himself only just sufficient room for the free play of his blade; and when at length the attacking trio, losing patience, attempted to rush in upon him, his point seemed to threaten all three at once, and the next moment two of the three were _hors de combat_, one with his sword hand half severed at the wrist, and the other with his right arm laid open from wrist to elbow. the ineffectiveness of the attack proved too much for huanacocha, who had thus far been looking on at the fray with a sardonic grin upon his countenance. now, as he saw the swordsmen hanging back, obviously afraid to approach that charmed semicircle, the whole of which escombe's blade seemed to cover at the same moment, he lost patience, and, with an angry roar, dashed forward, snatched a weapon from one of the disabled fighters, and called upon all present to help him to capture the audacious young foreigner who seemed determined to make fools of them all. then, as the others sprang at his call, an idea suddenly seized him. tearing the cloak off his shoulders, he flung the heavy garment straight at harry, whose blade became entangled in the folds for just the fraction of a second. but it was enough; the others, seeing in an instant what had happened, tossed away their weapons and, flinging themselves upon escombe before he could clear his sword, tore his weapon from his grasp and bore him, still fighting savagely with his fists, to the ground. in another minute it was all over; with men grasping each of his limbs, and two or three more piled upon his prostrate body, poor harry was soon overcome and reduced to a condition of comparative quiescence, after which it was not a very difficult matter to enwrap his body with so many turns of a thin, tough, raw-hide rope that further movement became an impossibility. immediately the whole place rang with howls and shouts of fiendish rejoicing at the brilliance of the feat which had culminated in the capture of this pestilent young foreigner, whose gallant resistance, so far from exciting admiration in the breasts of his captors, seemed to have filled them with the ferocity of wild beasts. as he was raised to his feet preparatory to bearing him away to the place where a fiery death even now awaited him, first one and then another fought and struggled through the yelling crowd to glare into his face with ferocious glee, and to hiss into his ear bloodcurdling hints of the doom prepared for him. the uproar was at its height when escombe's preternaturally sharpened ear detected a new note in it, a note of astonishment, consternation, and terror that quickly overbore and drowned the tones of savage exultation. the next instant the air was vibrant with shrieks and cries for mercy as the crowd, scattering right and left, made way before the levelled spears and whirling blades of the inca's bodyguard; while the voice of umu, harsh and tense with concentrated fury, was heard high above the din, exhorting his followers to let not one of those present escape. within a moment umu himself, whirling a heavy battle mace about him with savage freedom, had forced his way to harry's side, and had either beaten down or driven off those who had constituted themselves his custodians. "are you hurt, lord; have these sacrilegious beasts dared to harm a hair of your head?" he panted, as he flung a supporting arm about escombe's bound and helpless body. "no," answered harry, smiling rather wanly upon him; "i am as sound as ever i was, thank god! but you have only arrived in the very nick of time, umu. in another five minutes you would have been too late, my good and trusty friend. how did you know where i was, and what was happening?" "the tale is too long to tell just now, lord," answered umu, as he busied himself in freeing harry from his bonds; "it shall be told later, when i have disposed of these vile wretches. it was arima who brought me the first hint of what was afoot. pachacamac be praised that i was able to get here in time! what were they about to do with you, lord?" "they talked of putting me to the fire ordeal," answered harry; "but i had a word to say against that, as you may see. xaxaguana, one of the chief conspirators, has already paid the penalty of his perfidy, and lies there dead." "truly, lord, you fought well," exclaimed umu admiringly, as he glanced about him at the dead and wounded. "and huanacocha--is he among this rabble?" "he is--unless he has escaped," answered harry. "if he has, every tenth man of your bodyguard shall lose his hands and feet," snarled umu savagely. and then his brow cleared as, glancing at the mob of prisoners which the troopers were now forming up, he detected huanacocha alive, and apparently unhurt, among them. "ah, no! he is there, i see," he continued. "very well; this plot was of his hatching. he shall undergo the fire ordeal himself." "nay, not that, good umu; not that," protested harry. "such a fate is too horrible to be thought of. punish him by all means, if you will, for indeed he deserves punishment; but not in that way." "very well, lord," answered umu; "it shall be as you wish. meanwhile, i pray you to return to the palace, escorted by your bodyguard; while i, with a few men, attend to the safe disposal of these fellows." five minutes later, escombe found himself, he scarcely knew how, mounted on a trooper's horse, wending his way back to the palace, surrounded by his devoted bodyguard, while the populace, quick to detect how matters were going, rent the air with their acclamations. an hour later umu bowed himself into escombe's presence to report progress. "the prisoners, lord," he said, "are, with the exception of huanacocha, safely confined, and now await such punishment as you may be pleased to inflict upon them. in the presence of a great multitude i have caused the head of huanacocha to be struck from his body in the grounds of his own palace, and have thrown head and body together upon the smoking ruins of the place. i have likewise posted a notice upon the entrance gates forbidding anyone to interfere with the body or give it burial. it is to be left where it lies, for the dogs of the city to devour, as a warning and example to others of the fate of those who conspire sacrilegiously against the authority or person of the sovereign. and i have left two armed troopers to mount sentry at the gates, to ensure that my orders are obeyed." "two only," ejaculated harry in horrified tones. "my dear umu, if i may judge of the temper of the people at large by those with whom i had to deal in the temple to-day, those two unfortunate men have been torn to pieces before now. you must send supports at once to them. i want no more bloodshed over this unfortunate business." "there will be no more, lord," answered umu grimly. "the sentries are as safe as if they were in barracks. the people know me. they know that at the first sign of disorder i would sack the city from end to end, and put every one of its inhabitants to the sword; and there will be no more crime of any sort for many a day to come, after what has befallen huanacocha, who was the most powerful noble in all the land." "i am sure i hope not," answered harry. "and if you should prove to be right in your estimate of the salutary influence exercised by the example which you have made of that turbulent fellow, his death will not have been in vain. and now, umu, what about the palace servants? i see that an entirely new staff has been installed here, by your orders, arima tells me; and he also tells me that the others are safely lodged in prison. surely they had nothing to do with the conspiracy?" whereupon umu, by way of reply, proceeded to recount to his royal master the whole history of the affair, so far as he had learned it. and that included pretty nearly everything that was worth repeating; for in the course of his investigations during that eventful morning the soldier had come upon thread after thread, until, taking into account what he then learned, and adding to it such stray hints as had previously reached him, and to which he had, up to that morning, attached no significance, there was very little left to be learned relative to the conspiracy. the result of it all was that, after thinking the matter over very carefully, escombe was driven to the conclusion that this curious people, into whose midst he had been so strangely brought, were not ripe for those reforms which he, as their ruler, would have felt it his duty to introduce; that they did not want them, and would never willingly accept them; and that, consequently, he must either govern them as they desired to be governed, at the expense of his own conscience, or else abandon the idea of ruling them at all: having come to this conclusion, he summoned all the nobles to a conference, at which he put the case frankly before them, inviting them as frankly to express their opinion upon it, with the result that he was fully confirmed in the opinion which he had formed. the day after the close of the conference he definitely announced to umu his intention to abdicate and quit the valley; at the same time asking that officer's advice as to the best and most desirable mode of procedure in so exceedingly delicate a business. "the affair can be arranged quite easily, lord," answered umu. "there is not the slightest need for you to abandon us. after what has happened to the villac vmu and huanacocha, who were the two chief conspirators, and the example which i shall make of all those who were foolish enough to listen to them, you will be troubled by no more conspiracies; and i will see that whatever laws you may choose to make are obeyed, whether they happen to be to the taste of the people or not. there are a few, who, like myself, are able to recognise that such laws as you have thus far made are for our advantage, and you will always be able to reckon upon their support; while, for the others, who have not sense enough to understand what is good for them, they must be compelled to bow to the decrees of those who are wiser than themselves. "but if, as you have intimated, you are quite resolved not to enforce your wishes upon the people against their will, i will issue a proclamation declaring that, since the inhabitants of the valley have rejected the enormous benefits and advantages which you had desired to bestow upon them, you have decided to leave the valley and abandon them to their fate, and that i have assumed the reins of government and will henceforth rule them in your stead. it is for you, lord, to say which of these two alternatives shall be adopted." "very well, umu," said escombe, "i have already quite made up my mind. i will not remain here to force upon the people laws and ordinances which are unacceptable to them; therefore issue your proclamation as soon as you please, and i will make arrangements to leave forthwith. i presume i may depend upon you to furnish me with guides and an escort as far as santa rosa, from which i will take the train to islay. also, as i shall require money to defray my expenses back to england, i shall take the liberty of withdrawing one bar of gold from the palace treasure chamber for that purpose." "assuredly, lord," answered umu. "you shall be furnished with a reliable guide--you can have none better than arima--and also such an escort as will enable you to perform your journey in perfect safety and comfort. as to the gold, it must of course be for you to determine how much you will need to defray your expenses back to your own country; but what of the remainder of the treasure? you will scarcely be able to take the whole of it with you; for to transport it across the mountains would need the services of every man in the valley, and so large a following as that would be apt to attract undue and unwelcome attention." "ay, that it would," laughed harry. "but i have no intention of robbing you of all your treasure, umu; very far from it. a single bar of gold will suffice for all my needs, thanks!" "but the whole of the treasure is yours, lord, to do what you will with it," answered umu. "it was given to you on the day when you were proclaimed inca; and--" "oh, yes, i know!" interrupted harry; "it was given me for a certain purpose, to wit, the reconquest of the country and its restoration to its former owners. but since the people are too indolent and too selfindulgent to allow me to do this for them, of course i have no claim upon the treasure, and could not possibly dream of appropriating it to my own uses." "so let it be then, lord," answered umu. "take what you require; and, for the rest, i will deal with the matter." a week later witnessed escombe's departure from the valley of the sun, with arima as his guide, and a troop of the inca's bodyguard as his escort. as umu had promised, every possible arrangement had been made for his safety and comfort on the journey; and that portion of it which lay between the valley and santa rosa was accomplished far more agreeably than was that which lay between santa rosa and the sea. the bodyguard escorted him to within twenty miles of santa rosa, which was as close to the city as it was prudent for them to approach, and then left him to complete the journey in the company of arima and the porters who bore his baggage for him. there was not very much of the latter now remaining; nevertheless his following amounted to some twenty-five men; for in addition to escombe's personal belongings, tent, etcetera, there were three stout wooden cases measuring about eighteen inches each way, containing, as umu, at parting, informed harry, the smallest possible share of the treasure which he could be permitted to leave with. when these were ultimately opened, they proved to contain gems--diamonds, rubies, and emeralds--of such enormous value as to constitute their owner a multi-millionaire. it is not to be supposed that escombe succeeded in conveying all this treasure down to the coast and getting it safely embarked upon the mail boat for england without tremendous difficulty and trouble. but by the exercise of immense ingenuity and tact, and the expenditure of a very considerable amount of time, he ultimately managed it. harry is now safe at home, and settled down very comfortably, with his mother and sister, in the most lovely part of devonshire, where he divides his time pretty evenly between enjoying himself, converting his store of gems into coin of the realm, and seeking opportunities to employ his enormous wealth for the benefit and advantage of his lessfortunate fellow men. let it not be thought, however, that harry's adventures in the city of the sun had banished from his mind the fact that he still owed a very important duty to sir philip swinburne. on the contrary, it was the subject which became the most important one in his thoughts after he had finally completed his arrangements for the safe transport of his treasure to england. indeed it claimed his attention immediately upon his arrival at the coast, and one of his first acts was to write to sir philip, acquainting that gentleman with the fact of his escape from the indians--for so he put it--and his impending departure for england, adding that he would afford himself the pleasure of calling at the office in westminster at the earliest possible moment after his arrival home. he had already ascertained that the survey party had completed its operations, and that bannister had left for england some two months prior to the date of his own arrival upon the coast. he knew that there were many points in connection with that portion of the survey which had been executed prior to bannister's arrival upon the scene which nobody but himself could make clear, and accordingly he had no sooner started upon the long homeward voyage than he betook himself to the task of preparing voluminous explanatory notes on those points, so far as his memory served him, in order that he might have all his information cut and dried for submission upon his arrival home. in conformity with his promise, he duly presented himself in westminster within twenty-four hours of his return to english soil, receiving an enthusiastic welcome from his former confreres, and especially from bannister, whom he found busily engaged in plotting the result of the soundings taken at lake titicaca. he was also effusively welcomed by mr richards, who had already wrought himself into a state of distraction in his futile endeavours to clear up those very obscurities which formed the subject of harry's notes. but with the return of escombe to the office the troubles of the chief draughtsman on that account ceased, and he found himself once more able to sleep at night; for harry promptly made it clear that he held himself absolutely at sir philip's disposal until the whole of the plans relating to the survey should be completed. he presented himself at the office punctually at ten o'clock every morning, and worked diligently throughout the day for the succeeding two months until the entire work had been brought to a satisfactory conclusion, and sir philip had written his report and dispatched it with his proposals to the chairman of the peruvian corporation. whether those proposals will be carried into effect the future only can tell, for they involve the expenditure of a formidable number of millions. but it is safe to say that, if they are, harry will take no part in the work, his view being that, since he has no need to earn his living, it would be wrong of him to accept a post and thus shut out someone who has that need. still, he has the satisfaction of knowing that, although his future is independent of the goodwill of any man, he so conducted himself during the trying time of his service under butler, and afterwards, while working singlehanded, as to win the warmest approval and esteem of sir philip swinburne and the worthy richards, the latter of whom is now wont to quote harry escombe as the pattern and model of all engineering pupils. it is also due to harry to mention that he made an early opportunity to call upon butler's widow for the purpose of personally acquainting her with the details of the surveyor's unhappy end. but in doing this he contrived so to modify the particulars of the story that, by judicious omissions here and there, without any sacrifice of truth, he succeeded in conveying an impression that was very comforting and consoling to the unfortunate lady in the midst of her grief. as he found that the poor soul had been left in very straitened circumstances, he made it his business promptly to arrange with his lawyers that she should be paid anonymously a sufficient sum quarterly to place her beyond the reach of want. the putumayo [illustration: chained indian rubber gatherers in the stocks: on the putumayo river. [frontispiece] the putumayo the devil's paradise travels in the peruvian amazon region and an account of the atrocities committed upon the indians therein by w. e. hardenburg edited and with an introduction by c. reginald enock, f.r.g.s. _author of "the andes and the amazon," &c._ together with extracts from the report of sir roger casement confirming the occurrences with 16 illustrations and a map t. fisher unwin london: adelphi terrace leipsic: inselstrasse 20 _first published, december, 1912_ _second impression, january, 1913_ (_all rights reserved._) preface the extracts from sir roger casement's report, which form part of this work, are made by permission of h.m. stationery office. acknowledgement is also made for assistance rendered, both to the rev. j. h. harris, organising secretary of the anti-slavery and aborigines protection society, and to the editor of _truth_. portions of mr. hardenburg's accounts have been omitted, and some revisions necessarily made, but the statements of adventures and the occurrences remain as in the original and stand upon their own responsibility. the unpleasing task of editing this book--which stands as perhaps the most terrible page in the whole history of commercialism--has been undertaken in the hope that permanent betterment in the condition of the unfortunate aborigines of south america will be brought about. the editor. contents chap. page i. introduction 11 ii. hardenburg's narrative: source of the putumayo 54 iii. the upper putumayo 87 iv. the central putumayo 111 v. the huitotos 141 vi. the "devil's paradise" 164 vii. hardenburg's investigations: the crimes of the putumayo 215 viii. consul casement's report 264 conclusion 339 index 341 illustrations chained indian rubber gatherers in the stocks: on the putumayo river frontispiece facing page map 11 the peruvian amazon: free indians of the ucayali river 24 an affluent of the peruvian amazon 36 indian woman condemned to death by hunger: on the upper putumayo 53 vegetation on the peruvian amazon 74 tropical vegetation on the affluents of the peruvian amazon 76 canoe voyaging on the amazon: a noonday rest 96 a typical river bank clearing 108 a huitoto indian rubber gatherer 152 guamares indians, of the huitoto tribe, in dance costume 162 rubber-collecting river launch 176 native women and hut at iquitos 196 free indians of the ucayali river 208 a side street at iquitos 232 river itaya, near iquitos 250 huitotos at entre rios and barbados negro overseer 286 [illustration: reproduced by kind permission of the proprietors of _the times_.] the putumayo chapter i introduction it is something of a terrible irony of fate that in a land whose people for unknown centuries, and up to only four hundred years ago, lived under social laws "so beneficent as had never been known under any ancient kings of asia, africa, or europe, or under any christian monarch"--laws recorded by a reliable historian and partly capable of verification by the traveller and student to-day--should, in the twentieth century, have been the scene of the ruination and wholesale torture and murder of tribes of its defenceless and industrious inhabitants. under the incas of peru, as recorded by the inca-spanish historian garcilaso de la vega[1] and other early writers, human blood was never shed purposely; every inhabitant was provided for and had a place in a well-ordered social economic plan; there was no such condition as beggary or destitution; the people were instructed by statute to help each other co-operatively; injustice and corruption were unknown; and there was a belief in a supreme director of the universe. under the peruvian republic and the regimen of absentee capitalism to-day, tribes of useful people of this same land have been defrauded, driven into slavery, ravished, tortured, and destroyed. this has been done, not in single instances at the command of some savage potentate, but in tens of thousands under a republican government, in a christianised country, at the behest of the agents of a great joint-stock company with headquarters in london: the "crime" of these unfortunates being that they did not always bring in rubber sufficiently fast--work for which they practically received no payment--to satisfy their taskmasters. in order to obtain rubber so that the luxurious-tyred motor-cars of civilisation might multiply in the cities of christendom, the dismal forests of the amazon have echoed with the cries of despairing and tortured indian aborigines. these are not things of the imagination, but a bare statement of actual occurrence, as set forth by the various witnesses in this volume. the occurrences in the amazon valley which, under the name of the putumayo[2] rubber atrocities of peru, have startled the public mind and aroused widespread horror and indignation--atrocities worse than those of the congo--cannot be regarded merely as an isolated phenomenon. such incidents are the extreme manifestation of a condition which expresses itself in different forms all over the world--the condition of acute and selfish commercialism or industrialism whose exponents, in enriching themselves, deny a just proportion of the fruits of the earth and of their toil to the labourers who produce the wealth. the principle can be seen at work in almost any country, in almost every industry; and although its methods elsewhere are lacking in savage lust and barbarity, they still work untold suffering upon mankind. it is easy to condemn offhand the nation of peru, under whose nominal control the foul spot of the putumayo exists, and to whose negligence and cupidity the blame for the occurrences is largely to be laid, but the conscience of world-wide commercialism ought also to be pricked. leaving, however, that broader aspect of the subject, it is necessary to understand the local conditions which could have brought about such occurrences. the region of the amazon valley--a region nearly as large as the whole of europe without russia--was early divided between spain and portugal. brazil to-day occupies the eastern and most extensive portion of the valley; and the various andine republics, peru, colombia, ecuador, bolivia, and venezuela, cover the upper and western portion. the amazon is the largest river in the world; the entire fluvial system, with perhaps an aggregate of a hundred thousand miles of navigable rivers and streams, gives access to an enormous territory of forests and plains, which neither road nor railway has yet penetrated. it is to be recollected that the interior of south america is the least known of any of the continents at the present time. large areas of territory are practically unexplored. the backward state of the amazon valley is largely due to the fact that during three hundred years of portuguese dominion it was closed commercially to the outside world. slave-raiding by the portuguese and the brazilians went on unchecked. the colonists even fought against and destroyed the jesuit missions which the devout and humane of their priests had established. the whole valley has existed under a dark cloud ever since the time when, in 1540, the first white man, orellana, pizarro's lieutenant, descended the napo, marañon, and amazon from quito to the atlantic ocean. in 1638 pedro de texiera performed his great feat of ascending the amazon from the atlantic to quito, and descending it again in 1639, one of the most noteworthy explorations in history. exaggerations of indian savagery and dangers of climate have deterred settlers in later times. as for the putumayo region, it was practically unknown until the last decade of the nineteenth century. the name "amazon" was probably a result of the experiences of orellana and his followers, who were attacked by a tribe of indians, the nahumedes, on the river of the same name, whose long hair and dress of chemises or shirts caused the explorers to think their attackers were women-warriors, or "amazons." there is no proof of the existence of any empire of women in south america, although there is a legend bearing on the subject. the putumayo river rises near pasto, in the andes of colombia, and traverses a vast region which forms one of the least-known areas of the earth's surface. this river is nearly a thousand miles long, flowing through territory which is claimed both by peru and colombia, and enters the main stream of the amazon in brazil. the river crosses the equator in its upper portion. the notorious rubber-bearing region upon the putumayo and its affluents, the igaraparaná and the caraparaná, lies within a square formed by the equator on the north, the 2nd parallel of latitude on the south, and the 72nd and 74th degrees of longitude west of greenwich. like most of the amazon tributaries, the putumayo and its two affluents are navigable throughout the greater part of their courses, giving access by water up to the base of the andes; and the rubber traffic is carried out by means of steam-launches and canoes. the caraparaná and igaraparaná rivers, both flowing from the north-west, run parallel for about four hundred miles through dense, continuous forests, discharging into the putumayo, the first some six hundred miles and the second some four hundred miles above the confluence of that river with the amazon. the accompanying map renders clear these conditions, and it will be seen that the region is a considerable distance from iquitos, nearly a thousand miles by water, the small, intermittent river steamers of the rubber traders occupying two weeks in the journey; and a part of the course lies through brazilian waterway. a much more direct route can be made by effecting a portage from the putumayo to the napo river, which enters the amazon about fifty miles below iquitos. the putumayo region, therefore, must be regarded as an extremely outlying part of peru, with corresponding difficulties of access and governance. the native people inhabiting the region are mainly the huitotos, with other tribes of more or less similar character, but with different names. these people, although known as _infieles_ and _salvages_--that is, "un-faithed" and "savage"--cannot be described as savages in the ordinary sense of the term. they have nothing in common with the bloody savages of africa and other parts of the world. their weapons are not adapted for taking life so much as for hunting, and although the tribes of the amazon valley have always fought against each other and have reduced their numbers by inter-tribal strife, they are not generally a fortress-building people, and the noiseless blow-pipe takes the place of the blood-shedding weapons of the indigenes of other lands. the agarunas of the marañon, however, build war-towers for defence, as do some other tribes.[3] the _tunday_ or manguare, the remarkable instrument for signalling or communicating by sound through the forest, is used by various tribes in the amazon valley. most of the tribes live in great community-houses. the indians of the amazon valley in general are docile and have good qualities; they are naturally free from immorality and disease; they have a strong affection for their women and children and a regard for the aged. they are well worthy of preservation, and might have been a valuable asset to the region. the particular people of the putumayo region have decreased greatly since the advent of the rubber "industry," as has been the case all over the amazon valley: on the putumayo they have been reduced, it is calculated, from forty or fifty thousand to less than ten thousand, partly by abuse and massacre, partly by having fled to more remote districts away from their persecutors. the local conditions which rendered possible the putumayo atrocities are to be found, first, in the character of the iberian and iberian-descended peoples of south america, and, second, in the topographical formation of the country. to take the last-mentioned first. the condition must be borne in mind that the region of the amazon forests is in every way separate from the region of the mountains and that of the coast. the coast region of peru, bordering upon the pacific ocean, is a rainless, treeless zone, upon which vegetation is only possible under irrigation, but upon which the modern peruvian civilisation flourishes; lima, the capital of the country, being situated only a dozen miles from the sea. to the east of this europeanised region arise the mountain ranges of the andes, which cut off the forest lowlands so completely from the coast that the two may be regarded as separate countries. the mountain regions embody vast, treeless tablelands, broken by more or less fertile valleys, and overlooked by snow-clad peaks and ranges, and are subject in general to a cold, inclement climate, with heavy rainfall. the uplands lie at an elevation of 12,000 ft. and upwards above sea-level, and the dividing ranges are crossed at 14,000 to 17,000 ft., with only one or two passes between western and eastern peru, at a lower elevation. the line of tree-life begins at an elevation of about 10,000 to 11,000 ft., this forest region being known as the _montaña_ of peru, merging by degrees into the great _selvas_ or forests of brazil. these topographical details serve to show how greatly western and eastern peru are cut off from each other. the conditions similarly, affect colombia and ecuador, and, to a certain extent, bolivia, but the last-named country does not extend to the pacific coast. it is in the isolation of the cis-andine from the trans-andine regions that peru may claim some palliation for the offences on the putumayo. the river port of iquitos is from thirty to forty days' journey from lima under existing means of travel. the easiest method of reaching the one from the other is by way of southampton, or new york, and panama. a system of wireless telegraphy is now in operation across the six hundred miles of coast, mountain, and forest territory separating the two cities. the topographical conditions described had influenced the human inhabitants of peru before the time of the spaniards. the aboriginal race inhabiting the highlands and the coast lived then, as they do to-day, in a manner distinct from each other. the highland and coast people were those who formed the population under the inca government, and under whose control they had reached a high degree of aboriginal civilisation; whilst the indigenes of the forests were more or less roving bands of savages, dwelling on the river banks, without other forms of government than that of the _curacas_, or petty chiefs of families or tribe. the influence of the incas did undoubtedly extend into the forest regions in a degree, as evidenced by remaining customs and nomenclature, but the incas did not establish order and civilisation in the forests as upon the highlands. the incas and their predecessors built a series of fortresses which commanded the heads of the precipitous valleys leading to the forests, whose ruins remain to-day, and are marvels of ingenuity in megalithic construction. after the conquest the inca population of the highlands and coast became christianised, and at the present time the whole of the vast territory of the pacific coast and andine uplands, extending throughout colombia, ecuador, peru, and bolivia for two thousand miles, is under the regimen of the romish church, and every village contains its _iglesia_ and village priest. in very different condition are, on the other hand, the aborigines of the forests, who live neither under civil nor religious authority. but there was probably no fundamental or racial difference between the upland and forestal indians, and they resemble each other in many respects, with differences due to climate and environment. remains of ancient civilisations, in the form of stone ruins and appliances, are found east of the andes, in the amazon forest regions, and the chaco plains, arguing the existence of prehistoric conditions of a superior character. legends and customs among the forest tribes seem to refer in a dim, vague way to ancient conditions and happenings of other environments; and there can be little doubt that the archæology and origin of the south american people are far from being fully understood. further exploration of this little-known region may produce much of interest, and unravel mysteries which the dense forest at present conceals. one of the principal tributaries of the amazon is the river marañon, which flows from the south for a thousand miles between two parallel chains of the andes, and breaking through a remarkable cañon, known as the pongo de manseriche, turns suddenly to the east and forms the main amazon waterway. above the pongo, or rapids, the river is navigable only for very small craft, but below it forms the head of steam navigation. the upper marañon flows down through a high, difficult territory, with many fertile valleys, and upon its headlands and the adjacent slopes of the mountains are freely scattered the ruins of the inca and pre-inca peoples, who inhabited the region in pre-hispanic times and even contemporaneously with the spaniards.[4] from this district, and from the valleys to the west of cuzco and titicaca, it was that the inca influence mainly entered the forest regions of the peruvian montaña. it is interesting to note that the "mongolian" resemblance to the huitotos indians of the putumayo is again observed in sir roger casement's report.[5] the resemblance between the aboriginals of the andine and amazon regions of south america and asiatic peoples is striking, as indeed it is with the natives in some parts of mexico. the present writer has dealt fully with the matter, as bearing upon the possible peopling of america by tartars in remote times, in a book recently published.[6] the subject is one of great interest. one school of thought denies any imported origin for early american culture, and considers the aztec and inca civilisations to have been autochthonous, a natural reaction of man to his environment; whilst the other points to the great probability, as adduced in archæological and other matters, of some prehistoric asiatic influence. the abuses connected with rubber-gathering in the amazon valley are not a new or sudden condition. the ill-treatment of the indians in the rubber-bearing regions of peru were brought to public notice in england and the united states in the book before mentioned, published in 1907, showing that the aborigines were being destroyed, sold into slavery, and murdered by the white rubber-gatherers or merchants several years before the matter culminated in the publication of the putumayo atrocities. the present writer also wrote to various london periodicals in an endeavour to arouse interest in the subject, but none of the journals specially took the matter up. the peruvian government and the press of the republic have long been aware that the indians of the forest regions were brutally exploited by the rubber merchants and gatherers. reports and articles have been made and published both by officials and travellers. that indians were sold at iquitos and elsewhere as slaves and that there was a constant traffic in indian women has been known to the authorities ever since rubber-gathering began. in 1906, in lima, the director of public works, one of the most important of the government departments, handed the present writer an official publication[7] dealing with eastern peru, which contained among other matters an account by a government official of that region of the barbarities committed upon the indians, a translation of a portion of which is given here. the present writer had undertaken to make a preliminary survey or reconnaisance on behalf of the government of a route for a railway from the pacific coast to the marañon, which would give access to the interior and be of considerable strategic importance. the following translation of part of a report in the official publication, dated february, 1905, by a peruvian engineer in the service of the government[8] shows that the abuse of the indians was a matter of current knowledge:-"marked changes have been produced among the savage tribes of the oriental regions of peru by the industry of collecting the 'black gold,' as the rubber is termed. some of them have accepted the 'civilisation' offered by the rubber-merchants, others have been annihilated by them. on the other hand, alcohol, rifle bullets, and smallpox have worked havoc among them in a few years. i take this opportunity of protesting before the civilised world against the abuses and unnecessary destruction of these primitive beings, whom the rapacity of so-called civilised man has placed as mere mercantile products in the amazon markets; for it is a fact known to every one that the native slaves are quoted there like any other merchandise. throughout the forest region under the control of the governments of peru, colombia, bolivia, and brazil the natives are exposed to attack without protection of the law by the whites, who hunt and persecute them like animals of the jungle, recognising as their only value the sum represented by their sale. if protection is not afforded these unhappy beings, the just judge of the doings of all will condemn the generation which annihilates without cause the indigenous races, the real owners of the soil." the principal newspaper of lima, _el comercio_, a journal of high standing, has repeatedly drawn attention to the ill-treatment and exploitation of the indians, not only in the regions of the putumayo and iquitos but much farther to the south--as, for example, in the district round port maldonado. this river port is nearly two thousand miles from the putumayo region, southward across peru, reached by launch and canoe upon a different river system, that of the beni river. the upper courses of this river are known as the madre de dios, upon which port maldonado is situated, and whose lower course is the enormous madera river, which runs into the amazon in brazil in latitude 59°, more than one thousand miles below iquitos. at port maldonado is the confluence of the tambopata river with the madre de dios, and farther upstream is the inambari river. the whole of this region is rich in rubber forests, and several companies are engaged in rubber-gathering, including british, american, bolivian, and peruvian. the following translation from _el comercio_ of lima in an edition of february, 1906, shows that more or less similar methods were employed at points so far apart as maldonado and the putumayo:-"in the basin of the madre de dios and its affluents, where it is easy to navigate with the help of the 'terrible' chunchos,[9] who in reality are good and hospitable, exist immense quantities of rubber, rich and abundant rubber forests of easy exploitation. it would appear that the new commissioner is resolved to put a stop to the barbarous custom of the _correrrias_[10] organised by the authorities themselves or by the rubber-merchants, who carry on the repugnant business of selling the poor chunchos. as labour and women are both scarce, and as there is a strong demand for the one and the other, bands of armed men are constantly organised for sudden descents upon groups or communities of the savages, no matter whether they are friendly or hostile, making them prisoners in the midst of extermination and blood. urged on by the profit resulting from the sale of boys, robust youths, and young women (_frescas mujeres_), they tear children from mothers and wives from husbands without pity, and pass them from hand to hand as slaves. it were well to take the savages from their forests to use their labour and to cultivate their intelligence, but not for business purposes to make them victims of the knife and the lash." [illustration: the peruvian amazon. free indians of the ucayali river. (observe their robust appearance when not enslaved.) to face p. 24.] thus the press of the country itself shows that these things are done, not only with the connivance of the authorities but are "organised by the authorities themselves." the expected improvements mentioned above took place very slowly, and in some cases not at all. to replace one commissioner by another is insufficient. all are equally venal or influenced, and king log does but give place to king stork. barbarities committed by the rubber-merchants upon the indians of the ucayali and marañon were brought to the knowledge of the peruvian government in 1903 and 1906 by roman catholic missionaries established there and published by the minister of justice.[11] after extensive journeys in the interior of peru, upon returning to the capital, the present writer wrote various articles, which were published in the press of lima and arequipa, drawing attention to the miserable condition of life of the labouring indian class. among these evils is abuse by petty authorities and estate-owners, who employ the indians and fail to pay them their agreed wages or pay them in goods of inadequately low value; the extortions of the village priests under the cloak of religious customs; and, most serious of all, the ravages resulting upon the consumption of _aguardiente_, or fiery sugar-cane rum, which is responsible for the ruination and decrease of the working population. this cane spirit is manufactured largely by the sugar-estate owners, and is often a more profitable product than the sugar, whose output is sacrificed thereto; but as the large estate-owners are often influential personages or politicians and members of the legislature, the prohibition of the profitable sale of alcohol among the indians is not likely to be brought about. the leading newspaper of lima, _el comercio_, in a leading article, of which the following is a partial translation, said:-"it is not rare, unfortunately, in the republic that the authorities of all kinds raise up abuses as a supreme law against the villages of the interior. for the indians of the mountains and the uplands there often exists neither the constitution nor positive rights. it would be useless to seek in the indigenous race beings really free and masters of their acts and persons. it looks as though independence had only been saved for the dwellers of the coast. from the moment that the traveller's gaze ceases to observe the ocean and is directed over the interminable chain of the andes it ceases also to observe free men, the citizens of an independent republic. to this condition, which is not abnormal because it has always existed, the ignorance of the indian contributes, but also the abuses of the authorities, who, with rare exceptions, make of them objects of odious spoliation. such depredations are aggravated when its victims are unfortunate and unhappy beings, towards whom there is every obligation to protect, and not to exploit." the most remarkable fact about the maltreatment of the south american indians is that--admitted and specially alluded to in the peruvian press, as the foregoing extracts show--abuses are carried out often by the petty authorities themselves. it is painful for a foreigner, one, moreover, who has enjoyed hospitality both from the authorities and from the village priests in the interior of peru, to record these matters, but it is manifestly a duty. moreover, it is a service to the country itself to draw attention to the evil. the extinction of the indigenous labour of the andine highlands and of the rubber forests will render impossible for a long period the internal development of the country. no foreign or imported race can perform the work of the peruvian miner or rubber-gatherer. due to the peculiar conditions of climate--the great altitude in the one case and the humidity in the other--no european or asiatic people could take the place of these people, whose work can only be accomplished by those who have paid nature the homage of being born upon the soil and inured to its conditions throughout many generations.[12] it might have been supposed that from economic reasons alone the exploiters of native labour would have endeavoured to foster and preserve it, even if it were simply on the principle of feeding and stabling a horse in order to use its powers to the utmost. but this is not the case. the economic principle of conserving the efficiency of human labour by its employer, remarkable as it may seem, has never been recognised even in the most enlightened communities, or only very recently and in a very few instances. it is not necessary to go to the tropics to seek instances; they are evident no farther afield than among the ill-paid mining, dock, manufacturing, and other labour in great britain and the united states. the very abundance of labour has been its own undoing; the supply has seemed exhaustless and the tendency has been to squander it. the question is one of degree rather than of principle in any community or industry and at any time in history. but in the persecuted districts of latin america native labour is practically being hounded off the face of the earth. the putumayo atrocities were first brought to public notice by an american engineer and his companion, messrs. hardenburg and perkins, and the interesting narrative by the former of their travels upon the putumayo river forms a large part of the subject of this book. mr. hardenburg and his companion suffered great hardships and imprisonment at the hands of the peruvian agents of the rubber company on the putumayo, and barely escaped with their lives. for these outrages some time afterwards they were awarded the sum of £500 damages by the peruvian government, due to the action of the united states. mr. hardenburg came to london from iquitos in financial straits, but only with considerable difficulty was able to draw public attention to the occurrences on the putumayo. messrs. hardenburg and perkins's account and indictment of the methods employed by the company's agents on the putumayo, under the name of "the devil's paradise," was a terrible one. it was averred that the peaceful indians were put to work at rubber-gathering without payment, without food, in nakedness; that their women were stolen, ravished, and murdered; that the indians were flogged until their bones were laid bare when they failed to bring in a sufficient quota of rubber or attempted to escape, were left to die with their wounds festering with maggots, and their bodies were used as food for the agents' dogs; that flogging of men, women, and children was the least of the tortures employed; that the indians were mutilated in the stocks, cut to pieces with machetes, crucified head downwards, their limbs lopped off, target-shooting for diversion was practised upon them, and that they were soused in petroleum and burned alive, both men and women. the details of these matters were almost too repugnant for production in print, and only their outline was published. the first result of the publication of the putumayo atrocities in the london press was denial. the peruvian amazon company denied the truth of the matter: the peruvian government denied the existence of such conditions; whilst the peruvian consul-general and chargé d'affaires in london denied them even more emphatically. in the minds of those acquainted with latin-american methods denials would not carry much weight. to deny is the first resource of the latin-american character and policy. it is an "oriental" trait they possess, the curious obsession that efficient and sustained denial is the equal of truth, no matter what the real conditions. the peruvian consul in london wrote vehement letters of denial and re-denial to the london press, among them the following, published by _truth_ in september, 1909:-"this legation categorically denies that the acts you describe, and which are severely punished by our laws, could have taken place without the knowledge of my government on the putumayo river, where peru has authorities appointed direct by the supreme government, and where a strong military garrison is likewise maintained."[13] unfortunately, the statements of the representatives of certain of the south american republics in london cannot always be regarded as disinterested. their governments in some cases pay them no salary, and they are concerned in promoting and earning commissions from the flotation of rubber and mining companies in the particular regions they represent. such a condition is often discreditable to the latin-american republics. officials who are shareholders in and recipients of commission from rubber company promoters with whom they are hand-in-glove are not likely to take an impartial view of the unfortunate native workers. the secretary of the peruvian amazon company wrote in september, 1909, to the anti-slavery society and _truth_ as follows:-"the directors have no reason to believe that the atrocities referred to have, in fact, taken place, and indeed have grounds for considering that they have been purposely mis-stated for indirect objects. whatever the facts, however, may be, the board of the company are under no responsibility for them, as they were not in office at the time of the alleged occurrences. it was not until your article appeared that the board were aware of what is now suggested." the publication of the putumayo occurrences has revealed once more that tinge of hypocrisy in the british character of which other nations have accused us. or, rather than hypocrisy, it should perhaps be termed an intensive shopkeeping principle. due to this spirit the exposure was greatly delayed. no one would publish the hardenburg account, because as a book it might not have been a paying venture. only when the way had been prepared for a successful book, by the public scandal which resulted after attention had been drawn to the matter, was it resolved to publish it. the london press at first was equally negligent or timorous, with the exception of _truth_. it showed little disposition to take the matter up, until that paper, whose business it is to expose scandals and abuses, exposed the horrors to public gaze. then, when the matter had reached the stage of useful "copy," it appeared in all the papers--in some cases with startling headlines. the daily papers feared that they would incur risk of libel proceedings in attacking what was regarded as a powerful london company, with a capital of a million pounds and an influential board of directors, and at first hesitated to take the matter up. had it not been for the work of the philanthropic society already mentioned, the anti-slavery and aborigines protection society,[14] in london, and the courage of the editor of _truth_, to both of whom hardenburg went, followed by the prolonged publications in _truth_, the sinister occurrences of the putumayo might have remained unrevealed, and the unspeakable outrages on the huitotos indians have gone on unhindered. the anti-slavery society showed that "nothing reported from the congo has equalled in horror some of the acts alleged against the rubber syndicate," and the reader of the present work will not dispute the truth of the statement. the society brought the matter with such insistence before the foreign office that questions were asked in the house of commons and inquiries set on foot by sir edward grey, to whose everlasting credit it is that vigorous action was at length taken. the peruvian amazon company protested that the allegations were made by blackmailers. this was denied by hardenburg, and by _truth_ on hardenburg's account. there were, however, accusations of blackmail against others.[15] the first reply to the letters of the anti-slavery society, from the foreign office, was in december, 1909, when it was stated that the foreign office had the subject under consideration. in july, 1910, a british consul, mr. roger casement, well known for his investigations into the congo atrocities, was instructed to proceed to the putumayo, his _locus standi_ being secured on the grounds that a number of british subjects, coloured men of barbadoes, had been employed by arana and the peruvian agents of the company as slave-drivers. the securing of mr. casement for the work was due to the endeavour of the anti-slavery society. the directors of the company, aroused at length by public opinion, or the representations of the foreign office, sent out a commission of inquiry at the same time.[16] both the consul and the company's commission faithfully carried out their task, and mr. casement handed in his report to sir edward grey in january, 1911. the conclusions reached were terrible and damning. the worst accounts were confirmed in the words of consul casement: "the condition of things fully warrants the worst charges brought against the agents of the peruvian amazon company and its methods on the putumayo."[17] the great delay in publishing this report, which was only laid before parliament in july, 1912, a year after being made, caused some protest by the press. the foreign office had withheld it out of a desire to afford the peruvian government an opportunity of taking action to end the abuses, but, as this was not done, the report was made public as a means of arousing public opinion. the press of the whole civilised world then took the matter up. it may well be asked how it was possible that such occurrences could take place in a country with a seat of government such as lima, where dwell a highly civilised and sensitive people, whose public institutions, streets, shops, and churches are not inferior to those of many european cities. the reply is, first, in the remoteness of the region of the putumayo, as explained, and secondly in political and international matters. peru is constantly torn by political strife at home, and between the doings of rival factions, the outlying regions of the country are overlooked. but peru was largely influenced by its own insecure possession of the putumayo region; and it had greatly welcomed the establishing of the peruvian amazon company, a powerful organisation, in the debatable territory. under such circumstances few questions were likely to be asked about such matters as treatment of the natives. the existence of the company was a species of safeguard for peruvian possession of the region. furthermore, a central government such as that at lima might be well-intentioned, but if distances are vast and without means of communication, and distant officials hopelessly corrupt, the situation was extremely difficult for the government. another circumstance affecting the action of the peruvian government is that, in the republican form of government, the judicial authorities are independent of the executive. the educated people of the peruvian capital and coast region must, in general, be exonerated from knowledge of the occurrences of the putumayo. the difficulties of peru in the government and development of their portion of the amazon valley, known as the oriente, or montaña, must not be lightly passed over. the physical difficulties against what has been termed the conquest of the montaña are such as it is impossible for the european to picture. nature resists at every step. hunger, thirst, fever, fatigue, and death await the explorer at times, in these profound, unconquerable forests. peru has sent forth many expeditions thereto; brave peruvians have given their lives in the conquest. the authorities at different points have frequently organised bands of explorers, and the lima geographical society has done much valuable work in sending out persons to explore and map these difficult regions. yet the possession of the montaña is a heritage of incalculable value to peru. it is a region any nation might covet. the peruvians are alive to its value and possibilities, but they are poor. days, weeks, months of arduous travel on mule-back, on foot, cutting _trochas_, or paths, through the impenetrable underbrush, by raft and by canoe, suffering all the hardships of the tropics, of torrential rain, burning sun, scarcity of food--all these are circumstances of venturing off the few trails into the vast and almost untravelled trans-andine regions of peru, divided by the lofty plateaux and snowy summits of the andes from the temperate lowlands where the europeanised civilisation of the pacific flourishes. it is not to be supposed that the indians are all pacific or docile in the peruvian montaña. whole villages which were established in earlier times by the spaniards and afterwards enlarged by the peruvians, with buildings, plantations, and industries, have been wiped out by attacks of the indians, probably in reprisals. in some districts the danger from savages prevents settlement, and the blow-pipe and the spear greet the traveller who ventures there incautiously. tales of savagery have been told in which the white man has been the sufferer; and there has always existed an animus against the indian, although less acute than that which the white settler in north america displayed against the "redskin" in earlier times, and without the same cause. [illustration: an affluent of the peruvian amazon. to face p. 36.] in the peruvian montaña, in its upper regions, nature has been lavish of her products and opportunities. the rancher who should take up his abode there, with a small amount of capital, can rapidly acquire estates and wealth. abundant harvests of almost every known product can be raised in a minimum of time. it is sufficient to cut down and burn the brush and scratch the soil and sow with any seed, to recover returns of a hundred for one. sugar-cane, vines, maize, cocoa, coffee, and a host of products can be raised. the sugar-cane, once planted, yields perpetually, some existing plantations being more than a hundred years old. the cane frequently measures thirty feet in height, and is cut seven to nine months after sprouting. the whole amazon valley, when it shall have been opened up, will prove to be one of the most valuable parts of the earth's surface. apart from topographical considerations, the sinister occurrences on the putumayo are, to some extent, the result of a sinister human element--the spanish and portuguese character. the remarkable trait of callousness to human suffering which the iberian people of portugal and spain--themselves a mixture of moor, goth, semite, vandal, and other peoples--introduced into the latin american race is here shown in its intensity, and is augmented by a further spanish quality. the spaniard often regards the indians as _animals_. other european people may have abused the indians of america, but none have that peculiar spanish attitude towards them of frankly considering them as non-human. to-day the indians are commonly referred to among spaniards and mestizos as _animales_. the present writer, in his travels in peru and mexico, has constantly been met with the half-impatient exclamation, on having protested against maltreatment of the indian, of "_son animales, señor; no son gentes._" ("they are animals, señor; they are not folk"). the torture or mutilation of the indian is therefore regarded much as it would be in the case of an ox or a horse. this attitude of mind was well shown in the barbarous system of forced labour in the mines in the times of the viceroys of peru and mexico, where the indians were driven into the mines by armed guards and branded on the face with hot irons. when their overtaxed strength gave way under the heavy labour, which rapidly occurred, their carcasses were pitched aside and they were replaced by other slaves. these operations of the time of the spaniards have their counterpart in the amazon valley to-day. there is yet a further trait of the latin american which to the anglo-saxon mind is almost inexplicable. this is the pleasure in the torture of the indian as a _diversion_, not merely as a vengeance or "punishment." as has been shown on the putumayo, and as happened on other occasions elsewhere, the indians have been abused, tortured, and killed _por motivos frivolos_--that is to say, for merely frivolous reasons, or for diversion. thus indians are shot at in sport to make them run or as exercise in _tiro al blanco_ or target practice, and burnt by pouring petroleum over them and setting it on fire in order to watch their agonies. this love of inflicting agony for sport is a curious psychic attribute of the spanish race. the present writer, when in remote regions in peru and mexico, has had occasion to intervene, sometimes at personal risk, in the ill-treatment of indians and _peones_, who were being tortured or punished to extort confession for small misdemeanours, or even for purely frivolous reasons. the indians of latin america are in reality grown-up children, with the qualities of such, but the spaniards and portuguese have recognised in these traits nothing more than what they term "animal" qualities. the indictment of peruvian officials in the hardenburg narrative is extremely severe, and they are contrasted unfavourably with the colombians. in reality there is little to choose between the methods of the representatives of any of the south american republics as regards the administration of justice in remote regions. power is always abused in such places by the latin american people, be they peruvians, colombians, bolivians, brazilians, argentinos, or others. tyranny is but a question of opportunity, in the present stage of their development. justice is bought and sold, as far as its secondary administrators are concerned. the otherwise good qualities and fine latent force of the latin american character are overshadowed by its more primitive instincts, which time and the growth of real democracy will eliminate.[18] furthermore, there are other rubber-bearing regions in the amazon valley where hidden abuses are committed, in the territory of other south american republics; and peru does not stand alone, and atrocities are not confined to the putumayo. it was shown that many of the murders and floggings at the rubber stations were committed by the barbadian negroes at the order of the peruvian chiefs of sections. these negroes were forced at their own peril to these acts. but probably the savage depth of the negro is easily stirred, as all know who have had dealings therewith. there can be little doubt that the peruvian rubber-agents knew the negro character and secured them for that reason. on the other hand, it is shown that some of these barbadian negroes rebelled against going to the putumayo--protested to the british consul at manaos, but were ordered on board by that official under police supervision.[19] when they reached the rubber stations on the remote putumayo it was difficult to rebel against the orders of the peruvian agents or chiefs of sections. in some cases, when they did so, they themselves received ill-treatment and were subjected to torture, for which they do not appear to have received any compensation as british subjects. the lack of advice and investigation into the conditions of their contract and service which appears to have befallen them at the hands of the british consul at manaos is a matter for reflection. the investigation carried out by the consular commission showed that some of these barbadian negroes committed terrible crimes at the instigation of their superiors. the first contingent of these men, imported by arana brothers, reached the putumayo at the end of 1904. these barbadoes men generally term themselves "englishmen"[20] rather than "british subjects." they are good workers generally, and to their labour it is that the work of the panama canal owes its speedy execution. it is noteworthy that one of the worst criminal chiefs of sections was a peruvian or bolivian who had been educated in england, frequently referred to. after the exposure of the scandals the peruvian government sent a commission of its own to the putumayo, which confirmed all that had been published. the principal official of this commission was judge paredes, the proprietor of _el oriente_, an iquitos newspaper; and he made a full report "embodying an enormous volume of testimony, of 3,000 pages involving wellnigh incredible charges of cruelty and massacre" and "issued 237 warrants" against the criminals, as stated in sir roger casement's report. but between issuing warrants and actually making arrests and convictions, in south america, there is a wide gulf. furthermore, judge paredes endeavoured, in a recent statement, to show[21] that the "english rubber company" was solely responsible for the atrocities, and that the english consul at iquitos has been aiding the guilty parties in keeping from the peruvian government an exact knowledge of what was taking place, is the contention of peru. mr. david cazes, english consul in iquitos since 1903, would have been in a good position to find out about the management of the rubber plantation. all the rubber gathered in the putumayo is shipped from iquitos. and yet he always swore that he knew nothing. no one can enter the territory of the rubber company without the permission of the company's representative in iquitos. the twenty-one constables whom the peruvian government kept in the putumayo in those days had all been bribed by the english traders and shut their eyes to what was happening in the jungle. in this way the peruvian commissioner seeks to excuse his country, laying stress on the term "english company and traders," when he knows that the only representatives of the english company were its peruvian directors and managers. the judge adds: "you must not imagine that the indians are any less protected than the white man in peru. barring, of course, the times of the early spanish conquerors, the native indians have been treated very humanely in peru." this latter statement, read in conjunction with the translations from official documents and _el comercio_ of lima, previously given, about peruvian treatment of the indians, will enable this statement of the judge to be judged in its turn. señor paredes, when asked by his american interviewer "to what he attributed the recent exposure of wrongs committed several years ago," replied, "it may be that certain englishmen are a little jealous of the cordial relations existing between peru and the united states." there is revealed here the somewhat singular situation of peru's international relations, with its atmosphere of jealousies. peru strives to look towards what it considers the dominant power in that hemisphere, and years past has been engaged in what might be termed a one-sided political flirtation with the united states. peru has hoped to enlist the sympathy of the great northern republic, which might strengthen her hands against her old enemy chile, between whom and the united states there exists a veiled antagonism. the rankling question of tacna and arica has been at the base of the peruvian attitude. the friendship of the united states would be more valuable, in peruvian eyes, than that of great britain. furthermore, questions between peru and the peruvian corporation, the powerful company which controls all peru's railways and which, though international as regards its shareholders and its capitalisation of £22,000,000 sterling, is operated and controlled from london, have often been acute. each claims that the other has failed to fulfil its contracts, and whilst there have been faults on both sides, the peruvian governments of past years were those who first created the difficult situation. the corporation has been accused of a sustained, unfriendly attitude towards peru and of an endeavour to block outside foreign enterprise in the country. it is, however, in paris that feeling among financiers against peru has been most acute, and peru has been in the past practically shut out from the french financial market owing to the unsettled claims of french creditors. in general terms the united states is considered to be the more desirable friend, not europe, and thus it is that north american friendship is cultivated. there is, however, no unfriendliness between peru and great britain, and the best peruvian statesmen have done their best to cultivate good relations. but, like all american people, the peruvians are sensitive, and they deeply resent outside criticism. the work of messrs. hardenburg and perkins, to whom the exposure of the putumayo atrocities is primarily due, has scarcely received sufficient acknowledgment. the risks they ran in obtaining evidence were considerable, and such as can only be understood by a traveller accustomed to latin american ways. human life is held cheap in such communities. murder and treachery to secure personal or political ends are only repressed in the latin american republics by the presence of collective opinion. where that is absent or perturbed there is no restraining influence, such as the personal sense of fair play and hatred of treachery which the british character affords. it is not only a matter of education, but of soil, climate, race, and character. those who arouse the antagonism of any person in power, where the law is weak, may expect anything, from charges of blackmail to the knife or bullet of the assassin. the terrible political murders constantly taking place in the latin american republics indicate the ruthless spirit prevalent among certain classes in those communities. the trouble taken by hardenburg to collect his evidence, and the repugnance displayed towards the authors of the crime, and the appeal to english justice are worthy of recognition.[22] the british public might feel constrained to ask how it was possible that the british consul at iquitos--whence all the rubber is shipped--who has been stationed at that town since 1903, had never heard of nor investigated the abuses committed against the indians; that it remained for a chance traveller to bring them to general notice. furthermore, the british vice-consul at manaos appears to have had no knowledge of the subject. when the peruvian amazon company imported foremen from barbadoes--british subjects--and these men learned of the terrible nature of the duties they were to perform, which was that of slave-driving and flagellating the indians, and complained to the consul, asking for an annulment of their contracts, they were unable to obtain release by the official. the rubber from the amazon valley is all exported in english vessels, moreover. notwithstanding the extensive british interests in peru, no inkling of the treatment and fate of the unfortunate indians had reached the outside world before. it is to be noted that the american consul at iquitos appears not to have been able to afford any assistance to mr. hardenburg and his companion, and that action was taken by the american government consequent upon the ill-treatment of its citizens, only after a considerable lapse of time. the ill-treatment of the two travellers afforded an opportunity for intervention by the united states government, even if it had not been aroused to action on grounds of humanity alone. it was only in july, 1911, a year after consul casement had been dispatched by the british government to peru, and after six months of telegraphic dispatches between the british foreign office and the british minister in lima--dispatches communicated to the peruvian government--that the united states government, having been urged thereto by the british representative, consented to make "informal representations" at lima. again urged by the british government to support their representations, as no progress was being made in bringing the criminals to justice, the united states minister, six months afterwards, was instructed to support the british representative. thus, had action not been taken by great britain none would have been forthcoming by the united states, a condition which, for a nation that has assumed and been granted the position of policeman in south america, must be regretted. the monroe doctrine carries with it a greater responsibility than has been exercised so far by the united states in latin american affairs, and this is becoming plainer to the great body of well-meaning american people. the united states at the present time are actively engaged in increasing their commercial standing with their southern neighbours, but it is the case that these doubt the moral superiority of their neighbour, and naturally resent his right to interfere in their political and international affairs. under the most favourable conditions the collection of rubber is an arduous and generally unhealthy work. years ago an estimate was made that every ton of rubber from the amazon valley cost two human lives, and although at that time the estimate seemed to be an exaggerated one, the methods of the putumayo must have quadrupled it. if the native rubber-gatherer were treated as an ordinary labourer and paid a due wage, it is safe to say that it would not pay to gather wild rubber at all, or only by increasing its price in the world's market very considerably. as a cheap commodity it represents a definite ratio of human lives lost. in sir roger casement's report it is shown that for the twelve years 1900 to 1911 the putumayo output of 4,000 tons of rubber cost 30,000 lives. various rubber companies in peru and bolivia have been obliged already to suspend operations due to scarcity of labour. the remedy lies in planting, in conjunction with the wild rubber forests. the amount of rubber collected by the slave labour in the putumayo district for the benefit of the company and its predecessors, for six years ending in december, 1910, was 2,947,800 kilogrammes, of the value on the london market of nearly £1,000,000. the output from iquitos, however, has not decreased, which has been taken as a proof that native labour is still being hard-driven. the crop-year 1911-12 shows a considerable increase over that for 1910-11.[23] perhaps one of the most remarkable circumstances affecting the rubber company is the ease with which it was possible to float, in london, a property of which, to a large extent, possession was imaginary and without proper title. it is but another instance of the astute methods of company promoters and the gullibility of the british shareholder. it will be recollected that in 1909 shares in rubber companies to the amount of £150,000,000 sterling were taken up, a great part of which have proved useless or fraudulent. laws seem inadequate against the combination of knave, fool, and victim which is so marked a feature of modern company-promoting finance. the occurrences on the putumayo accentuate a moral which is bound to be presented to the conscience of the investing british public. in south america, as in latin america generally, and in many other parts of the world where aboriginal labour is cheap, great sums of british capital are invested, and a steady stream of gold turns its course therefrom towards the british isles. but these numerous and complacent shareholders in their comfortable surroundings know nothing, and have not made it their business to care anything, about the conditions of life of the humble workers who produce the dividends. do they know that their gains are often secured by the labour of ill-paid, half-starved, and often grossly abused brown and black folk? how long does the british shareholder of foreign enterprises expect to live upon the toil of distant "niggers," who themselves reap little or nothing from the soil upon which they were born? there are approximately £600,000,000 sterling of british money invested in bonds, stock, and shares in south american enterprises, quoted on the london stock exchange, which return in the aggregate a steady average dividend of nearly 5 per cent. per annum. some of these enterprises pay 12, 20, and 25 per cent. interest. much of this is the result of poor native labour. in various instances what amounts to spoliation is practised upon the cheap labour by british-owned companies. similar conditions hold good with american concerns--mining and rubber-gathering in mexico and central and south america. the americans are often extremely oppressive to the indian labourer. in the american-owned copper-mines of peru serious outbreaks due to this cause have occurred of recent years. the white american foreman rapidly gets used to oppressing the indian. the miserable conditions of native labour in latin america ought to be brought home to the directors and shareholders of british and other foreign companies. there are hundreds of rubber, mining, oil, plantation, railway, and other companies with scores of noblemen--lords, dukes, baronets--as well as doctors of science, bankers, and business-men, and even ministers of religion, distributed among their boards of directors. what knowledge have these gentlemen of the conditions of the poor native labourers under their control? there is a grave responsibility, which has been very easily carried, about this system of absentee capitalism. british investment in and trade with the latin american countries is an important part of british commercial prosperity. but this trade is not increasing in nearly the same ratio as that of other countries, notably the united states and germany. in some cases it is falling off. this is due partly to a lack of organisation, and is constantly pointed out in consular and trade reports.[24] the occurrences on the putumayo have at least tended to arouse the religious element, if not the commercial conscience, of the british people. a severe indictment of the directors of the peruvian amazon company was made from the pulpit of westminster abbey, in august, 1912, in a sermon by canon henson. the english directors were denounced by name, and the demand made that they should be arrested and brought to public trial, the preacher stating that he chose that famous pulpit for delivering the indictment in order that the widest possible publicity might be given to the subject. the directors, in the public press, then made through their solicitors an emphatic and indignant denial of their responsibility, alleging that in the first place they were ignorant of the occurrences, and that when these were shown to have some foundation in fact they voluntarily dispatched a commission to inquire into the matter. aroused by the revelations made, several religious missions started to being in london, asking for support by public subscription to enable missionary work to be carried out and stations established in the peruvian amazon region. there is a strong religious moral to be drawn from the occurrences. in all probability such a terrible situation would never have grown to being if the fine work of the old jesuit and franciscan friars in brazil and peru had been allowed to flourish. one of the greatest names associated with the amazon is that of the famous padre samuel fritz, a bohemian by birth, who passed the larger part of his life in the service of spain in peru as a jesuit missionary, working from 1686 to 1723, among the indians of the amazon forests. living with the native tribes of the huallaga, the napo--which parallels the putumayo--the ucayali, and others of the great affluents of the amazon, this devoted priest carried on his christianising work, winning the natives to christianity in a way so remarkable as has never been equalled since. venturing at length farther down the amazon into portuguese territory, fritz fell ill, and was detained for two years at para by the portuguese, who were jealous and fearful of spanish domination in the amazon valley. the portuguese built forts at the confluence of the rio negro, where manaos now stands, in order to assert their sovereignty over that part of the river, and dispatched armed bands upstream which destroyed the christian missions and settlements fritz had founded. the atrocious cruelties practised in these slave-raids, for such in effect they were, caused the tribes to flee to remoter regions, and a great diminution of the population followed in the first half of the eighteenth century. thus the portuguese conquistadores accomplished for the amazon what the spaniards had performed for the andine highlands, and what the commercial conquest of rubber-gathering, nominally conducted from london, has accomplished in the twentieth century. there can be no doubt of the value of religious missions in the amazon valley. a mission which should establish itself in these regions ought to be provided with well-appointed launches and motorboats, and to be prepared to exercise a more or less "muscular" kind of christianity. between the rival claims that have been advanced for roman catholic and protestant missions it is difficult to judge. the existing romish church in the andean highlands is a valuable restraining force, but its methods often partake of spoliation of the indian under the cloak of religion, and of what, as regards certain of its attributes, is practically petty idolatry; whilst the moral character of the village priests leaves much to be desired. there seems little reason why both sects should not exercise their sway. protestant public worship or proselytising is against the peruvian laws, but is tolerated. nevertheless, bitter hostility is shown to it in the upland regions, which are absolutely under priestly control. in the amazon lowlands and rivers this obstacle would possibly be less formidable. the occurrences of the putumayo have aroused public feeling in lima, where a _pro-indigena_, or native protection society, has been established, based upon a former, feebler association of similar character; for there has always existed a party protesting against the abuses practised upon the indians. the change of government in the republic has brought promises of betterment. telegraphic communications to the london press have announced, on the one hand, that the peruvian chambers of congress have "moved a resolution protesting against the attitude of great britain and the united states," and, on the other, "that inhumanity in the putumayo has been absolutely abolished." apart from electioneering devices, it cannot be doubted that the government has been aroused. but those acquainted with social conditions in south america will greatly doubt if, apart from mutilations and assassination, the social condition of the indian will yet be bettered or the ruinous system of peonage replaced by civilised labour conditions. if peonage and forced labour still exist in the more civilised upland regions, as they do, the conditions are not likely to be banished in the amazon forestal lowlands. the subject must not be allowed to sink into oblivion, and the pressure of public opinion must be sustained. [illustration: an incident of the putumayo. indian woman condemned to death by hunger: on the upper putumayo. (the peruvians state that this was the work of colombian bandits.) _photo reproduced from "variedades" of lima, peru._] if the occurrences which have been exposed lead to an awakening of the commercial conscience as regards investments in countries where poor native labour is employed, and to the consequent betterment of the lot of the humble worker in latin america, the cruel sacrifice of the poor indians in the dismal forests of the putumayo will not have been in vain. c. reginald enock. chapter ii hardenburg's narrative: source of the putumayo not far from the city of pasto, in southern colombia, a small, swift-flowing mountain stream has its origin in one of the high peaks of the colombian andes. here, plunging furiously down the steep, precipitous descents of the cordillera oriental, between the high, heavily wooded mountains, which rise almost perpendicularly to the clouds, it dashes itself into spray against the immense boulders that form its bed, and throws itself over the numerous precipices in its path with a deep, resounding roar like distant thunder. this mountain torrent is the river putumayo, which, leaving the towering andes, flows in a south-easterly direction more than a thousand miles through the great fertile, wooded plains of the amazon basin, finally entering the great river in western brazil. the region traversed by this magnificent river is one of the richest in the world. in the andes and its upper course it flows through a rich mineral section. at its source, near pasto, numerous goldmines are being discovered daily and are changing hands rapidly, and there are immense deposits of iron and coal. having resigned our positions on the cauca railway, my companion w. b. perkins and myself had set out upon our long-talked-of trip across south america, leaving the town of buenaventura, on the pacific coast of colombia, on october 1, 1907, traversed the successive ranges of the andes, and had arrived at the little indian village of santiago, in the level valley of sibundoy. the valley of sibundoy--once the bed of an ancient lake--is situated in the cordillera oriental at an elevation of about 2,300 metres above sea-level, and is some 25 kilometres long by 10 wide. the putumayo, here but a small, crystal mountain stream, flows through it, rising in one of the numerous peaks that surround the valley on every side. a part of the valley is low and swampy, but the rest is good, rich soil, quite suitable for agricultural purposes, and covered with a thick, short grass. although all the encircling mountains are clad with forests, the valley is, at present, cleared and ready for cultivation. in this beautiful andean valley four distinct villages have sprung up--san antonio, santiago, sibundoy, and san francisco. of the first, san antonio, i can say but little, as it was out of our line of march and we did not have time to visit it; but i understand that it is an indian village of approximately the same size and characteristics as santiago. it is connected with lake cocha by an indian trail, which is to be followed more or less by the location of a new mule-road. santiago is composed of about fifty houses and a mud church, thatched with palm-leaves, erected by the capuchins for the conversion and instruction of the indians. except for the five or six fathers who conduct the services and an old white hag who had been the _compañera_[25] of a certain ex-president in the eighties, when he was engaged in business here, the whole population is indian, and amounts, all told, to probably five hundred. these indians, although short and small, are tough and strong and are of an agreeable, reddish, coppery hue. the average height of the men seems to be about five feet; the women average from two to four inches less. they are nearly all bright and cheerful, and, as a rule, intelligent, although they sometimes feign stupidity when in contact with whites. timidity and bashfulness, especially among the women and children, are very common. although all, thanks to the fathers, know a little spanish, among themselves they use their own language exclusively, which seems to be derived from the ancient quichua of the aborigines of peru and ecuador. this language is spoken in a sort of sing-song, soft and melodious, which is rather pleasing to the ear. these aborigines call themselves incas or ingas,[26] and their dialect is known as the inca language, and is rather easily picked up by the whites, who are much in contact with the incas. these indians live in large rectangular houses, the walls of which consist of upright sticks, tied together with bark, the roof being of thatch and the floor of hardened earth. the spaces between the upright sticks that form the walls obviate the necessity for windows. sometimes, if the house is a large one, several families live in it together, each family having its own corner, fireside, and utensils. the furniture is very limited, and generally consists of benches of various sizes and, sometimes, a low table, all of which are carved out of solid wood, not a nail being used in their construction. their domestic apparatus is composed chiefly of great earthen pots, which they are very skilful in making; gourds, which serve as plates, cups, &c.; and several large round stones with which they crush their maize. the dress of the incas is very picturesque. that of the men consists of a long cotton shirt, either blue or white, which reaches almost to the knees, nearly covering a pair of knee-pants of the same colour and material. over this is thrown a heavy woollen poncho, always of a greyish-yellow colour, with thin, black stripes, which reaches almost to the feet. their long, black hair, thick and abundant, takes the place of a hat, and is prevented from dangling in the face by a gaily coloured ribbon or a piece of the inner bark of the tree known to them as _huimba_, which passes around the crown of the head just above the ears. the women invariably wear a red shirt, the lower extremity of which is covered by a short black skirt, reaching to the knees. a bright red blanket, thrown over their shoulders, completes their costume, for, as a rule, they do not wear the headband used by the men. both sexes are very fond of beads, and generally have an immense necklace of them, while smaller strings are worn on the wrists and ankles. the chief, or _gobernador_, is elected with great formality once a year. then the retiring magistrate, in the presence of the whole tribe, hands over to his successor the silver-headed cane which has been since time immemorial the emblem of authority amongst the incas. the chief's house is always distinguished by a decoration of palm-leaves over the door, for all business with the whites is done through him, disputes between indians are settled by him, and he possesses the power of punishment. the punishment is generally a whipping or confinement in stocks, which are always kept in the chief's house. the food of these aborigines consists chiefly of maize, collards, and game. from the maize they manufacture their peculiar _mazata_, which is their principal aliment, for they eat it morning, noon, and night, the collards and the game they shoot being merely auxiliaries. the maize is first scalded in one of the great earthen jars, after which, when cool, a certain proportion of it is thoroughly chewed until it is well mixed with the saliva. in this important operation the whole family, both young and old, takes part, seated in a circle around the huge pot of scalded maize, each one provided with a smaller gourd, into which they shoot the well-masticated mixture of maize and saliva. this operation concluded, the next step is to mix thoroughly the salivated maize with the other, and the whole mass is then deposited in the large earthen jars, where it is allowed to ferment for several days under the action of the organic principles of the saliva. the mixture is then preserved in this state, and when they wish to prepare their beverage they merely take out a handful of this preparation, reduce it to a paste, stir it in water, and their drink is ready. this _mazata_ has a sour, bitter taste, very palatable to the indian, but disgusting to most white men. their arms consist chiefly of blow-guns or _bodoquedas_, although at present shot-guns and _machetes_ are beginning to be introduced among them. these blow-guns are not manufactured by the incas, but are bought by them from the indians of mocoa, who obtain them from the cioni indians of the upper putumayo. the cionis, in turn, are supplied with them by the indians of the river napo, who are the original manufacturers. this celebrated weapon is a hollow, tapering pole, from two to four metres long, pierced longitudinally by a hole some three-sixteenths of an inch in diameter. the outside surface of the pole is wound around with thin strips of tough bark, over which is applied a smooth, black coating of gum-resin from the _arbol del lacre_, or sealing-wax tree, while the thicker end terminates in a mouthpiece, into which a small arrow, some twenty centimetres long and tipped with a little cotton instead of a feather, is introduced. the mouth is then applied to the mouthpiece, and with the breath the little arrow is shot out with great force to a distance of from thirty to forty metres. these arrows, apparently so insignificant, are in reality awful in their effects, for their points are tipped with the celebrated _curaré_, made from the _strychnos castelmoeana_, called by them _ramu_, and from the _cocculus toxicoferus_, known to these aborigines as _pani_. the points are often cut, so as to break off after penetrating the skin and stay in the wound. a puncture of the skin by one of these arrows causes death within a minute, for i have seen a large dog struck by one of these little missiles drop dead before he could run five metres. like the _bodoqueda_ itself, these little arrows reach the incas only after passing through the hands of several tribes, and are generally carried in a small bamboo quiver, to which is tied a little gourd filled with cotton. it is interesting to note that although the _curaré_ with which the arrows are tipped is a deadly poison, it has absolutely no injurious effect upon the game killed by it. in many respects this weapon is superior to the shot-gun, but its great advantage is its noiselessness. thus, a hunter can kill bird after bird without fear of their becoming alarmed and flying away. the indians can shoot very accurately with the _bodoqueda_ up to about thirty metres. on the 16th the _gobernador_, with whom my companion perkins and myself stayed, told us that the indians had finished preparing their _habío_[27] and were ready to depart; so, after seeing them load up, we bade adios to the _gobernador_ and at 11 a.m. started for sibundoy. the road was tolerably good, consisting in many places of logs, laid transversely across the way, and skirted the edge of the surrounding mountains a little above the level of the valley, of which we would have had an excellent view but for the dense underbrush which interposed itself between the valley and us. on our march we crossed several beautiful little _quebradas_, whose clear, crystal waters glistened brilliantly in the sun; but our appreciation of their beauty was somewhat diminished by the fact that as nobody in the whole valley wears shoes there were no bridges over them, and we were obliged to wade through their cold, icy waters, wetting ourselves up to the knees in doing so. after a march of some three hours we entered sibundoy, a village of about the same size and appearance as santiago, where we made our way to the capuchin convent, determining to wait here for our indians. we were kindly received by the four priests here, as well as by the padre prefecto, the head of all the capuchin establishments in the territories of the caquetá and the putumayo, who makes this place his headquarters. one of the fathers, padre estanislao de los corts, a spaniard from cataluña, was especially kind, and, after showing us around the new convent they were building, supplied us with the following data about the indians of sibundoy:-the indians of sibundoy call themselves cochas and speak a language of the same name, which is quite distinct from the inca and much more complex and difficult. the cochas are said to be lazier, more dishonest, and of a surlier disposition than the incas, although resembling them very much in appearance, customs, dress, and mode of living. it is believed that these indians were brought here long ago by the spaniards from the river vaupes as slaves for the goldmines of pasto and that, escaping from their captors in this vicinity, they finally settled in the valley. they now number about 1,500, the greater part, however, living in lone huts in the mountains. we remained at the convent waiting for the indians all the afternoon, but as they did not appear we were glad to accept the padre prefecto's pressing invitation to stop here for the night. the priests told us that the _cargadores_[28] had probably gone to their homes to enjoy a last farewell feast before beginning the trip to mocoa, which we afterwards found to be the case. the convent was scrupulously clean and fitted up roughly and simply, for nearly everything had been made by the fathers themselves. the food was plain and coarse, but substantial and well cooked, one of the priests skilfully performing this important operation. the next morning at eight o'clock the two indians who were to carry our food, blankets, &c., put in their appearance, looking somewhat seedy and informing us that the others were coming later. they were accompanied by a pretty little indian girl, carrying their _habío_, who they said was their sister. the _padre_, however, suspected immorality and, as a precautionary measure, bade them go to church. this over, we sent them on ahead in charge of pedro, with orders to wait for us at the next village--san francisco--while we stopped a little longer to take lunch with the _padres_. lunch concluded, we duly thanked the hospitable capuchins for their kindness to us and once more set out. after a pleasant walk of about two hours we reached san francisco, where we were cordially received by the head priest, whom we had met at sibundoy, and installed in the convent, where we found pedro and the indians. san francisco is a little, _triste_ place of some two hundred inhabitants, who claim to be whites, but, except for the fact that they wore hats and trousers, i could see but little difference between them and the _infieles_. there are two or three small shops and about twenty other houses, most of which were of _adobe_. bright and early the next morning we set out along the level valley, which we followed for some time until we struck the putumayo, here a small, swift-flowing mountain torrent, about six feet wide. crossing it, we continued along its heavily wooded banks until we came to a small affluent on the left, which we followed up to its source. climbing to the top of the hill, we found ourselves upon a sort of divide, which we slowly descended by an almost perpendicular trail over huge, slippery rocks and rolling cobble-stones to the bottom of a deep, narrow cañon, formed by another small, torrential _quebrada_. all the rest of the day we followed the course of this stream, which we crossed no less than thirty-four times. occasionally the cañon, always steep and narrow, became merely vertical walls of rock, rising from the edge of the stream upwards to a height of from fifty to a hundred metres. in these places we were compelled to wade down the bed of the stream, while on other occasions the trail, about six inches wide, passed along the perpendicular face of some wet, slippery rock, forty or fifty feet above the river. how the indians passed such places, carrying the heavy _bultos_[29] that weighed from eighty to a hundred pounds, is beyond my comprehension, nor have i any desire to make that day's journey again to find out. at about six o'clock we reached the junction of this stream with another of about the same size, where they combine to form the river patoyacu. here we stopped at a tolerable _rancho_, perkins and i utterly exhausted, but the two indians and the girl apparently as fresh as ever. neither perkins nor myself suffered from sleeplessness that night, although a large, flat rock was our only couch. the next morning, as soon as our rather frugal meal of dry meat, coffee, and fried plantains was over, we crossed the patoyacu and began the ascent of a monstrous mountain, the top of which we reached at about two o'clock in the afternoon. the rest of the day was spent in a constant succession of long, steep, painful ascents to the tops of the mountains, and immediately afterwards long, steep, painful descents to the bottoms, where, crossing some insignificant _quebrada_[30] we would sit and rest a few minutes before starting on the next climb. while taking lunch at one of these streams, perkins noticed some peculiar-looking rocks, which, upon examination, seemed to indicate the existence of a good quality of marble. we took along several specimens for further examination. the scenery is magnificent, of a wild, savage splendour, rarely seen elsewhere than in the andes. the high, heavily wooded mountains, rising almost perpendicularly to the clouds, are separated from each other by foaming, plunging _quebradas_, which, dashing themselves into spray against the immense boulders that form their beds, leap over the numerous precipices in their courses with a deep, resounding roar like distant thunder. we endeavoured to reach a _rancho_[31] called papagallos, but, when darkness overtook us, we were still far from it, according to our indians, so we hastily made a rough _rancho_ and, after about an hour and a half, succeeded in igniting a fire, for it had rained during the afternoon and everything was completely soaked. the fire, at last successfully started, was just beginning to flicker up and give out a little heat, when suddenly another heavy rain set in and, within fifteen minutes, our hard-won fire was out and we and all our belongings were wet through. as the rain continued steadily until morning and the cold all this time was intense, we did not pass a very enjoyable night. the next day was only a tiresome repetition of the one already described--up and down all day. how many miles we made i do not know, but i can state that, whatever their number, they were mostly on end. at 9 a.m. we passed papagallos and at about 2 p.m. we commenced a long, steep descent of nearly 2,000 metres, the bottom of which we reached at about half-past four. here we found the two small _ranchos_, known as cascabel, and stopped for the night. these two _ranchos_ were situated upon the left bank of the river campucana, a good-sized stream formed by the various _quebradas_ we had crossed. we had now passed the last of the mountains, for from this place to puerto guineo, the port of embarkation, it is practically level. we had at last crossed the andes, and were now upon the great atlantic slope. in the morning we followed the left bank of the campucana for some time, scaling successfully on the way the famous "carniceria,"[32] a very dangerous rock, high, slippery, and almost perpendicular, so-called because of the numerous people dashed to death down it. at ten o'clock, while crossing the river, we met don elias jurado, leonardo's brother, _en route_ to pasto--the first traveller we had met since leaving that city. continuing our journey through the dense forest, at one o'clock we reached piedra lisa,[33] another dangerous rock, along whose smooth, unbroken front, which stood at an angle of about fifty-five or sixty degrees, the trail passed. the passage of this rock, which is about fifty metres long, is very perilous and would be impassable were it not for some overhanging branches which one can grasp and hold on by. piedra lisa safely passed, the road continued fairly level, although very muddy on account of the thick undergrowth, and at three o'clock we entered pueblo viejo, a long string of scattered bamboo houses, intermingled with fields of maize, plantains and _yuca_, and large tracts of practically virgin forest. at one of these huts we stopped to take a few minutes' rest; the people received us very affably and immediately brought out a large jug of _chicha_,[34] which we soon emptied for them. after a little conversation about the probability of our getting lost in the "city" (of mocoa), we again pushed on, and at four o'clock in the afternoon of november 21st reached mocoa in a state of complete exhaustion. here, after a great deal of inquiry, we secured a very dirty room in a still dirtier bamboo hut. leaving our effects here, perkins and i went to the little crystal stream, known as the quebrada mulata, which dashes past the back of the town, and indulged in a good bath. by the time we had finished this operation, the indefatigable pedro had ascertained the whereabouts of the "restaurant," to which we immediately wended our way, for we were starving. after we had finished our dinner, which did not take very long, for it was composed only of a quantity of unripe plantains, a still larger quantity of overdone _yucas_, and a little thin, tasteless coffee, we invested in a couple of bottles of wine and, retiring to our hut, perkins, pedro, and i duly congratulated one another on the successful termination of the first stage of our journey--the trip over the andes. this duty performed, we retired to dream of our approaching descent of the putumayo. the next morning we called upon the _intendente_, general urdaneta, and presented to him the letter from dr. miranda. he received us very cordially and promised us that he would see that we had _cargadores_ by monday to take us to puerto guineo. after a pleasant conversation of almost an hour and a half, during which he supplied us with considerable information about mocoa and the putumayo, we left him and went out to take a look at the city. at noon we met him again at the restaurant, where he introduced us to dr. ricardo escobar, the medical officer of the garrison here. mocoa is the capital of the territory of the putumayo, an immense tract of land comprising the whole region between the rivers napo and putumayo from mocoa to the atlantic. this rich section is also claimed by peru and ecuador. the dispute between these two countries has been submitted to the king of spain for arbitration; and the country that gains his decision will then have to arrange the matter with colombia. there are no ecuadorians established as yet in any part of this vast territory, the upper half of which, as far down as remolino, is occupied by the colombians, while the peruvians are in possession from there to the brazilian boundary at the mouth of the cotuhué, for brazil, with her usual astuteness, has seized a large triangular area at the confluence with the amazon. the part of the territory at present occupied by colombia is under the jurisdiction of the department of nariño, and all officers and officials are appointed from pasto. the capital of this huge territory is a small town of bamboo huts having a population of about five hundred. until recently it was the place of confinement of political prisoners, but about a month before our arrival president reyes had pardoned all but nine, who had been sent out of the country by way of the putumayo, the government's agent, don rogerio becerra, conducting them as far as remolino, where they had been released. as the maintenance of these prisoners and the garrison had been the chief industry, the exile of the former and the withdrawal of the latter, which was taking place when we arrived, was causing a general exodus to pasto. a small traffic with the rubber-collectors of the upper putumayo and the neighbouring indians is, however, still carried on. agriculture, stock-raising, &c., are developed only sufficiently to supply the small local demands, for the inaccessibility of the place prohibits any large trade with outside markets. the climate of mocoa is agreeable and healthy, and the land, level and covered with thick forest, is fertile and well adapted to agriculture. the temperature is about 20° c. and the elevation above sea-level is approximately five hundred metres. one very attractive feature of this vicinity is the complete absence of mosquitos and gnats. from mocoa one can see, blue in the distance, the mighty, towering peaks of the cordillera oriental, which, rising high above the unbroken wall of forest that surrounds the town, seem to pierce the very sky. a good mule-road or highway connection with pasto and la sofía, the head of steam navigation on the putumayo, would do much to awaken mocoa from the torpor into which it is now plunged; for, in that way, this virgin region would have an outlet not only for the important forest products such as rubber, ivory, &c., but also for the valuable agricultural staples, as coffee, cotton, _yuca_, sugar-cane, and the thousand other products of the _tierra caliente_,[35] which can be grown here. besides, the opening of these means of communication would greatly facilitate immigration to this vast region, which is the most essential aid to its development. an interesting plant, very much in evidence here, is the _achiote_[36] or _urucú_. this is a small tree, yielding a fruit, which is encased in a red berry, resembling in shape that of a chestnut. this fruit, when crushed, gives out a bright red juice, which is used by the whites to dye clothes with and to colour soups, meat, &c. the indians, in addition to using it in this way, also employ it to paint themselves with. the indians of mocoa are also incas, the same as those of santiago. they speak the same tongue, have the same customs, houses, arms, and utensils, differing only in the dress, which, on account of the heat, consists only of a long, black or white cotton shirt, almost concealing a pair of knee-pants of the same colour and material, and in their food, which is more diversified and comprises not only maize, &c., but also _yuca_, plantains, and many forest products. like the incas of santiago, they also profess christianity and have a limited knowledge of spanish. these indians are very ugly and do not possess the good features, clear skin, and physical endurance which so characterise their brothers of the mountains. many of them suffer from the _carate_,[37] so prevalent in the cauca valley, and, consequently, present a most repugnant appearance. the following incident illustrates the superstition of these aborigines. one day pedro and i went to an indian house to buy some souvenirs. here, the aged owner of the hut had an old, worthless _bodoqueda_[38] that he wished to sell me, and insisted so strongly upon my buying it that i lost patience and spoke to him rather harshly. instantly one of our santiago indians, who seemed to have taken rather a liking to me, called me aside and implored me not to offend the old indian, who was a noted _brujo_ or wizard, for, if i did, he would surely visit some fearful punishment upon me, such as making me blind or insane, or even worse. although i laughed and explained to him that the wizard was nothing but an old fraud and could do me no harm, the good fellow could not be convinced, but still clung to his belief. such superstitions are very common among all these aborigines. during the next two days only three of our santiago indians showed up, thus delaying us in the same manner as they had done at pasto and at sibundoy. in this interval we made the acquaintance of don octavio materón, a junior partner in a company, formed in pasto, for the purpose of cultivating rubber on the upper putumayo. the manager, don gabriel martínez, to whom jurado had given us a letter of introduction, had, we learned, gone down in his capacity as _corregidor_ to the caraparaná, leaving materón and the other partner, gonzalez, in charge. materón had come to mocoa to bring down some _bultos_ of merchandise that had been delayed here, and, finding that we were going his way, kindly decided to wait for us. on monday morning, november 25th, the indians sent by the _intendente_ arrived, ready to take our effects to guineo. as there were still two _bultos_ lacking, we decided that perkins and pedro should go on with the five _bultos_ that were ready and await my arrival in guineo, while i remained in mocoa to take down the other two _bultos_ as soon as the _cargadores_ should arrive with them. so, bidding goodbye to perkins and pedro and arranging with the remaining indians to return in three or four days, i resumed my weary task of waiting. as we had been informed that it would be necessary to purchase a canoe here, i made several inquiries and at last was directed to one bernardo ochoa, a lean, bilious-looking _aguardiente_[39]-merchant, a victim of the _carate_, who had a canoe in guineo that he would sell. i did not fancy buying a canoe without seeing it, but, as both materón and the _intendente_ assured me that it was large, well-preserved, and quite worth sixty dollars "hard," i began negotiations with the man, who at first asked one hundred dollars, but, after a great deal of haggling, finally sold it to me for eighty dollars "hard." at the same time i bought a small barrel of _aguardiente_, as i was told that it would greatly facilitate intercourse, not only with the indians, but also with the "whites" who inhabit the region. on wednesday morning, at about 9 a.m., dr. escobar came in and informed me that a messenger had just arrived from pasto with an order to arrest pedro and send him back to cali. completely amazed by this intelligence, i went to the _intendente_, who showed me the order and informed me that he had already sent two soldiers to guineo to arrest the boy and bring him back. as we had taken pedro from the railway and had stayed several days in cali and popayán and several weeks in pasto, without any attempt having been made to arrest him, i could only think that it was some mistake, so i made a few guarded suggestions to the general, but without the slightest effect. in the afternoon i set about hiring another boy to take pedro's place, and after some time succeeded in engaging a stupid, torpid-looking youth, to whom i offered a couple of pounds to clinch the bargain. what was my surprise then to see him come back in a couple of hours and, with tears in his eyes and in a voice trembling with fear, beg me to let him off. upon investigation, i found that some wretch had filled his weak head full of bloodcurdling yarns about the cannibal indians and the decimating fevers met with there. the poor fool was in such a miserable state of fear and dismay that, upon his paying back the money i had advanced him, i was glad to let him go. on the following afternoon i was agreeably surprised to see the two _cargadores_ from santiago arrive with the two remaining _bultos_. finding that they were intact--for the indians often steal part of the contents of the _bultos_--i paid the two rascals and sent word to the mocoa _cargadores_ that four of them should come in the morning to take us to puerto guineo. shortly after i had arranged this matter the soldiers arrived with pedro, who seemed to be quite knocked up with the long march and the gloomy prospects of the tedious journey before him. shaking hands with the poor boy to encourage him a little, i asked what it was that he had done. he protested his innocence of any wrongdoing so stoutly that, convinced that there must be an error somewhere, i again went to the _intendente_, but he was determined to carry out his orders, and i could do nothing with him. returning to pedro, i endeavoured to cheer him up a little, but without much success. after writing him a good reference, i paid him off, and, with a last _adios_ left the poor boy alone in his dismal cell. i never saw nor heard from him since. in the morning, as soon as the _cargadores_ put in their appearance, i loaded them up with the two _bultos_, the barrel of _aguardiente_, and our food and hammocks, &c., while materón did the same with his, after which we took our leave of the _intendente_ and the _simpático_ dr. escobar, and began the last stage of our overland journey. the morning was fine and invigorating, and we pushed on rapidly, crossing many fine, sparkling _quebradas_, which wound their way softly through the dense, tropical forest that covers the amazon basin from the andes to the atlantic. as we made our way along the level path, we frequently stopped to examine some strange plant, to pursue some rare butterfly, or to shoot some new bird, whose brilliant plumage or sweet notes attracted our attention. just before noon we passed a "cave," a great, long, overhanging rock, in some places of such a height as to permit us to stand erect under it, and reached a large, sparkling stream, where, seated on a great rock, overspread by the protecting shade of the forest, we had our lunch. [illustration: vegetation on the peruvian amazon. to face p. 74.] the traveller, entering for the first time these gloomy forests, as yet untouched by the hand of man, is bewildered by the splendour and magnificence of a superabundant vegetation. indeed, it is impossible to give any exact idea of the immense variety of the thick-growing plants and of the incessant activity of nature in their development. the dense vegetation accumulates and piles up, forming, especially on the banks of the streams and rivers, opaque masses, perfectly impenetrable, through which the sun's rays never pierce. the high giants of the forest tower above everything, the smaller trees and the shrubs crowd under their branches, while the numerous vines and _bejucos_ knit the whole into one solid mass. in the afternoon we reached a cross which marked the divergence of our road into two trails, one going to puerto limon on the caquetá, and the other to puerto guineo on the river guineo, an affluent of the putumayo. this cross is about six leagues from mocoa and the same distance from limon and guineo. some distance beyond, we stopped for the night in a couple of small _ranchos_ built about a month before by the soldiers who escorted the exiles to the port. here we passed a fairly comfortable night, well protected from the torrential downpour which took place shortly after our arrival here and continued all night. in the morning we found the trail wet and muddy and the vegetation, through which we were obliged to wade, soaked us completely, so we removed our shoes and clothes and put on _alpargatas_ and pyjamas. these we found lighter and much more comfortable, and in this garb we continued the rest of our journey. soon the trail became worse and the small, shallow _quebradas_ became rushing, brawling torrents, through which we were, in some cases, almost obliged to swim. the indians, in these places, grasped hands and waded through together, carrying the _bultos_ on their heads. at first i trembled for my poor possessions when they did this, but i soon perceived that they knew their business, and did not interfere with them. towards the end of the journey the trail passed along the banks of the guineo river, normally a quiet, meandering stream not over two feet deep, but now a swollen, dangerous torrent. we experienced some difficulty in crossing several of its numerous tributaries, but, after what seemed an eternity, we reached guineo at one o'clock in a state of complete exhaustion. here we found perkins comfortably installed in an old bamboo hut known as the "convent," where the priests from mocoa generally stop when they come down to guineo to preach to the indians. we soon discovered our old railway enemies, the _moscas_ or gnats, which made me feel quite at home. but a still worse misfortune was revealed to us when perkins, who was preparing some food for materón and me, informed us that all the bread was spoiled, having probably got wet on the páramo of bordoncillo. we braced up considerably, however, when he dished us out a hearty meal of fried _yuca_, plantains, sausage, and _panela_, and after a couple of hours' rest felt quite restored. we then went out, and, through an indian to whom i delivered a letter ochoa had supplied me with, ordering the transfer of the canoe to me, had a look at our vessel. we found it to be a good river-going craft, about nine metres long and something over one metre wide, and in a tolerable state of preservation, being made of cedar, which is the best wood for the purpose. [illustration: tropical vegetation on the affluents of the peruvian amazon. [to face p. 76.] these canoes or _pituches_, which, as a rule, measure from six to ten metres in length, are made from a single log of wood, hollowed out by the adze, or, as with some indians, by fire. cedar[40] is the favourite wood, for it is light, easily worked, and very durable. when this cannot be obtained, however, various other kinds of trees are employed, such as _caoba_ or _aguano_,[41] _palo-rosa_ or _lauro-rosa_,[42] _palo-maria_,[43] _catagua_ or _assacú_,[44] and _itauba_.[45] but none of these woods are equal to cedar, for either they do not resist the action of the water so well, or else are so heavy that they make the canoe cumbersome and dangerous to navigation. we next bought a couple of paddles from the indians, and our naval equipment was then complete. the paddles in use in this region by both whites and indians are generally only about a metre and a half in length, with wide, rounded blades, which facilitate rowing in shallow water. oars such as are used in oar-locks would be quite useless here on account of the numerous stumps and logs in the rivers and along their banks and chiefly the cargo, which often takes up nearly all the inside of the canoe. many of these paddles are constructed of fine wood, well finished and painted and varnished to a degree. the only other building at puerto guineo, in addition to the convent, is an old, dilapidated church, both of which stand on the bank of the river in a small clearing sowed with plantain-trees. as already stated, the priests of mocoa often come down to guineo for a few days at a time to preach to the aborigines, and the convent and church were built by the indians, partly for the convenience of the _padres_ and partly as a sort of monument to their own importance. like the convent, the church is of bamboo with an earthen floor and a thatched roof, upon which some vegetation was beginning to present itself. inside were a few crude pictures of saints, and behind the altar stood a cross with a ghastly figure of the crucifixion upon it. a few cheap altar-cloths and the remains of several used-up candles completed the outfit, the whole of which was entirely covered and wound up with numerous cobwebs. in the midst of the dense forest, surrounding these neglected relics of civilisation, live a tribe of indians who call themselves cionis and speak a language of the same name. they are quite distinct from the incas, and occupy the whole region of the upper putumayo, living in small villages of from ten to fifty families along its banks. in all, they do not number over a thousand. but they all speak more or less spanish, with the peculiarity that the only form of the verb they use is the gerund. these indians are short, broad, and strong, but generally lazy and shiftless. like the mocoa branch of the incas, nearly all of them suffer from _carate_. the ugly and unusual custom of pulling out the eyebrows, eye-lashes, &c., and cutting the hair short is observed by both sexes. the women are, if possible, uglier than the men, which is saying a good deal, but the latter endeavour to compensate for this by painting their faces blue and pink. the ordinary designs used for this purpose are geometrical figures and branches of trees, &c. another very common custom is that of piercing the ears and the dividing wall of the nose with small bamboo tubes coloured a bright shining black, and frequently from ten to fifteen centimetres in length and nearly one centimetre in thickness. they also generally wear upon each arm, just between the shoulder and the elbow, a sort of bracelet, made of fibres from the leaf of the _chambira_[46] palm, the loose ends of which reach almost to the wrist--this is supposed to ward off attacks of rheumatism and other similar complaints. their dress is very simple, and consists merely of a long shirt called _cushma_, of black or white cotton--although generally the latter--which is worn by both men and women. the only difference between the men's _cushma_ and the women's is that in the former the opening that admits the head is vertical and runs down along the bosom, while in the latter it is horizontal and reaches from shoulder to shoulder. this garment resembles nothing so much as a night-shirt without sleeves. the cionis are also excessively fond of beads, and the amount of them they wear is astounding; in fact, they are so numerous as to totally conceal their necks, the lower parts of their ears, and most of their shoulders. these beads, which often weigh from ten to fifteen pounds, are only removed when the indians go to bed, bathe, &c. besides these they generally wear several necklaces of monkey or _danta_ teeth and a string or so of the bright, red-spotted-with-black seeds of the _huairuro_ or _quairor_,[47] which they wear as a sort of talisman. the houses of these indians are, like those of the incas, large, rectangular structures, the walls of which are formed either of upright poles tied together with the bark of the _sacha-huasca_ or the _tamshi_, or else of slabs of split bamboo or palms, such as the _chonta_,[48] the _camona_ or _huacrapona_[49] and the _tarapoto_,[50] whose thick, almost hollow trunks, when split, form large durable planks, quite suitable for different purposes. the roofs are of thatch, for which the leaves of the _yarina_[51] or vegetable-ivory tree are generally used. several families, as a rule, live in the same house, each, however, having its own corner, fireside, and utensils. their furniture is limited to hammocks of their own manufacture and little low stools either carved out of solid wood or else made from slabs of bamboo or the above-mentioned palm-trees. overhead several light cross-timbers are stretched, upon which they hang their clothes, their arms, and many domestic utensils. as they generally eat with their fingers, knives and forks are unknown, while for spoons they employ certain shells or small gourds. as dishes they use the easily prepared fruits of the _totuma_ or _cuyera_,[52] which, by the simple operation of cutting open and cleaning out, form convenient receptacles for their food. for cooking they employ the earthen pots similar to those of the incas; in the manufacture of these pots and the subsequent painting and varnishing of them the cionis exhibit great skill. other utensils are--fans, various-sized baskets, rude drums, _chambira_-palm-fibre bags, little clay ovens to bake _fariña_ in, fishing-nets, whistles made of the leg-bones of different birds, fifes made of bamboo, and torches of the heart of the _maguey_ or of _chonta_, impregnated with resin, &c. for washing their clothes, hair, &c., they use the inner bark of a tree called the _quillay_ and a soapy substance known as _suyuyu_. each of their villages seems to be absolutely independent of the others, and, like the incas, elects annually, with great solemnity, its chief or _gobernador_, who has about the same powers as among those aborigines. in addition to the _gobernador_, there is a sort of lieutenant-governor, called the _capitán_, who acts as a sort of auxiliary to the chief and takes his place when the latter is absent. these indians are now lazy and peaceful, and the inter-village wars, formerly frequent and sanguinary in the extreme, are now, thanks to the teachings of the priests and the colombian settlers, a thing of the past. their arms, which are now used only for hunting, consist merely of _machetes_ and shot-guns, obtained from the colombians, and the _bodoquedas_ or _cerbatanas_, already described, which they get, in exchange for their hammocks, from the indians of the napo. their food is much more diversified than that of the santiago indians, for, in addition to the numerous forest products, such as the _papaya_,[53] the _lime_,[54] the _caimito_,[55] _marañon_,[56] the _pishuayo_,[57] bread-fruit,[58] the tender tops of the _chonta_, the _camona_, &c., hunting is excellent here, and many are the animals that fall victims to their skill. among these we may mention, as the most important, the _danta_ or _sacha-vaca_[59] which lives in shady swamps; the _chancho del monte_ or _huangana_,[60] which is a kind of peccary that lives in herds in the depths of the forest; the _ronsoco_ or _capivara_,[61] a large amphibious rodent; the _venado_ or deer,[62] of which there are several species; several kinds of monkeys, such as the _guaribas_, the _cotomonos_, and the _maquisapas_; the _sloth_[63]; the armadillo[64]; and various others. they also hunt wild birds of many different species and sizes, such as the _paujiles_, wild-ducks, partridges, wild-turkeys, various kinds of doves, &c. to all these we must add the numerous different kinds of fine fish, which they catch at all seasons of the year, especially in the dry season. among the most important of these are _palometas_, _corbinas_, _bagres_, _boquichicos_, _gamitanas_, _cunchis_, _dorados_, &c. for fishing they use nets made of _chambira_-palm fibre, spears and hooks manufactured from hard wood or thorns, which they bait with larvæ or with the fruit of the _setico_[65] tree. besides these, they frequently employ the celebrated _barbasco_.[66] selecting some pool or quiet corner of the river, they drop a quantity of the crushed leaves and root of this plant into the water, which shortly assumes a milky hue and soon poisons the fish, both large and small. directly the whole surface of the pool becomes covered with the dead bodies of the fish, of which the largest only are selected, the rest, including the millions of tiny fish, thus being killed and left to rot without being utilised at all. on other occasions they often take advantage of the pools left when the river goes down in the dry season, the fish imprisoned in them being either speared or caught in nets. besides these sources of food, the women cultivate a few plantain-trees,[67] a little maize,[68] and the invaluable _yuca_ or manioc, from which they manufacture their two most popular alimentary products, _mazata_ and _fariña_. there are two kinds of _yuca_--the wild-yuca or _yuca brava_[69] and the cultivated variety,[70] both of which are very much used in the whole amazon valley. the former contains, however, besides its nutritive elements, a milky sap, which is one of the most virulent vegetable poisons known, its active principle being hydrocyanic acid, but, as the sap is volatile, it is easily removed from the farine by means of pressure and evaporation. in the preparation of the _mazata_, the favourite beverage of these indians, the _yuca_ is peeled and boiled in but little water in one of their large pots, after which it is smashed to paste by means of a club. this process concluded, the next step is to take out a proper proportion of this mass and mix it with saliva, in the same manner as the incas do with their scalded maize. the _yuca_ thus prepared is then well mixed with the other, the pot is carefully covered, and the preparation is left to ferment several days, when it is ready for consumption. this _mazata_ does not differ much in taste from the maize-_mazata_ of the incas. the civilised inhabitants of this region prepare this beverage in a less repugnant and more hygienic way--that is, they add to the paste sugar-cane juice or the juice of a ripe plantain, in place of the saliva. in preparing the _fariña_, the _yuca_ is thrown into a trough filled with water and left there until it is in a state of semi-putrefaction, when it is taken out, peeled, and pulverised. if it is the cultivated variety, it is then dried and put through a roasting process upon hot plates, but if it is the yuca_ brava_, the poisonous sap must first be removed. to do this, the _yuca_, already pulverised, is wrapped up in a good-sized piece of _llanchama_--the tough, inner bark of a tree of the same name--which is then twisted up and tightened with a stick, after the fashion of a tourniquet, until the sap is all pressed out and evaporated. it is then dried and roasted in the same way as the other _yuca_. this _fariña_ can be preserved for a long time if kept dry, and it forms one of the chief articles of food of many of the inhabitants of the amazon, especially when they are travelling. it is eaten either dry with water or, best of all, with milk and sugar, when it becomes an agreeable, as well as a wholesome, article of food. the cionis are very skilful in the manufacture of the light, durable, and beautiful hammocks, which they use in place of beds, from the strong fibres of the leaves of the _cambira_-palm. they often spend months upon the fabrication of a single hammock, first collecting the leaves, next extracting the fibres, then twisting them into long strings, and finally weaving the strings into a hammock. one of these hammocks can be rolled up until it occupies only the space of a fair-sized book, and it is so durable that it will last for years. they also exhibit marvellous patience and skill in making the insect, feather, and shell ornaments that they wear on their feast-days. one especially interesting ornament is the _yacta_, a beautiful crown, composed of a great variety of fine large red and yellow plumes, inlaid with so many small feathers of so many different kinds and colours that it is a veritable work of art. another common ornament is a long string of brilliantly coloured feathers, which is worn around the neck. they also collect the bright green wings of a large insect, very common in these parts, of which, after a sufficient supply has been obtained, they make a similar string, which also encircles the neck. in addition to all these, which are worn only on special occasions, they generally have several bracelets, anklets, &c., of gaily coloured woollen yarns or locks of hair. at their dances, the music of which is furnished by drums, whistles, and fifes of their own manufacture, they always wear a quantity of _cascabeles_, which are nothing more than strings of the dried fruits of the _schacapa_[71]. these _cascabeles_ they attach to their legs and waist in such a manner as to produce a rattling, tinkling noise at every step they take. other very interesting products of the industry of these aborigines are the fine combs, made of carefully arranged and polished thorns, tied together with eccentrically coloured threads. some of these combs are really splendid pieces of workmanship. a thorough and extensive knowledge of the uses and properties of the countless products of the forest is also possessed by the cionis. thus, for example, the root of a certain _bejuco_[72], which they call _yoco_, is their substitute for coffee; from another _bejuco_ they extract a narcotic known to them as _ayahuasca_ or _yajén_, the effects of which are similar to those of hasheesh and opium; the leaves of the _huitoc_ or _jagua_[73] are used to cure itching and all erysipelatic diseases, as well as to protect them from the gnats and mosquitoes; and thousands of other trees, shrubs, and _bejucos_ supply them with almost everything they need or desire. chapter iii the upper putumayo early the next morning, sunday, december 1st, we engaged two cioni boatmen for our canoe, as did materón for his; and, after constructing a platform of split bamboo to put in the bottom of the boat in order to prevent our effects from becoming damp, we began loading our little craft with its miscellaneous cargo. in accordance with materón's advice, we determined to stow away our trunks, books, and engineering instruments in the most inaccessible part of the canoe, while our food and the indian trading stuff, as well as our arms, should occupy such parts as to render them quickly getatable. after a good deal of shifting about and changing, we succeeded in getting everything more or less as we desired it, and were by ten o'clock ready to start. thinking that this was an occasion worthy of a little celebration, materón, perkins, and myself then proceeded to lessen the contents of our barrel of _aguardiente_ by a good drink each, after which we called up the indian boatmen and, one by one, gave them a good bracer also, which they swallowed with great solemnity. then we got in the little space that had been reserved for us in the middle of the canoe--for the cargo was stowed fore and aft as much as possible--and gave the signal to begin the journey. materón had already informed us that the first couple of days' journey was somewhat dangerous, on account of the swift, roaring current, the powerful whirlpools, and the numerous stumps and logs that stud the whole course of the river; but we did not fully realise it until the canoe, shooting out into the middle of the stream, was caught by the current, almost before it could be turned bow foremost, and dashed with sickening speed among the stumps and logs that loomed up on every side. we soon perceived, however, that our cionis were used to their job, for they guided the flying canoe with the greatest skill as it continued its wild progress down the swift-running river. one of them, the _popero_, or pilot, always sits on the high, narrow seat in the stern, and, paddle in hand, steers the canoe and from time to time directs the manoeuvres of the other, known as the _puntero_, who generally stands in the bow and calls out the obstacles, such as logs, stumps, &c., to the _popero_, in case the latter cannot see them from where he is seated. in descending a river one _puntero_ is sufficient, for the canoe is generally carried along rapidly enough by the current, and all the _bogas_[74] have to do is to keep the craft from striking against obstacles and from being thrust by the strong currents sometimes encountered into the unpleasant and often dangerous _remolinos_ or whirlpools. but when the river is to be ascended, known as _subida_ or _surcada_, several _bogas_ are necessary. the route must then be close to the bank, where the current is not so strong, but where such obstacles as logs, stumps, salient rocks, overhanging branches, troublesome insects, and other similar inconveniences are numerous. here the paddles are useless, except when crossing the river[75] in search of an easier route on the opposite bank, and the _bogas_ must push the canoe along by main force, employing for this purpose long poles called _botadores_ or _tanganas_. in canoeing in the smaller rivers, especially in the dry season, bad places, caused by the shallowness of the water or the immobility of the huge logs that frequently form an impenetrable network on or near the surface of the water, are often met with; in such cases the _bogas_ either wade ashore and pull the canoe out of the bad place by means of a rope or else enter the water and shove and lift until it is free. if, however, the canoe is very heavy and these methods fail, they strip the bark from the _setico_-tree, which is always to be found on the banks of these rivers, and stretch it out on top of the obstacle. as this bark is very slippery and soapy, the canoe readily slides over it when they push. materón informed us that, as a general rule, one day's descent is equivalent to three days' _surcada_; this, however, is subject to numerous circumstances and mishaps, such as the conduct of the boatmen, the condition of the river, the weight of the cargo, the cut of the canoe, the character of the travellers, the necessity of hunting and fishing for food, &c. what a pleasant sensation it was to sit calmly in the canoe, while the swift current bore us steadily onwards, and to watch the thick, tropical vegetation, which lined the banks of the stream, swiftly recede until hidden from view by a bend of the river! how different it was from the monotonous climbing and descending of the andes that had caused us so much toil! several times we passed through places that seemed to me perilous in the extreme, for the whirling current would dash us with frightful rapidity directly towards some huge stump or half-submerged log, while other obstacles of a similar nature appeared on every hand. we seemed to be almost upon it, when a deft turn of the _popero's_ paddle would bring us to one side by a margin of three or four inches. again, we would shoot some small rapid; the canoe would give a jump, and the next instant we would dash the water out of our half-blinded eyes, and, looking around, would see the rapid far behind us. we saw plenty of wild turkeys, wild ducks, and monkeys on the trees near the bank, while occasionally a river seal, or _nutria_, would be seen curled up on a log or disporting itself near the shore. all these animals seemed quite tame, and would allow us to approach within a few metres, and then, just as we were taking aim, off they would go. finally, after wasting a good many shots--for it is no easy matter to shoot from a rapidly moving canoe--i managed to kill a nice fat _pava_, or wild turkey, and one of materón's men shot a duck. at noon we stopped on a gravel _playa_ for lunch, which consisted chiefly of _panela_ and _aco_, and took us only some fifteen minutes. then we continued about two hours, when we entered the much-discussed putumayo, much larger than when we saw it in the andes, but still not a large river. it was low, and the high banks and the exposed islet were completely covered with the debris it had brought down in the wet season, such as huge logs, branches of trees, bamboo poles, &c. during the afternoon we continued to observe large numbers of birds and monkeys, which made the whole forest resound with their ear-numbing howls. great flocks of parrots and other gaily plumaged birds flew overhead, their rather harsh voices being heard continually. we shot at several, but whether they were too high for our guns, or, as was probably the case, our aim was inaccurate, we did not get a single specimen. we did, however, kill two or three more ducks. these ducks are generally to be seen perched up in the trees along the banks or else on some stump in mid-stream, although occasionally one perceives them floating with the current or swimming on the surface of the water. they dive with lightning-like rapidity, and very often succeed in getting away, even when hit severely. their vitality is amazing, and they are not slow to bite one if they are not quite dead on being picked up. at about 4 p.m. we reached the tiny cioni village of san diego, a small group of about ten little bamboo shacks on the right bank of the river. the whole village came out to welcome us as we rather stiffly climbed out of our canoes, for it seemed that materón was very popular with them. they brought out a few fruits and a small jar of the _yuca-nazata_, already described, which we respectfully refused. they are in all respects similar to those of puerto guineo, and each of the little huts contained two or three families. materón informed us that they had but recently established themselves here, abandoning their old village on the other bank of the river on account of a severe epidemic that had broken out among them and killed nearly half their number. we spent the rest of the afternoon trading with them, giving them some of our beads, harmonicas, mirrors, hats, handkerchiefs, &c., for a few of their manufactures, such as hammocks, _yactas_, strings of monkey and _danta_ teeth, combs, and the like. they are no fools at bargaining, and have a pretty good idea of the value of the articles they are acquainted with; they are also rather clever at demonstrating what labour it has cost them and how much time they have spent in making any article that one fancies; so, on the whole, we did not get much the better of them. at bedtime, which was about nine o'clock, the _capitán_ and _gobernador_ showed us the corner that we were to occupy in conjunction with a couple of cioni families, and helped us fix up our hammocks. following the example of our hosts, we did not trouble to undress very much, but soon fell asleep, and did not awake until time for _desayuno_. early next morning, after taking leave in a most affectionate manner of our hosts, who supplied us with several bunches of plantains and a quantity of _yucas_ and an agreeable fruit known as the _papaya_, we set out on our easy and interesting journey. at about noon we passed the mouth of the guamués, the outlet of lake cocha, which seemed almost as large as the putumayo itself. during the morning we succeeded in shooting a couple of wild turkeys and several ducks; one of the former was almost lost on account of having fallen in a lot of thick bushes some distance from the shore. the vegetation is very dense all along the banks. the most common types are large bamboos; numerous palms, such as the _palma de la cera_ or wax-palm, the _chonta_, the fragrant _sia-sia_, the royal, and others; _setico_-trees, already mentioned; the _palo de la balsa_, or raftwood-tree; the _yarina_, or vegetable ivory-tree; and a variety of others, intermingled with shrubs and bushes of innumerable kinds, and bound together into one tangled, impenetrable mass by the countless _bejucos_ and climbers everywhere in evidence. nearly every tree of any size is covered with innumerable parasites, among which are to be found several varieties of orchids, whose brilliant flowers serve to diversify the universal green of the forest. the most common of these are different species of epidendrum, oneidium, peristeria, catasectum, sobralia, cypripedium, maxillaria, stanopoea, &c. at about two o'clock we reached materón's establishment la sofía, where we were cordially received by the other partner, gonzalez, and his wife. la sofía is a good-sized, two-storied bamboo bungalow, with a fine wide veranda extending along its front, while around the building in every direction extend fields of maize, _yuca_, sugar-cane, &c., with the dark, silent forest in the background. as the place is built on a rather high bank, one can obtain from the veranda an excellent view of the placid, smiling river as it slowly rolls past to join the mighty amazon on its course to the atlantic. la sofía was formerly the headquarters of general reyes, ex-president of the republic, when he was engaged in the collection of quinine in this region years ago. it is at the head of steam navigation on the putumayo, and it was here that reyes' steamer _tundama_ was lost. when materón had arrived here, some eleven months before, he had found everything overgrown by the rank, tropical vegetation and all the old buildings almost completely destroyed. reyes had named the place la sofía in honour of his fiancée, and materón and his partner had retained the name. the company already had about ten _peons_ engaged in clearing the land and cultivating the crops, and had advanced merchandise to all the cionis, who had agreed to work out their indebtedness by planting rubber-trees, building houses, clearing land, &c. i was pleased to observe that strict morality was the rule, and that gonzalez permitted no abuses against the aborigines either by taking away their women, by cheating them, or in any way at all. as to the _peons_, they seemed cheerful and contented. there are two distinct kinds of rubber--that produced by a tree that must be cut down to extract the milk, which is called _caucho negro_, or black rubber, and is produced by the castilloa elastica, and that which is the product of a tree that can be tapped indefinitely, which is known as _jebe_ or _siringa_, and is collected from the hevea brasiliensis. these two varieties of rubber are each subdivided into several classifications, according to the quality of the latex or milk and the care and skill employed in their extraction and preparation. as a general rule, _siringa_ is much more valuable than _caucho_, and is the best kind adapted for cultivation, although materón was planting both sorts. after showing us some samples of each, he informed us that the whole region of the upper putumayo had once abounded in _caucho negro_, but that at the present date very little remained, owing to the fierce onslaughts of the _caucheros_ many years ago. the next day materón had some of his men build a little _rancho_ of palm-leaves over our canoe amidships to protect us from the sun and rain. this sort of awning is called a _pamacari_, and is in general use in the amazon valley; it gave the canoe a very picturesque appearance, and, as we afterwards found, was very convenient. we spent the rest of the day in inspecting the estate and taking down a cioni vocabulary, in which language gonzalez was very proficient and kind enough to give us the benefit of his knowledge. this vocabulary, which i had hoped to take back to civilisation with me, was, however, lost under particularly aggravating circumstances, which will be duly recorded in a succeeding chapter. although materón and gonzalez implored us to stay a week or so with them, we decided to resume our journey on the following day; but in the morning, just as we were about to start, perkins was attacked with a heavy fever, and so our departure was postponed. we dosed him up with quinine and put him to bed, where he soon began to perspire freely, which is to be desired in these malarial attacks. finding our patient better in the afternoon, gonzalez, materón, and myself took a little trip down to san josé, a small cioni town about a kilometre below la sofía. this village and its inhabitants are very similar to guineo and san diego, only a trifle larger than the latter. here we stopped some time, and i was able to obtain several souvenirs from the indians, besides a shallow earthen pot, which i determined to fix in the canoe to cook in, thus avoiding the loss of time consequent to performing this operation on shore. on our return, while pushing the canoe upstream between the numerous stumps along the shore, in the manner already described for _surcadas_, gonzalez, although an excellent boatman, suddenly lost his balance and fell with a thud into the deep water. fortunately, we succeeded in pulling him out, none the worse for his wetting, and in a half-hour reached la sofía without further adventure. here we found perkins somewhat better, so we fixed the pot in the fore part of the canoe in the manner i had planned and made arrangements to depart on the following day, for gonzalez had decided to accompany us as far as yocuropuí, the next cioni village, to see the indians there. perkins better, we accordingly bade goodbye to our kind friend materón the next morning, thursday, december 5th; and, lashing our canoe to gonzalez', in order to keep together and to facilitate conversation, we once more resumed our journey. materón had thoughtfully filled the canoe with _papayas_, bananas, &c., so what with them, the conversation, and the shooting, we were kept pretty busy. [illustration: canoe voyaging on the amazon: a noonday rest. to face p. 96.] the river soon became much broader, owing to the numerous tributaries, and the current much gentler, while great sand and gravel _playas_ began to appear with some frequency. numerous beautiful birds, flying from stump to stump, lent an air of life to the otherwise silent river, while occasionally a group of monkeys could be seen making their way from tree to tree, almost hidden by the thick leaves and tangled creepers so characteristic of amazonian vegetation. soon the heat grew uncomfortable, so we all withdrew under the commodious _pamacari_, where it was quite agreeable. at 11.30 we stopped for _almuerzo_ on an immense _playa_, upon which were two or three dilapidated-looking _ranchos_, probably erected by the exiles about a month before. having partaken of a fair lunch of fried _yuca_, sausage, rice, and coffee, we were about to get into the canoes when perkins' eye fell upon a huge ostrich-like bird several hundred metres away. as he was such a fine specimen, perkins endeavoured to get within range, but in vain; for the beauty, apparently as fond of his fine feathers as we were, soon disappeared into the forest and we saw him no more. this fine bird was probably a _nandu_ or _ema_,[76] sometimes called the ostrich of america. resuming the journey, at about two o'clock we passed a large _playa_ on the left bank, known as the playa de oro[77] on account of the supposed richness of its placer deposits. we did not examine it, however, owing to lack of time. a little later perkins had the good fortune to kill a large duck, and gonzalez almost got another, but it dived and went up the river, and when next he appeared he had nearly reached the shore, so we did not pursue him farther. at about 5.30 p.m. we reached an extensive sand island in the middle of the river, where we decided to stop for the night. after securing the canoes we started cooking, while the indians crossed over to the thickly wooded river bank and soon returned with a load of palm-leaves and several short poles of _cana brava_,[78] or wild cane, from which, within ten minutes, they constructed two _ranchos_, where we were to sleep during the night. after the meal was over we sat around smoking, while the indians washed the dishes, soon after which we all retired. during the night i felt something pricking one of my fingers, as it seemed to me. striking a match, i was amazed to see the blood pour from a smooth, round hole, about a quarter of an inch in diameter, on the first joint of my index finger. thinking it might have been done by some poisonous reptile, i awakened gonzalez, who, after a glance at the wound, informed me that it was the work of a vampire bat. as i afterwards ascertained, these bats are very common in this region, in some parts becoming a veritable pest, attacking not only mankind but also cattle, pigs, &c., and often almost killing them by the constant loss of blood, while i have seen men who told me they had been obliged to flee from certain localities in order to avoid the pertinacious attacks of these midnight marauders. they always commit their depredations at night, and it is very rare that they awaken their victims, for while their sharp teeth quickly burrow their way through the skin to the blood, their continually moving wings fan the wound in such a manner as to cause almost complete absence of pain, and the victim generally knows nothing of the midnight attack until he observes the wound. the next morning, at about seven o'clock, we again set out, and in a few minutes we saw a fine _pava_, which promptly fell a victim to gonzalez' aim. after a short stop for lunch, we saw some young peccaries at the bottom of the steep bank on our left. approaching hastily, we succeeded, after a short struggle, in capturing them alive, as they were very young, and then disembarked to try for the mother, whom we heard grunting in the distance. we spent a good half-hour struggling through the thick, thorny underbrush, but all in vain; we could not find her. the young ones we put in the boat, for gonzalez wished to take them back to la sofía to see if he could domesticate them. in about two hours more we reached yocuropuí, a small village of about ten houses, situated on a high knoll on the right bank. here we passed the afternoon in trading with the inhabitants, exchanging the various articles that we had bought in pasto for indian souvenirs, such as _bodoquedas_, quivers of poisoned arrows, pots of paint and poison, &c. here we got a couple of splendid hammocks. these indians are cionis, and in every way resemble those already described, except that they are, i think, a little crookeder. in accordance with our custom, we had given them a gourdful of _aguardiente_ on our arrival, but, not satisfied with that, several of them had sneaked down to the canoe while we were trading with the rest and had almost half-emptied the barrel before we discovered them. gonzalez, who was _corregidor_--a sort of magistrate--during martínez' absence, then made a long speech to them, emphasising their "base breach of hospitality to the two illustrious travellers," and wound up by threatening to put several of them in stocks. completely abashed by this, they silently slunk out of the hut, and for the rest of our stay at yocuropuí our barrel of _aguardiente_ was left severely alone. on the following day we bade _adios_ to gonzalez and set out alone, as the _bogas_ of guineo would go no farther, and those of yocuropuí wished to delay several days in order to celebrate one of their _fiesta_, which was to occur in about ten days. we had already lost much valuable time in pasto and mocoa, and as gonzalez had assured us that there were no falls nor rapids before us, we were rather glad to try our own skill as _bogas_. perkins, seated upon the high poop astern with his short indian paddle in his hand, acted as _popero_, while i did the cooking up in the bow, at the same time keeping my eyes "peeled" for stumps and game with the gun in easy reach. the sun was very hot, but occasionally a gentle breeze helped matters a little. the current was now very gentle, and our progress was exceedingly slow. as we were slowly drifting along the bank to get the benefit of the current, which was strongest there on account of a bend in the river, i discerned the dark outline of some large object lying upon an immense fallen tree-trunk. approaching nearer, we found to our astonishment that it was an enormous boa-constrictor curled up fast asleep sunning himself. as our rifle was out of order i took deliberate aim with the shot-gun, and at a distance of some ten metres let fly at him. the hideous monster jumped up and, after lashing his tail wildly about two or three times, plunged with a splash into the water but a few metres from our canoe and was lost to sight. from our short view of him we perceived that he was of a dark-brown colour, except his belly, which was white and about ten inches in diameter; his length being, as near as we could judge, some twenty or twenty-five feet. these reptiles are fairly numerous on the putumayo. along here we noticed that the river followed a regular system of long windings. first one bank would be eaten into by the strong current that swept past it, while the opposite shore would be protected by an extensive sand or gravel _playa_, often a kilometre or so in width. then the current would in the course of a couple of kilometres reach the other bank and begin its scouring operations there, while the first would commence to accumulate a _playa_. this system of long curves or windings extends along the whole course of the putumayo, and it is to be observed in most of the large rivers of the amazon basin. it is this that makes the putumayo so wide and shallow and accounts for the numerous sand islands thrown up in mid-stream. in low water the channel cut out by these everchanging currents must be strictly followed by all steamers and launches in order to prevent grounding. at eleven o'clock we stopped and had lunch, which i had cooked previously while perkins was performing the rôle of _boga_, on a nice shady _playa_ on the right bank. here i managed to kill a good-sized turkey, and, after continuing about two hours, i got another, so that for dinner we had an excellent meal, the chief _pièce de résistance_ being roast turkey. this operation concluded, we tied up the canoe securely, and instead of building a _rancho_ both went to sleep in the canoe under the _pamacari_. it was a little crowded, but we got along all right and passed the night quite comfortably. at about six o'clock the next morning we resumed the trip, and a couple of hours later passed the mouth of the quebrada san miguel, a large tributary, almost as large as the putumayo itself, on the right bank. it was here that we first made the acquaintance of a gigantic buzzing bee that followed us for hours, flying about perkins' head in such an irritating manner that he split our best paddle in a vain endeavour to kill it. this he finally succeeded in doing, but the deceased's place was soon taken by others, who kept at poor perkins until nightfall. they did not trouble me, probably on account of the smoke from the fire burning in the pot i got in san josé. at midday perkins took an observation for latitude, and found that we had just passed the equator, being then a few minutes south of the line. in order to celebrate this occurrence we both got outside of a good dram of _aguardiente_; we had made a successful "dash" to the equator, to employ the polar term. soon we came to a place where the river divided into two arms, or _brazos_, a large and a small one. we chose the latter for the sake of the shade and the better chance of shooting game. as we slowly made our way through the narrow _brazo_, the branches in some places joining over our heads, the calm beauty of the luxuriant vegetation and the intense silence of the forest, broken only by the occasional shrill call of some brilliant bird or the howl of a distant tribe of monkeys, combined to make us think we were in some fairy land. emerging at last from the shady arcade of the _brazo_, we again entered the main river, and at one o'clock reached montepa, the last village of the cionis, situated upon a steep knoll on the left bank. it consisted of eight or ten little bamboo huts, very similar to the other cioni villages already described. here we stopped a couple of hours and had a long talk with the _capitán_, who seemed to think we were very brave in making the trip without _bogas_, and as a token of his admiration offered us each a drink of _mazata_. after collecting a few more souvenirs we were about to depart, when perkins suddenly spied an enormous catfish, which, after the inevitable haggling, we purchased. this reminded us that we had plenty of fishing-tackle ourselves, so we resolved to test our angling abilities that very night. taking a most affectionate leave of the worthy _capitán_, whose extreme friendliness was doubtless inspired by our _aguardiente_, we resumed our descent, and continued for a couple of hours, when, reaching a convenient island, we stopped for the night. while i prepared dinner perkins shot a few small birds, which seemed to belong to a species of dove, as bait, and, after our meal was over, we rigged up a couple of lines and began fishing. soon i felt a nibble at my hook, and when i thought the fish had it well digested i pulled and had the satisfaction of landing a fine big catfish. perkins soon caught another, and presently we had a good number of the handsome big fellows. in the morning we enjoyed an excellent breakfast of fried fish, after which we again set out. the river now became enormously wider on account of its division into several _brazos_, some of which covered great distances before rejoining the main channel. large islands, covered with the prevailing dense vegetation, commenced to appear with great frequency, while tributaries of all sizes continued mingling their contents with those of the main river. in fact, the whole country was becoming a complete network of _brazos_ and _quebradas_, so intermingled and so numerous that it was often difficult to distinguish the one from the other. this continued all the way to the mouth of the river, and is common to nearly all the great streams that empty into the amazon. here we began to observe the _boto_, dog-fish or _pira-jaguar_,[79] of the indians, a huge fish often more than two metres in length, which plays about in schools in many parts of the river. they would flop awkwardly about, close to the boat, apparently quite at home with us. a rather peculiar custom of theirs is that of gasping and snorting violently, as though disgusted about something. its flesh is not edible--at any rate, the cionis will not eat it. this fish is also known as the dolphin of the amazon. during the whole day we suffered heavily from the suffocating heat, for the burning rays of the equatorial sun shot down upon our unprotected backs with a seemingly intentional fury, and not a breath of air stirred all day. our thirst was astounding, but, luckily, materón had insisted upon our taking along a quantity of limes, which now came in very handy to alleviate it. the next day, tuesday, the 10th, at about ten o'clock, we met a party of indians, apparently returning to montepa from a hunting expedition. we hailed them and asked what luck they had had, but they hurried off without replying, probably half-frightened to death at seeing two genuine, full-blooded white men. in the afternoon we saw a _ronsoco_, or _capivara_,[80] a large amphibious animal somewhat resembling a hog, standing near the water on a small flat area at the foot of a very steep clay bank. as soon as we got within range i discharged the shot-gun at him, and then we both kept up a hot fire with our revolvers, wounding him in several places, as he made desperate efforts to clamber up the steep, slippery bank. despairing of this, he suddenly plunged into the water, and we were just on the point of giving up pursuit of him when we saw his head as he came up to breathe. we emptied our six-shooters at him again, but again he dived, coming up in about two minutes, when at our once more taking a shot at him he disappeared for good and we saw him no more. i suspect that we killed him and his body sank. this animal feeds on grasses and weeds on the banks of the river, and is generally about the size of a hog. his scanty coat, of a greyish colour, is hard and bristly, but his flesh is used as food by the indians, although it is not very tasteful. the lard it furnishes is, however, very much esteemed in most parts. i believe that this is the largest rodent known. this rather exciting conflict concluded, we kept on until six o'clock, when we tied up the canoe to a nice sand _playa_. after dinner we again went out on a nocturnal fishing expedition, and had fair luck, catching enough for breakfast, but not such big ones as on the preceding night. at about ten o'clock we retired to the canoe. the next morning, at about half-past four, we were awakened by a sudden jar, so severe that we rolled all over each other. climbing out from under the _pamacari_ as quickly as possible, we found to our horror that _the canoe was adrift_. it had undoubtedly become released during the night from the stake to which it had been fastened and had drifted on downstream with the current. it was only by good luck or the hand of providence that it had not capsized already. as soon as we realised what had happened i immediately climbed out in the bow to ward off any other stumps that we might be about to strike, while perkins hurried back to the poop and endeavoured to get the bow foremost, for the canoe was floating broadside. complete darkness prevented us from seeing more than two feet ahead of us, but perkins succeeded in getting the bow pointing more or less ahead and keeping it there, while i stood up in front trying to make out the best course to avoid the stumps. after what seemed like an eternity--as we expected to capsize every moment--although really about an hour, day began to dawn and we began to breathe again. soon a good-sized _playa_ appeared and we stopped for breakfast, feeling rather surprised that we were alive to partake of it. after a short rest and a long pull of _aguardiente_ we pushed on again. soon a gentle breeze began to blow, which was very agreeable, for the heat was scorching; it gradually increased, however, until it got to be quite a nuisance, raising waves nearly two feet high and blowing against the _pamacari_ with such force that we were once more in danger of capsizing. finally, the situation became so ticklish--for we did not dare to approach the bank on account of the dangers from falling trees, &c.--that, much to our regret, we were obliged to remove the _pamacari_, leaving nothing but the bare framework. things went better then, and in accordance with our usual luck, the wind soon after ceased and within an hour all was calm again. in some seasons of the year fierce tempests take place on the rivers of the amazon basin, called _turbonadas_. these are generally accompanied by lightning, torrential rains, &c., and the wind, often attaining a velocity of from twenty to thirty metres per second, blows down trees and causes such large waves and whirlpools that canoes are often overturned and lost unless great care is taken. at two o'clock we unexpectedly reached guepí, a scattered collection of three colombian rubber-trading establishments, about a kilometre apart from each other. we stopped for an hour or so at the first house, belonging to one señor muñoz; this was a large split-palm bungalow, raised about six feet above the level of the ground in order to prevent flooding during the wet season, when the river overflows its banks. it appeared to be uncompleted, for there were no walls, although the roof and the elevated floor were finished, and the latter was covered with a miscellaneous collection of _bultos_, heaps of _yuca_ and plantains, pots and kettles, _peons_ in hammocks, pieces of rubber, and other things too numerous to mention. the inhabitants seemed to be taking life easily and not worrying about a rainy day, for they all knocked off as soon as we appeared and began simultaneously to talk and to fill themselves and us with _aguardiente_. they seemed to be a merry, jovial lot, and when we left insisted upon presenting us with a dozen eggs and a whole lot of _papayas_ and plantains. [illustration: a typical river bank clearing. [to face p. 108.] at about 3.30 we reached the settlement of señor fajardo, another bungalow, somewhat smaller than muñoz', but on much the same style. here we were also cordially received by the proprietor, a small, dark-complexioned man of about fifty, and his buxom wife. as they both pressed us to stop all night with them we gladly assented, and, accompanying them to the house, we were introduced to drs. ortiz and hernandez, two of the recently exiled political prisoners from mocoa, who, it appears, had escaped from the escort at this place and were about to set out for iquitos via the river napo. the two exiles seemed to be very decent fellows, and gave us a rather interesting account of their imprisonment and of their subsequent escape from the escort; their companions, however, had elected to continue their journey to the caraparaná and take a launch from there to iquitos, as was our intention; but these two gentlemen had thought it more interesting to ascend the river guepí by canoe as far as possible, and then, crossing overland to the river santa maría, an affluent of the napo, to descend that river and the napo to their destination, the peruvian town of iquitos on the amazon. as we were bound for the same place we promptly made an arrangement to the effect that the ones who reached there last were to regale the first-comers with a good dinner and half a dozen bottles of the best champagne. we then celebrated this compact with a drink of _aguardiente_ each and retired for the night. as the river had risen some two feet by morning the two exiles determined to take advantage of this fact to set out at once, for such small rivers as the guepí can only be navigated conveniently for any distance when the water is high. in accordance with this resolution they immediately began to pack up and send for their _bogas_, and at eleven o'clock, everything being ready, the two voyagers, with a last _adios_, took their departure. returning to the house, we enjoyed an excellent lunch, during which we learned that our host had extensive rubber areas in the interior of the forest, several days' journey from the riverside and that his _peons_ were now at work there, extracting and preparing this produce for market; some of this rubber he sells at mocoa, but his principal market is at iquitos, which he described as the chief rubber centre of the upper amazon. in addition to his regular employees he had several indians also at work collecting for him, whom he paid in merchandise. lunch over, we said goodbye and took our departure, loaded with a fresh supply of limes, _yucas_, &c. the river, muddy and swollen to a degree, took us along rapidly, and soon guepí was left behind and we were again alone upon the river. at about five o'clock we began looking for a _playa_ to stop for the night on, but none were to be seen--the river had covered them. we continued, however, in the hopes of finding some suitable place until it grew dark, when, fearing to go any farther, we tied up to a good, stout stump on the bank. here we missed our _pamacari_, but, after some meditation, we hit upon the idea of hanging our ponchos over the framework, which, fortunately, we had left on. this scheme working satisfactorily, we had a couple of games of chess, and then retired. chapter iv the central putumayo at about seven o'clock the next morning i awoke, yawned, crawled out of our makeshift _pamacari_, and saw--a desert of wet, uneven sand. perfectly stupefied, i awakened perkins, and we stepped out to investigate. there stood--firm as a rock--the stump that had served as our sheet-anchor, and yonder--separated from us by a broad stretch of sandy beach--ran the river. at last we understood. the river had gone down some two feet during the night and had left us stranded on the enormous _playa_ that was now revealed. awakening at last from the stupefaction that had overcome us, we endeavoured to push the canoe over the 150 metres of sand that lay between the river and us. we might as well have tried to move the river itself, for we could not shift it an inch. still undismayed, we grasped our trusty _machetes_, cut down several _selico_-trees, peeled off the bark, and, after a severe struggle, got them under the canoe with the idea of sliding it over them. but it was useless, for they sank out of sight in the sand. the next attempt was still more laborious, for it was nothing less than building a track, composed of two parallel rows of logs and then inserting rollers between the track and the canoe. this, too, proved unavailing. in despair we took out all our effects and tried it again, but in vain. roused to desperation, we made one more effort by trying to overturn the craft, but it was so waterlogged that we could not lift it three inches. panting, perspiring, and cursing bitterly, we saw that we were in for it, so, taking a long drink of _aguardiente_ each, we carefully put everything back in the canoe, and i cooked the breakfast while perkins fixed up the two mosquito-bars over the framework of our late _pamacari_. breakfast over, we sat down to consider the matter, calmly and judicially. we had tried everything our ingenuity could suggest, but without the slightest success. thus we should be compelled to stop here until some one came along and helped us or until the river rose again. judging by the fact that up to this point we had not encountered a single traveller, the first possibility seemed very remote; and in regard to the second, we now remembered that fajardo had informed us that this was probably the last rise of the river until the beginning of the wet season, which is about the end of january. as it was now friday, december 13th, it looked as though we were bound to stay here some time. after lunch we set out upon an exploring expedition along the deserted _playa_, which proved to be some three kilometres in length. through its southern extremity ran a small _quebrada_, which issued from the dense, impenetrable jungle and finally emptied into the river. in some of the deep pools of this stream we observed several enormous alligators swimming about, the tips of their noses protruding from the water like the tops of logs. several species of saurians are common in the central and lower putumayo, such as the alligator cynocephalus, which is frequently from eight to ten feet long; the alligator palpebrosus, smaller but equally voracious; and the crocodilus sclerops, or spectacled alligator, so called on account of his horrible red eyes, projecting outwardly like a pair of glasses on his snout. this brute, which attains a length of from twelve to fifteen feet, lays its eggs in the warm sand, where in due time they are hatched. these alligators, or _caymanes_, rarely attack man, and feed chiefly on fish and small animals, such as river-seals, capivaras, &c. returning to the canoe, we thought that it would be an excellent idea to remove our shoes and socks and go barefoot, for the sand was loose and soft and inconvenienced us by getting in the tops of the shoes. we had no sooner taken off these articles, however, than we discovered that the sand was burning hot from the blazing rays of the sun--so hot, in fact, that we hastened to put them on again at once. while i busied myself preparing dinner perkins went to work cleaning up our rifle, which we had neglected and allowed to become very rusty. by the time dinner was ready he had polished it up and it was as good as ever, which made us feel a little more at home, for we had heard most bloodcurdling tales of the ferocity of the jaguars and tigers so common in this region. the jaguar, ounce, or american tiger,[81] is almost as large and ferocious as the tigers of asia, often measuring over six feet in length, exclusive of the two-feet-long tail. it attacks nearly all animals, and sometimes man himself. its sleek coat is of a bright tan colour on the back and white underneath, and on its flanks four rows of black rings, surrounding small black dots, are to be observed. this is the most common kind met with. other species are: the black jaguar,[82] known to the indians as the _jaguareté_, which is very ferocious; the puma, _cougar_, or american lion,[83] whose coat is of a uniform tan, and which often measures four feet in length; the grey tiger,[84] which is only about two feet long; and the _maracaja_ tiger,[85] which has a coat of different shades of black, white, and grey, and is still smaller than the preceding one. the next morning we again went out hunting and exploring, and found numerous _danta_, or tapir tracks, from the forest to the river. they were very large, and we followed them until they disappeared into the inaccessible forest. reaching the southern end of the beach, we observed several turtle tracks, but did not notice them closely, for just then we stumbled upon what looked like a jaguar trail, which we followed until it, too, disappeared in the depths of the forest. somewhat discomfited at these repeated disappointments, we returned to the alligator pools and amused ourselves at taking pot-shots at the alligators until they discovered our game and promptly got away. a little later we shot a small bird, resembling a seagull, which we saved as bait for a fishing expedition we had planned for that evening. returning to the canoe, we had lunch; and, then, as it was too hot to go out on another expedition, devoted the rest of the afternoon to chess: but i lost every game, although when we were on the cauca railway i used to beat perkins easily. whether my mind was distracted by our shipwreck, or whether perkins had done some studying up, i cannot say; the fact remains that during all the time we were shipwrecked i only won a single game, and we must have played over fifty. at about seven o'clock in the evening we went down to the edge of the river and commenced fishing. at first we did not get a single bite, and we were just about giving it up in despair, when a school of enormous catfish appeared upon the scene, and in less than an hour and a half we had enough to last for a couple of days. here we observed several more monstrous alligators, and soon so many appeared that we began to get a little nervous. they did not molest us, however, and we kept on fishing until nine o'clock, when we retired to our humble abode--the canoe. shortly after breakfast the next morning i went out on another expedition, taking my _machete_ with me. after exploring the _playa_, without seeing anything more than tracks, i succeeded in penetrating a short distance into the forest, where i was lucky enough to kill a fine, large bird, known as the _paujil_. returning to the canoe, i stumbled upon a large turtle track; following it some distance, i observed that it had dug up the sand, probably to deposit some eggs, so, excavating a little with my _machete_, i discovered the nest, which contained over eighty eggs. as these eggs are excellent eating, i took off my shirt, tied them up in it and carried them to camp, along with the _paujil_. at any rate, we were in no danger of starving. there are two kinds of turtle common on the putumayo, a large and a small species, known respectively as the _charapa_ and the _charapilla_. the former is often two or three feet in diameter, and lays eggs almost as large as those of a hen and sometimes as many as a hundred in a nest. the latter is only about a foot or eighteen inches across, its eggs are only about half the size of the former's, and there are only from twenty to thirty of them in a nest. the flesh of both these chelonians is succulent and nourishing; the shell, which, however, is not so valuable as that of a seaturtle, is used in some places for different purposes. the eggs are very agreeable, and are eaten either fresh or smoked; in brazil they extract from them an oil, which is employed for illuminating, like kerosene. after lunch, which was composed of rice, turtle-eggs, fish, and _yuca_, we again took up chess, which we played steadily until about three o'clock, when, happening to glance up towards the river, i was overjoyed to perceive several canoes coming upstream. rushing down to the water's edge, we saw that there were five canoes, each one containing about ten indians. as soon as they came up to us, i told them of our misfortune and asked them to help us out, promising to reward them generously. the wretches merely smiled and passed on, which so enraged us that, had i not observed that they were all well-armed, i should certainly have fired a couple of rifle-shots across their bows. as it was, we could do nothing but stand there and execrate them, which naturally was useless. when they finally disappeared, we returned with bitter thoughts to our chess, which we kept at until after dinner. during this meal we were so upset over the malicious action of the indians that we determined to have blood of some sort, so, after some deliberation, we decided that it should be the _danta's_ whose track i had observed in the morning. accordingly, at about nine o'clock, we set out on the warpath; perkins carried the shot-gun and i the rifle, while we both had a revolver and a naked _machete_. arriving at the spot where the trail disappeared into the forest, we selected a couple of well-concealed but comfortable seats and waited. after spending several hours sitting there in absolute silence, our patience was finally rewarded by hearing the sound of snapping underbrush, and the next moment a large, awkward form waddled past us and out upon the moonlit sands. we fired almost simultaneously, and had the satisfaction of seeing the animal fall with a thud; the next instant, however, it was again upon its feet and dashing wildly and violently about. meanwhile, we discharged our revolvers again and again, but without much effect; at last the gallant perkins rushed up and with a few powerful blows of his _machete_ ended the mêlée, receiving, however, a slight gash in the calf of his leg from a projecting tusk. we dragged the heavy body of the vanquished _danta_ to our canoe, and, after duly celebrating our victory, found him to be nearly six feet in length and close to three feet in height. we then proceeded to skin him and cut him up in small pieces for smoking, for this is the most common method of preserving meat in this region. this operation concluded, we immediately built a large fire, erected over it a _barbacoa_,[86] and then, salting the pieces one by one, we put them over the roaring fire until they were cooked through. this task was not finished until daylight, when, not troubling to get breakfast, for we had eaten an enormous quantity of the roasting tapir, we immediately retired, quite exhausted but happy. the tapir, _danta_, or _gran bestia_ is the largest mammal of the amazon valley, and somewhat resembles the hog. its snout is, however, prolonged to a small, flexible proboscis and its brown skin is covered, not with bristles but with a few silky hairs. during the daytime the tapir generally remains hidden in the cool, swampy marshes, coming out only at night to feed on roots, nuts, &c. when startled, he rushes along at great speed, his head down and perfectly regardless of trees and underbrush, through which he passes like a whirlwind. the only sounds this animal makes are low grunts and short, shrill whistles, quite out of proportion to his large frame. the tapir--the most valuable of all the pachyderms--ought to be domesticated, for its flesh is excellent and its skin makes first-rate leather; in addition to this, it has been suggested that it would also serve as a beast of burden. we did not awake until about 11 a.m., when we had breakfast or lunch--whichever it was--after which we set out on our usual stroll. perkins elected to take the shot-gun and penetrate the forest a short distance, while i went down to the alligator-pool. i saw several turtle tracks on the way, but decided not to dig any eggs, as we had an ample supply of provisions. arriving at the pool, i sat down in the sand awaiting for some of the saurians to put in an appearance; i sat there for some time, and was just thinking of returning to camp, when the water swirled up and the head of a river-cow or _lamantin_ showed up for an instant. i jumped to my feet and the cetacean promptly disappeared; although i hung around the pool for an hour or more, i saw nothing more of the river-cow, and, quite disappointed, returned to our abode. the manatee, _dugong_, _vaca-marina_, or _lamantin_ is none other than the classical siren, and sometimes reaches a length of from twelve to fifteen feet. its pisciform body terminates in a fan-shaped tail, while the two fins in front, although flat and membranous, consist of five claw-like projections, somewhat resembling human fingers. the females have breasts, similar in shape to those of a woman. their flesh is excellent, and they generally yield large quantities of fat, which is often used as an illuminant. as the manatee has a very delicate sense of hearing, its capture is rather difficult, and the indians generally conceal themselves in the thick rushes that surround the bank of a pool and wait there for the victim to come up. as it feeds on certain plants that grow on the edge of the bank, it approaches the shore with some frequency. the indians then watch their chance and, at a favourable moment, spring out and stab it before it can escape. this animal is becoming rarer every year, owing to the persecution it suffers. in about half an hour perkins arrived with three victims--a small dove, a little green lizard, known as the _iguana_, and a parrot. after making a brief examination of these trophies, of which he seemed very proud, i prepared dinner, after which we had a quiet smoke and then retired. the next morning we were overjoyed to perceive that the river had risen nearly a foot during the night, but our hopes began to abate when it slowly commenced to go down again, and by eleven o'clock completely vanished, for the water was even lower than before. it certainly began to look as though we were to be detained here several weeks, possibly months. in the afternoon we went out hunting, in spite of the suffocating heat. coming to perkins's trail in the forest, we followed it to the end, took out our _machetes_, and, cutting out some of the underbrush, proceeded for about a kilometre farther. resting here for some time without seeing anything worth shooting, we were about to return when the crackling of twigs indicated that some large animal was prowling around in our vicinity. approaching cautiously, we peered through the rank vegetation and perceived a herd of about fifteen peccaries, busily engaged in devouring the fallen fruits of a group of palm-trees. as we had plenty of meat, we did not kill any of them, but, after observing them for a few minutes, started back to camp.[87] the flesh of these pachyderms is excellent; if the animal killed is a male, it is necessary, however, to remove certain glands immediately, otherwise the meat will have a strong, disagreeable flavour. in some parts the natives take advantage of the natural pugnacity of this animal to encompass its destruction. the _modus operandi_ is as follows: the hunter sneaks to them as they are feeding and excites them by imitating the barking of a dog; as soon as they perceive him they all make a rush in his direction; the hunter climbs a convenient tree and the enraged peccaries dash themselves against it in an endeavour to overturn it; the hunter then descends within reach of them, and, with his stout _machete_ frequently kills numbers of the infuriated animals before they abandon their attack. in the evening we again went fishing, but with indifferent success. the fish did not seem hungry, and it was not until after ten o'clock that we caught enough for breakfast. these were, as on the other occasions, all catfish. other fish, however, abound in the central and lower putumayo, most of which are already mentioned. one small fish, known as the _candirú_, is much feared in some parts on account of its fondness for entering the lower orifices of people in bathing. on the following day perkins did not feel very well, so i went out alone with the object of securing some more turtle eggs. reaching the vicinity of the alligator-pool, i found a small trail which led along the bank for some distance. following it with my eyes on the ground, i suddenly stumbled over something and almost lost my balance. looking around, i perceived that i had run up against an enormous spectacled alligator that had been sunning himself on the sands, and i assure the gentle reader that i lost no time in making my get-away. the hideous monster lost no time in pursuing me, and my blood ran cold when i looked around and saw his wide-open jaws not more than two metres behind me. fortunately, the forest was close, and in less time than it takes to tell it i was up a tree and pouring down a hot revolver fire upon my disgruntled antagonist, who soon walked off in disgust. after some time i cautiously descended; needless to say, i did not follow up any more turtle trails in the vicinity of the pool, for i had no desire to enter those pearly gates that i had just escaped from so narrowly. perkins, better in the afternoon, went out, while i remained with the canoe; in about an hour and a half he returned with about twenty small eggs, having found a _charapilla's_ nest and a large, beautifully plumaged bird, known as the _piurí_; this bird has a magnificent, black curled topknot and a yellow bill, tipped with black, and is about the size of a turkey. i believe this fine bird is rather rare. the next morning perkins and i set out on a forest expedition; following our previous trail to the end, we took out our _machetes_ and hacked our way on a couple of kilometres farther. on the way we saw a tribe of the monkeys known as the barrigudos; they are hairy and pot-bellied, with large, bullet-shaped heads and well-formed limbs. as soon as they saw us they scampered off, and we did not take a shot at them. finally, perspiring from every pore as a result of our exertions, we were about to sit down to rest a little while, when perkins heard in the distance the hoarse, piercing call of the _toucan_.[88] wishing to secure a specimen of this strange, queer-looking bird, he set out in the direction from whence the call seemed to come, while i remained at the end of our _trocha_, enjoying a smoke. after waiting there an hour or so i began to get alarmed for him, and hallooed repeatedly at the top of my voice, but the deep silence of the forest was broken by no answering yell. then i bethought myself to discharge my rifle, but nothing was to be heard in reply except the long-drawn-out echoes. what could i do? i dare not set out in search of him, lest i, too, be lost, for in these dense solitudes people have perished from starvation and exposure, unaware that they were within a kilometre of a house. i sat there for hours, shouting and firing my rifle at short intervals and was just becoming desperate, when, faint in the distance, i thought i heard the dull report of a shot-gun. when the echoes of my answering discharge died away, i listened anxiously and, after a short interval, once more heard the muffled boom of the shot-gun, but a little louder than before. keeping up a steady fire, in about three-quarters of an hour i was overjoyed to see perkins, with the _toucan_ in his arms, appear in quite a different direction than he had set out from. after he had recovered himself somewhat by means of the small flask of _aguardiente_ that i had with me, he informed me that the possibility of getting lost had never occurred to him until having shot the bird. after about an hour's pursuit, he started to return; then he had realised that he was lost, for he had not the slightest idea of which way to return, and wandered about for hours until he finally got within range of the report of my rifle. after that, the rest was easy, and in less than an hour he had found his way back. returning to the camp, we examined the _toucan_ that had been the means of leading him astray. these birds are as a rule about the size of a pigeon; their huge yellow beak is almost as big as their entire body. it is, however, of a porous and cellular structure, and does not weigh much. their plumage is brilliant and attractive, the back, tail, and wings being of a dark rich blue, while the breast is yellow. the _toucan_ lives in hollow trees in the depths of the forest, and feeds on fruits and insects; as a rule, it lays only two or three eggs, which it often devours. at about four o'clock i went out in search of some turtle eggs, and, after some half-hour's trailing, found a large nest containing over a hundred. tying them up in my shirt, i was returning to camp when i heard the report of the rifle, which seemed to come from that direction; hastening onward, i turned a bend and saw three men get out of a canoe and approach our abode, where they seemed to be cordially received by perkins. within a few minutes i joined them, and was overjoyed to see that they were a detachment of the caraparaná police force of the _corregidor_, gabriel martínez. the officer in charge of the little band--_alférez_ velasco--was very agreeable and courteous, and readily consented to lend a hand. so after dinner, which was a very pleasant affair, we removed all our effects from the canoe, collected our rollers, passed around the _aguardiente_, and in less than two hours our gallant craft was again afloat. the _alférez_ and his men then retired, completely exhausted by this task and the long day's poling up the river, and perkins and i commenced our heartbreaking labour of carrying our baggage, &c., over the half-kilometre that separated us from the canoe--for it had not been convenient to roll the heavy craft to the nearest part of the river on account of the sand-hummocks that intervened, and to have taken the canoe up to this place would have meant two hours' hard work on account of the strong current and the long bend in the river. it was truly a sickening task. we had had originally seven _bultos_, weighing about four _arrobas_ each; now, in addition to this we had a barrel of _aguardiente_, our indian souvenirs, perkins's mineralogical specimens, our _danta_, &c. to add to our disgust the river commenced to rise rapidly, and soon we perceived that, if we had not been in such a hurry, there would probably have been no necessity for carrying our things, as the river would have relieved us of this task. sweat fell from us in streams, the rough edges of the _bultos_ cut our shoulders mercilessly, and, to make matters worse, it began to rain in torrents. still we stuck to it, and at about one o'clock in the morning perkins staggered on board with the last load--the barrel of _aguardiente_--on his back. after lightening this part of our equipment by two good drinks each, we immediately retired and slept the sleep of the just. the next morning it was as we had expected--the river had kept on rising, and the greater part of the _playa_ was submerged. making our way to the police detachment, we held a long chat with the officer, gave them a chunk of the smoked _danta_-meat, passed around the _aguardiente_, and thanking them heartily, took our departure. the swift current took us along rapidly, and soon the scene of our shipwreck faded away in the distance and became but a pleasant memory of the past. lunching in the canoe at about eleven o'clock, we steadily continued our descent. at about two i thought i would like to try my hand at being _popero_, so perkins accordingly gave me a few hints on it and then retired under the _pamacari_ to enjoy a short nap. i got along first-rate for an hour or so and was beginning to think myself almost the equal of a professional indian _boga_, when, borne along at a tremendous rate by the rushing current, we ran into a log that stuck some six feet out of the water at an angle of about thirty degrees. the log was too high to strike the bow, and passed over it; it reached the _pamacari_, got caught fast in it, the canoe turned broadside, listed to port, water poured over the gunwale in torrents, and i commenced to say my prayers. the next moment the _pamacari_ snapped, the canoe veered around bow foremost again, the log, with the released _pamacari_ still attached to it, raked the rear part of our craft, knocked me overboard, and the canoe was free. i hastily grasped the end of the log and hung to it like a tick to a nigger's shin, until perkins struggled to his feet and threw me a rope, for no mortal man could have come up with the canoe in the teeth of the current. i grabbed the rope, and perkins, after some delay, finally yanked me aboard, none the worse for my misadventure except a large bruise on my forehead. i did not play the rôle of _popero_ again for some time. at about five o'clock we stopped for the day at a large _playa_; i may say, however, that we spent some time in sounding the vicinity of the place where we tied the canoe, in order not to get stranded again. taking a little walk to explore our neighbourhood, we stumbled upon several turtle trails, and, following them up, found some three large nests. digging a little with our _machetes_ at one of them, we unearthed about eighty eggs, which we conveyed to the canoe; some of these eggs we had for dinner in the shape of an omelette. the next morning we again set out on our journey. as our _danta_ was now getting spoiled, i kept an eagle eye on the trees along the bank in hopes of killing something, and shot at several monkeys, but with apparently no effect. finally i perceived a large turkey, and as soon as we got within range drew a bead on him and fired. the bird fell to the ground, we drew up, i got out and found the dead body of a buzzard or _gallinazo_. this repugnant bird, also known as the _urubú_ in brazil, is about the size of the wild turkey, which it somewhat resembles at a distance. its plumage, however, is a sort of dingy black, and its fairly large beak is of the same colour. they always emit an insufferable, carrion smell, and are the universal scavengers of the tropics. indeed, in colombia the killing of a _gallinazo_ is punishable by a heavy fine. of these birds the best known species are the cathartes foetens, the c. aura, and the c. jata. the white _gallinazo_ is not so common, and is popularly supposed to be the king of the flock. while on the cauca railway i saw one feeding on a dead mule, while all the common _urubús_ stood on one side, waiting until he had had enough. the indians (as well as many of the "whites") are very superstitious in regard to this bird, and consider its appearance as a good omen. having shot nothing eatable, we reached a promising-looking _playa_ at two o'clock and disembarked in search of some more turtle-eggs. we were busily engaged in excavating a nest, when perkins saw a solitary canoe slowly making its way up-stream. approaching the bank, we hailed the strangers, and they began to steer in our direction; as they came nearer we saw that they were all indians, except one, who was a well-dressed, elderly white man. it was then that we became conscious of our clothes, or rather of our lack of them, for i was dressed only in a torn shirt, an equally torn pair of trousers, and a wide stetson hat, while perkins was clad only in a long shirt and his flowing beard. mastering our embarrassment, we introduced ourselves to the old man, who proved to be none other than don rogerio becerra, the gentleman who had escorted the exiles down to the caraparaná, from whence he was now returning to mocoa. he seemed to be a very pleasant and agreeable man, and we held quite a conversation with him, in the course of which he informed us that the _corregidor_, don gabriel martínez, to whom jurado had given us a letter, was on his way up also with his police force, and that we might expect to meet him in a couple of days. after a little more conversation he presented us with a live _charapilla_, of which he had several, and slowly resumed his long and tedious journey. after unearthing the rest of the eggs, we, too, set out and continued our trip without any further incidents until about half-past five, when we stopped at a large _playa_. while i was engaged in cooking the dinner here, perkins went out for a prowl with the shot-gun and succeeded in getting a large duck. the following morning, december 22nd, we got an early start at six o'clock and continued the trip without incident until ten o'clock, when, owing to the stifling heat, we drew up to a beach and put up a new _pamacari_-frame, over which we laid our mosquito-bars to make a little shade. no sooner was this accomplished than the sun disappeared behind a cloud, a strong wind arose, and it began to rain in torrents. this kept up for some two hours, and, of course, we got soaked; at the end of this time, however, the sun came out again as hot as ever, and in another two hours we were dry. shortly after this we met a group of four or five _capivaras_ trying to scramble up the crumbling, four-foot-high vertical bank of an immense sand island covered with a tall, dense grass. as soon as we got within range perkins let fly at them with his rifle, while i did the same with the shot-gun; the only noticeable effect was to accelerate their frantic efforts to mount the bank. then the swift current wafted us down opposite to them, and we opened up a hot revolver fire. one or two of them dived then, and another, with a desperate leap, got on top of the bank and instantly disappeared in the tall grass. by this time we were some distance past the spot where they had been, and as the current was very strong, we did not judge it worth while to go back, seeing that they had all disappeared. on the following day we were again favoured, at about noon, with another heavy downpour. the wind was so strong as to cause large waves and make our progress exceedingly slow. when the storm passed, at about one o'clock, the sun again obligingly came out and dried our clothes for us, as on the previous day. a little after this we had the luck to shoot a turkey and find a large nest of turtle eggs; the _charapilla_ that don rogerio had given us we still kept tied up on his back alive in the bow, intending to keep him for christmas. at about 3 p.m. we came in sight of a house, which, according to what don rogerio had told us, we surmised was yaracaya, the rubber establishment of señor jesús lópez. around the house was a little patch of clearing, planted with _yuca_, plantains, &c., while, surrounding this little piece of man's feeble handiwork rose the unbroken stretch of primeval forest and the island-studded river, rushing onward to join the mighty amazon. keeping in towards the right bank--upon which the establishment is situated--we were so engrossed in taking stock of the place that we got stuck on a submerged sand-bar and some difficulty was experienced in getting off it. then a tall, dark, bearded man, dressed in a pair of checkered blue trousers and a white shirt, who proved to be lópez himself, came down to the bank, accompanied by a _peon_, and gave us a cordial welcome. leading us up the gentle slope, he conducted us into the house, which was built on posts about six feet above the level of the ground. it was of bamboo and split-palm, large and ample, and had a porch running along the front, which faced the river. presently a tall, rather pretty woman appeared, whom he introduced to us as the wife of his partner, now absent on a trip to iquitos, via the river napo. in the kitchen we observed a number of indian women busily engaged in making _fariña_. we had not intended stopping here for more than an hour or so, but shortly after our arrival perkins was attacked by a heavy dose of fever, and as lópez pressed us to stay, we were glad to accept his invitation. i spent most of the time in conversation with our host, who kindly supplied me with considerable information about the region of the caraparaná. in the course of this conversation i learned that there was considerable ill-feeling between the colombians of that section and the peruvians on account of the boundary dispute and the aggressions of the latter, who are much more numerous than the colombians and all employees of a large firm which has its headquarters in iquitos and is known as the peruvian amazon company. lópez informed me that this company, planning to get possession of the rubber estates of the colombians of the caraparaná, had influenced the peruvian officials at iquitos, in open violation of the _modus vivendi_, to send troops up to help expel them, and that, moreover, these troops had just arrived. somewhat taken aback at this rather interesting information and not wishing to get mixed up in any frontier disputes, i asked lópez if it were not possible to avoid passing through that region and cross over by some _varadero_[89] to the river napo, as his partner had done. he replied that there were several _varaderos_ we could take, the best one being near an establishment known as remolino--some five-days journey down the river--which belonged to the colombian company of ordoñez and martínez. these gentlemen, lópez went on to inform me, had plenty of indians in their service, and, in addition to lending us the necessary number of _cargadores_, would probably be glad to buy our canoe and such effects as we did not desire to take with us. this advice seemed reasonable, and i determined to act on it. the next morning found perkins no better, so we had to prolong our stay. in the course of my conversations with lópez, who seemed to take life pretty easily, i learned that all the rubber produced in this section of the putumayo is an inferior kind of _jebe_ or _siringa_, known technically as _jebe débil_ or weak-fine rubber. such large quantities of it are produced, however, and at such a small cost, especially in the caraparaná and igaraparaná districts, that its poor quality is more than compensated for. lópez furthermore told me that he had several _racionales_ and a number of indians employed on his inland estates. the former he paid a salary, while the indians exchanged the rubber they collected for merchandise. in the middle of the afternoon we perceived several canoes coming up the river; finally reaching the port, they disembarked, and we saw that they were the police force that becerra had told us of. lópez and i went down to the port to greet the _corregidor_, don gabriel martínez; what was our amazement when the corporal in charge gave us the pleasing information that four or five days previously, while they had been stopping at an establishment known as yubinete, a launch had appeared with about forty employees of the peruvian amazon company on board, who had informed the _corregidor_ that he must go to el encanto, their headquarters, with them. upon his refusal they had exhibited their arms, and declared that they would take him by force then. seeing that resistance would be useless, martínez had ordered his men to wait three days for him, and, if he did not appear at the end of that time, to proceed on up the river. they had not seen him since, and naturally feared that he had been detained. lópez asked them to stop over christmas, and they gladly assented, for the poor fellows, of whom there were eight, were in a lamentable condition. thin, weak, and emaciated, they looked more like ghosts than men. they were all in rags, without food, without medicines, and suffering from malarial fever of the worst kind. lópez gave them some food and assigned them quarters under the house, while i gave them the greater part of our quinine. they were accompanied by ten or twelve cioni boatmen, who, curiously enough, looked quite plump and healthy. the next day was christmas, and perkins was better, so we celebrated the occasion by killing the turtle don rogerio had given us. in addition to this delectable dish, the lady of the house made some plantain dessert and several other dainties, which we devoured ravenously. then lópez brought out a small barrel of the indispensable _aguardiente_, and everybody, including the sick policemen, their cioni boatmen, and perkins and myself, got on more or less of a jag,[90] which lasted all day, and was not interrupted even by the death of one of lópez' indians, who, it seems, had been ailing for some time. the next morning at eight o'clock the policemen set out on their homeward journey. we saw them off, and, returning to the house, spent the rest of the forenoon in taking down a lot of cioni words, which lópez was kind enough to furnish us with. this task completed at four o'clock, we had lunch, and after rendering the genial lópez a small return for his hospitality, perkins and i set out once more upon our journey down the river. during the afternoon we stopped on a large _playa_ and dug up a quantity of turtle eggs. while engaged in this operation we observed a magnificent bird of a blackish colour, which we took to be the ibis. we endeavoured to drop him, but he was too wily for us, and we could not get within range. a little later i succeeded in killing a couple of wild ducks, which seemed to be very numerous in this vicinity. on the following morning we set out at about six o'clock, being awakened at about half-past five by a numerous army of gnats or _moscos_. these little pests, described in the first chapter as being very prevalent on the cauca railway, had not afflicted us since leaving puerto guineo, the point of embarkation. they now became very aggravating, and such was their ferocity and perseverance that we were finally compelled to don the gloves and veils we had had made in pasto for the purpose. owing to the suffocating heat, these articles were inconvenient to a degree, but as they were undoubtedly the lesser evil, we endeavoured to put up with them. at about 2 p.m. we reached yubinete, the place where martínez had been kidnapped. as soon as we reached the port a couple of _racionales_ came down and conducted us up along a winding path to the little split-palm hut, which was situated on a high knoll on the right bank, some two hundred metres from the river. the place seemed desolate and neglected, for rank weeds and large bushes arose on every side. the proprietor, it seemed, was absent, and the two _racionales_, who had been left in charge, took life very easy. here we had lunch with them, which was a rather meagre affair, after which we sold them some of our remaining indian trading-stuff in order to get it out of the way. during the course of this deal, which was enlivened by a considerable amount of haggling and _aguardiente_, we learned that nothing more had been heard of the unfortunate martínez, and the opinion of the two _racionales_ was that he was being detained at el encanto for some underhand purpose. bidding _adios_ to the hospitable _racionales_, we resumed our descent at about 3.30, and continued it without incident until about six o'clock, when we stopped at a large _playa_ near where the river--or at least the arm that we were following--divided into three _brazos_. here we saw several ducks, but they would not let us get within range. with the darkness the gnats disappeared, but great blood-sucking mosquitoes soon took their place; it was out of the frying-pan into the fire. after a night of torture we resumed our journey on the following morning, taking the left _brazo_, as the two _racionales_ had informed us that it was the quickest. the gnats now relieving the mosquitoes, we again put on the paraphernalia of the previous day, but found it unendurable, for the narrow _brazo_ was like an oven, being too wide to provide shade and too small for the breeze to enter. had it not been for these little wretches we should have enjoyed the passage through the _brazo_, for on either side--almost within arm's length--towered up in magnificent confusion the luxuriant, impenetrable vegetation of the amazon valley. the calm beauty of the scene was from time to time enlivened by the numerous bands of gaily-coloured parrots and parroquets that, with shrill, hoarse cries, would circle about in the sky far above us. again, we would perceive a group of monkeys leaping from tree to tree with the agility and quickness peculiar to them. at other times the silence would be broken by the splash of the large fish, which, intent on securing some delectable insect for their lunch, would leap out of the water in their eagerness. at about two o'clock we emerged from the _brazo_ and again entered the main channel, which along here averaged from one to two kilometres in width. here there was a little wind, which served to relieve us a trifle, but, unfortunately, it did not last long, and the stifling heat and the clouds of gnats soon resumed their sway. a little later, while keeping along the right bank to get the benefit of the current, we observed a band of the large _guariba_[91] monkeys making their way along the bank. as we were in need of some meat, we hastily disembarked and set out in pursuit of them. perceiving an especially large one, i let fly at him with the shot-gun; he fell, but, striking a branch in his descent, caught it with his tail and hung there head downwards. finally, after shooting him six times more and spending over half an hour throwing sticks at him, he condescended to fall, and we took him in triumph to the canoe. we had a fine dish of monkey-steak for dinner that night. the _guaribas_ are the largest and most interesting of the numerous species of monkeys that abound in the forests of the putumayo. they average two feet in height, have well-developed fingers, and a heavy beard under the chin. their long, prehensile tail is covered with hair on top, but the under surface is bald and horny. they are generally of a brownish colour, but this often varies, according to the age of the individual. the _guaribas_ have powerful voices, and when they all get together and begin howling, the din is deafening. they feed on fruits and nuts, and the females carry their young on their backs like some indian women. the next day we got another early start; the river was high, and the current took us along rapidly. during the morning we shot at several splendid-looking parrots, but they were too far off for our fire to be effective. the gnats still hen-pecked us, though not so ferociously as on the previous days, because we now got along faster. we had intended digging some turtle eggs, but the river was so swollen that the greater part of the _playas_ and islands were covered. at noon a heavy rain set in, which soaked us through and through. then the sun came out again in all its glory and dried us within an hour or so, while our enemies the gnats took their toll of us; they literally appeared around us in clouds, and we killed thousands of them at a time by simply clapping our hands together. finally they became so numerous that i was compelled to make a fire in the pot in the bow, which i rendered as smoky as possible by wetting the wood. this drove them off a little, but was as bad for us as it was for the gnats. during the afternoon the river went down somewhat, and the beaches and _playas_ were once more revealed. the water, however, had obliterated all tracks, &c., and consequently we were unable to find any nests. at five o'clock we stopped at the mouth of a little _quebrada_, where the fish actually swarmed. every moment they would jump up out of the water, for some reason or other, and two of them even went so far as to leap into our boat. nevertheless, our daintiest bait would not tempt them to bite. the next morning, december 30th, we again set out on our journey. the river had gone down considerably, so we made rather slow progress, and, consequently, the man-eating gnats had us more or less at their mercy, for it was so hot that our armour was unbearable. at ten o'clock a slow, drizzling rain set in, which was peculiarly annoying, for it was not strong enough to dissipate the gnats, but sufficiently damp to soak us completely. the wet season had apparently set in, and, owing to the gnats and rain, our trip had lost much of its charm, so we made up our minds to follow lópez' advice in regard to crossing over to the napo by the remolino _varadero_ without delay. besides, we rather wished to travel by an overland route, in order to see the country between the rivers. above all, we did not wish to get mixed up in any backwoods frontier fighting. in spite of the drizzle we got out upon reaching a promising-looking _playa_, and, after some trailing, found a large nest of eggs, which had apparently been laid during the previous night. we also had the luck to shoot a small duck, so our larder, at least, was provided for. turning a bend, we saw a house, surrounded by a large cleared area, perched upon the left bank. approaching nearer, we perceived that the river--heretofore nearly two kilometres wide--narrowed down until, when opposite the house, it was not over a couple of hundred metres in width. here the banks were high and vertical, and the river, rushing between them like a mill-race, formed an immense eddy, or _remolino_, on the other side. then, turning at a sharp angle, it gradually spread out and soon attained its former width again. we had arrived at remolino. chapter v the huitotos reaching the port with some difficulty, we secured the canoe, climbed up the steep bank, walked through the clearing, which was sown with _yuca_, plantains, &c., and arrived at the house. here we were received in a friendly manner by an old, tattered-looking _racional_, who upon our asking for señor ordoñez informed us that that gentleman was at la unión, the principal establishment of the company, which was situated on the banks of the caraparaná, about three hours' march overland. somewhat annoyed at this _contretemps_, which made it necessary for us to go to that region, perkins and i held a short consultation, during which we decided that on the following day i should cross over to la unión and arrange with ordoñez to lend us the necessary _cargadores_ and buy what effects we wanted, to be disposed of afterwards as quickly as possible, while perkins remained with the canoe at remolino. the old _racional_ did not have any authority to do business with me, but was sure that ordoñez--who seemed to be the principal man--would arrange matters with us upon any reasonable terms. during the rest of the day we stopped at remolino to recuperate, but the devouring gnats made such pertinacious attacks upon us that we had no time for resting, being constantly employed in repelling their onslaughts. the old _racional_ wrapped his feet, head, and arms up in rags and went to sleep, probably being accustomed to wearing this armour. on account of the excessive heat we could not endure ours. at about four o'clock a party of six or seven _racionales_ came over from la unión, intending to return there on the following day with some stores, for it seems that the establishment of remolino is merely a sort of receiving station and warehouse. this was a lucky circumstance for us, as i could accompany them, and thus avoid all danger of losing my way, for the trail, so our old host informed us, was a mere forest path, in some places almost impassable. the next morning at about six o'clock i set out in company with the _racionales_ through the dense forest. the ground was rolling and cut up into steep hillocks and precipitous valleys by numerous small _quebradas_ on their way to join the putumayo; as the soil was mostly yellow clay our progress was not rapid. presently we crossed two rather large _quebradas_, from twelve to fifteen metres in width, over bridges in each case formed by the large trunk of a single tree. these the _racionales_ crossed readily, but i experienced some difficulty in doing so on account of my slippery shoes. at about ten o'clock a torrential rain set in, which drenched us within five minutes. still, we pushed on, and soon, crossing a comparatively level area, we arrived upon the right bank of the caraparaná. we climbed into a canoe, rowed across the thirty-metre-wide river, and, clambering up the steep, cleared bank, were at la unión. making my way to the principal house, a large structure of split-palms, similar to those already described, i entered the yard, ascended the steps to the porch, and asked for señor ordoñez. a young man, who introduced himself as don fabio duarte, the assistant manager, then informed me that ordoñez was out in the forest with his indians, but that he was expected back on the following day; meanwhile he invited me to stop with him until ordoñez came. a seat near the fire soon dried my wet clothes, and a good hot lunch braced me up considerably. in addition to this principal house there were two or three smaller structures, standing at some distance from each other and from the large one. all the forest for some distance round the establishment was cut down, and upon the fresh, green grass that took its place numerous sleek cattle and horses grazed in peaceful quiet. some parts of this cleared area were, however, fenced in, and here large plantations of _yuca_, plantains, maize, &c., were under cultivation, for which purpose the fifteen or twenty _racionales_ that i observed about the house were employed. under the principal house i observed about a thousand _arrobas_ of rubber stored away, awaiting shipment. duarte, who was a very affable and communicative youth, informed me that all this rubber was collected by the indians in the company's service, who came in periodically with what they had collected and exchanged it for merchandise, &c., sold to them at rather exorbitant prices. these aborigines, who belonged to the tribe known as the huitotos, numbered about two hundred, and lived in villages of their own in the heart of the forest. other huitotos were employed by david serrano, another colombian settler, living some distance down the caraparaná, while the greatest portion of them were in the service of the peruvian amazon company,[92] which, duarte informed me, treated them very harshly, obliging them to work night and day without the slightest remuneration. i spent the rest of the day in getting data about the huitotos and in collecting from the _racionales_--many of whom spoke the language perfectly--a short vocabulary of the most common huitoto words. among other interesting facts, i learned that this whole region had first been settled by colombians, who had been afterwards squeezed out by the peruvians, until now in the whole district of the caraparaná and igaraparaná there remained but three colombian establishments--la unión, la reserva (serrano's), and el dorado, belonging to a negro called ildefonso gonzalez. señor duarte informed me, in response to my inquiries regarding the designs of the peruvian amazon company against the colombians, that the latter had long been aware of them, the said company having frequently offered to buy them out; these proposals having been refused, the autocratic company had commenced persecuting them in many ways, such as refusing to sell them supplies, buying their rubber only at a great discount, kidnapping their indian employees, &c. in regard to the possibility of an attempt by the peruvians to dispossess the colombians by force, duarte did not consider it probable, for, although the prefect at iquitos had sent a number of soldiers up, it had only been done on the representation of the company that a large colombian force was descending the putumayo; the peruvian detachment, seeing for themselves that this report was false, would not countenance any raid on the three colombian establishments, much less take part in it, and would soon, without doubt, order the release of the unfortunate _corregidor_, martínez. if, on the other hand, they did attempt any such iniquitous proceeding, he continued, the colombians would oppose them until the last extremity. the next morning i was disappointed to hear from duarte that he had just received a message from ordoñez to the effect that he would not be able to return for several days. this was disheartening, and i did not know what to do until duarte suggested that i should go down and see serrano, who, he thought, would do business with us. as this advice seemed rational and as it was only a three-hours walk through the forest i determined to follow it. accordingly, taking my leave of the hospitable duarte, who thoughtfully provided me with a huitoto guide, i set out on my new journey. the guide seemed to be a fairly intelligent fellow, and gave me a quantity of information about the system of rubber-collection employed in this region. he also went on to inform me that the peruvians treated his countrymen "very badly"; and when i asked him what he meant by this he gave me to understand that in case the indians did not bring in a sufficient amount of rubber to satisfy the peruvians they were flogged, shot, or mutilated at the will of the man in charge. when i asked if the colombians also indulged in these practices he replied that they did not, for they always treated them well. it is unnecessary to state that i took all this information with a grain of salt, for it seemed to me very improbable. after getting soaked by another heavy downpour, similar to that of the preceding day, we emerged from the forest and entered a large cleared area, most of which was planted with maize, _yuca_, plantains, &c., the rest being a sort of pasture-land. passing through this for some time, we presently came to serrano's house, a fair-sized bungalow of the usual type, half concealed by a small orchard of fruit-trees. climbing the porch, i found myself in the presence of three men, one of them being a short, middle-aged, coffee-coloured gentleman, while the other two were white and had the appearance of travellers. introducing myself, i was cordially welcomed by the dark man, who proved to be serrano, as i had supposed. he, in turn, made me acquainted with the other two, who turned out to be two of the exiles brought down by becerra, general miguel antonio acosta and don alfonso sánchez. the other exiles, it appeared, had gone down to the peruvian establishment of el encanto to catch one of the launches which was about to sail for iquitos. these two, however, had decided to stop with serrano a few days on account of the illness of sánchez, who was prostrated by a fierce attack of malarial fever. as serrano was about to set out for iquitos himself on business within a week or so, accompanied by the exiles in case sánchez was better, he readily agreed to take us with him and, moreover, to buy our canoe and anything else that we had for sale. accordingly, i sent word to perkins by means of an indian that serrano loaned me for the purpose to descend with the canoe from remolino to josa, serrano's port on the putumayo, and, arriving there, to leave the canoe and our personal effects--for we should pass josa on our way to the _varadero_--and bring over to la reserva everything we had for sale, for which purpose we would send some _cargadores_ there to meet him. this business satisfactorily arranged at last, i felt considerably relieved, and hoped that soon we would be on the _varadero_ to the napo and out of harm's way. serrano then took me out and showed me the place. in addition to the large plantations already mentioned he had planted several thousand rubber-trees in the forest, which were now from two to four years old and in a very flourishing condition. under the house he had 170 odd _arrobas_ of rubber, which had been collected by his huitoto employees, of whom he had about forty-five families, one or two of which were then at the house. during the course of the evening i happened to make a remark about the peruvians to the effect that they were probably not so bad as represented. this somewhat aroused serrano, who thereupon recounted to me one of the most diabolical deeds committed by the murderous employees of the peruvian amazon company that i had ever heard of up to that time. the following is an outline of it:-as serrano had owed a small sum of money to the el encanto branch of the peruvian amazon company the manager of that establishment, one miguel s. loayza, had made this fact an excuse to send up a "commission" about a month before our arrival to abuse and intimidate him so that he would abandon his estate. as soon as the "commission" arrived the miserable wretches who formed it began their hellish labours by chaining serrano up to a tree; then these model employees of the "civilising company," as they call themselves, forcibly entering his wife's room, dragged the unhappy woman out on the porch, and there, before the tortured eyes of the helpless serrano, the chief of the "commission" outraged his unhappy victim. not satisfied with this, they took his entire stock of merchandise, amounting to some 10,000 _sols_,[93] together with his little son and the unfortunate woman who had just been so vilely outraged, embarked them on the launch, and took them to el encanto. serrano had never seen them since, but had heard that his wife was being used as a concubine by the criminal loayza, while his tender son acted as servant to the same repugnant monster. this horrible story, in conjunction with the other accounts of the ferocity of these employees that i had been given and the treacherous kidnapping of the unfortunate martínez, combined to make me think that we had stumbled upon a regular devil's paradise in this remote corner of the world. still, i reflected, i had as yet heard but one side of the case--the colombian--and therefore was not qualified to come to any decision in regard to the matter. serrano then informed me that they were expecting the arrival of don jesus orjuela, the newly appointed police inspector and government agent from bogotá, who, they expected, would do something to protect them against these outrages. although this gentleman had no forces, nevertheless it was understood that he had authority to make some arrangements with the peruvians, if possible, to provide for the protection of the colombian settlers. early in the morning of the following day we dispatched three of serrano's huitotos to josa, in order to aid perkins in bringing over the effects we were to sell to serrano. our personal baggage could remain there during the five or six days that would elapse before our departure with serrano and the two exiles for the _varadero_. the rest of the day i spent in preparing a part of the following essay on the huitotos, the aboriginal inhabitants of the caraparaná and igaraparaná districts. in the extensive area occupied by the "civilising company," between the caquetá and the napo, many distinct tribes of indians, such as the huitotos, the boras, the yurias, the ocainas, the yahuas, the andoques, and the andoqueros are found. of these the largest and most important tribe is the huitotos. the huitoto tribe is divided up into numerous sub-tribes, each having a distinct name, such as the maynanes, the aifugas, the recígaros, the yabuyanos, &c. each of these sub-tribes has its own chief, called a _capitán_ or _tuchaua_, and appears to be quite independent of the rest. a sub-tribe may vary in size from twenty-five to five hundred individuals and often more. all these sub-tribes speak more or less the same language--huitoto, of which i give a few specimen words. it is a very simple language, with but little grammar, employing neither conjunctions nor articles. the words in a sentence are pronounced slowly, with a prolonged and harmonious intonation. huitoto vocabulary. father _mon_ mother _eño_, _ei_ daughter _rioña_ infant _muguro_ brother _ama_, _iyo_ woman _riñoña_, _ag_ friend _cheinama_ enemy _igagmake_ white (man) _veracucha_ wizard _iatche_ sleep _cuiñacate_ tobacco _tue_ monkey _emueje_ tiger _jecco_ tapir _suruma_ watercress _ecco_ sick _tuico_ dead _paide_, _feode_ white _userede_ red _iarede_ black _ituide_ tree _daipa_ maize _pechato_ yuca _maica_ meat _chiceci_, _llucusa_ man _iima_ god _usiñamu_ shade _apuehana_ old (fem.) _uikesero_ old (mas.) _uikerama_ foreigner _oicomue_ much, many _momome_ full _monite_, _niba_ i _cué_ thou _o_ we _naga_ you _naga abe_ they _atchue_ this _piee_ my _cué_ thy _oe_ small _yurete_ cold _rosirete_ heat _ecaside_ dry _tajerede_ yes _jé_ morning, to-morrow _icoíte_ hat _ipoíco_ soldiers _hudarete_ sugar-cane _cononoque_ plantain _ocoto_ pepper _ivico_ rubber _isire_ one _taja_ two _mena_ three _taje amani_ four _menajere_ five _tape cuiro_ ten _nagape cuiro_ few, little _chichanito_ hen _atava_, _atahúa_ hog, pig _nasi_ paper _rapi_ sun _itoma_ devil _taife_ good _mare_ farina _alma_ delicious _caimarete_ to forget _feide_ to drink _hide_ to eat _guna_ to fast _gunuñete_ to work _biefano_ to go _rairemaca_ to come _benebi_ to laugh _sateide_ to weep _edde_ let us go _maña cocoaide_ shower _hitoma_ lightning _jairo_ thunder _doirite_ far _aré_ oar _yapú_ cacao _muselle_ egg _nobo_ chief _mon_ mouth _juca_ in the forest _asicoma_ attractive _maranaño_ ugly _maruñete_ young _cómime_ old, antique _huatima_ paint _hidora_ hair _ifotire_ head _ifote_ nose _dofo_ ear _efo_ teeth _icido_, _nido_ moon _febuy_ go _jai_ more _dame_ water _hinué_ there is _ite_ there is not _uñete_ enough _macavaite_ good weather _mare mona_ to take _penojo cuido_ to be hungry _naimede_ to speak _naitode_ wind _aifehuí_ no _uñete_ deer _dronde_ near _yanoré_ to move _jetache_ he comes _matemo moito_ to carry _apuine_ give me _até_ pine-apple _rosille_ case _ojo_ small _muguro_ jar _diaré_ phrases. let us go together _maña cue digo_ where is your brother _menomo o iyo_ this is your mother _bei o ei_ this is my house _cue yomo_ i have come here _cue bito benoina bite_ hurry up _mayai_ i have a pain _sirete_ that's good _juigora_ i don't know _uñe uñete_ come here _ve_ i am coming _bitequé_ i am not coming _bituñete_ i want _ejocatequé_ what is it ? _muneca_ that's bad _juigoñete_ i like you _o yacate cue_ you are handsome _o tabo juogora_ i don't like you _inide_ he comes at a distance _matemo moito ané ite_ where are your people _bucu muine_ where is your house _menomo o apa ite_ where is your field _nemono o huarayar ite_ have you plenty of yuca _allué tañoje maica_ show me through the forest _darite asicomo_ i want to drink some water _haino firaia cati_ i don't want to go _haini tegue_ show me a tree to make a canoe _eroi daipa juinoca amena_ _note._--the letters should be pronounced as in spanish. the huitotos are a well-formed race, and although small are stout and strong, with a broad chest and a prominent bust, but their limbs, especially the lower, are but little developed. their hair, long and abundant, is black and coarse, and is worn long by both sexes. a peculiar custom is that of pulling out the eyebrows, eyelashes, and the fine hairs of the other parts of the body. that repugnant sight, a protruding abdomen, so common among the "whites" and half-breeds on the amazon, is very rare among these aborigines. among the women the habit of carrying their young on their backs makes them adopt an inclined position, which they conserve all their life. their feet are turned inwards, and when they walk their thighs generally strike against each other as though they were afraid. notwithstanding these defects, it is not rare to find among these women many really beautiful, so magnificent are their figures and so free and graceful their movements. [illustration: a huitoto indian rubber gatherer. [to face p. 152.] the men, on the contrary, walk with their feet turned outwards; but when crossing a log or a tree which serves as a bridge over a stream they turn them inwards, in this way obtaining greater stability and avoiding slipping. the big toes of their feet are endowed with great flexibility, and they use them to pick up things from the ground. among the men certain physical organs are compressed and tied up, and never reach their normal development. the women suffer few abnormalities; their breasts are periform and always prominent, even among the old, in which case they diminish in volume, but never hang down. the custom of mutilation is very common among all the male huitotos. those of the caraparaná and the upper igaraparaná--the two principal tributaries of the central putumayo--perforate the dividing wall of the nose, and stick through the orifice a tube of _junco_, often as thick as a lead-pencil, while the inhabitants of the central portion of the igaraparaná pierce the whole lower extremity of this organ with variously coloured tubes and feathers, sometimes vertically traversing the lower lip with others. all have a long, thick rod, often adorned with curious carvings, stuck through the lobe of the ear. these indians are humble and hospitable to a marked degree, except a few of the more remote sub-tribes, who are still free and independent and not yet in contact with the rubber-collectors. indeed, serrano informed me that the first colombian settlers in this region, who had arrived here penniless, ill, and despairing, had been warmly welcomed by the huitotos, plied with food, given women, and made far more comfortable than they had ever been in their own country. serrano's yabuyanos at la reserva served us splendidly, for they were always cheerful, willing, and reliable. they called serrano their father, and, indeed, treated him as such. few matrimonial formalities are observed among the huitotos. the prospective bridegroom clears a small piece of land, builds a house--or secures quarters in one already built--gives a small quantity of coca or tobacco to the _capitán_ to obtain his approval, and cuts a supply of firewood for his future mother-in-law. shortly afterwards the girl is given to him, which is an occasion of considerable festivity, and they are man and wife. these unions are considered binding among the huitotos, and it is very rarely that serious disagreements arise between husband and wife. the women are naturally chaste, and it was not until the advent of the rubber-collectors that they began to lose this primitive virtue, so generally met with among people not yet in contact with white men. it is worthy of notice that among these aborigines polygamy does not exist, and only in extremely rare cases does the _capitán_ or _tuchaua_ have more than one wife. serrano informed me that when a child is born the mother takes it to the river, and, after washing it, covers the little new-comer with rubber-milk in order to keep it warm, while the father makes this an opportunity for lying in his hammock, claiming to be ill. infant mortality is very large among the huitotos, owing to the prevailing ignorance of the women and the hardships the little copper-complexioned strangers have to put up with. a peculiar custom, very general among these indians, is that of giving the name of a person who has just died to another member of the family--as a rule, to the one who has been the especial favourite of the deceased. the individual so honoured then drops his former name and assumes his new one. when any one of their _capitánes_ dies he is buried under his own house, wrapped up in a new palm-fibre hammock, together with all his weapons, utensils, &c. the hut is then abandoned and a new one is erected by the survivors and their friends. ordinary members of the tribe, including women and children, are merely buried under the floor without more ceremony. upon the occasion of a _fiesta_, or to solemnise any agreement or contract, they have recourse to the celebrated _chupe del tabaco_, or tobacco-drinking. a numerous group of indians congregate about a pot placed upon the ground, which contains a strong extract of tobacco. the _capitán_ first introduces his forefinger into the liquid and commences a long discourse, which is from time to time interrupted by the rest with an emphatic yell of approval. then they become more and more excited, until finally the pot is gravely passed around and each one in turn dips his finger into the liquid and then applies it to his tongue. this is the huitoto's most solemn oath, and is said to have never been broken. whenever the whites wish to enter into any important agreement with the indians, they always insist upon this ceremony being performed. the houses of these aborigines are generally large and circular in form, averaging about sixty or seventy feet in diameter. they are covered with a well-woven thatch roof, capable of lasting for years, made from the leaves of the _yarina_ or vegetable-ivory tree; this roof often reaches almost to the ground. the framework, generally of _chonta_, or some other hard, durable wood, is held together by means of stout _bejucos_ and ropes made from the tough inner bark of a tree known as the _sacha-huasca_. as there are no windows and only a small opening that serves as a door, no light nor air can enter, and the smoke and heat are generally suffocating. as a rule, several families live in one house, each, however, having its own particular fireplace, furniture, and domestic utensils, generally limited to a few small bamboo stools and benches, several earthen pots, some baskets, various kinds of paint, a quantity of gourds used as plates, &c., a few primitive musical instruments, such as rude drums, bamboo flutes, and bone whistles, torches made of the heart of the _maguey_ or of _chonta_, impregnated with resin, and several similar articles. overhead a few light poles are stretched, from which they hang the articles just mentioned, their arms, &c., while a basket of dried fish or meat to be smoked may often be seen hanging in the smoke just above the fire. here, too, there generally simmers a small pot of the celebrated _casaramanú_, a peculiar sort of gravy, composed of the blood, brains, and liver of the animals they kill, well seasoned with the fiery _aji_. this sauce or gravy seldom gives out, for as it diminishes day by day new portions of the ingredients are added. serrano's indians generally slept in light _chambira_-palm fibre hammocks, similar to those of the cionis; but the unfortunates employed by the peruvian amazon company are worked so hard by their taskmasters that the greater part of them are obliged to sleep on the ground, on account of not having time to make their hammocks. these hammocks, as well as most of the other interesting objects manufactured by the huitotos, are now becoming extremely rare for the same reason. the principal hunting weapon used by these indians is the blow-gun or _bodoqueda_, known to them as the _obidique_. this is in all respects similar to that used by the incas, which has already been described. the huitotos, however, unlike the cochas, incas, and cionis, manufacture this interesting weapon themselves, which is a long and laborious process. it is done as follows:-from the _chonta_-palm two sticks, from two to three metres in length, are split and gradually elaborated, so as to have the section of a half-circle throughout their whole tapering length. then, on the flat surface of each stick a small semicircular groove, some three-sixteenths of an inch in diameter, is cut, and the two pieces are cleverly joined together. the hole is then very skilfully finished and polished internally by means of a gummy cord, previously rolled in sand and dried. this operation concluded, the whole length of the weapon is then carefully wound around with strings made from the inner bark of the _huimba-quiro_, gummed together and covered with a thick coating of the resinous gum of the sealing-wax-tree. the mouthpiece is then attached, and this novel arm is ready for use. another important weapon is the _moruco_, a light spear, with a poisoned tip, about two metres in length. the indians generally carry eight or ten of them together in a bamboo case, and handle them with the greatest skill, throwing them from the hand to a distance of twenty to twenty-five metres. bows are not used by the huitotos. these spears are equipped with different types of points, according to the purpose for which they are to be used. thus a spear the sides of which are provided with barbs is for hunting large animals like the tapir; a round one with a sharp point is for war; a spear with a sort of blade of bamboo, with two sharp edges, is for fishing; while one having a dull, blunt point is used to kill birds without injuring their feathers. the points of most spears and arrows are of chonta. the _macana_ is a stout, heavy piece of hard wood, shaped like an oar, and is generally used only in combats at close quarters or between individuals. a well-delivered blow with this terrible weapon will spilt a man's head from crown to chin. the methods of fishing employed by the huitotos are similar to those of the cionis, which are described in the chapter on those aborigines of the upper putumayo. a peculiar apparatus, used by these indians as a sort of wireless telegraph, is the _manguaré_, which is formed by two logs of hard wood about two metres long and about forty and seventy centimetres in diameter respectively. these logs are pierced longitudinally by a narrow hole of a rectangular section, burnt in by heated stones, and are then fastened side by side. thus, each log has two distinct sonorous surfaces, separated by this narrow, rectangular opening, and each surface gives out a different sound, for the longitudinal hollow is generally a little to one side of the centre of the log. one of these logs, being always thicker than the other, produces two grave tones, while the smaller trunk gives out two acute ones--in all, four notes. this instrument is generally suspended by a string from the roof timbers or from a high tree near the house, and, in order to prevent swinging, is tied by another string to a stick buried in the ground. to communicate by this novel instrument the indian steps between the two logs and with a stout club, tipped with leather, knocks alternately upon the sonorous surfaces of the two logs. a code is arranged, based upon the difference of tones and the length and number of the blows struck, so that all kinds of messages can be exchanged. i have distinctly heard messages sent from a distance of from ten to twelve kilometres--that is, on a calm day when there was no wind. the dress of the men is very simple, being composed only of a broad belt of the tough, inner bark known as _llanchama_, from which another piece of the same material reaches down in front and, passing between the legs, is attached to the belt again behind. this garment is called _moggen_ by the huitotos. the tribes of the upper igaraparaná have simplified this costume, and merely suspend from the front of the belt a small sheet of the invaluable _llanchama_. they sometimes wear, in addition to this, several bracelets of _chambira_ fibre on their wrists and ankles. the garb of the women is still more primitive, for they are clothed only in their beauty and four bracelets, two of which they wear on their wrists and the other two on their ankles. i should state, however, that the indians employed by ordoñez and martínez and serrano wore european clothes. the unfortunate slaves in the service of the peruvian amazon company--except the enormous number of involuntary concubines, &c.--are, however, clothed precisely as described above. as those huitotos enslaved by the "civilising company" are so constantly employed in the extraction of rubber, the only food they get--omitting the extremely meagre and irregular supplies furnished by the company, which are not worthy of consideration--is the small quantity of _yucas_ and plantains that their women have time to cultivate and a few products of the forest, such as certain large worms they extract from the bark of different trees, the tender tops of the _chonta_-palm, a few wild fruits, &c. the result is that many die of starvation. serrano and the other colombians, however, gave their indians time to supply their food, and consequently the latter did not suffer from hunger as their unfortunate brothers do at present. the only beverage of the huitotos is the _cahuana_, a preparation of _yuca_ and the pulp of a forest fruit known as the _aguaje_. it is of a dirty, brownish colour, and has an unpleasant, bitter taste, disagreeable in the extreme. a custom very general, not only among the huitotos but also among many of the "whites," is the use of the coca. the leaves are picked from the tree and, after being well toasted, are pulverised and mixed with the ashes of the burnt leaves of another plant--i could not ascertain its name--in order to take away the bitter taste observed when the coca is used alone. the drug is then ready for use, and, inserted into the mouth, is rolled up under the cheek, where they sometimes keep it for half a day at a time. the juice is swallowed. it is well known that coca is a powerful stimulant, and the huitotos when out in the forest collecting rubber find it very useful, especially as they often have to carry the rubber they gather several leagues on their backs with practically no food at all to sustain them. they claim that it takes the place of food on these marches, and it really does seem to enable them to perform wonderful feats of endurance. while at la unión, duarte gave me several doses of the coca, which at first affected me with a slight nausea; i soon became accustomed to it, however, and found it very useful on different occasions. sometimes the huitotos hold one of their rare dances, which is an occasion of much festivity. it should be observed, however, that those poor wretches in the service of the "civilising company" are now so enslaved and oppressed that they have no time nor spirit to indulge in these amusements, which formerly, when they were free and independent, were, so serrano informed us, carried out as follows:-preparatory to beginning the dances the huitotos used to paint themselves all over in various colours, some of the designs representing branches of trees, animals, and geometrical figures, while both men and women adorned themselves with their beautiful feather ornaments of many different colours and various necklaces of monkey and _danta_ teeth. around their bodies and legs they attached long strings of rattling shells, called _cascabeles_. then they began dancing with cadencious uniformity, marking time with their right feet, and at the same time singing in chorus their ancient songs, the peculiar and ear-splitting intonation of which was accompanied by blows upon the _manguaré_, the beating of drums, and the shrill whistle of their flutes. they generally imbibed during these dances a goodly quantity of _cahuana_, and the _chupe del tabaco_ was always an important feature. the few who possessed clothes generally wore them on these occasions, painting those parts of the body not covered by them. these dances used to go on from one house to another for several days in succession, and the _manguaré_ was hardly ever silent during this time. the huitotos often paint themselves on other occasions, one of the most common colouring matters being the _huitoc_ or _jagua_, which also has the excellent property of being offensive to gnats and mosquitoes to such an extent that they will have nothing to do with persons painted with it. [illustration: guamares indians, of the huitoto tribe, in dance costume. to face p. 162.] the religion of the huitotos is a confused mixture of several beliefs. thus, they worship the sun and the moon and at the same time believe in the existence of a superior being, called usiñamu, and an inferior potentate, named taifeño, who is also supposed to be the spirit of evil. they also appear to believe in a future life to be spent in happy hunting-grounds, &c., but these ideas are vague and confused and mingled with the most ridiculous superstitions. in the days when the colombians were paramount in this district they used to bring down priests from pasto and mocoa to convert the huitotos and introduce them to the ways and customs of civilisation and christianity. now that the peruvian amazon company has monopolised the region priests are carefully excluded, and everything that tends to the instruction and enlightenment of the wretched aborigines is carefully done away with. indeed, in order to frighten people and thus prevent them from entering that region, they have circulated most bloodcurdling reports of the ferocity and cannibalism of these helpless indians, whom other travellers as well as perkins and myself have found to be timid, peaceful, mild, industrious, and humble. in conclusion, it is necessary to call attention to the fact that owing to the oppressions of the peruvian amazon company--in whose service the greater part of the huitotos, unfortunately, are--the numbers of these indians are diminishing to an alarming degree, and, unless something be done to protect them, this noble race of aborigines will, in my opinion, soon disappear completely, as have so many others in the region of the upper amazon. chapter vi the devil's paradise the next morning, january 3rd, serrano took me out for a stroll in the forest, and, after considerable meditation, surprised me by proposing to sell us a half-interest in his business. he then went on to explain his reason, which, briefly, was that he considered that the peruvian amazon company would not dare to molest him were he not a colombian, and that if some foreigners were interested in his business they would have to keep their hands off him in order to avoid complications. this point seeming reasonable, i asked him about his profits and the price he thought proper, both of which seemed very satisfactory. returning to the house, i looked over his books, which corresponded with what he had told me, and, after some more conversation, i agreed to consider his proposition and talk it over with perkins upon his arrival. to tell the truth i was greatly elated over this offer, for the price he asked was ridiculously low in comparison with the annual profits, as revealed by his books. his reason, too, seemed logical, for i could not believe that the "civilising company" would dare to play any such games with perkins and myself. at about 2 p.m. orjuela, a white, handsome, determined-looking man of about thirty-five, arrived, in company with another gentleman, who was introduced to me as señor gustavo prieto. both seemed very decent fellows, and we all took a liking to them at once. they had just come from la unión, where they had learned of the capture of martínez and the horrible raid on serrano, already described. orjuela then announced that he had come here on his way to see loayza, the manager of el encanto, the peruvian amazon company's chief post on the caraparaná, with a view of making some arrangement with him tending to put a stop to these occurrences. the next morning we spent in discussing the situation. orjuela was confident that if he saw loayza and had a good, friendly, man-to-man talk with him they could come to some amicable agreement, while serrano took a more pessimistic view of things, declaring that the peruvians had for years tried to get possession of the colombian establishments on the caraparaná, and that now, having a force of peruvian soldiers to back them, they would take more active measures to attain their ends. this view, however, was shared by none of the others. in the afternoon acosta and prieto set out for la unión in order to inform the colombians there of the measures orjuela had decided to take--viz., to demand an interview with loayza, while orjuela and sánchez made preparations to set out on the following day for el dorado, the last colombian establishment, and there invite loayza to the meeting. they intended going by canoe down the caraparaná. at about six o'clock, in the midst of a pouring rain, perkins arrived with the _cargadores_ carrying the effects that we were to sell serrano. after he had changed his clothes and got outside of some food i told him of serrano's proposal, which, after several gasps of amazement, he pronounced worthy of investigation. then, after some more talk, we resolved that we should stop here with serrano, look over the estate, and, if satisfied, come to an agreement with him, while i accompanied orjuela to the conference with a view of informing the peruvian amazon company's agent, loayza, that, as we were contemplating the purchase of a part of la reserva, we should be obliged by their keeping their hands off it. assured by orjuela that his mission was a peaceful one and that there was no probability of any conflict with the peruvians, i asked permission to accompany him to the conference, which was readily granted; so i made preparations for an early departure on the following morning. serrano approved of this idea, for he thought that the peruvians would have some respect for a foreigner. at six o'clock the next morning orjuela, sánchez, myself, a _peon_ of orjuela's, and three of serrano's indian boatmen set out on the trip to el dorado. we made our way but slowly down the crooked, muddy course of the caraparaná. this river is, i believe, one of the crookedest in the world, for it continually doubles on itself as it winds its way through the dense vegetation that rises up on either bank. at about 10.30 we reached filadelfia, a deserted establishment formerly belonging to some colombians, who had sold it to the "civilising company," by whom it had been abandoned some time previously. at about four o'clock we arrived at a station, which orjuela informed me was argelia, one of the chief centres of the peruvian amazon company. as orjuela wished to see the agent we disembarked, and, climbing the long hill that rose up from the bank, reached the house, a fairly large structure of unpainted boards, where we were received in a friendly manner by the man in charge, don ramiro de osma y pardo. we chatted for about half an hour on trivial subjects, had tea, and then took our departure. when we had disembarked orjuela had, somewhat to my surprise, ordered the boatmen to go on. i now saw the reason, for i perceived that the river wound around in the woods and formed an enormous peninsula, upon the narrow neck of which argelia was situated. we then descended the opposite side of the hill and, reaching the river's bank again, waited several minutes before the men arrived with the boat. embarking again, we continued for an hour or so, and then, not finding any convenient _playa_, orjuela, sánchez, and myself stretched out in the bottom of the boat, while the men slept in the brush on the bank. the _monteria_ was small, and we were three; consequently there was not much room, and we passed a veritable night of torture, cramped and rolling over each other in a manner hardly conducive to a night's rest. the next morning the trip was resumed, and, after a tedious descent of several hours, we reached el dorado at 4.30 p.m. here we were cordially received by don tobias calderón, the man in charge, who informed us that señor gonzalez, tired to death of the continual raids, robberies, and other abuses of the peruvians, had gone over on the right bank of the putumayo to look for some other suitable place to establish himself, where he might be left in peace. immediately upon our arrival orjuela dispatched a note to loayza by an indian, who would reach el encanto within a few hours, travelling by an overland trail. this operation concluded, we took a look at the estate, which was situated on a gently sloping knoll on the left bank. the house was of good size and of the usual elevated construction. the space around it had once been cleared, but was now grown over with bushes and shrubs. i was informed that there were about thirty indian families attached to the estate; one or two of these were employed at the house, while the rest lived out at their village in the heart of the forest. the next morning we were surprised to see a number of canoes coming up the river; as they approached nearer orjuela recognised several of the occupants as colombian employees of the el encanto branch of the "civilising company." arriving at the house, they informed us that they had all resigned their positions on account of the ill-feeling exhibited towards them by the peruvians and that they were going to guepí. another interesting piece of news was that sixty peruvian soldiers had just arrived from iquitos on the _liberal_, one of the peruvian amazon company's launches. these ex-employees, although naturally kept in the dark as much as possible by their peruvian employers, suspected some attack was about to be made on la unión or la reserva before long, as a peruvian gunboat had also recently arrived. they had seen martínez, the unfortunate _corregidor_, whom they reported as being kept in close confinement at el encanto. this news was rather interesting, as it now looked as though we were in for it sure enough. we spent the rest of the day in discussing the different phases of this extraordinary affair and in waiting for loayza, who did not turn up. this looked like another portent of the approaching storm; but, nevertheless, orjuela decided to wait another day here. i began to wish that we had never set out on our trip down the putumayo, if we were to be thus barbarously murdered by a band of half-breed bandits, as the employees of the "civilising company" now revealed themselves to be. the next morning the eight ex-employees, their families, and boatmen took their departure at about nine o'clock. we waited all day at el dorado for loayza, but he never put in an appearance, so orjuela decided to set out early on the following morning for la reserva. in accordance with this resolution, at an early hour we bade _adios_ to our hosts and set out up the river. at about eight o'clock we overtook the ex-employees, who did not seem to be in any great hurry, and continued along with them all day. we made but slow progress, and the journey was tedious in the extreme. at 7 p.m. we stopped to spend another hideous night huddled together in the canoe. perceiving that the ex-employees were travelling at a very leisurely pace and wishing to reach la reserva as soon as possible, the next morning, friday, the 10th, we passed on ahead of them and travelled more rapidly. at nightfall, in order to avoid another night of torture in the canoe, we disembarked and, clearing a small space on the bank of the stream, went to sleep there, tying the canoe up in the brush. at about eleven o'clock i was awakened by orjuela shaking my arm. cautioning silence, he pointed with his finger at two rapidly approaching lights ascending the river. they were two launches. passing us in a blaze of light, they quietly continued on upstream. had the contemplated raid on la unión and la reserva actually begun? it certainly looked so, and we commenced to wonder if they would allow us to pass argelia. they certainly had the "drop" on us. early in the morning we again set out on our tedious journey up the caraparaná, and at about eleven o'clock passed without molestation the lower port of argelia--where we had waited for our boatmen after our call on señor de osma y pardo. there seemed to be nothing unusual taking place at the house, and our hopes that they would let us pass began to rise again. finally, at about 2.30 p.m., we reached the upper port, where we had disembarked. then we opened our eyes; the agent and an armed _peon_ beckoned and called us to approach. we continued on, pretending not to notice them. then de osma y pardo shouted that they would fire. the _peon_ raised his winchester to do so, and we started to approach. as we slowly neared the bank i suggested to orjuela that as there were only two of them we might drop them when we got up at close quarters and then get away, for we had arms, and the _peon_ as soon as he saw us come towards the shore had let his rifle rest on the ground and was now leaning upon it in a negligent attitude; orjuela, however, did not seem to think it good policy, so we pulled up at the shore and asked what was up. the agent then informed orjuela that he was a prisoner, and he and the _peon_ led us--boatmen and all--up to the house. here he stated that he had received orders to detain orjuela and two of the indians; but, having had no instructions in regard to sánchez and myself, he announced that we were at liberty to continue on upstream with the _peon_ of orjuela's--whom we passed off as my own--and the remaining indian. in reply to our protests and inquiries as to the reason for this high-handed proceeding he maintained an absolute silence. seeing that nothing was to be done, we accordingly took our leave of the unfortunate orjuela and resumed our journey up the river. we continued rowing until late that night, but were able to make but slow progress, owing to the absence of the other two boatmen. meanwhile we indulged in many conjectures as to what would happen to us and the people of la reserva and la unión, completely at the mercy of these latter-day pirates, who seemed to stop at nothing in their greedy ambition to obtain possession of the establishments of the colombian settlers--serrano, gonzalez and ordoñez, and martínez. the next morning we continued the journey, and in about an hour passed filadelfia. at about nine o'clock we heard rifle-shots, apparently in the vicinity of la unión or la reserva; these lasted nearly an hour. then they ceased and silence once more reigned over these vast solitudes, so we pushed on until 8 p.m., when, hearing the whistle of a launch coming down the river, we pulled up along the right bank to avoid the waves caused by the propeller. here our huitoto, the moment we stopped, leaped ashore, and, with a brief remark that the "peruvians were very wicked," disappeared in the bushes. i suggested to sánchez that we had better follow the aborigine's example, but he thought that as he was an exile and i was a foreigner we would not be molested, as at argelia. against my better judgment i remained, and we sat there in the canoe, waiting for the approach of the marauders. soon, turning a bend, two launches appeared, and as soon as we were perceived we heard a voice shout out: "fire! fire! sink the canoe! sink the canoe!" before this order could be executed, however, the first vessel, the _liberal_ of the "civilising company," had passed us, but the second, the _iquitos_, a sort of river gunboat, in the service of the peruvian government, let fly at us, one of the bullets passing just between sánchez and myself, and splashing into the water a little beyond. then, at our cries of astonishment and protest, we heard a voice ordering us, in the most vile and obscene words, to approach the launch, and at the same time commanding the soldiers to keep us covered with their carbines. we approached as quickly as possible, but, handicapped by the robbery of our indian boatmen, were able to make but slow progress. then we heard once more the order, "fire! fire!" the click of the hammers being cocked, and i thought all was over with us. but at this moment an altercation arose between the two chiefs, one of them countermanding this order, while the other insisted upon its execution. meanwhile, as rapidly as possible, we approached the vessel, and perceived some twenty-five or thirty soldiers all covering us, their rules aimed over the rail, calmly awaiting the final order to launch us into eternity! fortunately, the altercation continued between the two bandits long enough to enable us, after what seemed like a century, to reach the side of the _iquitos_. here we were jerked on board, kicked, beaten, insulted, and abused in a most cowardly manner by captain arce benavides of the peruvian army, benito lores, commander of the _iquitos_, and a gang of coffee-coloured soldiers, sailors, and employees of the "civilising company," without being given a chance to speak a word. as soon as they had finished their self-imposed task of outraging us in this brutal and cynical manner--defenceless as we were--i told them who we were, and demanded to be allowed to continue our journey, but all in vain, for they merely laughed at me and my protests. then these conquering heroes, after searching our persons and our canoe and taking possession of the few things we had with us, put us under a sentinel. this operation accomplished, captain benavides entertained us with a horrible account of the "victory" the peruvians had gained at la unión, the sounds of which we had heard in the morning. he informed us that as the two launches had arrived there that morning the colombians had treacherously opened fire upon them, and that the peruvian forces had gallantly repulsed the attack, under his leadership, and killed several of the assaulting party. a peculiar feature of the "battle" was, according to his version, that such colombians as had not escaped had all been killed outright, there being no wounded. as i afterwards ascertained, the two launches, upon reaching la unión, had started to disembark the soldiers and employees--probably with the intention of playing the same game as they had played on serrano a month or so previously--when ordoñez ordered them off his premises. at the same time, prieto unfurled the colombian flag and the unequal conflict began. there were less than twenty colombians against about a hundred and forty peruvians--employees of the criminal syndicate and soldiers and sailors with a machine gun. the colombians resisted bravely for about half an hour, when, their ammunition giving out, they were compelled to take to the woods, leaving duarte and two _peons_ dead and prieto and another _peon_ severely wounded. the latter two were then dispatched most cruelly by some of the "civilising company's" missionaries. then the thousand arrobas of rubber were carefully stowed away on the _liberal_, the houses were sacked and burned, and several colombian women, found hiding in the forest, were dragged aboard the two launches as legitimate prey for the "victors." while in my enforced state of imprisonment on the _iquitos_, i witnessed the cowardly and brutal violation of one of these poor women. pilar gutierrez, the woman of rafael cano, one of the _racionales_ at la unión, was one of the females found in the bushes after the "battle," and this poor victim, already in an advanced state of pregnancy, was allotted to captain -------.[94] this human monster, intent only on slaking his animal thirst of lasciviousness, and regardless of the grave state of the unhappy woman's health, dragged her to a place of privacy and, in spite of the cries of agony of the unfortunate creature, violated her without compunction. a few hours later we reached argelia, where both launches stopped for the night side by side. here we were transferred to the _liberal_, where, to my astonishment, i found perkins and the youth gabriel valderrama, one of serrano's employees. perkins then informed me of the horrors committed at la unión and of his own capture, which had been effected upon the return of these latter-day pirates from that sanguinary scene, when they had stopped at la reserva, broken into and burglarised the house--for serrano and his men, excepting valderrama and perkins, had fled to the forest--embarked the hundred and seventy arrobas of rubber on the _liberal_, and destroyed everything they could not steal. [illustration: rubber-collecting river launch. [to face p. 176.] that night the four of us, perkins, sánchez, valderrama, and myself, slept--or rather feigned to sleep--on the deck of the _liberal_, plunged in the most gloomy reflections and expecting to be shot or stabbed any moment, for our captors were drunk and in a most bloodthirsty mood. however, we passed the long night without being molested to any appreciable extent. the next morning, monday, the 13th, i saw loayza, a copper-complexioned, shifty-eyed half-breed, who spoke a little pidgin-english, and protested against our imprisonment and demanded to be instantly set at liberty. loayza listened very politely, and then informed me that he was acting for our own good, as the colombians would certainly kill us if he did not conduct us to a place of safety. thinking that possibly the man was--to use a bit of slang--up the pole, i explained that we had no fear of the colombians, as we had been stopping with them some time, and, furthermore, the things we had heard about the peruvian amazon company and the recent events that had taken place had not been such as to make us believe that this syndicate was a sort of life-saving station. then, favouring me with a peculiar snake-like smile, he remarked that he would look after us all right and walked off. at about nine o'clock orjuela was brought on board under a heavy guard and put down below in a little cage. we were not allowed to speak to him, although several of the "missionaries" seemed to derive much fun by taunting and insulting their unfortunate victim. at about the same time de osma y pardo came on board, shook hands with sánchez and myself, and explained that he had interceded with loayza in our behalf, but unsuccessfully. this gentleman did not seem to be much of a favourite with loayza, and, as i afterwards ascertained, protested against the raid on the colombians, and in this way incurred that chief's disapproval. at about 9.30 the two pirate vessels set sail for el encanto, and, after descending some five hours, reached el dorado. here the bandits, not content with the crimes they had already committed, stopped to execute one more. the criminal loayza, in company with several more of these pirates, disembarked, entered the house, and, menacing the colombians with death, compelled them to surrender all their arms. then, after giving them a long harangue, couched in the most profane and vulgar words, and mingled with the most terrible threats in case they did not immediately abandon the establishment, this worthy "patriot" returned to the launch with the arms he had robbed. at about six o'clock we reached el encanto, a straggling group of houses situated upon a long, high hill, several hundred metres from the shore. here we were not allowed to disembark at first, but were detained on the _liberal_, while several of the "missionaries" who had not taken part in the raid came down to the edge of the river and proceeded to insult and taunt us in the most brutal and bloodthirsty terms. when they had finished this dignified task we were disembarked, taken up the hill to the establishment, which was composed of one large, elevated board structure and a number of small huts--these latter grouped together and separated from the former by a narrow courtyard--and crowded into a small, dirty room, which possessed neither beds, chairs, nor tables. no light was given us, and we had to undress in the dark. here we passed a night of torture, for we had been given no supper, and the floor, covered with dust and mould as it was, proved to be a far from comfortable couch. in addition to this physical discomfort, we were plunged in the most gloomy and melancholy reflections as to the fate that awaited us at the hands of these human beasts. as a result of these meditations, we were convinced that they meant to assassinate us, so i determined to have an interview with loayza at once. accordingly, the next morning i insisted upon seeing him, and, after some delay, was ushered into his presence. without wasting time on preliminaries, i told him that i was well aware of his intentions in regard to us, and, in spite of his protestations to the contrary, i went on to inform him that in murdering us he would be making a big mistake, for we had been sent out to explore this region by a huge american syndicate and that we were expected in iquitos, where we were about to open a large mercantile establishment for the said syndicate.[95] perceiving that this statement was having some effect on him, i went on to assure him that we were people of importance, and that, if we disappeared, our employers would certainly institute a most searching investigation, and, the truth once discovered, the american government itself, owing to the great influence of the syndicate that employed us, would see that those responsible received their punishment. then i wound up by demanding our immediate release and permission to return to josa to recover our baggage. loayza, apparently unnerved by this information, after a little more talk, told me that we could go to iquitos on the _liberal_, which was due to leave with the rubber stolen at la unión and la reserva in a few days, but that we could not go to josa to recover our effects, for he himself would see to that. as we had but little faith in his word or that of the military officers, his accomplices, perkins resolved to stay at el encanto and see that he really did take steps to do this, while i went on to iquitos with the _liberal_. as we were allowed to walk around the houses without being molested--although an eye was always kept on us by some one--we had the opportunity to witness the lamentable condition of the unfortunate _corregidor_ gabriel martínez and his men, who were confined, as though they were desperate criminals, in a small, dirty, eight-by-ten-foot room under the main house and guarded night and day by two soldiers. these poor wretches, in a starving condition, were insulted, taunted, and abused daily by word and deed in a most cowardly manner. orjuela, all this time, was kept in close confinement on the _liberal_. another edifying spectacle that we witnessed was the condition of the poor indians who loaded and unloaded the vessels that stopped at the port. there were from fifty to sixty of these unfortunates, so weak, debilitated, and scarred that many of them could hardly walk. it was a pitiful sight to see these poor indians, practically naked, their bones almost protruding through their skins, and all branded with the infamous _marca de arana_,[96] staggering up the steep hill, carrying upon their doubled backs enormous weights of merchandise for the consumption of their miserable oppressors. occasionally one of these unfortunate victims of peruvian "civilisation" would fall under his load, only to be kicked up on his feet and forced to continue his stern labours by the brutal "boss." i noticed the food they received, which was given to them once a day, at noon; it consisted of a handful of _fariña_ and a tin of sardines--when there were any--for each group of four indians, nothing more. and this was to sustain them for twenty-four hours, sixteen of which were spent at the hardest kind of labour! but what was still more pitiful was to see the sick and dying lie about the house and out in the adjacent woods, unable to move and without any one to aid them in their agony. these poor wretches, without remedies, without food, were exposed to the burning rays of the vertical sun and the cold rains and heavy dews of early morning until death released them from their sufferings. then their companions carried their cold corpses--many of them in an almost complete state of putrefaction--to the river, and the yellow, turbid waters of the caraparaná closed silently over them. another sad sight was the large number of involuntary concubines who pined--in melancholy musings over their lost liberty and their present sufferings--in the interior of the house. this band of unfortunates was composed of some thirteen young girls, who varied in age from nine to sixteen years, and these poor innocents--too young to be called women--were the helpless victims of loayza and the other chief officials of the peruvian amazon company's el encanto branch, who violated these tender children without the slightest compunction, and when they tired of them either murdered them or flogged them and sent them back to their tribes. let us now take a glance at the system pursued by this "civilising company" in the exploitation of the products of this region--that is, the exploitation of the rubber and of the indians. this system i afterwards ascertained to be as follows:-the whole region under the control of this criminal syndicate is divided up into two departments, the chief centres of which are el encanto and la chorrera. el encanto is the headquarters of all the sections of the caraparaná and the right bank of the putumayo, while la chorrera is the capital of the sections of the igaraparaná and those distributed between that river and the caquetá. as already stated, the superintendent of el encanto is loayza, while that of la chorrera is the celebrated victor macedo. it is to these two centres that all the products are sent periodically on the backs of indians, by canoe, or in small launches. once here, it is shipped to iquitos about every three months. at each of these centres all books are kept and all payments to the employees are made. the superintendents have the power of hiring and discharging all the men employed under them, and their slightest whim is law. these two departments, as already hinted, are subdivided into sections, at the head of which are placed chiefs, under the instructions of the superintendents. each chief has under his control a number of _racionales_, varying from five to eighty, whose business it is to direct the indians and force them to work. the chief of the section keeps a list of all the indians resident in his section, and assigns to each worker--in some sections this term includes women and children--the number of kilos of rubber that he must deliver every ten days. armed with _machetes_, the indians penetrate the depths of the forest, gashing frightfully every rubber-tree they can find, frequently cutting them so much and so deep, in their frantic efforts to extract the last drop of milk, that vast numbers of the trees die annually. the milk runs down the trunk of the tree and dries there. a few days afterwards the indians return, and, gathering up the strings of rubber, place them in baskets, which they carry to their huts on their backs. here, in order to remove some of the pieces of wood, dry leaves, chunks of bark, sand, and other impurities, the indians place the rubber in a _quebrada_ and beat it well with clubs; in this way a few of the many foreign matters are removed and the rubber is made more compact. it is then wound up in big rolls, and, exposed to the air and the light, it soon becomes of a dull, blackish colour, and is ready for delivery. at the expiration of the ten days the slaves start out with their loads upon their backs, accompanied by their women and children, who help them to carry the rubber. when they reach the section-house, the rubber is weighed in the presence of the chief of the section and his armed subordinates. the indians know by experience what the needle of the balance should mark, and when it indicates that they have delivered the full amount they leap about and laugh with pleasure. when it does not, they throw themselves face downwards on the ground, and in this attitude await their punishment. as the rubber gets scarcer and scarcer the aborigines, in order to be able to deliver the full amount of rubber demanded from them, and thus to escape flagellations and tortures, frequently adulterate the rubber-milk with that of various other trees, in this way still further lowering the quality of the putumayo rubber; for, as already remarked, all that produced in this section is what is technically known as _jebe débil_. it will be easily seen that such a system--a system of organised robbery--of collection of rubber is likely to lend itself to abuse in a country where every man is a law unto himself, and there is absolutely no check upon the exercise of his most brutal instincts and passions. the probability of such abuse is increased immensely when--as in the present case--the earnings of the employees are made dependent on results, for loayza, macedo, and the chiefs of sections are paid, not salaries but commissions on the amount of rubber produced. thus it is to their advantage to extract the greatest amount of rubber in the least possible space of time, and to do this the indians must either be paid or punished. if paid, the payment must be great enough to tempt a placid, indolent indian to continuous exertion; if punished, the punishment must be severe enough to extract from his fears what cannot be obtained from an appeal to his cupidity. as the "civilising company" apparently does not believe in paying for what it can obtain otherwise, the rule of terror has been adopted throughout the company's dominions. those who have studied the history of the congo will see here precisely the same conditions which produced such lamentable results in the belgian companies' sphere of operations. it would be strange indeed if, under such a system, some sort of abuse did not take place, and i am in possession of definite documentary evidence which, i think, justifies me in making the following statements as to the results of this system:-1. the pacific indians of the putumayo are forced to work day and night at the extraction of rubber, without the slightest remuneration except the food necessary to keep them alive. 2. they are kept in the most complete nakedness, many of them not even possessing the biblical fig-leaf. 3. they are robbed of their crops, their women, and their children to satisfy the voracity, lasciviousness, and avarice of this company and its employees, who live on their food and violate their women. 4. they are sold wholesale and retail in iquitos, at prices that range from £20 to £40 each. 5. they are flogged inhumanly until their bones are laid bare, and great raw sores cover them. 6. they are given no medical treatment, but are left to die, eaten by maggots, when they serve as food for the chiefs' dogs. 7. they are castrated and mutilated, and their ears, fingers, arms, and legs are cut off. 8. they are tortured by means of fire and water, and by tying them up, crucified head down. 9. their houses and crops are burned and destroyed wantonly and for amusement. 10. they are cut to pieces and dismembered with knives, axes, and _machetes_. 11. their children are grasped by the feet and their heads are dashed against trees and walls until their brains fly out. 12. their old folk are killed when they are no longer able to work for the company. 13. men, women, and children are shot to provide amusement for the employees or to celebrate the _sábado de gloria_, or, in preference to this, they are burned with kerosene so that the employees may enjoy their desperate agony. this is indeed a horrible indictment, and may seem incredible to many. on the other hand, we all know the inhuman atrocities of the congo, and it seems reasonable to suppose that the conditions that have made that region so notorious do not fail to produce precisely similar results in the vast and isolated region of the putumayo. in addition to this, during my subsequent investigations in iquitos i obtained from a number of eye-witnesses accounts[97] of many of the abominable outrages that take place here hourly, and these, with my own observations, are the basis for the indictment. this state of affairs is intolerable. the region monopolised by this company is a living hell--a place where unbridled cruelty and its twin-brother, lust, run riot, with consequences too horrible to put down in writing. it is a blot on civilisation; and the reek of its abominations mounts to heaven in fumes of shame. why is it not stopped? peru will not, because this company is settling in and occupying the disputed territory in her name. colombia and ecuador cannot, for they are not in a condition to quarrel with peru. and it is all for--what? merely to fill the pockets and gratify the passions of a handful of miserable, half-breed outlaws, who take advantage of their autocratic authority over the helpless huitotos to commit the most horrible and unheard-of crimes, and to keep others, who share the responsibility of these horrors, in luxury and fine clothes away off across the seas. the next morning--wednesday, the 15th--the _liberal_ left for argelia, taking three officers and about seventy men, probably to defend that establishment against the attacks of those terrible fellows, the colombians. one officer and the rest of the men, about thirty, remained at el encanto to garrison it, while two more remained here to go to iquitos upon the return of the _liberal_, in order to spread the reports of the "victory" gained over the colombians at la unión. we spent the day wandering restlessly about the establishment and the large, rolling cleared area that surrounds it. in the afternoon we endeavoured to speak to martínez, but were not permitted to do so, probably by orders of loayza, who seemed to spend most of his time taking florida-water baths, drinking wine and whisky, and fooling around with his different concubines. the other upper officials followed his example more or less. early the next day the _liberal_ returned from argelia, and lay at the port all day, waiting for the report that loayza was writing up for his chief in iquitos. this literary labour occupied him until nightfall, when, being concluded, it was given to the captain of the _liberal_, the infamous carlos zubiaur, otherwise "paiche," and we were told to get on board, as the vessel sailed early in the morning. in accordance with these instructions, we went down and started to embark. at the gang-plank we were met by zubiaur, who, with an enormous stick of firewood in his hands, demanded £17 each for our passage money. as loayza had informed us that he would give us free passages as a slight compensation for what we had gone through, both sánchez and myself were considerably surprised at this demand, and protested loudly against it. zubiaur was inflexible, however, and whirled his stick of firewood about our heads so violently while he informed us that nobody travelled gratis on his launch, that we were finally compelled to pay the wretch what he asked for. once on board, where perkins accompanied us to say goodbye, we found that we had been done out of our dinner, for, when we finally asked for it, we were told that this meal had already been eaten and that we were too late. so after a last farewell to perkins, who, in accordance with our decision, had decided to remain behind in order to recover our effects, sánchez and i again made our way to the ferocious zubiaur and asked to be conducted to our cabin. the pirate stared at us in amazement for fully a minute before he proceeded to inform us that there were no cabins for us and that we were to sleep on the deck. upon our remonstrance that we had paid first-class fare and a request to pay us back the difference between that and the third-class that he was giving us, he reached for his ever-present stick of firewood, and, this once in his hands, took the trouble to explain to us that he was only taking us as a favour, that the few cabins were already occupied, and that if we did not like it we could get off his launch. so saying, he turned clumsily on his heel and strode off. fortunately, when we had started for el dorado, we had taken our hammocks along, so we proceeded to hang them up in out-of-the-way corners by the advice of one of the two officers. as the pirate-captain raised no objection to this, we climbed in them and were trying to forget our lost dinner, when the fiend came up again and told us that they were in an inconvenient place and must be shifted. this made me so angry--for i knew it was done only to henpeck us--that i absolutely refused to budge an inch, and when he threatened to call up some of his men, i was so wild that i told him that if he dared molest us again during the trip, i should beat his brains out with a club the instant we got off the launch at iquitos. the pirate drew back, stared at me for fully a minute, and then slowly retired. i imagined that perhaps he would try some other game, but he was quite cured for all the rest of the trip, and did not molest us once. this affair settled, we had just got asleep, when suddenly we were awakened by a number of loud shouts, jeers, and laughs. thinking that possibly it might be a midnight murder, or something of the sort, i rushed to the side of the launch and perceived that martínez and his men were being escorted by a number of "missionaries" to the vessel. descending to the lower deck, i saw them shut him and his seven men up in the same cage with orjuela; here the wretches continued to insult and abuse their unfortunate victims for more than half an hour. i observed, before retiring to my hammock, that the cage was so small that there was scarcely room enough for the nine prisoners to sit down together, and dirty in the extreme. the next morning, the 17th, we left el encanto at about five o'clock, and by seven we had entered the putumayo, which was very wide and dotted with large, heavily wooded islands. along the banks numerous sandy _playas_ appeared from time to time. it was like seeing an old friend again, and i commenced to think of the time we were shipwrecked and subsisted chiefly on turtle-eggs. this made me think of breakfast, so awakening sánchez, we sat down at the table, where the pirate-captain and most of the passengers were already beginning. the meal was execrable, being composed only of watery tea, a quantity of extremely stale bread, and some evil-smelling butter. we all munched this unpalatable fare in silence until we had eaten all we could of it, when we left the table. during the rest of the forenoon sánchez and i got acquainted with the other passengers. one of the officers, lieutenant ghiorzo, an extremely stout, dark-complexioned man, turned out to be under arrest for refusing to take part in the raid on la unión, and was in charge of the other one, a tall, blonde, cadaverous-looking man, named lieutenant albarracin, who proved to be none other than the brother of the peruvian whom we had met in pasto, and who had given us a letter of introduction to his brother, whom he thought to be in iquitos. although the letter had been left in our trunks with the rest of our effects, i told the lieutenant about it, and he was very cordial towards me during the whole trip. ghiorzo also seemed very affable. another passenger was a young, copper-coloured colombian merchant named patrocinio cuellar, who it appears had brought some merchandise down from colombia for the "civilising company," which had been lost or destroyed about the time of the raid on la unión. he was going to the headquarters of the company at iquitos to see if they would reimburse him. cuellar associated, as a rule, with an individual named bartolomé guevara, a short, _carate_-covered man, to whom i took an instinctive dislike. he was a chief of section who had recently resigned his position at el encanto, and was now _en route_ to spain to spend some of the money he had extracted from the tears, the bitter agony, the very life-blood of the unfortunate indians under his control. i afterwards ascertained that he was one of the most noted of the putumayo "missionaries." another person whom i regarded with almost equal abhorrence was a copper-complexioned rascal named césar lúrquin, the peruvian _comisario_ of the putumayo. this miserable wretch was openly taking with him to iquitos a little huitoto girl of some seven years, presumably to sell her as a "servant," for it is a well-known fact that this repugnant traffic in human beings is carried on, almost openly, there. his position was a sinecure, for, instead of stopping on the putumayo, travelling about there and really making efforts to suppress crime by punishing the criminals, he contented himself with visiting the region four or five times a year--always on the company's launches--stopping a week or so, collecting some children to sell, and then returning and making his "report." the remaining "first-class" passenger was a brazilian custom-house inspector, who always travelled with the company's launches in order to see that they did not discharge any cargo while passing through brazilian territory. he seemed a very quiet chap, i imagine because he did not know spanish. this gentleman spent most of his time in his hammock, for, like sánchez and myself, he had no cabin. lunch and dinner were very similar to breakfast, for we had the same watery tea, the same stale bread, and the same stinking butter, the only additional dish being a repugnant preparation of codfish. the pirate-captain and his chum, the _comisario_, however, as i ascertained later, after eating a little of this miserable stuff, adjourned to the former's cabin and enjoyed a magnificent spread, all by themselves. we continued running all night, for the river was swollen and there was no necessity to follow the main channel. at about two o'clock in the afternoon we reached the mouth of the igaraparaná, which is considerably larger than the caraparaná and also on the left. near the junction was a small, cleared area on the high left bank of the putumayo, and to this we directed our course. anchoring close to the bank, i perceived that the place was a military post, for, as soon as we approached a number of soldiers--about twenty--and two officers emerged from an old tumble-down structure that sheltered them, and came on board. they all looked ill and emaciated, and their faces and hands were done up in rags to keep off the gnats. for over two hours we stopped here, fighting these little fiends, which swarmed about us in perfect clouds, while the pirate and the _comisario_ related to the two lieutenants a full account of the "brilliant victory" gained at la unión. meanwhile, i learned that the name of the place was arica, and that it was situated about 1° 43' 9" south of the equator and 71° 53' 36" west of greenwich. at last the enthralling tale of the "victory" was finished, and we set out up the igaraparaná, for, it seemed, the worthy zubiaur had been so complimented upon his bravery by the two officers that he resolved to go and inform some other friends of his up that river of the same gallant deed. we were all glad to set out in some direction, for the gnats did not trouble us much when the launch was in motion. the _liberal_ continued the ascent until a late hour, when we retired. the next morning when i awoke, i perceived that we were anchored off another establishment, which i was informed by albarracín was santa julia, one of the chief sections of the "civilising company" in igaraparaná district. the two or three small huts were of split-palm with a thatched roof, while the clearing around them was small and neglected-looking. santa julia, ghiorzo informed me, is the shipping-port for the section abisinia, some twelve hours' walk inland. as we were taking on a quantity of firewood, another launch, the _cosmopolita_, appeared and came up alongside of us. here sánchez was overjoyed to meet once more with his companion exiles, who had left el encanto about a month previously on this launch, bound for iquitos. instead of going there, however, the _cosmopolita_ had gone up to la chorrera, stopped there all this time, and was now about to accompany the _liberal_. although we saw them only for a few moments, the meeting cheered up sánchez immensely, while i took an instant liking to them. la chorrera, the headquarters of the igaraparaná district, they described as being larger than el encanto, and situated on the borders of a little lake at the head of navigation on the igaraparaná. they furthermore informed me that la chorrera was about twenty-four hours' run above santa julia. at santa julia, la chorrera, and the other stations along the banks of the lower and central igaraparaná, the victims are a tribe of aborigines known as the boras, several of whom i saw in a practically naked condition at santa julia. these indians are distinct from the huitotos, and speak a dialect of their own called bora. they are of a lighter colour and much more intelligent and fierce than the former; thus they do not submit so sheepishly to the persecutions and atrocities of the "civilising company," and many of them have escaped to the left bank of the river caquetá, out of reach of their _verdugos_.[98] the other sections between the igaraparaná and caquetá have as victims several other tribes of aborigines, chief of which are the andoques, the yurias, the ocainas, and the yaguas. all these tribes speak a distinct dialect of their own, although closely resembling the huitotos in habits, customs, &c. the andoques are the largest tribe, but none are so numerous as the huitotos. the firewood at length on board and the gallant zubiaur's tale of the "victory" finally terminated, at about eight o'clock we set out down the igaraparaná, accompanied by the _cosmopolita_. after a not unpleasant journey of several hours, we again reached arica at about 3 p.m., where we stopped for the rest of the day. here we were again tortured by the gnats, which soon became so ferocious that i was obliged to don my veil and gloves; the heat, however, was so suffocating that i had to take them off again shortly. after a tedious journey of several days, made in company with the celebrated criminal bartolomé guevara and lieuts. albarracín and ghiorzo of the peruvian army, the jailers of orjuela, martínez, and their men, who were confined in the small and loathsome cage, previously mentioned, which was so diminutive that there was not sufficient space for them all to sit down at the same time, we at last arrived at iquitos on february 1st. here i informed the dentist guy t. king, acting american consul in this place, of the events already narrated to the reader; but this gentleman, considering solely and exclusively his own interests and forgetting the duties that his position as consul incurred upon him, contented himself with congratulating me upon my narrow escape from death at the hands of the assassins of arana and informing me that, owing to various circumstances, he could do absolutely nothing for us![99] towards the end of april perkins arrived without our baggage; for the miserable murderers of el encanto, their cupidity aroused by the idea of getting something for nothing, had stolen it while perkins was held prisoner at that place. thus they became aware of the deception i had practised upon them in regard to the american syndicate, and so great was their anger that they were upon the point of murdering perkins, but their fears getting the better of them, they contented themselves with keeping him a close prisoner and abusing him, as is their custom. although the effects we had been robbed of were of considerable value and the hardships and perils through which we had passed while in the hands of the employees of this syndicate were distinctly unpleasant, nevertheless i consider that on the whole we were extremely fortunate in making our escape from the sanguinary _selvas_ of the river putumayo and from the tender mercies of those human hyenas, the assassin-employees of arana. from the horrors described in the following chapter the reader will be in a position to form a faint idea of the hellish and wholesale crimes committed upon these unfortunates; not a complete one, for in order to do that it would be necessary for him to come here and see with his own eyes and hear with his own ears what really takes place in these gruesome forests; but nevertheless he will, i repeat, be able to get some glimmering of the awful truth. in making these exposures i have obeyed only the dictates of my conscience and my own sense of outraged justice; and now that i have made them and the civilised world is aware of what occurs in the vast and tragic _selvas_ of the river putumayo, i feel that, as an honest man, i have done my duty before god and before society and trust that others, who are in a position to do so, will take up the defence of these unfortunates and the prosecution and punishment of the human hyenas responsible for these crimes. [illustration: native women and hut at iquitos. [to face p. 196.] as will be shown, over the whole length and breadth of this vast region reigns one perpetual and devilish carnival of crime; in short, words are unable to convey any idea of this gruesome field of blood and crime and bleached skeletons, rotting under the falling leaves of the forest trees. it is a living hell. no wonder that the vegetation is so luxuriant here, for the soil has been deluged with the blood of so many innocent victims of the bestial greed and rapacity of these vile monsters that it should be the richest on earth! tribe after tribe of the peaceful and hospitable indians of these forests has disappeared before the onslaughts of peruvian "_civilisation_." colombian after colombian has been foully murdered by these miserable criminals, until at last they were exterminated and their establishments, so long coveted by the syndicate of crime, passed into its unclean hands. as we shall see in the subsequent pages of this catalogue of horrors, the peruvian authorities of the department of loreto, thanks to an unparalleled system of wholesale bribery--for in this way only can we explain their conduct--do absolutely nothing to put a stop to this state of affairs. we observe a type of the _comisarios_[100] of this region; and also the attitude of the prefect[101] in regard to these horrors; and we are aware that the denunciations of saldaña were neglected, passed over and finally pigeon-holed by the judicial authorities of iquitos. from this it is evident that justice cannot be looked for from that quarter. i venture to state that within four or five years more--if this awful butchery is allowed to continue (which i do not believe)--these immense forests, formerly occupied by tens of thousands of peaceful, industrious indians, quite capable of civilisation and christianity, will be but huge and silent sepulchres, sown with the unburied bones of the unfortunate victims of an exploitation without parallel in history. but is this to be permitted? although we are too late to save the larger part of these victims, who have already passed out of existence, let us rescue the few we can and mete out punishment to the fiends who are filling their pockets with the gold produced by the very life-blood, the sweat, the tears, the agony of these unfortunates. let us do what we can, at this late hour, to release the helpless indians of the putumayo from the cruel and inquisitorial yoke that these human hyenas have riveted upon them. think of nine-year-old girls torn from their homes, ravished, and afterwards tortured or flogged to death; of sucking infants snatched from their mothers' arms and their heads smashed against a tree; of a wife having her legs cut off merely for refusing to become one of the concubines of these bandits; of men flogged until ...[102] or of old fathers shot to death before their sons' eyes merely because they were old and could work no longer! the poor indian, in spite of the diabolical "_civilisation_" of the peruvians, has never been taught to read or write, has no friends to protect him, and, notwithstanding his _thirteen_ years of contact with this "civilising company" of arana, has never even heard of the existence of god, and his untutored mind is seared and benumbed by the long years of cruel suffering at the hands of these monsters. heathen and indian they are, but they are human, just as we are; they have souls; they have affections and love and cherish their dear ones just as we do ours; they are our brothers. and if they are stupid, heathen, ignorant, whose fault is it? is it not the fault of these fiends who for years have taken advantage of their ignorance and helplessness, exploited their meekness and humility, and fastened upon them the iron chains of the shocking slavery in which they are now held? and when we see that they are ignorant, heathen, and helpless and cannot protest against their horrible fate, is it not our duty, for that very reason, to defend them the more energetically? the origin and history of the peruvian amazon company are as follows:-in the latter eighties of the last century julio césar arana arrived at iquitos barefooted, hawking panama hats; but soon, by good luck and a certain low cunning with which he is endowed, he succeeded in building up a small business in peddling along the rivers. this business, confined at first only to hats, &c., he afterwards extended to a variety of articles and did fairly well at it. learning of the rich rubber forests of the putumayo, which were then being exploited by several small colombian companies established there, he entered the putumayo in 1896, and soon afterwards formed a partnership with benjamin and rafael larrañaga,[103] owners of the establishments of la chorrera. subsequently he also associated himself with other colombian companies there, and these enterprises proving profitable, in 1898 he opened a house in iquitos, and in 1903, together with his brother lizardo,[b] and his brothers-in-law, pablo zumaeta[b] and abel alarco,[104] founded the celebrated j. c. arana and hermanos company, with a branch house in manaos, brazil. in 1904 this company bought out the larrañagas' holdings at la chorrera, taking advantage of their ignorance and stupidity to rob them scandalously. thus they remained sole masters of the whole igaraparaná. a little later they also acquired the establishments of calderón hermanos at encanto and that of hipólito pérez at argelia, robbing them also, according to their custom. they were now the principal company in the whole putumayo. not content with this, however, and urged on by the rapacity of julio césar arana and his accomplices, they forced josé cabrera, owner of nueva granada, to sell out to them at an insignificant price by threats of killing him, by shooting at him from ambush, by forcibly taking away his indians, and by the other methods for which this company is known.[105] the next step in the progress of the syndicate was the beginning of a systematic persecution of the three remaining colombian establishments of ordoñez, serrano, and gonzalez, with the object of making them abandon the region and then taking possession of their properties. this persecution took the form of robberies of their merchandise, rubber, and indians, murders of their employees, refusals to sell them supplies, and all other vile expedients that cunning could suggest. the colombians held on, however, in spite of these persecutions, and it was not until 1908 that the black flag of this criminal company, planted over their dead bodies, finally waved over the whole of this unfortunate region. in 1905 julio césar went to england and succeeded in interesting some london gentlemen in the "possessions" of the j. c. arana and hermanos company in this region. an accountant was sent out to examine the _books_, which were apparently found to be satisfactory, and on october 1, 1907, the peruvian amazon rubber company, ltd., was formed, with a capital of £1,000,000 sterling, divided, according to the prospectus, into 300,000 7 per cent. participating preference shares at £1 each and 700,000 ordinary shares, also at £1 each. in 1908 the word "rubber" was stricken out, and this syndicate of crime is now known as the peruvian amazon company, ltd. having failed in their attempt to foist upon the public their worthless shares, they decided to increase the assets of the company. this was done in 1908[106] by the simple process of collecting a small army of their assassins and murdering the already mentioned colombians and their employees and taking possession of their establishments. serrano, gonzalez, and their employees were murdered in cold blood, their women were added to the harems of the employees of the company, their indians were enslaved, their rubber and merchandise stolen, and their establishments taken possession of. ordoñez succeeded in escaping with his life, but had to abandon everything else--his rubber, his house, his indians--to the agents of the company, who are now in full possession of everything and are exploiting the properties of their unfortunate victims. let us now take a glance at the system pursued by this "civilising company" in the exploitation of the products of this region--that is, the exploitation of the rubber and of the indians. the whole territory is divided up into sections, at the head of which are placed chiefs, each one with a gang of bandits, varying in number from five to eighty, to control the indians and force them to work. the chief of the section keeps a list of the indians and assigns to each one the number of kilos of rubber he must deliver every ten days. the prettiest of the women are taken away from the indians and become concubines of the chief of section and his band, the chief generally having from three to twelve and the others in proportion. la chorrera, the chief of which is the celebrated victor macedo, is the centre to which the products of all the sections of the igaraparaná and those distributed between that river and the caquetá are sent periodically. here all the books, &c., are kept and all payments to the employees are made. macedo is the chief of all the employees in this territory, and has the power of employing or discharging men, the fixing of salaries, &c.; and it is with the knowledge, consent, and approval of this wretch that these incredible crimes are carried out. this torturer and assassin is the justice of the peace of the putumayo. el encanto is the chief centre of the caraparaná, exactly as la chorrera is of the igaraparaná, and its manager, miguel s. loayza, has similar powers to those of macedo. this is the individual who superintended the murders of serrano and gonzalez and the other crimes committed upon these two unfortunates, upon ordoñez, and upon their women and children, indians and employees. all the rubber produced in the whole region now being exploited by the "civilising company" is transported upon the backs of indians, in canoes, or in small launches to these two centres, from whence it is shipped to iquitos about every three months. macedo, loayza, and the chiefs of sections are paid, not salaries but commissions upon the amount of rubber produced. thus it is to their interest to extract the greatest amount of rubber in the least possible space of time, and to do this it is necessary to force the indians to work night and day. the best method of obliging them to do this is to impose certain amounts which they should deliver in a fixed time. once this rule is made it must be enforced, and if the indian does not deliver as much as he has been ordered to he must be punished. the punishment must be severe enough to strike terror into the hearts of the other indians, so that they will not follow the example of the culprit. the indians collect all this rubber gratis: the only compensation they receive is flagellation, torture, and death if they should lack half a kilo of the amount imposed upon them; a mirror, a handkerchief, an ounce of beads if they deliver the full amount. they are doomed and defenceless victims of an exploitation unparalleled in the history of the entire world. should the unfortunate indian lack even half a kilo of rubber, he is mercilessly flogged, being given from five to two hundred lashes, according to the enormity of his crime. as the poor wretches receive absolutely no medical treatment, within a few days these wounds putrefy, maggots make their appearance, and the miserable victims of this form of peruvian "civilisation" die a lingering and repulsive death. their bodies are left to rot where they fall, or else the well-trained dogs of their "civilisers" drag them out into the forest. indeed, in some sections such an odour of putrefying flesh arises from the numerous bodies of the victims that the place must be temporarily abandoned. often when some poor indian, seeing that he could not deliver at the fixed time the amount of rubber imposed upon him, has fled, they take his tender children and torture them until they disclose the whereabouts of their unhappy father. their favourite mode of torture is by suspending them from a tree and building a fire beneath them, by using the celebrated "water cure," and by suspending them from four posts, piling logs of wood, &c., on their tensioned bodies until they are forced to speak. besides the methods already mentioned they frequently employ others,[107] so revolting that it is impossible to describe them. another common form of _punishment_ is that of mutilations, such as cutting off arms, legs, noses, ears, penises, hands, feet, and even heads. castrations are also a popular _punishment_ for such crimes as trying to escape, for being lazy, or for being stupid, while frequently they employ these forms of mutilation merely to relieve the monotony of continual floggings and murders and to provide a sort of recreation. the victims generally die within a few days, or if they do not die they are murdered, for it is said that in 1906 macedo issued an order to his subordinates advising them to kill all mutilated indians at once for the following reasons: first, because they consumed food although they could not work; and second, because it looked bad to have these mutilated wretches running about. this wise precaution of macedo's makes it difficult to find any mutilated indians there, in spite of the number of mutilations; for, obeying this order, the executioners kill all the indians they mutilate, after they have suffered what they consider a sufficient space of time. by way of amusement these employees of the company often enjoy a little _tiro al blanco_, or target-shooting, the target being little indian children whose parents have been murdered. the little innocents are tied up to trees, the murderers take their positions, and the slaughter begins. first they shoot off an ear or hand, then another, and so on until an unlucky bullet strikes a vital part and puts an end to their sport. often on holidays and _fiestas_, in order to see the weak, starving, and cadaverous indians run, these people fire into a group of them, and generally manage to bring down several before their victims have got out of reach. when one of these agents sees a girl he wants he takes her, and her father or husband dare not protest, for he would be tortured to death at once. after he is satisfied, if he still likes the woman, he adds her to his harem; if not, he either lets her go or, as has happened, has her flogged to death. as i have before remarked, nearly all these agents possess a harem of two to twelve indian girls, varying in age from eight to fifteen years. these defenceless children are violated without the least compassion, and when they tire of one she is either brutally kicked out of the house and sent back to her tribe or else murdered on the spot. murders and assassinations are so common here that some of the chiefs of sections and their subordinates do not pass without killing in cold blood from one to five, or even more, of the helpless huitotos. any pretext serves, as when the indian does not understand them or when he is not punctual to the minute; and, indeed, they often kill them for amusement, to fill the other indians with a fear of the "whites," or to practise target-shooting. these murders, let it be understood, are not confined entirely to the slaughters of indians, for many are the _civilizados_, peruvians as well as colombians, who have incurred the ill-will of these bandits. extortions are practised continually in this part of peru by the company and its employees. apart from the robberies of the rubber extracted by the indians, the lesser employees are robbed of a part or of all their salary balances. the profits from these thefts generally go to swell the pockets of the chiefs of sections and those of the higher employees. as i have before remarked, the unhappy indians, far from getting paid for the rubber they deliver, are not even given food to eat while they work, and what appears more incredible is that they are given no opportunity to cultivate food of their own; for such is the criminal rapacity of this company that they not only compel the indian women to cultivate the food for their men and themselves, but also for their oppressors, who help themselves to all they want and waste and destroy as much as they please, the little that is left constituting, with a few forest products, the food of the unfortunate and starving indians. the dress of the huitotos has already been described, and, after thirteen years of close contact with the company, we find these people still stark naked. but most remarkable are the _correrías_ which the agents of the company carry out periodically. the crimes of the spanish inquisition are pale compared with the deeds committed in this vast den of crime. upon the occasions of these _correrías_ the operation is as follows: the chief of section orders his subordinates to arm themselves and set out for the village of the indians to receive the rubber, which, as we have observed, should be delivered every ten days. they make their way to the principal house, where the indians should be assembled ready to deliver the rubber. once here they call the roll, on which is noted the number of kilograms each indian should have ready. as each indian's name is called he steps up and delivers the rubber he has collected, which is weighed on the spot. occasionally a kilogram or two are lacking, and in this case the indian is given from twenty-five to one hundred lashes by the barbados negroes, who only for this purpose--that is, as executioners--have been brought here. at about the tenth blow the victim generally falls unconscious from the effects of the intense pain produced. [illustration: indians of the peruvian amazon region: river ucayali. to face p. 208.] sometimes two or three indians and their families do not appear at this assembly on account of not having been able to collect the amount of rubber assigned to them. in this case the chief of the _correría_ orders four or five of his agents to collect ten or twelve indians of a tribe hostile to the fugitives and to set out in pursuit of the poor wretches, their _capitán_ being dragged along, tied up with chains, to act as guide to reveal their hiding-place, and being threatened with a painful and lingering death in case he does not find them. after some search the hut where they have taken refuge is found, and then takes place a horrible and repugnant scene. the hut constructed by the refugees is of thatch, of a conical form and without doors. the chief orders his men to surround the house, and two or three of them approach and set fire to it. the indians, surprised and terrified, dash out, and the assassins discharge their carbines at the unfortunate wretches. the men killed, the bandits turn their attention to the rest, and the old, the sick, and the children, unable to escape, are either burned to death or are killed with _machetes_. another method of exploiting these unfortunate indians takes the form of selling them as slaves in iquitos, and this business in human flesh yields excellent returns to the company or its employees, for they are sold in that capital at from £20 to £40 each. every steamer that goes to iquitos, loaded with the rubber from the putumayo, carries from five to fifteen little indian boys and girls, who are torn, sobbing, from their mothers' arms without the slightest compunction. these little innocents, as we have already said, are sold at wholesale and retail by this "civilising company" in iquitos, the capital of the department of loreto, the second port of a country that calls itself christian, republican, civilised, and, let it be well understood, with the knowledge, consent, and approval of the authorities there. but to relate all the crimes and infamies committed in this tragic region by this company and its employees in its almost incredible persecution and exploitation of the indians, would prove an interminable task, so many are the crimes committed in this devil's paradise. the following are the directors of the peruvian amazon company[108]:-henry m. read, 4 lancaster gate terrace, hyde park, london, w. sir john lister kaye, bart., 26, manchester square, london, w. john russel gubbins, esq., 22, carlton hill, london, n.w. baron de sousa deiro, chairman of goodwin, ferreira company, ltd., manchester. m. henri bonduel, banker, rue d'aumale, paris. señor julio césar arana, iquitos, peru. señor abel alarco, salisbury house, london, e.c., managing director. the secretary is walter bramall, f.c.i.s., and the registered office of this christian and humanitarian syndicate is at salisbury house, london wall, london, e.c. of these seven directors, there are at least two who are well aware of the state of affairs in their "possessions," who are far better informed than i am of the murders, the robberies, the flagellations, the violations of little eight and ten year old girls, the tortures, the incredible mutilations, and the other stupendous crimes committed by this company and its employees in the terrible putumayo. these criminal employees are not restrained by julio césar arana and the manager in iquitos, his brother-in-law, pablo zumaeta, but, on the contrary, are actually aided and encouraged by these monsters in their horrible work. the other five directors are either dupes who have been taken in by the slick tongues of julio césar arana and his accomplice, abel alarco, and who are not aware of the awful and appalling crimes committed in their names by their employees in the sanguinary putumayo, or else they are hardened ruffians, who deliberately pocket the products of slavery, torture, and crime. this criminal syndicate has endeavoured to unload its million of worthless shares upon the british public at £1 each. in their prospectus they make such extraordinary statements, misstatements, and omissions that they make themselves liable to the law to answer to the charges of swindling, obtaining money under false pretences, and various others. in a prospectus published by this company in the _sunday times_ of london, december 6, 1908, i note among others, and denounce as deliberate lies, the following statements:-1. that they have any _legal_ rights or _legal_ titles in regard to their gruesome "possessions" in the putumayo. 2. that their rubber collection centres _are surrounded by cultivated lands_. 3. that these "cultivated lands" have a population of about 40,000 indians. 4. that these indians are being taught to improve the crude methods that were formerly used of treating the rubber. 5. that the "rubber-trees are the same as those which produce para fine." 6. that the territory in their possession "contains valuable auriferous quartz and gravel and deposits of coal and other minerals." 7. that "the exportation of rubber from the putumayo is increasing." 8. that "the boundary question, even should it affect politically a portion of the putumayo territory, will not affect the legal rights of the settlers." the following statement, made by the minister of foreign relations of the republic of colombia, which i translate from the _jornal do comercio_ of manaos, brazil, of june 3, 1908, gives an idea of how colombia views the proceedings of the "civilising company":-"the companies that are exploiting the adjacent regions of the putumayo to-day have no legal existence in colombia, but, on the contrary, are violating many of our legal dispositions and are even committing crimes for which our laws provide penal punishment. when the time comes, the government of colombia will not only refuse them protection, but will punish the agents of those companies that are responsible for criminal acts with all the rigours of the law." they also omit to state the following important and interesting facts:-1. that their pevas estate is practically exhausted. 2. that the nanay estate, utterly neglected and abandoned, is now, and has been for nearly two years, in the possession of muniz & co. 3. that their "large staff" of european employees in the sanguinary putumayo does not exceed eight or ten men at the most. 4. that the "extensive plains" are all covered with the thick, dense forest of the tropics, and that it is a tedious and expensive task to clear even a few acres of land there. 5. that in the short space of three or four years the putumayo rubber will be completely exhausted. 6. and that "they force the pacific indians of the putumayo to work day and night at the extraction of rubber, without the slightest remuneration; that they give them nothing to eat; that they keep them in the most complete nakedness; that they rob them of their crops, their women, and their children to satisfy the voracity, lasciviousness and avarice of themselves and their employees, for they live on the indians' food, keep harems and concubines, and sell these people at wholesale and retail in iquitos; that they flog them inhumanly, until their bones are visible; that they give them no medical treatment, but let them die, eaten up by maggots, or to serve as food for the chiefs' dogs; that they castrate them, cut off their ears, fingers, arms, legs; that they torture them by means of fire, of water, and by tying them up, crucified, head down; that they burn and destroy their houses and crops; that they cut them to pieces with _machetes_; that they grasp children by the feet and dash their heads against walls and trees, until their brains fly out; that they have the old folks killed when they can work no longer; and, finally, that to amuse themselves, to practise shooting, or to celebrate the _sábado de gloria_[109]--as fonseca and macedo have done--they discharge their weapons at men, women, and children, or, in preference to this, they souse them with kerosene and set fire to them to enjoy their desperate agony."[110] and all this, let us remember, is done by a gang of human beasts, who, consulting exclusively their own evil interests, have had the audacity to form themselves into an english company and put themselves and their gruesome "possessions" under the protection of the english flag, in order to carry out more conveniently their sanguinary labours in the putumayo and to inspire confidence here. people of england! just and generous people, always the advanced sentinels of christianity and civilisation! consider these horrors! put yourselves in the place of the victims, and free these few remaining indians from their cruel bondage and punish the authors of the crimes! chapter vii hardenburg's investigations the crimes of the putumayo following are sworn statements of those who, as agents or sufferers, participated in the outrages on the peruvian amazon company's estates, together with translations from various peruvian newspapers of iquitos, and statements of peruvians, who, to their credit, endeavoured to expose the conditions existing in the putumayo region:- _translation from "la felpa," of iquitos, of december 29, 1907._ notice is hereby given to persons who intend going to the rubber possessions of the j. c. arana and hermanos company in the putumayo, not to do so, for the following reasons:-everything is sold there at about four times the prices here. the food consists of beans, without salt or lard, and the contents of one tin of sardines for each twenty persons. generally only boiled _airambo_ is supplied, especially when they go out on _correrias_--that is, wholesale slaughter of indians. the company does not pay salary balances in full; they steal part of them and sometimes the whole! they do not permit their employees to come here, except when the chiefs please. they beat, put in stocks, club, and even murder employees who do not do everything the chiefs order, and what is even worse they teach them to be assassins, to flog, to burn indians, to mutilate them--that is, to cut off their fingers, arms, ears, legs, &c. as is evident, it is a horror to go to the putumayo. i should prefer to go to hell. if any one thinks that i am trying to deceive him, let him come to the printing-office of _la sanción_, no. 49, morona st., and i will give him details and, at the same time, show him authentic documents, proving the truth of my assertions. do not forget, see me before going to the putumayo. i do this for the sake of humanity and to save many from crime. the putumayo is a school of the most refined and barbarous crimes! honest men! avoid the putumayo! benjamin saldaña rocca. _translated from "la felpa," december 29, 1907._ the indians of the putumayo. all the indigenous inhabitants of those selvas are of mild character, industrious, meek, hospitable, humble, and obedient. this assertion may seem untrue to more than one person, for we have always heard that the natives there are ferocious, indomitable, and even cannibals, but this is false and exaggerated. the indians are divided into nations, and each one of these has a chief, whom they denominate the _capitán_. they are enemies of polygamy, and both men and women are jealous in the extreme. the latter cultivate fields, while the men dedicate themselves to hunting, fishing, and rubber collection. these poor people, "simple," not cannibal, lived there happily until arana and his brigands invaded them. then began the tantalus for all of them--men, women, children, and aged folk. the chiefs of sections, such as the famous bandits, norman, agüero, the two rodríguez brothers, and others, already known and enumerated, all impose upon each indian the task of delivering to them 5 _arrobas_[111] of rubber every _fabrico_.[112] when the time comes to deliver the rubber, these unhappy victims appear with their loads upon their backs, accompanied by their women and children, who help them to carry the rubber. when they reach the section the rubber is weighed. they know by experience what the needle of the balance should mark, and when it indicates that they have delivered the full amount required, they leap about and laugh with pleasure. when it does not, they throw themselves face downwards on the ground and, in this attitude, await the lash, the bullet, or the _machete_. this is at the option of the chief of section, but they are generally given fifty lashes with scourges, until the flesh drops from their bodies in strips, or else are cut to pieces with _machetes_. this barbarous spectacle takes place before all the rest, among whom are their women and children. when they deliver the full amount of rubber required from them, they are given a mouth-organ, worth 30 centavos[113], a coloured cotton handkerchief, worth 50 centavos, a few beads, or similar trash. this they receive with great pleasure, for, on the contrary, they are flogged or shot to death. they do not worry about the indians' food, and as to the clothes of these unfortunates, they have none, for both men and women live in the most complete nakedness. all these tribes, fifteen years ago, amounted to over twenty thousand persons; to-day they do not reach ten thousand. desolation invaded these selvas together with the aranas, worse even than the _cholera morbus_ and the bubonic, terrible and awful plagues that from time to time leave asia to traverse other parts of the globe, sowing panic, pain, death, and mourning. now, as there are but relatively few male indians left, they have the cruelty to oblige the women to work at the extraction of rubber. nor does their sex protect them from the punishments that these barbarous bandits of arana inflict upon them, for they flog them, torture them, and cut them to pieces. a certain periodical, subsidised by this criminal company, speaking of some memoirs of the explorer robuchon,[114] states that he mentions that these indians are hospitable. from this it is clear that we are not the first to make this assertion, and persons who have been in puerto bermudez can form an idea of what these indians are like by comparing them with the campas, which is the fiercest tribe. nevertheless, there in puerto bermudez these campas are in intimate contact with all who pass there, and furnish the traveller with everything in their power. the appearance of the unfortunate indians of the putumayo is ghastly and horrible; thin, cadaverous, and attenuated, they look more like ghosts than human beings. and nevertheless, they go out to meet the employees when these latter pass through their villages, and give them what few fruits they have. these gifts have been rewarded by death, on more than one occasion. only very rarely have they rebelled; but this rebellion consists only in fleeing from their villages to emigrate far off, trying to get out of reach of their executioners. they do this only when they are murdered, flogged, burnt, tortured, mutilated, and robbed of their wives and children with more than usual frequency. this is the crime of the putumayo indians--trying to hide themselves from their murderers. well, these villains, enraged beyond all bounds, collect in parties of fifty or more and start in pursuit of the fugitives. they fall upon them at midnight, and after surrounding the huts in which their victims are asleep, set fire to them and shoot all who try to escape. is it not reasonable that these unfortunates should defend themselves and their dear ones when attacked in their last possessions? it is here that sometimes, not always, desperate struggles take place, the criminals with their rifles and the indians with clubs and _machetes_. as is natural, the latter are always defeated and once more the victims of their torturers, who burn them by hundreds or else again reduce them to slavery. we believe it right to make known that the rubber there is becoming exhausted, and that to collect even one ounce of it means real sacrifices. it would be well if the english purchasers who have formed a syndicate in order to exploit that region could see that its resources are all imaginary, for arana & co. sell what does not belong to them, as slavery does not exist in peru. we shall treat of other points in regard to this matter later, for the unfortunate syndicate that has embarked in this adventure should be informed of the real state of affairs and in what difficult conditions things are in, for certain international treaties exist with colombia which have, at the present time, assumed a most serious and bellicose aspect. _translated from the "jornal do comercio," of manaos, september 14, 1907._ in accordance with our promise to our readers, we give the following news, as complete as possible, of a barbarous deed, the theatre of which was a point close to one of our frontiers. this narrative, detailed and horrible, we believe to be true, for it was related to us by one of the victims, who is at present in this city, the colombian roso españa, a young man twenty-one years of age, of low stature and agreeable features. in the last days of 1906 aquileo torres, felipe cabrera, feliciano muñoz, pascual rubiano, josé de la paz gutiérrez, bonifacio cabrera, jorge carbajal, carlos maría de silva, heleodoro x ---, crisanto victoria, roso españa, and two women, all employees of the firm of urbano gutiérrez, set out from florencia, dept. of tolima, republic of colombia. they embarked in six canoes, with a large quality of merchandise, for the river caquetá or japurá, where they were going to extract rubber and begin traffic with the indians, so that the latter would help them in this work. after a tedious journey of thirty-five days, they reached the lower caquetá, where a tribe of indians called the andoques live. here they were well received by the indigenes of this colombian territory. in order to gain the friendship of these natives, the colombians presented them with various trifles and received from them in return manioca and bananas. thus the first difficulty was conquered, for within a few days the indians yielded themselves up completely to the new-comers. as the construction of a house for the shelter of the _personal_[115] and the merchandise was of urgent necessity, the chief of the party, felipe cabrera, ordered some of the men to begin this operation, with the help of the indians, while the rest proceeded to burn the brush, in order to make the necessary plantations. a few days afterwards, when the clearing was finished and the construction of the house well advanced, a group of nearly 20 peruvian _caucheros_,[116] all armed with rifles, appeared upon the scene. two barbados negroes formed part of this band. the peruvians first encountered a group of eight persons--four men and one colombian woman, two indian men and one indian woman, all of whom were apart from their companions, engaged in the fabrication of mandioca flour. of this inoffensive group the two indians fell, shot dead. then the peruvians sent a letter to one señor norman, an agent of the arana company, who arrived on the scene three days later, accompanied by another group of individuals. norman, questioning the prisoners, learned that felipe cabrera, the chief, was among them, and forced him, with threats, to send an order to josé de la paz gutiérrez, who was absent with the rest of the men, to deliver up all the arms they had. the prisoner, in fear of his life, wrote the order, which norman took to its destination. the guide was the colombian prisoner, roso españa. then, in possession of the arms, they began another butchery. the peruvians discharged their weapons at the indians who were constructing the roof of the house. these poor unfortunates, pierced by the bullets, some dead, others wounded, rolled off the roof and fell to the ground. the bandits, for it is only by that name that they can be called, not content with these cowardly murders, for they had already killed twenty-five, took the indian women of advanced age, threw them into the canoes of the colombians and conducted them to the middle of the river and discharged their rifles at them, killing them all. what they did with the children was still more barbarous, for they jammed them, head-downwards, into the holes that had been dug to receive the posts that were to support the house. the peruvians, after taking possession of the merchandise, conducted the colombians, the _tuchaua_ of the andoques, two indians, and an indian woman, to matanzas, the dwelling-place of the criminal norman, the journey taking two days. here the prisoners were tied up with cords and afterwards shut up in one of the houses, where they passed a night of torture. in the morning the _tuchaua_ and the two indians were taken out to an adjacent knoll and clubbed to death. at about mid-day those who had escaped with their lives were taken to la sabana, where the chief is juan[117] rodríguez, arriving there at about 10 p.m. and stopping for the night. in the morning they were sent to oriente, the chief of which is a peruvian named velarde. here still more barbarities were committed, the colombians suffering horrors, for on the day after their arrival they were chained up by the neck and by the legs. as they were unable to endure such cruel treatment, the unhappy prisoners appealed to their jailers, who took off the chains, but in exchange put their legs in stocks. in the house that these poor people were imprisoned in there were also a large number of indians in chains, who received daily violent castigations, flagellations, and clubbing. some of these indians suffered from awful wounds, many of them produced by firearms. five days afterwards the chiefs of the colombians, messrs. felipe cabrera, aquileo torres, and josé de la paz gutiérrez, were taken to the section known as abisinia. it is not known what fate has been meted out to them. the other prisoners remained nearly two months in oriente, until it was known that the steamer _liberal_ was in the igaraparaná, an affluent of the putumayo. here the principal branch establishment of the j. c. arana and hermanos company in the putumayo is situated. the colombians were then embarked in the _liberal_, which was to take them prisoners to iquitos. they remained on board this vessel four days, but just before they reached the brazilian fiscal port at cotuhué the commandant, fearing that the brazilian officials might discover the prisoners when they visited the vessel, disembarked the victims, abandoning them in a canoe in midstream, with a few tins of sardines and a little _fariña_. the victims, rowing with all their might, started for the fiscal port, but did not reach it until after the _liberal_ had left for iquitos. here they presented themselves to señor nestor, the chief of the port of cotuhué, and narrated to him what had passed. in brazilian territory the unfortunates were kindly received and well treated. as the colombians had to make their living, they asked señor nestor for work, and the brazilian official, taking pity on these poor men, gave them work at fair pay. when the governor of the state and general marques porto visited that port on the _virginia_, the colombians were still there. some days afterwards the war-launch _amapá_, under lieut. olavo machado, while _en route_ to the frontier to relieve a sergeant and some soldiers, stopped at cotuhué. then roso españa, who has given us this narrative, approached that official of our navy and asked him for passage to this city. lieut. machado, after learning of his misfortunes, gave roso españa a passage on the _amapá_, and the officials afterwards employed him as servant, giving him 50 _milreis_ per month. _translated from "la sanción," of iquitos, august 22, 1907._ i certify that in one of the establishments of la chorrera, in the section matanzas, the chief, armando norman, applies two hundred or more lashes, which are given with rough scourges of crude leather, to the unhappy indians, when they--to their misfortune--do not deliver punctually the number of rolls of rubber with the weight that norman desires. at other times, when the indian, fearful of not being able to deliver the required amount of rubber, flees, they take his tender children, suspend them by their hands and feet, and in this position apply fire, so that under this torture they will tell where their father is hidden. on more than one occasion, always for lack of weight of the rubber, the indians are shot, or their arms and legs are cut off with _machetes_ and the body is thrown around the house; and more than once the repugnant spectacle of dogs dragging about the arms or legs of one of these unfortunates has been witnessed. at port tarma, four hours from la chorrera, section oriente, of which fidel velarde is chief, the colombian aquileo torres is held prisoner, with an enormous chain around his neck. this unhappy wretch lives in a dying condition in the cellar of the house where he was taken from the caquetá. when the higher employees of the company get drunk--which occurs with great frequency--they make the unfortunate torres the target of their cowardly attacks, for they spit on him, beat him, and abuse him vilely. i have also witnessed another scene, excessively inhuman and repugnant. juan c. castaños embarked in the _liberal_ for this place, and wished to take along with him his indian woman matilde, which was not permitted, for bartolomé zumaeta had taken a fancy to the beauty of the unhappy woman; castaños, upon seeing that they refused to let him take her with him, in spite of all matilde's pleadings to be allowed to accompany him, had to abandon her, and, in his presence, the unfortunate woman was given to zumaeta. the indian woman fled from this repugnant and diseased wretch, who continued his journey to el encanto, and, upon her return to la chorrera, she went to sleep on board one of the vessels anchored in that port, where, it is said, all kinds of excesses were committed upon her, and, not content with what they had already done to the unhappy woman, they delivered her to the company; here she was inhumanly scourged with twenty-five lashes, and her body was almost cut to pieces by the effects of the lash. she was shut up in a warehouse, where she remained at the time of our departure from la chorrera. finally, two well-known colombians, who are under the orders of the agency of el encanto, flogged the _capitánes_ cuyo, guema, and nampí, of the yaquebuas tribe, and _capitán_ acate, of the nuisayes; the first was flogged to death and the others, after the flagellation, were kept chained up for several months, all for the "crime" of their people in not delivering the number of kilos of rubber fixed by the company. just before these occurrences one of the men in reference murdered three indians, stabbing them with his own hands. these are the actual deeds that are carried out constantly in the putumayo, and for the lack of one kilogram in the weight of their quota of rubber they murder, mutilate, and torture the people. the relation which i have just made of some of the many crimes committed in this tragic territory of the putumayo is made only for the sake of the suffering and defenceless indians in the hope that a stop will be put to the crimes. it is inconceivable that within two steps of iquitos, where there are political authorities[118] and a superior court of justice, crimes of the class i have described are committed. (_signed_) julio f. muriedas. _translated from "la sanción," august 29, 1907._ iquitos, _august 7, 1907_. señor benjamin saldaña rocca,--i have heard that you are about to begin a legal action denouncing the criminal deeds committed in the arana "possessions" on the tributaries of the river putumayo, and as i was an eye-witness of many of these tragedies i will recount to you what i have seen. we had scarcely arrived at la chorrera when señor macedo ordered us to the section of josé inocente fonseca, who was then on a _correría_. the food given us was a little _fariña_ and water, but fonseca and his numerous concubines ate abundant viands. we stopped at night at one of the many _tambos_[119] in this region, the hammocks were slung, the sentinels were posted, and those who did not mount guard lay down to sleep. within a few hours i heard people arriving, and three indians entered, each one carrying on his back several small bundles, wrapped up in what looked like baskets. the chief was awakened, and he told them to unroll what they had brought. i thought they were fruits or something of that sort, but what was my horror when on unwrapping the coverings there appeared first the head of an indian, second that of a woman, and third that of an infant, and so on for the rest. the emissary as he unwrapped the heads explained, "this is that of so-and-so, this other that of his wife, the third that of his son," and so on. fonseca, with the utmost unconcern, as though they were cocoa-nuts or other fruits, took them in turn by the hair, examined them, and then threw them away. i do not record the names of the victims, señor saldaña, for they were indian names, difficult to remember. this took place in ultimo retiro, among the nation or sub-tribe of the pacific aifugas indians, in march, 1906. on the _sábado de gloria_ fonseca observed several indians going out of the house to fetch water. taking his revolver and carbine, he turned towards them, saying to us (there were present juan c. castaños, pérez, alfredo cabrera, miguel rengifo, ramón granda, sparro, lorenzo tello, and many others whose names i do not recollect now), "look, this is how we celebrate the _sábado de gloria_ here," wantonly let fly at the indians, killing one man and hitting a girl of fifteen years. this girl did not die immediately, being only wounded, but the criminal miguel rengifo, _alias_ ciegadiño, finished her with a carbine bullet. when fonseca returned from the _correría_ and went to his section-house, victoria, one of his nine concubines was accused of infidelity in his absence. enraged, fonseca tied her up to a tree by her opened arms and, raising her skirt to her neck, flogged her with an enormous lash, continuing until he was tired out. he then put her in a hammock inside a warehouse, and as the scars received no treatment in a few days maggots bred in them; then by his orders the indian girl was dragged out and killed. luis silva, a brazilian negro, who is at present in the section unión, is the man who executed this order. after murdering victoria as i have described they threw her body into the banana plantation. the floggings of indians were carried out daily, and from time to time some indians were killed. (_signed_) anacleto portocarrera. (_sworn before_) federico m. pizarro, _notary public_. iquitos, _september 28, 1907_. señor benjamin saldaña rocca,--by the articles published in your worthy newspaper, _la sanción_, i understand that you accept the voluntary statements of those who, like myself, have witnessed some of the awful crimes committed in the putumayo by the brigands of arana hermanos. i shall now relate to you what i have seen and what they do there to-day. in the year and fifteen days that i have been in el encanto in macedo's section--monte rico--and in artemio muñoz' section--esmeraldas--i have seen them flog indians in a most barbarous manner, generally leaving them dead or nearly so. the executioner in monte rico was belisario suárez, the second chief; in the two months and a half that i was in his service i have seen more than three hundred indians flogged, each one receiving from twenty to one hundred and fifty or two hundred lashes, this latter number being given when they wish to kill him on the spot by flogging. other indians are given one hundred or more lashes and are then thrown out in the forest to die there, full of maggots, for even their own companions flee from them in horror. in this section all the employees are obliged to do the floggings: among them were andrés guerra, gonzalez, and others whom i cannot remember now, but will cite later. in esmeraldas similar crimes are committed. the chief is artemio muñoz, another barbarian. in this section i remained three months and a half, and they flogged over four hundred, among men, women, children of eight years, and even old folks, six of whom they killed in this way. there was one indian who endured two hundred lashes, and, seeing that he was not yet dead on the second day, the chief ordered an italian, named ernesto acosta, to kill him with the butt of a carbine, which he did, the unhappy indian dying in this barbarous way. in both sections, after the flagellation, a chain is tied around the indian's neck, and in this way many of them die. señor loayza knows all this perfectly well, for he himself gives the order to flog all who do not bring in the amount of rubber they impose upon them. in esmeraldas, don bartolomé guevara, inspector of sections, killed two _capitánes_; this is the individual who introduced the method of having men tied to four stakes and flogging them. when he makes his _correrías_ and orders the floggings he says that the indians must either work or die, for he does not wish to return to his country poor. this terrible man must have flogged over five thousand indians during the six years he has resided in this region. he has also, i am told by people who have seen him, shot many whites to death. don luis alcorta had a mistress named carolina diaz, who had a little son by a german. alcorta, the stepfather of this little boy, who was three or four years old, could not bear the sight of him, and almost daily this wicked wretch kicked and clubbed him; when the mother intervened she, too, was clubbed. the poor woman has become consumptive and lives here now, but as to her little son, this alcorta killed him in two months with the numerous clubbings he gave him. when this same man killed faustino hernandez, shooting him to death with the help of belisario suárez, they made a great feast, in which, among others, miguel s. loayza, luis alcorta, belisario suárez, olivarez, and dagoberto arriarán took part, celebrating the graces, valour, and courage of the assassins. it is worthy of note that the barbados negro, king, and the white, olivarez (the one-eyed man), were the ones who shot the unfortunate hernandez in the head; these also took part in the festivity, which terminated in drunkenness and scandal, all with the consent and approval of the manager of el encanto, señor loayza. this, señor saldaña, is what i know and have witnessed, and i am ready to maintain this statement anywhere. make any use you deem convenient of this declaration, in favour of those sufferers. carlos soplín. hang (_sworn before_) federico m. pizarro, _notary public_. [illustration: a side street at iquitos. [to face p. 232.] _translated from "la felpa" of iquitos, january 5, 1908._ _note._--for obvious reasons the author of the following letter does not sign his name in full. iquitos, _july 16, 1907_. señor benjamin saldaña rocca,--i write you this to inform you about the horrible crimes, such as murders, robberies, floggings, tortures, &c., that are committed in the possessions of señores j. c. arana and hermanos on the river putumayo. the principal criminals are the following chiefs of sections: armando or felipe norman, josé inocente fonseca, abelardo agüero, augusto jiménez, arístides rodríguez, aurelio rodríguez, alfredo montt, fidel velarde, carlos miranda, and andrés o'donnell. with the exception of o'donnell, who has not killed indians with his own hands, but who has ordered over five hundred indians to be killed, all the rest--every one of them--have killed with their own hands, the least criminal, like jiménez, ten in two months; others, like fonseca, more than a hundred in one year. i have served two months in abisinia, of which abelardo agüero is chief, and during that time i have seen three indians flogged; one of them was a pregnant woman. after flogging her they cut her throat with _machetes_ and then burnt her up. afterwards they flogged, during the two months i spent here, about one hundred indians, giving them ordinarily one hundred and fifty lashes. this chief robbed me of one month's pay, which amounted to s.50. afterwards, señor saldaña, i served in matanzas, under the orders of norman, for the space of one month and five days. in this time i saw ten indians killed and burnt and three hundred were flogged who died slowly, for their wounds are not treated, and when they are full of maggots they kill them with bullets and _machetes_ and afterwards burn some of them. others are thrown aside and, as they rot, emit an insupportable stench. this section stinks so that at times it is impossible to remain here on account of the rotting flesh of the dead and dying indians. here in matanzas, armando norman ordered me to kill a little indian about eight or ten years old who had been cruelly flogged for running away, and who, in consequence of this barbarous punishment, was full of maggots and dying, his back being completely torn to pieces from the lashes he had received. i refused, señor saldaña, to kill the boy, but norman, enraged beyond all bounds, grasped his carbine and aimed at me to kill me, and, as i had seen him kill so many people and had nobody to appeal to, i had to kill the little indian. in ultimo retiro i served nearly a year, and the chief was josé inocente fonseca. during my stay here they killed about two hundred indians, among men, women, and children. the bones of the victims are scattered about over the ranches and everywhere else. here they made me commit one crime more. there was in this place an indian woman called simona, whose lover was a boy named simón; argaluza, the sub-chief, said that i had had relations with her, and for this reason they gave simona twenty-five lashes, which were applied by the barbados negroes stanley s. lewis and ernest siobers. the indian woman was left with her back literally torn to pieces, and in four days, when she began to stink and had maggots in her rotten flesh, fonseca came and ordered me to kill her. upon my refusal he put me in the stocks and threatened to kill me. then, terrified and helpless, i had to kill simona. i was also in porvenir six months, the chief being bartolomé guevara. here i saw only about ten indians flogged. i also wish to inform you, señor rocca, that they take away from the indians their women and children. every indian is obliged to deliver to the company every three months 60 kilos of rubber, and in payment they are given a knife or a small mirror, worth 20 centavos, or a harmonium or a string of beads, weighing one ounce. to all who deliver 5 _pagos_--each _pago_ being composed of 100 kilos--or, in other words, to those who deliver 500 kilos or bind themselves to do so, they give a shot-gun of the value of s.15. the indians are never given food; they themselves furnish it. to those who do not deliver the 60 kilos every three months--a part of which must be ready every ten days--and to those who lack even half a kilo five or ten lashes are applied. the indian is so humble, that as soon as he sees that the needle of the scale does not mark the ten kilos, he himself stretches out his hands and throws himself on the ground to receive the punishment. then the chief or a subordinate advances, bends down, takes the indian by his hair, strikes him, raises his head, drops it face downwards on the ground, and, after the face is beaten and kicked and covered with blood, the indian is scourged. this is when they are treated best, for often they cut them to pieces with _machetes_. in matanzas i have seen indians tied to a tree, their feet about half a yard above the ground. fuel is then placed below, and they are burnt alive. this is done to pass the time. when señor castaños was in porvenir, fonseca ordered him to kill two indians with the boras, remigio and buchico, and to bring, tied up, three indian women that fonseca wanted as his concubines: these were josefa, with her little child by carlos lemus, a---and z----. as castaños would not obey this order, he was taken to ultimo retiro, and there they wished to kill him, but when fonseca pulled out his revolver, castaños defended himself in an energetic attitude with his carbine. castaños took the indian women to la chorrera and fonseca had the indians killed in the forest, and, to take revenge on castaños, had his indians taken away, also his woman, isabel, who was pregnant and about to give birth, and a boy named adolfo. i heard afterwards that fonseca ordered isabel to be killed, when she was with her tribe, the noruegas. the indians are tame and humble, and bring us food. often, after these unfortunates bring food to the chief of the section, he has them murdered. _declaration made by señor joão baptista braga, a brazilian citizen, thirty-eight years of age, of the state of pará, before lieutenant josé rosa brazil, commandant of the detachment of constantinopolis._ in the year 1902 i was contracted as fireman of the launch _preciada_, which ran from iquitos to the river putumayo and belonged to messrs. j. c. arana and hermanos. about one year, more or less, after this, i resigned and began work on the launch of mr. david cazes, british consul in iquitos, where i worked for the space of one year. on december 6, 1904, i was again engaged by the j. c. arana and hermanos company to direct a band of sixty-five men (peruvians), with a salary of s.80 per month, besides a gratification of s.100. my chiefs were abelardo agüero and augusto jiménez. immediately after my arrival señor agüero called me in order to show me the method of proceeding with the prisoners they have there; so taking eight indians out of the _cepo_ where they had been barbarously martyrised, he had them tied to eight posts in the _patio_, and, after drinking a bottle of cognac with his partner jiménez, they began to murder these unfortunates, who perished, giving vent to horrible shrieks, helpless victims of the ferocious instincts of their masters. the crime they had committed was that of having fled to escape the horrible treatment to which they were subjected. about three months after this, señor agüero, the chief of the section, ordered me to shoot thirty-five men, whom he had in chains for the same crime as the others had committed. as i refused to commit such a hellish crime, he insulted me and threatened to have me shot if i did not obey this order. in spite of this menace, i roundly refused to carry out this order, telling him that i was a brazilian citizen and would never be an assassin. "well, then," he replied, "if you won't obey my orders, i have another who will," and calling the second chief, augusto jiménez, ordered him to "kill those worthless wretches at once!" those thirty-five unfortunates, still in chains, were thus murdered in cold blood, and from this instant forward they began to persecute me, making me endure all kinds of miseries. they began by refusing me food to such an extreme that i was frequently obliged to eat _airambo_ (a leaf resembling the brazilian _vinagrera_), _caguana_, _palmito_, &c.--the few things that they gave us to prevent our dying from hunger being quite insufficient for the numerous band. in these conditions, and seeing that at any moment i might become the victim of the ferocity of the chiefs of the section, i resolved to resign my position, and wrote asking for permission to return to brazil. this i repeated four times, always receiving the reply that, as they had no other employee to take my place, they could not let me go. thus i remained without anybody to appeal to, without resources, and without means of transportation, for there was no canoe in which i could escape. at last i understood that they did not mean to let me leave there, for, naturally, they feared that i would relate the series of monstrous crimes committed there. during these three years and eight months of prison i had the opportunity of seeing an infinity of atrocities, the like of which could hardly have been committed in the inquisition. one day a _tuchaua_ called iubitide, arrived with seventy indians and gave an indian woman of his tribe to jiménez, the chief of the section; but jiménez, not satisfied with this gift, asked the _tuchaua_ for his own woman. the refusal of the latter was sufficient for jiménez to order him to be tied up and shot to death. it would be an endless task to relate the innumerable crimes that i have seen committed during my stay in this section. here, recently, in the month of july, the _tuchaua_ known as tiracahuaca and his wife were held prisoners in chains. when jiménez--who had been temporarily absent--arrived, he had them brought into his presence and told them that if their tribe did not appear within the space of eight days, he would show them what he would do with them. the eight days passed, and as the tribe did not come, he ordered a can of kerosene to be poured over them, and then, striking a match, he set fire to these unfortunates, who fled to the forest uttering the most desperate cries. naturally, upon seeing such an awful crime committed, i expressed my horror at it to jiménez, who replied that if there were anybody who wished to protest against the orders he gave, he would be served in the same manner, and that if the company kept him as chief, it was because he knew how to do his duty. then i perceived that my life was in more danger every day, and i resolved to escape at any risk. on the 28th of july, the peruvian independence day, i took advantage of the orgy in which i found the chiefs of the section engaged, and embarked in an indian canoe that i found in the port, at 4 a.m. my companions were felipe cabrera, a colombian, who had been a prisoner for eighteen months, and a peruvian, melchor sajamín, who was in the same condition as myself, having been flogged several times. this is the truth of what passed and of what i have witnessed, and i appeal to the authorities of my country, who will, i trust, demand an explanation from the government of peru of the abuses and crimes committed upon brazilian citizens and those of other nations by the employees of the j. c. arana and hermanos company. i present the person who signs this declaration with me as a witness of my signature. joão baptista braga. constantinopolis, _october 6, 1908_. (_signed in my presence_) josé r. brazil. _letters to hardenburg--translation._ iquitos, _june 6,1908_. señor w. e. hardenburg,--as you have written to me, i shall give you a full account of all the deeds i have witnessed in the region of the putumayo in the year 1903. on the 4th of august of that year i began work on _correría_ service in the section abisinia, where they sent us to guard the poor indians and see that they brought in the rubber that the chief demanded. on the 20th of the same month agüero committed a most savage murder, cutting off an indian's head. he is just the sort of man to commit all kinds of atrocities, such as cutting indian women's limbs off, burning their houses, setting fire to their dead bodies, &c. on the 10th of the same month he had some fifty indians put in stocks, and as he gave them neither water nor food, the poor indians began to dry up like pieces of wood, until they reached such an extreme as to be quite useless and dying. then he tied them up to a post and exterminated them by using them as targets for his mauser revolver. on the 15th of this month this same man went out on a _correría_ with eight men. at one of the houses where they stopped to rest they found two indian women who were ill of smallpox. the two poor sufferers begged agüero for some medicine to cure themselves. agüero replied that he would see that the fever continued no longer, and so saying, grasped a _machete_ and cut off the heads of the two women. on the 20th of september i began work at the section morelia, where jiménez was the chief, and on the 30th a commission arrived, bringing fifteen indian prisoners, who were put in stocks. when on the point of dying of hunger, one of the victims told the chief that it would be better to kill them at once and not make them suffer such cruel agonies, whereupon he took a _machete_, cut off the man's leg, and then ordered him to be dragged away, killed, and burned. on the 4th of the following month a commission of whites under jiménez set out on a _correría_. when they had journeyed for two days, they met a young indian, whom they asked as to the whereabouts of the other indians, and as soon as they had received a reply jiménez cut off his head with a _machete_. four days after this terrible crime they came across two indian women, planting _yuca_ in a _chacra_, and asked them where their men were. enraged at not obtaining a clear answer, they threatened the women with death, and as the latter refused to say anything, these wretches began to cut them to pieces. about five days after the execution of this crime they met with a number of _infieles_, and proceeded to kill them all. these crimes took place in the section morelia, the chief of which was this jiménez, and i can vouch for them, as i saw them with my own eyes. in the year 1904 i was employed in santa catalina, where lives aurelio rodríguez, the chief of this section, who ordered the employees out on _correrías_, from which they returned ill and decimated by hunger, for the _infieles_ endeavoured to emancipate themselves from the work on account of the cruel punishment given them, as those who unfortunately fell into the hands of this chief were killed in a most barbarous manner. finally, a commission of ten men went out on a _correría_ and committed the most savage outrages, killing all the poor _infieles_, big and small, that they met on their march. on their return they brought some forty indians as prisoners, whom they put in stocks, where an epidemic of smallpox arose among them. although they were in a most pitiable condition, rodríguez took them out, one by one, and used them as targets to practise shooting at. about nine days after this an indian woman fell into his hands, but as she became ill of the same disease, rodríguez ordered them to kill her. she begged for her life, but in vain, for he had her killed as he did not care for her. as my time is limited and the crimes i have witnessed are numerous, i will conclude this statement by informing you that the vicinity of the house where this man lives is sown with skeletons. o'donnell, the chief of entre ríos, compels the _infieles_ to bring him a certain quantity of rubber, and if they do not do so, he submits them to most cruel punishments, mutilating them and then ending by murdering them. for all legal purposes and for the good of the country, i give you the present statement, which i sign in the presence of two witnesses. (_signed_) juan rosas. (_witnesses to_ { julian vásquez. _the signature_) { nicanor de la mesa. iquitos, _may 15, 1909_. sr. w. e. hardenburg. dear sir,--i have just received your letter of yesterday asking for information about the rubber possessions of the peruvian amazon company in the putumayo and its tributaries, and i have pleasure in answering it, narrating voluntarily some of the things i have witnessed in that ghastly region, and authorising you to make any use of this letter that you deem convenient. on march 6, 1908, i left iquitos on the small steamer _liberal_, bound for el encanto, from where we descended to la chorrera. here i began work as an employee on april 1st of the same year. as soon as i had landed at this port i noticed the unfortunate indians, who loaded and unloaded the small steamers at the port--thin, hungry, weak, and covered with great scars produced by the lash and the _machetes_--i saw that they were the helpless victims of excessively barbarous system of forced labour. when any of these wretched beings fell down, overcome by weakness, or sat down to rest, their taskmasters, the employees of the peruvian amazon company, clubbed them cruelly and brutally with sticks of firewood and huge, raw-hide scourges, laughing at the cries and moans of agony emitted by the unfortunate victims. i also saw dancurt, the official executioner of la chorrera, flog the poor indians almost daily for the most trivial faults: all with the knowledge and approbation of victor macedo, manager of la chorrera and _justice of the peace_ of the putumayo. abelardo agüero, who had just arrived in the war-launch _iquitos_, asked me to go with him to abisinia, a section he was in charge of, assuring me that they did not flog the indians there, that they had good food, and that he would pay me 80 dollars per month. believing in his good faith, and, above all, not wishing to witness any more crimes, i accepted his offer, and within a few days we began the journey, going in a launch as far as santa julia. from here we continued the journey on foot to a place called araras, where i was overcome by weakness, owing to lack of food. but agüero and his companions, who had offered me so much, left me in the forest without medicines or a grain of food. in this state, and seeing that death was certain unless i got something to eat, i started to crawl painfully about in search of herbs to eat, and found a tree called _huava_. i picked some of its fruit and ate it, but shortly afterwards had terrible pains in the stomach, and vomited up all the fruit that i had eaten. after acute sufferings i managed to reach abisinia, without having eaten anything during the two days and a half of the journey. in abisinia i saw the eight concubines of agüero. some of these were of the boras tribe, and others were huitotos, all of different ages--for this group of unfortunates was composed of girls from nine to sixteen years. agüero kept his eight women separated from each other, the boras on one side and the huitotos on the other, so that they would not quarrel, on account of the antagonisms that exist between the different tribes. one day i witnessed an excessively atrocious scene, the barbarous flogging of three unfortunate indians, who, for the mere fact of not having brought in all the rubber that agüero had required, were scourged with such fury that their backs and hips were completely cut to pieces, the blood rushing from their wounds. upon seeing this barbarity, i withdrew, for i could not endure it nor the diabolical jokes and laughter of those fiends upon seeing the desperate agony of their victims. i also saw the two unfortunates, paz cutierrez and one cabrera, who were prisoners, shut up in a small, dirty room under sentinels; to these unhappy wretches they gave almost no food at all, and abused and insulted them vilely and cowardly. one of them at last succeeded in escaping, but the other still remained in the hands of his jailers at my departure from abisinia. in may of the same year i went to morelia. i arrived there also after a very tedious journey, and had hardly reached this section when i witnessed the cruel flogging of seven indians for the usual crime--that of not delivering enough rubber to satisfy the ambitions of the company's agents. two of these victims were mere boys, and i heard their cries of agony and saw the lash cutting into their flesh. all this i saw, but could not defend them from their murderers, as i knew that if i tried to do so they would kill me in an instant. after a stay of eight days in morelia i returned to abisinia, in accordance with orders. a few days afterwards the syphilitic bartolomé zumaeta, the brother-in-law of julio c. arana, and notorious among the criminals of the putumayo, arrived, together with the famous augusto jiménez, the author of various violations, arsons, floggings, and homicides. the arrival of these two men was the occasion for a drinking-bout, comparable only to the orgy of a horde of savages. the day after this debauch agüero ordered one of his concubines to be flogged for having held a conversation with one alberto urdinibia. they suspended the poor woman from a rafter of the roof and lashed her for two hours without compunction, and then, regardless of her sex, they removed her garment and exhibited her naked body, bruised and cut to pieces by the lash. when this unfortunate woman fainted, they shut her up in a dirty room without treating her wounds! urdinibia also had to receive his punishment; they put him in stocks, where he remained two days, practically without food. seeing that an honest man neither could nor should remain here, i resolved to escape in company with urdinibia; but as those fiends noticed our absence, they sent in pursuit and took us back to abisinia. impatient at my continual complaints, agüero at last gave me permission to go to santa julia. on this journey i suffered greatly, as i made it alone and without food, for they gave me no food whatever for my trip. after considerable suffering i arrived at santa julia, where the chief, manuel aponte, in spite of seeing me sick and in a state of complete misery, began to annoy me, in accordance with the instructions he had received from agüero, making me labour from early morning until late at night--all this in spite of the fact that the company had promised me food and medicines gratis when ill. unfortunate is the poor wretch who lets himself be deceived by the smooth words of the "civilising" company! during the fifteen days that i stayed in santa julia i saw three indian women flogged most barbarously, without the slightest reason, by order of this notorious manuel aponte. here a negro who served as cook played the rôle of executioner, and this miserable wretch, whose conscience was as black as his skin, seemed to take pleasure in his disgusting task, for a devilish smile distorted his blubber lips at seeing the blood spurt out at each blow of the lash. this flogging, like all the rest i have seen in this awful region, was excessively inhuman; but, not content with this, these fiends, after flogging the poor women, put salt and vinegar into their wounds so as to increase the pain. at last i embarked in the launch for la chorrera, where i found that agüero had deceived me; for instead of paying 80 _soles_ per month, as had been promised me, they paid me at the rate of only 50 _soles_, and deducted from this sum the food and the few medicines they had supplied, so that after three months of hard work and sufferings i had only 71 _soles_ to the good. i was badly received in la chorrera, above all by one delgado, who was the accountant, for agüero had written him a letter discrediting me slanderously. as i was not able to continue on to iquitos, i secured employment in the so-called apothecary-shop from dr. rodríguez, where i remained some months. here i had the opportunity to observe that the free medicines that this company so generously offers to its employees are reduced to a little epsom salt. they also occasionally dole out a few grains of quinine. during the time i was employed here i saw many gruesome cases. the criminal dancurt, during all the time that i remained in la chorrera, continued his work of scourging and other excesses upon the helpless indians, with the full knowledge and authorisation of macedo, who thinks of nothing more than his bottle of whisky. now that i have mentioned drink, i will say that in la chorrera, as well as in the other sections, the vice that dominates the employees of this company is drunkenness, which, added to their criminal instincts, turns them into regular human panthers and the putumayo into a veritable hell. with regard to the pay they give the indians for the rubber that these poor wretches extract, this is the most shameless system that can be imagined. in la chorrera, which is the principal branch of this company in the putumayo, i saw them give some indians a few caps, matches, mirrors, and other trifles, the value of which did not amount to five _soles_, in return for a large quantity of rubber that they had delivered. the indians, humble and resigned, took this trash and disappeared into the forest, seeing, reflected in the mirrors they received in exchange for their labour, the scars that the infamous hands of the peruvian amazon company's employees had made all over their weak bodies. the indians of the putumayo are more than slaves of the "civilising" company, as this syndicate of crime has the barefacedness to call itself, for it exploits them in all ways, and the poor indians can reckon neither with their lives, their women, nor their children: the company is the absolute owner of life and property. my belief is that the slavery of these indians will terminate only when the rubber is exhausted here, which will not be very distant; for even now the indians, in their desire to collect all the rubber demanded by their owners, and not finding it near, mix the juices of other trees with it, and it is for this reason that the rubber extracted in the putumayo at present is of such a poor quality. when the rubber gives out, the detestable slavery of the indians will end. but which will be exterminated first, the indians or the rubber-trees, it is hard to say. in conclusion, i will state that if there were no indians in the region of the putumayo to work free, the company would have nothing to deal in, and consequently would fall to the ground, for its assets are acquired by pillage. trusting that this will help you somewhat in the task you have undertaken of unmasking these wolves. celestino lópez. (_sworn before_) federico m. pizarro, _notary public_. iquitos, _may 17, 1909_. sr. w. e. hardenburg,--in reply to your letter of the 16th inst., i give you the following exact and reliable information of what i have witnessed during my stay on the river putumayo, to be used for any purpose that you deem proper:-[illustration: river itaya, near iquitos. to face p. 250.] on the 15th of june, 1907, i arrived at the section matanzas, which is under the orders of the sanguinary and criminal armando norman, the chief of this section. as soon as i arrived he ordered a commission, composed of twenty-five men, to go out on a _correría_ and to bring in chained up, all the indians they might find, together with their women and children. the bandit norman furnished to this commission, as food for the twenty days they would be absent, fifteen tins of sardines, at the same time ordering that nobody should carry any more clothes than he wore on his back, in order to avoid the extra weight, for in this way they would be better able to carry out the orders he imparted to them. at the end of about twenty days the commission returned, bringing in, among men, women, and children, about thirty indians, all in chains, who, as soon as they arrived at the house, were delivered to norman. then norman stepped up and asked three old indians and two young women, their daughters, where the rest of the indians were. they replied that they did not know, as several days before they had all dispersed in the forest, owing to the fear they had of him. norman then grasped his _machete_ and murdered these five unfortunate victims in cold blood. their bodies were left stretched out near the house and norman's dogs took charge of them, for he has them well trained; so well trained are these animals that the morning is rare that they do not appear with an arm or a leg of a victim at the bedside of this monster. the rest of the indians brought by this commission were, by the orders of norman, secured in the _cepo_, which, as a rule, exists in all the sections. as norman had given the order not to give the poor wretches any food, it was not long before they began to fall ill and utter cries of pain and desperation; whenever this occurred, norman grasped his _machete_ and cut them to pieces, leaving the remains of these victims, for the space of from four to six days, at the side of their companions, who were doomed to a similar fate. whenever these remains--already in a state of putrefaction--became offensive to this bandit, he compelled the indian prisoners to put them in heaps and set fire to them. about twenty days after this event norman ordered another commission of ten criminals to go out and bring in a _capitán_, with all his family. this order was strictly carried out, the criminals returning in five days, bringing the _capitán_, his wife, and two children, all in chains. as soon as they arrived norman submitted them to a cross-examination, asking them why they did not bring in the amount of rubber that he required from them and that his superiors had ordered him to get, to which the _capitán_ replied that as the quantity he demanded was very large, sometimes it was impossible to collect it all. this answer was sufficient to cause norman to tie up his hands and feet with a chain and to order three armfuls of wood to be placed about the unfortunate victim, he himself bringing half a tin of kerosene and, with his own hands, setting fire thereto. when the poor wretch's wife saw this horrible act of cruelty, she implored norman not to murder her husband in such a barbarous manner; this sufficed for norman to cut off her head and throw her on the funeral pile of her husband. after this he took the two children and, after dismembering them with his _machete_, threw their remains on the same fire. to terminate with this repugnant criminal, whom i have seen commit crimes so horrible that perhaps they are unequalled in the history of the entire world, it is sufficient to say that i have seen him repeatedly snatch tender children from their mothers' arms, and, grasping them by the feet, smash their heads to pieces against the trunks of trees. i have also seen him commit another most barbarous crime. this was on the 11th of july, 1907, at about 4 p.m. the victim was a poor indian woman whom he had ordered to serve as a concubine for one of his adjutants. the woman refused to obey this order as she already had an indian husband. this was sufficient for norman to cut off her legs and leave her in a field near the house, where she remained a night and a day, until he himself went out to finish her with his mauser revolver. for the same reason norman suspended another indian woman from four stakes by her hands and feet, and, after giving her one hundred lashes, he took a peruvian flag, which happened to be handy, and tearing it to pieces and sousing it with kerosene he wound it around her feet and set fire to it. as soon as the woman started to run off, crazed with the awful agony, he grasped his mauser and practised target-shooting with her until he brought her down. to convince oneself of the truth of these statements, it is sufficient to approach the neighbourhood of matanzas, for on all sides one sees the ground sown with skulls and other human remains. if i were to relate all the crimes i have seen committed in this devilish putumayo, it would be nothing less than writing a whole book. i will, however, give particulars of the doings of some other chiefs, no less criminal than the bloodthirsty norman. after three months i applied for a transfer from this horrible depot. this application was granted, and they sent me to the depot known as la sabana, where i found as chief arístides rodríguez. about two weeks after my arrival at this place rodríguez had four indians of the recígaros tribe brought in. as soon as they arrived he asked them why they had not brought any rubber, and the unfortunates, fearful of what awaited them, lowered their humble glances to the ground and did not answer a word. then arístides ordered one of his secretaries, who to-day walks freely with him about the streets of iquitos, to take four more employees and to cut off the heads of those indians and burn them, which order was at once carried out at the side of the house. shortly after this rodríguez went out in charge of a commission of fifty men to a point called cahuinarí. once there, he proceeded to murder a hundred and fifty indians, men, women, and children. these murders were carried out with rifles and _machetes_. afterwards they arrived at some indian houses and fired them by order of rodríguez. in these houses there were at least forty families, according to an individual who accompanied rodríguez, who went in first to ascertain what indians there were inside. here a most horrible spectacle was witnessed, and it was appalling to hear the groans and laments of the indians enwrapped in the devouring flames of the fire. about twenty days after this occurrence rodríguez started for santa catalina, and on the journey, he met four indians of the maynanes tribe, who were _en route_ to put themselves at his service. rodríguez, instead of receiving them, placed his carbine to his shoulder and shot them to death. this infamous agent has a brother[120], who is chief of santa catalina, called aurelio rodríguez, a wretch no less criminal than his brother, for in the month of march of the year 1908, when i was at santa catalina, a commission arrived, bringing four indians in chains. this aurelio rodríguez then remarked that he felt anxious to test his shooting, and, without more ado, took his carbine and began to shoot at those poor indians, with the result that in a few minutes they fell shot to death; afterwards he had them burned. after all these events i made all possible exertions to get away from this awful region, and, after some work, i succeeded in getting transferred to el encanto, where another monster, miguel s. loayza, is chief. on one occasion this other repugnant criminal gave orders to his confidential secretary, the negro, king, to go with several other employees and take a poor colombian, whose name i do not now recall, prisoner. as soon as they brought him to el encanto, loayza had him assassinated by the negro, king, and afterwards thrown into the river. all these deeds occur with great frequency in the putumayo. would to god that the weight of justice would fall over this awful region! _for_ genaro caporo, josé antonio. (_sworn before_) federico m. pizarro, _notary public_. iquitos, _may 17, 1909_. señor w. e. hardenburg,--i have just received your letter of yesterday, in which you ask me for information about my residence on the river putumayo, and especially concerning the things that i have witnessed. i will inform you that during a stay of seven years up there i have witnessed crimes, floggings, mutilations, and other outrages. in 1902 i went to the señores arana of this city and asked them for work in the rubber business which i was told they had in the putumayo. my application was at once accepted by julio c. arana, who promised me s.40 per month good food, medicines, and passage there and back. i will state that these promises were not carried out, but were disregarded to such an extreme that i became almost a slave of this company. when i arrived at la chorrera they gave me a position as fireman on the launch _mazán_, where i remained seven months. at the end of this time victor macedo ordered me to leave my position on this launch, for he wished me to start on a journey through the forest to enter the service of elías martenegui; but as i was already aware of the crimes that they carried out in the centre of the forest i refused. this was sufficient for them to treat me brutally. for this reason i was tied up with an enormous chain around my waist and put in solitary confinement in one of the cells of la chorrera. here i remained ten days, guarded by the sentries, who had orders to shoot me if i attempted to protest against this imprisonment. once i tried in my agony to speak to this victor macedo, but upon hearing my complaints he ordered them to give me a hundred lashes and to cover my mouth so that i could not cry out. thanks to some of those who were aware of my innocence and who protested, i was enabled to obtain my release at the end of ten days, but with the condition that i should leave at once to enter the service of the criminal chief of the section atenas, elías martinengui. the day after being released i set out for the section, accompanied by the chief martinengui and his colleague o'donnell. after a journey of two days we arrived at atenas, and as martinengui was aware that i would not serve as an instrument for the commission of crimes he ordered me to serve in the house. on the second day i became ill with rheumatism, which was probably caused by the imprisonment i had suffered in a damp and dirty cell of la chorrera a few days before. this disease kept me prostrate for seven months, and had it not been for two colombian employees who took pity on me and gave me something to eat whenever they could, i should have died for lack of food. during my stay in this section i have seen them murder some sixty indians, among men, women, and children. these poor wretches they killed by shooting them to death, by cutting them to pieces with _machetes_ and on great _barbacoas_ (piles of wood), upon which they secured the victims and then set fire to them. these crimes were committed by martinengui himself and various of his confidential employees. i have repeatedly heard this monster say that every indian who did not bring in all the rubber that he had been ordered to was sentenced to this fate. about eight days after this occurrence martinengui ordered a commission to set out for the houses of some neighbouring indians and exterminate them, with their women and children, as they had not brought in the amount of rubber that he had ordered. this order was strictly carried out, for the commission returned in four days, bringing along with them fingers, ears, and several heads of the unfortunate victims to prove to the chief that they had carried out his orders. after all these events i succeeded in getting permission to leave this section and return to la chorrera, which i reached after a painful journey of four days. as i arrived completely disabled, owing to my illness and the journey, they ordered me to occupy one of the cells there. about three days after my arrival some forty ocaina indians arrived as prisoners, who were shut up and enchained in another large cell. about 4 a.m. on the next day victor macedo, the chief of la chorrera, had about eighteen employees brought in from la sabana, and when they arrived he ordered them to flog the unfortunate ocainas, who were imprisoned and in chains, to death. this order was at once carried out, but as many of these unhappy indians did not succumb to the lash and the club, macedo renewed the order, telling them to take the indians out of the cell where they were, drag them to the bank of the river, shoot them there, and then set fire to them. these orders were strictly obeyed. at about 9 a.m. they began carrying the fuel--wood and kerosene--that was to be used for the cremation, and at about 12 a.m. one londoño, by order of the criminal macedo, set fire to the unfortunate victims of the ocainas tribe. this smouldering pile of human flesh remained there until about 10 a.m. on the next day. it was on one of the days of carnival in 1903 that this repugnant act of cruelty was committed, and the place was at some 150 metres from la chorrera, almost exactly where the building of the "club" of la chorrera is situated to-day. the higher employees of this company when they get drunk toast with glasses of champagne the one who can count the greatest number of murders. a few days after this event i went up to the chief and manager of this establishment, victor macedo, and asked him for my account, telling him that i did not wish to work for this company any longer and that i wanted to return to iquitos. the reply this miserable criminal gave me was to threaten me with more chains and imprisonment, telling me that he was the only one who gave orders in this region and that all who lived here were subject to his commands. in accordance with this i had to leave la chorrera for santa julia, the chief of which was the criminal jiménez, who ordered me to set out at once for providencia, where i again met macedo. macedo ordered me to begin work at ultimo retiro, where i found as chief josé inocente fonseca. a few days after my arrival this chief had the chontadura, ocainama, and utiguene indians called, and about twenty-four hours later hundreds of indians began to appear about the house in accordance with this order. then this man inocente fonseca grasped his carbine and _machete_ and began the slaughter of these defenceless indians, leaving the ground covered with over 150 corpses, among men, women, and children. this operation he carried out in company with six of his confidential secretaries, some of whom used their carbines, while others used their _machetes_. fonseca, with his extra large chief's _machete_, massacred right and left the defenceless wretches, who, bathed in blood, dragged themselves over the ground, appealing in vain for mercy. this tragedy over, fonseca ordered all the bodies to be piled up and burned. this scene was still more horrible, for as soon as this order was obeyed and they were being burned cries of agony and desperation proceeded from those victims who were still alive. meanwhile the monster fonseca shouted out, "_i want to exterminate all the indians who do not obey my orders about the rubber that i require them to bring in!_" some time after this fonseca organised a commission of twenty men (by order of macedo), under the command of one of his criminal confidential secretaries[121] called miguel rengifo, with orders to go to the caquetá and to kill all the colombians they found there. he also told them to bring the fingers, ears, and some of the heads of the victims, preserved in salt, as a proof that they had carried out these orders. after some seven days the said commission returned, bringing the remains that had been asked for. these were sent to the celebrated chiefs of this company, victor macedo and miguel s. loayza, so that they could see for themselves the success that the commission had met with. the secretary, rengifo, also informed fonseca that one of the indian guides whom he had taken along with him to discover the whereabouts of the colombians had not behaved well. this sufficed for fonseca to have him hung up by one leg, together with his little son, a boy about ten years of age. in this position they were given fifty lashes each, after which he had the chains by which they were suspended loosened at the top so that they would fall to the ground, striking their faces against the floor. as soon as this was concluded fonseca ordered one of his employees to take his rifle, drag the unfortunate victims to the bank in front of the house, and to shoot them there, which was done immediately. while this was being done an indian woman arrived from urania to put herself at the orders of fonseca, but, horrified at this shocking spectacle, she started to run away. fonseca then ordered four of his employees to arm themselves rapidly and kill her. when the woman had run about fifty metres, fleeing from the danger, she fell dead, pierced by the discharge that the four marksmen fired at her, the bullets burying themselves in the head of the innocent victim. to terminate my already long narration of the great crimes of the putumayo that i have witnessed during the seven years that i stayed there, i shall give you the names of some of the other monsters who dwell there, as i am ready to do if called before a court of justice. these diabolical criminals are: arístides rodríguez, aurelio rodríguez, armando norman, o'donnell, miguel flores, francisco semanario, alfredo montt, fidel velarde, carlos miranda, abelardo agüero, augusto jiménez, bartolomé zumaeta, luis alcorta, miguel s. loayza, and the negro, king. for lack of time, it is impossible for me to relate all the crimes that these criminals have committed. but i think that if i were called some day before a tribunal of justice i could tell the places, days, and hours in which they deluged the region of the putumayo with these crimes, unequalled in the history of the entire world and committed upon men, women, and children of all ages and of all conditions. to bring this narrative to a close i will mention some of the crimes committed in santa catalina by the chief of that section, aurelio rodríguez. on the 24th of may of last year this man ordered a _compadre_ of his, called alejandro vásquez, to take nine men and go to the village of the tiracahuaca indians and make prisoner an indian woman who had formerly been in his service; as soon as they had captured her they were to kill her in the cruellest way possible. having received these orders, the commission set out at once and, arriving at the village, took the indian woman prisoner. after proceeding a few minutes on the return journey, they tied her to a tree alongside the road, where vásquez had three sticks of wood, with sharp points, prepared ...then they killed her by strangling her with a rope around the neck.[122] such are the crimes constantly committed on the putumayo by the chiefs of sections and their assistants whose names i have mentioned. trusting that this account may help you in drawing the attention of justice to this region. daniel collantes. (_sworn before_) arnold guichard, _notary public_. a number of documents of a similar character complete hardenburg's account, not included in this book, with a description of the peruvian attack on the colombian rubber station of la unión and the destruction of its people, the peruvians believing, or professing to believe, that the colombians were descending the river to attack them. chapter viii consul casement's report the history of the putumayo occurrences after the exposure by messrs. hardenburg and perkins, due to the persistence of the anti-slavery society and the courage of the editor of _truth_, who alone incurred the risk of libel proceedings attaching to such exposures, so performing a notable service to humanity,[123] is contained in the blue book, or foreign office report, already quoted. the proceedings leading to the sending of consul casement to the putumayo by sir edward grey and the report itself are worthy of wider notice than that received by an official pamphlet. the report itself is of much geographical and ethnological value and of general interest as a work of travel, apart from its purpose of confirming the existence of the terrible and almost incredible abuses. mr. casement went to peru in july, 1910, and transmitted his report in january, 1911.[124] the result was transmitted by the foreign office to the british consul in lima, with instructions to lay particulars before the peruvian government, and to the british minister at washington in order that the united states government should be informed of the action of the british government. the british foreign office repeatedly urged upon the lima government that the criminals, whose names had been immediately transmitted by cable, should be arrested. the peruvian government promised to take action and sent a commission to iquitos, but failed to arrest the criminals. in july, 1911, they were informed that the report would be made public, but the chief criminals were not arrested. further promises to the same effect made by the peruvian government were unfulfilled, and the british government asked for the support of the united states minister at lima, which was accorded in october, 1911. after repeated communications had passed, during which the peruvian government had not prevented the escape of several of the criminals, or taken adequate steps to protect the indians, the british foreign office laid the correspondence before parliament in july, 1912, and published the report. in the preliminary report received in january, 1911, by sir edward grey at the foreign office, consul casement said:-"my conclusions are chiefly based on the direct testimony of barbados men in the company's service, who brought their accusations on the spot, who were prepared to submit them to investigation, and to make them in the presence of those they accused, and whose testimony, thus given to me, was accepted without further investigation by señor juan tizon, the peruvian amazon company's representative at la chorrera, on the ground that it was sufficient or could not be controverted. it was equally potent with the members of the peruvian amazon company's commission, who expressed themselves as fully convinced of the truth of the charges preferred, they themselves being often present when i interrogated the british witnesses. there was, moreover, the evidence of our own eyes and senses, for the indians almost everywhere bore evidence of being flogged, in many cases of being brutally flogged, and the marks of the lash were not confined to men nor adults. women, and even little children, were more than once found, their limbs scarred with weals left by the thong of twisted tapir-hide, which is the chief implement used for coercing and terrorising the native population of the region traversed. the crimes charged against many men now in the employ of the peruvian amazon company are of the most atrocious kind, including murder, violation, and constant flogging. the condition of things revealed is entirely disgraceful, and fully warrants the worst charges brought against the agents of the peruvian amazon company and its methods of administration on the putumayo. i append to my report a list of those agents of the company against whom the worst charges were preferred and against whom the evidence in my possession is overwhelmingly strong. the prefect of loreto again and again assured me that his government was determined to deal with the criminals and protect the indians. the charges brought by the barbados men were of the most atrocious kind, and, added to the accumulating weight of evidence that we had gathered from station to station, and the condition of the indian population as we had opportunity to observe it in passing, they left no doubt in our minds that the worst charges against the company's agents were true. many of the acts charged against agents whom we met were of the most revolting description, and the barbados men bringing these charges did not omit, in several cases, to also accuse themselves of shocking crimes, committed, they averred, under compulsion." "_names of some of the worst criminals on the putumayo, all of them charged with atrocious offences against the indians._ "fidel velarde: a peruvian, chief of occidente. alfredo montt: a peruvian, chief of atenas. charged with atrocious crimes. augusto jiménez: a peruvian. is a half-caste. age about 26. has been for years the lieutenant of agüero, under whom he has committed appalling crimes upon the boras indians in the section abisinia. he was sub-chief of morelia, and is often mentioned in the _truth_ charges. he begged me to listen to his statement, and said he could prove that _one_ of the charges against him in _truth_ was not true. on the other hand, the evidence against him is overwhelming. armando normand: a bolivian, i believe of foreign parentage. largely educated in england. a man of whom nothing good can be said. the crimes committed by this man are innumerable, and even peruvian white men said to me that normand had done things none of the others had done. if any one on the putumayo deserves punishment this man should be made an example of. he was under sentence of dismissal, and would have left chorrera by the _liberal_ with me only i objected to travel with him, and begged señor tizon to send him by another vessel. josé inocente fonseca: a peruvian, about 28 years old. has committed innumerable crimes upon the indians. abelardo agüero: about 35 or 36 years of age. chief of abisinia, of which section he has had charge for years. has committed innumerable crimes. elias martinengui: the charges against him are many. aurelio rodríguez: a peruvian, whose crimes were vouched for by many and are widely known. a. vasquez torres, or alejandro vasquez. rodolfo rodríguez: a colombian, charged with many murders. miguel flores: a peruvian. armando blondel. aquiléo torres: a colombian. innumerable crimes against this man. he was made prisoner by normand in january, 1907, and kept chained up for a year by velarde and others, and then released on condition he joined them, and was first employed in flogging indians. he improved on his masters, and has killed scores, and cut ears off, and done things that even some of the worst peruvians say they could not tolerate. he was once a colombian magistrate, and was captured by macedo's orders along with a lot of other colombians because they were 'poaching' on the company's territory, and trying to get indians to work for them. jermin, or filomene, vasquez. this man is charged with many crimes. the latest of them only in august, 1910, when he had thirteen indians--men, women, and children--murdered on the road between the caquetá and morelia. he boasted on his return to abisinia 'he had left the road pretty.' simon angúlo: a colombian black man. is the flogger or executioner of abisinia under agüero. has flogged many to death. there is also a barbados man named king, calls himself armando king, who is at encanto under loayza. i believe king to be as bad as any of the others almost. there are a great many others charged with crimes whose names will be submitted." in his detailed report, submitted in january, 1911, consul casement says:-"the true attraction from the first to colombian or peruvian _caucheros_ was not so much the presence of the scattered hevea braziliensis trees throughout this remote forest as the existence of fairly numerous tribes of docile, or at any rate of easily subdued, indians. the largest gathering of these people was a tribe termed the huitotos, a mild and inoffensive people subdivided into many sub-tribes or families, each dwelling apart from its neighbour, and ruled by its own hereditary cacique or _capitán_. "the huitotos chiefly dwelt along the courses of the caraparaná and upper and middle igaraparaná, and occupied all the country between these two rivers. on the north of the igaraparaná they extended some distance, in various settlements, into the thick forest towards the great japurá (or caquetá) river until they merged in the andokes, ricigaros, and boras, tribes doubtless of a kindred far-off origin, but wholly differing to-day in speech from the huitotos, as also from each other. while these tribes were in each case of one family, speaking the same language, little or no cohesion existed among the scattered sub-tribes into which they were split. on the contrary, enmity more often than friendship ruled the relations between neighbours. "thus the 30,000 huitotos, instead of uniting as one people, were split up into an infinity of 'families' or clans and inter-clan fighting and raids perpetuated for generations disputes of obscure and often trivial origin. so with the boras, the andokes, or other agglomerations inhabiting the neighbouring regions. while, collectively, each of these tribes might have put large numbers of men into the field, they were so divided by family quarrels that no one cacique probably could ever count on more than 200 men, and in the majority of cases on very many less. "they were therefore an easy enough prey to the 'civilised' intruders, who brought to their conquest arms of precision against which the indian blow-pipes or throwing-spears could offer but a paltry resistance. "the object of the 'civilised' intruders, in the first instance, was not to annihilate the indians, but to _conquistar_--_i.e._, to subjugate them, and put them to what was termed civilised, or at any rate profitable, occupation to their subduers. "these subduers formed themselves into bands and parties, dubbed 'commercial associations,' and, having overcome the resistance of the indians, they appropriated them to their own exclusive use along with the rubber-trees that might be in the region they inhabited. henceforth to the chief of the band they became 'my indians,' and any attempt by one of his civilised neighbours to steal, wheedle, or entice away his indians became a capital offence. "thus where the primitive savage raided his savage neighbour for reasons that seemed good to him, the white man who came on an alleged mission of civilisation to end this primal savagery himself raided his fellow white man for reasons that seemed to the indian altogether wrong, viz., his surer enslavement. constant thefts of indians by one _cauchero_ from another led to reprisals more bloody and murderous than anything the indian had ever wrought upon his fellow-indian. the primary aim of rubber-getting, which could only be obtained from the labour of the indian, was often lost sight of in these desperate conflicts. "when the first contingent of barbados men reached the putumayo at the end of 1904 the firm of arana brothers had not complete control of the region in which it carried on its dealings with the indian dwellers in the forest. the majority of those who then exploited the indians and obtained rubber from them were colombians, men who had come down the putumayo from that republic and established themselves on different sites along the banks of these two tributaries. in some cases these colombian settlers appear to have held concessions from their government. as it was not easy to obtain supplies from colombia owing to the mountainous nature of the country in which the putumayo rises, and as the market for the rubber obtained lay down-stream, where the amazon forms the natural outlet, it was more profitable to open up relations with traders in brazil or peru, and to obtain from them what was required, than to seek supplies over the distant and difficult route from pasto, in colombia. the iquitos house of arana brothers had at an early date entered into relations with these colombian settlers, and, by means of steamers between iquitos and the two tributaries of the putumayo named, had supplied their wants and brought their rubber to be disposed of in the iquitos market. little by little these relations changed, and from being merely intermediaries the firm of arana brothers acquired possession of the majority of the colombian undertakings in these regions. these transfers were sometimes effected by sale and purchase and sometimes by other means. "throughout the greater part of the amazon region, where the rubber trade flourishes, a system of dealing prevails which is not tolerated in civilised communities. in so far as it affects a labouring man or an individual who sells his labour, it is termed _peonage_, and is repressed by drastic measures in some parts of the new world. it consists in getting the person working for you into your debt and keeping him there; and in lieu of other means of discharging this obligation he is forced to work for his creditor upon what are practically the latter's terms, and under varying forms of bodily constraint. in the amazon valley this method of dealing has been expanded until it embraces, not only the indian workman, but is often made to apply to those who are themselves the employers of this kind of labour. by accumulated obligations contracted in this way, one trader will pledge his business until it and himself become practically the property of the creditor. his business is merged, and he himself becomes an employee, and often finds it very hard to escape from the responsibilities he has thus contracted. at the date when the barbados men were first brought to the putumayo, the methods of exploiting the indian population in the interests of the colombian or peruvian settlers were mainly confined to the river banks. they were more or less haphazard methods. an individual with two or three associates squatted at some point on the river-side, and entered into what he called friendly relations with the neighbouring indian tribes. these friendly relations could not obviously long continue, since it was to the interest of the squatter to get more from the indian than he was willing to pay for. the goods he had brought with him in the first case were limited in quantity, and had to go far. the indian, who may correctly be termed 'a grown-up child,' was at first delighted to have a white man with attractive articles to give away settling in his neighbourhood, and to bring in exchange india-rubber for these tempting trifles seemed easy. moreover, the amazon indian is by nature docile and obedient. his weakness of character and docility of temperament are no match for the dominating ability of those with european blood in their veins. yielding himself, first, perhaps, voluntarily, to the domination of these uninvited guests, he soon finds that he has entered into relations which can only be described as those of a slave to a master, and a master, be it observed, who can appeal to no law that recognises his rights. the system is not merely illegal in civilised parts of the world, but is equally illegal in the amazon forests, since those regions are all claimed by civilised governments which absolutely prohibit any form of slavery in their territories. the barbados men on being brought into these regions found themselves face to face with quite unexpected conditions and duties. already at manaos, on their way up the river, some of them had been warned by outsiders that in the countries to which they were going they would not be employed as labourers, but would be armed and used to force the indians to work for their employers; they were further told that the indians, being savages, would kill them. several of them, taking alarm, had protested at manaos, and had even appealed to the british vice-consul to interfere so that they might be released from their engagement. this was not done. they were assured that their contracts, having been lawfully entered into in a british colony, would be faithfully observed in peru, and that they must fulfil them. in some cases the men were not reassured, and had to be taken on board the river steamer waiting to convey them to the putumayo under police supervision.[125] "the first party to disembark in the putumayo consisted of thirty men with five women. they were landed at la chorrera, on the igaraparaná, the headquarters station of the arana brothers, in november, 1904. here they were armed with winchester rifles and a large supply of cartridges for these weapons, and, headed by a colombian named ramón sanchez, with a man called armando normand, who served as interpreter, and several other white men, colombians or peruvians, they were dispatched on a long journey through the forest to open up what were styled trade relations with an indian tribe called the andokes. this tribe inhabits a district between the igaraparaná and the japurá, but lying closer to the latter river. on arrival in this region the men were employed at first in building a house, and then on raids through the surrounding forests in order to capture indians and compel them to come in and work for señor sanchez. they were also used on what were termed 'punitive expeditions' sent out to capture or kill indians who had killed not long before some colombians who had settled in the andokes country with a view to enslaving that tribe and forcing it to work rubber for them. these men had been killed by the andokes indians and their rifles captured, and it was to recover these rifles that many of the first raids of the barbados men were directed by sanchez and normand. in this way the station of matanzas was founded, and the man normand soon afterwards, on the retirement of sanchez, became its chief. at the date of my visit to the putumayo he was still in charge of this district as representative of the peruvian amazon company. the station at matanzas was founded at the very end of 1904. i visited it on foot in october, 1910. it lies some seventy miles by land from la chorrera, and the route followed by the barbados men would occupy some four to five days of hard marching. the forest tracks in the putumayo present innumerable obstacles. owing to the very heavy rainfall, water and mud accumulate, many streams--some of them even rivers--have to be crossed either by fording or upon a fallen tree, roots of trees and fallen tree-trunks innumerable bar the path, and the walker either knocks his shins against these or has to climb over obstacles sometimes breast high. no food is to be obtained on these routes except from the few indians who may be dwelling in the neighbourhood, and these poor people now have little enough for themselves. for several years after its foundation all the rubber collected at matanzas was carried down this route by indian carriers to la chorrera. the indians were not supplied with food for this journey. they were guarded by armed men both going and returning, and barbados men frequently were employed for this work, just as they were used, in the first instance, in forcing the indians to collect the rubber in the forest and bring it into matanzas. during the last three years the journey from matanzas to chorrera has been shortened by the placing of a small launch on the river above the cataract which blocks river navigation at chorrera. rubber from matanzas still goes under armed escort a distance of forty-five or fifty miles through the forest to be shipped in this launch at a place called puerto peruano for conveyance thence to chorrera by water. the duties fulfilled by barbados men at matanzas were those that they performed elsewhere throughout the district, and in citing this station as an instance i am illustrating what took place at a dozen or more different centres of rubber collection. "at the date of my visit there were only two barbados men left in matanzas, one of whom had been there six years from the foundation of that station. i found the twenty men still remaining in the company's service when i was on the putumayo scattered at various points. with the exception of three men at la chorrera itself, whose duties were those of ordinary labour, all the men still remaining at the time of my visit were employed in guarding or coercing, or in actively maltreating, indians to force them to work and bring in india-rubber to the various sections. the men so employed at the time of my visit were two men at matanzas, one man at ultimo retiro, four men at santa catalina, three at sabana, one at oriente, and three at abisinia, and two others temporarily employed on the river launches who had just come in from forest duties. another man was employed at the headquarters station of the caraparaná at the place called el encanto. this man was sent for to chorrera while i was there, and i interrogated him. in addition to la chorrera, the headquarters station, i visited in succession the following among its dependent stations, or _succursales_: occidente, ultimo retiro, entre ríos, matanzas, atenas, and sur, the latter practically an outpost of la chorrera, being situated less than two hours' march away. with the exception of la matanzas, which is situated in the andokes country, all these stations are in the country inhabited by the huitoto tribe. this tribe, formerly the most numerous of those inhabiting the so-called putumayo region, at the date of my visit was said to have considerably diminished in numbers. one informant assured me that there were now not more than 10,000 huitotos, if, indeed, so many. this decrease in population is attributed to many causes. by some it is stated to be largely due to smallpox and other diseases introduced by white settlers. the indians themselves in their native state are singularly free from disease. from trustworthy evidence placed before me during my visit i have no doubt that, however high the deaths from imported diseases may have been, the deaths from violence and hardship consequent upon the enforced tribute of rubber required from these people have been much higher. "statements made to me by the barbados men, and which could not be controverted on the spot, made this abundantly clear. many, indeed all, of the men had been for several years in the closest contact with the indians, and their duties, as they averred, chiefly consisted in compelling the indians to work india-rubber for the white man's benefit, and otherwise to satisfy his many wants. it would be tedious to go through statements made by these different british witnesses, and it may be sufficient to say that they left no doubt in my mind or in the minds of the commission sent out by the peruvian amazon company that the method of exacting rubber from the indians was arbitrary, illegal, and in many cases cruel in the extreme, and the direct cause of very much of the depopulation brought to our notice. the barbados men themselves complained to me that they too had frequently suffered ill-treatment at the hands of agents of the company, whose names were given to me in several cases, and several of whom were still employed on the putumayo in the service of the company at the date of my visit. on closer investigation i found that more than once these british employees of the company had been subjected to criminal ill-treatment." "these men had been tortured by being put in the stocks for misdemeanours, or for refusing to maltreat the indians, under the orders of normand, rodríguez, sánchez, and other chiefs of sections. normand and others afterwards attempted to bribe them into lying or concealment of facts in their testimony before the consul. the stocks are described by consul casement:-"the accused man was hung up by the neck, beaten with _machetes_, and then confined by the legs in heavy wooden stocks, called locally a _cepo_. each station is furnished with one of these places of detention. the stocks consist of two long and very heavy blocks of wood, hinged together at one end and opening at the other, with a padlock to close upon a staple. leg-blocks so small as just to fit the ankle of an indian are cut in the wood. the top beam is lifted on the hinge, the legs of the victim are inserted in two of these holes, and it is then closed down and padlocked at the other end. thus imprisoned by the ankles, which are often stretched several feet apart, the victim, lying upon his back, or possibly being turned face downwards, remains sometimes for hours, sometimes for days, often for weeks, and sometimes for months in this painful confinement. prisoners so detained are released from these stocks only to obey the calls of nature, when for a few moments, guarded by armed men, they enjoy a brief release. some of these implements of torture that i saw ready for use had nineteen leg-holes. in one case i counted twenty-one. the stocks at ultimo retiro, where dyall was confined, were, in my opinion, the cruellest of those i actually saw. the ankle-holes were so small that, even for an ordinarily well-built indian, when closed the wood would often have eaten into the flesh. for an ordinary-sized european or negro the top beam could not close upon the leg without being forced down upon the ankle or shinbone, and this was what happened to dyall. he and men who had witnessed his imprisonment assured me that to make the top beam close down so that the padlock could be inserted in the staple two men had to sit upon it and force it down upon his legs. although more than three years had passed since he suffered his punishment, both his ankles were deeply scarred where the wood (almost as hard as metal) had cut into the ankle flesh and sinews. the man's feet had been placed four holes apart--a distance, i should say, of from three to four feet--and with his legs thus extended, suffering acute pain, he had been left all night for a space of fully twelve hours. when released next day he was unable to stand upright, or to walk, and had to reach his quarters crawling on his belly propelled by his hands and arms. i have no doubt of the truth of this man's statement. i saw the stocks just as they had been used to confine him. i caused a man of ordinary stature, a barbados man, to have his legs enclosed before me. the stock did not close upon the legs, and to have locked the two beams together at the end could only have been done by great pressure and weight exerted upon the top beam so as to force it down upon the leg and thereby undoubtedly to inflict much pain, and cause lasting wounds. "by rodríguez' direction a special _cepo_, or stocks, for the confinement, or torture rather, of the recalcitrant india-rubber workers was made. not satisfied with the ordinary stocks to detain an individual by the legs alone, rodríguez had designed a double _cepo_ in two parts, so formed as to hold the neck and arms at one end and to confine the ankles at the other. these stocks were so constructed that the leg end could be moved up or down, so that they might fit any individual of any size. for a full-grown man they could be extended to the length of his figure, or contracted to fit the stature of quite a child. small boys were often inserted into this receptacle face downwards, and they, as well as grown-up people, women equally with men, were flogged while extended in this posture. crichlow, quite an intelligent carpenter for an ordinary labouring man, had faithfully carried out the design of his master, and this implement of torture remained in use at the station at santa catalina until the early part of 1909. in may, 1908, crichlow had a dispute with one of the other employees, named pedro torres. the quarrel was of no importance, but torres was a white man and crichlow was a black man. the former appealed to his chief, and rodríguez at once took the part of his peruvian fellow-countryman. he struck crichlow over the head with a loaded revolver, and called other white employees to seize him. crichlow tried to defend himself with a stick, but was overpowered, and his hands were tied behind his back. he was then beaten by many of them and put in the _cepo_, or stocks, to spend the night. when released next day for a few moments for an obvious reason he was chained round the neck, one end of the chain being held in the hand of a guard. the same day, with his hands tied and this chain padlocked round his neck, he was dispatched under guard to the neighbouring station of la sabana, a full day's march. a certain velarde was at the time the chief of this section, and at the date of my visit i found him chief of the section occidente. velarde put crichlow in the stocks at his station with his legs five holes apart--an almost insupportable distance--in which posture he remained all night. next day a señor alcorta, employed at a neighbouring section, who was on a visit to la sabana, interceded for him and he was released from the stocks, but was sent down to la chorrera as a prisoner. here he was again confined in the stocks by the sub-agent, señor delgado, and was finally only released through the friendly intervention of the captain of the port of iquitos, who happened to be on a visit to the putumayo at the time. no compensation of any kind was ever offered to these injured men. on the contrary, they had been forced to buy at their own expense medicines, in addition to many other things required (when ill from this bad treatment), that, by the terms of the original contract, should have been supplied free by their employers. not only were they not compensated, but no reproof or punishment of any kind had been inflicted upon the agents so grossly maltreating them. with one exception, that of rodríguez, these agents were still in the service of the company at the time i was on the putumayo, and i met all three of them. i have dealt at length with these cases of assault upon the british employees because they are typical of the manner of dealing of so-called white men with inferiors placed under their orders in that region. the barbados men were not savages. with few exceptions they could read and write, some of them well. they were much more civilised than the great majority of those placed over them--they were certainly far more humane. "the man dyall, who had completed nearly six years' service when i met him at chorrera on the 24th of september, appeared to be in debt to the company to the sum of 440 _soles_ (say, £44) for goods nominally purchased from its stores. some of this indebtedness was for indispensable articles of food or clothing, things that the working-man could not do without. these are all sold at prices representing often, i am convinced, 1,000 per cent. over their cost prices or prime value. much of the men's indebtedness to the company was also due to the fact that they were married--that is to say, that every so-called civilised employee receives from the agent of the company, on arrival, an indian woman to be his temporary wife. sometimes the women are asked; sometimes, i should say from what i observed, their wishes would not be consulted--they certainly would not be consulted in the case of a white man who desired a certain indian woman. with the barbados men it was, no doubt, a more or less voluntary contract on each side--that is to say, the agent of the company would ask one of the numerous indian women kept in stock at each station whether she wished to live with the new arrival. this man dyall told me, in the presence of the chief agent of the peruvian amazon company at la chorrera, that he had had nine different indian women given to him as 'wives' at different times and at the various stations at which he had served. when an employee so 'married' leaves the station at which he is working to be transferred to some other district, he is sometimes allowed to take his indian wife with him, but often not. it would depend entirely upon the goodwill or caprice of the agent in charge of that station. as a rule, if a man had a child by his indian partner he would be allowed to take her and the child to his next post, but even this has been more than once refused. in dyall's case he had changed his wives as often as he had changed his stations, and always with the active approval of the white man in charge, since each new wife was the direct gift or loan of this local authority. these wives had to be fed and clothed, and if there were children, then all had to be provided for. to this source much of the prevailing indebtedness of the barbados men was due. another fruitful cause of debt was the unrestricted gambling that was openly carried on up to the period at which i visited the district. the employees at all the stations passed their time, when not hunting the indians, either lying in their hammocks or in gambling. as there is no money in circulation, gambling debts can only be paid by writing an i o u, which the winner passes on to the chief agency at la chorrera, where it is carried to the debit of the loser in the company's books. "the wild forest indians of the upper amazon are very skilful builders with the materials that lie to their hands in their forest surroundings. their own dwellings are very ably constructed. several indian families congregate together, all of them united by close ties of blood; and this assembly of relatives, called a tribe or 'nation,' may number anything from 20 to 150 human beings. in many cases such a tribe would live practically in one large dwelling-house. a clearing is made in the forest, and with the very straight trees that abound in the amazon woods it is easy to obtain suitable timber for house-building. the uprights are as straight as the mast of a ship. the ridge-pole will often be from thirty to forty feet from the ground, and considerable skill is displayed in balancing the rough beams and adjusting the weight of the thatch. this thatch is composed of the dried and twisted fronds of a small swamp palm, which admirably excludes both rain and the rays of the sun. no tropical dwelling i have ever been in is so cool as one roofed with this material. the roofs or thatches of indian houses extend right down to the ground. they are designed to keep out wet and sunlight, not to bar against intruders. they afford no protection against attack, and are not designed for defence, except against climatic conditions. the white settlers in the forest, from the first, compelled the indians to build houses for them. the plan of the house would be the work of the white man, but the labour involved and all the materials would be supplied by the neighbouring indian tribe or tribes he had reduced to work for him. all the houses that i visited outside the chief station of la chorrera in which the company's agents lived, and where their goods were stored, were and are so constructed by the surrounding indians, acting under the direct supervision of the agent and his white or half-caste employees. this labour of the indians goes unremunerated. not only do they build the houses and the stores for the white men, but they have to keep them in repair and supply labour for this purpose whenever called upon. the indian in his native surroundings is satisfied with quite a small clearing in the forest around his own dwelling, but not so the white man who has come to live upon the indian. these decree that their dwelling-houses shall stand in the midst of a very extensive clearing, and the labour of felling the forest trees, and clearing the ground over an area of often two hundred acres, or even more, falls upon the surrounding indian population. here, again, neither pay nor food is supplied. the indians are brought in from their homes, men and women, and while the men fell the trees and undertake the heavier duties, women are put to clearing the ground and planting a certain area of it. those of the stations i visited outside la chorrera--viz., occidente, ultimo retiro, entre ríos, matanzas, atenas, and sur, in addition to a large and extremely well-built dwelling-house for the white man and his assistants, as well as suitable dependencies for servants, women, &c., were each surrounded by immense clearings, which represented a considerable labour in the first case, and one which had fallen wholly upon the indian families in the vicinity. sometimes these clearances were put to economic use--notably that at entre ríos, where quite a large area was well planted with cassava, maize, and sugar-cane; but this was the only station which can be said to maintain itself, and all the work of clearing and of planting here had fallen, not upon the employees of the company but upon the surrounding indian population. at other stations one found the dwelling-houses standing in the midst of a very extensive clearing, which apparently served no other purpose beyond giving light and air. at atenas, for instance, the station houses are built on a slope above the river cahuinari, and an area of fully two hundred acres has been cleared of its original forest trees, which lie in all stages of decay encumbering the ground, but scarcely one acre is under any form of cultivation. at matanzas a somewhat similar state of neglect existed, and the same might be said in varying degree of the stations of ultimo retiro and occidente. large areas of fairly fertile cleared ground are lying waste and serve no useful purpose. food which might easily be raised locally is brought literally from thousands of miles away at great expense, and often in insufficient quantity. [illustration: huitotos at entre rios and barbados negro overseer. [to face p. 296.] "the regular station hands--that is to say, the employees in receipt of salaries--do no work. their duties consist in seeing that the surrounding forest indians work rubber and supply them so far as may be with what they need. for this purpose the principal requisite is a rifle and a sufficiency of cartridges, and of these there are always plenty." * * * * * a further report was transmitted by consul casement to sir edward grey in march, 1911, giving a general description of methods of rubber-collecting and treatment of indians on the putumayo by the peruvian amazon company, containing the following information:-"the region termed 'the putumayo,' consisting principally of the area drained by two tributaries of the iça or putumayo river, the igaraparaná and the caraparaná, lies far from the main stream of the amazon, and is rarely visited by any vessels save those belonging to the peruvian amazon company. the only other craft that penetrate that district are steamers of the peruvian government sent occasionally from iquitos. brazilian vessels may ascend the japurá, known in peru and colombia as the caquetá, until they draw near to the mouth of the cahuinari, a river which flows into the japurá, flowing in a north-easterly direction largely parallel with the igaraparaná, which empties into the putumayo after a south-easterly course. the region drained by these three waterways, the caraparaná, the igaraparaná, and the cahuinari, represents the area in part of which the operations of the peruvian amazon company are carried on. it is impossible to say what the indian population of this region may be. generally speaking, the upper and middle courses of these rivers are, or were, the most populous regions. this is accounted for by the greater absence of insect pests, due to the higher nature of the ground, which rises at la chorrera to a level of about 600 feet above the sea, with neighbouring heights fully 1,000 feet above sea-level. the lower course of the igaraparaná, as well as of the putumayo itself, below the junction of the igaraparaná down to the amazon, is through a thick forest region of lower elevation, subject largely to annual overflow from the flooded rivers. mosquitoes and sand flies and the swampy soil doubtless account for the restriction of the indians to those higher and drier levels which begin after the igaraparaná has been ascended for about one hundred miles of its course. in this more elevated region there are no mosquitoes and far fewer insect plagues, while permanent habitations and the cultivation of the soil are more easily secured than in the regions liable to annual inundation. "in a work officially issued by the peruvian government at lima in 1907, entitled 'en el putumayo y sus afluentes,' by eugenio robuchon, a french explorer who was engaged in 1903 by señor julio c. arana in the name of the government to conduct an exploring mission in the region claimed by the firm of arana brothers, the indian population of that firm's possessions is given at 50,000 souls. m. robuchon lost his life near the mouth of the cahuinari in 1906, and the work in question was edited from his diaries by señor carlos rey de castro, peruvian consul-general for northern brazil. the figure of 50,000 indians is that given by this official as 'not a chance one.' "in the prospectus issued at the formation of the peruvian amazon rubber company in 1908, señor arana is represented as claiming that there were then 40,000 indian 'labourers' dwelling within the area of his putumayo enterprise. "whatever the true figures may have been, it is certain that the region laying between the putumayo and the japurá (or caquetá) was for many years known to be prolific in native life, and furnished therefore the most attractive field for slave-raiding in the earlier years of the last century. no civilised settlements would seem to have arisen in this region until towards the close of the nineteenth century, and the indian tribes continued to dwell in their primitive state, subject only to visits from slave-searching white or half-breed bands until a quite recent period. "the four principal tribes were the huitotos (pronounced _witotos_), the boras, the andokes, and the ocainas, with certain smaller tribes, of which the ricigaros and the muinanes are frequently mentioned. these tribes were all of kindred origin and identical in habits and customs, although differing in language and to some extent in feature, complexion, and stature. the huitotos are said to have been the most numerous, and may at one time recently have numbered 30,000 individuals, although to-day they amount to nothing like that figure. "the huitotos, although the most numerous, were physically the least sturdy of the four chief tribes named. the name 'huitotos' is said to signify 'mosquito,' i know not with what truth, and to have been applied to these people by their stouter neighbours in derision of their attenuated extremities, for neither their arms nor legs are shapely or muscular. the boras are physically a much finer race than the huitotos, and, generally speaking, are of a lighter hue. while some of the huitotos are of a dark bronze or chocolate complexion, i have seen boras little, if at all, of darker skin than a japanese or chinese. the mongolian resemblance was not alone confined to similarity of colour, but was often strikingly apparent in features as well as in stature, and in a singular approximation of gait to what may be termed 'the asiatic walk.' so, too, with the hair and eyes. both are singularly mongolian, or at least asiatic, in shape, colour, and, the former, in texture, although the indian hair is somewhat less coarse and more abundant than either chinese or japanese. "a picture of a sea dyak of borneo using his _sumpitan_, or blow-pipe, might very well stand for an actual presentment of a boras indian with his _cerbatana_. the weapons, too, are identical in structure and use, and in several other respects a striking similarity prevails between two races so widely sundered. "these putumayo indians were not only divided tribe from tribe, but within each tribe more or less constant bickerings and disunion prevailed between the various 'families' or _naciones_ into which each great branch was split up. thus, while huitotos had a hereditary feud with boras, or ocainas, or andokes, the numerous subdivisions of the huitotos themselves were continually at war with one another. robuchon enumerates thirty-three sub-tribes or families among the huitotos, and he by no means exhausts the list. each of these, while intermarriage was common and a common sense of origin, kinship, and language prevailed as against all outsiders, would have their internal causes of quarrel that often sharply divided neighbour from neighbour clan. "such conflicts led to frequent 'wars,' kidnappings and thefts of women being, doubtless, at the bottom of many disputes, while family grievances and accusations of misuse of occult powers, involving charges of witchcraft and sorcery, made up the tale of wrong. as a rule, each family or clan has its great central dwelling-house, capable often of housing two hundred individuals; and around this, in the region recognised by tribal law as belonging to that particular clan, individual members of it, with their families, would have smaller dwellings scattered at different cultivated spots through the neighbouring forest. the wars of those clans one with another were never bloodthirsty, for i believe it is a fact that the amazon indian is averse to bloodshed, and is thoughtless rather than cruel. prisoners taken in these wars may have been, and no doubt were, eaten, or in part eaten, for the amazon cannibals do not seem to have killed to eat, as is the case with many primitive races, but to have sometimes, possibly frequently, in part eaten those they killed. more than one traveller in tropical south america records his impression that the victims were not terrified at the prospect of being eaten, and in some cases regarded it as an honourable end. lieutenant maw mentions the case of a girl on the brazilian amazon in 1827 who refused to escape, to become the slave of a portuguese 'trader,' preferring to be eaten by her own kind. "the weapons of the putumayo indians were almost entirely confined to the blow-pipe, with its poisoned darts, and small throwing-spears with poor wooden tips, three or more of which, grasped between the fingers, were thrown at one time. the forest must have been fairly full of game up to quite recently, for the indians seem to have had a sufficiency of meat diet; and, with their plantations of cassava, maize, and the numerous fruits and edible leaves their forest furnished, they were not so short of food that cannibalism could be accounted for as a necessity. they were also skilled fishermen, and as the forests are everywhere channelled with streams of clear water, there must have been a frequent addition of fish diet to their daily fare. "no missions or missionaries would seem to have ever penetrated to the regions here in question. on the upper waters of the putumayo itself religious instruction and christian worship appear to have been established by colombian settlers, but these civilising influences had not journeyed sufficiently far downstream to reach the huitotos or their neighbours. save for the raids of slavers coming up the japurá or putumayo, their contact with white men had been a distant and far-off story that in little affected their home life, save possibly to add an element of demoralisation in the inducements offered for the sale of human beings. "lieutenant maw, an officer of the british navy who crossed from the pacific to the atlantic by way of the amazon early in the last century, in his work speaks of the putumayo in the vaguest terms, and it is clear that then, in 1827, and later on in 1851, when lieutenant herndon, of the united states navy, went down the amazon in a canoe, nothing was really known either of the river or of its inhabitants. they were practically an untouched, primitive people when the first colombian _caucheros_, coming down the putumayo from the settled regions on its upper waters, located themselves at different points along the head waters of the caraparaná and igaraparaná, and entered into what are termed trade dealings with those unsophisticated tribes. "this first colombian invasion of the putumayo regions took place, i am informed, in the early eighties, some of my informants stated about 1886. the earliest of these _conquistadores_ were crisóstomo hernandez and benjamin larrañaga, who entered the region in search of the inferior kind of rubber there produced, known as _sernambi_ or _jebe debil_ (weak, fine rubber). the banks of these two rivers, and the whole of the region inhabited by the huitotos, the andokes, and the boras indians, are fairly well stocked with trees that furnish the milk out of which an inferior rubber is elaborated. the putumayo indians merely gash the tree with a knife or _machete_, and, catching the milk as it exudes in little baskets made of leaves, they wash it in their streams of running water and pound it with wooden pestles into long sausage-shaped rolls, termed in peruvian rubber parlance _chorizos_, which ultimately are put upon the market just as the indian carries them in to whoever may be locally exploiting him and his neighbourhood. that these wild indians welcomed the coming into their country of hernandez, larrañaga, and the other colombians who succeeded these earliest of the modern _conquistadores_ it would be absurd to assert. they were, doubtless, glad to get _machetes_, and powder and caps for the few trade guns they possessed, with the prospect even of acquiring more of these priceless weapons themselves, along with such trifles as beads, mirrors, tin bowls, fish-hooks, and tempting tins of sardines or potted meats--all of them articles of little intrinsic value, but of very attractive character to the indian dwelling in so inaccessible a region. had any form of administrative authority accompanied the early settlers or searchers for indians, as they should rightly be termed, their relations with these wild inhabitants of the forest might have been controlled and directed to some mutually useful end. but the _caucheros_ came as filibusters, not as civilisers, and were unaccompanied by any executive officers representing a civilised control. the region was practically a no-man's land, lying remote from any restraining authority or civilising influence, and figuring on maps of south america as claimed by three separate republics. "those who came in search of rubber had no intention of dwelling longer in the forest than the accumulation of the wealth they hoped to amass necessitated. they wanted to get rich quickly, not to stay and civilise the indians or make their homes among them. the rubber-trees of themselves were of no value; it was indians who could be made or induced to tap them and to bring in the rubber on the white man's terms that all the invading _conquistadores_ were in search of. generally a leading man fitted out an expedition with a few companions, partners in effort and initial expenditure; and with a gang of hired _peons_, or, as they are called in that region, _racionales_ (half-breeds mostly who can read and write to distinguish them from the _indios_, who are ignorant of all save forest lore), he journeyed to some part of the forest in search of tribes of wild indians--_infieles_ or "infidels"--who could be easily subdued and reduced to work the wild rubber-trees in the territory they inhabited. an indian would promise anything for a gun, or for some of the other tempting things offered as inducements to him to work rubber. many indians submitted to the alluring offer only to find that once in the _conquistadores_' books they had lost all liberty, and were reduced to unending demands for more rubber and more varied tasks. a cacique or _capitán_ might be bought over to dispose of the labour of all his clan, and as the cacique's influence was very great and the natural docility of the indian a remarkable characteristic of the upper amazon tribes, the work of conquering a primitive people and reducing them to a continual strain of rubber-finding was less difficult than might at first be supposed. their arms of defence were puerile weapons as opposed to the rifles of the _blancos_." the terrible floggings practised upon the indians are lengthily described by consul casement, and it is said that 90 per cent, of them, men and women, bear scars therefrom. further describing the outrages committed, mr. casement quotes from the annual report of the minister of justice, presented to the peruvian congress in 1907:-"coming to more distant regions, where executive authority is necessarily weaker, the missionary brother informs the minister of justice of the state of things on the putumayo itself:-"'river putumayo. in this river it is not possible to establish any mission owing to the abuses of the _caucheros_ against the indians (_los infieles_), whom they maltreat and murder for no reason (_por motivos frivolos_), seizing their women and children.' (p. 782 of the ministerial report.) "lest this may be thought a vague indictment, i append a further extract from the same report, this time directed by the apostolic prefect of the district of san francisco de ucayali to the minister of justice. it is dated from contamana, on the ucayali, the chief place of the province, on the 27th august, 1907, and deals at some length with the condition of religion and education on that great river, the main feeder and source of the amazon, and one that has been largely occupied and in civilised hands for the better part of the last century:-"'before speaking of the region of the ucayali i wish to draw the attention of the supreme government to the infamous trade in buying and selling boys and girls which for years has been practised in these parts of the montaña (_i.e._, the forest region), in spite of the repeated prohibitions of the government, just as if these poor savages were irrational beings (_seres irracionales_), or, to be still more clear, just as if they were sheep or horses. this is intolerable in such an illustrious country as peru. this trade excites and foments the hunting (_correrías_, literally "chasings") so frequently indulged in of these poor savages, so as to seize them in their houses in the moment when they least expect it. this is done by different traders (_comerciantes_) by means of their _peóns_, particularly some of those of the upper ucayali. i could cite many examples in confirmation of this, but i will cite one alone which took place last year (1906). here it is:-"'the campas indians of the river ubiriqui were dwelling peacefully in their houses when suddenly, as is reported, there fell upon them men sent on a _correría_ by one of the traders of the upper ucayali, who lives near unini. these, without warning, attacked the innocent campas, seizing those whom they could, killing many of them so that few escaped their cruelties, so that even up to now the number of their victims is not known. it is certain that many bodies have been found in a state of putrefaction, and that all the houses of the ubiriqui are burnt. these deeds have exasperated the indians (_los infieles_), and if no effective remedy is applied, later on we shall not be safe even in the mission villages (_pueblocitos de la misión_), nor shall we be able to spread our winning over and civilising of the savages who dwell in our forests.' (p. 783 and following of the report.) "i do not know what steps were taken to deal with this state of things on the upper ucayali, but no steps of any kind followed on the putumayo the notification, as quoted, made to the minister of justice by frei prat. that the representations of these peruvian missionaries had not escaped the eyes of the minister himself is clear from his own remarks. in his prefatory address to the members of congress the minister of justice states in his report (p. 48 of the part _instrucción y culto_) as follows:-"'the apostolic prefectures have continued their work of civilisation and evangelisation of the indians of the oriente, and in their reports, which are inserted as an annex, will be found detailed accounts of its progress.'" consul casement continues:-"before my visit ended more than one peruvian agent admitted to me that he had continually flogged indians, and accused more than one of his fellow-agents by name of far greater crimes. in many cases the indian rubber-worker--who knew roughly what quantity of rubber was expected of him--when he brought his load to be weighed, seeing that the needle of the balance did not touch the required spot, would throw himself face downwards on the ground, and in that posture await the inevitable blows. an individual who had often taken part in these floggings and who charged himself with two murders of indians has thus left on record the manner of flogging the indians at stations where he served. i quote this testimony, as this man's evidence, which was in my possession when i visited the region, was amply confirmed by one of the british subjects i examined, who had himself been charged in that evidence with flogging an indian girl whom the man in question had then shot, when her back after that flogging had putrefied, so that it became 'full of maggots.' he states in his evidence--and the assertion was frequently borne out by others i met and questioned:-"'the indian is so humble that as soon as he sees that the needle of the scale does not mark the 10 kilos he himself stretches out his hands and throws himself on the ground to receive the punishment. then the chief or a subordinate advances, bends down, takes the indian by the hair, strikes him, raises his head, drops it face downwards on the ground, and after the face is beaten and kicked and covered with blood the indian is scourged.' "this picture is true; detailed descriptions of floggings of this kind were again and again made to me by men who had been employed in the work. indians were flogged, not only for shortage in rubber, but still more grievously if they dared to run away from their houses, and, by flight to a distant region, to escape altogether from the tasks laid upon them. such flight as this was counted a capital offence, and the fugitives, if captured, were as often tortured and put to death as brutally flogged. expeditions were fitted out and carefully planned to track down and recover the fugitives, however far the flight might have been. the undisputed territory of the neighbouring republic of colombia, lying to the north of the river japurá (or caquetá), was again and again violated in these pursuits, and the individuals captured were not always only indians. "the crimes alleged against armando normand, dating from the end of the year 1904 up to the month of october, 1910, when i found him in charge of this station of matanzas or andokes, seem wellnigh incredible. they included innumerable murders and tortures of defenceless indians--pouring kerosene oil on men and women and then setting fire to them, burning men at the stake, dashing the brains out of children, and again and again cutting off the arms and legs of indians and leaving them to speedy death in this agony. these charges were not made to me alone by barbados men who had served under normand, but by some of his fellow-_racionales_. a peruvian engineer in the company's service vouched to me for the dashing out of the brains of children, and the chief representative of the company, señor tizon, told me he believed normand had committed 'innumerable murders' of the indians. "westerman leavine, whom normand sought to bribe to withhold testimony from me, finally declared that he had again and again been an eye-witness of these deeds--that he had seen indians burned alive more than once, and often their limbs eaten by the dogs kept by normand at matanzas. it was alleged, and i am convinced with truth, that during the period of close on six years normand had controlled the andokes indians he had directly killed 'many hundreds' of those indians--men, women, and children. the indirect deaths due to starvation, floggings, exposure, and hardship of various kinds in collecting rubber or transferring it from andokes down to chorrera must have accounted for a still larger number. señor tizon told me that 'hundreds' of indians perished in the compulsory carriage of the rubber from the more distant sections down to la chorrera. no food is given by the company to these unfortunate people on these forced marches, which, on an average, take place three times a year. i witnessed one such march, on a small scale, when i accompanied a caravan of some two hundred andokes and boras indians (men, women, and children) that left matanzas station on the 19th of october to carry their rubber that had been collected by them during the four or five preceding months down to a place on the banks of the igaraparaná, named puerto peruano (peruvian port), whence it was to be conveyed in lighters towed by a steam launch down to la chorrera. the distance from matanzas to puerto peruano is one of some forty miles, or possibly more. the rubber had already been carried into matanzas from different parts of the forest lying often ten or twelve hours' march away, so that the total journey forced upon each carrier was not less than sixty miles, and in some cases probably a longer one. the path to be followed was one of the worst imaginable--a fatiguing route for a good walker quite unburdened. "for two days--that is to say, from matanzas to entre rios--i marched along with this caravan of very unhappy individuals, men with huge loads of rubber weighing, i believe, sometimes up to 70 kilos each, accompanied by their wives, also loaded with rubber, and their sons and daughters, down to quite tiny things that could do no more than carry a little cassava-bread (prepared by the mothers before leaving their forest home), to serve as food for parents and children on this trying march. armed _muchachos_, with winchesters, were scattered through the long column, and at the rear one of the _racionales_ of matanzas, a man named adan negrete, beat up the stragglers. behind all, following a day later, came señor normand himself, with more armed _racionales_, to see that none fell out or slipped home, having shed their burdens of rubber on the way. on the second day i reached entre rios in the early afternoon, the bulk of the indians having that morning started at 5.15 from the place where we had slept together in the forest. at 5.15 that evening they arrived with negrete and the armed _muchachos_ at entre rios, where i had determined to stay for some days. instead of allowing these half-starved and weary people, after twelve hours' march, staggering under crushing loads, to rest in this comparatively comfortable station of the company, where a large rest-house and even food were available, negrete drove them on into the forest beyond, where they were ordered to spend the night under guard of the _muchachos_. this was done in order that a member of the company's commission (mr. walter fox), who was at entre rios at the time along with myself, should not have an opportunity of seeing too closely the condition of these people--particularly, i believe, that we should not be able to weigh the loads of rubber they were carrying. i had, however, seen enough on the road during the two days i accompanied the party alone to convince me of the cruelty they were subjected to, and i had even taken several photographs of those among them who were more deeply scarred with the lash. "several of the women had fallen out sick on the way, and five of them i had left provided for with food in a deserted indian house in the forest, and had left an armed barbados man to guard them until señor tizon, to whom i wrote, could reach the spot, following me from matanzas a day later. an opportunity arose the next day to weigh one of these loads of rubber. a straggler, who had either fallen out or left matanzas after the main party, came into entre rios, staggering under a load of rubber, about mid-day on the 21st october, when mr. fox and i were about to sit down to lunch. the man came through the hot sun across the station compound, and fell before our eyes at the foot of the ladder leading up to the veranda, where, with the chief of the section (señor o'donnell), we were sitting. he had collapsed, and we got him carried into the shade and revived with whisky, and later on some soup and food from our own table. he was a young man, of slight build, with very thin arms and legs, and his load of rubber by no means one of the largest i had seen actually being carried. i had it weighed there and then, and its weight was just 50 kilos.[126] "this man had not a scrap of food with him. owing to our intervention he was not forced to carry on his load, but was permitted the next day to go on to puerto peruano empty-handed in company with señor normand. i saw many of these people on their way back to their homes some days later after their loads had been put into the lighters at puerto peruano. they were returning, footsore and utterly worn out, through the station of entre rios on their way back to their scattered houses in the andokes or boras country. they had no food with them, and none was given to them at entre rios. i stopped many of them, and inspected the little woven string or skin bags they carry, and neither man nor woman had any food left. all that they had started with a week before had been already eaten, and for the last day or two they had been subsisting on roots and leaves and the berries of wild trees they had pulled down on the way. we found, on our subsequent journey down to puerto peruano, a few days later, many traces of where they had pulled down branches and even trees themselves in their search for something to stay the craving of hunger. in some places the path was blocked with the branches and creepers they had torn down in their search for food, and it was only when señors tizon and o'donnell assured me that this was done by 'señor normand's indians' in their hungry desperation that i could believe it was not the work of wild animals. "indians were frequently flogged to death. cases were reported to me where men or women had died actually under the lash, but this seems to have been infrequent. deaths due to flogging generally ensued some days afterwards, and not always in the station itself where the lash had been applied, but on the way home to the unfortunate's dwelling-place. in many cases where men or women had been so cruelly flogged that the wounds putrefied the victims were shot by one of the _racionales_ acting under the orders of the chief of the section, or even by this individual himself. salt and water would be sometimes applied to these wounds, but in many cases a fatal flogging was not attended even by this poor effort at healing, and the victim, 'with maggots in the flesh,' was turned adrift to die in the forest or was shot and the corpse burned or buried--or often enough thrown into the 'bush' near the station-houses. at one station--that of abisinia (which i did not visit)--i was informed by a british subject who had himself often flogged the indians that he had seen mothers flogged, on account of shortage of rubber by their little sons. these boys were held to be too small to chastise, and so, while the little boy stood terrified and crying at the sight, his mother would be beaten 'just a few strokes' to make him into a better worker. "men and women would be suspended by the arms, often twisted behind their backs and tied together at the wrists, and in this agonising posture, their feet hanging high above the ground, they were scourged on the nether limbs and lower back. the implement used for flogging was invariably a twisted strip, or several strips plaited together, of dried tapir-hide, a skin not so thick as the hippopotamus-hide i have seen used in africa for flagellation, but still sufficiently stout to cut a human body to pieces. one flogger told me the weapon he used was 'as thick as your thumb.' "after the prohibition of flogging by circular i have referred to, at some of the less brutal or more cautious centres of rubber-collection defaulting indians were no longer, during the months of 1910, flogged with tapir-hide, but were merely chastised with strokes of a _machete_. these _machetes_ are almost swords, and shaped something like a cutlass. they are used for gashing the trees in tapping them for rubber milk, and they also serve as weapons in the hands of the indians. blows with these laid across the shoulder-blades or back might be excessively painful, but would be unlikely to leave any permanent scar or traces of the beating. at the station of occidente this form of beating had in june, 1910, been varied with a very cowardly torture instituted by the chief of that section, a peruvian named fidel velarde. this man, who was found in charge of that section when i visited it in october, 1910, in order to still inspire terror and yet leave no trace on the bodies of his victims, since occidente lay close to la chorrera and might be visited unexpectedly by señor tizon, had devised a new method of punishment for those who did not bring in enough rubber to satisfy him. their arms were tied behind their backs, and thus pinioned they were taken down to the river (the igaraparaná), and forcibly held under water until they became insensible and half-drowned. one of the barbados men related circumstantially how on the 20th of june, 1910, only a few hours after señor tizon had quitted occidente on a visit of inspection proceeding upriver to ultimo retiro, four indian youths had been ordered by velarde to be taken down to the river, their arms tied together, and to be then held under water until they filled--or, as james mapp, the barbados man put it, until 'their bowels filled with water.' mapp had been ordered to perform this task, and had point-blank refused to obey, declaring he would not lay a finger on the indians, whereupon a _racional_ employee, by name eugenio acosta (whom i had met at occidente), had carried out señor velarde's orders. the four indians, with their arms tied, had been thrust into the river by acosta and an indian he forced to help him and held forcibly under water. the whole station and the kinsmen of the four indians were gathered on the high bank to witness this degrading spectacle, the indian women weeping and crying out. one of the young men in his struggles had kicked free from the grasp of the man holding him down, and as his arms were fastened he had been unable to save himself by swimming, and had sunk in the deep, strong current at the spot described. "indians were often flogged while confined in the _cepo_, this notably in the special flogging _cepo_, with movable extremities, made by order of aurelio rodríguez at santa catalina, and referred to by its maker, edward crichlow, in his testimony to me. sometimes the most abominable offences were committed upon indians while held by the legs or leg in this defenceless position (see particularly the statement of james chase, borne out by stanley lewis, as to the crime committed by josé inocente fonseca at ultimo retiro upon a young indian man). some of the british subjects i questioned declared to me that they had known indian women to be publicly violated by the _racionales_ while in this state of detention. as an added punishment, the legs of a man or woman would be distended and confined several holes apart in the stocks--some of the barbados men asserted that they themselves had been confined with their legs 'five holes apart,' a distance, i should say, intolerable to be borne for any length of time. the ultimo retiro stocks were the worst i saw, for the leg-holes were smaller, and the beams to have locked on any ordinary sized leg must have forced down into the flesh. "an individual confined with his legs 'five holes apart' would have had them extended almost a yard at the extremities, and if confined for a few hours in this posture, he must have been in acute pain. indians who spent long periods in the stocks were sometimes confined by only one leg. whole families were so imprisoned--fathers, mothers, and children, and many cases were reported of parents dying thus, either from starvation or from wounds caused by flogging, while their offspring were attached alongside of them to watch in misery themselves the dying agonies of their parents. one man at ultimo retiro, himself a living witness to the enforced starvation he denounced, in the presence of señor jiménez and his subordinates, related before me and the members of the commission on the 8th of october how, in señor montt's time, a year previously, many of his countrymen and women had been so starved to death or flogged to death in the station _cepo_ that we were then inspecting and experimenting with. "some of these agents drew fully £1,000 a year from the rubber they forced by this means and by other lawless methods from the surrounding native population. "flogging was varied with other tortures designed, like the semi-drownings of velarde, to just stop short of taking life while inspiring the acute mental fear and inflicting much of the physical agony of death. thus, men and lads, rubber defaulters or fugitives from its collection, were suspended by a chain fastened round the neck to one of the beams of the house or store. sometimes with the feet scarcely touching the ground and the chain hauled taut they were left in this half-strangled position until life was almost extinct. more than one eye-witness assured me that he had seen indians actually suspended by the neck until when let down they fell a senseless mass upon the floor of the house with their tongues protruding. "several informants declared they had witnessed indians, chained round the arms, hauled up to the ceilings of the houses or to trees, and the chain then suddenly loosed so that the victim fell violently to the ground. one case of this kind was circumstantially related to me where the indian, a young man, dropped suddenly like this from a height of several feet, fell backwards, and his head hit the ground so violently that his tongue was bitten through and his mouth full of blood. "deliberate starvation was again and again resorted to, but this not where it was desired merely to frighten, but where the intention was to kill. men and women were kept prisoners in the station stocks until they died of hunger. "these starvations, as specifically related to me by men who witnessed them and were aware of the gravity of the charge they brought, had not been due to chance neglect, but to design. no food was given to the indians, and none could be given save by the chief of the section. one man related how he had seen indians thus being starved to death in the stocks 'scraping up the dirt with their fingers and eating it'; another declared he had actually seen indians who had been flogged and were in extremity of hunger in the stocks 'eating the maggots from their wounds.' "wholesale murder and torture endured up to the end of aurelio rodríguez' service, and the wonder is that any indians were left in the district at all to continue the tale of rubber-working on to 1910. this aspect of such continuous criminality is pointed to by those who, not having encountered the demoralisation that attends the methods described, happily infrequent, assert that no man will deliberately kill the goose that lays the golden eggs. this argument would have force if applied to a settled country or an estate it was designed to profitably develop. none of the freebooters on the putumayo had any such limitations in his view, or care for the hereafter to restrain him. his first object was to get rubber, and the indians would always last his time. he hunted, killed, and tortured to-day in order to terrify fresh victims for to-morrow. just as the appetite comes in eating so each crime led on to fresh crimes, and many of the worst men on the putumayo fell to comparing their battues and boasting of the numbers they had killed. "every one of these criminals kept a large staff of unfortunate indian women for immoral purposes--termed by a euphemism their 'wives.' even _péons_ had sometimes more than one indian wife. the gratification of this appetite to excess went hand in hand with the murderous instinct which led these men to torture and kill the very parents and kinsmen of those they cohabited with. "the indian communities had been everywhere deprived of their native weapons. perhaps a greater defence than their spears and blow-pipes even had been more ruthlessly destroyed. their old people, both women and men, respected for character and ability to wisely advise, had been marked from the first as dangerous, and in the early stages of the occupation were done to death. their crime had been the giving of 'bad advice.' to warn the more credulous or less experienced against the white enslaver and to exhort the indian to flee or to resist rather than consent to work rubber for the new-comers had brought about their doom. i met no old indian man or woman, and few had got beyond middle age. the barbados men assured me that when they first came to the region in the beginning of 1905 old people were still to be found, vigorous and highly respected, but these had all disappeared, so far as i could gather, before my coming. at entre rios i learned of an indian chief named chingamui, who at señor o'donnell's arrival in 1903 had exercised a widespread influence over all the huitotos in that district. this man had fallen at the hands of a colombian named calderon, who then directed the neighbouring district of atenas, but not before he had shot at and wounded his murderer. so, too, i learned of an 'old woman' who was beheaded in the station of sur by order of its chief, and whose crime had been the giving of 'bad advice.' her head had been held up by the hair in the presence of my informant as a warning to the assembled indians of the fate they too would incur if they did not obey the white man. "perhaps the bravest and most resolute opponent the murderers had encountered had met his death only a few months, or even weeks, before my arrival in the district. this was a boras cacique, or _capitán_--often referred to in the depositions of those i examined--named katenere. this man, who was not an old man, but young and strong, lived on the upper waters of the pamá, a small stream that empties into the cahuinari not far from its mouth in the japurá. my interpreter, bishop, had seen this chief in 1907, when normand had gone to find him in order to induce him to work rubber. he had, from necessity no doubt, consented to bring in rubber, and for some time had worked voluntarily for normand, until, through bad treatment, he, like so many others, had fled. he had been captured later on, along with his wife and some of his people, and confined in the stocks of the abisinia district, to undergo the taming process. while thus himself a prisoner, his wife, so i was informed by a peruvian white man holding a well-paid post in the company's service, had been publicly violated before his eyes by one of the highest agents of the syndicate, a peruvian whose name and record was frequently brought forward in the course of my inquiry. this man had been obliged to fly from the caraparaná agency on account of his crimes in that region in 1908. "as a rule, the criminals who controlled the indian population of the putumayo were chary of robbing an indian husband of his wife. the harems were maintained mainly by orphans, generally girls whose parents were 'dead.' asking once why it was that the wives of the indians seemed usually to be spared this contamination, a reliable witness answered me: 'because, sir, if they takes an indian's wife, that indian don't work rubber.' i urged that since these men stuck at no act of terrorisation to make indians work rubber, a husband could be forced, even if robbed of his wife, to go and get rubber. 'no, sir,' my informant said, 'the indians loves their wives, and if she is taken they won't work rubber. they can kill them, do anything they like to them, but the indian won't work rubber.' "this assertion was made more than once by men who, like this man, had taken an active part in making indians work rubber, and i believe that this obstinate prejudice of the indian preserved a native marriage from invasion more surely than any respect the _cauchero_ has for its sanctity. an indian marriage is not a ceremony, but a choice sanctioned by the parents of the bride, and once a child or children result from the union there is rarely infidelity or separation. the very conditions of indian life, open and above board, and every act of every day known to wellnigh every neighbour, precluded, i should say, very widespread sexual immorality before the coming of the white man. certain it is that immoral intercourse among indians, leading their natural lives, is rare, and as polygamy scarcely existed, only a few of the bigger men having more than one wife, the affection that grew up between an indian man and his wife was very often sincere and deep-rooted, just as the love of parents for their children was. "the indians often displayed a fortitude in the face of impending torture and death that speaks for itself of the excellence of some of their qualities. thus, it will be seen in the depositions accompanying this report how, on more than one occasion, men had refused to betray the hiding-place of fugitives under terrible threats of torture if they did not point out the retreat of the runaways. normand is charged with having cut the arms and legs off a chief he captured and questioned, who preferred to suffer such a death to betraying the refuge of those who had fled. i learned of more than one case of the kind, and have no doubt of the truth of the accusation against the white man as of the fortitude of the indian. the tribes of the putumayo in the hands of good men could be made into good men and women, useful and intelligent workers under an honest administration. trained to be murderers, with the worst example men ever gave to men daily held up for imitation, with lust and greed and cruelty so often appealed to, i daily wondered that so much goodness still survived among the remnant we encountered. that that remnant itself would soon be gone i became convinced. a peruvian who spoke good english, having spent some years in england, confessed as much to me two days before i left chorrera. i said to this man that under the actual régime i feared the entire indian population would be gone in ten years, and he answered, 'i give it six years--not ten.' "the unrelieved barbarity of this report does not rest alone on the testimony of the barbados men whose depositions accompany it. i had other evidence to go by at the outset, and this was found to be in more than one instance amply confirmed by the independent statements of the british witnesses and again and again borne out by the evidence of our own eyes and the general conditions of the indians. could these people have been themselves fully interrogated, the weight of testimony would have been far greater, but could not have been more convincing. "a magistrate was said to be residing at one of the company's stations on that river, but i never heard him once referred to, and when peculiarly atrocious crimes were dragged to light, admitted, and deplored, the criminal charged with them would be sitting at table with us, and the members of the company's commission and myself were appealed to to give no indication of our disgust lest this man 'might do worse things' to the indians or provoke an impossible situation with the armed bandits under his orders. the apology for this extraordinary situation was that there was 'no authority, no administration, no one near to whom any appeal could be made,' and that iquitos was 1,200 miles away. every chief of section was a law unto himself, and many of the principal agents of this british company were branded by the representative of that company, holding its power of attorney, in conversation with me as 'murderers, pirates, and bandits.'" * * * * * a considerable part of consul casement's report is taken up with the depositions, sworn before him, of the barbados men; one of these, by name stanley lewis, stated:-"i have seen indians killed for sport, tied up to trees and shot at by fonseca and the others. after they were drinking they would sometimes do this. they would take a man out of the _cepo_ and tie him to a tree, and shoot him for a target. i have often seen indians killed thus, and also shot after they had been flogged and their flesh was rotten through maggots." this man also described terrible barbarities committed on and murder of two indian girls by fonseca. james chase, another barbados man, gave a long account of indians being flogged to death, starved, or shot, and describes the terrible occurrence connected with the murdering of the family of katerene as follows:-"they were also to hunt for a boras indian named katenere, a former rubber-worker of the district of abisinia, who had escaped, and, having captured some rifles, had raised a band of his fellow-indians, and had successfully resisted all attempts at his recapture. katenere had shot bartolemé zupaeta, the brother-in-law of julio c. arana, and was counted a brave man and a terror to the peruvian rubber-workers. the expedition set out from morelia, and at the first indian 'house' they reached in the forest they caught eight indians, five men and three women. they were all tied up with ropes, their hands tied behind their backs, and marched on farther. at the next house they reached they caught four indians, one woman and three men. vasquez, who was in charge, ordered one of the _muchachos_ to cut this woman's head off. he ordered this for no apparent reason that james chase knows of, simply because 'he was in command, and could do what he liked.' the _muchacho_ cut the woman's head off; he held her by the hair of her head, and, flinging her down, hacked her head off with a machete. it took more than one blow to sever the head--three or four blows. the remains were left there on the path, and the expedition went on with the three fresh male prisoners tied up with the others. the date would be about may, 1910. "they were then approaching the house where they believed katenere to be living. he was the chief of the indians in whose direction they were going--the fugitives from the rubber-work. at a point about half an hour's walk from this indian house vasquez ordered him, ocampo, and two of the _muchachos_ to remain there to guard the prisoners, while he himself (vasquez) went on with the rest of the expedition. this party, so vasquez told them when he had returned, reached the house of katenere about six in the evening. katenere and his wife, or one of his wives, were in the house--only these two persons. vasquez caught the woman, but katenere got away. vasquez stayed there and sent four of the _muchachos_ into the forest to find and capture the rifles that katenere had got. when the _muchachos_ got to this other house in the forest they found several indians in it, whom they captured, and four rifles. the indians were tied up with their hands behind them, but after a time the head _muchacho_, a boras indian, nicknamed henrique, ordered them to be released. he then sent on his three _muchachos_ to another house to bring in some indians whilst he stayed with the men whom he had just released. these indians, it should be noted, were all boras indians, henrique as well as the rest of the _muchachos_. whilst henrique was with these men he found amongst them an indian girl of whom he was very fond and who had probably joined them in their flight. he endeavoured to seize this girl, and in a quarrel that followed he was killed. the three _muchachos_, on their return with two prisoners, found their leader killed and his rifle in the hands of the released indians, with the four guns they already had belonging to katenere. each party fired at the other, the forest indians without effect. the three _muchachos_ killed two of the boras indians and then returned to the house where vasquez was spending the night and where he held the wife of katenere prisoner. in the morning vasquez returned to ocampo and chase, bringing only this woman with them. it was then that chase learned from vasquez' own lips what had happened. they had then, chase states, twelve indians as prisoners, who included katenere's wife, and also of the original party that left abisinia two indians, who were in chains, who had been brought as guides to point out where katenere and his fugitive people were living. these were some of katenere's men who had not succeeded in escaping when he got away. the whole party set out to return to morelia through the forest, having lost henrique and his rifle. soon after they began their march in the morning they met in the path a child--a little girl--who was said to be a daughter of katenere by another wife he had once had, not the woman they now held as prisoner. this child, chase states, was quite a young girl, some six or eight years of age. she was frightened at the sight of the armed men, the indians in chains and tied up, and began to cry as they approached. vasquez at once ordered her head to be cut off. he knew it was katenere's child because katenere's wife, in their hands, told them so. there was no reason that chase knew for their crime, save that the child was crying. her head was cut off by a _muchacho_ named cherey, a recigiro indian boy. he was quite a young boy. they came on about half an hour's march past that, leaving the decapitated body in the path, and as one of the women prisoners they had was not walking as fast as the rest vasquez ordered a _muchacho_ to cut her head off. this was done by the same boy cherey in the same way, he flinging the woman on the ground and chopping her head off with several blows of his _machete_. they left this body and severed head right in the path and went on again towards morelia. they were walking very fast because they were a bit frightened, thinking the indians were pursuing them. one of the male indian prisoners, a boy, about fifteen or sixteen [chase indicated the boy's height with his hand], a lad who could work rubber, was lagging behind and could not keep up with them as they were going very fast. the indian was hungry and probably weak. vasquez ordered his head to be cut off. this execution took place there and then in the same way and was performed by the same boy cherey. the indian's hands were tied behind him. cherey took hold of the lad's long hair, threw him on the ground, and cut his head off. they came on after this towards morelia, walking as fast as they could, and when they were getting near it in the evening-time and perhaps three-quarters of an hour's distance vasquez was in a great hurry to reach the station. three of the indian men who were weak through hunger and not able to walk fast could not keep up with them, so vasquez himself shot one and he ordered cherey, the _muchacho_, to shoot the other two. these were all grown-up men, boras indians, and belonging to gavilanes, and were part of katenere's people. the three bodies were left lying there on the path, and the place where they were killed was so near morelia that when they reached it they learned that the station hands had heard the shots of the rifles that had killed the men. "they reached morelia in the evening, and of their five prisoners three were put with their feet in the _cepo_, while the fourth was hung up by his neck with a chain round it. the chain was pulled taut over a beam in the roof of the house, so that the man's toes rested on the ground, but he could not budge or even move his head. he had to stand like this with his head and neck stretched up all night. those in the _cepo_, two men and a woman, also had chains round their necks. they got no food." evidence confirmatory of james chase's statement with regard to this expedition of vasquez was subsequently obtained by the consul-general from other quarters. the report continues:-"allan davis, a barbados man who was in abisinia when vasquez arrived there, stated in his examination that vasquez declared on arrival 'he had left the road pretty.' davis saw him arrive with the emaciated prisoners, who were put in stocks, and all of whom subsequently met their deaths in abisinia, as averred by davis and evelyn baston, another barbados man, whose testimony was subsequently taken. one of them was murdered by being shot, and the others were deliberately starved to death while confined in the stocks. "asked if he had seen women thus killed, he replied, 'yes. they were shot and died from blows' (from floggings). they were cut to pieces sometimes and smelt dreadfully. once he himself was put in _cepo_ alongside some of these rotting human beings who had been inhumanly flogged, and the smell was so bad he begged and implored to be taken out--he could not stand it--but fonseca kept him in all night. he saw these people die from these floggings; their bodies would sometimes be dragged away and thrown in the bush around the station or burned. he has seen the _muchachos_ shoot indians under the order of fonseca. continual floggings went on at that time among women and children. "further statements were from time to time received from james chase in the course of the journey made by mr. casement in the company of the commission, and finally on the 5th of november at la chorrera he gave still further testimony in the presence of several of his countrymen. he states that amongst other things he saw fonseca do was to kill an indian man who was at the time confined in the stocks, or _cepo_, at ultimo retiro. the indian in question had run away from working rubber, but had been caught and brought in a prisoner. fonseca said to him, 'i am going to kill you.' the man protested, and said he had done no harm. he had not killed a white man, he had not injured any one or killed any one, and could not be killed for running away. fonseca laughed at him, and had him hung up by the neck first with a chain drawn tight, and then when let down from this torture he had him put in the _cepo_ with one foot only, the other leg being free. fonseca came up to the _cepo_ with a stick with a club head much bigger than the handle of the stick. he put one of his legs against the indian's free leg and stretched it apart from the confined leg. he then pulled off the man's _fono_, or loin-cloth made of beaten bark, so that he was quite naked, and then struck the man many times with the club-end of the stick on his exposed parts. these were 'smashed,' and the man died in a short time. deponent described the occurrence fully, declaring that he was an eye-witness. "this statement was confirmed by the barbados man, stanley s. lewis, who stated he also saw fonseca commit this deed. "chase states that fonseca at ultimo retiro would shoot indians with a long rifle which he had. he thinks it was a mannlicher. sometimes he shot at them whilst they were actually prisoners in the stocks, and others were taken out in the open ground round the house, and he shot at them from the veranda. the last case of this kind that chase witnessed was that of a young girl. fonseca bandaged her eyes and face so that even her mouth and nose were covered. she was then made to walk away, and whilst she was thus blindfolded fonseca shot her 'as a sport for his friends.' "chase further states that he has seen aquiléo torres cut the ears off living indians for sport. torres took deponent's own knife from him. it was an open knife, and he used this knife for the purpose. he saw him do this several times. once he cut off a man's ears and then burned his wife alive before his eyes. this was done by torres. "in the summer of 1909 chase accompanied torico on a journey. asked what they were doing, he states that torico, he thinks, was going round on a sort of inspection for macedo, or else to give warning to all the sections that things must be put straight, because an englishman, captain whiffen, was then in the country and visiting the company's territories. he remembers torico taking the names of the indians at each station, and talking to the agents about captain whiffen's coming. chase states that he was with sealey in the expedition under jiménez, later described." stanley sealey, another barbados, described to the consul a rubber raid and its results in the following terrible story:-"a party of armed employees is sent out to collect the indians of a certain division on the day when their _puesta_ of rubber is due, and to march them into the station with their loads of rubber, after this has been weighed and found sufficient. the man in charge of the expedition will have a list of the indians he is to collect, and the amount of rubber each is to bring in, and he proceeds to summon or find them. they call the chief, or _capitán_, of these indians, and if all his people do not appear with him he may be put in the _cepo_, made out in the forest, and kept guarded there. sometimes he, deponent, and others of the expedition would be sent to look for the missing indians. if the indians do not all come in, the _capitán_ will be treated in a variety of ways. sometimes they tie his hands behind his back, and then by a rope through his bound wrists he will be hauled up off the ground, the rope passing over a tree-branch. sometimes his feet would be three or four feet off the ground. they kept him in this position for sometimes an hour or an hour and a half, he screaming out with pain. this is to make him confess where the missing indians are. when he admits this, and says he will go for the truants, they let him down, and, keeping him tied, they go with him to where the people are hiding. if they find his people, they may still keep him tied up. they do not then flog the indians. they collect all they can, those with the rubber, and those who have failed to get it, and march them all down to the station. the arms of the _capitán_ will be loosed on reaching the station, but his legs put in the _cepo_. then they weigh the rubber, and if any man has not brought the right weight he is flogged. the severity of the flogging depends on the amount of rubber the man is short. the deponent has not seen more than two dozen stripes thus given. with regard to the indians who had not appeared in the first instance, and had to be collected, they would be flogged and put in the _cepo_; they would get 'a good flogging.' sometimes the _capitán_ himself would be flogged in the station. whole families would be marched down in these gatherings, men with their wives and children who would help the men with their rubber. on all these marches the indians would have to carry their own food too; they get no food except what they bring themselves. they would only get food from the white men during the time they are actually kept in the station. the station would have a big pot of rice and beans boiled. this would be the food. he has seen sometimes one hundred and fifty people thus marched in. those who have brought the fixed amount of rubber are allowed to go back after this meal. the others are punished by being kept in _cepo_. some are put in a hole in the cellars of the house. there is such a hole at ultimo retiro which the consul can see when he gets there. "the indians are not paid at all on these occasions for such rubber as they bring in. they only get payment when the full _fabrico_--say, seventy-five days--is completed. these commissions take place sometimes every ten days, sometimes every fifteen days, according to the period fixed for each _puesta_, depending on the neighbourhood. sealey gives this as a general indication of the manner in which he has been employed on 'commissions' and collecting the indians from the forest. he next states he wishes to describe what took place on a certain occasion when he with other barbados men went on a commission from abisinia under jiménez. they were stationed at morelia at the time, and went under jiménez to the caquetá. it was a journey to catch fugitive indians who had fled from the rubber-working, and was soon after sealey had gone to abisinia; he thinks it was in june, 1908. on the first day's march from morelia, about five o'clock in the afternoon, when they were some one and a half day's distance from the caquetá, they caught an old indian woman in the path. jiménez asked the old woman where the rest of the indians were. sealey states she was a bit frightened. she told him that the next day at eleven o'clock he would get to the house where some indians were. she was an old woman, not able to run. they did not tie her up. they went on with her, keeping her all night in camp until about two o'clock of the next day, and then jiménez asked her, 'where is the house; where are the indians?' the old woman stood up, and said nothing. she could not speak; she kept her eyes on the ground. jiménez said to her: 'you were telling me lies yesterday, but now you have got to speak the truth.' with that he called his wife--he had an indian woman, the woman who is still with him--and he said to his wife: 'bring me that rope off my hammock.' she took the rope off and gave it to him, and with that he tied the old woman's hands behind her back. there were two trees standing just like that--one there and one there. he made an indian cut a post to stretch across between the two trees. then he hauled the old woman up, her feet were not touching the ground at all. he said to one of the boys, a _muchacho_: 'bring me some leaves--some dry leaves,' he said, and he put these under the feet of the old woman as she hung there, her feet about a foot or so above the ground; and he then take a box of matches out of his pocket and he light the dry leaves, and the old lady start to burn. big bladders [blisters] i see on her skin up here' (he pointed to his thighs). "all was burned; she was calling out. well, sir, when i see that, sir, i said, 'lord, have mercy!' and i run ahead that i could not see her no more." "you did not go back?" "i stayed a little ways off to where she was. i could hear him speaking. he say to one of the boys, 'loose her down now,' and they loose her but she was not dead. she lay on the ground--she was still calling out. he tell one of the indians: 'now, if this old woman is not able to walk, cut her head off,' and the indian did so--he cut her head off." "you saw that?" "yes, sir, he leave her there in the same place. we left her there, going a little ways into the forest; it was about four hours' walk; after we left the old woman we met two women. they had no house--they had run away. one had a child. jiménez axed the one that had the child: 'where is these indians that has run away?' she tell him that she don't know where they were. he tell her after she tell him that she don't know that she was a liar." "did he tell her this himself in her own language?" "he tell his wife to tell her. his wife speaks spanish, too. his wife is up there with him now at ultimo retiro. he tell his wife that she was a liar. he took the child from the woman and he gave it to an indian, one of the indians who had been collected to work rubber. 'cut this child's head off!' he say, and he did so." "how did the indian cut the child's head off?" "he held it by the hair and chop its head off with a _machete_. it was a little child walking behind its mother." "was it a boy or a girl?" "it was a boy. he left the child and the head in the same place, everything there, on the path. he went on then; he take the two women with him, but the woman was crying for her child. well, sir, we got a little ways more inside the wood; walking, we met an indian man--a strong young fellow he was, too. that is, after we gets over to near the caguetá. jiménez say he wanted to go to the next side--the other side--of the caquetá, but he do not know where he would get a boat, a canoe, to go over. so this time he tell his woman, his wife, to ax the indian to tell where the boat is. well, sir, the indian say he do not know where it is. by that time jiménez say the indian lie--he was a liar, and he got a rope and he tie the indian's hands like that behind his back. it was in the same way with the post across between two trees. he made the indians tie a post across between two trees, and he haul the indian, like that, up to the post. his feet could not touch the ground, and he call for some dry leaves, and tell the boys to bring some dry leaves, same as the old woman. he put the leaves under his feet, and he take a box of matches out of his pocket. the man was there shouting out, greeting. jiménez draw a match and light the leaves, and this time, sir, the indian start to burn, big bladders going out from his skin. the indian was there burning, with his head hanging like that--moaning, he was. jiménez say: 'well, you will not tell me where the canoe, where the boat is,' he says, 'so you must bear with that.' well, the indian was not quite dead, but was there with his head hanging, and jiménez he tell the _capitán_, by name josé maria, a boras indian [he is chief _capitán_ of the abisinia _muchachos_]; he says, 'give him a ball!' he says, and the indian took his carbine and give him a ball here, shooting him in the chest. well, sir, after i saw how the blood started, i ran. it was awful to see, and he left the indian hanging up there with the rope and everything on him." "was the indian dead?" "yes, sir, he was dead with the ball, and we left him there in the same place. that's all." "sealey states that he had reported these things to his fellow-countryman, john brown, who when he had reached chorrera had become the servant of a captain whiffen, an english officer who had arrived there. he hoped that captain whiffen, hearing of it, might be able to do something and so told john brown.[127] sealey states that chase was with him on the expedition." another barbados man's (westerman leavine's) examination includes the following:-"he confirms the statement made by genaro caporo, in the _truth_ charges read out to him, who had declared what he saw in the middle of 1907. the statement made by caporo, that three old indians and two young women, their daughters, were murdered by normand in cold blood and their bodies eaten by the dogs, was corroborated by leavine. he saw this take place, and saw the dogs eating them. as to the starving to death of indians in the _cepo_, it was a common occurrence, and the dead and stinking bodies left there alongside still living prisoners he declares he more than once witnessed. the statement made by caporo as to an indian chief who was burnt alive in the presence of his wife and two children, and the wife then beheaded and the children dismembered, and all thrown on the fire, leavine says he remembers, and was a witness to it. he also remembers the occurrence narrated by caparo of an indian woman who was cut to pieces by normand himself, because she refused to live with one of his employees as he directed her to do. he was a witness to the woman being set fire to with the peruvian flag soaked in kerosene wrapped round her, and of her then being shot. the statement made by caporo as to the ground round andokes being sown with skulls was then read out by the consul-general to leavine. he (leavine) of himself stated that there were days in 1906 and 1907 'when you could not eat your food on account of the dead indians lying around the house.' he frequently saw the dogs eating them, and dragging the limbs about. the bodies and arms were thrown all round and were not buried. "with regard to the statement of roso españa, read over to him from the _truth_ charges, he saw one child rammed head first down one of the holes being dug for the house timbers. "the statement of julio muriedas, made in the same quarter, who stated that he had been at matanzas, was then read over to leavine. he remembers muriedas. with regard to the statement that two hundred lashes were given to indians, leavine says this often took place, also the burning alive of children to make them reveal where their parents were hidden. this he declares he has seen señor normand do more than once. the eating of the limbs of the dead people by the house-dogs attested by muriedas he again confirms, and says it was 'a common occurrence.' the statement of 'm. g.,' from the _truth_ accusations, was then read to leavine. he recalls this man, named marcial, being a short time at matanzas when señor normand wished to make him a station cook, and this man had refused and they had quarrelled. this man's statement that he had seen in one month and five days 'ten indians killed and burnt' leavine declares is in no wise remarkable. he has himself seen twenty indians killed in five days in matanzas. as to the 'stinking' of this section referred to by 'm. g.' he affirms that this was often the case to a revolting degree. he recalls 'm. g.,' or marcial, shooting the little indian boy by señor normand's orders as he, 'm. g.,' accuses himself of doing. "leavine finally declares that señor normand killed many hundreds of indians during his six years at matanzas, during all which time he (leavine) served under him, and by many kinds of torture, cutting off their heads and limbs and burning them alive. he more than once saw normand have indians' hands and legs tied together, and the men or women thus bound thrown alive on a fire. the employees on the station would look on or assist at this. the station boys, or _muchachos_, would get the firewood ready, acting under señor normand's orders. he saw normand on one occasion take three native men and tie them together in a line, and then with his mauser rifle shoot all of them with one bullet, the ball going right through. he would fire more than one shot into them like this." on arriving in london, in january, 1912, consul casement gave in a further report to the foreign office, of which the following are extracts:-"the managing director of the company at iquitos, señor pablo zumaeta, against whom had been issued a warrant of arrest, had, i found, not been arrested, but, with the connivance of the police, had merely remained in his private residence at iquitos during the hearing of an appeal he was permitted to lodge. this appeal being considered by the superior court of iquitos during my stay there, resulted in the court annulling the warrant issued by the criminal court below, and the return to public life of the accused man without trial or public investigation of the charges against him."[128] "following my return to iquitos in the 16th of october, an effort was apparently made to arrest some twenty of those still employed by the company on the putumayo towards the very end of october and in the early days of november. although the localities where all of them were at work were well known, the _comisario_ or commissioner of the putumayo, one amadéo burga, a paid employee of the company, and a brother-in-law of its managing director, in each case took action just too late, so that all those incriminated were either absent in the forest or said to have gone away only a few hours before the officer's arrival. the vessel reporting this unsatisfactory ending to this, the latest attempt[129] to bring to justice the authors of so many crimes, returned to iquitos on the 25th of november, bringing only one man in custody, a subordinate named portocarrero, who was among those implicated. all the rest of the accused were stated to have 'escaped,' in some cases, it was reported, taking with them large numbers of captive indians, either for sale or for continued forced labour in other regions of the rubber-bearing forests. "some of those wanted, however, i learned subsequently, had returned to their stations when the officer, who had failed to find them, had left the neighbourhood, and were at work again in the service of the company at the date of my departure from the amazon. others of the individuals charged by the judge, i found, were, or had been, actually in iquitos at the time the police there held warrants for their arrest, and no attempt had been made to put these warrants into execution. "the evidence that i obtained during my stay in iquitos, coming as it did from many quarters and much of it from the putumayo itself, induced in me the conviction that the punishment of the wrongdoers was a thing not to be expected, and, from a variety of causes i need not dwell upon here, possibly a matter beyond the ability of the local executive to ensure. suffice it to say i saw no reason to modify the opinion expressed in my report of the 17th of march last, that 'custom sanctioned by long tradition, and an evil usage whose maxim is that "the indian has no rights," are far stronger than a distant law that rarely emerges into practice.' "in the amazon territories of peru--the great region termed the montaña--the entire population, it may be said, consists of native indians, some brought into close touch, as at iquitos and in the settled mission centres of the ucayali, with white civilisation, but a great proportion of them, like those on the putumayo, still dwelling in the forest, a rude and extremely primitive existence. to these remote people civilisation has come, not in the guise of settled occupation by men of european descent, accompanied by executive control to assert the supremacy of law, but by individuals in search of indian labour--a thing to be mercilessly used, and driven to the most profitable of tasks, rubber-getting, by terror and oppression. that the indian has disappeared and is disappearing rapidly under this process is nothing to these individuals. enough indians may remain to constitute, in the end, the nucleus of what is euphemistically termed 'a civilised centre.' "the entire absence of government, which has not kept pace with the extension of revenue-yielding communities, has left the weaker members of those communities exposed to the ruthless greed of the stronger. the crimes of the putumayo, horrible as they are, have their counterpart, i am assured, in other remote regions of the same lawless forest--although possibly not to the same terrifying extent. "in this instance the force of circumstance has brought to light what was being done under british auspices--that is to say, through an enterprise with headquarters in london, and employing both british capital and british labour--to ravage and depopulate the wilderness. the fact that this british company should possibly cease to direct the original families of peruvian origin who first brought their forest wares (50,000 slaves) to the english market will not, i apprehend, materially affect the situation on the putumayo. the arana syndicate still termed itself the peruvian amazon company (limited) up to the date of my leaving iquitos on the 7th of december last. the whole of the rubber output of the region, it should be borne in mind, is placed upon the english market, and is conveyed from iquitos in british bottoms. some few of the employees in its service are, or were when i left the amazon, still british subjects, and the commercial future of the putumayo (if any commercial future be possible to a region so wasted and mishandled) must largely depend on the amount of foreign, chiefly british, support those exploiting the remnant of the indians may be able to secure. "a population officially put at 50,000 should in ten years have grown by natural increase to certainly 52,000 or 53,000 souls, seeing that every indian marries--a bachelor or spinster indian is unknown--and that respect for marriage is ingrained in uncivilised indian nature and love of children, probably the strongest affection these people display. by computations made last year and the year before, by officials and by those interested in the prosperity of the peruvian amazon company, the existing population of the entire region is now put at from 7,000 indians, the lowest calculation, to 10,000, the highest. around some of the sections or rubber centres whence this drain of rubber has been forced, the human sacrifices attained such proportions that human bones, the remains of lost tribes of indians, are so scattered through the forests that, as one informant stated, these spots 'resemble battlefields.' a peruvian officer, who had been through the putumayo since the date of my visit in 1910, said that the neighbourhood of one particular section he had visited recalled to him the battlefield of miraflores--the bloodiest battle of the chilean war. moreover, these unarmed and defenceless people, termed, indeed, in the language of prospectuses, the 'labourers' of this particular company, were killed for no crime or offence, and were murdered by the men who drew the highest profits from that company. they comprised women and children--very often babies in arms--as well as men and boys. neither age nor sex was spared; all had to work rubber, to perform impossible tasks, to abandon home and cultivation of their forest clearings, and to search week by week and month by month for the juice of rubber-yielding trees, until death came as sudden penalty for failing strength and non-compliance, or more gently overtook them by the way in the form of starvation or disease. with all that it has given to the amazon valley of prosperity, of flourishing steamship communications, of port works, of growing towns and centres of civilisation, with electric light and tramways, of well-kept hospitals and drainage schemes, it may well be asked whether the rubber-tree has not, perhaps, taken more away. "however this be, it is certainly in the best interests of commercial civilisation itself, and of the vital needs of the trading communities upon the amazon river, that the system of ruthless and destructive human exploitation which has been permitted to grow up on the putumayo should be sternly repressed. peru herself can only greatly benefit from the establishment of a civilised and humane administration--a task of no great magnitude--in those regions hitherto abandoned to the _cauchero_ and the vegetable filibuster. the healthy development of the amazon rubber industry, one of the foremost of brazilian needs, calls for that humanity of intercourse civilisation seeks to spread by commerce, not for its degradation by the most cruel forms of slavery and greed. "all that is sensible of this among those interested in the rubber industry, whether of europe, the united states, or brazil, should heartily unite in assisting the best elements of peruvian life to strengthen the arm of justice, and to establish upon the putumayo and throughout the montaña, wherever the rubber-seeker seeks his profits, a rule of right dealing and legality. it may be long before a demoralisation drawing its sanction from so many centuries of indifference and oppression can be uprooted, but christianity owns schools and missions as well as _dreadnoughts_ and dividends. in bringing to that neglected region and to those terrorised people something of the suavity of life, the gentleness of mind, the equity of intercourse between man and man that christianity seeks to extend, the former implements of her authority should be more potent than the latter. "i have, &c., "roger casement." conclusion the foregoing are but a few portions of the accounts published in consul casement's report given by the barbados men whose statements were taken. they have been here selected to show that the worst stories of almost incredible barbarity were more than confirmed. no apology is needed for setting them forth in this book. it is in the interests of truth and justice that one half of the world should know how another, remoter half lives. the history of the affair throws a light on the curious character of people of various nationalities connected with it. the latin americans, even those who committed the most appalling deeds, are such people as would under ordinary circumstances receive the traveller with high-sounding phrases of hospitality. away from the restraining power of civilisation and public opinion, it is seen that men of certain character easily revert to primitive instincts of cruelty and oppression, and hold human life the cheapest thing on earth. the terrible indictment that has been made of peruvian methods away from the influence of their cities shows how far from the principle of self-government the people of latin america still are. it is to be recollected, moreover, that these poor forest indians differ very little from the people who have formed the basis of peruvian and latin american nationality generally: whilst the indians and cholos of the uplands, who are still subjected to oppression and civic negligence, are those from whom peru and others of the andine republics draw, and always will draw, unless a strong tide of immigration sets in, the bulk of their citizens. the governing peruvians and bolivians of to-day are formed from that race. they bear its stamp upon their faces and cuticle. this brown race, which has, in mexico and peru, produced statesmen and law-givers, is nothing to be ashamed of, yet the _mestizos_, or people of mixed race, forming the bulk of the latin american nations, are harsher in their conduct towards the indian than are white men. comparatively few women from spain have entered the new world. the indians have formed the mothers of the peruvians and their neighbours, from presidents and cabinet ministers downwards. these poor women, who have been outraged, starved, murdered, or burnt alive, are of their own flesh. what reparation will peru make to expiate these terrible outrages against man and nature? how will it compensate the relatives of the murdered, or the scarred and ruined survivors? furthermore, what reparation will the european shareholders of the now liquidated company make? the pressing necessity for peru--as for every other land and nation--is to awaken to the necessity for a new doctrine and science regarding the disposal of the resources of the earth and the enjoyments of its fruits by those who have their being upon it. until this is done, commercialism and oppression will continue to go hand in hand. editor. index abisinia, rubber station, 245 aborigines, _see_ indians aborigines protection society, 31-2 absentee capitalism, evils of, 49 abuses, first mention of, 21-2, 24 acosta, eugenio, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 307 acosta, general, 146 agent, confession of an, 233-6 agents of the peruvian amazon company, _see_ acosta, agüero, alcorta, calderon, delgado, esmeralda, fonseca, jiménez, loayza, lúrquin, macedo, martinengui, montt, muñz, negrete, norman, normand, o'donnell, rengifo, rodríguez, torres, velarde, zumaeta aguarunas, native tribe, 16 agüero, agent of peruvian amazon company, 217; crimes of, 237-8, 241, 244, 255, 257 alarco, abel, 200, 210 albarracin, lieutenant, 190 alcorta, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 232 alligators, 112-3, 115; escape from, 122 _amapá_, brazilian war launch, 225; forests of, 17 amazon, the, 12-13; discovery and history of, 13-14; difficulties of governing, 35; value of, 37; forests of, 74 "amazons," origin of legend, 14 america, north, _see_ united states america, south, 13 american consul at iquitos, 45 americans, oppressive treatment of indians by, 49 andes, 17 extinction of native labour in, 26-7 andoques, native tribe, 194 anti-slavery society, _see_ aborigines protection society apostolic prefect, report of the, 297 atrocities, hardenburg's first account of, 28; publication of, in london, 29; denial of, by peruvian government and the peruvian amazon company, 29 arana, j. c., charges against, 32, 180; rise of, 199, 200; visits london, 201; founds london syndicate, 201, 210, 211, 217-19 arana bros., import negroes, 40, 200; charges against, 215, 271-2 arana, lizardo, 200 argelia, 167; trouble at, 170-1 arrests, attempted, 333 arrows, poisoned, 36, 59 authorities, guilt of, 26 aztecs, 20 barbados men, employed by peruvian amazon company, 33; crimes committed by, 39; protests of, 40; themselves tortured, 40, 45, 208; charges against, 266-7, 270-8, 280, 312, 315 bearers, starvation of, 304-5 becerra, don rogero, 129 benavides, captain, brutal treatment of writer by, 173 beni river, 23 birth customs, 154 bishop, interpreter, 312 blackmail, alleged, 32 blow-pipe, 36, 59, 157 blue book, 264 boa constrictor, 101 _board of trade journal_, 47 bodoqueda, _see_ blow-pipe bolivia, 18 bonduel, m. henri, director of the peruvian amazon company, 210 boras, native tribe, 194; at abisinia, 245, 318 braga, j. b., witness, 237-40; escapes, 240 bramall, w., secretary peruvian amazon company, 210 brazil, 13, 39 bribery, 19 british consul at iquitos, 41, 45; at manaos, 40, 45 british hypocrisy, 30-31 british subjects in the putumayo, 33 burial, 155 burning alive, 29, 205, 214, 234, 252-3, 260, 300, 323, 327, 329 buzzards, 128 cabrera, josé, forced to sell by arana, 200 calderon, colombian rubber collector, 312 calderon bros., 200 campas, native tribe, 298 campucana, river, 65 candirú, extraordinary and dangerous fish, 121 cannibals, tales of, 73 canoes, 76-7; author's canoe stranded, 111-25 capivara, 105 caporo, genaro, witness, 256, 330 casement reports, the, 20, 32-3, 40, 264-87; further report, 287-332; last report, 332-8 casement, sir roger, 33, 46, 264; nature of testimony, 265-6 castaños, woman stolen from, 226-7, 236 castration, 205 castro, carlos rey de, peruvian consul-general for brazil, 289 catfish, 115, 121 cauca railway, 55 cazes, david, british consul at iquitos, 41 chase, witness, 317-21 chicha, native beer, 66 children, murder of, 223, 252-3, 319, 328, 331 chunchos, native tribe, 24 cionis, native tribe, 78; habits, 80, 86, 99-100, 103 coca, 160-1 collantes, daniel, 263 colombia, 13, 17 colombians, 39; oppressed and massacred by peruvians, 144-5, 220-5; flogged, 227; murdered, 261; discover the putumayo, 293-4 commercialism, policy of, 12-13 commission, the consular, 33, 40 commission of the peruvian company, 266 commission of the anti-slavery society, 33 commission of the peruvian government, 41 community houses, 16, 56-7, 80, 156 concubinage, 180-1, 206-7, 245 congo, the, 12, 32, 185 _cosmopolita_, launch, 193-4 cremation, 259 crichlow, carpenter, 281; put in his own stocks, 282 crimes, variety of, _see_ torture, murder, flogging, burning alive, &c. criminal proceedings, 41 criminals, names of, 233, 262, 267 cruelty, a spanish and portuguese trait, 37 cuellar, p., 190 curare, 59; its effect, 60 dances, 161-2 dancurt, executioner, 44, 248-9 davis, a., witness, 321-3 delgado, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 248, 282 denial, an oriental trait of spanish americans, 29 development, checked by slaughter of indians, 27 "devil's paradise," the, 28-9, 164-214 diversion, murder and torture as a, 29 dogfish, so-called, 105 dogs fed on human flesh, 29, 226, 301, 330-1 drink traffic, 55 drunkenness, 246 duarte, 143-5 dyall, 283 ears cut off, 323 economy of humanity not understood, 27 ecuador, 13, 17 _el comercio_, journal, 23-7 el dorado rubber station, piracy at, 177 el encanto rubber station, 15, 168, 177; writer imprisoned at, 178; treatment of indians at, 179-80, 203, 255 _el oriente_, journal, 41 "englishmen," so-called, _see_ barbados negroes english rubber company, blamed, 41 enock, c. reginald, work and protests of, 20-2; accuses the peruvians of slave traffic, 24-5, 33, 49-50, 339 esmeralda, criminal, 230-2 españa, roso, victim and witness, 221-5, 331 fauna of the amazon, 91, 93 fever, 131 fire, child tortured by, 226; indians burned with kerosene and loosed, 239 flogging, 29, 180, 204, 217, 227, 229-30, 238, 296, 299, 305; tapir-hide whip used, 306; with machete, 306, 325, 331 fonseca, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 214; crimes of, 228-33, 260-1, 322-3 forced labour, early, 37 foreign office, 32; suppresses casement report, 34; publishes it, 34, 46 forests, 17, 18 fox, w., 303 fritz, padre, 51 garcilaso de la vega, 11 ghiorzo, lieut., 190, 193 gold, 54 gonzalez, señor, 93, 95-100 grey, sir edward, 32-3, 264 gubbins, j. r., director of the peruvian amazon company, 210 gulpi, 108 guevara, b., 190, 195, 231-2 guineo river, 76 guineo village, 77-8 gutierrez, pilar, victim, 175 hardenburg, w.e., travels of, 28; suffering at hands of agents of the peruvian amazon company, 28; publication of his narrative refused, 31, 44; his narrative, 154-263; taken prisoner, 173-4; "bluffs" his captives, 178-9; "bluff" discovered, 195; investigation of crimes, 215; letters to, 240-63 henson, canon, indicts the peruvian amazon company, 50 huitoto indians, character and weapons of, 16, 20, 32, 144-5, (149-63); language of, 150-2; habits, 152-3; character, 153-4; birth customs, 154; burial customs, 155; houses, 155-6; dress, 159-60; religion, 162-3; gradual extermination of, 207 to end humanity, economy of, 47 iberian character, 17, 339-40 igaraparaná river, 15, 192 "imperial commonwealth, an," 33 inca language, 56 incas, laws of, 11, 18, 19; modern, 56-60 indians, of the putumayo basin, decrease of, 16; forest tribe, 17-19, 22, 36; of santiago, 56-60; of mocoa, 70; the cionis, 78-86; trading with, 92; extermination of, 196; punishment and torture of, 204-5, 218-19; character of amazonian tribes, 273; skill of, 285; tribes of, 286; numbers, 289; experienced elderly individuals murdered by rubber-gatherers, and weapons destroyed, 311-12; amazing fidelity and fortitude of, 314-15 iquitos, 15, 18; output of rubber firm, 47; arrival at, 195 _iquitos_, peruvian gunboat, 172; fires on hardenburg's party, 172-3, 244 jaguars, 113-4 jesuits, missions destroyed, 14, 51 jiménez, a., agent of the peruvian amazon company, 238, 241-2, 246, 260, 326-8 _jornal do comercio_ manaos, 212; translation from, 220-5 judiciary, peruvian, independence of, 34; corruption of, 333 katerene, native chief, 312 kaye, sir j. lister, director of the peruvian amazon company, 210 king, guy t., american consul at iquitos, 195 la chorrera, rubber station, 193, 203; atrocities at, 225-6, 244, 248, 257-8 _la felpa_, journal, iquitos, translations from, 215-20, 233-6 _la sanción_, journal, iquitos, translations from, 214, 225-32 la sofia, rubber station, 94 la union, rubber station, 15; massacre at, 174-5, 192 labour, cheap native, 48 law, not for indians, 26 leavine, witness, 330-2 _liberal_, peruvian amazon company's launch, 168, 172, 175, 186, 193, 224, 244 lima, 18, 34 lima geographical society, 35 loayza, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 148, 165, 168-9, 176, 178; crimes of, 181; amusements, 187, 203; crimes, 231, 255-6 lopez, celestino, agent and witness, 250 lopez, jesus, 131-5 lores, benito, commanding the _iquitos_, 173 lúrquin, césar, procuration by, 191 macedo, victor, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 203, 214, 228-9, 257-9 madera river, 23 madre de dios, 23 maggots in wounds of victims, 28, 230, 234-5, 299, 305 magistrates, callous, 316 manatee, 119 _manguare_, native telegraph, 16 mapp, james, witness, 307 marañon, 19, 20, 25 marble, 64 martinengui, elias, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 257-8 martinez, gabriele, 125; kidnapped, 133, 135-6, 149, 165, 169, 179, 186, 189, 195 matanzas, 234, 250-3 materón, don octavio, 71, 87-97 maw, lieut., 293 mines, forced labour in, 37 minister of justice, peru, 296 missions, 33; need of, 50, 52, 293, 296-7, 338 mocoa, 67-9, 70 mongolian type of indian, 20, 291 monkeys, 123, 137-8 montaña, the, 27, 35-6 montt, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 309 mosquitoes, 136, 192, 194 muñz, a., agent of the peruvian amazon company, 230-1 murderers, _see_ agents of the peruvian amazon company murders, 206-7, 216, 233-4, 237, 251-2, 258, 260, &c. muriedas, j. f., witness, 228 nahumedes, native tribe, 14 napo river, 15 negrete, adan, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 302-3 negroes, selected for savagery, 39-40 norman, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 217, 222; crimes of, 225-6, 234 normand, a., agent of the peruvian amazon company, 275, 279, 300-2, 330-2; _see also_ norman o'donnell, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 233, 243, 304, 312 ordoñez, señor, 141, 143; victimised by peruvian amazon company, 202 ordoñez y martinez rubber company, 132; persecuted by arana bros., 201 orellana, 14 orjuela, don jesus, 149, 164-5, 170-1; taken prisoner, 171; treatment of, 176-7, 179, 189, 195 pan-american union, the, 50 panama, barbados men at, 40 paredes, judge, 41; attempts to blame english, 41-2 pardo, don ramiro, 167, 170-1 paris, feeling against peru in, 43 peccaries, 120-1 pedro, 70, 71 perkins, 28, 44, 55, 64, 71, 95, 97, 103, 104; lost, 123, 129, 130, 131, 149, 164, 166, 175, 179; remains at el encanto, 187; arrives minus baggage, 195 peru, under the incas, 11; under capitalism, 12 peruvian amazon company, indictment of, 50, 132; attacks colombian estates, 132; piracy of, 133, 144; outrage by, 148; treatment of indians by agents of, 161-3; capture of hardenburg's party by troops acting under, 173, 179-80; system of, 181-4; charges against, 134-5; atrocious crimes of agents of, 198-9; origin of the company, 199; founded by arana, 201; murder and piracy carried on by, 202; labour system of, 204; "punishments," 204; atrocities committed by agents of, 196 to end; slave traffic carried on by, 209; directors of, 210; charges against, 215, 222-3. peruvian consul, denies atrocities, 29 peruvian corporation, the, 43 peruvian government, compensates author, 28; hypocrisy or ignorance of, 30; exposed, 44; protests against the british attitude, 53; fails to arrest criminals, 265 peruvian officials, hardenburg's indictment of, 38-3 pizarro, 14 plantation rubber, the only remedy, 47 plata cecilia, victim, 200 plaza de oro, 93 police of the caraparaná, 125, 133-4 political exiles, 109 pongo de manseriche, 19, 20 porpoises, fresh-water, 105 portuguese, cruelty of, 51 port maldonado, 23 portocarrera, a., witness, 230 prat, frei, 298 press, timidity of, 31 prieto, señor gustavo, 165 putumayo river, 17; sources of, 54, 63; warning to intending labourers on, 216; indians of the, 216; sir roger casement on, 288 putumayo rubber company, 12 quebrada, san miguel, 102 quichua language, 56 quinine, 93-4 rape, 28 read, h. m., director of the peruvian amazon company, 210 remolino, 141-2 rengifo, miguel, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 261 reyes, president, 68, 93-4 robuchon, french explorer, disappears, 218-19, 289 rocca, action by, 228 rodriguez, a., agent of the peruvian amazon company, 242-3; wholesale murders by, 254-5, 262, 276, 310 rodriguez bros., agents of the peruvian amazon company, 217, 223 rodriguez, dr., 248 roman church in peru, 52 rosas, j., witness, 243 rubber, cost of, in human lives, 46-7; output of, 47; varieties of, and method of gathering, 94-5, 294-5 rubber companies, fraudulent, 48 sanchez, don alfonso, 146-7 sanchez, ramon, rubber agent, 274-5, 279 san antonio, 55 san francisco, 55, 62-3 santa julia, 153, 260 santiago, 55; indians of, 56-60 savagery, tales of indian, 36 sealey, stanley, witness, 324 "secret of the pacific, the," 20 serrano, señor, 166-8; atrocious treatment by the peruvians, 148-9, 164-6, 201 shareholders, ignorance of, 48 sibundoy, 55; indians of, 61 skulls, at matanzas, 253 slave raids, 14 slave trade, in peru, 21, 51, 209, 297 smallpox sufferers killed, 241, 243 spears, 158 soplín, carlos, witness, 232 sorcery, belief in, 71 sousa, deiro, baron de, director of peruvian amazon company, 210, 241 state socialism of incas, 11 starvation, 304-5, 310 stench of murdered indians, 234, 252, 332 stocks, indians starved in, 241, 279, 280-1; flogged in, 308 suárez, executioner, 230 sugar, phenomenal growth of, 36 _sunday times_, statements in, denied, 211-12 tambopata, 23 tapirs, 114, 117-18 target, indians as living, 38, 206 telegraphy, native, 16, 158-9 texeira, explorer, 14 tizon, señor, 303, 307 torres, colombian prisoner, 226 torres, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 323 torture, as a diversion, 38; varieties of, in use, 184-5, 204-7, 213 to end. _see_ burning, flogging, stocks, target, water, &c. toucan, 123-4 _truth_, 30-31, 44, 185, 204, 330-31 turkey, 127 turtles, 115-16, 119; eggs, 124, 127 _tunday_, _see_ telegraph tyranny, a matter of opportunity, 39 united states, 28, 42-3; action of, tardily follows british, 46; apathy of consul and government, 195 urdaneta, general, 67 vampires, 98-9 vasquez, a., agent of the peruvian amazon company, 262-3, 317-21 vasquez, julian, witness, 243, 317-8 vegetation, 93 velarde, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 223-4, 309 venezuela, 13 victims, names of some, 221 _virginia_, brazilian launch, 225 water, torture by, 205, 307 whiffen, captain, 324, 330 witchcraft, belief in, 71 women, trade in, 21; treatment of, 180-81, 184-5, 198, 206, 218, 220, 226-7, 229, 230-35, 242, 247-8, 253, 261-2, 283-4, 306, 311, 313-14, 316 zapata, prefect, 197 zubiaur, carlos, 187, 192 zumaeta, bartolomé, agent of the peruvian amazon company, 200, 211, 226-7, 246 zumaeta, pablo, managing director of the peruvian amazon company released, 332-3 the gresham press, unwin brothers, limited woking and london. * * * * * footnotes: [1] garcilaso was born in 1540. [2] pronounced _put-oo-my-o_. [3] see "peru" by the present writer, london, 1909. [4] the present writer travelled extensively in this region, which he described in an address to the royal geographical society, and in his book, "the andes and the amazon." london, 1907: t. fisher unwin (4th edition). [5] foreign office reports, miscellaneous, no. 8, 1912. [6] "the secret of the pacific." london: t. fisher unwin, 1912. [7] documentos oficiales del departmento de loreto, lima, 1905, of which extracts were published in "the andes and the amazon." [8] jorge von hassel. [9] name given to the indians. [10] slave raids. [11] see consul casement's reports. [12] these abuses of the upland indians are constantly being carried out. whilst this book was in press accounts were received of systematic ill-treatment, murder, and slavery of the natives in the montaña of cuzco and elsewhere, published in _el comercio_ of lima under date of june and july, 1912. these districts are by no means remote from centres of government. [13] the ignorance or hypocrisy of the peruvian legation in this connection was fully brought forward in _truth_. [14] the general public are insufficiently aware of the extensive and valuable work carried on by this society (denison house, london), in the protection of native races against slavery all over the world, nor of the public support it merits. [15] the most serious charge was one brought by the peruvian director of the company, julio cesar arana, against an english army officer who had travelled on the putumayo and witnessed the atrocities committed upon the indians. according to this charge, which was supported by a document, recorded in a minute upon the company's books and issued in a printed circular to the shareholders in december, 1909, this officer called upon arana in london, entertained him at the united service club and café royal, and offered to suppress a report he had made for the british foreign office upon the subject, which was, he stated, of a nature such as would ruin the company, if arana and the other directors would pay him £1,000 to cover his expenses on the putumayo. the directors refused and the officer sent in the report. the travels of this officer are mentioned in mr. casement's report. the matter is mentioned here in the interests of common fairness. [16] the present writer had been asked by the company's directors in october, 1909, to head this commission, and was prepared to go, but no action was taken: and again in may, 1910, but being engaged on the publication of his book, "an imperial commonwealth," at that time, regretted he was unable to do so. [17] in this connection it is to be recollected that the english directors of the company disclaimed previous knowledge of the subject, as they were deceived by their peruvian colleagues. [18] the present writer has, in his books, endeavoured to show forth the possibilities of peru, and the good points of its people, towards whom as a nation he retains feelings of friendship. but no service is performed by attempting to conceal the serious defects of character displayed in peruvian individuals and governance. [19] see consul casement's report. [20] the present writer has, in south america, been hailed as a "fellow-countryman," by chance barbadoes men, with that singular cordiality which is one of their characteristics. "how do you do, sir! i'm an englishman too," they will say, with outstretched hand. [21] american _review of reviews_, september, 1912. [22] the two american travellers were left without resources in iquitos, and came to london under considerable difficulties. hardenburg was accused by the company of attempted blackmail, in the laying of his evidence before the editor of _truth_ and the anti-slavery society. by a fortunate coincidence there arrived at that moment a letter, announcing that the peruvian government, due to representation made by the united states, had agreed to pay over to the two travellers an indemnity of £500. the peruvian legation at the same time was publishing letters in the london press actually denying that such occurrences had taken place. [23] see _board of trade journal_, september, 1912. [24] the present writer has proposed at various times, in letters to the press and to the chambers of commerce, the establishment of a strong latin american bureau in london, for the purpose of fostering trade with those lands, of bringing forward their geographical possibilities and natural resources, and of insisting upon attention being paid to the condition of latin american labour. in the united states a strong organisation exists in the pan-american union at washington for dealing with the first two items here proposed, and due to its exertions the united states are securing a much larger share of latin american trade than formerly. [25] mistress. [26] after the ancient incas of peru.--editor. [27] food for the journey. [28] porters. [29] packages. [30] ravine. [31] hut. [32] shambles. [33] slippery stone. [34] native maize beer. [35] tropical lands. [36] bixa orellana. [37] a skin disease. [38] blow-pipe. [39] native alcohol or rum. [40] cedrela odorata. [41] swietenia mahogani. [42] nectandra. [43] callophilum brasiliense. [44] hura. [45] acrodiclidium itauba. [46] atrocarium. [47] abrus precatorius. [48] bactris ciliata. [49] iriartea deltoida. [50] iriartea ventricosa. [51] phitelephas macrocarpa. [52] crescentia cuyete. [53] carica papaya. [54] citrus limonum. [55] lucuma caimita. [56] anacardium occidentale. [57] guilielma speciosa. [58] artocarpus incisa. [59] tapirus americanus. [60] dicotyles labiatus. [61] hydrochoerus capibara. [62] cervus. [63] bradypus. [64] dasypus. [65] cecropia peltata. [66] yacquinia armillaris. [67] musa paradisiaca. [68] zea maiz. [69] manihot utilissima. [70] manihot aypi. [71] cerveza peruviana. [72] vine or creeper. [73] genipa oblongifolia. [74] boatmen. [75] _chimbada._ [76] rhea americana. [77] the golden beach. [78] gynerium segitatum. [79] phoeæna brasiliensis. [80] hydrochoerus capibara. [81] felis onca. [82] felis onca nigra. [83] felis concolor. [84] felis pardalis. [85] felis tigrina. [86] framework of unseasoned wood built over an open fire to suspend meat, &c., from. [87] the travellers seem to have encountered a numerous _fauna_.--editor. [88] ramphastas discolorus. [89] portage.--editor. [90] american slang term for a drinking bout.--editor. [91] simia mycetes. [92] this concern was, before october 1, 1907, a peruvian company, the j. c. arana and hermanos company. [93] one sol (s.) is equivalent to about two shillings. [94] the full name appears in the manuscript. [95] this, of course, was all a gigantic deception, but i firmly believe that it saved our lives, for at the time it was rumoured that a big american syndicate was going to begin operations on the upper putumayo. [96] the scars on their backs from floggings, called so after julio c. arana, the organiser and chief stock-holder of the peruvian amazon company. [97] many of these have recently been published in _truth_.--author. [98] executioners, torturers. [99] it is to be noted that, although a year and a half has elapsed since these outrages were committed, the american government, in accordance with its immemorial custom and in spite of our appeals, has so far done absolutely nothing on our behalf.--author. [later on the two travellers received £500.--editor.] [100] the bandit burga. [101] the celebrated zapata. [102] this account cannot be printed.--editor. [103] the first settlers in the igaraparaná. [104] these three monsters are jointly responsible with julio césar arana for the hellish crimes of the putumayo to be described later. alarco is now managing director of this syndicate of crime, and at present is busily engaged in swindling the public.--author. [105] it was in this epoch that cecilio plata and his employees were murdered on the banks of the caquetá for having dared to enter into relations with the indians of that region, who were afterwards enslaved by the criminal syndicate.--author. [106] about this time matías pérez on the river napo was forcibly ejected from his estate, which, with all its appurtenances, passed into the possession of the company. [107] a _hint_ regarding these methods is given subsequently. [108] it is difficult to think that the european directors of the company were really cognisant of the crimes. as to the charge of culpability of negligence, and of their liability to shareholders under company law, these matters are being investigated, both before the courts and by a special commission in the house of commons.--editor. [109] _sábado de gloria_, literally _saturday of glory_, is the day following good friday. [110] from _la sanción_ of iquitos, peru. [111] one _arroba_ is equivalent to 15 kilos or just over 30 lbs. [112] _fabrico_, a period of a little over three months. [113] one centavo is equal to one farthing in english money. [114] robuchon was a french explorer, commissioned in 1904 by the peruvian government to make explorations, maps sketches, &c., and take photographs of the region of the putumayo. he spent about two years there, traversing nearly the whole of the district occupied by the "civilising company," when in 1906 he suddenly disappeared in the vicinity of a point called el retiro. as he is known to have taken several photographs of the horrible crimes committed there, it is thought by many that he was victimised by the employees of arana. considering the character of these miserable criminals and certain other peculiar circumstances that are said to have taken place, it would not be strange if such were really the case.--author. [115] _personal_, a gang of men. [116] _cauchero_, rubber-collector. [117] an error of españa's. _aristides_, not _juan_ rodriguez. [118] we shall see later how the iquitos authorities proceeded in this matter.--author. [119] _tambo_, small, empty hut of thatch. [120] both of these copper-complexioned monsters were formerly barefooted _peons_ of chachapoyas, peru. going to the putumayo, they began their career of butchery, and by dint of continual crime have succeeded in amassing a small fortune. arístides has since retired and now lives in iquitos, a proud member of the _aristocracia_ of that place, but aurelio still continues his sanguinary labours in santa catalina.--author. [121] the chiefs of section call their criminal assistants _secretaries_.--author. [122] it is impossible to print the whole of this description.--editor. [123] although full accounts appeared in _truth_ in 1909, it was not until long afterwards, when the accounts had been confirmed, that the london daily press took the matter up. [124] mr. casement received the honour of knighthood after his return. [125] this has been commented upon in the introduction.--editor. [126] equal to about 105 lbs.--editor. [127] see p. 32. [128] in outlying places in peru and other latin american countries it is extremely difficult to obtain the conviction of or even to sustain a process against wealthy or influential persons, as in small localities the "justices" are completely overawed or influenced by them. there is, moreover, a strong element of police-court methods in latin america such as has been rendered familiar by occurrences in new york.--editor. [129] some further arrests have been made since.--editor. * * * * * typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: peruvian governmant=> peruvian government {pg 41} materon=> materón {pg 105} folis pardalis=> felis pardalis {pg 114 n.} loyaza=> loayza {pg 165 & 166} rubber from matanza=> rubber from matanzas {pg 267} jiminéz=> jiménez {pg 324 & 326} ghiorgo, lieut., 190, 193=> ghiorzo, lieut., 190, 193 {pg 343} +-------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's note: | | | |obvious typographic errors have been corrected. | | | +-------------------------------------------------+ [illustration: yumbo indian. indian of the colorads.] a historical and descriptive narrative of twenty years' residence in south america, _in three volumes_; containing travels in arauco, chile, peru, and colombia; with an account of the revolution, its rise, progress, and results. by w. b. stevenson, formerly private secretary to the president and captain general of quito colonel, and governor of esmeraldas, captain de fragata, and late secretary to the vice admiral of chile,--his excellency the right honourable lord cochrane, &c. vol. ii. london: hurst, robinson, and co. constable & co. and oliver & boyd, edinburgh. mdcccxxv. contents of vol. ii. page chap. i.--farm of vinto, cattle, grain, &c....first wheat in peru...._tapiales_, fences....trees, shrubs, and plants....fruit....animals....birds....fish....appearance of the villages...._balsas_....indian feast....indian burial....paramonga....palace of fortalice 1 chap. ii.--visit to caxatambo....roads....manner of travelling ....village of ocros....cura of ditto....indians....road to chiquian....town of chiquian....crimes....mining laws....method of working the ores....frauds in _plata pina_...._taonas_ and _ingenios_....caxatambo...._repartimientos_....manufactures.... inhabitants....amusements....road from caxatambo, _cuesta_....farm house and family....town of huaras....productions of huailas.... manufactures of ditto....huaras, excellent mercantile situation ....province of conchucos....produce, &c....mines....oca.... medicinal plants....character of inhabitants....procession of st. peter....localities in the province....enter huamalies.... productions...._coca_...._charquis_ cinchona....mines....eagle stones....fruits...._mulitas_ and _quiriquineihos_....character of inhabitants....death of the inca represented....observations 24 chap. iii.--general mode of travelling from lima to the different provinces....british manufactures fit for the last provinces visited....general character of the inhabitants.... animals in the provinces of huailas, caxatambo, conchucos, and huamalies....pagi or puma....ucumari....viscacha....comadreja ....ardillas....gato montes....alco....llama.... paco....huanaco ....vicuna....mulita....birds....condor....vegetable productions ....mineral ditto....antiquities....diseases and remedies.... hydrophobia 75 chap. iv.--travels to the north of lima....village of pativilca ....of huarmey....of casma....cotton mill....santa....river santa....nepena....farm of motocachi....vineyard....port of santa...._tambo de chao_....viru....truxillo....itinerary between lima and truxillo....description of truxillo....building ....inhabitants....climate....commerce....jurisdiction....arms ....plain _de chimu_...._huaca de toledo_....tradition of.... huanchaco port....valleys of chimu, chicama, and viru.... productions....road to caxamarca....contumasa....magdalena....gold mines....view of caxamarca....origin of name of....description of....buildings....inhabitants....arts and manufactures of....visit to san pablo....market of caxamarca....trade of....hot baths....description of 107 chap. v.--historical sketch of caxamarca, huaina capac, huascar inca, and atahualpa....arrival of pizarro at tumpis....at caxamarca....spanish embassy....harangue of soto....answer of atahualpa....visit of atahualpa to pizarro....discourse of friar vicente valverde, to atahualpa....answer of atahualpa.... imprisonment of....offered ransom of....cause of the jealousy of pizarro....arrivals of treasure....accusation, for the trial of atahualpa....sentence, baptism, execution, and burial of ....interesting remains in caxamarca 142 chap. vi.--province of caxamarca....manufactures, mines....village de jesus....hawking....farm of lagunilla....inga tambo....village of san marcos....feast....wedding....village of ichocan....mine of gualgayoc....return to the coast....village of chocope....of san pedro....of las lagunas....of monsefu....town of lambayeque ....inhabitants, buildings, new altar....manufactures, soap, cordovans, cotton goods, sweetmeats....fruits, grain, pulse ....vegetables....market...._algarroba_, carob tree....village of eten....of morrope...._simarones_....desert of sechura....town of sechura....city of piura....inhabitants, buildings....mules ....manufactures....climate....effect on syphilis....commerce.... port of paita....excellent situation for an astronomical observatory 166 chap. vii.--leave lima for guayaquil...._amortajado_....puna ....arrival of the spaniards, and conquest of....village of ....inhabitants....passage up the river guayaquil...._punta de arena_....guayaquil....foundation and description of....buildings ....inhabitants....amusements....market....fruit....climate.... insects and reptiles....dock yard....project of sawing mills.... balsa, description of....navigation of....canoes....merchants of guayaquil 199 chap. viii.--productions of the province of guayaquil....cocoa ....cultivation....harvest....tobacco....timber....salt....cattle ....minor articles of trade...._turbines_ found at santa elena ....large bones, &c....animals, _perico_, _ligero_....monkeys ...._iguanas_....toucanes...._trompeteros_....snakes.... curiquinqui, snake-eater...._huaco_, antidote for the bite of snakes...._lagartos_, alligators, description of....methods of killing....fishermen....mineral productions 227 chap. ix.--journey from guayaquil to quito....babaoyo....road to chimbo...._cuesta de san antonio_....arrival at huaranda.... triumphal arch and harangue....description of huaranda and province of chimbo....chimboraso....accident at la ensillada ....road to san juan...._obrage_ of indians....arrival at riobamba....description of....remains of old riobamba....visit to an old cacique....province of riobamba....road to ambato ....description of....produce....arrival of tacunga....description of....earthquakes at....ruins of callo....provincial produce ....arrival at chisinchi, ensillada, and quito....remarks 257 chap. x.--quito, foundation and situation....plasa mayor.... president's palace, bishop's palace and cathedral....parishes ....convents and public buildings....jesuit's college....convent of san francisco....san diego....santa prisca....santa clara ....university....college of san luis....of san fernando.... houses....government....nobility....population....white creoles....occupation and education....character of....mestisos persons, character, employment....dress of creoles....of mestisos....of indians....diversions, bull-fight and masquerade ....dancing....music....religious procession....market, meat, fruit and vegetables....spirituous liquors....ices, confectionary ....cheese....trade and commerce 279 chap. xi.--visit of the academicians to quito in 1736.... inscription left by....climate of quito....view of mountains at ....description of chimboraso....of cayambe-urcu....of antisana ....of cotopaxi....of pichincha....of el altar....description of the fertility of the valleys....mines....ruins of temples, palaces, and fortified places....account of the indians....of commerce 320 chap. xii.--villa of ibarra, description....villa of otavala, description....lakes san pablo and cuicocha....visit to the river mapo....gold mines on the banks of....indians pay their tribute in gold....bæza, the capital of the district....description of the inhabitants, &c....commissioned by the government to explore a road from the capital to the nearest point of the coast.... maldonado's road....leave quito....cross the skirts of pichincha, arrive at the river piti....description of the country.... description of piti....proceed to esmeraldas....description of the river of jaguar....houses, plantations, cattle....method of distilling rum....food of the inhabitants...._saino_ tatabra, and _aguti_, or huatus....monkey and charapa....method of killing game with the _sorbetana_ and poisoned _pua_ 346 chap. xiii.--continuation of esmeraldas; fish caught in the river...._chautisa_, method of taking....preserving of.... method of catching fish in the river....of cooking it....yucas, camotes, yams....palmettos....tobacco....cocoa....new variety of....occupation of the esmeraldenos....origin of....language ....dress....manners and character of....religion....re-ascend the esmeraldas river, to the embarcadero de maldonado....mouth of the river....city of esmeraldas....road to atacames....port of....town of...._manzanillo_....rio verdo....la tola....country produce, timber, and wood....coutchouc....fruit palms.... animals....mines....conclusion 379 chap. xiv.--visit to cayapas....village....inhabitants....houses and furniture....visit to the malabas, wild indians....arrival at the vijia....interview with the cacique, family of.... tribe of the malabas....tradition of the origin of....dress of....manners ....laws....return to cayapas....visit tumaco....description of ....barbacoas....description of....gold mines....manner of working them....leave the coast, malbucho road....river mira...._puentes de maroma_, and _taravitas_...._piquigua_....arrive at ibarra, and return to rio verde and esmeraldas....ascend the river quinindi....boa constrictors....santo domingo de los colorados ....indians....dress....houses....food cocaniguas....quito 408 chapter i. farm of vinto, cattle, grain, &c....first wheat in peru...._tapiales_, fences....trees, shrubs, and plants....fruit....animal....birds, fish....appearance of the villages...._balsas_....indian feast....indian burial....paramonga....palace or fortalice. on the side of the river opposite to huaito i visited the farm of vinto, which from the purposes to which it is dedicated may be considered as something like an english farm. horned cattle are bred in considerable numbers; the cows rear the calves, and are seldom milked. dr. robertson speaks of a degeneration of animals in america, "in the spanish colonies within the torrid zone, or bordering on it;" but he certainly was misinformed with respect to peru; the cattle is not so large as in lincolnshire, but, taking the average, it is as large as the english, french, and spanish cattle: when fed on lucern the meat is well-flavoured, fat, and juicy, and the bones are very small. at vinto great numbers of pigs are reared, and are said to pay very well. barley is sown at a time which allows it to be in ear in the littering season, when the sows are turned on it, and remain until it is all eaten down: the young pigs are then separated from the old ones, and driven to a field of lucern, where they are kept till they are fit for market; this takes place when they are from ten to sixteen months old, at which age they sell at from six to nine dollars each, if of a good breed for fattening. few sheep are bred on the coast, to which during some months of the year large flocks are driven from the interior, and fattened for the lima market; many of these are ewes in-lamb, particularly those brought down in november and december; and the common bargain between the drover and the farmer is, to give the lambs for the pasturage, by which means the farmer obtains a sufficient number of sheep to supply him with mutton, calculating on receiving a hundred and fifty lambs for every hundred ewes. besides this increase in sheep, which is greater than in england, the ewes bear twice a year in south america--in general the lambing season is in june and december. the breed of horses and mules at vinto was of little extent, but some of the latter were very good; the ordinary ones for carriers would sell for forty-five or fifty dollars each, while the prime mules would fetch a hundred or a hundred and fifty. a considerable quantity of wheat is harvested at vinto, as well as on the neighbouring farms and near the surrounding villages; it is sown and ploughed in, and irrigated three or sometimes four times during its growth; after it is cut, it is thrown into a heap, and the grain trodden out by horses; it is then cleared from the chaff, by throwing it up in the wind, as in chile, and it generally yields from fifty to seventy-fold. the first wheat was carried to lima in the year 1535, by doña maria de escobar, wife of doñ diego de chares; the quantity consisted of but a few grains, which she cultivated herself. in the true spirit of the age and country, she invited all her friends to celebrate the first harvest of new wheat in the new world, not knowing that it had been produced in mexico in 1528, by a negro slave belonging to cortes, who accidentally found a few grains mixed among the rice which was supplied to the army. to commemorate the happy event in lima, doña maria presented to each of her friends a few grains, and it is said that some ears were laid as an offering on the altar of the dominican church. the first wheat at quito was sown near to the franciscan convent, by father jose rixi, who carried his seed thither from europe in a small earthen jar, which yet exists in the convent, and is exhibited to visitors; it is of baked clay, and will hold about a quart. among the relics shown to me, in 1809, i admired none so much as this: a circumstance which rather disconcerted the pious sacristan who shewed them to me. the historian, i should think, must feel greater pleasure in recording the name of the individual who has promoted the welfare and contributed to the comforts of his fellow creatures, than in sounding the trumpet of fame to that of a hero whose glory reposes on the mangled bodies of thousands of his comrades, slaughtered to add a letter to the name of the victor, and not unfrequently to bind the chains of thraldom round the necks of the vanquished. maize, beans of five or six varieties, lentils, garbansos, camotes, yucas, and potatoes are cultivated by the farmer for home consumption, as well as for the lima market; the slaves also grow the same articles, and on a sunday take their produce to the neighbouring villages to sell. the fields on these plantations and farms are generally divided by walls, called _tapiales_: these are formed of large square masses of clay or earth, sometimes mixed with stones, each being about four feet long, two thick, and two broad, and are called _adobones_; the walls are sometimes four and sometimes six feet high, being composed of two or three layers of adobones. they are made by laying a frame of wood on the ground, composed of two sides and one end, the sides being secured at the other by thongs of raw hide; the earth on one side the box or frame is then wetted with water, dug over once or twice, and put into the frame, _adobera_, where it is trodden hard, or beaten with a heavy rammer; more earth is thrown in, and again pressed down, until the frame is quite full, when the top is smoothed over with a wooden trowel and some water. the frame is removed by untying the thongs, which allows the sides of the adobera to open a little, and to separate freely from the adobon, which is smoothed with the trowel or hand with a little water; the frame is now placed with its open end to the adobon which is finished, and another is made and placed adjoining to it by the same process. when a second or third tier is raised, two pieces of plank or scantling are laid on the lower adobon, to support the frame, which is filled as before; the scantlings are then drawn out and the frame removed; the holes are sometimes filled up, and sometimes left open. when stones are mixed with the clay or earth they are usually placed along the sides of the frame, the centre being filled up with earth, to which cut straw is occasionally added, particularly when the soil is rather sandy. these fences are very durable; a ditch is formed on one or both sides, according to the will of the master, and the earth dug out serves to make the wall, and at the same time secures it from being undermined by the water, which would be injurious to the foundation. in those parts of peru where it rains, small bundles of brush wood are put across the top of the tapial, and clay laid on them to prevent the rain from penetrating: if tiles were substituted they would answer much better. i have been rather minute in describing these walls, being convinced that with a few improvements they would be found preferable to some fences used in england; indeed the easy method of building them deserves to be communicated to those who are in the habit of constructing fence walls instead of hedges, a common practice in our hilly countries. as a proof of their duration, many of these clay fences are now standing on the coast of peru, and of those cased with stone in the interior, built more than three centuries ago, by the indians, before the spaniards discovered their country. the trees that afford any timber in this neighbourhood are the molle and espino, or huarango; from the latter excellent charcoal is made, and considerable quantities are carried to lima. senna is found in abundance in the hedges, and willows and poplars become very lofty. the indigo plant grows spontaneously in the fields; i have sometimes observed cochineal on the cactus, cultivated for its fruit, the prickly pear, but of an inferior quality; in the interior it is called _pilcay_, and from some cotton cloth which i have found in the huacas, it is evident that the ancient peruvians were acquainted with its colouring principle, this as well as the indigo being among the fillets taken out of the huacas. they procure the yellow tint at present by steeping the berries of the molle in water, and afterwards a quantity of maize; wool dyed in this water takes a bright and permanent yellow. a tree of the mimosa tribe, called tara, bears a quantity of pods which contain a large portion of tanin; ink is generally made from an infusion of these pods, by adding to it some sulphate of iron. the fragrant floripondio grows in many of the hedges, assisted by the odorous ñorbo, a small species of passion flower, which emits in the evening a most delightful fragrance. the prickly apple, holy thistle, and many other medicinal plants grow wild, with the virtues and applications of which the indians are well acquainted. the maguey is very common; it makes a good hedge, no animal daring to pass it, on account of the large prickles with which the point of each leaf is armed. it may be said, that this is one of the most useful plants at present known. of the flower stalks the indians build their houses, and cover them with its large leaves; the fibrous part may be converted into thread and woven for clothing, while its sharp pointed prickles are a good substitute for needles. before the flower stem makes its appearance, if the heart of the plant be cut out, and a hollow place made in the centre, it will be filled in ten or twelve hours with a thick syrup, which may be used instead of sugar; when this is mixed with water and fermented, it forms the favourite mexican beverage _pulque_; of this juice vinegar may be made, or brandy distilled from it: if the leaves are bruised and pressed, they produce by boiling a balsamic syrup, used to cleanse and cure ulcers; the leaves are also used instead of soap: the clothes are wetted, and then beaten with a leaf which has been crushed; a thick white froth is produced, and after rincing, the clothes are quite clean. the flower buds are very delicate eating when boiled or pickled. of the aloes this is the largest species; here are two varieties, the leaves of the one being of a deep green inclining to black, while those of the other are of a beautiful pale green; the latter is the more useful of the two varieties. a tree called _del jaboncillo_ grows in the hedges; it has the appearance of the laurel, and produces a quantity of round fruit, of the size of small plums; a hard kernel is enclosed in a tough rind, which when ripe contains a pulpy matter; this, on being mixed with water, produces a white froth, and is used instead of soap for washing. in some gardens the _achote_ is cultivated; this tree is seldom above ten feet high, the leaves are heart-shaped, and the seeds are enclosed in a prickly capsule about three inches long; they are covered with an unctuous matter, of a vermilion colour, and are thrown into hot water, and afterwards strained, when the liquor is boiled to the consistency of paste, and forms the annotta dye. the natives often use it as a spice, or as a colouring matter for their food. _mani_ is also cultivated; the plant is very frondiferous, is about two feet high, and has white flowers; but the mani, or nuts, are attached to the roots; they are about the size of horse beans, and when roasted or boiled are delicate eating; they contain a considerable quantity of oil, of a beautiful green colour, which is obtained by pressure; it is equally palatable with the best olive oil. the root is remarkably nutritive, and very agreeable to eat when on a long journey. a tree called _pilco_ grows in the hedge rows; the leaves are lancet formed, and the branches very straight; the fruit is like that of the common laurel. if a person remain but a short time under the shade of this tree when the sun shines, swellings and pustules make their appearance on the face and arms, or any other naked part of the body. the juice is extremely caustic, and ulcerates the skin wherever it touches; on which account it is called in the quichua language _capsicarancha_, the itch tree. when it is necessary to cut down any of these trees, a fire is made at the foot of them, and their offensive property is destroyed. the plant which produces the castor bean, from which the castor oil is obtained, grows wild; the oil is often extracted by the natives, and on some sugar plantations it is used for the purpose of burning in lamps. one variety of this plant produces very large beans, which are called _piñones_: it grows about six feet high; the leaves are somewhat like those of the vine; the beans are enclosed in prickly capsules, each containing two beans, which have a thin black shell, and very white kernel; two or three of these chewed and swallowed prove a violent purgative. the natives extract the oil and apply it to the abdomen in cases of dropsy; they also dilute a small quantity in urine, and pour one or two drops into the ear, in cases of deafness or a pain in the ear. during the damp season, in foggy months, a species of cactus grows on the _lomas_ or sand hills which produces a fruit called _caimito_; this resembles in shape a large cucumber; it is first green, afterwards brown, with yellow stripes, and when ripe it is red. the taste is an agreeable subacid; but after eating the fruit a very disagreeable feeling is left on the lips, which is removed by rubbing them with a piece of the rind. the fruit is remarkably fragrant, and on this account it is frequently kept in the houses. in the garden at huaito there were a few plants of coffee; they were very healthy and bore fruit abundantly. cotton of a good quality grows near the cottages of the indians, who always cultivate a few plants for their own consumption; among these plants i have observed many bearing cotton of a nankeen colour, but of this they seldom make any use. quantities of small lizards are to be seen on every heap of rubbish or stones, particularly when the sun shines, busily employed in catching flies, on which they appear to subsist; i have frequently watched them while seizing their prey. as soon as they observe a fly on the sand they creep out of their holes and make their advance with a slow and almost imperceptible motion; they place themselves in a right line with the object, and then make a dart at it open mouthed, and swallow it in a moment, very rarely missing it. they are often beautifully striped with green, yellow, and brown, and are generally about eight inches long. on some parts of the coast the indians eat them; they cut off the tail and the feet and fry the body, which has then the appearance of a fried smelt. i ate some at san pedro, and believed them to be the peje rey until i was undeceived. the indians consider them as a medicinal food for persons afflicted with cutaneous diseases. the opossum is found in all the valleys of the coast; it is about two feet long including the tail, which is as long as the body; the nose is pointed like that of a hog, and has no hair on it from the eyes to the mouth; the ears are thin, without any hair on them, and stand erect; the feet are also naked and small, and it holds its meat with its fore paws, like a monkey; the body is covered with hair, black at the roots and white at the points, which gives it a shady grey colour; the tail is slender and naked, and by it the animal can hang suspended to the branch of a tree. the female brings forth four or five young ones at a time, not larger than mice when first born, and they immediately betake themselves to the pouch under the belly of their mother. the pouch is formed by a fold of the skin, hairy on the outside and covered with a very soft down or fur on the inside; the nipples are so situated, that the young ones can suck them as they are carried about by their mother; when about the size of full grown mice they leave the pouch by an opening in the centre, and bask in the sun, but if any danger threaten them they immediately take refuge in their natural home. i one day caught an old opossum by the tail, when four of her young ones ran out; i chased and captured two of them; they immediately hid themselves by running up the inside of my coat sleeves; i took them home, reared them, and they became perfectly domesticated, were very tame, and would sleep on the same mat with a dog. they feed on fruit or esculents, will eat flesh, and are particularly fond of eggs. the indians esteem them as food, but i never had an opportunity of eating any. the natives sometimes call the opossum _mochilera_, from _mochila_, a knapsack; the indians call it _mucamuca_. the añas of peru is a species of pole cat, and is nearly the size of a domestic cat; its colour is a deep brown approaching to black, with a line of round white spots extending from the nose to the tail; the head is long, the ears broad and covered with hair, the eyes large with small black pupils, the nose sharp like the opossum; the upper lip is shorter than the lower one, which projects, and the mouth contains twelve incisorial, four canine, and sixteen grinding teeth. the hind legs are longer than the fore, and each foot has five toes, armed with long sharp nails, with which it burrows into the ground, and forms a place of security for its young. when walking it carries its head down, and its tail, which is bushy, is turned on the back like that of a squirrel. under the tail and above the vent is a small vesicle, which contains a remarkably fetid oily liquid. when attacked or in danger this animal elevates its posteriors and forcibly ejects upon its assailant this pestiferous fluid, the loathsome effects of which nothing can exceed. clothes that are in the least sprinkled with it become totally useless, for no washing will take off the stench; in the same manner, it will not leave the body, if any part happen to come in contact with it, until the cuticle or surface skin comes off. if a dog by chance receive any of it on his body he immediately runs to the water, rolls himself in the mud, howls, and appears almost mad, nor will he eat any thing for several days, or until the stench begins to abate--this defence is the only one of which the añas ever avails itself. conscious of his offensive powers, the añas is not alarmed at the approach of either men or dogs; it always passes them fearlessly, indeed both generally make way, lest by opposition they might subject themselves to its nauseous and abominable filth, and become disgusting even to themselves by being wetted with its matter. the skin of the añas has a beautiful long soft fur, and is quite free from any disagreeable smell. the animal feeds on poultry and eggs, and is very annoying, for no one chooses to risk the killing of it: when this is effected, it is generally with a trap, but should it be killed in a village or near a house, the smell is quite a nuisance to the neighbourhood for several days. some few snakes are found in the hedges, but they are quite harmless. the _alacran_, scorpion, is venomous, but not more painful than the sting of a wasp. of the feathered tribe the majestic _condor_ stands most conspicuous, whether on the ground extending its wings, which often measure fourteen feet from tip to tip, or soaring among the clouds, in appearance not larger than a swallow. the flight of this bird is truly majestic; it rises with an almost imperceptible tremulous motion of the wings, and falls to the ground in the same manner; it pounces on its prey, if a lamb or any other small animal, and bears it off in its talons to some neighbouring mountain; if the prey be too large, the condor will feed on it till unable to fly, when it becomes itself the easy prey of the villagers, who run it down and kill it with clubs. the _gallinaso_, or turkey buzzard, as it is sometimes called, from its resemblance to a turkey, is a very useful bird; it is the public scavenger, devours all kinds of carrion, and on this account is seldom or never killed. a few small eagles and hawks are troublesome among the poultry, and destroy great numbers. wild ducks frequent the mouths of the rivers, where we find gulls and other aquatic birds, among which we frequently discover the pelican. the singing birds are the _cilguero_, a kind of linnet; the blackbird, resembling in size and note the english blackbird; the _titupuying_, which is something like the cardinal. a species of wood pigeon is very common, and in allusion to its note is called coo coo lee; it is easily tamed, and will coo at any hour of the night, if a candle be lighted, but never more than three times before it ceases or rests. some of the rivers have plenty of _lisa_, a species of mullet, _peje rey_, and _camarones_; the sea fish on the coast are _corbina_, _chita_, _jureles_, a kind of mackerel, _peje rey_, and _lenguado_, a species of turbot. shell fish is scarce, but small muscles and limpets are generally found. the natives cook and eat a sea weed which grows on the rocks, known by the name of _yuyo de la mar_. on the shore among the sand a small white stone is found, called _piedra del ojo_, or _limpia ojos_; it is about the size of a lentil, and of an opaque white colour; the natives pretend that by putting one of them under the eyelid, it will travel round the eye, and then fall out, bringing with it any extraneous matter that may have been lodged in this delicate organ. the villages along the coast have a very neat appearance; the houses are but one story high, with a capacious corridor in front; some of them are supported by pillars made of sun-dried bricks, some round, others square; while others are composed of bundles of canes lashed together and covered with clay, with arches made of the same materials. the whole front is white-washed, and a comfortable promenade is produced under the grotesque piazzas, a range of seats sometimes extending the length of ten or twelve houses; and here in the cool of a summer evening the villagers sit, or lay their mats on the ground and sleep. in those villages where the population consists of creoles and indians few of the latter build their houses in the busy part of the village; they prefer living on their own small chacras, or the allotments of land which they possess. a low table, a few pots and pans to cook in, and some calabashes to eat and drink out of, compose the furniture of an indian's cottage. mats of _totora_, a long rush which grows in swampy ground, are their seats, of which rushes they sometimes make the walls of their cottages, by tying them up in small bundles, putting these close together, and securing them with canes placed horizontally on each side, and tied together at certain distances. they also form _balsas_ of them; for this purpose, they tie together as many as make the middle of the balsa, about two yards in circumference, which they taper to a point at each end; they then shape it like a crescent by winding round it ropes of the totora. seated on the centre of this original boat, they take their nets and go two or three leagues out to sea, and i never heard of any accident happening to the fishermen. as the person who navigates in this manner must sit astride, the indians often call their balsas _potrillos_, colts; and the appearance of a fleet of them floating on a smooth sea in a calm evening is very beautiful. when dry, the balsa only weighs a few pounds, so that on one mule the fisherman can carry his boat, his net, and even sufficient materials to build his hut: in this manner they range up and down the coast in search of fish, which they often salt and take either to lima or some other market. one kind of net is perfectly round when laid open on the ground; the circumference has several pieces of lead attached to it, and in the centre a rope is tied: when used they collect about half the net on the right arm, throw it into the water, and allow it to sink to the bottom; they then draw the line fastened to the centre, and as the net rises, the leads close by their own weight, and the fish are thus secured. with this umbrella net, as i used to call it, they often catch large quantities of fish in the rivers, lakes, and among the surf on the sea shore--the indians name the net ataraya. when an indian celebrates the feast of some particular saint, he provides a dinner for all who choose to partake of it; mats are laid on the ground, and the cloth along the middle of them; large calabashes of chicha, some holding five or six gallons, are placed on the cloth, with a number of smaller ones, holding about a pint, ranged on each side; the men seat themselves, and the women bring in large dishes of beef, cut into pieces about two inches square, and stewed with lard, a quantity of capsicum, and the juice of sour oranges. spoons are placed on the table, if i may so call it, but the fingers supply the place of forks--knives are very seldom wanted, and small calabashes serve instead of plates: when these dishes are removed the chicha goes merrily round. the second course of dishes is generally filled with fowls stewed with some kind of vegetables, but not picante, seasoned with _agi_, capsicum pods; after this course follows a _pepian_, consisting of turkey stewed with rice flour, water, onions, garlic, cayenne pepper, and lard; sometimes peje reyes, smelts, merely laid for five or six hours in the juice of sour oranges, and green capsicum pods are brought in; and, lastly, the favourite dish of cuyes, guinea pigs, highly seasoned with cayenne pepper. between each course the chicha circulates freely, and the company often rise pretty merry; after which they mount their horses and call for the stirrup cup; the mistress of the feast then goes out with a large pongo, calabash of chicha, and distributes a small one to each of the guests, who frequently joke with her about love affairs; indeed, i have often heard very witty repartees on such occasions. after the men are gone, the women sit down and enjoy their dinner in some other room--not unfrequently in the kitchen; but they abstain almost entirely from the chicha or any other intoxicating liquors. on the death of an indian, his relatives immediately repair to the house, and place themselves round the corpse, which is laid on the ground, and wail over him in a kind of plaintive ditty; they mourn his departure, asking him "why he left them so soon?" with other similar questions, enumerating also all his actions, kindnesses, &c. if the deceased leave a widow, she will sing over him, and recount the tales he told when he courted her, say where they first met, mention other things that would be as well forgotten, and conclude with, "why have you gone and left me? but some other loved you as well as myself, and she has bewitched you to death, she has sucked your blood, and she will now be happy." when this lamentation ceases, a relative will approach the house, and begin the wail again, all the company joining, and repeating theirs; the dirge is continued with little interruption until the corpse is buried. about five miles from patavilca, and a hundred and twenty from lima, is a place called paramonga, or the fortalesa. the ruins of a fortified palace of very great extent are here visible; the walls are of tempered clay, about six feet thick; the principal building stood on an eminence, but the walls were continued to the foot of it, like regular circumvallations; the ascent winded round the hill, like a labyrinth, having many angles, which probably served as outworks to defend the place. it is supposed to have belonged to the chimu or king of mansichi, and was a frontier palace during the time of the incas. the oral tradition of the indians says, that at this place the chimu did homage to pachacutec, the tenth inca. near these ruins is a high rock, which overhangs the sea, called _el serro de la horca_, gallows' hill, because from the top of it all criminals were formerly thrown into the sea. near the fortalesa is a very extensive ruin of a town, and a manufactory of saltpetre is established. the salt is obtained by filling large cisterns with the sand taken from the graves or huacas; water is poured on it, and having filtered through the sand, it is drawn off; this is next evaporated and put into large canoes, in which the salt crystallizes. the nitre is very pure, and is carried to lima and sold at the powder mills. considerable treasure, both in gold and silver ornaments, has been found, when taking the sand out of the huacas; beside which many curiosities in earthenware, porphyry, basalt and other stones, as well as cotton and woollen garments, have been collected. the value of treasure dug up by different individuals in the year 1813 exceeded twenty thousand dollars. chapter ii. visit to caxatambo....roads....manner of travelling....village of ocros....cura of ditto....indian....road to chiquian....town of chiquian....crimes....mining laws....method of working the ores....frauds in _plata piña_...._taonas_ and _ingenios_....caxatambo...._repartimientos_....manufactures.... inhabitants....amusements....road from caxatambo, _cuesta_ ....farm house and family....town of huara....productions of huailas....manufactures of ditto....huaras, excellent mercantile situation....province of conchucos....produce, &c....mines.... oca....medicinal plants....character of inhabitants....procession of st. peter....localities in the province....enter huamalies.... productions...._coca_...._charquis_....cinchona....mines....eagle stones....fruits...._mulitas_ and _quiriquineihos_....character of inhabitants....death of the inca represented....observations. in 1806 i visited caxatambo, the capital of a district, _partido_, bearing the same name. my route was by the _quebrada_, ravine of barranca, which contains two large sugar plantations and several large farms. i rested the first night at cochas, a small village, and was most hospitably treated by don manuel requena, a man who had amassed considerable property by purchasing cattle in the interior and driving it down on the coast to fatten on lucern, for the lima market. the following morning i began to wind up the ravine, which, after traversing the bridge of cords already described, becomes much narrower, sometimes so much so, that the passes are dangerous; a gallery is cut in the rock at one of them a hundred and seventy yards long, but so narrow, that it would be impracticable for two mules to pass each other; nor is it possible to make room in the emergency of meeting a traveller. on one side the mountain is either perpendicular, or it hangs over the heads of those who pass, threatening to fall and crush them; while on the other hand, about four hundred feet below the path, the river foams and roars as it descends towards the coast, having another lofty mountain on the opposite side. what man could travel on a road like this, and not shudder to hear the name of an earthquake mentioned; particularly when he looks on the broken and rugged rocks, and supposes that one of those dreadful convulsions of the earth may have opened the road on which he treads, and that such another shock would bury him in the ruins! our mode of travelling would have been regarded in england as a curiosity; a friend and myself were mounted on two mules, with huge deep saddles covered with red woolly rugs, large wooden box stirrups, broad girths, and straps attached to the saddles both behind and before; these straps passed round the breasts and hams of the mules to prevent the saddles from slipping as we rode up and down the _cuestas_, some of which are exceedingly steep. i had two mules laden with my luggage; on the one was placed my mattress and bedding, put into a large leather case, called an _almaufres_; on the other were two _petacas_, or square trunks, made of untanned bullocks' hides, and curiously wrought with thongs of the same material. my comrade had two mules also laden in a similar manner; for, when travelling in any part of south america that i visited, it is almost always necessary to take a bed, because no inns or houses of accommodation are found on the roads, or even in the towns or cities. our peon or muleteer generally followed the mules, while we proceeded on before; but on approaching a village or hamlet, the peon alighted, and tied the mules together, fastening the halter of one to the tail of another, to prevent them from straggling. about four o'clock in the afternoon we arrived at ocros, a small village, where the indians were all prepared to go to cochas the following day, to repair the bridge. this task is annually imposed on them jointly with those of the neighbouring villages, who pass it toll free, while other passengers pay a real or one-eighth of a dollar: the money is kept to provide food for the indians who assemble to assist in the repairs; they employ a week at the work, although it might be finished in a day; but it is rather a week of feasting than of labour. about thirty mules, all laden with _cabulleria_, as it is called, made from the maguey, were collected in the plasa, or square, and there appeared to be as much bustle as if an army had been removing its camp. my companion was known to the _cura_, rector, to whose house he took me, and we were entertained with his best cheer and most cheerful hospitality. the cura complained bitterly of a want of society in his place of exile, _destierro_, as he called it, and jocosely said, that if the pope himself were cura of ocros, he would wish to have a wife to keep him in good humour: excepting, said he, when a traveller passes this way, i hear no news, and know of nothing that occurs in the world which i have left. i often welcome the arrival of a pedlar, to whom i would not even have spoken at lima, but here he seems to me like something dropt from the clouds, and his words and actions delight me, because they savour of my beloved lima. the village or rather hamlet of ocros is situated on an eminence; the climate is cold, and although but eleven leagues from the coast, it is subject to heavy rains. the inhabitants are for the most part indians, who have some few small flocks of sheep and goats; they labour on the neighbouring farms, and on the whole live miserably. barley, maize, and milk from their goats are their principal food, and a coarse suit of clothes will generally wear out the life of its owner; the contrast between these indians and those on the coast in regard to their manner of living surprised me not a little:--more ragged and dirty in their appearance, their small huts containing but one room having the fire in the middle of it, without any windows, and the absence of every thing that might contribute to their comfort:--indeed their stock of household goods made a most miserable shew. i inquired into the cause of this penury, and was informed by the cura, that their vicinity to the coast allowed them, if they could purchase a mule, to fetch small quantities of brown sugar, _chancaca_, and fruit, and to take them to chiquian and other towns in the interior, to sell, and that they usually spent in eating and drinking the small profits which they derived; they thought, he said, but little of their homes; but left the women to till their plots of ground, to tend their sheep and goats, and to provide for their families. here the quichua language begins to be spoken; the indians use no other among themselves, and many of the women cannot speak a word of spanish. on the following morning, after a very hearty breakfast, we left ocros, with an earnest entreaty to call at the house of the cura, should we ever pass through the village again; but the invitation was almost useless, as there was scarcely a hut, _rancho_, in the village that would have held me and my almaufres. we continued our journey by descending into a deep ravine, where there was no appearance of vegetation, except a few _tunas_ and the _giganton_ rising twelve or fourteen feet high; these, instead of enlightening, gave the scene a more dreary appearance; for these vestiges of vegetation, as they seemed to be, stood on the rocks like way-worn travellers, while their naked trunks craved that moisture from the clouds which they sought for in vain from below. after travelling three dreary leagues, we began to ascend the cuesta of chiquian; at first we perceived the whole extent of the ravine, _quebrada_, but the clouds soon began to roll beneath our feet, and intercept the view of the road we had just travelled over. our ascent was very laborious to the mules, but i alighted twice and led mine; in some places steps were cut in the rock, and hollowed out by the feet of the mules and other cattle that had passed. when we reached the top i expected to have an extensive view of the country, but i was very much mistaken; towards the coast all seemed to be enveloped in a thick mist, and on every other side the mountains rose one above another, or their proximity blocked up the whole view at once. at a distance we could at times see the summit of some mountains belonging to the principal chain of the cordillera, covered with snow, and we appeared as if completely isolated--the bed of clouds behind us looked like the sea, limited only by the horizon, and before us the mountains reared their towering heads, as if to oppose our progress. the top of the mountain was covered with some short grass and moss, with a few horned cattle feeding on it; but after travelling about two leagues we began to descend, and our eyes were once more cheered with the view of some straggling ranchos and patches of cultivated land. at two o'clock we arrived at chiquian, a comfortable looking town, or village, as it would have been called in england. we found here many white families, and some agreeable people; but the whole village was in an uproar, being divided into parties respecting a law suit with the cura; we however went to his house, where we were received with a most hearty welcome. the population of chiquian is composed of white creoles, indians, and mestizos; their principal occupation is farming and grazing; ponchos of wool and cotton are manufactured by the women, some of which are very fine. near to chiquian is a silver mine, formerly worked with tolerable advantage, but at present abandoned. the ore contains iron, arsenic, and sulphur, and is always roasted before it is mixed with the mercury; it was calculated, that if a _caxon_, fifty quintals, of ore produced eight marks of silver, that the proprietor lost nothing; but this calculation is very erroneous, because different ores require different portions of labour, and the loss of mercury is also much greater in some ores than in others; the _paco_, red oxide of silver, pays much better if it yield six marks each _caxon_, than the _bronce_, micaceous pyriferous ores, if they yield ten. some few small veins of ore had produced forty marks; but this may be looked upon generally as a mere temptation to the miner to carry on the work, often to his own ruin. according to the mining laws, the discoverer has one hundred and sixty square yards of surface, and must not extend his works beyond the perpendicular limits of his share; he must first present a sample of ore to the _tribunal de mineria_, and take out a document called _registro_, before he can begin to work; the limits are marked out by the subdelegado, political governor of the district, and the proprietor takes possession by rolling himself on the ground, digging holes, throwing stones, and shouting three times, possession! other persons who solicit as hare petition the tribunal de mineria, and receive a registro of eighty yards only, half the quantity to which the discoverer is entitled. some proprietors pay the labourers, who are indians and mestizos, daily, but others allow them a bonus of twenty-four hours in each week, during which time the ore which they extract belongs to themselves; and purchasers are always ready on the saturday night to buy it of them. in this case a great deal of roguery is generally practised. if the labourers find a rich vein they endeavour to hide it till the friday night and then extract it for themselves; and it is no uncommon thing for this ore to yield twenty or thirty marks to the caxon, when that taken out during the week will not average above eight or ten. the ore is carried to the mouth of the mine in bags made of hide, called _capachos_, on the shoulders of men called _capacheros_; it is there received by the mayor domo, and laid on the ground in a heap; hence it is conveyed on the backs of mules or llamas to the _taona_ or _ingenio_. the first is a mill similar to a bark mill, a stone, like a mill stone, is placed vertically on a wooden axletree, on which it revolves; to the end of this a mule or bullock, or sometimes two, are fastened, and drag the stone round. the stone moves in a groove, into which the ore is thrown; a small stream of water runs along the groove, and washes away many of the impurities, particularly the earth. when the ore is ground sufficiently small it forms a mass with the water, and is taken out of the taona and mixed with a quantity of quicksilver; it is thus allowed to remain a few days, when it is turned over with a spade, and trod on, in order to incorporate the mercury with the mass. this operation is repeated two, three, or more times, till the amalgam is formed; more mercury is added when necessary, which is known by taking a small portion of the mass and washing away the extraneous matter; if the amalgam, _pella_, be hard and granulous, more is added; if not, the whole mass is thrown into a cistern, and a small stream of water allowed to run into it. a man keeps this in motion with a pole till the water has washed away all the earth and other impurities when the amalgam has collected into one mass; it is then put into a strainer of coarse linen or hair, and the superabundant mercury is pressed out; the silver, containing some mercury, is placed in a heated furnace, by which means the remaining quicksilver is evaporated, and the porous ball is called _plata de piña_. before this can be sold it is carried to the _callana_, royal office, where it is melted, the royal fifth paid, and the bar marked with the initials of the treasurer, the date of the year, and the weight. the exportation of plata piña was strictly forbidden by the spanish colonial laws, and some persons who have run the risk of purchasing it have been most miserably deceived; for, on cutting the lumps, they have found adulterated silver in the centre, lead, and even stones, which could not be discovered except by cutting the lumps into pieces. another method of cheating was, by allowing part of the mercury to remain in the mass, which increases its weight, and can only be detected by subjecting it to the heat of a furnace. base metals were sometimes included in the bars which had not the mark of the treasury on them; but by putting these into a proper box containing water, and comparing the quantity of water displaced with the weight of the bar, the trick might easily be discovered. the ingenio differs from the taona only in the operation being performed with the aid of a water-wheel instead of mules or bullocks. some of the taonas are so rudely constructed, that they have two or three stones lashed to the horizontal pole or axletree, and these are dragged round by mules or bullocks, and grind the ore on a stone floor laid below them. some ores require roasting in a furnace before they are crushed; but others are carried from the mine to the mill. the silver is extracted from a few kinds of ore by smelting, which has induced several foreigners to try various experiments, as the saving of labour and other expensive operations would be of serious advantage; but universal failures have been the result; for the ore always came out of the furnaces converted into a hard black ponderous cinder, and was sometimes vitrified. the town of chiquian has a very neat appearance: a large square forms the centre of it, on one side of which there is a well built stone church, and the house of the cura; on another stands the cabildo, and two or three respectable looking houses with stone doorways, large folding doors, white walls, and the roofs tiled--but they are only one story high. the other two sides are filled with houses and shops, and in the centre of the square is a large wooden cross on a stone pedestal. streets lead from the corners of the square, in which there are some neat small houses with pretty gardens. excellent cheese is made on some of the farms in the neighbourhood--not surpassed in richness of flavour by the best parmesan: the butter here is also good, but it is churned from boiled milk, and has a peculiar taste, which, however, is not disagreeable. during my stay, i visited cajatambo, the capital of the district, and the residence of the subdelegado: the town is larger than chiquian; but not so pleasantly situated. the corregidores, as the governors were formerly called, had the privilege of _repartimientos_, or distributions, which was certainly the most oppressive law that was ever enacted. the corregidor, according to this establishment, monopolized the whole trade of the province or district; he had a store of goods and distributed them among the inhabitants, particularly the indians, telling them the price, and when the payment would become due; at which time the debt was exacted with the greatest rigour. it was in vain for any person to resist either to receive the goods, or to pay the value of them. during the repartimientos, that of cajatambo amounted to a hundred and thirty thousand dollars annually; and the _alcavala_, or duty on sales of property, to twelve hundred dollars; but this tax was never paid by the indians, because they were exempted by law. the order for the establishment of repartimientos of goods was obtained in the same manner as ovando obtained his from isabella for that of the indians at hispaniola. the laziness and slothful habits of these unfortunate beings were urged to procure an order or edict, allowing the corregidores to distribute such articles among them as were necessary for their comfort, and oblige them to pay at a reasonable time, leaving to the distributor a necessary profit; but the abuse of this institution became so great as to be almost beyond description. many corregidores, who were not possessed of property to purchase what they wanted of the merchants, would receive on credit their most miserable stock of commodities, and then distribute them to the indians, laying on an enormous profit. gauzes, stained velvets, muslins, unfashionable calicoes, and all the dregs of a draper's store were sent to the houses of the indians, probably in a climate severely cold, where these suffering wretches had not a blanket to cover themselves, nor perhaps a shirt on their backs. spirituous liquors were distributed in the same manner; a jar worth forty dollars would be sent to the house of an indian who had a few mules, horses, or other cattle, which, when the time of payment arrived, were often sold to meet the demand of the governor. i was assured, that a corregidor of huamalies took on credit several large cases of common spectacles, and issued an order in his district, that no indian should present himself before him, in his judicial capacity, without having a pair on his nose; by which means he obliged them to purchase such useless articles, and to advance the sale, whenever a complaint was made, he would summon as many witnesses as he possibly could. a considerable quantity of wool, some of which is of a short staple, but very fine, is carried to lima, where it is principally made up into mattresses: this district sends also large flocks of sheep and some oxen to the lima market. copperas is found in several parts of it, and great quantities of gypsum, yeso, which is carried to different places on the coast, and used in whitewashing the houses. the dress of the inhabitants is similar to the dress of those who reside on the coast; the poncho is seldom or never dispensed with among the men, indeed the cold makes it quite necessary. in caxatambo and chiquian, evening parties are very common; no invitation is necessary except the sound of the guitar, and i have spent many very agreeable hours in listening to the _cachuas_, and _yarabis_--it is delightful to hear both their merry tunes, and their doleful songs. to the former they generally dance, the figure ending with each verse; this dance is somewhat similar to the spanish fandango, or boleras; two persons dance it; and with few variations it consists of tripping backwards and forwards, then forming a semi-circle, the man dancing towards the right, whilst his partner dances in the opposite direction; this is repeated two or three times, and the dance generally concludes with a _sapateo_, beating time to the music with their feet. the dance is something like a minuet, but the movements are quicker. if a couple dance a minuet, they generally receive the noisy applause of the lookers on, and not unfrequently a handful of money is thrown at the feet of the lady by some _enamorado_, when the boys and girls immediately run to pick it up; this creates a bustle, and it is not uncommon for the young lady to be almost unable to extricate herself from the rabble, even with the assistance of her partner. the following was the favourite cachua in cajatambo, introduced, i believe, by an andalusian:- yo tengo una cachucha, en que camino de noche y andando mi cachuchita, parece que ando en coche ah cachuchita mia, &c. yo tengo una cachucha, que compré a mi padre, y él que quiere cachucha, que lo compre a su madre, ah cachuchita mia, &c. the _yarabis_, or _tristes_, as they are sometimes called, are peculiar to the cierra, and except by a mountaineer, _serrano_, i never heard them sung on the coast; they are plaintive ditties, and some of the tunes are peculiarly sweet. the following is a yarabi which i have often heard:- ingrato, cruel, e inhumano tus engaños causaron mi desvia, tu contento te rias, y yo lloro, ah alma mia. busca adonde quisieres placeres y cobra, sin jamas pagar el amor el tiempo vendrá, para que llores con duro dolor. la muerte dará fin a mi pesar tu vivirás con goso, y con risas, pero no, te ha or atormentar mi imagen, mis cenisas. on leaving caxatambo we had to pass over the mountains that border the district to the northward, and owing to the rain that had fallen, the ascent was very slippery. i frequently alighted, but my companions never did; they assured me that the mules were sure-footed, and that i need apprehend no accident. the morning was very cold, and on the tops of the mountains we perceived a considerable quantity of snow. during our ascent we observed the rapid decrease of vegetation; the lofty and luxuriant molles which we saw at the foot became more and more stunted, till they totally disappeared, and in their place some small plants of the cactus tribe were clinging to the rocks: on the summit the small patches of ground were covered with long dry grass, which the natives called _pajon_; the rugged rocks were white with moss, and all appeared dreary and lifeless; not a bird nor any living animal was either seen or heard, and the clouds below hid the surrounding scenery from our view. after travelling about six leagues, including the ascent, we began to descend, when the muleteer observed that we were in the province of huailas. the clouds that rested on our heads threatened rain, so we resolved to pass the night at a farm house about a league from the border. the rain soon began to fall in torrents, and although our mules walked and slipped down the cuesta as fast as we dare venture to allow them, we were completely soaked through with the rain. on our arrival at the farm, about four o'clock in the afternoon, we were welcomed by the owner, who begged of us to ride under the corridor and alight; two young men, his sons, assisted us in dismounting, and three young women, his daughters, helped us to take off our wet ponchos and hats, which they hung upon pegs in the corridor. we entered the house and seated ourselves on the _estrado_, which was covered with very neat home-made carpets, and a row of low stools were placed near the wall; a large brass pan, _brasero_, full of burning wood embers was immediately placed before us by one of the daughters, who received it at the door from a female indian servant. the girls helped us to take off our boots and stockings, and offered us some of their own shoes as slippers; matte was immediately made, and i drank five or six cups, or rather sucked it, not with less pleasure when i observed that my pretty caterer (for very pretty she was) took the first suck at the tube before she handed it to me. my companion preferred a large glass of hot brandy and water, and as he was prepared with a bullock's horn, holding about two quarts of the former liquor, his appetite was soon satisfied. our host entered shortly afterwards, and informed us that he had sent for half a dozen lads and lasses to come and dance and be merry with us. but, said i, it rains, will they come? yes, said he, to be sure they will, and they would come if they lived ten leagues off, whereas they only live at the distance of two:--not across such a road as that which we have just passed, i hope? why, said he, they live in the _quebrada_, ravine, and all our roads are pretty much alike in such weather as this; but the sound of a guitar, and the pleasure they take in dancing with strangers, will bring them away; and surely they will be no worse for being a little wet and drabbled: the boys will bring partners too with them, because they cannot well dance with their sisters--bread and bread has no relish, but bread and cheese make a good meal. all was now in a bustle of preparation: a lamb and several fowls were killed for supper; a large calabash of punch was made, containing about seven or eight gallons; but i being tired with my ride, threw myself down on the carpets to sleep, when panchita, the pretty girl who made the matte, came and placed a pillow under my head and threw a white rug over me, and then removed the embers in the brasero, which she placed near enough to keep me warm. my companion, who was a clergyman, said, he must attend to his _officio divino_ before the company arrived, so he took out his breviarium, and began to work at his trade, whilst i slept. after enjoying my nap for about an hour, i awoke, and found an agreeable repast just ready--a _salona_, mutton slightly salted and smoked, and equal in flavour to venison, had been roasted, an agreeable sauce of the green pods of capsicum, _aji verde_, in vinegar had been prepared, and they were served up with some excellent roasted potatoes; after this, a chip box, holding about two pounds of preserved apricots, and another of quince marmalade, for which delicacies the province of huailas is quite famous, were put on the table. this refreshment was placed before my companion and myself, on a low table, as we sat on the edge of the estrado. while we ate and drank, our host informed us that he was a native of cadiz, but that he had lived in america upwards of twenty years. on his arrival at callao, in the capacity of a sailor, he left his ship, and travelled into the interior in search of a wife with a fortune, for, said he, without such an appendage i could have found many maids willing to become wives at home. i chanced, continued he, on my way to huaras, to call at this house to beg a lodging for the night; the old farmer had a daughter, an only one; i was soon convinced that his coffers were not empty, so i prolonged my visit, made love to his daughter, and married her. she has been dead twelve years, and i find myself happy with my five boys and girls, and they seem to be happy with me; but that will perhaps not last long, they will themselves soon want to marry, and i cannot object to it; their father and mother set them the example, and if i cannot then live with them i can live without them. you, father, addressing himself to the clergyman, would advise me perhaps to retire to a convent, and live a penitential life; but if i have given my flesh to the devil, he shall have my bones too. you tell us, continued he, that only our good works will accompany us to the other world; but i shall also take with me good eating and drinking, and a merry heart; for although you preach to us abstinence and other restrictions, yet you enjoy the good things of this world, and example, you know, is more persuasive than precept. but i am happy to see you, and you are welcome to my rancho, for it reminds me of my own arrival at it. in a short time our merry companions appeared, laughing most heartily as they jumped from the backs of their mules, to see each other bespattered with mud and dripping with rain. three healthy looking lasses, with rosy cheeks, and a stately youth, had braved the wind and rain to join our party, which, with this acquisition, was a very merry one. the young women had on hats and ponchos; but their shoes and stockings were kept dry in the pockets of the young man, who was their brother. in a very short time the guitar was tuned, and we began to dance--our kind host, garcia, being the musician. i took panchita as my partner, which caused a good deal of mirth, because our visitor, eugenio, was passionately fond of her: he watched her steps with the anxious rapture of a lover, and no doubt envied me during the dance; at length, unable to suffer any longer the privation of dancing with her, he rose, made me a low bow, and took my place, to the no small satisfaction of the company, who lavished on him many an andalusian joke. after the first dance one of the sisters rose and relieved panchita, who came and sat down on my knee as i sat on one of the low stools; she very soon went to a table and brought me a glass of punch, which we drank; this appeared too much for poor eugenio, but instead of being offended, as might have happened among civilized people, he retired to a seat, after finishing his dance, and placed his partner on his knee; she soon rose and brought him a glass of punch, which they drank together; and all parties appeared completely happy. we made a most hearty supper of roasted and stewed lamb and fowls, sweetmeats and punch; after which several songs were sung, both cachuas and yarabis, and our host entertained us with some andalusian _chuladas_. day dawned, and found us merry, scarcely able to believe that the night was spent. the morning was very fine, and we expressed a wish to proceed on our way to huaras: but my companion told me, that in all probability our mules were lost; lost, exclaimed i! yes, said he, but they will be found again to-morrow morning, if garcia will then consent to our leaving his house. this was really the case, for the mules were not found--for the best of all possible reasons--they were not sought for; the young men were sent in search of them, and soon returned with the news, that they could not be found. the girls began to console us with many promises of their being discovered during the day, and advised us to take our breakfasts and sleep an hour or two, to which we assented without much reluctance. we spent the day and the following night most agreeably--not without plenty of singing and dancing. i learnt from our host, garcia, that his property consisted of about eighty head of horned cattle, and twelve hundred sheep, besides a small farm, which he shewed us, of which about sixty acres were under the plough, and produced good crops of wheat, maize, barley, and potatoes. purchasers for the cattle came annually from the coast. the surplus of wool, some of which is extremely fine, was generally bought by the owners of manufactories, _obrages_, in the province, at about one dollar the arroba, twenty five pounds; the grain, potatoes, &c. were carried to huaras. on the following morning our mules were found, and we proceeded through a country more beautiful at every step we took, and arrived in the evening at huaras, the capital of the district. this town is pleasantly situated, though rather bleak; the houses have a neat and comfortable appearance, and some of the shops are stored with a considerable quantity of european manufactured goods, such as broad cloth, wide coloured flannels, linens, cottons, silks, hosiery, cutlery, and also home manufactured woollen and cotton cloths. in the square, _plasa_, a small market is held every morning of articles brought from the neighbouring country. the town contains a parish church, which is a neat stone built edifice; a convent of franciscan grey friars, and a hospital, under the care of the bethlemites. the subdelegado resides here; the repartimiento of the corregidor amounted formerly to a hundred and seventy thousand dollars annually, and the alcavala to two thousand three hundred. the population of huaras consists of about seven thousand inhabitants, the greater part of whom are composed of mestisos; the people are rather fond of dress, and evening parties are very common. there is not an inn or public house in the town; but a traveller can be accommodated with lodgings, &c. in almost any house. this district contains many towns and villages; the principal ones are requay, carhuas, yungay, caras, and cotopará. the temperature of the centre and lower part of the district is warm, and extremely agreeable. considerable quantities of sugar are manufactured here; it is of a very superior quality, but the cane, which is of the creole kind, is four years before it is ripe, and the first crop only is destined for the making of sugar; the second serves for the following plantation, and of the excess sweetmeats are made with peaches, pears, quinces, and apricots, many mule loads of which are annually taken to lima. the fruits of temperate climates prosper extremely well in the valleys; but on account of the frosty night winds at certain seasons of the year tropical fruits do not thrive. owing to part of the province being subject to a cold atmosphere, particularly on the east side, which is bounded by the cordillera, and the valleys enjoying a very benign one, crops of wheat and barley, as well as maize, quinua, garbansos, lentils and other pulse, are harvested during every month of the year; it is common on the same day, when travelling, to see wheat put into the ground at one place, and under the sickle at another. in this province a great number of large and small cattle are bred, particularly goats, the skins of which are tanned for cordovans, and the tallow is used in the soap manufactories. the wool of the sheep is made into flannels, serges, and coarse cloths, _bayetones_, at the different manufactories, _obrages_, where coarse cotton cloths, _tocuyos_, are also woven; but the distaff and spindle are generally employed for spinning. the white yard-wide flannel sells at about half a dollar a yard; the blue at three quarters of a dollar, and the tocuyos at different prices, from a quarter to three quarters of a dollar. very neat woollen table covers are manufactured in this province, of different sizes, and various prices; when wove they are white, and they are afterwards ingeniously dyed by first tying small patches with two, three, or more threads; the cloth is then dipped in a cochineal dye; more knots are tied in different parts, and an indigo dye is used; when dry, the knots are all untied, and as the colours could not penetrate where the strings were tied, circles of white, blue, and red, or of other colours, according to the fancy of the dyer, are formed in the different parts of the cloth, and if these are symmetrically placed the shades which they produce are pretty, and the whole effect is very pleasing. formerly several gold and silver mines were wrought in huailas; there are upwards of thirty mills for grinding the ore in different parts of the province, but at present little attention is paid to mining; however, small quantities of gold and silver are extracted. at yurumarca there is a mountain which contains large veins and strata of the loadstone; near to which is a copper mine, now abandoned, because the ore did not produce gold, as was expected, when it was first wrought. large quantities of alum are prepared from a mineral near yurumarca, by the process of solution and evaporation; but it is generally subjected to a second operation of refining at lima. on the whole, the province of huailas is most bountifully supplied with all the necessaries, and many of the luxuries of life; the situation is commanding, and huaras is calculated to become a large mercantile town, the general mart for the provinces of huailas, huamalies alto, huamalies bajo, and conchucos; but for the furtherance of such a project, the port of santa ought to be opened; it is a secure harbour, and is the nearest of any to huaras. after visiting the principal towns in huailas, i went to the province of conchucos, which adjoins it to the northward. this province is more irregular than the former; some of the valleys are very low, and consequently very hot; in these the tropical and equatorial fruits come to perfection, and at huari del rey, the capital, i have seen very fine pine-apples, grown in the province. the valleys are generally small, being merely bottoms of the ravines, _quebradas_, and the soil is produced by the heavy rains which fall on the adjoining mountains: these carry down the decayed animal and vegetable matter, as well as the decombres of the stone of which they are composed, and hence the soil is remarkably productive. some of the villages are situated in very cold climates, being from five to eight thousand feet above the level of the sea; they are generally small miserable places, inhabited chiefly by indians, who cultivate patches of barley and maize, which seen from the valleys appear to hang in the clouds. i have often beheld a man ploughing with a yoke of oxen lent to him by the farmers, where i should have imagined that a goat could scarcely have tripped along in safety. a few small sheep and goats are the only animals which they possess, excepting dogs, of which useless animals, each hut, _rancho_, contains at least half a dozen. many of these indians are employed by the more wealthy inhabitants in manufacturing tocuyos, bayetones, flannels, and coarse cotton stockings. the females generally spin and knit at home, and the men go to the obrages to weave, dye, full, &c. some very fine ponchos are made in conchucos, and sold at the amazing price of a hundred or a hundred and fifty dollars each; others, made of brown wool, are called _bordillos_, and fetch from five to ten dollars each; of the coarse wool and all the refuse _jerga_ is made, which is formed into wrappers for sugar, and common dresses for the slaves and the poorer sort of indians. this province manufactures more of this kind of cloth than any of the neighbouring districts, and some of the inhabitants are wealthy, but the poor indians are truly miserable. some silver mines are wrought in conchucos, but the quantity of silver yielded by the ore being small, the hardness of the ore which renders the breaking of it expensive, and the loss of mercury during the process of amalgamation, contribute to render mining a losing speculation, and the mines are consequently almost abandoned. several attempts have been made to smelt the ores, but without success; could this be accomplished there is no doubt but that mining would become profitable in conchucos, particularly as there is coal in several parts of this and the neighbouring provinces. along the margin of the river miraflores, in conchucos, there are _labadores_, washing places, where gold of the finest quality is found in the sand, and after the rains subside many persons are employed in gathering it; but so little are they acquainted with the extensive and easy method adopted on the coast of choco, that the profit derived from their labour is very small; notwithstanding, if proper means were employed, it is very probable that an abundance might be extracted. in the parish of llamellin is a mine of sulphur, great quantities of which are extracted, and carried to lima, and sold at the powder mills. in the same parish is a spring which falls down the sides of a rock, forming in its course innumerable hard white stalactites, that look like candles hung in the water; the natives call them catachi, and apply them, reduced to powder, in cases of violent hæmorrhage, bloody flux, &c.; they also mix the powder with lard or the fat of the puma, or condor, apply it to fractured bones, and consider the application as useful in promoting the union of the parts. the _oca_ is cultivated in some of the colder parts of this and the neighbouring provinces; this plant is of a moderate size--in appearance somewhat like the acetous trefoil; the roots are yellow, each about five or six inches long and two in circumference; they have many eyes, like the potato, and are seldom straight like the the carrot or radish, but curved in different directions: one plant produces several roots, and they are propagated in the same manner as potatoes. the oca when boiled is much sweeter than the camote or batata of malaga; indeed, it appears to contain more saccharine matter than any root i ever tasted; if eaten raw it is very much like the chesnut, and it may be kept for many months in a dry place. the transplanting of the oca to england, where, i am persuaded, it would prosper, would add another agreeable and useful esculent to our tables. among the plants used medicinally by the natives is the _contrayerba_, which grows in the mountains in cold shady places: the stem is about two feet high, of a purple colour; it is divided by knots like a cane, where the leaves grow opposite to each other; these are three or four inches long, narrow, denticulated, and of a very dark green colour. the flower stalks spring from the same knots, and the flower bears a great resemblance to that of agrimony. it is used, the leaves, flowers, and stem, as a febrifuge, and particularly in the small-pox and measles, to facilitate the eruption; it is also used as a tonic, or stomachic, in cases of habitual indigestions, and also in dysenteries. it is pretended that it will counteract the effects of poison, on which account it has obtained the name which it bears. this plant is quite different to that called contrayerba, which grows in chile, and which i have already described. the natives administer this herb in a simple decoction. the _calaguala_ is another herb which grows in moist swampy places, where the climate is mild. the plant is composed of leaves about ten or twelve inches long, and one broad; it bears no flowers. a decoction of the leaves is considered as an excellent dissolvent of the coagulated blood in severe contusions; it is believed to be efficacious in affections of the viscera, when ulceration has taken place, by evacuating the purulent matter; it is also given in the falling sickness. there are two varieties of this plant: the leaves of the one are green; this is considered inefficacious, and is called the female; the other bears leaves of a brown colour, is called the male plant, and is the one used. another medicinal herb, which is found in this and the neighbouring provinces, is the _quinchimali_; it grows in temperate parts, and resembles the herb of the same name which grows in chile. a decoction of it is drunk in cases of severe contusion, if it be suspected that coagulated blood, or lymph, be lodged in the intestines, and in gonorrheas it is used to promote the discharge, and prevent strictures. the inhabitants of conchucos are said to be less civilized than those of the neighbouring districts; there is some reason for this assertion; they are indeed more uncouth and less kind in their manners. there appears to be a certain degree of licentious independence in their behaviour, and more robberies and murders are committed here than in any other part of south america: however, a stranger is generally treated with respect. when at corongos, which is certainly the most disagreeable town i ever entered, i went to purchase some snuff--the shopman was asleep, and i awoke him, at which he became so enraged, that he jumped from his chair and struck at me; i ran into the street, and the man followed me, swearing most lustily, and threatening to strike me; but a person who was passing stepped in between us, pushed back the shopman, and clapping his breast with his hand, he said, with me, with me, that gentleman is a stranger, _con migo, con migo, el señor es forastero_. finding myself thus unexpectedly relieved, i left my champion to settle matters as well as he could, and hastened to the house of the parish priest, _cura_, where i, as usual, had taken up my temporary residence. in a few minutes my friend, though entirely unknown to me, made his appearance, and inquired what quantity of snuff i wanted; on being informed, he immediately went to fetch it, and would not admit of any return for his kindness and trouble, except my thanks. during my stay at corongos, the cura related to me several anecdotes concerning his parishioners, one of which was the following. the titular saint of the town is saint peter, and on the day of his festival an image of a natural size is carried in procession through the principal streets; when, on his return to the church, he arrives at the corner of the plasa, the inhabitants of the upper and lower part of the town place themselves in two rows, having large heaps of stones at their feet, and not unfrequently the boys and women stand behind them with a supply in baskets. the carriers of the image rest here for a few minutes, and then run towards the church in a sort of gallopping procession; but the moment that the saint enters the plasa, he is assailed by volleys of stones from each side, and pursued to the church door. if the saint enter the church with his head on his shoulders, it augurs a bad year, failure of the harvest, death of cattle, and other calamities; but if the contrary happen, which is generally the case, the augury is quite changed; and if the fishes be knocked out of his hand likewise, every good thing is expected in abundance during the year. after the decapitation, a scuffle ensues for the possession of the head, between the inhabitants of the two _barrios_, or wards of the town, in which many bones are broken, and generally two or three lives are lost. the victors carry off the head in triumph, and, like that of a malefactor, place it on the top of a high pole, and pretend that it averts all damage that might be done to them by lightning, while the other half of the town, they say, receives no benefit. the cura told me that his predecessor had endeavoured to do away with this irreligious practice, and wrote to a friend at lima, to charge the sculptor not to finish the new head for saint peter, hoping that if one year passed without such impiety, the practice would be relinquished; but, to his great surprise, on the 30th of june, the indians informed him, that the procession would take place in the evening, for which purpose they had dressed an image of the virgin mary in the garments of saint peter, and that she looked very much like the saint, but rather younger, as she had no beard. the procession took place; but, to the disappointment of the inhabitants, the female apostle entered the church with her head on her shoulders, and from that time she was called our lady of the miracle. in the year 1817, two englishmen, sent from pasco by mr. trevethick, who afterwards followed with the intention of working some of the silver mines in conchucos, were murdered by their guides at a place called _palo seco_. this horrid act was perpetrated by crushing their heads with two large stones, as they lay asleep on the ground; the murderers were men who had come with them from pasco. it is a well known fact, that many young conchucanos go to lima, and enlist in the army, for the purpose of obtaining possession of a musket, and then desert with it on the first opportunity that offers; indeed there is scarcely a white family in the province that is not possessed of one or more of these muskets. i have observed, that those persons who are employed in the mines in south america are generally the most vile characters; they become inured to every kind of vice, and as they form a kind of body, or rather banditti, they almost defy the arm of justice, and deny the power of the law. this may in some measure account for the character of the conchucanos; many mines were formerly wrought by them, but since the discovery of pasco and gualgayoc, which produced more ore, and of a very superior quality, the miners of conchucos have resorted to them, abandoning their own less profitable ones; but they have, unfortunately, left the seeds of their evil actions behind them, and their example is too frequently followed. the province of conchucos might be one of the most agreeable in peru, if the inhabitants were but more kind to each other, and more happy among themselves. the various climates, assisted by the various localities of the soil, would produce all the necessaries and all the luxuries of life; for in the small compass of fifty leagues, a traveller experiences the almost unbearable heat of the torrid zone, the mild climates of the temperate, and the freezing cold of the polar regions. to the eastward of conchucos lies the district of huamalies: it is a very extensive valley, generally very narrow at the bottom, where a river runs, which takes its origin at the lake of lauricocha, in the province of tarma, and is called the marañon, as it is considered the stream most distant from the mouth of the great river marañon, or amazons. the temperature of this province is very irregular; to the south it is cold, as well as on each side, according to the local height of the different places, but to the northward, particularly in the parish of huacaibamba, it is extremely hot during the whole year; and the people are here of a much darker colour, and are often called zambos. huamalies produces wheat, barley, maize, and the different vegetables, fruits, and pulse of the neighbouring provinces. near to huacaibamba some _coca_ is cultivated. this is a small tree, with pale bright green leaves, somewhat resembling in shape those of the orange tree. the leaves are picked from the trees, three or four times a year, and carefully dried in the shade; they are then packed in small baskets. the natives, in several parts of peru, chew these leaves, particularly in the mining districts, when at work in the mines or travelling; and such is the sustenance that they derive from them, that they frequently take no food for four or five days, although they are constantly working; i have often been assured by them, that whilst they have a good supply of coca they feel neither hunger, thirst, nor fatigue, and that, without impairing their health, they can remain eight or ten days and nights without sleep. the leaves are almost insipid; but when a small quantity of lime is mixed with them they have a very agreeable sweet taste. the natives put a few of the leaves in their mouths, and when they become moist, they add a little lime or ashes of the molle to them, by means of a small stick, taking care not to touch the lips or the teeth; when the taste of the coca diminishes, a small quantity of lime or ashes is added, until the taste disappears, and then the leaves are replaced with fresh ones. they generally carry with them a small leather pouch containing coca, and a small calabash holding lime or ashes; and one of these men will undertake to convey letters to lima, a distance of upwards of a hundred leagues, without any other provision. on such occasions they are called _chasquis_, or _chasqueros_, and this epithet is also given to the different conductors of the mails. the incas had men stationed on all the principal roads for the transmission of any article belonging to the inca, who, according to the quality of the road, had to carry it to different distances, some one league, others two, and others three. these men were continually employed, and when one of them arrived, he delivered to the one in waiting whatever he was charged with, and gave him the watchword, chasqui; this man ran immediately to the next post, delivered his charge, and repeated chasqui; and then remained to rest until the arrival of another. by these means the court of the incas was supplied with fresh fish from the sea near pachacamac, probably from the bay of chilca, where a village of indians employ themselves at present in fishing: it is the place to which pizarro was directed by the indians when in search of a good harbour, before that of callao was discovered. the distance from this part of the coast to cusco is more than a hundred leagues, yet so vigilant and active were the indians, that garcilaco affirms, that the fish often arrived at cusco alive. the communication between the most distant parts of the empire and the capital was maintained, and it is asserted, that by the chasqui news could be conveyed from quito to cusco, a distance of six hundred leagues, in six days; while in their route they had to cross several parts of the cordillera, and many rapid rivers. this, i think, proves a policy in the ancient government of peru, which does not well accord with the epithet of barbarians. large quantities of bark are brought from the woods to the eastward of huamalies, and is known by the name of the arancay bark. it is considered equal in quality with that called calisaya, from the woods to the eastward of la pas. it is much to be lamented, that the destruction of this invaluable vegetable is making great progress, wherever it has been found; the indians discover from the eminences where a cluster of the trees grow in the woods, for they are easily discernible by the rose-coloured tinge of their leaves, which appear at a distance like bunches of flowers amid the deep green foliage of other trees. they then hunt for the spot, and having found it out, cut down all the trees, and take the bark from the branches. if the roots sprout again, as they generally do, no trees of any large size grow up, for they are either smothered by the lofty trees which surround them, or else they are choaked by other young trees, which spring up near to them, and are of quicker growth. if the government of america do not attend to the preservation of the quina, either by prohibiting the felling of the trees, or obliging the territorial magistrates to enforce the cutters to guard them from destruction, before a sufficient population will allow of those tracts of woodland becoming personal property, this highly esteemed production of the new world will be swept from the country. after the indians have stripped off the bark, they carry it in bundles out of the wood for the purpose of drying it. there is undoubtedly a great loss of the medicinal matter of the cinchona or quina, for all the bark of the trunks and of the smaller branches is left to decay in the woods; whereas, if an extract, or the quinine, were made from them on the spot, these drugs would become incomparably more cheap in the european markets; besides which, the consumption of the trees would be retarded in the same ratio, and the useful portion which is now lost according to the present system would be preserved. in a mountain in this province, called chonta, several veins of cinnabar were discovered, and the hope of extracting considerable quantities of quicksilver from them elated the inhabitants for some time: the working of the mine, however, has been discontinued, but for what reasons i could never learn; the specimens of ore which i saw were certainly very rich. several silver mines are wrought in this district, and at certain periods of the year many of the inhabitants attend the _lavaderos_, and collect the gold. near the settlement of llacta is a bed of stones, called _piedras del aguila_, eagle stones. the natives pretend, that one is always found in the nest of an eagle, for the purpose of causing the female to lay, and that during the time of ovation they become heated, and retain the heat longer than the egg does, so that when the bird leaves the nest in quest of food, the warmth which is retained by the stone is communicated to the eggs, and prevents them from becoming addled, and that the first trial of the strength of the talons of the young birds is exercised in endeavouring to carry the stone. whether this fiction had its origin among the indians or not i never could learn; however, some ancient naturalists have related the same tale respecting other ætites. these stones are found loose, as if thrown into a heap; they are of a ferruginous nature, composed of black and reddish lamina, and are all of them dodecaedrons, although of different sizes; some weighing only a few ounces, and others from two to three pounds each. the woods to the north abound in excellent timber: there are cedars, a kind of mahogany, laurel, and a wood called _nasareno_; it is very hard, and of a beautiful bright purple colour, with numerous veins of different shades. the wild indians bring from the woods many delicious fruits, pine-apples, plantains, bananas, _nisperos_, mamays, guavas, &c. as well as sweet potatoes, _camotes_, cabbage palm, _palmitos_, and yucas. a great difference may be observed in the character and manners of the inhabitants of huamalies; those who border on conchucos partake of the unruly disposition of their neighbours; but the more we advance to the northward, the milder and more kind we find the inhabitants; in the warm climates they are remarkably attached to festive sports and rural amusements. they were so much delighted with some country dances which i taught them, that the sun often peeped over the cordillera and convinced some of us that it was time to go to rest, while others were apprized that it was time to go to their work. a disease very prevalent in this province is the _coto_, bronchocele, which greatly disfigures some of the pretty females, and for which they possess no antidote. the subdelegado told me, that during the stay of a detachment of troops destined to maynas, one of the natives, who had a very large coto, offended a drummer, who drew his sword and gave the man a severe cut across the neck; it happened that he recovered, when he applied to the commanding officer for some remuneration for his loss of wages during the time that he was unable to work; the drummer was called, and observing that the man was freed from the swelling on his throat, very wittily remarked, that he was willing to pay him for his loss of time, if he would pay him for performing an operation which had relieved him from a disease, that would otherwise have accompanied him to his grave. while in huamalies i was twice entertained with the representation of the death of the inca. the plasa or square had a kind of arch erected at each corner, adorned with plate, flowers, ribbons, flags made of handkerchiefs, and whatever could be collected to ornament them; under one of these sat a young indian, with a crown on his head, a robe, and other emblems of monarchy; he was surrounded by his coyas or princesses, who sang to him in the quichua language. presently several indians came running from the opposite corner of the plasa, and after prostrating themselves, informed the inca of the arrival of the viracochas, white men, or children of the sun. at this time drums and trumpets were heard, and pizarro, with about a dozen indians, dressed as soldiers, made his entry on horseback, and alighted at the arch opposite to that of the inca. an ambassador was now sent to the inca by pizarro, requesting an interview, and the prince immediately prepared to visit him. a kind of litter was brought, which he entered, and, surrounded by a number of indians and his coyas, he was carried to where pizarro stood, and waited for him. pizarro first addressed the inca, promising him the protection of the king, his master; the answer was, the acceptance of the promise. pizarro then told him, that he must become a christian, but to this he objected, when he was immediately seized by the soldiers, and carried to another corner of the plasa; pizarro followed him, and ordered him to deliver up all his treasures; he now took from him his crown, sceptre, and robes, and then ordered him to be beheaded. the inca was dragged to the centre of the plasa, and laid on the ground, which one of the soldiers struck with an axe, and a piece of red cloth was thrown over the head of the inca; the spaniards then departed, and the indians began to wail and lament the death of their king. although this representation was destitute of what may be called theatrical beauty or elegance, yet the plaintive ditties, _yarabis_, sung by the coyas, particularly after the death of their beloved inca, were, to a feeling mind, superior to the sweetest warblings of an italian _cantatrice_. the surrounding scenery, the view of the cordilleras, the native dresses, the natives themselves, and the very earth which the inca had trod on, all seemed to combine to hush the whisper of criticism, and were well calculated to rouse sympathy and compassion from their slumbers--for however they might be opiated with misrepresentations, or encumbered with fiction, they were not bolstered up with flattery or hypocrisy. after three centuries have elapsed, the memory of the ancient monarchs of this country is kept alive by the annual representations of the cruel and unmerited death of the last of the race; and i flatter myself that those who are the most prejudiced in favour of the blessings that civilization has produced since the discovery and conquest of this country, and its ill fated aborigines, by a christian prince, must still confess, that the preachers of the gospel of jesus christ have sold to them the title of christianity at too usurious a price; they have been taught religion by precept, and vice by example; promised liberty in theory, and received slavery in reality; protection, prosperity, and tranquillity were pictured to them in gaudy colours by their crafty invaders; but persecution and degradation have been the reward of their unsuspecting confidence, and they have only found tranquillity in the grave. the enormities committed by the first spaniards who arrived in america were certainly unauthorized by the spanish monarchs, they were the effects of their own lust for riches. isabella and her successors have been actuated by a zeal for the propagation of the christian faith, and the most earnest charges respecting religious instruction and mild treatment to these their inoffensive subjects have been given to all persons in authority in the new world, and the same mild spirit breathes out in almost every page of the _recopilacion de leyes de indias_. not only the civil magistrate and the military governor were charged with the protection of the indians, but the bishops and other ecclesiastics; these injunctions are set forth in the tenth book of the _recopilacion_, which points out the duty of these individuals, as guardians of the indians, commanding them to defend their persons and property against any oppression or usurpation. the bishops and other ecclesiastics are by the same _recopilacion_ empowered to inform and admonish the civil magistrates, in cases of oppression, and some of them have refused absolution to those spaniards whom they knew to have treated the indians as slaves. the avarice of individuals placed at a great distance from the personal control of their masters is however too violent to be restrained by laws and enactments; and many of the governors sent to the new world were as mercenary and rapacious as their countrymen over whom they presided; the lot of the oppressed was never regarded, if put in competition with their own private views, which led only to the amassing of riches, and of afterwards returning to old spain loaded with the gold of america: this they often effected at the expence of incurring, as they richly deserved, the curses of the americans. chapter iii. general mode of travelling from lima to the different provinces.... british manufactures fit for the last provinces visited....general character of the inhabitants....animals in the provinces of huailas, caxatambo, conchucos, and huamalies....pagi or puma....ucumari.... viscacha....comadreja....ardillas....gato montes....alco....llama ....paco....huanaco....vicuña....mulita....birds....condor.... vegetable productions....mineral ditto....antiquities....diseases and remedies....hydrophobia. during my stay in huamalies, the news of the invasion of the province of la plata, by the english, arrived; this induced me to return to lima, instead of travelling through the country to the northward, because i knew that in the capital i should be less suspected by the government, than by the petty governors and magistrates in the inland towns. before i quit the subject of the foregoing chapter i shall however make a few general observations. the total absence of inns, or any similar establishment on the roads, or in the towns and villages, would present to an english traveller an almost insurmountable obstacle; and as this country is now (1824) likely to be frequented by many of my countrymen, i think it will not be uninteresting to those who may stand in need of some information, nor unentertaining to the public at large, if i give a concise description of the general mode of travelling in peru. if a resident in lima wish to go to any considerable distance from the capital, the best plan he can pursue is to inquire at the tambos for _requas_, mules, which are from the country he intends to visit, and agree with the muleteers or carriers for the number of mules he may want. with an eye to comfort, the traveller must provide himself with a mattress, bedding, and an almaufres, leather bag, already described, sufficiently large to hold, besides the bed, his wearing apparel, because the cargo would be otherwise too light. i always formed another load with a trunk, containing linen, books, and writing materials; also a canteen, holding two or three small pans, oil, vinegar, salt, spices, sugar, coffee, tea, knives and forks, spoons, &c., and thus equipped, having a good poncho, saddle, _al uso del pais_, bridle and spurs, a traveller has little to apprehend from the want of inns. the plan i usually followed was, to go to one of the principal houses in the town or village, and to ask if i could remain there during my stay in that place; this request was never denied me, and nine times out of ten i have had nothing to pay, with the addition, perhaps, of letters of recommendation, or kind messages, to persons residing in the town or village to which i was going. if it happened to be from one cura to another, i was not the less pleased, because their society in such places is generally the best, and their fare is certainly not the worst. it is much to be feared, that the political changes likely to take place in south america will be inimical to the general feeling of hospitality in the inhabitants; civilization will teach them refinements superior to such barbarous practices. the locality of huaras, as i have already observed, is admirably well calculated for mercantile speculations: this town might constitute the general mart for the sale of european manufactured goods, as well as for the purchase of the produce of the provinces of huailas, caxatambo, conchucos, huamalies, patas, and part of huamachucos. among european saleable manufactures may be counted broad cloths, coarse woollen cloths, both single and double widths; linens, such as common irish, or imitation of german platillas and sheeting; fine duck for trowsers, and some lawn resembling french linen, _estopillas_; narrow ribbons from half an inch to an inch broad; some silks and velvets; cottons of all descriptions, both white and coloured, particularly if an imitation of the tocuyos were sent; these are yard-wide unbleached cottons, having the thread more twisted than is generally practised, and velveteens, plain and corded; broad flannels, green, red yellow and brown; hosiery, both cotton and woollen; cutlery, bone-hafted knives with points are in considerable use, and large common scissors for sheep-shearing, as the natives are unacquainted with the kind of shears used in england; hardware, such as pots and pans; these last ought not to be flat-bottomed, but deeper in the middle than along the sides, with two small rings instead of a handle; braseros from eight to twenty-four inches diameter, and from three to five inches deep, according to the size, with three feet, and two large rings to carry them with; those used in the country, and their use is universal, are of copper, principally manufactured at lambayeque, but they are very clumsily wrought, and sell very high; substitutes of iron and brass would find an extensive sale; but they ought to be as light as is possible; copper and bell-metal pans, holding from two to thirty gallons each, are articles in great demand; chocolate pots of brass, copper, or iron, holding from one to three quarts, would also find an extensive sale; paper of a quality similar to the spanish paper has a considerable consumption, as it is used for making segars; but wove paper is always rejected, because its softness induces the natives to suppose that it is made of cotton, the smoke of which they consider injurious. the produce of these provinces is, for the lima market, cattle, sugar, _bayetones_, _tocuyos_, coarse stockings, ponchos, bordillos, jerga, sweetmeats, tobacco, some timber for particular uses, cheese, which is of an excellent quality, butter, and other minor articles; for exportation, bark (cinchona) of arancay, wool, hides, and the precious metals. the inhabitants of these provinces are industrious, and generally speaking kind and hospitable; among the indians poverty is very visible, and the shyness which they show to white people who arrive at their huts, _ranchos_, may be attributed to several causes--the universal oppression which they experience from the whites--their abject state in society--their incapacity of affording any accommodation to travellers--and their ignorance of the spanish language:--all these contribute in some degree to render the accusation of invincible stupidity, as ulloa says, apparently true; but if an indian is in what may be termed easy circumstances, though, alas! this very rarely occurs, he is equally kind, generous, and hospitable with the creoles or spaniards. among the animals indigenous to the new world, the lion, so called by the spaniards, by the peruvians _pagi_, and by some others the _puma_, is found in the mountainous parts of the aforementioned provinces. i have already, when speaking of the province of conception, given a description of this animal, together with the depredations it commits, and the manner of killing it. the habits of the puma in peru are similar to those of the same animal in chile; any further description therefore becomes unnecessary. the name of puma was given by the ancient peruvians to some of their most illustrious families, whose descendants are still called caciques; it seems as if there were two orders of distinction among them, bearing the titles of the particular attributes of the puma and the condor. of these families the unfortunate puma-cagua, or lord of the brave lion, was a cacique; colqui-puma, lord of the silver lion, is another; of the condor here are the families of apu-cuntur, the great condor, cuntur-pusac, of eight condors, and condor-canqui, condor by excellency, or master of the order; this last family resides in the province of caxatambo. the _oso_, or _ucumari_, so called by the indians, is a black bear, which frequents the mountainous parts of these districts. i never saw but one domesticated; it stood two feet five inches high, and was four feet nine inches long, the forehead flat, muzzle yellowish, two fawn coloured spots above the eyes, and a larger one on the breast; the fur black, long, and smooth; the small teeth placed behind the canine teeth. the indians are more afraid of this animal than they are of the puma, and relate many extraordinary tales about its ferocity; however i never knew an individual who had ever seen it attack a human being, nor could i obtain any correct account of a person being attacked by it. the natives hunt the ucumari with the same dogs with which they chase the puma, and the stuffed skins of these animals often adorn the corridors of the farm houses; the indians eat the flesh of the puma--that of the bear i have tasted, and found it very delicate. the bear usually feeds on wild fruits and roots, and is destructive to the crops of potatoes and maize. it seldom leaves the mountainous parts of the country, and when chased will roll itself down the sides of the steepest mountains to elude its pursuers. the _viscacha_ inhabits the higher ranges of the mountains, and feeds principally on the moss which is nearest to perpetual snow: it is easily domesticated, and the heat of the valleys does not seem prejudicial to its health. this animal very much resembles a hare in its shape, but it has a bushy tail as long as that of a cat; the body is covered with very soft hair of a white and ash colour, which is as soft as silk; it was formerly spun by the indians, and made into cloth for the use of the incas: thus it was the royal ermine of peru. the flesh of the animal is very savoury, and is considered a great delicacy. the _comadreja_, weasel, is found in different parts of these provinces; it is about nine inches long, not including the tail, which is long and well covered with hair; the body is round and very slender, covered with short softish fur, of a pale yellow colour, except under the throat and on the breast, where it is white; its legs are short and thick, and its toes armed with sharp claws. this animal is remarkably active, runs very fast, and seems almost to fly when it jumps; it is very destructive to poultry, which it kills, and sucks the blood; it is also a constant customer for eggs. when the natives kill one, which but seldom happens, they preserve the skin whole, and use it for a purse. the _ardillas_, red squirrels, have a red stripe along the back; their sides are grey, inclining to white near the belly, which is itself beautifully white. this species is often found in the colder regions of these provinces: it feeds on the seeds, and sometimes on the buds of the molle and espino, called here _huarango_; it forms its habitation in a hole among the rocks, which it furnishes with leaves, moss, and wool. the grey squirrel is larger than the red; some of this species are almost black, which the natives fancy are young ones, calling the lighter coloured _canosos_, grey haired. these generally choose the valleys or warm climates, and make their nests in hollow trees; they are very destructive to _mani_, or ground nuts, plunder the plantations and gardens of them, and carry their booty to their nests. they sometimes go in bodies on marauding excursions, and if a river oppose their progress, they embark on pieces of wood or the bark of trees, and cross it. i have been assured at pichiusa, that if the current drifts them down the river, they will dip their tails in the water, so as to form a rudder, and thus steer their fragile flotillas to the opposite shore. the mountain cat, _gato montes_, is found in the province of huamalies, in the woods bordering on the marañon; it is about three and a half feet long, the skin is of a dirty yellow colour, with black spots and stripes; the male has a black stripe running from between the ears along the back. this small tiger is extremely beautiful, but it is very savage; however it never attacks a man, and seldom molests the horses or horned cattle; but it sometimes leaves the woods, and visits the farms on the mountains in search of sheep and goats. the opossum, called by the natives _muca muca_, and a species of armadillo, called _mulita_, from the length of its ears, are found in the valleys; also a field rat of a dark brown colour, having the tail rather club-shaped and somewhat flattened: the flesh is considered very delicate eating. the _alco_ is the constant companion of the indians: it is a dog of a middling stature, of a black colour, the body covered with woolly hair, except on the breast and tail, where it is stiff and straight. they bark on the approach of any noise, and will defend their charge, whether it be the horse or cattle, against men or beasts of prey. two kinds of these dogs are known here, the one just mentioned, and another smaller one, about the size of a lap dog, which the indians frequently carry. they seldom or never bark, which circumstance perhaps gave rise to the origin of the assertion, that "the dogs of south america do not bark." the large alco is called _thegua_ in chile, and the small one _kiltho_. among the indigenous quadrupeds of peru, the species of camel, by the spaniards called _carneros de la tierra_, demand the attention of a traveller. these animals in many respects resemble the camel of the old continent, but differ from them materially in others. they are less in size, but of a more elegant form; they have a small head without horns, but a large tuft of hair adorns the forehead; a very long, slender neck, well proportioned ears, large round full black eyes, a short muzzle, the upper lip more or less cleft; the body is handsomely turned, the legs long and rather slender, the feet bipartite; the covering of the body is a mixture of hair and wool, in different proportions, according to the kind of animals. the lower jaw of each is furnished with six incisors, two canine teeth and several grinders; the upper jaw with grinders only. under the skin the body is covered with fat, somewhat like the hog and the polar animals, intended by nature to preserve a necessary degree of warmth, because these animals inhabit the cold regions of the cordillera. they are all ruminating, and have four ventricles; the second, which is composed of two, contains a number of cavities calculated for a deposit of water. the animals are retromingents; the time of gestation is about twenty-two weeks, and the female seldom brings forth more than one, which she suckles, having two teats and an abundance of milk. they have a callous covering on the breast or sternum, on which they fall, when reclining, either to sleep or to receive a burden; this substance appears to be destined to defend the part against any injurious contusion among the rocks; when sleeping they have their legs completely folded under the belly, and they rest on the breast. their only means of defence is an ejection of viscous matter from the mouth, which some persons pretend acts as a caustic, producing small pimples, and a species of psora, but this is false. the varieties are the llama, paco, or alpaca, guanaco, and vicuña, or vicugna. the size of a full-grown llama is as follows:- ft. in. height from the bottom of the foot to top of the shoulders 5 5 from the first vertebre in the neck to the point of the os sacro 6 5 from the point of the upper lip to that of the cranium 1 1 from the first vertebre of the neck to the last 2 5 height from the base of the foot to the spine of the os sacro 3 6 length of the callosity on the sternum 0 7 breadth of ditto 0 1 thickness of ditto 0 0½ length of the penis 1 3 the llama is by far the handsomest and most majestic animal of the four; in its portly appearance it is somewhat like a stag, but the gracefulness of its swan-like neck, its small head, and mild countenance add much to its beauty. the colour of the llama is generally a pale bright brown, but some are nearly white, others black, and others mottled. the wool is coarse, but very abundant on the body, and precludes the necessity of using pack-saddles. nothing can exceed the beauty of a drove of these animals, as they march along with their cargoes on their backs, each being about a hundred pounds weight, following each other in the most orderly manner, equal to a file of soldiers, headed by one with a tastefully ornamented halter on his head, covered with small hawks' bells, and a small streamer on his head: thus they cross the snow-covered tops of the cordillera, or defile along the sides of the mountains. this sight is peculiarly interesting to a stranger, and has in it what may be justly considered as something characteristic of the country, where the mountainous tracts are ill calculated for the service of horses or even mules. indeed, the animal itself seems to partake of the docility of its driver; it needs no whip nor spur to urge it onward; but calmly paces on to its destination. its only means of defence, as before mentioned, is to spit in the face of its oppressor; if too heavily laden with what it kneeled to receive, it will refuse to rise until relieved of part of its load. the paco or alpaca of peru is the chilihueque of chile: it differs considerably from the llama--its head is rounder, its legs are shorter and thicker, and the body more plump; the skin is of a darker colour, and the hair much longer and softer: like the llama it is used as a beast of burden, kneels to receive it, and lies down if it be too heavy. the paco bears more resemblance to a sheep than to a stag, and from its great apparent strength seems better calculated to be used as a beast of burden than the llama; but it is not so docile and tractable, it will not follow the captain or leader, but generally requires to be led with a string, passed through a small aperture made in the ear;--nor is it more sure-footed on the ridges of the mountains. the pacos vary in colour more than the llamas. the names of these two kinds are derived from alppaco--beast of the country; and llamscani--that of burden, which the spaniards translated into carnero, sheep. it appears both from the names of these two varieties, as well as from garcilaso, acosta, sandoval, and other spanish writers, that they were domesticated before the arrival of the spaniards, yet the breeds have never been mixed, nor will they mingle, for a very visible aversion exists between them, which, with the striking difference in their construction and appearance, induces me to believe them to be different species. they are certainly more alike than the vicuña and the huanaco, or to either of those; so that buffon and linnæus were wide of the truth when they asserted, that the llama and the vicuña were of the same species, and equally so with respect to the paco and the huanaco. the shape of the huanaco is very different from that of the paco--the back of this is straight, while that of the former is hunched or arched--the one being proper for a beast of burden, the other quite improper. the height of the huanaco, from the fore foot to the tip of the shoulder, is seven inches less than from the bottom of the hind feet to the top of the rump or os sacro, on which account, when pursued it immediately descends the mountains, leaping like the buck or the deer; whereas, the other three species always endeavour to ascend the mountains to escape the pursuit. the huanacos are of a dark brown colour, inclining to white under the belly, where the hair is coarse and shaggy. the forehead is rounder than that of the paco, the nose more pointed and black, the ears straight like those of a horse, the tail is short, and turned back like that of the stag. this species seems more inclined to frequent warmer regions than the other three, and leaves the mountains for the valleys, particularly in the winter season. the huanaco is naturally gentle, and easily domesticated; but this is rarely attempted, for in such a state it is of very little use to its owner. the vicuña is the smallest species; it is about the size of a goat, the back less arched than the huanaco's, the neck slender, and about twenty inches long. the body is covered with a remarkably fine soft wool, of a pale brown colour, which is sometimes woven; it makes an exceedingly fine cloth, but it can only be used in its native colour, or when dyed darker: very fine hats are also manufactured of it in lima and other places. the vicuña seems to abound most in the cordilleras, in about eighteen degrees south latitude. the llama is now never found in a wild state, and the paco very seldom; the huanaco is rarely domesticated, and the vicuña scarcely ever, owing partly to its natural timidity, and to the effect which a warm climate has on it, often producing a kind of mange, of which the animal dies. as already mentioned, the huanaco leaves the cold regions during the winter, but the vicuña never, always preferring to live among the snow and the ice. all the four species like best to feed on the _ichu_ that grows at the elevation of fourteen thousand feet above the level of the sea, even in eighteen degrees of south latitude. the huanaco is caught with dogs and the laso, or with a sling; this is made of a strip of leather five or six feet long, to each end of which a stone weighing about two pounds is fastened; the huntsman takes one of these stones in his hand, and whirls the other round his head, then throws it at the legs of the huanaco he has singled out, which becoming entangled with the rope, the animal falls. the vicuñas being remarkably timid, fly to the mountains, and it becomes impossible to follow them; so that for the purpose of catching them several persons assemble, and take the side of a mountain above the place where the vicuñas are seen feeding, and then descending, drive them into a ravine, where they have previously stretched a line with some rags tied to it; on approaching this the affrighted animals collect into a cluster, and are generally all caught and killed for the sake of their wool; this is not shorn; but the skins are taken off, and sent to market. the meat of the llama and alpaca is often jerked and sold; but it is coarse and dry; that of the young huanaco, however, is very good, and that of the vicuña is equal to the finest venison. the wool of the llama and the huanaco is only applicable to very ordinary purposes; but that of the paco is manufactured into the most beautiful blankets, which are as soft as silk--that of the vicuña is used as already mentioned. the _mulita_ and _quiriquincho_ are caught in the temperate and hot valleys of huamalies; the former is the eight-banded armadillo; it is called mulita, or little mule, on account of its long ears, which resemble those of that animal; this species is about eight inches long. the quiriquincho is sometimes called _bolo_; it is the eighteen-banded armadillo, and is about thirteen inches long from the snout to the end of the tail. the bands are composed of a shell or shells lying transversely on the upper part of the body, forming a kind of cuirass, of a greyish or lead colour; the bottom part of the body is also covered with a shell, and united at the sides with the upper shell like those of the tortoise; they have four feet, short legs, a pointed snout, like that of the hog, and a tail covered with scales, like that of the lizard tribe. they form holes in the ground, in which they bring forth their young, three or four every month, and feed them on fruits and vegetables. when pursued, if on the mountains, they roll themselves up and fall down the precipices, thus eluding their pursuers; but on the plains they are easily caught, although they run very fast, and always in a straight line; because their armour does not allow them to turn round, except in a circular manner. when taken out of the shell their flesh is very white, with a layer of fat similar to that of a hog. the natives dress them in a curious manner; they separate the two shells, clean the meat and season it with capsicum, salt, onions, and herbs, place it in the upper shell, and cover it with the underneath one; they then stew it in an oven, and it is certainly most delicious eating. the children often twist the intestines into strings, and form small guitars of the shells. the birds in these provinces consist of several species of eagles, hawks, falcons, and kites; the gallinaso, several kinds of wild pigeons, finches, a kind of thrush, blackbirds, and on the borders of the marañon a great variety of parrots, but these never pass the mountains into the valleys or ravines. the _picaflor_, humming bird, is found in all the warm climates of these districts. i have counted five varieties, and have often caught them with my hat, when the fairy-like creatures have been employed in sipping the honey of the plantain flower. the majestic condor holds his court in the mountainous parts of south america, and makes excursions in search of food to the valleys and the coast. three varieties inhabit these provinces, the largest is called moro moro; the ruff which encircles the neck and back is of a dark grey colour; the latter is produced from some feathers in the wings of this colour, which when folded fall on the back, and form what the natives call the cloak; but the short feathers on the back as well as the rest of the body are of a deep black colour. the male of this species is distinguished from the female by a large crest on the head like a crown; the neck being covered with short hairs appears naked, of a dark blue colour; the skin forms folds or curls round the neck of the bird, at the bottom of which is a ruff of grey feathers, each about ten inches long and rather curled. this bird measures from thirteen to fifteen feet from the tip of one wing to the tip of the other. the second variety has the ruff and cloak of a light brown or pale coffee colour; it measures from eleven to thirteen feet; the third has the ruff and cloak white, and measures from nine to eleven feet; this variety abounds most, and is the most elegant. dr. unanue says, that in a dissection of this bird he found no vessel of communication between the lungs and the spongy substance of the clavicles; and he affirms that there is no communication between the stomach and the trachea; that the superior cavity of the body is lined with a delicate transparent pleura, divided into several small cells; that the lungs descend to the lower cavity of the body, and the posterior part of them adhere to the spine and ribs, and that these are perforated at the union, which perforation communicates with the spongy body in the inside of them. the texture of the lungs is very porous, and when inflated by blowing through the trachea, a quantity of air escapes, and fills the large and small apertures that surround them, as well as those of the sternum and ribs. from this construction, it would appear, that the bird is endowed with the powers of forming a vacuum in a considerable portion of the body, to assist in rendering the whole lighter, and thus to enable it to soar to the enormous height of nineteen thousand feet, where the atmosphere is of much less density than at the earth's surface. the beak of the moro moro is four inches long, very thick, and curved; black at its base, and white towards the point. the thigh is ten inches and a half long, the leg only six inches; the foot is furnished with four strong toes; the middle toe, which is almost six inches, is terminated with a whitish curved talon, two inches long; the two lateral toes are not so long; and the three have each three joints; the hind toe is two inches long, the nail one, and this toe has only one joint. the tail is entire, but small in proportion to the size of the bird. the large quills in the wings are commonly two feet nine inches long, and the barrel more than three-quarters of an inch in diameter. the three varieties all build their nests on the most inaccessible cliffs, and lay two large white eggs. the condors feed either on carcases, or on animals which they themselves kill; lambs and kids always require the care of the shepherd or the dog; and calves, if at a distance from the cows, frequently become their prey. they generally make their first attack on the head, and tear out the eyes. i once saw some condors attack a cow which had sunk into a quagmire and could not extricate herself; the first attack of these animals was on the anus, whence they drew out the intestines, and thus killed the animal, without regarding the noise that we made, as if sensible that we should not venture to rescue her from the mire. they are so voracious, and will feed to such a degree, that they cannot rise from the ground, but run in search of an eminence whence they can throw themselves on the wing. they soar aloft and swim in the air without any motion of the wings being visible. the vegetable productions are wheat, barley, maize, pease, beans, lentils, quinua, potatoes, camotes, yucas, arracachas, ocas, radishes, turnips, cabbages, cauliflowers, lettuces, mangle wurzle, beet, apples, pears, guinds, peaches, almonds, apricots, grapes, melons, pine-apples, plantains, bananas, and several other equinoctial fruits; the woods are molle, cedar, huarango, alerce, and in the forests bordering on the marañon cascol, caoba, nasareno, with many other varieties, and excellent cinchona bark near to arancay. the mineral productions are gold, silver, mercury, tin, iron, coal, sulphur, ætites, and several kinds of marble; but as no quarries have been wrought, and only some few samples are found in the possession of different persons at huaras, corongos, and in that of various parochial curates, the extent of the veins remains unknown, as well as the peculiar qualities of the stone. many other mineral productions, unknown at present, will undoubtedly become objects of importance to the geologist, mineralogist, and chemist, now that the revolution has secured the independence of the country, and scientific individuals may visit it, which was not the case when the spanish colonial laws were in force. to the botanist and florist the same opportunity presents itself, and south america may almost as justly be termed a new world, as it was when discovered by the indefatigable, ill-rewarded columbus. the remains of antiquity in any country attract the notice of a traveller; different individuals view them through different mediums, but all observe them in some light or other; some for their beauty and symmetry, as monuments of extraordinary genius and labour; others as merely picturesque, romantic ornaments in the prospect, relieving the dreary, or enlivening the interesting scenery; others search for combinations of features, and endeavour to account for the origin in the imitations; and others merely wonder how and for what purpose such immense labour was undertaken. notwithstanding this diversity of tastes, all examine, and each in his particular province admires; but alas! though philosophical researches are of the highest importance to history, yet in south america the monuments which present themselves only serve to evince the intolerant spirit of the european nation which invaded this part of the new world: a people who demolished the temples, labouring under the influence of superstition; and destroyed the palaces and other public buildings under the influence of cupidity, in search of hidden treasure; and this with such wanton barbarity, that only vestiges remain to shew where the works of nations and of ages once stood--to exact the tear of the surviving native, the sigh of the sympathizing visitor, and to reproach the spaniard and the creole with the lawless havoc of their forefathers. the remains of the incas' road, or the military causeway, which humboldt says "may be compared to the finest roman roads i have seen in italy, france or spain," passes through huamalies alto, and in some places is perfectly straight for more than half a league; it is generally lined with freestone, and evinces the labour of an industrious obedient people, and is scarcely to be equalled except by the chinese wall; especially if we consider the extent of it, from cusco to quito, which is a distance of not less than seven hundred leagues. it was most probably built at different periods, by the orders of the different reigning incas, as they enlarged their conquests; and the continuation might possibly be the first tax or duty imposed on the conquered nations. some parts of this road are at the astonishing elevation of twelve thousand four hundred and seventy-five feet above the level of the sea; indeed it is almost every where so situated, that the marches of the army, or the inca on his passage, might not suffer from the hot climates in the valleys. near to the village of baños in huamalies is a spring of hot water, where some very capacious baths were built by the incas, similar to those at caxamarca, but more extensive. the ruins of a large building, called the palace of the inca, are found at a short distance from the baths; it was built of stone, and is like those of cañar and callo, in the province of quito. the situation is beautifully romantic; it is the summit of a mountain, and commands an extensive prospect of the river marañon, the woods and forests to the eastward, and the mountains and valleys to the westward. the building can only be traced by the foundations and fragments of walls, all of stone, so exactly cut, or perhaps ground by rubbing the sides together, that the interstices are scarcely perceptible. it contained several enclosures, which were probably a kind of barracks for the army. near to the palace are the ruins of a temple, of a circular form, and on the top of two mountains, one on each side of the river, are the remains of two fortresses, the sides of the mountains being divided into a sort of galleries one above another; in some parts these are formed by building breastworks, and in others they are cut out of the solid rock, the breastwork being left in the solid stone. the indians assert, that a subterraneous passage under the river opened a communication between the two fortresses; and however improbable the execution of such a work may appear to modern architects, yet the possibility and almost the proof exists in the very astonishing works of labour and art executed by the peruvians. the diseases most prevalent in these provinces are, pulmonic inflammations, inflammatory fevers, _bicho_, and _pasmo_. the indians have applied the name _dolor de costado_, pain in the side, to the pleurisy. when under the direction of a regular practitioner, the spanish method of curing is by bathing the affected part with oil, and taking expectorants; but the method observed by the indians accords much better with the practice in england. they scarify the part with a sharp knife, and if the flow of blood be not sufficiently abundant, a person applies his mouth to the incisions and extracts the blood, this answering all the purposes of cupping. some whip the side affected with nettles, and then bathe it with hot vinegar, applying afterwards a cataplasm of garlic, onions, and the flour of beans. the inflammatory fever called _tabardillo_ is common in the hot as well as cold climates. the curative method adopted by the indians may, in its prognostic, be considered an improvement on the cold affusion. some clay is procured, and mixed with water until it acquire the consistency of batter, the patient is smeared all over his body with it; after an hour or two an examination takes place, and if the clay has become parched, and is peeled off, death is considered to be the inevitable result; but if it be cracked, and the pieces adhere to the body, a favourable result is expected. this is most probably the fruit of observation, as i believe the science of medicine among such people generally is; but the effect of the application in the latter case is a copious perspiration, which is absorbed by the clay, by which an adhesion to the cutis takes place, and prevents it from falling off; thus the experiment, if not at first founded on scientific principles, has been undoubtedly supported by practical facts. the _bicho_ is an endemical disease, known only in the hot valleys; it is an ulcer of a gangrenous tendency in the colon, and if not attended to in time is generally mortal. the indians use very stiptic injections, and believe the origin to be caused by a grub, _bicho_. those who reside in cold climates, and when in the valleys eat abundance of fruit, are most subject to this disease. the _pasmo_ is generally brought on by wetting a wound, or ulcer, with cold water; it is particularly prevalent in the hot climates of the valleys; it is a general nervous convulsion; the first effects are a tetanus, after which the most excruciating pains afflict the patient, until relieved by death, for no remedy has as yet been found effectual. the bronchocele, or goitres, is common in some parts of these provinces, particularly in the neighbourhood of huacaibamba; it is a disagreeable affliction without any known antidote. the syphilis, as i have before observed, is extremely virulent in the cold climates of the interior; the usual remedies applied are sarsaparilla, guaiacum, and sassafras, but very seldom mercury, owing to the dread that the natives have of its administration. madness in dogs was unknown in america until the year 1803, when it made its appearance along the coast between paita and lima; in 1807 many were affected with it in lima, to the southward as far as arica, and arequipa, and to the northward of lima in the valleys of the interior. dr. unanue says, "after having collected all the data, and having consulted those of the faculty, and other intelligent persons who had witnessed the effects, i have deduced, "firstly--that this spontaneous madness originated in the excessive increase of heat in 1803 and 1804, which caused almost all kinds of animals to throw themselves into the pits and lakes to refresh themselves. "secondly--that this disease attacked indiscriminately all kinds of quadrupeds, some of which, in the most furious manner, tore the flesh from their bones with their teeth: several men were also affected with symptoms of hydrophobia without having been bitten by any animal. "thirdly--it was most common among dogs; but some, although apparently affected, caused no symptoms in their bite except the ordinary ones; but from the bite of others on their own species, other quadrupeds, and men, the most dreadful symptoms of hydrophobia were propagated. on one of the plantations an overseer distributed among the slaves the meat of several animals which had died mad, believing that the meat was not contagious; but several of the negroes who ate of it died in a state of madness. "fourthly--in the cities of ica and arequipa the greatest number of persons died from the bite of mad dogs. at ica one dog bit fourteen individuals in one night. notwithstanding the advice of the surgeon estrada, they all refused medical assistance except two--the remaining twelve died. the method of cure adopted was, a caustic applied to the part affected, suppuration was promoted, and mercurial unctions were applied until a copious salivation was established. professor estrada says, that forty-two persons died at ica, at different epochs from twelve to ninety days after they were bit. the symptoms were convulsions, oppression in the chest, languor, difficult respiration, horror at the sight of liquids or any shining substance, atrabilious vomit, and great fury against the nurses. after the first appearance of these symptoms, death ensued within about five days." chapter iv. travels to the north of lima....village of pativilca....of huarmey....of casma....cotton mill....santa....river santa.... nepeña....farm of motocachi....vineyard....port of santa...._tambo de chao_....viru....truxillo....itinerary between lima and truxillo ....description of truxillo....buildings....inhabitants....climate ....commerce....jurisdiction....arms....plain de chimu...._huaca de toledo_....tradition of....huanchaco port....valleys of chimu, chicama, and viru....productions....road to caxamarca....contumasa ....magdalena....gold mines....view of caxamarca....origin of name of....description of....buildings....inhabitants....arts and manufactures of....visit to san pablo....market of caxamarca ....trade of....hot baths....description of. as soon as the political affairs of south america rendered it safe for an englishman to travel unsuspected, i visited some of the northern provinces. i remained at pativilca a few days, and then prosecuted my journey to huarmey: this is a small indian village, famous only for chicha, which is remarkably strong, eighteen gallons only being made from three bushels of jora, malted maize. the next village is casma, where a considerable quantity of cotton is grown, and where a mill for separating the seeds is established by don benito canicova. the machinery is very simple--a large drum or hollow cylinder is put in motion by two mules or oxen; straps pass round this drum and round a small wheel attached to a fluted steel cylinder, about half an inch in diameter; in the same horizontal line there is another similar steel cylinder: when put in motion, the cotton is applied to the steel cylinders, which drag it between them, separating the seeds from it, and these fall down on the side next the workmen, while the cotton is thrown out on the opposite side. a very powerful screw-press is used for packing the cotton, which is generally exported to the european market. the soil here is sandy; the climate, owing to the position of the place, which is enclosed on three sides by high mountains, is hot, and the cotton is very fine; on this account casma will probably become more populous than it is at present, and a town of more note. the pine-apples which grow here are very fine, and many of them are carried to lima. our next stage brought us to santa, having passed the small hamlet of huambacho. santa is the residence of the subdelegado, and capital of the district of the same name; it is the poorest in peru, for when a corregimiento its distribution, repartimiento, amounted only to twenty-five thousand dollars, and its alcavala to two hundred. the town is composed of about thirty ill-built houses and ranchos; the old town stood near to the sea coast, and was much larger than the present one, but it was destroyed in 1685 by edward david, a dutch pirate; the inhabitants afterwards established themselves about half a league further from the coast. the king granted to this hamlet the title of city, on account of the gallant resistance which the inhabitants made against david, and particularly for their having preserved from the hands of the pirate a miraculous image of christ crucified, the gift of the emperor charles the fifth, and which is still venerated in the new church. about two leagues to the northward of the town is the river santa; it rises in the province of huailas, and enters the pacific in 8° 57´ 33´´ south latitude. at the mouth it is about one thousand eight hundred yards wide, and its current, during the rainy season in the interior, often flows at the rate of seven miles an hour; at this time of the year it cannot be forded without great risk. in 1795 a rope bridge was thrown across it, about a league from the mouth, but this was destroyed in 1806 by an unprecedented rise of the water, which caught the bridge and dragged it away. the valley of santa contains some good farms, which are principally covered with lucern, and great numbers of horned cattle are fattened here for the lima market. some maize is also cultivated for the feeding of hogs, the lard of which is carried to lima; here also they have fine crops of rice; indeed such is the heat, the natural dampness of the earth, and the abundance as well as the quality of the water (which like that of the nile enriches the soil) used for the purpose of irrigation, that three successive crops are often procured from the same seed. about six leagues to the eastward of santa is a very neat town, called nepeña; the climate is far more agreeable than at santa, and the inhabitants are not incommoded with musquitos, which are very annoying at the former place, owing to the low swampy ground, where they breed in such prodigious quantities, that it is sometimes almost impossible to breathe without inhaling them. their bite is very troublesome, and many of the inhabitants, from continually scratching themselves, become almost covered with an eruptive disease similar to the _carati_ at huaura; along the coast it is common to hear the santeños called _sarnosos_, from _sarna_, the itch. in the neighbourhood of nepeña there are several sugar plantations and vineyards. the farm called motocachi is famous for producing excellent wine, which in flavour is not inferior to the best muscatel of spain, or the frontignac of france. the brandy made from the same grape is also peculiarly delicate, possessing all the flavour of the wine; it is in great demand, and is called _aguardiente de italia_. the port of santa has a safe anchorage, and is capable of containing a considerable number of vessels; during the time of peace between england and spain many south sea whalers touched here, for the purpose of procuring fresh provisions; and considerable business in the smuggling line has been carried on. this port and town will undoubtedly become more known and more frequented, because its situation offers an easy internation to the provinces which i have lastly described, and a saving of upwards of a hundred leagues of land carriage to some of them. callao is now the only _puerto abilitado_; but the newly-established governments will not be so ignorant of their financial interests as to suffer it to continue so. we left santa early in the morning, and arrived before noon at _tambo de chao_, a house built of rushes in a sandy desert, nine leagues from santa; having refreshed ourselves a little, and fed the mules, we proceeded to a small village called viru, where we halted for the night, and on the following day we arrived at the city of truxillo. the following short account of the road from lima to truxillo will convey some idea of the nature of travelling, and the kind of accommodations which travellers may expect who have to visit these countries. some persons have _literas_, litters, for this purpose: they are square boxes, with an opening on each side which serve for entrances; a small mattress made to fit is placed at the bottom; this vehicle is then fastened to two poles, one on each side, and these are secured on the backs of two mules, on the foremost of which a boy is generally placed, to guide the animal. this mode of travelling is very disagreeable, owing to the various motions communicated to the litera; the elasticity of the poles causes it to rise and fall, while the steps of the mules make it sometimes roll from side to side, and sometimes it is jerked backwards and forwards; so that a person unaccustomed to this mode of travelling is almost sure to experience all the effects of a sea-sickness, besides a universal soreness in his limbs, occasioned by the jolting of the litter. from lima to chancay 14 leagues, 11 of sand. chancay to huaura 13 ditto 9 of sand. huaura to pativilca 13 ditto 9 of sand. pativilca to huarmey 18 ditto 15 of sand. huarmey to casma 8 ditto 7 of sand. casma to santa 12 ditto 10 of sand. santa to tambo de chao 9 ditto 9 of sand. tambo de chao to viru 10 ditto 10 of sand. viru to truxillo 10 ditto 8 of sand. we have here one hundred and eight leagues of road, one-half of which leads through a sandy desert country, the greater part of which must for ever remain so: this is principally owing to the total absence of rain, the scarcity of river water, or the impracticability of irrigation; but wherever water can be procured, the scene is quite different; comfortable farm houses, neat villages, and the most luxurious vegetation enliven the views to the weary traveller; the eye soon becomes tired with a dreary sandy prospect, or with now and then beholding a few leagues of the sea coast; but it rests with pleasure and is refreshed with the prospect of fertile valleys, clothed in the luxurious garb of spring or autumn--where the evergreen sugar-cane, the lucern, the hedges, and the ripe crops of grain are blended; which is the case here during the greater part of the year. the city of truxillo stands on a sandy plain in lat. 8° 6´ 3´´ s.; it was founded by francisco pizarro, marquis of charcas and atavillos, the conqueror of peru, who named it after his native place in estremadura; its figure approaches to that of an oval, it is surrounded with a wall of adobes or sun-burnt bricks, ten feet high, having fifteen bastions and as many curtains; it was erected by order of the viceroy of peru, duke de la palata. the streets of this city cross each other at right angles in a north-east and south-west direction, and are generally about forty feet wide. the houses, like those of lima, are generally but one story high; many of the fronts are white-washed, and some of them fancifully painted. the principal mansions have large patios in front, and an arched door-way or entrance; the insides are richly furnished, but not in the english style; long sofas, high tables, and few chairs, having an awkward appearance to a foreigner; the walls are hung with crimson damask, and the sofa and table covers are of the same material, as well as the curtains and the bed furniture. in many houses, large paintings of saints, in richly embossed silver frames, adorn the walls, and the wealth of many of the inhabitants is displayed in a profusion of wrought plate. some of the shops in _la calle del comercio_ are well stored with european manufactured goods; but, as in lima, no display of them can be made for want of windows, a convenient enticement to purchasers unknown in these parts of the new world. although the streets of this city are well laid out, of a commodious width, and lined with neat houses, they are not paved, and consequently are very dirty; some of them are nearly impassable on this account; indeed the shoes of a passenger must be filled either with sand or dirt. the plasa mayor, or great square, is very large, and has a low fountain built of stone in the centre. on the east side stands the cathedral, which is a handsome building with one steeple; the inside is richly ornamented, and a great profusion of plate and other costly articles is exhibited on solemn festivals; but, like all the cathedrals in spanish america, the site occupied by the choir destroys the effect which would otherwise be produced by the high altar standing in the central nave. this church was consecrated in the year 1673, by the thirteenth bishop of the diocese, don fray juan de la calle y heredia. attached to the cathedral on the north side, is the sagrario or principal parish church, although always called a chapel; indeed it is the chapel of ease to the cathedral, where all the parochial duties are performed, without interfering with the choral and other religious ceremonies of the matrix. on the opposite side of the cathedral stands the palace of the bishop; it is a large old decayed building, the inside of which is fitted up in a style of antique magnificence, for every succeeding bishop has generally purchased the furniture which belonged to his predecessor. the palace has an upper story, which is occupied by the bishop and his domestics; in the lower is the ecclesiastical prison, the different offices, stables, &c. on the north-west side of the plasa are the palace of the governor, and the government offices, such as the royal treasury; the _callana_, where the plata piña is melted and stamped and the royal fifth is paid; also that of the secretary to the governor. the whole range of buildings has a low and mean appearance. the two remaining sides of the square are filled with the houses of private individuals, among which is that of the marquis of bellavista, the only title in truxillo. besides the cathedral there are three parish churches, santa ana, san sebastian, and san esteban; five conventual churches of san francisco, santo domingo, san augustin, la merced, and the ex-jesuits; and two nunneries, the barefooted carmelites, and santa clara. the convents are governed by their prelates, who are subject to their respective provinciales in lima: in the college of ex-jesuits a seminary is established, and the college of san carlos is subject to the bishop. the nuns of santa clara are under the direction of the franciscan prelate, as belonging to that order; and the carmelites are under that of the ordinary, the bishop; there is also a hospital managed by the bethlemite friars. the inhabitants of truxillo consist of a few spaniards, some white creoles, indians, negroes, and the castes arising from the mixture of these, amounting in the whole to about eight thousand souls. this city is celebrated as being the birth-place and residence of some very handsome _mulatas_ and other females of colour; indeed the features of many are very pleasing, and the castes remarkably free from those stains which not unfrequently render the complexion of coloured people so very disagreeable. truxillo is noted for its quixotic nobility; it is often said, that the body of this celebrated don was buried here; i have frequently seen in the house of a mulatto or a zambo a full-length portrait of the individual, who by a kind of faux pas caused them to emerge from the african race, and sable colour, and of whom they speak with as much respect as the _montañeses_ do of don pelayo, whose descendants they all pretend to be, or as any nobleman of england would do of ptolemy or alexander, if he fancied that he could trace his pedigree either to the egyptian astronomer or the macedonian hero. there is nothing peculiar in the dress of the inhabitants; the men wear their clothes nearly in the european style, with the addition of a cloak or a poncho; the females, unlike to those of lima, may be seen in the streets in their in-door dresses, but seldom with either hat, cap, or bonnet; their heads being usually covered with a shawl. the higher classes, and all who can afford it, have _calesas_, a close carriage on two wheels, drawn by a mule, on which the coachman rides. the general _paseo_ for the ladies is to _mansiche_, a small indian village to the northward of the city, about half a league from the walls, where they resort during the cool of the evening mounted on asses, having a kind of pack-saddle covered with very gay trappings of crimson broad-cloth or velvet, embroidered and fringed with gold or silk. the ladies ride sideways, and frequently two are mounted on the same ass, with their feet hanging on the opposite sides; one of the ladies generally wears a small spur. at mansiche they treat themselves with _picantes_, dishes highly seasoned with aji, cayenne pepper; they also drink chicha, and generally return to the city about sunset. the climate of truxillo is colder than that of lima during the winter season or the damp months, and much hotter during the summer. the market is plentifully supplied with fish, flesh meat, poultry, bread, vegetables and fruit; and is much celebrated for delicate sweetmeats, among which the preserved muscadine grapes are most esteemed. little commercial business is here transacted, and the city owes great part of its prosperity to its being the residence of the governor, the bishop, and the several persons employed in the civil and ecclesiastical departments. the jurisdiction of the gobernador intendente extends along the coast from the river saña to the river santa, and eastward to the marañon. as it includes many valleys and several mountainous districts, in it all the various climates may be found. the civic jurisdiction of the alcaldes is the same here as in other cities in the spanish colonies. the ecclesiastical jurisdiction contains thirty-one doctrinal curacies; it is in the hands of the bishop, who is assisted by his vicar-general, provisor, and the chapter, which is composed of the dean, the archdeacon, the chanter, four canons and two prebendaries. the arms of the city are a shield, azure, bearing a griffin; in the centre two columns, one blue, the other white, over water, in which there is a crown, or, crossed by two bars, argent, underneath which is the letter k. truxillo suffered very much from earthquakes on the 14th of february, 1619--the 6th of january, 1625--the 20th of october, 1759--and the 2nd of september, 1759. the last shock was very violent, and some of the valleys near the coast, which, before it happened, produced the most abundant crops of wheat, became quite sterile for more than twenty years afterwards. the plain on which the city of truxillo is built is called _del chimu_, this being the title of the sovereign chief who resided here, and signifying the powerful lord: this chief, after resisting the incas of peru from the time of lloqui yupanqui to that of pachacutec, the tenth inca, at length subjected himself, swearing allegiance to the inca at the fortalice of paramonga. in the plain are the ruins of the ancient residence of the chimu; they appear like the foundations of a large city or the walks of a garden, crossing each other at right angles, and denote the residence of the numerous tribe which formerly inhabited this site, and prove, also, that their chief had a respectable force at his command, with which he could oppose the incursions of the imperial army; this he continued to do until the incas, by gradually augmenting their army with soldiers collected from the numerous tribes, which for nearly a century they had been annexing to their empire, were able to subdue this chief of the coast. the custom of burying with the dead whatever belonged to them at their decease seems to have been prevalent among the chimu tribes, for their huacas contain utensils, arms, clothing, and treasure, exactly in the manner as those of the indians in other parts of peru. the same attention is also paid to economizing land fit for cultivation: the ruins just mentioned being situated on an elevated plain, where water could not be procured for the purpose of irrigation. in the year 1576, a spaniard, named juan gutierres de toledo, opened a huaca, which was supposed to have been that of one of the chimus, in which he found so large a quantity of gold, that he paid into the royal treasury of truxillo nine thousand three hundred and sixty-two ounces of gold, as the royal fifth, the value of the whole being upwards of a hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. the tradition respecting the discovery of this treasure is as follows:--toledo was a poor spaniard, who, on his arrival at huanchaco, the sea-port to truxillo, took up his residence at the house of an indian named tello: toledo was of a mild disposition, and endeavoured to conciliate the good-will of his host, which he easily accomplished; he afterwards removed to truxillo, and with the assistance of tello opened a small store; the friendship of the spaniard and the indian increased, so that toledo became godfather to one of the children of tello, which is considered to this day as the greatest favour that a white man can show to an indian. tello one day told his friend that it was in his power to repay all the kindness which he had received, and to make his friend rich by giving to him a huaca, which, after some preliminary arrangements, he did. toledo followed the directions of his friend, and found the value already mentioned in bars, and some household utensils of gold. having thanked his guide who had conducted him to the wealth he had acquired, tello told him that on a future day he would give him the great fish, the one which he had given him being only the little fish; but he died without discovering it, or giving him any clue to find it. toledo, in gratitude to the memory of his benefactor, redeemed the tribute of the indians of huauchaco by paying a certain sum of money into the treasury, the fruit of which just and generous action the indians still continue to enjoy; and a native of the village always carries with him, if he go to reside in any other part of the country, a certificate of his birth, which every where frees him from the payment of this tax. this action of tello clearly proves that a south american indian is not incapable of possessing those feelings which have been denied to their character by some of their visitors and historians. the great fish mentioned by tello is generally believed to be a mountain or large hill near to the huaca de toledo, and visible at truxillo. this hill has every appearance of having been formed by art; it stands on the sandy plain of chimu, quite isolated, and seems to be nothing but a huge portion of sand, which being poured down from an eminence would assume the shape which this mound bears. many persons have attempted excavations, but the falling down of the loose materials, of which the hill is formed, has prevented the continuation of the work. if an adit were cut through it there is little reason to doubt but that an immense treasure would be found. humboldt speaks of the same experiment being worthy of attention when describing the teocalli of cholula. the sea-port to truxillo is called huanchaco; it is a roadstead in which the anchorage is not good, and where the landing, owing to the surf, is attended with considerable inconvenience; this, however, might be partly removed by the erection of a pier, which will probably be effected when the commerce with this part of peru becomes interesting. the latitude of huanchaco is 8° 6´--the church, which stands on an eminence, is an excellent land-mark. the valleys of chimu, chicama, and viru, may be considered as one, being separated from each other only by the branches of the chicama river. united they are about twenty-eight leagues long and eleven broad; their soil, irrigated by the waters of the river, is very fertile, producing most abundant crops of wheat, maize and other pulse, as well as grapes, olives, sugar-cane, plantains, pine-apples, lucumas, guavas, mamey apples, custard apples, tumbos, chirimoyas, guanabanas, together with a variety of esculents, potatoes, camotes, yucas, radishes, &c. formerly the valley of chicama was called the granary of peru, and until the great earthquake in 1687, the wheat produced its seed two hundred fold; this valley alone harvested annually two hundred thousand bushels of this grain. here are many sugar plantations, but for want of hands they are not so well cultivated, and consequently not so productive as those in the valleys in the neighbourhood of lima and pisco. little doubt can be entertained but that this beautiful and fruitful valley, at some future period, will become one of the most interesting settlements on the coast of peru, on account of its great extent, the quality of its soil, and the abundance of water. cotton and rice appear to claim particular attention, but their cultivation has hitherto been little promoted. i left truxillo with the _chasquero_, postman, which is a commodious and quick way of travelling, and especially if the person has no luggage, or can trust it to a muleteer to follow him; because the postman demands a horse or a mule at each stage, for which is paid a real, or one-eighth of a dollar per league. after travelling along the valley of chicama about eight leagues, we stopped at a small village, called simbal, changed horses for mules, and then began to ascend the _cuesta_; we continued to travel in this manner, with now and then a small descent or a little level road, till we arrived at contumasá, at ten o'clock at night, having ridden twenty-one leagues in eleven hours. although the latter part of the road appeared rugged from the frequent stumbling of the mules, i was obliged to allow mine to take its own choice, because for the last three hours the darkness prevented me from seeing how to direct it. the village of contumasá is situated on an eminence where the climate is much colder than that which i had just left; the houses are either thatched or tiled, and the whole of the country, habitations and people, appear different. the glow of a tropical sky at sunrise and sunset was changed to a pale blue, with light white clouds, or more dense ones charged with rain; the houses were so constructed as to exclude the rain and the cold; the clothing of the inhabitants was calculated to answer the same end, and all indicated a change like that from summer to winter; but the transition was so sudden, although expected, that in the morning, when i went into the corridor of the house where i had slept, i could not help looking on all around me with a certain degree of surprize. this village is composed of a long street, a plasa, and a church; some of the houses have a neat comfortable appearance, but the inhabitants are said to be somewhat akin to the conchucanos. after taking mate, with some bread and cheese, we left contumasá, and arrived in the evening at a hamlet called la magdalena, situate in the bottom of a deep valley; the climate is very hot, and is considered unhealthy; small patches of sugar-cane, yucas, camotes, and some of the fruits of the coast, are here cultivated. at a small distance from the hamlet there are some abandoned gold mines, called _de los portugueses_: it is said that they were formerly wrought by some natives of portugal, and belonged to the unfortunate juan bautista, a portuguese jew, who was burnt by the inquisition of lima in 1705. we changed mules at la magdalena, and immediately began to ascend the cuesta by a winding road, some parts of which are very steep; having gained the summit, and travelled about three leagues across the top of the mountain, covered with long dry grass, _pajon_, we reached the cumbe, an eminence from which the valley and city of caxamarca form a most beautiful prospect. the valley of caxamarca is about five leagues long, and three broad in its widest part, forming an irregular oval. many white country houses present themselves, and numberless ranches of the indians; the whole plain is intersected with green hedges, which divide it into several hundreds of small plots of ground, all apparently in the highest state of cultivation, at least all bearing most luxurious crops: the river winds along the valley from one extremity to the other, bursting as it were from the embraces of the hills at one end; after gambolling along the valley, distributing health and vigour to the vegetable tribes, it again sinks into the arms of the mountains at the other. the city presents a most delightful prospect in the foreground at the foot of the cumbe; the spacious streets, intersecting each other at right angles, the large plasa mayor in the centre of the city, the spires and domes of the churches, and the neatly tiled houses, all contribute to enhance the beauty of the view; while at a short distance from the city, in the back part, vapours are continually rising from the hot baths. not only is the sight of caxamarca very interesting, but feelings of sympathy swell the bosom of the stranger who looks on it;--it brings to his recollection the unmerited sufferings and death of the inca atahualpa, who here fell a sacrifice to the unparalleled treachery and detestable cruelty of the spanish conqueror, pizarro. after a rather tedious descent, we arrived at the city, and as i determined to remain here for some time, for the purpose of visiting whatever might appear to me interesting, i took apartments in a private house, where i remained during my stay in this part of america, and where i soon became like one of the family--enjoying every kindness my good host could lavish on me, for all which he would only accept a trifling recompense. the name of this city is derived from _cassacmalca_, place of frost; however, the climate is very benign, the maximum of the thermometer during my stay being 72° of fahrenheit, and the minimum 40°; but it more probably obtained its name from the blights occasioned by the frosty winds from the east, which are very injurious to vegetation. here is a parish church, called _la matris_, belonging to the white inhabitants, dedicated to santa catalina; it is a handsome edifice of stone, neatly wrought; the front is very much ornamented with carved work, in good sand stone; it has three doors opening into the three naves of the church. the interior is neat, but not rich; the whole expence of the building was defrayed by an order of charles ii. from the royal treasury, during the viceroyalty of the duque de la palata. the two parishes of indians are san jose and san pedro: to the former in 1810 was given the beautiful conventual church of san antonio, which formerly belonged to the franciscans. here are the conventual churches of san diego and la merced; the nunnery of la concepcion, and a hospital belonging to the bethlemites. the church of san antonio is a fine structure, approaching to the chaste gothic style; the two rows of pillars in the interior that support the roof, which is composed of some light groined arches, are slender, and the whole effect is very pleasing; it has much the appearance of a small cathedral, unencumbered with the central choir; the whole building is of white stone, dug from a quarry near to the city. the church and convent of san diego are remarkably neat stone buildings; the cloisters, cells, kitchens, and other offices are arched with stone; and the extensive gardens belonging to them are enclosed with walls of the same wrought material. it belongs to the grey friars of san francisco, but seldom more than two or three reside here. it once happened, that there were no other residents than the guardian, or prelate, and a lay brother, who was an andalusian; the former thought proper to threaten the latter with corporal punishment; when he immediately replied to his superior, that if he did not moderate his anger, he would deprive him of his superiority. but how? exclaimed the enraged prelate: by hanging my habit on a peg, and leaving your fathership without an inferior, replied the _donado_. the church belonging to the nunnery _de la concepcion_ is a handsome new structure; at the time of my present visit to caxamarca it was not finished, but when i returned in 1812 it had been consecrated, and divine service was then performed in it. the church belonging to the hospital is built of carved stone, and a profusion of workmanship ornaments the front of the building. here are two wards, or rather two hospitals; that for men is within the cloisters of the convent, and that for women is a separate stone building, divided from the convent by a street. the surgeon is paid from the indian tribute, and few but indians go to the hospital. the population of this city is composed of white people and indians, a small number of negroes, and the mixed breeds; the excess is in favour of the indians and mestisos, called here quinteros; the total amount is about seven thousand. here are some descendants of spanish nobility, particularly the family of bonifas, who are the lineal descendants of the family of ximenes, to which the cardinal ximenes, regent of spain to the emperor charles v. belonged, and who are in possession of many interesting papers, which were the property of that celebrated statesman. among the indians is the family of the cacique astopilco; they claim a lineal descent from the inca atahualpa, and inhabit part of the palace which was formerly occupied by the imperial family, the place where atahualpa was murdered. the generality of the inhabitants are industrious, and their workmanship in silver and iron is deserving of much praise. i have seen many very handsome sword blades and daggers made here, pocket steels, and bridle bits most curiously wrought, beside several well finished pistol and gun locks; on this account the caxamarquinos are often called the biscayans of south america. literature would prosper here were it properly cultivated; the natives are fond of instruction, and scholars are not rare; many of the richer inhabitants send their children to truxillo and lima to be educated. kindness, hospitality, and innocent amusements, characterize the citizens of caxamarca, and some of the most agreeable hours of my life have been spent in this town. i cannot avoid giving the description of a visit to a most eccentric character, a native of this place, who resided at a sugar plantation, of which he was proprietor, about nine leagues from caxamarca. i had often been pressed by my friend to visit san pablo; and having appointed the day, two mules arrived the preceding evening, one for myself and one for a nephew to my host, don mariano alvites. on the following morning, at five o'clock, we mounted, with two black men as an escort, carrying their long lances, as if any danger could be apprehended on the road. having arrived at the top of a mountain, which we were obliged to cross, it began to rain, and our descent on the opposite side was attended with considerable danger; however we arrived safely at the bottom; our mules had often to bring their hind feet close to their fore feet, and then resting on their haunches they would slide down a distance of from twenty to forty yards at a time. we halted a few minutes at the bottom, when one of the negroes pointing to a small house about two miles off, said, my _amo_, master or owner, waits your arrival at that house which stands on the border of his estate, where he intends to welcome you on your arrival, and where a breakfast is prepared. we walked our mules leisurely along, and shortly heard the report of a camareta; this is a small mortar, having a two or three inch bore, and about eight inches deep, at the bottom of which is a touch hole; it has a handle, and looks very much like a large tankard; it is loaded with powder, and then filled with dry clay, which is beat very hard with a mallet; it is then placed on its end with the mouth upwards, and a train is laid to it; when fired the report is equal to that of an eight pounder. such a report a little surprised me, and the sound, which re-echoed from the mountains on every side, had a very pleasing effect. alvites now said to me, my uncle is in a good humour, prepare yourself to be more teased with his peculiarities than what we now are with the rain. about a mile from the small house we could see our friend don manuel de verastegui, y oliva, advancing slowly and majestically, like a lord mayor's procession, to meet us: had cervantes witnessed this sight, there is no doubt but he would have taken him for the knight of his enchanting romance. at the distance of eight or ten yards our friend alighted from his dappled charger, and approached to salute us; we remained on our mules, enjoying his profound bow, hat in hand, and "a more unpleasant morning," said he, "never brought to san pablo, the humble residence of don manuel de verastegui, two more welcome visitors than those whom i have now the honour to address; allow me to say, you are indeed welcome;" when, without waiting a reply, he remounted his steed, and we trotted along to his rancho. this kind old gentleman was dressed in a coat, waistcoat and breeches of blue velveteen; the coat being lined with catalonian chintz, full of large red flowers on a white ground; the huge buttons on his coat and waistcoat were of silver; he had on a pair of high military boots, and had a small triangular cocked hat on his head; his hair was curled on the sides, and tied behind in a long cue, _a lo militar de carlos iii._; a silver-hilted trusty toledano was girt to his side by a broad black belt, which passed round his waist; he appeared to be about sixty, and in stature he might be six feet; he was also remarkably slender and very upright. his saddle trappings were of crimson cloth, ornamented with silver lace and fringe. two blacks accompanied him on horseback, the one held a huge crimson umbrella over his head, while the other rode before him with his lance, _hasta de rejon_: they were both in old liveries, and wore cocked hats with yellow worsted lace, but were bare-legged. on our arrival at the lodge, if so i may call it, we were saluted with another camareta, and shortly after we rode under the corridor and alighted. several negro boys immediately took our ponchos and hats to the kitchen to dry, and we entered and sat down to a very sumptuous breakfast; a roasted kid hot, boiled turkey cold, collared pig, ham and tongue, with butter, cheese and olives, besides which, wine and brandy, _pisco_, and several _liquers_ were on the table; tea, coffee, and chocolate, were afterwards brought in, and a cup of each was placed before every one of us. after breakfast we again mounted, and the rain having ceased, our ride to the farm-house was very agreeable. on our arrival, the lady of the house came into the corridor to receive us, with her two daughters. doña casimira and doña rosaria, each upwards of thirty years old: we alighted, and after the first ceremonious salutations were over, we retired to two rooms prepared for us, and changed part of our dress, having taken the precaution of bringing linen with us from caxamarca. when we returned to the drawing-room, our host had changed his dress also: he now wore a very old-fashioned green velvet full-dress, almost covered with embroidery and spangles. doña casimira sat down to a harpsichord, and played several pretty airs, and her sister afterwards sung some _tristes_ to her guitar. as the ground was wet. don manuel proposed a dance before dinner and a walk afterwards; this was assented to, and i danced a minuet with doña rosaria; alvites excused himself; but our host and hostess walked a minuet, to my no small diversion. we had a very sumptuous dinner, walked out during the afternoon, and in the evening were joined by a party of about twenty persons; after which we continued dancing, singing, and feasting till daylight, when my companion and i returned to caxamarca, don manuel accompanying us to the lodge, where he most ceremoniously thanked us for favouring him with our company, and then wished us a pleasant ride. the market of caxamarca is well supplied with flesh meat, poultry, bread, grain, vegetables, fruit, and every necessary, all of which are cheap: cheese and butter are plentiful; of the latter a fresh supply is brought from the country every day. some very fine fruits are also obtained from the valleys, such as paltas, the vegetable marrow, chirimoyas, and pine-apples, particularly from that part called _de las balsas_, where the road to chachapoyas crosses the marañon. this city carries on a considerable trade with lambayeque and other places on the coast, furnishing them with the different home manufactured articles; such as baizes, bayetones, _pañetes_, a kind of coarse cloth, blankets, flannels, tocuyos, &c., and receiving in return european manufactures, soap, sugar, cocoa, brandy, wine, indigo, _hierba de paraguay_, salted fish, iron, steel, &c. the inhabitants of the interior resort to caxamarca as a kind of mart, for the purpose of selling their own produce and manufactures, and for purchasing others which they may require; hence, a considerable trade is carried on, and some of the shops are well stored with european goods, similar to those which i mentioned when speaking of huaras. articles of a superior quality are in demand here, for the poorer classes wear their own manufactures; but the richer dress in european goods of the best quality. at the distance of a league from caxamarca are the baths of the inca: two comfortable dwelling houses are built of stone on the two sides of a large patio, each having an extensive bath: that on the right hand is five yards square, and two deep. the sides and bottom are formed of roughly hewn stone, having steps at two of the corners, leading down from two doors, which open to different parts of the house; and others in the centre of the opposite side, communicating by a door with a large room. on the left is another bath, smaller than this; it is called _de los pobres_, and it has convenient rooms also attached to it. at the entrance to the patio is a corridor to the right and left, which serves as a stable; and in the front there are two kitchens, and a passage that leads through the building. it was at these baths that the unfortunate atahualpa resided when pizarro arrived at caxamarca. the spring of hot water, called _el tragadero_, is at the back of the building, and is at the distance of two hundred and thirty yards from it; it is circular, of five yards in diameter; i sounded it with fifty yards of rope, but found no bottom; the land all round it to the distance of more than a mile is almost level, declining a very little towards the river, which runs at the distance of four hundred yards from the tragadero. the water appears to boil, but having only one thermometer with me, and being fearful of damaging it where its place could not easily be supplied with another, i did not measure its heat. the natives scald their pigs here when they kill them, and as i have observed that boiling water rather fastens the bristles on the skin, i concluded that the heat of the water is below the temperature at which it generally boils when heated in the ordinary way. i filled two tin coffee pots, the one with water from the tragadero, the other with water from a cold spring; i placed them together on the same fire, and observed that the cold and the hot water began to boil precisely at the same time. i placed an egg in the tragadero, secured in a small net, and allowed it to remain eight minutes; it was then quite hard and the yolk dry. i allowed another to remain three minutes, which when broken was soft; i placed another in the hot water, allowed it to remain three minutes, and put it immediately into boiling water on a fire with a cold raw egg; after boiling five minutes they were both equally hard, and when cut no difference could be observed except in the taste;--the one which had been placed in the tragadero had a slight clayey taste, somewhat similar to that of water which has passed over a bed of clay. the water of the tragadero empties itself into a channel three feet wide, and on an average six inches deep, which from several experiments i observed to run at the rate of three feet in a second. by this experiment it appears, that about thirty hogsheads of water are discharged in a minute. along the sides of the channel the grass and other vegetables, particularly the ichu, grow to the very margin of the stream; and the fields of lucern which are irrigated with this water, at the distance of five hundred yards from the tragadero, are the finest in the valley. the fruit trees also that grow in the gardens belonging to the baths, apples, pears and peaches, are never subject to the blight from the frosty air so common in the neighbourhood; being apparently protected by the steam which continually rises from the hot water. the principal stream contains many small fishes of a black colour, very much in shape like small shrimps; if these be put into cold water they immediately die. they appear to be continually swimming up the stream, as if to avoid being carried by it to the confluence of the cold stream from the santa rosa springs with that of the tragadero, where they would most certainly perish. the water which flows from the spring called de santa rosa, which is only seventy-two yards from the tragadero, is always at 41° of fahrenheit at the mouth of the spring, where it bursts from a rock. the baths are supplied with water of any temperature, by mixing the hot from the tragadero with the cold from santa rosa; and as there is an outlet at the bottom as well as at the top of each bath, a constant supply of fresh water is maintained. chapter v. historical sketch of caxamarca, huaina capac, huascar inca, and atahualpa....arrival of pizarro at tumpis....at caxamarca.... spanish embassy....harangue of soto....answer of atahualpa....visit of atahualpa to pizarro....discourse of friar vicente valverde, to atahualpa....answer of atahualpa....imprisonment of....offered ransom of....cause of the jealousy of pizarro....arrivals of treasure....accusation, for the trial of atahualpa....sentence, baptism, execution, and burial of....interesting remains in caxamarca. caxamarca is a place interesting in the history of peru; it was here that the inca atahualpa resided when pizarro landed at tumpis, now tumbes, in the mouth of the guayaquil river. the residence of atahualpa at this place was accidental, as will appear from the following historical sketch, which i have endeavoured to make as correct as possible, with the assistance of the works of garcilaso, gomara, zarate, and others; collated with the oral traditions of the indians of this province, and particularly the cacique astopilco, as well as those of quito. huaina capac having conquered the kingdom of quito, married paccha-chire, daughter of the quitu, or king of that country; she bore him a son, who was named atahualpa, whom some writers have erroneously called atabalipa, atalipa, and atalpa. his eldest son, by his wife, the empress rava ocllo, born at cusco, was called inte guri hualpa; but on the day of the apu-ñaca, he was named huascar, under which name he is always known as inca of peru. huaina capac died at quito, and left to atahualpa all that territory which had formerly belonged to the quitu; and to huascar the remaining part of the empire, on condition that atahualpa should do homage to his brother huascar, as legitimate descendant of the sun. the disappointment of huascar at finding a brother whom he had considered a bastard thus elevated, made him determine on his destruction; but he first procured a delay which might allow him to assemble his troops, and at the same time to probe the intention of atahualpa. he therefore sent a messenger to inform him, that by the will of their father, he and his kingdom were tributary to the inca of cusco; and that, as he intended, so soon as the great feast held on the day on which the sun passed the zenith of cusco was over, to extend his conquests to the southward, he required a certain number of armed men from quito, as a tributary quota. atahualpa perceived the drift of the subterfuge, and determined to avail himself of this opportunity to forward his own views, and to acquire to himself the sole sovereignty, which he perceived was the aim of his brother. he sent a considerable force, with orders not to enter cusco, but to remain in the neighbourhood, and to conduct themselves as men sent to assist huascar in his future conquests; but on the day of the great festival, to enter the city, and when all were employed in the religious rites of the day, to possess themselves of the inca, and to bring him as his prisoner. atahualpa, with another army, proceeded to caxamarca, to await the result of the expedition sent to cusco; they succeeded in taking huascar; and the imperial insignia, a red tassel, which the inca always wore on solemn occasions, hanging on his forehead, was sent to atahualpa, who was now considered as inca of peru. at this time the spaniards had landed in peru, at tumbes, and after possessing themselves, not without great opposition on the part of the natives, of that place, pizarro began his march towards the south. atahualpa was at caxamarca, and his brother huascar prisoner at andamarca, about forty leagues from pachacamac. atahualpa immediately sent his brother titu atanchi as his ambassador to pizarro, with most magnificent presents, including two golden bracelets worn only by the incas, to welcome the arrival of the viracochas, to solicit their protection, and to invite them to visit him at caxamarca. huascar at the same time, although a prisoner, found means to send his ambassadors to pizarro, informing him of the situation in which he was placed by atahualpa, and craving his protection. pizarro now found himself the arbiter of the fate of two monarchs, both soliciting his friendship and protection, and each alleging his own right to the empire of peru; but pizarro determined that it should not belong to either of them, and the only thing that engrossed his attention was the safest and easiest means of possessing himself of the treasures of both. he therefore determined to go first to caxamarca, judging that the reigning inca would be in possession of the greater wealth, and hernando pizarro was afterwards sent to pachacamac. francisco pizarro pushed forward to caxamarca, where he arrived with a hundred and sixty soldiers. at this time atahualpa was at the baths, and pizarro sent to him as his ambassadors his brother hernando pizarro and hernando de soto, and as interpreter an indian named felipe, a native of the puná island, in the guayaquil river; these were accompanied by two hundred noble indians, appointed by the curaca of caxamarca to attend on them; atahualpa being informed of the approach of the two spaniards, ordered one of his generals to form his troops and do them the honors due to the children of the sun. on their arrival at the palace they were immediately presented to atahualpa, who embraced them, and said, "welcome, great viracochas, to these my regions!" and having two seats covered with gold brought in, he ordered them to sit down. atahualpa then, speaking to his courtiers, said, "behold the countenance, the figure, and the dress of our god, the same which appeared to my antecessor inca viracocha, and whose arrival was also predicted by my father, huaina capac." a species of wine was brought, and the inca taking one of the golden goblets, the other was given to herando pizarro, to whom the inca bowed, and drank a small quantity, giving the goblet to his brother titu atanchi, who drank the remainder; two more were then brought, and the inca taking one, sent the other to soto, to whom he bowed, and drank a little of the beverage, and gave the goblet to his other brother, choquehuaman. different kinds of fruit were then presented to the ambassadors, of which they partook with atahualpa. hernando de soto rose, bowed to atahualpa, resumed his seat, and delivered his embassy, stating, that "in this world there were two most potent princes, the one was the high pontiff of rome, vicar-general to, and representative of god on earth, who governed his church and taught his divine law. the other was charles v. emperor of the romans and king of spain. these two monarchs," said soto, "being informed of the blind idolatry of your highness and all your subjects, have sent our governor and captain-general don francisco pizarro, his companions, and some priests, the ministers of god, to teach your highness and your vassals the divine truths of our holy religion, and to establish with your highness everlasting relationship, concord and peace." to this harangue, interpreted by felipe, the inca answered to the following effect:--"divine men, i am most heartily glad that you and your companions have arrived at these regions during the days of my life, for your arrival has fulfilled the vaticination of my forefathers, but my soul is sorrowful, because others must also be now fulfilled; notwithstanding, viracochas, i welcome ye as the missioners of our god, and hope that the changes prophesied by my father, huaina capac, and now about to take place, will lead to the good of myself and my people; it was on this account that neither i nor my captains have opposed your progress, as the natives of puná and tumpis did, because we believe you to be the children of our great god viracocha, and messengers of the eternal all-creating pachacamac--in obedience to our laws, and to the orders and injunctions of my father, we have received ye, and will serve and worship ye; but have pity on me and on my people, whose affliction or death would be more distressing to me than my own." pizarro and soto begged leave to retire to their own camp at caxamarca, and atahualpa embraced them, and said, that he should soon follow them, to enjoy the company of the children of his god, viracocha, the messengers of the great pachacamac. when the two spaniards had mounted their horses, presents of gold were carried to them by several noble indians, who begged of their divinities to receive those humble marks of their respect and adoration. pizarro and soto then repaired to caxamarca with their rich presents, astonished at the enormous quantities of gold which they had seen at the palace of atahualpa. on the following day, pizarro placed his cavalry, composed of sixty men, on each side of the square of caxamarca, behind some high walls: in the centre of the square he had built a small breastwork, behind which he placed his two field-pieces, and behind these he stationed his infantry, a hundred men, and thus awaited the arrival of the inca. atahualpa made his appearance on a throne of gold, carried on the shoulders of his courtiers and favourites, with a guard of eight thousand of his soldiers in front, eight thousand on each side, and eight thousand more in the rear, besides an immense number of nobles and attendants. the troops were commanded by rumiñavi, who advanced in front, and acted as herald. friar vicente valverde stepped forward a short distance in front of the spanish infantry, holding a cross of palm leaves in his right hand, and waited the arrival of atahualpa, who was surprized to see a figure so different from the strangers whom he had seen the preceding day; and being informed by felipe, the interpreter, that valverde was the captain of words, and the guide to the supreme pachacamac, and his messenger, atahualpa approached, when valverde began his most extraordinary harangue, requesting felipe to translate it to the inca as he proceeded to deliver it. "know, most famous and most powerful inca, that it is necessary and requisite that thou and thine be taught the true catholic faith, and that ye now hear and believe what follows. "first, that god, trinity in unity, created the heavens and the earth, and all things in and on them; that he will reward the good with life everlasting, and the bad with interminable punishment. this god created man out of the dust of this earth, and gave him a soul, which is the likeness of god himself; so that every man has a body and a soul. "the first man was called adam, whose children we all are. this adam sinned against the commandment of his creator, and in him all men that have been born, and that shall be born, sinned also; excepting jesus christ, who is the son of god, and the virgin mary, who came to redeem us from the bondage of sin, and at last died on a cross that we might live. the cross was like unto this which i hold in my hand and show to thee, that thou with all christians may adore and reverence it. "jesus christ rose from the dead, and after living again on earth the space of forty days, he went up into heaven, and sat himself down on the right hand of his father; he left on earth his apostles, who left their successors to teach the true religion, and guide all men to heaven. "saint peter was appointed the prince of the apostles and the vicar of christ, and after him his successors the pontiffs of rome, whom the christians call popes, who have the authority of christ on earth, and who always have and do preach to, and teach all men the word of god. "whereas the pope who is now living on this earth, knowing that the people of these countries did not serve the true god, but worshipped idols and the likenesses of the devil, hath determined to bring them to the true knowledge of religion, and he hath given the conquest of these countries to charles v. emperor of the romans, the most powerful king of spain, and monarch of all the earth, to the end that he, having subjected to himself all these people, their kings and lords, and destroyed all rebels, may reign and govern all these nations alone, and bring them to the knowledge of god and to obey his church. our most powerful king, although employed in the government of his great kingdoms and provinces, accepted the gift of the pope, for the sake of the health of these people, and has sent his captains and soldiers to execute his will, as they have done in former times, in the conquest of the great islands and countries of mexico, having overcome them with his powerful arms, and brought them to the true religion of jesus christ, which he was ordered by god to oblige them to embrace. "wherefore the great emperor charles v. appointed as his lieutenant and ambassador don francisco pizarro, who is here present, that these the kingdoms of your highness may receive the like benefits; as also to form a perpetual confederation, alliance, and friendship, between his majesty and your highness, in such manner, that your highness and your kingdoms may become tributary to him, that is, by paying tribute ye may become his subjects; also that you may surrender to him every part of your territory, and renounce the administration and government of it, in the same manner as other kings and lords have done. this is the first condition: the second is, that peace and friendship being established, and you subjected either by will or by force, shall truly obey the pope, and receive and believe the faith of our god, jesus christ, and despise and totally abjure the abominable superstition of your idols; you will then soon observe how holy our religion is, and how false your own, which was invented by the devil. all this, oh king! if you believe, you must freely surrender yourself, because, to you and yours, it is of great importance; and if you object to it, know that you will be persecuted with a war of destruction: all your idols shall be thrown down upon the ground, and we will force you with the sword to abandon your false religion, whether ye will or not; and you _shall_ receive our catholic faith, and you _shall_ pay tribute to our king. should you obstinately resist this, believe me, that god will permit, as he formerly did when pharaoh and his host perished in the red sea, that you and all your indians perish by the edge of our swords." felipe, the interpreter of this discourse, was a native of the puná, where the quichua language generally spoken in peru was not understood; and what little he knew of it he had learnt of some peruvians, who at different times had visited his native island. the spanish that he spoke he had acquired during the time he had lived among the soldiers whom he served; thus it cannot be expected that he gave to atahualpa a faithful translation of this absurd harangue, equally filled with incomprehensible matter, furious bombast, and unjust threats; indeed many mistakes are recorded, such as one god, trinity in unity, which he translated one god, and three, four gods; that god made dust of man on the earth, which they could not possibly understand; and many other like passages were rendered equally ridiculous. the impossibility of translating the words trinity, unity, jesus christ, virgin mary, roman pontiff, emperor of the romans, &c. is quite obvious, for they could bear no translation at all, and a description of their meaning was as much above the powers of felipe, and perhaps of valverde himself to explain, as the comprehension of atahualpa to understand, who now for the first time heard that such things did exist. when atahualpa had heard the conclusion of this rodomontade fulminated by father valverde, he sighed, and said, "ah! atay"--ah! how hard; and after a short pause, he addressed himself thus to valverde: "i should feel happy, although every other request were denied me, if one were but granted: procure a better interpreter, that i may be enabled to understand what you have said; and that you may be better informed of what i wish to say. i make this request, because i am certain that this meeting ought to produce other things than what this fellow has repeated to me. from what i have heard, it appears that you have come to destroy the race of the incas, and put to the sword all the indians who do not understand you. if you are the ministers of vengeance of pachacamac, and come to destroy me and mine, fulfil his orders--none of us fear death, and the vaticination of my father brings us to meet you unarmed. "your interpreter has informed me of five great men, whom i wish to know, god, trinity in unity, four gods; adam, on whom all men threw their sins; jesus christ, the only man that did not assist in loading adam; pope, roman pontiff; and carlos quinto, king of all the world; but he tells me, that i am to give my country and my people, and pay tribute to carlos, and not to any of the other four. i am also told, that i must abjure my religion, and believe in jesus christ, who died. if this be true, i cannot forget the great pachacamac, who made our god, the sun, immortal, unless i learn who has told you what i have heard from your interpreter." this answer was translated by felipe in short sentences, as atahualpa spoke them; who perceiving the ignorance of felipe, endeavoured by this method to prevent a misconstruction of his words. on hearing the last question, valverde gave his breviary to atahualpa, and told him through felipe, that that book informed him of all that he wanted to know respecting the true god. the inca folded over the leaves, examined the book, placed it against his ear and listened, then said, "it is false, it cannot and does not speak," when he let it fall. at this, valverde cried out, "to arms, christians! these infidel dogs have insulted the minister of your redeemer, the word of god is thrown under foot--revenge! revenge!" the soldiers immediately rushed on their unsuspecting victims; pizarro flew to atahualpa, well aware that the preservation of his life was of the utmost importance; but upwards of twenty thousand indians fell, before the fury of the spanish soldiery could be restrained, or their more than barbarous thirst for blood was glutted. during this scene of horror, the afflicted atahualpa exhorted his people to resign themselves to the will of pachacamac, which he himself was willing to do, and not to lift up their hands against the viracochas; thus, he exclaimed, will the vaticination of my forefathers be fulfilled. what a contrast! a minister of the meek, the blessed jesus, the saviour of the gentiles, calling on an unfeeling soldiery to satiate their blood-thirsty cruelty in murdering those very people whom his divine master said that he came to redeem! while a king and a father beholds the carnage of his people, and his children, and bows his head to the believed decree of his god, and the prophecy of his forefathers! here the christian calls aloud, "crucify him! crucify him!" while the pious gentile seems to say, "forgive them, father, for they know not what they do." pizarro and a soldier, called miguel astete, arrived at the same moment close to the throne of atahualpa, when pizarro caught hold of the robes of the inca, and dragged him to the ground; astete plucked the red tassel from his forehead, and kept it till the year 1557, when he delivered it to the inca sayritupac. after the slaughter, the spanish soldiers proceeded to plunder, and while pizarro was attentive to secure the inca, part of his troops proceeded to the baths, where atahualpa resided, and possessed themselves of all the gold and silver which they could find: the weight of gold taken at the baths, and accounted for, amounted to fifteen thousand ounces. atahualpa was directly removed to a room in his own palace at caxamarca, and loaded with irons. pizarro immediately sent his brother hernando to visit huascar in his prison, and to endeavour to secure the treasure that he might be possessed of; but whether the indians belonging to atahualpa, who had heard of the situation of their inca, suspected that pizarro intended to put atahualpa to death, and place huascar on the throne; or whether hernando pizarro endeavoured to deprive the guard of their prisoner, is uncertain; but some misunderstanding having taken place, an indian struck huascar with his axe, of which wound he immediately died. atahualpa having observed that the spaniards were more covetous of gold than of any thing which his kingdom produced, proposed to pizarro a ransom for himself; standing on his feet, he raised his hand, and placing it on the wall, he said, "to this mark will i fill this room with vessels of gold, if you will free me from these chains and from this prison." to this pizarro agreed, and messengers were sent to quito, cusco, and different parts of the country, for the purpose of collecting the gold and sending it to caxamarca. some of the spanish officers went with the messengers of atahualpa, and when they returned they described the number of indians which the country contained, and the universal obedience to the inca in such terms, that they fancied a general rising would take place, and instead of gold, they would bring their arms and put all the spaniards to death; that atahualpa had deceived them, and was a traitor, and as such ought to be punished. pizarro opposed this for some time, till an accident occurred which touched his pride, and made atahualpa personally odious to him. some of the spanish officers had written the word god on the hand of the inca, and when he shewed it to any one, the person would point upwards; at length he shewed it to pizarro, who could neither read nor write, and was therefore unable to make any sign of the meaning of the word. atahualpa was surprised, and pizarro was abashed; his feelings were wounded, and he began to hate the man who had discovered him to be more ignorant than his inferiors. atahualpa began to forebode his doom, and became dejected; his own servants were not permitted to wait on him; their places were supplied with indians who had attached themselves to the spanish camp; some of whom were unacquainted with the quichua language, had never been the vassals of atahualpa, and all of them were inclined to insult him. the indians began to arrive from different parts, bringing with them the gold which they had been assured would ransom their captive monarch; but that which by them was destined to save his life was changed by his cruel masters into the cause of his death. from the number of indians who arrived daily, the spaniards began to fear a revolution in favour of their prisoner: they had already received an enormous quantity of gold; huascar was dead, and pizarro presumed, that by securing to himself the possession of the country, he should consequently become master of the treasures which it contained. he therefore determined to bring atahualpa to trial; for which purpose, he constituted himself president of the court, and nominated the other members. the following is a copy of the charges exhibited against the unfortunate atahualpa, on the baseness of which all comment is unnecessary--the mere reading must draw from every sympathizing heart detestation of the inhuman proposer and promoter. that huaina capac having had several wives, and huascar inca, being the first-born of his empress rava ocllo, was the legitimate heir to the empire, and atahualpa not the son of huaina capac, but the bastard of some indian of quito. that atahualpa did not inherit the empire according to the will of his father, but was an usurper and a tyrant; and that huascar was the lawful inca, according to the will of his father and the right of inheritance. that huascar had been murdered by order of atahualpa, after the arrival of the spaniards. that atahualpa was an idolater, and obliged his vassals to sacrifice human beings to his idols. that atahualpa had waged unjust wars, and thereby murdered many indians. that atahualpa had kept many concubines. that atahualpa had recovered, spent, and lavished in excesses the tributes of the empire, after the spaniards had taken possession of it, giving to his relations and friends treasure belonging to the public funds. that atahualpa had, during his imprisonment, advised his captains and indians to rebel against the spaniards, and put them to death, for which purpose he had mustered a considerable force of armed indians. after this shameful libel had been read to the court by sancho de cuellar, pizarro stated, that all those who should now attempt to defend the life of atahualpa were traitors to the crown of castile and to the emperor, their master, and might be justly accused of opposing the increase of his kingdom and revenue. that the death of the tyrant atahualpa would secure to castile an empire, and to all present their lives and fortunes. that if any one opposed his death, it should be reported to his majesty, that he might reward his faithful servants, and punish those who endeavoured to deprive him of his right. after this diabolical harangue, it is almost unnecessary to say, that the unfortunate atahualpa was sentenced to death. atahualpa was immediately informed of his fate, and told, that if he were baptized, he would be put to an honourable death, such as was inflicted on noblemen in all civilized countries; but if he refused to receive this sacrament, he would be burnt to death: hearing this, he desired friar vicente valverde to baptize him: the friar complied with the request, and called him juan atahualpa. he was then led out to the place of execution, in front of his own palace, where he was tied to a pole, and strangled; and his body received christian burial on the spot where he was murdered, notwithstanding his last request--that he might be carried to quito, and buried in the tomb of his forefathers. pizarro attended the execution of his prisoner, afterwards wore mourning for him, and ordered his exequies to be performed with all possible pomp. it may perhaps be satisfactory to some of my readers to mention here, that pizarro was afterwards murdered by his own countrymen at lima; and father valverde, by the indians of quispicancha. according to zarate, the treasure which had been brought for the ransom of atahualpa, and which fell into the hands of pizarro, amounted to four hundred and ninety-eight thousand ounces of fine silver, and one million five hundred and ninety-one ounces of gold. the places in caxamarca worthy the notice of a visitor, as having been connected with the fate of atahualpa, are a large room, part of the old palace, and now the residence of the cacique astopilco, where this ill-fated monarch was kept a prisoner for the space of three months, or from the first day of his meeting pizarro to the day on which he was murdered by order of that general; in this room also is the mark which he made on the wall, promising to fill it to that height with silver and gold as a ransom. in the chapel belonging to the common gaol, which was formerly part of the palace, the altar stands on the stone on which atahualpa was placed by the spaniards and strangled, and under which he was buried. near the fountain in the plasa are still visible the foundation stones of the small battery erected by pizarro, in the front of which valverde delivered his famous harangue to the inca, and whence he commanded the spanish soldiers to massacre the indians. about a league from the city are the baths where atahualpa was living when pizarro arrived; the one on the right hand is called the bath of the inca. near to the baths there is also a farm house belonging (1812) to doña mercedes arce, where there are many ruins of what appears to have been a granary or store belonging to the inca; here are many excavations, in some of which there are marks on the stones of one thousand, two thousand, &c.--this has induced some people to search for treasure, but none has ever yet been found. at the distance of two leagues from caxamarca is a stone called _inga rirpo_, resting stone of the inca; it is similar to the one described by m. humboldt, which he saw at the _paramo de asuay_, which is called inga _chungana_, inca's resting place. the inga rirpo, near to caxamarca, is a large block of freestone, eleven feet long, two feet eight inches high above the ground, and thirteen inches thick; it has two grooves cut across it near to the centre, four inches deep, and five inches wide; here are also the remains of a circular enclosure surrounding it eight yards in diameter; it stands on the _camino del inca_, the military road on which the incas travelled from cusco to quito. the site of this resting stone commands a most beautiful prospect of the valley of caxamarca. the tradition of the indians is, that the inca used to be brought here to enjoy the prospect, and that the two grooves in the stone were made, that the cross ledges of his throne on which he was carried might rest secure in them. chapter vi. province of caxamarca....manufactures, mines....village de jesus ....hawking....farm of lagunilla....inga tambo....village of san marcos....feast....wedding....village of ichocan....mine of gualgayoc....return to the coast....village of chocope....of san pedro....of las lagemas....of monsefu....town of lambayeque.... inhabitants, buildings, new altar....manufactures, soap, cordovans, cotton goods, sweetmeats....fruits, grain, pulse....vegetables.... market...._algarroba_, carob tree....village of eten....of morrope ...._simarones_....desert of sechura....town of sechura....city of piura....inhabitants, buildings....mules....manufactures....climate ....effect on syphilis....commerce....port of paita....excellent situation for an astronomical observatory. the province of caxamarca is intersected by ramifications of the cordillera; and having several low valleys, it consequently contains the various climates or temperatures, from extreme heat to intense cold: thus all kinds of fruit and grain peculiar to different climates are cultivated in this province: it abounds, also, in all kinds of cattle and poultry; and many obrages, manufactories of cloth, baizes, blankets, and tocuyos have been established here. the most extensive manufactories for woollen cloths are polloc and sondor, belonging (1812) to don tomas bueno; and that for blankets, at yana-cancha, belonging, at the same date, to don miguel sarachaga. the blankets are very tastefully embroidered by the indians, with loose yarn, before they undergo the operation of fulling, so that the colours have the appearance of being stamped on them. many silver and gold mines exist in this province; but since the discovery of the rich ores of gualgayoc, in the neighbouring province of chota, the mines of caxamarca have been abandoned. on the shores of the river called de las crisnejas, which falls into the marañon, are several washing places, _lavaderos_, of gold. on the north side of the province, where it joins that of jaen, some bark trees are found, the produce of which is little inferior to the famous cinchona of loxa. during my stay at caxamarca i visited several of the towns and villages; that called de jesus, five leagues from the city, is an indian village, pleasantly situated in a small valley bounded by high mountains, at the foot of which on the north side runs the caxamarca river; on the side of this river several water mills have been erected for grinding wheat, an abundance of which is cultivated in the neighbourhood. while at this place i several times visited my friend don tomas arce, for the purpose of accompanying him to take partridges with falcons; with two of these birds and a springer we have often returned, after a few hours' sport, with five or six brace of partridges of the large red legged kind, but of a very delicate flavour. we frequently set out in the evening and slept at some farm house on the hills, and in the morning took each of us a falcon on our hard gloves and rode to the stubble fields; when the dog sprang the game, we threw up our falcons, and followed them to the place where they fell with their prey in their talons; this we could easily discover by the sound of the bells fastened to the legs of the falcon. we generally gave to our birds the brains of the partridges which they had killed, then took them on our arms, and mounted to search for more game. as the country abounds in _venados_, deer, don tomas had trained a falcon to pursue them; he stuffed the skin of one of these animals, in the eye pits of which he accustomed the bird to search for its food; he sometimes placed the stuffed skin on the shoulders of a boy, who ran away with it, when the falcon was allowed to follow him in quest of its food. in this easy manner the falcon was trained to catch deer, and it afforded us a great deal of amusement by flying after the animal and perching on its head; this gave us time to come up and secure the brute with a laso, or to kill it. i had been convinced, before i visited this province, that the character of the south american indians was far different from what it had been reported to be by all the spanish writers, excepting the virtuous las casas: otherwise, i should have been astonished at what i saw at this village, where the indians have had but little intercourse with the spaniards, compared with those of whom ulloa and condamine so contemptuously speak. many festivals are observed at this village by the indians; and although the spanish language is little used, and the quichua alone is spoken, two, three, or more spanish plays are performed by them at each festival, amounting to, at least, twenty in each year. this fondness for theatrical performances, which the indians evince--the difficulty they labour under to learn their parts, in a language not their own--beside the expences incidental to the representations, must certainly prove that the aspersions of historians are unmerited. near to this village is a farm, called la lagunilla, on which are the remains of an indian town, most curiously built; many of the houses are yet entire; they are all built of stone, and surround a small rock or mountain, which is situated in a valley: the bottom tier or range of rooms have walls of an amazing thickness, in which i have measured stones twelve feet long and seven feet high, forming the whole side of a room, with one or more large stones laid across, which serve as a roof. above these houses another tier was built in the same manner, on the back of which are the entrances or doorways, and a second row had their backs to the mountain. the roofs of the second tier in front had been covered with stone, and probably formed a promenade; a second tier of rooms thus rested on the roofs of the first tier, which were on a level with the second front tier. in this manner one double tier of dwelling rooms was built above another to the height of seven tiers. on the top are many ruins, apparently of a palace or fortress. when i first visited this place, i imagined that the rooms were excavations in the rock; but i was very soon convinced that the whole had been built, and i was astonished at contemplating such immense labour, the real purpose of which is now unknown. the rooms are seldom more than about twelve feet square and seven feet high, with a high door-way in front, narrower at the top than at the bottom; the stone has been wrought for the fronts into irregular sized squares, which are cemented together. some of the thick walls are formed of two casings of stone, and the interstice is filled up with small stones and pebbles, held together with well tempered reddish clay, which at present forms so solid a mass, that it is almost equal to stone. the cement used to hold the stones together, was, doubtless, tempered clay; but so little was used, that some have imagined that the stones were merely placed one upon another; in this surmise, however, they were evidently mistaken. the whole of this building would have contained at least five thousand families; but we are not certain that it was ever applied to that purpose. some traditions call it one of the palaces, or houses of reception, for the incas when they travelled; but this is by no means probable, for it does not stand within a league of the great road of the incas, and being only five leagues from caxamarca, it is not likely that such an edifice would have been built for such a purpose. others state, that it was the general granary for this part of the country in the time of the incas; but this is also subject to the same objections; for, as i have already mentioned, the remains of one exist on the farm belonging to doña mercedes arce, near to caxamarca; and the ruins of all those granaries which i have seen at different places are a kind of cisterns, walled round either with adobes or rough hewn stones. it appears to me as far more probable, that this was the residence of the chimu of chicama, when he resided in the interior of his territory, before it became subject to the inca pachacutec. the top of the mountain appears to have been covered with buildings of a superior kind to the rest; for some of the foundations may be traced, enclosing rooms and courts more extensive than are to be found in any other part of this mass of buildings. there are four principal roads leading from the bottom to the top, corresponding with the four cardinal points; and from each of these roads or streets the inhabitants could walk on the tops of their houses to the next, and probably round the whole by bridges laid across the intersecting roads; so that seven promenades were thus formed, besides the six circular streets. the proprietor of this estate, don tomas bueno, fancied that it was the remains of an ancient temple, and supposed that a great treasure was somewhere hidden; but i never could persuade him to cut an adit through it in search of the huaca. here are no remains of delicate sculpture, although a few arabesques may be seen on some of the stones; nor is there any appearance of elegant architecture, for which the ancient greeks and romans were so famous. however, the immense ingenuity of the builders in conveying and placing such huge masses of stone in such a situation, as well as the extracting them from the quarries without machinery, and shaping them without iron tools, must astound the contemplating beholder of these ruins, and make him blush at hearing the builders called barbarians. such epithets are equally applicable to the egyptians, on viewing their rude ancient monuments; but we feel conscious that these people were in possession of the arts and sciences when our forefathers in europe were in a state of barbarity; we consider, too, that from their plantations the first scions were brought to greece and italy, and that these exotics were afterwards transplanted into our own country. near to these ruins is a small lake, _laguna_, from which the estate derives its name; it is of an oval figure, the transverse axis being nine hundred yards, and the conjugate six hundred and fifty. one side of the lake rests on the foot of the mountains, which separate the farm from the valley of caxamarca, on the opposite side of which mountains the river runs. an excavation or tunnel is cut through one of these mountains, through which the water of the lake is discharged into the river, when it rises nearly to a level with the surrounding land, and thus a flooding of it is prevented. this lake was probably the quarry whence the stone was taken for the building just described, and the passage was probably opened at the same time by the indians, to prevent the water from deluging the low lands, which bespeaks that attention to economy so evident in the establishments of the ancient peruvians. the farm house here, with all the stables and other buildings, are of stone, brought from the _tambo del inca_, as the ruins are called: all the yards are paved with the same, and they have a very neat and clean appearance; however, i could not help wishing that the stones had remained undisturbed in their former interesting situation; but many have also been carried, for the same purposes, to different places. i visited the town of san marcos, eight leagues from caxamarca; it is most delightfully situated in a very fruitful valley, enjoying all the benefits of a tropical climate, and affording a rich variety of fruits: the apples, peaches, and other european fruits, are found in great perfection, as well as oranges, lemons, paltas, bananas, plantains, &c. my visit to this town happened at the time of the annual festival; on this account i was entertained with bull fights, indian dancers, and the representation of theatrical pieces; the town was full of visitors from the neighbouring country, and every countenance bore a smile of satisfaction, while mirth and pleasure appeared to reign in every breast. i was present in the parish church, which is a large neat brick and stone building, very much ornamented within, at the celebration of the wedding of a son and daughter of two caciques, the boy being eleven years old, and the girl thirteen. when they left the church, after the ceremony was over, they ran in different directions, the boy to play with his comrades, and the girl to join hers, as if they had merely been at church as spectators, and not the parties concerned. i afterwards asked the cura how it happened, that two such thoughtless children should be married? he answered me, "_por rason de estado_," giving me to understand, that as they were both of noble origin, their parents had married them at that age to prevent them marrying with their inferiors. the principal benefit derived from preserving the nobility of the families is, their children being admissible into the colleges, and to the three learned bodies, divinity, law, and physic. two leagues from san marcos stands the village of ichocan, on the top of an eminence, consequently its climate is very cold; the cura here was an indian, and from his corpulency might be known, according to an adage in peru, that he was a cacique; for when a person is very jolly, it is generally said, that he is as fat as a cacique, _tan gordo como un cacique_. this cura was for some time the vicar of the province, and was looked upon as an oracle in latinity and theology. he was a very cheerful companion, possessed an extensive library of latin, greek, english, and french books, which he had studied; and was more acquainted with general science than any other person i met with in this part of peru. the produce of the parish of ichocan is confined almost entirely to wheat, but it is considered the best, and fetches the highest price of any in the whole district; it sells on an average for from three to three and a half dollars the _fanega_, which is nearly three bushels. i afterwards visited several other villages; but a description of them would only be tedious and uninteresting. the natives of this province are noted for industry and hospitality; the population of indians at the time of the conquest was very extensive, forming upwards of five hundred settlements; but they are now reduced to forty-six. the capital of the province is so situated, that it is likely to become an important commercial town; it is now the great market for this province, as well as for those of chota, chachapoyas, and guallubamba. eighteen leagues from caxamarca is the celebrated silver mine called gualgayoc, which, from the slovenly manner in which it has been wrought, produces but little good ore at present (1812); although ten years ago it was considered superior to the celebrated mine at pasco: quantities of ore were extracted from the two shafts called _la mina del rey_, and _la del purgatorio_, which yielded a hundred and forty marks per caxon of fifty quintals. i left caxamarca and returned to truxillo, and thence proceeded along the coast to the northward. my first stage of eleven leagues was to chocope, a neat village containing about forty houses, chiefly inhabited by white families; it stands on a part of the valley of chicama. in the year 1746 this village was totally ruined by rain, which continued for thirty-four successive nights. the sky was clear during the day from sunrise to sunset, at which time it began to rain; and as such a phenomenon was totally unexpected, and the houses constructed of materials unable to resist it, the whole of the village was destroyed. in 1748 it rained in the same manner for eleven nights; but since that period there has been no repetition of so destructive an occurrence, nor is there any record of a similar one before that time on this or any other part of the peruvian coast, from 18° to 4° of latitude. it is also extraordinary, that this rain did not extend six leagues either to the north or to the south. my next stage of thirteen leagues brought me to san pedro, after passing a small village called payjan. san pedro is composed of about a hundred and fifty houses, of _baxareque_, canes cased with clay: it is a parish belonging to the order of augustin friars, who have a small convent here. the population is composed principally of indians, whose chief occupation is the cultivation of the lands in the valley of the same name, which is watered by the river pacasmayo, and produces most abundant crops of wheat; it was formerly considered to be the granary of lima; but after the earthquake in 1687 the crops entirely failed for almost twenty years; since which period the land has again resumed its usual fertility. this circumstance has been already mentioned when speaking of lima and la barranca. at this time the peruvians began to send their vessels to chile for wheat, which commerce has been constantly kept up ever since, and to which chile is indebted for many comforts among the lower classes, and for many rich capitals among the higher. the indians of san pedro are particularly cleanly in their persons and houses; but i had been told that their chicha was mascada, chewed; and although the natives assured me that they had of both kinds, i was fearful of being deceived--i did not wish to have a second-hand or rather a second-mouthed beverage, so i drank water. the indians appeared here to be perfectly comfortable and happy; and as their allotments of land produced them a reasonable competency, they seemed to be a people almost independent of their conquerors. the next stage brought me to las lagunas, a distance of nine leagues, having forded on the road the river xequetepeque, about half a league below the village of the same name. las lagunas, the lakes, is a low swampy country, formed by the overflowings of the river saña; the small lakes which are formed are filled with wild ducks, some of which are of a most beautiful plumage, and very delicate eating. here are only a few huts, partly for the accommodation of travellers, and partly the residence of fishermen, who catch large quantities of very fine lisas, and dry them for sale; these are so very delicate when grilled, that travellers look forward to their arrival at lagunas to eat them. five leagues from this place is the village of monsefu, which is a remarkably handsome place; the houses are very neatly built, with wide corridors in front, and whitewashed; several small streams of water cross the principal street; these are employed in irrigating the gardens and the orchards, which are attached to almost all the houses, and which produce most excellent grapes, quinces, pomegranates and other fruits, both european and tropical, particularly _cambures_, which are very small bananas, and are equal in flavour to the most delicate ripe pears. after dining here on _gualdrapas_, goat's flesh, taken from the upper part of the neck, slightly salted and dried, and which is very similar to venison, we proceeded to lambayeque, travelling through a wood of _algarrobas_, carob trees, for more than three leagues. lambayeque is the capital of the province, and the residence of the subdelegado; it has always attracted the attention of travellers, as being the most populous and the greatest trading town between lima and guayaquil. it is situated about two leagues from the sea, and four from its sea-port, called pacasmayo, where the river of this name enters the pacific, partly by which river and partly by the river lambayeque the town and the surrounding country are watered. the town of lambayeque contains upwards of eight thousand inhabitants, spanish, creoles, indians, negroes, and mixed breeds, or castes. some of the houses are large and commodious; the parish church is of stone; it is a handsome edifice, and contains many costly ornaments. attached to it are four chapels of ease, called _ramadas_; these are so many parishes of indians, each having a cura, independent of the cura of the _matris_, or parish church, of the white inhabitants. i was at this town in 1811, when the first mass was celebrated at the new altar, built at the expence of dr. delgado, and dedicated to _nuestra señora del carmen_; at this time a most sumptuous feast was held during a whole week, attended with bull fights, mains of cocks, and horse racing during the day; with balls, _tertulias_, chit-chat parties, and gambling, at night; and the whole of the inhabitants seemed entirely devoted to mirth and pleasure. the principal manufactures here are soap, cordovans of goats' skins, cotton cloths, and sweetmeats. from the extensive flocks of goats which are fed in the algarroba wood which surrounds this town, the tallow is procured for the soap manufactories, and the alkali is obtained from the _lico_, salsola, which is found in abundance in this province, as well as in that of saña, and the valley of chicama. the soap is very hard, and is cut into cakes or small bars, four of which, and sometimes six, only weigh a pound; the average price is from twenty to twenty-five dollars the quintal. its quality is far inferior to that of english soap, owing particularly to its hardness, and the quantities of impurities which it contains; notwithstanding which, it is preferred to any other soap--such is the obstinacy implanted by the habit of using it. the skins of the goats are tanned with the bark of the huarango, and sometimes with that of the algarroba, and the cordovans are of an excellent quality. these articles have a very extensive sale, which extends to the whole coast of peru and many of the provinces in the interior, as well as to the province of guayaquil, and to different parts of the kingdom of quito. quantities of tocuyo, counterpanes, table cloths, napkins and other articles of cotton, some of which are very fine, are manufactured here, as well as cotton canvass, or sail cloth; notwithstanding the extent of these works, all the yarn is spun with the distaff and spindle, so that all the females of the lower classes find constant employment. the tocuyos made here are not considered so good, and consequently are not in such demand as those of conchucos, but an extensive trade is carried on in the other articles. here is an extensive mill for cleaning the cotton from the seeds, similar to that at casma, and some large remittances of cotton have been made from this place to europe. the manufacture of sweetmeats consists chiefly of marmalade and jelly, made from quinces, guavas, and limes. it is packed in chip boxes, each holding about two pounds, which sell at half a dollar each; they are sent to lima, guayaquil, and other places along the coast. hats of palm and _junco_, fine rushes, are made here, and carried to the same markets as the other manufactures. oranges, limes, lemons, grapes, guavas, pacays, melons, paltas, huanabanas, chirimoyas, anonas, plantains, bananas, pomegranates, granadialls, tumbos, quinces, pine-apples, and many other fruits grow here and in the neighbourhood in great abundance, and they are of an excellent quality; apples, pears, and other european fruits do not thrive. wheat, maize, beans, lentils, garbansos, and other pulse, also yucas, batatas or sweet potatoes, yams, and other esculents, as well as potatoes and all kinds of culinary vegetables, arrive at great perfection; hence the market is abundantly supplied with them, as well as with good beef, fish and poultry; mutton is scarce and not very good, but the young kid is superior to lamb. the _algarroba_, carob tree, grows in the vicinity of lambayeque in great abundance, and is of such utility, that a law exists to prevent the owners from cutting them down: they grow to the size of our largest oaks; the wood is very hard, the leaf small, and the branches bear an abundance of clusters of pods, about four inches long and three-quarters of an inch broad, containing five or six black seeds, like small beans. when ripe the pod is of a brown colour, and has a sweet taste; the cattle are very fond of it, and become very fat with eating it; the mules that feed on the carob pods, after a journey to lima, a hundred and forty leagues, return apparently fat; but the greatest profit derived from this valuable tree is from the number of goats which are annually fed on the pods. these animals reach the lower branches of the trees themselves, and they are afterwards assisted in procuring their food by the goatherds, who climb the trees, and beat down the leaves and pods with long canes. at certain times of the year, when the pods become scarce, the goats will follow their goatherds any where, without the need of a driver, as if conscious that their existence depended on the assistance of their keepers. some of the goats will become so plump, that it is not uncommon for one goat to yield a quintal, one hundred pounds weight, of tallow and fat; for the whole of the fat is separated from the flesh, this latter being considered of very little value, excepting that part which covers the bones of the neck, which is eaten as a delicacy, and is really equal to venison. a considerable share of superstition belongs to the goatherds, who are indians. they believe that some men have the power, by witchcraft, to convey the fat of one flock of goats to another, if care be not taken to prevent them from so doing; for the prevention of this mischief they have different amulets, which they tie round the necks or horns of the old goats, especially those which are called the captains of the flocks. these charms consist of shells, beans, and a kind of nutmeg brought from the province of jaen de bracamoros. i was several times entertained by the tales told by the indians; they would assert, that a flock of fat goats had been placed under the care of an unskilful goatherd, and that in one night a wizard, _hichisero_, had deprived them of all their fat, and conveyed it to another flock, to the astonishment, of particularly one party, who in the morning found his fat flock reduced to skin and bone, bleating their lamentations for the loss which they had sustained. from the pods of the algarroba the indians make chicha, by merely infusing them in water, straining it, and allowing it to ferment: at the expiration of three or four days it is very palatable, and if proper attention were paid to it, i believe that a very delicate wine would be procured. small cakes called _arepas_ are sometimes made by the indians from the pods reduced to powder; they are certainly not unpalatable, though very coarse. five leagues from lambeyeque is a village called chiclayo, which is the neatest and most social place along the whole coast; it contains several respectable inhabitants, its situation in the valley of lambayeque is delightful; the productions and the market are good. it has a small convent of franciscans, to which order the curacy belongs. the trade of lambayeque, owing to its productions and the industry of the inhabitants, is very extensive; the neighbouring provinces depend on its manufactories, and it will undoubtedly become the great mart for the inland provinces for european goods. some of the shops and stores are well stocked with european manufactures, of which the sale is very extensive; and as its commerce extends to countries of such different climates, all kinds of useful foreign articles are in considerable demand. the town of eten stands on a sandy plain, and is entirely inhabited by indians; these are the only people who speak the chimu dialect which is the original language of the coast of peru, and so different from the quichua, that i could not understand a single word, nor trace any analogy between them, and beyond the limits of their town their language is unintelligible. it may very reasonably be expected that these people possess the true character of the indians; if they do, it is a very worthy one; they are temperate, industrious and kind; they do not allow any person except indians to reside among them, and a traveller is only suffered to remain three days in the town; but the alcaldes always take care that he be provided with whatever he may require. cotton cloths to a large extent are manufactured here, and the natives wear nothing that is not made by their own hands; hence many of them are possessed of considerable wealth, for the sale of their own goods is very extensive. they differ in their dress from the generality of the indians; the men wear white jackets and breeches, these having a slip of red cloth at the knees, in which the button holes are wrought; the females wear a kind of long black or blue tunic, without sleeves, girt round the waist; both sexes wear straw hats, and very seldom put on shoes. when i left lambayeque i was obliged to prepare myself with a guide, and a spare mule, for water and provisions, as well for ourselves as for the animals, because we had now to traverse the desert of sechura, the largest on the peruvian coast. we left lambayeque, and halted the first night at a small village called morope, four leagues distant from that place. the road between these towns is often frequented by robbers, who are generally runaway slaves, _simarones_, who lurk among the low brushwood on the road sides, and attack the passengers; they seldom molest a person if they observe that he is armed, but they plunder the indians and mountaineers, _serranos_, of their money and goods, and murders are more frequently committed here than in any part of peru. a short time before i passed this way, the police officers and the militia had apprehended five of these simarones; to effect this they set the brushwood on fire in several places, and in a short time the whole was in flames, so that the robbers were actually burnt out of their hiding places. morope contains about ninety houses or huts, ranchos, built of cane covered with clay, and a thousand inhabitants, all indians. the parish church is a large neat building, extremely clean, and tastefully ornamented within. we here filled our calabashes with water, and my indian guide purchased some maize for the mules; as the chicha here is mascada, i preferred putting water into my two small calabashes, which i carried in my saddle bags, _alforjas_. we left morope at four o'clock in the afternoon, and arrived before it was dark at the _medanos_; these are hills of sand in the form of a crescent, the convex side being always opposed to the wind, for as it shifts, the sand is blown up the one side and falls down on the other; thus these hills are continually changing their size and situation, flitting from one place to another, to the imminent danger of a traveller, should his guide be ignorant of the road, for all traces disappear, by the sand continually drifting along with the wind. if a guide have any reason to suspect that he is out of the track, he will alight, take up a handful of the sand and smell to it, because the dung and urine of the mules that traverse the desert communicate an odour to the sand along the road, which in other parts it does not possess. about midnight we met a troop of laden mules, and halted to converse with the muleteers; we drank some of their chicha, and i invited them to partake of ours; i had brought some brandy, _aguardiente_, and had no chicha, but they did not appear to relish it less than they would have done their countrymen's liquor, for they emptied my bottle. i drank some of theirs, and ate some sweet cakes, which they called _alfajor_; they were very good. at parting i told them i was glad i had met them, because it was a proof that we were not bewildered: that could not happen, said my guide, for the cross is our director, pointing to the constellation behind us in the heavens; and it is not midnight yet, said he, for the cross leans to yesterday; the two stars at the top and the foot of this beautiful constellation were not erect in the south. after travelling about two leagues more, we met a traveller with his guide, who saluted us with _buen viage_, a good journey to you; morning is coming, the cross bends to the sea, and i must arrive early at morope. this was an excuse for not halting; and we continued our route. when the first rays of morning began to appear, the air became suddenly chill, and i put on my poncho; my guide did the same, and said to me, "the light drives the frosty air from the mountains, _serros_, before it; it is always cold in the morning in the desert, but this refreshes us before the sun comes to burn us in the rest of our journey." whether this chilly sensation felt at sunrise be merely the result of the absence of the sun, for it is then the longest period since it set; or whether it be partly apprehension at beholding the sun again without feeling the heat which it afterwards communicates, i cannot determine; but i have universally experienced the effect in tropical climates. during the whole of this day, we saw nothing save sand and sky; and although i was accustomed to travel on the coasts of this country, i now experienced an indescribable dulness and languor; at length, before night closed, the two steeples of the church at sechura became visible; but they had more the appearance of a vessel at sea than of church steeples. at nine o'clock on the following morning we arrived at the town of sechura; i went to the house of the alcalde, and immediately laid myself down and slept very soundly, being excessively fatigued by a journey of forty leagues over the most dreary country i had ever witnessed. the town of sechura contains about two hundred and fifty houses, and two thousand inhabitants, all of whom are indians, equally industrious and temperate as those of eten; the men are principally muleteers and fishermen, the women employ themselves in spinning and weaving cotton. the church in this town is a surprising edifice; it has two very high steeples, and a handsome cupola built of brick; it is roofed with cane, which is covered with clay, and the whole evinces enormous labour, both in procuring the materials of which it is built, as well as in the erection of the edifice; it is, indeed, one of those monuments of industry and labour which must ever attract the attention of travellers. this is the first town in the jurisdiction of piura, and all passengers must present to the alcalde their passports, without which they cannot obtain either mules or a guide. i left sechura immediately after i awoke, and had taken some refreshment, feeling anxious to arrive at piura, it being the first town founded by the spaniards in south america. after travelling over ten leagues, all of which is a sandy plain, i arrived at piura, and immediately went to the house of a gentleman for whom i had letters; and although it was near midnight i received a hearty welcome from all the family, who left their beds to see the stranger. although piura is always accounted the first spanish settlement in south america, it is not exactly the same place which pizarro founded in 1531; that town stood on the plain of targasola, at a short distance from the site of the present city, and from whence it was removed on account of the insalubrity of the climate. the present city, which is the capital of the province, was founded by don francisco pizarro, who also built here the first christian church in peru. it contains at present a parish church, a convent of san francisco and one of la merced, and a hospital under the management of the bethlemite friars. the houses are built either of canes covered with clay, or of sun-dried bricks; and very few have an upper story. the streets are not paved, and consequently, like those of truxillo, they are almost ankle deep in sand and dirt. the enormous quantity of bugs in the houses is quite a nuisance. the inhabitants of piura amount to about nine thousand; they are spaniards, white creoles, indians, negroes, and mixed breeds. piura is noted for the finest breed of mules in peru; many are taken to truxillo, lima and other places, both on the coast and in the interior, for sale; some of them fetch the amazing high price of two hundred and fifty dollars each. the breed of goats is also very extensive in this district; in the capital large quantities of soap and leather, _cordovanes_, are prepared and carried for sale to guayaquil, quito, cuenca, panama, and lima. some cotton goods are manufactured here, but not to the same extent as at lambayeque. the principal occupation of the men is to attend to their mules, for the services of which there is great demand, because all the goods landed at piura are carried by mules to lima, a distance of three hundred and eighty leagues, besides which their own productions are thus transported to that and other places. the manufacture of cordage from the _maguey_ employs many persons in the interior of the province, and considerable quantities of this cordage is consumed by the merchants in peru in cording bales of merchandize and other similar purposes; but it has never yet been applied to naval equipments, except in the canoes and balsas. as part of this province is mountainous, it contains a variety of climates; but that of the capital is hot and dry to such a degree, that if a sheet of paper be placed on the ground in the evening, it may be taken up at any hour of the night or morning, and written on without any inconvenience, for it will be found perfectly dry. many persons afflicted with syphilis resort to piura for the purpose of being cured, which is effected by merely residing here, without the aid of any medicine. it is believed that the water which is usually drunk contributes more to the re-establishment of their health than the climate; for, in its course, it runs over very extensive beds of sarsaparilla, and the fallen trees of _palo santo_, the guiaco trees; and as the bed of the river is completely dry during the summer months, the inhabitants are obliged to dig wells in the bed of the river, at which time the water being more strongly impregnated with the virtues of these two vegetables, it is considered more efficacious in removing that disease. some patients are buried to the neck in the sand for one or two hours, and drink copiously of the water, by which means a most profuse perspiration is produced, and their cure is very much facilitated. the poor people here make use of pieces of dry palo santo as a substitute for candles; they merely light the end of the stick, and a flame of a reddish colour is produced, which continues to burn till the whole stick is consumed, communicating an agreeable scent to the house. piura is not well situated for mercantile business; it commands none of the interior provinces, and its own population can never render it a place of importance. fourteen leagues from piura is the sea-port of paita, and to the goods landed here from panama, destined to be carried to different parts of peru, the inhabitants of piura owe their principal occupation. paita is a very commodious and well frequented port, in latitude 5° 5´ s.; the anchorage is good, and the landing is excellent. the town of paita was destroyed in 1741 by anson; in the church of the merced the friars shew an image of the virgin mary, which had its throat cut by one of the heretics who accompanied anson, the blood yet remaining on her neck, and the wound unhealed. the present town is composed of about two hundred houses; the inhabitants are principally indians, many of them are employed in a seafaring life, and they are considered to be good sailors. the country around paita is a complete barren sandy desert, not a drop of water nor a green leaf is any where to be seen, and the heat is remarkably oppressive. the water used here is brought from the river colan, four leagues to the northward of paita, in large calabashes, or earthen jars, on balsas or rafts, and it is consequently sold at a very high price to the ships in need of it, as well as to the inhabitants. here is a custom house, with the necessary revenue officers and a governor. on the south side of the bay is a small fort, with four long brass cannons of eighteen pound calibre. owing to the constant clearness of the sky at paita, perhaps no place in the world is better suited for an astronomical observatory; the stars are always visible at night, owing to the total absence of clouds; besides which the atmosphere is at all times of nearly the same density; no mists, dews or fogs, ever pervade it; it is surrounded by the pacific ocean on one side, and extensive sandy plains on the other; and, owing to the brilliancy with which the celestial bodies shine here, it is become proverbial to say, "as bright as the moon at paita." i embarked at paita in a small brig belonging to an indian, who was the captain, and after a tedious coasting voyage of fifty-one days arrived at callao. chapter vii. leave lima for guayaquil...._amortajado_....puná....arrival of the spaniards, and conquest of....village of....inhabitant....passage up the river guayaquil...._punta de arena_....guayaquil.... foundation and description of....buildings....inhabitants.... amusements....market....fruit....climate....insects and reptiles ....dock yard....project of sawing mills....balsa, description of ....navigation of....canoes....merchants of guayaquil. on my arrival at lima, his excellency the count ruis de castilla solicited me as an attendant to accompany him to quito, the king having appointed him the president, captain-general, &c. i immediately embraced the proposals, and in june, 1808, we embarked at callao for guayaquil, where his excellency being detained by an indisposition, i enjoyed a month's leisure to visit different parts of the province. at the entrance of the river guayaquil is an extraordinary rock, called _el amortajado_, the shrouded corpse, from the resemblance which it bears to a body shrouded in the franciscan habit; the head, the body, the arms folded on the breast, and the rising of the feet, as the whole seems to lie on its back, are very correctly seen at the distance of from two to five miles. having arrived at the island of the puná, we anchored for the purpose of waiting for the next tide, having had a pilot, _practico_, to bring us hither. the island stretches s.w. and n.e. about eight leagues, and is about four leagues broad in its widest part. in 1530 don francisco pizarro landed here, at which time it was governed by a chief or cacique; pizarro was tempted to visit this island by the accounts he had received from the indians at tumpis, who were at war with those of the puná, that these latter were in possession of immense quantities of gold. on the arrival of pizarro, the natives opposed his landing; but having effected it, a sharp engagement ensued, in which a considerable number of indians were slain; three spanish soldiers also were killed, and several more were wounded, among whom was don hernando pizarro. at the time of the first landing of the spaniards on this island, in 1530, it was inhabited by upwards of twenty thousand indians; but from the persecution which they suffered for having bravely opposed their invaders--when a census was taken in 1734, only ninety-six remained; and since that period those few have all retired to machala. near to the anchorage is a small village, inhabited chiefly by mulattos; there is a spanish church, and a house, called _del rey_, which, when vessels unload, serves as a custom-house. on the arrival of a person who is unacquainted with the beauties of a tropical climate, or who has been accustomed to the dreary scenery of the coast of peru, he is almost enchanted with the luxuriant prospect presented to his view. the whole of the surrounding country is covered with woods, with here and there a few small houses, starting, as it were, from the green foliage on the margin of the river, which has here the appearance of an extensive lake. the houses are built of canes, and have an upper story, but are without a ground floor. they are constructed by placing four or more logs of timber in the ground, and at the height of ten feet a floor of large split canes is laid, supported by a frame-work of mangroves; a roof of palm or other leaves is then formed, which descends to within five feet of the ground-floor; a rude varanda of canes encloses the whole building, which, in the larger houses, is divided by canes into two or three apartments; but in the smaller houses they have only one room. the ascent is by a ladder, sometimes merely the trunk of a tree with steps cut in it. the houses in this village rise gradually behind each other, without any order or regularity, interspersed with some large and beautiful tamarind trees, equal in size to our largest oaks: beneath these the pompous banana waves its huge leaves, and droops with the weight of its golden fruit; while above towers the majestic cocoa palm, laden with its numerous branches of nuts, hanging beneath a cupola of feather-like foliage. the inhabitants of puná leave their houses during part of the year, and retire to other places, where they cultivate maize, pumpkins, tobacco, &c.; after which they return to sell such produce as they are possessed of, to the merchants who come to purchase it. they also employ themselves in cutting mangroves, which are sent to lima and other parts of peru, and in fishing. owing to a want of water in the island, for irrigation, there being no rivers, and from the scarcity of rain during the last ten years, the plantations of cocoa have failed; and, although formerly upwards of twelve hundred quintals were collected here annually, not one, at present, is harvested. owing to the same cause, all cultivation has ceased on the island, and the inhabitants are obliged to dig wells to supply themselves with good water in summer; for, although there is a small spring near to the village, for want of proper attention the water is undrinkable. it is only used for washing, which operation is performed on the margin; and by throwing near to it the soapy water, the spring is rendered useless, except for the purpose to which it is applied. after waiting at the puná for the following tide, we weighed, and stood up the river: we sometimes passed so near to the mangroves which grow on the different islands, and even in the water (the trees being supported by their almost innumerable roots, which cross each other in all directions), that it appeared as if the branches would become entangled with the ropes of the ship. on the roots, as well as on the branches of the mangroves, many beautiful white storks were perched, which contributed very much to heighten the novelty and beauty of the scene. navigation in its primitive state was here presented to us on our passage:--the unwieldy and creeping balsa lagged behind us, and the next abrupt turn in the channel hid it from our view, the high trees, of some small island usurping its place in the prospect; while the light canoe skimmed along on the surface of the water, as if in mockery of our ship, which might justly boast its superiority over the balsa. about seven leagues from the puná there is a small battery, or rather a breast-work, formed of the trunks of the _palo de balsa_ and the _ceibo_, mounting six guns. the projection of a small promontory, called sandy point, _punta de arena_, commands the channel for about two miles, and this point of defence might easily be made the protecting place of the city, even against large vessels; while boats and balsas might go up to the city by another channel of the river, formed by an island opposite to punta de arena, without any molestation from this battery. it was late in the evening when we came to an anchor off the city, and i never beheld a more brilliant view than the one before us. the long range of houses by the river side presented a double row of lights, one from the shops below, and another from the upper stories, where the inhabitants reside: in a few places three rows appeared, some of the houses having a low story between the shops and the dwelling rooms. at the extremity of this line of lights the houses in the old city, _cuidad vieja_, rose one above another, while the many balsas at anchor, or passing along the river, with fires on board, formed altogether a very dazzling but pleasing prospect. the first town, called guayaquil, was founded in 1533 in the bay of charapotó, by don francisco pizarro; and by the date of the title granted by charles v. it was the second town founded in peru; however the first was entirely destroyed by the indians. in 1537, francisco de orrellana built another town on the west side of the river, which was afterwards removed to the site where cuidad vieja now stands; and, lastly, in 1793, to its present situation. its name is taken from that of its original chief or cacique, guayas. the city is divided into two distinct wards, by a wooden bridge eight hundred yards long; this bridge crosses several estuaries, and some low ground that is flooded by the river. the new town, or that part called guayaquil, extends half a league along the side of the river, on a plain, having the dock yard at the southern extremity on the same level; and cuidad vieja, or the old city, at the northern extremity; one part of which is built on the acclivity of the hill, and the other on the top of it, where the convent of santo domingo now stands. the principal street, called the malecon, runs along the side of the river; about the centre of it stands the custom-house; at the back of this street another runs the whole length of the city, which, with the intersecting streets, forms the chief part of guayaquil. this city is the capital of the province, and the residence of the governor; it has a municipal authority invested in two alcaldes, and other officers; the custom-house, _aduana_, has an accomptant, treasurer, and inferior officers. the military department is subject to the viceroy of peru; the civil to the audience of quito, and the ecclesiastical to the bishop of cuenca. here are two parish churches, one in the new town, the other in the old; both dedicated to santiago, the patron of the city; also a convent of franciscans, one of augstinians, and one of dominicans; the hospital is under the care of the order of san juan de dios. the matris as well as the other churches are built principally of wood, and have tiled roofs. a custom prevails at the churches here on the days of particular festivals, which i never observed in any other part of the colonies. men go up the belfries or steeples, with drums and trumpets, and accompany the tune rung on the bells by striking them, as the chinese do their gongs, with hammers or stones, making a strange, but not altogether disagreeable kind of music; it is certainly ridiculous, however, to hear marches and dance tunes played in a church steeple, for the purpose of calling the people to prayers. the greater part of the houses in the principal streets have an upper story, where the inhabitants reside, the ground floor being occupied as shops and warehouses. the upper stories have long balconies about four or five feet wide, with canvass curtains, which are very useful, because they form an agreeable shade against the scorching rays of the sun; and when a little breeze springs up, one end of the roller is passed between the ballustrades of the varanda, and the other end projects outward, so that the breeze is thus caught, and a current of air is guided into the apartments of the house, which at any time is very desirable; there are no buildings in guayaquil that particularly attract the attention of a traveller, either by their size or beauty; but however the generality of the houses are large, commodious, and have a very good appearance, particularly those along the malecon, which face the river; as they are all built of wood, the risk of being burnt is very great. in the years 1692, 1707, and 1764 the city was nearly reduced to ashes; besides which conflagrations it has suffered eleven other partial ones, which destroyed many houses and much property. notwithstanding the danger to which the city is exposed, the dreadful examples which it has experienced, and the easy means by which water may be procured in any part of the town, for the prevention of general conflagrations, there is not one engine for the extinction of fire, nor any regular body of firemen. an indispensable part of the furniture of a house is the _hamaca_, hammock; and i have frequently seen five or six in one room; they are made of pita, agave thread, or a kind of straw, dyed of various colours; they are so woven or matted, that they extend to a great width, and hold two, three, or four persons. they are stretched across the rooms, and along the sides and ends, and the inhabitants prefer them to any other seat: indeed, they possess peculiar advantages, for, by being put in motion, the current of air which is thus produced is refreshing; and the motion prevents the possibility of the person being bitten by the mosquitos, as the least draft or motion in the air obliges these blood-suckers to seek for safety in some quiet corner. the population of guayaquil amounts to about twenty thousand souls; the inhabitants are composed of all the different classes which are found in the various towns of south america, but there is an excess of mulattos. a phenomenon presents itself here which greatly surprises all foreigners; the complexion of some of the white natives is extremely delicate, the lily and the rose are blended as enchantingly as on the cheek of any european beauty, accompanied also with blue eyes and light coloured hair; yet the climate is extremely hot, and the town is surrounded with low swampy grounds. the ladies are not only remarkably fair, but they have also very delicate regularly formed features; they are tall genteel figures, have an elegant gait, walk well, and dance gracefully; they are also very lively and witty in their conversation, and on the whole the female society of guayaquil exceeds that of any other town in south america that i visited;--their private characters being as free from levity as their public demeanour is from prudery. the men are more enterprising in their commercial concerns, and the lower classes are more industrious than the people generally are in the other colonies; indeed every thing here bears the marks of exertion and activity. the favourite amusements are bull fights, excursions on the water in _balsas_, and dancing; of the latter all ranks appear passionately fond, and in the evening the harp, the guitar, or the violin may be heard in almost every street, and, contrary to what might be expected in a country lying between the tropics, the reel, the waltz, and the country dance are preferred to any other. the market of guayaquil is but indifferently supplied with flesh meat, although the horned cattle is well fed on the _savanas_ and _gamalotales_. before the beef comes to market it is deprived of all its fat, and cut into shreds about an inch thick, called _tasajo_; the fat is melted and sold as lard for culinary purposes, but this however might be easily remedied if the inhabitants would come to a resolution not to buy the beef in such a mangled state. very fine ribs of beef, called chalonas, are salted and dried in the province of monte christe, and brought to this market; they are very fat, and of an excellent flavour. the quantity of salt used in curing them being small, the meat is not too salt to be roasted. mutton is a very scarce commodity, and seldom to be had. veal and lamb are unknown. pork is tolerably good, and in abundance. the tame poultry is good, but generally dear; and although the woods abound with game, and the rivers and creeks contain plenty of water fowl, none of these are scarcely ever brought to market. the supply of fish is tolerably abundant, but generally speaking it is not good; the exceptions are the _lisa_, a kind of mullet, the _vieja_, old wife, _ciego_, or blind fish, (about nine inches long, with only the spinal bone) and a species of anchovies or sardinas. oysters are very plentiful, and the rock oysters though large are good, while those found among the mangroves are very muddy. the bread made here is generally of an inferior quality, although the flour is good, both that procured from chile, and that from the provinces of quito and cuenca. rice, _garbansas_, a species of pea, brought from lambayeque, beans, quinua, lentils, and other pulse are cheap; european vegetables are scarce, the yuca, camote, pumpkins, and other gourds, are very plentiful, but the natives prefer the plantain to any vegetable, using it baked, boiled or fried; green, half ripe, or ripe, at every meal; and many foreigners after residing here a short time become equally partial to it. the guayaquileños are often ridiculed by strangers on account of their predilection for plantains; they are reported as having imitations of rolls made of wood on their tables, and their real plantains under the napkins. some of the butter of this province is well tasted, but the greater part used, as well as the cheese, is brought from the _sierra_, mountains. the fruit market at guayaquil is most abundant; here are enormous melons, and water melons, which may be cut and tasted before they are purchased; several varieties of the pine apple, and cashew nuts, which resemble a small kidney growing at the end of an apple; thus, unlike other fruit, the seed grows on the exterior of the apex; the very astringent taste of this nut is destroyed by roasting it. the _anona_, or _cabesa de negro_, is similar to the chirimoya, but it is neither so large nor so delicate as that fruit: _badeas_ are very large and highly flavoured: the _jobos_ are a fruit in size and shape like a large damson, of a yellow colour, very juicy, with an agreeable acidity; when green they make excellent tarts: the _mameis_ are an egg-shaped fruit, with a fibrous rind, covering a pulpy substance, of a delicately sweet taste; each contains one or two large rough kidney-shaped seeds: _marañones_, a fruit somewhat like a lemon; they have a smooth yellow skin, striped with red; the pulp is very acid but agreeable, and is sucked on account of its being very fibrous; in size and shape the seed is like the cashew nut, but it is united to the fruit where this joins the branch; the seed is more delicate than an almond, and it is used by the confectioner as well as the fruit: _nisperos_, an egg shaped fruit about four inches long; the rind is brown and rough; the pulp in some is white, in others reddish, very sweet, and somewhat resembling the taste of a delicious pear; each contains three long hard seeds--this fruit is in season during the whole year: _zapotes_, a round fruit about five or six inches in diameter, having a soft, downy, yellowish rind; the pulp in some is a very deep yellow, in others it is white, in others almost black, but the yellow kind is considered the best; they are very sweet, but fibrous; in the centre is a large kernel, to which all the fibres appear strongly attached. oranges, limes, lemons, paltas, lucumas, palillos, tamarinds, guavas, coconuts, and other intertropical fruits are also in very great abundance. what may be termed a separate fruit market is the astonishing quantities of plantains which are sold, because they constitute the principal support of the lower classes, and are always to be found at the tables of the higher. large canoes and balsas, carrying five or six hundred bunches of this fruit, arrive every day from different parts at the city, and if the supply happen to be scanty for two or three days, the arrival of canoes or balsas is hailed as a godsend. besides the quantity of plantains consumed by the inhabitants, the country ships give rations of them to their crews, instead of bread; and the natives feed their poultry and pigs on the ripe ones. what adds greatly to the curiosity of the market altogether, is the originality of the sight; it is principally held on board the numberless canoes and balsas which arrive from the country, and which remain close to the river side till they have delivered their cargoes. the winter season, which commences here in the month of december, and continues till the latter end of april, is very disagreeable, owing to the heat, the constant want of a refreshing wind, the unceasing rains, the frequent thunder storms, and the abundance of troublesome insects, all of which seem to combine to incommode the human species; the natives, however, appear to withstand the joint attack with wonderful composure. during the remaining eight months of the year, which is called the summer, the climate is not oppressive; a breeze from the south-west, called the _chandui_, because it comes over a mountain of this name, generally sets in about noon, and continues to blow till five or six o'clock the following morning. the natives may be seen about noon looking out for the breeze, and on the first appearance of it the rollers of the blinds are placed between the ballustrades of the varandas to catch it: along the malecon, when it is observed to ripple the water in the river, a general salutation often takes place, and "yonder comes the chandui," may be heard on every side. during the summer all kinds of provisions and fruit are abundant, and of a better quality, and the city is then very healthy; but during the winter intermittent fevers, dysenteries, and diseases of the eyes, are very common, and often prove fatal. strangers at guayaquil are much annoyed by the troublesome insects, as well as the most poisonous reptiles, which abound there. during the rainy months the mosquitos appear in such swarms, that it is impossible to avoid them; and, besides the bite, the continued humming noise which they make prevents a person, unaccustomed to such music, from sleeping, although his bed may be furnished with curtains to protect him against their bite. another small insect, called _jejen_, is extremely troublesome: it is so diminutive, that it can pass the bed-curtains, unless they be made of some close fine material; and its bite causes a greater degree of irritation than that of the mosquito. ants creep about the houses in such prodigious numbers, that it is almost impossible to prevent them from mixing with the victuals, particularly sweetmeats; and it is no uncommon thing, when you take off the crust of a tart, or open ajar of preserves, to find that the whole has been consumed by these insects, and the despoilers in complete possession of the cup or jar. i have frequently seen a cold fowl brought to the table, and on carving it the ants would sally forth in droves, and run all over the table; even the beds are invaded by them, and that person would smart for it who should unwarily lay himself down, without the necessary precaution of well examining the premises. another very small insect, called the _comejen_, although not troublesome in the same manner as the foregoing, is more so in other respects. its destructive qualities are so active, that in the space of one night it will penetrate the hardest wood, or any other similar substance. i have been assured, that in the same space of time, it has been known to perforate a bale of paper, passing quite through twenty-four reams. this insect builds its nest under the eaves of the houses, of a glutinous clay, similar to that used by the swallows in the fabrication of their nests; but the comejen continues his for several yards in length. the greatest care is necessary to prevent their entering a store or any such place, where their depredations would cause a considerable decrease in the value of the contents. the natives sometimes daub their nests with tar, which destroys the whole swarm; for if disturbed, they will divide into different societies, and each will separately search for a convenient place in which to form a new one. in the archives of quito, there is a curious royal decree of carlos iii. respecting this insect. a number of cases of gun-flints had been sent to panama from spain, for the purpose of being forwarded to lima; but their non-arrival at this place caused the viceroy to repeat his request to the court for the supply; this produced an investigation--the flints were traced to panama, and the governor was ordered to account for them. in his answer to the minister, he stated, that the comejen had destroyed the cases in the royal magazine. the minister being ignorant of what the comejen was, an order was issued under the royal seal, commanding the governor of panama to apprehend the comejen--to form a summary process on the crimes which he had committed, then to send the prisoner and documents, with the necessary guard, in custody to spain, that he might be dealt with according to the extent of his criminality! the _nigua_, called _piqui_ in lima and other parts of peru, is a diminutive insect, in appearance like a small flea. they generally introduce themselves under the cuticle of the feet, which causes a slight itching: when they have thus established their residence, they deposit a great number of eggs, the whole increasing to the size of a pea; if not carefully taken out they continue to breed, and, corroding the neighbouring parts, they produce malignant ulcers, which sometimes terminate in gangrene. the greatest care is necessary in taking out these diminutive but disagreeable insects; no part should be left behind, and the whole of the bag which contains the ovii should be extracted; when they have been suffered to remain several days they occasion great pain. negroes are most troubled with them, on account of their going barefoot, and of their inattention to cleanliness. the reptiles that frequent the houses in guayaquil are the _alacran_, which in shape resembles a lobster: the body is about an inch long, and the tail, which has nine joints, is of the same length; the end of the tail is armed with a small hooked instrument, with which the animal can inflict a sting so poisonous, that it causes violent pain in the part affected; considerable degree of fever, excessive thirst, hardness of the tongue, and sometimes delirium ensues; but all the effects generally cease within twenty-four hours. the remedy usually applied is cauterizing the part with a lighted segar. the _ciento pies_ are from three to six inches long; they have thirty articulations or joints, and sixty feet; they are covered with small scales of a brownish hue, and have organs suited for biting, both at the head and at the tail, either of which cause violent pain, and a considerable degree of fever. the remedy used by the natives is the same as for the bite of the alacran. many _salamanquecas_, small chameleons, run about the houses, at which the natives are very much alarmed, fancying that their scratch is mortal; and certainly it must be fancy, for there is no record of any person having been scratched by them. on account of the insects and reptiles, and during the rainy season, when a few snakes introduce themselves into the houses, all the inhabitants smoke segars, being persuaded that the smoke of tobacco drives them away; so that even the females and the children become habituated to the use of this herb, which in guayaquil is cheap, and of a good quality. the most important part of guayaquil is the dock yard; it produces employment for a great number of mechanics, promotes labour, and consequently independence in a considerable portion of the inhabitants. it also promotes the circulation of money in the neighbourhood, by encouraging the consumption of wood, which is brought from the surrounding country; and the effect caused by giving, through the medium of labour, the greatest possible value to the natural produce of the country is no where so visible as in this city, heightened undoubtedly by the contrast to be met with in the other colonial districts. here the working mechanic is sure of employment; he can calculate with certainty on his earnings, and by being indispensably necessary he acquires a personal independence, totally unknown where labour is scarce, or population excessive. some of the vessels built here have been very much admired by foreigners capable of appreciating their architectural merits; and particularly schooners of a hundred and fifty or two hundred tons burthen. the largest ship ever built in this dock yard was the san salvador, of seven hundred tons; but vessels of from three to five hundred tons are very common. the master ship builder is a mulatto, a native of guayaquil, as well as the masters caulker and rigger. excepting the wood, all the other materials are procured from europe; thus the most extensive market for iron, sheet copper, and all kinds of naval stores, is furnished at guayaquil. very great economical improvements might undoubtedly be made in this yard, and particularly, in the timber. a foreign carpenter would be much surprised to see a man take a solid log of wood, and chalk out a curved plank for the bow or stern of a boat, and cut it with an axe, forming but one plank out of each log, and this by no means so durable as a straight plank would be when curved by artificial means: this is observable in the durability of the wood in the different parts of their boats. the introduction of sawing mills here would be of the greatest importance, as well as at talcahuano, in chile, and would amply repay the speculator who should establish them. the rise and fall of the tide would furnish, at very little expence, the necessary power for the machinery. the sum paid for the sawing of a single plank, twelve inches broad and sixteen or eighteen feet long, is six reals, or three-quarters of a dollar: this will convey an idea of the importance of such an establishment as the one just mentioned. at present (1824) the objections that would formerly have been started during the domination of the spaniards necessarily disappear, not so much perhaps from an increase of knowledge as from an increase of work, and a diminution of workmen; this being the unavoidable result of the war in peru, and that the consequence of the flattering prospect which the emancipation of the colonies now presents. many other improvements which are generally adopted in the english arsenals would be found of vast importance in the ship yard at guayaquil; which, from its situation, must ever remain the principal station for ship building on the shores of the pacific. the balsa is one of the most early specimens of the art of ship-building, if simplicity of construction can warrant the assertion in general terms; it certainly, however, was the only large vehicle in possession of the natives when the spaniards arrived in this part of the new world. of the conveniency of this rude vessel, both asara and acosta speak, when orellana transferred the city of guayaquil from the bay of charapota, near to where the town of monte christi now stands, to the western shores of the river, because it served to transport his soldiers, auxiliaries, and stores, when the indians burnt that town in 1537. the balsa is formed by laying together five, seven, or more large trunks of the _palo de balsa_ or _ceibo_, which is so porous and light, that a man can carry a log thirty feet long and 12 inches in diameter; pieces of cedar, about six inches square, or large canes, are next laid crossway upon these, and the whole are tied together with the tough pliant stems of a creeping plant, called _bejuco_; split canes are afterwards laid along these rafters, to form what may be termed the deck of the balsa. instead of a mast, the sail is hoisted on two poles, or sheers, of mangrove wood, inclining a little forward, being supported by two backstays. the sail is a large square lugsail, with halyards and braces. for propelling the balsa along during a calm, the natives use a long paddle, broad at the lower extremity; they let this fall perpendicularly at the stern of the balsa, and then drag the end forwards, by which means the broad end of the paddle sweeps through the water as it rises, and impels the balsa forward, though very slowly. the rudder is formed of one of these paddles lashed astern, and is managed by one or two men; besides which they have several boards, each three or four yards long and two feet broad, called _guaras_; these they insert between the main or central logs, and allow them to dip more or less into the water: these boards serve for a keel, and prevent the balsa from upsetting or making much lee-way. by raising or lowering these boards in different parts of the balsa, the natives can perform on their raft all the manoeuvres of a regularly built and well rigged vessel, an invention which i believe is not generally known, and the utility of which might be very great in cases of shipwreck, where the seamen have to betake themselves to rafts, without being acquainted with so easy a method of steering them, and of preventing them from capsizing. all the balsas have a small shed built on them, which serves the purposes of a cabin; they are formed of canes, and the roof is covered with palm leaves, or those called _vijao_, which are similar in shape to those of the banana, but not so liable to break or split. some of the large balsas have a comfortable house built on them, composed of four, five, or more rooms; the sides and roof being lined with chintz, with mats on the floors; and are most comfortable conveyances for passengers or parties of pleasure. the balsas are used in the river for loading and unloading the vessels, for carrying the produce of the country from one part to another; also as stages for careening ships, and for heaving them down, besides many other similar purposes: with them also the natives perform voyages to paita, sechura, pacasmayo, and even huanchaco; beating up against the wind and current a distance of four degrees of latitude, having on board five or six hundred quintals of goods as a cargo, besides a crew of indians and their provisions. the canoes of guayaquil are, although unornamented, very handsomely constructed; they are generally made of cedar, _huachapeli_, or _ceibo_: some of them are upwards of twenty feet long, and three feet wide. a large canoe built upon with two or three rows of planks is called a _chata_, and is used for bringing down the cocoa and other productions from the plantations; where, owing to the narrowness of the creeks, and the many turns and windings, the balsas are useless: these also have a lugsail and a jib. many persons have been surprised at not finding the guayaquil merchants possessed of very large capitals: this may be attributed to various causes; the repeated fires have destroyed considerable stocks of merchandize, and as there are no insurance companies, the whole loss has fallen on the individual proprietors. the merchants are also generally supplied with european manufactures from the lima and panama markets, which increases the price of the commodity; and the decrease in the consumption is necessarily in the inverse ratio of the price. goods manufactured in the neighbouring provinces are commonly brought to market by the manufacturers themselves, from whom the inhabitants purchase them at high prices. the produce of the province is generally purchased by commission from peru and mexico, so that the merchants of guayaquil are in some degree, only brokers. small speculations and activity will insure to any one most excellent profits, and hence the considerable number of persons in this city who enjoy a comfortable independence; and probably this is another objection to the amassing of large fortunes by commerce. chapter viii. productions of the province of guayaquil, cocoa....cultivation.... harvest....tobacco....timber....salt....cattle....minor articles of trade...._turbines_ found at santa elena....large bones, &c.... animals, _perico_, _ligero_....monkeys...._iguanas_....toucanes.... _trompeteros_....snakes....curiquinqui, snake-eater...._huaco_, antidote for the bite of snakes...._lagartos_, alligators, description of....methods of killing....fishermen....mineral productions. the following account of the productions of the province of guayaquil is partly from my own observation, and partly from statements given to me by some very respectable natives, on whose veracity i could rely. the most important production of this rich part of south america, as an article of exportation, is the cocoa, the utility and delicacy of which, as an article of food, needs no other encomium than that linnæus calls it _theobroma_, the beverage of the gods. the _cacao_, so called by the indians, and which name it still retains in america, is cultivated here to a very great extent, and considerable profit; but, like many other articles, it requires greater care to render it abundantly productive than what it usually receives. it is sometimes sown in nurseries, on a good soil, where it can be irrigated and shaded from the sun till the plants are about two feet high; at which time they are fit for transplanting; but it is more frequently sown where the plants are to remain. for this purpose the ground is first prepared by clearing away the wood, which is allowed to dry and is then burnt, excepting some lofty trees, which are left to form a shade over the cacao trees; for this, unlike other fruit trees, must be protected against the rays of the sun during every period of its existence. the ground is then divided into compartments, by cutting trenches for the purpose of draining it during the rainy seasons. the cacao beans, fresh from the ripe pod, are laid on the ground in pairs, fourteen or fifteen feet asunder; these are very slightly covered with earth, and a folded leaf of plantain laid over them to preserve the moisture, or prevent the heavy rains from destroying the young plants. if the two beans germinate, the weaker plant is cut down, when both have grown to that height which allows the planter an opportunity of judging of their strength. at the time that the cacao is planted, bananas, or plantains, are also sown, ranges of the young plants being placed between those of the cacao, for the purpose of procuring a shade for the shrubs; and it is calculated that on an average the crop of plantains will defray the whole expence of the plantation. until the cacao tree has grown to the height of four feet it is pruned to the stem, and then allowed to throw out three or four branches, at equal distances, from which the leaves are stripped, to prevent them from drooping; all suckers are also removed, and the tree grows to the height of eighteen or twenty feet. when the cacao tree begins to bear, which is commonly the third year after planting, then as well as before that period, it is assaulted by several enemies of the caterpillar species; one of this tribe is four inches long, and one in circumference round the body; it is belted alternately with black and pale yellow stripes; these and all others are carefully sought for and killed. when the tree begins to bear fruit, the cavias, monkeys, squirrels, and the parrots, commit the greatest depredations, and nothing but fire-arms will drive them away; they skip and fly from tree to tree, and do more damage by breaking the branches, than if they were allowed to remain and feed quietly on the fruit; some of the monkey tribes are so impudent, that they will perch themselves on the branches, break off the ends or the fruit, and throw them at the person who attempts to disturb them. the flower of the cacao is white; it is attached by a short stem to the larger branches, or to the trunk of the tree; the pod which contains the beans is shaped like a melon, about three inches long; when ripe it is of a yellow colour; from twenty to thirty beans are closely imbedded in five rows in each pod, in a soft, moist, downy substance, beautifully white, and of a very agreeable subacid taste. the two principal harvests of the cacao are in june and december, but many of the planters prefer gathering the pods during the whole year, whenever they are in a state of maturity. when the pods are gathered from the trees, they are carried in large baskets to a place properly prepared by cleaning it, and laid on plantain leaves spread for this purpose; those who are appointed to separate the beans from the pods, take a small knife-shaped instrument, of bone or hard wood, and make two or more incisions through the rind, and then throw them to others, who shake out the beans. these are allowed to remain covered with plantain leaves, for three or four days, but not more, when they are spread out to dry; and when they are perfectly so, they are carried to some place prepared to receive them, where the greatest care is necessary to preserve them from becoming wet, or from fermenting, which is the case if they be not completely dry when housed. a small stove would often save a cacao grower many thousand dollars, particularly in the december harvest, when the rains prevail. the cacao plantations generally abound with snakes; for the cutting down of the brushwood, and the subsequent care requisite to prevent it from growing and injuring the plants, allow the rays of the sun to penetrate in many places, and these dangerous reptiles resort to them for the purpose of basking in the sun, of which they appear very fond. at night the enormous quantity of fire-flies, _lucernas_, which fly about in all directions, is truly beautiful, and their united light is sometimes so great, as to allow a person to see his way along a narrow path. on an average the quantity of cacao harvested in the province of guayaquil is six hundred thousand _fanegas_, of three bushels each; it sometimes sells at seven dollars the fanega. the cacao of guayaquil is of an inferior quality, the bean is large compared to that of carraccas, and three times the size of the best cacao, which is that of soconusco; it is much drier than either of these, and consequently much lighter, and has a more bitter taste; however, the demand for it was never below the quantity produced, and ships from callao to spain generally dropped down to guayaquil to take in cargoes of it; besides the annual supply to peru, chile, and mexico. the cacao produced in the lieutenancy of machala is considered the best; but i have not the least doubt, that if due attention were paid to the cultivation and harvesting, such as is bestowed in england on vegetables of minor importance, the cacao of guayaquil would both increase in quantity and improve in quality. no soil or climate can be better suited to its growth than those of this province, for it requires heat in this, and moisture in that. at present (1824) the political changes have opened a fair field to the investment of british capital, and the exertions of british industry in this rich and fertile province; in which i hope to see both employed and prospering, not only in commercial intercourse, but in mechanical and agricultural improvements. very large plantations of tobacco are cultivated in this province, particularly in the department of daule and puerto viejo; it is packed in the leaf, and supplies the interior provinces, peru and chile; its quality is mild and good, and although it is a royal monopoly, the king paying only one and a half real, three-sixteenths of a dollar, per pound, it employs many of the natives, and pays them moderately well. timber is another article of commerce, large quantities being carried to peru, besides the great consumption of it here in the dock yard: the kinds of timber used in ship-building are _roble_, a kind of oak, _guachapeli_, _balsamo_, cedar, _maria_, _huarango_, and _piñuela_; in addition to which varieties, there are, for other purposes, saffron, laurel, negro, _caoba_, a kind of mahogany, ebony, _cascol_, _guayacan_, _colorado_, _guayabo_, _mangle_, _canelo_, and others of minor importance. salt is another branch of commerce of considerable consequence; it is produced at the punta de santa elena, and carried to quito, cuenca, loxa, as well as to every part of the provinces subject to these capitals; and it is a source of great wealth to this province. the trade in horned cattle, mules, and horses, of which there is an excess in the savanas of guayaquil, is extensive; they are driven into the interior, where they find a good market, and amply repay the breeder. the province of guayaquil also produces many articles of less moment, but all contributing to enrich its inhabitants; some of these are bees wax, honey, small quantities of excellent coffee, rice, _ajonjoli_, cotton, bark for tanning, _vainilla_, coconuts, copal gum, sarsaparilla, sassafras, anime balsam, cassiafistula, caraña gum, and _cascol_, a kind of black sealing wax; large quantities of _pita_, thread, are spun also from the agave americana, and many thousands of hats are made annually by the indians in the department of xipixapa, of a fine white rush, some of which sell for upwards of twenty dollars each. the small shell-fish found on the rocks near to santa elena are worthy of notice, as i believe them to be the true turbines. they are about the size of a hazel nut, shaped like a snail, and by different operations the beautiful purple dye is obtained from them. some prick the fish with a needle or cactus thorn, and then press it down into the shell till a small quantity of milky juice appears, into which a portion of cotton is dipped; it is put into an earthen jar or cup, and the fish is placed again on the rock: others take the fish out of the shell, and lay it on their hands; they press it with a knife from the head towards the tail or the slender part, which becomes filled with the liquid, and is cut off, and cotton is applied to absorb the moisture, otherwise thread is passed through it. when the cotton is soaked in the liquor, and a sufficient quantity is obtained, it is mixed with as much dry cotton as it will conveniently make damp, the cotton being well carded or teased; it is afterwards dried and spun; when thread is used it is only drawn through the liquor and dried. the colour is at first a pale yellow, it subsequently changes to a greenish hue, and in the course of a few hours it acquires the beautiful purple tinge so much admired by the ancients, and which no future washing or exposure to the air can alter. the thread dyed by the liquid procured from this small fish is often sold in guayaquil, and is called _caracolillo_, from _caracol_, a snail. at the punta de santa elena, enormous remains of unknown animals have been discovered, which m. de humboldt says were cetaceous; and ulloa, agreeing with the popular opinion here, calls them the remains of giants, because the indians are in possession of a tradition, that men of a colossal stature once landed at this point. i saw a grinder in the possession of don jose merino, at guayaquil, which weighed five pounds three ounces, and the enamel was spotted like the female tortoise shell. the jaguar is an inhabitant, and may be justly stiled the lord of the forest; it is called by the natives _tigre_, tiger, and is in size and fierceness almost equal to the oriental tiger; the fur is short, thick, and glossy, the colour is a bright yellow, marked along the spine with a chain of occelated or eye-shaped spots, like black rings, having a black spot in the centre of each; along the sides are four chains of rings, but these are rather oval than round, each of them generally containing two spots; however along the sides the rings are not so regular as along the back, indeed the rings often appear to be formed of three or four oblong spots, including two in the centre; the belly is white, with transverse black stripes. the face and sides of the neck are very thickly studded with black spots. the fur of the tail is not glossy; on the upper part the pattern is a zig-zag, and not spotted like the body. the jaguar preys on the cattle in the savanas, lurking about and securing a bullock or young horse; after making a hearty meal he retires to a considerable distance, and never returns to the same place within a month, being suspicious perhaps of being detected and punished. pressed by hunger, he has been known to attack human beings, and even to loiter about at night, waiting for an opportunity to seize on any one who may leave the house; having once tasted human flesh, he becomes either more daring, or averse to other food; but when it is known that a tiger has destroyed any person, the cause is made a common one, and all the people in the neighbourhood join and pursue the enemy till they kill it. in the woods there is found a species of sloth, called by the natives _perico ligero_, nimble peter; it is also called ahi, probably from the pitiful noise which it makes. i have seen it several times, but the following description of it was given to me by dr. hurtado, of guayaquil:-"the snout short, forehead high, eyes black, almost covered with long black eyelashes, no incisors in the under jaw, four legs, ill formed, thighs ill-shaped and clumsy, hind legs short and thick, the toes united, having three long curved claws on the hind and fore feet, twenty-eight ribs, three stomachs, very short intestines, only one aperture for the emission of excrements, like birds; very short tail, and the whole length of the body between four and five feet." this animal in appearance is the very picture of misery; it is covered with long shaggy hair resembling dried grass; its motion is very slow, and at each step it howls most hideously, and scarcely walks ten yards in as many hours. it feeds on leaves and the buds of trees, and when it has once gained the top of a tree it will remain there as long as a leaf is to be procured, and even for some time afterwards, crying and howling, till hunger obliges it to search for food; it then forms itself into a round lump and drops from the tree upon the ground, as if devoid of life. the indians sometimes kill and eat it, and if fat they relish the flesh, which they say is very savoury; but i never had an opportunity of tasting it. many deer, _venados_, similar to those of peru, some cavias, and four varieties of the monkey, are also found in the woods; of these, two species when erect stand four feet high; the one is completely black, with very long arms, hence called _brasilargo_, and is excellent eating; the other has a black back and brown belly, and is called _mongon_; the other two kinds are when erect about eighteen inches high; the one is of a yellow brown colour, and the other is black with a white face: all the four species have long tails. many _iguanas_ are met with in different parts of the province; the body is about a foot long, with a row of points along the back like the fins of a fish, the head has a crest like that of the dunghill cock; the mouth is similar to the beak of a parrot, the bite of which is very severe, as it divides almost every thing that comes between its jaws; the legs are short, and the toes are partly connected by a membrane, like the feet of some water-fowl; the tail is very slender and as long as the body, having very much the appearance of a snake; by whipping with it when vexed it can inflict a very severe wound; its colour is green and yellow, and the natives often say, that if it had wings it would be the devil himself. they are oviparous, and the female lays from twenty to thirty eggs at one time: these are white, and covered with a membrane instead of a shell, and are most delicate eating. the flesh of the animal too is whiter and more savoury than that of the barn door fowl. they are chiefly found on the branches of trees, and when pursued on the ground will betake themselves to their burrows or to the water. among the feathered tribe there are many beautiful parrots, parroquets, and papagayos; the toucan, called here _dios te dé_, is common in the woods, particularly in the neighbourhood of the banana plantations, on the ripe fruit of which it feeds; the back, wings, and tail, are black, the breast a beautiful bright yellow, and the beak, which is as long as the body of the bird, is yellow on the upper side, and the rest brown; the tongue is long, slender and serrated; on the whole the appearance of the bird is very awkward, owing to the immense size of the beak. here are many wild turkeys, some of which are delicate eating; _huacharacas_, a species of pheasant, and _poujis_, equally or more delicate; the latter are as large as our turkeys; the male is black, with a high crest of beautiful black and white feathers on its head; the hen is brown, spotted with black, having a crest or topping like the male, which it spreads in the form of a fan when vexed, and then allows it to fall backward on the neck. the _trompetero_ is a native of this province, and is often domesticated, as well as the toucan, poujis, and several different kinds of parrots; the trompetero is about the size of a barn door fowl, and entirely black, excepting a few long yellow feathers on the neck; it becomes very tame, and will follow the people to whom it belongs, making a noise somewhat like the sound of a trumpet, which, according to the general opinion, proceeds from the anus; the sound however is so varied and modulated, that it sometimes appears to proceed from one part and sometimes from another. on the arrival of a stranger it will immediately parade the room, and receive him with a musical welcome. here are also several varieties of pigeons and other small birds, particularly humming birds; these beautiful flutterers fly in all directions, sipping the honey from the flowers, especially those of the plantain and the banana, which are their favourites, and in which they are often completely hidden while feeding on their nectareous sweets. the small birds are more worthy of admiration for the brilliancy of their plumage than for the sweetness of their notes; indeed very few of them ever sing; and the continued chattering of the parrots is very disagreeable. the most useful bird here is the gallinaso, it may be called the public scavenger, and it is protected by the municipal law, which imposes a fine of five dollars on any person who kills one of them. numerous snakes infest the whole of the province of guayaquil, and individuals are often bitten by them; but the natives are possessed of remedies, and against the poison of some, of specific antidotes. they make the patient drink a considerable quantity of olive oil, scarify round the wound, and apply pieces of calcined stag's horn; but the safest remedy known among the natives is the leaves of a creeper called _huaco_, which growls in the woods. the leaves are bruised to the consistency of paste, which is made into small cakes, each about the size of half a crown, and then dried in the shade. when a person is bitten, he puts one of these small cakes in his mouth, and chews it till the bitter taste is gone, at the same time swallowing his saliva; he is then bathed, the chewed herb is taken from his mouth and bound over the wound, and he recovers. the visible effects are a copious perspiration. when at esmeraldas i was bitten in the hand by a coral snake, the bite of which is considered mortal if not immediately cured; the pain which i felt was a violent burning near the wound; it gradually spread over the part affected, accompanied with a peculiar sensation, which appeared as if a large weight were hanging to my hand, and which prevented me from raising it. a native who was with me having observed what had happened, immediately gave me a cake of the huaco herb, ordered me to chew it, and began to press my hand, squeezing the wound; in about five minutes the pain abated, and the bitter taste of the herb was gone. i bathed in the river, and laid myself down in a canoe, where i was covered with a poncho and taken to my home, which was about four miles from the spot where the accident happened. during the time that i remained in the canoe i perspired most profusely, and after retiring to my bed, more so; the pain in my hand was very much allayed, but i felt a general numbness and great debility, accompanied with nausea; i drank a large glass of almond milk, _orchata_, and slept about an hour; on waking i found myself feverish, my tongue parched and hard, and for four days i was very ill. a poultice of boiled pumpkin was continually kept on my hand, and the wound began to suppurate on the fourth day, when my health was gradually restored. all this time i was very apprehensive of danger, although the natives assured me that as twenty-four hours had elapsed since the bite, i was perfectly safe. for more than a fortnight i felt the effects of the poisonous fangs of the reptile, which the natives had killed almost immediately after it had wounded me, and brought it to my house. i never saw the huaco herb growing, but i have seen it when brought from the woods; the leaves are about two and a half inches long and half an inch broad; the upper surface is of a dark green, with purple veins running along it, of a glossy appearance and solid texture; the under side is of an obscure purple hue; the leaves grow singly, two being placed opposite to each other on the stem, which is slender, hard, and ribbed, and of a bluish colour. i never saw the flower, and the natives when i asked them concerning it, told me that it never did flower, at least that they had never observed any flowers on the plant. fortunately, a bird at guayaquil called _quiriquinqui_, at esmeraldas and on the coast of choco, _huaco_, and at quito, _beteado de oro_, is a great enemy to the snakes, and other venomous reptiles and insects, on which it feeds. it is a species of vulture, about the size of a hen, and is easily domesticated; its colour is a bright brown, variegated with stains of pale yellow. it flies about the woods, or runs along the savanas in quest of its food, and attacks the snakes, opposing its wing to them as a shield; when the animal is somewhat exhausted by striking at the bird, it seizes the reptile near the head, and biting it rises on its wings, and afterwards alights, and observes if it be dead; if not, it again bites it, and sometimes soaring aloft with it lets it fall, and immediately drops down after it; when dead the bird devours it. the natives affirm, that to this bird they owe the discovery of the herb which they call huaco; they observed that the bird, after fighting with a snake, would sometimes search for the herb and eat it; hence they supposed it to be an antidote for the poison, which experience has proved to be correct. the poisonous snakes found here are the _bejuco_, about two feet long, very slender, and of a brown colour, having the appearance of a small cane; the _cascabel_, one of the varieties of the rattle snake; it is sometimes five feet long, and spotted with white and yellow; the coral, of a very beautiful appearance, owing to its bright colours, which are a deep red, bright yellow, and black, in alternate belts; the head is very flat, and although the animal is small, seldom exceeding two feet in length, its bite is considered of the most poisonous kind, and if not directly cured generally proves mortal in a few hours; the effects are an immediate swelling, and afterwards an exudation of blood from every part of the body, accompanied with the most agonizing pain, till death relieves the wretch from the anguish he endures. don pedro figueroa, to whose attention i owed my cure, assured me, that he once saw the corpse of a negro who died of the bite of the coral snake, and that it had become completely white. the _exis_ is so called on account of the marks along the back, from the head to the extremity of the tail; its length is from three to four feet, head flat, colour dark brown, with white marks like xx along the back. this snake is most active and poisonous, and is much dreaded. the _sierpe volante_ is very dangerous; it is about eighteen inches long, very slender, of a dark brown colour, and can spring to a great distance to inflict its poisonous wound; hence the natives call it the flying serpent. here are several kinds of harmless snakes, which the natives never kill, as they are great enemies of the poisonous ones; i once saw one of these, called the _sobre cama_, devouring an exis larger than itself. the river of guayaquil and the creeks that empty themselves into it, abound with alligators, _lagartos_, or _caimanes_, so much so, that on the banks where they lie basking in the sun they appear like logs of wood thrown up by the tide, and are so unapprehensive of danger, that a canoe or boat may pass very near to them without their being disturbed; when basking in this manner they keep their enormous mouths open, and owing to the colour of the fleshy substance on the inside of the lower jaw, as well as to a musky scent which accompanies their breath, great numbers of flies are allured to enter the mouth, the upper jaw of which, when a sufficient number are collected, suddenly falls down, and the deluded insects are swallowed. the alligator is an oviparous animal; the female deposits her eggs in the sand, laying in the course of one or two days from eighty to a hundred; they are much larger than those of a goose, and much thicker; they are covered with a very tenacious white membrane, and are often eaten by the indians, who when they take them first open a small hole in the larger end, and place the egg in the sand with the hole downward; by this means a peculiarly disagreeable musky taste is destroyed; they afterwards cook them in the same manner as other eggs. i have tasted them, and found nothing disagreeable, except their being very tough. after depositing her eggs the female covers them with sand, and then rolls herself over them, and continues rolling to the water side, as if to prevent the spot being found where she has left her deposit; but the vigilant gallinasos are generally on the alert at this season, and when they have found the nest, destroy the whole of them. the people who live near the sides of the river train their dogs to search for the eggs, as well as to destroy them; and thus thousands are annually broken. when instinct informs the alligator that the time of ovation is completed, both the male and female go to the nest, and if undisturbed the female immediately uncovers the eggs, and carefully breaks them; the young brood begin to run about, and the watchful gallinasos prey upon them, while the male alligator, who appears to have come for no other purpose, devours all that he possibly can; those that can mount on the neck and back of the female are safe, unless they happen to fall off, or cannot swim, in which cases she devours them. thus nature has prepared a destruction for these dangerous animals, which would otherwise be as numerous as flies, and become the absolute proprietors of the surrounding country; even at present, notwithstanding the comparatively few that escape, their number is almost incredible. i have frequently seen the lagartos eighteen or twenty feet long. they feed principally on fish, which they catch in the rivers, and are known sometimes to go in a company of ten or twelve to the mouths of the small rivers and creeks, where two or three ascend while the tide is high, leaving the rest at the mouth; when the tide has fallen, one party besets the mouth of the creek, while the other swims down the stream, flapping their tails, and driving the fish into the very jaws of their devourers, which catch them, and lift their heads out of the water to swallow them. when these voracious creatures cannot procure a sufficient quantity of fish to satisfy their hunger, they betake themselves to the savanas, where they destroy the calves and foals, lurking about during the day, and seizing their prey when asleep at night, which they drag to the water side, and there devour it. the cattle and the dogs appear sensible of their danger when they go to the rivers to drink, and will howl and bark until they have attracted the attention of the lagartos at one place, and then drop back and run to another, where they drink in a hurry, and immediately leave the water side; otherwise, as has been the case, an alligator would seize on them by the nose, drag them under the water, and drown and eat them. when the lagarto has once tasted the flesh of animals it will almost abandon the fish, and reside principally ashore. i crossed the large plain of babaoyo, where i saw a living one, buried, except the head, in the clay, beside the remains of several dead ones. on inquiring how they came there, the _montubios_, a name given here to the peasantry, told me, that when the rains fall in the mountains the great part of this savana is inundated, at which time the lagartos prowl about in search of the cattle remaining on the small islands that are then formed; and when the waters retire they are left embedded in the clay, till the ensuing rains set them at liberty; they feed on flies in the way already described, and can exist in this manner for six or seven months. when found in this state the natives always kill them; sometimes by piercing them with lances between the fore leg and the body, the only visible part in which they are vulnerable; if they be not prepared with a lance, they collect wood, and kindle a fire as near to the mouth of the lagarto as they dare venture, and burn him to death. these animals will sometimes seize human beings when bathing, and even take children from the shores; after having succeeded once or twice they will venture to take men or women from the balsas, if they can surprize them when asleep; but they are remarkably timid, and any noise will drive them from their purpose. they have also been known to swim alongside a small canoe, and to suddenly place one of their paws on the edge and upset it, when they immediately seize the unwary victim. whenever it is known that a _cebado_, one that has devoured either a human being or cattle, is in the neighbourhood, all the people join in the common cause to destroy it; this they often effect by means of a noose of strong hide rope, baited with some animal food; when the lagarto seizes the bait its upper jaw becomes entangled with the rope, and the people immediately attack it with their lances, and generally kill it. the natives sometimes divert themselves in catching the lagartos alive; they employ two methods, equally terrific and dangerous to a spectator, at first sight; both of these were exhibited to count ruis, when we were at babaoyo, on our way to quito. a man takes in his right hand a truncheon, called a tolete; this is of hard wood, about two feet long, having a ball formed at each end, into which are fastened two iron harpoons, and to the middle of this truncheon a platted thong is fastened. the man takes this in his hand, plunges into the river, and holds it horizontally on the surface of the water, grasping a dead fowl with the same hand, and swimming with the other: he places himself in a right line with the lagarto, which is almost sure to dart at the fowl; when this happens the truncheon is placed in a vertical position, and at the moment that the jaw of the lagarto is thrown up the tolete is thrust into the mouth, so that when the jaw falls down again the two harpoons become fixed, and the animal is dragged to the shore by the cord fastened to the tolete. when on shore the appearance of the lagarto is really most horrible; his enormous jaw propped up by the tolete, shewing his large sharp teeth; his eyes projecting almost out of his head; the pale red colour of the fleshy substance on his under jaw, as well as that of the roof of the mouth; the impenetrable armour of scales which covers the body, with the huge paws and tail, all contribute to render the spectacle appalling; and although one is perfectly aware that in its present state it is harmless, yet it is almost impossible to look on it without feeling what fear is. the natives now surround the lagarto and bait it like a bull; holding before it any thing that is red, at which it runs, when the man jumps on one side and avoids being struck by it, while the animal continues to run forward in a straight line, till checked by the thong which is fastened to the tolete. when tired of teazing the poor brute, they kill it by thrusting a lance down its throat, or under the fore leg into its body; unless by accident it be thrown on its back, when it may be pierced in any part of the belly, which is soft and easily penetrated. the other method is, by taking a fowl in one hand, and a sharp strong knife in the other; the man swims till he is directly opposite to the alligator, and at the moment when it springs at the fowl the man dives under the water, leaving: the fowl on the surface; he then holds up the knife to the belly of the animal, and cuts it open, when the alligator immediately rolls over on its back, and is carried away by the stream. much has been said about the surprizing agility of some of the spanish bull fighters, and i have often beheld feats that have astonished me; but this diversion at babaoyo, for so the natives consider it, evinced more bravery and agility than i had ever before witnessed. the teeth of the alligator are often taken from the jaws, and _yesqueros_, small tinder boxes, which are generally carried in the pocket for the purpose of lighting segars, are made from them; they are beautifully white and equal to the finest ivory; some are four inches long, and i have seen them most delicately carved, and mounted with gold or silver. in fishing, the natives also evince extraordinary dexterity, both in the river and on the sea shores. in the river i have seen them stand up in small canoes, five or six feet long, and hold a net fastened to a triangular frame, having a long pole affixed to it; they will dip the net into the river, inclining the body backwards to preserve a perfect balance on the canoe, sweep the net along the stream, and draw it to the surface, raising the body gradually to an erect posture, so that the equipoise is never lost; this indeed is a wonderful effort, because any slight tremulous motion would upset the slender foundation on which they stand. from similar canoes they will also throw the casting net, _ataraya_, already described. at sea the natives, chiefly indians, mount astride on logs of balsa wood, and take their large nets with them, which they let drop; after which they fasten the cord of the two extremities to the logs and paddle to the shore, dragging the net after them, maintaining so exact a balance, that although the log is round they very seldom fall off. in the sea along the coast of the department la manta, very large cuttle fish abound, some of which are twelve feet long and seven feet broad; it was owing to the accidents which happened by their enveloping and killing the divers that the pearl fishery on this coast was abandoned, although some very valuable pearls have been found. this lucrative occupation, however, if attended with such precautions as science may suggest, will probably be reassumed; and the expectations of the natives may be realized, that providence has made a reserve and hidden treasures from the spaniards, that the country may not be unworthy of notice when they lose it. the only mineral production in the province of guayaquil of which any mention is made, is emeralds, in the district of la manta; but they have not been sought for since the conquest; tradition states, that before that period the indians possessed many of these gems, but it is probable they obtained them from the neighbouring province de las esmeraldas, where i have seen several. after the foregoing description of guayaquil and its productions, it is almost unnecessary to say any thing respecting its importance as a place of commerce. it is likewise the principal, and till very lately (1824) was the only port to the provinces of quito, cuenca, paste, and papayan, all of which are extensive, well peopled, and comparatively rich districts. the only thing wanting here is an increase of capital, activity, and inhabitants; for the climate and the soil are calculated to produce whatever is found between the tropics; and there is no doubt but that this will at a future date become one of the most flourishing countries in the new world. chapter ix. journey from guayaquil to quito....babaoyo....road to chimbo.... _cuesta de san antonio_....arrival at huaranda....triumphal arch and harangue....description of huaranda and province of chimbo.... chimboraso....accident at la ensillada....road to san juan.... _obrage_ of indians....arrival at riobamba....description of.... remains of old riobamba......visit to an old cacique......province of riobamba......road to ambato....description of....produce.... arrival at tacunga....description of....earthquakes at....ruins of callo....provincial produce....arrival at chisinchi, ensillada, and quito....remarks. the health of the count being re-established, we left guayaquil under a discharge of nineteen guns, some pieces of cannon having been placed in front of the custom-house for this purpose. we remained two days at the bodegas de babaoyo, a small village, where there is a custom-house for the collection of the duties which are paid on goods, on entering or leaving the province of guayaquil. the roads across the savana, notwithstanding the absence of rain for three months, were in some places very bad, although a number of indians had been sent by the corregidor of huaranda to repair them; they were mended by putting the trunks of trees in the deep, muddy places, and laying the branches and leaves of trees on the top. a considerable number of cattle were grazing on the open plains, some of which were very fat. at noon we halted at a farm-house, where a splendid dinner was provided for us by the cura of san miguel de chimbo, who had come here to meet us. after dinner we proceeded on our journey to a small farm-house, where every convenient accommodation had been prepared for us, and we remained here during the night. on the following day we arrived at the village of san miguel, situated in a deep ravine, commanding a beautiful prospect of the mountains, which gradually rose above each other, till their heads were lost in the clouds. on our arrival at this village we were met by about forty indian boys, _cholos_, fantastically dressed; and the little fellows danced along the sides of the street as we passed to the house prepared for our reception. on the following day, july 22d, a dreary prospect presented itself; this was the ascent of the cuesta de san antonio; we began to ascend at nine o'clock in the morning, and at every step new difficulties and greater dangers presented themselves; in some places the road ran along a narrow ridge, with a precipice on each side; in others we had to travel along _ladcras_, or narrow skirts of the mountain beaten down by travellers into a path, with a deep valley on one side, and a perpendicular rock on the other--a fall on one side threatening inevitable death, and on the other broken arms or legs against the rough sides of the rock. in other parts there was a narrow gully formed by the heavy rains and the transit of mules, the perpendicular sides rising ten or fifteen feet above our heads. to these may be added, that the whole of the road for six leagues is composed of abrupt acclivities or rapid descents, while the track in which the mules tread was composed of deep furrows, called _camellones_, filled with mud; some of them were more than two feet deep, so that the belly of the mule and the feet of the rider were dragged over the ridges that divide the furrows: these indeed serve as steps, and in some degree may be accounted a security; but if a mule should happen to fall, or even to stumble, the danger of being thrown headlong down a precipice is rather frightful. in some places there are two roads; the one by which the mules descend has no camellones, or furrows, down which the mules seem to prefer sliding to stepping down the others. when at the top, these sagacious animals halt for a short time, shake themselves, and snort, as if conscious of the hazard of the undertaking; they then draw their hind feet forward, place their fore legs in a slanting position, and approach very gradually to the beginning of the descent, when with uncommon velocity they slide on their haunches to the bottom. their dexterity in the crooked places is truly astonishing; for by a motion of the body they incline themselves first to one side then to the other, keeping the most perfect equilibrium, which is the only means of saving them and their riders from being hurled headlong forward, or dashed to pieces by a fall. during all this time the rider has only to sit still, to lay the reins on the mule's neck, and trust to its sagacity and the recommendation given by its master; for many mules are kept in this neighbourhood, and are highly esteemed for their dexterity in sliding down this part of the road; fortunately for us, being in company with the captain-general of the kingdom, all the best mules were collected for our use. at two o'clock in the afternoon we were cheered with _se ha acabado la cuesta_, we are at the end of the mountain road. this place is called _parcara_, a gate or entrance; it also signifies a fortified place; such this probably was before the conquest, and such it was made in 1811 by the quiteños, to prevent the entrance of the peruvian troops. we all alighted, and shook some of the dirt from our clothes, after which we were politely received by don gaspar morales, the corregidor of huaranda, the two alcaldes, several officers, and other gentlemen of the province; but what proved far more welcome, was a relay of horses. [illustration: indian water carrier, & female indian brush-wood carrier, _of quito_. _engraved for stevenson's narrative of south america._] after our saddles had been placed on our new steeds we mounted, and proceeded in regular procession, two indians, with silver trumpets, going before. at the distance of a league from the town we were met by the brawny vicar, mounted on the finest mule i ever beheld; indeed, such an animal was quite necessary, when it is considered what an unwieldy mass it had to carry: the circumstance made several of us smile, and we could scarcely refrain from laughter when the corregidor presented him to his excellency, saying, "the vicar of huaranda, don juan antonio maria de la magdalena jaramillo, pacheco, y tavera." heaven help us, said i, to an officer who stood near me, how i pity the parson's mule. we had not proceeded far when a troop of militia cavalry met us; these tatterdemalions would certainly have borne away the prize had they been put in competition with the infantry of sir john falstaff; and could i have chosen for myself, hang me if i would have entered huaranda in their company. the next that made their appearance were the indian dancers, singing their _cachuas_ in _quichua_, welcoming the arrival of the governor with the most discordant yellings, and such extravagant expressions as beggar all description. at the entrance of the town there was a triumphal arch! this was composed of canes, decorated with curtains of all colours and descriptions of stuffs; ribbons for streamers, and flags made of pocket handkerchiefs; silver plates, dishes, spoons, and forks were hung round it. when his excellency had arrived close to it, a curtain was withdrawn in the upper story, and an indian in the uniform of an officer, his coarse black hair stiffened with tallow and flour, still incapable of being turned into a curl, but standing upright in every direction, advanced to the front, made a most profound bow, and then stepped back; after this he looked up, and exclaimed, "_angil bello, daja el papel_," "beautiful angel, give me the paper," but in such a broken dialect, that nothing, save an acquaintance with the spanish language, can afford any idea. several white muslin handkerchiefs, which were tied in festoons above his head in imitation of clouds, opened, and down fell, or rather was lowered with a rope, an indian angel, his head as thickly cased in tallow and flour as that of his invocater; he delivered a folded paper, and was again dragged up into the muslin clouds, while the delighted multitude expressed their approbation with shouts of joy. the orator re-advanced, and read his harangue with all the rhetoric and graceful attitudes of a bombasto. his address was succeeded by the throwing up of innumerable rockets, amid the sound of trumpets and other music stationed on one side of the arch; this was followed by our arrival at the house of the corregidor, where a most sumptuous dinner was on the table. huaranda is the residence of the corregidor, or governor of the province of chimbo, and may be considered the capital of that province. the town is large but poor, the inhabitants being chiefly occupied as carriers. their wealth consists in their droves of mules, which during the summer, when the road is open, are employed in conveying merchandize between quito and guayaquil. the climate at this place is remarkably cold, owing to its elevation above the sea and the vicinity of chimboraso, which is seen from the town, and has the appearance of a huge white cloud piercing the blue vault of heaven. the province of chimbo has an extensive breed of mules in the valleys; barley, potatoes, and maize are cultivated by the indians in various parts, and some sugar cane in the bottoms of the ravines. at a place called tomabela is a spring of salt water, which is so completely saturated that it forms large crusts on the stones against which the water dashes, and along the sides of the small stream; the indians also put the water into troughs, and stir it with a wooden spatula; the salt then crystallizes on the sides of the trough, and is taken out; this salt is packed in small baskets and sent to different parts of the kingdom, as well as to peru; it is a specific for the _cotos_, bronchocele, by merely eating food seasoned with it. this valuable production is delicately white, easily pulverised, and very slightly deliquescent. having taken some refreshment at huaranda, we proceeded on the following morning to the pajonal, at the foot of the majestic chimboraso, the giant of the andes. the day was beautifully clear, and the view of this lofty mountain highly interesting; we had seen it at the mouth of the guayaquil river, as well as at that city, a distance of forty leagues, where we were almost suffocated with heat; but now we felt almost perished with cold: the kingdom of lofty palms and shady plantains was in four days exchanged for a region where vegetation is reduced to its lowest ebb--the dwarf pined mosses. a _tambo_, resting house, stands on the plain at the foot of chimboraso; this had been prepared for our reception; and to contribute in a degree to make it more warm, or rather to keep out some of the cold, the inside had been neatly covered with long dry grass, called _pajon_, which grows on this plain. owing to an accident, the grass caught fire in one of the rooms, at two o'clock in the morning; we immediately ran from our beds, or rather ran with our beds, for we dragged them with us, not a little pleased, in this dilemma, that we had all of us retired to rest without undressing; notwithstanding this we were dreadfully pinched by the frosty air blowing from chimboraso on one side, or carguairaso on the other. after the first blaze of the pajon had subsided, the indians entered the house, and dragged out a few things which had been placed inside, but fortunately the principal part of our luggage had been left on the outside. we waited till morning, sitting on our mattresses, and wrapped up in our ponchos and blankets, as near the fire as we dared to venture. in the morning we proceeded on our journey, winding round the foot of chimboraso, till the valley of san juan opened on our right; we descended along a very rugged steep path, and at twelve o'clock arrived at the _obrage_ of san juan, belonging to don martin chiriboga, where we remained till the following morning. i here beheld the south american indian reduced to the most abject state of servitude and bondage, compared to which the slave belonging to the plantations on the coast of peru, is free indeed. these unfortunate beings, robbed of their country, are merely allowed to exist in it; because the plunderers would only possess a barren waste without their labour: the fertility of the soil would be useless without beings to harvest the crops and manufacture the produce; the gold and the silver must sleep in the mountains if no human beings were employed to extract it. alas! these beings are the degraded original proprietors, on whom the curse of conquest has fallen with all its concomitant hardships and penury. a miserable pittance of fourteen dollars a year is the wages of a man who works in this cloth manufactory; and ten that of him who tends a flock of sheep; and for this miserable pay they are subject to the whip and to other corporal punishments: their home is a hut, composed of rude stones placed one upon another, and thatched with the long grass from the foot of chimboraso: here, hunger, misery, and wretchedness seem to have fixed their abode, at the sight of which pity would wring tears from the heart of oppression; but pity has no part in the composition of the oppressors of the children of the sun! some of the cloth made at this obrage was the finest i had ever seen manufactured in america, but this was by a transgression of the colonial laws, which had established the precise quality of colonial manufactures. happy at leaving behind that misery which i could only compassionate, we left san juan in the morning, and arrived at two o'clock in the afternoon at riobamba, where some very neatly painted triumphal arches had been erected. riobamba is the capital of the province of the same name; the old town was founded in 1533, by the adelantado sebastian benalcasar; it contained twenty thousand inhabitants, two parish churches, four convents, two nunneries, and a hospital; but it was completely destroyed by an earthquake in 1797, when with very few exceptions the whole population perished, besides a much larger number in different parts of the province, and perhaps no remains of these terrible convulsions of nature are more awful than those at riobamba. some of the ruins of the old town may be seen on the acclivities of the mountains on each side the valley, where the new town now stands, separated from each other at least a league and a half; and i was shewn some ruins on each side of the valley which the inhabitants assured me had formed part of one edifice, particularly the two steeples which had belonged to the franciscan church; these were on one side, and a portion of the body of the church on the other. the face of the country was entirely changed, so much so, that after the shock the surviving inhabitants, and those of the neighbouring provinces, could not tell where their houses formerly stood, or where their friends had formerly lived; mountains rose where cultivated valleys had existed; the rivers disappeared or changed their course, and plains usurped the situation of the mountains and ravines. the face of the country was so completely altered, that no one knows the site of the largest farm in the province, belonging to zamora. the new town is built on a sandy plain, much below the level of the surrounding elevated plains, which are called _paramos_; its climate is very agreeable, and calculated to produce all kinds of european fruits, but at present only a few trees are to be seen in the orchards or gardens. i spent the evening that we remained at riobamba with an old indian cacique, the only person whom i ever saw who could knot and interpret the meaning of the knots of the quipus. he boasted of being a descendant of the _huasta puncay_, the ancient lord of the surrounding country. he had an account of the peopling of that part of the territory of maynas, to the eastward of the cordilleras; first by a colony of puncay indians, who had become too numerous for the country which they inhabited; and secondly by part of the tribe, after they had been routed by benalcasar, on the plain of trocajas, where they opposed the entrance of the spaniards. he also had a tradition that, a short time before the arrival of the spaniards, a colony of monkeys crossed the mountains from the westward, and infested the country, till they were all destroyed by the indians; and that on the arrival of the first spaniards, the natives considered them as a migration of destructive animals, and determined to prevent their entrance; but on being defeated, many left the country and joined the colony in maynas. my kind host assured me, that the province of riobamba contained extremely rich mines of gold and silver, and that from undoubted tradition this province sent more silver and gold for the purpose of ransoming atahualpa than any other in the kingdom. the province produces annually about four thousand quintals of sheep's wool, which is manufactured into different kinds of cloth; its other productions are wheat, maize, barley, potatoes, arracachas, and european culinary vegetables. the capital is so situated, that it is not likely ever to become a place of commercial notoriety. our next stage brought us to the town of ambato, the road we travelled being very irregular and disagreeable, owing as well to the coldness of the climate as to the difficult ascents and descents; but the view of our resting place cheered us. as soon as we descended into the valley of ambato, we found a triumphal arch, covered with ripe strawberries; these had been plucked with their stalks, and then fastened to cords of maguey fibres; large bunches were hanging down from the top, and in different parts festoons and other ornaments were tastefully displayed, and the fragrance was peculiarly delightful. here the corregidor and other gentlemen received us, and accompanied us to the town; part of the road being confined with hedges of _tunas_, rosemary bushes, magueys, and rose trees, with other vegetables belonging to the old and the new world: the natives of such distant parts of the globe were here blended, and were thriving in the most luxuriant manner. before we arrived at the town we passed under two other arches covered with strawberries, and for more than a league the indian boys and girls danced along with us; stopping till we had passed the arches, which they immediately pulled down and stripped of their fruit, and then followed us running and singing, with long wreaths of strawberries hanging about them. the town of ambato is very pleasantly situated on one side of a river; the churches and houses are generally neat and all new, for the old town was completely demolished by the earthquake in 1797. ambato is the capital of the province of the same name, which for the greater part enjoys a very mild climate and a most fertile soil. the crops of wheat, maize, barley, quinua, and other pulse are extremely abundant, and of an excellent quality. many exquisite fruits are grown here, such as apples, pears, peaches, apricots, and strawberries; these are produced in great abundance; indeed many of the plains are covered with the plants, and any person who wishes to purchase some, pays to the proprietor of the ground, medio real, one-sixteenth of a dollar, and either goes himself, or sends a person to gather them for him during a whole day. sugar cane thrives extremely well here, although it is four years before it is ripe: remarkably fine sugar is made from it, superior to any other that can be procured in this neighbourhood; but the quantity is small. cochineal, called here pilcay, is found in abundance in the leaves of the cactus, and is collected by the natives for the purpose of dyeing. the name given by the spaniards to this valuable insect is _cochinilla_, signifying a little pig; because it bears a resemblance to one, in the same manner as in some parts of england it is supposed that the woodlouse resembles a hog, and is hence called an "old sow." the cactus on which the cochinilla feeds is not so prickly as the tuna, which in the west indies is called the prickly pear; the leaves are very green, as well as the rind of the fruit, but the inside is of a most beautiful red colour, similar to that of the cochinilla; it is very palatable, and when eaten communicates its own colour to the urine. little attention is paid here to the cultivation of the cactus, or nopal, as it is called in mexico, or to the insect itself, consequently the quality of the dye is not of the first rate; but were both properly attended to, there is no doubt but the pilcay of ambato would equal the cochinilla of oaxaca. instead of killing the insect after taking it from the cactus, by placing it in an earthen jar, and exposing it to a heat sufficiently strong to destroy its vitality, and then preserving it in bags, as the mexican indians do, it is ground or bruised to the consistency of paste, and often adulterated with a composition made of the juice of the fruit, and flour; indeed the mexican indians do the same, and they can imitate the animal so perfectly, that it is difficult to discover the counterfeit. the best method to detect it is, as an extensive dealer informed me in mexico, to put a quantity of cochinilla into warm water, and let it remain twenty-four hours, then to stir it about, and strain the liquor through a hair sieve sufficiently fine to prevent the passage of the insect; allow the liquid to repose, and if any sediment be deposited, the cochinilla contains a portion of counterfeit matter, the quantity of which may be discovered by drying the sediment, and comparing the weight to that of the cochinilla placed in infusion. among the delicacies found at ambato is excellent bread, equal to any in the world, and several kinds of cakes, particularly one called _allullas_, of which many are made and sent to quito, guayaquil, and other places. all the necessary articles of food are reasonably cheap and very good, owing to which, and to its agreeable climate, many persons choose to make this their place of residence. in the year 1698 the town was destroyed by an eruption of cotopaxi, accompanied by one of carguairaso, which ejected torrents of a hot muddy matter in such quantities as to inundate several of the neighbouring valleys. on the south side of the present town there still remains a monument of this dreadful visitation; a large chasm is seen in the rock five feet wide, and more than a league in length. on leaving ambato, a short stage of five leagues brought us to llactacunga, or as it is commonly called tacunga. on our entrance we were shocked at the sight of heaps of ruins, caused by the earthquake in 1797; the churches and convents were quite demolished, and their remains exist in the condition in which that frightful convulsion left them. tacunga is the capital of the province of the same name, and the residence of the corregidor; the plain on which it stands is evidently of volcanic origin, or has been covered with volcanic productions thrown from the neighbouring mountains. the town contains about three thousand inhabitants; it has a parish church, and the remains of the convents of san francisco, santo domingo, san augustin, and la merced; of a college of jesuits, and a nunnery of barefooted carmelite nuns; these after the earthquake were removed to quito. the churches and houses are built of pumice stone, so light that it will float in water; it may be procured in almost any part of the neighbourhood. tacunga was completely ruined by earthquakes, probably by shocks caused by the subterraneous operations of the volcano of cotopaxi, which is very near to the town; these happened in 1698, when only one church out of nine, and four houses out of seven hundred, were left standing; in the years 1743 and 1757 it was entirely demolished. in the earthquake of 1743, a jesuit, father vallejo, was in the church when the roof fell in; he remained under the ruins till the third day, when he was taken out unhurt; but his mental faculties were so completely deranged, that he had forgotten his own name, nor did he recollect any of his most particular friends, and although a priest, when his breviary was presented to him he could not read it, but appeared quite childish; he afterwards resided in the college of quito, but his memory had so entirely abandoned him, that he never could recollect any thing that had occurred to him before the earthquake, not even his studies, and he was afterwards taught to read and to celebrate a votive mass. this extraordinary instance of the effects produced by fright is so well authenticated in quito, that the fact appears to be indubitable. on the same plain on which tacunga stands are the remains of an indian building, called the inca's palace of callo; but nothing except the foundation can be traced. it appears to have consisted of a large court and three extensive halls, forming three sides of an enclosure. it was built of hard black stones, unlike to any now found in the neighbourhood; owing to which, and to the similitude which the wrought stone (having one convex surface) bears to that used in peru, little doubt exists of its having been built after the conquest of this country by huaina capac. excepting in some few valleys the climate of this province is cold; its productions are wheat, barley, maize, and potatoes. here is but little fruit beside wild cherries, called _capulis_, which grow in great abundance, and when ripe constitute the principal food of the indians, to which we may add a few apples and some peaches. nitre is found in several parts of the province, and a considerable quantity is manufactured. some of the estates in this district are very large, and abound in horned cattle, from which good butter and cheese are procured. we left tacunga on the morning after our arrival, and remained at a farm called chisinchi, and the next day we arrived at a farm house, called la ensillada, belonging to the marquis of villa orellana, where all the authorities and persons of distinction of quito were assembled to compliment their president and captain-general on his arrival. i shall not give an account of the ceremonies observed on the following day, because they in a great measure resembled those practised in lima, on the arrival of a viceroy. it will be observed, that the towns we passed through on our route from guayaquil to quito are generally the capitals of the provinces or districts; there are other roads, but the different corregidors or governors wished to honour their president by receiving him at their respective houses; indeed, care has been taken to establish the capitals on the road, for the accommodation both of travellers and of the governors themselves. the principal population of these provinces is composed of tributary indians and mestisos, some few spaniards, and white creoles. the natives appear very industrious and hospitable; but i had not a good opportunity of judging; however, this is the character which i have heard of them from others. chapter x. quito, foundation and situation....plasa mayor....president's palace, bishop's palace and cathedral....parishes....convents and public buildings....jesuit's college....convent of san francisco ....san diego....santa prisca....santa clara....university.... college of san luis....of san fernando....houses....government.... nobility....population....white creoles....occupation of and education....character of....mestisos, persons, character, employment....indians....persons, character, employment....dress of creoles....of mestisos....of indians....diversions, bull-fight and masquerade....dancing....music....religious procession....market, meat, fruit and vegetables....spirituous liquors....ices, confectionary....cheese....trade and commerce. quito was founded in the year 1534 by sebastian benalcasar, with the dedicatory title of san francisco; and in 1541 was created a city by the emperor carlos v. it stands in a ravine; the mountain pichincha being on the west side, and a range of hills called chimbacalle on the east; to the south is the plain of turupampa or turubamba, between which and the city is the small mountain el panecillo, and to the north the plain of añaquito, generally named the egido. the streets, which run north and south, are on a pretty level plain, but those which cross them rise towards the skirts of pichincha, and descend on the east side of the city towards the small river of machangara, which flows between the town and the hills of chimbacalle. near the centre of the city is the plasa mayor, or principal square, besides which are those of san francisco, santo domingo, and the butchery, _carniceria_. on the west side of the plasa mayor is the palace of the president, a gloomy looking building, having an upper story; it stands on an elevation of nine feet above the plasa, having a terrace or area, with a stone wall in front, and two flights of steps to ascend it. the palace contains the halls belonging to the royal audience, the treasury, and the gaol, together with the apartments occupied by the president, the offices of the secretaries, and the archives. on the east side, opposite to the palace, is the corporation house in the centre, having a very neat stone front, with private houses on each side; it also has upper stories with balconies. on the north side of the square is the bishop's palace, with a stone arched entrance, and some private houses, under the balconies of which is a capacious piazza. on the opposite side appears the cathedral, a very plain building, with a steeple at one corner; indeed, this edifice is mean, compared to other temples in the city, and contains nothing worthy of particular attention except some paintings, executed by natives of the city, and an effigy of saint peter, the workmanship of caspicara, an indian of this place. in the centre of the square there is a handsome brass fountain. quito contains six parish churches: el sagrario, belonging to the cathedral, santa barbara, san blas, san sebastian, san roque, san marcos, and santa prisca. of these the sagrario is a handsome stone edifice, containing some good sculpture and paintings, executed by natives. here are also two convents of dominican friars, three of franciscan, two of agustinian, and two mercedarian; the college of the ex-jesuits, two nunneries of carmelites, one of la concepcion, one of santa clara, and one of santa catalina, besides a house of recluse females, called el beaterio. there is an hospital under the care of the bethlemite friars, and part of the jesuits' college has been given to those of the order of san camilo. each of these religious houses has a church, and some of them one or more chapels attached to them; besides which there are other public chapels, for most of the nobility have private ones, _oratorios_, in their houses, and there are others belonging to the colleges, the gaols, the penitentiary, the _hospicio_, and other public places. among the conventual buildings worthy of notice is the ex-jesuits' college. the front of the church is of stone, of most exquisite workmanship; the corinthian pillars on each side the central door are entwined with wreaths of roses and lilies, so delicately executed, that a person can introduce his hand between the wreath and the pillar; and in many places pass it along the semi-circumference of the pillar before the wreath comes in contact with it; these six pillars are thirteen feet high, and each one is cut out of a single block of white freestone, of which material the whole of the front is built. in two small niches are placed the busts of st. peter and st. paul; underneath that of peter are the emblems of what he was before he became an apostle; a small bark and a net, the meshes and folds of which are detached from the principal stone, on which several fishes are cut, one of which is quite detached both from the net and the stone, is loose, and may be moved by introducing a finger between the meshes of the net. above the bust in alto relievo there is a chair, mitre, crosier, and two keys. on the opposite side, under the bust of paul, in alto relievo, there is a wolf, which having torn the skin from a lamb, except from the head, stands with his fore feet on the mangled body, and holds one part of the skin in his mouth, his head being raised and his ears pricked up, as if in the attitude of listening; the whole of this emblematic representation is most delicately touched, and evinces the chisel of a master. above the bust is a vase, standing on several books. the front also contains in niches a statue of the virgin mary, and four of st. ignacio loyola, the founder of the order; st. francisco de borja, st. juan francisco regis, and st. francisco xavier, the apostle of the indies; also two busts, one of st. luis gonzaga, the other of st. stanislaus kotska, all of whom belonged to the order. the whole of this beautifully delicate piece of architecture was executed by indians, under the direction of father sanches, a native of quito; a work which will become more estimable as it becomes more known to the lovers of the fine arts. the interior of the church is from a model of that of jesus, at rome; it has a grave solemn appearance; the pillars are square, supporting an unornamented groined roof, having a small cupola in the centre. the interior of this temple was richly ornamented before the expulsion of the order, but it has been despoiled of its most costly contents; among these was a custodium, which is at present in the royal chapel of the escurial. one side of it was composed of diamonds set in highly polished silver, the other of emeralds set in gold; although the whole only measured two feet eight inches in height, it was valued at eight hundred and seventy thousand dollars; on the bottom was ms. london, 1721. of this jewel there is a drawing and description in the sacristy of the church. one of the entrances to the college is through a beautiful stone doorway of most exquisite workmanship, of the doric order. the library contains upwards of twenty thousand volumes, among which are many very ancient works. the books are placed in different compartments, having emblematic designs over them, indicative of the science on which they treat; the whole appearance is that of an amphitheatre, the books being placed so as to form three ranges or stories. there is a gallery along the top of the first and second, with a balustrade in front of each, and on the tops of these there are desks to lay the books on, for the convenience of reading, and inkstands for the purpose of making any extracts. one great peculiarity respecting the room is, that although rats and mice abound in every other part of the building, they have not entered this; probably on account of some ingredient put into the mortar with which it is plastered. in the refectory there is a good painting of the marriage at canaan, but nearly all the most valuable pictures have been taken away; a list of them only being left in the library. all the walls of the building are of brick, of a very good quality; the door and window frames are of freestone, as well as all the pillars and arches in the cloisters. part of this building has been given, with the church, to the agonisante friars; part was converted into halls for the university, and the remainder into barracks for the soldiers. in these premises the first martyrs to south american emancipation were sacrificed, on the 2d of august, 1811. the convent of san francisco is the largest i ever saw; the outer walls are of brick, but all the cloisters are of stone; it stands at the foot of the mountain pichincha, and partly on some arches which cross a chasm in the rock. one of the cloisters has a range of cells cut in the rock, the roofs of which are level with the ground. the front of the church stands on a terrace, twelve feet above the level of the plasa, from which an elegant flight of stone steps leads to the door of the church; the lower half of this flight having a projecting circular front, and the upper being the reverse, in the middle is formed a large circular area or landing place. the terrace is paved with flat stones of different shapes and figures, but they are placed with such exquisite art, that the interstices between them are scarcely perceptible. the façade of the church is of the tuscan order; it is massy yet neat, and is crowned with two handsome tower steeples. the interior of the church is very magnificent; the body is in the figure of a cross, and over the intersection is a handsome round tower or cupola. the high altar is richly ornamented, and the presbitery being elevated five feet above the floor of the church has a magnificent appearance; all religious duties are performed here with the greatest solemnity. the choir above the principal entrance is supported by an elliptical arch, which crosses the central aisle of the church, besides two groined arches, which cross the two laterel aisles. the roof is supported by a double row of slender circular pillars, and is of beautiful panel work. in the choir considerable labour has been bestowed in carving the stalls and the reading desk. here are two good organs, the one italian, the other built in quito, by a native. in the church and sacristy are many beautiful paintings and pieces of sculpture, by native artists, particularly an effigy of san francisco, painted by miguel de santiago; a saint john, and a magdalen, by the same, and a full-length _ecce homo_, by samaniego. adjoining the church are two chapels that open on the terrace, the one is dedicated to san buenaventura, the other was built at the expence of an indian called cantuña, dedicated to nuestra señora de los dolores; in this there is an image of the virgin mary, most exquisitely finished; the name of the sculptor is unknown, but it is believed to have been caspicara, an indian of quito. although the churches and convents of santo domingo, san augustin, and la merced, are elegantly built of stone and brickwork, and contain many things worthy of notice, i shall not enter into a minute description of them. the reclusion convent of san diego, belonging to the franciscans, is with regard to its situation (being in a ravine in the suburbs of the city) nearly hidden among the trees and rocks, and most romantically retired; the strictest attention was paid to its building, and it resembles in every point a sequestered hermitage, which renders it worthy the notice of a stranger. it is perhaps the most perfect house for religious retirement and contemplation in the new world. the surrounding scenery of mountains traversing above the clouds; the pleasing verdure of their skirts, while everlasting snows crown their hoary heads; a meandering stream seen first to burst from the breast of its rocky parent, and then to glide down the ravine in search of its level, now and then interrupted in its course by abrupt turnings, clusters of trees, or heaps of stones; it seems to say, man, thy course is like mine, obstacles may intervene, and may appear for a while to retard thy pilgrimage to the grave; but thy stay on earth is short, thy life like my current, on the acclivity of this mountain, is continually rushing towards the last goal. in this small convent the duties of a monastic life are strictly and most religiously observed; the pale friars clad in grey sackcloth, their sandals on their half bare feet, their habitual silence, all conspire to confirm an opinion of the sanctity of the place, where men seem but to live in preparation for another life. i have often paced these cloisters on an evening, listening to the distant notes of the organ in the church, and the solemn chaunt of the friars, with such reverential awe, as i never experienced in any other place, but which, to be known, must be practised--must be felt. in one of the principal streets there is a beautiful stone arch, opposite to the carmelite church, under which is an altar dedicated to the virgin mary, where mass is celebrated every saturday. this building, which has the appearance of a triumphal arch, is called de la reyna de los angeles. in the suburbs, on the north side of the city, is a small chapel, called de la vera crus, and here was interred the body of blasco nuñes vela, a knight of santiago, who was the first person to whom the title of viceroy was granted. his conduct in lima was so rigorous and overbearing, that the royal audience deposed him, and embarked him at callao for panama; but he persuaded the captain of the vessel to land him at tumbes, from whence he proceeded to quito, and being pursued by gonsalo pizarro to the plain of añaquito, adjoining the city, a battle was fought in 1546, in which the viceroy was slain, and his body was conveyed to this chapel, where his remains were interred. quito is the residence of the provincial prelates of the four orders of san francisco, santo domingo, san augstin, and la merced, all the convents in the presidency being subject to them. the church belonging to the nunnery of santa clara is remarkable for its elliptical dome, the transverse axis being forty-one feet, the conjugate twenty-six, and the spring of the arch nine feet two inches; it is built of stone, and the inner surface is entirely plain. seen from the floor of the church, the dome or ceiling, which is thirty-six feet high, appears almost flat; this beautiful piece of architecture was entirely executed by indians in the year 1767. quito has always been a place of celebrity for its great number of students; it was called the monster with two heads, because it had two universities. that of san gregorio magno, under the superintendence of the jesuits, was founded in 1586, by felipe ii., and enriched in 1621 with all the privileges granted to the celebrated university of salamanca, in spain. the other, that of santo tomas de aquino, is under the superintendence of the order of dominicans; but after the expulsion of the jesuits the two were united by a royal charter of carlos iii., under the latter dedicatory title. the two colleges of san buenaventura, of the franciscan order, and san fulgencio, of the augstin order, had the privilege of conferring the degree of doctor, but owing to several irregularities, such as presenting the degree to favourites, or for money, they have been deprived of this privilege. the meetings of the university are held in the college of the ex-jesuits; and here, unlike to the university of san marcos, at lima, and many in europe, all the professors have both to lecture and to teach, their places not being titled sinecures. the professorships are two for theology, two for canons, two for jurisprudence, and one for arts. there is one also for medicine, but no professor. after a course of lectures the chair becomes vacant, and is obtained by opposition and public disputation. all those who hold the degree of doctor in the faculty of the vacant chair have an elective vote, as well as all the professors in the triennial election of the rector of the university; but these elections are referred to the president of the government, who, as vice patron, has the privilege to reject or confirm them. the degree of bachelor is granted to all those who undergo a public examination, after studying arts one year; and that of master to those who finish the course, and are approved in their examination. the degree of doctor in the different faculties is obtained by a private examination of the faculty, consisting of the rector of the university, and four examiners in the faculty. the different degrees and faculties are distinguished by the different colours of the badges, in the same manner as in the university of lima. the college of san luis was endowed with the title of _colegio mayor_, by felipe v., being the only one holding this title in south america; it is also a royal college, and an ecclesiastical seminary. the habit is a light brown _opa_, or gown, and a crimson _beca_, or shoulder band, similar to those of santo toribio, at lima; also a black cap, having four pointed mitre shaped corners; the royal arms, in silver, are worn on the breast on the left side, fastened to the beca. the college of san fernando has the title of a royal college; the habit is a black opa, and a white beca, bearing the royal arms in gold, and a square cardinal's cap. the former is under the immediate direction of a secular clergyman, as rector, with a vice-rector and assistants; the latter under that of the dominicans, but both are under the patronage of the president of the government. the college of san luis has produced several eminent literary characters, and several archbishops and bishops: mexia, who in the late cortes of spain was called the american cicero, was educated in this college. the houses belonging to the principal inhabitants have generally an upper story, but those belonging to the lower classes have only the ground floor; they are for the most part built of adobes or stone, and are tiled. the families of the higher classes reside in the upper story, the lower being destined to the servants, and serve also as coach houses, store-rooms, and other like purposes. the use of _estrados_, one part of the floor raised above the rest, is as common here as at conception, and the females appear to be uneasy when seated on a chair. the furniture, owing to a want of cabinet makers, is a mixture of antique and modern pieces, just as they can be procured; yet some of the houses, particularly that of the count de san jose, is most elegantly furnished. a fashion prevails here of having a magnificent bed at one end of the estrado; some are of crimson velvet, lined with satin, trimmed with broad gold lace, and a deep gold fringe, with a cover of gold and silver embroidery, on velvet; the sheets and pillow covers are trimmed with fine brussels lace, or equally fine lace made in quito. some of these beds have a handsome painting beyond them, or in some cases a transparency, which, when the curtains are withdrawn, has a very good effect. the government of quito and its province is vested in a president, a royal audience, composed of a regent, four judges, _oidores_, and a fiscal; this tribunal was first established in 1563; it was abolished in 1718, and re-established in 1739. the president enjoys all the privileges of a viceroy, except in the military department, in which he is subject to the viceroy of santa fé de bogota. the corporation, _cavildo_, is composed of two _alcaldes ordinarios_, eight regidores, and other officers, as at lima. the indians are subject to an _alcalde_, mayor, who is an indian, elected by the city corporation; they have also an advocate paid by the king, who is called the protector of the indians. the royal treasury has an accomptant, a treasurer, a fiscal, and minor officers. the _aduana_, custom-house, has an accomptant, treasurer, and minor officers. besides these are the tribunals of the crusade, of the effects of those who die intestate, of posts, and of temporalities. quito was made a bishop's see in 1545, and has been the residence of twenty-two bishops (1810). the chapter, _cavildo ecclesiastico_, is composed of the dean, archdeacon, chanter, treasurer, doctoral, penitentiary, magistral, three canons, four prebends, and two demi-prebends. among the inhabitants of this city there are six marquises, three counts, and one viscount, besides several families of distinguished nobility. the family of the present conde de puñelrostre, a grandee of the first class, who is a native of quito, and the lineal descendants of san francisco de borja, duke of gandia, also reside here. quito is the birth-place of one archbishop, eight bishops, six venerables, and several persons of eminent literature, among whom, don pedro maldonado sotomayor is worthy of notice. he was a profound mathematician, became professor of the sciences at paris, and was elected a fellow of the royal society of london, in which city he died. among those of note at present (1810), dr. rodrigues and dr. arauco and la señora doña mariana mateus de ascasubi are esteemed literary characters. quito was likewise the birth-place of the unfortunate atahualpa, the last inca of peru. the population of this city amounts to about seventy-five thousand souls, and may be divided into three nearly equal parts: whites, mestisos, and indians. here are very few negroes or descendants of that race, the indians being generally engaged as the household servants, in which capacity they are called _huasi camas_. the principal employment of persons of rank is to visit their estates, on which they generally reside during part of the year, particularly in harvest time. the white inhabitants of moderately easy circumstances, are farmers, merchants, or follow a literary career in the church, at the bar, or are employed by the government. the young men belonging to these classes are usually brought up at college, either as collegians or day students, the education of these being gratis. much judgment, as well as vivacity, are displayed in the scholastic disputations, and nothing is wanting but greater liberality in the professors, or rather a removal of all ecclesiastical restrictions, with a better selection of books and instruments, to enable the university of quito to vie with some of those of the most polished countries in europe. if the young men, educated in the colleges do not become such adepts in science as might be expected, it is their misfortune, not their fault. the female children of this class are generally educated under the eye of their mothers, and except needle-work in its different branches, and the management of household affairs; reading and writing are all they are taught. for their skill in playing on the guitar and psaltery, of which they are remarkably fond, they are principally indebted to their own application, or to the direction of some female friend. the white inhabitants are generally of a moderate stature, of a lively countenance, and fair complexion. like the white natives of chile they are narrow across the chest, to which configuration the frequency of pulmonic affections may perhaps be attributed. in society they are loquacious, frank, and courteous, particularly the females; in their houses remarkably hospitable; and to strangers they are kind to an excess. the only trait in the character of a quiteño which militates in any degree against his virtues, is a sort of fickleness or inconstancy; they are indeed always ready for a change. the assertion of a friend i found to be very true: "if," said he, "we have a penitential procession in the morning, all attend in their most penitent attire, and put on their gravest looks; if in the afternoon we have a bull fight, none are absent; they will leave the circus in the evening to attend the sermon of a missionary, and spend the remainder of the night at a dance or card party." this instability was too visible, and often proved fatal during the period of the first revolution in this city. the mestisos are in general well formed, often taller than the ordinary size, robust, of a ruddy colour, and very agreeable countenance; they partake of many of the virtues of the whites, but exceed them in their vices; they are equally void of fixed determination, remarkably fond of diversions, but surprisingly docile, kind and obliging, considering any attention paid to them, by any person who ranks above them, as a mark of real honour. many of this class are employed as overseers, _mayordomos_, on the farms and estates belonging to the nobility; others apply themselves to painting and sculpture, in which some have excelled, and many of the paintings of miguel de santiago have been classed in italy among the first productions of the pencil; at present (1810) the artists in greatest repute are samaniego, cortes, and solis. the mestisos also apply themselves to mechanical trades, and excel as lapidaries, jewellers, and silversmiths; but a lack of inventive genius is certainly visible in all their performances, exact imitation being their principal study, and in this they most assuredly succeed. the indians, both men and women, are of a low stature, well proportioned, very muscular, and strong; they bear a general resemblance in their habits and customs to the indians in peru, but they are under more subjection to their masters. those that are employed in the city are household servants, in which capacity they are very useful, partly on account of the equanimity of their temper and their blind submission to their masters, and, if well treated, their attachment is great to the house in which they live: a moderate recompense insures their constant services. they are capable of supporting very heavy burthens; a man will carry on his back during the greater part of the day a large earthen jar holding from twelve to sixteen gallons of water; this jar rests on the lower part of the back, while a leather thong fastened on each side the jar is passed across the forehead of the carrier, who stoops in such a manner, that the mouth of the jar is in a horizontal position, and the whole weight rests on a line perpendicular to his right heel, on which side it entirely presses. the indian has a kind of limping gait; he trips on his left foot, and then throws himself on the right; owing to which the right ancle is much thicker than the left, and this foot is also much larger than the left. i examined an old indian servant belonging to the palace, whose constant employment for several years had been to carry water from the fountain in the plasa to the palace, and found that the whole of the right side of the body was a great deal more muscular than the left. the indian women who employ themselves in bringing from the surrounding villages any produce to the market at quito, carry their burthens in the same manner as the men. i have often seen them so covered with a cargo of brushwood, lucern, green barley, or other light bulky articles, that the load seemed to move along of itself, the carrier being completely enveloped. many indians in the city become butchers, weavers, shoemakers, bricklayers, &c.; but they are remarkably slothful and indolent, and apply themselves more commonly to drunkenness than to any kind of business. if you wish to employ one of them, he will demand part of the money beforehand, with the excuse that he wants to purchase materials, or some other indispensable requisite, but it is immediately spent in chicha or rum, and it often becomes necessary to apprehend the rascal (particularly among the shoemakers), and to send him to gaol, before you can oblige him to fulfil his agreement. some of the indians are barbers, and manage the razor with the greatest dexterity; they may easily be distinguished among the indian tradesmen, because the brass or silver basin is always peeping from under their cloak. many of the mestisos, or descendants of the spanish creoles and indians, are very fair; but the lowness of their foreheads, as well as their being very narrow, betrays their connexion with the indian. the quarterones, or descendants of a spaniard and a mestiso, approach much nearer to the white creole; but in these the size and shape of the forehead, also a small rising about the middle of the nose, from whence it forms a curve terminating in a point bending towards the upper lip, and some dark stains in different parts of the body, particularly one below the region of the kidneys, which is always the last that disappears, though often not before the fourth or fifth generation, bespeak a mixture of the indian race. the mothers of mestisos generally begin very early to plat the hair of their children, dragging it back from the forehead and temples in very small plats, for the purpose of enlarging that feature. the common dress of the male spaniards and creoles is similar to ours, with the addition of a long red, white, or blue cloak. their riding costume is very pretty: over a jacket, trowsers, and boots, they wear the white poncho, and over this a smaller one made of deer skin, having the hairy side outward. a pair of overalls, made of the hides of two old goats, are fastened round the waist, tied down the under side of the thighs, and buttoned round the legs, so that the necks of the hides fall over the feet; and as the hairy side is outwards, no rain can penetrate, however long the person may be exposed to it; a large hat is covered with leather, and to complete the costume, a large silk shawl is tied round the neck. the ladies dress almost in the english style, except a few ancient dames, who wear a large hoop:--when going to church all wear the hoop, with a black velvet petticoat over it, sewed in small folds, and a broad piece of english flannel over their heads, generally of a brown colour, which they can fold over their faces so as to cover them. jewellery is much worn by the ladies, of which many have a large stock, principally consisting of ear-rings, necklaces, rosaries, amulets, and bracelets of diamonds, emeralds, topazes, or other precious gems, in complete sets, for a mixture is considered a proof of poverty. on particular occasions, it is not uncommon for a lady to be adorned with these kind of ornaments to the amount of twenty or thirty thousand dollars. the dress of the mestisos is composed of a jacket and small-clothes, the bottom of the drawers appearing below the knees; no stockings, and only sometimes shoes; a long spanish cloak of blue cloth, manufactured in the country, and a black hat; these are called _llapangos_, a quichua word signifying barefooted. the females often wear a large hoop, and a gaudy petticoat made of english flannel, red, pink, yellow, or pale blue, ornamented with a profusion of ribbon, lace, fringe, and spangles, wrought into a kind of arabesque about half a yard deep, near the bottom of the coat, below which a broad white lace hangs, attached to an under garment. the bodice is generally of brocade or tissue, or of embroidered satin, laced very tight round the waist; the bosom and sleeves of this are ornamented with white lace, ribbons, and spangles; a narrow shawl of english flannel to correspond with the petticoat is thrown over the shoulders; the head is uncovered, but ornamented with a fillet, ribbons, and flowers, and the hair hangs in small tresses down the back. like the men the women seldom wear shoes or stockings, and it is considered a trait in their beauty to have small white feet, and red heels, to procure which cosmetics and rouge are often called in to lend their assistance: this practice is very common among a certain description of females. the lowest or poorest class of indian men and women wear a very scanty and coarse apparel; the men have a pair of cotton drawers, hanging below the knees; a garment somewhat like a wide sack, having an opening to pass the head through, and two holes for the arms; this kind of tunic is made of cotton or wool, it reaches almost to the knees, and is girt round the waist. sometimes a straw hat is worn, but they have more frequently nothing but a leather strap round their heads, and never put on either shoes or stockings. the women have only the species of tunic called _anaco_, but it is longer than that of the men: over their shoulders they wear a small kind of shawl, called _ichlla_, and this constitutes their whole wardrobe, and is generally the only bed which they possess. their children immediately after their birth are swaddled or bandaged in such a manner, from their shoulders to below their feet, that they are deprived of all motion; the mother also frequently inserts a wooden hook between the folds of the bandage, and hangs the child to the wall, to the branch of a tree, or when she is travelling, to the fore part of the saddle. those indians who are in better circumstances clothe themselves in an elegant manner; the men wear white drawers with lace or fringe at the knees, they have a shirt and a small black poncho, laid in folds crossways of the stuff, each about an inch broad, and made very stiff with gum; when put on the two ends are drawn downwards, a little below the waist, and the sides are fastened together at the corners: this vestment is called a capisayo. round the neck they wear a kind of ruffle, of lace, about eight or ten inches deep, and hanging over the shoulders like a tippet. the hat is generally of wool, having a low crown and very broad skirts. the caciques, alcaldes, some butchers and barbers, also wear the long spanish cloak, breeches over the drawers, shoes, and large square silver buckles, but never any stockings. the women of the same class wear a white under-petticoat, called the anaco, with broad lace at the bottom; over this they have a piece of cloth, folded in the same manner as the capisayo of the men, except that the folds are vertical; this is called the _chaupi anaco_, and is merely fastened round the waist with a broad girdle of various colours, being left open on the right side, and reaching only halfway down the legs, the white lace hanging down almost to the ankles. another piece of black cloth, named the _lliglla_, folded in the same manner is put over the shoulders; the two upper corners are brought together in front, and fastened with two large silver or gold pins, ornamented on the top, and called _tupus_; the folds being extended the lliglla covers the elbows; the hair is all collected behind, and made into a thick roll, by winding a fillet round it from near the head to the very ends of the hair; on the top of the head they have a large bunch of ribbons, usually red. the most popular diversion in quito is bull fighting; it is conducted in a very different manner from what i witnessed in any other part of america. no regular bull fighters are employed, but a universal inclination in the inhabitants to become dexterous fighters seems to prevail, not only among the men, but even among the women. i have seen several evince the greatest skill and agility both in the plasa and in the circus, but the generality of the persons who parade the circus are masked. this peculiarity of a general masquerade is highly entertaining, and the natives are as fond of the diversion as they are skilful and happy in their inventions. a brief description of an afternoon's sport will convey an idea of one trait in the character of the inhabitants of quito, including all the variety of classes. the moment that permission is obtained from the president, the sides of the plasa are divided into lots, for the different families of distinction, public officers, colleges, &c.; on these are built galleries, supported on poles, and roofed, and some of them are tastefully ornamented, each having a small private dressing-room. about two o'clock in the afternoon, at which time the fight generally begins, all the galleries are crowded, and from three to four thousand men begin to parade the circus, in expectation of the _entradas_, or entrance of the masks. different parties previously agree to assemble at some point, and enter the circus in procession; this is often done at the four corners of the plasa, at the same time, and upwards of two thousand persons frequently enter, accompanied with bands of music, streamers, and fireworks. they first parade the circus in procession, and then divide into groups, and wander about from one gallery to another, saluting their friends and acquaintance, who are often completely puzzled, not being able to distinguish who the individuals are who are addressing them. at this time many of the nobility and grave ecclesiastics disguise themselves, and leave their galleries to mix in the motley group, and quiz their acquaintances in the galleries. this part of the diversion generally lasts for more than an hour, and after the whole is concluded, groups of masks parade the street with music and flambeaux. the houses of the nobility and principal inhabitants are open, and refreshments are placed for those groups which choose to enter; this often produces much mirth, for the object of the masked is to laugh at the unmasked, and the attempting to discover any person who is thus covered by force, is considered extremely rude, and a breach of the privilege of the mask. if attempted in the circus, or the street, the assault would be immediately punished by the monkeys, who would flog the aggressor with their long tails, the friars would strike with their beads, and the muleteers with their whips. some of the natives are remarkably skilful in making masks, and a person may procure, at a few hours' notice, an exact representation of the face of any individual in the city; whence it very frequently happens, that people are seen double, one very gravely seated in a gallery, and a fac simile dancing about the circus, to the annoyance of the original, and the diversion of the spectators. when a bull enters the area, many of the _trages_, masks, retire to the galleries, but many who are fond of the sport remain and enjoy the amusement without being known to any one; for this purpose the dress generally chosen is a pair of wide trowsers, and a short shirt, hanging loose; these are generally of silk. the head and face are covered with a green silk hood fitting close to the face, having glass or talk eyes; a hat and gloves complete the dress of a _ranchero_. this is also the garb generally worn by those persons who leave their galleries for a while to parade the plasa and afterwards to return. during the time that a furious bull is scouring the circus, three or four thousand individuals are employed in it, teazing the poor brute by hissing, whistling, and shouting. the bull will often gallop along the sides of the plasa, when the spectators very deliberately stand close to each other in a line, forming what they call _una muralla de barrigas_, a wall of bellies; and i have often stood in such a line, when a bull has passed us at full speed, not unfrequently rubbing his side along the _wall_; if the line be complete, the animal never stops to attack any one, but if he find an opening, he pushes in, and causes a dreadful uproar. the _aficionados_, both on foot and on horseback, vex the bull by holding out to him a cloak, poncho, or umbrella, which, at the moment he attacks it, the holder throws up and allows the bull to pass; this is repeated so often that the animal will no longer advance, when some tame oxen are driven into the circus, with which the baited bull retires, and another enters the list. masquerading is also common during the carnival, and the feast of innocents; and i have been assured by very old people, that they never heard of any robbery, or of any other depredations being committed during these festivals, the whole mind of the people being entirely engrossed by the sports, and in the study of something new. many of the nobility and the principal inhabitants are in possession of antique dresses, two or three hundred years old; in these they make their appearance on such occasions; besides which they have a sufficient stock for the accommodation of their friends. dancing is a favourite amusement of the natives, and some of their dances are very pretty; they are in general imitations of the spanish _bolera_. minuets are quite fashionable among the higher classes, and country dances, reels, &c. also begin to be adopted. the mestisos are particularly fond of music, and the small mountain called the _panecillo_ is in the summer season frequently the evening resort of forty or fifty young men, with fifes, guitars, and psalteries, which they play till midnight. nothing can exceed the sweetness of some of their _tristes_, or melancholy airs, during the quiet of the evening, when numbers of the inhabitants sit in their balconies and listen to the fleeting sounds as they are wafted along by the evening breeze. after playing till midnight, the young men frequently parade the streets till day-break, serenading under the balconies of the principal inhabitants. one of the religious processions at quito was so novel to me, and altogether so strange, that i cannot forbear to describe it. at a small village, about a league from the city, there is an image of the virgin mary, which the pious inhabitants have been induced to believe protected them against the destructive fury of the earthquakes that ruined riobamba and tacunga; in consequence of which, they voted two annual feasts to the image, to be celebrated in the cathedral of the city. application was made to the court at madrid, that the procession might be solemnized with the assistance of the whole military force; the royal grant exceeded the humble request, for his catholic majesty conferred on the virgin of guapulo the commission of a captain-general of his armies, with a right to the enjoyment of all the pay and privileges during the ten days' stay in quito; consequently, on the day of her approach to the city, the whole military force line the streets, present their arms, and the drums beat a march. the virgin is brought to the city on a stand, enclosed with crimson velvet curtains, carried on the shoulders of some of the principal inhabitants, preceded by part of the chapter, and members of the corporation. the image, being on duty, becomes a captain-general, and appears in full uniform; on the arms two sleeves are drawn, bearing the embroidery of her rank; on her head is placed a gold laced cocked hat, with a red cockade and feather, and in her hand she holds the _baton_, or insignia of command. the image of the infant jesus participates in the honours; a gold laced hat, small gold sword, and red cloak, adorn the young hero, and in this stile they are carried to the cathedral, where they are arrayed in their customary robes, but the baton is left in the hand of the virgin till she leaves the city. although loath to ridicule any thing that may, however distant, be connected with religion, even the ceremonious part of it, i could never view this in any other light than an ecclesiastical puppet show, a disgraceful piece of mummery. quito is also famous for many other religious processions, and these times present a very favourable opportunity for seeing the best works both of the pencil and the chisel, particularly at the procession of corpus christi, when several altars are erected in the plasa mayor, on which are displayed all the curiosities that the natives can collect. the market of quito is well provided with good beef, mutton, pork, and poultry, the prices of which are low. the beef is supplied by the principal landholders, who are bound to kill a stipulated number of fat oxen daily throughout the year, and to sell the beef at an appointed price; for this purpose there is a public butchery, where an officer belonging to the corporation attends to see that the agreement is properly fulfilled. the vegetable and fruit markets are remarkably abundant; the climates are so various in the neighbourhood of the city, (indeed, it may be said, that they vary at every step we take) that the vegetables and fruits of europe grow among those of the tropics. from the valleys and _yungas_, sides of mountains, are brought camotes, yucas, aracachas, palemettos, bananas, pine-apples, oranges, lemons, limes, citrons, paltas, chirimoyas, guavas, granadillas; and from the cooler parts they bring potatoes, cabbages, beets, apples, pears, guinds, peaches, apricots, melons, strawberries, as well as various sallads and pot herbs: maize and other pulse are grown in the different climates, and many of the vegetables and esculents may be had in perfection during the whole year. several kinds of bread are brought to market at certain hours of the day, for the purpose of serving whilst quite fresh at the meals of the inhabitants: it is always made into small loaves, or rather cakes. after twelve o'clock the bread begins to fall in price; and at five o'clock six cakes may be bought for the same money that three of the same kind would have cost in the morning: this arises from the custom of never eating old bread. many varieties of sweet cakes are also sold in the market, some of which are particularly delicate. the spirits usually drunk in quito are rum and a small quantity of brandy: from the rum, which is distilled here, many liqueurs are made. it has probably been observed, that rum is not so noxious to the health of the quiteños as it is supposed to be to that of the peruvians; but, on the contrary, brandy is here considered by the careful government to be possessed of deleterious qualities. the truth is, that the distilling of rum is a royal monopoly in quito; whereas that of brandy is not so in peru: thus, for the purpose of increasing the consumption of rum, which augments the royal revenue, brandy is one of the _pisco_ or _aguardiente_, contraband articles. among the lower classes the use of chicha made of maize is very common, and its intoxicating qualities are but too visible among the indians, who are passionately fond of it: for the purpose of stimulating a species of thirst or forcing the appetite, they eat very large quantities of capsicum, aji: it is not uncommon, indeed, for an indian to make a meal of twenty or thirty pods of capsicum, a little salt, a piece of bread, and two or three quarts of chicha. quito is famous for the delicate ices and iced beverages which are made by the inhabitants; a service of ices, when a dinner or supper is given to a large party, is considered the greatest ornament of the table. these ices are generally prepared by the nuns, who, for the purpose, have pewter moulds, made to imitate several kinds of fruit; these are in two pieces, which are first united with wax and tied together: at a small aperture at one end the liquor is poured in, a fluid prepared from the juice of the fruit which the mould is made to imitate; when full, the hole is closed with wax, and the mould is put into a heap of broken ice mixed with salt, and allowed to remain till the liquor is congealed; the two parts of the mould are then separated, and the solid contents placed on a dish: thus a service of ices is made to consist of perfect imitations of pine-apples, oranges, melons, figs, and other fruits. when milk or cream is iced it is poured into a mould formed like a cheese. these imitations, placed on dishes, and ornamented with leaves, &c. are with difficulty distinguished from fruit, and when fruit is mixed with them, i have frequently seen strangers completely deceived. the natives of quito are very skilful in cooking some of the produce of the country; so much so, that i have often been assured by them, that forty-six different kinds of cakes and dishes are made of maize, or at least in which maize is the principal ingredient: of potatoes thirty-two are made in the same manner, without counting many others, in which maize or potatoes are mixed. some of the confectionary is very delicate, particularly dry or candied sweetmeats. these are often made of the pulp or jelly of different fruits, in imitation of those fruits, and not larger than hazel nuts: thus oranges, lemons, and limes are often taken from the trees when about the size of nuts, and delicately preserved and candied over. the same kinds of fruit are also taken when ripe, and the rinds preserved; they are filled with the flowers, after they have been preserved, and the whole candied over, and put into a dry place, where they may be kept for a long time. what is justly considered a master piece of confectionary in quito is to preserve the rind of a very large citron, then to fill it with small candied oranges, lemons, limes, figs, &c., and afterwards to candy the outside of the citron. the enormous quantity of cheese consumed in this city almost exceeds belief, the cost price not being less than from eighty to ninety thousand dollars a year. the estimate is made as to the price, because cheese, like many other commodities, is bought by the lump, not by the weight; and the price seldom varies. i have weighed several cheeses that cost a dollar each, and found them to weigh on an average seven or eight pounds when fresh (for in this state the cheese is always brought to market), so that the quantity consumed annually amounts to about six hundred and forty thousand pounds weight, or upwards of two hundred and eighty five tons. this may partly be accounted for from the number of dishes made with potatoes, pumpkins, gourds, maize, wheat, and many other kinds of vegetables and pulse mixed with cheese. as the custom of eating toasted cheese is prevalent, a whole one, weighing from three to four pounds, is generally placed on the tables of wealthy citizens both at breakfast and supper; and many of these being land proprietors and farmers derive the greater part of the profits of their farms from the cheese which is made on them. the trade or commerce of quito may be very properly divided into two classes--that of home manufactures, and that of foreign. indeed, it is thus divided by the tradesmen and merchants, the shops and stores generally containing only one kind of goods. the home made consist of cotton and woollen cloths, baizes, sugars, flannels, ponchos, stockings, laces, dyeing materials, thread, tapes, needles, and other minor articles. the stock of foreign articles is composed of all kinds of european manufactured goods, also iron, steel, and some other raw materials. the european manufactures most in demand are english broad cloths, kerseymeres, coloured broad flannels, calicoes, plain and printed dimities, muslins, stockings, velveteens; irish linens in imitation of german _platillas_; fine, in imitation of french lawn; all kinds of hardware and cutlery, and foreign silk velvets, satins, silks, &c. as well as english ribbons and silks. like the lima market, the articles should be of a good quality, and of the newest fashion--the more this point is attended to the better the market will be found. chapter xi. visit of the academicians to quito in 1736....inscription left by....climate of quito....view of mountains at....description of chimboraso....of cayambe urcu....of antisana....of cotopaxi....of pichincha....of el altar....description of the fertility of the valleys....mines....ruins of temples, palaces, and fortified places....account of the indians....of commerce. in 1736 the academy of sciences at paris sent m. luis godin, m. peter bouguer, m. charles de la condamine and others to quito, in order to make some astronomical and physical observations. they were accompanied, by order of the spanish court, by don jorge juan, and don antonio de ulloa. having finished their operations they left the following inscription in marble on the wall of the church belonging to the ex-jesuits:- observationibus ludovici godin, petri bouguer, caroli mariæ de la condamine á regia parasiensi scientiarum academia, inventa sunt quiti latitudo hujusce templiaustralis grad. 0 min. 3 sec. 18. longitudo occidentalis ab observatorio regio grad. 81, min. 22. declinatio acus magneticæ à borea ad orientem, exeunte anno 1736 grad. 8, min. 45; anno 1742 grad. 8, min. 20. inclinatio ejusdem infra orizontem parte boreali, conchoe anno 1739 grad. 12. quiti 1741 grad. 15. altitudines supra libellam maris geometrice collectæ in exapedis parisiensibus spectabiliorum nive perenni hujus provinciæ montium quorum plerique flammas evomuerunt--cota-cache 2567, cayambur 3028, antisana 3016, cotopaxi 2952, tunguragua 2623, sangay etiam nunc ardentis 2678, chimboraso 3220, ilinisa 2717, soli quitensis in foro majori 1462, crucis in proximo pichincha montis vertice conspicuæ 2042, acutioris ac lapidei cacuminis nive plerumque operti 2432, ut et nivis infimæ permanentis in montibus nivosis: media elevatio mercurii in barometro suspensi in zona torrida, eaque parum variabilis in ora maritima pollicum 28. linearum 0. quiti poll. 20. lin. 0¼ in pichinche ad crucem poll. 17. lin. 7. ad nivem poll. 16. lin. 0 spiritus vini qui in thermometro reaumuriano à partibus 1000 incipiente gelu ad 1080 partes in aqua fervente intumescit: dilatio quiti à partibus 1008 ad partes 1018 juxta mare a 1017 ad 1029 in fastigio pichinche à 995 ad 1012. soni velocitatis unius minuti secundi intervalo hæxapedarum 175. penduli simplicis equinoctialis, unius minuti secundi temporis medii in altitudine soli quitensis archetypus. {-------------------------} {-------------------------} {-------------------------} (mensuruæ naturalis exemplar, utinam et universalis) aqualis 5079/10000 hexapedæ, seu pedibus 3 pollicibus 0. lineis 6-83/100 major in proximæ maris littore 27/100 lin. minor in apice pichinche 16/100 lin. refractio astronomica orizontalis sub æquatore media, juxta mare 27 min. ad nivem in chimboraso 19´ 51´´; ex qua et aliis observatis quiti 22´ 50´´. limborum inferiorum solis in tropicis, dec. 1736, et junii 1737, distantia instrumento dodecapedalia mensurata grad. 47, min. 28, sec. 36, ex qua positis diametris solis min. 32, sec. 37, et 31´ 33´´. refractione in 66, grad. altitudinis 0´ 15´´. parallaxi vero 4´ 10´´ eruiter obliquitas eclipticæ, circa equinoctium martii 1737, grad. 23, min. 28, sec. 28. stellæ triem in baltheo orionis mediæ (bayero e.) declinatio australis julio 1737 grad. 1, min. 23, sec. 40. ex arcu graduum plusquam trium reipsa dimenso gradus meridiani, seu latitudinis primus, ad libellam maris reductus hexap. 36650. quorum memoriam ad physices, astronomiæ geographiæ nautice incrementa hoc marmore parieti templi colegii maximii quitensis soc. jesu affixo, hujus et posteri ævi utilitati v. d. c. spissimi observatories anno christi 1742. m. de la condamine fixed his meridian on the terrace of the college; but this line being traced on brick became effaced, and in 1766 another was substituted on stone, and a latin inscription on marble was placed on the wall near to it. the climate of quito is remarkably agreeable, and almost invariable; the indication of winter is the fall of rain, and the absence of rain constitutes the summer season. during the months of december, january, february, and march it generally rains every afternoon; usually beginning at half-past one o'clock and continuing till five. a rainy or even a cloudy morning is seldom seen at quito, and even during the rainy season the evenings and mornings are most beautiful. the temperature is so benign, that vegetation never ceases; hence this city is called the evergreen quito, _siempre verde_ quito; it is also called the everlasting spring, _eterna primavera_; both which epithets it may be said to deserve, for the native trees are all evergreens, and the fields on the slopes of the mountains never lose their verdure. from the terrace of the government palace there is one of the most enchanting prospects that human eye ever witnessed, or nature ever exhibited. looking to the south, and glancing along towards the north, eleven mountains covered with perpetual snow present themselves, their bases apparently resting on the verdant hills that surround the city, and their heads piercing the blue arch of heaven, while the clouds hover midway down them, or seem to crouch at their feet. among these, the most lofty are cayambe urcu, imbaburu, ilinisa, antisana, chimboraso, and the beautifully magnificent cotopaxi, crowned with its volcano, which during the greater part of the three years that i was a resident in this part of america was continually ejecting either smoke or flames, not observable during the day, but particularly visible in the morning and evening. having mentioned these mountains, i shall give a brief description of the most remarkable in the province of quito, being the most elevated in the new world, and till the discovery of the himmalah mountains, considered the highest on the globe. chimboraso is the "giant of the andes," the hoary head of which may be seen from the mouth of the guayaquil river, a distance of not less than one hundred and eighty miles; and here the view is certainly more imposing than when we observe it from the plains extended at its foot: seen from that spot it looks like an enormous semi-transparent dome, defined by the deep azure of the sky; at the same time it cannot be mistaken for a cloud, on account of its solid appearance and well defined edges, so different from the aspect of those collections of vapours. the height of this enormous mass, from the level of the sea, was ascertained by m. de humboldt to be twenty-two thousand four hundred and forty feet. its height from the road leading to quito, which passes along the plain at the foot of the mountain called _el paramo_, or _el pajonal_, is twelve thousand one hundred and eighty feet, and five thousand four hundred and sixteen feet above the limit of perpetual snow, under the scorching sun of the equator, and sixteen thousand eight hundred and ninety-two above what is computed to be the limit in england. m. de humboldt has remarked, that "mountains which would astonish us by their height, if they were placed near the sea shore, seem to be but hills when they rise from the ridge of the cordilleras." without scarcely daring to contradict this most scientific traveller, i cannot avoid expressing my own feelings when i viewed chimboraso, even at its foot. perhaps my ideas of grandeur are not correct, so that i must appeal to persons of more extensive conceptions, to know whether a mass rising twelve thousand one hundred and eighty feet above the head of an observer can be considered a "hill!" in the comprehensive mind of a philosopher, the base, not only of this mountain, but the whole range of the andes, may be a matter not worthy of attention, and consequently detached parts of it must form minor objects. i viewed chimboraso with sensations of inexpressible delight, mixed with a kind of veneration perhaps more strongly impressed, from the consideration, that it was considered the highest mountain on the globe, for at that time (1809) i had not heard it questioned, and much less denied. a kind of reverential awe crept over me as i stood and gazed on this majestic mass, such as may be more easily imagined than described. the figure of chimboraso resembles a truncated cone, with a spherical summit. from the foot of the snow its sides are covered with a calcined matter, resembling white sand; and although no tradition exists of its active volcanic state, yet the issuing of some streams of hot water from the north side of it seems to warrant that it is a volcano, or that it possesses volcanic properties; and the circular summit of the mountain has the appearance "of those paps without craters, which the elastic force of the vapours swells up in regions where the hollow crust of the globe is mined by subterraneous fires." from the melting of the ice, and perhaps with the assistance of some undiscovered springs on the sides of this mountain, the rivers of huaranda, huando, and machala, have their origin. cayambe urcu, cayambe mountain, is the loftiest of the cordilleras, excepting chimboraso; its elevation above the level of the sea is nineteen thousand three hundred and sixty feet, and above that of the plasa mayor of quito nine thousand one hundred and eighteen. it bears some resemblance to chimboraso in its dome-shaped summit, and, seen from quito, it is the most majestic. the beauty of the appearance of cayambe urcu is rendered more interesting at sunset, on a clear evening; huahua pichincha, little pichincha, being due west of it, the shadow of this may be observed gradually covering the foreground of that, and a few seconds before the sun dips in the horizon, the shadow ascends the mountain with great rapidity, and finally, in a moment, the whole is dissolved in darkness. an impression is made on the mind of the observer, that this is caused by an overshadowing, and he remains gazing in expectation that the mountains will _again emerge_; but the very short duration of twilight soon convinces him that he looks in vain; and when he turns his eyes from cayambe to search for the other mountains, they are gone also. this colossal mountain is crossed on its summit by the equator, and were it not overtopped by its neighbour chimboraso, it would appear as if destined by the hand of nature to be a monumental division of the two hemispheres. cayambe is a volcano; but its crater has never been examined, nor are there any traditions of its being in a state of injurious activity. at the foot there are several vestiges of mines, said to have been very rich when worked by the indians before the conquest of the country, but at present they are entirely abandoned. the rivers which have their origin in the north and west sides of cayambe empty themselves by the esmeraldas and mira into the pacific; the others into the atlantic, by the marañon. antisana is a porphyritic mountain; its summit is nineteen thousand one hundred and fifty feet above the level of the sea, on which there is the crater of a volcano: near to the foot of this mountain is the small village of antisana, situated at the amazing height of thirteen thousand five hundred feet above the sea; it is considered to be the highest inhabited spot on the surface of the globe. seen from quito, cotopaxi is the most beautiful mountain in the whole range, on account of its shape, being that of a truncated cone, having a flat summit; it is eighteen thousand eight hundred and ninety feet above the level of the sea, and, as already observed, its volcano, the crater opening on the top of the mountain, is in constant activity, appearing sometimes in the morning and evening like a colossal beacon: the flame rises in such a manner, that its light is reflected from the icy coating of the mountain. a faint idea of the majestic cotopaxi may be conveyed, if we consider that it is nearly as high above the level of the sea as mount vesuvius would be were it placed on the top of mont blanc, the highest point of the alps--or if the highest volcano in the old world, etna, were placed on the top of bennevis, the highest mountain in scotland, and both on the top of snowdon, the loftiest mountain in great britain; the crater of etna would not then be on a level with that of cotopaxi. cotopaxi is the most dreadful volcano in the province of quito, and its ravages are spoken of by the inhabitants with horror. in 1738 the flame which rose from the crater ascended to the height of three thousand feet above the summit of the mountain: in 1743 its roarings were heard at the distance of two hundred leagues, at hurda; at guayaquil, a distance of fifty-two leagues, they were mistaken for loud peals of thunder. this was the first eruption after the arrival of the spaniards in this part of america; but a short time before their appearance, when pedro alvarado was on his march from punto viejo, the first eruption took place, at which time a huge mass of stone was ejected, which the natives call the head of the inca, _cabesa del inca_. the traditional record of the indians is, that this explosion and ejectment happened on the very day on which atahualpa was strangled at caxamarca, for which reason it received the name which it now bears. before the second eruption, in 1743, a rumbling subterraneous noise was heard, which continued to increase for five or six days, when an eruption took place on the summit, and three other apertures or craters made their appearance about the middle of the acclivity, the whole mountain being covered with snow till the moment that the eruption took place, when the entire frozen mass was instantaneously melted by the streams of melted lava, excepting some huge heaps that were thrown into the air, where they melted amid the flames of the ignited matter that was ejected. the melted snow overflowed the country lying between cotopaxi and tacunga, a distance of five leagues, destroying the houses, inhabitants, and cattle. the river of tacunga was too limited to carry off the enormous quantity of matter which flowed into it, and part of the town and property on the adjacent country was destroyed. this dreadful scene of devastation continued for three days, and the country at the foot of the mountain, and extending more than three leagues on each side, was covered with cinders and scoria. during this time of terror and dismay to the people of quito, tacunga, ambato, riobamba, and the surrounding villages, the roaring of the volcano seemed to increase; but on the fifth day all was quiet; the fire and the smoke disappeared, and the terrified inhabitants hoped that all the combustible matter was consumed, and that they should, consequently, thenceforward live securely from the fury of this devastating enemy. in the month of may, 1774, the flames forced their passage through the sides of the mountain, and continued to burn till november, when an eruption, equal to that of the preceding year took place, and the inhabitants of the surrounding towns were afraid that utter ruin awaited both them and the whole country. at this eruption enormous quantities of ashes were thrown out, which mixing with the water and mud darkened the current of the marañon to the distance of more than a hundred leagues; so that the jesuit missionaries, seeing not only that the colour of the water was changed, but that many dead bodies, drowned animals, pieces of furniture, and wrecks of houses floated down the stream, and hearing also the loud roaring of the volcano, sent expresses to inquire the fate of their countrymen, imagining that something more dreadful had occurred than what had really taken place. on the 4th of april, 1768, another explosion took place; but nothing except ashes were thrown or carried to any considerable distance; the latter were ejected in such quantities, that the sun was completely hidden, and from half past two o'clock till the following morning the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns and villages were obliged to light candles and to use lanterns in the streets. in january, 1803, an explosion took place, after all external appearances of the existence of a volcano, or that either fire, smoke or vapour had ceased to be visible for more than twenty years. in one night the activity of the subterraneous fires became so powerful, that the surface of the mountain was heated to such a degree as to melt the whole of the immense quantity of ice and snow which covered it to an unfathomable depth, and to a height, from the limit of perpetual snow, of not less than four thousand two hundred feet. at sunrise on the following morning the whole cone was entirely deprived of its customary covering, and of its dark brown appearance. at this time the damage sustained was not so considerable as at the former explosions; nothing was injured except some houses and cattle that were washed away by the sudden increase of the waters. m. de humboldt says, that he heard the tremendous noise of the volcano, like continued discharges of a battery, at guayaquil, fifty-two leagues in a straight line from the crater; it was heard also even on the pacific ocean to the south west of the island of puna. from the east side of cotopaxi the river napo takes it rise; and from the south the cotuche and alagues, which afterwards unite and enter the marañon; to the north rises the river del pedregal, which after receiving some minor streams joins the esmeraldas, which empties itself into the pacific ocean. carguairaso is a volcano, the summit of which is fourteen thousand seven hundred feet above the level of the sea; it is situated in the province of riobamba. in the year 1698 it ejected such enormous quantities of water, mud and stones as to destroy the crops in the neighbouring fields, and the lives of many thousands of the inhabitants. this dreadful calamity was also accompanied by one of the most alarming earthquakes that had been felt in this part of south america. to the westward of quito is the volcano of pichincha, on the eastern skirt of which the city is built. the mountain is elevated fifteen thousand nine hundred and forty feet above the level of the sea. the greatest explosions of this volcano have been in the years 1535, 1575, 1660, and 1690; in the last of which very fine ashes continued to fall in quito for twelve days; the air was darkened by them, and the streets were covered more than two feet thick. the crater of this volcano opens to the westward, so that quito must suffer from it so long as this continues to be the only crater, for the ashes are blown over the top of the mountain by a westerly wind; but the ravages committed by it are generally limited to the province of esmeraldas. in 1811 i observed the leaves of the plantains covered with very fine ashes, which had been ejected from pichincha, and carried to the distance of thirty-one leagues. the summit of this mountain is called rucu pichincha, old pichincha; it is composed of several spire-shaped rocks, rising above the snow, at the back of the crater; these are seen from mindo, a small village situated near the road which i re-explored, between quito and esmeraldas. detached from this there is the top of another mountain, connected with the same base, and called huahna pichincha, young pichincha; its head is rocky, and it is the highest point that the spanish and french academicians arrived at during their operations. el altar, formerly called by the indians caparurar, and which name it still retains among the natives, when speaking of it in quichua, signifying the snow mountain, was anciently higher than chimboraso is at present; but the volcano having consumed the walls of the crater till they were incapable of supporting their own weight, the top fell in. this was the case with that of carguairaso in 1698; and the ruins of the two volcanos bear a strong similarity in their pointed ridges, their spire-like rocks, and leaning directions; they appear as if falling into decayed heaps. i have only mentioned the most remarkable of the mountains visible at the city of quito; but besides these are the following in different parts of the kingdom: mountains. aritahua asuay caxanuma cotacache guacaya sinchulagua quelendana rumi nahui supay urcu tolonta tunguragua uritusinga yana urcu imbaburu. volcanic mountains. cumbal sangay sara-urcu. many of the ravines, quebradas, and valleys in this province have a very warm atmosphere, which in some is so very hot and unwholesome that they are uninhabitable. other valleys which are more elevated are remarkably healthy, uncommonly productive, and extremely delightful as places of residence. one of these, called pomasqui, is about five leagues from quito, where sugar-cane arrives at a state of maturity in three years, and where many of the intertropical fruits come to their greatest perfection. this luxury is enhanced by the proximity of other situations possessing all the variety of climates known in the world: in the course of three hours a person may experience the rigidity of the poles, the oppressive heat of the equator, and all the intermediate temperatures. a peon will ascend a mountain in the morning, and return with ice so early in the day as to afford time to allow him to bring before sunset the luscious pine-apple, the banana, and the chirimoya, to where the apple, peach, and pear grow and ripen. there the botanist at one glance would compass the whole of the vegetable creation, and in one day's excursion would range from the palm to the region where vegetation becomes extinct. these valleys are principally under cultivation, and bless the husbandman with a continued succession of crops; for the uninterrupted sameness of the climate in any spot is such as to preclude the plant as well as the fruit from being damaged by sudden changes in the temperature of the atmosphere, changes which are in other countries so detrimental to the health of the vegetable world. the fertility of some of these valleys exceeds all credibility, and the veracity of the description would be doubted, did not the knowledge of their localities and the universal descriptions of the equability and benignity of these climates ensure the probability. an european is astonished on his first arrival here to see the plough and the sickle, the sower and the thrashing-floor, at the same time in equal requisition:--to see at one step a herb fading through age, and at the next one of the same kind springing up--one flower decayed and drooping, and its sister unfolding her beauties to the sun--some fruits inviting the hand to pluck them, and others in succession beginning to shew their ripeness--others can scarcely be distinguished from the colour of the leaves which shade them, while the opening blossoms ensure a continuation. nothing can be more beautiful than to stand on an eminence and observe the different gradations of the vegetable world, from the half-unfolded blade just springing from the earth, to the ripe harvest yellowing in the sun and gently waving with the breeze. an enumeration of the different vegetable productions of this province would be useless; it will be sufficient to observe, that grain, pulse, fruits, esculents, and horticultural vegetables are produced in the greatest abundance and of an excellent quality, as well as all kinds of flesh meat and poultry. the province of quito abounds in veins of gold and silver ore; but at present (1810) none are wrought. grains of gold are often found among the sand washed down from pichincha; but no search has ever been made to discover the matrix, nor does any tradition exist, nor any vestige remain of the working of mines in this mountain. the mountains in the neighbourhood of palactawga, in the district of riobamba, are full of veins of gold and silver ore; but, excepting what is gathered when the rainy season ceases among the decombres washed down, they are entirely neglected; however, don martin chiriboga, in 1808, had selected a very rich vein, which he assured me he had chosen out of thirteen shewn to him, and had taken out a register for the working of it; but during my stay in the province nothing effectual was done. near a village called puncho a vein of cinnabar was discovered and seized by the government, because mines producing quicksilver were a royal monopoly; but a german mineralogist having been sent for from lima, to form an assay of the ore, declared in his report to the royal audience, that it was a mine of sheet tin, _haja de lata_, not knowing the proper name for tin; however this mistake caused the tribunal to declare, that the mine should not be wrought nor again mentioned in court. at popayan and cuenca there are many veins of iron, according to the generally received reports, particularly at the latter place, which is said to stand on a bed of iron ore. as i did not visit cuenca, i mention this on the authority of several individuals, of whose veracity i have no reason to doubt. i have already, when at huacho, spoken of the character of the peruvian indians; and as those of quito were under the government of three of the incas, received their laws, rites, and customs, and adopted their language, it is only reasonable to consider them a part of that nation, or rather, that the character of that nation was stamped on their habits and customs: at least, persevering industry, whether the result of their becoming the subjects of the inca, or otherwise, is strongly marked in many of the remains of buildings in the territory belonging to quito. the ruins near to cayambe may certainly be called superb. they are supposed to be the remains of a temple dedicated to the great creating spirit, pachacamac. these ruins are on an elevated part of the plain: their form is a circle forty-eight feet in diameter; the walls are fifteen feet high and five thick, and the whole is built of adobes, sun-dried bricks, cemented with clay. the materials of which the walls are constructed are in a state of perfect preservation, which fact appeared to me more surprising than the building itself; because the climate is very different from that on the coast of peru, where i had seen buildings of this class. here the rains are both violent and of long continuance, nevertheless the walls are in many parts entire, though formed of clay, and seem by their hardness destined to defy the ravages of time for centuries to come. at the northern extremity of the plains on which the town of tacunga is built are the remains of callo, belonging at present to a farm in the possession of the augstin friars. this edifice, supposed to have been a palace of the inca, was built of porphyry; the stones were cut into long square prisms of different dimensions, having the exterior surface slightly convex, except at the doors, where the fronts are plain; this gives to the walls the fluted appearance of rustic work. the stones are joined with such extreme nicety and exactness that the point of a pen-knife cannot be introduced between them. a kind of asphaltum seems to have been used as a cement, although in other peruvian buildings a marly soil was employed for this purpose. about one hundred yards from these ruins, fronting the principal entrance, there is a mount, standing in the middle of a plain: it is about a hundred and fifty feet high, having the shape of a cone, and appears to owe its existence ta human labour. it is called _el panecillo de callo_, and, like that which stands at the southern extremity of the city of quito, is supposed to have served the purpose of a watch-tower, because it commands an extensive view of the surrounding country, and might be one of the means employed to provide for the safety of the conqueror against any sudden surprize of his new subjects. if we believe the tradition of the indians, it is a huaca or mausoleum of some of the royal race of the incas; but this is not correct, because, according to garcilaso, these were all interred at cusco, to which place they were conveyed if they died in any other part of the country, cusco being considered their holy city. near the town of atun cañar there is another ruin, similar to that at callo, but of much greater extent; it was visited by m. de humboldt, who gives a description of it in his researches. at the distance of six leagues is another at pomallacta, and there are more in many parts of the country. several remains of fortified places, called pucuras, still exist; they are hills or mounts surrounded by ranges of moats or ditches, dug behind each other, and protected or strengthened with parapets of stone, whence the holders could safely annoy the enemy. these places were so common, that almost every eligible situation was thus fortified: the outward moat of circumvallation at pambamarca is upwards of a league and a half in extent. the oral traditions of the indians touching the state of their country before the arrival of the prince huaina capac, afterwards inca of peru, are very trifling, and clothed in almost impenetrable obscurity; indeed, the language spoken by them is entirely unknown, having been completely superseded by the quichua, the court language of the incas. huaina capac having conquered the capital, called at that time lican, he espoused pacchachiri, the daughter of the quitu or supreme chief; she was afterwards the mother of the unfortunate atahualpa, to whom the inca at his death bequeathed the territory, which had formerly belonged to the quitu: the result of which bequest has already been shewn at caxamarca. of the present race of indians, i shall only add to what i have said when speaking generally of this class of the inhabitants of south america, that the law of repartimiento, and the continuation of corregidores in the provinces have weighed most heavily on the unfortunate indians of the kingdom of quito; consequently with their debasement all the vices of indolence, apathy, and sloth are more visible here than in those parts of the colonies, where the curse of conquest has been less felt. owing to the numerous population of quito, its various climates, and consequent diversity of productions, it must at some future period become highly interesting to the naturalist, the merchant, and the traveller. at present, one of the principal branches which will attract commercial attention is that of wool, the quantity being great, and the quality above mediocrity; but it will gradually improve as a more perfect knowledge of the treatment of sheep becomes known to the natives. chapter xii. villa of ibarra, description.....villa of otavalo, description.... lakes san pablo and cuicocha....visit to the river mapo....gold mines on the banks of....indians pay their tribute in gold....bæza, the capital of the district....description of the inhabitants, &c. ....commissioned by the government to explore a road from the capital to the nearest point of the coast....maldonado's road.... leave quito....cross the skirts of pichincha, arrive at the river piti....description of the country....description of piti.... proceed to esmeraldas....description of the river of jaguar.... houses, plantations, cattle....method of distilling rum....food of the inhabitants...._saino_ tatabra, and _aguti_, or huatus.... monkey and charapa....method of killing game with the _sorbetana_ and poisoned _pua_. eighteen leagues to the northward of quito is the town, _villa_, of ibarra: it contains about twelve thousand inhabitants, many of whom are employed in the manufactories of cotton and woollen cloths, stockings, coverlets, and ponchos; the last of which are superior to those of any other part of the kingdom. here are a parish church and four convents, san francisco, santo domingo, san augstin, and la merced, and a nunnery of la conceptión. the houses are generally good, the streets wide and convenient, and the market-place capacious. some of the shops are tolerably stored with european goods, and the trade carried on is very considerable. the climate is warmer than that of quito, and the market is supplied with meat, pulse, fruit, and vegetables. ibarra, being the capital of the district of the same name, is the residence of the corregidor. in the district of ibarra are many very fruitful valleys, in which there are extensive plantations of sugar cane, from which the best sugar in the kingdom is manufactured. the wheat grown in this district is also of the finest quality. to the south west of ibarra is the town, villa, of otavalo, the capital of the province or district of the same name. it contains from eighteen to twenty thousand inhabitants, many of whom are mestisos, of a fair complexion, and handsome in appearance; some of the men are remarkably robust and muscular, indeed i never saw a race of finer looking people than an assembly of otavaleños on a sunday, when they meet at church, or at a feast. the climate of this town is much colder than at ibarra, or quito, owing to its greater elevation, as well as to its proximity to cayambe urcu. cotton and wool are manufactured here in the same manner as at ibarra, the natives appearing more inclined to this kind of labour than to the cultivation of the earth. large quantities of cattle are bred in the district of otavalo, and some of the large estates have from four to five hundred indians attached to them, who are employed either in the cultivation of the land, or in the manufactories, obrages. one large estate belongs to the count of casa xijon, who brought several mechanics and artisans from europe for the purpose of establishing a manufactory of fine cloths, woollens, and cottons; also for printing calicoes, and other goods; but being prevented by the interference of the royal audience, and a subsequent order from spain, he was prevailed on to destroy all his machinery, and to re-embark the artisans for europe. in this district there are two lakes; the larger one, called de san pablo, is about a league long and half a league wide, and is most abundantly stored with wild geese, ducks, widgeons, herons, storks, and other aquatic birds, but no fish. the smaller one is called cuicocha; in the centre of this there is a small island, where there are abundance of guinea pigs in a wild state, named by the natives _cuis_, and hence the name _cuicocha_, cocha signifying a lake. some small fish called prenadillas, are caught here; they are somewhat similar to prawns, but when boiled retain their colour, which is almost black. after i had visited ibarra and otavalo, i was ordered by the president, in december, 1808, to visit the river napo, for the purpose of reporting on the state of the gold mines on the shores of that river. this commission was extremely flattering to my wandering inclinations, not only on account of my being thus able to visit some parts of the country little known to europeans, but because i should have an opportunity of witnessing the very river where the undaunted orellana embarked, and among undiscovered and unheard of nations traversed the greatest extent of country that had ever been crossed at that time by any human being. i was accompanied by six indians from quito, and four yumbo indians. the latter inhabit a valley between quito and bæza, and frequently bring to the former place pine-apples, bananas, yucas, camotes, besides other fruits and esculents. the yumbos were our guides, while the quito indians carried my provisions, clothes, bedding, and other necessaries. our first day's journey was to pomasqui, where we passed the night at the house of a friend, who kindly added some machica and dried tongues to my stock of eatables. on the following day we began to ascend the eastern chain of the cordillera, and slept at night in a small hut made of a few slight poles, covered with pajon; the following night we slept to the eastward of antisana. on the fourth day we began to descend by a very rugged path, and in some places so nearly perpendicular that we were obliged to prevent ourselves from falling by taking hold of the roots of trees, or the crags of rocks; however, about three o'clock in the afternoon we reached the first small plantation and first hut of the yumbos, where we remained that night, and on the following day i found myself travelling along the north side of the napo. i was met here by the son of don diego melo, governador of archidona, who pointed out to me the soil which contained gold. it was of a reddish hue, and generally lay about three or four feet deep, having underneath it a stratum of indurated clay; some of these _capas_, as they are called, extend from one to two hundred yards or more from the margin of the river, and are of different breadths, from twenty to sixty yards. no trees or vegetables grow in this kind of soil, and the gold, its only produce, is obtained by washings: hence they are called _lavaderos_, washing places, which i shall describe when on the coast of choco. the indians of the district of archidona pay their tribute in gold dust, which they collect from the sand along the sides of the different rivulets; but owing to their ignorance of the comforts which this metal would procure them, or perhaps to a dread of their being enslaved by the _mita_, to work the mines, should they ever present themselves to pay the tribute with an excess of it, they generally take care to pay it at five or six different times, always complaining of the scarcity of gold, and the trouble it costs to procure a small quantity. it is nevertheless known, that if any remain after the payment is made, they throw it into the river; but don diego melo assured me, that one indian always paid his tribute in a kind of gold, which he showed to me, and which was evidently not in natural grains, but in small particles apparently cut with a knife, or some other instrument, from a solid lump of that metal. don. n. valencia sent some negroes to work a lavadero on the napo; but his death occasioned them to be recalled shortly afterwards, and the project was abandoned, the negroes being ordered to return to choco. there can be no doubt as to the immensity of treasure which is buried in the capas, nor of that which is annually washed down by the rains through the small ravines and rivulets into the river napo, and thence into the marañon, where it is lost. i think the necessity of negroes for working these mines might be superseded by a kind treatment of the native indians; by indulging them in their foibles at first, and afterwards gradually convincing them of the benefit that would result to themselves from their free labour in the mines. it would certainly be superior to that of cultivating a few patches of land, and carrying the produce to quito or any of the other spanish towns, to barter for iron, fish-hooks, brads, and indigo. it is very evident, that such a project would require a considerable degree of patience and self-command, and i may add of honesty too, because the principal object would be to secure the confidence of the indians, which, owing to the conduct generally observed to them by the spaniards, would not be easily accomplished. from the accounts which i was able to collect, it appears that all the rivers and streams in the neighbourhood of the napo contain gold; and in different parts of the province of archidona, or, as it is more generally termed, quixos y macas, there are capas, or strata of earth whence gold may be extracted by washings. bæza is the ancient capital, and formerly contained upwards of ten thousand inhabitants; but since the expulsion of the jesuits it has become entirely depopulated, as well as archidona and avila, two other cities, and twenty-two missions, the greater part of the indians having taken to their original way of living in a wild state. those that remain are generally called yumbos; they employ themselves in the cultivation of cotton, sugar-cane, mam, and some tropical fruits, which they carry to quito to barter for those commodities which they find necessary either for fishing or for the chase. they also manufacture the small quantity of cloth which they require for themselves; this is of cotton, and is generally no more than a _toldo_, mosquito curtain, in the shape of a small tent, under which they sleep, besides one or two sheets of the same material. the clothing of the men is merely a pair of short drawers, reaching from the waist to about the middle of the thighs, and is generally white; that of the women consists of a piece of blue cotton cloth wrapped round the waist, reaching down to the knees; but a profusion of glass beads adorn their necks, arms, wrists, and ankles. both men and women daub themselves with annota, achiote. in this half dress they traverse the cordillera, and with a basket made of _piquigua_, a very tough creeper, carry their surplus to quito. on my return to the capital of the kingdom, i was commissioned by his excellency the president to re-explore the roads leading from quito to the coast, namely, that explored in 1741 by don pedro maldonado sotomayor, and that opened in 1803 by the president, baron de carondelet. it had always been considered an object of the greatest importance to open a communication between the capital and the nearest sea-port, for the purpose of facilitating the commerce between this place, panama, and terra-firma, and to avoid the inconveniences which are met with in the circuitous road to guayaquil, and which were highly injurious to business in general. in 1621 don pablo durango delgadillo was nominated governador of esmeraldas; he contracted with the royal audience of quito to open a road at his own cost from the town of ibarra to the coast, and to establish _tambos_, lodging houses, on the road; but he failed in the fulfilment of his contract, and in 1626 was deprived of his government, which was conferred, on the same conditions, on don francisco peres munacho, who failed, like his predecessor, and was removed. don juan vicencio justinian and don hernando de soto calderon were afterwards appointed. they proposed a route to the coast different from their predecessors, but they also failed in the execution of their plan. it was adopted, however, by the baron de carondelet, who ordered the road leading from ibarra along the bank of the river mira to that of la tola to be opened; but it was soon discovered, that the river tola, owing to a sand bank, or bar, which crosses the mouth of it, could never answer the purposes of a port; and, from the manner in which the road had been formed, in three years it became impassable, and passengers generally preferred the paths along the woods to the highway. the continuance of this road as a communication between the capital and the coast was not the only objection--a distance of eighteen or twenty leagues was added to that proposed in 1735 by don pedro maldonado sotomayor. this intelligent quiteño employed himself for more than two years in examining the country lying between the capital and the coast, and being invested with the same powers that were given to other projectors, in 1741 he opened a road leading directly from quito to the river piti, which has its origin in pichincha, and forms part of the esmeraldas river. maldonado immediately went to spain, and solicited a confirmation of the contract, and from the favourable report of the council, the king erected esmeraldas into a government and a lieutenant-captain generalship in 1746, conferring on don pedro maldonado the appointment of governor. on the return of maldonado to quito the royal audience opposed the appointment, and immediately informed the council of indies, that the projected port and road would only open to the enemies of spain an entrance to one of her richest american cities, without at any time rendering an increase to the royal revenue. this report produced a counter order, when maldonado abandoned his native country in disgust, and retired to france. the importance of the projected communication was so glaring, that the merchants and natives never abandoned any opportunity of proposing it. the president baron de carondelet had been induced to open the road called de malbucho; but this failing to answer the expectations of the people, the president count ruis de castilla was solicited to order an examination of maldonado's projected road; and the commission for this purpose was conferred on me in may, 1809. i immediately prepared for my expedition, by ordering a surveying chain, and by putting my sextant and some other instruments in order; re-engaging also the indians who had accompanied me to napo, as well as six others. one of these was to be my carrier, and he waited on me for the purpose of measuring me for a chair. my stock of provisions and other necessaries having been procured, i left quito with my suite; it was composed of ten indians, with my luggage, one indian with my chair, a servant, and four soldiers; forming a procession which would have attracted the attention and drawn a smile from the inhabitants of any city in england. the indians had their usual dresses, composed of white drawers, brown capisayas, and sandals made of bullock's hide. each carried on his back a basket, like those of the yumbo indians, having a girth passing under the bottom of it, which crossed the forehead; another was fastened round the basket, one end of which the indian held in his hand to steady his cargo. my carrier had a chair made of canes, and just large enough for me to squeeze myself into; it had a board to rest my feet upon, and two or three canes formed an arch over my head; these were for the purpose of placing leaves on when it might happen to rain. the two hind feet of the chair rested on two straps, which passed round the arms of the indian close to his body, and one attached to the top went round his forehead; so that when seated my back was towards the back of my supporter. leaving quito, we travelled along the plain of añaquito about two leagues, and then began to ascend the skirts of pichincha, at a small village called cotocollo: the ascent was very gentle, and after a journey of five leagues, we rested on the western side of the summit, at a small hamlet called yana cancha. we had here a most beautiful prospect of the crater of pichincha, which was only about half a mile distant, and during the whole of the night i could hear a rumbling noise, and i sometimes imagined that i felt a tremulous motion. these appalling circumstances kept me awake for a considerable time, though they had no such effect on my indians and the guard, nor on the inhabitants of the house, who all slept soundly, and many of them snored most lustily. at sunrise the view from yana cancha was most enchanting; from the slope of the mountain, apparently from the crater, the river mindo rolled down to the fertile valley which it irrigates, dispensing its necessary support to the many small plantations of sugar-cane, camotes, yucas, bananas and plantains, which are cultivated at the bottom of the ravine: to the westward immense forests extended themselves, forming the boundary of the horizon to the naked eye; but with the assistance of a good eye-glass i could perceive the pacific ocean beyond the limit of the woods. having crossed two eminences called yarumos, and another called inga chaca, the remainder of the road to the place of embarkation on the river piti was quite level, being intersected about every three leagues with small rivulets. the whole distance from quito to piti being only eighteen leagues, without any obstacles whatever to prevent it from being converted into a most excellent road, makes a difference between this and that leading to guayaquil of about fifty leagues of land travelling. when on our journey we had to halt for the night, the indians unloaded themselves, and cut down six or eight slender poles, ten feet long, which they stuck into the ground; they then cut others, which they tied crossways to the former, with strips of bark; they next pulled the upper part forward till this half roof formed an angle with the ground of about forty-five degrees, and sticking a pole into the ground in front, they tied the cross pole to the top of it to keep the building in a proper position. the next business was to cover it, and for this purpose each of them had procured when at yana cancha a roll of about twenty _vijao_ leaves, which were laid in rows along it from the bottom to the top, each leaf hanging over the next inferior one, so that the rain was entirely carried off, and to secure the dryness of this rude, yet comfortable cabin, a small gutter was always dug at the back to carry off the water. during this operation part of the indians were engaged in procuring water, either from some neighbouring rivulet, or, after we had descended the hill called el castillo, from the _huadhuas_. these are large canes, the largest species i believe of the gramina tribes; they grow to the height of forty feet, perfectly straight, and at the bottom are about six inches in diameter. the whole of the cane is divided by knots, from ten to fifteen inches asunder; when green, they are filled with excellent water, so that from each division about two quarts may be obtained by cutting a notch in the cane; when they are approaching to a state of ripeness, the water becomes like a jelly, and when quite ripe it is converted into a white calcareous substance, some of the knots holding upwards of two ounces of this matter, which a few months before was held in solution in a perfectly transparent fluid: on this account the indians object to drink the water, on the supposition that it may produce calculi. the leaves are in shape somewhat similar to those of the banana, about a yard long, and half a yard broad; the upper side is of a beautiful pale green, the under white; it is covered with a substance which melts when held near the fire, and collected has the appearance and possesses all the qualities of bees' wax. a small portion of it being added to tallow hardens it considerably, and the candles made from this composition are rendered much more durable in hot climates. these leaves are preferable to those of the plantain, or banana, for they are quite pliable, and are therefore often used for packing instead of paper, whereas the banana leaf is easily torn into shreds; this, however, may be prevented by holding them over the fire till they become pliable. it is customary for the indians to pay a real at yana cancha for the loan of each bundle, which they engage to deliver on their return, or they give two bundles for one instead of a real; thus travellers carry under their arms during the day the roof which is to shelter them at night. the soil of the country between quito and piti is very rich, and abounds in many kinds of most excellent timber, suitable for buildings as well as for the cabinet maker; among these there are cedars, huachapeli, ebony, cascol, guayacan, lumas, and many others. one kind, called _sangre de drago_, dragon's blood, grows in many places near to piti. it attains the height of forty or fifty feet; the leaf is somewhat similar to that of the laurel, and the gum which it produces, and which gives it the name it bears, oozes immediately whenever an incision is made in the bark; it is then received on a leaf, or in a small hollow cane, or else it is left to harden in the sun, by which means each drop becomes in size and shape like an almond; the indians collect it and carry it to quito, where it is sold as a dye. the appearance of the yarumos scattered in clusters in different parts of the woods is most beautiful from an eminence. they are a species of bombax; the wood is porous and light, the leaves extremely large, and of a very pale green colour, so that amid the dark green foliage of these extensive woods they look like enormous flowers. the richness of the soil, the plenteousness of water, even for irrigation should it be necessary, the serenity of the climate, and the facility of procuring indians as labourers, with every advantage that can be desirable, render it very probable, that this part of quito will soon become populous, and that panama, and the mines of chocó, will in a few years be supplied with the produce of land now in an uncultivated state. there can be no doubt but that herds of cattle and fields of grain will crown the labours of those who may form establishments in this charming territory, where maize, wheat, rice, and plantains, the daily bread of the four quarters of the globe, will be produced in abundance to reward the labour of the husbandman. at piti i found an old man, his wife, and two sons living in a comfortable house, built like those of the puna in the guayaquil river, shaded with half a dozen lofty coro palms, and fanned with the magnificent leaves of the plantain, while the banana, several orange, lemon, palta, guava, arnona, and other intertropical fruit trees were laden with fruit, at the same time that small patches of sugar-cane, yucas, and camotes, seemed to vie with each other in luxuriance: numbers of turkeys, fowls and ducks ran about on a small plot of ground lying between the house and the river, which is here about a hundred yards wide. two canoes were tied to two trees, in one of which there was a small casting net, several harpoons and fishing lines--every thing seemed to bespeak comfort, nay, even profusion. the old man informed me, that he was a native of guayaquil; but that he had resided on this spot for more than fifty years, on which account the natives of the country had surnamed him _taita_ piti, father piti. he shewed me forty-eight tiger or jaguar skins, and assured me, that the animals had all been slain by his own lance; but he was sorry, he said, that the sport was at an end, not because he was old, but because there were no tigers left in the neighbourhood for him to kill, upwards of seven years having elapsed since he took the last skin. he assured me, that whenever he found the track of a tiger he always followed it alone, and never rested till he had slain his victim. the skins were hung on the inside of the roof and round the sides of the house, forming a very pretty, but rather uncommon kind of tapestry. i here discharged my indians, and paid them only three dollars each, although i had detained them eleven days on the road; my carrier told me, that he had never had a lighter cargo, having had nothing but the chair to carry; indeed i never entered it but twice, once out of curiosity, and another time through persuasion: they all laid out their money in fruit, roots, and dried fish, which they took to quito, and which would pay them at least cent. per cent. i rested one day at piti, and then proceeded down the river in a small canoe with the two sons of old piti, leaving orders for my servant, luggage, and the soldiers to follow me in a larger one. we glided down the stream about two miles, the river in some parts being so narrow, that the branches of the trees which grew on each side were entwined with each other over our heads, and formed a leafy canopy almost impenetrable to the rays of the sun, and we could observe the fishes frisking about in the water beneath; sometimes where the river became wider, the margins were covered with the luxuriant gamalote, the leaves of which are generally a yard long and two inches broad, being somewhat like those of the maize; the stem is sometimes two yards high, as green as the leaves, so long as the soil in which it grows continues to be moist; but as soon as the earth becomes dry the plant immediately decays. here we saw some beautiful fat oxen grazing on this plant; they belonged to the inhabitants of three houses, each of which was as charmingly situated as that at piti. we soon arrived at the place called the _embarcadero de maldonado_, where we left our canoe tied to a pole, and took a breakfast composed of smoked fish broiled, fried eggs, and plantains; and for drink we had some _masato_ and rum made by the natives. the masato is made by boiling a quantity of ripe plantains till they are quite soft; these are reduced to a pulp by beating them in a trough; this pulp is then put into a basket lined with vijao leaves, and allowed to ferment two, three, or more days; when it is wanted a spoonful or more is taken out and put into a tutuma bored full of holes like a cullender, a quantity of water is added to it, and the whole is rubbed through the holes of one tutuma into another without holes, which serves as a bowl to drink out of; or small tutumas are filled from it, and handed round. i was highly pleased with the masato, and scarcely took any thing else for my breakfast; the taste is a sub-acid, but remarkably agreeable. i purchased a small basket for the remainder of our passage down the river, at which my two _palanqueros_ were not a little pleased. at the distance of three leagues from the embarcadero de maldonado a most enchanting prospect suddenly burst on our sight. we had almost insensibly glided along the unrippled surface of the river piti, a distance of about four leagues, during which the view was limited on each side by the lofty and almost impenetrable woods, and before us by the windings of the river--where not a sound was heard save the occasional chattering of the parrots and monkeys on the trees, or the shout of my palanqueros to the inmates of some solitary houses scattered along the banks. our sphere of existence seemed solitary, and as silent as a dungeon, and i lolled in the canoe as if oppressed with uninterrupted solemnity, such as might be congenial to the pious musings of a holy anchorite; but i was suddenly roused from my reverie by the loud roaring of the river blanco, and in a moment the scene was changed; at once our narrow river formed part of another, three hundred yards wide; on our left the whole range of the country as far as the coast was extended in the prospect. the blanco, which rises in the neighbourhood of tacunga, after collecting part of the waters of el corason and pichincha, and receiving those of several tributary streams, becomes navigable at its junction with the piti. the country on the western side of the river is to a considerable extent very level, the soil good, but the trees neither so numerous nor so lofty as in other parts, owing perhaps to a scanty depth of soil, which seems extremely well calculated for a rice country; indeed the natives assured me, that the small patches sometimes cultivated here multiplied the seed six hundred fold. after passing the mouths of several minor rivers we arrived at that of guallabamba, equal in size to the river blanco. the union of the two is called esmeraldas. we continued our course, and reached the city of esmeraldas in the evening. the distance from piti to this place is about eighteen leagues, which notwithstanding our delays we completed in nine hours. during our passage down the river i was very much delighted with the sight of a full grown tiger, which lay basking in the sun on a sand-bank that projected from the side of the river almost across it. the noble brute was stretched close to the edge of the bank, frequently dipping his tail into the water, and sprinkling it over him, while his muzzle and feet touched the stream. after watching the animal for a quarter of an hour, my palanqueros became impatient, and at last taking their lances they jumped ashore from the canoe, but at the same moment the tiger sprang on his feet, yawned, stretched himself, and trotted into the woods, leaving the two young fellows to lament the effects of their less nimble feet. between piti and esmeraldas i counted forty-two houses, built on the sides of the river, each having plantations of sugar-cane, yucas, camotes, aji (capsicum), plantains, and bananas. near many of the houses horned cattle were feeding on the luxuriant gamalote, and at every house pigs and poultry were running about. each farmer has a hand-mill for grinding sugar-cane; its construction is very simple, being composed of two wooden rollers placed horizontally in grooves cut in two upright pieces. the ends of the rollers project, one on each side, having cross levers for the purpose of turning them; with this simple wooden machine, for not one of all those that i saw had a nail, nor any other iron work about it, the natives express the juice from the cane, for the purpose of making _guarapo_, molasses, and rum; two men are generally employed at the rollers, and a woman attends to place the cane between them, while the boys and girls bring it from the plantation. it was here that i observed the peculiar mode of cultivating the sugar-cane, which i have already spoken of; that is, of cutting the ripe canes every three months, uncovering the roots of the remainder, incorporating the soil with new earth, or digging it as well as that of the space between the two rows, and then hoeing the earth up to the roots again. by these means the cane here is perennial; while in the province of guayaquil, where the same mode of cultivation is not observed, the plant yields only two, or at most three crops. although the cane at esmeraldas is of the creole kind, i have seen it when ripe more than ten feet high, six inches in diameter, and seven or eight inches between the knots or geniculi. the means employed by the natives in the manufacture of their rum are remarkably simple: the juice of the cane is allowed to obtain the proper degree of fermentation, and is then distilled. the apparatus used for this purpose is a deep earthen pot, having a hole on one side near the top; through this they pass a large wooden spoon, having a groove in the handle; on the top of the pot there is a pan luted to it with clay, and this being repeatedly filled with cold water, and emptied, serves as a condenser; the spirit drops into the spoon, and running along the groove is received in a bottle. i considered this alembic as an invention of the natives of this part of america, because i never saw it used in any other place; the general custom of the indians is to content themselves with fermented liquors from the manufactories of the white inhabitants, especially where spirits cannot be purchased. spirits are also distilled from an infusion of very ripe bananas in water; this is allowed to ferment, and is strained before it is put into the alembic. another fermented beverage, as well as spirit, is prepared from the yuca; the root is boiled, reduced to a pulpy substance, and placed in baskets to ferment, in the same manner as the plantains are for the masato; when mixed with water and strained, it is called _kiebla_, and the spirit distilled from it _puichin_. the water contained in the coco-nut is also allowed to ferment, but this is seldom drunk, it being considered very unwholesome. although these people have so many intoxicating liquors, they are not prone to drunkenness. the food of the inhabitants consists of beef and pork, which is cut into thick slices, salted and smoked. the beef which is fed on gamaloti is good, but that fed on the savanas near to the sea is much better: the hogs are fed on ripe plantains, and become very fat, but the meat is not solid. fowls are bred in great abundance; they feed well on ripe plantains, and are delicate eating. besides these, the woods produce game in great abundance. among the quadrupeds are sainos, tatabras, deer, monkeys, agutis, iguanas, charapas: among the birds, poujis, huacharacas, turkeys, parrots, and wild ducks of several varieties. the saino, tatabra, and aguti are three varieties of the caira tribe; the first is about two feet high and three feet long, and is slightly covered with coarse black hair; the snout is shorter than that of a pig; it has on its back a soft protuberance, which when opened emits a very offensive musky odour, so much so, that the animal itself rolls about, and places its nose close to the ground, as if to avoid the stench, and its companions immediately desert it. the flesh of this animal, however, is extremely delicate, and by the natives or any other person who has tasted it, it is held in the greatest estimation: to preserve it the natives smoke it in preference to using salt. the tatabra is smaller than the saino; is very similar to it, but it has no protuberance on its back. the aguti is not so large as a rabbit; it is of a very dark grey colour, and the hind legs are much longer than the fore ones; it generally sits on its haunches like a squirrel, and might be mistaken for one; as well as the other two varieties, however, it has no tail, at least not visible. these two species are easily domesticated, they become very fat, and are good eating. the monkey which is eaten by the natives is the black long-armed monkey. i objected for a long time to taste it, but seeing the people around me eat it, and hearing them all praise it, i laid aside prejudice, tasted it, and afterwards became so fond of it, that i considered it superior to any kind of meat i had ever eaten. the flesh is similar in colour to mutton, the fat resembles that of pork. the charapa is a small tortoise, the shell not being above four inches in diameter: the natives generally season all the eatable parts, and put them into the shell, which serves as a stew-pan: the eggs are remarkably delicate, and when stewed with the meat the whole is very savoury. the natives make use of the lance in killing the saino and tatabra. they usually form parties for the purpose, and never go singly; for although these animals will not attack a man who does not molest them, yet the sainos when provoked are very desperate antagonists, and will attack those who offend them. they make a hollow moaning noise, which leads the natives to their feeding places, when they attack them with their long lances; two or more men stand back to back, surrounded by these poisonous brutes, and kill as many as they judge convenient; they then pierce one on the back, when the rest immediately disperse to avoid the smell. the tatabra is not so furious, and is an easier prey to the huntsman. during my stay at esmeraldas i was requested to go into the woods, about a league and a half from the town, to see a great curiosity; not being able to learn what it was, i went, and found the two hind quarters of a full grown jaguar suspended from the trunk of a tree, into which the claws were completely buried; all the fore parts appeared to have been torn away, and fragments of it were scattered on the ground: the sight astonished me, and i was not less surprized at the account which i received from the natives. the jaguar, for the purpose of killing the saino, on which it feeds, rushes on one of a herd, strikes it, and then betakes itself to a tree, which it ascends, and fastening its hind claws into the tree, hangs down sufficiently low to be able to strike the saino with its paws, which having effected in a moment it draws itself up again, to escape being hurt by the enemy. however, it appeared that in this case the jaguar had been incautious, and the saino had caught it by the paw, when the whole herd immediately attacked it, and tore as much of it to pieces as they could reach. for taking birds the natives use a hollow tube of wood, from five to eight feet long, called a _sorbetana_, or _bodojera_, the diameter of the perforation being not more than half an inch; the dart used is called _pua_, it is about seven or eight inches long, and very slender; at one end a sharp point is cut, and it is notched round so as easily to break off. this point is dipped in some poison, a small quantity of raw cotton is wrapped round the pua, near the point, so as to fill the tube into which it is put; the sportsman then applies his mouth to the tube, gives a smart puff, and the pua is thrown to the distance of a hundred, or a hundred and fifty yards, with an almost unerring certainty against the object marked out, which in a moment falls to the ground and expires. the poison used is brought from maynas, on the banks of the marañon, where it is procured from a vegetable. it probably owes its poisonous quality to the quantity of prussic acid which it contains, although it does not possess either the taste or odour of that acid. the activity of this poison is so astonishingly great, that i have seen a monkey while jumping from one tree or branch to another, if wounded with the poisoned point of a pua not larger than a fine needle, fall to the ground before it could reach the adjacent bough; and birds as large as turkeys will fall from their perch without being able to throw themselves on the wing. a small black spot is left in the flesh by the poison, but the whole of the meat is uninjured for food. the natives use this poison as a purgative, and i was assured by several who have taken it, that it operates very mildly; they always take it in the form of a pill, carefully enveloped in a portion of the pulp of the plantain, to prevent the possibility of its touching the gums, or any lacerated part of the body, as death would almost inevitably be the consequence. the only partial antidote known, when by accident a person is wounded, is to eat a considerable quantity of sugar, and to this the sportsmen have recourse after they have been employed for any considerable length of time with the sorbetana, as sometimes a swelling of the lips is produced, which they suppose to be occasioned by inhaling the contaminated air in the tube. as a defensive weapon the sorbetana and poisoned pua are excellent; in the hands of these people they would commit the greatest havoc, because they might be used in an ambuscade or defile, without any noise or report; and the pua being almost invisible in the air, an army ignorant of such missiles might be destroyed in the same manner as a troop of monkeys, when one of which drops the rest immediately flock to the spot, as if to examine the cause, and one after another become the prey of the hunters. the dexterity with which the sorbetana is used is very great; but the men are trained to it from their earliest infancy. boys of three or four years old have their tubes of a proportionate size, and use the puas without poison, with which they shoot small birds: they also frequently entertain themselves in the evening with shooting the wasps, which build their nests under the eaves or floors of the houses. i have often been astonished at the extraordinary precision with which the little naked rogues direct the pua. although the natives are such expert marksmen, either with their almost unerring throw of the lance, or aim with the sorbetana, they are passionately fond of fire-arms, and will give almost the whole of what they possess for a fowling-piece or musket, and this notwithstanding their want of skill in its use. chapter xiii. continuation of esmeraldas, fish caught in the river...._chautisa_, method of taking....preserving of....method of catching fish in the river....of cooking it....yucas, camotes, yams....palmettos.... tobacco....cocoa....new variety of....occupation of the esmeraldeños....origin of....language....dress....manners and character of....religion....re-ascend the esmeraldas river, to the embarcadero de maldonado....mouth of the river....city of esmeraldas....road to atacames....port of....town of.... _manzanillo_....rio verdo....la tola....country produce, timber, and wood....coutchouc....fruit....palms....animals....mines.... conclusion. in the esmeraldas river and in many of the tributary streams there is a variety of delicate fish, as well as in the sea on the neighbouring coast. the most delicate in the rivers are the lisa, _dama_, _sabalo_, and _sabalete_; in the sea the lisa, corbina, chita, mero, and tollo; besides these there is a small fish resembling a shrimp, not half an inch long, which makes its annual appearance in february, or in the beginning of march; it is called _chautisa_, and is really a great delicacy when prepared by the natives. the numbers which ascend the rivers are so great, that on each side they appear to form a white path in the water, about two feet broad, and several miles in length. the women employ themselves in taking them, for which purpose they have a canoe; two of them hold a piece of flannel three yards long by the corners, and place it under the surface of the water, one end being a little elevated to prevent the chautisa from passing, and when a considerable quantity are collected the flannel is taken up and emptied into the canoe, after which the operation is repeated. in the course of two hours i have frequently seen from six to eight bushels taken in this manner by three women. they are preserved by using as much salt as is necessary to season them; they are then put into baskets lined with leaves, and a large stone is placed on the top to press them into a solid mass, like a cheese. after standing a day or two, the baskets are placed on a frame made of canes, which is elevated about a yard from the ground; they are then covered with plantain leaves, and a small fire of green cedar, sandal, or other aromatic wood is kindled underneath, for the purpose of smoking them. after remaining ten or twelve hours, the cakes are taken out of the baskets, and again exposed to the smoke till it has penetrated through them, when they are laid up for use. a small portion of the smoked chautisa is generally added to fish while cooking, to which it communicates a very delicate flavour: several dishes are also prepared with the chautisa mixed with yucas, yams, and other esculents. for fishing at sea the natives generally use hooks, but they have both drag and cast nets made of pita, which are always dyed with annotta, achiote. in the rivers they use the common means practised for taking fish, besides which they sometimes make an enclosure of canes on the side of the river, having a trap door so suspended that it can be loosened by a person who hides himself at a short distance from the trap. the decoy consists of a bunch of ripe plantains, suspended so as just to catch the surface of the water: the fish, particularly the two most delicate kinds, the sabalo and sabalete, enter to eat the plantains, and when the watchman observes, either by the motion of the rope to which the fruit is fastened, or from the splashing heard in the water, that a quantity have entered the _corral_, he lets the trap door fall, and takes the fish with a small net. i have been present when two hundred fine fish have been caught in this way at one time. the most curious method used for catching fish is that which is practised after night fall: a man takes his small canoe and places in the bow of it a large piece of lighted coutchouc, in order to attract the fish; he then places himself behind the light and strikes them with a small harpoon; and he is so very dexterous that he very rarely errs. the sight of two or three canoes on the water at night, having their large lights burning, and now and then reflected on the fisherman, or silvering the rippled stream, is very pleasing. many times have i wandered along the margins of the river at esmeraldas to witness this scene, when the silence of the night was uninterrupted, except by the lave of the waters gently splashing on the sandy shore. when a large quantity of fish is taken which is intended for sale the natives preserve it with salt, but if it be destined for home consumption they usually smoke it, particularly the sabalo and lisa, which are very fat. one of the methods of cooking fish, and which is practised here, is exceedingly good, preferable, i think, to any other. after the fish is cleaned it is seasoned with a little salt, and the pods of green capsicum; it is then rolled up in a piece of plantain, or vijao leaf, and laid among the hot embers, or buried among the hot ashes; when sufficiently done it is eaten off the leaf, and is remarkably delicate, all the gravy and flavour of the fish having been preserved by the leaf; cooked in this manner it is called _pandao_. the yucas, camotes, and yams cultivated at esmeraldas and in the neighbourhood are the finest i ever saw. it is not uncommon for one of these roots to weigh upwards of twenty pounds. at one place i saw a few plants of the yuca that had stood upwards of twenty years, the owner having frequently bared the bottom of the plants and taken the ripe roots, after which, throwing up the earth again and allowing a sufficient time for new roots to grow, a continual succession of this excellent nutritious food was procured. the palmito supplies the place of many of our european vegetables, and is certainly far superior to the finest cabbage i ever ate. it is particularly white, tender, and delicate, and greatly resembles the sea kale. to procure them the top of a palm is cut down and opened, and the white core or leaves are taken out, which constitute what is often termed by travellers the cabbage, and the tree is known by the name of the cabbage tree. as there is an abundance of coco-nut palms in the neighbourhood, i one day had a tree cut down, and the palmetto taken out; it measured four feet nine inches long, and eighteen inches in circumference; when boiled it exceeded any vegetable i ever tasted; it was perfectly white, tender, and delicately flavoured. tobacco is cultivated here, and it is of an excellent quality: it is not preserved in the leaf, but twisted into a small roll, and made into parcels of about twenty ounces each, which sell from a quarter to half a dollar the bundle: it finds a very ready market at quito. owing to the expences of the administration of the royal rent or monopoly of tobacco at quito, the president and officers of the revenue declared it a free trade. this news was welcomed by the natives with joy, and should the newly constituted authorities allow it to remain free from restrictions, its produce will be the source of great riches to the inhabitants of this part of the country. [illustration: male & female indians of the malaba tribe.] the small quantity of cocoa that is grown in the province of esmeraldas is of the finest quality, and considered by many amantes del cacao to be equally as good as the royal bean of socomusco. a letter from the governor of the mint at mexico to don juan de larrea was shewn to me at quito, stating, that a sample of the esmeraldas cocoa having been sent to him, the quality was so highly approved, that he and his friends should be willing to purchase any quantity at twenty-five dollars the arobo. at the same time the guayaquil cocoa was selling at three and a half dollars, and the best caracas at five. the bean of the esmeraldas cocoa is very small compared with that of guayaquil, not being above one-third of the size: it is of a bright orange colour, and very heavy from the large quantity of sebaceous matter which it contains. the chocolate made from it preserves the same golden appearance, and is extremely delicious. another kind of cocoa is found here, called _moracumba_; it is never cultivated by the natives, growing wild in the woods: the tree is considerably larger than that of the theobroma cacao, and has a very different appearance; but the pods grow to the stem and large branches in the same manner, and have the same appearance as the other; the beans under the brown husk are composed of a white solid matter, almost like a lump of hard tallow. the natives take a quantity of these and pass a piece of slender cane through them, and roast them, when they have the delicate flavour of the cocoa. i have also seen them bruise the bean after it had been well dried, and use the substance instead of tallow in their lamps. this kind of cocoa, which i consider a new variety, will undoubtedly when more known be mixed with the dry cocoa of guayaquil and other places, to which it will be a very great improvement. the occupation of the male part of the inhabitants consists in hunting, fishing, and attending to their small plantations. their maize is not of the best quality, the grain is hard, and scarcely repays the care of the planter, for cultivator i cannot call him. all the labour requisite is merely to search for a piece of land unshaded by trees, or to cut down a portion of these, plant the grain, observe when the young cobs begin to appear, protect the plantation against the depredation of the monkeys, agutis, and parrots, till the grain be ripe, and then to harvest it: this is generally done about eleven weeks after the seed is put into the ground. four crops may be produced in one year, without either ploughing or harrowing or scarcely any other labour. it is thus that the bountiful hand of providence dispenses gifts in a country whose climate does not suit hard labour, a blessing which the inhabitants of colder regions do not enjoy. but they who choose may call the effects produced by these gifts "the habitual indolence of the people," without contrasting the sterility of the soil and climate of one country with the fertility of that of another. the females at esmeraldas are generally occupied in their household concerns; however they assist in the labour of the plantations, and usually accompany their husbands when fishing or hunting calls them far from their home: in the canoes the women usually take the paddles when proceeding down a stream; but they seldom or never use the pole, _palanca_, when ascending. although they assist the men in what may be called their department, the reverse never happens, and a man would consider himself degraded should he add a piece of wood to the fire, assist in unlading a canoe of plantains, in distilling rum, or perform any office connected with household concerns. i have seen a man and his wife arrive at their dwelling with a cargo of plantains, camotes, &c.; the man would step ashore, carrying his lance, throw himself into a hammock, leave his wife to unload the canoe, and wonder at the same time that his dinner was not ready, yet he would not stir either hand or foot to hasten it. the natives of esmeraldas, rio verde, and atacames, are all zambos, apparently a mixture of negroes and indians; indeed the oral tradition of their origin is, that a ship, having negroes on board, arrived on the coast, and that having landed, they murdered a great number of the male indians, kept their widows and daughters, and laid the foundation of the present race. if this were the case, and it is not very improbable, the whole of the surrounding country being peopled with indians, it produces a striking instance of the facility with which an apparently different tribe of human beings is produced, for the present esmeraldenos are very different in their features, hair, colour, and shape, to the chino, or offspring of a negro and an indian; these are commonly short and lusty, of a very deep copper colour, thick hair, neither lank nor curled, small eyes, sharpish nose, and well-shaped mouth; whereas the esmeraldenos are tall, and rather slender, of lightish black colour, different from that called copper colour, have soft curly hair, large eyes, nose rather flat, and thick lips, possessing more of the negro than of the indian, which may be partly accounted for by the male parents having been originally negroes; and the children, as i have already observed, preserve more of the colour of the father than of the mother. the language of the esmeraldenos is also entirely different from the quichua, which is the general language of the indians; it is rather nasal and appears very scanty of words; for instance, a woman is called teona, a mare qual teona, a bitch shang teona, the word teona being added to the name of the male. it is, however, not unharmonious, and some of their native songs are not devoid of melody. the dress of the men is generally a pair of pantaloons of blue cotton, dyed tocuyo, a white or blue shirt hanging loose on the outside of the pantaloons, and a large straw hat. the women wear a piece of blue cotton or woollen cloth wrapped round the waist, and reaching down to their knees, also a shirt, or more commonly a handkerchief, having two of the corners tied together at the back of the neck, while the handkerchief hangs down before; when at work, or in their houses, both men and women generally throw off the shirt. the children go about naked to the age of eight or ten years. the manner of nursing their infants appeared very strange; the child is placed on a piece of wood, in the shape of a coffin lid, hollowed a little like a tray, and covered with a piece of cotton cloth, on which the child is laid; it is then slightly covered with another cloth, and lashed down with a tape or a piece of cord; in this manner they carry them from place to place under their arms, on their heads, or in the bottom of their canoes, often placing a banana leaf over them as a precaution against the scorching heat of the sun; in their houses they have two loops of cord hanging from a cane nearly at the top of the roof; the child is within these loops, and the whole swings backward and forward and lulls it to sleep. the natives are shy with strangers, and particularly the females; they are however very ingenuous, which to some people appears indecent; and well it may, since cunning and craftiness are too often the handmaids of a high degree of civilization. they appear particularly attached to truth and honesty; their _yes_ and _no_ bear the exact value of the words, and if at any time they are called upon to ratify them, or are induced to think that they are not believed, they leave in a very abrupt manner the person or the company. their honesty is evinced by the exposure of what they possess, and by leaving it thus exposed when they go on their hunting and fishing parties. the houses, like those of the puná, are not only without doors and windows, but without walls, and the only sign by which an inhabited house can be distinguished from an uninhabited one is, that the steps of the ladder in the latter are turned downwards, and no arguments whatever are sufficient to persuade an esmeraldeno to enter a house when the ladder is thus placed. it may with truth be asserted, that industry is certainly not a prominent feature in their habits; but where a sufficiency is easily procured, where luxury in food or clothing is unknown, where superiority is never contended for, and where nature appears not only to invite, but even to tempt her creatures to repose, why should they reject her offer. the excessive exercise taken in hunting and fishing is certainly a proof, that when exertion becomes necessary for the support of nature, it is resorted to with as much alacrity as in other countries, where labour is imposed either to support the pomp of superiority, or the whims of fashion. in their persons and food the esmeraldenos are particularly cleanly; they are abstemious at their meals, and not inclined to habitual intoxication. it is rare indeed to see them in this state, excepting during the time of their festivals. they have a curious practice when assembled at dinner: the men alone are seated, and the women hand to them in small _tutumas_ the _masato_; they all immediately rise, each holding his cup; they then fill their mouths with the beverage, and turning round their heads over the right shoulder, they squirt the drink through their teeth, after which they resume their seats. this i was told was an offering to their departed friends. the cups being again filled, the same ceremony once more takes place, and is a propitiatory offering to the spirits of the air, a sort of supplication to protect their plantations and cattle against the ravages of the wild beasts and birds. all the natives call themselves christians, but they seldom conform to the ceremonies of the church, forming a very strong contrast to some others of the same denomination, who are really only christians in the ceremonious part, and who are, i fear, more remote from loving god above all things, than those indians are from loving their neighbours as themselves. they are particularly superstitious. if a man be wounded by accident with his own lance, he will break the staff, and send the head to be again tempered by the blacksmith; if a hat fall into the water, its owner immediately exclaims, "my hat instead of myself," and never attempts to recover it; if the master of a house die, the remainder of the family abandons it for ever, nor will any other individual occupy it till the expiration of a year: but all these are harmless foibles, as innocent in their practice as in their effects. their number of diversions or entertainments is very small; after the occupations of the day they generally retire to rest; the sunday is to the generality of them like any other day; but when they assemble at the annual feasts in the town singing and dancing are very common. the music which i heard among them, and the instruments which i saw in their houses were novel to me, and are perhaps unique, except the drum; this they make by fastening a piece of hog's skin over one end of a hollow piece of wood, the other end is left open; the _chambo_ is a hollow tube about thirty inches long, and four in circumference, made of a soft kind of wood, and pierced with small pegs of _chonta_, projecting in the inside about half an inch; a quantity of small hard beans are put into it, and the two ends are closed. the instrument is played upon by holding it with both hands, one at each end, and shaking it, so that the music produced is sometimes like that which is intended to imitate rain on an english stage. the _marimba_ is made by fastening two broad pieces of cane together at the extremities, each from six to ten feet long; a number of pieces of hollow cane are then suspended between these, from two feet long and five inches in diameter, to four inches long and two in diameter, resembling a gigantic pandean pipe; across the upper part of these canes very thin pieces of chonta are laid, which rest on the frame without touching the pipes, and these are slightly fastened with a cotton thread; the instrument is suspended from the roof of the house, and is generally played by two men, who stand on the opposite sides, each having two small sticks, with knobs made of coutchouc, with which they strike on the cross pieces of chonta, and different tunes are produced, according to the size of the pendant tube of cane over which the chonta is laid. some marimbas are well made, and the diapason not very irregular; rude as the instrument is, i have often been pleased with the sound of it, especially when floating down a river, and my palanqueros have sung their native airs to the tune. this instrument, which is sometimes accompanied with a guitar, cheers the natives in their revels, and is not unfrequently employed to wake their souls to divine contemplation at high mass. after having remained a short time at the town, or city, for this title has been conferred on it although it only contains (1809) ninety-three houses, i ascended the river again to the embarcadero de maldonado, for the purpose of observing the labour and the time it would require. our canoe was fifteen feet long, and was manned with two palanqueros, who with light poles about ten feet long impelled the canoe forward, always keeping near the margin of the river; besides these i had with me my servant and two soldiers, my bed and some provisions. i observed that on an average the men worked nine hours in the twenty-four, and on the sixth day we arrived at the embarcadero, having been only fifty hours on the passage; but the natives informed me that it generally took more time, the current not being so rapid at this period of the year as at others. the distance from the embarcadero to quito being eighteen spanish leagues might with the greatest ease be travelled even on foot in two days. thus in cases of emergency an express might be sent from the city to the coast in three days, or perhaps less, and one from the coast to the capital in five, even when the river is swollen; whereas from quito to guayaquil, or vice versa, it requires at least seven days in summer, and in winter it is often absolutely impossible to fix the time. from esmeraldas to quito goods might be conveyed in six or seven days, during the greater part of the year, while it requires eleven or twelve days from guayaquil during the dry season, and during the rainy season it is impossible to carry them. i have been rather diffuse on this point, but i consider it one of great importance at present (1825), owing to the changes that have already taken place in this important part of the ex-colonies, not only so far as regards the communication between the coast and the capital, but because the locality and produce of the province of esmeraldas constitute it one of those that most deserve the immediate attention of my speculative countrymen. on my return i examined the mouth of the river esmeraldas, and found it quite unfit for an anchorage, owing partly to its great depth in the channel, which is a hundred and forty fathoms, and to a bar that extends from the north shore, as well as to the rapidity of the current, which runs at the rate of four miles an hour, even when the waters are low. the mouth of the river is nine hundred and seventy yards wide; it is situated in 51´ n. lat. and 79° 35´ w. long. and may be discovered at the distance of six or seven leagues from the shore, by the colour of the muddy water which runs from it, and marks the surface water of the sea. two leagues from the mouth of the river stands the city of esmeraldas; it is on a rising ground, and most delightfully situated, enjoying a much cooler temperature than what could possibly be expected in the vicinity of the equator. this is probably caused by the coldness of the waters of the river, which, as they flow, communicate a part of their coolness to the atmosphere, and keep up a perpetual current of fresh air. the town is entirely free from that great annoyance in most hot climates, the mosquitos; owing perhaps to the total absence of marshy land or swamps in its vicinity, and to the breezes, which, continually blowing, are so destructive to those insects. a road through the woods leads from esmeraldas to atacames, a distance of five leagues. atacames is a little town near the sea, having a small river of fresh water, which empties itself into the ocean on the south side. a projecting headland forms a convenient roadstead, which has good anchorage, and owing to the universal serenity of the weather the port may be considered a safe one. two leagues to the northward of this place there is a high bluff headland, called morro grande, which with the morro de atacames forms the bay, the best anchorage in which is under the headland of atacames. the landing on the beach close to the town is generally good, but when the contrary happens there is another and a better to the westward of atacames. the town is composed of about thirty houses, built like those of the puná, having only an upper story. the inhabitants employ themselves in the cultivation of their chacras, scattered along the side of the small rivulet of atacames, which is generally navigable for canoes about five leagues from the town. more attention has been paid here to the cultivation of cocoa than at esmeraldas, and considerable profit has been derived from it. in 1805, an officer in the spanish navy employed several of the natives to fell timber for the lima market, one small cargo of which was exported, but through the interest of the guayaquil merchants the law of _puertos no abilitados_, close ports, was enforced, and an end was put to the trade. the inhabitants of atacames are of the same race with those of esmeraldas; but they do not speak the same language--they make use of the spanish, and consider themselves spanish population. near the beach there are several very lofty coco-nut palms, and a great abundance of lime trees, whence any quantity of their fruit or acid might be obtained; but as the trees are intermixed with the manzanillo, the utmost precaution is necessary in order to prevent strangers from poisoning themselves with the fruit. the tree is very similar to a low bushy apple tree, and the fruit has the appearance of a small apple; but it is so extremely poisonous, that if a person inadvertently taste it, a universal swelling of the body and death are the inevitable consequences. the poisonous qualities of this tree are so great, that if any one incautiously avail himself of its shade, sickness ensues, and death would follow should he sleep under it in the evening. when the natives cannot obtain the poison from maynas for their puas, they use the sap of the manzanillo, procured by making incisions in the bark of the tree; but the use of it is attended with considerable risk, and the poison is not so certain to kill the game; besides, the natives are averse to use game as food when killed by it. from atacames to the mouth of the esmeraldas river, a distance of four leagues, goods might be conveyed and put on board canoes for their passage up to the town, or to the embarcadero, where, if the importance of mercantile pursuits be duly considered by the government, facilities may be given at a small expence to the navigation of this river. the greater part of the south side is favourable to the formation of a road as far as the confluence of the river blanco with that called piti. to the northward of the river esmeraldas there are several small rivers which empty themselves into the sea; and at the embouchures of each there are a few houses. at the distance of seven leagues stands rio verde, consisting of about twenty houses and a small chapel. the river is navigable for canoes about eight leagues, is full of fish, and on its banks are many houses and plantations. seven leagues from rio verde is the river tola, and about two leagues from the mouth is the town of the same name, containing about a hundred houses and a parish church. between the town and the sea there is a very extensive savana, on which are kept upwards of five hundred head of horned cattle. when the road called de malbucho was opened by the president of quito in 1804, as a communication between the capital and the coast, this was intended to have been the port; but on examination it was found, that the mouth of the river was almost choked by a sand-bank, and a schooner sent down by the viceroy of peru to examine the port foundered on the bar. to the northward of la tola there is a convenient harbour, called limones, and another, at a short distance to the northward of this, is called pianguapi, or san pedro; all these communicate by an estuary, which receives its fresh water from the river tola. the country adjoining the line of coast reaching from atacames to la tola is entirely covered with wood of an excellent quality both for the cabinet-maker and the architect; for the former the principal varieties are the caobano, a species of mahogany, very large, and in great abundance; ebony, cascol, a hard wood, completely black, and very large; pusilde, of the colour and almost of the consistency of ivory; of this wood they make billiard balls: there is also red sandal wood, of a beautiful lively red colour, and very fragrant; the bark contains such an abundance of aromatic resin, that when heated by the sun it exudes and scents the air to the distance of five hundred yards from the tree. the natives use the resin dissolved in rum to cure wounds. here too is the guayacan, of a green hue, with dark brown veins: this wood is remarkably hard, the tree is very lofty and straight, and on this account the natives generally choose it for the upright posts which support their houses: when kept continually wet for eight or ten months it petrifies, and it is a common thing for the natives to dig at the foot of an old post, and break off pieces of the petrified wood for flints. for architectural purposes timber grows in great luxuriance, and to an extraordinary size. there is no doubt that ere long the dock-yard of guayaquil and the peruvian markets must be supplied with guachapeli, cedar, robles, a kind of oak, marias, balsams, laurels, and other trees from the woods of esmeraldas, which as yet may be said to be untouched. besides the varieties just mentioned, there is an abundance of ceibos, balsas, and _matapalos_, which are of an enormous size, and supply timber for canoes and rafts. the matapalo, kill tree, is so called because it entwines itself with any other trees that are near it, and by depriving them of their sap, or preventing the circulation, destroys them. i have seen several of these trees, which three feet above the ground measured upwards of twenty-five feet in circumference. the wood is soft and light, and of no other use than that to which it is applied by the natives. a kind of gum exudes from the bark, or is drawn from it by making incisions, and in many parts of peru and colombia is used as an antidote for ruptures. the coutchouc tree is quite common in almost all parts of the forests; it is large but not very lofty, and the wood is entirely useless; however, the tree produces what is of much greater value to the natives: the bark of the trunk is taken off and subjected to repeated washings; they beat it with small stones until the fibres are regularly extended, so that the whole is about one-eighth of an inch in thickness; it is then dried, and used as a bed, sometimes as a curtain, a shelter in the woods against the sun or rain, or as a sail for their canoes. bark when thus prepared is called a _damajagua_. some of them measure two and a half yards long and from one to two broad; the larger ones are sold for three or four dollars each. the coutchouc, _jebe_, as it is called by the natives, is procured from the tree by making incisions in the bark; the substance which exudes is at first perfectly white and of the consistency of cream; it is received in large calabashes, and allowed to remain a day,or two, in which time it becomes thicker; it is then poured on the leaves of the plantain or vijao, and again allowed to remain a day or two; it is afterwards made up into rolls about a yard long and three inches in diameter. these rolls constitute a considerable branch of commerce, and generally sell at esmeraldas for two dollars the dozen; but in the mines on the coast of chocó they sell for three times that sum. the coutchouc is used as a substitute for candles: a roll of it is generally cut length-ways into four parts, but before it is lighted the piece is rolled up in a green vijao leaf, to prevent it from melting or taking fire down the sides. oranges, limes, lemons, pine-apples, mameis, sapotes, nisperos, with all the fruits mentioned at guayaquil grow here in abundance, and some of them to a state of great perfection. the madroño is a fruit peculiar to this country; it is similar in shape and colour to a small lemon; the pulp is white and of an agreeable sub-acid taste, enveloping three large seeds. many varieties of palms grow in the woods; the coco palm, the _palmito_ or cabbage palm, the coroso palm, which grows to the height of eighteen or twenty feet. this tree has a trunk about three feet in circumference, and is covered with an immense number of long slender prickles: the stem to which the leaves are attached and the nuts are covered in the same manner. an agreeable beverage is made from this palm, by boiling the leaves and the stem to which the bunch of nuts is attached; it is at first sweet, but by fermentation it acquires a vinous taste. the nuts are eaten while green and tender, and have a taste resembling that of the green french olives; when ripe they have the appearance of ivory, and are used at quito by the sculptors for small busts, statues, or images. the chonta palm is remarkably useful, the wood is extremely hard and elastic, and of it the natives make bows, sorvetanas, puas, and lances. the animals which are found in the woods are the jaguar, three varieties of the cavia, four of monkeys, like those at guayaquil, deer, tortoises, iguanas, snakes as at guayaquil, with the addition of the _dormilona_, for whose bite the natives possess no antidote. here is also the boa constrictor, called by the natives _sobre cama_; however this tribe is not numerous, and accidents seldom occur; the inhabitants generally take care to have poultry and hogs about their houses, because these animals are great enemies to the snakes. there are several varieties of ants and bees; of the latter are two, one called the _moquingana_, which form their nests by attaching them to the branches of the large trees; the honey is very palatable, and the natives employ themselves in purifying the wax, for which they find a good market at quito; the other is the _amonanas_, which make their nests under ground. to find these nests, the natives, whenever they observe a number of the bees, besprinkle some of the plants with molasses, and follow them when laden with it on their return home; this generally leads to a discovery. great quantities of wax are procured from the nests; it is of a deep orange colour, but with a little labour it is rendered very white. the province of esmeraldas derives its name from a mine of emeralds which is found at no great distance from the town; it may be approached by ascending the river bichile, which enters the esmeraldas river on the south side. i never visited it, owing to the superstitious dread of the natives, who assured me, that it was enchanted and guarded by an enormous dragon, which poured forth thunder and lightning on those who dared to ascend the river. the existence of an emerald mine was proved to me by the alcalde, who gave me three raw emeralds, which had been found by his sons on the sand at the mouth of the river bichile. gold mines exist in this province, there being scarcely a river in which gold is not found among the sand on its shores: however none of them are worked at present (1809). the importance of this part of south america has induced me to be more particular in its description than might appear necessary for a tract of country almost uninhabited. its capability of becoming of extensive utility to the mercantile world, of forming the principal entrance to the kingdom of quito, and of vieing ere long with guayaquil; its soil and climate; the ease with which indians, from the well populated provinces of quito, might be procured for the formation of colonies; the extensive markets both along the coast and in the interior for its various productions, besides many branches well calculated for exportation, must forcibly attract the attention of all those who are inclined to speculate on the rising interests of the western parts of the new world. chapter xiv. visit to cayapas....village....inhabitants....houses and furniture ....visit to the malabas, wild indians....arrival at the vijia.... interview with the cacique, family of....tribe of the malabas.... tradition of the origin of....dress of....manners....laws....return to cayapas....visit tumaco....description of....barbacoas.... description of....gold mines....manner of working them....leave the coast, malbucho road....river mira...._puentes de maroma_, and _taravitas_...._piquigua_....arrive at ibarra, and return to rio verde and esmeraldas....ascend the river quinindi....boa constrictors....santo domingo de los colorados....indians....dress ....houses....food....cocaniguas....quito. during my stay on the coast i visited the new village of cayapas: it is composed of indians, living entirely free from the controul of any spanish governor or any authority. so ignorant were they of the forms of the spanish administration, that they only considered the royal audience to be superior to their own alcalde. they did not even know what the royal audience was, and they repeatedly called me the royal audience, having mistaken the expression of the lieutenant-governor of la tola, who told them the royal audience expected they would attend on me, and procure for me whatever i might want. after a tedious journey up the river tola, in a canoe, managed by four indians, i arrived at new cayapas, and was received by the alcalde, who insisted on my taking possession of his baston, insignia of authority, and retaining it as long as i remained with them: he ordered the indians to obey me, and they advanced one after another to kiss the head of the baston, and accompanied me to the house of the alcalde, which was situated about thirty yards from the river side. cayapas scarcely deserves the name of a hamlet, there being only a small church, the house for the parish priest, and two others; but the situation is most beautiful: the small river, navigable for canoes, the rich foliage of the large trees which overhang it, the branches in some parts meeting each other, the enormous banana leaves, the stately coco palm, and the verdant gamalote, every where enrich the scene. houses are scattered along the sides of the river, each having its small plantation of sugar-cane, yucas, and camotes, its hogs and its poultry. the indians are low in stature, very muscular, and of a lighter colour than those of the interior. the dress of the men is a pair of drawers, reaching from the waist to the middle of the thighs, and sometimes a poncho. the women have a piece of blue cloth wrapped round the waist, which reaches down to their knees, and a profusion of glass beads hangs round their necks; but the children to the age of eight or nine years are all naked. both men and women paint their bodies with achiote, to which they sometimes add a few dots or stripes of indigo, manufactured by themselves from the plant which grows wild in every part of the country where the shade of the trees does not destroy it. the furniture of their houses is composed of a long bench made of canes, which serves as a table, a sofa, or a bed; damajaguas, which serve as in esmeraldas, and the never-to-be-dispensed-with toldo, with curtains to avert the attacks of the mosquitos at night. their cooking utensils are manufactured by themselves; their plates and dishes are the shells of calabashes, their cups those of the tutuma, and their spoons of the muscle: nature having thus provided them with the necessary equipage for their food, in the same manner as she has with the ground for a table, and the plantain leaves for cloths and napkins, which without any expence may be renewed at every meal. the principal employment of the natives is hunting, fishing, and cultivating their small patches of sugar-cane, yucas, camotes, and gourds. from the leaves of the aloe they make very fine thread, pita, in considerable quantities. this article is either sent to quito or to the coast, where it finds a ready market, and procures for the indians the few clothes which they require, as well as salt, which is brought from the punta de santa elena, in large canoes, and piraguas, (canoes with planked sides and a sail), by the inhabitants of la tola, atacames, and other places. from the information which i had of the existence of a tribe of wild indians, called malabas, who reside on the river de san miguel, which joins that of cayapas, i determined on visiting them, contrary to the advice of my friends at la tola. i accordingly requested a small canoe, and two indians at cayapas, and my request was reluctantly complied with; however, on promising the alcalde a reward in the name of the royal audience, i was equipped with what i wanted. having with me a considerable quantity of beads and hawks' bills, i was not afraid of meeting with a kind reception: my servant declined accompanying me, and remained at cayapas. i left my friendly alcalde, in possession of his baston, at about five o'clock in the morning, and began to ascend the river with my two palanqueros, who sometimes were obliged to use a considerable degree of exertion to stem the current with a canoe that only measured eleven feet in length, and was barely sufficient to carry us; and it is certain that had they not been very expert, and i very quiet, we should have been frequently upset. at four o'clock in the afternoon we arrived at the house of the _vijia_, or look-out, where we remained till the following morning. an indian was immediately despatched to inform the cacique that a viracocha, white man, or child of the sun, had arrived with two cayapos, and wanted to see him. about ten o'clock the cacique came in his canoe, with the messenger that had been sent to him, and as the language of the malaba bears a strong resemblance to the _quichua_, i soon entered into conversation with him. i assured him, that mere curiosity had led me to pay him a friendly visit, and in a short time the old man was satisfied; we embarked together in his canoe, the two indians being ordered to wait my return at the vijia house. before noon we arrived at the house of the alcalde, and found his family highly delighted at his return, for the poor fellow who was sent from the vijia had informed them, that i was a strange looking man, in a strange dress, and that i had told him i was neither a spaniard nor a creole. although this excited the curiosity of the alcalde, it did not alarm him, because, said he, i have been at the spanish town of cotacache, and know that all white men do not come from the same place: _this_ is perhaps as much as many travellers have to report when they return from a grand tour. question now followed question, without waiting for answers; nor was the alcalde less teased than myself, it being naturally inferred, that having been with me for two hours, he must certainly know every thing about me. after allowing the noise to continue for about half an hour, he ordered the females to retire, which they did immediately. to my great surprise they went down the ladder which we had ascended, after which they went up another at the back part of the house; when i turned round, i observed that they were separated from us by a division made of cane, three feet high above the floor, where, with true female curiosity, they stood and listened, but never spoke, except to one another in low whispers. the cacique and myself now seated ourselves on a damajagua, and four young indians stood with their backs against the partition; i again assured the old man that curiosity alone had induced me to visit him and his people: he replied, that probably my _curiosity_ had tempted me to come in search of lavaderos, gold mines, or to request of him to receive missionaries, or to force him to become tributary. having protested that nothing of the kind was meant, as my inquiries and conduct while among them would evince, he begged of me to make myself happy, for i was perfectly at liberty to remain or to leave them whenever i chose, and that if i thought proper to send my two cayapos home, two of his sons should accompany me to cayapas at any time. to this i very readily acceded, although i did not intend to remain more than a day or two; but i wished to tease my friends, who were anxious with regard to my safety, and then to convince them of the goodness of man in a natural state. the tribe, at the head of which was cushicagua, consisted of about two hundred _ishcay huarango_ families, living within the distance of two leagues of his house; besides these he assured me that a great number of tribes were scattered about the woods lying between the spanish settlements in the interior and those on the coast. this information sufficiently accounted for the reports which i had several times heard at quito, of smoke having been repeatedly seen ascending from different parts of the woods to the westward of otavalo. according to the tradition of the malabas, they and the other tribes that inhabit the woods are descendants of the puncays of quito; and although the conchocando of lican, the supreme chief of the territory now called quito, became the vassal of tupac yupangui, they were not conquered by that prince, for he never passed the mountains towards the coast; and since the conquest of the country by the spaniards, although the cayapos solicited a christian priest, and became tributary to the whites, the malabas have as yet lived quite independent. the dress of the men consists of a pair of wide drawers reaching from the waist to about the middle of the thighs, of a purple hue, which tint or dye they procure from the bark of a tree growing in the neighbouring woods, known at quito under the name of _grana ponciana_, and which when known in europe will undoubtedly become an article of commerce. the women are dressed in a very strange manner; a large piece of cotton cloth is girded round the waist, two corners of the upper half cross the breast, pass under the arms, are again brought over the shoulders, and hang down in front almost to the waist; the two lower corners pass between the legs, and are fastened to the back part; the whole body is covered, and the appearance altogether is not ungraceful; the colour of this garment is generally brown: the women have their ears perforated, but instead of rings they use small bunches of the most beautiful feathers they can procure, wearing another tuft of the same on their heads. in the same manner the men often place three or four feathers from the wing of the parrot in the _wincha_, an ornamented piece of leather which they wear tied round their heads; both men and women ornament their bodies with achiote, and some of the latter very tastefully. nothing could exceed the joy which these people evinced when after my first meal with them i borrowed a pair of drawers of one of the young men, and putting off my own clothes i substituted the drawers, and requested the females to paint me: to this the cacique consented, and they immediately descended their own ladder, and ascended the other; after a great deal of laughter, and some disputes as to the beauty of the figures drawn on my body with this red unctious matter, i was complimented with a kiss from each of my _damas del tocador_, and told, that if i were not so white i should be very handsome. i returned the kindness which i had received by distributing among the females beads, bells, and combs; i also gave to cushicagua my spoon, knife, and fork, and to the young men two glass bottles. my watch was the cause of universal astonishment, the motion of the seconds' hand when lying on the floor astounded them, conceiving that while i held the watch in my hand i communicated the motion to it: when i applied the watch to their ears their amazement was expressed in the most boisterous manner--they shouted and jumped, and then listened again! and at last it was concluded that i had a bird shut up in the little case, and that it was endeavouring to release itself by pecking a hole. i then opened it, and every one as he peeped laughed, and exclaimed, _manan, manan, chy trapichote_--no, no, it is a sugar-cane mill, this being the only piece of machinery they had ever seen, and the only resemblance consisted in its rotatory motion. these indians have two meals a day, one in the morning the other in the evening, composed chiefly of plantains, bananas, yucas, camotes, a little flesh meat procured in the woods, and fish, of which there is a great abundance in the river, to catch which they use the same means as the esmeraldeños. i asked the old cacique what crimes he had to punish among his subjects; he told me, very few: theft he punished, he said, by taking from the thief double what he had stolen, which he gave to the person injured; if the thief could not satisfy the fine, he was delivered to the plaintiff as a slave until his services might satisfy the claim. adultery he punished by obliging the man to maintain the woman as long as the husband might think proper, or else by keeping him in the stocks, which were under the house, till the husband begged his release. murder, said he, never happens among us; and all small crimes i punish by flogging the criminals myself. after remaining two days i left the cacique of the malabas, and returned to cayapas, his two sons being my palanqueros or canoe men. on leaving him, he begged of me to send him some salt, which is very scarce among them, and that when i was tired of living among the whites to come and live at malaba, assuring me, that i should have one of his daughters for a wife, and be the cacique. when i stood on the river side all the females came to me and kissed me, and as the canoe floated down the stream they all joined in a farewell ditty, which was answered by my two young indians. nature claimed her tribute, and i paid it: i turned my face to wipe away my tears, and blushed that i was ashamed at shedding them. on my arrival at cayapas, i found that the cura of the tola, on hearing of my trip to malabas, had come up to cayapas with my four soldiers, with the intention of demanding me of the cacique; however, to his great joy, my arrival made this unnecessary: his surprize, and that of my soldiers and servant at seeing me step ashore in the garb of a malaba cannot be expressed: to complete the costume i had borrowed the lance, made of chonta, of one of the indians. i sent to the kind cacique cushicagua as much salt as the canoe could carry, and gave some trifles to his two sons, who took leave of me in a very tender manner: they came to me separately, and each laying his hands on my shoulders, kissed my breast and retired. how easily such men might be reduced to what is called civilized society! but would they be benefited by it? would they be more virtuous? would they be more happy? from cayapas i returned to la tola, and thence proceeded by the estuary of limones to pianguapi, and crossing a small gulf i arrived in the evening at tumaco. this is an island in the bay, called gorgona, which takes its name from that of the cacique gorgona, who governed the island on the first arrival of the spaniards. the bay has a very good anchorage for small vessels, but large ones generally anchor at the outer roadstead, called el morro. the island of tumaco is about two miles long and one broad, remarkably fruitful, and well cultivated, abounding in tropical fruit trees. the town is formed of about a hundred houses; they stand on the western side of the island, facing the anchorage, and present a very beautiful view. the inhabitants are generally mulattos, but call themselves spaniards. it is the residence of a lieutenant-governor, and is of itself a parish. besides the island of tumaco there are in the same bay the islands called el viudo, la viuda, el morro, and placer de pollas. the river mira enters the sea here at three embouchures, called boca grande, rio claro, and mira. tumaco is the sea-port to the city and province of barbacoas, which is approached by an estuary; at the head of this the canoes are dragged across a piece of low ground, called el arrastradero, and then launched in the river which leads to barbacoas, called el telembi. barbacoas was founded in the year 1640 by the jesuit lucas de la cueva, who was a missionary sent from quito for the conversion of the tribe of indians called barbacoas. after some time it was discovered that the sand along the side of the river contained grains of gold: this induced several persons to settle in the neighbourhood, and to employ themselves in collecting the precious metal. their success brought down others from quito and different parts of the interior, and a town was formed, which was afterwards honoured with the title of city. the climate of barbacoas is extremely warm, and the rains continue during the greater part of the year, so as to preclude the cultivation of the land; hence all kinds of provisions are extremely dear, the supplies being chiefly brought from the province de los pastos on the shoulders of men, because it is impossible in the present state of the road for any beast of burthen to travel; and so accustomed are the carriers to their laborious way of living, that when, in 1804, it was proposed to open a road, those men used all their influence to oppose the execution of the plan; and as it was not of any pecuniary importance to the government, it was abandoned. among the inhabitants of barbacoas are some very respectable families, and many rich ones, all of which are employed in the lavaderos; but the principal labour is done by negro slaves, who are here treated with greater cruelty by their masters than in any other part of the colonies that i visited; nakedness is of little importance to them in such a climate, but hunger in all countries requires the antidote, food, and this is really distributed to them very sparingly. the city is the capital of the province of the same name, and the residence of the lieutenant-governor. here is also a _casa de fundicion_, where the gold which is collected at the lavaderos is melted, and where it pays the royal fifth. it is also the residence of the vicar of the province, who exercises the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the whole coast belonging to the bishopric of quito; the cabildo has six regidores, and two alcaldes annually elected. i returned from barbacoas to tumaco, and thence to la tola, but before i took my departure for quito, by the road of malbucho, i went to the playa de oro, a gold mine belonging to the valencias. at that time (1809) this was one of the most popular mines, and i visited it for the purpose of observing the manner of working them on a large scale, which i had not then seen. i have already mentioned, that the gold is found in a stratum of yellow or orange-coloured earth, of different dimensions, but seldom more than five or six feet deep, the inferior limit being a stratum of indurated clay, called by the miners _laxa_. the first object after the site is selected is, to form an embanked reservoir at the highest part of the _capa_ or stratum, for the purpose of collecting the rain water; the next is to throw aside all kinds of rubbish to the lateral limits of the stratum; the slaves then begin to dig the ground or pick it over, throwing aside all the large stones, after which the water which is collected is allowed to run over the ground, while the slaves are employed in forming with it and the earth a kind of puddle; after this the stones and rubbish are again collected and separated, the water is turned on, and in its course washes away the earth: these operations are performed till the laxa begins to appear. the water is then conducted along the sides by small channels cut for this purpose, and it is kept running along the sides while the slaves are continually stirring it, so that the earth is carried off by the water. when the whole is nearly washed away the laxa is carefully swept, and every small crevice closely examined, and a small channel is formed along the middle of the lavadero, where the water is allowed to run down it; but particular care is necessary not to make any perforations in the laxa or indurated clay, as it might be the cause of a great loss of gold. the last washing is generally performed in the presence of the master, as the larger grains, _pepitas_, begin to be visible. after all the earth has been separated by the repeated washings, the gold mixed with sand, iron sand, and platina, is swept into the small channel, and collected by placing a piece of board across it at a short distance from the reservoir, and allowing a small portion of water to run for the purpose of cleaning out all the crevices; the first quantity is then put into a trough or canoe, and carried to the house of the miner; and another operation similar to the last takes place with another portion of the earth, and so on till the whole of the gold is collected. after the miner has allowed what was carried to his house to dry, he then spreads it on a table, and with a loadstone or magnet he separates from it all the iron sand, which is always very abundant, and placing the gold, platina, and sand in a shallow trough, he allows a small stream of water to pass over it, keeping the trough in motion till the water has washed away the sand. the last operation is to separate the gold from the grains of platina, which is done with a small stick, a pen, or a piece of wire, with which the platina is picked from the gold. owing to the enormous duty imposed by the spanish government on the platina, which rendered it almost invaluable, the miners usually throw it away. after visiting playa de oro i left the coast, and proceeded on my journey towards quito. the first part of the road is by the river tola to carondolet, or naris de peña, which was formerly the name of the landing place. the river is not so rapid as that of esmeraldas; but it has the disadvantage of being so shallow near a place called the porquera, that loaded canoes are forced to stop there, or unload, pass the sand banks, and load again. carondolet is a small village, bearing the name of its founder; from this place a road forty feet wide was opened to malbucho, a small village at the foot of the cordilleras, thirteen leagues from carondolet; _tambos_, or lodging-houses, are built on the road, four leagues from each other, and at licta, four leagues from malbucho, two negroes and their families, belonging to the government, are stationed in charge of the repairs of the tambos. owing, as i have before mentioned, to the inadvertency of cutting down the large trees for the formation of this road, the brush-wood sprang up with increased vigour, and the roots of the large trees produced numberless young suckers, so that in a very short period what was intended as a road became quite impassable, and was entirely abandoned by travellers. at licta the river mira presents itself on the north side of the road, dashing along with astonishing rapidity, while a dense mist rises from the foam; in some places the river is six hundred feet wide, and in others, where the rocks have opposed its ravages, it is not more than one hundred. the mira derives its first waters from the lake san peblo, and afterwards receives those of pisco, angel, taguanda, escudillas, caguasqui, and chiles, which flow from the mountains of pelliso; it afterwards receives those of camunixi, gualpi, nulpi, and puelpi, and enters the pacific ocean by nine mouths, between the point de manglares and tumaco. the mira divides the province of esmeraldas from that of barbacoas. on the sides of the river mira there are many farms and plantations of sugar cane, scattered along from the villa de ibarra to san pedro, and on the north side there are many small houses and plantations, even lower down the river, and as the road is on the south side, the natives have to avail themselves of _puentes de maroma_, and _taravitas_. the puentes de maroma, or swing bridges, i have described at cochas, on a general principle, but those used to cross the mira are merely for foot passengers; they are formed of the stems of the creeper called piquigua, which are generally about half an inch in diameter, and sometimes from fifty to a hundred yards long; they generally spring up under large trees, or creep up the trunk and along the branches, and hang down again to the ground, but do not take root; they then ascend another, or perhaps the same tree again, or, carried by the wind, stretch along from a branch of one tree to that of another; so that where they are common, the trees in a forest have the appearance of the masts of ships with their rigging. the stem is remarkably fibrous and tough, and for the purpose of constructing bridges, it is first beat, and then twisted, by which means it forms a kind of cord, and five, six or more of these combined make a rope, the duration of which is almost indefinite, for the age of some of the bridges across the mira is unknown. some of these puentes de maroma are from one to two hundred feet long, and only three feet wide; the bottom is generally covered with pieces of bamboo, _huadhua_, laid crosswise; hand ropes made of piquigua are also fastened to the side of the bridge to prevent passengers from falling into the river; this would otherwise be inevitable from the motion of the bridges when any one crosses them, for some of them not only spring under the feet, but by hanging loose they swing; the ends are generally fastened to trees standing near the river side, or else to large posts placed for this purpose. i have seen some of these puentes formed just like a ladder; and they are crossed by stepping from one bar to another, with the assistance of one hand rope, while a foaming stream is roaring at the depth of eighty or a hundred feet below. the _taravitas_ are formed by securing the two ends of a rope, generally made of raw hide, but sometimes of piquigua, to rocks, trees, or posts, on the opposite sides of the river, the rope passing either over a pulley, or through a ring; to this they attach another rope, which first passes through a pulley or ring fastened on each side the river; to the pulley or ring, on the large rope, a basket made of raw hide is suspended, and is called a _capacho_; in this a person stands, and by pulling the small rope he drags himself along, or else he is drawn across by persons stationed on the other side of the stream; all kinds of goods are passed over in this manner, and for horses or cattle slings are used, being suspended by a hook to the ring or pulley. having arrived at ibarra, circumstances obliged me to return to the coast; i sent my escort to quito, being perfectly satisfied that a military guard was quite unnecessary, and taking two guides, i crossed by an almost unfrequented route some extensive forests to the mine of cachiyacu, belonging to don pedro muños. this is a gold mine similar to playa de oro, situated on the sides of a small river, whence the mine derives its name. i here added another guide to my party, and by a solitary path arrived at the rio verde, about two leagues from the mouth, where it empties itself into the pacific ocean. i proceeded on to esmeraldas, and ascended the river to the mouth of the quinindi, for the purpose of exploring the road from santo domingo de los colorados to quito. the river quinindi is navigable for small canoes; it is generally about fifteen feet wide, the current neither rapid nor deep, and it abounds with excellent fish. to my great surprize and delight, on entering the mouth of this river, i saw two boa constrictors basking on a sand-bank, very near to the edge of the water, and we passed them at the distance of about twenty feet. one appeared to be at least twenty-five feet long, the other about half that length. they were both of them in the most beautiful posture that can be imagined, their heads raised, and their bodies forming festoons, or arches; those formed by the greater one were six, the largest in the centre being about two feet high; the smaller formed only five arches, and these much lower than the other. their colours were a most brilliant yellow, a deep green, and stripes along the back of a dark brown hue. the tremulous motion of these animals, occasioned probably by the posture in which they had placed themselves, gave to their colours a most imposing effect; the brilliancy was heightened too by the rays of the sun darting full upon them; i felt as if under a charm, and i sat gazing on them in a transport of delight for more than half an hour. two african negroes and my servant, a native of quito, were almost frantic with fear; but the two esmeraldeños, my palanqueros, expressed no other emotion than that of sorrow, at not being prepared to kill them, and to smoke their flesh, which, certainly, if as good eating as that of other snakes which i had several times tasted, was a great loss to them. as we passed along the river almost innumerable monkeys of the small brown kind crowded the tops of the trees, dinning our ears with their unceasing chattering, and throwing down leaves upon us till the surface of the river was nearly covered; however the two esmeraldeños with their sorbetanas killed upwards of fifty, out of which we chose the fattest, and made an excellent dinner, selecting it in preference to any of the dried provisions which i had with me. on the second day after our entrance on the quinindi we landed, and in three hours arrived at the house of the cura of santo domingo de los colorados. the settlement or reduction of the colorados is merely the house of the cura, and a small church; the indians live dispersed in different parts of the surrounding woods, generally on the banks of the small rivers, and only appear on the sundays and holidays at mass. these indians, like the malabas and cayapos, trace their origin to the times of the conchocandos of lican: they also state, that they were never subject to the incas, and only to the spaniards within the last thirty years (1810). they are not tributary, but each indian from the age of eighteen pays one dollar annually to the parish priest, who has no other stipend. including the two annexed _semi paroquias_ of san miguel and cocaniguas, the curacy contains about three thousand indians, but the curate seldom receives more than eight hundred dollars a year, or rather the amount of eight hundred. the indians always pay their quota in raw wax, at half a dollar a pound, which is sent to quito for sale; but a considerable profit is derived from it, because it is worth a dollar a pound when purified. the indians of santo domingo are called red _colorados_ from the quantity of achiote with which their bodies are besmeared; in their persons they resemble the malabas; the dress of the men is composed of a pair of very short white drawers, and a white poncho about three-quarters of a yard square; their hair is cut round and hangs like a mop, but it is confined to the head with a fillet of silver lace, or a thin slip of sheet silver; round their necks, the small part of their arms, and below their knees, they wear other slips of silver, about an inch broad, and to the lower edge a great number of small silver drops hang loose, forming altogether a very pleasing appearance. the women wear a piece of flannel or cotton cloth, wrapped round the waist, and reaching below the knees, with a profusion of beads round their necks, wrists, and ankles; white and pale blue glass beads are held in great estimation among them; they plat their hair in long tresses, and allow them to hang loose. the houses of the indians at santo domingo are very similar to the sheds which my carriers used to make in the woods for a night's shelter; being nothing better than a few slender poles placed in a slanting position, supported by others, like the roof of a house, having only one side covered to exclude the rain. these indians cultivate capsicum, aji, to a very large extent, and find a ready market for it at quito, where they also carry fruit, fresh fish caught in the rivers, and wax taken from the nests of the moquingana bees. their food is principally composed of plantains, ground nuts, maize, yucas, fish, and game. from santo domingo i pursued my route to quito, passing through cocaniguas, and crossing the southern skirts of pichincha by the alto de san juan, having, in three months, traversed the forests lying between the capital and the coast, in search of a new road of more easy communication between these two places than that from guayaquil. the road recommended by don pedro maldonado is undoubtedly the best in every respect, and i have since had the satisfaction to know, that my report has hastened the opening of it, which will add greatly to the advantage of the inhabitants, to the ease and convenience of travellers, and will facilitate the carriage of merchandize; so that i may hope that i have added my mite towards increasing the prosperity of one of the richest capitals of the new world, by assisting to produce the means by which its intercourse may be rendered more easy and expeditious with the old. end of volume ii. +-------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's note: | | | |obvious typographic errors have been corrected. | | | +-------------------------------------------------+ [illustration: chilean farmer. _engraved for stevenson's narrative of south america._] a historical and descriptive narrative of twenty years' residence in south america, _in three volumes_; containing travels in arauco, chile, peru, and colombia; with an account of the revolution, its rise, progress, and results. by w. b. stevenson, formerly private secretary to the president and captain general of quito, colonel, and governor of esmeraldas, captain de fragata, and late secretary to the vice admiral of chile,--his excellency the right honourable lord cochrane, &c. vol. iii. london: hurst, robinson, and co. constable & co. and oliver & boyd, edinburgh. mdcccxxv. contents of vol. iii. page chap. i.--first revolutionary symptoms in south america....morales and quiroga....character of morales....of quiroga....discovery made by captain salinas to two friars....their report to the government....imprisonment of morales, quiroga, salinas, and riofrio....character of salinas....of dr. riofrio....liberation of the prisoners.... junto formed at quito....advice of to the president, count ruis....manner in which the revolution was conducted....new oath....marquis of selva alegre....character of....dissensions in the new government....count ruis reinstated....arrival of troops from lima and santa fé....imprisonment of the insurgents....trial of....character of the count ruis....of the oidor don felipe fuertes amar....of the fiscal arrechaga ....of colonel arredonda...._proceso_ sent to santa fé 1 chap. ii.--second revolution at quito....massacre of the prisoners....general meeting held....spanish troops leave quito....revolution at santa fé....arrival of don carlos montufar at quito....arredonda invades quito....arrives at huaranda....flies from....montufar marches towards cuenca ....desists from attacking the city....returns to quito....my appointment to esmeraldas....capture and escape....general montes enters quito....death of montufar....quito taken by general sucre 26 chap. iii.--state of lima in 1811....constitution proclaimed ....some effects of....wishes of the inhabitants of lima....manifest of venezuela 45 chap. iv.--state of lima....expedition to chile under colonel gainsa....exit of....regiment of talavera arrives from spain ....part of sent to huamanga....revolution of cusco and arequipa....death of pumacagua, and the patriot melgar.... arrival of flags taken by osoria in chile....viceroy abascal superseded by pesuela....character of the former....beginning of pesuela's administration....arrival of la serna....state of lima to 1817....battle of chacabuco in chile....extract of a journal....new expedition to chile under osoria....news of battle of maypu....loss of the spanish frigate maria isabel, and part of convoy....arrival of lord cochrane off callao 120 chap. v.--state of lima on the arrival of the chilean squadron....arrival of at huacho....at supe....chilean naval force, how composed....capture of the maria isabel by commodore blanco....arrival of lord cochrane....appointed admiral....leaves valparaiso....arrives at callao, huacho, barranca, huambacho....proclamation of cochrane, san martin, and o'higgins....description of huambacho....paita taken.... proceed to valparaiso....arrival....description of....road from valparaiso to santiago 141 chap. vi.--santiago....foundation....description of the city....contrast between the society here and at lima....state of chile....manners and customs....revolution ....carreras....o'higgins....defeat at rancagua....chileans cross the cordillera....action of chacabuco....of maypu.... death of don juan jose, and don luis carrera....murder of colonel rodrigues....formation of a naval force....death of spanish prisoners at san luis....naval expedition under lord cochrane....failure of the attack on callao....attack at pisco....death of lieutenant-colonel charles....capture of vessels at guayaquil....squadron returns to chile 169 chap. vii.--passage from guayaquil river to valdivia....lord cochrane reconnoitres the harbour....capture of the spanish brig potrillo....arrival at talcahuano....preparations for an expedition to valdivia....troops furnished by general freire....o'higgins runs aground....arrival off valdivia.... capture of valdivia....attempt on chiloe fails.... return of lord cochrane....leaves valdivia for valparaiso....victory by beauchef.....arrival of the independencia and araucano.... o'higgins repaired....return to valparaiso....conduct of chilean government....lord cochrane resigns the command of the squadron 211 chap. viii.--lord cochrane and the chilean government.... preparations for the expedition to peru....captain spry ....charges presented by the admiral against capt. guise ....lord cochrane throws up his commission....letters from the captains and officers....commission returned by the government....offer made by san martin to the foreign seamen....embarkation of troops for peru....announcement of sailing of the expedition....force of the squadron 243 chap. ix.--sketch of o'higgins, san martin, lord cochrane, las heras, and monteagudo....sailing of the expedition, and arrival at pisco....debarkation....occurrences at pisco.... colonel arenales, with a division of the army, marches to arica....troops embark, and proceed to ancon....news of the revolution of guayaquil....capture of the spanish frigate esmeralda....army goes down to huacho....head quarters at huaura 275 chap. x.--battalion of numancia joins the liberating army ....victory at pasco by arenales....route of arenales from ica....courts martial held in the squadron on officers.... conduct of general san martin....viceroy pesuela deposed.... expedition to pisco....to arica....action at mirabe under lieutenant-colonel miller....description of arica....of tacna....of ilo....armistice celebrated by generals san martin and la serna....prorogation of....lord cochrane leaves mollendo, and arrives at callao 303 chap. xi.--lima evacuated by la serna....occupation of by the liberating army....loss of the san martin....arrival of lord cochrane at lima....conduct of the spaniards after leaving lima....independence of peru sworn....san martin constitutes himself protector of peru....interview between lord cochrane and san martin....announcement of the views of the spanish army....state of the squadron....san martin takes the field ....arrival and departure of cantarac....proclamation of san martin....treasure taken at ancon by lord cochrane ....surrender of callao....tribunal of purification established at lima....lieutenant wynter arrested at callao ....paroissien and spry visit the squadron at midnight ....squadron leaves callao, arrives at guayaquil 339 chap. xii.--revolution and state of guayaquil....squadron leaves....island of cocos....bay of fonseca....visitors from the shore....leave fonseca....volcano....arrive at acapulco ....general waevell and colonel o'reilly....letter from iturbide....leave acapulco....description of....gale of wind off tehuantepec....tacames or atcames....news of the enemy ....arrive at the puná....guayaquil....lord cochrane hoists the chilean flag in the vengansa....conduct of the people at guayaquil....treaty with the government....letter from general la mar....leave guayaquil, and arrive at huambacho....callao 396 chap. xiii.--commercial code at lima....provincial statutes announced....liberty of the press....foreigners declared amenable to the laws....institution of the order of the sun ....new commercial rules....titles changed....order to convene the constituent congress....san martin delegates his authority to the marquis de torre tagle....san martin leaves lima and returns....army defeated under tristan at ica....state of lima on our arrival....visit of monteagudo to lord cochrane ....san martin annuls the treaty at guayaquil....exile of spaniards from lima....lord cochrane leaves callao for valparaiso....spanish vessels that surrendered to the chilean squadron....convention of chile meets....monteagudo exiled from lima....disturbances in chile....san martin arrives at valparaiso....o'higgins abdicates....lord cochrane leaves the pacific 423 chapter i. first revolutionary symptoms in south america....morales and quiroga....character of morales....of quiroga....discovery made by captain salinas to two friars....their report to the government....imprisonment of morales, quiroga, salinas, and riofrio....character of salinas....of dr. riofrio....liberation of the prisoners....junta formed at quito....advice of to the president, count ruis....manner in which the revolution was conducted....new oath....marquis of selva alegre....character of....dissensions in the new government....count ruis reinstated....arrival of troops from lima and santa fé....imprisonment of the insurgents....trial of....character of the count ruis....of the oidor don felipe fuertes amar....of the fiscal arrechaga....of colonel arredonda...._proceso_ sent to santa fé. shortly after the arrival of his excellency the count ruis de castilla at quito, the capital of his government, the collegians of san fernando presented him with four theatrical representations, at which the whole of the nobility attended as spectators. the pieces chosen were cato, andromacha, zoraida, and the auraucana, the whole of them tending in their design and argument to inculcate a spirit of freedom, a love of liberty, and principles of republicanism. however, as is often the case with people who visit public exhibitions with a predetermination to be pleased, this tendency passed unobserved by the president and the other members of the government. inattentive to what the state of affairs in the mother country might produce in the colonies, the american rulers judged that they themselves were surrounded by the same obedient vassals whom their predecessors had governed, without ever dreaming that the people were awake to what was actually passing in the parent state; for, although the opportunity of deriving information from the press was prevented by the government, yet the americans who resided in spain at this period were very actively employed in communicating to their friends in america the true state of affairs, and the natives were generally better informed of what passed in the mother country, than the spaniards resident in america or even the government itself; because spanish correspondents being loath to place their property in america in jeopardy, or judging that the colonists had only to obey whatever orders they might receive, either gave indistinct or favourably exaggerated accounts; or else treated the americans with that contempt which as their superiors they fancied they had a right to exercise. after the performance of the pieces, i became gradually acquainted with the individuals who had selected them--dr. quiroga and don manuel morales; the former an advocate of some respectability, a native of arequipa in peru, married in quito; the latter, a native of the city of mariquita in the viceroyalty of santa fé de bogotá, had been secretary to the government when the baron de carondelet was president; but having offended him, morales was discarded from his situation by the orders of the baron. he hoped to have been restored on the arrival of the count ruis; but this chief having in his suite a young advocate of the name of don tomas arrechaga, whom he had educated, and for whom he wished to provide, the claims of morales were disregarded, and arrechaga was nominated secretary to the government. morales was possessed of a strong mind, had received a liberal education, and having been employed many years in the secretary's office, had obtained a knowledge of the affairs of the government and an insight into the intrigues of the spanish court. he considered himself unjustly dealt with by the baron de carondelet, and more so by the count ruis, who could only know his failings through the too often distorted medium of report: he saw his situation filled by a stranger, himself an exile, and was determined to be revenged on those whom he regarded as the supporters if not the authors of his disgrace. to this end circumstances that could not possibly escape his observation aided him; and had not rashness prompted him to execute his designs prematurely, he might have succeeded, and have lived to receive the thanks of his countrymen; whereas, his ashes can only be revered by them, his name can only dwell in their memories with painful regret, or gratitude drop a tear at the recollection of his untimely death. quiroga was of an unquiet aspiring disposition, rash and undaunted in his undertakings, but very self-opinionated: unable to brook controul in any shape, but open to conviction when persuasion was the medium. he was successful as a pleader at the bar, loquacious and eloquent, but even here his hasty temper drove him into difficulties; he was repeatedly reprimanded by the tribunal, and at length was not only mulct, but even suspended from the exercise of his office as an advocate. in one instance, when a fine was imposed upon him, he declared that he could in no manner pay it, because the tribunal was not competent to levy it; that the regent and oidores had taken possession of their seats on the bench contrary to law, or held them contrary to justice; and he proved his assertions by stating the cases, quoting the laws, and citing the regulations of the tribunal. this necessarily drew down upon him the hatred of the members, and obliged him to leave the bar. quiroga was the constant companion of morales, and, like him, expected that on the arrival of count ruis, an appeal to his excellency, as president of the royal audience, would restore him to the exercise of his profession; but a report from the regent bustillas prevented the fulfilment of his expectations, and this circumstance drove him to despair. these two disappointed individuals chose the dramatic pieces which were performed at the college of san fernando in october, 1809, selected perhaps in order to probe the government; if so, the result was completely satisfactory to their views, for not the least suspicion was evinced, nor any alarm taken. in february, 1809, captain salinas, who was commander of the infantry at quito, informed two friars, father polo and another, of a plan that was about to be formed to depose the spanish authorities in quito, and to elect others from among the most respectable citizens, as substitutes. the information was immediately reported by the friars to the president, and a secret commission was given to the oidor fuertes amar to proceed against all suspected individuals according to law. don pedro muños was appointed to act as privy secretary, but this man had no other qualification than that of being a native of spain. quiroga, morales, and the parish priest of sangolqui, dr. riofrio, and captain salinas, were apprehended, and placed under an arrest in the convent of la merced. their declarations were taken down in writing by muños, and every possible means employed to prevent the people from becoming acquainted with the state of the _proceso_; no person was allowed to see the prisoners, and they were deprived of the means of communicating to their friends any particulars relating to their situation; the secretary was not allowed the assistance of an amanuensis, and every inquisitorial practice was brought into action. in the beginning of april, when muños was going in the evening to the palace to report on the proceedings to the president, the papers were stolen from him. this accident produced considerable confusion; many who were really concerned in the plot were assured that their names had never been mentioned by the prisoners, who uniformly denied having any knowledge of it; and salinas protested against having mentioned any thing concerning it to the friars. thus by a fortunate accident the plans of the government were frustrated, the prosecution ceased, and the prisoners were liberated. this occurrence, however, taught them to be more on the alert, and to be more careful in future; but the torch was lighted, and although the flame had been smothered for a short time, it was not extinguished. the character of salinas was well known to morales and quiroga. he was a true quiteño, volatile and variable, embracing every novel object with avidity, without reflection, or discrimination; the pursuit of any new scheme was as ardently begun by salinas, as it was easily abandoned the moment it ceased to be new, or the moment that another was suggested; but as this officer was at the head of the infantry, which consisted of about four hundred men, with part of which he had been formerly stationed at panama, and which in their opinion was considered a campaign in a foreign country, he had become the idol of the soldiers; so that it was absolutely necessary that salinas should be brought over to second the plans of morales and quiroga; and this was easily effected--the plan was novel, and promised a succession of what was most congenial to his feelings. dr. riofrio was a secular clergyman, of a sullen morose temper, ready to coincide with any set of men whose plans were calculated to bid defiance to any thing that did not please him; yet, whether from natural imbecility, or natural cowardice, he seemed to be only an instrument, and probably became acquainted with the plans in agitation by being a frequent visitor at a house in quito where morales had lived, and on account of his own house being sometimes the residence of morales, when he was estranged from quito by the president carondelet. this man and salinas were both natives of quito, but neither of them of families of rank or fortune, although from the situations which both had held they were very respectable. after the release of the four denounced conspirators, salinas and riofrio returned to their former occupations; quiroga to his home, more injured than ever; and morales went into the country, without having reaped any advantage except experience. the government now appeared quite satisfied in having declared the acquittal of the prisoners honourable; they were pleased that no act of injustice had been committed, and flattered themselves that the papers lost by muños had fallen into the hands of some pick-pocket, or that having been dropt in the street, they had ceased to exist in a shape which might betray their intentions. but they were deceived; the papers found their way into the study of quiroga, who drew such conclusions from them as best suited his own ends, and disseminated their contents among such individuals as he judged most proper to entrust them with. from april to august, 1809, nothing particular occurred, except new advices from spain; so that the abdication of carlos, the accession of fernando, the imprisonment of the king, and the invasion of the country by the french, were the subject matter of every conversation. but still tranquillity reigned in every part of the colonies, and their inhabitants seemed to vie with each other in enthusiastic demonstrations of loyalty and attachment to their _amado fernando_. every new advice from spain served to increase the apprehension and the dismay of the governments and spaniards residing in america; and their whole attention was so engrossed with the state of affairs in the country to which they belonged, that they had not time to meditate on the effects which might be produced by it in the country in which they were stationed--satisfied that the colonies must follow the fate of the parent state, just as if it had been annexed to it by the ties of nature, instead of being attached to it by the most unnatural connexions. but the bubble burst when and where it was perhaps least expected to happen, and although the effects of the explosion were soon repressed, yet it rent the veil, and laid the foundation of that emancipation which the whole of the heretofore enslaved nations of the new world now enjoy. on the morning of the 10th of august, 1809, at an early hour, two natives of quito, ante and aguire, waited on the president with a letter. the orderly who was at the door of the antechamber objected to carry any letter or message to his excellency at so unusual an hour; but ante persisted in the necessity of its immediate delivery, saying, that it contained matters of importance from the junta soberana, sovereign junta, a name as new in the ears of the orderly as was the body itself new in america. the orderly awoke the president, delivering the letter, and repeated the words which he had heard, as an excuse for his untimely errand. the president having read the superscription--"from the sovereign junta to the count ruis, ex-president of quito," dressed himself, and read the following: "the present unsettled state of spain, the total annihilation of the lawfully constituted authorities, and the dangers of the crown of the beloved ferdinand vii. and his domains falling into the hands of the tyrant of europe, have impelled our trans-atlantic brothers to form provincial governments for their personal security, as well against the machinations of some of their traitorous countrymen, unworthy of the name of spaniards, as against the arms of the common enemy: the loyal inhabitants of quito, resolved to secure to their legitimate king and master this part of his kingdom, have established a sovereign junta in this city of san francisco de quito, of which, and by the command of his serene highness the president and the vocal members, i have the honour to inform your lordship, and to announce to you, that the functions of the members of the old government have ceased: god preserve your lordship many years. hall of the junta in quito, august 10th, 1809: manuel morales secretary of the interior." after reading this unexpected epistle, his excellency entered the antechamber, and walked towards the messengers, who inquired whether he had received the note, and on being answered in the affirmative, they bowed, turned round, and retired. the count followed them to the outer door and attempted to pass it, but he was prevented by the sentry. he now sent his orderly to call the officer of the guard, who politely answered, that he could not consistently with the orders he had received, speak with the _count_, pronouncing the last word with considerable emphasis. a great number of people began to assemble in the square before the palace, at six o'clock, when a royal salute was fired, and the military music, stationed on the esplanade in front of the palace, continued playing some national airs till nine o'clock. at this time the members of the new executive government met, the marquis of selva alegre, president, the vocal members, the marquis of orellana, marquis of solanda, count of casa guerrero, marquis of miraflores, don manuel zambrano, don manuel mateus, and don pedro montufar, the two ministers. morales and quiroga: the declaration of the installation was published, and the form of the oath to be administered to all persons employed under the new government was drawn up. the bishop of quito was elected vice-president, but he refused to assist at this or any subsequent meeting. the whole of the revolutionary change was effected in the night of the ninth. morales came to quito, and, with quiroga, convened a meeting; he informed the members of the risk in which the country at large stood, set forth the intention of the government to acknowledge napoleon as their sovereign, because the kings of spain had ceded their sovereignty to him, and exhorted them at the same time to preserve themselves and this part of the spanish dominions from the fate that awaited the rest; and this he told them could only be done by establishing a provincial government in the name of fernando, and of removing all suspicious persons from their offices. this harangue was nothing but a matter of form, because all the preliminaries had been agreed on beforehand. salinas, being present, was deputed to bring over the soldiers, which he immediately did; he went to the barracks, and having formed the infantry in the square or patio--he informed them that their beloved king was a prisoner in france; expatiated on his sufferings; told them that the existing governments in america were determined to deliver up the country to the common enemy, and concluded by asking them, whether they would defend their beloved ferdinand, or become the slaves of bonaparte? the deluded soldiers immediately shouted viva fernando septimo! viva quito! the commandant of the cavalry, don joaquin saldumbide, received orders for the same purpose, and executed them in the same manner. on the return of these two individuals to the junta, they were commanded to give the necessary orders to the different guards, and to administer to the troops the following oath: "i swear by god and on the cross of my sword, to defend my legitimate king, ferdinand vii.; to maintain and protect his rights; to support the purity of the holy roman catholic church; and to obey the constituted authorities." after the conclusion of this ceremony, the necessary orders were given to the officer of the guard at the president's palace, barracks, and prisons: a guard was placed at the door of each suspected person, particularly at those of the regent and oidores; and the members of the government retired to their houses. an express was immediately sent to chillo, an estate belonging to the marquis of selva alegre, with the news of what had taken place, and a request that his lordship would immediately come to quito, and take possession of the supreme command of the government of the kingdom. thus, in one night, without bloodshed or even without any popular commotion, a government which had been established for more than three centuries was displaced, and a new one erected on its basis. the marquis of selva alegre arrived on the morning of the tenth, and was visited by the members of the new government, while the two ministers proceeded on their duty to place new officers and clerks in the secretary's office, and to take charge of the archives belonging to the royal audience. the character of selva alegre is almost indefinable. as a private man he was extremely kind and polite, having more of the polished courtier about him than might be supposed to exist in an individual born in what may be termed a sequestered country. both in his town and country house a great deal of taste and splendour were exhibited, in a manner somewhat uncommon at quito; yet neither his income nor his popularity could in any way be compared to those of miraflores nor solanda. as a public character selva alegre was extremely unfit; wavering and timid, wishing rather to reconcile the two parties than to support either; fond of show and parade, but frightened at his own shadow, as if it mocked him. at the gaze of the people he would, like a peacock, have allowed his gaudy plumage to fall to the ground; he would have endeavoured to hide himself, or, as the most enthusiastic quiteños expressed themselves, "his shoes did not fit him." on the thirteenth the new government visited the church of the carmen alto, the different members dressed in their robes of ceremony; his serene highness in the full costume of the order of charles iii., of which he was a knight; the members of the junta in scarlet and black; the two ministers were distinguished by large plumes in their hats; the corporation, officers of the treasury, and other tribunals, in their old spanish uniforms, and the military in _blue_, faced with _white_ instead of _red_, as heretofore. after the thirteenth of august, anarchy began to preside at all the meetings of the junta. morales insisted on a reform in the regulations of the tribunals; quiroga, that preparations offensive and defensive against the neighbouring provinces which did not follow the example of quito should be made; selva alegre and the members wished that every thing might remain as it was. however the army was increased, and detachments sent to guallabamba against the pastusos, and to huaranda, to prevent an invasion by the guayaquileños. the people began to shew marks of discontent, particularly dreading a scarcity of salt, which article was procured from guayaquil. the governor of guayaquil first threatened to invade the provinces, next the viceroy of santa fé, and lastly the viceroy of peru. advices arrived that troops from these different quarters were absolutely on their march, and to complete the consternation of the people, the count ruis retired from his palace into the country, to a small _quinta_, or country seat, two leagues from the city, where he remained, till on the night of the eighth of november a deputation from the sovereign junta waited on him with proposals for his reinstatement in the presidency, to which he acceded. on the part of the president the condition was, that the members of the junta should retire to their respective homes, and become quiet citizens, as before the tenth of august; and on the part of the junta, that what had passed should be referred to the central junta in spain, and that no prosecution should take place against them until the resolution of the representative authority of spain should be known. these simple preliminaries being agreed to, his excellency the count ruis entered quito on the following morning, and was received with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of joy; the inhabitants and the members of the ex-junta presented themselves, and made a tender of their several titles, which were accepted by the president, and with all the acts and other papers belonging to the intrusive government, as it was stiled, were ordered to be burnt; but arrechaga, instead of obeying the order given to him, kept them with the most depraved intention for the most execrable purposes. on the second of december the auxiliary troops arrived from lima and guayaquil, composed of five hundred infantry, and fifty artillery men, under the command of colonel arredonda. the inhabitants of quito, relying on the fulfilment of the conditions agreed to by the count ruis, erected triumphal arches to receive them, and strewed flowers along the streets as they passed; but scarcely had they taken quiet possession of the city, and disbanded the native troops, than arrechaga, who had been appointed fiscal on the death of yriarte, advised arredonda to solicit of the president an order for the apprehension of all persons who had taken an active part in the late revolt, grounding his solicitude on the law of power, that good faith ought not to be kept with traitors. the count had the weakness to accede to the request of arredonda, and an order was immediately issued commanding don manuel arredonda, colonel of infantry, and commandant of the pacifying troops, _tropas pacificadoras_, to arrest all the persons who had been concerned in the late rebellion, the names of whom were subministered by arrechaga, and on the twelfth of december upwards of fifty of the most respectable inhabitants of quito were dragged from their homes, and immured in cells in the barracks. judge fuertes amar was again appointed to form the _proceso criminal_. every succeeding day brought new victims to the prison, for not only those who had taken an active part in the affair were apprehended, but many individuals also to whom letters had been written by the insurgents; and some because they had not declared themselves hostile to the revolutionary government; however the regent, oidores, fiscals, and other persons who had remained neuter, and some spaniards in office who had kept their places during the administration of the junta, were not included in the number; but the bishop, who, being an american, was included in the list of insurgents, and accused of having connived at the treason of his flock, because he did not anathematize them, interdict the places of public worship, and sentence to everlasting torments all schismatics to royalty and passive obedience. two hundred more soldiers arrived from santa fé de bogotá, and brought with them a greater security to the ministers of despotism, and the whole of the provinces of quito groaned under their tyranny. many of the most wealthy inhabitants fled to their estates in the country, and many, although totally unconnected with the affairs of the junta, were afraid of being swept away by the torrent of persecution. among those who fortunately absconded, and eluded the vigilance of the government, was the marquis of selva alegre: the marquis of miraflores died of grief in his own house, and a guard of soldiers was placed over him even till he was interred. not content with imprisoning those persons who might be termed the ringleaders, the soldiers were taken into custody, and placed in a separate prison, called the presidio. this alarmed the lower classes, who began to steal into the country, and seek in the mountains and woods an asylum against the systematic persecution that now pervaded the miserable hut of the labourer as well as the residence of his employer--the cabin of the indigent as well as the mansion of the wealthy. provisions became daily more scarce in the city, the soldiery in the same ratio became more insolent, when, to crown the state of desperation among all classes of the inhabitants, except the natives of spain who resided here, the examination of the prisoners was concluded, and the _vista fiscal_ was drawn up. this horrible production, worthy of its author, arrechaga, divided the prisoners into three classes, but sentenced them all to death: their number was eighty-four, including the prisoners and the absent, who were outlawed; even the bishop was not excluded, although, according to the laws of spain, he could only be tried by the council of castile. distress, affliction, and grief now reigned triumphant: mothers, wives, and daughters filled the air with their cries for mercy on their sons, their husbands, and their brothers, who had been torn from them and immured in dungeons, where they were not allowed to visit them; and who lay under sentence of an ignominious death, no hopes being left, except that the president would not confirm the sentence, and in this hope they were not deceived. when the proceso was concluded, and required no more than the veto of the president, it was presented to him; but instead of concurring in the opinion of the fiscal, and giving way to the entreaties of colonel arredonda, he ordered the papers to remain in his cabinet. the agitation of the old count was now truly distressing, and he frequently said to me, that he would prefer signing his own death-warrant to the sacrificing of so many deluded victims, the greater part of whom had only committed an error of judgment, founded, perhaps, on a mistaken sense of loyalty; at last he determined to refer the case for revision to the viceroy of santa fé, to the inconceivable chagrin of fuertes, arrechaga, and arredonda, who all founded their hopes of preferment in spain on the execution of the prisoners, who had been denominated traitors. the count ruis was at this time eighty-four years of age; he had resided in america upwards of forty; first in the capacity of corregidor of oruro, then of governor intendent of huancavilica, afterwards as president of cusco, and lastly of quito. when at huancavilica he commanded the troops, in 1780, against the unfortunate tupac umaru, who was taken prisoner, and quartered alive in the plasa mayor at cusco, by being tied to four wild colts, which were driven to the four opposite angles of the square. when president of cusco, the unhappy victims of spanish jealousy and cruelty, ubalde and ugarte, in 1796, were executed on an ex-parte evidence. this proceso was conducted by the oidor berriosabal, afterwards count of san juan and marquis of casa palma, and who was afterwards, in 1821, proscribed in lima by san martin. the count ruis as a private individual was remarkably kind and familiar, and excessively charitable: in his public capacity he was too easily overruled, especially by persons in authority under him, and when he could be induced to believe them to be actuated by motives of justice; but he was obstinate in the greatest degree if he once suspected their integrity. the court of spain was so well convinced of the virtuous character of this nobleman, that in 1795 a royal order was issued inhibiting him from a residenciary investigation at the expiration of his first government of cusco: an honour which i believe was never conferred on any other governor in the spanish colonies. the oidor don felipe fuertes amar was remarkably timid, in fact he was a complete coward, and this weakness brought him to the gallows, during a commotion of the indians in 1810. the fiscal don tomas arrechaga was a native of oruro, said to be the offspring of a friar of san juan de dios and a mestisa of oruro. the count ruis took him when a boy under his protection, educated him, and brought him to quito to establish him in the profession of the law, which he had studied. arrechaga was brutal in his looks, his manners, and his actions; he was possessed of all the subtle cruelty peculiar to the caste of chinos, which is a mixture of african and indian blood: his mother was of the latter race, and his father was not entirely exempt from the former. arrechaga would have waded through the blood of his countrymen to secure promotion; and from the first discovery of the country this had been too often the means of obtaining it. don manuel arredonda was the son of the viceroy of buenos ayres, and nephew to the regent of the royal audience of lima; he was in search of reputation, fame, and promotion--not in the cannon's mouth--no, for indeed he was the original fop described by hotspur, he was effeminate, proud and cruel, the general qualifications of a coward soldier; an imperious tyrant when in prosperity, but the most abject of all wretches when in adversity. the person chosen to convey to santa fé the whole of the proceso was dr. san miguel, a young advocate who had become the constant companion to arrechaga. not less than six reams of written paper formed the important charge, for the safety of which a piquet of horse was ordered to escort san miguel as far as pasto, lest some of the outlaws might surprize him on the road. the prisoners expected no favour at the hands of the viceroy, because he was the uncle of the oidor fuertes who had tried them. it was natural to suppose that he would not extend his mercy against what he would consider the justice of the law as expounded by his nephew; for, although it may appear very strange in england, that the inclinations of persons in such elevated situations should be biassed by personal interest, this was too frequently the case in south america. chapter ii. second revolution at quito....massacre of the prisoners....general meeting held....spanish troops leave quito....revolution at santa fé....arrival of don carlos montufar at quito....arredonda invades quito....arrives at huaranda....flies from....montufar marches towards cuenca....desists from attacking the city....returns to quito....my appointment to esmeraldas....capture and escape....general montes enters quito....death of montufar....quito taken by general sucre. after the departure of san miguel for santa fé many of the soldiers who had belonged to the insurgent army returned to the city, supposing that the prosecution had closed; but they were apprehended, and sent to the presidio. several individuals also who came from different parts of the country were apprehended on suspicion, and, although they were liberated after examination, the alarm flew from one place to another, so that none would bring their produce to market, and a consequent dearth of provisions began to be experienced in the city. this, instead of producing conciliatory measures for procuring them, enraged the spanish soldiers, who committed several depredations, and the injured individuals through fear abstained from complaining to the officers, or if they ventured to do it, they were insulted with the epithets of rebels, insurgents, and traitors. thus the evil increased daily till the second of august, 1810, when some of the soldiers confined in the presidio surprized the guard, and depriving them of their arms, and putting on their uniforms, ran to the barracks at one o'clock in the afternoon; the disguise prevented all suspicion on their approach, and they succeeded in driving the sentry from his post at the door, and securing the officer of the guard: at this moment a bell was rung in the steeple of the cathedral, as an alarm: the officers who had just sat down to dinner in the palace rushed into the plasa mayor, and observing a considerable degree of commotion at the door of the barracks not fifty yards from that of the palace, the guard was ordered to fire on those at the barracks, which firing was returned by the opposite party. this lasted about ten minutes, when, all being silent, an officer ran to the barracks to inquire into the cause of the disturbance: on being informed of what had taken place, as well as that all was then safe, he returned with the report to his commandant, arredonda. another officer was immediately sent to inquire into the state of the prisoners, and he as briefly returned with the news, that they were all dead. some had been shot during the uproar by the sentries placed over them, and many had been murdered by a zambo boy, one of the cooks to the soldiers, who had entered their cells, and despatched them with an axe. terror and consternation for a moment were visible in the countenances of the president and officers, when, on a sudden, the spanish soldiers rushed from the barracks into the streets, shouting revenge! revenge! our captain is murdered. scarcely was the alarm given, when the infuriated soldiers abandoned their posts, and running up and down the streets, murdered every individual they met with, without distinction either of age or sex: the drums in different parts of the city beat an advance, and murder and pillage raged in this horrid manner till three o'clock, all the officers standing on the esplanade of the palace, without making any effort to check the massacre: at length, the soldiers having expended their stock of cartridges began to return to the barracks, some of them so laden with plunder, that they had left their arms they knew not where. the number of prisoners confined in the cells, many of whom were secured with irons, and who fell a sacrifice to the insubordination of the soldiery, and the imbecility of the officers, was seventy-two; a clergyman of the name of castelo, and an individual of the name of romero, were the only prisoners that escaped, and they saved their lives by feigning to be dead. morales, quiroga, riofrio, and salinas perished; but to the memory of these, and their fellow sufferers, the government of venezuela ordered a day of mourning to be kept annually; thus paying to them the greatest possible respect; they also afterwards determined to call them the martyrs of quito. in the streets of quito about three hundred individuals perished, including seven of the spanish soldiers, who were killed by some indian butchers, whom they had repeatedly insulted. such was the fury displayed by the pacifying troops, that a party of them having met a captain in his uniform, who belonged to the guayaquil cavalry, a soldier seized the sword of his captain, and ran him through the body with it, laying him weltering in his gore not fifty yards from the door of the barracks. no powers of language can describe the anxiety which this dreadful affair excited in the minds of the inhabitants, who, ignorant of the origin, considered it as an unprovoked slaughter of their countrymen, and consequently dreaded that it might be again repeated in the same manner. only five of the soldiers who left the presidio entered the barracks--had twenty entered, they would doubtlessly have succeeded in liberating the prisoners; but these were murdered while those were engaged with the guard at the door. the streets of the city were entirely deserted; groups of people were scattered about on the neighbouring hills, looking wistfully at their apparently desolated town; dead bodies were strewed about the streets and squares, and all was horror and dismay. during the night the bodies of the prisoners were conveyed to the church of san augstin, and those that were murdered in the streets, to the nearest churches. the two succeeding days, the third and the fourth of august, the inhabitants kept within their houses, and, except the soldiers, not an individual ventured into the streets. the government now began to fear that the whole of the provinces would rise _en masse_; and as the news of the revolution at caracas, which took place on the nineteenth of april, 1810, had reached their ears, this, with their ignorance of what was passing in the mother country, except that bonaparte had taken possession of madrid, suggested to them an effort at reconciliation, but without in the least reflecting on their own baseness and treachery, in having violated the conditions which had replaced the president in his authority, and thus branded themselves with the name which they most justly deserved, that of _infames traidores_, infamous traitors. on the fifth an order was published for the heads of all the corporate bodies, officers, and principal inhabitants to meet at the palace, and resolve on such means as were most likely to restore peace, tranquillity, and confidence to the country. accordingly the persons who were summoned met; the president took the chair, having the bishop on his right, and colonel arredonda on his left, the regent, oidores, fiscals, attorney-general, and other officers and persons of distinction took their seats. the president rose, and in very few words expressed his sorrow for what had happened, and his sincere wish to restore peace and unanimity among the people. the bishop in a short speech answered, that he was afraid such wishes would never be fulfilled, until those persons who had advised his excellency to forget his promises made to the people were removed from that part of the country. arrechaga rose and observed, that his lordship recriminated on his conduct; to which the prelate replied, that years and dignity precluded any recrimination on don arrechaga from him. this debate induced the president to request, that arrechaga would leave the hall, which request was reluctantly complied with; although such a rebuff from the bishop would only four days before that of the meeting have shewn him the way to a dungeon. dr. rodrigues, a secular priest, greatly revered for his wisdom and his virtue by all who knew him, rose from his seat, and, advancing to the centre of the hall, delivered a most eloquent and animated speech, which lasted for more than an hour. he portrayed the character of the quiteños in general, explained the causes of the late revolution with evangelical charity, and dwelt on the fatal results with the truest symptoms of grief, in such a manner, that, not through sympathy but sensibility, conviction, shame, and remorse, the big tear flowed down the cheeks of his hearers. he concluded by repeating what his prelate had said, and added further, that the people of quito could no longer consider their lives and property secure, unless those individuals who had so lately forfeited their title of pacificators were removed from the country. "i allude," said he, "to the officers and troops; they have already made upwards of three hundred unoffending fellow-creatures, as faithful christians and as loyal subjects as themselves, the peaceful tenants of the grave, and, if not stopped in their career of slaughter, they will soon convert one of the most fruitful regions of the spanish monarchy into a desert; and future travellers, while execrating their memory, will exclaim, 'here once stood quito!'" don manuel arredonda, trembling for his personal safety, now rose. he observed, that he was fully convinced the government of quito ought to rely on the loyalty of the quiteños, and allow _him_ to retire with the troops under his command. this was immediately agreed to, and the act of the meeting having been drawn up, was signed by the president, the bishop, the commander of the troops, and several other members. preparations for the evacuation of the city immediately commenced, and the troops under the command of arredonda began their march on the following morning, leaving the two hundred soldiers from santa fé and the government to the mercy of a populace driven almost to despair by their cruel and murderous conduct. a few days after the departure of arredonda and the soldiers, dr. san miguel returned from santa fé, bringing tidings of an insurrection having taken place in that city. it commenced on the twenty-third of july, 1810, the day before the arrival of san miguel with his cargo of papers. when he presented himself before the new authorities at santa fé, he was commanded to repair to the plasa mayor with his papers, and here he was ordered to deliver them into the hands of the hangman, who immediately committed them to the flames. thus a trial was concluded, which, perhaps, in point of infamous intrigue was unparalleled in any age or nation; and had the conductors of it suffered a similar fate at the same time, numbers of americans would have had just cause to have been satisfied. the return of san miguel only served to throw the government of quito into greater consternation, and the citizens who had lost their relatives or their friends on the second of august into deeper sorrow. the insurrection of santa fé was conducted, like that of quito, without any bloodshed; the news of the commission conferred on villaviencio by the central junta of spain, to visit his native place, and to make any such alterations in the form of the government as might appear necessary for the preservation of the country, had arrived at santa fé. the friends of this american wished to prepare a house for his reception; one of them begged the loan of a chandelier of a european spaniard, who, chagrined at the idea of a royal commission having been conferred on a colonist, insulted the borrower; this conduct produced an altercation between the parties, a mob collected at the door, the spaniard attempted to drive the people away with threats and insults, which at last produced a cry of _cabildo abierto!_ an open meeting at the city hall. scarcely had the shout been re-echoed by the mob, when it was extended to every part of the city, and cabildo abierto became the watchword. crowds of people flocked to the plasa mayor, the doors of the town hall were thrown open, and several individuals, all natives, ranged themselves round the table. at this juncture some one advanced to the door, and asked the populace why they had collected in that manner, at this particular time? some one answered, _queremos gobierno nuevo, fuera españoles!_ we want a new government--out with the spaniards! nariño was then sent to request the presence of the viceroy amar, as president of the meeting. his excellency refused; a second message was sent, and met with the same refusal: this conduct exasperated the people, and the cry of fuera españoles! _fuera chapetones!_ again resounded from every quarter. a third messenger was shortly after sent to inform don antonio amar, that his functions, with those of all european spaniards in the government, had ceased. amar now volunteered to go and preside at the meeting; but he was told, that only his baston of command was requested; this, after a little altercation, he delivered up. the new government took possession of the barracks, the park of artillery, and the government stores. the ex-viceroy and some of the ex-oidores were sent to carthagena to be embarked for spain. in one day the change in the government was completed, and on the following the people retired to their several homes and occupations in the most perfect order, after witnessing the public burning of the papers brought by san miguel. in the month of september of the same year, don carlos montufar, son to the outlawed marquis of selva alegre, who with several others had again presented himself publicly in quito, arrived, bringing with him powers from the central junta of spain, to establish such a government, or make such changes in the one existing, as might ensure the allegiance of the country to ferdinand on his restoration. the joy which this arrival would have occasioned a short time before it took place was considerably damped by the recollection of the second of august. however, to support, and as it were to exculpate the conduct of the government with respect to the treatment of the unfortunate victims who had perished on that day, montufar and his friends determined on re-establishing the junta. a meeting was convened at the hall of the university, at which the count ruis presided; the commission conferred on montufar was read, and the formation of a junta proposed, which was immediately agreed to. the count ruis was nominated president, and the marquis of selva alegre vice-president; the members for the city were elected by the five parishes, and those for the country by the parishes of the heads of the provinces. don carlos montufar, desirous of preserving tranquillity, and maintaining a good understanding with the viceroy of peru in particular, immediately forwarded to his excellency don jose de abascal his original commission; but the innovation was so great, and the decrease of spanish authority so alarming to the viceroy, that he returned the papers with an assurance, that he "should exert himself in the support of his own authority, and that of all the faithful subjects of the crown of spain." this imprudent and ill-timed answer, accompanied by a knowledge of the present state of affairs in santa fé and venezuela; of the revolt of san miguel and el valle de los dolores in mexico, which took place on the nineteenth of august; of that of buenos ayres on the twenty-sixth of may, 1819; together with the condition of the mother country--distracted the attention of the spaniards, and first disseminated the whisper of independence: a whisper which was confined to private conversations, and was heard only among the higher classes. colonel arredonda and his troops were at first ordered to remain at guayaquil; but on the arrival of the news communicated by the newly-established government of quito, he was commanded to invade the territory belonging to that jurisdiction, and to declare war against the newly-established authorities, as being traitors to the crown of spain. at the same time that arredonda began his march, montufar collected the armed force of quito, began to discipline new troops, and proceeded with them to riobamba. popayan and pasto, under the influence of samano the governor of the former place, declared their adherence to the old government, and avowed their intention of invading quito to the northward, while arredonda should attempt the same to the southward. a few troops placed by montufar at guaitara precluded all fear with regard to samano, and montufar waited at riobamba the advance of arredonda. a sentinel placed at an advanced post at the ensillada was alarmed early one morning by a sudden report, caused by the ice on chimboraso, which, when the rising sun first illumes it, sometimes cracks with a tremendous report. alarmed at what he heard, he abandoned his post, and communicated intelligence of the approach of montufar with a train of artillery. arredonda was now filled with the greatest possible consternation, and without waiting to inquire into the cause of the alarm, or to investigate the report, he mounted his horse, and fled: the officers and soldiers followed the example of their chief, and, leaving every thing behind them, placed their safety in their heels. montufar, being immediately apprised of what had passed at huaranda, arredonda's late head quarters, went and took possession of the abandoned stores, consisting of eight hundred muskets, six field-pieces, a quantity of ammunition, the military chest, and all the public as well as private property belonging to the tropas pacificadoras. the city of cuenca declared its attachment to the royal cause, as it now began to be called, in opposition to the insurgents, and montufar, flushed with his good fortune at huaranda, marched towards that city; the bishop, quintian aponte, who with a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other had marshalled the natives, and exhorted them with more than pastoral eloquence, fled on receiving advices that the insurgents were within ten leagues of the city, and left his flock at the mercy of the very man whom he had described the day before as a ravenous wolf. in this state of affairs, when every thing seemed to promise success to the insurgents, a post arrived from spain, bringing the news of the dissolution of the junta central, and the formation of a regency and cortes, and commanding all his majesty's faithful subjects to abjure the traitorous junta, and to take the oath of allegiance to the newly-constituted authorities. an order of the regency commanded that every thing in the colonies should remain in the same state in which it might then be, until the regency and the cortes should decide. carlos montufar, on the receipt of this intelligence, communicated to him by the viceroy of peru, answered his excellency, that as a loyal subject, and trusting that the conduct of his excellency would evince equal loyalty and deference to the supreme order received, he should immediately retire to quito with the troops under his command. a small detachment of soldiers continued on the heights of guaitara, and every thing in quito remained tranquil until the middle of november, when general molina arrived at cuenca, and, by the order of the viceroy abascal, peremptorily insisted on the dissolution of the junta, which was objected to. captain villavicencio arrived from guayaquil to treat with the government on the proposals made by general molina, and such was the spirit of party, and the dread of again being oppressed by pacifying troops, that on the arrival of villavicencio, a woman, named salinas, a servant to captain salinas, who was murdered on the second of august, collected a body of females, who armed themselves with lances, and escorted villavicencio to the house prepared for him, where they remained on guard till he quitted the city. nothing could be more ridiculous than the appearance of this naval hero when he had to attend the meeting of the junta, marching along the street with an amazonian guard, composed of twenty-five females with lances, who conducted him to and from the hall. during the time that montufar was absent from the city with the troops, several popular commotions took place, particularly of the indians; these were principally excited by a native of the name of peña, who had had a son slain in the massacre of the second of august. during this time, the oidor fuertes and the postmaster-general attempted to escape, with an intention of proceeding down the marañon, but they were seized by the indians, brought back to quito, and before the respectable part of the inhabitants could relieve them from the danger in which they were placed, the indians erected a temporary gibbet in the plasa mayor, and hanged them: being in the street myself, the indians seized me also, and were hurrying me along towards the place of execution, but i was providentially rescued by the interference of an old clergyman, to whom i was known, and to whom i undoubtedly owe the preservation of my existence. the adherence of popayan and pasto to the spanish governors precluded all communication between quito and santa fé, venezuela, and other places. the junta determined to open a communication by the coast with cali and buga, and also with those parts of the country which had established the same form of government as themselves. owing to the knowledge which i had acquired of the coast, the title of governor of esmeraldas, and military commander of the coast, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel of artillery was conferred on me; and on the fifth of december i left quito with fifty soldiers, took possession of my command, opened the communication, and secured the depôt of arms belonging to the spaniards at tumaco. during my residence on the coast of esmeraldas, nothing particular occurred in the capital, except preparations for defence: general molina died at cuenca, and the bishop of cuenca at guayaquil. aymerich, the governor of popayan, solicited a brig of war, which was sent by the governor of guayaquil; with this assistance esmeraldas was invaded, and i was taken prisoner in may, 1811; but with the permission of captain ramires i made my escape from the brig. don toribio montes was appointed by the regency president of quito, and immediately took the command of the troops stationed at guayaquil and cuenca, and began his march on quito. the president, count ruis, retired to a small convent in the suburbs of quito; but a popular commotion of the indians in the city occurred, a party of them went to the convent and dragged the venerable good old man into the street, where they murdered him. montes had a few skirmishes with the quiteños; but he entered the city, and caused several of the principal individuals who had been concerned in the late transactions to be put to death. among these was don carlos montufar, who, being sentenced as a traitor, was shot through the back, his heart taken out and burnt. some of the indians who had been the ringleaders in the death of the count ruis were hanged, and their heads placed in iron cages in different parts of the city, where they remained until taken down by order of general sucre. from the year 1811 quito continued to be governed by the spanish authorities, till may, 1822, when general sucre entered by force of arms, and at that time it became a part of the republic of colombia. chapter iii. state of lima in 1811....constitution proclaimed....some effects of....wishes of the inhabitants of lima....manifest of venezuela. on my arrival in lima i found the same spirit of revolutionary principles disseminated among all ranks of creoles, excepting some few individuals who possessed lucrative employments under the government. the viceroy abascal endeavoured to check the spirit of rebellion by the mildest measures possible, avoiding all acts of persecution; he established a regiment, called _de la concordia_, of concord, from the respectable inhabitants of the city, constituted himself the colonel of it, and nominated the officers from among the more leading individuals, whether spaniards or creoles: this for a short time lulled the spirit of insurrection. the victory of guaqui, gained by general goyoneche over the army of buenos ayres, was welcomed with feasts and rejoicings; but the scarcity of wheat, the ports of chile being closed, began to be very apparent. in 1812 the constitutional government was proclaimed, and copies of the constitution of the spanish monarchy were the only books that were read, consulted, and studied by all classes. the formation of a constitutional corporation, cabildo, and the election of constitutional alcaldes, caused some uproar in the city; but the measures became alarming to the spaniards when the election of deputies for the cortes took place. the spaniards, accustomed to consider the natives as inferiors, and almost as intruders in their own country, had now to brook their contempt in return, to bear with their opposition, and sometimes with their reproaches. the poll was conducted in the patio, or principal cloister of the convent of la merced; several collegians of san carlos placed themselves on the hustings, and, according to the _ley de partido_, no native of spain is permitted to reside in the colonies without a special license of the casa de contratacion of seville, or in the employ of the government, and the latter were declared by the constitution, tit. 2, cap. iv. art. 24, to have no vote. thus as no spaniards in lima could produce a license, or passport, they were not allowed to vote; and this excited in them the most frantic rage and chagrin. one spaniard presented himself with his passport, and insultingly advanced towards the hustings to vote; but one of the collegians, looking over the paper, found that the voter was a native of the canary islands, which being african islands, and all africans, or descendants of africans, being declared by art. 22, tit. 2, cap. iv. of the constitution, as not having an elective vote, unless they had obtained a letter of denizenship from the cortes, he was obliged to retire amid the shouts of the creoles, and the curses against the cortes of the spaniards. nothing could possibly be more favourable to the colonies than the publication of a constitutional form of government, and the liberty of the press, as it was sanctioned by the cortes. the restrictions were such as would have produced a clamour in england, but to a slave an hour of rest is an hour of perfect freedom, and to men whose pens had been chained by political trammels and inquisitorial anathemas, a relief from such restrictions was hailed as an absolute immunity. those colonies that still remained faithful to the mother country had an opportunity of reading the periodical papers, a thing unknown at this time, unless we except the government gazette; and although such news as was unfavourable to the spanish system did not appear in print, yet the barefaced falsehoods of the old ministerial paper were checked in their exaggerations, by the appearance of authentic intelligence in the new papers, and the public were informed of such facts as had taken place: they were apprised of the establishment of republican governments in mexico, colombia, buenos ayres, and chile--facts that would have been disguised by the old established authorities, and the people would have been stigmatized by the name of banditti, of discontented indians, a gang of traitors, or a horde of highwaymen and freebooters. the inhabitants of lima wished for a change in their form of government as ardently perhaps as those of any other part of america; and for not having established one, they have been considered by many as a race of effeminate listless cowards, and have been reported as such--but most undeservedly. although in a cause adverse to their own interest, for many years they sustained the brunt of the war against all the forces that could be brought to the field by those whom they were taught to consider as enemies. soldiers are instructed by the precepts and the examples of their commanders, and rarely reflect on what is right or wrong; otherwise history would not present us with such numberless instances of armed forces acting in open hostility against their very homes, their friends, and their parents; wherever a city is garrisoned by a military force, the inhabitants as well as the soldiers must submit to the will of the commanders. such was the state of lima: many of the soldiers it is true were limeños, but many were from different parts of peru, and nearly the whole of the officers were spaniards, and those who were not were under the suspicious eye of jealous masters. at first, the several provinces that revolted, and which had established new governments, most solemnly declared, that it was not their intention to separate from the crown of spain, but to govern themselves in such a manner as would secure to that crown the possession of america. the regency of spain, however, invested with the authority to govern the peninsula, insisted on the prerogative of governing the american colonies, forgetting that the famous grant of america made by pope alexander vi. annexed america to the crowns of castile and arragon, and not to the nation nor to any representative body belonging to that nation. every individual that was apprehended during the first years of commotion was treated as a traitor. at quito the words "constituted authorities" contained in the oath which was administered were converted into high treason, and there is no doubt but arrechaga would have solicited the sentence of capital punishment on all those who had taken it, had not their number included many of his friends. declarations of independence, and manifestos containing the motives for at once separating from the mother country, now began to circulate among the natives of peru; and although some of them contained exaggerations, and the government of lima became possessed of copies of them, yet such was the apathy or the timidity of the chiefs, that no attempt at refutation was ever made. the following are translations of papers from venezuela, which fully express all the grievances of which the hispano-americans complained. they were drawn up for the purpose of instilling into the minds of their countrymen a determination to shake off those grievances, and to convince the world at large that the insurrection of the spanish colonies had become a matter of necessity and not of choice: "manifesto made to the world by the confederation of venezuela in south america, of the reasons on which it founds its absolute independence of spain, and of every other foreign power. done by the general congress of the united states, and ordered to be published. "spanish america, condemned for more than three centuries to exist only for the purpose of increasing the political preponderance of spain, without the least influence in, or participation of her greatness, would, according to the order of events in which she had no other part than that of sufferance, have been the victim and the sacrifice of the disorder, corruption, and conquest, which have disorganized the nation her conqueror, if the instinct of self-preservation had not dictated to the americans, that the moment of action had arrived, and that it was time to reap the fruits of three centuries of patience and forbearance. "if the discovery of the new world was to the human race an occurrence highly interesting, the regeneration of this same world, degraded from that period by oppression and servitude, will not be less so. america, raising herself from the dust, and throwing off her chains without passing through the political gradations of other countries, will in her turn triumph over the world, without deluging it in blood, without enslaving it, without brutifying it. a revolution most useful to mankind will be that of america, when she shall constitute her own authorities and govern herself, opening her arms to receive those people of europe who may be trampled on by policy, wish to fly from the evils of war, or escape the persecution and the fury of party. the inhabitants of one hemisphere will then cross the ocean to the other in search of peace and tranquillity; not with the lust nor perfidy of conquest, like the heroes of the sixteenth century--as friends, not as tyrants: as men willing to obey, not as lords to command--not to destroy, but to save--not as ravenous tigers, but as human beings, who, horror-struck at the account of our past misfortunes, were taught to estimate them by their own--who will not convert their reason into a spirit of blind persecution, nor wish to stain our annals with blood and misery. then shall navigation, geography, astronomy, industry, and trade perfected by the discovery of america, though until now the source of her debasement, be converted into the means of accelerating, consolidating, and making more perfect the happiness of the two worlds. "this is not a flattering dream, but the homage of reason to prudence, whose ineffable wisdom designed that one part of the human race should not groan under the tyranny of another; consequently, the great fiat of what should precede the dissolution of the world could not take place before one part of its inhabitants had enjoyed their inherent rights. every thing has long been preparing for this epoch of felicity and consolation. in europe the shock and the fermentation of opinions, the contempt and the inversion of the laws; the profanation of those bonds which ought to have held states together; the luxury of courts, the cessation of industry, the consequent unproductiveness of lands, the oppression of virtue, and the triumph of vice accelerated the progress of evil in one world, while the increase of population in america, of the wants of foreign countries dependent on her, the development of agriculture in a new and fertile soil, the germ of industry under a beneficent climate, the elements of science under a privileged organization, the means of a rich and prosperous trade, and the strength of a political adolescence, all, all contributed to accelerate the progress of good in the other. "such was the advantageous alternative that enslaved america presented to her mistress, spain, on the other side of the ocean, when oppressed by the weight of every evil, and undermined by every principle destructive to society, america called upon her to ease her of her chains that she might fly to her succour. fortunately prejudice triumphed, the genius of evil and disorder seized on the government, goaded pride usurped the seat of prudence; ambition triumphed over liberality, and substituting deceit and perfidy for generosity and integrity, those very arms were turned against us which we ourselves used when impelled by fidelity and good faith; we taught spain herself the way to resist her enemies, under the banners of a presuming king, unfit to reign, and void of all title except the generous compassion of the people and his own misfortunes. "venezuela was the first in the new world to pledge to spain that generous aid which she considered as a necessary homage; venezuela was the first to pour the consoling balm of friendship and fraternity into her wounds when afflicted; venezuela was the first that knew the disorders which threatened the destruction of spain; she was the first to provide for her own safety, without severing the bonds that linked her to the mother country; the first to feel the effects of her ambitious ingratitude; she was the first on whom war was declared by her brethren; and she is now the first to recover and declare her independence and civil dignity in the new world. in order to justify this measure of necessity and of justice, she considers it an incumbent duty to present to the universe the reasons which have urged her to the same, that her honour and principles may not be doubted, nor endangered when she comes to fill the high rank which providence restores her to. "all those persons who are aware of our determinations know what was our fate previous to the late inversion of things, which alone dissolved our engagements with spain, even granting that these were legal and equitable. it would be superfluous to present again to impartial europe the misfortunes and vexations she has so often had cause to lament, at a time when we were not allowed to do so; neither is it necessary to assert the injustice of our dependence and degradation, when every nation has viewed as an insult to political equity, that spain unpeopled, corrupted, and plunged into a state of sloth and indolence by the measures of a despotic government, should have exclusively usurped from the industry and activity of the rest of the continent, the precious and incalculable resources of a world constituted in the fief and monopoly of a small portion of the other. "the interest of europe cannot oppose the liberty of one quarter of the globe, which now discovers itself to the interest of the other three; yet a mere peninsula is found to oppose the interests of its government to those of its nation, in order to raise the old hemisphere against the new one, since the impossibility of oppressing it alone for any longer period is now visible. in opposition to these endeavours, more fatal to our tranquillity than to our prosperity, we will disclose to the world the causes which operated on our conduct on the fifteenth of july, 1808, and the acts that have wrested from us the resolutions of the nineteenth of april, 1810, and of the fifth of july, 1811. these three epochs will form the first period of the glories of regenerated venezuela, when the impartial pen of history shall record the first lines of the political existence of south america. "our manifests and public papers testified almost all the reasons that influenced our resolutions, as well as our designs, and all the just and decorous means that were employed to realize them; it might be supposed that an exact and impartial comparison of our conduct with that of the late governments of spain would of itself suffice to justify not only our moderation, not only our measures of security, not only our independence, but also even the declaration of an irreconcilable enmity to those who directly or indirectly have contributed to the unnatural system now adopted against us. nothing in truth should we have to do if good faith had been the spring of action, used by the partisans of oppression against liberty; but, as the last analysis of our misfortunes, we cannot extricate ourselves from the condition of slaves without being branded with the disgraceful epithets of ungrateful rebels. let those therefore listen and judge us who have no part in our misfortunes, and who are now desirous of having none in our disputes, in order not to augment the prejudices of our enemies, and let them not lose sight of the solemn act of our just, necessary, and modest emancipation. "caracas was apprised of the scandalous scenes which took place at the escurial and aranjues at a time when she was already convinced of what were her rights, and the state in which they were placed by those extraordinary occurrences; but the habit of obedience on the one hand, the apathy that despotism had produced on the other, and in fine our fidelity and good faith, were at that moment paramount to every other feeling. after the communication of murat, the kingly substitute of joseph bonaparte, had reached the capital of the monarchy, the authorities did not even hesitate respecting the reception of it, the people only thought of being faithful, consistent, and generous, without premeditating on the evils to which this noble and gallant conduct would expose them. without any other view than that of honour, venezuela refused to follow the opinions of the leading characters in madrid, some of whom, in support of the orders of the french regent of the kingdom, exacted of us the oath of allegiance to the new king; others declared and published that spain had received a new existence since her old authorities abandoned her, since the cession made by the bourbons and the entrance of the new dynasty; that they had recovered their absolute independence and liberty, and that they offered the same alluring terms to the americans, who by the same means might procure the same rights. but the first step we took for our own security convinced the junta central that there was something in us besides habits and prejudices, and they began to change their tune respecting liberality and sincerity; they perfidiously adopted the talisman ferdinand at first practised in good faith; they suppressed, but with cunning and suavity, the plain and legal project of caracas in 1808 to form a junta, and to imitate the representative system of the governments of spain; and they began to set up a new species of despotism under the factitious name of a king, acknowledged only from a principle of generosity, and destined to oppress and tyrannise us by those who had usurped the sovereignty. "new governors and judges initiated in the new system projected by spain against america, decided in the support of it at our expense, and provided with instructions for even the last political change which might occur in the other hemisphere, were the consequences resulting from the surprize that our unparalleled and unexpected generosity caused to the central junta. ambiguity, artifice, and disorder were the springs employed to keep in motion this short-lived administration: as they saw their empire exposed and tottering, they wished to gain in one day what had enriched their ancestors for many years; and as their authority was backed by that of their parasites, all their endeavours were directed to the support of each other under the shadow of our illusion and good faith. no statute or law against these plans was effective; and every measure that favoured the new system of political freemasonry was to have the force of law, however opposed it might be to the principle of equity and justice. after the declaration of the captain-general emparan made to the _audiencia_, that in caracas there was no other law nor will but his own, and this fully demonstrated in several arbitrary acts and excesses, such as placing on the bench of the judge the king's accuser-general; intercepting and opening the papers sent by don pedro gonsales ortega to the central junta; expulsing from the provinces this same public functionary, as well as the captain, don francisco rodrigues, and the assessor of the consulate, don miguel jose sanz, who were all embarked for cadiz or porto rico, as well as sentencing to labour in the public works without any previous form of trial a considerable number of men, who were dragged from their homes under the epithet of vagrants; revoking and suspending the resolutions of the royal audience, when they were according to his caprice and absolute will, after naming a recorder without the consent of the corporation; creating and causing the assessor to be received without either title or authority for the same, after he had supported his pride and his ignorance in every excess; after many scandalous disputes between the audience and the corporation, and after all the law characters had been reconciled to the plan of these despots, in order that these might be more inexpugnable to us, it was agreed to organize and carry into effect the project of espionage and duplicity. "of all this there remains authentic testimony in our archives, notwithstanding the vigilance with which these were examined by the friends of the late authorities: there exists in cuenca an order of the spanish government to excite discord among the nobles and among the different branches of american families. there are besides many written and well-known documents of corruption, gambling, and libertinism promoted by guevara, for the purpose of demoralizing the country; and no one can ever forget the collusions and subornings publicly used by the judges, and proved in the act of their residencia. "under these auspices the defeats and misfortunes of the spanish armies were concealed. pompous and imaginary triumphs over the french on the peninsula were forged and announced; the streets were ordered to be illuminated, gunpowder was wasted in salutes, the bells announced the rejoicings, and religion was prostituted by the chanting te deums and other public acts, as if to insult providence, and invoke a perpetuity of the evils we groaned under. in order to allow us no time to analyze our own fate, or discover the snares laid for us, conspiracies were invented, parties and factions were forged in the imagination of our oppressors, every one was calumniated who did not consent to be initiated in the mysteries of perfidy; fleets and emissaries from france were figured as being on our seas, and residing among us; our correspondence with the neighbouring colonies was circumscribed and restricted; our trade received new fetters, and the whole was for the purpose of keeping us in a state of continual agitation, that we might not fix our attention on our own situation and interests. "when our forbearance was once alarmed, and our vigilance awakened, we began to lose all confidence in the governments of spain and their agents; through the veil of their intrigues and machinations we perceived the horrid futurity that awaited us; the genius of truth, elevated above the dense atmosphere of oppression and calumny, pointed out to us with the finger of impartiality the true fate of spain, the disorders of her governments, the unavailing energy of her inhabitants, the formidable power of her enemies, and the groundless hopes of her salvation. shut up in our own houses, surrounded by spies, threatened with infamy and banishment, scarcely daring to bewail our own situation, or even secretly to complain against our vigilant and cunning enemies; the consonance of our blinded sighs exhaled in the moments of the most galling oppression, at length gave uniformity to our sentiments and united our opinions. shut up within the walls of our own houses, and debarred from all communication with our fellow-citizens, there was scarcely an individual in caracas who did not think that the moment of being for ever free, or of sanctioning irrevocably a new and horrid slavery, had arrived. "every day discovered more and more the nullity of the acts of bayonne, the invalidity of the rights of ferdinand, and of all the bourbons who were privy to the arrangements; the ignominy with which they delivered up as slaves those who had placed them on the throne in opposition to the house of austria; the connivance of the head functionaries in spain to the plans of the new dynasty; the fate that these same plans prepared for america, and the necessity of forming some resolution that might shield the new world from the calamities which from its relations with the old were about to visit it. all saw their treasures buried in the unfathomable disorders of the peninsula; they wept for the blood of americans spilt in defence of the enemies of america, in order to support the slavery of their own country. notwithstanding the vigilance of the tyrants, all saw the very interior of spain, where they beheld nothing but disorder, corruption, factions, misfortunes, defeats, treacheries, dispersed armies, whole provinces in the hands of the enemy and their disciplined troops, and at the head of all a weak and tumultuary government formed out of such rare elements. "dismay was the general and uniform impression observed in the countenances of the people of venezuela by the agents of oppression sent from spain to support at any hazard the infamous cause of their constituents; a word might cause proscription, or a discourse banishment to the author; and every attempt to do in america what was done in spain, if it did not shed the blood of the americans, it was at least sufficient to occasion the ruin, infamy, and desolation of many families, as may be seen by the act of proscription of several officers and citizens of rank and probity, decreed on the twentieth of march, 1810, by emparan.[1] such a miscalculation could not fail to produce or multiply the convulsions, to augment the popular reaction, to prepare the combustible, and dispose it in such a manner that the least spark would kindle it, and create a blaze that would consume, and even efface every vestige of so hard and melancholy a condition. spain needy and almost desolate, her fate dependent on the generosity of america, and almost in the act of being blotted out from the list of nations, appeared as if transported back to the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries, she again began to conquer america with arms more destructive than iron or lead; every day gave birth to some new proof of the fate that awaited us, a fate that would place us in the sad alternative of being sold to a foreign power, or obliged to groan for ever under a fresh and irrevocable bondage, whilst we alone were expectant on the happy moment that might bring our opinions into action, and join us in such a manner that we could express them, and support them. "amidst the sighs and imprecations of general despair, the entrance of the french in andalusia, the dissolution of the central junta brought about by the effects of public execration, and the abortive institution of another protean government, under the name of regency, reached our ears. this was announced under ideas more liberal, and on perceiving the efforts of the americans to avail themselves of the opportunity which the vices and nullities of so strange a government presented to them, they endeavoured to strengthen the illusion by brilliant promises, by theories barren of reform, and by announcing to us that our fate was no longer in the hands of viceroys, ministers, or governors; at the same time that all their agents received the strictest orders to watch over our conduct, and even over our opinions, and not to suffer these to exceed the limits traced by the eloquence that gilded the chains forged in the captious and cunning promise of emancipation. "at any other period this would have sufficed to deceive the americans, but the junta of seville, as well as the central junta, had already gone too far in order to remove the bandage from our eyes, and what was then combined, meditated, and polished to subject us again with phrases and hyperboles, only served to redouble our vigilance, to collect our opinions, and to establish a firm and unshaken resolution to perish rather than remain any longer the victims of cabal and perfidy. the eve of that day on which our religion celebrates the most august mystery of the redemption of the human race, was that designated by providence to be the commencement of the political redemption of america. on holy thursday, april nineteenth, 1810, the colossus of despotism was thrown down in venezuela, the empire of law proclaimed, and the tyrants expelled with all the suavity, moderation, and tranquillity that they themselves have confessed, so much so in fact, as to have filled with admiration of, and friendship for us the rest of the impartial world. "all sensible persons would have supposed that a nation recovering its rights, and freeing itself from its oppressors, would in its blind fury have broken down every barrier that might place it directly or indirectly within the reach of the influence of those very governments that had hitherto caused its misfortunes, and its oppression. venezuela, faithful to her promises, did no more than ensure her own security in order to comply with them, and if with one strong and generous hand she deposed the authors of her misery and her slavery, with the other she placed the name of ferdinand vii. at the head of her new government, swore to maintain his rights, promised to acknowledge the unity and integrity of the spanish nation, opened her arms to her european brethren, offered them an asylum in their misfortunes and calamities, equally hated the enemies of the spanish name, solicited the generous alliance of england, and prepared to take her share of the success or misfortunes of the nation from whom she could and ought to be separated. "but it was not this that the regency exacted of us, when it declared us free in its theories, it subjected us in practice to a small and insignificant representation, believing that those to whom it considered nothing was due, would be content to receive whatever was granted to them by their masters. under so liberal a calculation the regency was desirous of keeping up the illusion, to pay us with words, promises, and inscriptions for our long slavery, and for the blood and treasure we had expended in spain. we were fully aware how little we had to expect from the policy and intrusive agents of ferdinand, we were not ignorant that if we were not to be dependent on viceroys, ministers, and governors, with greater reason we could not be subject to a king, a captive and without the rights of authority; nor to a government null and illegitimate, nor to a nation incapable of holding sway over another, nor to a peninsular corner of europe, almost wholly occupied by a foreign force. nevertheless, desirous of effecting our own freedom by the means of generosity, moderation, and civic virtues, we acknowledged the imaginary rights of the son of maria louisa, we respected the misfortunes of the nation, and officially announced to the regency that we disowned, that we promised not to separate from spain so long as she maintained a legal government, established according to the will of the nation, and in which america had that part given to her, required by justice, necessity, and the political importance of her territory. "if three hundred years of former servitude do not suffice to authorize our emancipation, there has been sufficient cause in the conduct of the governments which arrogated to themselves the sovereignty of a conquered nation, which never could have any property in america declared an integral part of the same, whilst they attempted to involve it in conquest. if the governors of spain had been paid by her enemies, they could not have done more against the felicity of the nation, bound in its close union and correspondence with america. with the greatest contempt of our importance, and of the justice of our claims when they could not deny us the appearance of a representation, they subjected it to the despotic influence of their agents, over our municipalities, to whom the election was committed; and whilst spain allowed even for the provinces in possession of the french, the canaries and balearic islands, one representative for each 50,000 souls, freely elected by these, in america a 1,000,000 scarcely sufficed to have the right of one representative, named by the viceroy or captain-general, under the signature of the municipality. "at the same time that we, strong in the right of our own justice and the moderation of our proceedings, hoped that if the reasons we alleged to the regency to convince them of the necessity of our resolution did not triumph, at least that the generous disposition with which we promised not to become the enemy of our oppressed and unfortunate brethren would be successful, dispositions which the new government of caracas was desirous should not be limited to barren promises; and the unprejudiced and impartial world will know, that venezuela has passed the time which intervened between april 19th, 1810, to july 5th, 1811, in a bitter and painful alternative of acts of ingratitude, insults, and hostilities on the part of spain; and of generosity, modesty, and forbearance on ours. this period is the most interesting of the history of our revolution, so much so, that its events present a contrast so favourable to our cause, that it cannot have failed to gain over for us the impartial decision of those nations that have no interest in disparaging our efforts. "previous to the result of our political transformation, we received daily new motives sufficiently strong for each to have caused us to do what we have now done, after three centuries of misery and degradation. in every vessel that arrived from spain new agents with fresh instructions came to strengthen those who supported the cause of ambition and perfidy. for the very same ends, those europeans who wished to return to spain, and assist in the war against the french, received a refusal to their request. on the tenth of april, 1810, the schools were ordered to be closed, to the end, that under the pretence of attending solely to the war, both spain and america might be sunk deeper into a state of ignorance. it was also ordained, that rights and rewards should be forgotten, and that we should do nothing but send to spain our money, our men, provisions, productions, submissions, and obedience. "the public press teemed with nothing but triumphs and victories, with donations and acknowledgments wrested from the people, as yet uninformed of our resolution; and under the most severe threats of punishment, a political inquisition with all its horrors was established against those who should read, possess, or receive papers, not only foreign but even spanish that were not issued at the manufactory of the regency. contrary to the very orders of the self-constituted sovereignty, previously issued to deceive us, every bound was over-leaped in the re-election of ultramarine functionaries, whose only merit consisted in swearing to maintain the system contrived by the regency. in the most scandalous and barefaced manner, that order which favoured our trade and encouraged our agriculture was annulled, condemned to the flames, and its authors and promoters proscribed. every kind of aid was expected of us; but we were never informed of its destination, inversion, and expenditure. in contempt of even a shadow of public faith, and without any exception whatever, all epistolary correspondence from these countries was ordered to be opened, an excess unheard of even under the despotism of godoy, and only adopted to make the espionage over america more tyrannical. in fine, the plans laid for the purpose of perpetuating our bondage now began to be practically realized. "in the mean time, venezuela, free, and mistress of herself, thought of nothing less than imitating the detestable conduct of the regency and its agents: content with having secured her fate against the ambition of an intrusive and illegitimate authority, and shielded it against the blackest and most complicated plans, was satisfied with shewing by positive acts her desire for peace, friendship, correspondence, and co-operation with her european brethren. all those of this class who were among us, as such were considered, and two-thirds of the political, civil, and military employments, both of the high and middle classes, remained or were placed in the hands of europeans without any precaution, but with a sincerity and good faith that nearly proved fatal to our own interests. "our treasures were generously opened to our enemies, that they might enjoy every convenience and profusion in their passage from our country: the captains of the packets, carmen, fortuna, and araucana were received into our ports, and assisted with money to enable them to proceed on their voyage, and fulfil their respective commissions, and even the insolence and crimes of the captain of the fortuna were referred to the judgment of the spanish government. notwithstanding the junta of government of caracas made manifest the motives of precaution which obliged them not to expose the public funds which were destined to recover the nation, to the veracity of government they allowed and exhorted the people to be generous, and use their fortunes according to the impulse of their own sensibility, by publishing in the public papers the mournful statement of the regency, in which was portrayed the agonizing state of the nation, with the view to solicit our aid, and the same time that they represented it, through the medium of their public prints, as vigorous, organized, and triumphant; but these were destined to deceive us. the commissioners of the regency sent to quito,[2] santa fé, and peru were hospitably received, treated as friends, and their pecuniary wants supplied to their own satisfaction. but we lose time in thus analyzing the dark and cunning conduct of our enemies, as all their endeavours have not sufficed to warp the imperious and triumphing impression of ours. "the arrogant mandataries of our country were not, however, the only persons authorized to support the horrid plans of their constituents; the same uniform and universal mission was brought out by all those who inundated america from the sad and ominous reigns of the junta of seville, the central junta, and the regency, and under the system of political freemasonry, founded on the machiavelic pact; they all accorded in mutually substituting, replacing, and assisting each other in the combined plans against the felicity and political existence of the new world. the island of puerto rico was immediately made the haunt of all the agents of the regency; the place of equipment for all the expeditions; the head quarters of all the anti-american forces; the workshop of all the impostors, calumnies, triumphs and threats of the regents; the refuge of all the wicked; the rendezvous of a new gang of bucaniers, in order that there might not be wanting any of the calamities of the sixteenth century in the new conquest of america in the nineteenth. the americans of puerto rico, oppressed by the bayonets, cannons, fetters, and gibbets which surrounded the bashaw melendes and his satellites, had to add to their own misfortunes the painful necessity of contributing to ours. such was the fate of the americans; condemned not only to be galley-slaves, but to be the drivers of each other. "the conduct observed by spain to america is harder and more insulting than that which she appears to exercise towards france. it is well known that part of the dynasty, still resisted by part of the nation, has had decided partizans in many of those who considered themselves the first national dignitaries, for their rank, offices, talents, and knowledge; among these may be counted morla, azanza, ofarrill, urquijo, masarredo, and many others of every class and profession; but still there has not appeared one of those who so much desire the liberty of independence and regeneration of the peninsula, that has raised his voice in favour of the american provinces. these, therefore, adopting the same principles of fidelity and national integrity, have of their own accord been ambitious of preserving themselves independent of such intrusive, illegitimate, weak, and tumultuary governments, as have been all those that have hitherto called themselves the agents of the king, or representatives of the nation. it is vexing to see so much liberality, so much civism, and so much disinterest in the cortes with regard to disorganized, exhausted, and nearly conquered spain, and full of so much meanness, suspicion, prejudice and pride, towards america; tranquil, faithful, generous, decided to assist her brethren, when she alone can give reality, at least in the most essential point, to the theoretical and brilliant plans which make the spanish congress so arrogant. how many treasons, murders, assassinations, perfidies and convulsions have appeared in spain; these have passed by as the inseparable misfortunes of circumstances, yet not one of the provinces that surrendered, or was attached to the french domination, has been treated like venezuela; their conduct must however have been analyzed, and characterised according to reasons, motives, and circumstances that dictated it; this must have been judged in conformity to the rights of war, and the sentiments of the nation must have been pronounced according to the statements laid before it, but not one of them has yet been declared traitorous, in open rebellion, and unnaturalized as was venezuela; for none of them has been created a public commission of diplomatic mutineers, to arm spaniard against spaniard, to fan the flame of civil war, and to burn and annihilate all that cannot be held in the name of ferdinand vii. america alone is condemned to endure the until now unheard of condition of being warred upon, destroyed, or enslaved with the very means of assistance which she destined for the liberty and common felicity of the nation of which she was led to believe for a few moments that she constituted a part. "it appears that the independence of america creates more irritation to spain, than the foreign oppression that threatens her, for against her are in preference employed measures that have not even been adopted against the very provinces that have proclaimed the new king. the incendiary and turbulent talent of a minister of the council of indies could not have a more dignified employment than that of again conquering venezuela with the same arms as those of the alfingers and the welzers, those first tyrants of venezuela, authorized by charles v., and the promoters of civil war amongst her primitive inhabitants, now re-assumed in the name of a king placed on the throne against the pretensions of the family of him who let out these provinces to the german factors. under this name of ferdinand all the sluices of iniquity are opened upon us, and the horrors of conquest are renewed, the remembrance of which we had generously endeavoured to blot out from the memory of our posterity; under this name we are treated with more severity than those who abandoned it before we did; and under this name it is attempted to continue the system of spanish domination in america, which has been looked upon as a political phenomenon even in the times of the reality, energy and vigour of the spanish monarchy. and can there be found any law that obliges us to preserve it, and to suffer in its name the torrent of distresses heaped upon us by those who call themselves the agents of the peninsula? by their means this very name obtained the treasures, the obedience, and acknowledgments of america, and by means of their flagitious conduct afterwards, in the exercise of their powers, the name of ferdinand has lost every consideration amongst us, and consequently we ought to abandon it for ever. _ex qua persona quis lucrum capit, ejus factum præstare tenetur._ "the tyrant of borrigum (primitive name of puerto rico) not content with constituting himself a sovereign, to declare war against us, and with insulting and calumniating us in his flimsy, mean, and self-flattering papers; not satisfied with creating himself the gratuitous gaol-keeper of the emissaries of peace, and confederation sent to him by his comrade migares from the castle of zapáras de maracaibo; because they overturned the plans he had received, and accepted from the regency and the new king of spain, in exchange for the captain-generalship of venezuela, purchased at a cheap rate of the regents; not considering such superior merit sufficiently rewarded with the honour of faithfully serving his king; in the most barefaced manner plundered upwards of a hundred thousand dollars from the public funds belonging to caracas, that had been embarked in the ship ferdinand vii. in order to purchase stores and military clothing in london, where the insurance was effected; and in order that his insult might be the more complete, he alleged that the spanish government might waste and misapply them, that england might appropriate them to herself, disowning our resolution, so that in no place they could, or ought to be more secure than in his hands, negociated by means of his partners in trade, as in fact they were in philadelphia, adding that an account should be given in when puerto rico had conquered venezuela, when the latter should deliver herself up to the regency, or when ferdinand vii. should return to reign in spain. such it appears were the periods that the governor of puerto rico imposed upon himself to render an account of so atrocious and scandalous a depredation; but this is not all that this worthy agent of the regency has done in favour of the designs of his constituents. "notwithstanding so much insult, robbery, and ingratitude, venezuela maintained her resolution, not to vary the principles she had traced out for her conduct; the sublime act of her national representation was proclaimed in the name of ferdinand vii.; under his phantasmagorical authority all the acts of our government and administration were maintained, though they required no other origin than the people who had constituted them. by the laws and regulations of spain a horrible and sanguinary gang of european conspirators were tried, and these laws were mercifully infringed to save their lives, in order that the philanthropic memory of our revolution might not be stained with the blood of our brethren, although they were perfidious. under the name of ferdinand, and through the interposition of the bonds of fraternity and patriotism, endeavours were used to inform and reduce the imperious mandataries of coro and maracaibo, who kept separated from our interests our brethren of the west; under the auspices of reciprocal interests, we triumphed over the oppressive acts of barcelona, and under the same we will conquer guayana, twice snatched from our confederation, as was maracaibo, against the general wishes of its inhabitants. "it would appear as if nothing now remained to be done to secure a reconciliation with spain, or the entire and absolute separation of america, equally as ruinous and calamitous to the one, as it was ungratefully despised by the other party; but venezuela was desirous of draining every means left within her reach, in order that justice and necessity should leave her no other alternative than that of total independence, which ought to have been declared on the fifteenth of july, 1808, or on the nineteenth of april, 1810. after appealing to sensibility and not to vengeance, in the horrid scenes that took place at quito, pose, and la pas; after beholding our own cause supported by the uniformity of opinions in buenos ayres, santa fé, the floridas, mexico, guatemala, and chile; after obtaining an indirect guarantee on the part of england; after having our conduct applauded by impartial individuals in europe; after seeing the same principles triumph from the orinoco to the magdalena, and from cape codero to the andes; we have still to endure fresh insults, before we fly to the extreme of breaking with our brethren for ever. "caracas, without having done more than imitate the conduct of many of the provinces of spain, and practised the rights that the regency declared to appertain to america; without having had in this conduct other designs than those inspired by the necessity of not being involved in an unknown fate, and to relieve the regents from attending to the government of countries as remote as they are extensive, at the same time they protested to attend to nothing but the expulsion of the french from spain; without having rent her unity and political integrity with spain; without having disowned as was possible and proper the lame rights of ferdinand; the regency, far from applauding on the right of convenience, if not of generosity, so just, modest and necessary a resolution, and without even answering or submitting to the judgment of the nation our complaints and our claims: caracas is declared in a state of war, her inhabitants are proclaimed rebels and unnaturalized, every communication with her brethren is cut off, england is deprived of her trade, the excesses of melendes are approved of, and he is authorized to commit whatever the malignity of his heart may suggest to him, however opposed to reason and to justice; all this is proved by the order of the fourth of september, 1810, unparalleled for its enormity even among the despots of constantinople or indostan; and not to deviate in the least from the plots of the conquest, a new _encomendero_ is sent out, under the title of a pacificator, (pacificador) who with more prerogatives than conquerors and settlers themselves, was to fix his residence in puerto rico, and thence to threaten, rob, pirate, promise, deceive, excite civil disturbances, and all in the name of the beloved ferdinand vii. "till then the progress of the system of subversion, anarchy, and depredation, which the regency proposed to itself on hearing of the movements of caracas, had been but slow; now the principal fears of civil war being transferred nearer to us, the subaltern agents acquired more strength, the flames of passion were increased, as well as the efforts of the parties guided by the directions of cortavarria and melendes. hence originated the incendiary energy acquired by the ephemeral sedition of the west; hence the flame of discord, newly formed by myares, rendered vain and arrogant by the imaginary and promised captain-general-ship of venezuela; hence the american blood spilled in spite of ourselves on the plains of coro; hence the robberies and assassinations committed on our coasts by the commissioned pirates of the regency; hence that miserable blockade, intended to reduce and disaffect our settlements on the coast; hence the insults committed on the english flag; hence the falling off of our trade; hence the conspiracies of the valleys of aragua and cumaná; hence the horrid perfidy in guayana; and the insulting transportation of its leading characters to the moorish dungeons of puerto rico--dungeons constructed like those of tunis and algiers; hence the generous and impartial offices of reconciliation sincerely interposed by a representative[3] of the british government in the antilles, and rejected by the pseudo pacificator; hence, in fine, all the evils, all the atrocities, and all the crimes which are and ever will be attached to the names of cortavarria and melendes in venezuela, and which have impelled her government to exceed what was proposed when it took upon itself the fate of those who honored it with their confidence. "the mission of cortavarria in the nineteenth century, and the state of spain which decreed it, compared with america, against whom it is directed, evinces to what an extent the illusion of ambition blinds those who found all the origin of their authority on the depravity of the people. this act alone sufficed to authorize our conduct. the spirit of charles v., the memory of cortes and pizarro, and the names of montesuma and atahualpa, are involuntarily reproduced in our imagination, when we see the _adelantados_, the _pesquisadores_, and the _encomenderos_, officers peculiar to the first settlement of america, renewed in a country which, having suffered three centuries of sacrifice and debasement, had promised to continue faithful on the only condition of being free, in order that accidents of slavery might not tarnish the merit of fidelity. the scandalous plenitude of power conferred on a man who is authorised by an intrusive and illegitimate government, under the insulting name of pacificator, to tyrannize and plunder, and to crown the vexation, that he might pardon a noble, generous, tranquil, innocent people, who were masters of their own rights, could only be credited in the impotent delirium of a government that tyrannizes over a disorganized nation, stunned by the fury of the tempest that reaches her; but as the evils of this disorder, and the abuses of such an usurpation might be considered as not derived from ferdinand, already acknowledged in venezuela, at the time that he was unable to prevent such accumulated insults, such excesses, and so much violence, committed in his name, we consider it necessary to retrace the origin of these rights, that we may descant on the nullity and invalidity of our generous oath, by which we acknowledged him conditionally; notwithstanding, we have in spite of ourselves to violate the spontaneous silence we had imposed upon ourselves respecting every thing that occurred prior to the affairs at the escurial and aranjues. "the fact, that america does not belong to the territory of spain is self-evident, and it is equally evident that the right which the bourbons justly or unjustly exercised over it, and notwithstanding this was hereditary, yet it could not be disposed of without the consent of the people, and particularly of those of america, who, on the election between the french and austrian dynasties, might have acted in the seventeenth century as they now have done in the nineteenth. the bull of alexander vi., and the titles which the house of austria alleged in the american code had no other origin than the right of power and conquest, partially ceded to the conquerors and to the settlers for their assistance rendered to the crown in extending its dominion in america. without taking into consideration the scanty population of the country, the extermination of the natives, and the emigration which the self-called mother country sustained; it appears that when the fury of conquest had ceased--when the thirst for gold was satisfied--when the continued equilibrium was declared in favour of spain, by the advantageous acquisition of america--the feudal government destroyed and rooted out from the time of the bourbons in spain, and every right extinct that did not originate in the new concessions or commands of the prince, the conquerors and the settlers then became absolved of theirs. as soon as the faultiness and invalidity of the rights which the bourbons have arrogated to themselves are demonstrated, the titles by which the american descendants of the conquerors possessed these countries revive--not to the detriment of the natives and primitive proprietors, but to equalize them in the enjoyment of liberty, property, and independence, which they always held by a right stronger than that of the bourbons or any other person or persons to whom they may have ceded america, without the consent of its natural owners, the americans. "that america does not belong to the territory of spain is a principle of natural, and a law of positive right. no title just or unjust which exists of american slavery can belong to the spaniards of europe, and all the liberality of alexander vi. could only declare the austrian kings promoters of the faith, in order to find out for them a preternatural right by which to make them lords of america. neither the pre-eminence of the parent state, nor the prerogative of the mother country, could at any time constitute the origin of lordship on the part of spain. the first was lost the moment the monarch who was acknowledged by the americans left his country and renounced his rights; and the second never was more than a scandalous abuse of words, as great as that of calling our slavery felicity; that of calling the fiscals protectors of the indians; and that of saying that the sons of americans were divested of every right and civil dignity. by the mere act of even passing from one country to another to settle in it, those who do not leave their homes acquire no property, nor do they expose themselves to the hardships of emigration. those who conquer and obtain possession of a country by means of their labour, industry, cultivation, and connection with the natives thereof, are the individuals who have a right of preference in preserving it, which right they transmit to their posterity born therein; for if the country where one is born possessed the origin of sovereignty, or gave the right of acquisition, the general will of nations, and the fate of the human race, would then be riveted to the soil, as are the trees, mountains, rivers, and lakes. "neither could it ever be considered as a title of property to one part of a nation, the other having gone to another country to settle in it; for by such a right spain would belong to the phoenicians, or their descendants, or to the carthagenians, wherever these may be found; even the whole of the nations of europe would have to change their abodes to make room for and re-establish so singular a territorial right; home would then become as precarious as are the wants and caprices of men. the moral abuse of the maternity of spain, with regard to america is still more insignificant, for it is well known that in the natural order of things, it is the duty of the father to emancipate the son, so soon as his minority expire, and he is able to use his strength and reason in providing for his subsistence; and also that it is the duty of the son to emancipate himself, whenever the cruelty or extravagance of the father or tutor endanger his welfare, or expose his patrimony to become the prey of a miser, or an usurper. under these principles let a comparison be made of the three hundred years of our filiation to spain; and even when it is proved, that she was our mother, it still remains to be proved that we are yet her minors or pupils. "at any period when spain has entertained any doubt of the rights of the bourbons, or of any other dynasty, the only source, and that not a very clear one, of the spanish dominion in america, it would appear that the americans were excluded from alleging any reasons that might destroy such claims, though doubtful from their very origin; but as venezuela may hereafter be reproached for the conditional oath by which the representative body that now declares its absolute independence of any foreign power previously acknowledged ferdinand vii., the same august body feels anxious that no room should be left for scruples of conscience, for the illusions of ignorance, and for the malice of wounded ambition, whereby to discredit, calumniate, and weaken a resolution, taken with such maturity and deliberation as best suited its magnitude and importance. "it is well known, that the promissory oath in question is no more than an accessory bond, which always pre-supposes the validity and legitimacy of the contract ratified by the same. when in the contract there is no defect that may render it null and illegitimate, it is then that we invoke god by an oath, believing that he will not refuse to witness it, and guarantee the fulfilment of our promises, because the obligation to comply with them is founded on an evident maxim of the natural law instituted by the divine author. god can at no time guarantee any contract that is not binding in the natural order of things, nor can it be supposed that he will accept any contract opposed to those very laws which he himself has established for the felicity of the human race. it would be insulting his wisdom to believe that he would listen to our vows when we implore his divine concurrence to a contract that is opposed to our own liberty, the only origin of the right of our actions--such a supposition would inculcate an idea that god had an interest in multiplying our duties by means of such agreements, to the prejudice of our national liberty. even in case the oath could add any new obligation to that of the contract thereby confirmed, the nullity of the one would consequently be inseparable from the nullity of the other; and if he who violates a sworn contract be criminal, and worthy of punishment, it is because he has violated good faith, the only bond of society, without the perjury being more concerned than to increase the crime, and to aggravate the punishment. that national law which binds us to fulfil our promises, and that divine one which forbids us to invoke the name of god in vain, do not in any manner alter the obligation contracted under the simultaneous and inseparable effects of both laws, so that the infraction of the one supposes the infraction of the other. for our good we call on god to witness our promises, and when we believe that he can guarantee them, and avenge their violation, it is only because the contract has nothing in itself that can render it invalid, illicit, unworthy of or contrary to the eternal justice of the supreme arbiter to whom we submit it. it is according to these principles that we are to analyze the conditional oath by which the congress of venezuela has promised to preserve the rights legally held by ferdinand vii., without attributing to it any other which, being contrary to the liberty of the people, would consequently invalidate the contract, and annul the oath. "we have seen that the people of venezuela, impelled by the government of spain, became insensible of the circumstances that rendered the tolerated rights of ferdinand void, in consequence of the transactions of the escurial and aranjues, as well as those of all his house, by the cessions and abdications made at bayonne; and from the demonstration of this truth, follows, as a corollary, the invalidity of an oath, which, besides being conditional, could not subsist beyond the contract to which it was added as an accessory bond. to preserve the right of ferdinand was all that caracas promised on the nineteenth of april, at a time when she was ignorant that he had lost them--_judicio caret juramentum, incantum div. tom. 22, p. 80, art. 3. si vero sit quidem posibile fieri; sed fieri non debeat, vel quid est per se malum, vel quia est boni impeditivum, tunc juramento deest justitia, et ideo non est servandum_. quest, cit. art. 7. even if ferdinand retained them with regard to spain, it remains to be proved, whether by virtue of the same he was authorized to cede america to another dynasty, without the concurrence of her own consent. the accounts which venezuela, in spite of the oppression and cunning of the intrusive government, was enabled to obtain of the conduct of the bourbons, and the fatal effects that it was likely to entail on america, have constituted a body of irrefragable proofs, evincing that as ferdinand no longer retained any rights, the preservation of which venezuela promised, as well as the oath by which she confirmed this promise, consequently are, and ought to be cancelled--_jurabis in veritate, et in judicio, et in justicia_. from the first part of the position, the nullity of the second becomes a legitimate consequence. "but neither the escurial, aranjues, nor bayonne were the first theatres of the transactions which deprived the bourbons of their rights to america. by the treaty of basil, made july fifteenth, 1795, (by which godoy obtained the title of prince of the peace), and in the court of spain the fundamental laws of the spanish dominion were broken. charles iv., contrary to one of them (recopil. de indias, law 1. tit. 1.) ceded the island of santa domingo to france, and disposed of louisiana to the same foreign power, which unequalled and scandalous infractions authorised the americans, against whom they were committed, as well as the whole of the colombian people, to separate from the obedience, and lay aside the oath by which they had bound themselves to the crown of castile, in like manner as they were entitled to protest against the imminent danger which threatened the integrity of the monarchy in both worlds, by the introduction of french troops into spain previous to the transactions at bayonne, invited no doubt by one of the bourbon factions, in order to usurp the national sovereignty in favour of an intruder, a foreigner, or a traitor; but as these events are prior to the period that we have fixed on for our discussion, we will return to those which have authorised our conduct since the year 1808. "every one is aware of the occurrences that took place at the escurial in 1807, but perhaps all are not acquainted with the natural results of those events. it is not our intention to enter here into the discovery of the origin of the discord that existed in the family of charles iv.; let england and france attribute it to themselves, both governments have their accusers and their defenders; neither is it to our purpose to notice the marriage agreed on between ferdinand and the daughter-in-law of napoleon, the peace of tilsit, the conference at erfuhrt, the secret treaty at st. cloud, and the emigration of the house of bragansa to the brasils. what most materially concerns us is, that by the transactions of the escurial, ferdinand vii. was declared a traitor to his father charles iv. a hundred pens and a hundred presses published at the same time in both worlds his perfidy, and the pardon which at his prayer was granted to him by his father; but this pardon, as an attribute of the sovereignty and of paternal authority, only absolved the son from corporal punishment; the king his father had no power to free him from the infamy and inability which the constitutional laws of spain impose on the traitor, not only to prevent him from obtaining the royal dignity, but even the lowest office of civil employment; ferdinand therefore never could be a lawful king of spain, or of the indies. "to this condition the heir of the crown remained reduced till the month of march, 1808, when while the court was at aranjues, the project that was frustrated at the escurial was converted into insurrection, and open mutiny, by the friends of ferdinand. the public exasperation against the ministry of godoy served as a pretext to the faction of ferdinand, and as an indirect plea to convert to the good of the nation what was perhaps allotted to other designs. the fact of using force against his father, instead of supplication and convincing arguments; his having excited the people to mutiny; his having assembled the mob in front of the palace, in order to take it by surprise, to insult the minister, and force the king to abdicate his crown, which, far from giving ferdinand any title to it, tended to increase his crime, to aggravate his treachery, and to complete his inability to ascend the throne, vacated by violence, perfidy, and faction. charles iv., outraged, disobeyed, and threatened, had no other alternative suitable to his decorum, and favourable to his vengeance, than to emigrate to france to implore the protection of bonaparte, in favour his offended royal dignity. under the nullity of the abdication of aranjues, and contrary to the will of the people of spain, all the bourbons assembled at bayonne, preferring their personal resentments to the safety of the nation. the emperor of the french availed himself of this opportunity, and having under his controul, and within his influence the whole family of ferdinand, and several of the first spanish dignitaries, as well as many substitutes for deputies in the cortes, he obliged ferdinand to restore the crown to his father, and then the latter to cede it to him, the emperor, in order that he might afterwards confer it on his brother joseph. "when the emissaries of the new king reached caracas, venezuela was ignorant or knew but partially what had happened. the innocence of ferdinand, compared to the insolence and despotism of the favourite, godoy, directed the conduct of venezuela when the local authorities wavered on the fifteenth of july, 1808; and being left to choose between the alternative of delivering himself up to a foreign power, or of remaining faithful to a king who appeared to be unfortunate and persecuted--the ignorance of what had occurred--triumphed over the interests of the country, and ferdinand was acknowledged, under the belief, that by this means, the unity of the nation being maintained, she would be saved from the oppression that threatened her, and the king ransomed, of whose virtues, wisdom, and rights we were falsely prepossessed. but less was requisite on the part of those who relied on our good faith to oppress us. ferdinand, disqualified, and unable legally to obtain the crown--previously announced by the leaders of spain as dispossessed of his right of succession--incapable of governing in america, and held in bondage by a foreign power--from that time became by illusion a legitimate but unfortunate prince. as many as had the audacity to call themselves his self-created heirs and representatives became as such, and taking advantage of the innate fidelity of the spaniards of both worlds, and forming themselves into intrusive governments, they appropriated to themselves the sovereignty of the people, under the name of a chimerical king, began to exercise new tyrannies, and, in a word, the commercial junta of cadiz sought to extend her controul over the whole of spanish america. "such have been the antecedents and consequences of an oath, which, dictated by candour and generosity, and conditionally maintained by good faith, is now arrayed against us, in order to perpetuate those evils which the dear-bought experience of three years has proved to be inseparable to so fatal and ruinous an engagement. taught as we are by a series of evils, insults, hardships, and ingratitude, during the interval of from the fifteenth of july, 1808, to the fifth of july, 1811, and such as we have already manifested, it became full time that we should abandon it, as a talisman invented by ignorance, and adopted by a misguided fidelity, as from its first existence it has constantly heaped upon us all the evils that accompany an ambiguous state of suspicion and discord. the rights of ferdinand, and the legitimate representation of them on the part of the intrusive governments of spain on the one side, demonstrations of compassion and gratitude on the other, have been the two favourite springs alternately played on to support our illusion, to decrease our substance, to prolong our degradation, to multiply our evils, and ignominiously to prepare us to receive that passive fate prepared for us by those who have dealt with us so kindly for three centuries. ferdinand vii. is the universal watch-word for tyranny, as well in spain as in america. "no sooner was that vigilant and suspicious fear, produced among us by the contradictory acts and artificious falsehoods of the strange and short-lived governments which have succeeded one another since the junta of seville, made known to these governments, than they recurred to a system of apparent liberality towards us, in order to cover with flowers the very snare we had not perceived while covered by the veil of candour, which was at length rent asunder by mistrust. for this purpose of deceit were accelerated, and tumultuously assembled, the cortes, so wished for by the nation, and opposed by the commercial government of cadiz, but which were at length considered as necessary to restrain the torrent of liberty and justice, which on every side burst the wounds of oppression and iniquity in the new world; it was even still supposed that the habit of obedience, submission, and dependence, would be in us superior to the conviction which at so high a price we had just obtained. "it is most strange by what kind of deception, fatal to spain, it has been believed, that the one part of a nation which crosses the ocean, or is born under the tropics, acquires a habit united to servitude, and incapable of bending to the habits of liberty. the effects of this strong-rooted prejudice, as notorious to the world as they are fatal, were at length converted into the welfare of america. without it spain would perhaps not have lost the rank she held as a nation, and america in obtaining this blessing would have had to pass through the bitter ordeal of a civil war, more ominous to its promoters than to ourselves. "our public papers have already sufficiently demonstrated the defects under which the cortes laboured respecting america, and the measures as illegal as insulting adopted by that body to give us a representation which we could not but object to, even though we were, as the regency had loudly boasted us to be, integral parts of the nation, and had no other complaints to allege against their government than the scandalous usurpation of our rights at a moment when they most required our aid. they have, no doubt, been informed of the reasonings we used with their perfidious envoy, montenegro, at a time that the former missions being frustrated, the great shipments of newspapers filled with triumphs, reforms, heroic acts, and lamentations, being rendered useless; and the inefficacy of blockades, pacificators, squadrons and expeditions, made known; it was thought convenient to dazzle the self-love of the americans, by seating near to the throne of the cortes deputies whom we had never named, and who could not be chosen our substitutes by those who created them such, in the same manner as they did others for the provinces in possession of the french, submitting to, and alleging themselves content under their domination. in case this puerile measure of the prolific genius of spain should not produce a due effect, the envoy (and for this purpose an american, a native of caracas, was selected) was ordered, that in case the energy of the country, now called rebellion, should prevail against fraternity, (the name given to perfidy), he was to add fuel to the flame already kindled in coro and maracaibo, and that discord, again raising her serpent head, might lead the herald of the cortes by the hand under the banner of rebellion through those deceived districts of venezuela that had not been able to-triumph over their oppressing tyrants. "stratagems and artifices were repeatedly forged, in order that duplicity and cunning might prepare the road for the sanguinary armies of the chiefs of coro, maracaibo, and puerto rico; and when the cortes were convinced that the conduct of ferdinand, his bonds of affinity with the emperor of the french, and his influence over all the bourbons already placed under his tutelage, began to weaken the insidious impressions, which fidelity, sustained by illusion, had produced in the americans; preventatives were employed to stop the flame already kindled, and limit it to what was yet necessary for their vast complicated and dark designs. for this purpose was written the eloquent manifest which the cortes on the ninth of january directed against america, worded in a stile worthy of a better object; but under the brilliancy of diction the dark side of the argument, designed to deceive, was discovered. fearing that we should be the first to protest against the whole of these nullities, they began to calculate on what was already known, not to risk what was yet hidden. the misfortunes of ferdinand were the pretexts that had obtained for his pseudo-representatives the treasures, submission, and slavery of america; and ferdinand seduced, deceived, and prostituted to the designs of the emperor of the french, is now the last resource to which they fly to extinguish the flames of liberty which venezuela had kindled in the south continent. we have discovered and published the true spirit of the manifest in question, reduced to the following reasoning, which may be considered as an exact commentary:--'america is threatened with becoming the victim of a foreign power, or of continuing to be our slave; but in order to recover her rights, and to throw off all dependency whatever, she has considered it necessary not violently to break the bonds that held her to this country. ferdinand has been the signal of reunion which the new world had adopted, and we have followed; he is suspected of connivance with the emperor of the french, and if we give ourselves up blindly to him, we afford the americans a pretext for believing us still his representatives; and as these designs already begin to be understood in some parts of america, let us previously manifest our intention not to acknowledge ferdinand, except under certain conditions; these will never be carried into effect, and whilst ferdinand neither in fact nor right is our king, we shall reign over america, the country we so much covet, which although so difficult to preserve in slavery, will not then so easily slip through our fingers.' such are the expressions illustrative of the opinions of spaniards, agitated in the cortes, respecting the allegiance to ferdinand. "the above brilliant appearance of liberality is now the real and visible spring of the complicated machine destined to excite and stir up commotions in america; at the same time that within the walls of the cortes justice towards us is overlooked, our efforts are eluded, our resolutions are contemned, our enemies are supported, the voices of our imaginary representatives are suppressed, the inquisition is renewed against them, when the liberty of the press is proclaimed, and it is controversially discussed whether the regency could or could not declare us free, and one integral part of the nation. when an american, worthy of that name, speaks against the abuses of the regency in puerto rico, endeavours are made to silence his just, energetic, and imperious claims, that distinguish him from the slaves of despotism, and by means of a short, cunning, and insignificant decree, they strive to avoid the conflict of justice against iniquity. melendés, named by the regency king of puerto rico, is by a decree of the cortes left with the equivalent investiture of a governor, names synonymous in america, because it now appeared too monstrous to have two kings in a small island of the spanish antilles. cortavarria only was capable of eluding the effects of a decree dictated merely by a momentary fit of decency. it happened that when the investiture, granted by the regency to melendes was declared iniquitous, arbitrary, and tyrannical, and a revocation was extended to all the countries of america, then situated as was puerto rico, nothing was said of the plenipotentiary cortavarria, authorized by the same regency against venezuela, with powers the most uncommon and scandalous ever registered in the annals of organized despotism. "after this decree of the cortes the effects of discord promoted, sustained, and denied at the fatal observatory of puerto rico were more severely felt; it was after this decree that the fishermen and coasters were inhumanly assassinated in ocumare, by the pirates of cortavarria, after the report of which cumana and barcelona were blockaded, threatened, and summoned. a new and sanguinary conspiracy against venezuela was formed, and organized by a vile emissary, who perfidiously entered the peaceable bosom of his country, in order to destroy it; deceptions were successively practised on the most innocent and laborious classes of the imported colonists of venezuela, principally emigrants from the canary islands, and in spite of our endeavours the chief instigators were led to the block as a sacrifice to justice and to tranquillity. by the suggestions of the pacificator of the cortes, and posterior to their said decree, the political union of our constitution was lacerated in valencia; attempts were made in vain to reduce other cities of the interior; a false summons was sent to carora, by the factious leaders of the west, to the end that venezuela might on the same day be deluged in blood, and sunk in affliction and desolation, and be hostilely assaulted from every point within the reach of the conspirators, who were scattered amongst us by the same government that issued the decree in favour of puerto rico and of all america. the name of ferdinand vii. is the pretext under which the new world is about to be laid waste, if the example of venezuela does not henceforward cause the standard of our unshaken and established liberty to be distinguished from the banners of a seditious and dissembled fidelity. "the bitter duty of vindicating ourselves would carry us still further, if we did not dread splitting on the same rocks as have the governments of spain, by substituting resentment for justice; at the same time that we can charge her with three centuries of acts of injustice, we have opposed three years of lawful, generous, and philanthropic efforts to obtain what it was never in our power to dispose of, although by nature ours. had gall and poison been the chief agents of this our solemn, true, and candid manifest, we should have begun by destroying the rights of ferdinand, in consequence of the illegitimacy of his origin, declared by his mother at bayonne, and published in the french and spanish papers; we should have proved the personal defects of ferdinand, his ineptitude to reign, his weak and degrading conduct in the court at bayonne; his inefficient education, and the futile securities that offered for the realization of the gigantic hopes of the governments of spain; hopes founded in the illusion of america, nor any other support than the political interests of england, much opposed to the rights of the bourbons. the public opinion of spain, and the experience of the revolution of the kingdom, furnish us with sufficient proofs of the conduct of the mother, and the qualifications of the son, without recurring to the manifest of the minister azanza, published after the transactions of bayonne, and the secret memoirs of maria luisa; but decency is the guide of our conduct, to which we are ready to sacrifice even our reason. sufficient has already been alleged to prove the justice, necessity, and utility of our resolution, for the support of which, nothing is wanting but the examples by which we will strive to justify our independence. "it were necessary for the partizans of slavery in the new world either to destroy, or to falsify history, that unchangeable monument of the rights and of the usurpations of the human race, before they could maintain that america was not liable to the same changes that all other nations have experienced. even when the rights of the bourbons had been incontestible and indelible, the oath that we have proved never did exist, the injustice, force, and deceit with which the same was exacted of us would suffice to render it null and void, so soon as it was found to be opposed to our liberty, grievous to our rights, prejudicial to our interests, and fatal to our tranquillity. such is the nature of an oath made to the conquerors and to their heirs, at the same time that the crown holds them in oppression by means of the same additional strength that it obtained by means of the result of their conquest. it was in this manner that spain herself recovered her rights, after she had sworn allegiance to the carthagenians, romans, goths, arabs, and almost to the french; nevertheless she yet disowns the rights of america, no longer to depend on any nation when she is capable of throwing off the yoke, and following the example of spain and of other nations. "it would be superfluous to remind our enemies of what they already knew, and in what they have themselves founded the sacred right of their own liberty and independence; epochs so memorable, that they ought not to have been tarnished with the slavery of the greater part of a country situated on the other side of the ocean. but unfortunately it is not they alone whom it is necessary to convince by palpable examples of the justice and common resemblance that our independence bears to that of all other nations which had lost and again recovered it. the illusions of slavery, kept alive by the candour of the americans, and supported by the most criminal abuse that superstition can form of the established belief and religion, which one would suppose were only dictated for the happiness, liberty, and salvation of the people, namely, by the excommunications denounced against the people of caracas for changing their government, render it necessary to tranquillize the deceived piety of some, to instruct their unwary ignorance, and stimulate their apathy, that had slumbered since the unusual tranquillity of the new order of things: in short, it is time to inculcate, that governments never had nor ever can have any other duration than the utility and happiness of the human race may require; that kings are not of any privileged nature, nor of an order superior to other men; that their authority emanates from the people, directed and supported by the providence of god, who leaves our actions to our own free-will; that his omnipotence does not interfere in favour of any peculiar form of government; and that neither religion nor its ministers can anathematize the efforts of a nation struggling to be free and independent in the political order of things, and resolved to depend only on god and his ministers in a moral and religious sense. "the very people of god, governed by himself, and guided by such miracles, portentous signs and favors as will perhaps never again be repeated, offer a proof of the rights of insurrection on the part of the people sufficiently satisfactory to the orthodox piety of the friends of public order. the subjects of pharaoh, and bound by force to obey him, collect round moses, and under his guidance triumph over their enemies, and recover their independence without being blamed by god or his prophet and legislator, moses, for their conduct, or being subjected by them to the least malediction or anathema. this same people being afterwards subjected by the forces of nebuchadnezzar; first--under the direction of holofernes, judith was sent by god to procure their independence by the death of the babylonian general. under antiochus, epiphanes, mattathias and his sons raised the standard of independence, and god blessed and aided their efforts till he obtained the entire liberty of his people against the oppression of that impious king and his successors. not only against the foreign kings who oppressed them did the israelites resort to the right of insurrection by breaking through the obedience to force; but even against those whom god had given them in their own country and of their own nation do we behold them claim this imprescriptable right wherever their liberty and their advantage required it, or when the sacred character of those facts by which god himself bound them to those he chose as their governors, had been profaned. david obtained the allegiance of the israelites in favour of his dynasty, and his son solomon ratified it in favour of his posterity; but at the death of this king, who had oppressed his subjects by exactions and contributions to support the splendour of his court and the luxury and sumptuousness of his pleasures, then the tribes of judah and benjamin alone acknowledged his son, and the other ten, availing themselves of their rights, recovered their political independence, and in excuse thereof deposited their sovereignty in jereboam, the son of nabath. the momentary and passing hardships of the reign of solomon were sufficient for the israelites to annul their obedience sworn to his line, and to place another on the throne without waiting for an order from the deity, informing them, that their fate no longer depended on the kings of judah, nor on the ministers, chiefs, or priests of solomon. and shall the christian people of venezuela and of all spanish america be still in a worse plight, and after being declared free by the government of spain after three hundred years of captivity, exactions, hardships, and injustice, shall they not be allowed to do what the god of israel, whom they equally adore, formerly permitted to his people without being spurned, and without vengeance being hurled upon their heads? it is his divine hand that guides our conduct, and to his eternal judgments our resolution shall be submitted. "if the independence of the hebrew people was not a sin against the written law, that of a christian people cannot be such against the law of grace. at no time has the apostolical see excommunicated any nation that has risen against the tyranny of those kings or governments which had violated the social compact. the swiss, dutch, french, and north americans proclaimed their independence, overturned their constitution, and varied their forms of government without having incurred any other spiritual censures than those which the church might have fulminated for the infringements on the belief, discipline, or piety, but without their being connected with political measures or alluding to the civil transactions of the people. the swiss were bound by oath to germany, as were also the dutch to spain, the french to louis xvi., and the north americans to george iii.; yet neither they nor the princes that favoured their independence were excommunicated by the pope. the grandfather of ferdinand vii., one of the most pious and catholic kings that ever filled the throne of spain, together with his nephew, louis xvi., protected the independence of north america, without dreading ecclesiastical censures or the anger of heaven; and now that the order and succession of events more justly place it within the reach of south america, those who call themselves the authorized agents of the grandson wish to abuse that same religion so much respected by charles iii., in order to prolong the most atrocious and unparalleled usurpations. just, omnipotent, and most merciful god! till when will fanaticism dispute the empire of that sacred religion which thou sent to the uncorrupted regions of america for thy glory and her felicity. "the events which have accumulated in europe to terminate the bondage of america, beyond doubt entered into the high designs of providence. placed at a transatlantic distance of two thousand leagues, we have done nothing in the three years which have elapsed since we ought to be free and independent, till the period when we resolved to be so, than pass through the bitter trials of stratagems, conspiracies, insults, hostilities, and depredations on the part of that same nation whom we invite to partake of the good of our regeneration, and for whose welfare we wished to open the gates of the new world, heretofore closed to all communication with the old one, now wasted and inflamed by war, hunger, and desolation. three distinct oligarchies have declared war against us, have despised our claims, have excited civil dissensions amongst us, have sown the seeds of discord and mistrust in our great family, have planned three horrible conspiracies against our liberty, have interrupted our trade, have suppressed our agriculture, have traduced our conduct, and have sought to raise against us an european power, by vainly imploring its aid to oppress us. the same flag, the same language, the same religion, the same laws, have till now confounded the party of liberty with that of tyranny: ferdinand vii. as liberator, has been opposed to ferdinand vii. as oppressor; and if we had not resolved to abandon a name at the same time synonymous with crime and virtue, america would in the end be enslaved by the same power that is exercised for the independence of spain. "such has been the nature of the imperious impulse of conviction, tending to open our eyes, and to impel venezuela to separate eternally from a name so ominous and so fatal. placed by it in the irrevocable alternative of being the slave or the enemy of her brethren, she has preferred the purchase of her own freedom at the expense of friendship, without destroying the means of that reconciliation she desired. the most powerful reasons, the most serious meditations, the most profound considerations, long discussions, contested debates, well analyzed combinations, imperious events, imminent dangers, and the public opinion clearly pronounced and firmly sustained, have been the precursors of that solemn declaration made on the fifth of july, by the general congress of venezuela, of the absolute independence of this part of south america; an act sighed for and applauded by the people of the capital, sanctioned by the powers of the confederation, acknowledged by the representatives of the provinces, sworn to and hailed by the chief of the church of venezuela, and to be maintained with the lives, fortunes, and honour of all the citizens. "freemen, companions of our fate! ye who have known how to divest your hearts of fear, or of hope; give from the elevation on which your virtues have placed you an impartial and disinterested look on the portrait that venezuela has just traced out to you. she constitutes you the arbitrators of her differences with spain, and the judges of her new destinies. if you have been affected by our evils, and are interested in our felicity, unite your efforts with ours, that the artifices of ambition may not any longer triumph over liberality and justice. "to you it belongs to convince spain of what an unfortunate rivalship places beyond the reach of america. refrain the giddiness that has seized on her new governments; point out to them the reciprocal advantages of our regeneration; unfold to them the soothing prospect that they are prevented from beholding in america by that monopoly which has hardened their hearts; tell them what threatens them in europe, and point out to them what they may expect in america, tranquil, uncorrupted, and already covered with all the blessings of liberty; nay swear to them in our name, that venezuela awaits her brethren with open arms to share with them her happiness without asking any other sacrifice than that of prejudice, pride, and ambition, which for three centuries have produced the united misery of both countries." "juan antonio rodriguez dominguez, _president_." "francisco isnardy, _secretary_." "_federal palace of caracas, july 30th, 1811._" footnotes: [1] the occurrences at quito also bear testimony to this. [2] montufar, villavicencio, goyoneche. [3] admiral sir alexander cochrane. chapter iv. state of lima....expedition to chile, under colonel gainsa....exit of....regiment of talavera arrives from spain....part of sent to huamanga....revolution of cusco and arequipa....death of pumacagua, and the patriot melgar....arrival of flags taken by osoria in chile....viceroy abascal superseded by pesuela....character of the former....beginning of pesuela's administration....arrival of la serna....state of lima to 1817....battle of chacabuco in chile....extract of a journal....new expedition to chile under osoria....news of battle of maypu....loss of the spanish frigate maria isabel, and part of convoy....arrival of lord cochrane off callao. the preceding manifest from venezuela, shewing the principal grievances of the americans in that particular part of the country, was equally applicable to the colonists in general; but many of the provinces laboured under peculiar disadvantages and oppressions, particularly those situated on the western side of the continent; nor were the creoles the first nor the loudest in their clamours. the spanish merchants felt very severely the decrease of their monopoly, by the non-arrival of vessels from cadiz, as well as by the arrival of several vessels, under hamburgh colours, with british cargoes and masters, under the protection of passports from the constituted sovereignties of spain; the large planters also felt the want of new importations of slaves, and although the creoles suffered equally with the spaniards, yet accustomed to suppress their feelings, they remained silent, while the former were loud in their deprecations. the sugar planters began, under the sanction of the new laws of the constitution and the cortes to manufacture rum, to the detriment of the owners of vineyards at pisco and cañete, many of whom were spaniards. secret meetings were held in every part of the city; those of the spaniards were permitted by the government under the pretence that they were innocent or virtuous, while those of the natives were called seditious and unwarrantable. every opportunity was taken to lull the people with stories of victories obtained against the insurgents in upper peru, and the most tyrannical espionage was set on foot by the government, for the purpose of thwarting any communication of the true state of affairs in america, when the government of peru could only expect support from the native troops. every thing seemed to augur to the government in lima the fate of those of the other capitals of south america; indeed mexico and lima were the only two capitals that preserved their ancient authorities; the other two viceroyalties, buenos ayres and santa fé, and the captain-generalships and presidencies of chile, chuquisaca, quito and caracas, with the greater part of the governments of south america, were under the protection of their own constituted authorities, and declared by the spanish viceroys in open war with the mother country. colonel gainsa was sent with an expedition against the revolted chileans in 1812, and having landed at talcahuano, he marched towards the capital: his successes were the continued boast of the spaniards in lima, who insulted with taunts the creoles respecting their inferiority, forgetting that the army of gainsa was almost exclusively formed of natives; however, in 1813 it was found that the career of gainsa was at an end, and that he had come to terms with the insurgents, the principal import of which was, that things should remain as they then were, until the decision of the cortes in spain; for the purpose of obtaining which the chileans should send their deputies. this treaty was guaranteed by captain hillyer, and sent to lima for the ratification of the viceroy, who, expecting troops from spain, deferred its signature. in april, 1813, the regiment of talavera arrived, and abascal followed the example of the count ruis; he declared that gainsa had no powers to capitulate, and prepared another expedition against chile. the arrival of spanish troops made the resident spaniards more imperious and insolent than ever; but they had soon cause to regret having solicited the assistance of an armed force from spain, for all the expenses incurred in the equipment of the expedition at cadiz were ordered to be defrayed by the merchants of lima. the officers and soldiers were also of the worst character, the former having been expelled from different corps in the mother country for crimes which they had there committed, and the latter were taken from the common gaols, places of exile, and the galleys. the insolence of these protectors was not limited to any class of people in lima: they had been informed in spain, that the booty or plunder of the insurgents in america would make them as rich in the nineteenth century as that of the indians had rendered their forefathers in the sixteenth; thus robberies and even murders were committed under the sanction of rich promises; and it was dreaded by the government, that the very force sent to protect them would cause a revolution, or perhaps head one in lima; however an opportunity presented itself to dispose of two hundred of the nine that had arrived. the cacique pucatoro revolted at huamanga, deposed the spanish authorities, and declared himself in favour of the buenos ayres army: this blow so near to lima called for an immediate remedy. two hundred soldiers of talavera were sent to quell the rebel indian, who led them into a narrow ravine, and ascended the mountains on each side, where large piles of stones had been so artfully placed, that by removing one, placed as a key-stone, the whole mass rolled down the sides of the mountains, and not one of the spaniards escaped. the victorious indians then continued throwing and rolling down pieces of rock till they had completely buried their enemies. this patriotic cacique was afterwards taken prisoner by a party of troops sent from cusco, and was hanged and quartered at huamanga. this disgraceful expedition only tended to render the spanish soldiers more insolent; and it became a difficult matter to prevent an open revolt. early in july, 1813, the transports for a new expedition to chile were ready, and, on the thirteenth, colonel maroto and the troops of talavera embarked for talcahuano. lima resumed her tranquillity, with what she considered her safety, and the departure of the protecting force was hailed as that of an insolent and oppressive enemy. but the calm was not of long duration. the news from the north, of the conquests in quito by general montes was accompanied by that of the revolution of cusco in the south, and the possession of arequipa by the cacique pumacagua; this threatened the most fatal consequences to lima; however, general ramires was sent from upper peru with a division of the army, then under the command of general pesuela, and retook cusco and arequipa, where he put the old cacique and upwards of a hundred of his followers to death, among whom was my particular friend, jose maria melgar. friendship and admiration demand of me a short account of this virtuous youth. he was a native of arequipa, and educated for the bar at lima: he had retired to his native city, and was on the eve of marriage with a female whom he loved. pumacagua arrived at arequipa, and took it; melgar was a patriot, he offered his services to the cacique-general, they were accepted, and he was appointed judge advocate to the army. on the capture by ramires, melgar was apprehended, tried, and sentenced to be shot. his parents, his relations, and his friends solicited his pardon, which was promised, on condition that he would publicly recant: to this he objected, and he was led to the place of execution. the assisting priest seated himself on the stool, and melgar knelt to confess his sins, invoke a pardon, and receive absolution; but he suddenly rose from his knees, and, in a state of agitation, said to his confessor, "is it possible that you should here speak to me of things of this world! it was your duty to speak to me of those in the next, which i am on the verge of witnessing: this world must soon cease to exist for me, and i had hoped to have left it in peace; but your request and promises have unsettled my mind, and agitated my soul. i took a part in the cause of my country; i believed it to be my duty, i did it, i considered it just; i embraced it, and i die for having done my duty, and only regret at this moment that i shall not die so calmly as i expected. you, father, who ought to have endeavoured to create tranquillity in my soul in my last moments, have destroyed my peace!"--he then asked the adjutant if he might be allowed to smoke a segar, which being granted, he turned round and said, "will any one for the love of god give me a segar?" a soldier handed him one; he sat down on the stool, and smoked about half the segar, knocked off the ashes, and threw it aside; he then thanked the adjutant and the soldier, and said "thank heaven i am again calm and resigned; now, sir, do your duty." the bandage was ordered to be tied over his eyes, but he begged that this ceremony might be omitted: "i am not afraid to die," said he, and clasping his hands over his eyes, he exclaimed, "this will do!" the fatal signal was then given--the soldiers fired, and the virtuous patriot melgar fell! the executioners muttered, "so may the enemies of spain perish;" but the genii of american liberty sang for joy, and the response was--so may the sons of america evince to posterity, that no sacrifice is too great for a true patriot! the arrival of new troops from spain in 1814, the defeat of the chileans, and the occupation of santiago by general osorio; the victory of vilcapugio in upper peru by pesuela, all seemed to threaten american independence, and the spaniards grew more insolent and haughty. the colours taken by osorio in chile were brought to lima and carried in procession to the church of santo domingo, where they were presented at the altar of the rosary, and there deposited. the new president and captain-general of chile, don casimiro marcó arrived, and proceeded to his presidency. the finances began to be insufficient for the payment of the troops, and those from spain marched from their barracks in la recoleta, and took possession of the citadel, santa catalina, where they declared, that unless the government paid them their arrears, they would pay themselves; assuring the natives at the same time, that no hostilities should be committed against them. the alarm was so great, that the viceroy abascal sent a message to the soldiers, declaring, that their request should be complied with; but he received for answer, that they would not alter their determination until the money due was actually paid to them. the viceroy then went in person, and harangued the troops; but he received only a repetition of the former answer; nor did they desist until their arrears were paid. in 1815 the viceroy abascal was superseded by general don joaquin de la pesuela, when he immediately retired to spain. on the arrival of the new viceroy, the city was entertained with the _entrada publica_, public entry, balls, feasts, and bull-fights, with all of which his predecessor abascal, had dispensed on his arrival, not wishing to oppress the city with such unnecessary expenses. it is due to the viceroy abascal to say, that his prudence preserved the capital to the crown of spain; and although no viceroy of peru had ever more accidental duties to attend to, or more critical affairs to manage, yet lima is indebted to him for the foundation of the college of san fernando, instituted for medicine and surgery; the pantheon or general cemetery, and the absolute prohibition of burying within the walls of the city; the rebuilding of the college del principe, for the study of latin; the thorough repair of the city walls; as well as several excellent police establishments; and notwithstanding the public feeling at this time in lima, he was accompanied to callao by all the respectable inhabitants, and his departure was a day of mourning in the city: such are generally the sentiments, even towards an enemy, when moderation has presided at his councils, and justice has guided his actions. pesuela, the hero of huiluma and vilcapugio, on taking cognizance of the treasury, discovered what was too well known to his predecessor--the low state of the funds: many plans were proposed for replenishing them; donations were at first solicited, and afterwards contributions were exacted; but these were incompetent to support the expenses of the government and the army, which, during the first years of warfare, levied large sums of money, as well on friends as on enemies, and derived some support from the different royal treasuries at arequipa, at cusco, charcas, and other cities in upper peru; but, notwithstanding these temporary resources, the means continued to fail, and the exigences continued to increase. the equipment of expeditions to quito, upper peru, and chile; the demand of arrears by the troops that arrived from spain, and the necessary remittances for the support of the royal armies, preyed heavily on the national funds, so much so, that the treasury dreaded a bankruptcy. the pay of all civil officers was reduced one-third, and at last a viceregal decree was issued, augmenting the tithes from ten to fifteen per cent.: this impost caused the greatest consternation throughout the country, and met with strong opposition from the inhabitants; many of the provinces refused to pay, and the governors were unable to exact it for want of an armed force to protect them against the fury of the people. general ramires was left by pesuela in the command of the army of upper peru; but he was soon superseded by general don jose de la serna, who landed at arica, and proceeded direct to head quarters. this general was sent by the king to command the army, and with power to act independently of the viceroy, at a time when any change in the established order of things was likely to be most productive of injury to the spanish cause, and to this may be attributed the inactivity of the army under la serna. the tranquillity experienced in lima till the beginning of 1817 induced the spaniards to believe that all was well: chile was quiet, the enemy made no advances in upper peru, quito was under the dominion of spain, morillo victorious in venezuela and santa fé; the mexican insurgent chief, morelos, had ceased to exist; ferdinand was restored to his throne; the constitution was abolished; the inquisition was re-established, and monarchical despotism had resumed its seat; new auxiliary troops were preparing in spain to give the last blow to the patriots in america, and the most sanguine american began to droop for the cause of his country. but a change, unexpected by the spaniards, and unhoped for by the americans, took place in chile on the twelfth of february, 1817, the news of which reached lima on the ninth of march. this was no less than the entire defeat of the spanish army at chacabuco by general o'higgins: the victory has generally been attributed, but most unjustly, to general san martin, who was not even present in the action. the following is an extract from the journal of a spaniard with whom i was acquainted in lima. "february 4th, don miguel atero, chief of the staff, informed the government of santiago, that the enemy had surprised the guards of the andes, placed about twelve leagues in advance of santa rosa, (twenty-five leagues from the capital) and that of seventy-five men, thirteen only had escaped, bringing with them the news, that the enemy was advancing; at the same time major vila reported to the government, that the advanced guard at the paso de los patos had reconnoitred the enemy, and requested a reinforcement. atero immediately sent a company of talavera infantry, and then retreated with the division of the army stationed at santa rosa, to chacabuco, leaving behind him two pieces of artillery, ammunition, baggage, and warlike stores: the force stationed at santa rosa amounted to about four hundred men. "february 5th, the captain-general marcó ordered colonel quintanilla to join the army at chacabuco, with the battalion of carabiniers; they arrived on the 6th, when quintanilla immediately advanced to the convent of curimon to reconnoitre the enemy in villa vieja, and having reported to atero that their number did not exceed six hundred, an attack was immediately ordered, which took place on the morning of the seventh. "the cavalry engaged that of the enemy in a place called de las comas; the crafty enemy retired towards the cordillera, and halted at putendo, where they were joined by an ambuscade of a hundred horse. our infantry did not advance with the cavalry, so that as soon as they were overpowered by the enemy they fled in the greatest disorder towards our infantry for support; on their return, to their great surprise they found that the infantry also was in a disordered retreat, without having taken part in the action, and also that the commander in chief, atero, had fled. colonel quintanilla now took the command, and collected the dispersed soldiers; he placed the infantry in the centre, and flanked it with the cavalry, although harrassed in the rear by the enemy in his retreat. having at length reached villa vieja, a council of war was held by the officers, and it was resolved to continue their march to curimon; on their arrival they learnt that the enemy was about to renew the attack; on hearing which, colonel marqueli, to whom atero had given the command, continued his march to chacabuco. the victorious army took up its quarters in villa vieja: our loss was about thirty carabiniers. there is no doubt that the whole of our loss is to be attributed to atero, who, observing a party of the enemy's cavalry on an eminence to the right, exclaimed, "we are cut off!" when he immediately mounted his horse and fled. at ten o'clock at night the news arrived at santiago, and the greatest confusion began to prevail. "on the morning of february 8th, the two judges, pereyra and caspi, and the general of brigade, olaguer feliu, fled to valparaiso. "on the 9th, colonel barañao arrived at santiago with colonel eloriga, and 360 hussars. "on the 10th, lieutenant-colonel morgado arrived with 450 dragoons; at ten o'clock at night brigadier-general maroto was appointed by marcó to take the chief command: our whole force consisted of 1000 cavalry and 1100 infantry. "on the 12th, at six o'clock in the afternoon, an officer arrived at santiago with a verbal communication from general maroto, declaring, that he had suffered a total defeat. this was confirmed on the 13th by the arrival of maroto and quintanilla; marcó had left the city with about 1500 men, and resolved on renewing the attack; but after more private conversation with maroto, he returned to the capital, and summoned a council of war. after a long conference nothing was determined on, and the sub-inspector-general bernedo, the judge advocate lescano, and the commandant of artillery, cacho, fled to valparaiso. from the 13th at noon to the evening of the 14th, officers, soldiers and civilians continued to arrive at valparaiso, where they embarked on board several vessels then at anchor in the bay, and fled to lima; but it was not known till our arrival at callao, that the president marcó was left behind at the mercy of bernardo o'higgins, to whom the insurgents owe their victory, and we our disgrace." the most astonishing difference in the behaviour of the spaniards was now observable. the haughty maroto, who, when in lima with his regiment of talavera, despised and insulted every one, now that he had neither an officer nor a soldier left, was humbled, and the bow of a negro or an indian was most courteously answered by this vaunting coward. new insurrections in the provinces of upper peru began to break out; the victories of general bolivar in colombia became known, and although reports from the mother country were flattering, yet the repeated requisitions for money were distressing. notwithstanding this state of affairs, the viceroy pesuela determined on another expedition to chile, the command of which was again given to general osorio. the spanish troops consisted of a battalion of hussars and the regiment of burgos, the best troops that had arrived from europe. their destination was to talcahuano, which place, as it had been fortified by the spaniards, was still held by them, with the auxiliary troops of chile. for the equipment of this expedition, the viceroy took possession of the treasury belonging to the commissariat of the crusades, money, which in the opinion of all the lower classes, could only be appropriated to the support of war against turks, moors and infidels, and the greatest clamour was raised when it was applied to the purpose of waging civil war with christians. this treasure being insufficient, that called of the holy places, _santos lugares_, at jerusalem, was also added to that of the bulls. after many difficulties had been surmounted, the expedition left callao in october, 1817; and calculating on its success, the spaniards again resumed their arrogance, which in some was carried to such an extreme as to enter into a bond with one another of two thousand dollars never again to employ a creole. a spaniard said to me one evening, that he had six children, but if he thought that they would ever be insurgents, he would go to their beds and smother them. this chivalrous fanaticism had risen to such a height, that a peruvian officer, landasuri, said, in the presence of pesuela, that he hated his father and mother, because he was born in america, and that if he knew in what part of his body the american blood circulated, he would let it out; however pesuela reprimanded him severely for such unnatural expressions. nothing but reports of victories arrived from chile, the bells scarcely ever ceased ringing in lima, and the choristers were hoarse with chanting te deums; the haughtiness of the spaniards became insupportable; they paraded the streets in triumph, and, forming themselves into groups, insulted every creole who chanced to pass them. but their insolence was at its highest pitch in april, 1818, when the news of the victory over san martin and o'higgins at cancha-rayada arrived; they considered osorio more than a human being; his wisdom and valour were the theme of the pulpit, the palace, the coffee-house, and the brothel. the hero osorio was at santiago; he would soon cross the andes, and release his virtuous and brave countrymen from their dungeons at san luis and las bruscas, and with the reinforcements expected from spain, in a convoy under the protection of the spanish frigate maria isabel, he would conquer the buenos ayreans, and return to lima with the heads of san martin, o'higgins, and those of all the other chiefs of the banditties. this ferment of insolence and insults continually increased till the evening of the fourth of may, when about ten o'clock at night a _valancin_, post chaise, drove up to the gates of the viceregal palace, bringing the hero osorio, and the news of his total defeat at maypu. on the morning of the fifth a creole was allowed to pass the streets unmolested, and might even presume to seat himself in a coffee-house at the same table with a spaniard. confusion and dismay were visible in the countenances of the royalists, the great osorio suddenly became an ignorant coward, who had sacrificed his countrymen, and indecently fled to save his own life; even the americans were now courted to join the spaniards in declamations against the late demi-god osorio, and no hope was left but that the arrival of the expedition from spain would retrieve the losses occasioned by the dastardly conduct of this chief. the first news, however, which they obtained of the issue of the boasted expedition was, that the soldiers of la trinidad, one of the transports, had murdered their officers, taken possession of the vessel, and carried her to buenos ayres; this was seconded in november, 1818, with the news, that the maria isabel and part of her convoy had been taken at talcahuano and the island of santa maria by the insurgents of chile; and this blow was aggravated with the abandonment of talcahuano, the strong hold of the spaniards in chile, by general sanches, who took the command after osorio fled. still there was gall in reserve for the humbled spaniards. the chilean squadron, commanded by the right honourable lord cochrane, made its appearance off callao on the twenty-eighth of february, 1819, his lordship's flag waving at the main of the ex-spanish frigate maria isabel, now the chilean flag ship o'higgins. it became impossible for me to remain longer in lima, so i left that city for the barranca, where i arrived on the first of march. chapter v. state of lima on the arrival of the chilean squadron....arrival of at huacho....at supe....chilean naval force, how composed.... capture of the maria isabel by commodore blanco....arrival of lord cochrane....appointed admiral....leaves valparaiso....arrives at callao, huacho, barranca, huambacho....proclamation of cochrane, san martin, and o'higgins....description of huambacho....paita taken....proceed to valparaiso....arrival....description of.... road from valparaiso to santiago. the arrival of the chilean squadron on the coast of peru produced at once a dread that this part of south america would become the theatre of war, and that retaliating fate would inflict on this part of the colonies all the distresses which had been so universally spread among the others: it was feared, that the calamities produced by invasion would now be wreaked on it in return for those that had been experienced in the provinces of upper peru, quito and chile. war was at the very door, and the system of offence had almost rendered that of defence nugatory. it was believed that an army accompanied the squadron; and the patriots of lima busied themselves in surmising which would be the point of debarkation. on wednesday, the third of march, a rumour arrived at the capital, that the land forces would debark at ancon, five leagues to the northward of lima; at midnight the report of rockets was heard in the large street in the suburbs of san lasaro, called malambo; this was supposed by the patriots to be a signal for reunion; and by the royalists, of the landing of the army: upwards of a thousand of the former immediately repaired to malambo, and so completely filled the street, that the cavalry sent by the government could not pass the mob, and they retired to the bridge: both parties were anxiously inquiring the cause of the reports, and both retired without obtaining any satisfactory information: had the squadron landed five hundred more, and marched to the city, there is not the least doubt but that with the assistance of the native inhabitants, they would have entered and taken possession of santa catalina and the different barracks, as the number of spanish troops at that time did not exceed three hundred. on the 29th of march, part of the squadron anchored in the bay of huacho, for the purpose of obtaining news from the patriots on shore, and also of landing two spies, sent down by the chilean government, as well as for the distribution of proclamations and other papers. lord cochrane here received the intelligence, that a quantity of money, belonging to the phillipine company, had been sent down to huarmey to be embarked in the north american schooner macedonia, and that another considerable sum was on the road to the same destination; and as the port of the barranca was better calculated for the purpose of intercepting the treasure than that of huacho, the o'higgins and the brig galvarino dropped down to it, and a party of marines were sent ashore, and took the money in the river of the barranca before the muleteers could cross it. this was effected without any opposition from the spanish soldiers that were sent to protect it as a guard. mr. eliphalet smith, of the united states, at first claimed the money; but he afterwards signed a document which specified the names of its true owners; this was also corroborated by several documents which mr. smith delivered to his lordship. during the few days that the chilean vessels of war remained at huacho, the indians were at first allowed by the governor to take down to the beach their fruit and vegetables, and sell to them; but the commandant of the county militia having collected about two hundred of his troops, ordered the indians to desist, and in the most insolent manner commanded lord cochrane to depart, unless he wished to be driven out of the port. on receiving this message his lordship immediately ordered the marines to land and march to huaura, which was done, and the town taken: indeed the troops never attempted to defend it, but fled with their chief at their head: the property belonging to the government at the custom house and the _estanco_ of tobacco were taken on board: no private property was touched. after this the trade with the indians was resumed; however, on the departure of the squadron, five young indians were apprehended, tried by a court martial, without their even having been soldiers; and, contrary to the laws of the country, they were sentenced to death and shot, without any other reason being assigned to their protector-general, manco yupanqui, in lima, than that it was necessary to set such an example, because it might deter others from having any communication with the insurgents. such were the feelings of the people in this part of peru, that the inhabitants of the village, called supe, deposed the alcalde, who was a spaniard, and declared themselves independent; but after the departure of the squadron, the principal ringleaders, villanueva and aranda, retired to a farm in the interior, where they bade defiance to the viceroy and his powers. these two, with reyes, a respectable farmer, franco, requena, a priest, and myself, were summoned to a court martial; but having embarked in the flag ship, we could not appear, in consequence of which we were sentenced to death, declared contumacious, and all justices were authorized to apprehend any or all of us, and put the sentence into immediate execution. before i proceed with the operations of the chilean squadron, i shall give some account of its origin, and the arrival of lord cochrane to take the command. the brig pueyrredon of fourteen guns was the first vessel of war that the state possessed: the brig araucana of sixteen, and the sloop chacabuco of twenty-two, were afterwards purchased. captain guise brought out the brig galvarino of eighteen guns, formerly in the british service, and sold it to the government; the san martin of sixty-four guns, and the lantaro of forty-four, were two east indiamen, purchased by the state, and converted into vessels of war. when chile was possessed of this force, the news arrived of the sailing of the expedition from cadiz, under the convoy of the maria isabel, and having obtained possession of the orders given to the captains of the transports from the trinidad that entered buenos ayres, and of their rendezvous in the pacific, don manuel blanco was appointed to command the chilean vessels of war, san martin, flag ship, captain wilkinson, commander; lantaro, captain worster; and the araucana: they had the good luck to take the frigate, maria isabel in the bay of talcahuano on the twenty-eighth of october, 1818, and four of the transports off the bay and at the island of santa maria. on the seventeenth of november the victorious blanco entered valparaiso with his prizes, amid manifestations of joy in this port. the government of chile, to commemorate the action, ordered a badge of honour to be presented to commodore blanco and each of his officers: this was a scutcheon of a pale green colour, having a trident in the centre, with the motto, "this first essay gave to chile the dominion of the pacific"--_este primer ensayo dió a chile el dominio del pacifico_. the naval force of chile having a native as commander in chief, and the captains, officers, and crews composed principally of foreigners, must of course have been conducted in a very irregular manner; and as don manuel blanco had never served in a situation higher than that of an ensign, alferes, in the spanish navy, it could not be expected that he was competent to fill that of a commander in chief, and to conduct with either honour to himself or profit to his country the operations of a body composed of such discordant materials as the squadron of chile then was. it must be recollected, notwithstanding, that he added a page of glory to the annals of south american naval triumphs by the capture of the maria isabel of forty-eight guns, and part of her convoy. for the future success of the chilean navy, the welfare of the state, the progress of independence, and the consummation of south american emancipation, lord cochrane arrived at valparaiso, on the twenty-eighth of november, 1818. the known valour of this chief, his love of rational liberty, and the voluntary sacrifice which he had made by accepting a command in the new world, had reached chile before the hero himself, and his arrival was hailed with every demonstration of jubilee by the natives. before his arrival, however, captain spry, an englishman, and captain worster, a north american, both in the chilean service, had been very loud in declaiming against him; without alleging any other reason, than that it was quite contrary to all republican principles to allow a "nobleman" to retain his title in the service; but the true motive was too visible to escape the most blunted apprehension. commodore blanco had then the command of the squadron, and these gentlemen had assured themselves that they could controul him just as they chose, on account of his indifferent knowledge of his duties as commander in chief, and especially as he had to manage british seamen. this with all possible delicacy had been mentioned to blanco, together with many whispers detrimental to the character of lord cochrane. on the arrival of his lordship, commodore blanco was one of the first to hail him as the preserver of the liberties of his country, and to offer his services under the command of his lordship; and thus the patriotic chilean smothered dissention in the bud, and left its cultivators to feel the rankling of those thorns which they themselves had planted. a few days after the arrival of lord cochrane he received from the government of chile his commission as vice-admiral of chile, admiral and commander in chief of the naval forces of the republic; and on the twenty-second of december he hoisted his flag at the main of the ex-maria isabel, now the o'higgins, which flag chile can exultingly say, was never hauled down until the last spanish flag in the pacific had acknowledged its empire, and either directly or indirectly struck to it. at the close, when the fleet had finished its career of glory, it was lowered by the same individual who hoisted it; it dropped like the sun in the west, while the descendants of the incas blessed it, for the benefits they had received, with songs of heartfelt gratitude. on the sixteenth of january, 1819, lord cochrane left the port of valparaiso on board the o'higgins, captain forster, with the san martin bearing the flag of rear-admiral blanco, captain wilkinson, the lantaro, captain guise, and the galvarino, captain spry; the chacabuco, captain carter, followed, but a mutiny taking place on board, he entered coquimbo, where the principal mutineers were landed, sentenced by a drum head court martial, and shot. lord cochrane chose the first day of the carnival for his first entrance into the bay of callao, suspecting that the whole of the inhabitants would be engaged in the follies of the season--but he was deceived. the viceroy pesuela had chosen that day for one of his visits to callao, and was sailing about the bay in the brig of war pesuela; when the chilean squadron appeared off the headland of san lorenzo, the captain at first mistook the chilean vessels for spanish merchantmen expected from europe; however, fortunately for himself and the party, he immediately came to an anchor under the batteries. the circumstance of the visit of the viceroy had caused the whole of the military force to be under arms, and the whole of the batteries were manned. a thick fog coming on, the san martin, lantaro, and galvarino, lost sight of the flag ship; however, without waiting for them, the admiral stood close in under the forts, and dropped his anchor; a very brisk cannonading immediately commenced, and the dead calm that followed obliged his lordship to remain alone nearly two hours, under the continued cannonading from ashore, besides a brisk fire from the two spanish frigates esmeralda and vengansa, brigs pesuela and maypu, and seven gun-boats. as soon as the breeze sprang up, the o'higgins stood out, having sustained very little damage either in her hull or rigging, and without a single person on board having been killed. the north corner of the real felipe was considerably shattered by the shot from the o'higgins, and thirteen persons were killed on shore. his lordship next entered into a correspondence with the viceroy, concerning the treatment which the prisoners of war (chileans and buenos ayreans) had received, and were actually receiving in the casas matas of callao; the viceroy denied that they had received any ill treatment, asserted that they were considered as prisoners of war, although rebels, and traitors to their king, and concluded by expressing his surprise, that a nobleman of great britain should so far have forgotten his dignity, as to head a gang of traitors against their legitimate sovereign, and his lawfully constituted authorities. to this his lordship replied by saying, that the glory of every englishman was his freedom, and that this had entitled him to choose to command the vessels of war of a free country, in preference to that of a nation of slaves--a command which had been offered to him by the duke de san carlos in the name of his master, ferdinand vii. the following proclamations were distributed along the coasts of peru, and sent also to the viceroy. lord cochrane to the inhabitants of lima, and other towns of peru: compatriots! i flatter myself, that ere long i shall address you more cordially with this epithet. the repeated echoes of liberty in south america have been heard with pleasure in every part of enlightened europe, and more particularly in great britain; i, not being able to resist the desire of joining in the defence of a cause that was interesting to all mankind, the felicity of half the new world to thousands of generations, have determined to take an active part in it. the republic of chile has confided to me the command of her naval forces. to these the dominion of the pacific must be consigned; by their co-operation your chains of oppression must be broken. doubt not but that the day is at hand, on which, with the annihilation of despotism, and the infamous condition of colonists which now degrades you, you will rise to fill the rank of a free nation; that august title to which your population, your riches, your geographical position in the world, and the course of events naturally call you. but it is your duty to co-operate in preparing for this success, to remove obstacles, and to pursue the path to glory: under the assurance that you will receive the most efficacious assistance from the government of chile, and your true friend, cochrane. don jose de san martin, to the soldiers of the army of lima: soldiers of the army of lima!--the object of my march towards the capital of peru is to establish an eternal reconciliation for the happiness of all. nine years of horror have inundated america with blood and tears. you have been oppressed and fatigued with the evils of war, undertaken by the proud agents of spain, to satisfy their own passions, and not for the good of the nation. the opinions and the arms of this part of the world will soon be presented before lima, to put an end to so many misfortunes. you will only prolong the sterile sacrifice, if, blind to the irresistible force of the general will, you attempt to support so rash an enterprize. each of you has belonged to the cause of the people; each of you belongs to the cause of humanity; the duties of a soldier cannot alter those of nature. the soldiers of the patria, as faithful in the path of honour as in that of victory, are terrible only to the enemies of liberty. they set a higher price on the value of a victory, more from the injustice which it prevents, than for the glory they acquire. fly then from the ignominy of perishing with your detestable tyrants. in the ranks of your brother patriots you will find the path to honour, to felicity and peace. a general who has never asserted a falsehood ensures this to you.--head quarters, santiago de chile, 30th december, 1818. jose de san martin. the supreme director of chile, to the inhabitants of peru: liberty, the daughter of heaven, is about to descend on your fertile regions; under her shade you will occupy among the nations of the globe that high rank which awaits your opulence. the chilean squadron, now in sight on your coasts, is the precursor of the great expedition destined to establish your independence. the moment desired by all generous hearts approaches. the territory of chile, and her adjacent islands are free from the yoke of the oppressor. our naval forces may compete with those of spain, and destroy her commerce; in them you will find a firm support. it will be an inexplicable enigma to posterity, that enlightened lima, far from aiding the progress of columbian liberty, shall endeavour to paralyze the generous efforts of her brothers, and deprive them of the enjoyment of their imprescriptible rights. the time is arrived for you to wash out the stain, and in which to revenge the innumerable insults you have received from the hand of despotism, as the reward of your blindness. fix your eyes on the havoc occasioned by the tyrants in your delightful country; at the sight of them engraved in its depopulation, want of industry, monopoly and oppression; observe the insignificancy under which you have so long groaned; fly to arms, and destroy in your just indignation the standard of that despotism which oppresses you, and you will then soon arrive at the summit of prosperity. believe not that we wish to treat you as a conquered country; such an idea never had existence except in the heads of our enemies--of your common oppressors; we only aspire to see you free and happy. you[4] shall establish your own government, selecting that which is most analagous to your customs, situation, and inclination; you shall be your own legislators, and of course you will constitute a nation as free and independent as we are. peruvians! why do you hesitate? hasten to break your chains; come and sign on the tombs of tupac amaru and pumacachua, the illustrious martyrs of liberty, the contract that must ensure _your_ independence, and _our_ everlasting friendship. bernardo o'higgins. on the twenty-sixth a spanish merchant ship, called la victoria, laden with cedar planks and horses, from chiloe, was taken by the san martin, and on the twenty-eighth the attack was made on callao, and two of the gun-boats were taken, after which his lordship dropped down to huacho, and ordered rear admiral blanco to continue in the blockade of callao with the san martin and lantaro, and any other vessels that might arrive from chile; but blanco, after remaining a few days, raised the blockade, and sailed to valparaiso, where he was immediately placed under an arrest by the government until the arrival of the admiral, when he was tried by a court martial for a dereliction of duty, but acquitted. lord cochrane proceeded from huacho to barranca, and thence to huarmey and huambacho, where he found a french brig that had received on board part of the money belonging to the phillipine company, and which the captain immediately delivered up. the bay of huambacho, about fifteen miles to the southward of santa, is one of the most convenient on the western shores of america: it is completely land-locked: the anchorage is capital, and the landing is very good: a small river of excellent water enters the bay, and in the valley abundance of fire-wood may be procured. this valley formerly belonged to the ex-jesuits; but on account of the decrease of water in the river at certain periods of the year, there not being sufficient for the ordinary purposes of irrigation, the government has never yet found a purchaser for it. the soil is sandy, with a mixture of vegetable mould; but like the generality of the lands cultivated in peru it is extremely productive when irrigated. this is evinced at the small indian hamlet of huambacho, about two leagues from the sea, and it would doubtlessly be a very fit situation for a cotton plantation, which does not require so much water as the sugar-cane or lucern. the hills that surround the valley are covered with the remains of houses belonging to the indians before the conquest; great numbers of huacas are found here, and probably much treasure is buried in them. lord cochrane, after the o'higgins and galvarino had wooded and watered, proceeded down the coast to paita, where having anchored, he sent a flag of truce on shore, by don andres de los reyes, a peruvian, who embarked at la barranca, stating that the town and inhabitants should receive no injury, and that nothing but the treasures belonging to the government should be taken, as had already happened at huaura. he requested that no resistance should be made, as it would be unavailing, and only subject the town to the destructive effects of war. the answer was, that the town and the lives and property of the inhabitants belonged to the king, and that all should be sacrificed in defence of the spanish flag. the same individual was sent a second time, to request that the military force would not expose the town and its inhabitants; but instead of receiving the message they fired on the flag, and opened their battery on the galvarino. this insult was immediately resented; the marines were landed, and soon drove the spaniards from the battery and the town, which was then pillaged; the artillery was embarked, and the fort blown up. the o'higgins and galvarino went to the port of barranca, and took some cattle, sugar, and rum from the farm of san nicholas, belonging to don manuel garcia, a spaniard. it was the constant practice of lord cochrane to quarter on the common enemy, and nothing was ever taken from a native by force, or without paying for it. hence we proceeded to callao, and thence to valparaiso, where we arrived on the fifteenth of june. valparaiso, situate in latitude 33° 1´ 45´´ s., and longitude 71° 30´ 56´´ west of greenwich, is the principal port in chile. the natives flatter themselves, that this name was given to the port by the first spaniards who visited it, and that it is a syncope of valle del paraiso, valley of paradise; but it is equally possible, that the spaniards, who had received exaggerated accounts of the country, comparing it to paradise, on their first approaching this part of the coast, might have exclaimed, valde paraiso! vain paradise! which designation its appearance at present would better justify. the bay is of a semicircular form, surrounded by very steep hills, which rise abruptly almost from the edge of the water, particularly to the southward and about half of the range to the eastward; the other half forms a kind of recess, and the hills are not so perpendicular. during the winter season they are covered with grass, with some stunted trees and bushes, such as molles, myrtles, espino, and maytenes; but the soil being a red clay, the verdure soon disappears when the summer sun begins to shine on them and the rain ceases to fall. the principal part of the town is built between the cliffs and the sea, forming a row of houses, or rather shops; a few good houses stand also in a narrow street, but they cannot be seen from the bay, because a row of low houses with their backs to the sea prevent the prospect. the greater number of the inhabitants of this part of the town, called the port, to distinguish it from the suburbs, called the almendral, reside in the ravines of san francisco, san augustin and san antonio, where the houses rise one above another, forming a species of amphitheatre; in many of them a person may sit in his parlour, and look over the roof of his neighbour's house; at night the appearance of this part of the town is pleasing, the lights being scattered about the hills in every direction. the almendral, or suburbs, stands in a kind of recess in the hills, on a sandy plain, and most probably was in times past a part of the bay of valparaiso; indeed it is now often inundated by the spring tides. some regularity begins to be adopted here in the formation of streets, and some of the houses are neat. at the bottom of the almendral there is a small rivulet. valparaiso is defended by a fort on the south side of the harbour, one at the residence of the governor, and one on the north side of the bay: a citadel on the hill behind the governor's palace on an extensive scale is and will perhaps remain unfinished. the places of worship are the parish church, the conventuals of san francisco, san augstin, la merced (in the almendral) santo domingo, and the hospital chapel of san juan de dios. some of the principal houses are built of stone, but the greater part are of adoves; all of them are covered with tiles, and those that have an upper story have a balcony in front. since the revolution many english conveniences and luxuries in dress and furniture, as well as improvements in the manners and customs of the inhabitants, have been adopted, and almost any thing _a la inglesa_ meets with approbation. the market of valparaiso is well supplied with meat, poultry, fish, bread, fruit, and vegetables at very moderate prices and of good quality. the climate is agreeable except when the strong winds prevail. in the months of june and july the winds from the northward are at times very heavy; on this account the anchorage is insecure, because the bay is not sheltered in that quarter. from the time of the discovery to the year 1810 this port was only visited by vessels from lima, bringing sugar, salt, tobacco, a small quantity of european manufactured goods, and some other articles of minor importance; shipping in return wheat, charqui, dried fruits, and other produce of chile and peru. the population amounted to about five thousand souls; the commerce was in the hands of four or five merchants, spaniards, and the annual duties at the custom-house amounted to about twenty-five thousand dollars. after the victory obtained by the chileans at chacabuco almost two-thirds of the population of valparaiso abandoned their homes, or were forced on board spanish vessels and taken to peru, and the town was nearly depopulated; but since the revolution it has been constantly increasing in size, population, and riches. in 1822 it contained about fifteen thousand souls, three thousand of whom were foreigners. from 1817 to 1822 upwards of two hundred houses were built; at the latter date there were thirty-one established wholesale merchants, besides an incalculable increase of retail dealers: there were also twenty-six inns, coffee-houses, &c. besides the vessels of war belonging to the state, forty-one traders bear the national flag; and the bay, formerly empty more than half the year, contains on an average fifty foreign vessels either of war or commerce during the whole year. the hospital of san juan de dios has been transferred from the centre of the town to the suburbs, and a lancasterian school is established in the old building. a general cemetery for catholics is building by subscription, and upwards of two thousand dollars have been collected for another for the dissenters. as a proof of the increase of trade and speculation, a daily post is established between the port and the capital. dollars. the receipts at the custom-house in 1809, chile being then a spanish colony, were 26738½ do. in 1821, being a free port 464387¾ number of vessels that entered and left valparaiso in 1809, all spanish 13 do. that entered and cleared out in 1821 142 that is:--vessels of war 21 of commerce 121 it is quite unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of commerce to any nation; but here the result is peculiarly apparent, not only among the higher and middle classes, but among the lowest: the peasant who at the time of my residence in chile, 1803, if possessed of a dollar, would bore a hole through it, and hang it to his rosary--the same peasant can now jingle his doubloons in his pocket. those who in 1803 wore only the coarsest clothing, of their own manufacture, are now dressed in european linens, cottons, and woollens; those who were ashamed to present themselves to a stranger or who dared not even speak to a master, now present themselves with confidence, as if conscious of the importance of their civil liberty; they boast too of christian patriotism, generosity, and valour. the monopolizing spanish merchants who purchased the wheat and other produce before it was ready for market at almost any price, especially if the owner were necessitated, or who lent the farmer money, to be paid in produce at his own price--such merchants have disappeared, and a regular market is substituted, where the natives of every class enjoy an opportunity of speculating and of reaping the advantages of experience. labourers of every class have a choice of work and of masters, and this secures to them a just remuneration for their labour. the higher and middling classes now know their importance as citizens of a free and independent country, in the prosperity of which they are interested, because they are aware, that with it their personal prosperity is connected; they can express and discuss their political opinions, and in short, from the lowest order of colonial vassals they have become the subjects of an elective government and citizens of the world. the road from valparaiso to the capital, santiago, crosses the first range of mountains at the northern extremity of the almendral, and after passing over very uneven ground for about five leagues, a dismal looking plain presents itself; the grass is entirely parched in summer, and in winter the water forms itself into several small lakes or swamps; and scarcely a tree is to be seen in the vicinity. a small number of horned cattle is fed, but the prospect is cold and dreary. after crossing this plain more uneven ground presents itself, but being covered with grass, brushwood, and trees, forming several small ravines, quebradas, with a few cottages straggling in different directions, the country appears beautifully romantic. the plain of casa blanca next presents itself, having the town of the same name nearly in the centre.[5] the plain is perfectly level, about two leagues broad, and two and a half long; it has the appearance of having been at some remote period a large lake, but as the race of promaucian indians, who inhabited this part of the country before the conquest, has become extinct, all oral traditions have been extinguished with them. the soil is a hard clay, scantily covered with grass, and the only trees are a considerable number of espinos. the town contains about two thousand inhabitants, who are generally employed in the cultivation of the surrounding farms. having slept here i proceeded on the following day to bustamante, passing the cuesta de prado, and the small town and river of curucavé. some parts of the road are remarkably picturesque; in the ravines or valleys the view of the mountain scenery is grand; from the mountains the prospect of the ravines and valleys, as well as the distant view of the snow-topped andes, is magnificent. the myrtle, of three or four varieties, the different species of cactus, the arrayan, the peumos, the boldos, and the beautifully drooping mayten adorn the sides of the ravines, offering a shade and rich pasture, on which a considerable number of horned cattle, horses, and mules, are seen feeding. bustamante is a post house, where travellers often pass a night when on their journey to or from the capital; the accommodations are indifferent, but a few years ago nothing of the kind existed: it must therefore be considered an improvement. after leaving bustamante the road gradually ascends, and at the distance of about a league from the house the cuesta de zapata commences. from the top of this eminence the view of the andes is most enchanting; the snow-covered mountains rise majestically, one range behind another, until their summits are lost in the clouds, or, when the sky is clear, till they are most exactly defined in the azure vault of heaven. when nearly at the foot of the cuesta, the city of santiago, the capital of chile, makes its appearance; it is situated in a large plain, having a small rocky mountain, called santa lucia, almost in the centre of which is a small battery. the excellent road from valparaiso to santiago was made by the order and under the direction of don ambrose higgins, when president of chile. before the formation of this road all goods were carried to and from the capital or the port on the backs of mules, but the greater part is now conveyed in heavy carts, _carretas_, drawn by two or three yokes of oxen. a coach was established in 1820 by mr. moss, a north american; it went from valparaiso to santiago, and returned twice a week. the distance is thirty leagues. footnotes: [4] from the very first proclamation this promise was made to the peruvians; but we shall soon see how it was fulfilled by san martin. [5] this town was completely destroyed by the earthquake in 1823. chapter vi. santiago....foundation....description of the city....contrast between the society here and at lima....state of chile....manners and customs....revolution....carreras....o'higgins....defeat at rancagua....chileans cross the cordillera....action of chacabuco....of maypu....death of don juan jose, and don luis carrera....murder of colonel rodrigues....formation of a naval force....death of spanish prisoners at san luis....naval expedition under lord cochrane....failure of the attack on callao....attack at pisco....death of lieutenant-colonel charles....capture of vessels at guayaquil....squadron returns to chile. santiago, the capital of chile, was founded on the 24th february, 1541, by the spanish conqueror pedro de valdivia. its situation is in an extensive valley called de mapocho, bounded on the east by the cordillera, on the west by the hills or mountains de prado and poanque, on the north by the small river of colina, and on the south by the river mapocho, or topocalma, which passes the city on one side, and feeds many _asequias_, small canals for irrigation; it also supplies the city with water. about the year 1450 chile was invaded by the prince afterwards the inca sinchiroca, who, more by persuasion than by force, possessed himself of this valley; it was called at that time, promocaces, the place of dancing, or merriment. the peruvian government was not established here on the first arrival of the spaniards, owing perhaps to the opposition made by the promaucians, who resided between the rivers rapel and maule, and whom they never subdued; thus, although garcilaso de la vega inca places the boundary of the territory governed by the incas on the river maule, it is more probable that it was on the rapel, for near the union of the cachapoal with the tinguiririca, taking the name of rapel, there are some ruins of a peruvian fortress, built in the same manner as those of callo and asuay, in the province of quito; these apparently mark the frontier, and especially as none are found more to the southward. santiago is divided into squares or _quadras_, containing in the whole, if we include the suburbs, about a hundred and fifty, which are marked out by the streets; but many are incomplete, wanting houses to finish the boundaries. the principal public buildings are the mint, the palace of the supreme director, and the cathedral, which, like that of conception, is in an unfinished state. the mint is a very handsome edifice, vieing in elegance with any other in south america, and equal to many of considerable note in europe. it was built by don francisco huidobro, at the expense of nearly a million of dollars: he presented it to the king, and in return received the title of marquis of casa real; but this and all other titles are declared extinct by the independent government. the palace of the supreme director is incomplete; the right wing, which should correspond with the left, is entirely wanting. in it are the different offices belonging to the government, and also the public gaol. the unfinished state of the cathedral is likely to continue; for large funds are wanting to finish so extensive a building. the bridge across the mapocho is a handsome structure of brick and stone. the _tajamar_, breakwater, serves to preserve the city from being inundated by the river when the waters increase, either by heavy rains in the cordillera, or the melting of the snows in the summer, at which time this stream, though at other times insignificant, becomes a rapid torrent. here is a public promenade, like the alamedas at lima, having a double row of lombard poplars on each side, forming a shady walk for foot passengers, while the middle one serves for carriages and horses. the tajamar is formed of two walls of brick-work, and the interior is filled with earth; a very agreeable promenade is made on the top, having several flights of steps to ascend it; some seats are also placed in the parapet which fronts the river; the whole being two miles long. the snow-covered andes are about twenty leagues from the city, yet they seem to overhang it, and the view of them from the tajamar is very majestic. santiago is divided into four parishes; san pablo, santa ana, san isidro, and san francisco de borja. it has three franciscan convents, two of the dominicans, one of san augustin, and two of la merced: those belonging to the jesuits were five. here are seven nunneries, two of santa clara, two of carmelites, one of capuchins, one of dominicans, and one of augustinians; a house for recluse women called el beaterio, and a foundling hospital. santiago was made a city by the king of spain in 1552, with the title of very noble and very loyal; its arms are a shield in a white ground, in the centre a lion rampant holding a sword in his paw, and orle eight scallops, or. it was erected into a bishopric by paul iv. in 1561. it was the residence of the president, and captain-general of the kingdom of chile, and counts fifty governors from pedro de valdivia, the first, to don casimiro marcó del pont, the last; also twenty-three bishops, from don rodrigo gonsales marmolijo to the present don manuel rodriguez. here was also a tribunal of royal audience, one of accompts, a consulate, or board of trade, treasury, and commissariate of bulls. the whole of the territory extends from the desert of atacama to the confines of arauco, and was subject to the above-mentioned authorities from the foundation of the government in 1541 to the beginning of the fortunate revolution in 1810. the contrast between the society which i had just quitted in the capital of peru and that which i here found in the capital of chile was of the most striking kind. the former, oppressed by proud mandataries, imperious chiefs, and insolent soldiers, had been long labouring under all the distressing effects of espionage, the greatest enemy to the charms of every society: the overbearing haughty spaniards, either with taunts or sneers, harrowing the very souls of the americans, who suspected their oldest friends and even their nearest relations. in this manner they were forced to drain the cup of bitterness to the last dregs, without daring by participation or condolence to render it less unpalatable; except indeed they could find an englishman, and to him they would unbosom their inmost thoughts, believing that every briton feels as much interest in forwarding the liberty of his neighbour, as he does in preserving his own. in lima the tertulias, or chit-chat parties, and even the gaity of the public promenades, had almost disappeared, and _quando se acabará esto?_ when will this end? was the constantly repeated ejaculation. in santiago every scene was reversed; mirth and gaity presided at the _paseos_, confidence and frankness at the daily tertulias; englishmen here had evinced their love of universal liberty, and were highly esteemed; friendship and conviviality seemed to reign triumphant, and the security of the country, being the fruits of the labour of its children, was considered by each separate individual as appertaining to himself; his sentiments on its past efforts, present safety, and future prosperity were delivered with uncontrolled freedom, while the supreme magistrate, the military chief, the soldier, and the peasant hailed each other as countrymen, and only acknowledged a master in their duty, or the law. another prominent feature in chile is the state of her commerce, entirely formed since the revolution; it has rendered her not only independent of spain, but of peru also. formerly the fruits and produce of this fertile region of the new world were entirely indebted to peru for a market; but with the spirit of freedom that of speculation arose, and markets and returns were found in countries, of whose existence ten years ago (1819) even the speculators themselves were ignorant. several of these provinces were conceived to be so situated, that no one attempted to visit them, judging that such a journey would be attended with almost insurmountable difficulties; dangers as great as the majority of the inhabitants of europe supposed were to be encountered by a visit to the coasts of peru. the manners and customs of the inhabitants of santiago are now very different from those of conception in 1803, which was at that time nearly as affluent as the capital; the estrado is almost exploded; the ladies are accustomed to sit on chairs; the low tables are superseded by those of a regular height, those on which the family, who at that period crossed their legs like turks or tailors, sat on a piece of carpet, are now abolished; formerly all ate out of the same dish, but now they sit at table in the same manner as the english, and their meals are served up with regularity and neatness. the discordant jarring of the old half strung guitar has given place to the piano, and the tasteless dance of the country to the tasteful country-dance. in many respects, indeed, the chileans here appear half converted into english, as well in their dress as in their diversions and manners. the following brief statement of the revolution in chile, extracted from official documents, and faithful reports, will i flatter myself be found interesting to all classes--its details, however, must necessarily be confined within short limits. one of the peculiar features in all the south american revolutions was the accomplishment of the principal object, which consisted in deposing the constituted authorities without bloodshed. this was the case at caracas, santa fé de bogotá, quito, buenos ayres and chile; and at a later period at guayaquil, truxillo, tarma, and even at lima; for the spanish forces quitted the city, and the chilean entered without the occurrence of a skirmish either in the capital or its vicinity. the same causes which operated in venezuela and quito, and have been already stated, were felt in chile, and produced similar effects. on the 18th july, 1810, the president carrasco was deposed by the native inhabitants, under the plea of his incapacity of preserving this part of the spanish dominions for ferdinand, when he should be freed from his captivity, and a junta which was formed of the cabildo took upon itself to govern according to the old system, but with the secret intention of following the course and example of buenos ayres in declaring her independence. in 1811 don juan jose carrera, the son of don ignacio carrera of chile (who had been sent to europe, and in the continental war had attained the rank of a lieutenant-colonel and commandant of a regiment of hussars) crossed the atlantic to succour his native country, which he was considered by his friends as the only person capable of saving from the impending ruin which threatened it from the result of the steps taken; and he was in consequence nominated by the junta supreme president of the congress which was convened, besides which he was appointed general in chief of the army about to be formed. the first step which carrera took was to establish a defensive army, which he immediately began to recruit and discipline, choosing his officers from among the most zealous friends of liberty. he constituted himself colonel of the national guards, appointed his elder brother, don jose miguel, colonel of grenadiers, and his younger, don luis, colonel and commandant of artillery. at this time the principal military force of chile was at conception; indeed the whole of the force, excepting two companies, which had always been on duty in the capital, and about fifty stationed as a garrison at valparaiso, was employed on the frontiers of arauco. on hearing of what had taken place in the capital, the troops at conception declared themselves in favour of the cause of liberty. the inhabitants of conception pretended that their city was better calculated to be the seat of government than santiago; and as the troops were principally composed of pencones, natives of the place, they were persuaded to join in the request, which occasioned some difficulties to carrera, and it was feared that this untimely pretension would be the cause of a civil war; but it was finally adjusted that, for a specified time, the troops of conception should remain to the southward of the river maule, and those of santiago to the northward. this gave carrera an opportunity to gain over the troops, which he did by sending emissaries to conception, when a general reconciliation took place, and the whole of the troops were placed under the command of don juan jose carrera. the spanish troops from lima, coquimbo and chiloe, under the command of colonel gainsa, began hostilities in the south of chile; various actions and skirmishes occurred between them and the undisciplined chileans, the result being favourable to the latter. in 1812, don bernardo o'higgins (then a captain of militia) joined carrera, who bestowed on him the rank of lieutenant-colonel of the line, and shortly afterwards raised him to that of brigadier general, for the important services he rendered with the guerilla parties. in 1813, the three carreras, with a considerable number of their officers, were retaken prisoners by the spaniards, and confined at talca. the command of the army devolved on o'higgins, he being the senior officer. he availed himself of this opportunity, assumed the civil power, caused himself to be proclaimed president, and appointed a substitute in the capital to govern during his absence. the carreras being possessed of money bribed the soldiers at talca and made their escape. o'higgins instantly offered a reward for their apprehension. the three carreras immediately set off to santiago, disguised as peasants, and made themselves known to some friends; don luis was apprehended and imprisoned; don juan jose went in his disguise to the artillery barracks, and having entered, discovered himself to the officers and soldiers, who welcomed his arrival, and promised to support him; in consequence of which he marched with the soldiers to the plasa, and liberated his brother luis. the citizens promptly reinstated the carreras, and the news being conveyed to o'higgins, he marched his army towards the capital, leaving the enemy to avail himself of the civil discords of the chileans. carrera proposed to unite their respective forces, proceed against the common enemy, and leave their private quarrels to be decided by the fortune of war, or by the suffrages of the people. to these proposals o'higgins objected, and the two generals prepared for action. carrera chose the plain of maypu, when o'higgins soon began the attack, and was repulsed; the peasantry, under the command of carrera, although victorious, called on their countrymen to desist, not to fly, but to surrender to their first and best chief; this they did, were generously received, and forgiven. o'higgins and his principal officers were made prisoners. they all expected that their offended general would bring them to judgment as traitors; but they were pardoned, restored to their former situations in the army, and o'higgins was reinstated in the command of the van-guard, and received orders to march towards rancagua, where carrera soon afterwards repaired with the remainder of the army. the spaniards profited by the dissentions of the patriot chiefs, recruited and disciplined more troops, and invested the town of rancagua on the first of october, 1814. carrera and his troops defended themselves here forty-eight hours, and when their ammunition was expended and they were obliged to evacuate the place, they cut their way through the ranks of the spanish soldiery sword in hand. general carrera and his two brothers, o'higgins, benevente, the unfortunate rodrigues, and several of the more wealthy citizens, crossed the cordillera, leaving general osorio in possession of the whole of chile. the spanish regime being thus re-established in chile, the different functionaries who had been deposed resumed their offices, and a new tribunal called _de la purification_ was established, through which ordeal all those natives who wished to be considered as loyal subjects to spain had to pass. it was composed of spaniards, principally officers, having the celebrated major san bruno as president. nothing can be imagined more arbitrary than the conduct of this tribunal; its assumed duties were to examine the proceedings of the inhabitants, and, independently of any established laws or set forms, to sentence or acquit. the prisons were filled with the objects of persecution, the places of exile were crowded with the victims of this political inquisition, and chile groaned under the unwise administration of osorio. this tyrannical general and marcó, instead of pursuing conciliatory measures, which would have attached the mal-contents to their party, adopted every kind of persecution, and cultivated distrust; until enmity, which ripened in secret, at the first favourable opportunity produced conspiracies and all the fatal effects of revenge. general carrera pursued his route to buenos ayres, where he embarked for the united states to solicit assistance; while o'higgins, rodrigues, mckenny, and calderon began to recruit and discipline a new army for the re-occupation of chile: the command of the army was given to san martin; it crossed the cordillera, and the battle of chacabuco was fought on the twelfth of february, 1817, the result of which has already been stated. on the arrival of the patriot troops in santiago an elective government was formed, of which general san martin was nominated the supreme director; but he declined the offer, and recommended his friend, general o'higgins, to fill the place. the refusal of san martin to accept the first and highest post of honour in chile was misunderstood at the time; it was construed into a deference to the superior abilities of o'higgins, and to modesty on the part of the hero of chacabuco; whereas some who knew him better were persuaded, that he intended to govern the government, and to make it subservient to his own purposes. besides, a wider field for the ambition of san martin now presented itself. he began to look forward to peru, which afterwards became the theatre of his warlike virtues. the spaniards kept possession of talcahuano, as well as the southern provinces, and received supplies from peru, principally composed of the regiment of burgos, one of the finest bodies of troops ever sent from spain. general osorio again took the command of the army, and marched towards the capital, while the patriots mustered all their forces to oppose him. the spanish force was composed of about five thousand regulars, and it gained several advantages, particularly one at cancharayada, where they surprised the chilean army in the night, and completely dispersed it; and had osorio continued his march, he might have entered the capital without any opposition; but he remained at talca, and allowed the patriots to collect their scattered forces. this they were not slow in performing, for on the fifth of april they presented themselves on the plain of maypu about seven thousand strong, including the militia; indeed very few of them could be called veterans, except in their fidelity to the cause of their country. o'higgins having been severely wounded in his right arm at cancha-rayada, could not take the field, but remained in his palace at santiago. san martin and las heras commanded the patriots, and osorio the royalists on this memorable day, which sealed the fate of chile. the conflict was obstinate and sanguinary during the greater part of the day; in the afternoon fortune appeared to favour the chileans, when lieutenant-colonel o'brian observed, that the regiment of burgos were endeavouring to form themselves into a solid square; he immediately rode up to general san martin; and begged him to charge at the head of the cavalry and prevent the completion of this manoeuvre, stating, that if it were effected nothing could prevent their marching to the capital. san martin, instead of charging at the head of the cavalry, ordered o'brian to charge, which he did, and completely routed the spaniards, and gave the victory to the patriots. osorio on observing the fate of the regiment of burgos fled with a few officers and part of his body-guard. when o'brian returned to the commander in chief and reported to him the news of the victory, he was answered by a bottle of rum being offered to him by the hero of maypu, accompanied with this familiar expression, _toma!_ take hold! of the five thousand men commanded by osorio two thousand fell on the field, and two thousand five hundred were made prisoners, with one hundred and ninety-three officers, who were immediately sent across the cordillera to the punta de san luis and las bruscas; general osorio, with about two hundred followers, escaped from the field of action and fled to conception. this victory over the spaniards gave to the chileans that complete independence for which they had been struggling ever since 1810; but the glory of the achievement was tarnished by what took place as well at mendosa on the east side of the cordillera as at quillota on the west. on the return of general carrera from the united states, bringing with him several officers and some supplies of arms, for the purpose of equipping an expedition for the liberation of his country, he found, on his arrival at buenos ayres, that his two brothers were on their parole of honour in this city, and were not allowed to return home nor to join the army. this proceeding astounded carrera, but he had scarcely time to inquire into what had taken place, when he was himself arrested and placed on board a gun brig belonging to buenos ayres; at which time his two brothers, fearing the same fate, fled, don luis on the nineteenth of july, 1817, and don jose miguel on the eighth of august: on the seventeenth they were apprehended near mendosa, and thrown into prison, when they were in hopes of having been able to cross the cordillera and again to serve their country. it appears that don jose miguel carrera when at rio janeiro had obtained a copy of the negociation which had been carried on in france by don antonio alvares jonte, the agent of the supreme director of buenos ayres, pueyrredon, for the purpose of establishing a monarchy in this place, and of giving the throne to charles louis prince of lucca, the son of don louis of bourbon, heir apparent to the dukedom of parma, and dona maria louisa of bourbon, daughter to charles iv. of spain, afterwards called the king and queen of etruria. the possession of these documents, and a knowledge of all that had transpired, rendered carrera an unwelcome visitor at buenos ayres, and a suspicious character to pueyrredon, who, to provide for his own safety, determined on the destruction of this individual, but he escaped from the brig and fled to monte video. don jose miguel and don luis were equally dangerous opponents to the vices of san martin, who on hearing of their being arrested sent over his arch-secretary don bernardo monteagudo to bring them to their trial; and as it was necessary to forge some ostensible motive for their execution, as that of having disobeyed the orders of a government to which they had never promised fealty could not be accounted sufficient, don juan jose was accused of having murdered the son of the postmaster of san jose in the year 1814, of which act, however, monteagudo himself says, in his _extracto de la causa seguida contra los carreras_, _p. 7_, "although from the nature of the circumstances the murder could not be proved by evidence, yet the whole of the procured evidence was such, that the probability of the aggression was in the last degree approaching to a certainty." as this accusation did not include don luis another plan was laid that should inculpate the two brothers. some of the soldiers then on duty at mendosa were directed to propose to the prisoners the means of escaping, to which they acceded, and on the 25th of february, 1818, pedro antonio olmos informed the governor of mendosa that don juan jose and don luis carrera had formed a plan to escape from prison on the following night, and brought in manuel solis to support the information. this put the machine in motion, and five other soldiers were adduced as evidence against the unfortunate brothers. on the 10th of march the examinations closed, on the 11th they were requested to appoint their counsel, and on the 4th of april the fiscal solicited the sentence of death; on the 8th the solicitation was approved of, as being according to law, by miguel jose galigniana and bernardo monteagudo, to which was subjoined the following order: "let the sentence be executed--don juan jose and don luis carrera are to be shot this afternoon at five o'clock." (signed) toribio de lusuriaga. the two unhappy brothers heard their sentence at three o'clock in the afternoon, and they were slaughtered at six. they left the dungeon arm in arm, walked to the place of execution, and having embraced each other, sat themselves down on a bench, and ordering the soldiers to fire, they again embraced each other in death. the conduct of general san martin in this affair may perhaps be defended by his friends and partisans; but the prevalent belief is, that on finding a considerable party in chile in favour of the carreras, he was determined on their destruction, and that the order for the execution of don juan jose and don luis was sent by him to lusuriaga the governor. nothing however can be conceived more brutal than what occurred at santiago after the execution of the two brothers. san martin sent to their unhappy father an account of the expenses incurred on their trial and execution, with an order for immediate payment, or that the father should be committed to prison. the venerable old man defrayed the bloody charge, and two days afterwards he expired, the victim of malice and of persecution. i was at santiago at the period, and followed the corpse to the grave. at the same time that this tragedy was performed on the eastern side of the cordillera, another, which for its midnight atrocity exceeds even the fabulous legends of cold-blooded cruelty, was performed by the same manager on the western side: an act that would curdle the milk of sympathy into a clotted mass of hatred. don manuel rodrigues obtained the rank of colonel in the service of his country; he crossed the cordillera after the defeat of the patriots at rancagua, remained with o'higgins, and assisted to discipline the army commanded by san martin; the battle of chacabuco added honour and glory to his name, and the field of maypu crowned him with laurels. his conduct as a soldier and his manners as a gentleman had endeared him to all who knew him; but the record of his virtues was the instrument of his destruction; the jealousy of san martin could not brook a rival in those glories which he considered exclusively his own, and that the popularity of rodrigues might withdraw for one moment the attention of a single individual from contemplating the greatness of the hero of maypu. rodrigues was apprehended, and sent to quillota, where after he had remained a few days, san martin sent a corporal and two soldiers, with an order for rodrigues to be delivered up to them; he was conducted along the road leading to the capital, and not permitted to stop at night at a house which they passed, and where he requested they would allow him to rest. the morning dawned on the everlasting resting place of this gallant chilean--he was murdered at midnight by his ruffian guard, and buried at a short distance from the high road. inquiries were afterwards made by the relatives of rodrigues, but no satisfactory accounts could be obtained at head-quarters; the soldiers who were the only persons capable of giving information were not to be found; this was easily accounted for; general san martin had sent them to the punta de san luis, to be taken care of by his confidant dupuy, who was at this time under training for another scene of bloodshed, more horrible, if possible, than the past. after the expulsion of the spaniards, the supreme director, o'higgins, knowing the importance of a naval force, which might protect the shores of chile and its commercial interests against the spanish vessels of war, applied himself seriously to the acquisition not only of vessels but of officers and crews. the two east-indiamen, the cumberland and the windham, afterwards the san martin and the lautero, were purchased; the chacabuco and the pueyerredon were equipped; the galvarino was purchased, and the maria isabel was taken. but after all this the possession of vessels would have been attended only with expense, had not the good fortune of south america been supported by the devoted services of lord cochrane, to whom the western shores of the new world owe their emancipation, and england the commerce of this quarter of the globe. o'higgins being desirous of lightening the burden of the administration which had been confided to him, nominated five individuals as consulting senators; but he unwarily granted to them such powers as made them independent of his own authority, and consequently rendered himself subservient to their determinations. this caused innumerable delays in the despatch of business, and prevented that secresy which is often indispensably necessary in the affairs of state; indeed these two defects of tardiness and publicity were often visible in chile, for by such delays the enemy was informed of the designs of the government, and prepared to thwart their execution. after the squadron had sailed from valparaiso on the fifteenth of january, 1819, under the command of lord cochrane, the whole attention of the chileans was engrossed with the expectation of decisive victories which were to be obtained over the spaniards in peru; they felt themselves secure under the protection of the fleet, and congratulated each other on having now transferred the theatre of war from their own country to that of their enemy; but a new scene of horror presented itself, sufficient not only to astonish the inhabitants of this part of the new world, but to call down on the head of its author universal execration. the following extract is from the ministerial gazette of santiago of the fifth of march, 1819:-"on the eighth of february last, between eight and nine o'clock in the morning, my orderly informed me that some of the spanish officers confined here wished to see me. i ordered him to allow them to enter; i was at this time conversing with the surgeon don jose maria gomes and my secretary don jose manuel riveros. colonel morgado, lieutenant-colonel morla, and captain carretero entered; carretero sat himself down on my left hand, and after a few compliments, he drew from his breast a poignard, and struck at me with it, but i fortunately parried the blow. carretero exclaimed at the same time, "these are your last moments, you villain, america is lost, but you shall not escape!" i drew back to defend myself against colonel morgado, who attempted a second blow, at which time general ordoñes, colonel primo, and lieutenant burguillo entered; gomes, the surgeon, immediately left the room, calling for assistance, and my secretary riveros endeavoured to do the same, but was prevented by burguillo. for a considerable time i had to defend myself against the six assassins, who began to desist on hearing the shouts of the people that surrounded the house, and were using every effort to enter it; i requested they would allow me to go out and quiet the populace, to which they consented; but the moment i opened the door leading from the patio to the plasa, the people rushed in, and put the whole of them to death, except colonel morgado, whom i killed, and thus the attack on my person was revenged. "i immediately discovered that a plot had been formed by the whole of the officers confined here, to liberate themselves, and to pass over to the guerilla parties under the command of carrera and alvear; however, the populace and the soldiery took the alarm, and several of the prisoners have paid with their lives the temerity of the plan they had laid. i immediately ordered don bernardo monteagudo to form a summary process, which on the fourth day after receiving the order he informed me was finished, and i agreeing with his opinion, ordered the following individuals to be shot: captains gonsales, sierra and arriola; ensigns riesco, vidaurazaga and caballo; privates, moya and peres. the number of enemies who have ceased to exist is, one general, three colonels, two lieutenant-colonels, nine captains, five lieutenants, seven ensigns, one intendent of the army, one commissary, one sergeant and two privates." this was signed by vicente dupuy, lieutenant-governor of san luis. many other statements of the transaction were circulated by the friends of each party. i received the following from a person entirely independent of both, and who had no motive for furnishing me with an exaggerated account: "on the night of the seventh of february, 1818, when the spanish field officers confined at san luis were playing at cards with don vicente dupuy, this lieutenant-governor happened to lose some money, and immediately seized what was lying before colonel ribero; ribero expostulated, and notwithstanding the entreaties of his friends, at length struck dupuy on the face, whose friends immediately seized some arms, which had been placed in the room, and the spaniards also availed themselves of part of them. the uproar that was formed alarmed the guard, and the spanish prisoners, fearful of the result, laid down their arms and begged dupuy's pardon; it was granted, and he pledged his word and honour, that if they would allow him to go out, he would pacify the tumult made by the guard and populace; the spaniards believed him; he went out; but instead of quieting the disturbance he spread the alarm, and called upon the people to revenge the insults he had received from the godos (goths, the name by which the spaniards were known); dupuy re-entered the house with some soldiers and other armed individuals, and general ordoñes, colonel morgado, with six other officers were immediately butchered by them; colonel primo seeing that he could not escape, took up a pistol and shot himself; every spaniard found in the streets was also massacred at the same time, and many were murdered in their houses; in all fifty spanish officers were massacred, and only two escaped of the whole number, which at that time were at san luis. for this memorable action dupuy was created a colonel-major, and a member of the legion of merit of chile. "dupuy was afterwards tried, by order of the government of buenos ayres, for several acts of assassination and cruelty which he had committed, and he defended himself by producing written orders from san martin for the assassination of raposo and conde, as also for the murder of the unfortunate rodrigues--these orders were very laconic--_pasará por san luis, tiene mi pasaporte, recibale bien, pero que no pase el monte al atro lado de san luis. prontitud, y silencio, asi, conviene para el bien de la patria_: will pass through san luis, he has my passport, receive him politely, but allow him not to pass the wood on the other side of san luis.--promptitude and silence, this is necessary for the good of the country. however, dupuy was exiled to la rioja, whence he escaped, and followed san martin to peru. he also proved, that the order for the execution of the carreras was a verbal one given by san martin before he left mendosa." with respect to general san martin, it may be observed, that as his character and actions have been so grossly mis-stated by other writers, it becomes necessary that some traits which have hitherto been withheld should be published, as well for the purpose of historical truth, as for that of dissipating the cloud which envelopes the conduct of several individuals who have lent their assistance to the cause of american liberty. the presence of monteagudo at mendoza for the execution of the carreras, and of his being employed on a similar mission at san luis, are rather strange coincidences; with the additional circumstance, that he was arrested in the house of an english merchant residing at santiago, and in the supposed character of a prisoner, was sent by the order of san martin to san luis, where he was considered a prisoner until called upon to form the process, and draw up the sentence of death against the spanish officers, which sentence appears to have decreed his own liberation, for he immediately recrossed the cordillera, and remained with his patron. in 1819 the spaniards under the command of general sanches evacuated conception and talcahuano, crossed the biobio, and proceeded through the araucanian territory to valdivia. sanches plundered the city of conception of every valuable which he could take with him; the church plate and ornaments, and even many of the iron windows belonging to the houses; he also persuaded the nuns to leave their cloisters and to follow the fortunes of the army: they did, and were abandoned at tucapel, and left among the indians. a native of chile named benavides was left by sanches at the town of arauco, for the purpose of harassing the patriots at conception, and several spaniards of the most licentious characters chose to remain with him. benavides was a native of the province of conception, and served some time in the army of his country, but deserted to the royalists: at the battle of maypu he was taken prisoner, and, among other delinquents, was ordered to be shot, in the dusk of the evening. however, benavides was not killed, although his face was stained with the gunpowder, and having fallen, he made some motion, which the officer observing, cut him across the neck with his sword, and left him for dead; but even after this he recovered sufficient strength to crawl to a small house, where he was received and cured of his wounds. it is said that after his recovery he held a private conference with san martin; i have been perfectly satisfied on this head, and i am certain that no such interview ever took place; indeed san martin is not the man for such actions, nor would it have been prudent for any chief to have risked his existence with a desperado like benavides. this monster fled from santiago, joined general sanches at conception, and was left by him in the command of the small town of arauco, where the most atrocious hostilities commenced that have ever disgraced even the war in america. the attention of the government was employed in fitting out a second naval expedition to the coast of peru, for the latest advices from europe confirmed the former, which stated, that a naval force preparing in cadiz, and composed of the two line of battle ships alexander and san telmo, the frigate prueba, and some smaller vessels, was destined to the pacific. the chilean squadron was by no means competent to cope with such a force; besides which, two frigates, the esmeralda and vengansa, three brigs of war, and some small craft, as well as armed merchantmen at callao, being added to what was expected from spain, the force would have been overwhelming. it was therefore determined, that the squadron should attempt the destruction of the vessels in callao, by burning them. mr. goldsack, who had come to chile, was employed in making congreve's rockets, of which an experiment was made at valparaiso, and which answered the expectations of lord cochrane. every necessary arrangement being completed, the squadron, consisting of the o'higgins, san martin, lautaro, independencia, (which arrived on the 23rd may, 1819, having been built in the united states for the government of chile) the galvarino, araucano, the victoria, and xeresana, two merchant vessels which were to be converted into fire-ships if necessary, left the port of valparaiso on the twelfth of september, and having first touched at coquimbo, arrived in the bay of callao on the twenty-eighth. lord cochrane announced to the viceroy pesuela his intention of destroying the shipping in the bay, if possible; but he proposed to him terms on which he would desist; namely, that he would diminish the number of his vessels by sending part of them to leeward, and fight the spanish force man to man, and gun to gun, if they would leave their anchorage, and this, said he, might be the means of preserving the property of individuals then in the bay. his excellency, however, declined the challenge, observing, that it was of a nature which had never been before heard of. the preparations for throwing rockets among the shipping immediately commenced, and on the night of the first of october several were thrown, but without effect: the firing from the batteries and shipping began at the moment the first rocket was thrown, which appeared as a signal to the enemy. from our anchorage we could distinguish the heated shot that flew through the air like meteors in miniature; however, little injury was sustained on either side: our loss consisted in lieutenant bayley of the galvarino and one seaman. one of the rafts under the direction of lieutenant-colonel charles was protected by the independencia; the second by two mortars under that of major miller, now (1824) general miller, was protected by the galvarino; and the third under captain hinde was defended by the pueyrredon. by accident captain hinde lost his lighted match rope, and sent on board the brig for another, which the soldier dropped on stepping from the boat to the raft; it fell among the rockets, and an explosion took place, but no serious injury was experienced. in the nights of the second, third, and fourth several more rockets were thrown, without particular success: some damage was done to the enemy's vessels, but on the fourth they were completely unrigged, which was undoubtedly a wise precaution. several of the rockets exploded almost immediately after they were lighted, others at about half their range, others took a contrary direction to that in which they were projected, and it became evident that some mismanagement had occurred in their construction. on examining them, some were found to contain rags, sand, sawdust, manure, and similar materials, mixed with the composition. colonel charles, who had been commissioned to superintend the making of the rockets, was at first incapable of accounting for this insertion, but at length he recollected, that the government of chile, with a view of saving the wages of hired persons, had employed the spanish prisoners to fill the rockets, to which mistaken policy the whole squadron might have fallen a sacrifice; for had the vessels which were expected from spain arrived, the chilean forces would never have been able to cope with the spanish, especially when joined by what was in the bay of callao. on the fifth a large vessel was observed to windward. it proved to be the spanish frigate la prueba, part of the expected squadron: advices which we received from shore informed us, that the alejandro had returned to spain, and the general belief was, that the san telmo had been lost off cape horn, which was afterwards proved to be the case. the fire-ship being ready was sent into the bay under the direction of lieutenant morgel; an unceasing cannonade was kept up both from the batteries and the shipping; the wind died away, and such was the state of the fire-ship, that lieutenant morgel was obliged to abandon her, and she exploded before she came to a position where she could injure the enemy. owing to the news which we received the following day, the admiral determined not to send in the second fire-ship, but to proceed to the northward, to procure fresh provisions and water, as well as to obtain news respecting the spanish frigate. the crew of the san martin being unhealthy, his lordship ordered her, the independencia and araucano to santa, and the lautaro and galvarino to pisco, to procure spirits and wine, the royal stores being full at this place. a military force being stationed at pisco, part of the marines were sent from the o'higgins and independencia, and the whole were placed under the orders of colonel charles. on the 14th of october we anchored in the harbour of santa, and immediately began to drive the cattle from the farms belonging to the spaniards down to the beach; but whatsoever was received at any time from the natives was always punctually paid for; this so enraged a spaniard, don benito del real, that he headed some of his own slaves and dependents, and came from nepeña to santa, where he surprised one of our sailors, and took him prisoner; he immediately returned, and reported by an express to the viceroy pesuela, that he had secured lord cochrane's brother in disguise. this news made its appearance in the lima gazette, and nothing could exceed the disappointment of the royalists in lima, when they discovered that their noble prisoner was only a common sailor. on the 15th the lautaro and galvarino arrived from pisco, and as nothing can give a better account of what occurred at this place than the official dispatch of the admiral to the chilean government, the following translation is subjoined: "the absolute want of many indispensable articles in the squadron, as i have already informed you, left me no other alternative than to abandon the object of the expedition, or to take the necessary provisions from the enemy. i adopted the latter, and sent the lautaro and the galvarino to pisco for the purpose of procuring spirits, wine, rice and some other articles. "the result of this expedition has been glorious to the arms of chile in the valour shewn by her officers and soldiers when fighting hand to hand with the enemy, and in the assault on the city of pisco, and the fort to which the forces of the viceroy retired. it is my painful duty notwithstanding to inform you, that the unfortunate lieutenant-colonel charles closed in this action his career in the cause of liberty, to which his soul was devoted, at a moment when it promised to be the most brilliant which the human mind could desire. the courage and judgment of charles were not more visible than the talent and general knowledge which he possessed; such as could only receive an additional lustre from his peculiarly agreeable suavity of refined manners, and from that diffidence in his behaviour, as if he considered that he had not arrived at the portal of wisdom, when all who surrounded him saw that he was one of the inmates of the temple. "would to god that that sword, the companion of his travels over the greater part of the globe, in search of information, in the day of danger, and in the hour of death, be employed by his brother, to whom in his last moments he bequeathed it, with equal zeal in the just and glorious cause, in which my ever to be lamented friend charles has prematurely fallen. "lamenting the loss which the cause of liberty and independence has suffered in the death of charles, as well as all those who knew this able and meritorious officer, i subscribe myself with an anguished heart, your most obedient servant, (signed) cochrane." "to the minister of marine of chile, november seventeenth, 1819." the spanish force at pisco was composed of six hundred infantry and two hundred cavalry, part veteran and part militia; six pieces of eighteen pound calibre in the fort, and two field pieces, mounted and served in the city. the force under the unfortunate charles consisted of two hundred and eighty marines. after taking the fort they advanced on the city, and took it. colonel charles fell about a hundred yards from the town, and was immediately conveyed on board the lautaro, where he died on the following day. his last expressions were, "i hoped to have lived longer, and to have served chile; however, fate decrees the contrary; but, captain guise, we made the spaniards run!" major miller took the command of the troops, and having arrived at the plasa, he was severely wounded by a musket shot passing through his body, but he recovered, and has continued to serve the cause of liberty in the new world. a considerable quantity of spirits and wine was embarked, but the seamen, owing to the facility of obtaining their favourite beverage on shore, became so unruly, that captain guise was obliged to burn the stores, consisting at that time of about fourteen thousand eighteen gallon jars of spirits and wine. health being in some degree established among the crew of the san martin, she, with the independencia, was ordered to valparaiso, and his lordship with the o'higgins, lautaro, and galvarino, proceeded to the river of guayaquil, in the hopes of falling in with the prueba. on the twenty-seventh we entered the mouth of the river, at eleven p. m., and at five the following morning, to the astonishment of the natives, we were at the anchorage of the puná, where we found two large spanish merchant ships. la aguila and la begoña, almost laden with timber; after some resistance the crews cut their cables, and allowed them to drop down the river, as the ebb tide had begun to run; however the boats from the o'higgins, the only vessel that had arrived, manned them before they received any damage. the spaniards took to their boats, and fled up the river. a slight dissention happened here between lord cochrane and captain guise, who asserted, that the prizes had been plundered by the officers of the flag ship; but on being questioned by his lordship respecting the assertion, he denied having ever made it. a report was afterwards circulated by captain spry, that it was the intention of the admiral not to allow the lautaro and galvarino to share in the prizes, they not having been in sight when the vessels were captured, nor until the boats from the flag ship had taken possession of them; however, captain spry declared to the admiral, "on his honour," that the report was absolutely false. spry being now convinced that no objection would be made to the vessels that were not present at the capture, sharing in the prizes, next circulated a rumour, that lord cochrane had no right to share in the double capacity of admiral and captain; but he also declared, "on his honour," that he had neither made nor even heard such a report. these trifling circumstances would be unworthy of detail, were they not connected with future transactions in the squadron of serious importance, which it will be my painful duty to relate. the spanish frigate la prueba had arrived at the puná on the fifteenth of october; and having placed her artillery on rafts, she went up to the city, where, for want of pilots, it was impossible for us to follow. having watered, and purchased a large stock of plantains and other vegetables, we left guayaquil river on the twenty-first of december. the vessels of war and the prizes received orders to proceed to valparaiso; the o'higgins appeared to have the same destination; but having made the island of juan fernandes, the admiral gave orders to stand towards valdivia instead of valparaiso, saying, that he wished to examine that port, because the viceroy of peru had assured the peruvians, that one of the line of battle ships had entered valdivia, and was there refitting, for the purpose of making an attack on valparaiso. chapter vii. passage from guayaquil river to valdivia....lord cochrane reconnoitres the harbour....capture of the spanish brig potrillo....arrival at talcahuano....preparations for an expedition to valdivia....troops furnished by general freire....o'higgins runs aground....arrival off valdivia....capture of valdivia....attempt on chiloe fails....return of lord cochrane....leaves valdivia for valparaiso....victory by beauchef....arrival of the independencia and araucano....o'higgins repaired....return to valparaiso....conduct of chilean government....lord cochrane resigns the command of the squadron. one peculiarity which accompanied our voyage was, that having the larboard tacks on board at our departure from the mouth of the guayaquil river, they were never started until our arrival off valdivia, the difference of latitude being 36° 27´. the currents which run from the southward seem to decrease in about 92° west longitude, and at 98° in 33° of south latitude they are scarcely perceptible. here also the wind gradually draws round to the eastward, and in twenty-seven spanish journals which i have examined of voyages made at all seasons of the year, this has been universally observed. on the seventeenth of january, 1820, we made punta galera, the south headland of the bay of valdivia, having the spanish flag hoisted. early on the morning of the eighteenth the admiral entered the port in his gig, and returned on board at day-break, having examined the anchorage, and convinced himself that the spanish ship of war was not there, the only vessel in the harbour being a merchantman. for an excursion of this nature the spirit of enterprize of a cochrane was necessary. when the strength of this gibraltar of south america is considered, the number of batteries, forming an almost uninterrupted chain of defence, crowned with cannon, the shot of which cross the passage in various directions; under such circumstances, the resolution to brave all danger for the advancement of the chilean service reflects the highest possible honour on the admiral; besides, to this brief and perilous survey south america owes the expulsion of her enemies from this strong hold. at half-past six o'clock a boat with an officer, three soldiers, and a pilot, came alongside, having been deceived by the spanish flag which we hoisted; they were detained, and proved an acquisition of considerable importance. immediately afterwards a brig hove in sight, which we chased and captured; she proved to be the spanish brig of war the potrillo; she had been sent from callao with money for the governments of chiloe and valdivia, and was at this time on her passage from the former to the latter place. after the capture i was most agreeably surprised to find, that two of the daughters of my kind friend don nicolas del rio, of arauco, were on board; and that, at the expiration of seventeen years, it was in my power to return part of the kindnesses which i had received from their family, when a forlorn and destitute captive in araucania. on the 20th we anchored in the bay of talcahuano, and in the course of two hours general freire, the governor of the province and suite came on board to welcome the arrival of lord cochrane. i availed myself of this opportunity and solicited permission for the two miss rios to return to their home, to which the general immediately acceded; although, said he, with the exception of their brother luis, all the family have been determined enemies to the cause of their country. late at night an officer came on board and informed me, that two soldiers were under sentence of death at conception, that they were to be executed on the following morning for the crime of desertion, and that he had been deputed by some of his brother officers to solicit the intervention of the admiral in their behalf. i reported this to his lordship, and a letter was sent in the morning, to which the following answer was received: "my lord--chile and chileans are every day more and more indebted to you; the favour which you have this day done me, in relieving me from the necessity of enforcing the execution of another sentence of death, is equal, in the scale of my feelings, to the pardon. i shall send the two deserters to thank your lordship, for i have impressed on their minds what they owe to your lordship's goodness. i have to beg that they be incorporated in the marines, where, fighting under your immediate orders, they may evince their love of the patria, and erase the stain with which they have soiled a cause which has the honour of counting lord cochrane among its most worthy defenders &c.--ramon freire." on the day after our arrival, lord cochrane had a private conference with general freire, and proposed to him an attempt on valdivia, which his lordship offered to undertake with four hundred soldiers, if the general would place them at his disposal, secresy being a positive condition. this truly patriotic chief immediately acceded to the terms, and pledged himself not to communicate the plan even to the supreme government, until the result should be known. it is impossible not to admire this generous conduct of freire. he lent part of his army, when he was on the eve of attacking benavides, and exposed himself, by thus weakening his division, to the displeasure of his superiors, should lord cochrane not succeed. but his love for his country, and the high opinion which he entertained of the admiral, overcame every objection. the generosity of freire is equally praiseworthy in another point of view: he gave part of his force to another chief, for the purpose of obtaining a victory, in the glory of which he could not be a participator, except as an american interested in the glorious cause of the liberty of his country. orders were immediately given to prepare for a secret expedition; but as this proceeding was so novel, a _secret_ was put in circulation, that the destination was to tucapel, in order to harass the enemy's force at arauco; and the distance being so very short, neither officers nor privates encumbered themselves with luggage. all was ready on the afternoon of the 28th, and two hundred and fifty men, with their respective officers, under the command of major beauchef, were embarked on board the o'higgins, the brig of war intrepid, and the schooner montezuma, which were at talcahuano on our arrival. we got under weigh in the morning, because the wind continued calm during the whole of the night. about four o'clock in the morning his lordship retired to his cabin to rest, leaving orders with lieutenant lawson to report if the wind should change, or any alteration should take place. as soon as his lordship had left the quarter deck, lawson gave the same orders to mr. george, a midshipman, and also retired to his cabin. the morning was so remarkably hazy, that it was impossible to see twenty yards ahead of the ship, and a slight breeze springing up, the frigate ran aground on a sand-bank off the island quiriquina, and so near to it, that the jib-boom was entangled among the branches of the trees on shore. this accident brought the admiral on deck, half-dressed, when to his astonishment he saw large pieces of sheathing and fragments of the false keel floating about the ship. a kedge anchor was immediately carried out astern, and in a few minutes we were again afloat. the carpenter sounded, and reported, "three feet water in the hold:" the men at the pumps were almost in despair, all imagining that the expedition had failed at its very outset: in half an hour the carpenter reported, no abatement in the depth of water: well, said his lordship, but does it increase? no, said the carpenter, and orders were immediately given to stand out to sea. on the second of february, to the southward of punta galera, the whole of the troops, including the marines of the o'higgins, were placed on board the brig and the schooner; his lordship embarked in the latter, and proceeded to the bay of valdivia; having anchored at sunset near to a small bay, called aguada del yngles, english watering place, major beauchef took the command of the troops, embarked at talcahuano, and major miller, having recovered of the severe wounds which he received at pisco, took the command of his brave marines, and assisted in adding new lustre to the arms of chile. an advanced party of six soldiers and a sergeant was despatched under the command of the ensign vidal, a young peruvian, having as a guide one of the spanish soldiers, who came off to the o'higgins in the boat on our first appearance off valdivia: they drove the spaniards from the two guns stationed at the avansada, and following their footsteps, arrived at the battery of san carlos, but not before the gate was closed. this battery is formed on the land side by placing pieces of the trunks of trees one upon another to the height of ten feet; and vidal finding it impossible to scale the wooden wall exerted himself in dragging out two of the logs, and then crept through the hole, followed by his piquet. having entered, he formed his veteran gang and began to fire on the spanish soldiers, who not being able to distinguish either the number or situation of their enemy fled in disorder, some clambering over the palisade, while others opened the gate and fled in less apparent disorder. two officers came to vidal, and said to him, why do you fire on us, we are your countrymen, we do not belong to the insurgents? i beg your pardon, answered vidal, you now belong to the insurgents, being my prisoners of war. the two astonished officers immediately surrendered their swords. at this moment captain erescano, a buenos ayrean, arrived with forty marines, and without any hesitation butchered the two officers, heedless of the remonstrances and even threats of vidal, who told him, that at another time he should demand satisfaction: he now immediately left erescano, and with his brave soldiers followed the enemy. the batteries of amargos and the two chorocamayos fell in the same manner that san carlos had fallen, and vidal had passed the bridge of the castle del corral when captain erescano arrived with forty marines: thus in five hours all the batteries on the south side of the harbour were in our possession. at nine o'clock in the morning of the third, the o'higgins laid to at the mouth of the harbour, under spanish colours. the spaniards at niebla were a second time deceived; for believing her to be a vessel from spain, they made the private signal, which not being answered by the frigate, the soldiers immediately abandoned the battery, and fled in the greatest disorder. after the o'higgins was brought to an anchor, detachments of troops were sent to niebla and the battery of mansera on the small island bearing the same name. the vessel at anchor, in this port was the dolores, formerly under the chilean flag; but in november, 1819, part of the crew took possession of her at talcahuano, and having slipt her cables, sailed her to arauco, where benavides landed those of the crew who were accused of being insurgents, and immediately ordered them to be shot on the beach: a boy who witnessed this horrid spectacle began to cry, which being observed by benavides, he immediately beat out his brains with his baston. this murderer not knowing what to do with the ship, sent her to valdivia, where she became our prize; the ringleader, a native of paita, was also secured, sent to valparaiso, tried and executed. the important strong hold of valdivia was thus annexed to the republic of chile by one of those inexhaustible resources in war which have marked the career of the hero under whose immediate directions and unparalleled intrepidity the plan was formed and executed. lord cochrane having personally attended to the landing of the troops, and given his final orders to miller and beauchef, took his gig, and, notwithstanding the shot from the battery of san carlos, rowed along the shore, watching the operations of the troops, and serving as the beacon to glory. in fifteen hours from our landing we were in possession of the advanced posts of aguada del yngles, el piojo, de la boca, and de playa blanco; of the batteries of san carlos, amargos, chorocamayo alto and bajo, mansera, and niebla; and of the castle del corral, mounting on the whole one hundred and twenty-eight pieces of artillery. in the magazines there were eight hundred and forty barrels of gunpowder, each weighing one hundred and twenty-five pounds, one hundred and seventy thousand musket cartridges, about ten thousand shot, many of copper, besides an immense quantity of all kinds of warlike stores. our loss consisted of seven men killed, and nineteen wounded; that of the enemy of three officers and ten soldiers killed, and twenty-one wounded; besides six officers prisoners, among whom was the colonel of cantabria, don fausto del hoyo, and seventy-six spanish sergeants, corporals, and privates. every thing being secured in the port, his lordship went with part of the troops to the city, which had been sacked by the spaniards, who had fled towards chiloe. a provisional government was immediately elected by the natives who were present, at which, by his lordship's orders, i presided, and received the elective votes; the person chosen being afterwards confirmed in his situation as governor _ad interim_ by the admiral. on examining the correspondence in the archives, i found that many serious complaints had been made by quintanilla, the governor of chiloe, to montoya the ex-governor of valdivia, stating his fear of a revolution at san carlos, the principal town. this induced his lordship to appear off chiloe, and even to land part of the force that could be spared at valdivia. he gave orders to prepare for embarkation on the 12th, but unfortunately the brig intrepid was driven from her anchorage by a strong northerly wind, and wrecked on a sand-bank that stretches into the bay from the island of mansera. this very serious loss was regarded by the admiral like our former accident at talcahuano, and orders were immediately issued for the soldiers to embark in the montezuma and dolores. the short respite from active duty allowed his lordship to inform the supreme government of chile of his success at valdivia; which he effected by sending a small piragua, with orders to touch at talcahuano, and to report to general freire the result of the expedition. the receipt of the unexpected news at valparaiso was a moment of exultation to the friends of lord cochrane, and a very severe check on the tongues of his detractors; some of these had been busily employed in forming matter wherewith to tarnish the rocket expedition; and they generously attributed its failure to the unskilfulness, not of those who had prepared the missiles, but to the persons who had used them. his absence from chile was adduced as a proof of his disobedience to the orders of the government. now, however, all was hushed, and every one exclaimed, "we knew that our admiral would not return to chile without adding new laurels to his brows." this was re-echoed in valparaiso; and long live cochrane! was the general cry; long live the hero of valdivia! resounded in every street. on the 13th, lord cochrane went on board the schooner montezuma, and sailed with the dolores for chiloe, where the troops were landed, and two small batteries taken, and afterwards demolished. the young ensign vidal was again appointed to command an advanced party of twenty-four soldiers, and when, ascending the hill on which the castle de la corona is built, he lost eleven of his men by a volley of grape from the battery, he immediately ordered the drummer to beat a retreat: that is impossible, said the boy, knocking the sticks together, for my drum is gone. in fact it had been shattered to pieces by a shot; however vidal retired, carrying three wounded men with him, and miller being wounded at the same time by a grape shot which had passed the fleshy part of his thigh, the retreat to the boats was immediately ordered. the resistance made at this place by the natives, headed by several friars, was a convincing proof that they were determined supporters of the cause of spain, and as the patriot force was not sufficient to attempt a conquest of the town, the soldiers were re-embarked. during the absence of the admiral with the marines, part of the troops embarked at conception were left on duty at the castle del corral, under the command of ensign latapia, who in cold blood, and without the slightest provocation, ordered two of the prisoners, a corporal and a private, to be shot. i immediately ordered four officers who were on shore to be sent on board the o'higgins, fearful that they might be treated in the same manner. on the return of his lordship on the twentieth, latapia was placed under arrest on board, and the necessary declarations were taken, according to the spanish forms, for his trial by a court-martial. he was conveyed to valparaiso as a prisoner; his conduct, together with that of erescano, was reported to the government, and when we expected to hear of their being sentenced to some kind of punishment, we were surprized to find that they had been promoted. these two individuals were afterwards employed by san martin, and by him they were again promoted in peru. his lordship having given orders for the o'higgins to be overhauled and repaired, considering it unsafe to venture again to sea in her, he embarked on the twenty-eighth in the montezuma for valparaiso, taking with him five spanish officers, and forty privates, prisoners, leaving directions with me to superintend what was going on here, until i should receive orders from the supreme government. major beauchef having collected all the force he was able, which, including the troops embarked at conception, and some volunteers of valdivia, amounting only to two hundred and eighty individuals, marched to the llanos, having received information that the spaniards who fled from valdivia had sworn at chiloe that they would return and either conquer or die in the attempt. the two armies met near the river toro, on the sixth of march, and after an engagement of less than an hour, the spanish officers mounted their horses and fled, leaving the soldiers to their fate. on the tenth beauchef arrived at valdivia, bringing with him two hundred and seventy prisoners, with all the arms and baggage belonging to the spaniards. the independencia and araucano arrived on the twelfth, with the necessary workmen and tools for the repairs of the o'higgins; after she was hove down, it was discovered that besides a great quantity of sheathing, she had lost nineteen feet of her false keel, and about seven of her main keel. on the eleventh of april the repairs were finished, and we embarked for valparaiso, where we arrived on the eighteenth. the spanish force stationed at valdivia consisted of part of the regiment of cantabria, part of the casadores dragoons, artillery, pioneers, marines, infantry of conception, artillery of ditto, battalion of valdivia, dragoons of the frontier, and lancers of the laxa; these were the remains of the spanish army which left conception, under the command of general sanches, in 1819, besides the regular garrison of the port, amounting in all to about one thousand six hundred, while the expedition under lord cochrane amounted only to three hundred and eighteen. the government of chile ordered a medal to be struck in commemoration of this important victory, and it was distributed to the officers. his lordship expected some remuneration for his men as prize-money, but the government could not understand how prize-money could be due to a naval expedition for services done on shore. the dolores had been laden with warlike stores at valdivia; the admiral requested that the value of these might be decreed to the captors, but the answer to this request was an order for the stores to be disembarked in the arsenal at valparaiso, and the following paragraph from the pen of the hireling monteagudo made its appearance in the censor de la revolucion, which was conducted by this patriotic scribbler:-"we are informed that admiral lord cochrane is determined not to allow the debarkation of the warlike stores brought from valdivia in the ship dolores, on the plea of their being a prize to the squadron which has restored that province from the hands of the enemy to chile. we cannot persuade ourselves that his lordship does not acknowledge, that all the stores existing at valdivia at the time of its restoration belong to the state of chile in the same manner as those in the provinces actually forming the state, without any other difference than that these were restored to the free exercise of their liberty before that was. even if valdivia did not belong to chile, we do not make war on every section of america, but on the spaniards who hold a domination over it: these are the principles which have always regulated the conduct of our armies; and nothing save the exclusive property of the spaniards has been subjected to the rights of war. it would also be a pernicious precedent to future operation if whatever was found in a conquered territory should belong exclusively to the victors. we are persuaded that some misunderstanding has taken place respecting these warlike stores brought by the dolores: admiral cochrane is well acquainted with public rights, and the high opinion which we entertain of his honourable character obliges us to doubt that which we are not inclined to believe." lord cochrane afterwards asked monteagudo if he believed what he had published was just or according to law; no, said he, certainly not, but i was ordered to write and to publish what appeared in the censor. his lordship being convinced that the government was determined not to reward the services of the squadron, assured them, that this would certainly be the last service of the kind which they would receive from it: he also warned them against expecting that men would risk their lives, after undergoing the greatest privations, without any remuneration: he told them, moreover, that as he considered the proceedings on the part of the government as most unjust, he should never request of his officers or men any sacrifice, except when the means of rewarding them were in his own hands. the government wishing to conciliate the admiral, made him a present of a large estate in the province of conception; but his lordship immediately returned the document, stating, that it was the services of the men which ought to be rewarded, that his own were amply repaid by the glory of the achievement. all his pleadings, however, were in vain, and no reward was ever given to them by the government for the capture of this most important fortress; nay more, it was questioned whether lord cochrane ought not to be tried by a court-martial for having fought and conquered an enemy without the sanction of the government! a fair proof of what would have been the consequence had not the result been favourable to his lordship. a series of plots now began to take place one after another, which seemed to threaten even the stability of the government: the regiment number one, stationed at mendosa, revolted, benavides entered conception, and committed several most daring outrages; and a conspiracy was said to have been formed in the capital against the government by the carrera party, and the supreme director was so thwarted by the senate, that he could not act with that promptitude and decision which circumstances required: the greatest possible evils, publicity and procrastination, where secresy and despatch were necessary, counteracted in the most essential points the wishes of the supremacy. the persons who were accused of being conspirators were apprehended, among whom were included the last remains of the carrera family, and other individuals who were obnoxious to o'higgins: these were all embarked on board the brig of war, pueyrredon, and sent down to the coast of choco, where it was expected that they would shortly die, and where in fact the uncle of the carreras did die; but, contrary to the expectation and even the request of the chilean government, that of colombia received them as friends, and some of the exiles being officers, bolivar incorporated them in his army, with a promotion; for which act of justice he never had any reason to complain. the fluctuations in the designs of the government are well portrayed in the following letter from lord cochrane to the supreme director: "most ext. sir--being at present indisposed with a palpitation of my heart, which at times afflicts me most severely, and which would be increased with a journey to santiago, were i to undertake it according to the request of the government, i feel myself obliged to solicit an excuse; persuaded as i am, that the following exposition, which contains all that is necessary to remind you to reflect on what is past, and to anticipate what is to come, will be sufficient. i also hope that my exposition will be ascribed to the sincere desire that i have of serving your excellency, to whose interests i am most sincerely attached, as being the august representative of the sacred cause of your country's welfare. "touching on what is past, you will do me the honour to recollect, that i recommended to you the indispensable necessity of removing among the seamen all kinds of distrust with respect to their pay and prize-money: the first of which they have not yet received, and of the second they have been totally defrauded; your excellency promised me that they should be regularly paid, and that whatever prizes were taken should be entirely appropriated to these two objects; the moiety belonging to the captors should be immediately distributed, and the other, appertaining to government, should be applied to the payment of arrears, and equipment of the vessels of war. i am well aware of the lowness of your funds; but having, according to your promise made to me, informed the crews of the different vessels what would be the course pursued, the men expect a fulfilment of the promise made, and will consider me to be the author of the deception if they discover that what has been promised to them is applied to other purposes. your excellency will allow me to assure you, that if i had not supported the promise made to the seamen, the real squadron would not have now existed, and that if the promises are not fulfilled, the squadron will now cease to exist. "nothing is more difficult than to manage a mass of such heterogeneous materials, as that of which the squadron is composed--men of different nations, manners, and religions--men whose suspicions are easily alarmed, and whose interests cannot be contradicted with impunity; they may be reconciled if duly attended to, and incorporated with those of the state: but if this is not done, they will become opposed to its welfare. "the experience which i acquired during the first cruize, convinced me most completely, that in addition to the punctual payment of the crews, it was necessary for their health and comfort, as well as for the cleanliness of the vessels, which contributes so much to these objects, that proper clothing and beds should be provided. with respect to the means for procuring these articles themselves, the poverty of some, and the relaxed habits of others, are obstacles, besides which the temptations met with at valparaiso, generally deprive them of the power before they leave the port. for the acquirement of this desirable object, i made several applications to the different departments of the government, requesting that such articles might be purchased and distributed to the crews, according to the practice observed in all naval countries. the treasury not being able to pay the value of the articles, this was done with part of the prize-money taken during the cruize; at the same time that the money so employed ought to have been applied to the payment of the captors of the montezuma; and although frequent applications have been made, this, like the debts of the crews of the squadron, has never yet been attended to; but, on the contrary, such sums as were destined, according to the promise of your excellency, to the sole purpose of liquidating such debts, have been applied to other purposes, while part of the seamen who have fulfilled their contract, are wandering about the streets in a state of despair; others, naked and clamorous, remain on board; the invalids are begging alms, and all are cursing the authors of their misfortunes. the result of this conduct on the part of the government is, even at present, that not only the seamen and soldiers, but even some of the officers, avail themselves of every opportunity to dispose of prize goods, as well as of the naval stores belonging to the vessels of the squadron; and when they are discovered, the infliction of punishment is prevented by their alleging that they neither receive pay nor prize-money, and that they despair of ever receiving either. "on my return from the first cruize, your excellency will also be pleased to recollect, that i reported the necessity of marking each barrel, or package of provisions, with the weight or quality which it contained; making the purveyor responsible both for the quantity and quality of the contents, in order to prevent all kinds of fraud; because, from the purser's reports, i should then have been able to know for what period the squadron was victualled. i was compelled to make this request, because i found that the purveyor had reported at the commissariate that he had delivered twenty-one quintals of beef to the independencia, when in fact only eleven had been received. thus the state was charged with the value of ten quintals which had not been delivered, for the purpose of filling the purse of an impostor, whose nefarious conduct might have frustrated the object of our expedition, or even have involved part of the squadron in inevitable ruin. for the purpose of counteracting such iniquitous proceedings, no order has, as yet, been issued, nor am i authorised to correct such as punishable crimes. "on my return to valparaiso, after the first cruize, i hoped to find the manufacture of rockets completed, according to the promise of the government, made to me before i sailed; but i found that even the manufactory was not finished; that notwithstanding the various solicitations made by the late lieutenant-colonel charles, for the necessary materials, that these were retained, or denied through jealousy, or some other criminal motive; this might have involved the whole of the squadron in complete ruin, had the forces arrived at callao, which were expected from spain. as it was, the operations of that expedition became a reproach to the officers and crews employed in it, and allowed the enemy to call it imbecility in them, and ignorance of their undertaking; but, in reality, the neglect or treachery lay in those appointed by your government to construct those missiles, on whose speculations the persons employed in the expedition were induced to rely. the unexpected result of this expedition obliged me to raise the blockade, to the apparent disgrace and positive injury of the interest of the squadron; although it had been destined for the purpose of contending with the enemy before a re-union could be effected between the vessels in callao, and the expected reinforcement from spain. "my orders were limited to impracticable operations, by the concurrence of unexpected accidents, which deprived me of destroying at once the force of the enemy in the pacific. our provisions were exhausted; the ships of war had neither rice, cocoa, sugar, wine, spirits, nor any substitute for those articles; with the addition of a considerable number of sick on board. in this dilemma, it was once my intention to return to valparaiso; but not wishing to provoke the indignation of your excellency, and bring down condign punishment on those persons who had been the cause of this state of the squadron, i determined on taking from the enemy at pisco spirits, wine, and other necessaries, although my orders expressly forbade such a procedure, i being limited by them to take only water, and that in a case of necessity. but the government of chile inadvertently believed that foreign seamen would be content with putrid water, a short allowance of beef and bread, a total want of wine, or grog, when they were on an enemy's coast, where those articles might be procured in abundance. "on being informed that the spanish frigate la prueba had sailed for the puná, and that she was the only vessel of the expedition which had doubled the cape, i again found myself either obliged to abandon the attempt to capture her, or to take upon myself the responsibility of violating my instructions, by taking provisions from the enemy on the coast of peru. i determined on the latter, and although a large quantity of cotton, tobacco, rice, sugar, and other valuable articles, belonging to spaniards, were collected at santa, they were all abandoned for the purpose of following the enemy with all possible despatch; although i was fully convinced, and still remain so, that nothing is obtained by excluding the enemies of liberty from contributing to support the defenders of so just a cause;--for the purpose of exacting from them the whole of the sacrifice. "your excellency must be completely satisfied, that our efforts in the river of guayaquil to take the prueba were rendered nugatory by the want of soldiers; there i requested that they might co-operate with the squadron, when the efforts of the squadron alone were of little avail; my request was opposed; but why the opposition was made, or on what principles it was founded, i am totally ignorant, and more so of the reasons that exist for communicating such strange determinations of the supremacy to any one except myself; because, if any difficulties presented themselves in what i had the honour to propose to your excellency, why was i not requested to explain them, and to do away with what were accounted obstacles; but the conduct observed implies a want of confidence in my knowledge, as to the proper application of such a force, or a conviction on the part of my opponents in your councils, that they could not support their opposition, because their arguments are founded on unsound principles. perhaps what took place at paita may have been quoted by some of your senators, who did not recollect the assurance given by the flags of truce which i sent in, that nothing, except the property of the king of spain, would be touched. the enemy fired on the flag, and now, allow me to ask, if i had any other alternative, than, like a coward, to submit to such an insult offered to the flag of chile, or permit the indignant and provoked soldiers to obliterate the outrage? "when i had the honour to see your excellency last, at santiago, a plan was established, and as i then believed, a secret one, the only persons present being your excellency, general san martin, and the minister of marine; this to my utter astonishment, soon became as public as if it had been given to the gazette, or the town crier; the detail was in the possession of every speculator, who calculated solely on his private gain. i was ordered to equip the transports aguila, begona, dolores, and xeresana, and my orders for the accomplishment of this object were scarcely issued, when i was officially informed, that these being prize vessels, were to be sold immediately; and the orders given by the government to me were unexpectedly abolished, for the purpose of placing the fate of the expedition in the hands of mercantile speculators, who to the present moment have only finished the equipment of one vessel, which has been allowed to sail from this port, when declared under an embargo; and this for the purpose of conveying merchandize belonging to one of the contractors to coquimbo. this happened at the very moment when i was assured that the expedition was about to be verified. this conduct of the government most positively evinces that a mercantile speculator enjoys more of the confidence of the supreme authority than i have the honour to deserve. i had subsequent orders for the san martin to sail, and to cruize off talcahuano, she being the only efficient vessel of war in valparaiso; that the montezuma should sail for callao for the purpose of obtaining a correct account of the state of the enemy; next that the san martin should cruize in the mouth of this port. i was shortly afterwards informed, that instead of an expedition of two thousand men that should be ready to sail within fifteen days, that one of four thousand would be ready within the same time; this led me to inspect the naval preparations made by the contractors, which i found to consist of one new rigged ship. i next visited the provision store, and found there no preparations whatever; there was not even a sufficient quantity for the consumption of the crews of the vessels of war for one month. "these circumstances, and many other similar ones, oblige me to adopt a line of conduct which my duty to your excellency, to the states, and to myself, most imperiously prescribes; this is, to solicit your acceptance of the important commission with which i have been honoured, and which i now beg leave to resign. "i have detailed some of the motives which oblige me to abandon the service of a state, in which i have been so highly honoured, particularly by your excellency; but my firm conviction is, that if i agree to the tardy and procrastinated measures of the government, i shall make myself tacitly instrumental in forwarding that ruin which cannot but be the result of the plans of the advisers of your excellency. "allow me to offer to your excellency, &c.--valparaiso, may 14th, 1820." the official answer to this note consisted of a mere list of excuses from the minister of marine, indicating any thing but the real cause of the inconsistency of the government; indeed, the real cause was enveloped in mystery for a considerable time afterwards. however, the determination of lord cochrane, not to continue in the command of the squadron unless that part of the management of it which was not under his control was placed on a better footing, seemed to rouze the government from the state of apathy which they now began to perceive would soon lead to a state of imbecility. o'higgins and san martin addressed private letters to his lordship, begging his continuance in the command of the naval forces of chile, and assuring him, that the most active measures would be immediately adopted for the realization of the grand expedition; the success of which, they were well aware, depended in many very material points on the character and efforts of lord cochrane. chapter viii. lord cochrane and chilean government....preparations for the expedition to peru....captain spry....charges presented by the admiral against captain guise....lord cochrane throws up his commission....letters from the captains and officers....commission returned by the government....offer made by san martin to the foreign seamen....embarkation of troops for peru....announcement of....sailing of the expedition....force of the squadron. lord cochrane, whose whole soul was engaged in the total emancipation of the spanish colonies, desirous of contributing to the acquisition of this interesting object, re-assumed the command of the squadron, relying on the fulfilment of the promises made by the government of chile, supported by the guarantee of general san martin; who, however extraordinary it may appear, pledged himself not only to sanction but also to fulfil the promises made by a government in whose _employ_ he was himself engaged. the supreme director, in the name of the republic, again made to lord cochrane a donation of an estate in the province of conception, as a token of gratitude for those important services which the country had received from him; this was again rejected, and his lordship, wishing to give an unequivocal proof of his attachment to the country, and of his intention to establish his residence in it, purchased an estate called quintero, about eight leagues to the northward of valparaiso. on visiting quintero, lord cochrane examined the bay called de la herradura, and made a report to the government, accompanied with a plan, stating that this harbour had many advantages which that of valparaiso did not possess; he solicited that it might become an establishment for the vessels of war belonging to the state, pointed out many important results that would accompany the adoption of such a plan, with respect to the discipline, order and regulation of the squadron; and concluded with an offer to the state, of all the land that might be necessary for an arsenal and general marine depôt; when, to his utter astonishment, the answer to this signal generosity and sacrifice of private property, for the good of the service, was a notification, that "in consideration of the peculiar advantages of the harbour of herradura, and the estate of quintero, advantages of the highest importance to chile, lord cochrane is ordered not to continue any improvements on the said estate, as they will not be paid for by the state, to whom quintero and herradura are declared to appertain, on condition that lord cochrane shall be paid by the state the purchase money, and improvements made." this blow affected lord cochrane more than any other which the government could have given him; at a moment when he had been entreated to continue in the command of the squadron, and an estate in the country had been presented to him, when he became the proprietor of another, by purchase, wishing to convince all parties that he adopted chile as his home, he tacitly received an order to abandon such ideas. his lordship immediately addressed to the supreme director an answer to this unexpected notification, which produced an apology, and an assurance that the proceedings were founded on the old spanish laws, which as yet had not been repealed; and that the notification rested only on the _vista fiscal_, the solicitude of the attorney general. it was very apparent, at this time, that something was brewing in the chilean government; but it was impossible either to comprehend the matter, or to foresee the effect; all parties seemed to endeavour to conciliate the good will of the admiral, yet something occurred daily, which tended to alienate him even from the cause of the country; and although, upon inquiry, the most polite excuses were given, and apologies often tendered, yet some busy hand seemed always to be employed in feeding the flame of provocation and mischief. nothing but the active preparations of the government for the grand expedition to peru, and the repeated solicitations of general san martin, would have prevented lord cochrane from resigning the command of the squadron, and of embarking for england. san martin visited the port of valparaiso in june, for the purpose of inspecting the transports; and the troops began to move from their encampments at rancagua to quillota, twelve leagues from valparaiso, for the purpose of embarking. every thing appeared at first to contribute towards the accomplishment of this most important object, and all persons concerned to act in unison, as if animated by one spirit, that of extending to peru the happiness enjoyed by chile, the fruit of her emancipation from the spanish yoke. at this period, quite unexpected by all concerned, captain spry was promoted to the rank of capitan de frigata, and appointed flag captain to lord cochrane, at the same time that his lordship had solicited the appointment of captain crosbie; and to add to this irregular proceeding, the minister of marine informed his lordship, that although don tomas crosbie had held the command of the araucano, and had been treated as a captain, and addressed as such by the government, that as yet he had not received a commission appointing him to that rank, nor was he as such placed on the navy list. his lordship was also informed, that the appointment of captain spry must be acceded to. this order received from the admiral a positive denial, and he wrote in answer, that captain spry should never tread the quarter-deck of the flag-ship as captain of her, so long as he held the command of the squadron; not because his lordship had any personal objection to captain spry, but because he would not consent to any encroachment on the privileges he enjoyed as admiral and commander in chief. this affair was stated by cochrane to san martin, who merely answered, it shall be as you choose, _sera como v. quiera_, and on the following morning crosbie was appointed flag captain, and spry ordered to continue in the command of the galvarino. scarcely had this matter been thus adjusted, when lord cochrane was obliged to place captain guise of the lautaro under an arrest, and to forward to the government charges against him, requesting that he might be tried by a court-martial. the charges were for repeated acts of neglect of duty and insubordination; they were arranged under thirteen heads, finishing with "endeavouring in the various acts of disobedience herein mentioned to set at defiance, and bring into contempt the authority of his superior officer, the commander in chief, in the execution of his duty, to the subversion of discipline, and in violation of the articles of war on the foregoing heads, made and provided." this act of the admiral astonished the government; the principal part of which was now at valparaiso, for the purpose of forwarding as much as possible the equipment of the expedition. it met with their most determined opposition, and after some very warm correspondence, the following note was addressed by his lordship to the minister of marine:-"sir,--the apparent determination of the supremacy to support a junior officer in the commission of the most outrageous breaches of his public duty, and of acting not only contrary but in direct opposition to the orders communicated to him by his commander in chief, not only encourages his dereliction from duty, and is a precedent of the most pernicious character for the imitation of others, but brings my authority into contempt, and renders my exertions in the service of the republic nugatory. i have nothing to add at present to what i have already stated to you, except that you will place in the hands of his excellency the supreme director my resignation of the command of the squadron of chile, and express to him my sincere wish, that, whoever may be appointed to supersede me, his endeavours to serve the cause of liberty in the new world may be crowned with greater success than mine have been; and that he may be better qualified to preserve that discipline in the squadron which is not only essentially necessary, but indispensably requisite, for the honour of himself, the success of his operations, and the welfare of the cause he serves. i have to request you will inform me at the earliest period of the acceptance of my resignation, that i may order my flag to be struck, as also, whether it would be agreeable to the present views of the supreme government that i should continue to reside as a citizen of chile, among those persons who, after having exerted themselves in the support of her sacred cause, have retired to enjoy the fruits of their labours; if not, i request permission to leave the country; and my passport constituting my ultimate request, i remain, &c." "cochrane." "valparaiso, july 16th, 1820." the first tender of his commission which lord cochrane made was unexpectedly kept a profound secret by the government; indeed at that time the greatest danger would have attended a disclosure of the matter; the greater part of the foreign seamen were unpaid, and the natives, both seamen and marines, were more clamorous on this head than the foreigners, and all seemed determined on some desperate proceeding, if their claims were not directly satisfied. the present act of the commander in chief became known immediately; and the following invitation was on the 17th laid on the capstern-head of the flag-ship: "it is reported that lord cochrane, wearied out by the illiberal treatment of the government, has at last been forced to resign the command of the squadron, because their jealous policy no longer enables him to hold it with honour to himself or benefit to the state. "it is requested that all who feel themselves attached to his lordship, or who are aware how much the honour, safety, and interest, not only of the navy, but of the state of chile, depend on his continuing in the command, will to-day meet on board the independencia, at one o'clock, for the purpose of taking into consideration what steps it may be most proper to adopt." on the 18th, lord cochrane received the following letter from the captains of the fleet, which received the subjoined answer: "my lord,--it being very currently reported, and generally believed, that your lordship has resigned the command of the squadron of chile, and as our views are so closely connected with those of your lordship, we beg leave most respectfully to solicit your information on this subject. (signed.) robert forster, w. wilkinson, cladius charles, t. sackville crosby, james ramsey." "gentlemen,--i have been favoured with your letter of this date, and assure you, that whether i remain in the command of the squadron or not, is a matter of perfect indifference so far as i am personally concerned. "my object in proceeding from england to this quarter of the globe was to promote the furtherance of liberty and independence, more than any private object, or to promote the views of others inconsistent therewith. "i have only to add, that my desire is to be permitted to surrender the command of a squadron which i can no longer hold with benefit to the state nor credit to myself, since the orders which appeared necessary to be given, and the limited powers vested in me, are disobeyed with impunity, and not only disobeyed, but made the objects of persevering scorn and ridicule, by persons who ought to be under my authority, but who for their personal views wish by insinuations, falsifications, and detraction, to overthrow all that stood in the way of their vain ambition. under this impression, i tendered my commission to the government three days ago, but am ignorant of the result, which i expect, however, to learn to-morrow. believe me, gentlemen, with feelings of gratitude for your anxious inquiries on the subject, yours, &c." "cochrane." "my lord,--your lordship's reply to our letter has created feelings of the deepest regret in our breasts, and it behoves us to act in a manner which will stamp our characters, not only as true patriots, but as men looking up to your lordship, as the only man capable of commanding the naval forces of chile with effect, against the enemies of liberty and independence. we, the undersigned, have come to the resolution of resigning the commissions we respectively hold in the service of chile; we have therefore to request that your lordship will be pleased to acquaint us with the result as soon as you are aware that the government of chile have accepted your resignation of the command of the squadron. "we avail ourselves of this opportunity of expressing our confidence in your lordship's talents, and our determination to act hand in hand with your lordship; in doing which, we are persuaded that we are most effectively and faithfully serving the republic of chile, and acting honestly and sincerely towards you, our commander in chief." signed by the same five captains. the only two who did not sign it were guise and spry. on the same day, the eighteenth of july, the following was addressed to his lordship, by the officers of the squadron: "my lord,--the general discontent and anxiety which your lordship's resignation has occasioned among the officers and others of the squadron afford a strong proof how much the ungrateful conduct of the government is felt among those serving under your command. "the officers, whose names are subscribed to the inclosed resolutions, disdaining longer to serve under a government which can so soon have forgotten the important services rendered to the state, or treat with indignity a character the most implacable of the enemies of his own country have been forced to respect, beg leave to put into your hands their commissions, and to request you will be so kind as to forward them to the minister of marine for the state. at the same time that we are thus forced to withdraw ourselves from the service, our warmest wishes continue to be offered up, not only for the prosperity and liberty of the country, but that of the whole world. "we pray your lordship all health and happiness, and have the honour to remain, &c." (signed by twenty-three commissioned officers.) "resolutions entered into at a meeting of the lieutenants, and other officers of the same class, belonging to the squadron of chile, held on board the independencia, the eighteenth of july, 1820, for the purpose of taking into consideration the resignation of the commander in chief: "resolved, that the honour, safety and interest of the navy of chile entirely rest on the abilities and experience of the present commander in chief. "that as the feelings of unbounded confidence and respect which we entertain for the present commander in chief cannot be transferred to another, they have induced us to come to the resolution of resigning our commissions, and of transmitting the same to government, through the hands of the admiral. "that our commissions shall be accompanied by a letter, expressive of our sentiments, signed by all those whose commissions are inclosed." (signed by the same twenty-three officers as the foregoing letter.) although his lordship was convinced of the inability which the whole expedition would labour under should his resignation be accepted, he still left the government at liberty to act according to their own discretion. in the public duties on board the vessels of war no relaxation took place; the preparations were carried on with the same alacrity, and the unremitting attention of the commander in chief to their speedy equipment suffered no diminution; the determination of the captains and officers of the squadron was not forwarded to the government, lest the threatening danger might force them to adopt a measure contrary to their wishes; however, as some of the captains and officers had not joined the others in their resolutions, and were aware of their proceedings, the government soon became acquainted with the whole transaction, and general san martin, on the night of the 19th, when in conversation with lord cochrane, expressed his astonishment and disapprobation of the proceedings of the government, and pretended to be totally ignorant of what had taken place. this assertion was entirely void of truth, as was proved on the following night, when he said, that "he only wanted to be convinced how far the supreme director would allow a party spirit to oppose the welfare of the expedition." it was moreover corroborated by the subsequent conduct of this chief. san martin concluded on the 19th, by saying, "well, my lord, i am general of the army, and you shall be admiral of the squadron; _bien, mi lord, yo soy general del exercito y v. sera almirante de la esquadra_." after this expression. lord cochrane shewed to him the letters he had received from the captains and officers, at which san martin was very much astonished, for he was not aware of the positive determination of those individuals not to continue their important and indispensable services, except under the command of their present admiral; a determination which was certainly as honourable to themselves, as it was fraught with danger to the government and to the state. san martin asked lord cochrane if he would consent to the suspension of the arrest of captain guise, and delay his trial to a future and more convenient time, should such be the request of the government; to which his lordship assented, on condition that the supremacy should confess that the accusations furnished and charges exhibited were just, and that the conduct of captain guise was highly reprehensible, as being not only prejudicial to the necessary discipline of the squadron, but in every other point of view injurious to the general cause of america. in consequence of this agreement, the admiral received on the twentieth, the following official note from the government: "my lord,--at a moment when the services of the naval forces of the state are of the highest importance, and the personal services of your lordship indispensable, the supremacy with the most profound sentiments of regret has received your resignation, which, should it be admitted, would involve the future operations of the arms of liberty in the new world in certain ruin, and ultimately replace in chile, your adopted home, that tyranny which your lordship abhors, and to the annihilation of which your heroism has so greatly contributed. "his excellency the supreme director commands me to inform your lordship, which i have the honour of doing, that should you persist in resigning the command of the squadron, which has been honoured by bearing your flag, the cause of terror and dismay to our enemies, and of glory to all true americans; or should the government unwisely admit it, this would be indeed a day of universal mourning in the new world; the government, therefore, in the name of the nation, returns you your commission, soliciting your re-acceptance of it, for the furtherance of that sacred cause to which your whole soul is devoted. "the supremacy is convinced of the necessity which obliges your lordship to adopt the measures which placed captain guise of the lautaro under an arrest, and of the justness of the charges exhibited against this officer of the state; but being desirous of preventing any delay in the important services on which the ships and vessels of war are about to proceed, it is the pleasure of his excellency the supreme director, that the arrest of captain guise be suspended, as well as his trial by a court-martial on the charges exhibited, which will remain in the archives of the marine department, to be postponed till the first opportunity which does not interfere with the service of the squadron, so important as at the present epoch.--(signed) jose yguacio zenteno, minister of marine. valparaiso, july 20th, 1820." lord cochrane immediately discharged captain guise from his arrest by the following note: "whereas certain charges had been exhibited by the commander in chief, touching the conduct of martin george guise, of the c. s. s. lautaro; and whereas his excellency the supreme director has been pleased to order, that the investigation of the same by court-martial shall be suspended, in order to prevent delay in the important services on which the ships and vessels of war are about to proceed: it is the pleasure of his excellency, signified to me under his sign-manual, that the said captain martin george guise shall be replaced in the command of the lautaro, and (as in justice due) shall be deemed innocent of the said charges during the suspension of his trial. "july 24th, 1820. (signed) cochrane." on the same day his lordship returned the commissions to the different officers, with letters addressed to them, thanking them for their personal marks of esteem and support in the performance of an unpleasant public duty, and assuring them, that he was convinced that their conduct had been governed by their zeal for the true interests of the public service. i consider any comment on these extraordinary proceedings unnecessary at present, as the spirit which dictated them will become too visible to be mistaken in the course of these pages. had general san martin observed a different line of conduct to that which marked his operations in peru, when he could not shield himself by any specious pretext, importing that they were regulated by a superior authority, or that they emanated from a source over which he had no direct control, the government of chile might have been considered the authors; whereas, they were only the agents of the machinations of the general in chief of the expedition, who foresaw, that in lord cochrane he should have a rival, to whose merits south america could not be blind: he also knew, that the opinions of his lordship in council would not be overawed by those of a superior, be biassed by hope or fear, nor be led away by subserviency: however, his excellency expected to be as implicitly obeyed as a dey of algiers, and as universally flattered as a sultan of the east; and to those two over-ruling passions may be attributed part of the disgrace of his administration in peru. the following announcement appeared in the last number of the censor on the tenth of july: "to-day the staff officers of the liberating army leave santiago for valparaiso. we have authentic advices, that the expedition will leave that port for its destination on the twenty-sixth of the present month. the presence of the supreme director and of the general in chief has given in valparaiso a most extraordinary impulse to the last preparations. at all events, the sun of august will behold the expedition on its march. valparaiso is at this moment the most interesting point in america: it contains as in outline her destiny: the time will arrive in which its name will be the register of the most renowned epoch of our history. the army anxiously awaits the moment to embark on the pacific, and to present a spectacle entirely new, a spectacle which has never been seen since the continent was laved by its waters. happy are those who shall partake of this enterprize! their lot shall be the envy of all those whom the love of glory inspires with a passion for great designs. follow me in the path of my fame. equal my deeds in the war." a new difficulty unexpectedly presented itself, and which the government at first thought beneath their consideration--the want of foreign seamen in the vessels of war. the delay on the part of the presidency in the fulfilment of their contract had weaned this class of individuals from the service of the state; that great stimulus to exertion, prize-money, had been and was witheld, and despair instead of confidence had been so ripened in their breasts, that although many were unemployed and wandering about the streets of valparaiso, few would enter themselves at the rendezvous opened for this purpose. the evil began to be most serious, and the supremacy consulted the admiral if coercion ought not to be used; but this insinuation met with just opposition from his lordship; he expressed to the government his total abhorrence of impressment, and stated to them, that such a proceeding would also meet with the lawful opposition of the senior british officer then in the port. captain sherriff would be compelled by his duty to interfere in the protection of british seamen, however interested he might personally feel himself in the cause of liberty and the views of chile, which it was well known to every individual acquainted with the sentiments of captain sherriff, he regarded as of the first magnitude. the day destined for the embarkation of the troops approached, still the vessels of war were deficient in their complement of seamen, and those who could not remain ashore preferred to serve in the transports, in which service greater pay was offered than in the squadron. general san martin being convinced that the most energetic measures were necessary to man the vessels of war, subjoined his name to a proclamation dictated by lord cochrane, stating, among other things--"on my entry into lima, i will punctually pay to all such foreign seamen who shall voluntarily enter the service of chile, leaving the port of valparaiso in the vessels of war belonging to the state, the whole arrears of their pay, to which i will also add to each individual according to his rank one year's pay over and above his arrears, as a premium or reward for his services, if he continue to fulfil his duty to the day of the surrender of that city, and its occupation by the liberating forces." this proclamation, with the subjoined signature of lord cochrane, as a guarantee for the fulfilment of the promise, had the desired effect, and the crews of the ships were immediately completed. on the twentieth of august the expedition left the port of valparaiso. the following account of it was published by order of the government: "the fortunate day to chile has at length arrived; a day on which, by an extraordinary effort which almost elevates her above herself, she presents to both worlds an example of unheard of constancy and pure patriotism. never did any people exert themselves with greater energy, nor obtain such rapid progress in the brief space which chile measures of real and stable emancipation. the liberating expedition which to-day leaves our port to re-establish independence, and diffuse civil liberty among the oppressed children of the ancient empire of the incas, will be an imperishable testimony of this truth, and a monument as lasting as time itself, in the history of the age of achievements. "a brief view of the successes which have paved the way to this memorable event will demonstrate to the most disinterested observer, the great and heroic sacrifices that it has cost. chile abandoned to her own resources, without arms, without money, and without the other elements sufficient to oppose force to force, was burthened from 1812 with a desolating and ferocious war in her own territory, carried on to the degree of involving the whole of the country in its calamities. she succumbed for a moment; for her last resources which at some future period might give re-action to her social body seemed to fail; the bowels of the country were torn to pieces by the implacable fury of her enemies; but in the midst of these disasters, oppressed with the most direful tyranny, and threatened with universal ruin, chilean valour and constancy opened the path to that honour and glory, which in 1817 crowned the army of the andes, the restorer and preserver of chile. the immortal action of chacabuco marked the epoch of the aggrandizement and prosperity of the republic. "from that time the state and the government conceived the sublime object of advancing to the very throne of spanish tyranny, the enormous weight of which oppressed peru. they were aware that for the subversion of this colossal power, where, although it trembled, the principles of motion still existed, which vomited hostilities among us--it must be sought for and destroyed in its origin. but exhausted of all the means that could animate so arduous an enterprize, it was necessary that time, and an unexampled decision should overcome these great obstacles. soldiers of all classes were formed, to constitute a national army. arms and ammunition of all kinds were purchased in almost indefinite quantities. every resource was drained, and every effort employed to form a military depôt, that should excite the attention even of europe. "in the mean time our territory was inundated with the disasters of war, as with a torrent. her adverse fortune seemed to threaten with total ruin our very existence, till we obtained the renowned victory of maypu; this victory cost us nearly as much blood as the unfortunate result at cancha-rayada, when we lost a treasure in money and implements of war, now recovered. that triumph was really and truly crowned with all the circumstances of a decisive action: but our republic did not reap the benefit of our advantageous state. our resources were annihilated; the greater part of private fortunes was ruined; the capital was oppressed with an immense number of emigrants, who had arrived even from the other side of the biobio, searching for security within her walls. the enormous and inevitable expenses necessary for the preservation of a sedentary army which occupied the centre of the state, and of a belligerent army employed in the south against the last, but desperate relics of our enemies, who were yet invincible under the protection of the fortifications of talcahuano. these were the afflicting circumstances that pervaded chile, and which would have made many others despair of saving the patria, especially if they were not her children. notwithstanding, to this unpromising epoch belongs the first intimation of the great enterprize of sending an expedition to peru. we now saw the squadron appear, as if it had sprung from the waves, rather than as the results of human efforts, attending to the absolute nullity of means by which we might procure its formation. we were without the necessary materials, destitute of any relations with foreign states; we had only one port, where by extraordinary efforts something might have been effected, and this was blockaded; and lastly, we were in absolute want of every thing but boldness and resolution. one vessel (the lautaro) little better than a hulk, and manned in a moment by determined patriots rather than seamen, hoisted triumphantly the national flag, and obliged our blockading enemies, the national marine of spain, to betake themselves to a shameful flight. a prodigious rapidity of circumstances favourable to our navy were the immediate results; the enemy was driven from talcahuano; the excellent frigate maria isabel, and several transports from cadiz, sent to assist in devastation and extermination, were captured; in fine, our navy obtained the dominion of the sea from guayaquil to chiloe, and deprived spain of valdivia, her most important bulwark in the pacific ocean. "chile now contemplated, not without surprize, the progress of her operations; but it was necessary to advance them with greater endeavours, for such were required at the altar of liberty. it was yet necessary to recruit troops, to re-equip the squadron, and to procure a large quantity of materials, for the purpose of forming an expedition that should carry with it the necessary resources for a campaign of indetermined duration. it was also necessary to stifle the machinations of some anarchists, who more iniquitous than the gracchi or the catalines, opposed obstacles almost insurmountable to the government, in the transaction of the public business. "at last all difficulties were overcome, the desires of the virtuous have been fulfilled, and the nation has arrived at that pitch of power and respectability, to which perhaps none ever arrived under similar circumstances. for the acquisition of this, our sacrifices have been of a most extraordinary class; there scarcely exists a town, a river, or a valley in our territory, which has not vibrated with the report of cannon, or been the witness of some obstinate encounters; but according to the opposition and deformity of the conflicts, the civic virtues of our citizens have shone with greater brightness. the most compromised personal services, donations, and erogations from all classes have been so repeated, and so heroic, that it is impossible to transfer to paper the expression of their just value; time will do that justice to us which is due to such marked and indelible actions of the most ardent patriotism. our government would not have acted gratefully to its fellow-citizens, had it not proclaimed and published them to all freemen; because to such efforts the realization of the liberating expedition, whose description we have proposed to give, is due. "after twelve or fifteen days had been employed in embarking the necessary depôt of articles for the immediate service of the expedition, it was announced in the general orders of the thirteenth inst., that the different corps of the army, including the troops of the andes and those of chile, should begin to move from their encampment at quillota, and embark on the eighteenth, as follows:--at eight, ten, and twelve, a. m.; and two and four, p. m., the regiments no. 7, 11, 5, and 4 of infantry, and the mounted casadores: on the nineteenth at eight, ten, twelve, a. m. the artillery, regiment no. 8, of infantry, and the mounted grenadiers; the companies no. 6, of infantry, squadron no. 2, of dragoons, the companies of sappers, the workmen and implements; the part of the beach between the castle san jose and the arsenal was chosen for this purpose, as being the most convenient. "the spectacle presented by the different bodies in the progressive order of their march was as interesting and imposing as was the enthusiasm and joy of all concerned: the spectacle was sublime, and every individual from the general in chief to the lowest of the soldiers seemed to rejoice. they had scarcely left the land of their birth, and which had been a grateful witness to their victories, when the spontaneous and simultaneous shout was heard, "viva la patria!" "viva la libertad!" was re-echoed by the spectators, and produced a most interesting, soothing, and consoling effect, the best prognostic of their future triumphs, which were destined to fix the liberty of the south. "on the nineteenth, at nine, a. m., the national flag of the republic was displayed: it was saluted by every battery and every vessel of war with twenty-one guns. at this time the captain-general don jose de san martin visited the vessels of war and transports, enlivening the jubilee of his brave soldiers. "to-day, the twentieth, the expedition weighed, and left the port in the following order: the flag ship, o'higgins, with the hero of valdivia on board, the commander in chief of the squadron, the right honourable lord cochrane (whose illustrious talents promise the most flattering results, as well with respect to the expedition, as the future glory of our navy) led the vanguard, with two other vessels of war. then followed, in column, the transports, flanked by three other vessels of war: the rear was closed by eleven gun-boats, following the independencia and san martin, bearing the general in chief and his staff. "these are the happy effects which order, constancy, and valour have achieved; their progress in a great measure is owing to the existence of the squadron: its establishment, increase, and superiority over that of lima is the result of firmness and boldness: chile has the glory of owing this to herself, and may call it the child of her sacrifices, her resolution, and her valour. the time will come when america will offer to chile demonstrations of her acknowledgment, and pay to her the homage which is due: this they will do in return for her laudable and meritorious services, because they, more directly than any others, have been serviceable to the common welfare of the continent. and should the fates be adverse, even in despite of every probability, should the precious expectations of this formidable expedition be disappointed, neither calumny, nor envy, nor all the vicissitudes of time will be sufficient to wrench from us the glory of having realized the most liberal project which the history of infant states can present. (signed) zenteno, minister of war and marine." the supreme director of chile, o'higgins, addressed the following proclamation to the liberating army, at the moment of sailing from valparaiso: "soldiers,--i have repeatedly witnessed your courage, and know full well what may be expected from you in the most important campaign of the revolution. the general who commands you is the same who conducted you to the field of battle at chacabuco and maypu; remember what ye there did, and think of the glorious destiny that awaits you. "_soldiers of the andes!_ you gave liberty to chile; go now to peru, and enrol your names with the blood of its oppressors! "chileans! your intrepidity, with that of the auxiliary troops, saved the republic a second time, in the action of the fifth of april; go on in your career of glory, and deserve the gratitude of the inhabitants of peru, as you have even that of your patria. "expeditionary army! march to victory; go and close the calamities of warfare, and seal the fate of rising generations--these are the wishes and the hopes of your friend and comrade. (signed) o'higgins." the number of troops destined to the liberation of peru was four thousand seven hundred; fifteen thousand stand of arms were embarked for the purpose of raising troops in peru, and the whole equipment was highly honourable to chile, and truly the fruit of the most patriotic sacrifices. chile, ten years before this memorable epoch, was considered as little more than a province dependent on peru, and supported by the sale of her productions in the markets of this country; her inhabitants were looked upon as ignorant boors, and the term _huaco_, the epithet given in chile to the farmers and people who resided in the country, was synonymous in peru, with loon, or booby; but the sincere patriotism, the steady and unremitting efforts, and the undaunted valour of these people, triumphed after having resisted the efforts of the spanish expeditions, sent both from peru and the mother country. having struggled under, and thrown off the yoke of oppression at home, they prepared a new offering at the altar of liberty, and united their persons and fortunes to make peru a partaker of that glorious state of freedom and independence which at the point of the bayonet they had won for themselves and their descendants. the naval force under the command of lord cochrane, consisted of- the frigate o'higgins, flag ship, of 48 guns. san martin 64 lautaro 44 independencia 26 brig galvarino 18 araucano 16 pueyrredon 14 these had on board 1600 individuals, 624 of whom were foreign officers and seamen, chiefly english. chapter ix. sketch of o'higgins, san martin, lord cochrane, las heras, and monteagudo....sailing of the expedition, and arrival at pisco....debarkation....occurrences at pisco....colonel arenales, with a division of the army, marches to arica....troops embark and proceed to ancon....news of the revolution of guayaquil....capture of the spanish frigate esmeralda....army goes down to huacho....head quarters at huaura. few things are more irksome, or perhaps none more difficult, than to pourtray living characters, especially those of great men. misapprehension, flattery, or odium, generally constitute the _chiara obscura_ of the painting; however, as this task has at this period of my narrative become indispensable, i shall endeavour to fulfil it with impartiality, hoping that at its conclusion my readers will confess that the colours have not been carelessly selected, nor in any way misapplied. don bernardo o'higgins, the supreme director of chile, possesses a considerable share of real courage; is resolute in executing a determination, but tardy in forming it; diffident of his own abilities, he is willing to take advice from any one, but always inclined to consider the last as the best. thus, without forming his plans on the judicious analysis of the counsels offered, by eschewing the good, and rejecting the evil, he has often been led into difficulties in his political administration. these waverings were highly injurious to the furtherance of chilean prosperity, which was, no doubt, the idol of his soul; and this same want of determination often produced evils of no less moment in the military department. his love of his country was doubtless sincere, and perhaps his earnest desire to be always right sometimes led him into errors; but in this case it is more just to judge of the motive, or the cause, than of the action, or the effect. the establishment of the _senada consulta_ was in itself a virtuous measure; but the expectation of finding five individuals who should see the good of the country, and the advancement of its true interests, through the same medium as himself, was one of the virtuous mistakes of o'higgins, which placed him under the control of his own creatures, and often retarded the execution of plans of vital importance to the state, and rendered their execution either abortive or nugatory. the private character of o'higgins was truly amiable. he was kind and condescending; apparently more at home at his evening tertulias than when under the canopy of the supreme directorship. in the whole of his conduct it might be truly said, that "e'en his vices lean'd to virtue's side." being the son of an irishman, don ambrose higgins, who died in the high situation of viceroy of peru, he was passionately fond of the countrymen of his father, and i believe an irishman was never deceived in his expectations of support and protection in o'higgins. in short, the character which a chilean gave to me conveys a very accurate summary of his general outline. "there is too much wax, and too little steel in his composition; however, there are few better, and many worse men than don bernardo." the character of general san martin will be best drawn from the conduct which he has observed. he was first known while in a military capacity in spain, where he served as edecan de policia to general jordan, with the rank of captain. at this time a majority became vacant, which he solicited of general castanos, but meeting with a refusal, he abandoned spain and her cause, came over to england, where he took shipping and proceeded to buenos ayres in 1811. he there received the command of a division of the patriot troops, and defeated a party of 500 of the enemy at san lorenzo. he was afterwards appointed commander in chief of the army of buenos ayres, in upper peru, where nothing transpired to render an account of his command of any importance. when superseded, he went to mendoza, and there met o'higgins and the chilean refugees; a plan for the restoration of chile was formed, san martin took the command of the army. the success of the patriots at chacabuco and maypu has already been related, from which time nothing of importance occurred till 1820, when he was appointed by the chilean government general in chief of the forces sent to peru, called the "liberating expedition." i shall abstain from making any comments on the character of general san martin, leaving my readers to form their own opinions concerning him, founded on the facts which i shall present, authenticated by the circumstances as they arose. lord cochrane is too well known to require any encomium from my pen. his services to his native country entitled him to the honour of knighthood in the military order of the bath; being the only captain in the british navy, who enjoyed this distinguished badge of national glory. in the new world, when his services were not needed in the old, his career of glory has been as brilliant as his most important services were necessary; and i do not hesitate in asserting, that but for his assiduity and unremitting attention, his military knowledge, and determined valour, the western shores of america would have still been in the possession of spain; her fleet would have now commanded the pacific, and "british commerce" would have been excluded from the extensive market which it enjoys. chile, peru, and columbia have repeatedly expressed their gratitude, the high sense they entertain, and the just appreciation which they hold of the merits of this hero; this supporter of their rights; this defender of their liberty--and if the name of cochrane can ever be forgotten in the old world, or his services not duly requited, it will be found enrolled in the imperishable archives of the new, enshrined in the gratitude of the present and future generations. "lord cochrane is such a miracle of nautical skill and courage; his cause of banishment from his country is so lamentable--his adventures have been so romantic--and his achievements so splendid, that no englishman can read them without pride, that such things have been done by his countryman; and without solemn concern that such talents and genius should be lost to the land that gave them birth."[6] don juan gregorio de las heras, major-general, and second in command of the army, had established his character as a soldier and a commander, by his boldness and intrepidity at talcahuano, in 1817. this general merited the applause of every one, and his conduct in peru endeared him to every soldier, and every lover of the cause in which he fought;--there can be no doubt that had he been the commander in chief, those torrents of blood which have been shed in peru since 1820, would most certainly have been spared. in his actions las heras was mild, affable, and unassuming, and in his manners he was a perfect gentleman. in his general character he was sincere and candid; uniting always such qualities as made him beloved by his friends, and feared by his enemies; in fine he is an ornament to society, and an honour to his birth-place, buenos ayres, where his patriotic virtues have been rewarded with the supreme magistracy. don bernardo monteagudo was one of those individuals who too often appear on the stage in revolutionary times, who "without feeling mock at all who feel." he is a native of upper peru, of the lowest rank in society, of spurious offspring, and african genealogy; he applied himself to the study of the law, and his mind is composed of the very worst materials which characterize the sullen zambo; his imagination is active and aspiring, like that of the mulatto, a composition which is formed to fulfil the spanish adage, "_tirar la piedra, y esconder la mano_, throw the stone, and hide the hand." he had been repeatedly employed by his master san martin to gild over, under the forms of law, such proceedings as even he, with a blushless cheek was ashamed to avow. the murder of the two carreras at mendosa, and that of the spanish officers confined at san luis, are examples of what one monster can execute, and another defend. his subsequent conduct in peru will better serve to define his true character than what i dare even venture to attempt--for fear it should be supposed that prejudice has acted as a stimulus. the talents and literature of monteagudo have been held up as possessing considerable perfection; but it was justly said by un limeño[7] in his _alcance al postillon_, printed at santiago, september 5th, 1822, "that his productions were impertinent comparisons, formed for benumbed and monotonous newspaper paragraphs." the expedition having left valparaiso, the o'higgins entered the bay of coquimbo, where the araucano and a transport had been sent to embark some troops; these joined the rest, and we proceeded to our rendezvous, pisco, and entered the bay on the seventh of september. on the eighth the troops began to disembark, but such was the prudence of general san martin, that they were not allowed to proceed towards the town of pisco, until about three thousand were landed; these advanced on the ninth, formed in three solid squares, under the command of major-general las heras, while san martin ran down the coast of the bay, in the schooner montezuma, to observe the operations of the enemy, which was composed of forty regulars, and two hundred militia, commanded by the count of monte-mar. this extraordinary prudence gave the inhabitants of pisco time to retire, which they did, and took with them even the furniture from their houses, while they drove before them their slaves and their cattle into the interior. san martin, not willing to attribute the absence of the inhabitants, and the loss of provisions, to his own tardy movements, but to the inimical feelings of the peruvians, was very much chagrined, and stated it as his belief, that he had been deceived with respect to the accounts he had received from different parts of peru; and, in fact, he began to doubt of the success of the expedition. what a contrast was this to the landing of the gallant lieutenant-colonel charles, about a year before; who, with less than one-tenth of san martin's troops, disembarked, and in three hours possessed himself of the battery and town of pisco. but this was considered an imprudent act, and a want of generalship: and so it was, if the greatest skill consists in avoiding danger, and in sparing both friends and enemies for a more convenient occasion, to which may be added, that charles lost his life. on the day on which the expedition arrived at pisco, the constitutional government had been restored in lima, and the viceroy was at the theatre when he received the first news: he immediately retired, after having heard the old spanish adage frequently repeated, "_a cada cochino gordo, le llega su san martin_--for every fat hog, san martin, will arrive;" alluding to the fairs held in spain on the day of saint martin for the sale of hogs. the idea, that "all was not right in denmark," induced pesuela to send immediately for the manager of the theatre, and to examine the prompter's book; when convinced that there was no collusion between the south american hero and the clown of the lima stage, his excellency dismissed the manager, stating, that being a native of spain, he could not doubt his loyalty. had he been an american, he would perhaps have been sent to prison for the prophetic crimes of calderon, the author of the comedy. on the fourteenth, part of the convoy which had been separated from us at sea arrived; and in the evening a spanish vessel of war, bearing a flag of truce, having on board a spanish officer, was sent by the viceroy to san martin to solicit a cessation of hostilities, and to appoint commissioners to conciliate the interests of spain and america. on the twenty-sixth, the deputies met at miraflores, two leagues to the southward of lima, and signed an armistice of eight days; but at their conferences nothing was agreed to, the spanish deputies requesting an acknowledgment of the constitutional government of spain, and the evacuation of the peruvian territory by the chilean forces; and the patriots that of the absolute independence of the country. such being the respective basis on which the conciliating deputies were ordered to insist, the conference ended on the fourth of october, and on the fifth hostilities again commenced. on the arrival of the expedition at pisco, several proclamations were issued: that of the supreme director of chile contained the following paragraph: "peruvians,--behold the pact and conditions on which chile, in the face of the supreme being, and calling on all the nations of the earth as witnesses and revengers of a violation, faces fatigues and death to save you. you shall be free and independent; you shall constitute your own laws by the unbiassed and spontaneous will of your representatives; no military nor civil influence, either direct or indirect, shall be exercised by your brethren in your social dispositions; you shall discharge the armed force sent to protect you at the moment you choose, without any attention to your danger or security, should you think fit; no military force shall ever occupy a free town, unless it be called in by a legitimate magistracy; neither by us nor through our assistance shall any peninsular or party feelings, that may have preceded your liberty, be punished: ready to destroy the armed force which resists your rights, we pray you to forget, on the day of your glory, all past grievances, and to reserve the most severe justice for future obstinate insults." on the thirteenth of october, san martin issued the following paragraph from the army press: "people of peru,--i have paid the tribute which, as a public man, i owe to the opinion of others: i have shewn what is my object and my mission towards you: i come to fulfil the expectations of all those who wish to belong to the country that gave them birth, and who desire to be governed by their own laws. on that day when peru shall freely pronounce as to the form of her institutions, be they whatever they may, my functions shall cease, and i shall have the glory of announcing to the government of chile, of which i am a subject, that their heroic efforts have at last received the consolation of having given liberty to peru, and security to the neighbouring states." the sequel will shew how these solemn promises were forgotten; and how the dreadful results which followed such a system of duplicity and deceit are characteristics which blacken the name of a private individual, and blast the honour of a "public man." on the fifth of october, hostilities having recommenced, colonel arenales, with a division of twelve hundred men and two pieces of artillery, left pisco for ica, where he arrived on the sixth, and was received by the corporation and inhabitants of the city with the strongest marks of the most sincere enthusiasm in the cause of liberty. colonel quimper and the count de monte-mar, with a force of eight hundred men, fled from ica, but two companies of infantry, with their officers, returned and joined arenales. part of the division under arenales was sent to la nasca on the twelfth, where they entered, and completely routed the enemy. quimper and monte-mar made their escape, owing to the fleetness of their horses; but all the baggage, consisting of arms, ammunition, and equipage, was taken, together with six officers and eighty privates. on the fifteenth, about a hundred mules laden with stores belonging to the enemy were also captured; and arenales having established an independent government at ica, proceeded on his route towards guamanga. the troops of the expedition were distributed on the different estates in the neighbourhood of pisco, chincha, and cañete, which either belonged to spaniards, or americans who had proved themselves inimical to the object of the liberating forces, particularly on those belonging to the count of monte-mar. all slaves capable of bearing arms, and willing to serve in the army of san martin, were declared free; however, the number that presented themselves did not accord with the sanguine expectations of the chief, and his uneasiness at what he considered lukewarmness in general in the sacred cause began to produce impatience bordering on despair. he informed lord cochrane that he should remove his head quarters to truxillo; but his lordship fortunately advised him to desist from a plan which would undoubtedly at once have ruined all his hopes. truxillo being at the distance of a hundred leagues to the northward of lima, it would have been almost impossible for his troops to have marched across a country such as i have already described without experiencing the greatest privations; and for want of the necessary stores they could not possibly have returned by sea; besides, the division under the command of arenales would have been abandoned to its fate, and almost delivered up to the enemy. the only temptation that such a position could hold out to san martin was, that truxillo is a walled city, easily tenable, and at a short distance from the sea-port of huanchaco; however it was determined to remove the head quarters to the north of lima, and on the twenty-second the troops began to embark. on the twenty-sixth, the whole of the liberating expedition left the bay of pisco, and on the twenty-ninth it arrived off callao, where the vessels anchored under the island of san lorenzo, presenting at once to lima a view of the forces sent to free the metropolis of south america from the chains of colonial thraldom. on the thirtieth, the transports, under convoy of the san martin, dropped down to the bay of ancon; the o'higgins, lautaro, independencia, and brig araucano, still remaining in the bay of callao. on the third of november, his lordship astonished the inhabitants of callao, by sailing through the narrow passage that lies between the island of san lorenzo and the main, called the boqueron. never had the spaniards known a vessel of more than fifty tons attempt what they now saw done with a fifty gun frigate. expecting every moment to see us founder, the enemy had manned their gunboats, and formed themselves in a line ready to attack us the instant they should observe us strike; to witness which, the batteries were crowned with spectators; but to their utter astonishment we passed the straight, leaving them to ruminate on the nautical tactics of the admiral of the chilean squadron. having passed the boqueron, a ship and a schooner hove in sight; the ship proved to be english, the schooner to be the alcance, from guayaquil, bringing the news of the revolution and declaration of independence of that city and province, and having on board the ex-governor and other spanish authorities. guayaquil followed the example of the other south american cities in the manner in which she threw off the colonial yoke; the spanish mandataries were deposed, and a new government established on the ninth of october, without any bloodshed, or even insults offered to the individuals deposed. the adventurous spirit of lord cochrane immediately formed the project of performing the most gallant achievement that has honoured the exertions of the patriot arms in the new world. the two spanish frigates prueba and vengansa had left the coast of peru, and the only vessel of respectable force left at callao was the frigate esmeralda. she was at anchor in this port, guarded by fifteen gunboats, two schooners, two brigs of war, and three large armed merchantmen, besides the protection of the forts and batteries on shore, and a floating boom surrounding all the vessels, open only on the north side, lying close to the shore of bocanegra. his lordship determined on cutting out the frigate, the brigs and schooners, and as many of the boats and merchantmen as might be possible. this daring enterprize was to be executed by volunteers alone; but when the act was proposed on the third of november to the crews of the different vessels, the whole of them wished to share in the glory of the undertaking. on this account it became necessary to issue the following proclamation, which was received with that enthusiasm which the voice of a hero causes, when he speaks to those who know his character: "soldiers and sailors,--to-night we will give a mortal blow to the enemy; to-morrow you will present yourselves before callao, and all your companions will look on you with envy. one hour of courage and resolution is all that is necessary to triumph; remember that you are the victors of valdivia, and fear not those who have always fled before you. "the value of all the vessels taken out of callao shall be yours; and, moreover, the same sum of money offered by the government of lima to the captors of any vessel of the chilean squadron, shall be distributed among you. the moment of glory is at hand. i hope, chileans, you will behave as you have hitherto done; and that the englishmen will act as they are accustomed to do both at home and abroad. nov. 4th, 1820. cochrane." on the fourth of november, fourteen boats belonging to the chilean vessels of war were manned, and left the ships, filled with volunteers, at half past ten o'clock at night; but this was only intended by his lordship to exercise the men. on the fifth, being the day determined on by the admiral for the gallant enterprize, the signalman of the flag-ship was sent to the signal staff erected on the island of san lorenzo, where he hoisted two or three flags, and was answered by the o'higgins; the lautaro, independencia, and araucano immediately weighed anchor, and stood out of the bay, leaving on board the o'higgins the boats and volunteers. this _ruse de guerre_ completely succeeded, and the spaniards were persuaded that they had nothing to fear that night, for they supposed that some strange sail had appeared in the offing, and that our vessels had gone out in pursuit of it. all being thus ready, at ten o'clock at night we again embarked in the boats, and proceeded towards the inner anchorage, on the outside the boom the united states frigate macedonia, and the english frigate hyperion, were at anchor; and, as we passed the former, after being hailed by the sentry at the gangway, who was immediately hushed by the officer on deck, many of her officers hung over the bulwarks, cheered us in whispers, wishing us success, and wishing also that they themselves could join us. not so the hyperion; although not so near to her, the sentries continued to hail the boats till we had passed. the boats containing two hundred and forty volunteers proceeded in two divisions; the first under the command of captain crosbie, of the flag ship, the second, of captain guise of the lautaro, both under the immediate direction of his lordship. at midnight we passed the boom; lord cochrane being in the first boat, was hailed from a gun boat, but, without answering, he rowed alongside her, and standing up, said to the officer, "silence! or death; another word and i'll put you every one to the sword!" without waiting a reply, a few strokes of the oars brought the boats alongside the esmeralda, when his lordship sprang up the gangway and shot the sentry; the one at the opposite gangway levelled his musket and fired; his lordship returned the fire, and killed him, when turning round to the boats he exclaimed, "up my lads, she's ours!" the soldiers and sailors now boarded her in every direction, and possession of the quarter deck was immediately taken. the spaniards flew to the forecastle, where they defended themselves, and kept up a continued fire of musquetry for seventeen minutes, when they were driven below, and obliged to surrender. we had scarcely obtained possession of the quarter deck, when a gunboat close astern of the frigate fired a shot into her; the shot tore up the deck under the feet of captain coig, the commander of the esmeralda, and wounded him severely; it also killed two english sailors, and one native; but the officer and crew of the boat immediately abandoned her. the frigate was in an excellent state of defence, and her crew under good discipline; the men were all sleeping at their guns, and the guard of marines on the quarter deck; and so prompt were the latter, when his lordship jumped up the gangway, that they appeared as if they had been ordered out to receive him; indeed had not the boats under the command of captain guise boarded at almost the same moment, behind the marines, the admiral and many others who boarded her on the starboard side must have fallen by their fire. his lordship at this time received a shot through the thigh, but, until the ship was ours, he paid no attention to the wound, except binding a handkerchief round it; after which he stood on one of the guns of the quarter deck, and laid his leg on the hammock netting, where he remained till three o'clock in the morning, and then went on board the o'higgins to have it dressed by the surgeon. the following order was issued by the admiral to the captains on the first of november, 1820: "the boats will proceed, towing the launches in two lines parallel to each other, which lines are to be at the distance of three boats' length asunder. "the second line will be under the charge of captain guise, the first under that of captain crosbie. each boat will be under the charge of a commissioned officer so far as circumstances permit, and the whole under the immediate command of the admiral. "the officers and men are all to be dressed in white jackets, frocks, or shirts, and are to be armed with pistols, sabres, knives, tomahawks, or pikes. "two boat-keepers are to be appointed to each boat, who, on no pretence whatever, shall quit their respective boats; but are to remain therein, and take care the boats do not get adrift. "each boat is to be provided with one or more axes or sharp hatchets, which are to be kept slung to the girdle of the boat-keepers. the frigate esmeralda being the chief object of the expedition, the whole force is first to attack that ship, which, when carried, is not to be cut adrift, but is to remain in possession of the patriot seamen, to ensure the capture of the rest. "on securing the frigate, the chilean seamen and marines are not to cheer as if chilenos; but, in order to deceive the enemy, and give time for completing the work, they are to cheer, viva el rey! "the two brigs of war are to be fired on by the musketry from the esmeralda, and are to be taken possession of by lieutenants esmond and morgell, in the boats they command; which being done, they are to be cut adrift, run out, and anchored in the offing as quickly as possible. the boats of the independencia are to busy themselves in turning adrift all the outward spanish merchant ships; and the boats of the o'higgins and lautaro, under lieutenants bell and robertson, are to set fire to one or more of the headmost hulks; but these are not to be cut adrift so as to fall down upon the rest. "the watchword, or _parole_, and counter-sign, should the white dress not be sufficient in the dark, are '_gloria_,' to be answered by '_victoria_!' (signed) cochrane." it was the intention of lord cochrane to clear the bay, according to the instructions given; but being wounded, and the resistance made by the spaniards on board proving much greater than was expected, captain guise ordered the cable to be cut; which being done, the frigate began to drift from her anchorage. the batteries were pretty active during the engagement, and when the hyperion and macedonia sheeted home their topsails and began to move out of the way of the shot, the firing increased. these ships shewed two lights, one at the mizen peak, the other at the jib boom, as distinguishing signals, which being observed by lord cochrane, he immediately ordered the same to be shewn on board the esmeralda: thus she was brought out of the anchorage with less damage than either of the other two sustained. indeed, excepting the shot from the gun boat, the esmeralda sustained none whatever. from the lists that were found on board the prize it appeared, that she had three hundred and twenty persons on board, besides some visitors, who, from what had been observed, imagined that nothing uncommon would take place that day. on the following, when the prisoners were mustered, their numbers only amounted to one hundred and seventy-three; thus their loss was one hundred and fifty-seven, besides several wounded, who at nine o'clock on the sixth were sent ashore with a flag of truce. our loss amounted to eleven killed, and twenty-eight wounded. his lordship immediately proposed to the viceroy an exchange of prisoners; which being acceded to, ours were immediately sent ashore, and those from the dungeons of casas-matas were ordered to join the army under san martin. the loss of the esmeralda was a death blow to the spanish naval force in the pacific, and created a most extraordinary effect in lima; the natives looked congratulations to each other, but dared not to speak, while the spaniards indulged themselves with every kind of useless vociferation. to such a degree of frenzy were they wrought up in callao, that on the sixth, when the market boat belonging to the united states' ship macedonia went ashore, the crew was murdered by the infuriated spaniards, who fancied that they had assisted the patriots on the preceding night. of this achievement of lord cochrane, captain hall says, "the skill and gallantry displayed by lord cochrane, both in planning and conducting this astonishing enterprize, are so peculiarly his own, and so much in character with the great deeds of his early life, &c." captain downes, of the macedonia, in a letter to general san martin, says, "i do most sincerely congratulate lord cochrane upon the capture of the esmeralda; the exploit was executed in a gallant stile never surpassed." the bulletin of the army presented, in the report of the capture of the spanish frigate, a specimen of the jealous feelings of the general in chief. the first statement is, "before the general in chief left the vice-admiral of the squadron, they agreed on the execution of a memorable project, sufficient to astound intrepidity itself, and of itself to make the history of the liberating expedition of peru eternal."--again: "those valiant soldiers who for a length of time have suffered with the most heroic constancy the hardest oppression, and the most inhuman treatment in the dungeons of casas-matas, have just arrived at our head quarters. flattering promises of liberty and the threats of death were not sufficient to destroy their loyalty to their country; they have waited with firmness the day on which their companions in arms should rescue them from their misery, and revenge the insults which humanity has received in their persons. this glory was reserved to the liberating _army_, whose efforts have snatched from the hands of tyranny these respectable victims. let this be published for the satisfaction of these individuals and that of the army, to whose _arms_ they owe their liberty. (signed) san martin." were the character of lord cochrane not known in the world, it might be believed that the plan and execution of this action were the offspring of the wisdom of san martin; but how the liberty of the prisoners of war confined in callao could be owing to the efforts of the army is quite paradoxical. indeed the first assertion is as void of truth as the second, and it would be as easy proved to be so, were it necessary. the only way to praise the hero of this enterprize is to leave here a blank: all those who contemplate this achievement must pay the tribute due to the friend of rational liberty, the advocate of south american emancipation, the supporter of the civil rights of the new world, the true friend of the oppressed. on the ninth of november the army left the bay of ancon, and dropped down to huacho, where the troops immediately began to disembark, and head quarters were established at huaura on the twelfth. at ancon general san martin distributed several proclamations. in one addressed to the spaniards residing in peru, he says "spaniards, your destiny is in your own hands; i come not to declare war against the fortunes and persons of individuals; the enemy of the liberty and independence of america alone is the object of the vengeance of the arms of the patria.--i promise you in the most positive manner, that your property and persons shall be inviolable; and that you shall be treated as respectable citizens, if you co-operate in the great cause." to the spanish soldier who wishes to abandon his arms, he promises a "safe and commodious passage to europe should he request it," or wishing to remain as a soldier, or as a private citizen, "the same enjoyments and securities as the defenders of the country." similar promises were repeated at huacho by a decree. "i. the goods and property of all spaniards, excepting those who have publicly endeavoured to prolong the evils of the war by their seditious writings, shall be under the protection of the liberating army of peru, in the same manner as the property of americans. ii. those spaniards who after we have taken possession of lima (if the fortune of war favour us) shall solicit letters of citizenship, shall receive them, and shall be declared citizens of the state of peru." had not general san martin compromised himself in this solemn manner, his subsequent conduct in lima could only have been called arbitrary; but when acting in direct violation of such public assurances, it is not harsh to call it dishonourable and unjust. footnotes: [6] sir james mackintosh, in the house of commons. [7] dr. don jose cabero y salasar, peruvian charge d' affairs in chile. chapter x. battalion of numancia joins the liberating army....victory at pasco by arenales....route of arenales from ica....courts martial held in the squadron on officers....conduct of general san martin....viceroy pesuela deposed....expedition to pisco....to arica....action at mirabe, under lieutenant-colonel miller....description of arica.... of tacna....of ilo....armistice celebrated by generals san martin and la serna....prorogation of....lord cochrane leaves mollendo, and arrives at callao. on the third of december the battalion of numancia, being six hundred and fifty strong, left the service of the viceroy of lima, and passed over to that of the patria, joining a detachment of the liberating army, sent to meet them at retes in the valley of chancay. this corps, which was entirely composed of colombians, had retained the name of a regiment sent from spain under general morillo, and was considered the stay of the viceregal authority in peru. a private correspondence had been held between san martin and the officers of this battalion, and promises made to them by san martin, which, like many if not all similar ones made by this great man, were never fulfilled. the loss of so important a part of the spanish army was a severe blow to pesuela and the spaniards in lima, and a great addition to the physical strength of the liberating army. the arrival of officers and private individuals from lima increased daily; on the eighth, thirty-six officers, and a greater number of persons of respectability in lima, arrived at chancay, and joined the patriot forces. on the eleventh, the news of the victory at pasco, obtained by colonel arenales over general o'reilly and a division of the royal army of twelve hundred men, arrived at huaura. after the action at ica on the sixth of october, arenales marched with his division into the interior, and on the thirty-first he entered the city of huamanga; but the spanish authorities had fled, carrying with them the public funds. the inhabitants of huamanga welcomed the arrival of the patriot forces, and voluntarily declared their independence of spain and her mandataries. on the sixth the division left the city, and continued their march towards the district of tarma; and the advanced guard arrived at jauja, thirty leagues from lima, at the same time that the spaniards were abandoning it; a skirmish took place, and the spaniards lost eight killed and twenty-one prisoners, including four officers. on the twenty-second a division advanced on the city of tarma, and entered it on the twenty-third. tarma immediately proclaimed itself independent of spain. on the sixth of december the action was fought at pasco; the loss of the enemy consisted in fifty-eight killed in the field of battle, nineteen wounded, three hundred and forty-three prisoners, including twenty-eight officers, two pieces of artillery, three hundred and sixty muskets, flags, ammunition, baggage, and utensils of war; but general o'reilly made his escape to lima. on the arrival of the news of the victory obtained at pasco over the royalists, the city and province of huanuco declared their independence, and the cities of cueñca and loxa, in the jurisdiction of quito, advised general san martin of their having also abjured all foreign domination, and enrolled their names in the list of free and independent states. on the fourth of january, the news arrived of the revolution of truxillo, under the direction of its spanish governor the marquis of torre tagle. such a concatenation of successful events was certainly more than the general of the liberating army could have anticipated. from the fifth of november to the fifth of january the spaniards had lost the whole of their naval force in the esmeralda, the prueba and vengansa having disappeared: numancia, considered the flower of their army and the prop of their authority, had deserted their cause; the division under the command of their trusty general, o'reilly, had been defeated by a minor force; all the provinces to the northward of lima had declared their independence, and were contributing with men and every other necessary to support the army then encamped within thirty leagues of the capital of peru; every thing save hope seemed to have abandoned them, while every thing appeared to favour the cause of the liberating forces, and to invite them to crown their career of glory by entering lima, which at this moment was the pandemonium of oppression and despair. the incomparable prudence of san martin, however, revolted at the effusion of blood which must necessarily be the precursor of so much glory: he felt more sympathy at knowing that both his own and the enemy's troops were falling victims almost hourly to the ravages of the tertian fever and other diseases, for want of proper medicines, care, and rest. the situation occupied by the royal troops between lima and ancon, at a place called asna pugio, is very swampy, and the number of men who became affected with intermittent fevers increased daily; the hospitals in lima were filled with them, and their decrease by death, as well as by desertion, was alarming to the viceroy. the desertions would have increased if the distance of the head quarters of san martin had not been so great, for several deserters were apprehended, and shot by the royalists. on the second of february the officers of the ex-esmeralda, named by general san martin the valdivia, in commemoration of the important victory gained by lord cochrane over this place, addressed the following letter to captain guise: "sir,--we have heard with regret and disappointment, that his excellency general san martin has been pleased to order that the name of this ship shall be changed, and that she shall henceforward be known under the appellation of the valdivia. we regret that in the squadron of chile the immortal memories of lautaro and galvarino, who have, ages past, been sacrificed on the ashes of the aspiring liberty of their country, and the names of their surviving countrymen, o'higgins and san martin, (the avengers of their wrongs, and the restorers of their rights) should be associated with 'valdivia,' a spaniard who has shed such torrents of american blood, the conqueror and enslaver of chile, and founder of the city which bears his name; and we are disappointed to find nothing in the new name commemorative of the capture of the esmeralda, but that it has been made subservient to the celebration of another victory over the enemy, which, although we had the misfortune not to participate in it, yet claims our admiration and gratitude, but which bears no more relation to the capture of this ship, than the battle of chacabuco does to that of maypo; and, what would the victors of maypo have thought had that memorable event borne the name of chacabuco! it is further to be remembered, that very few of the captors of the esmeralda took part in the affair at valdivia.--we are fully aware, that there are instances in the squadron of ships being named after particular victories, (viz. chacabuco) but these were bought into the service by the property of the state; the esmeralda was purchased by the blood of her subjects.--if the esmeralda be destined to lose the name under which she was captured, we express a hope that she will bear one more consonant to the feelings of those by whom the service was achieved, than that which has been selected. we have not had an opportunity of communicating with our brother officers of the squadron, and these remarks are to be understood as individually our own; we trust however that they will not appear to yourself or to the commander in chief irrelevant with the interest which we must always take in every thing in which the glory and prosperity of the navy of chile are concerned.--may we beg, therefore, that you will take the earliest opportunity of bringing the subject before the admiral and his excellency general san martin, for their consideration. (signed.) robert bell, lieutenant, h. c. freeman, lieutenant, j. m. michael, surgeon, james l. frew, purser, hugh jerome kernan, assistant surgeon." this letter, and the subsequent behaviour of the officers, obliged the admiral to order them under an arrest, and to exhibit charges against them for their trial by a court martial, which was held on the second of march. the charges were "for having, by their letter bearing date the second of february, 1821, addressed to martin george guise, esq., combined falsely to represent to the said martin george guise, esq., captain in the naval service of chile, and on divers other occasions, that the appellation of the 'valdivia,' given to the frigate esmeralda was in disrespect to, and derogation of, the names of o'higgins and san martin, and thereby to excite dissatisfaction against the admiral and commander in chief, in commemoration of whose service in the capture of the fortifications of 'valdivia' the said name was given to the 'esmeralda.' for attempting to excite dissatisfaction against their aforesaid superior officers, by misrepresenting the name of the fortress of 'valdivia,' so given in commemoration of useful services, as the name of a man whom the said officers further, with the intent aforesaid, have pronounced to be a spaniard who shed torrents of american blood; and moreover, that the said officers did further, with the intent aforesaid to create dissatisfaction against the superior officer, falsely represent the person named valdivia to have been the enslaver of chile. that the said officers did hold various conversations derogatory to the vice-admiral of chile, their commanding officer, and unnecessarily and impertinently did interfere in the matter of naming the 'esmeralda,' contrary to the rules and subversive of the discipline of the naval service of the state." the sentence given by the court was, that "james m. michael, surgeon, and james frew, purser, be dismissed the naval service of the state; and robert bell, lieut., henry c. freeman, lieut., and hugh j. kernan, assistant surgeon, be dismissed their ship, to be severely reprimanded and admonished by the court, but to be recommended by the court to the commander in chief for other appointments. (signed) robert forster, president, w. wilkinson, t. sackville crosbie, william prunier, henry cobbett." during the arrest of the officers of the valdivia, lord cochrane wished to make an attack on the vessels of war, blockships, gunboats, and fortifications of callao, and communicated the order for the same on the twentieth of february, which order to captain guise was answered by a private note to his lordship, stating, that he could not think of entering on this service with any officers except those under arrest, and that in case they were not permitted to rejoin their ship for this attack, he must resign the command of her, and begged lord cochrane to appoint another person to the command. the admiral answered captain guise, that he could not appoint another person to the command of the valdivia, nor admit the resignation of captain guise on a private solicitude, nor even on an official one, without some reasons being alleged. captain guise now wrote officially, stating the refusal of lord cochrane to be a sufficient motive for his resignation, and expressing a request to be permitted to accompany his officers to head quarters, and tender his commission to general san martin. his letter was also accompanied with one from the petty officers of the valdivia, who refused to serve under any other commander than himself. after some further correspondence captain guise informed lord cochrane that he had given the command of the valdivia to lieutenant shepherd, and considered himself superseded. the admiral, for the fourth time, sent captain guise an order to act as commander of the valdivia, requiring a categorical answer to "whether he would or would not obey his orders, and signal to weigh, made four hours previous to this communication," again requesting some grounded reason for his resignation. the order to weigh was on service of importance, and captain guise refused to obey it, repeating, that his officers having been separated from his ship, he could not act, and had given over to lieutenant shepherd the command of the valdivia. on the twenty-second of february lord cochrane ordered captain spry to proceed in the brig galvarino to the rendezvous off chorillos, which order was answered by captain spry, who requested leave to resign the command of the galvarino, as "his friend captain guise had been obliged to resign that of his ship," and alleging that he held no appointment from the chilean government. lord cochrane demanded his motive for this letter, and why, without the appointment alluded to, he had exercised the authority of commander of the brig. the answer was, that "i (captain spry) entered the chilean navy conditionally, to serve only during the period of the services of captain guise, under whose patronage and protection i left england;" that his appointment was a verbal one from the governor of valparaiso, when he received his commission of captain. he added a desire to be permitted to go to head-quarters at huacho, and explain his conduct to general san martin, concluding "if captain guise is compelled to resign the command of the valdivia, i am determined no longer to hold that of the galvarino." captain spry was placed under an arrest on the twenty-second of february, on charges to be exhibited, and such was the state of mutiny on board the galvarino, that captain crosbie, of the flag-ship, was ordered to anchor her in a safe situation, which induced captain spry to write to the admiral, stating, that as he had been superseded by captain crosbie, he considered himself on half-pay, and free from the jurisdiction of the martial law. his letter was answered by an assurance, that he was not superseded; but that having disobeyed the orders given, and declared his determination not to hold the command of the galvarino, captain crosbie had been ordered to anchor her on the starboard beam of the o'higgins, this appearing necessary from the state of the crew of the brig, and that he was not superseded in consequence of his said determination, nor had he gone through the usual forms of delivering up the brig. captain spry again insisted on his exemption from martial law; but finding the admiral determined to bring the affair to the decision of a court-martial, of which he was aware that if the sentence were consonant with the crime, and according to the ordinances of the navy, he would never leave the deck of the brig, he now expressed no objection to being tried by his brother officers, who were "neither prejudiced nor interested." the charges exhibited by the commander in chief were "for neglecting or refusing to proceed on service in the chilean state brig galvarino, pursuant to an order of the commander in chief, both verbally, and in writing, given on or about the twenty-second of february, 1821, in breach of the 14th article of war, made and provided.--for having contrary to his duty as an officer written or caused to be written, a certain letter to his commander in chief, signed john tooker spry, further declining, or refusing to proceed on the duty so ordered, or longer to serve than during the period of the services of captain guise, under whose patronage and protection he had left england, and for setting forth in the said letter, that if captain guise was compelled to resign the command of the valdivia, he the said john tooker spry would no longer hold the command of the galvarino; thereby delaying and discouraging the service, in breach of the 14th article of war.--that the said john tooker spry did by his conduct aforesaid, hold forth an evil example to his ship's company (who immediately thereafter did in writing and otherwise, refuse to weigh anchor until certain grievances, which they did not set forth in the said writing, should be redressed), the same being subversive of all discipline and subordination, and in violation of the 14th article of war, made and provided." the sentence of the court-martial was, that "john tooker spry be dismissed the command of the brig galvarino, be placed at the bottom of the list of captains, and be severely reprimanded by the court." on the fourth of march captain guise communicated to lord cochrane, that captain spry having been dismissed the service by sentence of a court-martial, he requested permission to accompany him in his own boat to huacho, which lord cochrane informed him he could not allow at that critical moment. on the sixth the two captains and the officers went down by the o'higgins to head-quarters, where ld. cochrane on the twelfth again offered to captain guise the command of the o'higgins, which he refused, as also ever to serve under lord cochrane again. the whole of this affair was the result of what had passed at valparaiso, before the expedition quitted that port; and from several circumstances connected with the conduct of these officers, and their publicly asserting, that general san martin would not swerve from his promises made to them, their firm reliance on his support and patronage, as well as the subsequent behaviour of the general himself, evinced that he had been the entire instigator of what had passed at valparaiso in july and august, 1820, both on the part of the chilean government, and on that of the different officers who then and there misconducted themselves. he well knew that he could not tamper with lord cochrane, whose honourable feelings would not allow him to deviate from that line of conduct which had marked the whole tenour of his public life: and had not the officers of the squadron stood forth in support of their commander in chief, his tender of his commission would have been accepted by the government. on the arrival at head-quarters of captains guise and spry, the latter, in defiance of decorum and example, was appointed by general san martin his naval adjutant, edecan naval, as if to gall the feelings of lord cochrane, and bring into supreme contempt the sentence of a court-martial, by protecting in the most public manner the individual who had merited the chastisement of the law. so elated was captain spry with his new appointment, that in the house of colonel, now general miller, he conducted himself towards lord cochrane in the most ungentlemanly manner, so much so, that the honourable feelings of miller were wounded, and he apologized to the admiral for the conduct of spry. on the fourth of march, general san martin sent captain guise and his officers with a request to the admiral to reinstate them in their former appointment: his lordship again offered captain guise the command of any vessel in the squadron with such officers as might at the time belong to the vessel, and to those officers who had not been dismissed the service, appointments to the vacancies in the squadron, according to the recommendation of the court-martial; but captain guise again refused to act with any other officers than those who accompanied him, and the officers returned their appointments, with the assurance that they would only serve under the orders of captain guise; they therefore all returned to the head-quarters of the army, where they remained until the surrender of callao. at the same time that the chilean squadron was a scene of insubordination and irregularities among those officers whose duty it was to obey the orders of their commander in chief, not only for the good of the service of chile, but to the end that they themselves might meet with that deference and obedience in their subalterns which constitute the very essence of military discipline, lima was the theatre of anarchy and confusion. on the twenty-ninth of january a revolution took place in the spanish army at asnapugio, founded on the plea of inability in the viceroy pesuela to conduct the affairs of the viceroyalty, during such critical circumstances as the present. the result was, that an official communication was made to pesuela, stating the absolute necessity of his abdication, and that it must take place within four hours. pesuela answered, that the time specified was insufficient for him to deliver up the authority, but cantarac, caratalá, valdes, ricafort, and the other officers at the head of the insurrection replied, that the answer of his excellency did not correspond with their expectations, and that "the troops were under arms, with all their officers, without a single exception, and that they would not lay them down until they had obtained an order to acknowledge general la serna viceroy of peru, and were assured that a similar order had been given to the different tribunals and authorities. in consequence of this intimation, pesuela issued the order, and la serna was proclaimed viceroy and captain general of peru. this change only proves the right of power, which admits of no interpretation, nor leaves any subterfuge to obedience. the similarity of the fate of the first and last of the spanish viceroys as governors general is rather remarkable. the first, don francisco pizarro, was murdered in his own palace at lima, by his subaltern officers; the last, don joaquin de la pesuela, was forced to abdicate his authority in the viceregal palace at lima, by his subalterns, and to nominate an usurper as his successor. on the seventh february la serna addressed the following proclamation to the royal troops:-"soldiers!--your will and support has placed me at the head of the government of the viceroyalty!"--a declaration more rebellious than any one presented by the insurgent chiefs of america, until the conduct of the spaniards forced them to declare their independence of spanish domination. on the thirteenth february capt. carter, in the brig of war araucano, arrived at chancay, with the spanish schooner of war aransasu, which he had taken on the ninth. the aransasu was from panama, bound to callao, having on board three officers belonging to the regiment of numancia, and several spanish merchants, as passengers. on the thirteenth march part of the squadron left the bay of huacho, having on board a division of the patriot forces, under the command of lieut.-colonel miller, destined to cause a diversion in the spanish troops, by landing at pisco. this object was effected on the twenty-first; but owing to the written instructions given by general san martin, and from which lord cochrane was determined not to swerve, the result was what might have been anticipated: nothing of importance to the cause of america. after the abdication of the viceroy pesuela, he retired to a country residence at the small village of la magdalena, and wishing to send his lady and family to europe, he solicited the necessary passport of general san martin, well knowing that they could not escape the chilean vessels of war employed in the blockade of callao; but the permission was refused. lady cochrane and family having arrived at callao in the british frigate andromache, for the purpose of seeing his lordship before she left south america for england, dona angela, the vicequeen, supplicated her ladyship to interpose her influence with the general, as the only means by which she could expect to obtain leave to embark for europe. lady cochrane, actuated by that sincere philanthropy which so eminently distinguishes and adorns her, went immediately to huaura, and obtained of general san martin the favour she solicited, on condition that her ladyship would remain on shore in peru one month, which was agreed to; but being the "better half" of a sailor, her ladyship declined remaining at head quarters among soldiers, and spent the whole of the time at huaito, a plantation belonging to doña josefa monteblanco, highly gratified with the kind and hospitable treatment of her host. the viceroy's lady took her passage on board the andromache, and lord cochrane was honoured by an introduction to her by captain sherriff. after some conversation. doña angela declared, that his lordship was a polite _rational_ being, and not the _ferocious brute_ she had been taught to consider him--a compliment which his lordship received with all due respect to her vicequeenship. on the return of lord cochrane to head quarters, it was determined by general san martin, that a second division under the command of lieutenant miller should embark, and act according to the discretionary instructions of the admiral. the admiral left the bay of huacho, and proceeded to pisco, where some minor skirmishes took place with the enemy. the troops were re-embarked at pisco on the twenty-second of april: his lordship hoisted his flag on board the san martin, and with the schooner aransasu proceeded to arica, where with the assistance of uncommonly favourable winds we arrived on the fifth of may. the landing in the bay of arica is attended with almost insurmountable difficulties; indeed sometimes it is not practicable, except on the balsas made by the natives. these are composed of seal-skins inflated: two are generally sewed together end to end, and the balsa is formed by lashing two of these side by side, laying some canes on the top. the man who manages the balsa sits astride on the aftermost part, and impels the balsa with a double paddle, broad at each end, which he holds by the middle, and so dexterous are the natives, that there is not the least danger of being upset, or even of being wetted with the surf. on these original and apparently precarious rafts, all the merchandize is landed at arica, and all the specie brought to the vessels, except the sea be very calm and the surf run low. immediately on our arrival at arica, a flag of truce was sent on shore with a summons to surrender, accompanied by an assurance that all persons and personal property would be respected, except those and such as belonged to those who by their present conduct should prove themselves enemies to the cause of south american liberty. this was answered by an assurance that the persons and property at arica were all under the protection of the arms of his most catholic majesty, whose rights would be defended by his faithful vassals against his rebel subjects and foreign pirates. nothing was now left but to enforce obedience, and the situation in which the san martin had anchored not being a commanding one, she was hauled nearer in shore on the sixth, and a few shells thrown over the town; but as this had not the desired effect of intimidating the enemy, a landing of the troops was determined on, and in the night a convenient place was sought for to the southward, but the search proving fruitless, part of the troops were embarked on board the schooner aransasu, under the command of major soler, and ordered to proceed to the northward to sama, to land and march upon the town. on the eighth lieutenant-colonel miller followed with the remainder of the troops, to join major soler. a few shots and shells were occasionally thrown into the town, to keep the spanish troops on the alert as to the movements of the ship, while our troops should make their appearance on shore, which happened on the morning of the eleventh, when the whole of the inhabitants and troops abandoned the town. captain wilkinson with the marines landed with considerable difficulty, and hoisted the patriot flag on the staff at the small battery. major soler captured from the enemy fifty-eight thousand dollars and six bars of silver, under the protection of a guard of soldiers on their way to arequipa. on the fourteenth the whole of the troops and the marines belonging to the san martin, amounting to two hundred and seventy men, under the command of lieutenant-colonel miller, left arica, and marched towards tacna, twelve leagues from arica, where they arrived on the fifteenth, and without any opposition took possession of the town; they were here joined by two companies of infantry, who deserted the cause of the king. lord cochrane ordered that these should form the base of a new regiment, to be called the first independents of tacna, and as the particular flag for the troops of peru was not determined on at head quarters, his lordship presented them with one having a sun in the centre on a blue field. from original papers found in the custom-house at tacna, it appeared, that the quantity of european goods in the stores at arica belonged to spanish merchants residing at lima; consequently an order was issued for their being embarked in the san martin. immediately on the landing of lord cochrane, he called upon the inhabitants to form a civil government, for the protection of their property against many individuals who began to come into the town from the country for the purpose of plunder, assuring them at the same time, that, although they had not attended to his invitation to remain in their houses, it was not his intention to deliver up the town to be sacked, nor had he done it, but at the same time he could not be answerable for thefts committed, unless the inhabitants would assist in the protection of their houses and property, and in apprehending all suspicious and disorderly persons; he also promised them that all private property belonging to americans, the friends of the cause of their country, should be returned if claimed, and, consequent to this promise, the schooner dos amigos, and other property seized, were delivered to their owners. colonel miller advanced with his division towards moquegua, and had a sharp engagement with a party of royal troops at mirabe, commanded by colonel sierra, who was taken prisoner. on the morning after the engagement, which took place in the night, another detachment of troops arrived to join the one stationed at mirabe; but on hearing the fate of their comrades they thought it better to retreat than to enter into any dispute with the victorious troops, and their valiant leader. on the arrival of this news, and that the troops were at moquegua, lord cochrane dropped down to ilo, with the san martin, for the purpose of being nearer to colonel miller's head quarters. the town of arica is the capital of the province of the same name; it is situated in a small valley, and stands close to the sea. it was anciently a place of considerable importance and size; but since the year 1605, when it was destroyed by an earthquake, it has gradually decreased, the more respectable inhabitants having retired to tacna; their departure was also hastened by its being sacked in 1680 by the pirate john warren. arica has at present a parish church, and three poor convents, san francisco, la merced and san juan de dios. the population is composed of whites, indians and a few slaves. owing to some low swampy ground, produced by the annual overflowings of the river and the want of proper drainage, intermittent fevers are very common here, of which many _serranos_, people from the interior, die, when they come down on business. all our people who slept on shore at arica, including the admiral, suffered by them, and some died. the climate is similar to that of lima, it seldom rains, but the fogs are very heavy. the valley of arica is small, but at the distance of a mile from the town it is pretty, owing to the relief which the eye feels when resting on vegetable productions, after being fatigued with the barren sandy scenery which surrounds the town. the principal produce of the valley is _aji_, capsicum, and olives, which are remarkably large, and finely flavoured; plantains, bananas, camotes, yucas, and other vegetables, are cultivated in the gardens, and some tropical fruits. the town of arica will doubtless become of considerable importance with the changes that have taken place in south america. indeed it always would have been so, had not the colonial laws declared it a close port, _no abilitado_. it is the key to the provinces of upper peru, arequipa, la pas, potosi, chuquisaca, &c., being a better landing place than ilo, mollendo, or quilca; it possesses also the advantage of fresh water for shipping, which is extremely scarce at the other ports. arica is situate in 18° 28´ 40´´ south latitude, and 70° 13´ 30´´ west longitude. the town of tacna stands in a very pleasant and fruitful valley, it is considerably larger than arica, and has a much better appearance; some of the houses are large, commodious, and well furnished; thus, among other articles, i saw several piano-fortes. the principal wealth of the inhabitants consists in their large droves of mules, for the purpose of conveying the merchandize from arica into the interior, and from some parts of upper peru to lima. tacna is to arica what piura is to paita. on the twenty-seventh of may we came to an anchor in the bay of ilo, and immediately supplied colonel miller with everything that he wanted; he had removed his head-quarters from the town of moquegua to a farm called rinconada, judging that the climate of this place was better for his troops, as it was cooler here than in the town. ilo is an indifferent anchorage, and a bad landing place; the village is composed of miserable huts, and a few houses which indicate the residence of penury; a scarcity of water prevails, and consequently of fruit and vegetables. col. sierra and capt. suares were here embarked, having been sent down by colonel miller; but they were soon afterwards liberated at mollendo on their parole of honour, having sworn not to act hostilely until they should be exchanged according to the regulations of war. at the moment when colonel miller was about to advance into the interior, having disciplined a number of recruits from different parts of the adjoining provinces, and when everything promised a general revolt in favour of the cause of independence, he transmitted to lord cochrane the original communication which he had received from the governor of arequipa, announcing a cessation of hostilities for twenty days, from the date of the receipt of the communication. this armistice was ratified by general san martin and the viceroy la serna on the twenty-third of may, and sent express by the latter to ovalle, the governor of arequipa. the armistice had been personally formed by the contending chiefs, who met at punchauca, and agreed on appointing new deputies for the purpose of conciliation; they were to hold their conferences on board of a neutral ship in the bay of callao, for which purpose the cleopatra was chosen. such was the state of lima at this period, that the cabildo addressed the following official note to the viceroy la serna: "most excellent sir,--no title is more glorious, nor more amiable, than that of a pacificator. augustus, when stifling the volcano of civil war among the romans, and giving peace to the universe, was the greatest of mortals, and almost a god upon earth. it is the duty of every prince to imitate this example, if he be desirous of, and interested in the health and prosperity of the people committed to his guardianship. whoever knows the great advantages and feels what it is to reign over grateful hearts, will find more charms than in the most fortunate and prosperous warfare. "your excellency, placed at the head of the junta of pacification of peru, has gained the love, the veneration, and the confidence of this city. the hope of this great felicity has caused us to suffer with resignation, losses and privations of every class. the end of the armistice is fast approaching, and we do not yet perceive one ray of this celestial gift. why is it so long retarded, while lima suffers such a train of evils that fill her with consternation? "to the distance of twenty-five leagues round the city, the most frightful devastation every where reigns. our cattle, our grain, and our fruits are the victims of military fury. the richest and most opulent of our provinces have succumbed to the prepotent force of the enemy, and the rest are threatened with the same fate; while this suffering capital experiences the horrible effects of a rigorous blockade, hunger, robberies, and death. our own soldiers pay no respect to the last remains of our property, even our oxen, indispensably necessary for the cultivation of the land, are slain. if this plague continue, what will be our lot--our miserable condition! "the soldier must be supported as well as the citizen, but not to the injury of the latter: they must both be guided by the same laws, and must both be equal. both compose the state, and the support of both is necessary; founded on the same right of nature and of society. but let us abandon these melancholy relations, and confine ourselves entirely to those of peace. "peace is the general wish of the people: they have laboured since the year 1815 under the grievances of war, and have not force to support it any longer. without the money, without the provisions, without the desire, and without the means of supporting an opposition, the people flock to the standard of general san martin; hundreds of men leave our walls, that they may not die of hunger. a swarm of robbers infest our roads and intercept our provisions, insult us, and plunder our houses. the public speak loudly against our apathy and silence, and evils worse than those usually produced by war must soon be the result. the happiness of the capital and of the kingdom depends on peace, and this depends on the "yes" of your excellency. the corporation of lima hopes to see it established, and promises to your excellency the constant and everlasting gratitude of the people. god preserve your excellency many years. hall of the corporation of lima, june 7th, 1821. (signed) the count of san isidro, and all the members of the body corporate." to this note the viceroy gave the following answer: "most excellent sir,--unquestionably war is the exercise of the right of force, and the most terrible of all the plagues that destroy the human species: it does not pardon even the victorious, and the most fortunate partake of its effects. "as a philanthropist i love and desire peace; but as a soldier and a public man, i cannot accede to a peace which is indecorous: thus, if the general in chief of the invading army will agree to an armistice honourable and fair to the arms of the spanish nation, you and every one of you may remain assured that my vote shall be for peace; but if he will not, no! for i never will assent to any thing derogatory to the honour of the spanish nation, in which case it would be better to die than to live. i believe that these are also the sentiments of the individuals who compose the body corporate; and of this city, which is called heroic, whose inhabitants are well aware, that to deserve this epithet valour, patience and the other virtues, not common, are necessary. "in fine, although i am at the head of the junta of pacification, in it i have only one vote, so that the corporation is deceived in supposing, that peace depends on my "yes;" but i repeat, that if it did, i would prefer war to an indecorous peace; and even supposing that preponderance which your excellency actually gives to the forces of general san martin, you must be aware, that war is a game where more or less is risked according to the passions of the gamblers: at one time one wins, and another loses; and when much is won, it generally happens that the winner continues gambling in the hope of increasing his store; or he who loses will not desist, in hopes of regaining what he has lost; at last fortune varies, and the winner not only loses what he had won, but also what he had when he began. "this is what i have to say in answer to your note of yesterday. god preserve your excellency many years. (signed) jose de la serna." from the number of deserters who daily arrived at huaura, the head quarters of general san martin, the state of lima was well known. the officers of the army were divided in their opinions; the cabildo in open war with the viceroy; the opinion of the people in favour of liberty; the troops disserting or dying in the hospitals; hunger parading the streets, and every one, high and low, general and soldier, master and slave, convinced that the idea of resisting the patriot forces was the chimera of a madman. hence it followed that when la serna proposed to san martin an armistice of sixteen months, under the pretence that both parties should refer the decision to the court of madrid, the latter declined acceding to it. notwithstanding the favourable appearance of things, the army of san martin was tired of their inglorious inaction, knowing full well that to take the capital of peru only required them to enter it, and this opinion was supported by every new arrival from lima. the consummate prudence of san martin, however, did not allow him to risk the firing of a shot, lest the ball might slay "a brother;" at the same time that his guerilla parties were actively engaged in committing all the cruelties incident to predatory warfare. but the presence of the general was not necessary in such skirmishes, nor his humanity compromised; the truth is, his person was in no jeopardy. complaints began to be every day more loud in the army, and dissention more visible, so much so, that it became a daily task at the tables of the officers, to drink to "those who fight for the liberty of peru, not those who write, _a los que pelean por la libertad del peru, no los que escriven_." san martin, aware of the state of his army, embarked in the schooner montezuma, in order to re-establish his health, and a prorogation of the armistice for twelve days more was ratified. during this cessation of hostilities, his lordship dropped down to mollendo, where a neutral vessel was taking in wheat, for supplying the city of lima. the admiral immediately wrote to the governor of arequipa, expressing his astonishment that neutrals should be allowed to embark provisions during an armistice, for the purpose of supplying one of the belligerents, to the injury of the other, and contrary to the spanish colonial laws; to which the governor answered, that the whole of the wheat at mollendo belonged to spanish merchants residing at lima, or arequipa, and that no part of it whatever belonged to neutrals, and that if any had been embarked since the celebration of the armistice, it was in violation of the orders of the government, to correct which he had again issued the most positive orders against such an infraction of the stipulations of punchauca. with this answer his lordship retired from mollendo, but sent in a boat with a lieutenant belonging to the san martin, to watch the actions of the enemy at mollendo; on being assured that the embarkation of the wheat was persevered in, the san martin returned to mollendo on the nineteenth of june, and shipped the remainder of the wheat found on shore. when every thing was ready for colonel miller to proceed into the interior, the news arrived, on the fifth of july, of the prorogation of the armistice. this with the news received from the army, through private letters, induced his lordship to equip and victual some of the prizes taken at arica, and leave them for the reception of the troops under col. miller, in case of any emergency, and repair to callao, for the purpose of learning the true state of affairs at head-quarters. we arrived at callao on the eighth of july, 1821. chapter xi. lima evacuated by la serna....occupation of by the liberating army....loss of the san martin....arrival of lord cochrane at lima....conduct of the spaniards after leaving lima....independence of peru sworn....san martin constitutes himself protector of peru....interview between lord cochrane and san martin....announcement of the views of the spanish army....state of the squadron....san martin takes the field....arrival and departure of cantarac....proclamation of san martin....treasure taken at ancon by lord cochrane....surrender of callao....tribunal of purification established at lima....lieutenant wynter arrested at callao....paroissien and spry visit the squadron at midnight....squadron leaves callao, arrives at guayaquil. on the arrival of lord cochrane in the bay of callao, on the eighth of july, general san martin came on board the flag ship, from the schooner sacramento, bringing with him the welcome news of the fall of lima, or rather of its evacuation by the spanish troops. on the sixth of july, 1821, the viceroy la serna informed the marquis of monte-mira that it being convenient, he should retire with the troops under his command from the capital of peru, leaving only a few companies of the regiment of la concordia, militias, to preserve order and tranquillity, under the command of his excellency the political and military governor. on the same day la serna informed san martin of his determination; as also that he had deposited in the castles at callao such warlike stores as he had thought requisite for his ulterior operations, leaving the rest in lima as he found them. la serna solicited that such sick as he had been obliged to leave in the hospitals might be kindly treated; he requested, too, that none of the inhabitants might suffer any persecution for their past political opinions and conduct, assuring general san martin that his conduct should be subject to every rule of reciprocity. a detachment of horse entered lima on the evening of the seventh, but without any orders from general san martin, and on the eighth the liberating army took possession of the city, but the general in chief judged it most prudent to remain on board his schooner in the bay of callao, till the night of the ninth, when he made his private entry into lima. on the fourteenth an announcement appeared in the ministerial gazette of lima, that, on account of the great scarcity of wheat in the city, general san martin had directed that two thousand fanegas, then on board the flag ship of the chilean squadron, should be landed at the chorrillos free of duty; and for this purpose, the san martin was ordered to the said port, which she entered on the sixteenth: she was, however, unfortunately run aground by captain wilkinson, and, although every endeavour was made to save her, she was completely lost, owing to the uncommon swell of the sea at the time. on the fourteenth a note was addressed by general san martin to the cabildo of lima, requesting the convocation of a general meeting, that the opinion of the inhabitants might be made public, with regard to their determination on the independence of the country. this request was immediately complied with; and on the fifteenth the members of the corporation, his excellency the archbishop, the prelates of the conventual orders, the titles of castile, and many other individuals, met at the city hall, and the following act was signed by the whole of them: "the general will is decided on the independence of peru with respect to the spanish or any other foreign domination; and to this effect let the form of the necessary oath be drawn up and administered." on the seventeenth lord cochrane entered lima amid the loudest acclamations of the inhabitants. the marquis of monte-mira had sent his carriage for lord cochrane to chorrillos; but a deputation from the cabildo and others from different corporations having met his lordship on the road, he alighted from the carriage, and mounted a horse, brought for the occasion. the inhabitants of lima being desirous of seeing the naval hero of the expedition, a levee was held on the same evening at the palace, where the admiral received the compliments of the principal personages of the city; but general san martin judging it more decorous to be absent when a "subaltern" received the thanks of the cabildo of lima, and the compliments of its inhabitants, remained at la legua, half-way between lima and callao, where he had established his head quarters. on the eighteenth in the morning the archbishop visited his lordship, which visit was immediately returned; when lord cochrane left the city to wait upon the general in chief at his head quarters. on the seventeenth an order was published for the abolition of the spanish royal arms in any part of the city where they had been placed; and this proclamation was accompanied by another, as follows: "having been informed, with great horror to my delicate sentiments, and in violation of my humane principles, that some passionate individuals vex and insult the spaniards with threats and taunts, i order and command, that all persons who shall commit such kind of excesses, in opposition to american gentleness of manners, to decorum, and to good and rational education, be denounced to the political and military governor of the city, that, the fact being proved, he may be punished for such reproachful conduct." on the eighteenth a civic guard was ordered to be formed, to supersede the spanish regiment de la concordia, and the gran mariscal marquis of torre tagle was appointed colonel of it. on the twenty-second of july a proclamation was issued, ordering that the public act of the declaration of the independence of peru should take place on the twenty-eighth of the same month, with all the solemnity due to so memorable a transaction. after the spanish troops left lima on the sixth, their march into the interior was marked with the most horrid outrages: from lurin to bujama, a distance of nine leagues, thirty-four dead bodies were left on the road; some had died of disease, others had been shot; and, according to the uniform statements of the deserters from the spaniards, colonel rodil was the executioner of the greater part of these victims. on the thirteenth, thirty-nine sick and five dead men were found near to bujama, and carried to a temporary hospital. from the village of huaycan advices were received on the twenty-first that la serna had issued an order imposing capital punishment on every individual belonging to, or under the protection of the spanish army, who should leave the route assigned a distance of twenty yards; notwithstanding which, upwards of three hundred deserted at huaycan, and at lunaguaná upwards of six hundred. in a skirmish near the latter place the spaniards lost twenty killed, and more than fifty prisoners, and la serna was completely surrounded in the ravine of pilas. the efforts of the guerilla parties in harassing the spanish troops were constant and successful; and had a division of the liberating army been sent to co-operate with the guerillas, it is most probable that the entire spanish army would have been annihilated; but the whole of the army was disposed of in the barracks of lima, or at bellavista, where they were stationed to watch the operations of about eight hundred men, under general la mar, in the batteries of callao. a small division under general arenales stationed in the province of yauyos was ordered to lima, and the whole of the interior was abandoned to the protection of the guerilla parties, who had to act against the organized spanish army, so that the towns which had declared their adherence to the cause of independence, when they believed themselves under the protection of the liberating forces, were abandoned, to experience all the rigours of their constituted enemies, the spaniards, and thus pave the way to the state of affairs which subsequently took place in peru. [illustration: indian muleteer of mexico. indian of san pedro, western shore of mexico. _engraved for stevenson's narrative of south america._] lord cochrane having retired from lima, on board the o'higgins, in the bay of callao, received on the twentieth the following invitation from the cabildo of lima: "lima, the capital of peru, is about to solemnize the most august act which has been performed for three centuries, or since her foundation; this is, the proclamation of her independence, and her absolute exclusion from the spanish government, as well as that of any other foreign potentate; and this cabildo, wishing the ceremony to be conducted with all possible decorum and solemnity, considers it necessary that your excellency, who has so gloriously co-operated in the consecution of this highly desired object, will deign to assist at the act, with your illustrious officers, on saturday the twenty-eighth inst." on the twenty-eighth the procession, composed of general san martin, lieut.-general marquis of monte-mira, the staff officers of the army, the university and four colleges, the prelates of the religious orders, the military chiefs, the judges, many of the nobility, and the members of the cabildo, left the palace, mounted on richly caparisoned horses, and were followed by the body guard of the ex-viceroy, the escort of the general in chief, and the battalion no. 8, with the flags of chile and buenos ayres, and proceeded to a stage erected in the plasa mayor. general san martin ascended the stage, and displayed the national flag of peru, pronouncing at the same time--"peru is from this moment free and independent, by the general vote of the people, and by the justice of her cause, which god defend!" the cavalcade then paraded the principal streets of the city, and returned to the palace where lord cochrane was waiting in the balcony, whence medals commemorative of the act were distributed; but even these evinced the ambition of the general, who, from the very outset of the expedition, had endeavoured to monopolize every species of credit: for this purpose, the inscription chosen for the medals was, "lima secured its independence on the twenty-eighth of july, 1821, under the protection of the liberating army, commanded by san martin." on the following sunday a solemn te deum was chanted at the cathedral, and high mass was celebrated by the archbishop; after which the individuals who on the twenty-eighth had formed the procession advanced separately to the high altar, and took the oath, on the sacred gospels, to "defend with their opinions, property and persons, the independence of peru, against the spanish government, and any other foreign power." on the twenty-ninth colonel miller, having been obliged to abandon the province of arica on the twenty-second, landed at pisco, having increased his division to nine hundred and sixty men. on the thirtieth lord cochrane reported to general san martin, that on the twenty-fifth he had ordered captain crosbie to enter the anchorage at callao, and to cut out as many of the enemy's vessels as he could conveniently bring to anchor outside the range of the batteries, which he did in the most gallant manner, bringing out the san fernando and milagro, the two largest merchantmen, and the resolucion, armed as a sloop of war; besides several launches and boats, burning at the same time two hulks within musket shot of the enemy's batteries. after the ceremony on the sunday at the cathedral was concluded, a deputation from the cabildo waited on general san martin, with the request, that he would take upon himself the political and military superintendence of peru, which in the name and on the behalf of the capital they had the honor to offer to him. to this communication, with such a smile as few but san martin can express, he informed them, that the offer was quite unnecessary, for that as he had _taken_ the command he should keep it so long as he thought proper, and that he should moreover allow no juntas, nor assemblies for the discussion of public matters during his pleasure. this was an answer not very congenial to the feelings of men who had just been called on to swear, in the presence of the almighty, to their _liberty_ and _independence_! on the fourth of august fresh advices of the atrocities committed by the spaniards on their march into the interior were published at lima; one piece of intelligence was, that at the town of tauripampa a hospital had been formed of the church, and that at the time that la serna left the town the doors of the church were closed, and the whole set fire to, when the miserable soldiers who could not accompany the spanish army were burnt to death, as well as great numbers of the inhabitants of the town in their houses, rodil at the same time declaring, that it was more honorable for them to die than to serve in the ranks of the rebels. on the third of august the following proclamation was issued at lima: "don jose san martin, &c.--when i took charge of the important enterprize of the liberty of peru, i had no other motive than a desire of forwarding the sacred cause of liberty in america, and of promoting the felicity of the people of peru. a considerable part of this is already realized; but this work would remain incomplete, and my feelings little satisfied, if i did not establish for ever the future security and prosperity of the inhabitants of this region. "after my arrival at pisco i announced, that owing to the imperiousness of the circumstances, i was invested with the supreme authority, and that i was responsible to the patria for the exercise of it. these circumstances yet exist, because peru has yet to combat with her enemies, and consequently it is necessary that the supreme command should continue in my hands. "i hope, that because i thus act, you will do me the justice to believe that i am not induced by any ambitious views, but by public convenience alone. it is abundantly notorious, that i only aspire to retirement and tranquillity, after a life so greatly agitated as mine has been; but i hold a moral responsibility which requires the sacrifice of my most sanguine desires. the experience of twelve years of revolution in venezuela, cundinamarca, chile, and the united provinces of rio de la plata have given me a knowledge of the evils attending the untimely convocation of congresses, while the enemy yet exists in the country; independence must first be secured; we must afterwards think of the solid establishment of liberty. the religious scrupulosity with which i have always in my public life fulfilled my promises gives me the right to be believed; and i compromise myself most solemnly with the people of peru, that at that moment in which the territory is free, i will resign the command, to make room for such a government as they may think fit to elect. the frankness with which i speak ought to serve as a guarantee for the sincerity of my intention. i might have ordained that electors named by the citizens of the free departments should nominate the person who was to govern until the reunion of the representatives of the peruvian nation. the simultaneous invitation of a great number of persons of elevated character and decided influence in this capital who have requested that i should preside at the administration of the state, ensures to me the popular appointment; besides, as i had obtained the assent of the people under the protection of the liberating army, i have judged it more decorous and convenient to follow this loyal and frank conduct, which must tranquillize all those who are jealous of their liberties. "when i have the satisfaction to deliver up the command, and to give an account of my operations to the representatives of the people, i am confident that they will not find in the epoch of my administration any of those strokes of venality, despotism, or corruption, which have characterized the agents of the spanish government in america. to administer strict justice to all, rewarding virtue and patriotism, and punishing vice and sedition wherever it may be found, is the model by which i shall regulate my actions, so long as i am placed at the head of this nation." after this most fascinating description of what a chief magistrate ought to be, but in which the duties of a general are not even hinted at, san martin declares himself the protector of peru, and don juan garcia del rio, don bernardo monteagudo, and dr. don hipolito unanue, his three ministers of state. it is almost unnecessary to say how ill this self-constituted authority agrees with the promises made by the supreme director of chile in his proclamation to the peruvians; and in that of general san martin issued after his arrival in peru. i merely hint at these things, that my readers may not be surprized when they find that his promises were just as binding in one case as in the other. on the following morning, the fourth of august, lord cochrane, uninformed of the change which had taken place in the title of san martin, visited the palace, and began to beg of the general in chief to propose some means for the payment of the foreign seamen, who had served their times, and fulfilled their contract. to this san martin answered, "that he would never pay the chilean squadron unless it were sold to peru, and then the payment should be considered as a part of the purchase money." to this lord cochrane replied, that by such a transaction the squadron of chile would be transferred to peru by merely paying what was due to the officers and crews for services done to peru. san martin knit his brows, and turning to his two ministers, garcia and monteagudo, who were in the room, ordered them to retire; to which his lordship objected, stating that as he was not master of the spanish language, he wished them to remain as his interpreters, fearful that some expression, not rightly understood, might be considered offensive. san martin now turned round to the admiral, and said, "are you aware, my lord, that i am protector of peru?" "no," said his lordship. "i ordered my secretaries to inform you of it," returned san martin. "that is now unnecessary," said his lordship, "for you have personally informed me: but i sincerely hope that the friendship which has existed between general san martin and myself will still continue to exist between the protector of peru and myself." san martin then, rubbing his hands, said, "i have only to say, that i am protector of peru!" the manner in which this last sentence was expressed roused the admiral, who advancing, said, "then it now becomes me, as the senior officer of chile, and consequently the representative of the nation, to request the fulfilment of all the promises made to chile, and the squadron, but first, and principally, the squadron." san martin returned--"chile! chile! i will never pay a single real to chile! and as to the squadron, you may take it where you please, and go when you choose: a couple of schooners are quite enough for me: _chile! chile! yo nunca pagare un real a chile! y en quanto a la esquadra, puede v. llevarla donde quiere, e irse quando guste, con un par de goletas me basta a mi_;" and snapped his fingers in the face of the admiral. on hearing this, garcia left the room, while monteagudo walked to the balcony. san martin paced the room for a short time, and, turning to his lordship, caught his hand, and said, "forget, my lord, what is past!" the admiral, dashing away the tear with which surprize and indignation had suffused his eye, replied, "i will, when i can," and immediately left the palace. his lordship was now undeceived by the man himself: the repeated reports he had heard of his past conduct crowded on his distracted imagination, and knowing what might be attempted, from what had already been done, his lordship agreed with me, that his life was not safe ashore; he therefore immediately took horse, rode to boca negra, and went on board his frigate. this conversation has been denied by some of san martin's partizans; but were it necessary more fully to substantiate the fact, the subsequent official correspondence between the protector of peru and the admiral of the chilean squadron would fully prove the truth of what i have stated. san martin, reflecting that the batteries of callao were yet in the hands of the enemy, and that should the chilean naval force raise the blockade, he did not possess the means of driving them out, nor of forcing them to surrender, exerted himself in conciliatory measures, heaping promise upon promise, both as to the payment of the arrears of the crews and premiums and rewards. he endeavoured to soften down his expressions of the fourth, stating that he only said, or meant to say, that "it might be interesting to chile to sell some of her vessels of war to peru, because this latter wanted them for the protection of her coasts." but even this subterfuge was exposed by his saying further, that "the government of chile would at all times devote their squadron to the furtherance of the cause of peru." san martin, on finding that official correspondence did not produce the desired effect of bringing lord cochrane to agree with him that the squadron was under his controul, even after he had assumed the supreme authority in peru, and constituted himself an independent chief, at the head of a separate government, whose views were seemingly opposed to the interests of chile, now addressed the following private letter to his lordship, which on account of its uncommon expressions i give in spanish: "lima, agosto 13 de 1821.--mi lord,--de oficio contesto a v. sobre el desagradable negocio de los buques de la esquadra, que a v. y a mi nos causa disgustos impresindibles, porque no es posible hacer quanto se desea. nada tengo que añadir si no es la protesta que no he mirado, ni miraré jamas con la menor indiferencia quanto tenga relacion a v. yo le dije en valparaiso que su suerte seria igual a la mia, y ereo haber dado pruebas de que mis sentimentos no han variado, ni pueden variar, por lo mismo que cada dia es mayor la trascendencia de mis acciones. no, mi lord, yo no veo con indiferencia los asuntos, de v. y sentiria no poder esperar que acabe de convencerse de esto mismo. si a pesar de todo v. deliberase tomar el partido que me intimó en la conferencia que tubimos ahora dias, esto sería para mi en conflicto a que no podria substraerme. mas yo espero que entrando v. en mis sentimientos, consumirá la obra que ha empesado, y de la que depende nuestro comun destino. adios, mi lord! se repite de v. con el mas sincero aprecio su eterno amigo. (signed) josé de san martin." omitting the preamble of this letter, let us analyze the expressions from "si a pesar: if in despite of every thing, you are resolved to observe the conduct which you intimated to me, in the conference which we had a few days ago, this would be to me a conflict from which i could not extricate myself. but i hope that, agreeing with my sentiments, you will consummate the work that you have begun, and on which depends our common destiny." the conference here mentioned, alluded to the delivery of the chilean vessels of war to the protector of peru, on the condition of his paying to the officers and crews their arrears, and rewarding them according to his solemn promise made at valparaiso, before the expedition left that port; and the agreement of sentiment cannot signify any thing more, than that lord cochrane should deliver up the squadron to san martin, which would have been a most honourable "consummation of the work" to his lordship, and a most melancholy one to chile; but _she_ was to have been forgotten in the common destiny. on the fourth of august don jose de la riva aguero was nominated president of the department of lima, with the authority of the ex-intendente. on the same day the high chamber of justice, _alta camarca de justicia_ was established in lima, with the powers and attributions of the ex-audiencia. on the same day san martin issued a proclamation, not of the most flattering nature, to spaniards resident in lima and the independent provinces of peru, but which served as the precursor to his future conduct. he here repeats, "i have promised to respect your security and property, i have fulfilled my promise, and none of you can doubt my word. notwithstanding this, i know that you murmur secretly, and some of you malignantly circulate the idea that my designs are to surprize your confidence. my name is of sufficient celebrity not to stain it with the infraction of my promises, even though it be conceived that as an individual i might fail in their fulfilment. spaniards! you well know that the public opinion is such, that even among yourselves there are many who spy and observe your conduct; i am informed of every thing that passes, in the most retired parts of your houses; tremble if you abuse my indulgence!" whether the system of espionage established by san martin was in this state of activity, like a volcano ready to burst and to destroy with its ignited lava the peaceful habitation and the innocent inhabitant, who, confiding in its harmless appearance, ventured to dwell within its destructive range, it may be impossible to determine; but it seems somewhat derogatory to the character of a supreme chief, guarded by twelve thousand armed men, that he should thus threaten two or three hundred unarmed individuals, who, relying on his assurances, had sworn to follow the fortunes of the country, and live subject to the newly-established system of government. besides, such a manifestation was calculated to do away with the apparent object of the proclamation of the seventeenth of july, already quoted, and to fan the flame of civil discord and dissention--the greatest enemies to public tranquillity. the twelfth of august produced the publication of the act in lima, which in all free parts of the ex-spanish colonies so highly distinguishes, and justifies in such a particular manner the revolution in those countries. the voice of reason and of nature announced, that all children born of slaves on or after the twenty-eighth of august, 1821, were to be free, and that they were to be inheritors of the same rights and privileges as the rest of the citizens of peru. on the eighteenth the news arrived, that the divisions of the spanish army under cantarac and caratalá had formed their head quarters at jauja, thirty leagues from lima; and that la serna was at the town of carania on the twenty-ninth of july, advancing with the troops towards the same point. still the liberating army remained quiet in their barracks at lima, or were employed in the siege of callao. one of the first acts of the arbitrary disposition of the protector of peru was the expulsion of the archbishop. the following is a copy of the correspondence: "ministry of war, lima, twenty-second august, 1821.--most excellent sir,--nothing is more conformable with the religious ideas of his excellency the protector of peru than to promote in every possible manner which prudence dictates those pious establishments which serve as a prop to public morals. but it is at the same time his duty to avoid those evils which, under a zeal for religion, might cause a spirit of opposition to the general vote of america. in this dilemma are those houses of spiritual exercises in this city; where (his excellency has been informed) abuses of the most serious tendency to the cause of the country are committed by the venerable influence of the priesthood. "in attention to this, his excellency the protector commands me to inform your most illustrious excellency, that the spiritual exercises be suspended for the present in those houses, until they be placed under the direction of patriotic clergymen, who may merit the confidence of the government, who consult the spiritual welfare of the faithful, and the support of the new institutions to which his excellency is called to peru. i have the honour, &c. (signed) bernardo monteagudo." (answer by the archbishop.) "ever since the establishment of the houses of spiritual exercises they have been protected and supported by the popes and other prelates of the church, fully aware of their utility to the faithful. those founded in this city are deserving of credit for the copious harvest they have produced, in attention to which, without scruples of conscience, and a risk of public disgust, it is impossible for me to order them to be closed. if in them any excess be committed, or any confessor should pretend to disturb the peace or public order, the moment that such is known the necessary measures shall be adopted for his punishment, which is my reply to your note of the twenty-second.--god preserve, &c. lima, august 26th, 1821. (signed) bartolomé, archbishop of lima." (second note from the government.) "most excellent and most illustrious sir,--on the twenty-second instant his excellency the protector of peru ordered, that you should be informed of the necessity that existed of closing for the present the houses of spiritual exercises. in that note, after expressing those religious sentiments which filled his bosom, and which he never can belie, you are informed, that it was not his intention to close them for any considerable length of time, to the detriment of the faithful, who derived from them spiritual consolation, but that it was only for the present, because this was necessary to public tranquillity. thus his excellency observes with regret that your most illustrious excellency resists the fulfilment of his order, and he commands me to inform you, that you are to lay aside all scruples of conscience in obeying this order of the government, and those scruples which may afterwards present themselves with respect to other orders, the fulfilment of which will be equally necessary. it is convenient that your excellency should meditate on the evils that would follow, should the most perfect harmony not exist between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, and that you decide on that line of conduct which you intend to adopt, in the intelligence that the orders of his excellency the protector are irrevocable. by superior order i communicate this to your excellency for your guidance, and present my sentiments of respect and veneration, &c., &c. lima, august 27th, 1821. (signed) j. garcia del rio." (the archbishop's reply.) "i have read with the greatest attention your note of the twenty-seventh of august, in which you communicate to me, by order of the protector of peru, that his excellency has observed with regret my resistance to the fulfilment of his order, to close the houses of spiritual exercises: to resist, and to remonstrate submissively are not the same thing: the first is the effect of arms and violence; the second that of veneration and respect, when the inconveniences which present themselves are expressed: in this manner my note was written. i have, moreover, other reasons for thus explaining myself--his excellency in his religious goodness had promised me that in ecclesiastical matters, and points of religion, he would agree with my opinion, to the end that nothing should be done in violation of the rules of the church. "i hope these reflections will save me from the irksome epithet of having resisted the orders of the government, and that consequently the contents of my answer will not be read with regret. i cannot omit saying, that with the greatest anguish, and a heart swimming in bitterness, i have read that the government has several orders to give; and if to them i have scruples of conscience to oppose in their fulfilment, i decide on that line of conduct which i intend to follow, in the intelligence that the decrees which will be issued are to be immutable. this advice carries with it a very elevated spirit, if we suppose that the orders to be given should relate to religious or ecclesiastical matters; for in civil affairs, and those of the government, i have signified my opinion by my prompt obedience: and what may those commands contain? will they in any manner violate the existing discipline of the church? will they be prejudicial to morality? or will they oppose the maxims of the gospel of jesus christ? because, for these cases, god has constituted bishops as the pastors and guards of that flock which jesus christ purchased at the price of his blood, who are to shout, to whistle, and restrain the ill conduct: he tells us, that we are not to be cowards in the presence of the greatest potentates of the earth, and that, if necessary, we should shed our blood and lay down our lives in so just a cause; anathematising us on the contrary as dumb dogs that did not bark when the spiritual health of his flock was in danger. "behold, then, that one of the principal obligations of a bishop is to defend with rigour the deposit of doctrine and faith which has been confided to him; and if the threatened danger be from any great potentate, to remonstrate, with respect and submission, to the end that he be not their accomplices and participators in the crime, by a cowardly condescension. this was practised by saint john chrysostom, with the emperors of the east; by saint ambrose, with those of the west; and by saint augustine with the pro-consuls of africa; those were the great lords on earth; but notwithstanding; those bishops remonstrated when they commanded any thing that might injure religion or the church; and is it possible that the supreme government of this city shall inform the archbishop that he is blindly to obey, and execute the decrees that may be given in religious and ecclesiastical matters, even though they disturb his conscience, and appear to him to be opposed to orthodox doctrines, because such decrees are to be irresistible? oh! "irresistible decrees"--this expression appears to me to be very strong, and little used by jurists and theologians; they opine that all human authority, however great it may be, and however vast and profound its acquired knowledge, can never arrive at a degree of infallibility in its decisions; it may always be deceived or deceive: consequently its resolutions ought never to be invariable--this privilege the supreme being alone possesses. fenelon and other politicians assert, that it is more glorious, and a proof of a more elevated soul in that monarch or government who, convinced of having committed an error against religion, reason or justice in their decrees, shall revoke them, than it is never to err; indeed to insist on the execution of an order, merely because it has been given in despite of the inconveniences and obstacles that have been shown to exist; it being opposed to morality, evangelical doctrine, and the dispositions of the church, is a most oppressive yoke. with respect to myself, i can assure you, that i have often remonstrated and even exclaimed against the decrees of my superiors; who, being satisfied with the justness of my arguments, have ordered them to be revoked, or varied. when a prelate of the church speaks on spiritual or ecclesiastical points, he is worthy of being listened to, and his reasonings examined, because god himself, by his evangelist st. matthew, says, that those who hear him hear the divinity, and that those who despise him despise the supreme being. "notwithstanding this doctrine, you say in your note that i am to obey the decrees of the government, without replying or remonstrating, because they are irrevocable; or that i choose the line of conduct i intend to adopt; this i did on the twenty-fourth of july last, when i put into the hands of his excellency my written resignation of the archiepiscopal dignity, begging his acceptance of it, for the reasons therein alleged; i also begged that he would grant me a passport to europe by panama, as my advanced age of eighty years, and consequent debility, would not enable me to bear the hardships of a passage by cape horn; his excellency acceded to my solicitude, and even promised to procure me a vessel for my passage. "if i then made a tender of my dignity, founded on the motives there alleged, i now repeat it, adding to those causes that of not being able to exist in a country where the prelate of the church is forced to keep silence, and stifle the strongest sentiments of his conscience, and obliged to act in opposition to them--i was born to become a citizen of a celestial country; this is my only aim, and every thing that opposes it, is, to me, disgusting. i hope that as soon as possible my resignation will be accepted, that i may be relieved from a charge which has become insupportable.--our lord preserve your life for many years. "bartolomé maria de las heras." "lima, sept. 1st, 1821." the answer to this note set forth, that the urgency of public business did not allow time to answer with "victorious arguments" the archbishop's reasonings; but that the whole correspondence should be laid before the public for their opinion. this, however, never took place, but the protector accepted the resignation of the archbishop, ordering his excellency to leave lima within the term of forty-eight hours, and to wait at chancay, fourteen leagues from lima, the determination of the government. on the thirteenth of november the archbishop embarked at chancay for rio de janeiro; the protector, as in many other cases, forgetting to fulfil his promise of preparing a vessel to conduct him to panama. before leaving chancay, the archbishop addressed the following letter to lord cochrane: "my dear lord,--the time is arrived for my return to spain, the protector having granted to me the necessary passport. the polite attention which i owe to your excellency, and the peculiar qualifications which adorn and distinguish you, oblige me by this measure to manifest to you my most sincere esteem and regard. "in spain, if god grants that i may arrive in safety, or in any other part where i may exist, i request that you will deign to command me. on leaving this country, i am convinced that its independence is for ever sealed. this i will represent to the spanish government and to the papal see, and i will also do every thing to abate their obstinacy, and to preserve the tranquillity, and to further the views of the inhabitants of america, who are dear to me. "deign, my lord, to receive these sentiments as emanating from the sincerity of my heart; and command your obliged servant and chaplain, bartolomé maria de las heras. november, 2nd, 1821." on the ninth of november the bishop of guamanga, a native of piura, then residing at lima, was ordered to leave peru within eight days, without any reason being assigned for his exile, by the autocrat of peru. although the chilean squadron was at this moment of the most vital importance to the operations of san martin against the batteries of callao, yet the crews remained unpaid, and the supply of provisions was so scanty, that, added to the general want of clothing, they were in a state fast approaching to open mutiny, which was repeatedly made known to the government at lima, but the knowledge of the circumstances produced no relief; it appeared as if san martin, having failed in gaining possession of it through the commander in chief, was determined to starve it into submission, or to drive it to some more desperate act. this his lordship reported to the government, as also, that he could not be answerable for the conduct of those serving under him, unless the government fulfilled their part of the contract. on the seventeenth of august a decree appeared in the ministerial gazette, ordering, that one-fifth of the duties collected at the custom-house should be applied to defray the arrears and to the pay of the army and navy. instead of quieting the crews, this news drove them almost to desperation, for although they were not aware that the money assigned them was absolutely incompetent to supply the deficit, yet the idea, that even when the time had arrived for the fulfilment of the promise made to them before leaving valparaiso, a new promise was made to them, the fulfilment of which must depend on the receipts of the custom-house, was incomprehensible to men whose only argument is, you owe me money, and you must pay it me. the same decree also stated, that the officers belonging to the chilean squadron were equally officers of peru, and were to be considered as such: yet this step was taken without ever consulting the will of the said officers; and certainly had they accepted the honourable distinction, it must have been at the expense of their oath of fidelity to chile; but the object was to induce them to consider themselves subject to the order of the protector of peru, for the purpose of forming a plan yet in embryo. the spanish army at jauja, in the beginning of september, spread some alarm in lima, from advices received of their movements. it appeared that they were determined to attack the capital, and on the fifth the following proclamation was issued at head quarters, by the protector of the liberty of peru: "inhabitants of lima! it appears that the justice of heaven, tired of tolerating for so long a time the oppressors of peru, now guides them to their destruction. three hundred of those troops who have desolated so many towns, burnt so many temples and destroyed so many thousands of innocent victims, are at san mateo, and two hundred more at san damian. if they advance on this capital, it will be with the design of immolating you to their vengeance; and to force you to purchase at a high price your decision, and enthusiasm for independence: vain hope! the valiant who have liberated the illustrious lima, those who protect her in the most difficult moments, know how to preserve her against the fury of the spanish army. yes, inhabitants of this capital, my troops will not abandon you; they and myself are going to triumph over that army which, thirsty of our blood and property, is advancing, or we will perish with honour, for we will never witness your disgrace. in return for this noble devotion, and that it may receive the favourable success of which it is worthy, all we require of you is, union, tranquillity and efficacious co-operation; this alone is necessary to ensure the felicity and splendour of peru.--san martin." the night before this proclamation was published, the protector rose from his seat at the theatre, after the performance was concluded, and in words similar to those contained in the proclamation, spoke to the people; the greatest enthusiasm was displayed, and the national hymn was sung three times by all present, when the protector retired, and was followed to his palace by the music and an immense concourse of people. on the seventh the army under san martin took the field at mansanilla, to the eastward of lima; the protector occupying the farm house of the same name, about a league from the city. all the spaniards residing in lima were immediately collected in the convent of la merced, to prevent any insult from being offered to them; but a false alarm being given to the inhabitants, that the spanish troops were about to enter the city, they immediately surrounded the convent, where they were with difficulty prevented from entering and putting the spaniards to death. after order had been restored, the prisoners were sent down to ancon, and placed on board two of the transports lying there at anchor. the state of lima on the seventh was the most evident proof of the determination of the inhabitants to defend their city; men, women, and children of every age, colour, and condition, paraded the streets with such arms as they could procure; these however were very useless ones, for san martin had collected the arms belonging to private individuals a few days after his arrival in lima. many persons had carried to the tops of their houses quantities of stones, while others prepared pans and wood, for the purpose of heating water, and all were determined to give a _warm_ reception to the enemy, should they enter the streets of lima. on the evening of the ninth, lord cochrane received on board the o'higgins an official communication, informing him that the enemy was under the walls of lima, and repeating the request, that his lordship would send to the army every kind of portable arms then on board the squadron, as well as the marines, and all volunteers; because the protector was "determined to bring the enemy to an action, and either conquer or remain buried in the ruins of what _was_ lima." this heroic note, however, was accompanied by a private one from monteagudo, containing a request, that the boats of the vessels of war might be kept in readiness, and a look out on the beach of boca negra, for the service of those who might escape, in case of a defeat. on the morning of the tenth lord cochrane, believing that at such a moment the mind of san martin would be too much employed with public affairs to think of private resentment, and that he might partake in the glories of the day on shore, landed at boca negra; but not wishing to pass through the capital, he chose the road leading to la magdalena, for the purpose of crossing the fields to head quarters at mansanilla. passing near some mounds of earth, called las huacas, three officers on horseback were observed standing on one of them, and his lordship, supposing them to belong to the american army, would have gone and asked them the news; but as there was no opening in the tapial, or wall-fence, we rode forward and took a path leading across the fields, about three hundred yards from the mounds. his lordship would not then return, but said to capt. crosbie, let us haste to head quarters; when, on looking to the right, we saw the spanish infantry defiling into the lane, about five hundred yards from us; lord cochrane immediately pressed forward to san martin's camp, where being immediately recognized by several officers, a murmur of congratulation was heard, and even guise and spry exclaimed, "we shall have some fighting now the admiral is come." general las heras, acting as general in chief, saluting the admiral, begged of him to endeavour to persuade the protector to bring the enemy to an action. his lordship then rode up to the house, and alighting, was received by san martin. lord cochrane immediately took the protector by the hand, and in the most earnest manner entreated him to attack the enemy without losing a single moment; his entreaties, however, were in vain, the only answer he received was, "my measures are taken, _mis medidas están tomadas_." notwithstanding this apathy, his lordship remonstrated, stating the situation in which he had not five minutes before observed the enemy's infantry, and begged of the protector to ascend an eminence at the back of the house, and convince himself how easily the victory might be obtained; but he only received the same cold reply, "mis medidas están tomadas." at this instant the clamour of the officers in the patio of the house roused san martin; he called for his horse and mounted. in a moment all was bustle, and the anticipated glow of victory shone in every countenance; the order "to arms" was given, and instantly obeyed by the whole army, which amounted to about twelve thousand men, including the guerilla parties, all anxious to begin the fight, and all determined either to conquer or to die. the protector beckoned to the admiral and general las heras, who immediately left the group of officers with whom they were conversing, and rode up to the protector, hoping that he was either about to consult them respecting the attack, or to inform them how it was to be conducted--but, at this moment, a peasant entered the patio, and walked towards san martin, who with most unparalleled composure lent an attentive ear to his important communications. he told the protector of the liberties of peru, that on the preceding day he had seen the enemy, that they were a great many, but that he did not know their exact number, not being able to count them. these and other such important advices were received; his excellency also questioned him as to his situation in life, and the particular employment he followed; whether or not he was married, how many children he had, and other things equally interesting to a general, when the enemy was in sight. as an irrefragable proof of the patriotism of this peruvian peasant, he took from his pocket a piece of dry bread, and assured his excellency that he had travelled from his home to mansanilla, to report what he knew of the enemy without having tasted it; this was an opportunity not to be lost, in which the greatness of the hero of south american independence might display that coolness in the face of an enemy so peculiarly characteristic of great men; he praised the patriotic virtues of the peasant, and promised him his protection. the admiral being disgusted with this mummery, and highly exasperated at so unnecessary a waste of time, half unsheathed his sword; he bade the peasant be gone; adding, "the general's time is too important to be thus employed in listening to your fooleries." at this indecorous interruption, san martin frowned (as when he chooses he _can_ frown) on the admiral, and riding up to the door of the house he alighted, went in and gave audience to some old women who had come to solicit the discharge of their sons or nephews, to all whom his excellency listened with his accustomed dignity and condescension. lord cochrane and a great number of the officers again ascended the hill at the back of the house, and his lordship afterwards requesting a private conference with san martin, (which was the last time he ever spoke with him) he assured him that it was not too late to attack the enemy; he begged and entreated that the opportunity might not be lost, and offered himself to lead the cavalry; but to all this he only received the cold reply, "i alone am responsible for the liberties of peru, _yo solo soy responsable de la libertad del peru_;" when the protector retired to an inner apartment of the house, to enjoy his customary _ciesta_, afternoon nap, which was however disturbed by general las heras, who came to receive orders, and inform his excellency that the army was still under arms. san martin observing that it was four o'clock, the supper hour for his soldiers, ordered that they should receive their rations. when san martin assured lord cochrane that "he alone was responsible for the liberty of peru," his lordship, convinced that any future attempt would be attended with the same success, mounted his horse; but captain crosbie, still hoping that something would take place, requested permission to remain at head quarters, which being granted, we rode down to boca negra, and embarked. the british ship of war the superb was at this time in the bay of callao, and several of the officers, expecting to see the decisive blow struck in peru, repaired to san martin's head quarters, and were astounded at the coolness of a general, who, commanding twelve thousand men, should first abandon a favourable position in which he might have intercepted the march of the spaniards, and then see an enemy composed of three thousand two hundred men pass without any hinderance, nay, without a single shot being fired, or without one attempt being made to bring them to action. after cantarac had led his troops into the batteries of callao, in a manner that would have done honour to a napoleon, the rejoicing was announced by the firing of guns, and other demonstrations, which would have harassed the soul of any leader, excepting that of the prudent san martin. the american army marched to their old camp at the legua, between lima and callao. on the morning of the eleventh, don fernando maso, who had been permitted by lord cochrane to land at callao from the english brig colonel allen, came on board the o'higgins, and asked his lordship, "if on the preceding day he had observed some officers on the huacas?" "yes," returned his lordship. "they were," said maso, "general cantarac and his two edecans." thus it was evident, that had the admiral rode up to them, as he at first intended, he would in all probability have been taken prisoner, for neither himself nor any one with him had any other arms than their swords. on the evening of the eleventh lord cochrane received an official communication from san martin, stating, "i have taken such measures, that not one of the enemy can escape; by shutting themselves up in the batteries of callao, they have delivered themselves up to me, and not one of them shall escape." but, to the surprise of all unacquainted with the consummate prudence of the protector, cantarac left the batteries on the seventeenth early in the morning, and having crossed the rimac, marched without any molestation into the interior; nothing was done or attempted, except that eight hundred men were ordered to follow him and harass his rear, and protect such soldiers as might desert. thus general cantarac, with three thousand two hundred men, passed to the southward of lima, in sight of the protecting army of peru, composed of twelve thousand, entered the batteries of callao, where he refreshed and rested his troops for six days, and then retired, taking with him arms and treasure, and retreating with his booty on the north side of lima, leaving the victorious san martin to publish the following proclamation, which appeared in the ministerial gazette on the nineteenth: "it is now fifteen days since the liberating army left the capital, resolved not to permit that even the shadow of the spanish flag should again darken the illustrious city of lima. the enemy haughtily descended the mountains, filled with the calculations they had formed in their ignorant meditations; they fancied, that to come and to view our camp was enough to conquer us; but they found valour armed with prudence; they acknowledged their inferiority; they trembled at the idea of the hour of battle, and profited by the hour of darkness; [from eleven to three o'clock in the day!] and they sought an asylum in callao. my army began its march, and at the end of eight days of uncertainty, the enemy has had to fly precipitately, convinced of their impotency to try the fortune of war, or to remain in the position which they held. "the desertion which they experience ensures us, that, before they reach the mountains, there will only exist a handful of men, terrified and confounded with the remembrance of the colossal power which they had a year ago, and which has now disappeared like the fury of the waves of the sea at the dawn of a serene morning. the liberating army pursues the fugitives; they shall be dissolved or beaten. at all events the capital of peru shall never be profaned with the footsteps of the enemies of america: this truth is peremptory: the spanish empire is at end for ever: peruvians, your destiny is irrevocable; consolidate it by the constant exercise of those virtues which you have shewn in the epoch of conflicts. you are independent, and nothing can prevent your being happy, if you will it so to be. san martin." it would be an act of injustice not to mention here, that general las heras, wounded to the very soul at the conduct of san martin, which cannot possibly bear any other epithet than that of cowardice, left the service of peru, or rather of the protector of peru, and requested his passport to chile, which was granted. his example was followed by several officers of the army, who, disgusted with what had taken place, preferred obscurity, and even poverty, to that odious title which every true soldier and patriot detests. had the force under general cantarac been attacked, it must have been beaten: the inferiority of it in every point, except discipline, ensured success to the patriot arms: these were treble the number of the enemy, fresh, vigorous, and enthusiastic; enjoying the opportunity of choosing the most advantageous positions, and in sight of the capital of the country, whose liberty they had sworn to defend; while the spanish division was harassed with a long march, without any personal incitement, and nothing before them but the prospect of a few days' rest, and a return to the interior, in which they knew, that beside the ground they trod on, no one in that part of the globe acknowledged their domination, or obeyed their commands. if it be asked, who is blameable for this dereliction of duty to the cause of american liberty? i must answer, san martin! the spaniards themselves confess, that had the division under cantarac been destroyed on the tenth of september, they should have lost all hopes of re-conquering the country, and should have immediately negociated in the most honourable terms possible for themselves, and abandoned america. consequently, the torrents of blood which have been shed in peru since the tenth of september, 1821; the miseries and privations of thousands in that portion of the new world; the disaffection of the natives to the just cause of their country, and their services to their spanish leaders; the necessity of an army from colombia to save peru from an ignominious subjection to her ancient oppressors; all owe their origin to the success of the spanish division on this day, which, although they obtained no decisive victory, accomplished the object which brought them from the interior. fearing a reverse at lima, on the approach of the spanish troops under general cantarac, the treasures belonging to the government, as well as the property of many individuals, had been sent down to ancon and embarked, not on board the chilean frigate lautaro, then at anchor in that port, but in several merchant vessels, to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy. on the fifteenth of september lord cochrane received a letter from captain delano, who commanded the lautaro, informing him that the state of insubordination in the remains of the crew of the lautaro had risen to a very high pitch; for they observed the daily embarkation of money in the different merchant vessels, and this indicated, as they supposed, the jeopardy in which san martin was placed with the army; that they saw no probability their arrears would ever be paid; that should the enemy be successful they would be constrained to continue in the service, under a prolongation of the sufferings they had already experienced; and that on this account he dreaded a mutiny, and consequent plunder of the vessels in the bay. on hearing this lord cochrane went down to ancon in the o'higgins, and personally, before witnesses, sent on board the flag ship all the treasures found on board the different vessels, belonging _apparently_ to the state of peru, leaving all such as had been embarked by individuals, having the customary documents, and for which his lordship took the necessary certificates to prove that such sums had remained untouched. his lordship at the same time informed such persons as claimed any property, and many others at ancon, that his only object was to possess himself of such money or treasures as belonged to the government of peru; and that whatever belonged to private individuals should be restored, on application being made by the owners; as was the case with dr. unanue, don juan aguero, don manuel silva, don manuel primo, and several others. after having given up all the claimed money, two hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars remained on board the flag ship. they were immediately applied to the payment of one year's arrears to every individual excepting the admiral, who declined receiving any part of what was due to him; the surplus was reserved for the repairs of the squadron, and its equipment, and the most rigid account was kept of the several disbursements, and given in to the chilean government. after the return of his lordship to callao, a long correspondence took place with san martin respecting the property taken at ancon. the general requested, and entreated in the most urgent terms the restoration of the treasure, promised the faithful fulfilment of all his former engagements, and that the return of this money was merely insisted on to save the credit of the government. the admiral answered, that the means for the fulfilment of his engagements were now ready, and that by sending a commissioned officer on board to be a witness to the proper distribution; that this being public would certainly save the credit of the government with those individuals to whom it was most indebted, and that the landing of the money would only be an increase of labour, because the persons to whom it was due were not on shore. san martin then asserted, that the money taken at ancon was all that the government was in possession of, for the most indispensable daily expenses; but to this his lordship replied, that had he known that the treasure placed on board the schooner sacramento, for the admission of which, in silver, the captain asserted that he had to throw overboard part of his ballast, besides seven surrones (bags made of hide) of doubloons, and a quantity of brute gold, was not the property of the government but of his excellency, he should certainly have seized it, and retained it until properly claimed. san martin, after availing himself of every possible argument with the admiral, addressed a proclamation to the seamen and marines, which by his lordship's order was distributed on board the vessels of war; but producing no favourable effect, the protector, knowing that the payments had begun, wrote to the admiral, saying that "he might employ the money as he thought most proper." after the departure of cantarac from callao on the seventeenth, lord cochrane was informed of the state of the batteries, and proposed to the governor general la mar terms of capitulation; they were, that the fortifications of callao should be surrendered to the chilean flag; that one third of the private property in the batteries should be given up, for the purpose of paying the arrears of the crews of the chilean vessels of war; that the owners should be allowed to leave the batteries with the remainder, and that at their own expense vessels should be procured to carry them either to europe or to any other place. when these terms were on the point of being acceded to, the protector (who had also been negociating with the governor) was informed of the terms offered by the admiral; and on the morning of the twentieth colonel guido was commissioned to accede to such as general la mar should propose, which were naturally the most honourable and most profitable to the spaniards. at ten o'clock on the morning of the twenty-first the american troops entered the castles, and the peruvian flag was hoisted. on the same day the name of the real felipe was changed into that of castilla de la independencia; that of san miguel, into castillo del sol; and that of san rafael into castillo de santa rosa. although the tribunals of purification, established by general carátalá in upper peru, and in chile by the president marco, had been so oppressive, and had been so reprobated as unjust and tyrannical by the americans, one was established in lima by san martin on the twenty-seventh of september, for the purpose of examining the past conduct of the spaniards, who relying on the promises repeatedly made by san martin, had remained in peru, and taken the oath of independence. this proceeding was aggravated on the twenty-seventh by a proclamation, stating that "no spaniard should leave his house, under any pretence whatever, after sunset (oraciones) under the penalty of confiscation of his property, and exile from the country:" some few exceptions however were added to this protectoral decree. the foreign seamen who were all paid at callao, except the crew of the valdivia, who deserted their ship at ancon, preferring a reliance on the promises of san martin to the certainty of being paid out of the money taken for this purpose, were allowed to go on shore, and after waiting for a few days his lordship sent lieutenant wynter to engage such as were willing to continue in the service of chile, when, to the utter astonishment of every one, he was arrested by the order of san martin, and sent to the castle, but owing to the energetic official communication of the admiral he was liberated on the following day. the same persevering spirit to destroy the chilean squadron was still visible in the conduct of the protector of peru. every officer who abandoned the vessels of war was received under the flag of peru, and many were promoted, amounting in the whole to sixteen, being four captains, three lieutenants, two masters, three pursers, two officers of marines, and two surgeons; besides the captains of the valdivia and galvarino, with five officers belonging to the former. the seamen who had been paid were allured to remain on shore, in hopes of the year's pay as a premium; and when an officer from the very vessels of war whose co-operation had placed san martin at the head of the peruvian government went ashore for the purpose of recruiting foreign seamen for the future operations of the squadron, against the two spanish frigates still in the pacific, he was incarcerated. but the most infamous transaction that can possibly blacken the character of a ruler took place on the night of the twenty-sixth. at midnight lord cochrane was informed that colonel paroissien and captain spry had been on board the brig of war, galvarino, and shortly afterwards captain simpson of the araucano came on board the flag ship, and delivered to his lordship the paper which he had received from these two honourable gentlemen; stating, that the squadron of chile was under the command of the general in chief, and not under that of the admiral, who was an inferior officer in the service; and that, consequently, it was the duty of the captains and commanders to obey the orders they might receive from san martin. after leaving the araucano, the two edecanes, military and naval, went on board the valdivia, where they found captain crosbie of the flag ship, on a visit to captain cobbett of the valdivia. after delivering to captain cobbett a paper similar in import to the one left with captain simpson, the two gentlemen began to expatiate on the munificence and liberality of their employer; the preference which an officer ought to give to the service of a rich and extensive state to that of chile, which must necessarily dwindle into its former insignificance, and become tributary to peru for its support; that the authority of the protector of peru over the whole of the chilean forces was unquestionable, and it consequently became the duty of every officer belonging to the expeditionary forces to obey the orders of their general in chief. on being asked, if, for disobedience of orders or mutinous conduct, they should subject themselves to a court martial by the order of the admiral, whether the authority of the protector would ensure to them a favourable sentence or an honourable acquittal, they became silent. this was bringing the argument too close, and perhaps the idea of a trial and a sentence were not very congenial to the feelings of the nocturnal commissioners, at that time "in or belonging to" the squadron of chile. perceiving that the result was not likely to answer their expectations, and that captain crosbie had left them on board the valdivia and gone to the flag-ship, they judged it more prudent to visit the admiral, than to run any risk of being compelled to do it. at one o'clock the boat came alongside, and colonel paroissien requested an interview with his lordship, which was granted; but captain spry justly thought himself more secure in the boat, and remained there. after some extraordinary conversation between lord cochrane and paroissien, who regretted and lamented in the most pathetic manner, "that the present unlucky difference between the two chiefs should deprive his lordship of the enjoyment of the command of the peruvian navy, (which did not exist) and the possession of property in peru, which it was the intention of the protector to present to him," his lordship put a stop to the harangue, and said, smiling, "i do not doubt your wishes for my prosperity, paroissien, but at present i know you would rather join me in a bottle of wine than be obliged to continue in your regret and lamentation." after drinking a glass or two of wine, colonel paroissien embarked in his boat and pulled ashore, more happy no doubt when under the guns of the batteries of callao than alongside the o'higgins. san martin having failed in this last honourable attempt to seduce the officers belonging to the state of chile, and fearing that the publicity of the act might induce the people of peru to be on the alert, ordered lord cochrane, in the most peremptory manner, to leave the bay of callao, with the vessels under his command, being persuaded, that, for want of european seamen, it would be impossible to do so; but on the sixth of october, eight days after his notification, the whole of the vessels of war, with two prizes, weighed simultaneously, and stood out of the bay. having come to an anchor at ancon, his lordship ordered the lautaro and galvarino to proceed on the eighth to valparaiso; and the o'higgins, independencia, valdivia, auraucano, and prizes san fernando and mercedes weighed and sailed for guayaquil, where the admiral had determined to repair, and refit for a cruize on the coast of mexico, in search of the two spanish frigates. on the fifteenth we reached the puná in the river guayaquil, and on the eighteenth came to an anchor close to the city, where the squadron was saluted with twenty-one guns, and the compliment was returned with an equal number. chapter xii. revolution and state of guayaquil....squadron leaves....island of cocoa....bay of fonseca....visitors from the shore....leave fonseca....volcano....arrive at acapulco....general waevell and colonel o'reilly....letter from iturbide....leave acapulco.... description of....gale of wind off tehuantepec....tacames or atcames....news of the enemy....arrive at the puná....guayaquil ....lord cochrane hoists the chilean flag in the vengansa.... conduct of the people at guayaquil....treaty with the government ....letter from general la mar....leave guayaquil, and arrive at huambacho....callao. guayaquil, early in the morning of the ninth of october, 1820, effected her glorious revolution. the officers belonging to the peruvian garrison, and many of the principal inhabitants, had, during the preceding night, formed the plan, and at daybreak the governor and several other spaniards were embarked on board the schooner alcance, and sent to the head quarters of the army under general san martin. during the first month after the revolution guayaquil experienced the oppression of its governor escobedo, who, being at the head of the military force, constituted himself the supreme political and military chief; but the cabildo circulated the necessary convocation for a meeting of the deputies of the different towns: they met, and escobedo was deposed, and sent to san martin's head quarters. a junta was now formed of three individuals, by the general vote of the deputies; at the head, as president, was placed dr. olmedo, the other two being ximena and roca, who were governing the province on our arrival; but the people were very much divided in their opinions. some were in favour of an incorporation with peru, under san martin; others with colombia, under bolivar; while a third party were equally loud in favour of absolute independence, and seemed to support their opinions with the most solid arguments. a division of the colombian army was stationed, at this time, at babaoyo, commanded by general sucre, with the view of invading quito as soon as the season should permit; yet, excepting such troops as had been sent from guayaquil, and placed under the command of general sucre, the armed force was under the direction of the government; but the fear of being invaded by the spaniards under aymerich, the president of quito, was very visible, and, as a defence to the city, a large fosse had been cut to the northward of cuidad vieja. the arrival of the chilean vessels of war gave the government of guayaquil an opportunity of addressing themselves to the quitenos, "assuring them, that peru was entirely free, and that the liberating naval force had arrived at guayaquil for the protection of that part of the new world." this was a ruse de guerre not uncommon in the new world, and under similar circumstances practised even in the old. on our arrival general sucre sent colonel ibarra to compliment lord cochrane, as the hero of the pacific, the magnanimous supporter of colombian liberty. the repairs of the vessels of war being completed so far as they could be, on the first of december we left guayaquil, but to our great annoyance we found, that the leak in the o'higgins was as bad as ever; indeed, such was the state of this frigate, that ever since our arrival at pisco a hundred and fifty men had been constantly kept at the pumps. it may be asserted, that no expedition ever left port under such peculiarly disadvantageous circumstances as the present. the flag-ship was as rickety as an old basket; indeed it need only be told, that she was a russian built fir vessel, nine years old, and was one of those presented by the emperor to the king of spain. scarcely a bolt could be found that was not loose, her foremast and bowsprit were both rotten in the step, the dry rot had taken possession of the greater part of her timbers; and, it may be added, her crew was composed of every thing but sailors; for we had only thirteen men on board who could be said to merit the name, especially if we except the officers. such was her state, that when his lordship was asked at guayaquil, by a gentleman, if he would come into action with the spanish frigate prueba?--"yes," he answered, "i will lay the o'higgins alongside the prueba, and tell our crew that on board the enemy there are no pumps; this will be quite sufficient to secure the victory." the crews of the independencia, valdivia, and araucano were composed of the same materials as that of the o'higgins. they had just a sufficient number of seamen to steer them, natives of different parts of america, marines and runaway negroes, with about half their complements of officers; yet such was the persevering spirit of the admiral, and such his determination to extinguish the last remains of the spanish naval force in the pacific, that his only wish was to come to close quarters with them. having left the guayaquil river, we touched at a small port in the province of guayaquil, called salango, where we watered the ships, not having done this before because his lordship wished to drop down the river as light as possible; besides, at the puná it is very difficult to procure a sufficient quantity of _good_ water. on the eleventh, we reached the small island of cocos, so called from the abundance of palms which grow there. lord cochrane landed, and a felucca hove in sight; a signal was immediately made to the valdivia to chase, and having captured her, she proved to be a deserter from callao. the men on board informed his lordship, that after the departure of the chilean vessels of war, san martin not only objected to pay them their arrears, even those who left the valdivia at ancon without the year's pay given to the rest, and the reward or premium promised, but the foreign seamen at callao, who had served in the chilean fleet, were pressed into the service of peru. the felucca had been thus manned and sent to the chorillos, to prevent all kinds of smuggling; but she had taken up a cargo of contraband goods, part of which were still on board. when the captain was on shore, the crew rose and took possession of the vessel, which they immediately named the retaliation, and went to sea. their pretence was, that they were in search of the squadron; this was ridiculous; but as they had committed no depredations his lordship did not feel himself justified in punishing them, but allowed them afterwards to escape from the vessels of war. on the fourteenth we made the coast of mexico, the leak of the o'higgins increasing daily, and on the nineteenth we fortunately entered the bay of fonseca or amapalla, with five feet water in the hold, the pumps choaked and worn out, without a carpenter on board, without buckets to bale her, and without a cooper; some beef casks were slung, and by using every exertion, the frigate was brought to an anchor under a small island in the bay. two pumps were now taken out of the valdivia, but they proved to be too short for the o'higgins. under these circumstances his lordship ordered two holes to be cut through her sides, on a level with the birth deck, and two old pumps were placed in them to carry off the water. she was thus kept from sinking; but on examining the magazine a great part of the powder had been damaged by the water, and the remainder was taken on shore and exposed in the sun to dry. while at anchor here, a canoe came to the island, having two indians on board, and a young man of a respectable appearance, who informed me, that every thing was in the most perfect state of tranquillity in mexico, and all under the regularly established royal authorities. the fact was, the young man had been sent from san miguel, to learn who and what we were; but of this, by order of the admiral, i kept him ignorant, and he began to fear, on hearing the spanish language spoken, that ours was a spanish force sent from manilla. after conversing a considerable time, and having been repeatedly assured by him that all was under the kingly authority in mexico, i asked him why he bore the tri-coloured ribbon in his hat; he blushed, hesitated, and then said, "it is too late to deceive you, the whole of mexico is independent of spain; mexico declared its independence on the thirteenth of june last, guadalaxara on the fourteenth, tepec on the seventeenth, and san blas on the nineteenth; the provinces of guadalaxara, tlascala, guanajuato, puebla, zacatecas, oajaca, valladolid, bajio, purnandia, and vera cruz, have also declared themselves independent of the capital." all things being ready, we left the bay of fonseca on the twenty-eighth of december, and on the following night and the five successive ones, we were delighted with the sight of a volcano in its greatest state of activity. the streams of ignited lava rolled down the sides, and at intervals enormous masses of fiery matter were thrown into the air, and falling on the sides of the mountain rebounded and fell to the bottom. we calculated that our distance from the mountain was about thirty miles; we were sometimes nearer to it. from its situation we conceived it to be san miguel el viejo, but of this were not quite certain. we sailed along the coast, which is generally very bold; in some parts the forests extend to a considerable distance from the sea side, and near to the coast are a great abundance of coco-nut palms; from some of them we procured nuts, but they were very small, perhaps from a want of salt at the roots of the trees. this supposition is founded on the fact, that i have seen at different places, where the palms do not grow near the sea, that the proprietors had occasionally put a quantity of salt to the roots, without which they produced no fruit. in other parts the coast was intersected with small ravines, having generally a stream of water in each, and some few huts were scattered about on the sides. at one of these places, called san pedro, two indians came on board in their canoe, and brought us some eggs and capsicum pods; for which they were presented in return with biscuit and tobacco, and they seemed highly pleased with the exchange. they were both of them low in stature, but very muscular; their features and complexion much resembling those of the indians on the coast of peru; but they could neither of them speak a word of spanish, nor could we understand any part of their dialect. on the twenty-seventh of january, 1822, we made the mouth of the port of acapulco, where we found the brig araucano, and schooner mercedes; the former having been sent ahead to watch the entrance to the harbour, and the latter to realejo to obtain information respecting the spanish frigates; but unfortunately no intelligence had been received, except that they had sailed from acapulco on the third of december, with a secret destination. on the evening of the same day we entered and came to an anchor, and his lordship was honoured with a visit from a deputation sent by the governor in the name of his most serene highness don agustin de iturbide, then president of mexico; and of the bishop of guamanga, who had been exiled from peru by the protector, san martin, and who fortunately had been appointed by the government of mexico to the see of puebla de los angeles, having exchanged a bishopric of twelve thousand dollars a year for one of forty. the president iturbide had been apprized of the arrival of lord cochrane on the mexican coasts by general waevell and colonel o'reilly, two officers whom the government of chile had promoted, and to whom they had given passports, judging that their services to the state were not tantamount to their pay. when at guayaquil we met with these two gentlemen. they had impressed the government with the hoax, that they were ambassadors from chile to the newly-established authorities in mexico; but unfortunately the dates of their passports by the chilean government were prior to the news of the establishment of the new authorities in mexico. after this anachronism was discovered. lord cochrane requested the government to close the port until the chilean vessels of war should be ready to sail, to which they agreed: this was done to prevent any intelligence being given to the common enemy. the ambassadors remonstrated, and the government, not wishing to offend that of chile, was intimidated; but, when lord cochrane requested that they would shew their credentials, the whole hoax became public. owing to our delay on the coast they had arrived first at acapulco, and, in revenge for the disclosure made at guayaquil, they had reported both by letter and personally to the mexican government, that lord cochrane had possessed himself, in a mutinous manner, of the chilean squadron, plundered the vessels belonging to the government of peru, committed innumerable piracies at sea, and was coming on the coast of mexico to repeat such atrocities; however, at amapalla i met with her excellency doña gregoria gainsa, the lady of the present captain-general of guatemala, who was at guayaquil when the disclosure was made, and when i informed her that i suspected they would arrive first, her husband had reported the whole of the transaction to the mexican government. the information given by waevell and o'reilly had, to our surprize, when we arrived at acapulco, caused the fort to be strictly guarded, and afterwards a subsequent reinforcement entered the town. thus notwithstanding the politeness of the governor a suspicious reserve was at first visible. this, however, in a short time wore off, and the most solemn assurances were given by the governor of the wish of his serene highness iturbide to cultivate the friendship of the governments on the southern continent of emancipated america. on the third of february, after the squadron was under weigh, his lordship received the following note from the president of mexico: "most excellent sir,--the governor of acapulco has informed me, by note dated the twenty-eighth of january, of your happy arrival, and that of the squadron you honour by commanding, at that port, one of those belonging to this empire, and adds, that every respect has been paid to yourself and those who have the glory to serve under you, who have been treated as friends, ready to assist us in the sacred cause--the protection of our liberty. interested, as i am, in the prosperity of my country, i feel the greatest pleasure in the generous offer of your excellency, and the liberal determination of our brethren of chile. i have ordered the governor of acapulco to offer to your excellency, on the behalf of this government and my fellow citizens, our most grateful acknowledgments. "two commissioners will leave this capital, with orders to communicate to your excellency matters of high importance to the state: i hope you will receive them as freemen--the representatives of this great empire, and with that goodness which is so characteristic of your excellency. "i should feel extremely gratified at having the honour of presenting to you my respects personally, that we might discuss some points which would contribute to the glory of this empire, in addition to the many and interesting services you have rendered to other free states; but a multiplicity of business deprives me of this honour, which my commissioners will enjoy, unless your excellency can allow me the pleasure of accepting our sentiments of gratitude in this court, where you would be received in the honourable manner you deserve, and every care would be taken to render your journey and residence as comfortable as possible. "i remain with all due respect, &c., (signed) agustin iturbide. mexico, february 1st, 1822." the news obtained from a vessel which entered the port on the second of february, and the day of the arrival of the commissioners, not being mentioned, his lordship determined to follow the spanish frigates, composing the last relic in the pacific, and on the destruction of which he was fully determined. acapulco lies in 16° 36´ north latitude, 99° 53´ 45´´ west longitude: the port enjoys every advantage that can possibly be imagined: it is capacious, has a good anchorage, and is completely land-locked; so that from the vessels when at anchor, or from the town, the sea cannot be observed; however, the extreme heat is highly disagreeable. the town is composed of a parish church, two convents, and about forty houses, with many huts built of reeds and rushes. the inhabitants are a mixture of spaniards, negroes, indians, and chinese, which in several families that i noticed seems to have produced almost a new race of mortals; for a great sameness exists in their colour and features. the tinge or colour of these people is similar to that of the malay tribes: their foreheads broad, eyes small and black, rather prominent cheek-bones, small but tolerably well shaped nose, large lips, and beardless chin; their hair black and long, their form slender, yet muscular, but none are of a high stature. a kind of wild ferocity was visible in their countenances, and rather a haughty independence in their manners, heightened a little, perhaps, with the idea of being now imperialists; indeed, every thing here was imperial: the town, the port, the flag, the market, nay, even the language was imperial. the greater part of the inhabitants wore a species of uniform, mostly composed of a blue nankeen, or stuff jacket with a red collar, blue trowsers, and a cap; but without shoes or stockings. the lower classes of females wore full petticoats, and a chemise, with a long blue and white shawl: their hair is platted in long slender tresses, and they have no other covering on their heads. some indians from the interior had a kind of short shirt, not reaching down to their waists, breeches, and sandals of raw hide, with a hat, the crown of which is about three inches high, and the skirts more than thirty inches in diameter: it is made of the leaves of a tree. some of the muleteers from the interior wore a very picturesque dress; over an under shirt they had a short one, like the indians, sitting close to their bodies and arms, blue breeches, the seams being tastefully embroidered with coloured silks; the calves of their legs wrapped in buff-coloured leather, carefully tied on, and hanging loose, with laced boots of the same material and colour; a coloured sash round their waists, and large black hats on their heads, with a thick roll of different coloured cloths for a hat-band. all the people seemed to be particularly clean both in their clothes and persons; but this is generally the case in hot climates. the market is but indifferently supplied, and provisions on the whole are scarce, dear, and of an inferior quality. the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood is extremely sterile and naked; scarcely any vegetables are to be seen, the sandy mountains rising almost abruptly from the water's edge. the climate is excessively hot, the access of cool air being precluded by surrounding mountains, and very little benefit is derived from the cut or opening made at the north end of the town, called _la ábra de san nicolas_, for the admission of the sea-breeze: the winter or wet season is so unhealthy, that few of the white inhabitants remain in the town, almost every one retires into the interior. a large battery stands on an elevation at the southern extremity of this place; it mounts thirty-one pieces of heavy artillery, and is called the fort of san diego. it contains barracks, magazines, and dungeons, named the gaol, carcel. the town was formerly of commercial notoriety, on account of the vessels which arrived here, commonly from manilla, called naos de la china; but as this traffic will now cease, and on account of the mountainous country lying between it and the capital, a distance of eighty-five leagues, it is probable that this port will shortly be almost abandoned, unless, indeed, a commercial intercourse be kept up with the british east india colonies, which might become of considerable importance, and which is at present worthy of the attention of english speculators, as the principal returns would be the precious metals, cochineal, and indigo. on leaving acapulco, the independencia, captain wilkinson, and auracano, captain simpson, were ordered to proceed to the bay of california, for the purpose of purchasing provisions for the vessels of war, and then to follow us to guayaquil, callao, and valparaiso. on the night of the tenth we experienced a very severe gale in the bay of tehuantepec, and owing to the bad state of the frigate, we expected she would go to pieces with every sea that struck her: our only consolation was, that the valdivia being almost within hail we should be enabled to save our lives by taking to the boats, and going on board. in the morning the gale subsided, to our no small joy; but a signal of distress was made by the valdivia, and afterwards a communication by telegraph, that a sea had struck her, and that seventeen timbers had given way on her larboard side; that for want of pumps the water was gaining on them considerably, and the men were nearly exhausted with baling. some logs of wood were sent from the o'higgins, together with every man who fancied himself a carpenter, and the damage done was soon repaired as well as circumstances would permit. on the fifth of march we made the coast of esmeraldas, and early on the morning of the seventh we came to an anchor in the port of tacames or atacames. after i had landed, my old subjects were both astonished and delighted; they had heard no tidings of me since the year 1812, and supposed me to be dead. the news that we obtained here was, that the spanish general crus mourgeon arrived at this port from panama, with a number of officers, and eight hundred men, on the twenty-fifth of december, and marched to join the forces at quito; that immediately after he left panama, which was on the twenty-eighth of november, the inhabitants rose, and declared their independence; and this they did although the two frigates prueba and vengansa had arrived after the departure of crus mourgeon; these two frigates, they told us, left the port of tacames on the first of january, for guayaquil and the coast of peru. with these advices lord cochrane immediately proceeded to guayaquil river, and we arrived at the island of puná on the tenth. the intelligence obtained here was, that the prueba and vengansa were several days at anchor off the island; that deputies had been sent from the city to negotiate with the two captains don jose villegas of the prueba, and don jose joaquin soroa of the vengansa; that on the twenty-third of february the vengansa and sloop of war alexander had proceeded up the river to guayaquil, and on the twenty-fifth the prueba had left the river for the port of callao. on receiving this advice his lordship stood up the river with the following tide, and came to an anchor off the city on the morning of the thirteenth, where we found the vengansa bearing the peruvian flag. lord cochrane was directly informed, that the captains villegas and soroa had negotiated the surrender of the spanish frigates prueba and vengansa with the commissioners appointed by don francisco salasar, the peruvian envoy at guayaquil; which treaty was ratified by the respective parties on the fifteenth and sixteenth of february last, the principal condition being, that the whole of the officers and crews should receive from the government of peru all the arrears due to them; that those who chose to remain in america should enjoy all the privileges of citizens; and that those who preferred returning to europe should have the expenses of their passage defrayed by the government of peru. after several inquiries made on shore, it appeared, that when the negotiations were about to be interrupted by the mutinous crews and some spanish officers, who, indignant at the conduct of the captains, in thus selling the spanish vessels of war to the enemies of spain, began to canvass an opposition, the government of guayaquil availed themselves of the subterfuge of having had a correspondence with lord cochrane, who with the chilean squadron had anchored in the bay of la manta, in the province of guayaquil, on his passage to the capital. this stratagem had the desired effect: the officers and crews came to the terms offered, rather than decide the controversy by honorable warfare. on being positively assured of the transaction, and conscious, that had not the chilean squadron driven them to this last action the spanish captains never would have surrendered their vessels, his lordship on the morning of the fourteenth sent captain crosbie on board the vengansa, with orders to hoist at her peak the flag of chile jointly with that of peru. this act created great confusion in the city, the gunboats were immediately manned, and pieces of cannon were brought down to the side of the river, where the people employed themselves in placing logs of wood to serve as a breastwork; the spanish sailors appeared to take a more than active part in resenting this insult offered to the vessel, which a few days previously they had cowardly sold to their enemies, through the fear of having to defend her while under the spanish flag; indeed every thing on shore bore the most hostile appearance; while on board the o'higgins and valdivia no preparations whatever were made, the admiral being too busy in smiling at their warlike preparations and mock means of defence. on the night of the seventeenth the courage of our self-constituted enemies was put to the test. with the return tide the valdivia drifted up the river near to where the spanish officers and seamen had anchored the gunboats, which the government had allowed them to manage, as being more acquainted with naval tactics; but these heroes, supposing that the frigate was about to attack them, ran the boats on shore, and fled to the back of the city, leaving the natives to replace them on the water before daylight. this, however, was in vain, and the effects of the preceding night's alarm were visible on the following morning. after some correspondence between the government and the admiral, it was agreed on the nineteenth, that deputies from both parties should meet ashore, and adjust such terms as should be most conducive to the public tranquillity, and to the honour and welfare of all parties. accordingly, the government appointed the captain of the port, don manuel lusuriaga, dr. don bernabé cornejo, and captain indaburu. lord cochrane appointed captain crosbie, captain cobbett, and myself. having met at the cavildo, the following articles were agreed to, and immediately ratified by olmedo, ximena, and roca (forming the junta of government) and lord cochrane. "first.--the frigate vengansa shall remain as belonging to the government of guayaquil; she shall hoist the flag of this state, which shall be saluted by the chilean. "second.--the state of guayaquil guarantees to the chilean squadron under the responsibility of forty thousand dollars, that the frigate vengansa shall not be delivered to, nor negotiated for with any governments until those of chile and peru shall have decided on what they may esteem most just. and, moreover, the government of guayaquil is bound to destroy her rather than consent that the said vessel shall serve any other state, till such decision be made. "third.--the corvette alexander shall be delivered to her owners, or their assigns, according to the right which they possessed before she was taken by violence from this river. the owners are to pay the arrears due to the crew from the date of their last leaving panama to that of the fifteenth of february, 1822, with all the other expenses which may have been incurred; and, in the mean time, she shall not be employed in any way whatever without the consent of her owners. "fourth.--any government whatever which henceforward may be established in guayaquil shall be bound to the fulfilment of the articles here expressed. "fifth.--these articles, herein written and agreed to, shall be understood literally, in good faith, and without any mental amplifications or restrictions. guayaquil, &c." after the ratification of these articles, the government of guayaquil addressed a polite note to lord cochrane, expressing the highest sentiments of respect for the most important services which the free states of america had received from him, assuring him, at the same time, that guayaquil would always be the first to honour his name, and the last to forget his unparalleled services, to which she owed her emancipation from the yoke of spain. on the twentieth the guayaquil flag was hoisted on board the vengansa by captain lusuriaga and captain crosbie, to whom the peruvian and chilean flags were delivered. the o'higgins immediately saluted the flag with twenty-two guns, and the salute was returned from the guns placed on shore; and afterwards the gunboats hoisted the chilean flag, and saluted it with twenty-two guns. it having been asserted in peru, before lord cochrane left the bay of callao in october, 1821, that he would supply the garrisons of the fortresses with provisions, on condition that they would not surrender to san martin, his lordship availed himself of the present opportunity with general la mar, who was the governor of callao, and who being now at guayaquil, to write to him through the hands of the government, requesting him to answer, whether he did succour or promise to succour the garrisons of callao, during the time that he was employed in the blockade of that port? to this la mar answered: "most excellent sir,--in consequence of the official note which i yesterday received from your excellency, through the hands of the government, it is my duty to assert, that i have neither said nor written, nor ever heard that you did supply or propose to supply with provisions the place of callao during the whole of the time that it was under my charge. god preserve your excellency many years. (signed) jose de la mar. guayaquil, march 13th, 1822." on the twenty-first we weighed, his lordship giving orders to captain crosbie to trip the anchor, and to kedge down the river, by which means he would have a better opportunity to mark the channel, and form a plan of it, should it ever become necessary to ascend it without the assistance of a pilot. the second tide took us to the puná, where we remained till the twenty-fifth, the boats being employed in bringing water and some provisions from balao, on the opposite side of the river. having left guayaquil river on the twenty-fifth of march, we arrived on the twelfth of april at the small port of huambacho, on the coast of peru, where to our surprise and astonishment the alcalde of the village shewed his lordship a written order from san martin, stating that should any of the vessels of war belonging to chile touch at the said port, he was to forbid their landing, and to deny them any assistance whatever, and not even to allow them to wood or water there. exasperated at this conduct, his lordship proceeded to callao, but not before he had convinced the alcalde, that he had not the power to enforce such orders from his master. we arrived at callao on the twenty-fifth, where the first object of instability in the new government which we observed was five different peruvian flags flying in the bay and on the batteries. we here found the prueba under peruvian colours, and commanded by one of the captains who had deserted the chilean squadron; but such was the dread that lord cochrane would take possession of her, that she was immediately hauled close in shore under the batteries, her guns housed, her ports closed, and so crammed she was with soldiers, for her defence, that three men died with suffocation the night after our arrival. i was assured, that no less than two thousand men were crowded on her upper deck, as if such a mob could have intimidated lord cochrane, had he been authorized to take possession of her, after she had been driven into the bay of callao by his efforts, and there purchased from her traitorous crew by the peruvian government. chapter xiii. commercial code at lima....provincial statutes announced....liberty of the press....foreigners declared amenable to the laws....institution of the order of the sun....new commercial rules....titles changed....order to convene the constituent congress....san martin delegates his authority to the marquis de torre tagle....san martin leaves lima and returns....army defeated under tristan at ica....state of lima on our arrival....visit of monteagudo to lord cochrane....san martin annuls the treaty at guayaquil....exile of spaniards from lima....lord cochrane leaves callao for valparaiso....spanish vessels that surrendered to the chilean squadron....convention of chile meets....monteagudo exiled from lima....disturbances in chile....san martin arrives at valparaiso....o'higgins abdicates....lord cochrane leaves the pacific. on the eighth of october, 1821, the provisional commercial code or reglamento was published; but, agreeably to the short sighted colonial system, only callao and huanchaco were declared free ports to all friends and allies. this reglamento established, that all vessels should within ten hours after their arrival deliver up their bills of lading; within forty-eight begin to unload, or leave the port within six days. within the said forty-eight hours a consignee, being a citizen of peru, was to be named by the captain or supercargo. all goods in foreign bottoms were to pay twenty per cent. on the value of the whole, according to the prices current in peru. all goods introduced in vessels under the flags of chile, buenos ayres, or colombia, to pay in the same manner eighteen per cent., and those under the flag of peru sixteen. all manufactured goods which might injure the industry of the country to pay double duty. coined silver to pay the exportation duty of five per cent. and gold two and a half: the exportation of gold and silver in bar or wrought absolutely prohibited. the produce of peru exported in foreign vessels to pay five per cent.; in vessels belonging to chile, buenos ayres, or colombia, three and a half, and in peruvian three per cent. the payment of importation duties to be in three equal parts, one at forty days after debarkation, one at a hundred and twenty, and one at a hundred and eighty. all consignees absolutely prohibited the retailing of their consignments. the coasting trade to be confined to vessels belonging to the state, but limited to the ports of paita, huacho, and pisco. any vessel introducing foreign manufactures, except at callao or huanchaco, to be seized and condemned, both hull and cargo. the most extraordinary article inserted in this reglamento was, that goods landed at huanchaco, the port to truxillo, were not to pass the river santa, under the penalty of being seized as contraband. on the ninth of october the provisional statutes and administration of justice were sworn to by the government; and the creation of the order of the sun was announced with the greatest possible pomp. on the thirteenth the liberty of the press was declared, permitting any individual to publish freely his thoughts, without any previous revision or approbation; but all abuse of religion or of the principles of morality, every thing likely to disturb public tranquillity, or to wound the honour of any citizen, to be subject to the penalty inflicted by the junta conservadora of the liberty of the press. on the seventeenth an order of the government was published, establishing all foreigners residing in peru in the rights of citizenship, subjecting them at the same time to the laws of the country, and the orders of the government, and depriving them of the intervention of the commanders of the vessels of war belonging to their respective nations. all foreigners were also declared liable to take arms in the support of social order, but not against the common enemy, and to be subject to contributions levied by the government, in the same manner as the citizens of the state. on the twentieth of october the institute of the sun was established; it was declared to consist of three classes, founders, well-deservers (benemeritos) and associates or fellows. the badge of the first class was a white ribbon from the right shoulder to the left side, having two gold tassels and a golden medallion of the order; with the title of honourable lordship;--the second class to have a gold medal hanging to a white ribbon placed round the neck; with the address of lordship;--and the third a silver medal hanging to the breast on the left side. the medals to bear the arms of the state, to be of an elliptical figure, and to have on the superior part, on a white field, "peru;" on the inferior, on a red field, "to her liberators." the pensions of the order to be paid out of the fund of forty thousand dollars imposed by the king of spain on the mitres of america for the provisions of the knights of charles iii. and isabel la catolica. the oath to be--"i swear by my honour, and promise to my country to defend the independence, liberty and integrity of the state of peru; to maintain public order, and to procure the general felicity of america, devoting to those ends my life and my property." twenty-six founders were named by the protector, who constituted himself president of the order; among these were included two captains who had abandoned the chilean squadron at callao; one hundred and thirty-eight of well-deservers, including captain spry; and one hundred and two associates or fellows, among whom were the dean of the cathedral, five counts, two marquises, five generals, seven friars, canons of the church, shopkeepers, surgeons, farmers, and deserters from the chilean squadron. not content with this creation of male nobility, one hundred and twelve knightesses of the sun were nominated, including two countesses, four marchionesses, and of every class, even to doña rosa campusano, the favourite of his excellency, the creator of the order; and to complete the corps, thirty-two nuns were added, who might have been honoured with the ancient peruvian title of virgins of the sun. the honourable and illustrious don bernardo monteagudo was appointed secretary, and general the honourable don diego paroissien master of the ceremonies, _pro tem._ as the badge of the order was of the most vital importance, it was decreed on the thirty-first of october, that, instead of a medallion, a golden sun should be suspended to the ribbon of the fundadores, benemeritos, and asociados; but the size of it was to be limited according to the rank of the bearer. on the twenty-third of october a committee was appointed to frame a constitutional code or reglamento de administration de justicia for peru, san martin having determined on being a legislator as well as a liberator; and, as he himself said, on "being crowned with laurels till he could not nod." about this time some verses made their appearance, addressed to the protector, under the epithet of emperor of peru. the idea of an imperial crown was obnoxious to the peruvians, and some street clamour induced the government to announce its supreme displeasure at such productions. desertion in the liberating army now became prevalent, and the government was obliged to issue a decree, stating that any person who should harbour or protect a deserter in his house, or on his property, should subject himself to a general confiscation for the first offence, and to perpetual exile for a repetition. all slaves were invited to inform against their masters, under the assurance of manumission, should the crime of occultation be proved. on the thirty-first of october a new tariff for the coasting trade was published, superseding the one of the twenty-eighth of september, with the addition of the ports of nasca, cañete, and pacasmayo, and also allowing foreigners to sell their own cargoes, without the intervention of a native consignee, on their paying twenty-five, instead of twenty per cent.; and on the twenty-first of november all foreigners, as well as citizens, being merchants, were ordered to enrol their names at the consulado, (board of trade,) that they might all be equally taxed with such contributions as the government might judge necessary to exact. several spaniards having been apprehended and sent to the public gaol, accused of sedition and conspiracies, were sentenced, on the twentieth of november, eight to a confiscation of their property, and exile to europe, and thirteen to partial confiscation, and exile to chancay for two months. on sunday the sixteenth of december the knights of the order of the sun were decorated with the insignia, by the president of the high chamber of justice, _alta camara de justicia_, in the presence of his excellency the protector of peru, institutor of the order, and a most splendid concourse of the nobility of peru, with the assistance of sir thomas hardy, whom the gazette styles the representative of the british nation, on this occasion. every care was taken to make this civic feast as solemn as possible; the troops were formed in the streets; the different military bands continued playing national airs and marches in the balcony of the palace; repeated salutes were fired by the artillery placed in the plasa; all the bells in the city were heard in merry peals; the illuminations on the nights of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth, were of the most brilliant description; and every nerve was strained to produce and support harmony and conviviality on this festive occasion. after the ceremony of condecoration, the procession left the palace and proceeded to the church of santo domingo, where a solemn te deum was chanted, and high mass celebrated, in thanks to the almighty for having inspired the supreme government of lima with such celestial ideas. that the ancient nobility of peru might not be reduced to a level with the plebeians, it was decreed on the twenty-seventh of december, that they should preserve their armorial bearings on the fronts of their houses, as usual, and all the solar nobility were permitted by the same decree to place on theirs a sun, with the initials of the class to which they belonged in the centre. it was also ordered on the same day, that those persons who had enjoyed titles during the spanish domination, under the name of titles of castile, should enjoy the same honours under the appellation of titles of peru, or change them for such as might appear more congenial to the then existing state of things. thus we have a republic with counts, marquises, viscounts, &c. which is certainly an anomaly, and worthy of the wisdom that planned it. on the twenty-seventh, the protector, with the advice of the council of state, ordered, that on the first of may, 1822, the general constituent congress of peru should meet in the capital; and that proxies should be named for such provinces as were oppressed by the enemy. the object of this congress was to be, only, the definitive form of the established government, and the formation of a constitution most proper for peru, according to the circumstances of its territory and population: any other powers given to the deputies to be considered null and of no effect. it was further ordered, that a previous committee be appointed in lima, to draw up the plan for the election of deputies, and to prepare the basis of the constitution, to be finished before the reunion of the congress. thus the laws of the nation were to be formed by a private committee, under the guidance of san martin and his ministers, and the congress were to be called in to sanction the proceeding. this duplicity was ultimately the cause of the protector's _voluntary_ abdication. on the nineteenth of january, 1822, the protector announced, that he was about to leave lima on a visit to guayaquil, where he expected to meet the liberator of colombia, the immortal bolivar, for the purpose of consulting with him on matters of the highest importance to the state. all his executive powers were delegated to the gran mariscal marquis de torre tagle, to the due obedience of whose orders, the tribunals, ministers, corporation, chiefs of the army and navy were called upon to swear. this ceremony took place on the twentieth. the first decree of the supreme delegate was, that all unmarried spaniards, who should leave the state, were to deliver to the national treasury one half of their property, and in case of any attempt at fraud, the whole to be confiscated, and the persons to be exiled. it also contained other articles respecting spaniards residing in peru. on the third of march the protector announced in lima, that having touched at huanchaco in his passage to guayaquil, he received official communication that the liberator of colombia had changed his plans, and would not be at guayaquil as was expected; he had, in consequence, returned to callao; but that it was his will that the marquis de torre tagle should continue in the full exercise of the authority delegated to him. san martin then retired to the country residence of the ex-viceroy pesuela, at la magdalena, which village immediately changed its name to that of the town of the free, "pueblo de los libres." on the thirty-first of march the spanish frigate prueba arrived at callao, and was immediately delivered up to the peruvian government by her commander, larrigada, according to the treaty concluded in guayaquil on the sixteenth of february. the supreme delegate immediately went on board, and the peruvian flag being hoisted, the name of the frigate was changed to that of protector. again, this acquisition was "the fruit of the enthusiasm, and sacrifices of the officers and soldiers who were present at the important moment, as witnesses of this memorable success." the government of lima, aware of the importance of the possession of the valleys of pisco and ica, not only in a mercantile point of view, but as a military position, where a communication might be kept open with the provinces of upper peru, and the enemy, then in huamanga, and other adjacent points, prevented from making incursions on the valuable estates situated along the coast--san martin, as prime mover, (although the civil authority was exercised by his delegate, torre tagle, and general alvarado had been appointed by him general in chief of the army) ordered a force of two thousand men, with their respective officers, to ica, under the command of general don domingo tristan, who a few months before was a colonel of militias, in the province of arequipa, and whose career had been the ploughshare and the pruning hook, not the sword and the lance: a man entirely unknown as a soldier, and if known at all in lima, it was as a complete gambler, and a public lounger. but perhaps the intercession of the protectress, formerly the public favourite of tristan, might on this occasion have been acceptable, (in despite of the superior qualifications of many officers in the army, although the brave general las heras and several other chiefs had retired) and acquired for her _galan de aquel tiempo_ so honourable an appointment. however, on the thirteenth of april, the following proclamations appeared in lima: "limenians! the division of the south, without having been beaten, has been surprised, and dispersed; in a long campaign all cannot be prosperity; you know _my_ character, and you know that _i_ have always spoken the truth to all--i do not mean to search for consolation in conflicts, notwithstanding i dare to assure you, that the iniquitous and tyrannical empire of the spaniards in peru will cease in the year twenty-two.--i will make an ingenuous confession to you: it was my intention to go in search of repose after so many years of agitation, but i believed your independence was secured; some trifling danger now presents itself, and so long as there remains the least appearance of it, until you are free you shall not be left by your faithful friend,--san martin." "companions of the united army!--your brothers in the division of the south have not been beaten, but they have been dispersed; to you it belongs to revenge this insult: you are valiant, and have known long ago the path to glory! sharpen well your bayonets and your swords! the campaign of peru shall finish in this year! your old general ensures it; prepare then to conquer!--san martin." on the same day the following was issued by the marquis de torre tagle: "compatriots! the division of the south has suffered a reverse; this is the first we have experienced amid so many glories. it is of no importance; the grand army yet lives, and will, before the end of twenty-two, leave not one enemy existing among us. compatriots! to be free and happy, only requires you to decide as i have, like those heroes who have come to restore to peru her rights, to lose every thing, to die before they will return to slavery! imitate this example as you have done at other times, and the result will be the same, because valour and enthusiasm, well directed, always ensure victory and peace; you deserve both, prepare for every sacrifice but that of your liberty. "torre tagle." the two supreme chiefs united on the thirteenth in a proclamation to the inhabitants of the interior, assuring them, that the loss of the division, a few days before called the liberating army of the south, "weighed nothing in the balance of the destiny of peru; providence, say they, protects us, and by this action she will accelerate the ruin of the enemies of peru--proud of their first victory, they will spare us part of our march in search of them, which was to have been done. fear not, the army that drove them twice from the capital, is ready to punish them a third time, and to punish them for ever!" had the action taken place at any great distance from the capital, the truth of the transaction might have remained for some time enveloped in mystery; or had the inhabitants of lima not already been taught by the spaniards to become sceptics, this furious bombast might have been believed; but the account was soon rightly explained by the few who escaped, and who arrived at lima; these were but few: the number that fortunately found an opportunity to take to their heels, and availed themselves of their swiftness, were very quickly secured, and sent to callao, to prevent as much as possible a circulation of the truth. on the night of the seventh of april the spaniards under cantarac and caratalá advanced on the americans under tristan, who, for want of the most ordinary precautions, were completely surrounded, and at day break, with the exception of the general, part of his staff, and a few officers, the whole division was in the power of the enemy. the loss of the liberating army was about two thousand men killed or taken prisoners, five thousand muskets, the military chest, containing upwards of a hundred thousand dollars, ammunition, luggage, equipage, printing press, and every utensil belonging to it. notwithstanding all this, we are told, that "the spaniards are ignorant that the balance of power is in our hands, because providence is on our side, opinion and strength favour the interests of peru, she shall be free because she wills it so, and because it is time that she was!!!" on the twenty-fourth of april a decree was published against the spaniards residing in lima, imposing the penalty of exile and confiscation of property on those who should appear in the streets wearing a cloak. that of confiscation of property and exile when more than two should be found together in any private conversation. that of death on those who should be found out of their houses after sunset. and that of confiscation and death on all those who should be found to possess any kind of weapons excepting the knives necessary for the service of their tables. this was the state of affairs in peru when lord cochrane arrived on the twenty-fifth of april. the supreme authority was employed in issuing decrees contradictory to one another, in opposition to the most solemn promises made and repeated by the protector, both before and after he assumed this title, in violation of justice and reason, and all contributing to produce discontent, disunion, and anarchy. the enemy were victorious, the patriots dreaded some dire reverse, the remains of the army were discontented, finding that not one promise made to them had been fulfilled; the gold and silver had disappeared, and paper money had been issued by the government; the contributions were increasing, and were exacted at the point of the bayonet; while the protector of the liberty of the country, after having been employed for six months in creating orders of knighthood, establishing tribunals, sketching embroideries, and inventing uniforms, had retired to his country house, to rest from his labours! many individuals who, when we left callao in october, 1821, condemned the conduct of lord cochrane in taking possession of the money at ancon, were now convinced that it was not only a warrantable but an indispensable step to be taken for the preservation of the squadron of chile, and of good faith with the crews. the non-fulfilment of the promises made to the regiment of numancia had forced them to declare that they would not march out of lima against the enemy, and captain doronsoro was sent, by his brother officers, to inquire, if lord cochrane would receive them on board the chilean vessels, and convey the regiment to the nearest point in the territory of colombia, to which country they belonged, and to which san martin had promised to transport them on the fall of lima. on the twenty-sixth the minister monteagudo came on board, and lamented that his lordship should have addressed to the peruvian government official communications containing expressions calculated to irritate their delicate feelings at the moment when the protector was inclined to adopt the most conciliatory measures; adding, that at the first news of his lordship's appearance off the port his excellency had written a private letter, praying an interview; but that on the receipt of the official notes, he became so indignant, that he was afraid his delicate health was in danger. to this his lordship merely answered, that had san martin sent a private letter it certainly would have been returned unopened; adding, "you may tell him, mr. monteagudo, that it is not my wish to injure him; i neither fear him nor hate him; but tell him, i despise him!" monteagudo begged of his lordship to go and reside on shore a few days, saying that the house of the supreme delegate was prepared for his reception. but his lordship most courteously begged to be excused; and monteagudo retired not well pleased with what he had observed in the countenances of all on board, a species of the most supreme contempt; notwithstanding that, he wore his blazing sun of the first order, his ribbons, his embroideries, and was accompanied by his military escort. the greatest discontent reigned on shore among the chileans: it had circulated, that no chilean would be promoted nor employed by the present government of peru. whether such was or was not really the determination of the government might be difficult to prove; but the fact was, that only one of the nine generals made by san martin belonged to chile, and the ratio among the subalterns was even smaller. the protector of peru, having been informed of the treaty at guayaquil, respecting the vengansa and the emperor alexander, sent down captains carter and young to take the command of them. this was acceded to by the government of guayaquil, and the two vessels again hoisted the peruvian flag, although the alexander, bona fide, belonged to mr. henderson, and was under the english flag, when a revolution took place among the crews of the gunboats in august, 1821, who took possession of her. they proceeded to panama, and there delivered her to the spanish authorities, who afterwards included her in their treaty with the peruvian agent at guayaquil. the most horrid scene during the time of the residence of san martin in peru was reserved for may, 1822. on the night of the fourth a grand ball was given at the palace, being the first meeting of the knights and knightesses of the sun; and while they were thus enjoying themselves parties of soldiers were sent to the houses of the spaniards, who dragged them from their beds, and drove them down to callao, where they were placed on board the milagro. the distress occasioned by this monstrous breach of promises, of justice, and humanity, cannot be equalled. several of these were men of rank and fortune who had confided in the promises made to them; many of them had numerous families; octogenarian clergymen, civil and military officers, all without the least distinction or commiseration, were seized at midnight, some of them half undressed, others almost naked, and every individual was forced to travel six miles on foot: they were then placed on board a vessel, where for two days no provisions were distributed to them, and they were forbidden to hold any communication with their disconsolate wives and families, who surrounded the vessel in boats, and rent the air with their shrieks and lamentations. on the first night two old gentlemen died on board the milagro for want of clothing and food; and many would certainly have perished had not the mercy of san martin been extended so far as to sell them passports. he allowed the purchasers to pass from the milagro to neutral vessels, for the purpose of leaving peru for ever; but many of them dared not go to spain, because they had remained in lima when la serna left it with the spanish army, and had afterwards subscribed to the independence of the country. some passports were sold at one thousand dollars, others at ten, according to the quality of the purchaser; and those whose finances deprived them of the possibility of purchasing their liberation, were sent to chile in the milagro; which vessel, for this most honourable expedition, had been newly named, and was now called the monteagudo: a compliment in every respect merited by that great minister. had general san martin followed a different line of conduct with regard to the spaniards residing in peru; had he never compromised himself with such solemn assurances as he made to them, both before and after his arrival in lima, his conduct towards them might have admitted some palliation. had he from the beginning been silent, and at the earliest opportunity exiled them, the same expression which he used on the subject of calling a congress or national representation, that "a knowledge of what had passed in colombia, chile and buenos ayres, during twelve years of revolution, would have been a reasonable pretence for what he did," might have justified the proceeding. he repeatedly promised to them security, and frequently told them, that their persons and property should be inviolable; and their confidence lost them all claim to the protection of the laws of their native country; they had moreover sworn allegiance to its enemy, and had explicitly become traitors; and when his plans were thus far in a state of ripeness, he exiled them from their adopted homes, from their families, from all their comforts, and cast them out a despairing, wandering, forlorn tribe, surrounded with misery; but their last breath will be employed in execrating his duplicity. i am well aware that the spaniards were dangerous persons in america and that many of them would have employed themselves in thwarting the operations of the newly-constituted authorities; but this mental conviction could not sanction such a proceeding as the one just stated, and at which humanity shudders. but it is now time to wind up the eventful history of the proceedings of the protector of peru; however, before i lose sight of her shores, perhaps for ever, i must add one more trait of his barbarity. a female in lima had dared to speak ill of san martin, at the time that a contribution was extorted from her at the point of the bayonet; she was apprehended, taken to the great square, an accusatory libel was fastened to her breast, a human bone was put into her mouth, and tied behind her head; a halter was hung round her neck, and in this manner she was forced to parade the streets, led by the common hangman; she was then exiled to callao, where the poor creature died on the second day after her arrival. before lord cochrane left the bay of callao he addressed a letter to colonel sanches, an officer belonging to the chilean troops, expressing his ardent desire for the complete success of his adopted countryman; to this note he received the following answer:--"our best friend,--nothing has been so mortifying to us, as that the imperiousness of circumstances deprives us of the communication which we have most esteemed, and which would have been of high importance to the views of your excellency. "the chiefs, officers and troops who have the honour to serve under the flag of chile, have received with the greatest satisfaction the compliments of your excellency, and promise their eternal gratitude to their worthy chief, whose soul is devoted to increase the glory of their country. we have the honour to offer to your excellency the most sincere tribute of our affection and esteem. (signed) jose santiago aldunate.--j. santiago sanches." on the ninth of may the schooner montezuma, belonging to chile, and which had been lent by the government to general san martin, as a tender, entered the port of callao, under peruvian colours; his lordship fired on her, and obliged her to come to an anchor, when he took possession of her, sending her officers on shore, and on the tenth we proceeded to valparaiso, where we arrived on the thirteenth of june. on our arrival at valparaiso his lordship reported his return, adding, "the anxious desires of his excellency the supreme director are now fulfilled, and the sacrifices of the people of chile are rewarded; the naval power of spain in the pacific has succumbed, it is now extinguished, the following vessels having surrendered to the unceasing efforts of the squadron of this free state: frigate prueba of 50 guns frigate esmeralda of 44 frigate vengansa of 44 ship resolution of 34 ship sebastiana of 34 brig pesuela of 18 brig potrillo of 16 schooner prosperina of 14 schooner aransasu, seventeen gunboats, and the armed merchant ships aguila and begona at guayaquil, and others employed as block ships at callao. it is highly gratifying to me, after labouring under such difficulties as were never before witnessed on board of vessels of war, to announce the arrival of the chilean squadron in valparaiso, its cradle; where, owing to its constant services in the cause of the liberty and independence of chile, peru, colombia and mexico, it is the object of admiration and gratitude to the inhabitants of the new world.--i have the honour to be, &c. (signed) cochrane." a few days after our arrival at valparaiso, his lordship visited the capital of chile, and solicited permission to retire for six months to his estate of quintero, unless his services might be necessary; when, at any moment, he would be ready to employ them again in the welfare of the state; at the same time he requested, in the most earnest manner, that the officers and crews might be punctually paid all their arrears. the government acceded to his solicitude, and promised that every possible attention should be given to the request of the admiral, and after some delay it was finally complied with. on the twenty-third of july, 1822, the national congress of chile met at santiago; it was opened by the supreme director, don bernardo o'higgins, who made a tender of his directoral authority to the representatives of the republic, and concluded his harangue with--"compatriots! my command is at an end--defects are inseparable from humanity--the most difficult circumstances have surrounded me on every side--perhaps my want of knowledge and experience may have led me to commit errors against my children, (allow this tender expression to my feelings)--i can never forget the honours i have received, and i hope that my days will be prolonged by my gratitude, until i see chile as happy and as prosperous as the most flourishing countries of the earth." immediately after the director had retired, the convention waited upon him, and reinstated him in the supreme executive authority, with the following compliment: "the representatives of chile most sincerely thank your excellency for the wisdom with which you have managed the affairs of the nation; when a constitution is formed that shall specify the time of the fatigues of the magistrates, the representatives may admit of your resignation, and then your excellency will enjoy your retirement in glory, and future generations will sing hymns of love and gratitude to your name." the first meeting of the preparatory convention was on the twenty-ninth, at ten o'clock in the morning. on the twenty-first of september, 1822, the news arrived in chile, that don bernardo monteagudo had been deposed from the ministry, and exiled from peru. the following are extracts from the papers published in lima: "lima had scarcely obtained a glimpse of a flattering futurity, when a cunning, froward, and saucy individual, a traitor to the confidence of the government that had elevated him to the ministry, began to stifle our patriotism and its defenders. this insolent minister rewarded all praise-worthy services with the most gross invectives, and the most scandalous persecutions. his intriguing ambition filled our gazettes with a multitude of decrees in opposition to the plans which he himself had prescribed. his decrees were written that they might be read, not that they might be obeyed. "unfortunately for us, the genius of the revolution, san martin, had to absent himself twice from our capital, to meet the washington of colombia. this perfidious oppressor availed himself of his absence to manifest the whole perversity of his soul. until that period his persecutions were underhand, but they now became barefaced. all spaniards were considered rich, they, their families and property, consequently became the prey of his insatiable avarice; and at the same time, those patriots who had contributed most to the success of the liberating army were persecuted to the utmost extremity. he formed a long list of proscriptions of men who were to be exiled for ever from their native country, and whose only crimes were their patriotic virtues, for the extinction of which he had formed a nest of the vilest spies, who unceasingly watched the steps of every man of honour. great god! what an epoch of misery! "every honourable citizen found in don bernardo monteagudo (this is the name of the monster of whom we speak) an enemy who at any price would have sacrificed him. how many victims has he not sacrificed in his one year's ministry! more than eight hundred honourable families have been by him reduced to extreme indigence, and the whole city to a state of misery. "among the patriots at lima, nothing was thought of but where they might find an asylum in a foreign land. without agriculture, commerce, industry, personal security, property, and laws, what is society but a mansion of the most afflicting torments! "the religion of our forefathers suffered an equal persecution in its ministers and its temples; these were deprived of their riches, not for the service of our country, but for the reward of espionage, and to deceive us with useless trickeries. the satellites of this bandit were equally despotic with himself, and committed, under his protection, the most horrid crimes. this is not a proper place in which to insert the baseness with which he abused the delicacy and debility of females. fathers of families **** every man was intimidated; every feeling man wept because all were the victims of the caprice of this insolent despot, who made an ostentation of atheism and ferocity. "it is impossible to recapitulate his actions; volumes would be necessary to shew to the world the arbitrary crimes of this factious individual. it would appear, that for the commission of so many offences he must have had some cause that impelled him, for they could not possibly be the effects of ignorance. it was impossible to believe that by insulting and ruining every one; plundering our property; despising the ingenuity and talents of the peruvians; and endeavouring to introduce anarchy, he could be long tolerated in this capital. "his ambition was unlimited, having constituted himself the arbiter of the government. he had the assurance to dictate orders and decrees in opposition to those of the provincial statute, subscribing to them the name of the supreme authority; thus bringing it into contempt. such conduct, when the enemy's army was within twenty leagues of lima, and our government scarcely established, proves that his views were directed to undermine the state. was the reducing of peru to the most degrading slavery, that of obeying his capricious will, the means to make _us_ happy or even _himself_? "foreigners also began to suffer all kinds of vexations and pilferings, with his _carta de morada_ (letter of residence), without considering that the felicity of the country depended on its increase of industrious inhabitants. owing to this, none have established themselves in lima, it being worthy of observation, that not even one person has purchased a house or any immoveable property. and is not this a proof of general disgust and a want of confidence? "in fine, such repeated acts of despotism irritated the people of lima to that degree, that an explosion became inevitable. in eight days after the protector left the capital, his insults to the patriots were incalculable. he caballed in the most barefaced manner to place in the coming congress his own creatures. he hurried off those whom he had sentenced to exile, because they were the favourites of the people; and in the exercise of his fury lima took the alarm." on the twenty-fifth of july the people of lima assembled in the plasa, and insisted on a cavildo abierto, a public meeting of the corporation; this was immediately complied with, and the general voice of the people was, "let the minister monteagudo be deposed, let him be tried, let him experience the severity of the law." at seven o'clock in the evening of the same day, a note was addressed by the corporation to the supreme delegate, requesting that the minister might be deposed; the council of state met, and convinced of the necessity of separating monteagudo from the ministry, immediately informed him of the state of affairs, when to save appearances he made a tender of his appointment, which was accepted, and the supreme delegate in answer to the note of the corporation, assured them, that the ex-minister should be called upon to answer before a committee of the council of state for his past administration, according to the provisional statutes. this note was answered on the twenty-sixth by the municipality requesting that the ex-minister should be placed under an arrest, until called upon for his defence, which request was immediately put into execution. the people of lima being aware of the ascendancy which monteagudo held over the delegate, torre tagle, and fearing that some crafty subterfuge might be practised to replace him in authority, met again on the twenty-ninth, when the corporation, to pacify the popular commotion, requested of the government, that the ex-minister should be embarked privately, and exiled for ever from the state; this was acceded to, and on the thirtieth, the anniversary of his arrival in lima, monteagudo was sent down to callao, under an escort, and at six o'clock in the evening he left the port. this ambitious individual was assassinated at lima on the night of the twenty-eighth of january, 1825, having returned under the protection of bolivar, and the expectation of being replaced in the ministry. while these affairs were transacting in lima, the protector, san martin, was at guayaquil, where he had proceeded for the purpose of soliciting troops from bolivar, for the prosecution of his campaigns in peru. it is impossible to ascertain what took place in the private conference between those two chiefs, but the result was not at all favourable to san martin, for he returned in dudgeon to callao, when to his surprise and mortification, he was informed, that his arch-minister had been exiled for ever during his absence. before his excellency ventured on shore, he had an interview with the principal officers of the army; who assured him that the troops were faithful to him, and under this certainty he presented himself at the palace in lima, where in the most unbecoming language, he reprobated the whole of the proceeding, threatened his councillors of state, the corporation and the city itself, and declared, that he should immediately recall monteagudo and reinstate him in the ministry. notwithstanding the deference and respect which he had been accustomed to receive from every one who acknowledged his authority, he was wounded at observing, that the limenians were not intimidated at his promised vengeance, and leaving the palace he betook himself to his country house near to callao. in the beginning of october, the arbitrary conduct of rodrigues, the minister of war and finance in chile, began to excite the public indignation, and petitions from every part of the state were forwarded to the supreme director, o'higgins, praying his removal from the ministry. crimes the most injurious to the prosperity of the state; his sordid venality, monopoly of commercial transactions, and even illegal appropriations of the public funds, were brought against him, in the most tangible shape; and yet all this was not sufficient, even with the knowledge of what had transpired in peru, to force him to resign, or to induce o'higgins to dismiss him. at the time that all chile was in this state of suspense, and many alarming threats were issued from different quarters, an event not in the least expected took place, which for a while lulled the rising storm--this was no less than the sudden arrival at valparaiso of his excellency general san martin, the protector of the liberties of peru. this great man had continued to reside at his country mansion, until the twentieth of september, when the sovereign congress met, from which he received on the same day the following official communication: "most excellent sir,--the sovereign congress considering that the first duty of a free people is to acknowledge their gratitude to the authors of their political existence and their felicity, convinced that the country of the sun owes this incomparable benefit to the efforts of your excellency, have decreed to you a vote of thanks to be presented to you by a deputation of the house. "the peruvian nation flatters itself that its gratitude is equal to the efficacious efforts which your excellency has made, destroying, like the thunder-bolt on the celebrated mountain that witnessed the last days of lautaro, the iron power of spain in the country of the incas. "the congress manifests, in this communication, the sincerity of their votes, which shall be expressed in the first act of their sessions, and which cannot be obliterated by the hand of time; holding general san martin as the first soldier of their liberty. "by the order of the congress we communicate this to your excellency, for your intelligence and satisfaction. god preserve your excellency for many years.--lima, september 20, 1822. xavier de luna pizarro, president--josé sanchez carrion, deputy secretary--francisco xavier mariategui, deputy secretary.--to his excellency senor d. josé de san martin." the answer: "sire,--terminating my public life, after i have consigned to the august congress of peru the supreme command of the state, nothing could be more flattering to my heart than the solemnity of the confidence of your sovereignty in appointing me generalissimo of the troops of the nation; an appointment which i have just received from a deputation of your sovereign body. i have had the honour of expressing my most profound gratitude at the time of its announcement to me, when i had the satisfaction of accepting only the _title_, because it was the mark of your approbation of the services which i have rendered to this country. i am resolved not to betray my own feelings and the great interests of the nation; permit me therefore, to say, that long and painful experience has induced me to say, that the distinguished rank to which your sovereignty has deigned to elevate me, so far from being useful to the nation, should i fill it, would only oppose your just designs by alarming the jealousy of those who desire a positive liberty; it would divide the opinions of the people, and decrease the confidence which you alone ought to inspire in the absolute independence of your decisions. my presence, sire, in peru, considering that power which i have left, and the force which i should possess, is inconsistent with the morale of the sovereign body, and with my own opinion; because no forbearance on my part would defend me from the shafts of malediction and calumny. sire, i have fulfilled the sacred promise that i made to peru; i have seen her representatives assembled; the force of the enemy does not menace the independence of a people determined to be free, and who possess the means of being so. a numerous army under the direction of chiefs inured to war is ready to march in a few days, to terminate the contest for ever. nothing remains but to offer to your sovereignty the expression of my most sincere gratitude, and the firm assurance, that if at any time the liberty of the peruvians should be threatened, i will dispute the honour of accompanying them as a citizen to defend their freedom on the field of battle. "may god preserve your sovereignty for many years.--free town, september 20th, 1822. (signed) josé de san martin." "to the sovereign congress of peru." the following, being the last proclamation by san martin, was issued on the same day, and may be considered as his farewell address to peru: "i have witnessed the declaration of the independence of the states of chile and peru. i hold in my possession the standard which pizarro brought to enslave the empire of the incas, and i have ceased to be a public man--thus i am more than rewarded for ten years spent in revolution and warfare. my promises to the countries in which i warred are fulfilled; to make them independent, and leave to their will the election of their governments. "the presence of a fortunate soldier, however disinterested he may be, is dangerous to newly-constituted states. i am also disgusted with hearing that i wish to make myself a sovereign. nevertheless, i shall always be ready to make the last sacrifice for the liberty of the country, but in the class of a private individual, and _no other_. "with respect to my public conduct, my compatriots (as is generally the case) will be divided in their opinions--their children will pronounce the true verdict. "peruvians! i leave your national representation established; if you repose implicit confidence in it you will triumph, if not, anarchy will swallow you up. "may success preside over your destinies, and may they be crowned with felicity and peace. free town, september, 20th, 1822. (signed) san martin." had san martin been sincere, even in his last assurances, or had he been conscious that his services would have been of public utility; if, as a citizen, his modesty would not allow him to take upon himself the chief command of the force of the country, he certainly ought not to have abandoned peru, when he was well aware that the army of the enemy was almost under the very walls of the capital; for he himself confesses, that a numerous army would march in a few days to terminate the war for ever: this march, however, would never have been necessary, had he followed the spanish army when it evacuated lima, if he had brought the army under canterac to an action, or if he had headed his troops at ica. the children of his compatriots will "pronounce the true verdict," not, i regret to say, an honourable one to san martin; indeed thousands of them have already shed their blood on those plains which they might have cultivated in peace and security under the protection of their own constituted authorities and laws. it is impossible that a consciousness of not having fulfilled those promises which were calculated to do good, and would have established the absolute independence of rational liberty, and the prosperity of the peruvians, it is impossible but that the memory of those breaches of good faith must ever cling to the heart of this deceiving mortal. san martin remained a few days in valparaiso, until an escort arrived from santiago to conduct him to that city; he resided there until december, or the beginning of january, when, observing the threatening aspect of affairs in chile, owing to the fixed determination of o'higgins not to discard his favourite minister rodrigues, he crossed the cordillera to his old favourite residence at mendosa. general freire, who had the command of the chilean troops, stationed on the frontiers of araucania, consisting of about three thousand men, came to the determination to march on the capital. in this he was supported by the inhabitants of the province of coquimbo, the only object of the whole being to displace rodrigues, and to bring him to justice. this they eventually did, obliging o'higgins at the same time to abdicate his supreme authority on the twenty-second of january, 1823. during this epoch of convulsions, lord cochrane was residing on his estate at quintero, where he received the following communication from peru: "the sovereign constituent congress of peru, contemplating how much the liberty of peru owes to the right honourable lord cochrane, by whose talents, valour and constancy the pacific has been freed from our most inveterate enemies, and the standard of liberty has been displayed on the coasts of peru, resolves that the junta of government, in the name of the peruvian nation, do present to lord cochrane, admiral of the squadron of chile, expressions of our most sincere gratitude for his achievements in favour of this country, once tyrannized over by powerful enemies, now the arbiter of its own fate." "the junta of government obeying this, will command its fulfilment and order it be printed, published and circulated.--given in the hall of congress, lima, the 27th of september, 1822. (signed) xavier de luna pizarro, president--jose sanches carrion, deputy secretary--francisco xavier marreategui, deputy secretary." "in obedience we order the execution of the foregoing decree. (signed) jose de la mar, felipe antonio alvarado, el conde de vista florida, by order of his excellency francisco valdivieso." here his lordship received from the government of chile a copy of the libel presented to them by the plenipotentiaries of the protector of peru, which he answered with "victorious reasonings," although the supremacy assured his lordship, that the charges had never been believed; perhaps for the best of all possible reasons, that they could scarcely be understood. in december an express arrived from the brazilian charge des affaires in buenos ayres, bringing to his lordship a communication from the imperial government at rio de janeiro, containing a request, that as the common enemy to south american independence in the pacific had, owing to his important services and indefatigable exertions ceased to exist, he would deign to accept the command of the imperial navy of the brazils, for the purpose of securing to that country the felicity which he had been the means of establishing on the opposite side of the continent. lord cochrane would probably have preferred a life of quiet in his adopted country, chile, to that of entering into an engagement which might produce a repetition of those difficulties and vexations which he had already experienced; but, owing to the existing circumstances in chile, this was impossible. lord cochrane was bound by his allegiance to the existing government, not to become a party in any faction and his own honour would not allow him to join general freire, by whom he was solicited, although he was convinced that the authority of o'higgins must succumb; he therefore determined to proceed to rio de janeiro, and to act there as affairs might present themselves. on the nineteenth of january, 1823, his lordship embarked for the brazils; but before quitting chile he drew up the two following addresses: "chileans, my compatriots,--the common enemy of america has fallen in chile. your tri-coloured flag waves on the pacific, secured by your sacrifices. some internal commotions agitate chile: it is not my business to investigate their causes, to accelerate or to retard their effects: i can only wish that the result may be most favourable for all parties. "chileans,--you have expelled from your country the enemies of your independence, do not sully the glorious act by encouraging discord, promoting anarchy, that greatest of all evils. consult the dignity to which your heroism has raised you, and if you must take any steps to secure your national liberty, judge for yourselves, act with prudence, and be guided by reason and justice. "it is now four years since the sacred cause of your independence called me to chile; i assisted you to gain it; i have seen it accomplished; it only now remains for you to preserve it. "i leave you for a time, in order not to involve myself in matters foreign to my duty, and for reasons concerning which i now remain silent, that i may not encourage party spirit. "chileans,--you know that independence is purchased at the point of the bayonet. know also that liberty is founded on good faith, and is supported by the laws of honour, and that those who infringe them are your only enemies, among whom you will never find cochrane." "to the british merchants residing in chile. quintero, january 4th, 1823: "gentlemen,--i cannot quit this country without expressing to you the heartfelt satisfaction which i experience on account of the extension which has been given to your commerce, by laying open to all the trade of those vast provinces to which spain formerly asserted an exclusive right. the squadron which maintained the monopoly has disappeared from the face of the ocean, and the flags of independent south america wave every where triumphant, protecting that intercourse between nations which is the source of their riches, happiness, and power. "if, for the furtherance of this great object, some restraints were imposed, they were no other than those which are practised by all civilized states; and though they may have affected the interests of a few who were desirous to avail themselves of accidental circumstances presented during the contest, it is a gratification to know that such interests were only postponed for the general good. should there be any, however, who conceive themselves aggrieved by my conduct, i have to request that they will make known their complaints, with their names affixed, through the medium of the public press, in order that i may have an opportunity of a particular reply. "i trust you will do me the justice to believe, that i have not determined to withdraw myself from these seas while any thing remains within my means to accomplish for your benefit and security. "i have the honour to be, gentlemen, your faithful obedient servant, cochrane." the end. printed by harris and co. liverpool. inca land explorations in the highlands of peru by hiram bingham 1922 -----figure "something hidden. go and find it. go and look behind the ranges--something lost behind the ranges. lost and waiting for you. go!" kipling: "the explorer" -----this volume is affectionately dedicated to the muse who inspired it the little mother of seven sons preface the following pages represent some of the results of four journeys into the interior of peru and also many explorations into the labyrinth of early writings which treat of the incas and their land. although my travels covered only a part of southern peru, they took me into every variety of climate and forced me to camp at almost every altitude at which men have constructed houses or erected tents in the western hemisphere--from sea level up to 21,703 feet. it has been my lot to cross bleak andean passes, where there are heavy snowfalls and low temperatures, as well as to wend my way through gigantic canyons into the dense jungles of the amazon basin, as hot and humid a region as exists anywhere in the world. the incas lived in a land of violent contrasts. no deserts in the world have less vegetation than those of sihuas and majes; no luxuriant tropical valleys have more plant life than the jungles of conservidayoc. in inca land one may pass from glaciers to tree ferns within a few hours. so also in the labyrinth of contemporary chronicles of the last of the incas--no historians go more rapidly from fact to fancy, from accurate observation to grotesque imagination; no writers omit important details and give conflicting statements with greater frequency. the story of the incas is still in a maze of doubt and contradiction. it was the mystery and romance of some of the wonderful pictures of a nineteenth-century explorer that first led me into the relatively unknown region between the apurimac and the urubamba, sometimes called "the cradle of the incas." although my photographs cannot compete with the imaginative pencil of such an artist, nevertheless, i hope that some of them may lead future travelers to penetrate still farther into the land of the incas and engage in the fascinating game of identifying elusive places mentioned in the chronicles. some of my story has already been told in harper's and the national geographic, to whose editors acknowledgments are due for permission to use the material in its present form. a glance at the bibliography will show that more than fifty articles and monographs have been published as a result of the peruvian expeditions of yale university and the national geographic society. other reports are still in course of preparation. my own observations are based partly on a study of these monographs and the writings of former travelers, partly on the maps and notes made by my companions, and partly on a study of our peruvian photographs, a collection now numbering over eleven thousand negatives. another source of information was the opportunity of frequent conferences with my fellow explorers. one of the great advantages of large expeditions is the bringing to bear on the same problem of minds which have received widely different training. my companions on these journeys were, in 1909, mr. clarence l. hay; in 1911, dr. isaiah bowman, professor harry ward foote, dr. william g. erving, messrs. kai hendriksen, h. l. tucker, and paul b. lanius; in 1912, professor herbert e. gregory, dr. george f. eaton, dr. luther t. nelson, messrs. albert h. bumstead, e. c. erdis, kenneth c. heald, robert stephenson, paul bestor, osgood hardy, and joseph little; and in 1915, dr. david e. ford, messrs. o. f. cook, edmund heller, e. c. erdis, e. l. anderson, clarence f. maynard, j. j. hasbrouck, osgood hardy, geoffrey w. morkill, and g. bruce gilbert. to these, my comrades in enterprises which were not always free from discomfort or danger, i desire to acknowledge most fully my great obligations. in the following pages they will sometimes recognize their handiwork; at other times they may wonder why it has been overlooked. perhaps in another volume, which is already under way and in which i hope to cover more particularly machu picchu [1] and its vicinity, they will eventually find much of what cannot be told here. sincere and grateful thanks are due also to mr. edward s. harkness for offering generous assistance when aid was most difficult to secure; to mr. gilbert grosvenor and the national geographic society for liberal and enthusiastic support; to president taft of the united states and president leguia of peru for official help of a most important nature; to messrs. w. r. grace & company and to mr. william l. morkill and mr. l. s. blaisdell, of the peruvian corporation, for cordial and untiring coöperation; to don cesare lomellini, don pedro duque, and their sons, and mr. frederic b. johnson, of yale university, for many practical kindnesses; to mrs. blanche peberdy tompkins and miss mary g. reynolds for invaluable secretarial aid; and last, but by no means least, to mrs. alfred mitchell for making possible the writing of this book. hiram bingham yale university october 1, 1922 contents i. crossing the desert 1 ii. climbing coropuna 23 iii. to parinacochas 50 iv. flamingo lake 74 v. titicaca 95 vi. the vilcanota country and the peruvian highlanders 110 vii. the valley of the huatanay 133 viii. the oldest city in south america 157 ix. the last four incas 170 x. searching for the last inca capital 198 xi. the search continued 217 xii. the fortress of uiticos and the house of the sun 241 xiii. vilcabamba 255 xiv. conservidayoc 266 xv. the pampa of ghosts 292 xvi. the story of tampu-tocco, a lost city of the first incas 306 xvii. machu picchu 314 xviii. the origin of machu picchu 326 glossary 341 bibliography of the peruvian expeditions of yale university and the national geographic society 345 index 353 illustrations "something hidden. go and find it. go and look behind the ranges" frontispiece sketch map of southern peru 1 mt. coropuna from the northwest 12 mt. coropuna from the south 24 the base camp, coropuna, at 17,300 feet 32 photograph by h. l. tucker camping at 18,450 feet on the slopes of coropuna 32 photograph by h. l. tucker one of the frequent rests in the ascent of coropuna 42 photograph by h. l. tucker the camp on the summit 42 photograph by h. l. tucker the sub-prefect of cotahuasi, his military aide, and messrs. tucker, hendriksen, bowman, and bingham inspecting the local rug-weaving industry 60 photograph by c. watkins inca storehouses at chichipampa, near colta 66 photograph by h. l. tucker flamingoes on lake parinacochas, and mt. sarasara 78 mr. tucker on a mountain trail near caraveli 90 the main street of chuquibamba 90 photograph by h. l. tucker a lake titicaca balsa at puno 98 a step-topped niche on the island of koati 98 indian alcaldes at santa rosa 114 native druggists in the plaza of sicuani 114 laying down the warp for a blanket; near the pass of la raya 120 plowing a potato-field at la raya 120 the ruins of the temple of viracocha at racche 128 route map of the peruvian expedition of 1912 132 lucre basin, lake muyna, and the city wall of piquillacta 136 sacsahuaman: detail of lower terrace wall 140 ruins of the aqueduct of rumiccolca 140 huatanay valley, cuzco, and the ayahuaycco quebrada 150 map of peru and view of cuzco 158 from the "speculum orbis terrarum," antwerp, 1578 towers of jesuit church with cloisters and tennis court of university, cuzco 162 glaciers between cuzco and uiticos 170 the urubamba canyon: a reason for the safety of the incas in uilcapampa 176 yucay, last home of sayri tupac 186 part of the nuremberg map of 1599, showing pincos and the andes mountains 198 route map of the peruvian expedition of 1915 202 mt. veronica and salapunco, the gateway to uilcapampa 206 grosvenor glacier and mt. salcantay 210 the road between maquina and mandor pampa, near machu picchu 214 huadquiña 220 ruins of yurak rumi near huadquiña 225 plan and elevations drawn by a. h. bumstead pucyura and the hill of rosaspata in the vilcabamba valley 238 principal doorway of the long palace at rosaspata 242 photograph by e. c. erdis another doorway in the ruins of rosaspata 242 northeast face of yurak rumi 246 plan of the ruins of the temple of the sun at ñusta isppana 248 drawn by r. h. bumstead carved seats and platforms of ñusta isppana 250 two of the seven seats near the spring under the great white rock 250 photograph by a. h. bumstead ñusta isppana 256 quispi cusi testifying about inca ruins 268 photograph by h. w. foote one of our bearers crossing the pampaconas river 268 photograph by h. w. foote saavedra and his inca pottery 288 inca gable at espiritu pampa 288 inca ruins in the jungles of espiritu pampa 294 photograph by h. w. foote campa men at espiritu pampa 302 photograph by h. l. tucker campa women and children at espiritu pampa 302 photograph by h. l. tucker puma urco, near paccaritampu 306 the best inca wall at maucallacta, near paccaritampu 312 the caves of puma urco, near paccaritampu 312 flashlight view of interior of cave, machu picchu 320 temple over cave at machu picchu; suggested by the author as the probable site of tampu-tocco 320 detail of principal temple, machu picchu 324 detail of exterior of temple of the three windows, machu picchu 324 the masonry wall with three windows, machu picchu 328 the gorges, opening wide apart, reveal uilcapampa's granite citadel, the crown of inca land 338 except as otherwise indicated the illustrations are from photographs by the author. -----figure sketch map of southern peru. -----inca land chapter i crossing the desert a kind friend in bolivia once placed in my hands a copy of a most interesting book by the late e. george squier, entitled "peru. travel and exploration in the land of the incas." in that volume is a marvelous picture of the apurimac valley. in the foreground is a delicate suspension bridge which commences at a tunnel in the face of a precipitous cliff and hangs in mid-air at great height above the swirling waters of the "great speaker." in the distance, towering above a mass of stupendous mountains, is a magnificent snow-capped peak. the desire to see the apurimac and experience the thrill of crossing that bridge decided me in favor of an overland journey to lima. as a result i went to cuzco, the ancient capital of the mighty empire of the incas, and was there urged by the peruvian authorities to visit some newly re-discovered inca ruins. as readers of "across south america" will remember, these ruins were at choqquequirau, an interesting place on top of a jungle-covered ridge several thousand feet above the roaring rapids of the great apurimac. there was some doubt as to who had originally lived here. the prefect insisted that the ruins represented the residence of the inca manco and his sons, who had sought refuge from pizarro and the spanish conquerors of peru in the andes between the apurimac and urubamba rivers. while mr. clarence l. hay and i were on the slopes of choqquequirau the clouds would occasionally break away and give us tantalizing glimpses of snow-covered mountains. there seemed to be an unknown region, "behind the ranges," which might contain great possibilities. our guides could tell us nothing about it. little was to be found in books. perhaps manco's capital was hidden there. for months afterwards the fascination of the unknown drew my thoughts to choqquequirau and beyond. in the words of kipling's "explorer": "... a voice, as bad as conscience, rang interminable changes on one everlasting whisper day and night repeated--so: 'something hidden. go and find it. go and look behind the ranges-something lost behind the ranges. lost and waiting for you. go!' " to add to my unrest, during the following summer i read bandelier's "titicaca and koati," which had just appeared. in one of the interesting footnotes was this startling remark: "it is much to be desired that the elevation of the most prominent peaks of the western or coast range of peru be accurately determined. it is likely ... that coropuna, in the peruvian coast range of the department arequipa, is the culminating point of the continent. it exceeds 23,000 feet in height, whereas aconcagua [conceded to be the highest peak in the western hemisphere] is but 22,763 feet (6940 meters) above sea level." his estimate was based on a survey made by the civil engineers of the southern railways of peru, using a section of the railroad as a base. my sensations when i read this are difficult to describe. although i had been studying south american history and geography for more than ten years, i did not remember ever to have heard of coropuna. on most maps it did not exist. fortunately, on one of the sheets of raimondi's large-scale map of peru, i finally found "coropuna--6,949 m."--9 meters higher than aconcagua!--one hundred miles northwest of arequipa, near the 73d meridian west of greenwich. looking up and down the 73d meridian as it crossed peru from the amazon valley to the pacific ocean, i saw that it passed very near choqquequirau, and actually traversed those very lands "behind the ranges" which had been beckoning to me. the coincidence was intriguing. the desire to go and find that "something hidden" was now reënforced by the temptation to go and see whether coropuna really was the highest mountain in america. there followed the organization of an expedition whose object was a geographical reconnaissance of peru along the 73d meridian, from the head of canoe navigation on the urubamba to tidewater on the pacific. we achieved more than we expected. our success was due in large part to our "unit-food-boxes," a device containing a balanced ration which professor harry w. foote had cooperated with me in assembling. the object of our idea was to facilitate the provisioning of small field parties by packing in a single box everything that two men would need in the way of provisions for a given period. these boxes have given such general satisfaction, not only to the explorers themselves, but to the surgeons who had the responsibility of keeping them in good condition, that a few words in regard to this feature of our equipment may not be unwelcome. the best unit-food-box provides a balanced ration for two men for eight days, breakfast and supper being hearty, cooked meals, and luncheon light and uncooked. it was not intended that the men should depend entirely on the food-boxes, but should vary their diet as much as possible with whatever the country afforded, which in southern peru frequently means potatoes, corn, eggs, mutton, and bread. nevertheless each box contained sliced bacon, tinned corned beef, roast beef, chicken, salmon, crushed oats, milk, cheese, coffee, sugar, rice, army bread, salt, sweet chocolates, assorted jams, pickles, and dried fruits and vegetables. by seeing that the jam, dried fruits, soups, and dried vegetables were well assorted, a sufficient variety was procured without destroying the balanced character of the ration. on account of the great difficulty of transportation in the southern andes we had to eliminate foods that contained a large amount of water, like french peas, baked beans, and canned fruits, however delicious and desirable they might be. in addition to food, we found it desirable to include in each box a cake of laundry soap, two yards of dish toweling, and three empty cotton-cloth bags, to be used for carrying lunches and collecting specimens. the most highly appreciated article of food in our boxes was the rolled oats, a dish which on account of its being already partially cooked was easily prepared at high elevations, where rice cannot be properly boiled. it was difficult to satisfy the members of the expedition by providing the right amount of sugar. at the beginning of the field season the allowance--one third of a pound per day per man--seemed excessive, and i was criticized for having overloaded the boxes. after a month in the field the allowance proved to be too small and had to be supplemented. many people seem to think that it is one of the duties of an explorer to "rough it," and to "trust to luck" for his food. i had found on my first two expeditions, in venezuela and colombia and across south america, that the result of being obliged to subsist on irregular and haphazard rations was most unsatisfactory. while "roughing it" is far more enticing to the inexperienced and indiscreet explorer, i learned in peru that the humdrum expedient of carefully preparing, months in advance, a comprehensive bill of fare sufficiently varied, wholesome, and well-balanced, is "the better part of valor," the truth is that providing an abundance of appetizing food adds very greatly to the effectiveness of a party. to be sure, it may mean trouble and expense for one's transportation department, and some of the younger men may feel that their reputations as explorers are likely to be damaged if it is known that strawberry jam, sweet chocolate and pickles are frequently found on their menu! nevertheless, experience has shown that the results of "trusting to luck" and "living as the natives do" means not only loss of efficiency in the day's work, but also lessened powers of observation and diminished enthusiasm for the drudgery of scientific exploration. exciting things are always easy to do, no matter how you are living, but frequently they produce less important results than tasks which depend upon daily drudgery; and daily drudgery depends upon a regular supply of wholesome food. we reached arequipa, the proposed base for our campaign against mt. coropuna, in june, 1911. we learned that the peruvian "winter" reaches its climax in july or august, and that it would be folly to try to climb coropuna during the winter snowstorms. on the other hand, the "summer months," beginning with november, are cloudy and likely to add fog and mist to the difficulties of climbing a new mountain. furthermore, june and july are the best months for exploration in the eastern slopes of the andes in the upper amazon basin, the lands "behind the ranges." although the montaña, or jungle country, is rarely actually dry, there is less rain then than in the other months of the year; so we decided to go first to the urubamba valley. the story of our discoveries there, of identifying uiticos, the capital of the last incas, and of the finding of machu picchu will be found in later chapters. in september i returned to arequipa and started the campaign against coropuna by endeavoring to get adequate transportation facilities for crossing the desert. arequipa, as everybody knows, is the home of a station of the harvard observatory, but arequipa is also famous for its large mules. unfortunately, a "mule trust" had recently been formed--needless to say, by an american--and i found it difficult to make any satisfactory arrangements. after two weeks of skirmishing, the tejada brothers appeared, two arrieros, or muleteers, who seemed willing to listen to our proposals. we offered them a thousand soles (five hundred dollars gold) if they would supply us with a pack train of eleven mules for two months and go with us wherever we chose, we agreeing not to travel on an average more than seven leagues [2] a day. it sounds simple enough but it took no end of argument and persuasion on the part of our friends in arequipa to convince these worthy arrieros that they were not going to be everlastingly ruined by this bargain. the trouble was that they owned their mules, knew the great danger of crossing the deserts that lay between us and mt. coropuna, and feared to travel on unknown trails. like most muleteers, they were afraid of unfamiliar country. they magnified the imaginary evils of the road to an inconceivable pitch. the argument that finally persuaded them to accept the proffered contract was my promise that after the first week the cargo would be so much less that at least two of the pack mules could always be free. the tejadas, realizing only too well the propensity of pack animals to get sore backs and go lame, regarded my promise in the light of a factor of safety. lame mules would not have to carry loads. everything was ready by the end of the month. mr. h. l. tucker, a member of professor h. c. parker's 1910 mr. mckinley expedition and thoroughly familiar with the details of snow-and-ice-climbing, whom i had asked to be responsible for securing the proper equipment, was now entrusted with planning and directing the actual ascent of coropuna. whatever success was achieved on the mountain was due primarily to mr. tucker's skill and foresight. we had no swiss guides, and had originally intended to ask two other members of the expedition to join us on the climb. however, the exigencies of making a geological and topographical cross section along the 73d meridian through a practically unknown region, and across one of the highest passes in the andes (17,633 ft.), had delayed the surveying party to such an extent as to make it impossible for them to reach coropuna before the first of november. on account of the approach of the cloudy season it did not seem wise to wait for their coöperation. accordingly, i secured in arequipa the services of mr. casimir watkins, an english naturalist, and of mr. f. hinckley, of the harvard observatory. it was proposed that mr. hinckley, who had twice ascended el misti (19,120 ft.), should accompany us to the top, while mr. watkins, who had only recently recovered from a severe illness, should take charge of the base camp. the prefect of arequipa obligingly offered us a military escort in the person of corporal gamarra, a full-blooded indian of rather more than average height and considerably more than average courage, who knew the country. as a member of the mounted gendarmerie, gamarra had been stationed at the provincial capital of cotahuasi a few months previously. one day a mob of drunken, riotous revolutionists stormed the government buildings while he was on sentry duty. gamarra stood his ground and, when they attempted to force their way past him, shot the leader of the crowd. the mob scattered. a grateful prefect made him a corporal and, realizing that his life was no longer safe in that particular vicinity, transferred him to arequipa. like nearly all of his race, however, he fell an easy prey to alcohol. there is no doubt that the chief of the mounted police in arequipa, when ordered by the prefect to furnish us an escort for our journey across the desert, was glad enough to assign gamarra to us. his courage could not be called in question even though his habits might lead him to become troublesome. it happened that gamarra did not know we were planning to go to cotahuasi. had he known this, and also had he suspected the trials that were before him on mt. coropuna, he probably would have begged off--but i am anticipating. on the 2d of october, tucker, hinckley, corporal gamarra and i left arequipa; watkins followed a week later. the first stage of the journey was by train from arequipa to vitor, a distance of thirty miles. the arrieros sent the cargo along too. in addition to the food-boxes we brought with us tents, ice axes, snowshoes, barometers, thermometers, transit, fiber cases, steel boxes, duffle bags, and a folding boat. our pack train was supposed to have started from arequipa the day before. we hoped it would reach vitor about the same time that we did, but that was expecting too much of arrieros on the first day of their journey. so we had an all-day wait near the primitive little railway station. we amused ourselves wandering off over the neighboring pampa and studying the médanos, crescent-shaped sand dunes which are common in the great coastal desert. one reads so much of the great tropical jungles of south america and of wellnigh impenetrable forests that it is difficult to realize that the west coast from ecuador, on the north, to the heart of chile, on the south, is a great desert, broken at intervals by oases, or valleys whose rivers, coming from melting snows of the andes, are here and there diverted for purposes of irrigation. lima, the capital of peru, is in one of the largest of these oases. although frequently enveloped in a damp fog, the peruvian coastal towns are almost never subjected to rain. the causes of this phenomenon are easy to understand. winds coming from the east, laden with the moisture of the atlantic ocean and the steaming amazon basin, are rapidly cooled by the eastern slopes of the andes and forced to deposit this moisture in the montaña. by the time the winds have crossed the mighty cordillera there is no rain left in them. conversely, the winds that come from the warm pacific ocean strike a cold area over the frigid humboldt current, which sweeps up along the west coast of south america. this cold belt wrings the water out of the westerly winds, so that by the time they reach the warm land their relative humidity is low. to be sure, there are months in some years when so much moisture falls on the slopes of the coast range that the hillsides are clothed with flowers, but this verdure lasts but a short time and does not seriously affect the great stretches of desert pampa in the midst of which we now were. like the other pampas of this region, the flat surface inclines toward the sea. over it the sand is rolled along by the wind and finally built into crescent-shaped dunes. these médanos interested us greatly. the prevailing wind on the desert at night is a relatively gentle breeze that comes down from the cool mountain slopes toward the ocean. it tends to blow the lighter particles of sand along in a regular dune, rolling it over and over downhill, leaving the heavier particles behind. this is reversed in the daytime. as the heat increases toward noon, the wind comes rushing up from the ocean to fill the vacuum caused by the rapidly ascending currents of hot air that rise from the overheated pampas. during the early afternoon this wind reaches a high velocity and swirls the sand along in clouds. it is now strong enough to move the heavier particles of sand, uphill. it sweeps the heaviest ones around the base of the dune and deposits them in pointed ridges on either side. the heavier material remains stationary at night while the lighter particles are rolled downhill, but the whole mass travels slowly uphill again during the gales of the following afternoon. the result is the beautiful crescent-shaped médano. about five o'clock our mules, a fine-looking lot--far superior to any that we had been able to secure near cuzco--trotted briskly into the dusty little plaza. it took some time to adjust the loads, and it was nearly seven o'clock before we started off in the moonlight for the oasis of vitor. as we left the plateau and struck the dusty trail winding down into a dark canyon we caught a glimpse of something white shimmering faintly on the horizon far off to the northwest; coropuna! shortly before nine o'clock we reached a little corral, where the mules were unloaded. for ourselves we found a shed with a clean, stone-paved floor, where we set up our cots, only to be awakened many times during the night by passing caravans anxious to avoid the terrible heat of the desert by day. -----figure mt. coropuna from the northwest -----where the oases are only a few miles apart one often travels by day, but when crossing the desert is a matter of eight or ten hours' steady jogging with no places to rest, no water, no shade, the pack animals suffer greatly. consequently, most caravans travel, so far as possible, by night. our first desert, the pampa of sihuas, was reported to be narrow, so we preferred to cross it by day and see what was to be seen. we got up about half-past four and were off before seven. then our troubles began. either because he lived in arequipa or because they thought he looked like a good horseman, or for reasons best known to themselves, the tejadas had given mr. hinckley a very spirited saddle-mule. the first thing i knew, her rider, carrying a heavy camera, a package of plate-holders, and a large mercurial barometer, borrowed from the harvard observatory, was pitched headlong into the sand. fortunately no damage was done, and after a lively chase the runaway mule was brought back by corporal gamarra. after mr. hinckley was remounted on his dangerous mule we rode on for a while in peace, between cornfields and vineyards, over paths flanked by willows and fig trees. the chief industry of vitor is the making of wine from vines which date back to colonial days. the wine is aged in huge jars, each over six feet high, buried in the ground. we had a glimpse of seventeen of them standing in a line, awaiting sale. it made one think of ali baba and the forty thieves, who would have had no trouble at all hiding in these cyclopean crocks. the edge of the oasis of vitor is the contour line along which the irrigating canal runs. there is no gradual petering out of foliage. the desert begins with a stunning crash. on one side is the bright, luxurious green of fig trees and vineyards; on the other side is the absolute stark nakedness of the sandy desert. within the oasis there is an abundance of water. much of it runs to waste. the wine growers receive more than they can use; in fact, more land could easily be put under cultivation. the chief difficulties are the scarcity of ports from which produce can be shipped to the outer world, the expense of the transportation system of pack trains over the deserts which intervene between the oases and the railroad, and the lack of capital. otherwise the irrigation system might be extended over great stretches of rich, volcanic soil, now unoccupied. a steady climb of three quarters of an hour took us to the northern rim of the valley. here we again saw the snowy mass of coropuna, glistening in the sunlight, seventy-five miles away to the northwest. our view was a short one, for in less than three minutes we had to descend another canyon. we crossed this and climbed out on the pampa of sihuas. there was little to interest us in our immediate surroundings, but in the distance was coropuna, and i had just begun to study the problem of possible routes for climbing the highest peak when mr. hinckley's mule trotted briskly across the trail directly in front of me, kicked up her heels, and again sent him sprawling over the sand, barometer, camera, plates, and all. unluckily, this time his foot caught in a stirrup and, still holding the bridle, he was dragged some distance before he got it loose. he struggled to his feet and tried to keep the mule from running away, when a violent kick released his hold and knocked him out. we immediately set up our little "mummery" tent on the hot, sandy floor of the desert and rendered first-aid to the unlucky astronomer. we found that the sharp point of one of the vicious mule's new shoes had opened a large vein in mr. hinckley's leg. the cut was not dangerous, but too deep for successful mountain climbing. with gamarra's aid, mr. hinckley was able to reach arequipa that night, but his enforced departure not only shattered his own hopes of climbing coropuna, but also made us wonder how we were going to have the necessary three-men-on-the-rope when we reached the glaciers. to be sure, there was the corporal--but would he go? indians do not like snow mountains. packing up the tent again, we resumed our course over the desert. the oasis of sihuas, another beautiful garden in the bottom of a huge canyon, was reached about four o'clock in the afternoon. we should have been compelled to camp in the open with the arrieros had not the parish priest invited us to rest in the cool shade of his vine-covered arbor. he graciously served us with cakes and sweet native wine, and asked us to stay as long as we liked. the desert of majes, which now lay ahead of us, is perhaps the widest, hottest, and most barren in this region. our arrieros were unwilling to cross it in the daytime. they said it was forty-five miles between water and water. the next day we enjoyed the hospitality of our kindly host until after supper. so sure are the inhabitants of these oases that it is not going to rain that their houses are built merely as a shelter against the sun and wind. they are made of the canes that grow in the jungles of the larger river bottoms, or along the banks of irrigating ditches. on the roof the spaces between the canes are filled with adobe, sun-dried mud. it is not necessary to plaster the sides of the houses, for it is pleasant to let the air have free play, and it is amusing to look out through the cracks and see everything that is passing. that evening we saddled in the moonlight. slowly we climbed out of the valley, to spend the night jogging steadily, hour after hour, across the desert. as the moon was setting we entered a hilly region, and at sunrise found ourselves in the midst of a tumbled mass of enormous sand dunes--the result of hundreds of médanos blown across the pampa of majes and deposited along the border of the valley. it took us three hours to wind slowly down from the level of the desert to a point where we could see the great canyon, a mile deep and two miles across. its steep sides are of various colored rocks and sand. the bottom is a bright green oasis through which flows the rapid majes river, too deep to be forded even in the dry season. a very large part of the flood plain of the unruly river is not cultivated, and consists of a wild jungle, difficult of access in the dry season and impossible when the river rises during the rainy months. the contrast between the gigantic hills of sand and the luxurious vegetation was very striking; but to us the most beautiful thing in the landscape was the long, glistening, white mass of coropuna, now much larger and just visible above the opposite rim of the valley. at eight o'clock in the morning, as we were wondering how long it would be before we could get down to the bottom of the valley and have some breakfast, we discovered, at a place called pitas (or cerro colorado), a huge volcanic boulder covered with rude pictographs. further search in the vicinity revealed about one hundred of these boulders, each with its quota of crude drawings. i did not notice any ruins of houses near the rocks. neither of the tejada brothers, who had been past here many times, nor any of the natives of this region appeared to have any idea of the origin or meaning of this singular collection of pictographic rocks. the drawings represented jaguars, birds, men, and dachshund-like dogs. they deserved careful study. yet not even the interest and excitement of investigating the "rocas jeroglificos," as they are called here, could make us forget that we had had no food or sleep for a good many hours. so after taking a few pictures we hastened on and crossed the majes river on a very shaky temporary bridge. it was built to last only during the dry season. to construct a bridge which would withstand floods is not feasible at present. we spent the day at coriri, a pleasant little village where it was almost impossible to sleep, on account of the myriads of gnats. the next day we had a short ride along the western side of the valley to the town of aplao, the capital of the province of castilla, called by its present inhabitants "majes," although on raimondi's map that name is applied only to the river and the neighboring desert. in 1865, at the time of his visit, it had a bad reputation for disease. now it seems more healthy. the sub-prefect of castilla had been informed by telegraph of our coming, and invited us to an excellent dinner. the people of majes are largely of mixed white and indian ancestry. many of them appeared to be unusually businesslike. the proprietor of one establishment was a great admirer of american shoes, the name of which he pronounced in a manner that puzzled us for a long time. "w" is unknown in spanish and the letters "a," "l," and "k" are never found in juxtaposition. when he asked us what we thought of "valluck-ofair'," accenting strongly the last syllable, we could not imagine what he meant. he was equally at a loss to understand how we could be so stupid as not to recognize immediately the well-advertised name of a widely known shoe. at majes we observed cotton, which is sent to the mills at arequipa, alfalfa, highly prized as fodder for pack animals, sugar cane, from which aguardiente, or white rum, is made, and grapes. it is said that the majes vineyards date back to the sixteenth century, and that some of the huge, buried, earthenware wine jars now in use were made as far back as the reign of philip ii. the presence of so much wine in the community does not seem to have a deleterious effect on the natives, who were not only hospitable but energetic--far more so, in fact, than the natives of towns in the high andes, where the intense cold and the difficulty of making a living have reacted upon the indians, often causing them to be morose, sullen, and without ambition. the residences of the wine growers are sometimes very misleading. a typical country house of the better class is not much to look at. its long, low, flat roof and rough, unwhitewashed, mud-colored walls give it an unattractive appearance; yet to one's intense surprise the inside may be clean and comfortable, with modern furniture, a piano, and a phonograph. our conscientious and hard-working arrieros rose at two o'clock the next morning, for they knew their mules had a long, hard climb ahead of them, from an elevation of 1000 feet above sea level to 10,000 feet. after an all-day journey we camped at a place where forage could be obtained. we had now left the region of tropical products and come back to potatoes and barley. the following day a short ride brought us past another pictographic rock, recently blasted open by an energetic "treasure seeker" of chuquibamba. this town has 3000 inhabitants and is the capital of the province of condesuyos. it was the place which we had selected several months before as the rendezvous for the attack on coropuna. the climate here is delightful and the fruits and cereals of the temperate zone are easily raised. the town is surrounded by gardens, vineyards, alfalfa and grain fields; all showing evidence of intensive cultivation. it is at the head of one of the branches of the majes valley and is surrounded by high cliffs. the people of chuquibamba were friendly. we were kindly welcomed by señor benavides, the sub-prefect, who hospitably told us to set up our cots in the grand salon of his own house. here we received calls from the local officials, including the provincial physician, dr. pastór, and the director of the colegio nacional, professor alejandro coello. the last two were keen to go with us up mt. coropuna. they told us that there was a hill near by called the calvario, whence the mountain could be seen, and offered to take us up there. we accepted, thinking at the same time that this would show who was best fitted to join in the climb, for we needed another man on the rope. professor coello easily distanced the rest of us and won the coveted place. from the calvario hill we had a splendid view of those white solitudes whither we were bound, now only twenty-five miles away. it seemed clear that the western or truncated peak, which gives its name to the mass (koro = "cut off at the top"; puna = "a cold, snowy height"), was the highest point of the range, and higher than all the eastern peaks. yet behind the flat-topped dome we could just make out a northerly peak. tucker wondered whether or not that might prove to be higher than the western peak which we decided to climb. no one knew anything about the mountain. there were no native guides to be had. the wildest opinions were expressed as to the best routes and methods of getting to the top. we finally engaged a man who said he knew how to get to the foot of the mountain, so we called him "guide" for want of a more appropriate title. the peruvian spring was now well advanced and the days were fine and clear. it appeared, however, that there had been a heavy snowstorm on the mountain a few days before. if summer were coming unusually early it behooved us to waste no time, and we proceeded to arrange the mountain equipment as fast as possible. our instruments for determining altitude consisted of a special mountain-mercurial barometer made by mr. henry j. green, of brooklyn, capable of recording only such air pressures as one might expect to find above 12,000 feet; a hypsometer loaned us by the department of terrestrial magnetism of the carnegie institution of washington, with thermometers especially made for us by green; a large mercurial barometer, borrowed from the harvard observatory, which, notwithstanding its rough treatment by mr. hinckley's mule, was still doing good service; and one of green's sling psychrometers. our most serious want was an aneroid, in case the fragile mercurials should get broken. six months previously i had written to j. hicks, the celebrated instrument maker of london, asking him to construct, with special care, two large "watkins" aneroids capable of recording altitudes five thousand feet higher than coropuna was supposed to be. his reply had never reached me, nor did any one in arequipa know anything about the barometers. apparently my letter had miscarried. it was not until we opened our specially ordered "mountain grub" boxes here in chuquibamba that we found, alongside of the pemmican and self-heating tins of stew which had been packed for us in london by grace brothers, the two precious aneroids, each as large as a big alarm clock. with these two new aneroids, made with a wide margin of safety, we felt satisfied that, once at the summit, we should know whether there was a chance that bandelier was right and this was indeed the top of america. for exact measurements we depended on topographer hendriksen, who was due to triangulate coropuna in the course of his survey along the 73d meridian. my chief excuse for going up the mountain was to erect a signal at or near the top which hendriksen could use as a station in order to make his triangulation more exact. my real object, it must be confessed, was to enjoy the satisfaction, which all alpinists feel, of conquering a "virgin peak." chapter ii climbing coropuna the desert plateau above chuquibamba is nearly 2500 feet higher than the town, and it was nine o'clock on the morning of october 10th before we got out of the valley. thereafter coropuna was always in sight, and as we slowly approached it we studied it with care. the plateau has an elevation of over 15,000 feet, yet the mountain stood out conspicuously above it. coropuna is really a range about twenty miles long. its gigantic massif was covered with snow fields from one end to the other. so deep did the fresh snow lie that it was generally impossible to see where snow fields ended and glaciers began. we could see that of the five well-defined peaks the middle one was probably the lowest. the two next highest are at the right, or eastern, end of the massif. the culminating truncated dome at the western end, with its smooth, uneroded sides, apparently belonged to a later volcanic period than the rest of the mountain. it seemed to be the highest peak of all. to reach it did not appear to be difficult. rock-covered slopes ran directly up to the snow. snow fields, without many rock-falls, appeared to culminate in a saddle at the base of the great snowy dome. the eastern slope of the dome itself offered an unbroken, if steep, path to the top. if we could once reach the snow line, it looked as though, with the aid of ice-creepers or snowshoes, we could climb the mountain without serious trouble. -----figure mt. coropuna from the south -----between us and the first snow-covered slopes, however, lay more than twenty miles of volcanic desert intersected by deep canyons, steep quebradas, and very rough aa lava. directed by our "guide," we left the cotahuasi road and struck across country, dodging the lava flows and slowly ascending the gentle slope of the plateau. as it became steeper our mules showed signs of suffering. while waiting for them to get their wind we went ahead on foot, climbed a short rise, and to our surprise and chagrin found ourselves on the rim of a steep-walled canyon, 1500 feet deep, which cut right across in front of the mountain and lay between us and its higher slopes. after the mules had rested, the guide now decided to turn to the left instead of going straight toward the mountain. a dispute ensued as to how much he knew, even about the foot of coropuna. he denied that there were any huts whatever in the canyon. "abandonado; despoblado; desierto." "a waste; a solitude; a wilderness." so he described it. had he been there? "no, señor." luckily we had been able to make out from the rim of the canyon two or three huts near a little stream. as there was no question that we ought to get to the snow line as soon as possible, we decided to dispense with the services of so well-informed a "guide," and make such way as we could alone. the altitude of the rim of the canyon was 16,000 feet; the mules showed signs of acute distress from mountain sickness. the arrieros began to complain loudly, but did what they could to relieve the mules by punching holes in their ears; the theory being that bloodletting is a good thing for soroche. as soon as the timid arrieros reached a point where they could see down into the canyon, they spotted some patches of green pasture, cheered up a bit, and even smiled over the dismal ignorance of the "guide." soon we found a trail which led to the huts. near the huts was a taciturn indian woman, who refused to furnish us with either fuel or forage, although we tried to pay in advance and offered her silver. nevertheless, we proceeded to pitch our tents and took advantage of the sheltering stone wall of her corral for our camp fire. after peace had settled down and it became perfectly evident that we were harmless, the door of one of the huts opened and an indian man appeared. doubtless the cause of his disappearance before our arrival had been the easily discernible presence in our midst of the brass buttons of corporal gamarra. possibly he who had selected this remote corner of the wilderness for his abode had a guilty conscience and at the sight of a gendarme decided that he had better hide at once. more probably, however, he feared the visit of a recruiting party, since it is quite likely that he had not served his legal term of military service. at all events, when his wife discovered that we were not looking for her man, she allowed his curiosity to overcome his fears. we found that the indians kept a few llamas. they also made crude pottery, firing it with straw and llama dung. they lived almost entirely on gruel made from chuño, frozen bitter potatoes. little else than potatoes will grow at 14,000 feet above the sea. for neighbors the indians had a solitary old man, who lived half a mile up nearer the glaciers, and a small family, a mile and a half down the valley. before dark the neighbors came to call, and we tried our best to persuade the men to accompany us up the mountain and help to carry the loads from the point where the mules would have to stop; but they declined absolutely and positively. i think one of the men might have gone, but as soon as his quiet, well-behaved wife saw him wavering she broke out in a torrent of violent denunciation, telling him the mountain would "eat him up" and that unless he wanted to go to heaven before his time he had better let well enough alone and stay where he was. cieza de leon, one of the most careful of the early chroniclers (1550), says that at coropuna "the devil" talks "more freely" than usual. "for some secret reason known to god, it is said that devils walk visibly about in that place, and that the indians see them and are much terrified. i have also heard that these devils have appeared to christians in the form of indians." perhaps the voluble housewife was herself one of the famous coropuna devils. she certainly talked "more freely" than usual. or possibly she thought that the coropuna "devils" were now appearing to indians "in the form of" christians! anyhow the indians said that on top of coropuna there was a delightful, warm paradise containing beautiful flowers, luscious fruits, parrots of brilliant plumage, macaws, and even monkeys, those faithful denizens of hot climates. the souls of the departed stop to rest and enjoy themselves in this charming spot on their upward flight. like most primitive people who live near snow-capped mountains, they had an abject terror of the forbidding summits and the snowstorms that seem to come down from them. probably the indians hope to propitiate the demons who dwell on the mountain tops by inventing charming stories relating to their abode. it is interesting to learn that in the neighboring hamlet of pampacolca, the great explorer raimondi, in 1865, found the natives "exiled from the civilized world, still preserving their primitive customs... carrying idols to the slopes of the great snow mountain coropuna, and there offering them as a sacrifice." apparently the mountain still inspires fear in the hearts of all those who live near it. the fact that we agreed to pay in advance unheard-of wages, ten times the usual amount earned by laborers in this vicinity, that we added offers of the precious coca leaves, the greatly-to-be-desired "fire-water," the rarely seen tobacco, and other good things usually coveted by peruvian highlanders, had no effect in the face of the terrors of the mountain. they knew only too well that snow-blindness was one of the least of ills to be encountered; while the advantages of dark-colored glasses, warm clothes, kerosene stoves, and plenty of good food, which we freely offered, were far too remote from the realm of credible possibilities. professor coello understood all these matters perfectly and, being able to speak quichua, the language of our prospective carriers, did his best in the way of argument, not only out of loyalty to the expedition, but because peruvian gentlemen always regard the carrying of a load as extremely undignified and improper. i have known one of the most energetic and efficient business men in peru, a highly respected gentleman in a mountain city, so to dislike being obliged to carry a rolled and unmounted photograph, little larger than a lead pencil, that he sent for a cargador, an indian porter, to bear it for him! as a matter of fact, professor coello was perfectly willing to do his share and more; but neither he nor we were anxious to climb with heavy packs on our backs, in the rarefied air of elevations several thousand feet higher than mont blanc. the argument with the indians was long and verbose and the offerings of money and goods were made more and more generous. all was in vain. we finally came to realize that whatever supplies and provisions were carried up coropuna would have to be borne on our own shoulders. that evening the top of the truncated dome, which was just visible from the valley near our camp, was bathed in a roseate alpine glow, unspeakably beautiful. the air, however, was very bitter and the neighboring brook froze solid. during the night the gendarme's mule became homesick and disappeared with coello's horse. gamarra was sent to look for the strays, with orders to follow us as soon as possible. as no bearers or carriers were to be secured, it was essential to persuade the tejadas to take their pack mules up as far as the snow, a feat they declined to do. the mules, don pablo said, had already gone as far as and farther than mules had any business to go. soon after reaching camp tucker had gone off on a reconnaissance. he reported that there was a path leading out of the canyon up to the llama pastures on the lower slopes of the mountains. the arrieros denied the accuracy of his observations. however, after a long argument, they agreed to go as far as there was a good path, and no farther. there was no question of our riding. it was simply a case of getting the loads as high up as possible before we had to begin to carry them ourselves. it may be imagined that the arrieros packed very slowly and grudgingly, although the loads were now considerably reduced. finally, leaving behind our saddles, ordinary supplies, and everything not considered absolutely necessary for a two weeks' stay on the mountain, we set off. we could easily walk faster than the loaded mules, and thought it best to avoid trouble by keeping far enough ahead so as not to hear the arrieros' constant complaints. after an hour of not very hard climbing over a fairly good llama trail, the tejadas stopped at the edge of the pastures and shouted to us to come back. we replied equally vociferously, calling them to come ahead, which they did for half an hour more, slowly zigzagging up a slope of coarse, black volcanic sand. then they not only stopped but commenced to unload the mules. it was necessary to rush back and commence a violent and acrimonious dispute as to whether the letter of the contract had been fulfilled and the mules had gone "as far as they could reasonably be expected to go." the truth was, the tejadas were terrified at approaching mysterious coropuna. they were sure it would take revenge on them by destroying their mules, who would "certainly die the following day of soroche." we offered a bonus of thirty soles--fifteen dollars--if they would go on for another hour, and threatened them with all sorts of things if they would not. at last they readjusted the loads and started climbing again. the altitude was now about 16,000 feet, but at the foot of a steep little rise the arrieros stopped again. this time they succeeded in unloading two mules before we could scramble down over the sand and boulders to stop them. threats and prayers were now of no avail. the only thing that would satisfy was a legal document! they demanded an agreement "in writing" that in case any mule or mules died as a result of this foolish attempt to get up to the snow line, i should pay in gold two hundred soles for each and every mule that died. further, i must agree to pay a bonus of fifty soles if they would keep climbing until noon or until stopped by snow. this document, having been duly drawn up by professor coello, seated on a lava rock amidst the clinker-like cinders of the old volcano, was duly signed and sealed. in order that there might be no dispute as to the time, my best chronometer was handed over to pablo tejada to carry until noon. the mules were reloaded and again the ascent began. presently the mules encountered some pretty bad going, on a steep slope covered with huge lava boulders and scoriaceous sand. we expected more trouble every minute. however, the arrieros, having made an advantageous bargain, did their best to carry it out. fortunately the mules reached the snow line just fifteen minutes before twelve o'clock. the tejadas lost no time in unloading, claimed their bonus, promised to return in ten days, and almost before we knew it had disappeared down the side of the mountain. we spent the afternoon establishing our base camp. we had three tents, the "mummery," a very light and diminutive wall tent about four feet high, made by edgington of london; an ordinary wall tent, 7 by 7, of fairly heavy material, with floor sewed in; and an improved pyramidal tent, made by david abercrombie, but designed by mr. tucker after one used on mt. mckinley by professor parker. tucker's tent had two openings--a small vent in the top of the pyramid, capable of being closed by an adjustable cap in case of storm, and an oval entrance through which one had to crawl. this opening could be closed to any desired extent with a pucker string. a fairly heavy, waterproof floor, measuring 7 by 7, was sewed to the base of the pyramid so that a single pole, without guy ropes, was all that was necessary to keep the tent upright after the floor had been securely pegged to the ground, or snow. tucker's tent offered the advantages of being carried without difficulty, easily erected by one man, readily ventilated and yet giving shelter to four men in any weather. we proposed to leave the wall tent at the base, but to take the pyramidal tent with us on the climb. we determined to carry the "mummery" to the top of the mountain to use while taking observations. the elevation of the base camp was 17,300 feet. we were surprised and pleased to find that at first we had good appetites and no soroche. less than a hundred yards from the wall tent was a small diurnal stream, fed by melting snow. whenever i went to get water for cooking or washing purposes i noticed a startling and rapid rise in pulse and increasing shortness of breath. my normal pulse is 70. after i walked slowly a hundred feet on a level at this altitude it rose to 120. after i had been seated awhile it dropped down to 100. gradually our sense of well-being departed and was followed by a feeling of malaise and general disability. there was a splendid sunset, but we were too sick and cold to enjoy it. that night all slept badly and had some headache. a high wind swept around the mountain and threatened to carry away both of our tents. as we lay awake, wondering at what moment we should find ourselves deserted by the frail canvas shelters, we could not help thinking that coropuna was giving us a fair warning of what might happen higher up. -----figure the base camp, coropuna, at 17,300 feet ----------figure camping at 18,450 feet on the slopes of coropuna -----for breakfast we had pemmican, hard-tack, pea soup and tea. we all wanted plenty of sugar in our tea and drank large quantities of it. experience on mt. mckinley had led tucker to believe heartily in the advantages of pemmican, a food especially prepared for arctic explorers. neither coello nor gamarra nor i had ever tasted it before. we decided that it is not very palatable on first acquaintance. although doubtless of great value when one has to spend long periods of time in the arctic, where even seal's blubber is a delicacy "as good as cow's cream," i presume we could have done just as well without it. it was decided to carry with us from the base enough fuel and supplies to last through any possible misadventure, even of a week's duration. accounts of climbs in the high andes are full of failures due to the necessity of the explorers' being obliged to return to food, warmth, and shelter before having effected the conquest of a new peak. one remembers the frequent disappointments that came to such intrepid climbers as whymper in ecuador, martin conway in bolivia and fitzgerald in chile and argentina, due to high winds, the sudden advent of terrific snowstorms and the weakness caused by soroche. at the cost of carrying extra-heavy loads we determined to try to avoid being obliged to turn back. we could only hope that no unforeseen event would finally defeat our efforts. tucker decided to establish a cache of food and fuel as far up the mountain side as he and coello could carry fifty pounds in a single day's climb. leaving me to reset the demoralized tents and do other chores, they started off, packing loads of about twenty-five pounds each. to me their progress up the mountain side seemed extraordinarily slow. were they never going to get anywhere? their frequent stops seemed ludicrous. i was to learn later that it is as difficult at a high elevation for one who is not climbing to have any sympathy for those suffering from soroche as it is for a sailor to appreciate the sensations of one who is seasick. during the morning i set up the barometers and took a series of observations. it was pleasant to note that the two new mountain aneroids registered exactly alike. all the different units of the cargo that was to be taken up the mountain then had to be weighed, so that they might be equitably distributed in our loads the following day. we had two small kerosene stoves with primus burners. our grub, ordered months before, specially for this climb, consisted of pemmican in 8 1/4-pound tins, kola chocolate in half-pound tins, seeded raisins in 1-pound tins, cube sugar in 4-pound tins, hard-tack in 6 1/2-pound tins, jam, sticks of dried pea soup, plasmon biscuit, tea, and a few of silver's self-heating "messtins" containing irish stew, beef à la mode, et al. corporal gamarra appeared during the day, having found his mule, which had strayed twelve miles down the canyon. he did not relish the prospect of climbing coropuna, but when he saw the warm clothes which we had provided for him and learned that he would get a bonus of five gold sovereigns on top of the mountain, he decided to accept his duties philosophically. tucker and coello returned in the middle of the afternoon, reported that there seemed to be no serious difficulties in the first part of the climb and that a cache had been established about 2000 feet above the base camp, on a snow field. tucker now assigned our packs for the morrow and skillfully prepared the tump-lines and harness with which we were to carry them. notwithstanding an unusual headache which lasted all day long, i still had some appetite. our supper consisted of pemmican pudding with raisins, hard-tack and pea soup, which every one was able to eat, if not to enjoy. that night we slept better, one reason being that the wind did not blow as hard as it had the night before. the weather continued fine. watkins was due to arrive from arequipa in a day or two, but we decided not to wait for him or run any further risk of encountering an early summer snowstorm. the next morning, after adjusting our fifty-pound loads to our unaccustomed backs, we left camp about nine o'clock. we wore appalachian mountain club snow-creepers, or crampons, heavy scotch mittens, knit woolen helmets, dark blue snow-glasses, and very heavy clothing. it will be remembered by visitors to the zermatt museum that the swiss guides who once climbed huascaran, in the northern peruvian andes, had been maimed for life by their experiences in the deep snows of those great altitudes. we determined to take no chances, and in order to prevent the possibility of frost-bite each man was ordered to put on four pairs of heavy woolen socks and two or three pairs of heavy underdrawers. professor coello and corporal gamarra wore large, heavy boots. i had woolen puttees and "arctic" overshoes. tucker improvised what he regarded as highly satisfactory sandals out of felt slippers and pieces of a rubber poncho. since there seemed to be no rock-climbing ahead of us, we decided to depend on crampons rather than on the heavy hob-nailed climbing boots with which alpinists are familiar. the snow was very hard until about one o'clock. by three o'clock it was so soft as to make further progress impossible. we found that, loaded as we were, we could not climb a gentle rise faster than twenty steps at a time. on the more level snow fields we took twenty-five or thirty steps before stopping to rest. at the end of each stint it seemed as though they would be the last steps we should ever take. panting violently, fatigued beyond belief, and overcome with mountain-sickness, we would stop and lean on our ice axes until able to take twenty-five steps more. it did not take very long to recover one's wind. finally we reached a glacier marked by a network of crevasses, none very wide, and nearly all covered with snow-bridges. we were roped together, and although there was an occasional fall no great strain was put on the rope. then came great snow fields with not a single crevasse. for the most part our day was simply an unending succession of stints--twenty-five steps and a rest, repeated four or five times and followed by thirty-five steps and a longer rest, taken lying down in the snow. we pegged along until about half-past two, when the rapidly melting snow stopped all progress. at an altitude of about 18,450 feet, the tucker tent was pitched on a fairly level snow field. we now noticed with dismay that the two big aneroids had begun to differ. as the sun declined the temperature fell rapidly. at half-past five the thermometer stood at 22° f. during the night the minimum thermometer registered 9° f. we noticed a considerable number of lightning flashes in the northeast. they were not accompanied by any thunder, but alarmed us considerably. we feared the expected november storms might be ahead of time. we closed the tent door on account of a biting wind. owing to the ventilating device at the top of the tent, we managed to breathe fairly well. mountain climbers at high altitudes have occasionally observed that one of the symptoms of acute soroche is a very annoying, racking cough, as violent as whooping cough and frequently accompanied by nausoa. we had not experienced this at 17,000 feet, but now it began to be painfully noticeable, and continued during the ensuing days and nights, particularly nights, until we got back to the indians' huts again. we slept very poorly and continually awakened one another by coughing. the next morning we had very little appetite, no ambition, and a miserable sense of malaise and great fatigue. there was nothing for it but to shoulder our packs, arrange our tump-lines, and proceed with the same steady drudgery--now a little harder than the day before. we broke camp at half-past seven and by noon had reached an altitude of about 20,000 feet, on a snow field within a mile of the saddle between the great truncated peak and the rest of the range. it looked possible to reach the summit in one more day's climb from here. the aneroids now differed by over five hundred feet. leaving me to pitch the tent, the others went back to the cache to bring up some of the supplies. due to the fact that we were carrying loads twice as heavy as those which tucker and coello had first brought up, we had not passed their cache until to-day. by the time my companions appeared again i was so completely rested that i marveled at the snail-like pace they made over the nearly level snow field. it seemed incredible that they should find it necessary to rest four times after they were within one hundred yards of the camp. we were none of us hungry that evening. we craved sweet tea. before turning in for the night we took the trouble to melt snow and make a potful of tea which could be warmed up the first thing in the morning. we passed another very bad night. the thermometer registered 7° f., but we did not suffer from the cold. in fact, when you stow away four men on the floor of a 7 by 7 tent they are obliged to sleep so close together as to keep warm. furthermore, each man had an eiderdown sleeping-bag, blankets, and plenty of heavy clothes and sweaters. we did, however, suffer from soroche. violent whooping cough assailed us at frequent intervals. none of us slept much. i amused myself by counting my pulse occasionally, only to find that it persistently refused to go below 120, and if i moved would jump up to 135. i don't know where it went on the actual climb. so far as i could determine, it did not go below 120 for four days and nights. on the morning of october 15th we got up at three o'clock. hot sweet tea was the one thing we all craved. the tea-pot was found to be frozen solid, although it had been hung up in the tent. it took an hour to thaw and the tea was just warm enough for practical purposes when i made an awkward move in the crowded tent and kicked over the tea-pot! never did men keep their tempers better under more aggravating circumstances. not a word of reproach or indignation greeted my clumsy accident, although poor corporal gamarra, who was lying on the down side of the tent, had to beat a hasty retreat into the colder (but somewhat drier) weather outside. my clumsiness necessitated a delay of nearly an hour in starting. while we were melting more frozen snow and re-making the tea, we warmed up some pea soup and irish stew. tucker and i managed to eat a little. coello and gamarra had no stomachs for anything but tea. we decided to leave the tucker tent at the 20,000 foot level, together with most of our outfit and provisions. from here to the top we were to carry only such things as were absolutely necessary. they included the mummery tent with pegs and poles, the mountain-mercurial barometer, the two watkins aneroids, the hypsometer, a pair of zeiss glasses, two 3a kodaks, six films, a sling psychrometer, a prismatic compass and clinometer, a stanley pocket level, an eighty-foot red-strand mountain rope, three ice axes, a seven-foot flagpole, an american flag and a yale flag. in order to avoid disaster in case of storm, we also carried four of silver's self-heating cans of irish stew and mock-turtle soup, a cake of chocolate, and eight hard-tack, besides raisins and cubes of sugar in our pockets. our loads weighed about twenty pounds each. to our great satisfaction and relief, the weather continued fine and there was very little wind. on the preceding afternoon the snow had been so soft one frequently went in over one's knees, but now everything was frozen hard. we left camp at five o'clock. it was still dark. the great dome of coropuna loomed up on our left, cut off from direct attack by gigantic ice falls. to reach it we must first surmount the saddle on the main ridge. from there an apparently unbroken slope extended to the top. our progress was distressingly slow, even with the light loads. when we reached the saddle there came a painful surprise. to the north of us loomed a great snowy cone, the peak which we had at first noticed from the chuquibamba calvario. now it actually looked higher than the dome we were about to climb! from the sihuas desert, eighty miles away, the dome had certainly seemed to be the highest point. so we stuck to our task, although constantly facing the possibility that our painful labors might be in vain and that eventually, this north peak would prove to be higher. we began to doubt whether we should have strength enough for both. loss of sleep, soroche, and lack of appetite were rapidly undermining our endurance. the last slope had an inclination of thirty degrees. we should have had to cut steps with our ice axes all the way up had it not been for our snow-creepers, which worked splendidly. as it was, not more than a dozen or fifteen steps actually had to be cut even in the steepest part. tucker was first on the rope, i was second, coello third, and gamarra brought up the rear. we were not a very gay party. the high altitude was sapping all our ambition. i found that an occasional lump of sugar acted as the best rapid restorative to sagging spirits. it was astonishing how quickly the carbon in the sugar was absorbed by the system and came to the relief of smoldering bodily fires. a single cube gave new strength and vigor for several minutes. of course, one could not eat sugar without limit, but it did help to tide over difficult places. we zigzagged slowly up, hour after hour, alternately resting and climbing, until we were about to reach what seemed to be the top, obviously, alas, not as high as our enemy to the north. just then tucker gave a great shout. the rest of us were too much out of breath to ask him why he was wasting his strength shouting. when at last we painfully came to the edge of what looked like the summit we saw the cause of his joy. there, immediately ahead of us, lay another slope three hundred feet higher than where we were standing. it may seem strange that in our weakened condition we should have been glad to find that we had three hundred feet more to climb. remember, however, that all the morning we had been gazing with dread at that aggravating north peak. whenever we had had a moment to give to the consideration of anything but the immediate difficulties of our climb our hearts had sunk within us at the thought that possibly, after all, we might find the north peak higher. the fact that there lay before us another three hundred feet, which would undoubtedly take us above the highest point of that aggravating north peak, was so very much the less of two possible evils that we understood tucker's shout. yet none of us was lusty enough to echo it. with faint smiles and renewed courage we pegged along, resting on our ice axes, as usual, every twenty-five steps until at last, at half-past eleven, after six hours and a half of climbing from the 20,000-foot camp, we reached the culminating point of coropuna. as we approached it, tucker, although naturally much elated at having successfully engineered the first ascent of this great mountain, stopped and with extraordinary courtesy and self-abnegation smilingly motioned me to go ahead in order that the director of the expedition might be actually the first person to reach the culminating point. in order to appreciate how great a sacrifice he was willing to make, it should be stated that his willingness to come on the expedition was due chiefly to a fondness for mountain climbing and his desire to add coropuna to his sheaf of victories. greatly as i appreciated his kindness in making way for me, i could only acquiesce in so far as to continue the climb by his side. we reached the top together, and sank down to rest and look about. -----figure the camp on the summit of coropuna elevation, 21,703 feet ----------figure one of the frequent rests in the ascent of coropuna -----the truncated summit is an oval-shaped snow field, almost flat, having an area of nearly half an acre, about 100 feet north and south and 175 feet east and west. if it once were, as we suppose, a volcanic crater, the pit had long since been filled up with snow and ice. there were no rocks to be seen on the rim--only the hard crust of the glistening white surface. the view from the top was desolate in the extreme. we were in the midst of a great volcanic desert dotted with isolated peaks covered with snow and occasional glaciers. not an atom of green was to be seen anywhere. apparently we stood on top of a dead world. mountain climbers in the andes have frequently spoken of seeing condors at great altitudes. we saw none. northwest, twenty miles away across the pampa colorada, a reddish desert, rose snow-capped solimana. in the other direction we looked along the range of coropuna itself; several of the lesser peaks being only a few hundred feet below our elevation. far to the southwest we imagined we could see the faint blue of the pacific ocean, but it was very dim. my father was an ardent mountain climber, glorying not only in the difficulties of the ascent, but particularly in the satisfaction coming from the magnificent view to be obtained at the top. his zeal had led him once, in winter, to ascend the highest peak in the pacific, mauna kea on hawaii. he taught me as a boy to be fond of climbing the mountains of oahu and maui and to be appreciative of the views which could be obtained by such expenditure of effort. yet now i could not take the least interest or pleasure in the view from the top of coropuna, nor could my companions. no sense of satisfaction in having attained a difficult objective cheered us up. we all felt greatly depressed and said little, although gamarra asked for his bonus and regarded the gold coins with grim complacency. after we had rested awhile we began to take observations. unslinging the aneroid which i had been carrying, i found to my surprise and dismay that the needle showed a height of only 21,525 feet above sea level. tucker's aneroid read more than a thousand feet higher, 22,550 feet, but even this fell short of raimondi's estimate of 22,775 feet, and considerably below bandelier's "23,000 feet." this was a keen disappointment, for we had hoped that the aneroids would at least show a margin over the altitude of mt. aconcagua, 22,763 feet. this discovery served to dampen our spirits still further. we took what comfort we could from the fact that the aneroids, which had checked each other perfectly up to 17,000 feet, were now so obviously untrustworthy. we could only hope that both might prove to be inaccurate, as actually happened, and that both might now be reading too low. anyhow, the north peak did look lower than we were. to satisfy any doubts on this subject, tucker took the wooden box in which we had brought the hypsometer, laid it on the snow, leveled it up carefully with the stanley pocket level, and took a squint over it toward the north peak. he smiled and said nothing. so each of us in turn lay down in the snow and took a squint. it was all right. we were at least 250 feet higher than that aggravating peak. we were also 450 feet higher than the east peak of coropuna, and a thousand feet higher than any other mountain in sight. at any rate, we should not have to call upon our fast-ebbing strength for any more hard climbs in the immediate future. after arriving at this satisfactory conclusion we pitched the little mummery tent, set up the tripod for the mercurial barometer, arranged the boiling point thermometer with its apparatus, and with the aid of kodaks and notebooks proceeded to take as many observations as possible in the next four hours. at two o'clock we read the mercurial, knowing that at the same hour readings were being made by watkins at the base camp and by the harvard astronomers in the observatory at arequipa. the barometer was suspended from a tripod set up in the shade of the tent. the mercury, which at sea level often stands at 31 inches, now stood at 13.838 inches. the temperature of the thermometer on the barometer was exactly +32° f. at the same time, inside the tent we got the water to boiling and took a reading with the hypsometer. water boils at sea level at a temperature of 212° f. here it boiled at 174° f. after taking the reading we greedily drank the water which had been heated for the hypsometer. we were thirsty enough to have drunk five times as much. we were not hungry, and made no use of our provisions except a few raisins, some sugar, and chocolate. after completing our observations, we fastened the little tent as securely as possible, banking the snow around it, and left it on top, first having placed in it one of the appalachian mountain club's brass record cylinders, in which we had sealed the yale flag, a contemporary map of peru, and two brief statements regarding the ascent. the american flag was left flying from a nine-foot pole, which we planted at the northwest rim of the dome, where it could be seen from the road to cotahuasi. here mr. casimir watkins saw it a week later and dr. isaiah bowman two weeks later. when chief topographer hendriksen arrived three weeks later to make his survey, it had disappeared. probably a severe storm had blown it over and buried it in the snow. we left the summit at three o'clock and arrived at the 20,000 foot camp two hours and fifteen minutes later. the first part of the way down to the saddle we attempted a glissade. then the slope grew steeper and we got up too much speed for comfort, so we finally had to be content with a slower method of locomotion. that night there was very little wind. mountain climbers have more to fear from excessively high winds than almost any other cause. we were very lucky. nothing occurred to interfere with the best progress we were physically capable of making. it turned out that we did not need to have brought so many supplies with us. in fact, it is an open question whether our acute mountain-sickness would have permitted us to outlast a long storm, or left us enough appetite to use the provisions. although one does get accustomed to high altitudes, we felt very doubtful. no one in the western hemisphere had ever made night camps at 20,000 feet or pitched a tent as high as the summit of coropuna. the severity of mountain-sickness differs greatly in different localities, apparently not depending entirely on the altitude. i do not know how long we could have stood it. it is difficult to believe that with strength enough to achieve the climb we should have felt as weak and ill as we did. that night, although we were very weary, none of us slept much. the violent whooping cough continued and all of us were nauseated again in the morning. we felt so badly and were able to take so little nourishment that it was determined to get to a lower altitude as fast as possible. to lighten our loads we left behind some of our supplies. we broke camp at 9:20. eighteen minutes later, without having to rest, the cache was reached and the few remnants were picked up. although many things had been abandoned, our loads seemed heavier than ever. we had some difficulty in negotiating the crevasses, but gamarra was the only one actually to fall in, and he was easily pulled out again. about noon we heard a faint halloo, and finally made out two animated specks far down the mountain side. the effect of again seeing somebody from the outside world was rather curious. i had a choking sensation. tucker, who led the way, told me long afterward that he could not keep the tears from running down his cheeks, although we did not see it at the time. the "specks" turned out to be watkins and an indian boy, who came up as high as was safe without ropes or crampons, and relieved us of some weight. the base camp was reached at half-past twelve. one of the first things tucker did on returning was to weigh all the packs. to my surprise and disgust i learned that on the way down tucker, afraid that some of us would collapse, had carried sixty-one pounds, and gamarra sixty-four, while he had given me only thirty-one pounds, and the same to coello. this, of course, does not include the weight of our ice-creepers, axes, or rope. the next day all of us felt very tired and drowsy. in fact, i was almost overcome with inertia. it was a fearful task even to lift one's hand. the sun had burned our faces terribly. our lips were painfully swollen. we coughed and whooped. it seemed best to make every effort to get back to a still lower altitude for the mules. so we broke camp, got the loads ready without waiting, put our sleeping-bags and blankets on our backs, and went rapidly down to the indians' huts. immediately our malaise left us. we felt physically stronger. we took deep breaths as though we had gotten back to sea level. there was no sensation of oppression on the chest. yet we were still actually higher than the top of pike's peak. we could move rapidly about without getting out of breath; the aggravating "whooping cough" left us; and our appetites returned. to be sure, we still suffered from the effects of snow and sun. on the ascent i had been very thirsty and foolishly had allowed myself to eat a considerable amount of snow. as a result my tongue was now so extremely sensitive that pieces of soda biscuit tasted like broken glass. corporal gamarra, who had been unwilling to keep his snow-glasses always in place and thought to relieve his eyes by frequently dispensing with them, now suffered from partial snow-blindness. the rest of us were spared any inflammation of the eyes. there followed two days of resting and waiting. then the smiling arrieros, surprised and delighted at seeing us alive again after our adventure with coropuna, arrived with our mules. the tejadas gave us hearty embraces and promptly went off up to the snow line to get the loads. the next day we returned to chuquibamba. in november chief topographer hendriksen completed his survey and found the latitude of coropuna to be 15° 31' south, and the longitude to be 72° 42' 40'' west of greenwich. he computed its altitude to be 21,703 feet above sea level. the result of comparing the readings of our mercurial barometer, taken at the summit, with the simultaneous readings taken at arequipa gave practically the same figures. there was less than sixty feet difference between the two. although coropuna proves to be thirteen hundred feet lower than bandelier's estimate, and a thousand feet lower than the highest mountain in south america, still it is a thousand feet higher than the highest mountain in north america. while we were glad we were the first to reach the top, we all agreed we would never do it again! chapter iii to parinacochas after a few days in the delightful climate of chuquibamba we set out for parinacochas, the "flamingo lake" of the incas. the late sir clements markham, literary and historical successor of the author of "the conquest of peru," had called attention to this unexplored lake in one of the publications of the royal geographical society, and had named a bathymetric survey of parinacochas as one of the principal desiderata for future exploration in peru. so far as one could judge from the published maps parinacochas, although much smaller than titicaca, was the largest body of water entirely in peru. a thorough search of geographical literature failed to reveal anything regarding its depth. the only thing that seemed to be known about it was that it had no outlet. general william miller, once british consul general in honolulu, who had as a young man assisted general san martin in the wars for the independence of chile and peru, published his memoirs in london in 1828. during the campaigns against the spanish forces in peru he had had occasion to see many out-of-the-way places in the interior. on one of his rough sketch maps he indicates the location of lake parinacochas and notes the fact that the water is "brackish." this statement of general miller's and the suggestion of sir clements markham that a bathymetric survey of the lake would be an important contribution to geographical knowledge was all that we were able to learn. our arrieros, the tejadas, had never been to parinacochas, but knew in a general way its location and were not afraid to try to get there. some of their friends had been there and come back alive! first, however, it was necessary for us to go to cotahuasi, the capital of the province of antabamba, and meet dr. bowman and mr. hendriksen, who had slowly been working their way across the andes from the urubamba valley, and who would need a new supply of food-boxes if they were to complete the geographical reconnaissance of the 73d meridian. our route led us out of the chuquibamba valley by a long, hard climb up the steep cliffs at its head and then over the gently sloping, semi-arid desert in a northerly direction, around the west flanks of coropuna. when we stopped to make camp that night on the pampa of chumpillo, our arrieros used dried moss and dung for fuel for the camp fire. there was some bunch-grass, and there were llamas pasturing on the plains. near our tent were some inca ruins, probably the dwelling of a shepherd chief, or possibly the remains of a temple described by cieza de leon (1519-1560), whose remarkable accounts of what he saw and learned in peru during the time of the pizarros are very highly regarded. he says that among the five most important temples in the land of the incas was one "much venerated and frequented by them, named coropuna." "it is on a very lofty mountain which is covered with snow both in summer and winter. the kings of peru visited this temple making presents and offerings .... it is held for certain [by treasure hunters!] that among the gifts offered to this temple there were many loads of silver, gold, and precious stones buried in places which are now unknown. the indians concealed another great sum which was for the service of the idol, and of the priests and virgins who attended upon it. but as there are great masses of snow, people do not ascend to the summit, nor is it known where these are hidden. this temple possessed many flocks, farms, and service of indians." no one lives here now, but there are many flocks and llamas, and not far away we saw ancient storehouses and burial places. that night we suffered from intense cold and were kept awake by the bitter wind which swept down from the snow fields of coropuna and shook the walls of our tent violently. the next day we crossed two small oases, little gulches watered from the melting snow of coropuna. here there was an abundance of peat and some small gnarled trees from which chuquibamba derives part of its fuel supply. we climbed slowly around the lower spurs of coropuna into a bleak desert wilderness of lava blocks and scoriaceous sand, the red desert, or pampa colorada. it is for the most part between 15,000 and 16,000 feet above sea level, and is bounded on the northwest by the canyon of the rio arma, 2000 feet deep, where we made our camp and passed a more agreeable night. the following morning we climbed out again on the farther side of the canyon and skirted the eastern slopes of mt. solimana. soon the trail turned abruptly to the left, away from our old friend coropuna. we wondered how long ago our mountain was an active volcano. to-day, less than two hundred miles south of here are live peaks, like el misti and ubinas, which still smolder occasionally and have been known in the memory of man to give forth great showers of cinders covering a wide area. possibly not so very long ago the great truncated peak of coropuna was formed by a last flickering of the ancient fires. dr. bowman says that the greater part of the vast accumulation of lavas and volcanic cinders in this vicinity goes far back to a period preceding the last glacial epoch. the enormous amount of erosion that has taken place in the adjacent canyons and the great numbers of strata, composed of lava flows, laid bare by the mighty streams of the glacial period all point to this conclusion. my saddle mule was one of those cantankerous beasts that are gentle enough as long as they are allowed to have their own way. in her case this meant that she was happy only when going along close to her friends in the caravan. if reined in, while i took some notes, she became very restive, finally whirling around, plunging and kicking. contrariwise, no amount of spurring or lashing with a stout quirt availed to make her go ahead of her comrades. this morning i was particularly anxious to get a picture of our pack train jogging steadily along over the desert, directly away from coropuna. since my mule would not gallop ahead, i had to dismount, run a couple of hundred yards ahead of the rapidly advancing animals and take the picture before they reached me. we were now at an elevation of 16,000 feet above sea level. yet to my surprise and delight i found that it was relatively as easy to run here as anywhere, so accustomed had my lungs and heart become to very rarefied air. had i attempted such a strenuous feat at a similar altitude before climbing coropuna it would have been physically impossible. any one who has tried to run two hundred yards at three miles above sea level will understand. we were still in a very arid region; mostly coarse black sand and pebbles, with typical desert shrubs and occasional bunches of tough grass. the slopes of mt. solimana on our left were fairly well covered with sparse vegetation. among the bushes we saw a number of vicuñas, the smallest wild camels of the new world. we tried in vain to get near enough for a photograph. they were extremely timid and scampered away before we were within three hundred yards. seven or eight miles more of very gradual downward slope brought us suddenly and unexpectedly to the brink of a magnificent canyon, the densely populated valley of cotahuasi. the walls of the canyon were covered with innumerable terraces--thousands of them. it seemed at first glance as though every available spot in the canyon had been either terraced or allotted to some compact little village. one could count more than a score of towns, including cotahuasi itself, its long main street outlined by whitewashed houses. as we zigzagged down into the canyon our road led us past hundreds of the artificial terraces and through little villages of thatched huts huddled together on spurs rescued from the all-embracing agriculture. after spending several weeks in a desert region, where only the narrow valley bottoms showed any signs of cultivation, it seemed marvelous to observe the extent to which terracing had been carried on the side of the cotahuasi valley. although we were now in the zone of light annual rains, it was evident from the extraordinary irrigation system that agriculture here depends very largely on ability to bring water down from the great mountains in the interior. most of the terraces and irrigation canals were built centuries ago, long before the discovery of america. no part of the ancient civilization of peru has been more admired than the development of agriculture. mr. cook says that there is no part of the world in which more pains have been taken to raise crops where nature made it hard for them to be planted. in other countries, to be sure, we find reclamation projects, where irrigation canals serve to bring water long distances to be used on arid but fruitful soil. we also find great fertilizer factories turning out, according to proper chemical formula, the needed constituents to furnish impoverished soils with the necessary materials for plant growth. we find man overcoming many obstacles in the way of transportation, in order to reach great regions where nature has provided fertile fields and made it easy to raise life-giving crops. nowhere outside of peru, either in historic or prehistoric times, does one find farmers spending incredible amounts of labor in actually creating arable fields, besides bringing the water to irrigate them and the guano to fertilize them; yet that is what was done by the ancient highlanders of peru. as they spread over a country in which the arable flat land was usually at so great an elevation as to be suitable for only the hardiest of root crops, like the white potato and the oca, they were driven to use narrow valley bottoms and steep, though fertile, slopes in order to raise the precious maize and many of the other temperate and tropical plants which they domesticated for food and medicinal purposes. they were constantly confronted by an extraordinary scarcity of soil. in the valley bottoms torrential rivers, meandering from side to side, were engaged in an endless endeavor to tear away the arable land and bear it off to the sea. the slopes of the valleys were frequently so very steep as to discourage the most ardent modern agriculturalist. the farmer might wake up any morning to find that a heavy rain during the night had washed away a large part of his carefully planted fields. consequently there was developed, through the centuries, a series of stone-faced andenes, terraces or platforms. examination of the ancient andenes discloses the fact that they were not made by simply hoeing in the earth from the hillside back of a carefully constructed stone wall. the space back of the walls was first filled in with coarse rocks, clay, and rubble; then followed smaller rocks, pebbles, and gravel, which would serve to drain the subsoil. finally, on top of all this, and to a depth of eighteen inches or so, was laid the finest soil they could procure. the result was the best possible field for intensive cultivation. it seems absolutely unbelievable that such an immense amount of pains should have been taken for such relatively small results. the need must have been very great. in many cases the terraces are only a few feet wide, although hundreds of yards in length. usually they follow the natural contours of the valley. sometimes they are two hundred yards wide and a quarter of a mile long. to-day corn, barley, and alfalfa are grown on the terraces. cotahuasi itself lies in the bottom of the valley, a pleasant place where one can purchase the most fragrant and highly prized of all peruvian wines. the climate is agreeable, and has attracted many landlords, whose estates lie chiefly on the bleak plateaus of the surrounding highlands, where shepherds tend flocks of llamas, sheep, and alpacas. we were cordially welcomed by señor viscarra, the sub-prefect, and invited to stay at his house. he was a stranger to the locality, and, as the visible representative of a powerful and far-away central government, was none too popular with some of the people of his province. very few residents of a provincial capital like cotahuasi have ever been to lima;--probably not a single member of the lima government had ever been to cotahuasi. consequently one could not expect to find much sympathy between the two. the difficulties of traveling in peru are so great as to discourage pleasure trips. with our letters of introduction and the telegrams that had preceded us from the prefect at arequipa, we were known to be friends of the government and so were doubly welcome to the sub-prefect. by nature a kind and generous man, of more than usual education and intelligence, señor viscarra showed himself most courteous and hospitable to us in every particular. in our honor he called together his friends. they brought pictures of theodore roosevelt and elihu root, and made a large american flag; a courtesy we deeply appreciated, even if the flag did have only thirty-six stars. finally, they gave us a splendid banquet as a tribute of friendship for america. one day the sub-prefect offered to have his personal barber attend us. it was some time since mr. tucker and i had seen a barber-shop. the chances were that we should find none at parinacochas. consequently we accepted with pleasure. when the barber arrived, closely guarded by a gendarme armed with a loaded rifle, we learned that he was a convict from the local jail! i did not like to ask the nature of his crime, but he looked like a murderer. when he unwrapped an ancient pair of clippers from an unspeakably soiled and oily rag, i wished i was in a position to decline to place myself under his ministrations. the sub-prefect, however, had been so kind and was so apologetic as to the inconveniences of the "barber-shop" that there was nothing for it but to go bravely forward. although it was unpleasant to have one's hair trimmed by an uncertain pair of rusty clippers, i could not help experiencing a feeling of relief that the convict did not have a pair of shears. he was working too near my jugular vein. finally the period of torture came to an end, and the prisoner accepted his fees with a profound salutation. we breathed sighs of relief, not unmixed with sympathy, as we saw him marched safely away by the gendarme. we had arrived in cotahuasi almost simultaneously with dr. bowman and topographer hendriksen. they had encountered extraordinary difficulties in carrying out the reconnaissance of the 73d meridian, but were now past the worst of it. their supplies were exhausted, so those which we had brought from arequipa were doubly welcome. mr. watkins was assigned to assist mr. hendriksen and a few days later dr. bowman started south to study the geology and geography of the desert. he took with him as escort corporal gamarra, who was only too glad to escape from the machinations of his enemies. it will be remembered that it was gamarra who had successfully defended the cotahuasi barracks and jail at the time of a revolutionary riot which occurred some months previous to our visit. the sub-prefect accompanied dr. bowman out of town. for gamarra's sake they left the house at three o'clock in the morning and our generous host agreed to ride with them until daybreak. in his important monograph, "the andes of southern peru," dr. bowman writes: "at four o'clock our whispered arrangements were made. we opened the gates noiselessly and our small cavalcade hurried through the pitch-black streets of the town. the soldier rode ahead, his rifle across his saddle, and directly behind him rode the sub-prefect and myself. the pack mules were in the rear. we had almost reached the end of the street when a door opened suddenly and a shower of sparks flew out ahead of us. instantly the soldier struck spurs into his mule and turned into a side street. the sub-prefect drew his horse back savagely, and when the next shower of sparks flew out pushed me against the wall and whispered, 'for god's sake, who is it?' then suddenly he shouted. 'stop blowing! stop blowing!' " the cause of all the disturbance was a shabby, hard-working tailor who had gotten up at this unearthly hour to start his day's work by pressing clothes for some insistent customer. he had in his hand an ancient smoothing-iron filled with live coals, on which he had been vigorously blowing. hence the sparks! that a penitent tailor and his ancient goose should have been able to cause such terrific excitement at that hour in the morning would have interested our own oliver wendell holmes, who was fond of referring to this picturesque apparatus and who might have written an appropriate essay on the goose that startled the soldier of cotahuasi; with particular reference to his being a possible namesake of the geese that aroused the soldiers of ancient rome. -----figure the sub-perfect of cotahuasi, his military aide, and messrs. tucker, hendriksen, bowman, and bingham inspecting the local rug-weaving industry. -----the most unusual industry of cotahuasi is the weaving of rugs and carpets on vertical hand looms. the local carpet weavers make the warp and woof of woolen yarn in which loops of alpaca wool, black, gray, or white, are inserted to form the desired pattern. the loops are cut so as to form a deep pile. the result is a delightfully thick, warm, gray rug. ordinarily the native peruvian rug has no pile. probably the industry was brought from europe by some spaniard centuries ago. it seems to be restricted to this remote region. the rug makers are a small group of indians who live outside the town but who carry their hand looms from house to house, as required. it is the custom for the person who desires a rug to buy the wool, supply the pattern, furnish the weaver with board, lodging, coca, tobacco and wine, and watch the rug grow from day to day under the shelter of his own roof. the rug weavers are very clever in copying new patterns. through the courtesy of señor viscarra we eventually received several small rugs, woven especially for us from monogram designs drawn by mr. hendriksen. early one morning in november we said good-bye to our friendly host, and, directed by a picturesque old guide who said he knew the road to parinacochas, we left cotahuasi. the highway crossed the neighboring stream on a treacherous-looking bridge, the central pier of which was built of the crudest kind of masonry piled on top of a gigantic boulder in midstream. the main arch of the bridge consisted of two long logs across which had been thrown a quantity of brush held down by earth and stones. there was no rail on either side, but our mules had crossed bridges of this type before and made little trouble. on the northern side of the valley we rode through a compact little town called mungi and began to climb out of the canyon, passing hundreds of very fine artificial terraces, at present used for crops of maize and barley. in one place our road led us by a little waterfall, an altogether surprising and unexpected phenomenon in this arid region. investigation, however, proved that it was artificial, as well as the fields. its presence may be due to a temporary connection between the upper and lower levels of ancient irrigation canals. hour after hour our pack train painfully climbed the narrow, rocky zigzag trail. the climate is favorable for agriculture. wherever the sides of the canyon were not absolutely precipitous, stone-faced terraces and irrigation had transformed them long ago into arable fields. four thousand feet above the valley floor we came to a very fine series of beautiful terraces. on a shelf near the top of the canyon we pitched our tent near some rough stone corrals used by shepherds whose flocks grazed on the lofty plateau beyond, and near a tiny brook, which was partly frozen over the next morning. our camp was at an elevation of 14,500 feet above the sea. near by were turreted rocks, curious results of wind-and-sand erosion. the next day we entered a region of mountain pastures. we passed occasional swamps and little pools of snow water. from one of these we turned and looked back across the great cotahuasi canyon, to the glaciers of solimana and snow-clad coropuna, now growing fainter and fainter as we went toward parinacochas. at an altitude of 16,500 feet we struck across a great barren plateau covered with rocks and sand--hardly a living thing in sight. in the midst of it we came to a beautiful lake, but it was not parinacochas. on the plateau it was intensely cold. occasionally i dismounted and jogged along beside my mule in order to keep warm. again i noticed that as the result of my experiences on coropuna i suffered no discomfort, nor any symptoms of mountain-sickness, even after trotting steadily for four or five hundred yards. in the afternoon we began to descend from the plateau toward lampa and found ourselves in the pasture lands of ajochiucha, where ichu grass and other little foliage plants, watered by rain and snow, furnish forage for large flocks of sheep, llamas, and alpacas. their owners live in the cultivated valleys, but the indian herdsmen must face the storms and piercing winds of the high pastures. alpacas are usually timid. on this occasion, however, possibly because they were thirsty and were seeking water holes in the upper courses of a little swale, they stopped and allowed me to observe them closely. the fleece of the alpaca is one of the softest in the world. however, due to the fact that shrewd tradesmen, finding that the fabric manufactured from alpaca wool was highly desired, many years ago gave the name to a far cheaper fabric, the "alpaca" of commerce, a material used for coat linings, umbrellas, and thin, warm-weather coats, is a fabric of cotton and wool, with a hard surface, and generally dyed black. it usually contains no real alpaca wool at all, and is fairly cheap. the real alpaca wool which comes into the market to-day is not so called. long and silky, straighter than the sheep's wool, it is strong, small of fiber, very soft, pliable and elastic. it is capable of being woven into fabrics of great beauty and comfort. many of the silky, fluffy, knitted garments that command the highest prices for winter wear, and which are called by various names, such as "vicuña," "camel's hair," etc., are really made of alpaca. the alpaca, like its cousin, the llama, was probably domesticated by the early peruvians from the wild guanaco, largest of the camels of the new world. the guanaco still exists in a wild state and is always of uniform coloration. llamas and alpacas are extremely variegated. the llama has so coarse a hair that it is seldom woven into cloth for wearing apparel, although heavy blankets made from it are in use by the natives. bred to be a beast of burden, the llama is accustomed to the presence of strangers and is not any more timid of them than our horses and cows. the alpaca, however, requiring better and scarcer forage--short, tender grass and plenty of water--frequents the most remote and lofty of the mountain pastures, is handled only when the fleece is removed, seldom sees any one except the peaceful shepherds, and is extremely shy of strangers, although not nearly as timid as its distant cousin the vicuña. i shall never forget the first time i ever saw some alpacas. they looked for all the world like the "woolly-dogs" of our toys shops--woolly along the neck right up to the eyes and woolly along the legs right down to the invisible wheels! there was something inexpressibly comic about these long-legged animals. they look like toys on wheels, but actually they can gallop like cows. the llama, with far less hair on head, neck, and legs, is also amusing, but in a different way. his expression is haughty and supercilious in the extreme. he usually looks as though his presence near one is due to circumstances over which he really had no control. pride of race and excessive haughtiness lead him to carry his head so high and his neck so stiffly erect that he can be corralled, with others of his kind, by a single rope passed around the necks of the entire group. yet he can be bought for ten dollars. on the pasture lands of ajochiucha there were many ewes and lambs, both of llamas and alpacas. even the shepherds were mostly children, more timid than their charges. they crouched inconspicuously behind rocks and shrubs, endeavoring to escape our notice. about five o'clock in the afternoon, on a dry pampa, we found the ruins of one of the largest known inca storehouses, chichipampa, an interesting reminder of the days when benevolent despots ruled the andes and, like the pharaohs of old, provided against possible famine. the locality is not occupied, yet near by are populous valleys. as soon as we left our camp the next morning, we came abruptly to the edge of the lampa valley. this was another of the mile-deep canyons so characteristic of this region. our pack mules grunted and groaned as they picked their way down the corkscrew trail. it overhangs the mud-colored indian town of colta, a rather scattered collection of a hundred or more huts. here again, as in the cotahuasi valley, are hundreds of ancient terraces, extending for thousands of feet up the sides of the canyon. many of them were badly out of repair, but those near colta were still being used for raising crops of corn, potatoes, and barley. the uncultivated spots were covered with cacti, thorn bushes, and the gnarled, stunted trees of a semi-arid region. in the town itself were half a dozen specimens of the australian eucalyptus, that agreeable and extraordinarily successful colonist which one encounters not only in the heart of peru, but in the andes of colombia and the new forest preserves of california and the hawaiian islands. -----figure inca storehouses at chinchipampa, near colta -----colta has a few two-storied houses, with tiled roofs. some of them have open verandas on the second floor--a sure indication that the climate is at times comfortable. their walls are built of sun-dried adobe, and so are the walls of the little grass-thatched huts of the majority. judging by the rather irregular plan of the streets and the great number of terraces in and around town, one may conclude that colta goes far back of the sixteenth century and the days of the spanish conquest, as indeed do most peruvian towns. the cities of lima and arequipa are noteworthy exceptions. leaving colta, we wound around the base of the projecting ridge, on the sides of which were many evidences of ancient culture, and came into the valley of huancahuanca, a large arid canyon. the guide said that we were nearing parinacochas. not many miles away, across two canyons, was a snow-capped peak, sarasara. lampa, the chief town in the huancahuanca canyon, lies on a great natural terrace of gravel and alluvium more than a thousand feet above the river. part of the terrace seemed to be irrigated and under cultivation. it was proposed by the energetic farmers at the time of our visit to enlarge the system of irrigation so as to enable them to cultivate a larger part of the pampa on which they lived. in fact, the new irrigation scheme was actually in process of being carried out and has probably long since been completed. our reception in lampa was not cordial. it will be remembered that our military escort, corporal gamarra, had gone back to arequipa with dr. bowman. our two excellent arrieros, the tejada brothers, declared they preferred to travel without any "brass buttons," so we had not asked the sub-prefect of cotahuasi to send one of his small handful of gendarmes along with us. probably this was a mistake. unless one is traveling in peru on some easily understood matter, such as prospecting for mines or representing one of the great importing and commission houses, or actually peddling goods, one cannot help arousing the natural suspicions of a people to whom traveling on muleback for pleasure is unthinkable, and scientific exploration for its own sake is incomprehensible. of course, if the explorers arrive accompanied by a gendarme it is perfectly evident that the enterprise has the approval and probably the financial backing of the government. it is surmised that the explorers are well paid, and what would be otherwise inconceivable becomes merely one of the ordinary experiences of life. south american governments almost without exception are paternalistic, and their citizens are led to expect that all measures connected with research, whether it be scientific, economic, or social, are to be conducted by the government and paid for out of the national treasury. individual enterprise is not encouraged. during all my preceding exploration in peru i had had such an easy time that i not only forgot, but failed to realize, how often an ever-present gendarme, provided through the courtesy of president leguia's government, had quieted suspicions and assured us a cordial welcome. now, however, when without a gendarme we entered the smart little town of lampa, we found ourselves immediately and unquestionably the objects of extreme suspicion and distrust. yet we could not help admiring the well-swept streets, freshly whitewashed houses, and general air of prosperity and enterprise. the gobernador of the town lived on the main street in a red-tiled house, whose courtyard and colonnade were probably two hundred years old. he had heard nothing of our undertaking from the government. his friends urged him to take some hostile action. fortunately, our arrieros, respectable men of high grade, although strangers in lampa, were able to allay his suspicions temporarily. we were not placed under arrest, although i am sure his action was not approved by the very suspicious town councilors, who found it far easier to suggest reasons for our being fugitives from justice than to understand the real object of our journey. the very fact that we were bound for lake parinacochas, a place well known in lampa, added to their suspicion. it seems that lampa is famous for its weavers, who utilize the wool of the countless herds of sheep, alpacas, and vicuñas in this vicinity to make ponchos and blankets of high grade, much desired not only in this locality but even in arequipa. these are marketed, as so often happens in the outlying parts of the world, at a great annual fair, attended by traders who come hundreds of miles, bringing the manufactured articles of the outer world and seeking the highly desired products of these secluded towns. the great fair for this vicinity has been held, for untold generations, on the shores of lake parinacochas. every one is anxious to attend the fair, which is an occasion for seeing one's friends, an opportunity for jollification, carousing, and general enjoyment--like a large county fair at home. except for this annual fair week, the basin of parinacochas is as bleak and desolate as our own fair-grounds, with scarcely a house to be seen except those that are used for the purposes of the fair. had we been bound for parinacochas at the proper season nothing could have been more reasonable and praiseworthy. why anybody should want to go to parinacochas during one of the other fifty-one weeks in the year was utterly beyond the comprehension or understanding of these village worthies. so, to our "selectmen," are the idiosyncrasies of itinerant gypsies who wish to camp in our deserted fair-grounds. the tejadas were not anxious to spend the night in town--probably because, according to our contract, the cost of feeding the mules devolved entirely upon them and fodder is always far more expensive in town than in the country. it was just as well for us that this was so, for i am sure that before morning the village gossips would have persuaded the gobernador to arrest us. as it was, however, he was pleasant and hospitable, and considerably amused at the embarrassment of an indian woman who was weaving at a hand loom in his courtyard and whom we desired to photograph. she could not easily escape, for she was sitting on the ground with one end of the loom fastened around her waist, the other end tied to a eucalyptus tree. so she covered her eyes and mouth with her hands, and almost wept with mortification at our strange procedure. peruvian indian women are invariably extremely shy, rarely like to be photographed, and are anxious only to escape observation and notice. the ladies of the gobernador's own family, however, of mixed spanish and indian ancestry, not only had no objection to being photographed, but were moved to unseemly and unsympathetic laughter at the predicament of their unfortunate sister. after leaving lampa we found ourselves on the best road that we had seen in a long time. its excellence was undoubtedly due to the enterprise and energy of the people of this pleasant town. one might expect that citizens who kept their town so clean and neat and were engaged in the unusual act of constructing new irrigation works would have a comfortable road in the direction toward which they usually would wish to go, namely, toward the coast. as we climbed out of the huancahuanca valley we noticed no evidences of ancient agricultural terraces, either on the sides of the valley or on the alluvial plain which has given rise to the town of lampa and whose products have made its people well fed and energetic. the town itself seems to be of modern origin. one wonders why there are so few, if any, evidences of the ancient régime when there are so many a short distance away in colta and the valley around it. one cannot believe that the incas would have overlooked such a fine agricultural opportunity as an extensive alluvial terrace in a region where there is so little arable land. possibly the very excellence of the land and its relative flatness rendered artificial terracing unnecessary in the minds of the ancient people who lived here. on the other hand, it may have been occupied until late inca times by one of the coast tribes. whatever the cause, certainly the deep canyon of huancahuanca divides two very different regions. to come in a few hours, from thickly terraced colta to unterraced lampa was so striking as to give us cause for thought and speculation. it is well known that in the early days before the inca conquest of peru, not so very long before the spanish conquest, there were marked differences between the tribes who inhabited the high plateau and those who lived along the shore of the pacific. their pottery is as different as possible in design and ornamentation; the architecture of their cities and temples is absolutely distinct. relative abundance of flat lands never led them to develop terracing to the same extent that the mountain people had done. perhaps on this alluvial terrace there lived a remnant of the coastal peoples. excavation would show. scarcely had we climbed out of the valley of huancahuanca and surmounted the ridge when we came in sight of more artificial terraces. beyond a broad, deep valley rose the extinct volcanic cone of mt. sarasara, now relatively close at hand, its lower slopes separated from us by another canyon. snow lay in the gulches and ravines near the top of the mountain. our road ran near the towns of pararca and colcabamba, the latter much like colta, a straggling village of thatched huts surrounded by hundreds of terraces. the vegetation on the valley slopes indicated occasional rains. near pararca we passed fields of barley and wheat growing on old stone-faced terraces. on every hand were signs of a fairly large population engaged in agriculture, utilizing fields which had been carefully prepared for them by their ancestors. they were not using all, however. we noticed hundreds of terraces that did not appear to have been under cultivation recently. they may have been lying fallow temporarily. our arrieros avoided the little towns, and selected a camp site on the roadside near the finca rodadero. after all, when one has a comfortable tent, good food, and skillful arrieros it is far pleasanter to spend the night in the clean, open country, even at an elevation of 12,000 or 13,000 feet, than to be surrounded by the smells and noises of an indian town. the next morning we went through some wheat fields, past the town of puyusca, another large indian village of thatched adobe houses placed high on the shoulder of a rocky hill so as to leave the best arable land available for agriculture. it is in a shallow, well-watered valley, full of springs. the appearance of the country had changed entirely since we left cotahuasi. the desert and its steep-walled canyons seemed to be far behind us. here was a region of gently sloping hills, covered with terraces, where the cereals of the temperate zone appeared to be easily grown. finally, leaving the grain fields, we climbed up to a shallow depression in the low range at the head of the valley and found ourselves on the rim of a great upland basin more than twenty miles across. in the center of the basin was a large, oval lake. its borders were pink. the water in most of the lake was dark blue, but near the shore the water was pink, a light salmon-pink. what could give it such a curious color? nothing but flamingoes, countless thousands of flamingoes--parinacochas at last! chapter iv flamingo lake the parinacochas basin is at an elevation of between 11,500 and 12,000 feet above sea level. it is about 150 miles northwest of arequipa and 170 miles southwest of cuzco, and enjoys a fair amount of rainfall. the lake is fed by springs and small streams. in past geological times the lake, then very much larger, had an outlet not far from the town of puyusca. at present parinacochas has no visible outlet. it is possible that the large springs which we noticed as we came up the valley by puyusca may be fed from the lake. on the other hand, we found numerous small springs on the very borders of the lake, generally occurring in swampy hillocks--built up perhaps by mineral deposits--three or four feet higher than the surrounding plain. there are very old beach marks well above the shore. the natives told us that in the wet season the lake was considerably higher than at present, although we could find no recent evidence to indicate that it had been much more than a foot above its present level. nevertheless a rise of a foot would enlarge the area of the lake considerably. when making preparations in new haven for the "bathymetric survey of lake parinacochas," suggested by sir clements markham, we found it impossible to discover any indication in geographical literature as to whether the depth of the lake might be ten feet or ten thousand feet. we decided to take a chance on its not being more than ten hundred feet. with the kind assistance of mr. george bassett, i secured a thousand feet of stout fish line, known to anglers as "24 thread," wound on a large wooden reel for convenience in handling. while we were at chuquibamba mr. watkins had spent many weary hours inserting one hundred and sixty-six white and red cloth markers at six-foot intervals in the strands of this heavy line, so that we might be able more rapidly to determine the result in fathoms. arrived at a low peninsula on the north shore of the lake, tucker and i pitched our camp, sent our mules back to puyusca for fodder, and set up the acme folding boat, which we had brought so many miles on muleback, for the sounding operations. the "acme" proved easy to assemble, although this was our first experience with it. its lightness enabled it to be floated at the edge of the lake even in very shallow water, and its rigidity was much appreciated in the late afternoon when the high winds raised a vicious little "sea." rowing out on waters which we were told by the natives had never before been navigated by craft of any kind, i began to take soundings. lake titicaca is over nine hundred feet deep. it would be aggravating if lake parinacochas should prove to be over a thousand, for i had brought no extra line. even nine hundred feet would make sounding slow work, and the lake covered an area of over seventy square miles. it was with mixed feelings of trepidation and expectation that i rowed out five miles from shore and made a sounding. holding the large reel firmly in both hands, i cast the lead overboard. the reel gave a turn or two and stopped. something was wrong. the line did not run out. was the reel stuck? no, the apparatus was in perfect running order. then what was the matter? the bottom was too near! alas for all the pains that mr. bassett had taken to put a thousand feet of the best strong 24-thread line on one reel! alas for mr. watkins and his patient insertion of one hundred and sixty-six "fathom-markers"! the bottom of the lake was only four feet away from the bottom of my boat! after three or four days of strenuous rowing up and down the eighteen miles of the lake's length, and back and forth across the seventeen miles of its width, i never succeeded in wetting watkins's first marker! several hundred soundings failed to show more than five feet of water anywhere. possibly if we had come in the rainy season we might at least have wet one marker, but at the time of our visit (november, 1911), the lake had a maximum depth of 4 1/2 feet. the satisfaction of making this slight contribution to geographic knowledge was, i fear, lost in the chagrin of not finding a really noteworthy body of water. who would have thought that so long a lake could be so shallow? however, my feelings were soothed by remembering the story of the captain of a man-of-war who was once told that the salt lake near one of the red hills between honolulu and pearl harbor was reported by the natives to be "bottomless." he ordered one of the ship's heavy boats to be carried from the shore several miles inland to the salt lake, at great expenditure of strength and labor. the story told me in my boyhood does not say how much sounding line was brought. anyhow, they found this "fathomless" body of water to be not more than fifteen feet deep. notwithstanding my disappointment at the depth of parinacochas, i was very glad that we had brought the little folding boat, for it enabled me to float gently about among the myriads of birds which use the shallow waters of the lake as a favorite feeding ground; pink flamingoes, white gulls, small "divers," large black ducks, sandpipers, black ibis, teal ducks, and large geese. on the banks were ground owls and woodpeckers. it is not surprising that the natives should have named this body of water "parinacochas" (parina = "flamingo," cochas = "lake"). the flamingoes are here in incredible multitudes; they far outnumber all other birds, and as i have said, actually make the shallow waters of the lake look pink. fortunately they had not been hunted for their plumage and were not timid. after two days of familiarity with the boat they were willing to let me approach within twenty yards before finally taking wing. the coloring, in this land of drab grays and browns, was a delight to the eye. the head is white, the beak black, the neck white shading into salmon-pink; the body pinkish white on the back, the breast white, and the tail salmon-pink. the wings are salmon-pink in front, but the tips and the under-parts are black. as they stand or wade in the water their general appearance is chiefly pink-and-white. when they rise from the water, however, the black under-parts of the wings become strikingly conspicuous and cause a flock of flying flamingoes to be a wonderful contrast in black-and-white. when flying, the flamingo seems to keep his head moving steadily forward at an even pace, although the ropelike neck undulates with the slow beating of the wings. i could not be sure that it was not an optical delusion. nevertheless, i thought the heavy body was propelled irregularly, while the head moved forward at uniform speed, the difference being caught up in the undulations of the neck. -----figure flamingos on lake parinacochas, and mt. sarasara -----the flamingo is an amusing bird to watch. with its haughty roman nose and long, ropelike neck, which it coils and twists in a most incredible manner, it seems specially intended to distract one's mind from bathymetric disappointments. its hoarse croaking, "what is it," "what is it," seemed to express deep-throated sympathy with the sounding operations. on one bright moonlight night the flamingoes were very noisy, keeping up a continual clatter of very hoarse "what-is-it's." apparently they failed to find out the answer in time to go to bed at the proper time, for next morning we found them all sound asleep, standing in quiet bays with their heads tucked under their wings. during the course of the forenoon, when the water was quiet, they waded far out into the lake. in the afternoon, as winds and waves arose, they came in nearer the shores, but seldom left the water. the great extent of shallow water in parinacochas offers them a splendid, wide feeding ground. we wondered where they all came from. apparently they do not breed here. although there were thousands and thousands of birds, we could find no flamingo nests, either old or new, search as we would. it offers a most interesting problem for some enterprising biological explorer. probably mr. frank chapman will some day solve it. next in number to the flamingoes were the beautiful white gulls (or terns?), looking strangely out of place in this andean lake 11,500 feet above the sea. they usually kept together in flocks of several hundred. there were quantities of small black divers in the deeper parts of the lake where the flamingoes did not go. the divers were very quick and keen, true individualists operating alone and showing astonishing ability in swimming long distances under water. the large black ducks were much more fearless than the flamingoes and were willing to swim very near the canoe. when frightened, they raced over the water at a tremendous pace, using both wings and feet in their efforts to escape. these ducks kept in large flocks and were about as common as the small divers. here and there in the lake were a few tiny little islands, each containing a single deserted nest, possibly belonging to an ibis or a duck. in the banks of a low stream near our first camp were holes made by woodpeckers, who in this country look in vain for trees and telegraph poles. occasionally, a mile or so from shore, my boat would startle a great amphibious ox standing in the water up to his middle, calmly eating the succulent water grass. to secure it he had to plunge his head and neck well under the surface. while i was raising blisters and frightening oxen and flamingoes, mr. tucker triangulated the parinacochas basin, making the first accurate map of this vicinity. as he carried his theodolite from point to point he often stirred up little ground owls, who gazed at him with solemn, reproachful looks. and they were not the only individuals to regard his activities with suspicion and dislike. part of my work was to construct signal stations by piling rocks at conspicuous points on the well-rounded hills so as to enable the triangulation to proceed as rapidly as possible. during the night some of these signal stations would disappear, torn down by the superstitious shepherds who lived in scattered clusters of huts and declined to have strange gods set up in their vicinity. perhaps they thought their pastures were being preempted. we saw hundreds of their sheep and cattle feeding on flat lands formerly the bed of the lake. the hills of the parinacochas basin are bare of trees, and offer some pasturage. in some places they are covered with broken rock. the grass was kept closely cropped by the degenerate descendants of sheep brought into the country during spanish colonial days. they were small in size and mostly white in color, although there were many black ones. we were told that the sheep were worth about fifty cents apiece here. on our first arrival at parinacochas we were left severely alone by the shepherds; but two days later curiosity slowly overcame their shyness, and a group of young shepherds and shepherdesses gradually brought their grazing flocks nearer and nearer the camp, in order to gaze stealthily on these strange visitors, who lived in a cloth house, actually moved over the forbidding waters of the lake, and busied themselves from day to day with strange magic, raising and lowering a glittering glass eye on a tripod. the women wore dresses of heavy material, the skirts reaching halfway from knee to ankle. in lieu of hats they had small variegated shawls, made on hand looms, folded so as to make a pointed bonnet over the head and protect the neck and shoulders from sun and wind. each woman was busily spinning with a hand spindle, but carried her baby and its gear and blankets in a hammock or sling attached to a tump-line that went over her head. these sling carry-alls were neatly woven of soft wool and decorated with attractive patterns. both women and boys were barefooted. the boys wore old felt hats of native manufacture, and coats and long trousers much too large for them. at one end of the upland basin rises the graceful cone of mt. sarasara. the view of its snow-capped peak reflected in the glassy waters of the lake in the early morning was one long to be remembered. sarasara must once have been much higher than it is at present. its volcanic cone has been sharply eroded by snow and ice. in the days of its greater altitude, and consequently wider snow fields, the melting snows probably served to make parinacochas a very much larger body of water. although we were here at the beginning of summer, the wind that came down from the mountain at night was very cold. our minimum thermometer registered 22° f. near the banks of the lake at night. nevertheless, there was only a very thin film of ice on the borders of the lake in the morning, and except in the most shallow bays there was no ice visible far from the bank. the temperature of the water at 10:00 a.m. near the shore, and ten inches below the surface, was 61° f., while farther out it was three or four degrees warmer. by noon the temperature of the water half a mile from shore was 67.5° f. shortly after noon a strong wind came up from the coast, stirring up the shallow water and cooling it. soon afterwards the temperature of the water began to fall, and, although the hot sun was shining brightly almost directly overhead, it went down to 65° by 2:30 p.m. the water of the lake is brackish, yet we were able to make our camps on the banks of small streams of sweet water, although in each case near the shore of the lake. a specimen of the water, taken near the shore, was brought back to new haven and analyzed by dr. george s. jamieson of the sheffield scientific school. he found that it contained small quantities of silica, iron phosphate, magnesium carbonate, calcium carbonate, calcium sulphate, potassium nitrate, potassium sulphate, sodium borate, sodium sulphate, and a considerable quantity of sodium chloride. parinacochas water contains more carbonate and potassium than that of the atlantic ocean or the great salt lake. as compared with the salinity of typical "salt" waters, that of lake parinacochas occupies an intermediate position, containing more than lake koko-nor, less than that of the atlantic, and only one twentieth the salinity of the great salt lake. when we moved to our second camp the tejada brothers preferred to let their mules rest in the puyusca valley, where there was excellent alfalfa forage. the arrieros engaged at their own expense a pack train which consisted chiefly of parinacochas burros. it is the custom hereabouts to enclose the packs in large-meshed nets made of rawhide which are then fastened to the pack animal by a surcingle. the indians who came with the burro train were pleasant-faced, sturdy fellows, dressed in "store clothes" and straw hats. their burros were as cantankerous as donkeys can be, never fractious or flighty, but stubbornly resisting, step by step, every effort to haul them near the loads. our second camp was near the village of incahuasi, "the house of the inca," at the northwestern corner of the basin. raimondi visited it in 1863. the representative of the owner of parinacochas occupies one of the houses. the other buildings are used only during the third week in august, at the time of the annual fair. in the now deserted plaza were many low stone rectangles partly covered with adobe and ready to be converted into booths. the plaza was surrounded by long, thatched buildings of adobe and stone, mostly of rough ashlars. a few ashlars showed signs of having been carefully dressed by ancient stonemasons. some loose ashlars weighed half a ton and had baffled the attempts of modern builders. in constructing the large church, advantage was taken of a beautifully laid wall of close-fitting ashlars. incahuasi was well named; there had been at one time an inca house here, possibly a temple--lakes were once objects of worship--or rest-house, constructed in order to enable the chiefs and tax-gatherers to travel comfortably over the vast domains of the incas. we found the slopes of the hills of the parinacochas basin to be well covered with remains of ancient terraces. probably potatoes and other root crops were once raised here in fairly large quantities. perhaps deforestation and subsequent increased aridity might account for the desertion of these once-cultivated lands. the hills west of the lake are intersected by a few dry gulches in which are caves that have been used as burial places. the caves had at one time been walled in with rocks laid in adobe, but these walls had been partly broken down so as to permit the sepulchers to be rifled of whatever objects of value they might have contained. we found nine or ten skulls lying loose in the rubble of the caves. one of the skulls seemed to have been trepanned. on top of the ridge are the remains of an ancient road, fifty feet wide, a broad grassy way through fields of loose stones. no effort had been made at grading or paving this road, and there was no evidence of its having been used in recent times. it runs from the lake across the ridge in a westerly direction toward a broad valley, where there are many terraces and cultivated fields; it is not far from nasca. probably the stones were picked up and piled on each side to save time in driving caravans of llamas across the stony ridges. the llama dislikes to step over any obstacle, even a very low wall. the grassy roadway would certainly encourage the supercilious beasts to proceed in the desired direction. in many places on the hills were to be seen outlines of large and small rock circles and shelters erected by herdsmen for temporary protection against the sudden storms of snow and hail which come up with unexpected fierceness at this elevation (12,000 feet). the shelters were in a very ruinous state. they were made of rough, scoriaceous lava rocks. the circular enclosures varied from 8 to 25 feet in diameter. most of them showed no evidences whatever of recent occupation. the smaller walls may have been the foundation of small circular huts. the larger walls were probably intended as corrals, to keep alpacas and llamas from straying at night and to guard against wolves or coyotes. i confess to being quite mystified as to the age of these remains. it is possible that they represent a settlement of shepherds within historic times, although, from the shape and size of the walls, i am inclined to doubt this. the shelters may have been built by the herdsmen of the incas. anyhow, those on the hills west of parinacochas had not been used for a long time. nasca, which is not very far away to the northwest, was the center of one of the most artistic pre-inca cultures in peru. it is famous for its very delicate pottery. our third camp was on the south side of the lake. near us the traces of the ancient road led to the ruins of two large, circular corrals, substantiating my belief that this curious roadway was intended to keep the llamas from straying at will over the pasture lands. on the south shores of the lake there were more signs of occupation than on the north, although there is nothing so clearly belonging to the time of the incas as the ashlars and finely built wall at incahuasi. on top of one of the rocky promontories we found the rough stone foundations of the walls of a little village. the slopes of the promontory were nearly precipitous on three sides. forty or fifty very primitive dwellings had been at one time huddled together here in a position which could easily be defended. we found among the ruins a few crude potsherds and some bits of obsidian. there was nothing about the ruins of the little hill village to give any indication of inca origin. probably it goes back to pre-inca days. no one could tell us anything about it. if there were traditions concerning it they were well concealed by the silent, superstitious shepherds of the vicinity. possibly it was regarded as an unlucky spot, cursed by the gods. the neighboring slopes showed faint evidences of having been roughly terraced and cultivated. the tutu potato would grow here, a hardy variety not edible in the fresh state, but considered highly desirable for making potato flour after having been repeatedly frozen and its bitter juices all extracted. so would other highland root crops of the peruvians, such as the oca, a relative of our sheep sorrel, the añu, a kind of nasturtium, and the ullucu (ullucus tuberosus). on the flats near the shore were large corrals still kept in good repair. new walls were being built by the indians at the time of our visit. near the southeast corner of the lake were a few modern huts built of stone and adobe, with thatched roofs, inhabited by drovers and shepherds. we saw more cattle at the east end of the lake than elsewhere, but they seemed to prefer the sweet water grasses of the lake to the tough bunch-grass on the slopes of sarasara. viscachas were common amongst the gray lichen-covered rocks. they are hunted for their beautiful pearly gray fur, the "chinchilla" of commerce; they are also very good eating, so they have disappeared from the more accessible parts of peru. one rarely sees them, although they may be found on bleak uplands in the mountains of uilcapampa, a region rarely visited by any one on account of treacherous bogs and deep tams. writers sometimes call viscachas "rabbit-squirrels." they have large, rounded ears, long hind legs, a long, bushy tail, and do look like a cross between a rabbit and a gray squirrel. surmounting one of the higher ridges one day, i came suddenly upon an unusually large herd of wild vicuñas. it included more than one hundred individuals. their relative fearlessness also testified to the remoteness of parinacochas and the small amount of hunting that is done here. vicuñas have never been domesticated, but are often hunted for their skins. their silky fleece is even finer than alpaca. the more fleecy portions of their skins are sewed together to make quilts, as soft as eider down and of a golden brown color. after mr. tucker finished his triangulation of the lake i told the arrieros to find the shortest road home. they smiled, murmured "arequipa," and started south. we soon came to the rim of the maraicasa valley where, peeping up over one of the hills far to the south, we got a little glimpse of coropuna. the maraicasa valley is well inhabited and there were many grain fields in sight, although few seemed to be terraced. the surrounding hills were smooth and well rounded and the valley bottom contained much alluvial land. we passed through it and, after dark, reached sondor, a tiny hamlet inhabited by extremely suspicious and inhospitable drovers. in the darkness don pablo pleaded with the owners of a well-thatched hut, and told them how "important" we were. they were unwilling to give us any shelter, so we were forced to pitch our tent in the very rocky and dirty corral immediately in front of one of the huts, where pigs, dogs, and cattle annoyed us all night. if we had arrived before dark we might have received a different welcome. as a matter of fact, the herdsmen only showed the customary hostility of mountaineers and wilderness folk to those who do not arrive in the daytime, when they can be plainly seen and fully discussed. the next morning we passed some fairly recent lava flows and noted also many curious rock forms caused by wind and sand erosion. we had now left the belt of grazing lands and once more come into the desert. at length we reached the rim of the mile-deep caraveli canyon and our eyes were gladdened at sight of the rich green oasis, a striking contrast to the barren walls of the canyon. as we descended the long, winding road we passed many fine specimens of tree cactus. at the foot of the steep descent we found ourselves separated from the nearest settlement by a very wide river, which it was necessary to ford. neither of the tejadas had ever been here before and its depths and dangers were unknown. fortunately pablo found a forlorn individual living in a tiny hut on the bank, who indicated which way lay safety. after an exciting two hours we finally got across to the desired shore. animals and men were glad enough to leave the high, arid desert and enter the oasis of caraveli with its luscious, green fields of alfalfa, its shady fig trees and tall eucalyptus. the air, pungent with the smell of rich vegetation, seemed cooler and more invigorating. we found at caraveli a modern british enterprise, the gold mine of "la victoria." mr. prain, the manager, and his associates at the camp gave us a cordial welcome, and a wonderful dinner which i shall long remember. after two months in the coastal desert it seemed like home. during the evening we learned of the difficulties mr. prain had had in bringing his machinery across the plateau from the nearest port. our own troubles seemed as nothing. the cost of transporting on muleback each of the larger pieces of the quartz stamping-mill was equivalent to the price of a first-class pack mule. as a matter of fact, although it is only a two days' journey, pack animals' backs are not built to survive the strain of carrying pieces of machinery weighing five hundred pounds over a desert plateau up to an altitude of 4000 feet. mules brought the machinery from the coast to the brink of the canyon, but no mule could possibly have carried it down the steep trail into caraveli. accordingly, a windlass had been constructed on the edge of the precipice and the machinery had been lowered, piece by piece, by block and tackle. such was one of the obstacles with which these undaunted engineers had had to contend. had the man who designed the machinery ever traveled with a pack train, climbing up and down over these rocky stairways called mountain trails, i am sure that he would have made his castings much smaller. -----figure mr. tucker on a mountain trail near caraveli ----------figure the main street of chuquibamba -----it is astonishing how often people who ship goods to the interior of south america fail to realize that no single piece should be any heavier than a pack animal can carry comfortably on one side. one hundred and fifty pounds ought to be the extreme limit of a unit. even a large, strong mule will last only a few days on such trails as are shown in the accompanying illustration if the total weight of his cargo is over three hundred pounds. when a single piece weighs more than two hundred pounds it has to be balanced on the back of the animal. then the load rocks, and chafes the unfortunate mule, besides causing great inconvenience and constant worry to the muleteers. as a matter of expediency it is better to have the individual units weigh about seventy-five pounds. such a weight is easier for the arrieros to handle in the loading, unloading, and reloading that goes on all day long, particularly if the trail is up-and-down, as usually happens in the andes. furthermore, one seventy-five-pound unit makes a fair load for a man or a llama, two are right for a burro, and three for an average mule. four can be loaded, if necessary, on a stout mule. the hospitable mining engineers urged us to prolong our stay at "la victoria," but we had to hasten on. leaving the pleasant shade trees of caraveli, we climbed the barren, desolate hills of coarse gravel and lava rock and left the canyon. we were surprised to find near the top of the rise the scattered foundations of fifty little circular or oval huts averaging eight feet in diameter. there was no water near here. hardly a green thing of any sort was to be seen in the vicinity, yet here had once been a village. it seemed to belong to the same period as that found on the southern slopes of the parinacochas basin. the road was one of the worst we encountered anywhere, being at times merely a rough, rocky trail over and among huge piles of lava blocks. several of the larger boulders were covered with pictographs. they represented a serpent and a sun, besides men and animals. shortly afterwards we descended to the rio grande valley at callanga, where we pitched our camps among the most extensive ruins that i have seen in the coastal desert. they covered an area of one hundred acres, the houses being crowded closely together. it gave one a strange sensation to find such a very large metropolis in what is now a desolate region. the general appearance of callanga was strikingly reminiscent of some of the large groups of ruins in our own southwest. nothing about it indicated inca origin. there were no terraces in the vicinity. it is difficult to imagine what such a large population could have done here, or how they lived. the walls were of compact cobblestones, rough-laid and stuccoed with adobe and sand. most of the stucco had come off. some of the houses had seats, or small sleeping-platforms, built up at one end. others contained two or three small cells, possibly storerooms, with neither doors nor windows. we found a number of burial cists--some square, others rounded--lined with small cobblestones. in one house, at the foot of "cellar stairs" we found a subterranean room, or tomb. the entrance to it was covered with a single stone lintel. in examining this tomb mr. tucker had a narrow escape from being bitten by a boba, a venomous snake, nearly three feet in length, with vicious mouth, long fangs like a rattlesnake, and a strikingly mottled skin. at one place there was a low pyramid less than ten feet in height. to its top led a flight of rude stone steps. among the ruins we found a number of broken stone dishes, rudely carved out of soft, highly porous, scoriaceous lava. the dishes must have been hard to keep clean! we also found a small stone mortar, probably used for grinding paint; a broken stone war club; and a broken compact stone mortar and pestle possibly used for grinding corn. two stones, a foot and a half long, roughly rounded, with a shallow groove across the middle of the flatter sides, resembled sinkers used by fishermen to hold down large nets, although ten times larger than any i had ever seen used. perhaps they were to tie down roofs in a gale. there were a few potsherds lying on the surface of the ground, so weathered as to have lost whatever decoration they once had. we did no excavating. callanga offers an interesting field for archeological investigation. unfortunately, we had heard nothing of it previously, came upon it unexpectedly, and had but little time to give it. after the first night camp in the midst of the dead city we made the discovery that although it seemed to be entirely deserted, it was, as a matter of fact, well populated! i was reminded of professor t. d. seymour's story of his studies in the ruins of ancient greece. we wondered what the fleas live on ordinarily. our next stopping-place was the small town of andaray, whose thatched houses are built chiefly of stone plastered with mud. near it we encountered two men with a mule, which they said they were taking into town to sell and were willing to dispose of cheaply. the tejadas could not resist the temptation to buy a good animal at a bargain, although the circumstances were suspicious. drawing on us for six gold sovereigns, they smilingly added the new mule to the pack train; only to discover on reaching chuquibamba that they had purchased it from thieves. we were able to clear our arrieros of any complicity in the theft. nevertheless, the owner of the stolen mule was unwilling to pay anything for its return. so they lost their bargain and their gold. we spent one night in chuquibamba, with our friend señor benavides, the sub-prefect, and once more took up the well-traveled route to arequipa. we left the majes valley in the afternoon and, as before, spent the night crossing the desert. about three o'clock in the morning--after we had been jogging steadily along for about twelve hours in the dark and quiet of the night, the only sound the shuffle of the mules' feet in the sand, the only sight an occasional crescent-shaped dune, dimly visible in the starlight--the eastern horizon began to be faintly illumined. the moon had long since set. could this be the approach of dawn? sunrise was not due for at least two hours. in the tropics there is little twilight preceding the day; "the dawn comes up like thunder." surely the moon could not be going to rise again! what could be the meaning of the rapidly brightening eastern sky? while we watched and marveled, the pure white light grew brighter and brighter, until we cried out in ecstasy as a dazzling luminary rose majestically above the horizon. a splendor, neither of the sun nor of the moon, shone upon us. it was the morning star. for sheer beauty, "divine, enchanting ravishment," venus that day surpassed anything i have ever seen. in the words of the great eastern poet, who had often seen such a sight in the deserts of asia, "the morning stars sang together and all the sons of god shouted for joy." chapter v titicaca arequipa is one of the pleasantest places in the world: mountain air, bright sunshine, warm days, cool nights, and a sparkling atmosphere dear to the hearts of star-gazers. the city lies on a plateau, surrounded by mighty snow-capped volcanoes, chachani (20,000 ft.), el misti (19,000 ft.), and pichu pichu (18,000 ft.). arequipa has only one nightmare--earthquakes. about twice in a century the spirits of the sleeping volcanoes stir, roll over, and go to sleep again. but they shake the bed! and arequipa rests on their bed. the possibility of a "terremoto" is always present in the subconscious mind of the arequipeño. one evening i happened to be dining with a friend at the hospitable arequipa club. suddenly the windows rattled violently and we heard a loud explosion; at least that is what it sounded like to me. to the members of the club, however, it meant only one thing--an earthquake. everybody rushed out; the streets were already crowded with hysterical people, crying, shouting, and running toward the great open plaza in front of the beautiful cathedral. here some dropped on their knees in gratitude at having escaped from falling walls, others prayed to the god of earthquakes to spare their city. yet no walls had fallen! in the business district a great column of black smoke was rising. gradually it became known to the panic-stricken throngs that the noise and the trembling had not been due to an earthquake, but to an explosion in a large warehouse which had contained gasoline, kerosene, dynamite and giant powder! in this city of 35,000 people, the second largest of peru, fires are so very rare, not even annual, scarcely biennial, that there were no fire engines. a bucket brigade was formed and tried to quench the roaring furnace by dipping water from one of the azequias, or canals, that run through the streets. the fire continued to belch forth dense masses of smoke and flame. in any american city such a blaze would certainly become a great conflagration. while the fire was at its height i went into the adjoining building to see whether any help could be rendered. to my utter amazement the surface of the wall next to the fiery furnace was not even warm. such is the result of building houses with massive walls of stone. furthermore, the roofs in arequipa are of tiles; consequently no harm was done by sparks. so, without a fire department, this really terrible fire was limited to one warehouse! the next day the newspapers talked about the "dire necessity" of securing fire engines. it was difficult for me to see what good a fire engine could have done. nothing could have saved the warehouse itself once the fire got under way; and surely the houses next door would have suffered more had they been deluged with streams of water. the facts are almost incredible to an american. we take it as a matter of course that cities should have fires and explosions. in arequipa everybody thought it was an earthquake! a day's run by an excellent railroad takes one to puno, the chief port of lake titicaca, elevation 12,500 feet. puno boasts a soldier's monument and a new theater, really a "movie palace." there is a good harbor, although dredging is necessary to provide for steamers like the inca. repairs to the lake boats are made on a marine--or, rather, a lacustrine--railway. the bay of puno grows quantities of totoras, giant bulrushes sometimes twelve feet long. ages ago the lake dwellers learned to dry the totoras, tie them securely in long bundles, fasten the bundles together, turn up the ends, fix smaller bundles along the sides as a free-board, and so construct a fishing-boat, or balsa. of course the balsas eventually become water-logged and spend a large part of their existence on the shore, drying in the sun. even so, they are not very buoyant. i can testify that it is difficult to use them without getting one's shoes wet. as a matter of fact one should go barefooted, or wear sandals, as the natives do. the balsas are clumsy, and difficult to paddle. the favorite method of locomotion is to pole or, when the wind favors, sail. the mast is an a-shaped contraption, twelve feet high, made of two light poles tied together and fastened, one to each side of the craft, slightly forward of amidships. poles are extremely scarce in this region--lumber has to be brought from puget sound, 6000 miles away--so nearly all the masts i saw were made of small pieces of wood spliced two or three times. to the apex of the "a" is attached a forked stick, over which run the halyards. the rectangular "sail" is nothing more nor less than a large mat made of rushes. a short forestay fastened to the sides of the "a" about four feet above the hull prevents the mast from falling when the sail is hoisted. the main halyards take the place of a backstay. the balsas cannot beat to windward, but behave very well in shallow water with a favoring breeze. when the wind is contrary the boatmen must pole. they are extremely careful not to fall overboard, for the water in the lake is cold, 55° f., and none of them know how to swim. lake titicaca itself never freezes over, although during the winter ice forms at night on the shallow bays and near the shore. -----figure a lake titicaca balsa at puno ----------figure a step-topped niche on the island of koati -----when the indians wish to go in the shallowest waters they use a very small balsa not over eight feet long, barely capable of supporting the weight of one man. on the other hand, large balsas constructed for use in crossing the rough waters of the deeper portions of the lake are capable of carrying a dozen people and their luggage. once i saw a ploughman and his team of oxen being ferried across the lake on a bulrush raft. to give greater security two balsas are sometimes fastened together in the fashion of a double canoe. one of the more highly speculative of the bolivian writers, señor posnansky, of la paz, believes that gigantic balsas were used in bringing ten-ton monoliths across the lake to tiahuanaco. this theory is based on the assumption that titicaca was once very much higher than it is now, a hypothesis which has not commended itself to modern geologists or geographers. dr. isaiah bowman and professor herbert gregory, who have studied its geology and physiography, have not been able to find any direct evidence of former high levels for lake titicaca, or of its having been connected with the ocean. nevertheless, señor posnansky believes that lake titicaca was once a salt sea which became separated from the ocean as the andes rose. the fact that the lake fishes are fresh-water, rather than marine, forms does not bother him. señor posnansky pins his faith to a small dried seahorse once given him by a titicaca fisherman. he seems to forget that dried specimens of marine life, including starfish, are frequently offered for sale in the andes by the dealers in primitive medicines who may be found in almost every market-place. probably señor posnansky's seahorse was brought from the ocean by some particularly enterprising trader. although starfish are common enough in the andes and a seahorse has actually found its resting-place in la paz, this does not alter the fact that scientific investigators have never found any strictly marine fauna in lake titicaca. on the other hand, it has two or three kinds of edible fresh-water fish. one of them belongs to a species found in the rimac river near lima. it seems to me entirely possible that the incas, with their scorn of the difficulties of carrying heavy burdens over seemingly impossible trails, might have deliberately transplanted the desirable fresh-water fishes of the rimac river to lake titicaca. polo de ondegardo, who lived in cuzco in 1560, says that the incas used to bring fresh fish from the sea by special runners, and that "they have records in their quipus of the fish having been brought from tumbez, a distance of more than three hundred leagues." the actual transference of water jars containing the fish would have offered no serious obstacle whatever to the incas, provided the idea happened to appeal to them as desirable. yet i may be as far wrong as señor posnansky! at any rate, the romantic stories of a gigantic inland sea, vastly more extensive than the present lake and actually surrounding the ancient city of tiahuanaco, must be treated with respectful skepticism. tiahuanaco, at the southern end of lake titicaca, in bolivia, is famous for the remains of a pre-inca civilization. unique among prehistoric remains in the highlands of peru or bolivia are its carved monolithic images. although they have suffered from weathering and from vandalism, enough remains to show that they represent clothed human figures. the richly decorated girdles and long tunics are carved in low relief with an intricate pattern. while some of the designs are undoubtedly symbolic of the rank, achievements, or attributes of the divinities or chiefs here portrayed, there is nothing hieroglyphic. the images are stiff and show no appreciation of the beauty of the human form. probably the ancient artists never had an opportunity to study the human body. in andean villages, even little children do not go naked as they do among primitive peoples who live in warm climates. the highlanders of peru and bolivia are always heavily clothed, day and night. forced by their climate to seek comfort in the amount and thickness of their apparel, they have developed an excessive modesty in regard to bodily exposure which is in striking contrast to people who live on the warm sands of the south seas. inca sculptors and potters rarely employed the human body as a motif. tiahuanaco is pre-inca, yet even here the images are clothed. they were not represented as clothed in order to make easier the work of the sculptor. his carving shows he had great skill, was observant, and had true artistic feeling. apparently the taboo against "nakedness" was too much for him. among the thirty-six islands in lake titicaca, some belong to peru, others to bolivia. two of the latter, titicaca and koati, were peculiarly venerated in inca days. they are covered with artificial terraces, most of which are still used by the indian farmers of to-day. on both islands there are ruins of important inca structures. on titicaca island i was shown two caves, out of which, say the indians, came the sun and moon at their creation. these caves are not large enough for a man to stand upright, but to a people who do not appreciate the size of the heavenly bodies it requires no stretch of the imagination to believe that those bright disks came forth from caves eight feet wide. the myth probably originated with dwellers on the western shore of the lake who would often see the sun or moon rise over this island. on an ancient road that runs across the island my native guide pointed out the "footprints of the sun and moon"--two curious effects of erosion which bear a distant resemblance to the footprints of giants twenty or thirty feet tall. the present-day indians, known as aymaras, seem to be hard-working and fairly cheerful. the impression which bandelier gives, in his "islands of titicaca and koati," of the degradation and surly character of these indians was not apparent at the time of my short visit in 1915. it is quite possible, however, that if i had to live among the indians, as he did for several months, digging up their ancient places of worship, disturbing their superstitious prejudices, and possibly upsetting, in their minds, the proper balance between wet weather and dry, i might have brought upon myself uncivil looks and rough, churlish treatment such as he experienced. in judging the attitude of mind of the natives of titicaca one should remember that they live under most trying conditions of climate and environment. during several months of the year everything is dried up and parched. the brilliant sun of the tropics, burning mercilessly through the rarefied air, causes the scant vegetation to wither. then come torrential rains. i shall never forget my first experience on lake titicaca, when the steamer encountered a rain squall. the resulting deluge actually came through the decks. needless to say, such downpours tend to wash away the soil which the farmers have painfully gathered for field or garden. the sun in the daytime is extremely hot, yet the difference in temperature between sun and shade is excessive. furthermore, the winds at night are very damp; the cold is intensely penetrating. fuel is exceedingly scarce, there is barely enough for cooking purposes, and none for artificial heat. food is hard to get. few crops can be grown at 12,500 feet. some barley is raised, but the soil is lacking in nitrogen. the principal crop is the bitter white potato, which, after being frozen and dried, becomes the insipid chuño, chief reliance of the poorer families. the inca system of bringing guano from the islands of the pacific coast has long since been abandoned. there is no money to pay for modern fertilizers. consequently, crops are poor. on titicaca island i saw native women, who had just harvested their maize, engaged in shucking and drying ears of corn which varied in length from one to three inches. to be sure this miniature corn has the advantage of maturing in sixty days, but good soil and fertilizers would double its size and productiveness. naturally these indians always feel themselves at the mercy of the elements. either a long rainy season or a drought may cause acute hunger and extreme suffering. consequently, one must not blame the bolivian or peruvian highlander if he frequently appears to be sullen and morose. on the other hand, one ought not to praise samoans for being happy, hospitable, and light-hearted. those fortunate polynesians are surrounded by warm waters in which they can always enjoy a swim, trees from which delicious food can always be obtained, and cocoanuts from which cooling drinks are secured without cost. who could not develop cheerfulness under such conditions? on the small island, koati, some of the inca stonework is remarkably good, and has several unusual features, such as the elaboration of the large, reëntrant, ceremonial niches formed by step-topped arches, one within the other. small ornamental niches are used to break the space between these recesses and the upper corners of the whole rectangle containing them. also unusual are the niches between the doorways, made in the form of an elaborate quadrate cross. it might seem at first glance as though this feature showed spanish influence, since a papal cross is created by the shadow cast in the intervening recessed courses within their design. as a matter of fact, the cross nowy quadrant is a natural outcome of using for ornamental purposes the step-shaped design, both erect and inverted. all over the land of the incas one finds flights of steps or terraces used repeatedly for ornamental or ceremonial purposes. some stairs are large enough to be used by man; others are in miniature. frequently the steps were cut into the sacred boulders consecrated to ancestor worship. it was easy for an inca architect, accustomed to the stairway motif, to have conceived these curious doorways on koati and also the cross-like niches between them, even if he had never seen any representation of a papal cross, or a cross nowy quadrant. my friend, mr. bancel la farge, has also suggested a striking resemblance which the sedilia-like niches bear to arabic or moorish architecture, as shown, for instance, in the court of the lions in the alhambra. the step-topped arch is distinctly oriental in form, yet flights of steps or terraces are also thoroughly incaic. the principal structure on koati was built around three sides of a small plaza, constructed on an artificial terrace in a slight depression on the eastern side of the island. the fourth side is open and affords a magnificent view of the lake and the wonderful snow-covered cordillera real, 200 miles long and nowhere less than 17,000 feet high. this range of lofty snow-peaks of surpassing beauty culminates in mt. sorata, 21,520 feet high. to the worshipers of the sun and moon, who came to the sacred islands for some of their most elaborate religious ceremonies, the sight of those heavenly luminaries, rising over the majestic snow mountains, their glories reflected in the shining waters of the lake, must have been a sublime spectacle. on such occasions the little plaza would indeed have been worth seeing. we may imagine the gayly caparisoned incas, their faces lit up by the colors of "rosy-fingered dawn, daughter of the morning," their ceremonial formation sharply outlined against the high, decorated walls of the buildings behind them. perhaps the rulers and high priests had special stations in front of the large, step-topped niches. one may be sure that a people who were fond of bright colors, who were able to manufacture exquisite textiles, and who loved to decorate their garments with spangles and disks of beaten gold, would have lost no opportunity for making the ancient ceremonies truly resplendent. on the peninsula of copacabana, opposite the sacred islands, a great annual pageant is still staged every august. although at present connected with a pious pilgrimage to the shrine of the miraculous image of the "virgin of copacabana," this vivid spectacle, the most celebrated fair in all south america, has its origin in the dim past. it comes after the maize is harvested and corresponds to our thanksgiving festival. the scene is laid in the plaza in front of a large, bizarre church. during the first ten days in august there are gathered here thousands of the mountain folk from far and near. everything dear to the heart of the aymara indian is offered for sale, including quantities of his favorite beverages. traders, usually women, sit in long rows on blankets laid on the cobblestone pavement. some of them are protected from the sun by primitive umbrellas, consisting of a square cotton sheet stretched over a bamboo frame. in one row are those traders who sell parched and popped corn; in another those who deal in sandals and shoes, the simple gear of the humblest wayfarer and the elaborately decorated high-laced boots affected by the wealthy chola women of la paz. in another row are the dealers in indian blankets; still another is devoted to such trinkets as one might expect to find in a "needle-and-thread" shop at home. there are stolid aymara peddlers with scores of bamboo flutes varying in size from a piccolo to a bassoon; the hat merchants, with piles of freshly made native felts, warranted to last for at least a year; and vendors of aniline dyes. the fabrics which have come to us from inca times are colored with beautifully soft vegetable dyes. among inca ruins one may find small stone mortars, in which the primitive pigments were ground and mixed with infinite care. although the modern indian still prefers the product of hand looms, he has been quick to adopt the harsh aniline dyes, which are not only easier to secure, but produce more striking results. as a citizen of connecticut it gave me quite a start to see, carelessly exposed to the weather on the rough cobblestones of the plaza, bright new hardware from new haven and new britain--locks, keys, spring scales, bolts, screw eyes, hooks, and other "wooden nutmegs." at the tables of the "money-changers," just outside of the sacred enclosure, are the real moneymakers, who give nothing for something. thimble-riggers and three-card-monte-men do a brisk business and stand ready to fleece the guileless native or the unsuspecting foreigner. the operators may wear ragged ponchos and appear to be incapable of deep designs, but they know all the tricks of the trade! the most striking feature of the fair is the presence of various aymara secret societies, whose members, wearing repulsive masks, are clad in the most extraordinary costumes which can be invented by primitive imaginations. each society has its own uniform, made up of tinsels and figured satins, tin-foil, gold and silver leaf, gaudy textiles, magnificent epaulets bearing large golden stars on a background of silver decorated with glittering gems of colored glass; tinted "ostrich" plumes of many colors sticking straight up eighteen inches above the heads of their wearers, gaudy ribbons, beruffled bodices, puffed sleeves, and slashed trunks. some of these strange costumes are actually reminiscent of the sixteenth century. the wearers are provided with flutes, whistles, cymbals, flageolets, snare drums, and rattles, or other noise-makers. the result is an indescribable hubbub; a garish human kaleidoscope, accompanied by fiendish clamor and unmusical noises which fairly outstrip a dozen jazz bands. it is bedlam let loose, a scene of wild uproar and confusion. the members of one group were dressed to represent female angels, their heads tightly turbaned so as to bear the maximum number of tall, waving, variegated plumes. on their backs were gaudy wings resembling the butterflies of children's pantomimes. many wore colored goggles. they marched solemnly around the plaza, playing on bamboo flageolets, their plaintive tunes drowned in the din of big bass drums and blatant trumpets. in an eddy in the seething crowd was a placid-faced aymara, bedecked in the most tawdry manner with gewgaws from birmingham or manchester, sedately playing a melancholy tune on a rustic syrinx or pan's pipe, charmingly made from little tubes of bamboo from eastern bolivia. at the close of the festival, on a sunday afternoon, the costumes disappear and there occurs a bull-baiting. strong temporary barriers are erected at the comers of the plaza; householders bar their doors. a riotous crowd, composed of hundreds of pleasure-seekers, well fortified with dutch courage, gathers for the fray. all are ready to run helter-skelter in every direction should the bull take it into his head to charge toward them. it is not a bullfight. there are no picadors, armed with lances to prick the bull to madness; no banderilleros, with barbed darts; no heroic matador, ready with shining blade to give a mad and weary bull the coup de grace. here all is fun and frolic. to be sure, the bull is duly annoyed by boastful boys or drunken aymaras, who prod him with sticks and shake bright ponchos in his face until he dashes after his tormentors and causes a mighty scattering of some spectators, amid shrieks of delight from everybody else. when one animal gets tired, another is brought on. there is no chance of a bull being wounded or seriously hurt. at the time of our visit the only animal who seemed at all anxious to do real damage was let alone. he showed no disposition to charge at random into the crowds. the spectators surrounded the plaza so thickly that he could not distinguish any one particular enemy on whom to vent his rage. he galloped madly after any individual who crossed the plaza. five or six bulls were let loose during the excitement, but no harm was done, and every one had an uproariously good time. such is the spectacle of copacabana, a mixture of business and pleasure, pagan and christian, spain and titicaca. bedlam is not pleasant to one's ears; yet to see the staid mountain herdsmen, attired in plumes, petticoats, epaulets, and goggles, blowing mightily with puffed-out lips on bamboo flageolets, is worth a long journey. chapter vi the vilcanota country and the peruvian highlanders in the northernmost part of the titicaca basin are the grassy foothills of the cordillera vilcanota, where large herds of alpacas thrive on the sweet, tender pasturage. santa rosa is the principal town. here wool-buyers come to bid for the clip. the high prices which alpaca fleece commands have brought prosperity. excellent blankets, renowned in southern peru for their weight and texture, are made here on hand looms. notwithstanding the altitude--nearly as great as the top of pike's peak--the stocky inhabitants of santa rosa are hardy, vigorous, and energetic. ricardo charaja, the best quichua assistant we ever had, came from santa rosa. nearly all the citizens are of pure indian stock. they own many fine llamas. there is abundant pasturage and the llamas are well cared for by the indians, who become personally attached to their flocks and are loath to part with any of the individuals. once i attempted through a cuzco acquaintance to secure the skin and skeleton of a fine llama for the yale museum. my friend was favorably known and spoke the quichua language fluently. he offered a good price and obtained from various llama owners promises to bring the hide and bones of one of their "camels" for shipment; but they never did. apparently they regarded it as unlucky to kill a llama, and none happened to die at the right time. the llamas never show affection for their masters, as horses often do. on the other hand i have never seen a llama kick or bite at his owner. the llama was the only beast of burden known in either north or south america before columbus. it was found by the spaniards in all parts of inca land. its small two-toed feet, with their rough pads, enable it to walk easily on slopes too rough or steep for even a nimble-footed, mountain-bred mule. it has the reputation of being an unpleasant pet, due to its ability to sneeze or spit for a considerable distance a small quantity of acrid saliva. when i was in college barnum's circus came to town. the menagerie included a dozen llamas, whose supercilious expression, inoffensive looks, and small size--they are only three feet high at the shoulder tempted some little urchins to tease them. when the llamas felt that the time had come for reprisals, their aim was straight and the result a precipitate retreat. their tormentors, howling and rubbing their eyes, had to run home and wash their faces. curiously enough, in the two years which i have spent in the peruvian highlands i have never seen a llama so attack a single human being. on the other hand, when i was in santa rosa in 1915 some one had a tame vicuña which was perfectly willing to sneeze straight at any stranger who came within twenty feet of it, even if one's motive was nothing more annoying than scientific curiosity. the vicuña is the smallest american "camel," yet its long, slender neck, small head, long legs, and small body, from which hangs long, feathery fleece, make it look more like an ostrich than a camel. in the churchyard of santa rosa are two or three gnarled trees which have been carefully preserved for centuries as objects of respect and veneration. some travelers have thought that 14,000 feet is above the tree line, but the presence of these trees at santa rosa would seem to show that the use of the words "tree line" is a misnomer in the andes. mr. cook believes that the peruvian plateau, with the exception of the coastal deserts, was once well covered with forests. when man first came into the andes, everything except rocky ledges, snow fields, and glaciers was covered with forest growth. although many districts are now entirely treeless, mr. cook found that the conditions of light, heat, and moisture, even at the highest elevations, are sufficient to support the growth of trees; also that there is ample fertility of soil. his theories are well substantiated by several isolated tracts of forests which i found growing alongside of glaciers at very high elevations. one forest in particular, on the slopes of mt. soiroccocha, has been accurately determined by mr. bumstead to be over 15,000 feet above sea level. it is cut off from the inhabited valley by rock falls and precipices, so it has not been available for fuel. virgin forests are not known to exist in the peruvian highlands on any lands which could have been cultivated. a certain amount of natural reforestation with native trees is taking place on abandoned agricultural terraces in some of the high valleys. although these trees belong to many different species and families, mr. cook found that they all have this striking peculiarity--when cut down they sprout readily from the stumps and are able to survive repeated pollarding; remarkable evidence of the fact that the primeval forests of peru were long ago cut down for fuel or burned over for agriculture. near the santa rosa trees is a tall bell-tower. the sight of a picturesque belfry with four or five bells of different sizes hanging each in its respective window makes a strong appeal. it is quite otherwise on sunday mornings when these same bells, "out of tune with themselves," or actually cracked, are all rung at the same time. the resulting clangor and din is unforgettable. i presume the chinese would say it was intended to drive away the devils--and surely such noise must be "thoroughly uncongenial even to the most irreclaimable devil," as lord frederick hamilton said of the canton practices. church bells in the united states and england are usually sweet-toned and intended to invite the hearer to come to service, or else they ring out in joyous peals to announce some festive occasion. there is nothing inviting or joyous about the bells in southern peru. once in a while one may hear a bell of deep, sweet tone, like that of the great bell in cuzco, which is tolled when the last sacrament is being administered to a dying christian; but the general idea of bell-ringers in this part of the world seems to be to make the greatest possible amount of racket and clamor. on popular saints' days this is accompanied by firecrackers, aerial bombs, and other noise-making devices which again remind one of chinese folkways. perhaps it is merely that fundamental fondness for making a noise which is found in all healthy children. on sunday afternoon the plaza of santa rosa was well filled with quichua holiday-makers, many of whom had been imbibing freely of chicha, a mild native brew usually made from ripe corn. the crowd was remarkably good-natured and given to an unusual amount of laughter and gayety. for them sunday is truly a day of rest, recreation, and sociability. on week days, most of them, even the smaller boys, are off on the mountain pastures, watching the herds whose wool brings prosperity to santa rosa. one sometimes finds the mountain indians on sunday afternoon sodden, thoroughly soaked with chicha, and inclined to resent the presence of inquisitive strangers; not so these good folk of santa rosa. -----figure indian alcaldes at santa rosa ----------figure native druggists in the plaza of sicuani -----to be sure, the female vendors of eggs, potatoes, peppers, and sundry native vegetables, squatting in two long rows on the plaza, did not enjoy being photographed, but the men and boys crowded eagerly forward, very much interested in my endeavors. some of the indian alcaldes, local magistrates elected yearly to serve as the responsible officials for villages or tribal precincts, were very helpful and, armed with their large, silver-mounted staffs of office, tried to bring the shy, retiring women of the market-place to stand in a frightened, disgruntled, barefooted group before the camera. the women were dressed in the customary tight bodices, heavy woolen skirts, and voluminous petticoats of the plateau. over their shoulders were pinned heavy woolen shawls, woven on hand looms. on their heads were reversible "pancake" hats made of straw, covered on the wet-weather side with coarse woolen stuff and on the fair-weather side with tinsel and velveteen. in accordance with local custom, tassels and fringes hung down on both sides. it is said that the first inca ordered the dresses of each village to be different, so that his officials might know to which tribe an indian belonged. it was only with great difficulty and by the combined efforts of a good-natured priest, the gobernador or mayor, and the alcaldes that a dozen very reluctant females were finally persuaded to face the camera. the expression of their faces was very eloquent. some were highly indignant, others looked foolish or supercilious, two or three were thoroughly frightened, not knowing what evil might befall them next. not one gave any evidence of enjoying it or taking the matter as a good joke, although that was the attitude assumed by all their male acquaintances. in fact, some of the men were so anxious to have their pictures taken that they followed us about and posed on the edge of every group. men and boys all wore knitted woolen caps, with ear flaps, which they seldom remove either day or night. on top of these were large felt hats, turned up in front so as to give a bold aspect to their husky wearers. over their shoulders were heavy woolen ponchos, decorated with bright stripes. their trousers end abruptly halfway between knee and ankle, a convenient style for herdsmen who have to walk in the long, dewy grasses of the plateau. these "high-water" pantaloons do not look badly when worn with sandals, as is the usual custom; but since this was sunday all the well-to-do men had put on european boots, which did not come up to the bottom of their trousers and produced a singular effect, hardly likely to become fashionable. the prosperity of the town was also shown by corrugated iron roofs. far less picturesque than thatch or tile, they require less attention and give greater satisfaction during the rainy season. they can also be securely bolted to the rafters. on this wind-swept plateau we frequently noticed that a thatched roof was held in place by ropes passed over the house and weights resting on the roof. sometimes to the peak of a gable are fastened crosses, tiny flags, or the skulls of animals--probably to avert the evil eye or bring good luck. horseshoes do not seem to be in demand. horses' skulls, however, are deemed very efficacious. on the rim of the titicaca basin is la raya. the watershed is so level that it is almost impossible to say whether any particular raindrop will eventually find itself in lake titicaca or in the atlantic ocean. the water from a spring near the railroad station of araranca flows definitely to the north. this spring may be said to be one of the sources of the urubamba river, an important affluent of the ucayali and also of the amazon, but i never have heard it referred to as "the source of the amazon" except by an adventurous lecturer, captain blank, whose moving picture entertainment bore the alluring title, "from the source to the mouth of the amazon." as most of his pictures of wild animals "in the jungle" looked as though they were taken in the zoölogical gardens at para, and the exciting tragedies of his canoe trip were actually staged near a friendly hacienda at santa ana, less than a week's journey from cuzco, it is perhaps unnecessary to censure him for giving this particular little spring such a pretentious title. the urubamba river is known by various names to the people who live on its banks. the upper portion is sometimes spoken of as the vilcanota, a term which applies to a lake as well as to the snow-covered peaks of the cordillera in this vicinity. the lower portion was called by the incas the uilca or the uilcamayu. near the water-parting of la raya i noticed the remains of an interesting wall which may have served centuries ago to divide the incas of cuzco from the collas or warlike tribes of the titicaca basin. in places the wall has been kept in repair by the owners of grazing lands, but most of it can be but dimly traced across the valley and up the neighboring slopes to the cliffs of the cordillera vilcanota. it was built of rough stones. near the historic wall are the ruins of ancient houses, possibly once occupied by an inca garrison. i observed no ashlars among the ruins nor any evidence of careful masonry. it seems to me likely that it was a hastily thrown-up fortification serving for a single military campaign, rather than any permanent affair like the roman wall of north britain or the great wall of china. we know from tradition that war was frequently waged between the peoples of the titicaca basin and those of the urubamba and cuzco valleys. it is possible that this is a relic of one of those wars. on the other hand, it may be much older than the incas. montesinos, [3] one of the best early historians, tells us of titu yupanqui, pachacuti vi, sixty-second of the peruvian amautas, rulers who long preceded the incas. against pachacuti vi there came (about 800 a.d.) large hordes of fierce soldiers from the south and east, laying waste fields and capturing cities and towns; evidently barbarian migrations which appear to have continued for some time. during these wars the ancient civilization, which had been built up with so much care and difficulty during the preceding twenty centuries, was seriously threatened. pachacuti vi, more religious than warlike, ruler of a people whose great achievements had been agricultural rather than military, was frightened by his soothsayers and priests; they told him of many bad omens. instead of inducing him to follow a policy of military preparedness, he was urged to make sacrifices to the deities. nevertheless he ordered his captains to fortify the strategic points and make preparations for defense. the invaders may have come from argentina. it is possible that they were spurred on by hunger and famine caused by the gradual exhaustion of forested areas and the subsequent spread of untillable grasslands on the great pampas. montesinos indicates that many of the people who came up into the highlands at that time were seeking arable lands for their crops and were "fleeing from a race of giants"--possibly patagonians or araucanians--who had expelled them from their own lands. on their journey they had passed over plains, swamps, and jungles. it is obvious that a great readjustment of the aborigines was in progress. the governors of the districts through which these hordes passed were not able to summon enough strength to resist them. pachacuti vi assembled the larger part of his army near the pass of la raya and awaited the approach of the enemy. if the accounts given in montesinos are true, this wall near la raya may have been built about 1100 years ago, by the chiefs who were told to "fortify the strategic points." certainly the pass of la raya, long the gateway from the titicaca basin to the important cities and towns of the urubamba basin, was the key to the situation. it is probable that pachacuti vi drew up his army behind this wall. his men were undoubtedly armed with slings, the weapon most familiar to the highland shepherds. the invaders, however, carried bows and arrows, more effective arms, swifter, more difficult to see, less easy to dodge. as pachacuti vi was carried over the field of battle on a golden stretcher, encouraging his men, he was killed by an arrow. his army was routed. montesinos states that only five hundred escaped. leaving behind their wounded, they fled to "tampu-tocco," a healthy place where there was a cave, in which they hid the precious body of their ruler. most writers believe this to be at paccaritampu where there are caves under an interesting carved rock. there is no place in peru to-day which still bears the name of tampu-tocco. to try and identify it with some of the ruins which do exist, and whose modern names are not found in the early spanish writers, has been one of the principal objects of my expeditions to peru, as will be described in subsequent chapters. -----figure a potato-field at la raya ----------figure laying down the warp for a blanket: near the pass of la raya -----near the watershed of la raya we saw great flocks of sheep and alpacas, numerous corrals, and the thatched-roofed huts of herdsmen. the quichua women are never idle. one often sees them engaged in the manufacture of textiles--shawls, girdles, ponchos, and blankets--on hand looms fastened to stakes driven into the ground. when tending flocks or walking along the road they are always winding or spinning yarn. even the men and older children are sometimes thus engaged. the younger children, used as shepherds as soon as they reach the age of six or seven, are rarely expected to do much except watch their charges. some of them were accompanied by long-haired suncca shepherd dogs, as large as airedales, but very cowardly, given to barking and slinking away. it is claimed that the sunccas, as well as two other varieties, were domesticated by the incas. none of them showed any desire to make the acquaintance of "checkers," my faithful airedale. their masters, however, were always interested to see that "checkers" could understand english. they had never seen a dog that could understand anything but quichua! on the hillside near la raya, mr. cook, mr. gilbert, and i visited a healthy potato field at an elevation of 14,500 feet, a record altitude for potatoes. when commencing to plough or spade a potato field on the high slopes near here, it is the custom of the indians to mark it off into squares, by "furrows" about fifteen feet apart. the quichuas commence their task soon after daybreak. due to the absence of artificial lighting and the discomfort of rising in the bitter cold before dawn, their wives do not prepare breakfast before ten o'clock, at which time it is either brought from home in covered earthenware vessels or cooked in the open fields near where the men are working. we came across one energetic landowner supervising a score or more of indians who were engaged in "ploughing" a potato field. although he was dressed in european garb and was evidently a man of means and intelligence, and near the railroad, there were no modern implements in sight. we found that it is difficult to get indians to use any except the implements of their ancestors. the process of "ploughing" this field was undoubtedly one that had been used for centuries, probably long before the spanish conquest. the men, working in unison and in a long row, each armed with a primitive spade or "foot plough," to the handle of which footholds were lashed, would, at a signal, leap forward with a shout and plunge their spades into the turf. facing each pair of men was a girl or woman whose duty it was to turn the clods over by hand. the men had taken off their ponchos, so as to secure greater freedom of action, but the women were fully clothed as usual, modesty seeming to require them even to keep heavy shawls over their shoulders. although the work was hard and painful, the toil was lightened by the joyous contact of community activity. every one worked with a will. there appeared to be a keen desire among the workers to keep up with the procession. those who fell behind were subjected to good-natured teasing. community work is sometimes pleasant, even though it appears to require a strong directing hand. the "boss" was right there. such practices would never suit those who love independence. in the centuries of inca domination there was little opportunity for individual effort. private property was not understood. everything belonged to the government. the crops were taken by the priests, the incas and the nobles. the people were not as unhappy as we should be. one seldom had to labor alone. everything was done in common. when it was time to cultivate the fields or to harvest the crops, the laborers were ordered by the incas to go forth in huge family parties. they lessened the hardships of farm labor by village gossip and choral singing, interspersed at regular intervals with rest periods, in which quantities of chicha quenched the thirst and cheered the mind. habits of community work are still shown in the andes. one often sees a score or more of indians carrying huge bundles of sheaves of wheat or barley. i have found a dozen yoke of oxen, each a few yards from the other in a parallel line, engaged in ploughing synchronously small portions of a large field. although the landlords frequently visit lima and sometimes go to paris and new york, where they purchase for their own use the products of modern invention, the fields are still cultivated in the fashion introduced three centuries ago by the conquistadores, who brought the first draft animals and the primitive pointed plough of the ancient mediterranean. crops at la raya are not confined to potatoes. another food plant, almost unknown to europeans, even those who live in lima, is cañihua, a kind of pigweed. it was being harvested at the time of our visit in april. the threshing floor for cañihua is a large blanket laid on the ground. on top of this the stalks are placed and the flail applied, the blanket serving to prevent the small grayish seeds from escaping. the entire process uses nothing of european origin and has probably not changed for centuries. we noticed also quinoa and even barley growing at an elevation of 14,000 feet. quinoa is another species of pigweed. it often attains a height of three to four feet. there are several varieties. the white-seeded variety, after being boiled, may be fairly compared with oatmeal. mr. cook actually preferred it to the scotch article, both for taste and texture. the seeds retain their form after being cooked and "do not appear so slimy as oatmeal." other varieties of quinoa are bitter and have to be boiled several times, the water being frequently changed. the growing quinoa presents an attractive appearance; its leaves assume many colors. as we went down the valley the evidences of extensive cultivation, both ancient and modern, steadily increased. great numbers of old terraces were to be seen. there were many fields of wheat, some of them growing high up on the mountain side in what are called temporales, where, owing to the steep slope, there is little effort at tillage or cultivation, the planter trusting to luck to get some kind of a crop in reward for very little effort. on april 14th, just above sicuani, we saw fields where habas beans had been gathered and the dried stalks piled in little stacks. at occobamba, or the pampa where oca grows, we found fields of that useful tuber, just now ripening. near by were little thatched shelters, erected for the temporary use of night watchmen during the harvest season. the peruvian highlanders whom we met by the roadside were different in feature, attitude, and clothing from those of the titicaca basin or even of santa rosa, which is not far away. they were typical quichuas--peaceful agriculturists--usually spinning wool on the little hand spindles which have been used in the andes from time immemorial. their huts are built of adobe, the roofs thatched with coarse grass. the quichuas are brown in color. their hair is straight and black. gray hair is seldom seen. it is the custom among the men in certain localities to wear their hair long and braided. beards are sparse or lacking. bald heads are very rare. teeth seem to be more enduring than with us. throughout the andes the frequency of well-preserved teeth was everywhere noteworthy except on sugar plantations, where there is opportunity to indulge freely in crude brown sugar nibbled from cakes or mixed with parched corn and eaten as a travel ration. the quichua face is broad and short. its breadth is nearly the same as the eskimo. freckles are not common and appear to be limited to face and arms, in the few cases in which they were observed. on the other hand, a large proportion of the indians are pock-marked and show the effects of living in a country which is "free from medical tyranny." there is no compulsory vaccination. one hardly ever sees a fat quichua. it is difficult to tell whether this is a racial characteristic or due rather to the lack of fat-producing foods in their diet. although the peruvian highlander has made the best use he could of the llama, he was never able to develop its slender legs and weak back sufficiently to use it for loads weighing more than eighty or a hundred pounds. consequently, for the carrying of really heavy burdens he had to depend on himself. as a result, it is not surprising to learn from dr. ferris that while his arms are poorly developed, his shoulders are broader, his back muscles stronger, and the calves of his legs larger and more powerful than those of almost any other race. the quichuas are fond of shaking hands. when a visiting indian joins a group he nearly always goes through the gentle ceremony with each person in turn. i do not know whether this was introduced by the spaniards or comes down from prehistoric times. in any event, this handshaking in no way resembles the hearty clasp familiar to undergraduates at the beginning of the college year. as a matter of fact the quichua handshake is extremely fishy and lacks cordiality. in testing the hand grip of the quichuas by a dynamometer our surgeons found that the muscles of the forearm were poorly developed in the quichua and the maximum grip was weak in both sexes, the average for the man being only about half of that found among american white adults of sedentary habits. dr. ales hrdlicka believes that the aboriginal races of north and south america were of the same stock. the wide differences in physiognomy observable among the different tribes in north and south america are perhaps due to their environmental history during the past 10,000 or 20,000 years. mr. frank chapman, of the american museum of natural history, has pointed out the interesting biological fact that animals and birds found at sea level in the cold regions of tierra del fuego, while not found at sea level in peru, do exist at very high altitudes, where the climate is similar to that with which they are acquainted. similarly, it is interesting to learn that the inhabitants of the cold, lofty regions of southern peru, living in towns and villages at altitudes of from 9000 to 14,000 feet above the sea, have physical peculiarities closely resembling those living at sea level in tierra del fuego, alaska, and labrador. dr. ferris says the labrador eskimo and the quichua constitute the two "best-known short-stature races on the american continent." so far as we could learn by questions and observation, about one quarter of the quichuas are childless. in families which have children the average number is three or four. large families are not common, although we generally learned that the living children in a family usually represented less than half of those which had been born. infant mortality is very great. the proper feeding of children is not understood and it is a marvel how any of them manage to grow up at all. coughs and bronchial trouble are very common among the indians. in fact, the most common afflictions of the tableland are those of the throat and lungs. pneumonia is the most serious and most to be dreaded of all local diseases. it is really terrifying. due to the rarity of the air and relative scarcity of oxygen, pneumonia is usually fatal at 8000 feet and is uniformly so at 11,000 feet. patients are frequently ill only twenty-four hours. tuberculosis is fairly common, its prevalence undoubtedly caused by the living conditions practiced among the highlanders, who are unwilling to sleep in a room which is not tightly closed and protected against any possible intrusion of fresh air. in the warmer valleys, where bodily comfort has led the natives to use huts of thatch and open reeds, instead of the air-tight hovels of the cold, bleak plateau, tuberculosis is seldom seen. of course, there are no "boards of health," nor are the people bothered by being obliged to conform to any sanitary regulations. water supplies are so often contaminated that the people have learned to avoid drinking it as far as possible. instead, they eat quantities of soup. -----figure the ruins of the temple of viracocha at racche -----in the market-place of sicuani, the largest town in the valley, and the border-line between the potato-growing uplands and lowland maize fields, we attended the famous sunday market. many native "druggists" were present. their stock usually consisted of "medicines," whose efficacy was learned by the incas. there were forty or fifty kinds of simples and curiosities, cure-alls, and specifics. fully half were reported to me as being "useful against fresh air" or the evil effects of drafts. the "medicines" included such minerals as iron ore and sulphur; such vegetables as dried seeds, roots, and the leaves of plants domesticated hundreds of years ago by the incas or gathered in the tropical jungles of the lower urubamba valley; and such animals as starfish brought from the pacific ocean. some of them were really useful herbs, while others have only a psychopathic effect on the patient. each medicine was in an attractive little particolored woolen bag. the bags, differing in design and color, woven on miniature hand looms, were arranged side by side on the ground, the upper parts turned over and rolled down so as to disclose the contents. not many miles below sicuani, at a place called racche, are the remarkable ruins of the so-called temple of viracocha, described by squier. at first sight racche looks as though there were here a row of nine or ten lofty adobe piers, forty or fifty feet high! closer inspection, however, shows them all to be parts of the central wall of a great temple. the wall is pierced with large doors and the spaces between the doors are broken by niches, narrower at the top than at the bottom. there are small holes in the doorposts for bar-holds. the base of the great wall is about five feet thick and is of stone. the ashlars are beautifully cut and, while not rectangular, are roughly squared and fitted together with most exquisite care, so as to insure their making a very firm foundation. their surface is most attractive, but, strange to say, there is unmistakable evidence that the builders did not wish the stonework to show. this surface was at one time plastered with clay, a very significant fact. the builders wanted the wall to seem to be built entirely of adobe, yet, had the great clay wall rested on the ground, floods and erosion might have succeeded in undermining it. instead, it rests securely on a beautifully built foundation of solid masonry. even so, the great wall does not stand absolutely true, but leans slightly to the westward. the wall also seems to be less weathered on the west side. probably the prevailing or strongest wind is from the east. an interesting feature of the ruins is a round column about twenty feet high--a very rare occurrence in inca architecture. it also is of adobe, on a stone foundation. there is only one column now standing. in squier's day the remains of others were to be seen, but i could find no evidences of them. there was probably a double row of these columns to support the stringers and tiebeams of the roof. apparently one end of a tiebeam rested on the circular column and the other end was embedded in the main wall. the holes where the tiebeams entered the wall have stone lintels. near the ruins of the great temple are those of other buildings, also unique, so far as i know. the base of the party wall, decorated with large niches, is of cut ashlars carefully laid; the middle course is of adobe, while the upper third is of rough, uncut stones. it looks very odd now but was originally covered with fine clay or stucco. in several cases the plastered walls are still standing, in fairly good condition, particularly where they have been sheltered from the weather. the chief marvel of racche, however, is the great adobe wall of the temple, which is nearly fifty feet high. it is slowly disintegrating, as might be expected. the wonder is that it should have stood so long in a rainy region without any roof or protecting cover. it is incredible that for at least five hundred years a wall of sun-dried clay should have been able to defy severe rainstorms. the lintels, made of hard-wood timbers and partially embedded in the wall, are all gone; yet the adobe remains. it would be very interesting to find out whether the water of the springs near the temple contains lime. if so this might have furnished natural calcareous cement in sufficient quantity to give the clay a particularly tenacious quality, able to resist weathering. the factors which have caused this extraordinary adobe wall to withstand the weather in such an exposed position for so many centuries, notwithstanding the heavy rains of each summer season from december to march, are worthy of further study. it has been claimed that this temple was devoted to the worship of viracocha, a great deity, the jove or zeus of the ancient pantheon. it seems to me more reasonable to suppose that a primitive folk constructed here a temple to the presiding divinity of the place, the god who gave them this precious clay. the principal industry of the neighboring village is still the manufacture of pottery. no better clay for ceramic purposes has been found in the andes. it would have been perfectly natural for the prehistoric potters to have desired to placate the presiding divinity, not so much perhaps out of gratitude for the clay as to avert his displeasure and fend off bad luck in baking pottery. it is well known that the best pottery of the incas was extremely fine in texture. students of ceramics are well aware of the uncertainty of the results of baking clay. bad luck seems to come most unaccountably, even when the greatest pains are taken. might it not have been possible that the people who were most concerned with creating pottery decided to erect this temple to insure success and get as much good luck as possible? near the ancient temple is a small modern church with two towers. the churchyard appears to be a favorite place for baking pottery. possibly the modern potters use the church to pray for success in their baking, just as the ancient potters used the great temple of viracocha. the walls of the church are composed partly of adobe and partly of cut stones taken from the ruins. not far away is a fairly recent though prehistoric lava flow. it occurs to me that possibly this flow destroyed some of the clay beds from which the ancient potters got their precious material. the temple may have been erected as a propitiatory offering to the god of volcanoes in the hope that the anger which had caused him to send the lava flow might be appeased. it may be that the inca viracocha, an unusually gifted ruler, was particularly interested in ceramics and was responsible for building the temple. if so, it would be natural for people who are devoted to ancestor worship to have here worshiped his memory. -----figure route map of the peruvian expedition of 1912 -----chapter vii the valley of the huatanay the valley of the huatanay is one of many valleys tributary to the urubamba. it differs from them in having more arable land located under climatic conditions favorable for the raising of the food crops of the ancient peruvians. containing an area estimated at less than 160 square miles, it was the heart of the greatest empire that south america has ever seen. it is still intensively cultivated, the home of a large percentage of the people of this part of peru. the huatanay itself sometimes meanders through the valley in a natural manner, but at other times is seen to be confined within carefully built stone walls constructed by prehistoric agriculturists anxious to save their fields from floods and erosion. the climate is temperate. extreme cold is unknown. water freezes in the lowlands during the dry winter season, in june and july, and frost may occur any night in the year above 13,000 feet, but in general the climate may be said to be neither warm nor cold. this rich valley was apportioned by the spanish conquerors to soldiers who were granted large estates as well as the labor of the indians living on them. this method still prevails and one may occasionally meet on the road wealthy landholders on their way to and from town. although mules are essentially the most reliable saddle animals for work in the andes, these landholders usually prefer horses, which are larger and faster, as well as being more gentle and better gaited. the gentry of the huatanay valley prefer a deep-seated saddle, over which is laid a heavy sheepskin or thick fur mat. the fashionable stirrups are pyramidal in shape, made of wood decorated with silver bands. owing to the steepness of the roads, a crupper is considered necessary and is usually decorated with a broad, embossed panel, from which hang little trappings reminiscent of medieval harness. the bridle is usually made of carefully braided leather, decorated with silver and frequently furnished with an embossed leather eye shade or blinder, to indicate that the horse is high-spirited. this eye shade, which may be pulled down so as to blind both eyes completely, is more useful than a hitching post in persuading the horse to stand still. the valley of the huatanay river is divided into three parts, the basins of lucre, oropesa, and cuzco. the basaltic cliffs near oropesa divide the lucre basin from the oropesa basin. the pass at angostura, or "the narrows," is the natural gateway between the oropesa basin and the cuzco basin. each basin contains interesting ruins. in the lucre basin the most interesting are those of rumiccolca and piquillacta. at the extreme eastern end of the valley, on top of the pass which leads to the vilcanota is an ancient gateway called rumiccolca (rumi = "stone"; ccolca = "granary"). it is commonly supposed that this was an inca fortress, intended to separate the chiefs of cuzco from those of vilcanota. it is now locally referred to as a "fortaleza." the major part of the wall is well built of rough stones, laid in clay, while the sides of the gateway are faced with carefully cut andesite ashlars of an entirely different style. it is conceivable that some great chieftain built the rough wall in the days when the highlands were split up among many little independent rulers, and that later one of the incas, no longer needing any fortifications between the huatanay valley and the vilcanota valley, tore down part of the wall and built a fine gateway. the faces of the ashlars are nicely finished except for several rough bosses or nubbins. they were probably used by the ancient masons in order to secure a better hold when finally adjusting the ashlars with small crowbars. it may have been the intention of the stone masons to remove these nubbins after the wall was completed. in one of the unfinished structures at machu picchu i noticed similar bosses. the name "stone-granary" was probably originally applied to a neighboring edifice now in ruins. on the rocky hillside above rumiccolca are the ruins of many ancient terraces and some buildings. not far from rumiccolca, on the slopes of mt. piquillacta, are the ruins of an extensive city, also called piquillacta. a large number of its houses have extraordinarily high walls. a high wall outside the city, and running north and south, was obviously built to protect it from enemies approaching from the vilcanota valley. in the other directions the slopes are so steep as to render a wall unnecessary. the walls are built of fragments of lava rock, with which the slopes of mt. piquillacta are covered. cacti and thorny scrub are growing in the ruins, but the volcanic soil is rich enough to attract the attention of agriculturists, who come here from neighboring villages to cultivate their crops. the slopes above the city are still extensively cultivated, but without terraces. wheat and barley are the principal crops. as an illustration of the difficulty of identifying places in ancient peru, it is worth noting that the gateway now called rumiccolca is figured in squier's "peru" as "piquillacta." on the other hand, the ruins of the large city, "covering thickly an area nearly a square mile," are called by squier "the great inca town of muyna," a name also applied to the little lake which lies in the bottom of the lucre basin. as squier came along the road from racche he saw mt. piquillacta first, then the gateway, then lake muyna, then the ruins of the city. in each case the name of the most conspicuous, harmless, natural phenomenon seems to have been applied to ruins by those of whom he inquired. my own experience was different. -----figure lucre basin, lake muyna, and the city wall of piquillacta -----dr. aguilar, a distinguished professor in the university of cuzco, who has a country place in the neighborhood and is very familiar with this region, brought me to this ancient city from the other direction. from him i learned that the city ruins are called piquillacta, the name which is also applied to the mountain which lies to the eastward of the ruins and rises 1200 feet above them. dr. aguilar lives near oropesa. as one comes from oropesa, mt. piquillacta is a conspicuous point and is directly in line with the city ruins. consequently, it would be natural for people viewing it from this direction to give to the ruins the name of the mountain rather than that of the lake. yet the mountain may be named for the ruins. piqui means "flea"; llacta means "town, city, country, district, or territory." was this "the territory of the fleas" or was it "flea town"? and what was its name in the days of the incas? was the old name abandoned because it was considered unlucky? whatever the reason, it is a most extraordinary fact that we have here the evidences of a very large town, possibly pre-inca, long since abandoned. there are scores of houses and numerous compounds laid out in regular fashion, the streets crossing each other at right angles, the whole covering an area considerably larger than the important town of ollantaytambo. not a soul lives here. it is true that across the vilcanota to the east is a difficult, mountainous country culminating in mt. ausangate, the highest peak in the department. yet piquillacta is in the midst of a populous region. to the north lies the thickly settled valley of pisac and yucay; to the south, the important vilcanota valley with dozens of villages; to the west the densely populated valley of the huatanay and cuzco itself, the largest city in the highlands of peru. thousands of people live within a radius of twenty miles of piquillacta, and the population is on the increase. it is perfectly easy of access and is less than a mile east of the railroad. yet it is "abandonado--desierto--despoblado"! undoubtedly here was once a large city of great importance. the reason for its being abandoned appears to be the absence of running water. although mt. piquillacta is a large mass, nearly five miles long and two miles wide, rising to a point of 2000 feet above the huatanay and vilcanota rivers, it has no streams, brooks, or springs. it is an isolated, extinct volcano surrounded by igneous rocks, lavas, andesites, and basalts. how came it that so large a city as piquillacta could have been built on the slopes of a mountain which has no running streams? has the climate changed so much since those days? if so, how is it that the surrounding region is still the populous part of southern peru? it is inconceivable that so large a city could have been built and occupied on a plateau four hundred feet above the nearest water unless there was some way of providing it other than the arduous one of bringing every drop up the hill on the backs of men and llamas. if there were no places near here better provided with water than this site, one could understand that perhaps its inhabitants were obliged to depend entirely upon water carriers. on the contrary, within a radius of six miles there are half a dozen unoccupied sites near running streams. until further studies can be made of this puzzling problem i believe that the answer lies in the ruins of rumiccolca, which are usually thought of as a fortress. squier says that this "fortress" was "the southern limit of the dominions of the first inca." "the fortress reaches from the mountain, on one side, to a high, rocky eminence on the other. it is popularly called 'el aqueducto,' perhaps from some fancied resemblance to an aqueduct--but the name is evidently misapplied." yet he admits that the cross-section of the wall, diminishing as it does "by graduations or steps on both sides," "might appear to conflict with the hypothesis of its being a work of defense or fortification" if it occupied "a different position." he noticed that "the top of the wall is throughout of the same level; becomes less in height as it approaches the hills on either hand and diminishes proportionately in thickness" as an aqueduct should do. yet, so possessed was he by the "fortress" idea that he rejected not only local tradition as expressed in the native name, but even turned his back on the evidence of his own eyes. it seems to me that there is little doubt that instead of the ruins of rumiccolca representing a fortification, we have here the remains of an ancient azequia, or aqueduct, built by some powerful chieftain to supply the people of piquillacta with water. a study of the topography of the region shows that the river which rises southwest of the village of lucre and furnishes water power for its modern textile mills could have been used to supply such an azequia. the water, collected at an elevation of 10,700 feet, could easily have been brought six miles along the southern slopes of the lucre basin, around mt. rumiccolca and across the old road, on this aqueduct, at an elevation of about 10,600 feet. this would have permitted it to flow through some of the streets of piquillacta and give the ancient city an adequate supply of water. the slopes of rumiccolca are marked by many ancient terraces. their upper limit corresponds roughly with the contour along which such an azequia would have had to pass. there is, in fact, a distinct line on the hillside which looks as though an azequia had once passed that way. in the valley back of lucre are also faint indications of old azequias. there has been, however, a considerable amount of erosion on the hills, and if, as seems likely, the water-works have been out of order for several centuries, it is not surprising that all traces of them have disappeared in places. i regret very much that circumstances over which i had no control prevented my making a thorough study of the possibilities of such a theory. it remains for some fortunate future investigator to determine who were the inhabitants of piquillacta, how they secured their water supply, and why the city was abandoned. -----figure sacsahuaman: detail of lower terrace wall ----------figure ruins of the aqueduct of rumiccolca -----until then i suggest as a possible working hypothesis that we have at piquillacta the remains of a pre-inca city; that its chiefs and people cultivated the lucre basin and its tributaries; that as a community they were a separate political entity from the people of cuzco; that the ruler of the cuzco people, perhaps an inca, finally became sufficiently powerful to conquer the people of the lucre basin, and removed the tribes which had occupied piquillacta to a distant part of his domain, a system of colonization well known in the history of the incas; that, after the people who had built and lived in piquillacta departed, no subsequent dwellers in this region cared to reoccupy the site, and its aqueduct fell into decay. it is easy to believe that at first such a site would have been considered unlucky. its houses, unfamiliar and unfashionable in design, would have been considered not desirable. their high walls might have been used for a reconstructed city had there been plenty of water available. in any case, the ruins of the lucre basin offer a most fascinating problem. in the oropesa basin the most important ruins are those of tipon, a pleasant, well-watered valley several hundred feet above the village of quispicanchi. they include carefully constructed houses of characteristic inca construction, containing many symmetrically arranged niches with stone lintels. the walls of most of the houses are of rough stones laid in clay. tipon was probably the residence of the principal chief of the oropesa basin. it commands a pleasant view of the village and of the hills to the south, which to-day are covered with fields of wheat and barley. at tipon there is a nicely constructed fountain of cut stone. some of the terraces are extremely well built, with roughly squared blocks fitting tightly together. access from one terrace to another was obtained by steps made each of a single bonder projecting from the face of the terrace. few better constructed terrace walls are to be seen anywhere. the terraces are still cultivated by the people of quispicanchi. no one lives at tipon now, although little shepherd boys and goatherds frequent the neighborhood. it is more convenient for the agriculturists to live at the edge of their largest fields, which are in the valley bottom, than to climb five hundred feet into the narrow valley and occupy the old buildings. motives of security no longer require a residence here rather than in the open plain. while i was examining the ruins and digging up a few attractive potsherds bearing inca designs, dr. giesecke, the president of the university of cuzco, who had accompanied me, climbed the mountain above tipon with dr. aguilar and reported the presence of a fortification near its summit. my stay at oropesa was rendered most comfortable and happy by the generous hospitality of dr. aguilar, whose finca is between quispicanchi and oropesa and commands a charming view of the valley. from the oropesa basin, one enters the cuzco basin through an opening in the sandstone cliffs of angostura near the modern town of san geronimo. on the slopes above the south bank of the huatanay, just beyond angostura, are the ruins of a score or more of gable-roofed houses of characteristic inca construction. the ancient buildings have doors, windows, and niches in walls of small stones laid in clay, the lintels having been of wood, now decayed. when we asked the name of these ruins we were told that it was saylla, although that is the name of a modern village three miles away, down the huatanay, in the oropesa basin. like piquillacta, old saylla has no water supply at present. it is not far from a stream called the kkaira and could easily have been supplied with water by an azequia less than two miles in length brought along the 11,000 feet contour. it looks very much like the case of a village originally placed on the hills for the sake of comparative security and isolation and later abandoned through a desire to enjoy the advantages of living near the great highway in the bottom of the valley, after the incas had established peace over the highlands. there may be another explanation. it appears from mr. cook's studies that the deforestation of the cuzco basin by the hand of man, and modern methods of tillage on unterraced slopes, have caused an unusual amount of erosion to occur. landslides are frequent in the rainy season. opposite saylla is mt. picol, whose twin peaks are the most conspicuous feature on the north side of the basin. waste material from its slopes is causing the rapid growth of a great gravel fan north of the village of san geronimo. professor gregory noticed that the streams traversing the fan are even now engaged in burying ancient fields by "transporting gravel from the head of the fan to its lower margin," and that the lower end of the cuzco basin, where the huatanay, hemmed in between the angostura narrows, cannot carry away the sediment as fast as it is brought down by its tributaries, is being choked up. if old saylla represents a fortress set here to defend cuzco against old oropesa, it might very naturally have been abandoned when the rule of the incas finally spread far over the andes. on the other hand, it seems more likely that the people who built saylla were farmers and that when the lower cuzco basin was filled up by aggradation, due to increased erosion, they abandoned this site for one nearer the arable lands. one may imagine the dismay with which the agricultural residents of these ancient houses saw their beautiful fields at the bottom of the hill, covered in a few days, or even hours, by enormous quantities of coarse gravel brought down from the steep slopes of picol after some driving rainstorm. it may have been some such catastrophe that led them to take up their residence elsewhere. as a matter of fact we do not know when it was abandoned. further investigation might point to its having been deserted when the spanish village of san geronimo was founded. however, i believe students of agriculture will agree with me that deforestation, increased erosion, and aggrading gravel banks probably drove the folk out of saylla. the southern rim of the cuzco basin is broken by no very striking peaks, although huanacaurai (13,427 ft.), the highest point, is connected in inca tradition with some of the principal festivals and religious celebrations. the north side of the huatanay valley is much more irregular, ranging from ttica ttica pass (12,000 ft.) to mt. pachatucsa (15,915 ft.), whose five little peaks are frequently snow-clad. there is no permanent snow either here or elsewhere in the huatanay valley. the people of the cuzco basin are very short of fuel. there is no native coal. what the railroad uses comes from australia. firewood is scarce. the ancient forests disappeared long ago. the only trees in sight are a few willows or poplars from europe and one or two groves of eucalyptus, also from australia. cuzco has been thought of and written of as being above the tree line, but such is not the case. the absence of trees on the neighboring hills is due entirely to the hand of man, the long occupation, the necessities of early agriculturists, who cleared the forests before the days of intensive terrace agriculture, and the firewood requirements of a large population. the people of cuzco do not dream of having enough fuel to make their houses warm and comfortable. only with difficulty can they get enough for cooking purposes. they depend largely on fagots and straw which are brought into town on the backs of men and animals. in the fields of stubble left from the wheat and barley harvest we saw many sheep feeding. they were thin and long-legged and many of the rams had four horns, apparently due to centuries of inbreeding and the failure to improve the original stock by the introduction of new and superior strains. when one looks at the great amount of arable slopes on most of the hills of the cuzco basin and the unusually extensive flat land near the huatanay, one readily understands why the heart of inca land witnessed a concentration of population very unusual in the andes. most of the important ruins are in the northwest quadrant of the basin either in the immediate vicinity of cuzco itself or on the "pampas" north of the city. the reason is that the arable lands where most extensive potato cultivation could be carried out are nearly all in this quadrant. in the midst of this potato country, at the foot of the pass that leads directly to pisac and paucartambo, is a picturesque ruin which bears the native name of pucará. pucará is the quichua word for fortress and it needs but one glance at the little hilltop crowned with a rectangular fortification to realize that the term is justified. the walls are beautifully made of irregular blocks closely fitted together. advantage was taken of small cliffs on two sides of the hill to strengthen the fortifications. we noticed openings or drains which had been cut in the wall by the original builders in order to prevent the accumulation of moisture on the terraced floor of the enclosed area, which is several feet above that of the sloping field outside. similar conduits may be seen in many of the old walls in the city of cuzco. apparently, the ancient folk fully appreciated the importance of good drainage and took pains to secure it. at present pucará is occupied by llama herdsmen and drovers, who find the enclosure a very convenient corral. probably pucará was built by the chief of a tribe of prehistoric herdsmen who raised root crops and kept their flocks of llamas and alpacas on the neighboring grassy slopes. a short distance up the stream of the lkalla chaca, above pucará, is a warm mineral spring. around it is a fountain of cut stone. near by are the ruins of a beautiful terrace, on top of which is a fine wall containing four large, ceremonial niches, level with the ground and about six feet high. the place is now called tampu machai. polo de ondegardo, who lived in cuzco in 1560, while many of the royal family of the incas were still alive, gives a list of the sacred or holy places which were venerated by all the indians in those days. among these he mentions that of timpucpuquio, the "hot springs" near tambo machai, "called so from the manner in which the water boils up." the next huaca, or holy place, he mentions is tambo machai itself, "a house of the inca yupanqui, where he was entertained when he went to be married. it was placed on a hill near the road over the andes. they sacrifice everything here except children." the stonework of the ruins here is so excellent in character, the ashlars being very carefully fitted together, one may fairly assume a religious origin for the place. the quichua word macchini means "to wash" or "to rinse a large narrow-mouthed pitcher." it may be that at tampu machai ceremonial purification of utensils devoted to royal or priestly uses was carried on. it is possible that this is the place where, according to molina, all the youths of cuzco who had been armed as knights in the great november festival came on the 21st day of the month to bathe and change their clothes. afterwards they returned to the city to be lectured by their relatives. "each relation that offered a sacrifice flogged a youth and delivered a discourse to him, exhorting him to be valiant and never to be a traitor to the sun and the inca, but to imitate the bravery and prowess of his ancestors." tampu machai is located on a little bluff above the lkalla chaca, a small stream which finally joins the huatanay near the town of san sebastian. before it reaches the huatanay, the lkalla chaca joins the cachimayo, famous as being so highly impregnated with salt as to have caused the rise of extensive salt works. in fact, the pizarros named the place las salinas, or "the salt pits," on account of the salt pans with which, by a careful system of terracing, the natives had filled the cachimayo valley. prescott describes the great battle which took place here on april 26, 1539, between the forces of pizarro and almagro, the two leaders who had united for the original conquest of peru, but quarreled over the division of the territory. near the salt pans are many inca walls and the ruins of structures, with niches, called rumihuasi, or "stone house." the presence of salt in many of the springs of the huatanay valley was a great source of annoyance to our topographic engineers, who were frequently obliged to camp in districts where the only water available was so saline as to spoil it for drinking purposes and ruin the tea. the cuzco basin was undoubtedly once the site of a lake, "an ancient water-body whose surface," says professor gregory, "lay well above the present site of san sebastian and san geronimo." this lake is believed to have reached its maximum expansion in early pleistocene times. its rich silts, so well adapted for raising maize, habas beans, and quinoa, have always attracted farmers and are still intensively cultivated. it has been named "lake morkill" in honor of that loyal friend of scientific research in peru, william l. morkill, esq., without whose untiring aid we could never have brought our peruvian explorations as far along as we did. in pre-glacial times lake morkill fluctuated in volume. from time to time parts of the shore were exposed long enough to enable plants to send their roots into the fine materials and the sun to bake and crack the muds. mastodons grazed on its banks. "lake morkill probably existed during all or nearly all of the glacial epoch." its drainage was finally accomplished by the huatanay cutting down the sandstone hills, near saylla, and developing the angostura gorge. in the banks of the huatanay, a short distance below the city of cuzco, the stratified beds of the vanished lake morkill to-day contain many fossil shells. above these are gravels brought down by the floods and landslides of more modern times, in which may be found potsherds and bones. one of the chief affluents of the huatanay is the chunchullumayo, which cuts off the southernmost third of cuzco from the center of the city. its banks are terraced and are still used for gardens and food crops. here the hospitable canadian missionaries have their pleasant station, a veritable oasis of anglo-saxon cleanliness. on a july morning in 1911, while strolling up the ayahuaycco quebrada, an affluent of the chunchullumayo, in company with professor foote and surgeon erving, my interest was aroused by the sight of several bones and potsherds exposed by recent erosion in the stratified gravel banks of the little gulch. further examination showed that recent erosion had also cut through an ancient ash heap. on the side toward cuzco i discovered a section of stone wall, built of roughly finished stones more or less carefully fitted together, which at first sight appeared to have been built to prevent further washing away of that side of the gulch. yet above the wall and flush with its surface the bank appeared to consist of stratified gravel, indicating that the wall antedated the gravel deposits. fifty feet farther up the quebrada another portion of wall appeared under the gravel bank. on top of the bank was a cultivated field! half an hour's digging in the compact gravel showed that there was more wall underneath the field. later investigation by dr. bowman showed that the wall was about three feet thick and nine feet in height, carefully faced on both sides with roughly cut stone and filled in with rubble, a type of stonework not uncommon in the foundations of some of the older buildings in the western part of the city of cuzco. -----figure huatanay vallye, cuzco, and the ayahuaycco quebrada -----even at first sight it was obvious that this wall, built by man, was completely covered to a depth of six or eight feet by a compact water-laid gravel bank. this was sufficiently difficult to understand, yet a few days later, while endeavoring to solve the puzzle, i found something even more exciting. half a mile farther up the gulch, the road, newly cut, ran close to the compact, perpendicular gravel bank. about five feet above the road i saw what looked like one of the small rocks which are freely interspersed throughout the gravels here. closer examination showed it to be the end of a human femur. apparently it formed an integral part of the gravel bank, which rose almost perpendicularly for seventy or eighty feet above it. impressed by the possibilities in case it should turn out to be true that here, in the heart of inca land, a human bone had been buried under seventy-five feet of gravel, i refrained from disturbing it until i could get dr. bowman and professor foote, the geologist and the naturalist of the 1911 expedition, to come with me to the ayahuaycco quebrada. we excavated the femur and found behind it fragments of a number of other bones. they were excessively fragile. the femur was unable to support more than four inches of its own weight and broke off after the gravel had been partly removed. although the gravel itself was somewhat damp the bones were dry and powdery, ashy gray in color. the bones were carried to the hotel central, where they were carefully photographed, soaked in melted vaseline, packed in cotton batting, and eventually brought to new haven. here they were examined by dr. george f. eaton, curator of osteology in the peabody museum. in the meantime dr. bowman had become convinced that the compact gravels of ayahuaycco were of glacial origin. when dr. eaton first examined the bone fragments he was surprised to find among them the bone of a horse. unfortunately a careful examination of the photographs taken in cuzco of all the fragments which were excavated by us on july 11th failed to reveal this particular bone. dr. bowman, upon being questioned, said that he had dug out one or two more bones in the cliff adjoining our excavation of july 11th and had added these to the original lot. presumably this horse bone was one which he had added when the bones were packed. it did not worry him, however, and so sure was he of his interpretation of the gravel beds that he declared he did not care if we had found the bone of a percheron stallion, he was sure that the age of the vertebrate remains might be "provisionally estimated at 20,000 to 40,000 years," until further studies could be made of the geology of the surrounding territory. in an article on the buried wall, dr. bowman came to the conclusion that "the wall is pre-inca, that its relations to alluvial deposits which cover it indicate its erection before the alluvial slope in which it lies buried was formed, and that it represents the earliest type of architecture at present known in the cuzco basin." dr. eaton's study of the bones brought out the fact that eight of them were fragments of human bones representing at least three individuals, four were fragments of llama bones, one of the bone of a dog, and three were "bovine remains." the human remains agreed "in all essential respects" with the bones of modern quichuas. llama and dog might all have belonged to inca, or even more recent times, but the bovine remains presented considerable difficulty. the three fragments were from bones which "are among the least characteristic parts of the skeleton." that which was of greatest interest was the fragment of a first rib, resembling the first rib of the extinct bison. since this fragmentary bovine rib was of a form apparently characteristic of bisons and not seen in the domestic cattle of the united states, dr. eaton felt that it could not be denied "that the material examined suggests the possibility that some species of bison is here represented, yet it would hardly be in accordance with conservative methods to differentiate bison from domestic cattle solely by characters obtained from a study of the first ribs of a small number of individuals." although staunchly supporting his theory of the age of the vertebrate remains, dr. bowman in his report on their geological relations admitted that the weakness of his case lay in the fact that the bovine remains were not sharply differentiated from the bones of modern cattle, and also in the possibility that "the bluff in which the bones were found may be faced by younger gravel and that the bones were found in a gravel veneer deposited during later periods of partial valley filling, ... although it still seems very unlikely." reports of glacial man in america have come from places as widely separated as california and argentina. careful investigation, however, has always thrown doubt on any great age being certainly attributable to any human remains. in view of the fragmentary character of the skeletal evidence, the fact that no proof of great antiquity could be drawn from the characters of the human skeletal parts, and the suggestion made by dr. bowman of the possibility that the gravels which contained the bones might be of a later origin than he thought, we determined to make further and more complete investigations in 1912. it was most desirable to clear up all doubts and dissolve all skepticism. i felt, perhaps mistakenly, that while a further study of the geology of the cuzco basin undoubtedly might lead dr. bowman to reverse his opinion, as was expected by some geologists, if it should lead him to confirm his original conclusions the same skeptics would be likely to continue their skepticism and say he was trying to bolster up his own previous opinions. accordingly, i believed it preferable to take another geologist, whose independent testimony would give great weight to those conclusions should he find them confirmed by an exhaustive geological study of the huatanay valley. i asked dr. bowman's colleague, professor gregory, to make the necessary studies. at his request a very careful map of the huatanay valley was prepared under the direction of chief topographer albert h. bumstead. dr. eaton, who had had no opportunity of seeing peru, was invited to accompany us and make a study of the bones of modern peruvian cattle as well as of any other skeletal remains which might be found. furthermore, it seemed important to me to dig a tunnel into the ayahuaycco hillside at the exact point from which we took the bones in 1911. so i asked mr. k. c. heald, whose engineering training had been in colorado, to superintend it. mr. heald dug a tunnel eleven feet long, with a cross-section four and a half by three feet, into the solid mass of gravel. he expected to have to use timbering, but so firmly packed was the gravel that this was not necessary. no bones or artifacts were found--nothing but coarse gravel, uniform in texture and containing no unmistakable evidences of stratification. apparently the bones had been in a land slip on the edge of an older, compact gravel mass. in his studies of the cuzco basin professor gregory came to the conclusion that the ayahuaycco gravel banks might have been repeatedly buried and reëxcavated many times during the past few centuries. he found evidence indicating periodic destruction and rebuilding of some gravel terraces, "even within the past one hundred years." accordingly there was no longer any necessity to ascribe great antiquity to the bones or the wall which we found in the ayahuaycco quebrada. although the "cuzco gravels are believed to have reached their greatest extent and thickness in late pleistocene times," more recent deposits have, however, been superimposed on top and alongside of them. "surface wash from the bordering slopes, controlled in amount and character by climatic changes, has probably been accumulating continuously since glacial times, and has greatly increased since human occupation began." "geologic data do not require more than a few hundreds of years as the age of the human remains found in the cuzco gravels." but how about the "bison"? soon after his arrival in cuzco, dr. eaton examined the first ribs of carcasses of beef animals offered for sale in the public markets. he immediately became convinced that the "bison" was a peruvian domestic ox. "under the life-conditions prevailing in this part of the andes, and possibly in correlation with the increased action of the respiratory muscles in a rarefied air, domestic cattle occasionally develop first ribs, closely approaching the form observed in bison." such was the sad end of the "bison" and the "cuzco man," who at one time i thought might be forty thousand years old, and now believe to have been two hundred years old, perhaps. the word ayahuaycco in quichua means "the valley of dead bodies" or "dead man's gulch." there is a story that it was used as a burial place for plague victims in cuzco, not more than three generations ago! chapter viii the oldest city in south america cuzco, the oldest city in south america, has changed completely since squier's visit. in fact it has altered considerably since my own first impressions of it were published in "across south america." to be sure, there are still the evidences of antiquity to be seen on every side; on the other hand there are corresponding evidences of advancement. telephones, electric lights, street cars, and the "movies" have come to stay. the streets are cleaner. if the modern traveler finds fault with some of the conditions he encounters he must remember that many of the achievements of the people of ancient cuzco are not yet duplicated in his own country nor have they ever been equaled in any other part of the world. and modern cuzco is steadily progressing. the great square in front of the cathedral was completely metamorphosed by prefect nuñez in 1911; concrete walks and beds of bright flowers have replaced the market and the old cobblestone paving and made the plaza a favorite promenade of the citizens on pleasant evenings. the principal market-place now is the plaza of san francisco. it is crowded with booths of every description. nearly all of the food-stuffs and utensils used by the indians may be bought here. frequently thronged with indians, buying and selling, arguing and jabbering, it affords, particularly in the early morning, a never-ending source of entertainment to one who is fond of the picturesque and interested in strange manners and customs. the retail merchants of cuzco follow the very old custom of congregating by classes. in one street are the dealers in hats; in another those who sell coca. the dressmakers and tailors are nearly all in one long arcade in a score or more of dark little shops. their light seems to come entirely from the front door. the occupants are operators of american sewing-machines who not only make clothing to order, but always have on hand a large assortment of standard sizes and patterns. in another arcade are the shops of those who specialize in everything which appeals to the eye and the pocketbook of the arriero: richly decorated halters, which are intended to avert the evil eye from his best mules; leather knapsacks in which to carry his coca or other valuable articles; cloth cinches and leather bridles; rawhide lassos, with which he is more likely to make a diamond hitch than to rope a mule; flutes to while away the weary hours of his journey, and candles to be burned before his patron saint as he starts for some distant village; in a word, all the paraphernalia of his profession. -----figure map of peru and view of cuzco from the "speculum orbis terrarum," antwerp, 1578. -----in order to learn more about the picturesque quichuas who throng the streets of cuzco it was felt to be important to secure anthropometric measurements of a hundred indians. accordingly, surgeon nelson set up a laboratory in the hotel central. his subjects were the unwilling victims of friendly gendarmes who went out into the streets with orders to bring for examination only pure-blooded quichuas. most of the indians showed no resentment and were in the end pleased and surprised to find themselves the recipients of a small silver coin as compensation for loss of time. one might have supposed that a large proportion of dr. nelson's subjects would have claimed cuzco as their native place, but this was not the case. actually fewer indians came from the city itself than from relatively small towns like anta, huaracondo, and maras. this may have been due to a number of causes. in the first place, the gendarmes may have preferred to arrest strangers from distant villages, who would submit more willingly. secondly, the city folk were presumably more likely to be in their shops attending to their business or watching their wares in the plaza, an occupation which the gendarmes could not interrupt. on the other hand it is also probably true that the residents of cuzco are of more mixed descent than those of remote villages, where even to-day one cannot find more than two or three individuals who speak spanish. furthermore, the attention of the gendarmes might have been drawn more easily to the quaintly caparisoned indians temporarily in from the country, where city fashions do not prevail, than to those who through long residence in the city had learned to adopt a costume more in accordance with european notions. in 1870, according to squier, seven eighths of the population of cuzco were still pure indian. even to-day a large proportion of the individuals whom one sees in the streets appears to be of pure aboriginal ancestry. of these we found that many are visitors from outlying villages. cuzco is the mecca of the most densely populated part of the andes. probably a large part of its citizens are of mixed spanish and quichua ancestry. the spanish conquistadores did not bring european women with them. nearly all took native wives. the spanish race is composed of such an extraordinary mixture of peoples from europe and northern africa, celts, iberians, romans, and goths, as well as carthaginians, berbers, and moors, that the hispanic peoples have far less antipathy toward intermarriage with the american race than have the anglo-saxons and teutons of northern europe. consequently, there has gone on for centuries intermarriage of spaniards and indians with results which are difficult to determine. some writers have said there were once 200,000 people in cuzco. with primitive methods of transportation it would be very difficult to feed so many. furthermore, in 1559, there were, according to montesinos, only 20,000 indians in cuzco. one of the charms of cuzco is the juxtaposition of old and new. street cars clanging over steel rails carry crowds of well-dressed cuzceños past inca walls to greet their friends at the railroad station. the driver is scarcely able by the most vigorous application of his brakes to prevent his mules from crashing into a compact herd of quiet, supercilious llamas sedately engaged in bringing small sacks of potatoes to the cuzco market. the modern convent of la merced is built of stones taken from ancient inca structures. fastened to ashlars which left the inca stonemason's hands six or seven centuries ago, one sees a bill-board advertising cuzco's largest moving-picture theater. on the 2d of july, 1915, the performance was for the benefit of the belgian red cross! gazing in awe at this sign were indian boys from some remote andean village where the custom is to wear ponchos with broad fringes, brightly colored, and knitted caps richly decorated with tasseled tops and elaborate ear-tabs, a costume whose design shows no trace of european influence. side by side with these picturesque visitors was a barefooted cuzco urchin clad in a striped jersey, cloth cap, coat, and pants of english pattern. one sees electric light wires fastened to the walls of houses built four hundred years ago by the spanish conquerors, walls which themselves rest on massive stone foundations laid by inca masons centuries before the conquest. in one place telephone wires intercept one's view of the beautiful stone facade of an old jesuit church, now part of the university of cuzco. it is built of reddish basalt from the quarries of huaccoto, near the twin peaks of mt. picol. professor gregory says that this huaccoto basalt has a softness and uniformity of texture which renders it peculiarly suitable for that elaborately carved stonework which was so greatly desired by ecclesiastical architects of the sixteenth century. as compared with the dense diorite which was extensively used by the incas, the basalt weathers far more rapidly. the rich red color of the weathered portions gives to the jesuit church an atmosphere of extreme age. the courtyard of the university, whose arcades echoed to the feet of learned jesuit teachers long before yale was founded, has recently been paved with concrete, transformed into a tennis court, and now echoes to the shouts of students to whom dr. giesecke, the successful president, is teaching the truth of the ancient axiom, "mens sana in corpore sano." modern cuzco is a city of about 20,000 people. although it is the political capital of the most important department in southern peru, it had in 1911 only one hospital--a semi-public, non-sectarian organization on the west of the city, next door to the largest cemetery. in fact, so far away is it from everything else and so close to the cemetery that the funeral wreaths and the more prominent monuments are almost the only interesting things which the patients have to look at. the building has large courtyards and open colonnades, which would afford ideal conditions for patients able to take advantage of open-air treatment. at the time of surgeon erving's visit he found the patients were all kept in wards whose windows were small and practically always closed and shuttered, so that the atmosphere was close and the light insufficient. one could hardly imagine a stronger contrast than exists between such wards and those to which we are accustomed in the united states, where the maximum of sunlight and fresh air is sought and patients are encouraged to sit out-of-doors, and even have their cots on porches. there was no resident physician. the utmost care was taken throughout the hospital to have everything as dark as possible, thus conforming to the ancient mountain traditions regarding the evil effects of sunlight and fresh air. needless to say, the hospital has a high mortality and a very poor local reputation; yet it is the only hospital in the department. outside of cuzco, in all the towns we visited, there was no provision for caring for the sick except in their own homes. in the larger places there are shops where some of the more common drugs may be obtained, but in the great majority of towns and villages no modern medicines can be purchased. no wonder president giesecke, of the university, is urging his students to play football and tennis. -----figure towers of jesuit church with cloisters and tennis court of university, cuzco -----on the slopes of the hill which overshadows the university are the interesting terraces of colcampata. here, in 1571, lived carlos inca, a cousin of inca titu cusi, one of the native rulers who succeeded in maintaining a precarious existence in the wilds of the cordillera uilcapampa after the spanish conquest. in the gardens of colcampata is still preserved one of the most exquisite bits of inca stonework to be seen in peru. one wonders whether it is all that is left of a fine palace, or whether it represents the last efforts of a dying dynasty to erect a suitable residence for titu cusi's cousin. it is carefully preserved by don cesare lomellini, the leading business man of cuzco, a merchant prince of italian origin, who is at once a banker, an exporter of hides and other country produce, and an importer of merchandise of every description, including pencils and sugar mills, lumber and hats, candy and hardware. he is also an amateur of spanish colonial furniture as well as of the beautiful pottery of the incas. furthermore, he has always found time to turn aside from the pressing cares of his large business to assist our expeditions. he has frequently brought us in touch with the owners of country estates, or given us letters of introduction, so that our paths were made easy. he has provided us with storerooms for our equipment, assisted us in procuring trustworthy muleteers, seen to it that we were not swindled in local purchases of mules and pack saddles, given us invaluable advice in overcoming difficulties, and, in a word, placed himself wholly at our disposal, just as though we were his most desirable and best-paying clients. as a matter of fact, he never was willing to receive any compensation for the many favors he showed us. so important a factor was he in the success of our expeditions that he deserves to be gratefully remembered by all friends of exploration. above his country house at colcampata is the hill of sacsahuaman. it is possible to scramble up its face, but only by making more exertion than is desirable at this altitude, 11,900 feet. the easiest way to reach the famous "fortress" is by following the course of the little tullumayu, "feeble stream," the easternmost of the three canalized streams which divide cuzco into four parts. on its banks one first passes a tannery and then, a short distance up a steep gorge, the remains of an old mill. the stone flume and the adjoining ruins are commonly ascribed by the people of cuzco to-day to the incas, but do not look to me like inca stonework. since the incas did not understand the mechanical principle of the wheel, it is hardly likely that they would have known how to make any use of water power. finally, careful examination of the flume discloses the presence of lead cement, a substance unknown in inca masonry. a little farther up the stream one passes through a massive megalithic gateway and finds one's self in the presence of the astounding gray-blue cyclopean walls of sacsahuaman, described in "across south america." here the ancient builders constructed three great terraces, which extend one above another for a third of a mile across the hill between two deep gulches. the lowest terrace of the "fortress" is faced with colossal boulders, many of which weigh ten tons and some weigh more than twenty tons, yet all are fitted together with the utmost precision. i have visited sacsahuaman repeatedly. each time it invariably overwhelms and astounds. to a superstitious indian who sees these walls for the first time, they must seem to have been built by gods. about a mile northeast of sacsahuaman are several small artificial hills, partly covered with vegetation, which seem to be composed entirely of gray-blue rock chips--chips from the great limestone blocks quarried here for the "fortress" and later conveyed with the utmost pains down to sacsahuaman. they represent the labor of countless thousands of quarrymen. even in modern times, with steam drills, explosives, steel tools, and light railways, these hills would be noteworthy, but when one pauses to consider that none of these mechanical devices were known to the ancient stonemasons and that these mountains of stone chips were made with stone tools and were all carried from the quarries by hand, it fairly staggers the imagination. the ruins of sacsahuaman represent not only an incredible amount of human labor, but also a very remarkable governmental organization. that thousands of people could have been spared from agricultural pursuits for so long a time as was necessary to extract the blocks from the quarries, hew them to the required shapes, transport them several miles over rough country, and bond them together in such an intricate manner, means that the leaders had the brains and ability to organize and arrange the affairs of a very large population. such a folk could hardly have spent much time in drilling or preparing for warfare. their building operations required infinite pains, endless time, and devoted skill. such qualities could hardly have been called forth, even by powerful monarchs, had not the results been pleasing to the great majority of their people, people who were primarily agriculturists. they had learned to avert hunger and famine by relying on carefully built, stone-faced terraces, which would prevent their fields being carried off and spread over the plains of the amazon. it seems to me possible that sacsahuaman was built in accordance with their desires to please their gods. is it not reasonable to suppose that a people to whom stone-faced terraces meant so much in the way of life-giving food should have sometimes built massive terraces of cyclopean character, like sacsahuaman, as an offering to the deity who first taught them terrace construction? this seems to me a more likely object for the gigantic labor involved in the construction of sacsahuaman than its possible usefulness as a fortress. equally strong defenses against an enemy attempting to attack the hilltop back of cuzco might have been constructed of smaller stones in an infinitely shorter time, with far less labor and pains. such a display of the power to control the labor of thousands of individuals and force them to superhuman efforts on an unproductive undertaking, which in its agricultural or strategic results was out of all proportion to the obvious cost, might have been caused by the supreme vanity of a great soldier. on the other hand, the ancient peruvians were religious rather than warlike, more inclined to worship the sun than to fight great battles. was sacsahuaman due to the desire to please, at whatever cost, the god that fructified the crops which grew on terraces? it is not surprising that the spanish conquerors, warriors themselves and descendants of twenty generations of a fighting race, accustomed as they were to the salients of european fortresses, should have looked upon sacsahuaman as a fortress. to them the military use of its bastions was perfectly obvious. the value of its salients and reëntrant angles was not likely to be overlooked, for it had been only recently acquired by their crusading ancestors. the height and strength of its powerful walls enabled it to be of the greatest service to the soldiers of that day. they saw that it was virtually impregnable for any artillery with which they were familiar. in fact, in the wars of the incas and those which followed pizarro's entry into cuzco, sacsahuaman was repeatedly used as a fortress. so it probably never occurred to the spaniards that the peruvians, who knew nothing of explosive powder or the use of artillery, did not construct sacsahuaman in order to withstand such a siege as the fortresses of europe were only too familiar with. so natural did it seem to the first europeans who saw it to regard it as a fortress that it has seldom been thought of in any other way. the fact that the sacred city of cuzco was more likely to be attacked by invaders coming up the valley, or even over the gentle slopes from the west, or through the pass from the north which for centuries has been used as part of the main highway of the central andes, never seems to have troubled writers who regarded sacsahuaman essentially as a fortress. it may be that sacsahuaman was once used as a place where the votaries of the sun gathered at the end of the rainy season to celebrate the vernal equinox, and at the summer solstice to pray for the sun's return from his "farthest north." in any case i believe that the enormous cost of its construction shows that it was probably intended for religious rather than military purposes. it is more likely to have been an ancient shrine than a mighty fortress. it now becomes necessary, in order to explain my explorations north of cuzco, to ask the reader's attention to a brief account of the last four incas who ruled over any part of peru. chapter ix the last four incas readers of prescott's charming classic, "the conquest of peru," will remember that pizarro, after killing atahualpa, the inca who had tried in vain to avoid his fate by filling a room with vessels of gold, decided to establish a native prince on the throne of the incas to rule in accordance with the dictates of spain. the young prince, manco, a son of the great inca huayna capac, named for the first inca, manco ccapac, the founder of the dynasty, was selected as the most acceptable figurehead. he was a young man of ability and spirit. his induction into office in 1534 with appropriate ceremonies, the barbaric splendor of which only made the farce the more pitiful, did little to gratify his natural ambition. as might have been foreseen, he chafed under restraint, escaped as soon as possible from his attentive guardians, and raised an army of faithful quichuas. there followed the siege of cuzco, briefly characterized by don alonzo enriques de guzman, who took part in it, as "the most fearful and cruel war in the world." when in 1536 cuzco was relieved by pizarro's comrade, almagro, and manco's last chance of regaining the ancient capital of his ancestors failed, the inca retreated to ollantaytambo. here, on the banks of the river urubamba, manco made a determined stand, but ollantaytambo was too easily reached by pizarro's mounted cavaliers. the inca's followers, although aroused to their utmost endeavors by the presence of the magnificent stone edifices, fortresses, granaries, palaces, and hanging gardens of their ancestors, found it necessary to retreat. they fled in a northerly direction and made good their escape over snowy passes to uiticos in the fastnesses of uilcapampa, a veritable american switzerland. -----figure glaciers between cuzco and uiticos -----the spaniards who attempted to follow manco found his position practically impregnable. the citadel of uilcapampa, a gigantic natural fortress defended by nature in one of her profoundest moods, was only to be reached by fording dangerous torrents, or crossing the mountains by narrow defiles which themselves are higher than the most lofty peaks of europe. it was hazardous for hannibal and napoleon to bring their armies through the comparatively low passes of the alps. pizarro found it impossible to follow the inca manco over the pass of panticalla, itself a snowy wilderness higher than the summit of mont blanc. in no part of the peruvian andes are there so many beautiful snowy peaks. near by is the sharp, icy pinnacle of mt. veronica (elevation 19,342 ft.). not far away is another magnificent snow-capped peak, mt. salcantay, 20,565 feet above the sea. near salcantay is the sharp needle of mt. soray (19,435 ft.), while to the west of it are panta (18,590 ft.) and soiroccocha (18,197 ft.). on the shoulders of these mountains are unnamed glaciers and little valleys that have scarcely ever been seen except by some hardy prospector or inquisitive explorer. these valleys are to be reached only through passes where the traveler is likely to be waylaid by violent storms of hail and snow. during the rainy season a large part of uilcapampa is absolutely impenetrable. even in the dry season the difficulties of transportation are very great. the most sure-footed mule is sometimes unable to use the trails without assistance from man. it was an ideal place for the inca manco. the conquistador, cieza de leon, who wrote in 1550 a graphic account of the wars of peru, says that manco took with him a "great quantity of treasure, collected from various parts ... and many loads of rich clothing of wool, delicate in texture and very beautiful and showy." the spaniards were absolutely unable to conceive of the ruler of a country traveling without rich "treasure." it is extremely doubtful whether manco burdened himself with much gold or silver. except for ornament there was little use to which he could have put the precious metals and they would have served only to arouse the cupidity of his enemies. his people had never been paid in gold or silver. their labor was his due, and only such part of it as was needed to raise their own crops and make their own clothing was allotted to them; in fact, their lives were in his hands and the custom and usage of centuries made them faithful followers of their great chief. that manco, however, actually did carry off with him beautiful textiles, and anything else which was useful, may be taken for granted. in uiticos, safe from the armed forces of his enemies, the inca was also able to enjoy the benefits of a delightful climate, and was in a well-watered region where corn, potatoes, both white and sweet, and the fruits of the temperate and sub-tropical regions easily grow. using this as a base, he was accustomed to sally forth against the spaniards frequently and in unexpected directions. his raids were usually successful. it was relatively easy for him, with a handful of followers, to dash out of the mountain fastnesses, cross the apurimac river either by swimming or on primitive rafts, and reach the great road between cuzco and lima, the principal highway of peru. officials and merchants whose business led them over this route found it extremely precarious. manco cheered his followers by making them realize that in these raids they were taking sweet revenge on the spaniards for what they had done to peru. it is interesting to note that cieza de leon justifies manco in his attitude, for the spaniards had indeed "seized his inheritance, forcing him to leave his native land, and to live in banishment." manco's success in securing such a place of refuge, and in using it as a base from which he could frequently annoy his enemies, led many of the orejones of cuzco to follow him. the inca chiefs were called orejones, "big ears," by the spaniards because the lobes of their ears had been enlarged artificially to receive the great gold earrings which they were fond of wearing. three years after manco's retirement to the wilds of uilcapampa there was born in cuzco in the year 1539, garcilasso inca de la vega, the son of an inca princess and one of the conquistadores. as a small child garcilasso heard of the activities of his royal relative. he left peru as a boy and spent the rest of his life in spain. after forty years in europe he wrote, partly from memory, his "royal commentaries," an account of the country of his indian ancestors. of the inca manco, of whom he must frequently have heard uncomplimentary reports as a child, he speaks apologetically. he says: "in the time of manco inca, several robberies were committed on the road by his subjects; but still they had that respect for the spanish merchants that they let them go free and never pillaged them of their wares and merchandise, which were in no manner useful to them; howsoever they robbed the indians of their cattle [llamas and alpacas], bred in the countrey .... the inca lived in the mountains, which afforded no tame cattel; and only produced tigers and lions and serpents of twenty-five and thirty feet long, with other venomous insects." (i am quoting from sir paul rycaut's translation, published in london in 1688.) garcilasso says manco's soldiers took only "such food as they found in the hands of the indians; which the inca did usually call his own," saying, "that he who was master of that whole empire might lawfully challenge such a proportion thereof as was convenient to supply his necessary and natural support"--a reasonable apology; and yet personally i doubt whether manco spared the spanish merchants and failed to pillage them of their "wares and merchandise." as will be seen later, we found in manco's palace some metal articles of european origin which might very well have been taken by manco's raiders. furthermore, it should be remembered that garcilasso, although often quoted by prescott, left peru when he was sixteen years old and that his ideas were largely colored by his long life in spain and his natural desire to extol the virtues of his mother's people, a brown race despised by the white europeans for whom he wrote. the methods of warfare and the weapons used by manco and his followers at this time are thus described by guzman. he says the indians had no defensive arms such as helmets, shields, and armor, but used "lances, arrows, dubs, axes, halberds, darts, and slings, and another weapon which they call ayllas (the bolas), consisting of three round stones sewn up in leather, and each fastened to a cord a cubit long. they throw these at the horses, and thus bind their legs together; and sometimes they will fasten a man's arms to his sides in the same way. these indians are so expert in the use of this weapon that they will bring down a deer with it in the chase. their principal weapon, however, is the sling .... with it, they will hurl a huge stone with such force that it will kill a horse; in truth, the effect is little less great than that of an arquebus; and i have seen a stone, thus hurled from a sling, break a sword in two pieces which was held in a man's hand at a distance of thirty paces." manco's raids finally became so annoying that pizarro sent a small force from cuzco under captain villadiego to attack the inca. captain villadiego found it impossible to use horses, although he realized that cavalry was the "important arm against these indians." confident in his strength and in the efficacy of his firearms, and anxious to enjoy the spoils of a successful raid against a chief reported to be traveling surrounded by his family "and with rich treasure," he pressed eagerly on, up through a lofty valley toward a defile in the mountains, probably the pass of panticalla. here, fatigued and exhausted by their difficult march and suffering from the effects of the altitude (16,000 ft.), his men found themselves ambushed by the inca, who with a small party, "little more than eighty indians," "attacked the christians, who numbered twenty-eight or thirty, and killed captain villadiego and all his men except two or three." to any one who has clambered over the passes of the cordillera uilcapampa it is not surprising that this military expedition was a failure or that the inca, warned by keen-sighted indians posted on appropriate vantage points, could have succeeded in defeating a small force of weary soldiers armed with the heavy blunderbuss of the seventeenth century. in a rocky pass, protected by huge boulders, and surrounded by quantities of natural ammunition for their slings, it must have been relatively simple for eighty quichuas, who could "hurl a huge stone with such force that it would kill a horse," to have literally stoned to death captain villadiego's little company before they could have prepared their clumsy weapons for firing. -----figure the urubamba canyon a reason for the safety of the incas in uilcapampa. -----the fugitives returned to cuzco and reported their misfortune. the importance of the reverse will be better appreciated if one remembers that the size of the force with which pizarro conquered peru was less than two hundred, only a few times larger than captain villadiego's company which had been wiped out by manco. its significance is further increased by the fact that the contemporary spanish writers, with all their tendency to exaggerate, placed manco's force at only "a little more than eighty indians." probably there were not even that many. the wonder is that the inca's army was not reported as being several thousand. francisco pizarro himself now hastily set out with a body of soldiers determined to punish this young inca who had inflicted such a blow on the prestige of spanish arms, "but this attempt also failed," for the inca had withdrawn across the rivers and mountains of uilcapampa to uiticos, where, according to cieza de leon, he cheered his followers with the sight of the heads of his enemies. unfortunately for accuracy, the custom of displaying on the ends of pikes the heads of one's enemies was european and not peruvian. to be sure, the savage indians of some of the amazonian jungles do sometimes decapitate their enemies, remove the bones of the skull, dry the shrunken scalp and face, and wear the trophy as a mark of prowess just as the north american indians did the scalps of their enemies. such customs had no place among the peace-loving inca agriculturists of central peru. there were no spaniards living with manco at that time to report any such outrage on the bodies of captain villadiego's unfortunate men. probably the conquistadores supposed that manco did what the spaniards would have done under similar circumstances. following the failure of francisco pizarro to penetrate to uiticos, his brother, gonzalo, "undertook the pursuit of the inca and occupied some of his passes and bridges," but was unsuccessful in penetrating the mountain labyrinth. being less foolhardy than captain villadiego, he did not come into actual conflict with manco. unable to subdue the young inca or prevent his raids on travelers from cuzco to lima, francisco pizarro, "with the assent of the royal officers who were with him," established the city of ayacucho at a convenient point on the road, so as to make it secure for travelers. nevertheless, according to montesinos, manco caused the good people of ayacucho quite a little trouble. finally, francisco pizarro, "having taken one of manco's wives prisoner with other indians, stripped and flogged her, and then shot her to death with arrows." accounts of what happened in uiticos under the rule of manco are not very satisfactory. father calancha, who published in 1639 his "coronica moralizada," or "pious account of the missionary activities of the augustinians" in peru, says that the inca manco was obeyed by all the indians who lived in a region extending "for two hundred leagues and more toward the east and toward the south, where there were innumerable indians in various provinces." with customary monastic zeal and proper religious fervor, father calancha accuses the inca of compelling the baptized indians who fled to him from the spaniards to abandon their new faith, torturing those who would no longer worship the old inca "idols." this story need not be taken too literally, although undoubtedly the escaped indians acted as though they had never been baptized. besides indians fleeing from harsh masters, there came to uilcapampa, in 1542, gomez perez, diego mendez, and half a dozen other spanish fugitives, adherents of almagro, "rascals," says calancha, "worthy of manco's favor." obliged by the civil wars of the conquistadores to flee from the pizarros, they were glad enough to find a welcome in uiticos. to while away the time they played games and taught the inca checkers and chess, as well as bowling-on-the-green and quoits. montesinos says they also taught him to ride horseback and shoot an arquebus. they took their games very seriously and occasionally violent disputes arose, one of which, as we shall see, was to have fatal consequences. they were kept informed by manco of what was going on in the viceroyalty. although "encompassed within craggy and lofty mountains," the inca was thoroughly cognizant of all those "revolutions" which might be of benefit to him. perhaps the most exciting news that reached uiticos in 1544 was in regard to the arrival of the first spanish viceroy. he brought the new laws, a result of the efforts of the good bishop las casas to alleviate the sufferings of the indians. the new laws provided, among other things, that all the officers of the crown were to renounce their repartimientos or holdings of indian serfs, and that compulsory personal service was to be entirely abolished. repartimientos given to the conquerors were not to pass to their heirs, but were to revert to the king. in other words, the new laws gave evidence that the spanish crown wished to be kind to the indians and did not approve of the pizarros. this was good news for manco and highly pleasing to the refugees. they persuaded the inca to write a letter to the new viceroy, asking permission to appear before him and offer his services to the king. the spanish refugees told the inca that by this means he might some day recover his empire, "or at least the best part of it." their object in persuading the inca to send such a message to the viceroy becomes apparent when we learn that they "also wrote as from themselves desiring a pardon for what was past" and permission to return to spanish dominions. gomez perez, who seems to have been the active leader of the little group, was selected to be the bearer of the letters from the inca and the refugees. attended by a dozen indians whom the inca instructed to act as his servants and bodyguard, he left uilcapampa, presented his letters to the viceroy, and gave him "a large relation of the state and condition of the inca, and of his true and real designs to doe him service." "the vice-king joyfully received the news, and granted a full and ample pardon of all crimes, as desired. and as to the inca, he made many kind expressions of love and respect, truly considering that the interest of the inca might be advantageous to him, both in war and peace. and with this satisfactory answer gomez perez returned both to the inca and to his companions." the refugees were delighted with the news and got ready to return to king and country. their departure from uiticos was prevented by a tragic accident, thus described by garcilasso. "the inca, to humour the spaniards and entertain himself with them, had given directions for making a bowling-green; where playing one day with gomez perez, he came to have some quarrel and difference with this perez about the measure of a cast, which often happened between them; for this perez, being a person of a hot and fiery brain, without any judgment or understanding, would take the least occasion in the world to contend with and provoke the inca .... being no longer able to endure his rudeness, the inca punched him on the breast, and bid him to consider with whom he talked. perez, not considering in his heat and passion either his own safety or the safety of his companions, lifted up his hand, and with the bowl struck the inca so violently on the head, that he knocked him down. [he died three days later.] the indians hereupon, being enraged by the death of their prince, joined together against gomez and the spaniards, who fled into a house, and with their swords in their hands defended the door; the indians set fire to the house, which being too hot for them, they sallied out into the marketplace, where the indians assaulted them and shot them with their arrows until they had killed every man of them; and then afterwards, out of mere rage and fury they designed either to eat them raw as their custome was, or to burn them and cast their ashes into the river, that no sign or appearance might remain of them; but at length, after some consultation, they agreed to cast their bodies into the open fields, to be devoured by vulters and birds of the air, which they supposed to be the highest indignity and dishonour that they could show to their corps." garcilasso concludes: "i informed myself very perfectly from those chiefs and nobles who were present and eye-witnesses of the unparalleled piece of madness of that rash and hair-brained fool; and heard them tell this story to my mother and parents with tears in their eyes." there are many versions of the tragedy. [4] they all agree that a spaniard murdered the inca. thus, in 1545, the reign of an attractive and vigorous personality was brought to an abrupt close. manco left three young sons, sayri tupac, titu cusi, and tupac amaru. sayri tupac, although he had not yet reached his majority, became inca in his father's stead, and with the aid of regents reigned for ten years without disturbing his spanish neighbors or being annoyed by them, unless the reference in montesinos to a proposed burning of bridges near abancay, under date of 1555, is correct. by a curious lapse montesinos ascribes this attempt to the inca manco, who had been dead for ten years. in 1555 there came to lima a new viceroy, who decided that it would be safer if young sayri tupac were within reach instead of living in the inaccessible wilds of uilcapampa. the viceroy wisely undertook to accomplish this difficult matter through the princess beatrix coya, an aunt of the inca, who was living in cuzco. she took kindly to the suggestion and dispatched to uiticos a messenger, of the blood royal, attended by indian servants. the journey was a dangerous one; bridges were down and the treacherous trails were well-nigh impassable. sayri tupac's regents permitted the messenger to enter uilcapampa and deliver the viceroy's invitation, but were not inclined to believe that it was quite so attractive as appeared on the surface, even though brought to them by a kinsman. accordingly, they kept the visitor as a hostage and sent a messenger of their own to cuzco to see if any foul play could be discovered, and also to request that one john sierra, a more trusted cousin, be sent to treat in this matter. all this took time. in 1558 the viceroy, becoming impatient, dispatched from lima friar melchior and one john betanzos, who had married the daughter of the unfortunate inca atahualpa and pretended to be very learned in his wife's language. montesinos says he was a "great linguist." they started off quite confidently for uiticos, taking with them several pieces of velvet and damask, and two cups of gilded silver as presents. anxious to secure the honor of being the first to reach the inca, they traveled as fast as they could to the chuquichaca bridge, "the key to the valley of uiticos." here they were detained by the soldiers of the regents. a day or so later john sierra, the inca's cousin from cuzco, arrived at the bridge and was allowed to proceed, while the friar and betanzos were still detained. john sierra was welcomed by the inca and his nobles, and did his best to encourage sayri tupac to accept the viceroy's offer. finally john betanzos and the friar were also sent for and admitted to the presence of the inca, with the presents which the viceroy had sent. sayri tupac's first idea was to remain free and independent as he had hitherto done, so he requested the ambassadors to depart immediately with their silver gilt cups. they were sent back by one of the western routes across the apurimac. a few days later, however, after john sierra had told him some interesting stories of life in cuzco, the inca decided to reconsider the matter. his regents had a long debate, observed the flying of birds and the nature of the weather, but according to garcilasso "made no inquiries of the devil." the omens were favorable and the regents finally decided to allow the inca to accept the invitation of the viceroy. sayri tupac, anxious to see something of the world, went directly to lima, traveling in a litter made of rich materials, carried by relays chosen from the three hundred indians who attended him. he was kindly received by the viceroy, and then went to cuzco, where he lodged in his aunt's house. here his relatives went to welcome him. "i, myself," says garcilasso, "went in the name of my father. i found him then playing a certain game used amongst the indians .... i kissed his hands, and delivered my message; he commanded me to sit down, and presently they brought two gilded cups of that liquor, made of mayz [chicha] which scarce contained four ounces of drink; he took them both, and with his own hand he gave one of them to me; he drank, and i pledged him, which as we have said, is the custom of civility amongst them. this ceremony being past, he asked me, why i did not meet him at uillcapampa. i answered him, 'inca, as i am but a youngman, the governours make no account of me, to place me in such ceremonies as these!' 'how,' replied the inca, 'i would rather have seen you than all the friers and fathers in town.' as i was going away i made him a submissive bow and reverence, after the manner of the indians, who are of his alliance and kindred, at which he was so much pleased, that he embraced me heartily, and with much affection, as appeared by his countenance." sayri tupac now received the sacred red fringe of inca sovereignty, was married to a princess of the blood royal, joined her in baptism, and took up his abode in the beautiful valley of yucay, a day's journey northeast of cuzco, and never returned to uiticos. his only daughter finally married a certain captain garcia, of whom more anon. sayri tupac died in 1560, leaving two brothers; the older, titu cusi yupanqui, illegitimate, and the younger, tupac amaru, his rightful successor, an inexperienced youth. -----figure yucay, last home of sayri tupac -----the throne of uiticos was seized by titu cusi. the new inca seems to have been suspicious of the untimely death of sayri tupac, and to have felt that the spaniards were capable of more foul play. so with his half-brother he stayed quietly in uilcapampa. their first visitor, so far as we know, was diego rodriguez de figueroa, who wrote an interesting account of uiticos and says he gave the inca a pair of scissors. he was unsuccessful in his efforts to get titu cusi to go to cuzco. in time there came an augustinian missionary, friar marcos garcia, who, six years after the death of sayri tupac, entered the rough country of uilcapampa, "a land of moderate wealth, large rivers, and the usual rains," whose "forested mountains," says father calancha, "are magnificent." friar marcos had a hard journey. the bridges were down, the roads had been destroyed, and the passes blocked up. the few indians who did occasionally appear in cuzco from uilcapampa said the friar could not get there "unless he should be able to change himself into a bird." however, with that courage and pertinacity which have marked so many missionary enterprises, friar marcos finally overcame all difficulties and reached uiticos. the missionary chronicler says that titu cusi was far from glad to see him and received him angrily. it worried him to find that a spaniard had succeeded in penetrating his retreat. besides, the inca was annoyed to have any one preach against his "idolatries." titu cusi's own story, as written down by friar marcos, does not agree with calancha's. anyhow, friar marcos built a little church in a place called puquiura, where many of the inca's people were then living. "he planted crosses in the fields and on the mountains, these being the best things to frighten off devils." he "suffered many insults at the hands of the chiefs and principal followers of the inca. some of them did it to please the devil, others to flatter the inca, and many because they disliked his sermons, in which he scolded them for their vices and abominated among his converts the possession of four or six wives. so they punished him in the matter of food, and forced him to send to cuzco for victuals. the convent sent him hard-tack, which was for him a most delicious banquet." within a year or so another augustinian missionary, friar diego ortiz, left cuzco alone for uilcapampa. he suffered much on the road, but finally reached the retreat of the inca and entered his presence in company with friar marcos. "although the inca was not too happy to see a new preacher, he was willing to grant him an entrance because the inca ... thought friar diego would not vex him nor take the trouble to reprove him. so the inca gave him a license. they selected the town of huarancalla, which was populous and well located in the midst of a number of other little towns and villages. there was a distance of two or three days journey from one convent to the other. leaving friar marcos in puquiura, friar diego went to his new establishment and in a short time built a church, a house for himself, and a hospital,--all poor buildings made in a short time." he also started a school for children, and became very popular as he went about healing and teaching. he had an easier time than friar marcos, who, with less tact and no skill as a physician, was located nearer the center of the inca cult. the principal shrine of the inca is described by father calancha as follows: "close to vitcos [or uiticos] in a village called chuquipalpa, is a house of the sun, and in it a white rock over a spring of water where the devil appears as a visible manifestation and was worshipped by those idolators. this was the principal mochadero of those forested mountains. the word 'mochadero' [5] is the common name which the indians apply to their places of worship. in other words it is the only place where they practice the sacred ceremony of kissing. the origin of this, the principal part of their ceremonial, is that very practice which job abominates when he solemnly clears himself of all offences before god and says to him: 'lord, all these punishments and even greater burdens would i have deserved had i done that which the blind gentiles do when the sun rises resplendent or the moon shines clear and they exult in their hearts and extend their hands toward the sun and throw kisses to it,' an act of very grave iniquity which is equivalent to denying the true god." thus does the ecclesiastical chronicler refer to the practice in peru of that particular form of worship of the heavenly bodies which was also widely spread in the east, in arabia, and palestine and was inveighed against by mohammed as well as the ancient hebrew prophets. apparently this ceremony "of the most profound resignation and reverence" was practiced in chuquipalpa, close to uiticos, in the reign of the inca titu cusi. calancha goes on to say: "in this white stone of the aforesaid house of the sun, which is called yurac rumi [meaning, in quichua, a white rock], there attends a devil who is captain of a legion. he and his legionaries show great kindness to the indian idolators, but great terrors to the catholics. they abuse with hideous cruelties the baptized ones who now no longer worship them with kisses, and many of the indians have died from the horrible frights these devils have given them." one day, when the inca and his mother and their principal chiefs and counselors were away from uiticos on a visit to some of their outlying estates, friar marcos and friar diego decided to make a spectacular attack on this particular devil, who was at the great "white rock over a spring of water." the two monks summoned all their converts to gather at puquiura, in the church or the neighboring plaza, and asked each to bring a stick of firewood in order that they might burn up this devil who had tormented them. "an innumerable multitude" came together on the day appointed. the converted indians were most anxious to get even with this devil who had slain their friends and inflicted wounds on themselves; the doubters were curious to see the result; the inca priests were there to see their god defeat the christians'; while, as may readily be imagined, the rest of the population came to see the excitement. starting out from pucyura they marched to "the temple of the sun, in the village of chuquipalpa, close to uiticos." arrived at the sacred palisade, the monks raised the standard of the cross, recited their orisons, surrounded the spring, the white rock and the temple of the sun, and piled high the firewood. then, having exorcised the locality, they called the devil by all the vile names they could think of, to show their lack of respect, and finally commanded him never to return to this vicinity. calling on christ and the virgin, they applied fire to the wood. "the poor devil then fled roaring in a fury, and making the mountains to tremble." it took remarkable courage on the part of the two lone monks thus to desecrate the chief shrine of the people among whom they were dwelling. it is almost incredible that in this remote valley, separated from their friends and far from the protecting hand of the spanish viceroy, they should have dared to commit such an insult to the religion of their hosts. of course, as soon as the inca titu cusi heard of it, he was greatly annoyed. his mother was furious. they returned immediately to pucyura. the chiefs wished to "slay the monks and tear them into small pieces," and undoubtedly would have done so had it not been for the regard in which friar diego was held. his skill in curing disease had so endeared him to the indians that even the inca himself dared not punish him for the attack on the temple of the sun. friar marcos, however, who probably originated the plan, and had done little to gain the good will of the indians, did not fare so well. calancha says he was stoned out of the province and the inca threatened to kill him if he ever should return. friar diego, particularly beloved by those indians who came from the fever-stricken jungles in the lower valleys, was allowed to remain, and finally became a trusted friend and adviser of titu cusi. one day a spaniard named romero, an adventurous prospector for gold, was found penetrating the mountain valleys, and succeeded in getting permission from the inca to see what minerals were there. he was too successful. both gold and silver were found among the hills and he showed enthusiastic delight at his good fortune. the inca, fearing that his reports might encourage others to enter uilcapampa, put the unfortunate prospector to death, notwithstanding the protestations of friar diego. foreigners were not wanted in uilcapampa. in the year 1570, ten years after the accession of titu cusi to the inca throne in uiticos, a new spanish viceroy came to cuzco. unfortunately for the incas, don francisco de toledo, an indefatigable soldier and administrator, was excessively bigoted, narrow-minded, cruel, and pitiless. furthermore, philip ii and his council of the indies had decided that it would be worth while to make every effort to get the inca out of uiticos. for thirty-five years the spanish conquerors had occupied cuzco and the major portion of peru without having been able to secure the submission of the indians who lived in the province of uilcapampa. it would be a great feather in the cap of toledo if he could induce titu cusi to come and live where he would always be accessible to spanish authority. during the ensuing rainy season, after an unusually lively party, the inca got soaked, had a chill, and was laid low. in the meantime the viceroy had picked out a cuzco soldier, one tilano de anaya, who was well liked by the inca, to try to persuade titu cusi to come to cuzco. tilano was instructed to go by way of ollantaytambo and the chuquichaca bridge. luck was against him. titu cusi's illness was very serious. friar diego, his physician, had prescribed the usual remedies. unfortunately, all the monk's skill was unavailing and his royal patient died. the "remedies" were held by titu cusi's mother and her counselors to be responsible. the poor friar had to suffer the penalty of death "for having caused the death of the inca." the third son of manco, tupac amaru, brought up as a playfellow of the virgins of the sun in the temple near uiticos, and now happily married, was selected to rule the little kingdom. his brows were decked with the scarlet fringe of sovereignty, but, thanks to the jealous fear of his powerful illegitimate brother, his training had not been that of a soldier. he was destined to have a brief, unhappy existence. when the young inca's counselors heard that a messenger was coming from the viceroy, seven warriors were sent to meet him on the road. tilano was preparing to spend the night at the chuquichaca bridge when he was attacked and killed. the viceroy heard of the murder of his ambassador at the same time that he learned of the martyrdom of friar diego. a blow had been struck at the very heart of spanish domination; if the representatives of the vice-regent of heaven and the messengers of the viceroy of philip ii were not inviolable, then who was safe? on palm sunday the energetic toledo, surrounded by his council, determined to make war on the unfortunate young tupac amaru and give a reward to the soldier who would effect his capture. the council was of the opinion that "many insurrections might be raised in that empire by this young heir." "moreover it was alledged," says garcilasso .... "that by the imprisonment of the inca, all that treasure might be discovered, which appertained to former kings, together with that chain of gold, which huayna capac commanded to be made for himself to wear on the great and solemn days of their festival"! furthermore, the "chain of gold with the remaining treasure belong'd to his catholic majesty by right of conquest"! excuses were not wanting. the incas must be exterminated. the expedition was divided into two parts. one company was sent by way of limatambo to curahuasi, to head off the inca in case he should cross the apurimac and try to escape by one of the routes which had formerly been used by his father, manco, in his marauding expeditions. the other company, under general martin hurtado and captain garcia, marched from cuzco by way of yucay and ollantaytambo. they were more fortunate than captain villadiego whose force, thirty-five years before, had been met and destroyed at the pass of panticalla. that was in the days of the active inca manco. now there was no force defending this important pass. they descended the lucumayo to its junction with the urubamba and came to the bridge of chuquichaca. the narrow suspension bridge, built of native fibers, sagged deeply in the middle and swayed so threateningly over the gorge of the urubamba that only one man could pass it at a time. the rapid river was too deep to be forded. there were no canoes. it would have been a difficult matter to have constructed rafts, for most of the trees that grow here are of hard wood and do not float. on the other side of the urubamba was young tupac amaru, surrounded by his councilors, chiefs, and soldiers. the first hostile forces which in pizarro's time had endeavored to fight their way into uilcapampa had never been allowed by manco to get as far as this. his youngest son, tupac amaru, had had no experience in these matters. the chiefs and nobles had failed to defend the pass; and they now failed to destroy the chuquichaca bridge, apparently relying on their ability to take care of one spanish soldier at a time and prevent the spaniards from crossing the narrow, swaying structure. general hurtado was not taking any such chances. he had brought with him one or two light mountain field pieces, with which the raw troops of the inca were little acquainted. the sides of the valley at this point rise steeply from the river and the reverberations caused by gun fire would be fairly terrifying to those who had never heard anything like it before. a few volleys from the guns and the arquebuses, and the indians fled pellmell in every direction, leaving the bridge undefended. captain garcia, who had married the daughter of sayri tupac, was sent in pursuit of the inca. his men found the road "narrow in the ascent, with forest on the right, and on the left a ravine of great depth." it was only a footpath, barely wide enough for two men to pass. garcia, with customary spanish bravery, marched at the head of his company. suddenly out of the thick forest an inca chieftain named hualpa, endeavoring to protect the flight of tupac amaru, sprang on garcia, held him so that he could not get at his sword and endeavored to hurl him over the cliff. the captain's life was saved by a faithful indian servant who was following immediately behind him, carrying his sword. drawing it from the scabbard "with much dexterity and animation," the indian killed hualpa and saved his master's life. garcia fought several battles, took some forts and succeeded in capturing many prisoners. from them it was learned that the inca had "gone inland toward the valley of simaponte; and that he was flying to the country of the mañaries indians, a warlike tribe and his friends, where balsas and canoes were posted to save him and enable him to escape." nothing daunted by the dangers of the jungle nor the rapids of the river, garcia finally managed to construct five rafts, on which he put some of his soldiers. accompanying them himself, he descended the rapids, escaping death many times by swimming, and finally arrived at a place called momori, only to find that the inca, learning of their approach, had gone farther into the woods. garcia followed hard after, although he and his men were by this time barefooted and suffering from want of food. they finally captured the inca. garcilasso says that tupac amaru, "considering that he had not people to make resistance, and that he was not conscious to himself of any crime, or disturbance he had done or raised, suffered himself to be taken; choosing rather to entrust himself in the hands of the spaniards, than to perish in those mountains with famine, or be drowned in those great rivers .... the spaniards in this manner seizing on the inca, and on all the indian men and women, who were in company with him, amongst which was his wife, two sons, and a daughter, returned with them in triumph to cuzco; to which place the vice-king went, so soon as he was informed of the imprisonment of the poor prince." a mock trial was held. the captured chiefs were tortured to death with fiendish brutality. tupac amaru's wife was mangled before his eyes. his own head was cut off and placed on a pole in the cuzco plaza. his little boys did not long survive. so perished the last of the incas, descendants of the wisest indian rulers america has ever seen. brief summary of the last four incas 1534. the inca manco ascends the throne of his fathers. 1536. manco flees from cuzco to uiticos and uilcapampa. 1542. promulgation of the "new laws." 1545. murder of manco and accession of his son sayri tupac. 1555. sayri tupac goes to cuzco and yucay. 1560. death of sayri tupac. his half brother titu cusi becomes inca. 1566. friar marcos reaches uiticos. settles in puquiura. 1566. friar diego joins him. 1568-9 (?). they burn the house of the sun at yurac rumi in chuquipalpa. 1571. titu cusi dies. friar diego suffers martyrdom. tupac amaru becomes inca. 1572. expedition of general martin hurtado and captain garcia de loyola. execution of tupac amaru. chapter x searching for the last inca capital the events described in the preceding chapter happened, for the most part, in uiticos [6] and uilcapampa, northwest of ollantaytambo, about one hundred miles away from the cuzco palace of the spanish viceroy, in what prescott calls "the remote fastnesses of the andes." one looks in vain for uiticos on modern maps of peru, although several of the older maps give it. in 1625 "viticos" is marked on de laet's map of peru as a mountainous province northeast of lima and three hundred and fifty miles northwest of vilcabamba! this error was copied by some later cartographers, including mercator, until about 1740, when "viticos" disappeared from all maps of peru. the map makers had learned that there was no such place in that vicinity. its real location was lost about three hundred years ago. a map published at nuremberg in 1599 gives "pincos" in the "andes" mountains, a small range west of "cusco." this does not seem to have been adopted by other cartographers; although a palls map of 1739 gives "picos" in about the same place. nearly all the cartographers of the eighteenth century who give "viticos" supposed it to be the name of a tribe, e.g., "los viticos" or "les viticos." -----figure part of the nuremberg map of 1599, showing pincos and the andes mountains -----the largest official map of peru, the work of that remarkable explorer, raimondi, who spent his life crossing and recrossing peru, does not contain the word uiticos nor any of its numerous spellings, viticos, vitcos, pitcos, or biticos. incidentally, it may seem strange that uiticos could ever be written "biticos." the quichua language has no sound of v. the early spanish writers, however, wrote the capital letter u exactly like a capital v. in official documents and letters uiticos became viticos. the official readers, who had never heard the word pronounced, naturally used the v sound instead of the u sound. both v and p easily become b. so uiticos became biticos and uilcapampa became vilcabamba. raimondi's marvelous energy led him to penetrate to more out-of-the-way peruvian villages than any one had ever done before or is likely to do again. he stopped at nothing in the way of natural obstacles. in 1865 he went deep into the heart of uilcapampa; yet found no uiticos. he believed that the ruins of choqquequirau represented the residence of the last incas. this view had been held by the french explorer, count de sartiges, in 1834, who believed that choqquequirau was abandoned when sayri tupac, manco's oldest son, went to live in yucay. raimondi's view was also held by the leading peruvian geographers, including paz soldan in 1877, and by prefect nuñez and his friends in 1909, at the time of my visit to choqquequirau. [7] the only dissenter was the learned peruvian historian, don carlos romero, who insisted that the last inca capital must be found elsewhere. he urged the importance of searching for uiticos in the valleys of the rivers now called vilcabamba and urubamba. it was to be the work of the yale peruvian expedition of 1911 to collect the geographical evidence which would meet the requirements of the chronicles and establish the whereabouts of the long-lost inca capital. that there were undescribed and unidentified ruins to be found in the urubamba valley was known to a few people in cuzco, mostly wealthy planters who had large estates in the province of convencion. one told us that he went to santa ana every year and was acquainted with a muleteer who had told him of some interesting ruins near the san miguel bridge. knowing the propensity of his countrymen to exaggerate, however, he placed little confidence in the story and, shrugging his shoulders, had crossed the bridge a score of times without taking the trouble to look into the matter. another, señor pancorbo, whose plantation was in the vilcabamba valley, said that he had heard vague rumors of ruins in the valley above his plantation, particularly near pucyura. if his story should prove to be correct, then it was likely that this might be the very puquiura where friar marcos had established the first church in the "province of uilcapampa." but that was "near" uiticos and near a village called chuquipalpa, where should be found the ruins of a temple of the sun, and in these ruins a "white rock over a spring of water." yet neither these friendly planters nor the friends among whom they inquired had ever heard of uiticos or a place called chuquipalpa, or of such an interesting rock; nor had they themselves seen the ruins of which they had heard. one of señor lomellini's friends, a talkative old fellow who had spent a large part of his life in prospecting for mines in the department of cuzco, said that he had seen ruins "finer than choqquequirau" at a place called huayna picchu; but he had never been to choqquequirau. those who knew him best shrugged their shoulders and did not seem to place much confidence in his word. too often he had been over-enthusiastic about mines which did not "pan out." yet his report resembled that of charles wiener, a french explorer, who, about 1875, in the course of his wanderings in the andes, visited ollantaytambo. while there he was told that there were fine ruins down the urubamba valley at a place called "huaina-picchu or matcho-picchu." he decided to go down the valley and look for these ruins. according to his text he crossed the pass of panticalla, descended the lucumayo river to the bridge of choqquechacca, and visited the lower urubamba, returning by the same route. he published a detailed map of the valley. to one of its peaks he gives the name "huaynapicchu, ele. 1815 m." and to another "matchopicchu, ele. 1720 m." his interest in inca ruins was very keen. he devotes pages to ollantaytambo. he failed to reach machu picchu or to find any ruins of importance in the urubamba or vilcabamba valleys. could we hope to be any more successful? would the rumors that had reached us "pan out" as badly as those to which wiener had listened so eagerly? since his day, to be sure, the peruvian government had actually finished a road which led past machu picchu. on the other hand, a harvard anthropological expedition, under the leadership of dr. william c. farrabee, had recently been over this road without reporting any ruins of importance. they were looking for savages and not ruins. nevertheless, if machu picchu was "finer than choqquequirau" why had no one pointed it out to them? -----figure peruvian expedition of 1915 -----to most of our friends in cuzco the idea that there could be anything finer than choqquequirau seemed, absurd. they regarded that "cradle of gold" as "the most remarkable archeological discovery of recent times." they assured us there was nothing half so good. they even assumed that we were secretly planning to return thither to dig for buried treasure! denials were of no avail. to a people whose ancestors made fortunes out of lucky "strikes," and who themselves have been brought up on stories of enormous wealth still remaining to be discovered by some fortunate excavator, the question of tesoro--treasure, wealth, riches--is an ever-present source of conversation. even the prefect of cuzco was quite unable to conceive of my doing anything for the love of discovery. he was convinced that i should find great riches at choqquequirau--and that i was in receipt of a very large salary! he refused to believe that the members of the expedition received no more than their expenses. he told me confidentially that professor foote would sell his collection of insects for at least $10,000! peruvians have not been accustomed to see any one do scientific work except as he was paid by the government or employed by a railroad or mining company. we have frequently found our work misunderstood and regarded with suspicion, even by the cuzco historical society. the valley of the urubamba, or uilcamayu, as it used to be called, may be reached from cuzco in several ways. the usual route for those going to yucay is northwest from the city, over the great andean highway, past the slopes of mt. sencca. at ttica-ttica (12,000 ft.) the road crosses the lowest pass at the western end of the cuzco basin. at the last point from which one can see the city of cuzco, all true indians, whether on their way out of the valley or into it, pause, turn toward the east, facing the city, remove their hats and mutter a prayer. i believe that the words they use now are those of the "ave maria," or some other familiar orison of the catholic church. nevertheless, the custom undoubtedly goes far back of the advent of the first spanish missionaries. it is probably a relic of the ancient habit of worshiping the rising sun. during the centuries immediately preceding the conquest, the city of cuzco was the residence of the inca himself, that divine individual who was at once the head of church and state. nothing would have been more natural than for persons coming in sight of his residence to perform an act of veneration. this in turn might have led those leaving the city to fall into the same habit at the same point in the road. i have watched hundreds of travelers pass this point. none of those whose european costume proclaimed a white or mixed ancestry stopped to pray or make obeisance. on the other hand, all those, without exception, who were clothed in a native costume, which betokened that they considered themselves to be indians rather than whites, paused for a moment, gazing at the ancient city, removed their hats, and said a short prayer. leaving ttica-ttica, we went northward for several leagues, passed the town of chincheros, with its old inca walls, and came at length to the edge of the wonderful valley of yucay. in its bottom are great level terraces rescued from the urubamba river by the untiring energy of the ancient folk. on both sides of the valley the steep slopes bear many remains of narrow terraces, some of which are still in use. above them are "temporales," fields of grain, resting like a patch-work quilt on slopes so steep it seems incredible they could be cultivated. still higher up, their heads above the clouds, are the jagged snow-capped peaks. the whole offers a marvelous picture, rich in contrast, majestic in proportion. in yucay once dwelt the inca manco's oldest son, sayri tupac, after he had accepted the viceroy's invitation to come under spanish protection. here he lived three years and here, in 1560, he died an untimely death under circumstances which led his brothers, titu cusi and tupac amaru, to think that they would be safer in uiticos. we spent the night in urubamba, the modern capital of the province, much favored by peruvians of to-day because of its abundant water supply, delightful climate, and rich fruits. cuzco, 11,000 feet, is too high to have charming surroundings, but two thousand feet lower, in the urubamba valley, there is everything to please the eye and delight the horticulturist. speaking of horticulturists reminds me of their enemies. uru is the quichua word for caterpillars or grubs, pampa means flat land. urubamba is "flat-land-where-there-are-grubs-or-caterpillars." had it been named by people who came up from a warm region where insects abound, it would hardly have been so denominated. only people not accustomed to land where caterpillars and grubs flourished would have been struck by such a circumstance. consequently, the valley was probably named by plateau dwellers who were working their way down into a warm region where butterflies and moths are more common. notwithstanding its celebrated caterpillars, urubamba's gardens of to-day are full of roses, lilies, and other brilliant flowers. there are orchards of peaches, pears, and apples; there are fields where luscious strawberries are raised for the cuzco market. apparently, the grubs do not get everything. the next day down the valley brought us to romantic ollantaytambo, described in glowing terms by castelnau, marcou, wiener, and squier many years ago. it has lost none of its charm, even though marcou's drawings are imaginary and squier's are exaggerated. here, as at urubamba, there are flower gardens and highly cultivated green fields. the brooks are shaded by willows and poplars. above them are magnificent precipices crowned by snow-capped peaks. the village itself was once the capital of an ancient principality whose history is shrouded in mystery. there are ruins of curious gabled buildings, storehouses, "prisons," or "monasteries," perched here and there on well-nigh inaccessible crags above the village. below are broad terraces of unbelievable extent where abundant crops are still harvested; terraces which will stand for ages to come as monuments to the energy and skill of a bygone race. the "fortress" is on a little hill, surrounded by steep cliffs, high walls, and hanging gardens so as to be difficult of access. centuries ago, when the tribe which cultivated the rich fields in this valley lived in fear and terror of their savage neighbors, this hill offered a place of refuge to which they could retire. it may have been fortified at that time. as centuries passed in which the land came under the control of the incas, whose chief interest was the peaceful promotion of agriculture, it is likely that this fortress became a royal garden. the six great ashlars of reddish granite weighing fifteen or twenty tons each, and placed in line on the summit of the hill, were brought from a quarry several miles away with an immense amount of labor and pains. they were probably intended to be a record of the magnificence of an able ruler. not only could he command the services of a sufficient number of men to extract these rocks from the quarry and carry them up an inclined plane from the bottom of the valley to the summit of the hill; he had to supply the men with food. the building of such a monument meant taking five hundred indians away from their ordinary occupations as agriculturists. he must have been a very good administrator. to his people the magnificent megaliths were doubtless a source of pride. to his enemies they were a symbol of his power and might. -----figure mt. veronica and salapunco, the gateway to uilcapampa -----a league below ollantaytambo the road forks. the right branch ascends a steep valley and crosses the pass of panticalla near snow-covered mt. veronica. near the pass are two groups of ruins. one of them, extravagantly referred to by wiener as a "granite palace, whose appearance [appareil] resembles the more beautiful parts of ollantaytambo," was only a storehouse. the other was probably a tampu, or inn, for the benefit of official travelers. all travelers in inca times, even the bearers of burdens, were acting under official orders. commercial business was unknown. the rights of personal property were not understood. no one had anything to sell; no one had any money to buy it with. on the other hand, the incas had an elaborate system of tax collecting. two thirds of the produce raised by their subjects was claimed by the civil and religious rulers. it was a reasonable provision of the benevolent despotism of the incas that inhospitable regions like the panticalla pass near mt. veronica should be provided with suitable rest houses and storehouses. polo de ondegardo, an able and accomplished statesman, who was in office in cuzco in 1560, says that the food of the chasquis, inca post runners, was provided from official storehouses; "those who worked for the inca's service, or for religion, never ate at their own expense." in manco's day these buildings at havaspampa probably sheltered the outpost which defeated captain villadiego. before the completion of the river road, about 1895, travelers from cuzco to the lower urubamba had a choice of two routes, one by way of the pass of panticalla, followed by captain garcia in 1571, by general miller in 1835, castelnau in 1842, and wiener in 1875; and one by way of the pass between mts. salcantay and soray, along the salcantay river to huadquiña, followed by the count de sartiges in 1834 and raimondi in 1865. both of these routes avoid the highlands between mt. salcantay and mt. veronica and the lowlands between the villages of piri and huadquiña. this region was in 1911 undescribed in the geographical literature of southern peru. we decided not to use either pass, but to go straight down the urubamba river road. it led us into a fascinating country. two leagues beyond piri, at salapunco, the road skirts the base of precipitous cliffs, the beginnings of a wonderful mass of granite mountains which have made uilcapampa more difficult of access than the surrounding highlands which are composed of schists, conglomerates, and limestone. salapunco is the natural gateway to the ancient province, but it was closed for centuries by the combined efforts of nature and man. the urubamba river, in cutting its way through the granite range, forms rapids too dangerous to be passable and precipices which can be scaled only with great effort and considerable peril. at one time a footpath probably ran near the river, where the indians, by crawling along the face of the cliff and sometimes swinging from one ledge to another on hanging vines, were able to make their way to any of the alluvial terraces down the valley. another path may have gone over the cliffs above the fortress, where we noticed, in various inaccessible places, the remains of walls built on narrow ledges. they were too narrow and too irregular to have been intended to support agricultural terraces. they may have been built to make the cliff more precipitous. they probably represent the foundations of an old trail. to defend these ancient paths we found that prehistoric man had built, at the foot of the precipices, close to the river, a small but powerful fortress whose ruins now pass by the name of salapunco; sala = ruins; punco = gateway. fashioned after famous sacsahuaman and resembling it in the irregular character of the large ashlars and also by reason of the salients and reëntrant angles which enabled its defenders to prevent the walls being successfully scaled, it presents an interesting problem. commanding as it does the entrance to the valley of torontoy, salapunco may have been built by some ancient chief to enable him to levy tribute on all who passed. my first impression was that the fortress was placed here, at the end of the temperate zone, to defend the valleys of urubamba and ollantaytambo against savage enemies coming up from the forests of the amazon. on the other hand, it is possible that salapunco was built by the tribes occupying the fastnesses of uilcapampa as an outpost to defend them against enemies coming down the valley from the direction of ollantaytambo. they could easily have held it against a considerable force, for it is powerfully built and constructed with skill. supplies from the plantations of torontoy, lower down the river, might have reached it along the path which antedated the present government road. salapunco may have been occupied by the troops of the inca manco when he established himself in uiticos and ruled over uilcapampa. he could hardly, however, have built a megalithic work of this kind. it is more likely that he would have destroyed the narrow trails than have attempted to hold the fort against the soldiers of pizarro. furthermore, its style and character seem to date it with the well-known megalithic structures of cuzco and ollantaytambo. this makes it seem all the more extraordinary that salapunco could ever have been built as a defense against ollantaytambo, unless it was built by folk who once occupied cuzco and who later found a retreat in the canyons below here. -----figure grosvenor glacier and mt. salcantay -----when we first visited salapunco no megalithic remains had been reported as far down the valley as this. it never occurred to us that, in hunting for the remains of such comparatively recent structures as the inca manco had the force and time to build, we were to discover remains of a far more remote past. yet we were soon to find ruins enough to explain why such a fortress as salapunco might possibly have been built so as to defend uilcapampa against ollantaytambo and cuzco and not those well-known inca cities against the savages of the amazon jungles. passing salapunco, we skirted granite cliffs and precipices and entered a most interesting region, where we were surprised and charmed by the extent of the ancient terraces, their length and height, the presence of many inca ruins, the beauty of the deep, narrow valleys, and the grandeur of the snow-clad mountains which towered above them. across the river, near qquente, on top of a series of terraces, we saw the extensive ruins of patallacta (pata = height or terrace; llacta = town or city), an inca town of great importance. it was not known to raimondi or paz soldan, but is indicated on wiener's map, although he does not appear to have visited it. we have been unable to find any reference to it in the chronicles. we spent several months here in 1915 excavating and determining the character of the ruins. in another volume i hope to tell more of the antiquities of this region. at present it must suffice to remark that our explorations near patallacta disclosed no "white rock over a spring of water." none of the place names in this vicinity fit in with the accounts of uiticos. their identity remains a puzzle, although the symmetry of the buildings, their architectural idiosyncrasies such as niches, stone roof-pegs, bar-holds, and eye-bonders, indicate an inca origin. at what date these towns and villages flourished, who built them, why they were deserted, we do not yet know; and the indians who live hereabouts are ignorant, or silent, as to their history. at torontoy, the end of the cultivated temperate valley, we found another group of interesting ruins, possibly once the residence of an inca chief. in a cave near by we secured some mummies. the ancient wrappings had been consumed by the natives in an effort to smoke out the vampire bats that lived in the cave. on the opposite side of the river are extensive terraces and above them, on a hilltop, other ruins first visited by messrs. tucker and hendriksen in 1911. one of their indian bearers, attempting to ford the rapids here with a large surveying instrument, was carried off his feet, swept away by the strong current, and drowned before help could reach him. near torontoy is a densely wooded valley called the pampa ccahua. in 1915 rumors of andean or "spectacled" bears having been seen here and of damage having been done by them to some of the higher crops, led us to go and investigate. we found no bears, but at an elevation of 12,000 feet were some very old trees, heavily covered with flowering moss not hitherto known to science. above them i was so fortunate as to find a wild potato plant, the source from which the early peruvians first developed many varieties of what we incorrectly call the irish potato. the tubers were as large as peas. mr. heller found here a strange little cousin of the kangaroo, a near relative of the coenolestes. it turned out to be new to science. to find a new genus of mammalian quadrupeds was an event which delighted mr. heller far more than shooting a dozen bears. [8] torontoy is at the beginning of the grand canyon of the urubamba, and such a canyon! the river "road" runs recklessly up and down rock stairways, blasts its way beneath overhanging precipices, spans chasms on frail bridges propped on rustic brackets against granite cliffs. under dense forests, wherever the encroaching precipices permitted it, the land between them and the river was once terraced and cultivated. we found ourselves unexpectedly in a veritable wonderland. emotions came thick and fast. we marveled at the exquisite pains with which the ancient folk had rescued incredibly narrow strips of arable land from the tumbling rapids. how could they ever have managed to build a retaining wall of heavy stones along the very edge of the dangerous river, which it is death to attempt to cross! on one sightly bend near a foaming waterfall some inca chief built a temple, whose walls tantalize the traveler. he must pass by within pistol shot of the interesting ruins, unable to ford the intervening rapids. high up on the side of the canyon, five thousand feet above this temple, are the ruins of corihuayrachina (kori = "gold"; huayara = "wind"; huayrachina = "a threshing-floor where winnowing takes place." possibly this was an ancient gold mine of the incas. half a mile above us on another steep slope, some modern pioneer had recently cleared the jungle from a fine series of ancient artificial terraces. on the afternoon of july 23d we reached a hut called "la maquina," where travelers frequently stop for the night. the name comes from the presence here of some large iron wheels, parts of a "machine" destined never to overcome the difficulties of being transported all the way to a sugar estate in the lower valley, and years ago left here to rust in the jungle. there was little fodder, and there was no good place for us to pitch our camp, so we pushed on over the very difficult road, which had been carved out of the face of a great granite cliff. part of the cliff had slid off into the river and the breach thus made in the road had been repaired by means of a frail-looking rustic bridge built on a bracket composed of rough logs, branches, and reeds, tied together and surmounted by a few inches of earth and pebbles to make it seem sufficiently safe to the cautious cargo mules who picked their way gingerly across it. no wonder "the machine" rested where it did and gave its name to that part of the valley. dusk falls early in this deep canyon, the sides of which are considerably over a mile in height. it was almost dark when we passed a little sandy plain two or three acres in extent, which in this land of steep mountains is called a pampa. were the dwellers on the pampas of argentina--where a railroad can go for 250 miles in a straight line, except for the curvature of the earth--to see this little bit of flood-plain called mandor pampa, they would think some one had been joking or else grossly misusing a word which means to them illimitable space with not a hill in sight. however, to the ancient dwellers in this valley, where level land was so scarce that it was worth while to build high stone-faced terraces so as to enable two rows of corn to grow where none grew before, any little natural breathing space in the bottom of the canyon is called a pampa. -----figure the road between maquina and mandor pampa near machu picchu -----we passed an ill-kept, grass-thatched hut, turned off the road through a tiny clearing, and made our camp at the edge of the river urubamba on a sandy beach. opposite us, beyond the huge granite boulders which interfered with the progress of the surging stream, was a steep mountain clothed with thick jungle. it was an ideal spot for a camp, near the road and yet secluded. our actions, however, aroused the suspicions of the owner of the hut, melchor arteaga, who leases the lands of mandor pampa. he was anxious to know why we did not stay at his hut like respectable travelers. our gendarme, sergeant carrasco, reassured him. they had quite a long conversation. when arteaga learned that we were interested in the architectural remains of the incas, he said there were some very good ruins in this vicinity--in fact, some excellent ones on top of the opposite mountain, called huayna picchu, and also on a ridge called machu picchu. these were the very places charles wiener heard of at ollantaytambo in 1875 and had been unable to reach. the story of my experiences on the following day will be found in a later chapter. suffice it to say at this point that the ruins of huayna picchu turned out to be of very little importance, while those of machu picchu, familiar to readers of the "national geographic magazine," are as interesting as any ever found in the andes. when i first saw the remarkable citadel of machu picchu perched on a narrow ridge two thousand feet above the river, i wondered if it could be the place to which that old soldier, baltasar de ocampo, a member of captain garcia's expedition, was referring when he said: "the inca tupac amaru was there in the fortress of pitcos [uiticos], which is on a very high mountain, whence the view commanded a great part of the province of uilcapampa. here there was an extensive level space, with very sumptuous and majestic buildings, erected with great skill and art, all the lintels of the doors, the principal as well as the ordinary ones, being of marble, elaborately carved." could it be that "picchu" was the modern variant of "pitcos"? to be sure, the white granite of which the temples and palaces of machu picchu are constructed might easily pass for marble. the difficulty about fitting ocampo's description to machu picchu, however, was that there was no difference between the lintels of the doors and the walls themselves. furthermore, there is no "white rock over a spring of water" which calancha says was "near uiticos." there is no pucyura in this neighborhood. in fact, the canyon of the urubamba does not satisfy the geographical requirements of uiticos. although containing ruins of surpassing interest, machu picchu did not represent that last inca capital for which we were searching. we had not yet found manco's palace. chapter xi the search continued machu picchu is on the border-line between the temperate zone and the tropics. camping near the bridge of san miguel, below the ruins, both mr. heller and mr. cook found interesting evidences of this fact in the flora and fauna. from the point of view of historical geography, mr. cook's most important discovery was the presence here of huilca, a tree which does not grow in cold climates. the quichua dictionaries tell us huilca is a "medicine, a purgative." an infusion made from the seeds of the tree is used as an enema. i am indebted to mr. cook for calling my attention to two articles by mr. w. e. safford in which it is also shown that from seeds of the huilca a powder is prepared, sometimes called cohoba. this powder, says mr. safford, is a narcotic snuff "inhaled through the nostrils by means of a bifurcated tube." "all writers unite in declaring that it induced a kind of intoxication or hypnotic state, accompanied by visions which were regarded by the natives as supernatural. while under its influence the necromancers, or priests, were supposed to hold communication with unseen powers, and their incoherent mutterings were regarded as prophecies or revelations of hidden things. in treating the sick the physicians made use of it to discover the cause of the malady or the person or spirit by whom the patient was bewitched." mr. safford quotes las casas as saying: "it was an interesting spectacle to witness how they took it and what they spake. the chief began the ceremony and while he was engaged all remained silent .... when he had snuffed up the powder through his nostrils, he remained silent for a while with his head inclined to one side and his arms placed on his knees. then he raised his face heavenward, uttering certain words which must have been his prayer to the true god, or to him whom he held as god; after which all responded, almost as we do when we say amen; and this they did with a loud voice or sound. then they gave thanks and said to him certain complimentary things, entreating his benevolence and begging him to reveal to them what he had seen. he described to them his vision, saying that the cemi [spirits] had spoken to him and had predicted good times or the contrary, or that children were to be born, or to die, or that there was to be some dispute with their neighbors, and other things which might come to his imagination, all disturbed with that intoxication." [9] clearly, from the point of view of priests and soothsayers, the place where huilca was first found and used in their incantations would be important. it is not strange to find therefore that the inca name of this river was uilca-mayu: the "huilca river." the pampa on this river where the trees grew would likely receive the name uilca pampa. if it became an important city, then the surrounding region might be named uilcapampa after it. this seems to me to be the most probable origin of the name of the province. anyhow it is worth noting the fact that denizens of cuzco and ollantaytambo, coming down the river in search of this highly prized narcotic, must have found the first trees not far from machu picchu. leaving the ruins of machu picchu for later investigation, we now pushed on down the urubamba valley, crossed the bridge of san miguel, passed the house of señor lizarraga, first of modern peruvians to write his name on the granite walls of machu picchu, and came to the sugar-cane fields of huadquiña. we had now left the temperate zone and entered the tropics. at huadquiña we were so fortunate as to find that the proprietress of the plantation, señora carmen vargas, and her children, were spending the season here. during the rainy winter months they live in cuzco, but when summer brings fine weather they come to huadquiña to enjoy the free-and-easy life of the country. they made us welcome, not only with that hospitality to passing travelers which is common to sugar estates all over the world, but gave us real assistance in our explorations. señora carmen's estate covers more than two hundred square miles. huadquiña is a splendid example of the ancient patriarchal system. the indians who come from other parts of peru to work on the plantation enjoy perquisites and wages unknown elsewhere. those whose home is on the estate regard señora carmen with an affectionate reverence which she well deserves. all are welcome to bring her their troubles. the system goes back to the days when the spiritual, moral, and material welfare of the indians was entrusted in encomienda to the lords of the repartimiento or allotted territory. huadquiña once belonged to the jesuits. they planted the first sugar cane and established the mill. after their expulsion from the spanish colonies at the end of the eighteenth century, huadquiña was bought by a peruvian. it was first described in geographical literature by the count de sartiges, who stayed here for several weeks in 1834 when on his way to choqquequirau. he says that the owner of huadquiña "is perhaps the only landed proprietor in the entire world who possesses on his estates all the products of the four parts of the globe. in the different regions of his domain he has wool, hides, horsehair, potatoes, wheat, corn, sugar, coffee, chocolate, coca, many mines of silver-bearing lead, and placers of gold." truly a royal principality. -----figure huadquiña -----incidentally it is interesting to note that although sartiges was an enthusiastic explorer, eager to visit undescribed inca ruins, he makes no mention whatever of machu picchu. yet from huadquiña one can reach machu picchu on foot in half a day without crossing the urubamba river. apparently the ruins were unknown to his hosts in 1834. they were equally unknown to our kind hosts in 1911. they scarcely believed the story i told them of the beauty and extent of the inca edifices. [10] when my photographs were developed, however, and they saw with their own eyes the marvelous stonework of the principal temples, señora carmen and her family were struck dumb with wonder and astonishment. they could not understand how it was possible that they should have passed so close to machu picchu every year of their lives since the river road was opened without knowing what was there. they had seen a single little building on the crest of the ridge, but supposed that it was an isolated tower of no great interest or importance. their neighbor, lizarraga, near the bridge of san miguel, had reported the presence of the ruins which he first visited in 1904, but, like our friends in cuzco, they had paid little attention to his stories. we were soon to have a demonstration of the causes of such skepticism. our new friends read with interest my copy of those paragraphs of calaucha's "chronicle" which referred to the location of the last inca capital. learning that we were anxious to discover uiticos, a place of which they had never heard, they ordered the most intelligent tenants on the estate to come in and be questioned. the best informed of all was a sturdy mestizo, a trusted foreman, who said that in a little valley called ccllumayu, a few hours' journey down the urubamba, there were "important ruins" which had been seen by some of señora carmen's indians. even more interesting and thrilling was his statement that on a ridge up the salcantay valley was a place called yurak rumi (yurak = "white"; rumi = "stone") where some very interesting ruins had been found by his workmen when cutting trees for firewood. we all became excited over this, for among the paragraphs which i had copied from calancha's "chronicle" was the statement that "close to uiticos" is the "white stone of the aforesaid house of the sun which is called yurak rumi." our hosts assured us that this must be the place, since no one hereabouts had ever heard of any other yurak rumi. the foreman, on being closely questioned, said that he had seen the ruins once or twice, that he had also been up the urubamba valley and seen the great ruins at ollantaytambo, and that those which he had seen at yurak rumi were "as good as those at ollantaytambo." here was a definite statement made by an eyewitness. apparently we were about to see that interesting rock where the last incas worshiped. however, the foreman said that the trail thither was at present impassable, although a small gang of indians could open it in less than a week. our hosts, excited by the pictures we had shown them of machu picchu, and now believing that even finer ruins might be found on their own property, immediately gave orders to have the path to yurak rumi cleared for our benefit. while this was being done, señora carmen's son, the manager of the plantation, offered to accompany us himself to ccllumayu, where other "important ruins" had been found, which could be reached in a few hours without cutting any new trails. acting on his assurance that we should not need tent or cots, we left our camping outfit behind and followed him to a small valley on the south side of the urubamba. we found ccllumayu to consist of two huts in a small clearing. densely wooded slopes rose on all sides. the manager requested two of the indian tenants to act as guides. with them, we plunged into the thick jungle and spent a long and fatiguing day searching in vain for ruins. that night the manager returned to huadquiña, but professor foote and i preferred to remain in ccllumayu and prosecute a more vigorous search on the next day. we shared a little thatched hut with our indian hosts and a score of fat cuys (guinea pigs), the chief source of the ccllumayu meat supply. the hut was built of rough wattles which admitted plenty of fresh air and gave us comfortable ventilation. primitive little sleeping-platforms, also of wattles, constructed for the needs of short, stocky indians, kept us from being overrun by inquisitive cuys, but could hardly be called as comfortable as our own folding cots which we had left at huadquiña. the next day our guides were able to point out in the woods a few piles of stones, the foundations of oval or circular huts which probably were built by some primitive savage tribe in prehistoric times. nothing further could be found here of ruins, "important" or otherwise, although we spent three days at ccllumayu. such was our first disillusionment. on our return to huadquiña, we learned that the trail to yurak rumi would be ready "in a day or two." in the meantime our hosts became much interested in professor foote's collection of insects. they brought an unnamed scorpion and informed us that an orange orchard surrounded by high walls in a secluded place back of the house was "a great place for spiders." we found that their statement was not exaggerated and immediately engaged in an enthusiastic spider hunt. when these huadquiña spiders were studied at the harvard museum of comparative zoölogy, dr. chamberlain found among them the representatives of four new genera and nineteen species hitherto unknown to science. as a reward of merit, he gave professor foote's name to the scorpion! -----figure ruins of yurak rumi near huadquiña. probably an inca storehouse, well ventilated and well drained. drawn by a. h. bumstead from measurements and photographs by hiram bingham and h. w. foote. -----finally the trail to yurak rumi was reported finished. it was with feelings of keen anticipation that i started out with the foreman to see those ruins which he had just revisited and now declared were "better than those of ollantaytambo." it was to be presumed that in the pride of discovery he might have exaggerated their importance. still it never entered my head what i was actually to find. after several hours spent in clearing away the dense forest growth which surrounded the walls i learned that this yurak rumi consisted of the ruins of a single little rectangular inca storehouse. no effort had been made at beauty of construction. the walls were of rough, unfashioned stones laid in clay. the building was without a doorway, although it had several small windows and a series of ventilating shafts under the house. the lintels of the windows and of the small apertures leading into the subterranean shafts were of stone. there were no windows on the sunny north side or on the ends, but there were four on the south side through which it would have been possible to secure access to the stores of maize, potatoes, or other provisions placed here for safe-keeping. it will be recalled that the incas maintained an extensive system of public storehouses, not only in the centers of population, but also at strategic points on the principal trails. yurak rumi is on top of the ridge between the salcantay and huadquiña valleys, probably on an ancient road which crossed the province of uilcapampa. as such it was interesting; but to compare it with ollantaytambo, as the foreman had done, was to liken a cottage to a palace or a mouse to an elephant. it seems incredible that anybody having actually seen both places could have thought for a moment that one was "as good as the other." to be sure, the foreman was not a trained observer and his interest in inca buildings was probably of the slightest. yet the ruins of ollantaytambo are so well known and so impressive that even the most casual traveler is struck by them and the natives themselves are enormously proud of them. the real cause of the foreman's inaccuracy was probably his desire to please. to give an answer which will satisfy the questioner is a common trait in peru as well as in many other parts of the world. anyhow, the lessons of the past few days were not lost on us. we now understood the skepticism which had prevailed regarding lizarraga's discoveries. it is small wonder that the occasional stories about machu picchu which had drifted into cuzco had never elicited any enthusiasm nor even provoked investigation on the part of those professors and students in the university of cuzco who were interested in visiting the remains of inca civilization. they knew only too well the fondness of their countrymen for exaggeration and their inability to report facts accurately. obviously, we had not yet found uiticos. so, bidding farewell to señora carmen, we crossed the urubamba on the bridge of colpani and proceeded down the valley past the mouth of the lucumayo and the road from panticalla, to the hamlet of chauillay, where the urubamba is joined by the vilcabamba river. [11] both rivers are restricted here to narrow gorges, through which their waters rush and roar on their way to the lower valley. a few rods from chauillay was a fine bridge. the natives call it chuquichaca! steel and iron have superseded the old suspension bridge of huge cables made of vegetable fiber, with its narrow roadway of wattles supported by a network of vines. yet here it was that in 1572 the military force sent by the viceroy, francisco de toledo, under the command of general martin hurtado and captain garcia, found the forces of the young inca drawn up to defend uiticos. it will be remembered that after a brief preliminary fire the forces of tupac amaru were routed without having destroyed the bridge and thus captain garcia was enabled to accomplish that which had proved too much for the famous gonzalo pizarro. our inspection of the surroundings showed that captain garcia's companion, baltasar de ocampo, was correct when he said that the occupation of the bridge of chuquichaca "was a measure of no small importance for the royal force." it certainly would have caused the spaniards "great trouble" if they had had to rebuild it. we might now have proceeded to follow garcia's tracks up the vilcabamba had we not been anxious to see the proprietor of the plantation of santa ana, don pedro duque, reputed to be the wisest and ablest man in this whole province. we felt he would be able to offer us advice of prime importance in our search. so leaving the bridge of chuquichaca, we continued down the urubamba river which here meanders through a broad, fertile valley, green with tropical plantations. we passed groves of bananas and oranges, waving fields of green sugar cane, the hospitable dwellings of prosperous planters, and the huts of indians fortunate enough to dwell in this tropical "garden of eden." the day was hot and thirst-provoking, so i stopped near some large orange trees loaded with ripe fruit and asked the indian proprietress to sell me ten cents' worth. in exchange for the tiny silver real she dragged out a sack containing more than fifty oranges! i was fain to request her to permit us to take only as many as our pockets could hold; but she seemed so surprised and pained, we had to fill our saddle-bags as well. at the end of the day we crossed the urubamba river on a fine steel bridge and found ourselves in the prosperous little town of quillabamba, the provincial capital. its main street was lined with well-filled shops, evidence of the fact that this is one of the principal gateways to the peruvian rubber country which, with the high price of rubber then prevailing, 1911, was the scene of unusual activity. passing through quillabamba and up a slight hill beyond it, we came to the long colonnades of the celebrated sugar estate of santa ana founded by the jesuits, where all explorers who have passed this way since the days of charles wiener have been entertained. he says that he was received here "with a thousand signs of friendship" ("mille témoignages d'amitié"). we were received the same way. even in a region where we had repeatedly received valuable assistance from government officials and generous hospitality from private individuals, our reception at santa ana stands out as particularly delightful. don pedro duque took great interest in enabling us to get all possible information about the little-known region into which we proposed to penetrate. born in colombia, but long resident in peru, he was a gentleman of the old school, keenly interested, not only in the administration and economic progress of his plantation, but also in the intellectual movements of the outside world. he entered with zest into our historical-geographical studies. the name uiticos was new to him, but after reading over with us our extracts from the spanish chronicles he was sure that he could help us find it. and help us he did. santa ana is less than thirteen degrees south of the equator; the elevation is barely 2000 feet; the "winter" nights are cool; but the heat in the middle of the day is intense. nevertheless, our host was so energetic that as a result of his efforts a number of the best-informed residents were brought to the conferences at the great plantation house. they told all they knew of the towns and valleys where the last four incas had found a refuge, but that was not much. they all agreed that "if only señor lopez torres were alive he could have been of great service" to us, as "he had prospected for mines and rubber in those parts more than any one else, and had once seen some inca ruins in the forest!" of uiticos and chuquipalpa and most of the places mentioned in the chronicles, none of don pedro's friends had ever heard. it was all rather discouraging, until one day, by the greatest good fortune, there arrived at santa ana another friend of don pedro's, the teniente gobernador of the village of lucma in the valley of vilcabamba--a crusty old fellow named evaristo mogrovejo. his brother, pio mogrovejo, had been a member of the party of energetic peruvians who, in 1884, had searched for buried treasure at choqquequirau and had left their names on its walls. evaristo mogrovejo could understand searching for buried treasure, but he was totally unable otherwise to comprehend our desire to find the ruins of the places mentioned by father calancha and the contemporaries of captain garcia. had we first met mogrovejo in lucma he would undoubtedly have received us with suspicion and done nothing to further our quest. fortunately for us, his official superior was the sub-prefect of the province of convención, lived at quillabamba near santa ana, and was a friend of don pedro's. the sub-prefect had received orders from his own official superior, the prefect of cuzco, to take a personal interest in our undertaking, and accordingly gave particular orders to mogrovejo to see to it that we were given every facility for finding the ancient ruins and identifying the places of historic interest. although mogrovejo declined to risk his skin in the savage wilderness of conservidayoc, he carried out his orders faithfully and was ultimately of great assistance to us. extremely gratified with the result of our conferences in santa ana, yet reluctant to leave the delightful hospitality and charming conversation of our gracious host, we decided to go at once to lucma, taking the road on the southwest side of the urubamba and using the route followed by the pack animals which carry the precious cargoes of coca and aguardiente from santa ana to ollantaytambo and cuzco. thanks to don pedro's energy, we made an excellent start; not one of those meant-to-be-early but really late-in-the-morning departures so customary in the andes. we passed through a region which originally had been heavily forested, had long since been cleared, and was now covered with bushes and second growth. near the roadside i noticed a considerable number of land shells grouped on the under-side of overhanging rocks. as a boy in the hawaiian islands i had spent too many saturdays collecting those beautiful and fascinating mollusks, which usually prefer the trees of upland valleys, to enable me to resist the temptation of gathering a large number of such as could easily be secured. none of the snails were moving. the dry season appears to be their resting period. some weeks later professor foote and i passed through maras and were interested to notice thousands of land shells, mostly white in color, on small bushes, where they seemed to be quietly sleeping. they were fairly "glued to their resting places"; clustered so closely in some cases as to give the stems of the bushes a ghostly appearance. our present objective was the valley of the river vilcabamba. so far as we have been able to learn, only one other explorer had preceded us--the distinguished scientist raimondi. his map of the vilcabamba is fairly accurate. he reports the presence here of mines and minerals, but with the exception of an "abandoned tampu" at maracnyoc ("the place which possesses a millstone"), he makes no mention of any ruins. accordingly, although it seemed from the story of baltasar de ocampo and captain garcia's other contemporaries that we were now entering the valley of uiticos, it was with feel-hags of considerable uncertainty that we proceeded on our quest. it may seem strange that we should have been in any doubt. yet before our visit nearly all the peruvian historians and geographers except don carlos romero still believed that when the inca manco fled from pizarro he took up his residence at choqquequirau in the apurimac valley. the word choqquequirau means "cradle of gold" and this lent color to the legend that manco had carried off with him from cuzco great quantities of gold utensils and much treasure, which he deposited in his new capital. raimondi, knowing that manco had "retired to uilcapampa," visited both the present villages of vilcabamba and pucyura and saw nothing of any ruins. he was satisfied that choqquequirau was manco's refuge because it was far enough from pucyura to answer the requirements of calancha that it was "two or three days' journey" from uilcapampa to puquiura. a new road had recently been built along the river bank by the owner of the sugar estate at paltaybamba, to enable his pack animals to travel more rapidly. much of it had to be carved out of the face of a solid rock precipice and in places it pierces the cliffs in a series of little tunnels. my gendarme missed this road and took the steep old trail over the cliffs. as ocampo said in his story of captain garcia's expedition, "the road was narrow in the ascent with forest on the fight, and on the left a ravine of great depth." we reached paltaybamba about dusk. the owner, señor josé s. pancorbo, was absent, attending to the affairs of a rubber estate in the jungles of the river san miguel. the plantation of paltaybamba occupies the best lands in the lower vilcabamba valley, but lying, as it does, well off the main highway, visitors are rare and our arrival was the occasion for considerable excitement. we were not unexpected, however. it was señor pancorbo who had assured us in cuzco that we should find ruins near pucyura and he had told his major-domo to be on the look-out for us. we had a long talk with the manager of the plantation and his friends that evening. they had heard little of any ruins in this vicinity, but repeated one of the stories we had heard in santa ana, that way off somewhere in the montaña there was "an inca city." all agreed that it was a very difficult place to reach; and none of them had ever been there. in the morning the manager gave us a guide to the next house up the valley, with orders that the man at that house should relay us to the next, and so on. these people, all tenants of the plantation, obligingly carried out their orders, although at considerable inconvenience to themselves. the vilcabamba valley above paltaybamba is very picturesque. there are high mountains on either side, covered with dense jungle and dark green foliage, in pleasing contrast to the light green of the fields of waving sugar cane. the valley is steep, the road is very winding, and the torrent of the vilcabamba roars loudly, even in july. what it must be like in february, the rainy season, we could only surmise. about two leagues above paltaybamba, at or near the spot called by raimondi "maracnyoc," an "abandoned tampu," we came to some old stone walls, the ruins of a place now called huayara or "hoyara." i believe them to be the ruins of the first spanish settlement in this region, a place referred to by ocampo, who says that the fugitives of tupac amaru's army were "brought back to the valley of hoyara," where they were "settled in a large village, and a city of spaniards was founded .... this city was founded on an extensive plain near a river, with an admirable climate. from the river channels of water were taken for the service of the city, the water being very good." the water here is excellent, far better than any in the cuzco basin. on the plain near the river are some of the last cane fields of the plantation of paltaybamba. "hoyara" was abandoned after the discovery of gold mines several leagues farther up the valley, and the spanish "city" was moved to the village now called vilcabamba. our next stop was at lucma, the home of teniente gobernador mogrovejo. the village of lucma is an irregular cluster of about thirty thatched-roofed huts. it enjoys a moderate amount of prosperity due to the fact of its being located near one of the gateways to the interior, the pass to the rubber estates in the san miguel valley. here are "houses of refreshment" and two shops, the only ones in the region. one can buy cotton cloth, sugar, canned goods and candles. a picturesque belfry and a small church, old and somewhat out of repair, crown the small hill back of the village. there is little level land, but the slopes are gentle, and permit a considerable amount of agriculture. there was no evidence of extensive terracing. maize and alfalfa seemed to be the principal crops. evaristo mogrovejo lived on the little plaza around which the houses of the more important people were grouped. he had just returned from santa ana by the way of idma, using a much worse trail than that over which we had come, but one which enabled him to avoid passing through paltaybamba, with whose proprietor he was not on good terms. he told us stories of misadventures which had happened to travelers at the gates of paltaybamba, stories highly reminiscent of feudal days in europe, when provincial barons were accustomed to lay tribute on all who passed. we offered to pay mogrovejo a gratificación of a sol, or peruvian silver dollar, for every ruin to which he would take us, and double that amount if the locality should prove to contain particularly interesting ruins. this aroused all his business instincts. he summoned his alcaldes and other well-informed indians to appear and be interviewed. they told us there were "many ruins" hereabouts! being a practical man himself, mogrovejo had never taken any interest in ruins. now he saw the chance not only to make money out of the ancient sites, but also to gain official favor by carrying out with unexampled vigor the orders of his superior, the sub-prefect of quillabamba. so he exerted himself to the utmost in our behalf. the next day we were guided up a ravine to the top of the ridge back of lucma. this ridge divides the upper from the lower vilcabamba. on all sides the hills rose several thousand feet above us. in places they were covered with forest growth, chiefly above the cloud line, where daily moisture encourages vegetation. in some of the forests on the more gentle slopes recent clearings gave evidence of enterprise on the part of the present inhabitants of the valley. after an hour's climb we reached what were unquestionably the ruins of inca structures, on an artificial terrace which commands a magnificent view far down toward paltaybamba and the bridge of chuquichaca, as well as in the opposite direction. the contemporaries of captain garcia speak of a number of forts or pucarás which had to be stormed and captured before tupac amaru could be taken prisoner. this was probably one of those "fortresses." its strategic position and the ease with which it could be defended point to such an interpretation. nevertheless this ruin did not fit the "fortress of pitcos," nor the "house of the sun" near the "white rock over the spring." it is called incahuaracana, "the place where the inca shoots with a sling." incahuaracana consists of two typical inca edifices--one of two rooms, about 70 by 20 feet, and the other, very long and narrow, 150 by 11 feet. the walls, of unhewn stone laid in clay, were not particularly well built and resemble in many respects the ruins at choqquequirau. the rooms of the principal house are without windows, although each has three front doors and is lined with niches, four or five on a side. the long, narrow building was divided into three rooms, and had several front doors. a force of two hundred indian soldiers could have slept in these houses without unusual crowding. we left lucma the next day, forded the vilcabamba river and soon had an uninterrupted view up the valley to a high, truncated hill, its top partly covered with a scrubby growth of trees and bushes, its sides steep and rocky. we were told that the name of the hill was "rosaspata," a word of modern hybrid origin--pata being quichua for "hill," while rosas is the spanish word for "roses." mogrovejo said his indians told him that on the "hill of roses" there were more ruins. at the foot of the hill, and across the river, is the village of pucyura. when raimondi was here in 1865 it was but a "wretched hamlet with a paltry chapel." to-day it is more prosperous. there is a large public school here, to which children come from villages many miles away. so crowded is the school that in fine weather the children sit on benches out of doors. the boys all go barefooted. the girls wear high boots. i once saw them reciting a geography lesson, but i doubt if even the teacher knew whether or not this was the site of the first school in this whole region. for it was to "puquiura" that friar marcos came in 1566. perhaps he built the "mezquina capilla" which raimondi scorned. if this were the "puquiura" of friar marcos, then uiticos must be near by, for he and friar diego walked with their famous procession of converts from "puquiura" to the house of the sun and the "white rock" which was "close to uiticos." crossing the vilcabamba on a footbridge that afternoon, we came immediately upon some old ruins that were not incaic. examination showed that they were apparently the remains of a very crude spanish crushing mill, obviously intended to pulverize gold-bearing quartz on a considerable scale. perhaps this was the place referred to by ocampo, who says that the inca titu cusi attended masses said by his friend friar diego in a chapel which is "near my houses and on my own lands, in the mining district of puquiura, close to the ore-crushing mill of don christoval de albornoz, precentor that was of the cuzco cathedral." -----figure pucyura and the hill of rosaspata in the vilcabamba valley -----one of the millstones is five feet in diameter and more than a foot thick. it lay near a huge, flat rock of white granite, hollowed out so as to enable the millstone to be rolled slowly around in a hollow trough. there was also a very large indian mortar and pestle, heavy enough to need the services of four men to work it. the mortar was merely the hollowed-out top of a large boulder which projected a few inches above the surface of the ground. the pestle, four feet in diameter, was of the characteristic rocking-stone shape used from time immemorial by the indians of the highlands for crushing maize or potatoes. since no other ruins of a spanish quartz-crushing plant have been found in this vicinity, it is probable that this once belonged to don christoval de albornoz. near the mill the tincochaca river joins the vilcabamba from the southeast. crossing this on a footbridge, i followed mogrovejo to an old and very dilapidated structure in the saddle of the hill on the south side of rosaspata. they called the place uncapampa, or inca pampa. it is probably one of the forts stormed by captain garcia and his men in 1571. the ruins represent a single house, 166 feet long by 33 feet wide. if the house had partitions they long since disappeared. there were six doorways in front, none on the ends or in the rear walls. the ruins resembled those of incahuaracana, near lucma. the walls had originally been built of rough stones laid in clay. the general finish was extremely rough. the few niches, all at one end of the structure, were irregular, about two feet in width and a little more than this in height. the one corner of the building which was still standing had a height of about ten feet. two hundred inca soldiers could have slept here also. leaving uncapampa and following my guides, i climbed up the ridge and followed a path along its west side to the top of rosaspata. passing some ruins much overgrown and of a primitive character, i soon found myself on a pleasant pampa near the top of the mountain. the view from here commands "a great part of the province of uilcapampa." it is remarkably extensive on all sides; to the north and south are snow-capped mountains, to the east and west, deep verdure-clad valleys. furthermore, on the north side of the pampa is an extensive level space with a very sumptuous and majestic building "erected with great skill and art, all the lintels of the doors, the principal as well as the ordinary ones," being of white granite elaborately cut. at last we had found a place which seemed to meet most of the requirements of ocampo's description of the "fortress of pitcos." to be sure it was not of "marble," and the lintels of the doors were not "carved," in our sense of the word. they were, however, beautifully finished, as may be seen from the illustrations, and the white granite might easily pass for marble. if only we could find in this vicinity that temple of the sun which calancha said was "near" uiticos, all doubts would be at an end. that night we stayed at tincochaca, in the hut of an indian friend of mogrovejo. as usual we made inquiries. imagine our feelings when in response to the oft-repeated question he said that in a neighboring valley there was a great white rock over a spring of water! if his story should prove to be true our quest for uiticos was over. it behooved us to make a very careful study of what we had found. chapter xii the fortress of uiticos and the house of the sun when the viceroy, toledo, determined to conquer that last stronghold of the incas where for thirty-five years they had defied the supreme power of spain, he offered a thousand dollars a year as a pension to the soldier who would capture tupac amaru. captain garcia earned the pension, but failed to receive it; the "mañana habit" was already strong in the days of philip ii. so the doughty captain filed a collection of testimonials with philip's royal council of the indies. among these is his own statement of what happened on the campaign against tupac amaru. in this he says: "and having arrived at the principal fortress, guay-napucará ["the young fortress"], which the incas had fortified, we found it defended by the prince philipe quispetutio, a son of the inca titu cusi, with his captains and soldiers. it is on a high eminence surrounded with rugged crags and jungles, very dangerous to ascend and almost impregnable. nevertheless, with my aforesaid company of soldiers i went up and gained the fortress, but only with the greatest possible labor and danger. thus we gained the province of uilcapampa." the viceroy himself says this important victory was due to captain garcia's skill and courage in storming the heights of guaynapucará, "on saint john the baptist's day, in 1572." the "hill of roses" is indeed "a high eminence surrounded with rugged crags." the side of easiest approach is protected by a splendid, long wall, built so carefully as not to leave a single toe-hold for active besiegers. the barracks at uncapampa could have furnished a contingent to make an attack on that side very dangerous. the hill is steep on all sides, and it would have been extremely easy for a small force to have defended it. it was undoubtedly "almost impregnable." this was the feature captain garcia was most likely to remember. on the very summit of the hill are the ruins of a partly enclosed compound consisting of thirteen or fourteen houses arranged so as to form a rough square, with one large and several small courtyards. the outside dimensions of the compound are about 160 feet by 145 feet. the builders showed the familiar inca sense of symmetry in arranging the houses, due to the wanton destruction of many buildings by the natives in their efforts at treasure-hunting, the walls have been so pulled down that it is impossible to get the exact dimensions of the buildings. in only one of them could we be sure that there had been any niches. -----figure principal doorway of the long palace at rosaspata ----------figure another doorway in the ruins of rosaspata -----most interesting of all is the structure which caught the attention of ocampo and remained fixed in his memory. enough remains of this building to give a good idea of its former grandeur. it was indeed a fit residence for a royal inca, an exile from cuzco. it is 245 feet by 43 feet. there were no windows, but it was lighted by thirty doorways, fifteen in front and the same in back. it contained ten large rooms, besides three hallways running from front to rear. the walls were built rather hastily and are not noteworthy, but the principal entrances, namely, those leading to each hall, are particularly well made; not, to be sure, of "marble" as ocampo said--there is no marble in the province--but of finely cut ashlars of white granite. the lintels of the principal doorways, as well as of the ordinary ones, are also of solid blocks of white granite, the largest being as much as eight feet in length. the doorways are better than any other ruins in uilcapampa except those of machu picchu, thus justifying the mention of them made by ocampo, who lived near here and had time to become thoroughly familiar with their appearance. unfortunately, a very small portion of the edifice was still standing. most of the rear doors had been filled up with ashlars, in order to make a continuous fence. other walls had been built from the ruins, to keep cattle out of the cultivated pampa. rosaspata is at an elevation which places it on the borderland between the cold grazing country, with its root crops and sublimated pigweeds, and the temperate zone where maize flourishes. on the south side of the hilltop, opposite the long palace, is the ruin of a single structure, 78 feet long and 35 feet wide, containing doors on both sides, no niches and no evidence of careful workmanship. it was probably a barracks for a company of soldiers. the intervening "pampa" might have been the scene of those games of bowls and quoits, which were played by the spanish refugees who fled from the wrath of gonzalo pizarro and found refuge with the inca manco. here may have occurred that fatal game when one of the players lost his temper and killed his royal host. our excavations in 1915 yielded a mass of rough potsherds, a few inca whirl-bobs and bronze shawl pins, and also a number of iron articles of european origin, heavily rusted--horseshoe nails, a buckle, a pair of scissors, several bridle or saddle ornaments, and three jew's-harps. my first thought was that modern peruvians must have lived here at one time, although the necessity of carrying all water supplies up the hill would make this unlikely. furthermore, the presence here of artifacts of european origin does not of itself point to such a conclusion. in the first place, we know that manco was accustomed to make raids on spanish travelers between cuzco and lima. he might very easily have brought back with him a spanish bridle. in the second place the musical instruments may have belonged to the refugees, who might have enjoyed whiling away their exile with melancholy twanging. in the third place the retainers of the inca probably visited the spanish market in cuzco, where there would have been displayed at times a considerable assortment of goods of european manufacture. finally rodriguez de figueroa speaks expressly of two pairs of scissors he brought as a present to titu cusi. that no such array of european artifacts has been turned up in the excavations of other important sites in the province of uilcapampa would seem to indicate that they were abandoned before the spanish conquest or else were occupied by natives who had no means of accumulating such treasures. thanks to ocampo's description of the fortress which tupac amaru was occupying in 1572 there is no doubt that this was the palace of the last inca. was it also the capital of his brothers, titu cusi and sayri tupac, and his father, manco? it is astonishing how few details we have by which the uiticos of manco may be identified. his contemporaries are strangely silent. when he left cuzco and sought refuge "in the remote fastnesses of the andes," there was a spanish soldier, cieza de leon, in the armies of pizarro who had a genius for seeing and hearing interesting things and writing them down, and who tried to interview as many members of the royal family as he could;--manco had thirteen brothers. ciezo de leon says he was much disappointed not to be able to talk with manco himself and his sons, but they had "retired into the provinces of uiticos, which are in the most retired part of those regions, beyond the great cordillera of the andes." [12] the spanish refugees who died as the result of the murder of manco may not have known how to write. anyhow, so far as we can learn they left no accounts from which any one could identify his residence. titu cusi gives no definite clue, but the activities of friar marcos and friar diego, who came to be his spiritual advisers, are fully described by calancha. it will be remembered that calancha remarks that "close to uiticos in a village called chuquipalpa, is a house of the sun and in it a white stone over a spring of water." our guide had told us there was such a place close to the hill of rosaspata. on the day after making the first studies of the "hill of roses," i followed the impatient mogrovejo--whose object was not to study ruins but to earn dollars for finding them--and went over the hill on its northeast side to the valley of los andenes ("the terraces"). here, sure enough, was a large, white granite boulder, flattened on top, which had a carved seat or platform on its northern side. its west side covered a cave in which were several niches. this cave had been walled in on one side. when mogrovejo and the indian guide said there was a manantial de agua ("spring of water") near by, i became greatly interested. on investigation, however, the" spring" turned out to be nothing but part of a small irrigating ditch. (manantial means "spring"; it also means "running water"). but the rock was not "over the water." although this was undoubtedly one of those huacas, or sacred boulders, selected by the incas as the visible representations of the founders of a tribe and thus was an important accessory to ancestor worship, it was not the yurak rumi for which we were looking. -----figure northeast face of yurak rumi -----leaving the boulder and the ruins of what possibly had been the house of its attendant priest, we followed the little water course past a large number of very handsomely built agricultural terraces, the first we had seen since leaving machu picchu and the most important ones in the valley. so scarce are andenes in this region and so noteworthy were these in particular that this vale has been named after them. they were probably built under the direction of manco. near them are a number of carved boulders, huacas. one had an intihuatana, or sundial nubbin, on it; another was carved in the shape of a saddle. continuing, we followed a trickling stream through thick woods until we suddenly arrived at an open place called ñusta isppana. here before us was a great white rock over a spring. our guides had not misled us. beneath the trees were the ruins of an inca temple, flanking and partly enclosing the gigantic granite boulder, one end of which overhung a small pool of running water. when we learned that the present name of this immediate vicinity is chuquipalta our happiness was complete. it was late on the afternoon of august 9, 1911, when i first saw this remarkable shrine. densely wooded hills rose on every side. there was not a hut to be seen; scarcely a sound to be heard. it was an ideal place for practicing the mystic ceremonies of an ancient cult. the remarkable aspect of this great boulder and the dark pool beneath its shadow had caused this to become a place of worship. here, without doubt, was "the principal mochadero of those forested mountains." it is still venerated by the indians of the vicinity. at last we had found the place where, in the days of titu cusi, the inca priests faced the east, greeted the rising sun, "extended their hands toward it," and "threw kisses to it," "a ceremony of the most profound resignation and reverence." we may imagine the sun priests, clad in their resplendent robes of office, standing on the top of the rock at the edge of its steepest side, their faces lit up with the rosy light of the early morning, awaiting the moment when the great divinity should appear above the eastern hills and receive their adoration. as it rose they saluted it and cried: "o sun! thou who art in peace and safety, shine upon us, keep us from sickness, and keep us in health and safety. o sun! thou who hast said let there be cuzco and tampu, grant that these children may conquer all other people. we beseech thee that thy children the incas may be always conquerors, since it is for this that thou hast created them." -----figure plan of the ruins of the temple of the sun at ñusta isppana formerly yurak rumi in chuquipalpa near uiticos -----it was during titu cusi's reign that friars marcos and diego marched over here with their converts from puquiura, each carrying a stick of firewood. calancha says the indians worshiped the water as a divine thing, that the devil had at times shown himself in the water. since the surface of the little pool, as one gazes at it, does not reflect the sky, but only the overhanging, dark, mossy rock, the water looks black and forbidding, even to unsuperstitious yankees. it is easy to believe that simple-minded indian worshipers in this secluded spot could readily believe that they actually saw the devil appearing "as a visible manifestation" in the water. indians came from the most sequestered villages of the dense forests to worship here and to offer gifts and sacrifices. nevertheless, the augustinian monks here raised the standard of the cross, recited their orisons, and piled firewood all about the rock and temple. exorcising the devil and calling him by all the vile names they could think of, the friars commanded him never to return. setting fire to the pile, they burned up the temple, scorched the rock, making a powerful impression on the indians and causing the poor devil to flee, "roaring in a fury." "the cruel devil never more returned to the rock nor to this district." whether the roaring which they heard was that of the devil or of the flames we can only conjecture. whether the conflagration temporarily dried up the swamp or interfered with the arrangements of the water supply so that the pool disappeared for the time being and gave the devil no chance to appear in the water, where he had formerly been accustomed to show himself, is also a matter for speculation. the buildings of the house of the sun are in a very ruinous state, but the rock itself, with its curious carvings, is well preserved notwithstanding the great conflagration of 1570. its length is fifty-two feet, its width thirty feet, and its height above the present level of the water, twenty-five feet. on the west side of the rock are seats and large steps or platforms. it was customary to kill llamas at these holy huacas. on top of the rock is a flattened place which may have been used for such sacrifices. from it runs a little crack in the boulder, which has been artificially enlarged and may have been intended to carry off the blood of the victim killed on top of the rock. it is still used for occult ceremonies of obscure origin which are quietly practiced here by the more superstitious indian women of the valley, possibly in memory of the ñusta or inca princess for whom the shrine is named. on the south side of the monolith are several large platforms and four or five small seats which have been cut in the rock. great care was exercised in cutting out the platforms. the edges are very nearly square, level, and straight. the east side of the rock projects over the spring. two seats have been carved immediately above the water. on the north side there are no seats. near the water, steps have been carved. there is one flight of three and another of seven steps. above them the rock has been flattened artificially and carved into a very bold relief. there are ten projecting square stones, like those usually called intihuatana or "places to which the sun is tied." in one line are seven; one is slightly apart from the six others. the other three are arranged in a triangular position above the seven. it is significant that these stones are on the northeast face of the rock, where they are exposed to the rising sun and cause striking shadows at sunrise. -----figure carved seats and platforms of ñusta isppana ----------figure two of the seven seats near the spring under the great white rock -----our excavations yielded no artifacts whatever and only a handful of very rough old potsherds of uncertain origin. the running water under the rock was clear and appeared to be a spring, but when we drained the swamp which adjoins the great rock on its northeastern side, we found that the spring was a little higher up the hill and that the water ran through the dark pool. we also found that what looked like a stone culvert on the borders of the little pool proved to be the top of the back of a row of seven or eight very fine stone seats. the platform on which the seats rested and the seats themselves are parts of three or four large rocks nicely fitted together. some of the seats are under the black shadows of the overhanging rock. since the pool was an object of fear and mystery the seats were probably used only by priests or sorcerers. it would have been a splendid place to practice divination. no doubt the devils "roared." all our expeditions in the ancient province of uilcapampa have failed to disclose the presence of any other "white rock over a spring of water" surrounded by the ruins of a possible "house of the sun." consequently it seems reasonable to adopt the following conclusions: first, ñusta isppana is the yurak rumi of father calancha. the chuquipalta of to-day is the place to which he refers as chuquipalpa. second, uiticos, "close to" this shrine, was once the name of the present valley of vilcabamba between tincochaca and lucma. this is the "viticos" of cieza de leon, a contemporary of manco, who says that it was to the province of viticos that manco determined to retire when he rebelled against pizarro, and that "having reached viticos with a great quantity of treasure collected from various parts, together with his women and retinue, the king, manco inca, established himself in the strongest place he could find, whence he sallied forth many times and in many directions and disturbed those parts which were quiet, to do what harm he could to the spaniards, whom he considered as cruel enemies." third, the "strongest place" of cieza, the guaynapucará of garcia, was rosaspata, referred to by ocampo as "the fortress of pitcos," where, he says, "there was a level space with majestic buildings," the most noteworthy feature of which was that they had two kinds of doors and both kinds had white stone lintels. fourth, the modern village of pucyura in the valley of the river vilcabamba is the puquiura of father calancha, the site of the first mission church in this region, as assumed by raimondi, although he was disappointed in the insignificance of the "wretched little village." the remains of the old quartz-crushing plant in tincochaca, which has already been noted, the distance from the "house of the sun," not too great for the religious procession, and the location of pucyura near the fortress, all point to the correctness of this conclusion. finally, calancha says that friar ortiz, after he had secured permission from titu cusi to establish the second missionary station in uilcapampa, selected "the town of huarancalla, which was populous and well located in the midst of a number of other little towns and villages. there was a distance of two or three days' journey from one convent to the other. leaving friar marcos in puquiura, friar diego went to his new establishment, and in a short time built a church." there is no "huarancalla" to-day, nor any tradition of any, but in mapillo, a pleasant valley at an elevation of about 10,000 feet, in the temperate zone where the crops with which the incas were familiar might have been raised, near pastures where llamas and alpacas could have flourished, is a place called huarancalque. the valley is populous and contains a number of little towns and villages. furthermore, huarancalque is two or three days' journey from pucyura and is on the road which the indians of this region now use in going to ayacucho. this was undoubtedly the route used by manco in his raids on spanish caravans. the mapillo flows into the apurimac near the mouth of the river pampas. not far up the pampas is the important bridge between bom-bon and ocros, which mr. hay and i crossed in 1909 on our way from cuzco to lima. the city of ayacucho was founded by pizarro, a day's journey from this bridge. the necessity for the spanish caravans to cross the river pampas at this point made it easy for manco's foraging expeditions to reach them by sudden marches from uiticos down the mapillo river by way of huarancalque, which is probably the "huarancalla" of calancha's "chronicles." he must have had rafts or canoes on which to cross the apurimac, which is here very wide and deep. in the valleys between huarancalque and lucma, manco was cut off from central peru by the apurimac and its magnificent canyon, which in many places has a depth of over two miles. he was cut off from cuzco by the inhospitable snow fields and glaciers of salcantay, soray, and the adjacent ridges, even though they are only fifty miles from cuzco. frequently all the passes are completely snow-blocked. fatalities have been known even in recent years. in this mountainous province manco could be sure of finding not only security from his spanish enemies, but any climate that he desired and an abundance of food for his followers. there seems to be no reason to doubt that the retired region around the modern town of pucyura in the upper vilcabamba valley was once called uiticos. chapter xiii vilcabamba although the refuge of manco is frequently spoken of as uiticos by the contemporary writers, the word vilcabamba, or uilcapampa, is used even more often. in fact garcilasso, the chief historian of the incas, himself the son of an inca princess, does not mention uiticos. vilcabamba was the common name of the province. father calancha says it was a very large area, "covering fourteen degrees of longitude," about seven hundred miles wide. it included many savage tribes "of the far interior" who acknowledged the supremacy of the incas and brought tribute to manco and his sons. "the mañaries and the pilcosones came a hundred and two hundred leagues" to visit the inca in uiticos. the name, vilcabamba, is also applied repeatedly to a town. titu cusi says he lived there many years during his youth. calancha says it was "two days' journey from puquiura." raimondi thought it must be choqquequirau. captain garcia's soldiers, however, speak of it as being down in the warm valleys of the montaña, the present rubber country. on the other hand the only place which bears this name on the maps of peru is near the source of the vilcabamba river, not more than three or four leagues from pucyura. we determined to visit it. we found the town to lie on the edge of bleak upland pastures, 11,750 feet above the sea. instead of inca walls or ruins vilcabamba has threescore solidly built spanish houses. at the time of our visit they were mostly empty, although their roofs, of unusually heavy thatch, seemed to be in good repair. we stayed at the house of the gobernador, manuel condoré. the nights were bitterly cold and we should have been most uncomfortable in a tent. the gobernador said that the reason the town was deserted was that most of the people were now attending to their chacras, or little farms, and looking after their herds of sheep and cattle in the neighboring valleys. he said that only at special festival times, such as the annual visit of the priest, who celebrates mass in the church here, once a year, are the buildings fully occupied. in the latter part of the sixteenth century, gold mines were discovered in the adjacent mountains and the capital of the spanish province of vilcabamba was transferred from hoyara to this place. its official name, condoré said, is still san francisco de la victoria de vilcabamba, and as such it occurs on most of the early maps of peru. the solidity of the stone houses was due to the prosperity of the gold diggers. the present air of desolation and absence of population is probably due to the decay of that industry. -----figure ñusta isppana -----the church is large. near it, and slightly apart from the building, is a picturesque stone belfry with three old spanish bells. condoré said that the church was built at least three hundred years ago. it is probably the very structure whose construction was carefully supervised by ocampo. in the negotiations for permission to move the municipality of san francisco de la victoria from hoyara to the neighborhood of the mines, ocampo, then one of the chief settlers, went to cuzco as agent of the interested parties, to take the matter up with the viceroy. ocampo's story is in part as follows: "the change of site appeared convenient for the service of god our lord and of his majesty, and for the increase of his royal fifths, as well as beneficial to the inhabitants of the said city. having examined the capitulations and reasons, the said don luis de velasco [the viceroy] granted the licence to move the city to where it is now founded, ordering that it should have the title and name of the city of san francisco of the victory of uilcapampa, which was its first name. by this change of site i, the said baltasar de ocampo, performed a great service to god our lord and his majesty. through my care, industry and solicitude, a very good church was built, with its principal chapel and great doors." we found the walls to be heavy, massive, and well buttressed, the doors to be unusually large and the whole to show considerable "industry and solicitude." the site was called "onccoy, where the spaniards who first discovered this land found the flocks and herds." modern vilcabamba is on grassy slopes, well suited for flocks and herds. on the steeper slopes potatoes are still raised, although the valley itself is given up to-day almost entirely to pasture lands. we saw horses, cattle, and sheep in abundance where the incas must have pastured their llamas and alpacas. in the rocky cliffs near by are remains of the mines begun in ocampo's day. there is little doubt that this was onccoy, although that name is now no longer used here. we met at the gobernador's an old indian who admitted that an inca had once lived on rosaspata hill. of all the scores of persons whom we interviewed through the courtesy of the intelligent planters of the region or through the customary assistance of government officials, this indian was the only one to make such an admission. even he denied having heard of "uiticos" or any of its variations. if we were indeed in the country of manco and his sons, why should no one be familiar with that name? perhaps, after all, it is not surprising. the indians of the highlands have now for so many generations been neglected by their rulers and brutalized by being allowed to drink all the alcohol they can purchase and to assimilate all the cocaine they can secure, through the constant chewing of coca leaves, that they have lost much if not all of their racial self-respect. it is the educated mestizos of the principal modern cities of peru who, tracing their descent not only from the spanish soldiers of the conquest, but also from the blood of the race which was conquered, take pride in the achievements of the incas and are endeavoring to preserve the remains of the wonderful civilization of their native ancestors. until quite recently vilcabamba was an unknown land to most of the peruvians, even those who live in the city of cuzco. had the capital of the last four incas been in a region whose climate appealed to europeans, whose natural resources were sufficient to support a large population, and whose roads made transportation no more difficult than in most parts of the andes, it would have been occupied from the days of captain garcia to the present by spanish-speaking mestizos, who might have been interested in preserving the name of the ancient inca capital and the traditions connected with it. after the mines which attracted ocampo and his friends "petered out," or else, with the primitive tools of the sixteenth century, ceased to yield adequate returns, the spaniards lost interest in that remote region. the rude trails which connected pucyura with cuzco and civilization were at best dangerous and difficult. they were veritably impassable during a large part of the year even to people accustomed to andean "roads." the possibility of raising sugar cane and coca between huadquiña and santa ana attracted a few spanish-speaking people to live in the lower urubamba valley, notwithstanding the difficult transportation over the passes near mts. salcantay and veronica; but there was nothing to lead any one to visit the upper vilcabamba valley or to desire to make it a place of residence. and until señor pancorbo opened the road to lucma, pucyura was extremely difficult of access. nine generations of indians lived and died in the province of uilcapampa between the time of tupac amaru and the arrival of the first modern explorers. the great stone buildings constructed on the "hill of roses" in the days of manco and his sons were allowed to fall into ruin. their roofs decayed and disappeared. the names of those who once lived here were known to fewer and fewer of the natives. the indians themselves had no desire to relate the story of the various forts and palaces to their spanish landlords, nor had the latter any interest in hearing such tales. it was not until the renaissance of historical and geographical curiosity, in the nineteenth century, that it occurred to any one to look for manco's capital. when raimondi, the first scientist to penetrate vilcabamba, reached pucyura, no one thought to tell him that on the hilltop opposite the village once lived the last of the incas and that the ruins of their palaces were still there, hidden underneath a thick growth of trees and vines. a spanish document of 1598 says the first town of "san francisco de la victoria de vilcabamba" was in the "valley of viticos." the town's long name became shortened to vilcabamba. then the river which flowed past was called the vilcabamba, and is so marked on raimondi's map. uiticos had long since passed from the memory of man. furthermore, the fact that we saw no llamas or alpacas in the upland pastures, but only domestic animals of european origin, would also seem to indicate that for some reason or other this region had been abandoned by the indians themselves. it is difficult to believe that if the indians had inhabited these valleys continuously from inca times to the present we should not have found at least a few of the indigenous american camels here. by itself, such an occurrence would hardly seem worth a remark, but taken in connection with the loss of traditions regarding uiticos, it would seem to indicate that there must have been quite a long period of time in which no persons of consequence lived in this vicinity. we are told by the historians of the colonial period that the mining operations of the first spanish settlers were fatal to at least a million indians. it is quite probable that the introduction of ordinary european contagious diseases, such as measles, chicken pox, and smallpox, may have had a great deal to do with the destruction of a large proportion of those unfortunates whose untimely deaths were attributed by historians to the very cruel practices of the early spanish miners and treasure seekers. both causes undoubtedly contributed to the result. there seems to be no question that the population diminished enormously in early colonial days. if this is true, the remaining population would naturally have sought regions where the conditions of existence and human intercourse were less severe and rigorous than in the valleys of uiticos and uilcapampa. the students and travelers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including such a careful observer as bandelier, are of the opinion that the present-day population in the andes of peru and bolivia is about as great as that at the time of the conquest. in other words, with the decay of early colonial mining and the consequent disappearance of bad living conditions and forced labor at the mines, also with the rise of partial immunity to european diseases, and the more comfortable conditions of existence which have followed the coming of peruvian independence, it is reasonable to suppose that the number of highland indians has increased. with this increase has come a consequent crowding in certain localities. there would be a natural tendency to seek less crowded regions, even at the expense of using difficult mountain trails. this would lead to their occupying as remote and inaccessible a region as the ancient province of uilcapampa. it is probable that after the gold mines ceased to pay, and before the demand for rubber caused the san miguel valley to be appropriated by the white man, there was a period of nearly three hundred years when no one of education or of intelligence superior to the ordinary indian shepherd lived anywhere near pucyura or lucma. the adobe houses of these modern villages look fairly modern. they may have been built in the nineteenth century. such a theory would account for the very small amount of information prevailing in peru regarding the region where we had been privileged to find so many ruins. this ignorance led the peruvian geographers raimondi and paz soldan to conclude that choqquequirau, the only ruins reported between the apurimac and the urubamba, must have been the capital of the incas who took refuge there. it also makes it seem more reasonable that the existence of rosaspata and ñusta isppana should not have been known to peruvian geographers and historians, or even to the government officials who lived in the adjacent villages. we felt sure we had found uiticos; nevertheless it was quite apparent that we had not yet found all the places which were called vilcabamba. examination of the writers of the sixteenth century shows that there may have been three places bearing that name; one spoken of by calancha as vilcabamba viejo ("the old"), another also so called by ocampo, and a third founded by the spaniards, namely, the town we were now in. the story of the first is given in calancha's account of the trials and tribulations of friar marcos and the martyrdom of friar diego ortiz. the chronicler tells with considerable detail of their visit to "vilcabamba viejo." it was after the monks had already founded their religious establishment at puquiura that they learned of the existence of this important religious center. they urged titu cusi to permit them to visit it. for a long time he refused. its whereabouts remained unknown to them, but its strategic position as a religious stronghold led them to continue their demands. finally, either to rid himself of their importunities or because he imagined the undertaking might be made amusing, he yielded to their requests and bade them prepare for the journey. calancha says that the inca himself accompanied the two friars, with a number of his captains and chieftains, taking them from puquiura over a very rough and rugged road. the inca, however, did not suffer from the character of the trail because, like the roman generals of old, he was borne comfortably along in a litter by servants accustomed to this duty. the unfortunate missionaries were obliged to go on foot. the wet, rocky trail soon demoralized their footgear. when they came to a particularly bad place in the road, "ungacacha," the trail went for some distance through water. the monks were forced to wade. the water was very cold. the inca and his chieftains were amused to see how the friars were hampered by their monastic garments while passing through the water. however, the monks persevered, greatly desiring to reach their goal, "on account of its being the largest city in which was the university of idolatry, where lived the teachers who were wizards and masters of abomination." if one may judge by the name of the place, uilcapampa, the wizards and sorcerers were probably aided by the powerful effects of the ancient snuff made from huilca seeds. after a three days' journey over very rough country, the monks arrived at their destination. yet even then titu cusi was unwilling that they should live in the city, but ordered that the monks be given a dwelling outside, so that they might not witness the ceremonies and ancient rites which were practiced by the inca and his captains and priests. nothing is said about the appearance of "vilcabamba viejo" and it is doubtful whether the monks were ever allowed to see the city, although they reached its vicinity. here they stayed for three weeks and kept up their preaching and teaching. during their stay titu cusi, who had not wished to bring them here, got his revenge by annoying them in various ways. he was particularly anxious to make them break their vows of celibacy. calancha says that after consultation with his priests and soothsayers titu cusi selected as tempters the most beautiful indian women, including some individuals of the yungas who were unusually attractive. it is possible that these women, who lived at the "university of idolatry" in "vilcabamba viejo," were "virgins of the sun," who were under the orders of the inca and his high priests and were selected from the fairest daughters of the empire. it is also evident that "vilcabamba viejo" was so constructed that the monks could be kept for three weeks in its vicinity without being able to see what was going on in the city or to describe the kinds of "abominations" which were practiced there, as they did those at the white rock of chuquipalta. as will be shown later, it is possible that this vilcabamba, referred to in calancha's story as "vilcabamba viejo," was on the slopes of the mountain now called machu picchu. in the meantime it was necessary to pursue the hunt for the ruins of vilcabamba called "the old" by ocampo, to distinguish it from the spanish town of that name which he had helped to found after the capture of tupac amaru, and referred to merely as vilcabamba by captain garcia and his companions in their accounts of the campaign. chapter xiv conservidayoc when don pedro duque of santa aria was helping us to identify places mentioned in calancha and ocampo, the references to "vilcabamba viejo," or old uilcapampa, were supposed by two of his informants to point to a place called conservidayoc. don pedro told us that in 1902 lopez torres, who had traveled much in the montaña looking for rubber trees, reported the discovery there of the ruins of an inca city. all of don pedro's friends assured us that conservidayoc was a terrible place to reach. "no one now living had been there." "it was inhabited by savage indians who would not let strangers enter their villages." when we reached paltaybamba, señor pancorbo's manager confirmed what we had heard. he said further that an individual named saavedra lived at conservidayoc and undoubtedly knew all about the ruins, but was very averse to receiving visitors. saavedra's house was extremely difficult to find. "no one had been there recently and returned alive." opinions differed as to how far away it was. several days later, while professor foote and i were studying the ruins near rosaspata, señor pancorbo, returning from his rubber estate in the san miguel valley and learning at lucma of our presence near by, took great pains to find us and see how we were progressing. when he learned of our intention to search for the ruins of conservidayoc, he asked us to desist from the attempt. he said saavedra was "a very powerful man having many indians under his control and living in grand state, with fifty servants, and not at all desirous of being visited by anybody." the indians were "of the campa tribe, very wild and extremely savage. they use poisoned arrows and are very hostile to strangers." admitting that he had heard there were inca ruins near saavedra's station, señor pancorbo still begged us not to risk our lives by going to look for them. by this time our curiosity was thoroughly aroused. we were familiar with the current stories regarding the habits of savage tribes who lived in the montaña and whose services were in great demand as rubber gatherers. we had even heard that indians did not particularly like to work for señor pancorbo, who was an energetic, ambitious man, anxious to achieve many things, results which required more laborers than could easily be obtained. we could readily believe there might possibly be indians at conservidayoc who had escaped from the rubber estate of san miguel. undoubtedly, señor pancorbo's own life would have been at the mercy of their poisoned arrows. all over the amazon basin the exigencies of rubber gatherers had caused tribes visited with impunity by the explorers of the nineteenth century to become so savage and revengeful as to lead them to kill all white men at sight. professor foote and i considered the matter in all its aspects. we finally came to the conclusion that in view of the specific reports regarding the presence of inca ruins at conservidayoc we could not afford to follow the advice of the friendly planter. we must at least make an effort to reach them, meanwhile taking every precaution to avoid arousing the enmity of the powerful saavedra and his savage retainers. -----figure quispi cusi testifying about inca ruins ----------figure one of our bearers crossing the pampaconas river -----on the day following our arrival at the town of vilcabamba, the gobernador, condoré, taking counsel with his chief assistant, had summoned the wisest indians living in the vicinity, including a very picturesque old fellow whose name, quispi cusi, was strongly reminiscent of the days of titu cusi. it was explained to him that this was a very solemn occasion and that an official inquiry was in progress. he took off his hat--but not his knitted cap--and endeavored to the best of his ability to answer our questions about the surrounding country. it was he who said that the inca tupac amaru once lived at rosaspata. he had never heard of uilcapampa viejo, but he admitted that there were ruins in the montaña near conservidayoc. other indians were questioned by condoré. several had heard of the ruins of conservidayoc, but, apparently, none of them, nor any one in the village, had actually seen the ruins or visited their immediate vicinity. they all agreed that saavedra's place was "at least four days' hard journey on foot in the montaña beyond pampaconas." no village of that name appeared on any map of peru, although it is frequently mentioned in the documents of the sixteenth century. rodriguez de figueroa, who came to seek an audience with titu cusi about 1565, says that he met titu cusi at a place called banbaconas. he says further that the inca came there from somewhere down in the dense forests of the montaña and presented him with a macaw and two hampers of peanuts--products of a warm region. we had brought with us the large sheets of raimondi's invaluable map which covered this locality. we also had the new map of south peru and north bolivia which had just been published by the royal geographical society and gave a summary of all available information. the indians said that conservidayoc lay in a westerly direction from vilcabamba, yet on raimondi's map all of the rivers which rise in the mountains west of the town are short affluents of the apurimac and flow southwest. we wondered whether the stories about ruins at conservidayoc would turn out to be as barren of foundation as those we had heard from the trustworthy foreman at huadquiña. one of our informants said the inca city was called espiritu pampa, or the "pampa of ghosts." would the ruins turn out to be "ghosts"? would they vanish on the arrival of white men with cameras and steel measuring tapes? no one at vilcabamba had seen the ruins, but they said that at the village of pampaconas, "about five leagues from here," there were indians who had actually been to conservidayoc. our supplies were getting low. there were no shops nearer than lucma; no food was obtainable from the natives. accordingly, notwithstanding the protestations of the hospitable gobernador, we decided to start immediately for conservidayoc. at the end of a long day's march up the vilcabamba valley, professor foote, with his accustomed skill, was preparing the evening meal and we were both looking forward with satisfaction to enjoying large cups of our favorite beverage. several years ago, when traveling on muleback across the great plateau of southern bolivia, i had learned the value of sweet, hot tea as a stimulant and bracer in the high andes. at first astonished to see how much tea the indian arrieros drank, i learned from sad experience that it was far better than cold water, which often brings on mountain-sickness. this particular evening, one swallow of the hot tea caused consternation. it was the most horrible stuff imaginable. examination showed small, oily particles floating on the surface. further investigation led to the discovery that one of our arrieros had that day placed our can of kerosene on top of one of the loads. the tin became leaky and the kerosene had dripped down into a food box. a cloth bag of granulated sugar had eagerly absorbed all the oil it could. there was no remedy but to throw away half of our supply. as i have said, the longer one works in the andes the more desirable does sugar become and the more one seems to crave it. yet we were unable to procure any here. after the usual delays, caused in part by the difficulty of catching our mules, which had taken advantage of our historical investigations to stray far up the mountain pastures, we finally set out from the boundaries of known topography, headed for "conservidayoc," a vague place surrounded with mystery; a land of hostile savages, albeit said to possess the ruins of an inca town. our first day's journey was to pampaconas. here and in its vicinity the gobernador told us he could procure guides and the half-dozen carriers whose services we should require for the jungle trail where mules could not be used. as the indians hereabouts were averse to penetrating the wilds of conservidayoc and were also likely to be extremely alarmed at the sight of men in uniform, the two gendarmes who were now accompanying us were instructed to delay their departure for a few hours and not to reach pampaconas with our pack train until dusk. the gobernador said that if the indians of pampaconas caught sight of any brass buttons coming over the hills they would hide so effectively that it would be impossible to secure any carriers. apparently this was due in part to that love of freedom which had led them to abandon the more comfortable towns for a frontier village where landlords could not call on them for forced labor. consequently, before the arrival of any such striking manifestations of official authority as our gendarmes, the gobernador and his friend mogrovejo proposed to put in the day craftily commandeering the services of a half-dozen sturdy indians. their methods will be described presently. leaving modern vilcabamba, we crossed the flat, marshy bottom of an old glaciated valley, in which one of our mules got thoroughly mired while searching for the succulent grasses which cover the treacherous bog. fording the vilcabamba river, which here is only a tiny brook, we climbed out of the valley and turned westward. on the mountains above us were vestiges of several abandoned mines. it was their discovery in 1572 or thereabouts which brought ocampo and the first spanish settlers to this valley. raimondi says that he found here cobalt, nickel, silver-bearing copper ore, and lead sulphide. he does not mention any gold-bearing quartz. it may have been exhausted long before his day. as to the other minerals, the difficulties of transportation are so great that it is not likely that mining will be renewed here for many years to come. at the top of the pass we turned to look back and saw a long chain of snow-capped mountains towering above and behind the town of vilcabamba. we searched in vain for them on our maps. raimondi, followed by the royal geographical society, did not leave room enough for such a range to exist between the rivers apurimac and urubamba. mr. hendriksen determined our longitude to be 73° west, and our latitude to be 13° 8' south. yet according to the latest map of this region, published in the preceding year, this was the very position of the river apurimac itself, near its junction with the river pampas. we ought to have been swimming "the great speaker." actually we were on top of a lofty mountain pass surrounded by high peaks and glaciers. the mystery was finally solved by mr. bumstead in 1912, when he determined the apurimac and the urubamba to be thirty miles farther apart than any one had supposed. his surveys opened an unexplored region, 1500 square miles in extent, whose very existence had not been guessed before 1911. it proved to be one of the largest undescribed glaciated areas in south america. yet it is less than a hundred miles from cuzco, the chief city in the peruvian andes, and the site of a university for more than three centuries. that uilcapampa could so long defy investigation and exploration shows better than anything else how wisely manco had selected his refuge. it is indeed a veritable labyrinth of snow-clad peaks, unknown glaciers, and trackless canyons. looking west, we saw in front of us a great wilderness of deep green valleys and forest-clad slopes. we supposed from our maps that we were now looking down into the basin of the apurimac. as a matter of fact, we were on the rim of the valley of the hitherto uncharted pampaconas, a branch of the cosireni, one of the affluents of the urubamba. instead of being the apurimac basin, what we saw was another unexplored region which drained into the urubamba! at the time, however, we did not know where we were, but understood from condoré that somewhere far down in the montaña below us was conservidayoc, the sequestered domain of saavedra and his savage indians. it seemed less likely than ever that the incas could have built a town so far away from the climate and food to which they were accustomed. the "road" was now so bad that only with the greatest difficulty could we coax our sure-footed mules to follow it. once we had to dismount, as the path led down a long, steep, rocky stairway of ancient origin. at last, rounding a hill, we came in sight of a lonesome little hut perched on a shoulder of the mountain. in front of it, seated in the sun on mats, were two women shelling corn. as soon as they saw the gobernador approaching, they stopped their work and began to prepare lunch. it was about eleven o'clock and they did not need to be told that señor condoré and his friends had not had anything but a cup of coffee since the night before. in order to meet the emergency of unexpected guests they killed four or five squealing cuys (guinea pigs), usually to be found scurrying about the mud floor of the huts of mountain indians. before long the savory odor of roast cuy, well basted, and cooked-to-a-turn on primitive spits, whetted our appetites. in the eastern united states one sees guinea pigs only as pets or laboratory victims; never as an article of food. in spite of the celebrated dogma that "pigs is pigs," this form of "pork" has never found its way to our kitchens, even though these "pigs" live on a very clean, vegetable diet. incidentally guinea pigs do not come from guinea and are in no way related to pigs--mr. ellis parker butler to the contrary notwithstanding! they belong rather to the same family as rabbits and belgian hares and have long been a highly prized article of food in the andes of peru. the wild species are of a grayish brown color, which enables them to escape observation in their natural habitat. the domestic varieties, which one sees in the huts of the indians, are piebald, black, white, and tawny, varying from one another in color as much as do the llamas, which were also domesticated by the same race of people thousands of years ago. although anglo-saxon "folkways," as professor sumner would say, permit us to eat and enjoy long-eared rabbits, we draw the line at short-eared rabbits, yet they were bred to be eaten. i am willing to admit that this was the first time that i had ever knowingly tasted their delicate flesh, although once in the capital of bolivia i thought the hotel kitchen had a diminishing supply! had i not been very hungry, i might never have known how delicious a roast guinea pig can be. the meat is not unlike squab. to the indians whose supply of animal food is small, whose fowls are treasured for their eggs, and whose thin sheep are more valuable as wool bearers than as mutton, the succulent guinea pig, "most prolific of mammals," as was discovered by mr. butler's hero, is a highly valued article of food, reserved for special occasions. the north american housewife keeps a few tins of sardines and cans of preserves on hand for emergencies. her sister in the andes similarly relies on fat little cuys. after lunch, condoré and mogrovejo divided the extensive rolling countryside between them and each rode quietly from one lonesome farm to another, looking for men to engage as bearers. when they were so fortunate as to find the man of the house at home or working in his little chacra they greeted him pleasantly. when he came forward to shake hands, in the usual indian manner, a silver dollar was un-suspectingly slipped into the palm of his right hand and he was informed that he had accepted pay for services which must now be performed. it seemed hard, but this was the only way in which it was possible to secure carriers. during inca times the indians never received pay for their labor. a paternal government saw to it that they were properly fed and clothed and either given abundant opportunity to provide for their own necessities or else permitted to draw on official stores. in colonial days a more greedy and less paternal government took advantage of the ancient system and enforced it without taking pains to see that it should not cause suffering. then, for generations, thoughtless landlords, backed by local authority, forced the indians to work without suitably recompensing them at the end of their labors or even pretending to carry out promises and wage agreements. the peons learned that it was unwise to perform any labor without first having received a considerable portion of their pay. when once they accepted money, however, their own custom and the law of the land provided that they must carry out their obligations. failure to do so meant legal punishment. consequently, when an unfortunate pampaconas indian found he had a dollar in his hand, he bemoaned his fate, but realized that service was inevitable. in vain did he plead that he was "busy," that his "crops needed attention," that his "family could not spare him," that "he lacked food for a journey." condoré and mogrovejo were accustomed to all varieties of excuses. they succeeded in "engaging" half a dozen carriers. before dark we reached the village of pampaconas, a few small huts scattered over grassy hillsides, at an elevation of 10,000 feet. in the notes of one of the military advisers of viceroy francisco de toledo is a reference to pampaconas as a "high, cold place." this is correct. nevertheless, i doubt if the present village is the pampaconas mentioned in the documents of garcia's day as being "an important town of the incas." there are no ruins hereabouts. the huts of pampaconas were newly built of stone and mud, and thatched with grass. they were occupied by a group of sturdy mountain indians, who enjoyed unusual freedom from official or other interference and a good place in which to raise sheep and cultivate potatoes, on the very edge of the dense forest. we found that there was some excitement in the village because on the previous night a jaguar, or possibly a cougar, had come out of the forest, attacked, killed, and dragged off one of the village ponies. we were conducted to the dwelling of a stocky, well-built indian named guzman, the most reliable man in the village, who had been selected to be the head of the party of carriers that was to accompany us to conservidayoc. guzman had some spanish blood in his veins, although he did not boast of it. with his wife and six children he occupied one of the best huts. a fire in one corner frequently filled it with acrid smoke. it was very small and had no windows. at one end was a loft where family treasures could be kept dry and reasonably safe from molestation. piles of sheep skins were arranged for visitors to sit upon. three or four rude niches in the walls served in lieu of shelves and tables. the floor of well-trodden clay was damp. three mongrel dogs and a flea-bitten cat were welcome to share the narrow space with the family and their visitors. a dozen hogs entered stealthily and tried to avoid attention by putting a muffler on involuntary grunts. they did not succeed and were violently ejected by a boy with a whip; only to return again and again, each time to be driven out as before, squealing loudly. notwithstanding these interruptions, we carried on a most interesting conversation with guzman. he had been to conservidayoc and had himself actually seen ruins at espiritu pampa. at last the mythical "pampa of ghosts" began to take on in our minds an aspect of reality, even though we were careful to remind ourselves that another very trustworthy man had said he had seen ruins "finer than ollantaytambo" near huadquiña. guzman did not seem to dread conservidayoc as much as the other indians, only one of whom had ever been there. to cheer them up we purchased a fat sheep, for which we paid fifty cents. guzman immediately butchered it in preparation for the journey. although it was august and the middle of the dry season, rain began to fall early in the afternoon. sergeant carrasco arrived after dark with our pack animals, but, missing the trail as he neared guzman's place, one of the mules stepped into a bog and was extracted only with considerable difficulty. we decided to pitch our small pyramidal tent on a fairly well-drained bit of turf not far from guzman's little hut. in the evening, after we had had a long talk with the indians, we came back through the rain to our comfortable little tent, only to hear various and sundry grunts emerging therefrom. we found that during our absence a large sow and six fat young pigs, unable to settle down comfortably at the guzman hearth, had decided that our tent was much the driest available place on the mountain side and that our blankets made a particularly attractive bed. they had considerable difficulty in getting out of the small door as fast as they wished. nevertheless, the pouring rain and the memory of comfortable blankets caused the pigs to return at intervals. as we were starting to enjoy our first nap, guzman, with hospitable intent, sent us two bowls of steaming soup, which at first glance seemed to contain various sizes of white macaroni--a dish of which one of us was particularly fond. the white hollow cylinders proved to be extraordinarily tough, not the usual kind of macaroni. as a matter of fact, we learned that the evening meal which guzman's wife had prepared for her guests was made chiefly of sheep's entrails! rain continued without intermission during the whole of a very cold and dreary night. our tent, which had never been wet before, leaked badly; the only part which seemed to be thoroughly waterproof was the floor. as day dawned we found ourselves to be lying in puddles of water. everything was soaked. furthermore, rain was still failing. while we were discussing the situation and wondering what we should cook for breakfast, the faithful guzman heard our voices and immediately sent us two more bowls of hot soup, which were this time more welcome, even though among the bountiful corn, beans, and potatoes we came unexpectedly upon fragments of the teeth and jaws of the sheep. evidently in pampaconas nothing is wasted. we were anxious to make an early start for conservidayoc, but it was first necessary for our indians to prepare food for the ten days' journey ahead of them. guzman's wife, and i suppose the wives of our other carriers, spent the morning grinding chuño (frozen potatoes) with a rocking stone pestle on a flat stone mortar, and parching or toasting large quantities of sweet corn in a terra-cotta olla. with chuño and tostado, the body of the sheep, and a small quantity of coca leaves, the indians professed themselves to be perfectly contented. of our own provisions we had so small a quantity that we were unable to spare any. however, it is doubtful whether the indians would have liked them as much as the food to which they had long been accustomed. toward noon, all the indian carriers but one having arrived, and the rain having partly subsided, we started for conservidayoc. we were told that it would be possible to use the mules for this day's journey. san fernando, our first stop, was "seven leagues" away, far down in the densely wooded pampaconas valley. leaving the village we climbed up the mountain back of guzman's hut and followed a faint trail by a dangerous and precarious route along the crest of the ridge. the rains had not improved the path. our saddle mules were of little use. we had to go nearly all the way on foot. owing to cold rain and mist we could see but little of the deep canyon which opened below us, and into which we now began to descend through the clouds by a very steep, zigzag path, four thousand feet to a hot tropical valley. below the clouds we found ourselves near a small abandoned clearing. passing this and fording little streams, we went along a very narrow path, across steep slopes, on which maize had been planted. finally we came to another little clearing and two extremely primitive little shanties, mere shelters not deserving to be called huts; and this was san fernando, the end of the mule trail. there was scarcely room enough in them for our six carriers. it was with great difficulty we found and cleared a place for our tent, although its floor was only seven feet square. there was no really flat land at all. at 8:30 p.m. august 13, 1911, while lying on the ground in our tent, i noticed an earthquake. it was felt also by the indians in the near-by shelter, who from force of habit rushed out of their frail structure and made a great disturbance, crying out that there was a temblor. even had their little thatched roof fallen upon them, as it might have done during the stormy night which followed, they were in no danger; but, being accustomed to the stone walls and red tiled roofs of mountain villages where earthquakes sometimes do very serious harm, they were greatly excited. the motion seemed to me to be like a slight shuffle from west to east, lasting three or four seconds, a gentle rocking back and forth, with eight or ten vibrations. several weeks later, near huadquiña, we happened to stop at the colpani telegraph office. the operator said he had felt two shocks on august 13th--one at five o'clock, which had shaken the books off his table and knocked over a box of insulators standing along a wall which ran north and south. he said the shock which i had felt was the lighter of the two. during the night it rained hard, but our tent was now adjusting itself to the "dry season" and we were more comfortable. furthermore, camping out at 10,000 feet above sea level is very different from camping at 6000 feet. this elevation, similar to that of the bridge of san miguel, below machu picchu, is on the lower edge of the temperate zone and the beginning of the torrid tropics. sugar cane, peppers, bananas, and grenadillas grow here as well as maize, squashes, and sweet potatoes. none of these things will grow at pampaconas. the indians who raise sheep and white potatoes in that cold region come to san fernando to make chacras or small clearings. the three or four natives whom we found here were so alarmed by the sight of brass buttons that they disappeared during the night rather than take the chance of having a silver dollar pressed into their hands in the morning! from san fernando, we sent one of our gendarmes back to pampaconas with the mules. our carriers were good for about fifty pounds apiece. half an hour's walk brought us to vista alegre, another little clearing on an alluvial fan in the bend of the river. the soil here seemed to be very rich. in the chacra we saw corn stalks eighteen feet in height, near a gigantic tree almost completely enveloped in the embrace of a mato-palo, or parasitic fig tree. this clearing certainly deserves its name, for it commands a "charming view" of the green pampaconas valley. opposite us rose abruptly a heavily forested mountain, whose summit was lost in the clouds a mile above. to circumvent this mountain the river had been flowing in a westerly direction; now it gradually turned to the northward. again we were mystified; for, by raimondi's map, it should have gone southward. we entered a dense jungle, where the narrow path became more and more difficult for our carriers. crawling over rocks, under branches, along slippery little cliffs, on steps which had been cut in earth or rock, over a trail which not even dogs could follow unassisted, slowly we made our way down the valley. owing to the heat, humidity, and the frequent showers, it was mid-afternoon before we reached another little clearing called pacaypata. here, on a hillside nearly a thousand feet above the river, our men decided to spend the night in a tiny little shelter six feet long and five feet wide. professor foote and i had to dig a shelf out of the steep hillside in order to pitch our tent. the next morning, not being detained by the vagaries of a mule train, we made an early start. as we followed the faint little trail across the gulches tributary to the river pampaconas, we had to negotiate several unusually steep descents and ascents. the bearers suffered from the heat. they found it more and more difficult to carry their loads. twice we had to cross the rapids of the river on primitive bridges which consisted only of a few little logs lashed together and resting on slippery boulders. by one o'clock we found ourselves on a small plain (ele. 4500 ft.) in dense woods surrounded by tree ferns, vines, and tangled thickets, through which it was impossible to see for more than a few feet. here guzman told us we must stop and rest a while, as we were now in the territory of los salvajes, the savage indians who acknowledged only the rule of saavedra and resented all intrusion. guzman did not seem to be particularly afraid, but said that we ought to send ahead one of our carriers, to warn the savages that we were coming on a friendly mission and were not in search of rubber gatherers; otherwise they might attack us, or run away and disappear into the jungle. he said we should never be able to find the ruins without their help. the carrier who was selected to go ahead did not relish his task. leaving his pack behind, he proceeded very quietly and cautiously along the trail and was lost to view almost immediately. there followed an exciting half-hour while we waited, wondering what attitude the savages would take toward us, and trying to picture to ourselves the mighty potentate, saavedra, who had been described as sitting in the midst of savage luxury, "surrounded by fifty servants," and directing his myrmidons to checkmate our desires to visit the inca city on the "pampa of ghosts." suddenly, we were startled by the crackling of twigs and the sound of a man running. we instinctively held our rifles a little tighter in readiness for whatever might befall--when there burst out of the woods a pleasant-faced young peruvian, quite conventionally clad, who had come in haste from saavedra, his father, to extend to us a most cordial welcome! it seemed scarcely credible, but a glance at his face showed that there was no ambush in store for us. it was with a sigh of relief that we realized there was to be no shower of poisoned arrows from the impenetrable thickets. gathering up our packs, we continued along the jungle trail, through woods which gradually became higher, deeper, and darker, until presently we saw sunlight ahead and, to our intense astonishment, the bright green of waving sugar cane. a few moments of walking through the cane fields found us at a large comfortable hut, welcomed very simply and modestly by saavedra himself. a more pleasant and peaceable little man it was never my good fortune to meet. we looked furtively around for his fifty savage servants, but all we saw was his good-natured indian wife, three or four small children, and a wild-eyed maid-of-all-work, evidently the only savage present. saavedra said some called this place "jesús maria" because they were so surprised when they saw it. it is difficult to describe our feelings as we accepted saavedra's invitation to make ourselves at home, and sat down to an abundant meal of boiled chicken, rice, and sweet cassava (manioc). saavedra gave us to understand that we were not only most welcome to anything he had, but that he would do everything to enable us to see the ruins, which were, it seemed, at espiritu pampa, some distance farther down the valley, to be reached only by a hard trail passable for barefooted savages, but scarcely available for us unless we chose to go a good part of the distance on hands and knees. the next day, while our carriers were engaged in clearing this trail, professor foote collected a large number of insects, including eight new species of moths and butterflies. i inspected saavedra's plantation. the soil having lain fallow for centuries, and being rich in humus, had produced more sugar cane than he could grind. in addition to this, he had bananas, coffee trees, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and peanuts. instead of being "a very powerful chief having many indians under his control"--a kind of "pooh-bah"--he was merely a pioneer. in the utter wilderness, far from any neighbors, surrounded by dense forests and a few savages, he had established his home. he was not an indian potentate, but only a frontiersman, soft-spoken and energetic, an ingenious carpenter and mechanic, a modest peruvian of the best type. owing to the scarcity of arable land he was obliged to cultivate such pampas as he could find--one an alluvial fan near his house, another a natural terrace near the river. back of the house was a thatched shelter under which he had constructed a little sugar mill. it had a pair of hardwood rollers, each capable of being turned, with much creaking and cracking, by a large, rustic wheel made of roughly hewn timbers fastened together with wooden pins and lashed with thongs, worked by hand and foot power. since saavedra had been unable to coax any pack animals over the trail to conservidayoc he was obliged to depend entirely on his own limited strength and that of his active son, aided by the uncertain and irregular services of such savages as wished to work for sugar, trinkets, or other trade articles. sometimes the savages seemed to enjoy the fun of climbing on the great creaking treadwheel, as though it were a game. at other times they would disappear in the woods. near the mill were some interesting large pots which saavedra was using in the process of boiling the juice and making crude sugar. he said he had found the pots in the jungle not far away. they had been made by the incas. four of them were of the familiar aryballus type. another was of a closely related form, having a wide mouth, pointed base, single incised, conventionalized, animal-head nubbin attached to the shoulder, and band-shaped handles attached vertically below the median line. although capable of holding more than ten gallons, this huge pot was intended to be carried on the back and shoulders by means of a rope passing through the handles and around the nubbin. saavedra said that he had found near his house several bottle-shaped cists lined with stones, with a flat stone on top--evidently ancient graves. the bones had entirely disappeared. the cover of one of the graves had been pierced; the hole covered with a thin sheet of beaten silver. he had also found a few stone implements and two or three small bronze inca axes. on the pampa, below his house, saavedra had constructed with infinite labor another sugar mill. it seemed strange that he should have taken the trouble to make two mills; but when one remembered that he had no pack animals and was usually obliged to bring the cane to the mill on his own back and the back of his son, one realized that it was easier, while the cane was growing, to construct a new mill near the cane field than to have to carry the heavy bundles of ripe cane up the hill. he said his hardest task was to get money with which to send his children to school in cuzco and to pay his taxes. the only way in which he could get any cash was by making chancaca, crude brown sugar, and carrying it on his back, fifty pounds at a time, three hard days' journey on foot up the mountain to pampaconas or vilcabamba, six or seven thousand feet above his little plantation. he said he could usually sell such a load for five soles, equivalent to two dollars and a half! his was certainly a hard lot, but he did not complain, although he smilingly admitted that it was very difficult to keep the trail open, since the jungle grew so fast and the floods in the river continually washed away his little rustic bridges. his chief regret was that as the result of a recent revolution, with which he had had nothing to do, the government had decreed that all firearms should be turned in, and so he had lost the one thing he needed to enable him to get fresh meat in the forest. -----figure saavedra and his inca pottery ----------figure inca gable at espiritu pampa -----in the clearing near the house we were interested to see a large turkey-like bird, the pava de la montaña, glossy black, its most striking feature a high, coral red comb. although completely at liberty, it seemed to be thoroughly domesticated. it would make an attractive bird for introduction into our southern states. saavedra gave us some very black leaves of native tobacco, which he had cured. an inveterate smoker who tried it in his pipe said it was without exception the strongest stuff he ever had encountered! so interested did i become in talking with saavedra, seeing his plantation, and marveling that he should be worried about taxes and have to obey regulations in regard to firearms, i had almost forgotten about the wild indians. suddenly our carriers ran toward the house in a great flurry of excitement, shouting that there was a "savage" in the bushes near by. the "wild man" was very timid, but curiosity finally got the better of fear and he summoned up sufficient courage to accept saavedra's urgent invitation that he come out and meet us. he proved to be a miserable specimen, suffering from a very bad cold in his head. it has been my good fortune at one time or another to meet primitive folk in various parts of america and the pacific, but this man was by far the dirtiest and most wretched savage that i have ever seen. he was dressed in a long, filthy tunic which came nearly to his ankles. it was made of a large square of coarsely woven cotton cloth, with a hole in the middle for his head. the sides were stitched up, leaving holes for the arms. his hair was long, unkempt, and matted. he had small, deep-set eyes, cadaverous cheeks, thick lips, and a large mouth. his big toes were unusually long and prehensile. slung over one shoulder he carried a small knapsack made of coarse fiber net. around his neck hung what at first sight seemed to be a necklace composed of a dozen stout cords securely knotted together. although i did not see it in use, i was given to understand that when climbing trees, he used this stout loop to fasten his ankles together and thus secure a tighter grip for his feet. by evening two other savages had come in; a young married man and his little sister. both had bad colds. saavedra told us that these indians were pichanguerras, a subdivision of the campa tribe. saavedra and his son spoke a little of their language, which sounded to our unaccustomed ears like a succession of low grunts, breathings, and gutturals. it was pieced out by signs. the long tunics worn by the men indicated that they had one or more wives. before marrying they wear very scanty attire--nothing more than a few rags hanging over one shoulder and tied about the waist. the long tunic, a comfortable enough garment to wear during the cold nights, and their only covering, must impede their progress in the jungle; yet they live partly by hunting, using bows and arrows. we learned that these pichanguerras had run away from the rubber country in the lower valleys; that they found it uncomfortably cold at this altitude, 4500 feet, but preferred freedom in the higher valleys to serfdom on a rubber estate. saavedra said that he had named his plantation conservidayoc, because it was in truth "a spot where one may be preserved from harm." such was the home of the potentate from whose abode "no one had been known to return alive." chapter xv the pampa of ghosts two days later we left conservidayoc for espiritu pampa by the trail which saavedra's son and our pampaconas indians had been clearing. we emerged from the thickets near a promontory where there was a fine view down the valley and particularly of a heavily wooded alluvial fan just below us. in it were two or three small clearings and the little oval huts of the savages of espiritu pampa, the "pampa of ghosts." on top of the promontory was the ruin of a small, rectangular building of rough stone, once probably an inca watch-tower. from here to espiritu pampa our trail followed an ancient stone stairway, about four feet in width and nearly a third of a mile long. it was built of uncut stones. possibly it was the work of those soldiers whose chief duty it was to watch from the top of the promontory and who used their spare time making roads. we arrived at the principal clearing just as a heavy thunder-shower began. the huts were empty. obviously their occupants had seen us coming and had disappeared in the jungle. we hesitated to enter the home of a savage without an invitation, but the terrific downpour overcame our scruples, if not our nervousness. the hut had a steeply pitched roof. its sides were made of small logs driven endwise into the ground and fastened together with vines. a small fire had been burning on the ground. near the embers were two old black ollas of inca origin. in the little chacra, cassava, coca, and sweet potatoes were growing in haphazard fashion among charred and fallen tree trunks; a typical milpa farm. in the clearing were the ruins of eighteen or twenty circular houses arranged in an irregular group. we wondered if this could be the "inca city" which lopez torres had reported. among the ruins we picked up several fragments of inca pottery. there was nothing incaic about the buildings. one was rectangular and one was spade-shaped, but all the rest were round. the buildings varied in diameter from fifteen to twenty feet. each had but a single opening. the walls had tumbled down, but gave no evidence of careful construction. not far away, in woods which had not yet been cleared by the savages, we found other circular walls. they were still standing to a height of about four feet. if the savages have extended their milpa clearings since our visit, the falling trees have probably spoiled these walls by now. the ancient village probably belonged to a tribe which acknowledged allegiance to the incas, but the architecture of the buildings gave no indication of their having been constructed by the incas themselves. we began to wonder whether the "pampa of ghosts" really had anything important in store for us. undoubtedly this alluvial fan had been highly prized in this country of terribly steep hills. it must have been inhabited, off and on, for many centuries. yet this was not an "inca city." while we were wondering whether the incas themselves ever lived here, there suddenly appeared the naked figure of a sturdy young savage, armed with a stout bow and long arrows, and wearing a fillet of bamboo. he had been hunting and showed us a bird he had shot. soon afterwards there came the two adult savages we had met at saavedra's, accompanied by a cross-eyed friend, all wearing long tunics. they offered to guide us to other ruins. it was very difficult for us to follow their rapid pace. half an hour's scramble through the jungle brought us to a pampa or natural terrace on the banks of a little tributary of the pampaconas. they called it eromboni. here we found several old artificial terraces and the rough foundations of a long, rectangular building 192 feet by 24 feet. it might have had twenty-four doors, twelve in front and twelve in back, each three and a half feet wide. no lintels were in evidence. the walls were only a foot high. there was very little building material in sight. apparently the structure had never been completed. near by was a typical inca fountain with three stone spouts, or conduits. two hundred yards beyond the water-carrier's rendezvous, hidden behind a curtain of hanging vines and thickets so dense we could not see more than a few feet in any direction, the savages showed us the ruins of a group of stone houses whose walls were still standing in fine condition. -----figure ruins in the jungles of espiritu pampa -----one of the buildings was rounded at one end. another, standing by itself at the south end of a little pampa, had neither doors nor windows. it was rectangular. its four or five niches were arranged with unique irregularity. furthermore, they were two feet deep, an unusual dimension. probably this was a storehouse. on the east side of the pampa was a structure, 120 feet long by 21 feet wide, divided into five rooms of unequal size. the walls were of rough stones laid in adobe. like some of the inca buildings at ollantaytambo, the lintels of the doors were made of three or four narrow uncut ashlars. some rooms had niches. on the north side of the pampa was another rectangular building. on the west side was the edge of a stone-faced terrace. below it was a partly enclosed fountain or bathhouse, with a stone spout and a stone-lined basin. the shapes of the houses, their general arrangement, the niches, stone roof-pegs and lintels, all point to inca builders. in the buildings we picked up several fragments of inca pottery. equally interesting and very puzzling were half a dozen crude spanish roofing tiles, baked red. all the pieces and fragments we could find would not have covered four square feet. they were of widely different sizes, as though some one had been experimenting. perhaps an inca who had seen the new red tiled roofs of cuzco had tried to reproduce them here in the jungle, but without success. at dusk we all returned to espiritu pampa. our faces, hands, and clothes had been torn by the jungle; our feet were weary and sore. nevertheless the day's work had been very satisfactory and we prepared to enjoy a good night's rest. alas, we were doomed to disappointment. during the day some one had brought to the hut eight tame but noisy macaws. furthermore, our savage helpers determined to make the night hideous with cries, tom-toms, and drums, either to discourage the visits of hostile indians or jaguars, or for the purpose of exorcising the demons brought by the white men, or else to cheer up their families, who were undoubtedly hiding in the jungle near by. the next day the savages and our carriers continued to clear away as much as possible of the tangled growth near the best ruins. in this process, to the intense surprise not only of ourselves, but also of the savages, they discovered, just below the "bathhouse" where we had stood the day before, the well-preserved ruins of two buildings of superior construction, well fitted with stone-pegs and numerous niches, very symmetrically arranged. these houses stood by themselves on a little artificial terrace. fragments of characteristic inca pottery were found on the floor, including pieces of a large aryballus. nothing gives a better idea of the density of the jungle than the fact that the savages themselves had often been within five feet of these fine walls without being aware of their existence. encouraged by this important discovery of the most characteristic inca ruins found in the valley, we continued the search, but all that any one was able to find was a carefully built stone bridge over a brook. saavedra's son questioned the savages carefully. they said they knew of no other antiquities. who built the stone buildings of espiritu pampa and eromboni pampa? was this the "vilcabamba viejo" of father calancha, that "university of idolatry where lived the teachers who were wizards and masters of abomination," the place to which friar marcos and friar diego went with so much suffering? was there formerly on this trail a place called ungacacha where the monks had to wade, and amused titu cusi by the way they handled their monastic robes in the water? they called it a "three days' journey over rough country." another reference in father calancha speaks of puquiura as being "two long days' journey from vilcabamba." it took us five days to go from espiritu pampa to pucyura, although indians, unencumbered by burdens, and spurred on by necessity, might do it in three. it is possible to fit some other details of the story into this locality, although there is no place on the road called ungacacha. nevertheless it does not seem to me reasonable to suppose that the priests and virgins of the sun (the personnel of the "university of idolatry") who fled from cold cuzco with manco and were established by him somewhere in the fastnesses of uilcapampa would have cared to live in the hot valley of espiritu pampa. the difference in climate is as great as that between scotland and egypt, or new york and havana. they would not have found in espiritu pampa the food which they liked. furthermore, they could have found the seclusion and safety which they craved just as well in several other parts of the province, particularly at machu picchu, together with a cool, bracing climate and food-stuffs more nearly resembling those to which they were accustomed. finally calancha says "vilcabamba the old" was "the largest city" in the province, a term far more applicable to machu picchu or even to choqquequirau than to espiritu pampa. on the other hand there seems to be no doubt that espiritu pampa in the montaña does meet the requirements of the place called vilcabamba by the companions of captain garcia. they speak of it as the town and valley to which tupac amaru, the last inca, escaped after his forces lost the "young fortress" of uiticos. ocampo, doubtless wishing to emphasize the difference between it and his own metropolis, the spanish town of vilcabamba, calls the refuge of tupac "vilcabamba the old." ocampo's new "vilcabamba" was not in existence when friar marcos and friar diego lived in this province. if calancha wrote his chronicles from their notes, the term "old" would not apply to espiritu pampa, but to an older vilcabamba than either of the places known to ocampo. the ruins are of late inca pattern, not of a kind which would have required a long period to build. the unfinished building may have been under construction during the latter part of the reign of titu cusi. it was titu cusi's desire that rodriguez de figueroa should meet him at pampaconas. the inca evidently came from a vilcabamba down in the montaña, and, as has been said, brought rodriguez a present of a macaw and two hampers of peanuts, articles of trade still common at conservidayoc. there appears to me every reason to believe that the ruins of espiritu pampa are those of one of the favorite residences of this inca--the very vilcabamba, in fact, where he spent his boyhood and from which he journeyed to meet rodriguez in 1565. [13] in 1572, when captain garcia took up the pursuit of tupac amaru after the victory of vilcabamba, the inca fled "inland toward the valley of sima-ponte ... to the country of the mañaries indians, a warlike tribe and his friends, where balsas and canoes were posted to save him and enable him to escape." there is now no valley in this vicinity called simaponte, so far as we have been able to discover. the mañaries indians are said to have lived on the banks of the lower urubamba. in order to reach their country tupac amaru probably went down the pampaconas from espiritu pampa. from the "pampa of ghosts" to canoe navigation would have been but a short journey. evidently his friends who helped him to escape were canoe-men. captain garcia gives an account of the pursuit of tupac amaru in which he says that, not deterred by the dangers of the jungle or the river, he constructed five rafts on which he put some of his soldiers and, accompanying them himself, went down the rapids, escaping death many times by swimming, until he arrived at a place called momori, only to find that the inca, learning of his approach, had gone farther into the woods. nothing daunted, garcia followed him, although he and his men now had to go on foot and barefooted, with hardly anything to eat, most of their provisions having been lost in the river, until they finally caught tupac and his friends; a tragic ending to a terrible chase, hard on the white man and fatal for the incas. it was with great regret that i was now unable to follow the pampaconas river to its junction with the urubamba. it seemed possible that the pampaconas might be known as the sirialo, or the cori-beni, both of which were believed by dr. bowman's canoe-men to rise in the mountains of vilcabamba. it was not, however, until the summer of 1915 that we were able definitely to learn that the pampaconas was really a branch of the cosireni. it seems likely that the cosireni was once called the "sima-ponte." whether the comberciato is the "momori" is hard to say. to be the next to follow in the footsteps of tupac amaru and captain garcia was the privilege of messrs. heller, ford, and maynard. they found that the unpleasant features had not been exaggerated. they were tormented by insects and great quantities of ants--a small red ant found on tree trunks, and a large black one, about an inch in length, frequently seen among the leaves on the ground. the bite of the red ant caused a stinging and burning for about fifteen minutes. one of their carriers who was bitten in the foot by a black ant suffered intense pain for a number of hours. not only his foot, but also his leg and hip were affected. the savages were both fishermen and hunters; the fish being taken with nets, the game killed with bows and arrows. peccaries were shot from a blind made of palm leaves a few feet from a runway. fishing brought rather meager results. three indians fished all night and caught only one fish, a perch weighing about four pounds. the temperature was so high that candles could easily be tied in knots. excessive humidity caused all leather articles to become blue with mould. clouds of flies and mosquitoes increased the likelihood of spreading communicable jungle fevers. the river comberciato was reached by mr. heller at a point not more than a league from its junction with the urubamba. the lower course of the comberciato is not considered dangerous to canoe navigation, but the valley is much narrower than the cosireni. the width of the river is about 150 feet and its volume is twice that of the cosireni. the climate is very trying. the nights are hot. insect pests are numerous. mr. heller found that "the forest was filled with annoying, though sting-less, bees which persisted in attempting to roost on the countenance of any human being available." on the banks of the comberciato he found several families of savages. all the men were keen hunters and fishermen. their weapons consisted of powerful bows made from the wood of a small palm and long arrows made of reeds and finished with feathers arranged in a spiral. monkeys were abundant. specimens of six distinct genera were found, including the large red howler, inert and easily located by its deep, roaring bellow which can be heard for a distance of several miles; the giant black spider monkey, very alert, and, when frightened, fairly flying through the branches at astonishing speed; and a woolly monkey, black in color, and very intelligent in expression, frequently tamed by the savages, who "enjoy having them as pets but are not averse to eating them when food is scarce." "the flesh of monkeys is greatly appreciated by these indians, who preserved what they did not require for immediate needs by drying it over the smoke of a wood fire." on the cosireni mr. maynard noticed that one of his indian guides carried a package, wrapped in leaves, which on being opened proved to contain forty or fifty large hairless grubs or caterpillars. the man finally bit their heads off and threw the bodies into a small bag, saying that the grubs were considered a great delicacy by the savages. the indians we met at espiritu pampa closely resembled those seen in the lower valley. all our savages were bareheaded and barefooted. they live so much in the shelter of the jungle that hats are not necessary. sandals or shoes would only make it harder to use the slippery little trails. they had seen no strangers penetrate this valley for about ten years, and at first kept their wives and children well secluded. later, when messrs. hendriksen and tucker were sent here to determine the astronomical position of espiritu pampa, the savages permitted mr. tucker to take photographs of their families. perhaps it is doubtful whether they knew just what he was doing. at all events they did not run away and hide. -----figure campa men at espiritu pampa ----------figure campa women and children at espiritu pampa -----all the men and older boys wore white fillets of bamboo. the married men had smeared paint on their faces, and one of them was wearing the characteristic lip ornament of the campas. some of the children wore no clothing at all. two of the wives wore long tunics like the men. one of them had a truly savage face, daubed with paint. she wore no fillet, had the best tunic, and wore a handsome necklace made of seeds and the skins of small birds of brilliant plumage, a work of art which must have cost infinite pains and the loss of not a few arrows. all the women carried babies in little hammocks slung over the shoulder. one little girl, not more than six years old, was carrying on her back a child of two, in a hammock supported from her head by a tump-line. it will be remembered that forest indians nearly always use tump-lines so as to allow their hands free play. one of the wives was fairer than the others and looked as though she might have had a spanish ancestor. the most savage-looking of the women was very scantily clad, wore a necklace of seeds, a white lip ornament, and a few rags tied around her waist. all her children were naked. the children of the woman with the handsome necklace were clothed in pieces of old tunics, and one of them, evidently her mother's favorite, was decorated with bird skins and a necklace made from the teeth of monkeys. such were the people among whom tupac amaru took refuge when he fled from vilcabamba. whether he partook of such a delicacy as monkey meat, which all amazonian indians relish, but which is not eaten by the highlanders, may be doubted. garcilasso speaks of tupac amaru's preferring to entrust himself to the hands of the spaniards "rather than to perish of famine." his indian allies lived perfectly well in a region where monkeys abound. it is doubtful whether they would ever have permitted captain garcia to capture the inca had they been able to furnish tupac with such food as he was accustomed to. at all events our investigations seem to point to the probability of this valley having been an important part of the domain of the last incas. it would have been pleasant to prolong our studies, but the carriers were anxious to return to pampaconas. although they did not have to eat monkey meat, they were afraid of the savages and nervous as to what use the latter might some day make of the powerful bows and long arrows. at conservidayoc saavedra kindly took the trouble to make some sugar for us. he poured the syrup in oblong moulds cut in a row along the side of a big log of hard wood. in some of the moulds his son placed handfuls of nicely roasted peanuts. the result was a confection or "emergency ration" which we greatly enjoyed on our return journey. at san fernando we met the pack mules. the next day, in the midst of continuing torrential tropical downpours, we climbed out of the hot valley to the cold heights of pampaconas. we were soaked with perspiration and drenched with rain. snow had been falling above the village; our teeth chattered like castanets. professor foote immediately commandeered mrs. guzman's fire and filled our tea kettle. it may be doubted whether a more wretched, cold, wet, and bedraggled party ever arrived at guzman's hut; certainly nothing ever tasted better than that steaming hot sweet tea. chapter xvi the story of tampu-tocco, a lost city of the first incas it will be remembered that while on the search for the capital of the last incas we had found several groups of ruins which we could not fit entirely into the story of manco and his sons. the most important of these was machu picchu. many of its buildings are far older than the ruins of rosaspata and espiritu pampa. to understand just what we may have found at machu picchu it is now necessary to tell the story of a celebrated city, whose name, tampu-tocco, was not used even at the time of the spanish conquest as the cognomen of any of the inca towns then in existence. i must draw the reader's attention far away from the period when pizarro and manco, toledo and tupac amaru were the protagonists, back to events which occurred nearly seven hundred years before their day. the last incas ruled in uiticos between 1536 and 1572. the last amautas flourished about 800 a.d. -----figure puma urco, near paccaritampu -----the amautas had been ruling the peruvian highlands for about sixty generations, when, as has been told in chapter vi, invaders came from the south and east. the amautas had built up a wonderful civilization. many of the agricultural and engineering feats which we ordinarily assign to the incas were really achievements of the amautas. the last of the amautas was pachacuti vi, who was killed by an arrow on the battle-field of la raya. the historian montesinos, whose work on the antiquities of peru has recently been translated for the hakluyt society by mr. p. a. means, of harvard university, tells us that the followers of pachacuti vi fled with his body to "tampu-tocco." this, says the historian, was "a healthy place" where there was a cave in which they hid the amauta's body. cuzco, the finest and most important of all their cities, was sacked. general anarchy prevailed throughout the ancient empire. the good old days of peace and plenty disappeared before the invader. the glory of the old empire was destroyed, not to return for several centuries. in these dark ages, resembling those of european medieval times which followed the germanic migrations and the fall of the roman empire, peru was split up into a large number of small independent units. each district chose its own ruler and carried on depredations against its neighbors. the effects of this may still be seen in the ruins of small fortresses found guarding the way into isolated andean valleys. montesinos says that those who were most loyal to the amautas were few in number and not strong enough to oppose their enemies successfully. some of them, probably the principal priests, wise men, and chiefs of the ancient régime, built a new city at "tampu-tocco." here they kept alive the memory of the amautas and lived in such a relatively civilized manner as to draw to them, little by little, those who wished to be safe from the prevailing chaos and disorder and the tyranny of the independent chiefs or "robber barons." in their new capital, they elected a king, titi truaman quicho. the survivors of the old régime enjoyed living at tampu-tocco, because there never have been any earthquakes, plagues, or tremblings there. furthermore, if fortune should turn against their new young king, titi truaman, and he should be killed, they could bury him in a very sacred place, namely, the cave where they hid the body of pachacuti vi. fortune was kind to the founders of the new kingdom. they had chosen an excellent place of refuge where they were not disturbed. to their ruler, the king of tampu-tocco, and to his successors nothing worth recording happened for centuries. during this period several of the kings wished to establish themselves in ancient cuzco, where the great amautas had reigned, but for one reason or another were obliged to forego their ambitions. one of the most enlightened rulers of tampu-tocco was a king called tupac cauri, or pachacuti vii. in his day people began to write on the leaves of trees. he sent messengers to the various parts of the highlands, asking the tribes to stop worshiping idols and animals, to cease practicing evil customs which had grown up since the fall of the amautas, and to return to the ways of their ancestors. he met with little encouragement. on the contrary, his ambassadors were killed and little or no change took place. discouraged by the failure of his attempts at reformation and desirous of learning its cause, tupac cauri was told by his soothsayers that the matter which most displeased the gods was the invention of writing. thereupon he forbade anybody to practice writing, under penalty of death. this mandate was observed with such strictness that the ancient folk never again used letters. instead, they used quipus, strings and knots. it was supposed that the gods were appeased, and every one breathed easier. no one realized how near the peruvians as a race had come to taking a most momentous step. this curious and interesting tradition relates to an event supposed to have occurred many centuries before the spanish conquest. we have no ocular evidence to support it. the skeptic may brush it aside as a story intended to appeal to the vanity of persons with inca blood in their veins; yet it is not told by the half-caste garcilasso, who wanted europeans to admire his maternal ancestors and wrote his book accordingly, but is in the pages of that careful investigator montesinos, a pure-blooded spaniard. as a matter of fact, to students of sumner's "folkways," the story rings true. some young fellow, brighter than the rest, developed a system of ideographs which he scratched on broad, smooth leaves. it worked. people were beginning to adopt it. the conservative priests of tampu-tocco did not like it. there was danger lest some of the precious secrets, heretofore handed down orally to the neophytes, might become public property. nevertheless, the invention was so useful that it began to spread. there followed some extremely unlucky event--the ambassadors were killed, the king's plans miscarried. what more natural than that the newly discovered ideographs should be blamed for it? as a result, the king of tampu-tocco, instigated thereto by the priests, determined to abolish this new thing. its usefulness had not yet been firmly established. in fact it was inconvenient; the leaves withered, dried, and cracked, or blew away, and the writings were lost. had the new invention been permitted to exist a little longer, some one would have commenced to scratch ideographs on rocks. then it would have persisted. the rulers and priests, however, found that the important records of tribute and taxes could be kept perfectly well by means of the quipus. and the "job" of those whose duty it was to remember what each string stood for was assured. after all there is nothing unusual about montesinos' story. one has only to look at the history of spain itself to realize that royal bigotry and priestly intolerance have often crushed new ideas and kept great nations from making important advances. montesinos says further that tupac cauri established in tampu-tocco a kind of university where boys were taught the use of quipus, the method of counting and the significance of the different colored strings, while their fathers and older brothers were trained in military exercises--in other words, practiced with the sling, the bolas and the war-club; perhaps also with bows and arrows. around the name of tupac cauri, or pachacuti vii, as he wished to be called, is gathered the story of various intellectual movements which took place in tampu-tocco. finally, there came a time when the skill and military efficiency of the little kingdom rose to a high plane. the ruler and his councilors, bearing in mind the tradition of their ancestors who centuries before had dwelt in cuzco, again determined to make the attempt to reestablish themselves there. an earthquake, which ruined many buildings in cuzco, caused rivers to change their courses, destroyed towns, and was followed by the outbreak of a disastrous epidemic. the chiefs were obliged to give up their plans, although in healthy tampu-tocco there was no pestilence. their kingdom became more and more crowded. every available square yard of arable land was terraced and cultivated. the men were intelligent, well organized, and accustomed to discipline, but they could not raise enough food for their families; so, about 1300 a.d., they were forced to secure arable land by conquest, under the leadership of the energetic ruler of the day. his name was manco ccapac, generally called the first inca, the ruler for whom the manco of 1536 was named. there are many stories of the rise of the first inca. when he had grown to man's estate, he assembled his people to see how he could secure new lands for them. after consultation with his brothers, he determined to set out with them "toward the hill over which the sun rose," as we are informed by pachacuti yamqui salcamayhua, an indian who was a descendant of a long line of incas, whose great-grandparents lived in the time of the spanish conquest, and who wrote an account of the antiquities of peru in 1620. he gives the history of the incas as it was handed down to the descendants of the former rulers of peru. in it we read that manco ccapac and his brothers finally succeeded in reaching cuzco and settled there. with the return of the descendants of the amautas to cuzco there ended the glory of tampu-tocco. manco married his own sister in order that he might not lose caste and that no other family be elevated by this marriage to be on an equality with his. he made good laws, conquered many provinces, and is regarded as the founder of the inca dynasty. the highlanders came under his sway and brought him rich presents. the inca, as manco ccapac now came to be known, was recognized as the most powerful chief, the most valiant fighter, and the most lucky warrior in the andes. his captains and soldiers were brave, well disciplined, and well armed. all his affairs prospered greatly. "afterward he ordered works to be executed at the place of his birth, consisting of a masonry wall with three windows, which were emblems of the house of his fathers whence he descended. the first window was called tampu-tocco." i quote from sir clements markham's translation. -----figure the best inca wall at maucallacta, near paccaritampu ----------figure the caves of puma urco, near paccaritampu -----the spaniards who asked about tampu-tocco were told that it was at or near paccaritampu, a small town eight or ten miles south of cuzco. i learned that ruins are very scarce in its vicinity. there are none in the town. the most important are the ruins of maucallacta, an inca village, a few miles away. near it i found a rocky hill consisting of several crags and large rocks, the surface of one of which is carved into platforms and two sleeping pumas. it is called puma urco. beneath the rocks are some caves. i was told they had recently been used by political refugees. there is enough about the caves and the characteristics of the ruins near paccaritampu to lend color to the story told to the early spaniards. nevertheless, it would seem as if tampu-tocco must have been a place more remote from cuzco and better defended by nature from any attacks on that side. how else would it have been possible for the disorganized remnant of pachacuti vi's army to have taken refuge there and set up an independent kingdom in the face of the warlike invaders from the south? a few men might have hid in the caves of puma urco, but paccaritampu is not a natural citadel. the surrounding region is not difficult of access. there are no precipices between here and the cuzco basin. there are no natural defenses against such an invading force as captured the capital of the amautas. furthermore, tampu means "a place of temporary abode," or "a tavern," or "an improved piece of ground" or "farm far from a town"; tocco means "window." there is an old tavern at maucallacta near paccaritampu, but there are no windows in the building to justify the name of "window tavern" or "place of temporary abode" (or "farm far from a town") "noted for its windows." there is nothing of a "masonry wall with three windows" corresponding to salcamayhua's description of manco ccapac's memorial at his birthplace. the word "tampu-tocco" does not occur on any map i have been able to consult, nor is it in the exhaustive gazetteer of peru compiled by paz soldan. chapter xvii machu picchu it was in july, 1911, that we first entered that marvelous canyon of the urubamba, where the river escapes from the cold regions near cuzco by tearing its way through gigantic mountains of granite. from torontoy to colpani the road runs through a land of matchless charm. it has the majestic grandeur of the canadian rockies, as well as the startling beauty of the nuuanu pali near honolulu, and the enchanting vistas of the koolau ditch trail on maul. in the variety of its charms and the power of its spell, i know of no place in the world which can compare with it. not only has it great snow peaks looming above the clouds more than two miles overhead; gigantic precipices of many-colored granite rising sheer for thousands of feet above the foaming, glistening, roaring rapids; it has also, in striking contrast, orchids and tree ferns, the delectable beauty of luxurious vegetation, and the mysterious witchery of the jungle. one is drawn irresistibly onward by ever-recurring surprises through a deep, winding gorge, turning and twisting past overhanging cliffs of incredible height. above all, there is the fascination of finding here and there under the swaying vines, or perched on top of a beetling crag, the rugged masonry of a bygone race; and of trying to understand the bewildering romance of the ancient builders who ages ago sought refuge in a region which appears to have been expressly designed by nature as a sanctuary for the oppressed, a place where they might fearlessly and patiently give expression to their passion for walls of enduring beauty. space forbids any attempt to describe in detail the constantly changing panorama, the rank tropical foliage, the countless terraces, the towering cliffs, the glaciers peeping out between the clouds. we had camped at a place near the river, called mandor pampa. melchor arteaga, proprietor of the neighboring farm, had told us of ruins at machu picchu, as was related in chapter x. the morning of july 24th dawned in a cold drizzle. arteaga shivered and seemed inclined to stay in his hut. i offered to pay him well if he would show me the ruins. he demurred and said it was too hard a climb for such a wet day. when he found that we were willing to pay him a sol, three or four times the ordinary daily wage in this vicinity, he finally agreed to guide us to the ruins. no one supposed that they would be particularly interesting. accompanied by sergeant carrasco i left camp at ten o'clock and went some distance upstream. on the road we passed a venomous snake which recently had been killed. this region has an unpleasant notoriety for being the favorite haunt of "vipers." the lance-headed or yellow viper, commonly known as the fer-de-lance, a very venomous serpent capable of making considerable springs when in pursuit of its prey, is common hereabouts. later two of our mules died from snake-bite. after a walk of three quarters of an hour the guide left the main road and plunged down through the jungle to the bank of the river. here there was a primitive "bridge" which crossed the roaring rapids at its narrowest part, where the stream was forced to flow between two great boulders. the bridge was made of half a dozen very slender logs, some of which were not long enough to span the distance between the boulders. they had been spliced and lashed together with vines. arteaga and carrasco took off their shoes and crept gingerly across, using their somewhat prehensile toes to keep from slipping. it was obvious that no one could have lived for an instant in the rapids, but would immediately have been dashed to pieces against granite boulders. i am frank to confess that i got down on hands and knees and crawled across, six inches at a time. even after we reached the other side i could not help wondering what would happen to the "bridge" if a particularly heavy shower should fall in the valley above. a light rain had fallen during the night. the river had risen so that the bridge was already threatened by the foaming rapids. it would not take much more rain to wash away the bridge entirely. if this should happen during the day it might be very awkward. as a matter of fact, it did happen a few days later and the next explorers to attempt to cross the river at this point found only one slender log remaining. leaving the stream, we struggled up the bank through a dense jungle, and in a few minutes reached the bottom of a precipitous slope. for an hour and twenty minutes we had a hard climb. a good part of the distance we went on all fours, sometimes hanging on by the tips of our fingers. here and there, a primitive ladder made from the roughly hewn trunk of a small tree was placed in such a way as to help one over what might otherwise have proved to be an impassable cliff. in another place the slope was covered with slippery grass where it was hard to find either handholds or footholds. the guide said that there were lots of snakes here. the humidity was great, the heat was excessive, and we were not in training. shortly after noon we reached a little grass-covered hut where several good-natured indians, pleasantly surprised at our unexpected arrival, welcomed us with dripping gourds full of cool, delicious water. then they set before us a few cooked sweet potatoes, called here cumara, a quichua word identical with the polynesian kumala, as has been pointed out by mr. cook. apart from the wonderful view of the canyon, all we could see from our cool shelter was a couple of small grass huts and a few ancient stone-faced terraces. two pleasant indian farmers, richarte and alvarez, had chosen this eagle's nest for their home. they said they had found plenty of terraces here on which to grow their crops and they were usually free from undesirable visitors. they did not speak spanish, but through sergeant carrasco i learned that there were more ruins "a little farther along." in this country one never can tell whether such a report is worthy of credence. "he may have been lying" is a good footnote to affix to all hearsay evidence. accordingly, i was not unduly excited, nor in a great hurry to move. the heat was still great, the water from the indian's spring was cool and delicious, and the rustic wooden bench, hospitably covered immediately after my arrival with a soft, woolen poncho, seemed most comfortable. furthermore, the view was simply enchanting. tremendous green precipices fell away to the white rapids of the urubamba below. immediately in front, on the north side of the valley, was a great granite cliff rising 2000 feet sheer. to the left was the solitary peak of huayna picchu, surrounded by seemingly inaccessible precipices. on all sides were rocky cliffs. beyond them cloud-capped mountains rose thousands of feet above us. the indians said there were two paths to the outside world. of one we had already had a taste; the other, they said, was more difficult--a perilous path down the face of a rocky precipice on the other side of the ridge. it was their only means of egress in the wet season, when the bridge over which we had come could not be maintained. i was not surprised to learn that they went away from home only "about once a month." richarte told us that they had been living here four years. it seems probable that, owing to its inaccessibility, the canyon had been unoccupied for several centuries, but with the completion of the new government road settlers began once more to occupy this region. in time somebody clambered up the precipices and found on the slopes of machu picchu, at an elevation of 9000 feet above the sea, an abundance of rich soil conveniently situated on artificial terraces, in a fine climate. here the indians had finally cleared off some ruins, burned over a few terraces, and planted crops of maize, sweet and white potatoes, sugar cane, beans, peppers, tree tomatoes, and gooseberries. at first they appropriated some of the ancient houses and replaced the roofs of wood and thatch. they found, however, that there were neither springs nor wells near the ancient buildings. an ancient aqueduct which had once brought a tiny stream to the citadel had long since disappeared beneath the forest, filled with earth washed from the upper terraces. so, abandoning the shelter of the ruins, the indians were now enjoying the convenience of living near some springs in roughly built thatched huts of their own design. without the slightest expectation of finding anything more interesting than the stone-faced terraces of which i already had a glimpse, and the ruins of two or three stone houses such as we had encountered at various places on the road between ollantaytambo and torontoy, i finally left the cool shade of the pleasant little hut and climbed farther up the ridge and around a slight promontory. arteaga had "been here once before," and decided to rest and gossip with richarte and alvarez in the hut. they sent a small boy with me as a guide. hardly had we rounded the promontory when the character of the stonework began to improve. a flight of beautifully constructed terraces, each two hundred yards long and ten feet high, had then recently rescued from the jungle by the indians. a forest of large trees had been chopped down and burned over to make a clearing for agricultural purposes. crossing these terraces, i entered the untouched forest beyond, and suddenly found myself in a maze of beautiful granite houses! they were covered with trees and moss and the growth of centuries, but in the dense shadow, hiding in bamboo thickets and tangled vines, could be seen, here and there, walls of white granite ashlars most carefully cut and exquisitely fitted together. buildings with windows were frequent. here at least was a "place far from town and conspicuous for its windows." -----figure flashlight view of interior of cave, machu picchu ----------figure temple over cave at machu picchu suggested by the author as the probable site of tampu-tocco -----under a carved rock the little boy showed me a cave beautifully lined with the finest cut stone. it was evidently intended to be a royal mausoleum. on top of this particular boulder a semicircular building had been constructed. the wall followed the natural curvature of the rock and was keyed to it by one of the finest examples of masonry i have ever seen. this beautiful wall, made of carefully matched ashlars of pure white granite, especially selected for its fine grain, was the work of a master artist. the interior surface of the wall was broken by niches and square stone-pegs. the exterior surface was perfectly simple and unadorned. the lower courses, of particularly large ashlars, gave it a look of solidity. the upper courses, diminishing in size toward the top, lent grace and delicacy to the structure. the flowing lines, the symmetrical arrangement of the ashlars, and the gradual gradation of the courses, combined to produce a wonderful effect, softer and more pleasing than that of the marble temples of the old world. owing to the absence of mortar, there are no ugly spaces between the rocks. they might have grown together. the elusive beauty of this chaste, undecorated surface seems to me to be due to the fact that the wall was built under the eye of a master mason who knew not the straight edge, the plumb rule, or the square. he had no instruments of precision, so he had to depend on his eye. he had a good eye, an artistic eye, an eye for symmetry and beauty of form. his product received none of the harshness of mechanical and mathematical accuracy. the apparently rectangular blocks are not really rectangular. the apparently straight lines of the courses are not actually straight in the exact sense of that term. to my astonishment i saw that this wall and its adjoining semicircular temple over the cave were as fine as the finest stonework in the far-famed temple of the sun in cuzco. surprise followed surprise in bewildering succession. i climbed a marvelous great stairway of large granite blocks, walked along a pampa where the indians had a small vegetable garden, and came into a little clearing. here were the ruins of two of the finest structures i have ever seen in peru. not only were they made of selected blocks of beautifully grained white granite; their walls contained ashlars of cyclopean size, ten feet in length, and higher than a man. the sight held me spellbound. each building had only three walls and was entirely open on the side toward the clearing. the principal temple was lined with exquisitely made niches, five high up at each end, and seven on the back wall. there were seven courses of ashlars in the end walls. under the seven rear niches was a rectangular block fourteen feet long, probably a sacrificial altar. the building did not look as though it had ever had a roof. the top course of beautifully smooth ashlars was not intended to be covered. the other temple is on the east side of the pampa. i called it the temple of the three windows. like its neighbor, it is unique among inca ruins. its eastern wall, overlooking the citadel, is a massive stone framework for three conspicuously large windows, obviously too large to serve any useful purpose, yet most beautifully made with the greatest care and solidity. this was clearly a ceremonial edifice of peculiar significance. nowhere else in peru, so far as i know, is there a similar structure conspicuous as "a masonry wall with three windows." these ruins have no other name than that of the mountain on the slopes of which they are located. had this place been occupied uninterruptedly, like cuzco and ollantaytambo, machu picchu would have retained its ancient name, but during the centuries when it was abandoned, its name was lost. examination showed that it was essentially a fortified place, a remote fastness protected by natural bulwarks, of which man took advantage to create the most impregnable stronghold in the andes. our subsequent excavations and the clearing made in 1912, to be described in a subsequent volume, has shown that this was the chief place in uilcapampa. it did not take an expert to realize, from the glimpse of machu picchu on that rainy day in july, 1911, when sergeant carrasco and i first saw it, that here were most extraordinary and interesting ruins. although the ridge had been partly cleared by the indians for their fields of maize, so much of it was still underneath a thick jungle growth--some walls were actually supporting trees ten and twelve inches in diameter--that it was impossible to determine just what would be found here. as soon as i could get hold of mr. tucker, who was assisting mr. hendriksen, and mr. lanius, who had gone down the urubamba with dr. bowman, i asked them to make a map of the ruins. i knew it would be a difficult undertaking and that it was essential for mr. tucker to join me in arequipa not later than the first of october for the ascent of coropuna. with the hearty aid of richarte and alvarez, the surveyors did better than i expected. in the ten days while they were at the ruins they were able to secure data from which mr. tucker afterwards prepared a map which told better than could any words of mine the importance of this site and the necessity for further investigation. with the possible exception of one mining prospector, no one in cuzco had seen the ruins of machu picchu or appreciated their importance. no one had any realization of what an extraordinary place lay on top of the ridge. it had never been visited by any of the planters of the lower urubamba valley who annually passed over the road which winds through the canyon two thousand feet below. it seems incredible that this citadel, less than three days' journey from cuzco, should have remained so long undescribed by travelers and comparatively unknown even to the peruvians themselves. if the conquistadores ever saw this wonderful place, some reference to it surely would have been made; yet nothing can be found which clearly refers to the ruins of machu picchu. just when it was first seen by a spanish-speaking person is uncertain. when the count de sartiges was at huadquiña in 1834 he was looking for ruins; yet, although so near, he heard of none here. from a crude scrawl on the walls of one of the finest buildings, we learned that the ruins were visited in 1902 by lizarraga, lessee of the lands immediately below the bridge of san miguel. this is the earliest local record. yet some one must have visited machu picchu long before that; because in 1875, as has been said, the french explorer charles wiener heard in ollantaytambo of there being ruins at "huaina-picchu or matcho-picchu." he tried to find them. that he failed was due to there being no road through the canyon of torontoy and the necessity of making a wide detour through the pass of panticalla and the lucumayo valley, a route which brought him to the urubamba river at the bridge of chuquichaca, twenty-five miles below machu picchu. -----figure detail of exterior of temple of the three windows, machu picchu ----------figure detail of principal temple machu picchu -----it was not until 1890 that the peruvian government, recognizing the needs of the enterprising planters who were opening up the lower valley of the urubamba, decided to construct a mule trail along the banks of the river through the grand canyon to enable the much-desired coca and aguardiente to be shipped from huadquiña, maranura, and santa ann to cuzco more quickly and cheaply than formerly. this road avoids the necessity of carrying the precious cargoes over the dangerous snowy passes of mt. veronica and mt. salcantay, so vividly described by raimondi, de sartiges, and others. the road, however, was very expensive, took years to build, and still requires frequent repair. in fact, even to-day travel over it is often suspended for several days or weeks at a time, following some tremendous avalanche. yet it was this new road which had led melchor arteaga to build his hut near the arable land at mandor pampa, where he could raise food for his family and offer rough shelter to passing travelers. it was this new road which brought richarte, alvarez, and their enterprising friends into this little-known region, gave them the opportunity of occupying the ancient terraces of machu picchu, which had lain fallow for centuries, encouraged them to keep open a passable trail over the precipices, and made it feasible for us to reach the ruins. it was this new road which offered us in 1911 a virgin field between ollantaytambo and huadquiña and enabled us to learn that the incas, or their predecessors, had once lived here in the remote fastnesses of the andes, and had left stone witnesses of the magnificence and beauty of their ancient civilization, more interesting and extensive than any which have been found since the days of the spanish conquest of peru. chapter xviii the origin of machu picchu some other day i hope to tell of the work of clearing and excavating machu picchu, of the life lived by its citizens, and of the ancient towns of which it was the most important. at present i must rest content with a discussion of its probable identity. here was a powerful citadel tenable against all odds, a stronghold where a mere handful of defenders could prevent a great army from taking the place by assault. why should any one have desired to be so secure from capture as to have built a fortress in such an inaccessible place? the builders were not in search of fields. there is so little arable land here that every square yard of earth had to be terraced in order to provide food for the inhabitants. they were not looking for comfort or convenience. safety was their primary consideration. they were sufficiently civilized to practice intensive agriculture, sufficiently skillful to equal the best masonry the world has ever seen, sufficiently ingenious to make delicate bronzes, and sufficiently advanced in art to realize the beauty of simplicity. what could have induced such a people to select this remote fastness of the andes, with all its disadvantages, as the site for their capital, unless they were fleeing from powerful enemies. the thought will already have occurred to the reader that the temple of the three windows at machu picchu fits the words of that native writer who had "heard from a child the most ancient traditions and histories," including the story already quoted from sir clements markham's translation that manco ccapac, the first inca, "ordered works to be executed at the place of his birth; consisting of a masonry wall with three windows, which were emblems of the house of his fathers whence he descended. the first window was called 'tampu-tocco.' " although none of the other chroniclers gives the story of the first inca ordering a memorial wall to be built at the place of his birth, they nearly all tell of his having come from a place called tampu-tocco, "an inn or country place remarkable for its windows." sir clements markham, in his "incas of peru," refers to tampu-tocco as "the hill with the three openings or windows." the place assigned by all the chroniclers as the location of the traditional tampu-tocco, as has been said, is paccaritampu, about nine miles southwest of cuzco. paccaritampu has some interesting ruins and caves, but careful examination shows that while there are more than three openings to its caves, there are no windows in its buildings. the buildings of machu picchu, on the other hand, have far more windows than any other important ruin in peru. the climate of paccaritampu, like that of most places in the highlands, is too severe to invite or encourage the use of windows. the climate of machu picchu is mild, consequently the use of windows was natural and agreeable. so far as i know, there is no place in peru where the ruins consist of anything like a "masonry wall with three windows" of such a ceremonial character as is here referred to, except at machu picchu. it would certainly seem as though the temple of the three windows, the most significant structure within the citadel, is the building referred to by pachacuti yamqui saleamayhua. -----figure the masonry wall with three windows, machu picchu -----the principal difficulty with this theory is that while the first meaning of tocco in holguin's standard quichua dictionary is "ventana" or "window," and while "window" is the only meaning given this important word in markham's revised quichua dictionary (1908), a dictionary compiled from many sources, the second meaning of tocco given by holguin is "alacena," "a cupboard set in a wall." undoubtedly this means what we call, in the ruins of the houses of the incas, a niche. now the drawings, crude as they are, in sir clements markham's translation of the salcamayhua manuscript, do give the impression of niches rather than of windows. does tampu-tocco mean a tampu remarkable for its niches? at paccaritampu there do not appear to be any particularly fine niches; while at machu picchu, on the other hand, there are many very beautiful niches, especially in the cave which has been referred to as a "royal mausoleum." as a matter of fact, nearly all the finest ruins of the incas have excellent niches. since niches were so common a feature of inca architecture, the chances are that sir clements is right in translating salcamayhua as he did and in calling tampu-tocco "the hill with the three openings or windows." in any case machu picchu fits the story far better than does paccaritampu. however, in view of the fact that the early writers all repeat the story that tampu-tocco was at paccaritampu, it would be absurd to say that they did not know what they were talking about, even though the actual remains at or near paccaritampu do not fit the requirements. it would be easier to adopt paccaritampu as the site of tampu-tocco were it not for the legal records of an inquiry made by toledo at the time when he put the last inca to death. fifteen indians, descended from those who used to live near las salinas, the important salt works near cuzco, on being questioned, agreed that they had heard their fathers and grandfathers repeat the tradition that when the first inca, manco ccapac, captured their lands, he came from tampu-tocco. they did not say that the first inca came from paccaritampu, which, it seems to me, would have been a most natural thing for them to have said if this were the general belief of the natives. in addition there is the still older testimony of some indians born before the arrival of the first spaniards, who were examined at a legal investigation in 1570. a chief, aged ninety-two, testified that manco ccapac came out of a cave called tocco, and that he was lord of the town near that cave. not one of the witnesses stated that manco ccapac came from paccaritampu, although it is difficult to imagine why they should not have done so if, as the contemporary historians believed, this was really the original tampu-tocco. the chroniclers were willing enough to accept the interesting cave near paccaritampu as the place where manco ccapac was born, and from which he came to conquer cuzco. why were the sworn witnesses so reticent? it seems hardly possible that they should have forgotten where tampu-tocco was supposed to have been. was their reticence due to the fact that its actual whereabouts had been successfully kept secret? manco ccapac's home was that tampu-tocco to which the followers of pachacuti vi fled with his body after the overthrow of the old régime, a very secluded and holy place. did they know it was in the same fastnesses of the andes to which in the days of pizarro the young inca manco had fled from cuzco? was this the cause of their reticence? certainly the requirements of tampu-tocco are met at machu picchu. the splendid natural defenses of the grand canyon of the urubamba made it an ideal refuge for the descendants of the amautas during the centuries of lawlessness and confusion which succeeded the barbarian invasions from the plains to the east and south. the scarcity of violent earthquakes and also its healthfulness, both marked characteristics of tampu-tocco, are met at machu picchu. it is worth noting that the existence of machu picchu might easily have been concealed from the common people. at the time of the spanish conquest its location might have been known only to the inca and his priests. so, notwithstanding the belief of the historians, i feel it is reasonable to conclude that the first name of the ruins at machu picchu was tampu-tocco. here pachacuti vi was buried; here was the capital of the little kingdom where during the centuries between the amautas and the incas there was kept alive the wisdom, skill, and best traditions of the ancient folk who had developed the civilization of peru. it is well to remember that the defenses of cuzco were of little avail before the onslaught of the warlike invaders. the great organization of farmers and masons, so successful in its ability to perform mighty feats of engineering with primitive tools of wood, stone, and bronze, had crumbled away before the attacks of savage hordes who knew little of the arts of peace. the defeated leaders had to choose a region where they might live in safety from their fierce enemies. furthermore, in the environs of machu picchu they found every variety of climate--valleys so low as to produce the precious coca, yucca, and plantain, the fruits and vegetables of the tropics; slopes high enough to be suitable for many varieties of maize, quinoa, and other cereals, as well as their favorite root crops, including both sweet and white potatoes, oca, añu, and ullucu. here, within a few hours' journey, they could find days warm enough to dry and cure the coca leaves; nights cold enough to freeze potatoes in the approved aboriginal fashion. although the amount of arable land which could be made available with the most careful terracing was not large enough to support a very great population, machu picchu offered an impregnable citadel to the chiefs and priests and their handful of followers who were obliged to flee from the rich plains near cuzco and the broad, pleasant valley of yucay. only dire necessity and terror could have forced a people which had reached such a stage in engineering, architecture, and agriculture, to leave hospitable valleys and tablelands for rugged canyons. certainly there is no part of the andes less fitted by nature to meet the requirements of an agricultural folk, unless their chief need was a safe refuge and retreat. here the wise remnant of the amautas ultimately developed great ability. in the face of tremendous natural obstacles they utilized their ancient craft to wrest a living from the soil. hemmed in between the savages of the amazon jungles below and their enemies on the plateau above, they must have carried on border warfare for generations. aided by the temperate climate in which they lived, and the ability to secure a wide variety of food within a few hours' climb up or down from their towns and cities, they became a hardy, vigorous tribe which in the course of time burst its boundaries, fought its way back to the rich cuzco valley, overthrew the descendants of the ancient invaders and established, with cuzco as a capital, the empire of the incas. after the first inca, manco ccapac, had established himself in cuzco, what more natural than that he should have built a fine temple in honor of his ancestors. ancestor worship was common to the incas, and nothing would have been more reasonable than the construction of the temple of the three windows. as the incas grew in power and extended their rule over the ancient empire of the cuzco amautas from whom they traced their descent, superstitious regard would have led them to establish their chief temples and palaces in the city of cuzco itself. there was no longer any necessity to maintain the citadel of tampu-tocco. it was probably deserted, while cuzco grew and the inca empire flourished. as the incas increased in power they invented various myths to account for their origin. one of these traced their ancestry to the islands of lake titicaca. finally the very location of manco ccapac's birthplace was forgotten by the common people--although undoubtedly known to the priests and those who preserved the most sacred secrets of the incas. then came pizarro and the bigoted conquistadores. the native chiefs faced the necessity of saving whatever was possible of the ancient religion. the spaniards coveted gold and silver. the most precious possessions of the incas, however, were not images and utensils, but the sacred virgins of the sun, who, like the vestal virgins of rome, were from their earliest childhood trained to the service of the great sun god. looked at from the standpoint of an agricultural people who needed the sun to bring their food crops to fruition and keep them from hunger, it was of the utmost importance to placate him with sacrifices and secure the good effects of his smiling face. if he delayed his coming or kept himself hidden behind the clouds, the maize would mildew and the ears would not properly ripen. if he did not shine with his accustomed brightness after the harvest, the ears of corn could not be properly dried and kept over to the next year. in short, any unusual behavior on the part of the sun meant hunger and famine. consequently their most beautiful daughters were consecrated to his service, as "virgins" who lived in the temple and ministered to the wants of priests and rulers. human sacrifice had long since been given up in peru and its place taken by the consecration of these damsels. some of the virgins of the sun in cuzco were captured. others escaped and accompanied manco into the inaccessible canyons of uilcapampa. it will be remembered that father calancha relates the trials of the first two missionaries in this region, who at the peril of their lives urged the inca to let them visit the "university of idolatry," at "vilcabamba viejo," "the largest city" in the province. machu picchu admirably answers its requirements. here it would have been very easy for the inca titu cusi to have kept the monks in the vicinity of the sacred city for three weeks without their catching a single glimpse of its unique temples and remarkable palaces. it would have been possible for titu cusi to bring friar marcos and friar diego to the village of intihuatana near san miguel, at the foot of the machu picchu cliffs. the sugar planters of the lower urubamba valley crossed the bridge of san miguel annually for twenty years in blissful ignorance of what lay on top of the ridge above them. so the friars might easily have been lodged in huts at the foot of the mountain without their being aware of the extent and importance of the inca "university." apparently they returned to puquiura with so little knowledge of the architectural character of "vilcabamba viejo" that no description of it could be given their friends, eventually to be reported by calancha. furthermore, the difficult journey across country from puquiura might easily have taken "three days." finally, it appears from dr. eaton's studies that the last residents of machu picchu itself were mostly women. in the burial caves which we have found in the region roundabout machu picchu the proportion of skulls belonging to men is very large. there are many so-called "trepanned" skulls. some of them seem to belong to soldiers injured in war by having their skulls crushed in, either with clubs or the favorite sling-stones of the incas. in no case have we found more than twenty-five skulls without encountering some "trepanned" specimens among them. in striking contrast is the result of the excavations at machu picchu, where one hundred sixty-four skulls were found in the burial caves, yet not one had been "trepanned." of the one hundred thirty-five skeletons whose sex could be accurately determined by dr. eaton, one hundred nine were females. furthermore, it was in the graves of the females that the finest artifacts were found, showing that they were persons of no little importance. not a single representative of the robust male of the warrior type was found in the burial caves of machu picchu. another striking fact brought out by dr. eaton is that some of the female skeletons represent individuals from the seacoast. this fits in with calancha's statement that titu cusi tempted the monks not only with beautiful women of the highlands, but also with those who came from the tribes of the yungas, or "warm valleys." the "warm valleys" may be those of the rubber country, but sir clements markham thought the oases of the coast were meant. furthermore, as mr. safford has pointed out, among the artifacts discovered at machu picchu was a "snuffing tube" intended for use with the narcotic snuff which was employed by the priests and necromancers to induce a hypnotic state. this powder was made from the seeds of the tree which the incas called huilca or uilca, which, as has been pointed out in chapter xi, grows near these ruins. this seems to me to furnish additional evidence of the identity of machu picchu with calancha's "vilcabamba." it cannot be denied that the ruins of machu picchu satisfy the requirements of "the largest city, in which was the university of idolatry." until some one can find the ruins of another important place within three days' journey of pucyura which was an important religious center and whose skeletal remains are chiefly those of women, i am inclined to believe that this was the "vilcabamba viejo" of calancha, just as espiritu pampa was the "vilcabamba viejo" of ocampo. in the interesting account of the last incas purporting to be by titu cusi, but actually written in excellent spanish by friar marcos, he says that his father, manco, fleeing from cuzco went first "to vilcabamba, the head of all that province." in the "anales del peru" montesinos says that francisco pizarro, thinking that the inca manco wished to make peace with him, tried to please the inca by sending him a present of a very fine pony and a mulatto to take care of it. in place of rewarding the messenger, the inca killed both man and beast. when pizarro was informed of this, he took revenge on manco by cruelly abusing the inca's favorite wife, and putting her to death. she begged of her attendants that "when she should be dead they would put her remains in a basket and let it float down the yucay [or urubamba] river, that the current might take it to her husband, the inca." she must have believed that at that time manco was near this river. machu picchu is on its banks. espiritu pampa is not. we have already seen how manco finally established himself at uiticos, where he restored in some degree the fortunes of his house. surrounded by fertile valleys, not too far removed from the great highway which the spaniards were obliged to use in passing from lima to cuzco, he could readily attack them. at machu picchu he would not have been so conveniently located for robbing the spanish caravans nor for supplying his followers with arable lands. there is abundant archeological evidence that the citadel of machu picchu was at one time occupied by the incas and partly built by them on the ruins of a far older city. much of the pottery is unquestionably of the so-called cuzco style, used by the last incas. the more recent buildings resemble those structures on the island of titicaca said to have been built by the later incas. they also resemble the fortress of uiticos, at rosaspata, built by manco about 1537. furthermore, they are by far the largest and finest ruins in the mountains of the old province of uilcapampa and represent the place which would naturally be spoken of by titu cusi as the "head of the province." espiritu pampa does not satisfy the demands of a place which was so important as to give its name to the entire province, to be referred to as "the largest city." it seems quite possible that the inaccessible, forgotten citadel of machu picchu was the place chosen by manco as the safest refuge for those virgins of the sun who had successfully escaped from cuzco in the days of pizarro. for them and their attendants manco probably built many of the newer buildings and repaired some of the older ones. here they lived out their days, secure in the knowledge that no indians would ever breathe to the conquistadores the secret of their sacred refuge. -----figure the gorges, opening wide apart, reveal uilcapampa's granite citadel, the crown of inca land: machu picchu -----when the worship of the sun actually ceased on the heights of machu picchu no one can tell. that the secret of its existence was so well kept is one of the marvels of andean history. unless one accepts the theories of its identity with "tampu-tocco" and "vilcabamba viejo," there is no clear reference to machu picchu until 1875, when charles wiener heard about it. some day we may be able to find a reference in one of the documents of the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries which will indicate that the energetic viceroy toledo, or a contemporary of his, knew of this marvelous citadel and visited it. writers like cieza de leon and polo de ondegardo, who were assiduous in collecting information about all the holy places of the incas, give the names of many places which as yet we have not been able to identify. among them we may finally recognize the temples of machu picchu. on the other hand, it seems likely that if any of the spanish soldiers, priests, or other chroniclers had seen this citadel, they would have described its chief edifices in unmistakable terms. until further light can be thrown on this fascinating problem it seems reasonable to conclude that at machu picchu we have the ruins of tampu-tocco, the birthplace of the first inca, manco ccapac, and also the ruins of a sacred city of the last incas. surely this granite citadel, which has made such a strong appeal to us on account of its striking beauty and the indescribable charm of its surroundings, appears to have had a most interesting history. selected about 800 a.d. as the safest place of refuge for the last remnants of the old régime fleeing from southern invaders, it became the site of the capital of a new kingdom, and gave birth to the most remarkable family which south america has ever seen. abandoned, about 1300, when cuzco once more flashed into glory as the capital of the peruvian empire, it seems to have been again sought out in time of trouble, when in 1534 another foreign invader arrived--this time from europe--with a burning desire to extinguish all vestiges of the ancient religion. in its last state it became the home and refuge of the virgins of the sun, priestesses of the most humane cult of aboriginal america. here, concealed in a canyon of remarkable grandeur, protected by art and nature, these consecrated women gradually passed away, leaving no known descendants, nor any records other than the masonry walls and artifacts to be described in another volume. whoever they were, whatever name be finally assigned to this site by future historians, of this i feel sure--that few romances can ever surpass that of the granite citadel on top of the beetling precipices of machu picchu, the crown of inca land. glossary añu: a species of nasturtium with edible roots. aryballus: a bottle-shaped vase with pointed bottom. azequia: an irrigation ditch or conduit. bar-hold: a stone cylinder or pin, let into a gatepost in such a way as to permit the gate bar to be tied to it. sometimes the bar-hold is part of one of the ashlars of the gatepost. bar-holds are usually found in the gateway of a compound or group of inca houses. coca: shrub from which cocaine is extracted. the dried leaves are chewed to secure the desired deadening effect of the drug. conquistadores: spanish soldiers engaged in the conquest of america. eye-bonder: a narrow, rough ashlar in one end of which a chamfered hole has been cut. usually about 2 feet long, 6 inches wide, and 2 inches thick, it was bonded into the wall of a gable at right angles to its slope and flush with its surface. to it the purlins of the roof could be fastened. eye-bonders are also found projecting above the lintel of a gateway to a compound. if the "bar-holds" were intended to secure the horizontal bar of an important gate, these eye-bonders may have been for a vertical bar. gobernador: the spanish-speaking town magistrate. the alcaldes are his indian aids. habas beans: broad beans. huaca: a sacred or holy place or thing, sometimes a boulder. often applied to a piece of prehistoric pottery. mañana: to-morrow, or by and by. the "mañana habit" is spanish-american procrastination. mestizo: a half-breed of spanish and indian ancestry. milpa: a word used in central america for a small farm or clearing. the milpa system of agriculture involves clearing the forest by fire, destroys valuable humus and forces the farmer to seek new fields frequently. montaña: jungle, forest. the term usually applied by peruvians to the heavily forested slopes of the eastern andean valleys and the amazon basin. oca: hardy, edible root, related to sheep sorrel. quebrada: a gorge or ravine. quipu: knotted, parti-colored strings used by the ancient peruvians to keep records. a mnemonic device. roof-peg: a roughly cylindrical block of stone bonded into a gable wall and allowed to project 12 or 15 inches on the outside. used in connection with "eye-bonders," the roof-pegs served as points to which the roof could be tied down. sol: peruvian silver dollar, worth about two shillings or a little less than half a gold dollar. sorocho: mountain-sickness. stone-peg: a roughly cylindrical block of stone bonded into the walls of a house and projecting 10 or 12 inches on the inside so as to permit of its being used as a clothes-peg. stone-pegs are often found alternating with niches and placed on a level with the lintels of the niches. temblor: a slight earthquake. temporales: small fields of grain which cannot be irrigated and so depend on the weather for their moisture. teniente gobernador: administrative officer of a small village or hamlet. terremoto: a severe earthquake. tesoro: treasure. tutu: a hardy variety of white potato not edible in a fresh state, used for making chuño, after drying, freezing, and pressing out the bitter juices. ulluca: an edible root. viejo: old. bibliography of the peruvian expeditions of yale university and the national geographic society thomas barbour: reptiles collected by yale peruvian expedition of 1912. proceedings of academy of natural sciences of philadelphia, lxv, 505-507, september, 1913. 1 pl. (with g. k. noble:) amphibians and reptiles from southern peru collected by peruvian expedition of 1914-1915. proceedings of u.s. national museum, lviii, 609-620, 1921. hiram bingham: the ruins of choqquequirau. american anthropologist, xii, 505-525, october, 1910. illus., 4 pl., map. across south america. boston, houghton mifflin company, 1911, xvi, 405 pp., plates, maps, plans, 8°. preliminary report of the yale peruvian expedition. bulletin of american geographical society, xliv, 20-26, january, 1912. the ascent of coropuna. harper's magazine, cxxiv, 489-502, march, 1912. illus. vitcos, the last inca capital. proceedings of american antiquarian society, xxii, n.s., 135-196. april, 1912. illus., plans. the discovery of pre-historic human remains near cuzco, peru. american journal of science, xxxiii, no. 196, 297-305, april, 1912. illus., maps. a search for the last inca capital. harper's magazine, cxxv, 696-705, october, 1912. illus. the discovery of machu picchu. ibid., cxxvi, 709-719, april, 1913. illus. in the wonderland of peru. national geographic magazine, xxiv, 387-573, april, 1913. illus., maps, plans. the investigation of pre-historic human remains found near cuzco in 1911. american journal of science, xxxvi, no. 211, 1-2, july, 1913. the ruins of espiritu pampa, peru. american anthropologist, xvi, no. 2, 185-199. april-june, 1914. illus., 1 pl., map. along the uncharted pampaconas. harper's magazine, cxxix, 452-463, august, 1914. illus., map. the pampaconas river. the geographical journal, xliv, 211-214, august, 1914. 2 pl., map. the story of machu picchu. national geographic magazine, xxvii, 172-217, february, 1915. illus. types of machu picchu pottery. american anthropologist, xvii, 257-271, april-june, 1915. illus., 1 pl. the inca peoples and their culture. proceedings of nineteenth international congress of americanists, washington, d.c., pp. 253-260, december, 1915. further explorations in the land of the incas. national geographic magazine, xxix, 431-473, may, 1916. illus., 2 maps. evidences of symbolism in the land of the incas. the builder, ii, no. 12, 361-366, december, 1916. illus. (with dr. george s. jamieson:) lake parinacochas and the composition of its water. american journal of science, xxxiv, 12-16, july, 1912. illus. isaiah bowman: the geologic relations of the cuzco remains. american journal of science, xxxiii, no. 196, 306-325, april, 1912. illus. a buried wall at cuzco and its relation to the question of a pre-inca race. ibid., xxxiv, no. 204, 497-509, december, 1912. illus. the cañon of the urubamba. bulletin of american geographical society, xliv, 881-897, december, 1912. illus., map. the andes of southern peru. geographical reconnaissance along the seventy-third meridian, n.y., henry holt, 1916. xi, 336 pp., plates, maps, plans. lawrence bruner: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911, orthoptera (acridiidae--short horned locusts). proceedings of u.s. national museum, xliv, 177-187, 1913. results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911, orthoptera (addenda to the acridiidae). ibid., xlv, 585-586, 1913. a. n. caudell: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911, orthoptera (exclusive of acridiidae). proceedings of u.s. national museum, xliv, 347-357, 1913. ralph v. chamberlain: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911. the arachnida. bulletin of museum of comparative zoölogy at harvard college, lx, no. 6, 177-299, 1916. 25 pl. frank m. chapman: the distribution of bird life in the urubamba valley of peru. u.s. national museum bulletin 117, 138 pp., 1921. 9 pl., map. o. f. cook: quichua names of sweet potatoes. journal of washington academy of sciences, vi, no. 4, 86-90, 1916. agriculture and native vegetation in peru. ibid., vi, no. 10, 284-293, 1916. illus. staircase farms of the ancients. national geographic magazine, xxix, 474-534, may, 1916. illus. foot-plow agriculture in peru. smithsonian report for 1918, 487-491. 4 pl. domestication of animals in peru. journal of heredity, x, 176-181, april, 1919. illus. (with alice c. cook:) polar bear cacti. journal of heredity, washington, d.c., viii, 113-120, march, 1917. illus. william h. dall: some landshells collected by dr. hiram bingham in peru. proceedings of u.s. national museum, xxxviii, 177-182, 1911. illus. reports on landshells collected in peru in 1911 by the yale expedition. smithsonian misc. collections, lix, no. 14, 12 pp., 1912. harrison g. dyar: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911. lepidoptera. proceedings of u.s. national museum, xlv, 627-649, 1913. george f. eaton: report on the remains of man and lower animals from the vicinity of cuzco. american journal of science, xxxiii, no. 196, 325-333, april, 1912. illus. vertebrate remains in the cuzco gravels. ibid., xxxvi, no. 211, 3-14, july, 1913. illus. vertebrate fossils from ayusbamba, peru. ibid., xxxvii, no. 218, 141-154, february, 1914. 3 pl. the collection of osteological material from machu picchu. trans. conn. academy arts and sciences, v, 3-96, may, 1916. illus., 39 pl., map. william g. erving, m.d.: medical report of the yale peruvian expedition. yale medical journal, xviii, 325-335, april, 1912. 6 pl. alexander w. evans: hepaticæ: yale peruvian expedition of 1911. trans. conn. academy arts and sciences, xviii, 291-345, april, 1914. harry b. ferris, m.d.: the indians of cuzco and the apurimac. memoirs, american anthropological assoc., iii, no. 2, 59-148, 1916. 60 pl. anthropological studies on the quichua and machiganga indians. trans. conn. academy arts and sciences, xxv, 1-92, april, 1921. 21 pl., map. harry w. foote: (with w. h. buell:) the composition, structure and hardness of some peruvian bronze axes. american journal of science, xxxiv, 128-132, august, 1912. illus. herbert e. gregory: the gravels at cuzco. american journal of science, xxxvi, no. 211, 15-29, july, 1913. illus., map. the la paz gorge. ibid., xxxvi, 141-150, august, 1913. illus. a geographical sketch of titicaca, the island of the sun. bulletin of american geographical society, xlv, 561-575, august, 1913. 4 pl., map. geologic sketch of titicaca island and adjoining areas. american journal of science, xxxvi, no. 213, 187-213, september, 1913. illus., maps. geologic reconnaissance of the ayusbamba fossil beds. ibid., xxxvii, no. 218, 125-140, february, 1914. illus., map. the rodadero; a fault plane of unusual aspect. ibid., xxxvii, no. 220, 289-298, april, 1914. illus. a geologic reconnaissance of the cuzco valley. ibid., xli, no. 241, 1-100, january, 1916. illus., maps. osgood hardy: cuzco and apurimac. bulletin of american geographical society, xlvi, no. 7, 500-512, 1914. illus., map. the indians of the department of cuzco. american anthropologist, xxi, 1-27, january-march, 1919. 9 pl. sir clements markham: mr. bingham in vilcapampa, geographical journal, xxxviii, no. 6, 590-591, dec. 1911, 1 pl. c. h. mathewson: a metallographic description of some ancient peruvian bronzes from machu picchu. american journal of science, xl, no. 240, 525-602, december, 1915. illus., plates. p. r. myers: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911--addendum to the hymenoptera-ichneumonoidea. proceedings of u.s. national museum, xlvii, 361-362, 1914. s. a. rohwer: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911--hymenoptera, superfamilies vespoidea and sphecoidea. proceedings of u.s. national museum, xliv, 439-454, 1913. leonhard stejneger: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911. batrachians and reptiles. proceedings of u.s. national museum, xlv, 541-547, 1913. oldfield thomas: report on the mammalia collected by mr. edmund heller during peruvian expedition of 1915. proceedings of u.s. national museum, lviii, 217-249, 1920. 2 pl. h. l. viereck: results of yale peruvian expedition of 1911. hymenoptera-ichneumonoidea. proceedings of u.s. national museum, xliv, 469-470, 1913. r. s. williams: peruvian mosses. bulletin of torrey botanical club, xliii, 323-334, june, 1916. 4 pl. notes [1] many people have asked me how to pronounce machu picchu. quichua words should always be pronounced as nearly as possible as they are written. they represent an attempt at phonetic spelling. if the attempt is made by a spanish writer, he is always likely to put a silent "h" at the beginning of such words as huilca which is pronounced "weel-ka." in the middle of a word "h" is always sounded. machu picchu is pronounced "mah'-chew pick'-chew." uiticos is pronounced "weet'-ee-kos." uilcapampa is pronounced "weel'-ka-pahm-pah." cuzco is "koos'-koh." [2] a league, usually about 3 1/3 miles, is really the distance an average mule can walk in an hour. [3] fernando montesinos, an ecclesiastical lawyer of the seventeenth century, appears to have gone to peru in 1629 as the follower of that well-known viceroy, the count of chinchon, whose wife having contracted malaria was cured by the use of peruvian bark or quinine and was instrumental in the introduction of this medicine into europe, a fact which has been commemorated in the botanical name of the genus cinchona. montesinos was well educated and appears to have given himself over entirely to historical research. he traveled extensively in peru and wrote several books. his history of the incas was spoiled by the introduction, in which, as might have been expected of an orthodox lawyer, he contended that peru was peopled under the leadership of ophir, the great-grandson of noah! nevertheless, one finds his work to be of great value and the late sir clements markham, foremost of english students of peruvian archeology, was inclined to place considerable credence in his statements. his account of pre-hispanic peru has recently been edited for the hakluyt society by mr. philip a. means of harvard university. [4] another version of this event is that the quarrel was over a game of chess between the inca and diego mendez, another of the refugees, who lost his temper and called the inca a dog. angered at the tone and language of his guest, the inca gave him a blow with his fist. diego mendez thereupon drew a dagger and killed him. a totally different account from the one obtained by garcilasso from his informants is that in a volume purporting to have been dictated to friar marcos by manco's son, titu cusi, twenty years after the event. i quote from sir clements markham's translation: "after these spaniards had been with my father for several years in the said town of viticos they were one day, with much good fellowship, playing at quoits with him; only them, my father and me, who was then a boy [ten years old]. without having any suspicion, although an indian woman, named banba, had said that the spaniards wanted to murder the inca, my father was playing with them as usual. in this game, just as my father was raising the quoit to throw, they all rushed upon him with knives, daggers and some swords. my father, feeling himself wounded, strove to make some defence, but he was one and unarmed, and they were seven fully armed; he fell to the ground covered with wounds, and they left him for dead. i, being a little boy, and seeing my father treated in this manner, wanted to go where he was to help him. but they turned furiously upon me, and hurled a lance which only just failed to kill me also. i was terrified and fled amongst some bushes. they looked for me, but could not find me. the spaniards, seeing that my father had ceased to breathe, went out of the gate, in high spirits, saying, 'now that we have killed the inca we have nothing to fear.' but at this moment the captain rimachi yupanqui arrived with some antis, and presently chased them in such sort that, before they could get very far along a difficult road, they were caught and pulled from their horses. they all had to suffer very cruel deaths and some were burnt. notwithstanding his wounds my father lived for three days." another version is given by montesinos in his anales. it is more like titu cusi's. [5] a spanish derivative from the quichua mucha, "a kiss." muchani means "to adore, to reverence, to kiss the hands." [6] uiticos is probably derived from uiticuni, meaning "to withdraw to a distance." [7] described in "across south america." [8] on the 1915 expedition mr. heller captured twelve new species of mammals, but, as mr. oldfield thomas says: "of all the novelties, by far the most interesting is the new marsupial .... members of the family were previously known from colombia and ecuador." mr. heller's discovery greatly extends the recent range of the kangaroo family. [9] mr. safford says in his article on the "identity of cohoba" (journal of the washington academy of sciences, sept. 19, 1916): "the most remarkable fact connected with piptadenia peregrina, or 'tree-tobacco' is that ... the source of its intoxicating properties still remains unknown." one of the bifurcated tubes."in the first stages of manufacture," was found at machu picchu. [10] see the illustrations in chapters xvii and xviii. [11] since the historical uilcapampa is not geographically identical with the modern vilcabamba, the name applied to this river and the old spanish town at its source, i shall distinguish between the two by using the correct, official spelling for the river and town, viz., vilcabamba; and the phonetic spelling, uilcapampa, for the place referred to in the contemporary histories of the inca manco. [12] in those days the term "andes" appears to have been very limited in scope, and was applied only to the high range north of cuzco where lived the tribe called antis. their name was given to the range. its culminating point was mt. salcantay. [13] titu cusi was an illegitimate son of manco. his mother was not of royal blood and may have been a native of the warm valleys. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see 20910-h.htm or 20910-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/0/9/1/20910/20910-h/20910-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/0/9/1/20910/20910-h.zip) transcriber's note: page numbers in this book are indicated by numbers enclosed in curly braces, e.g. {99}. they have been located where page breaks occurred in the original book. for its index, a page number has been placed only at the start of that section. american fights and fighters series south american fights and fighters and other tales of adventure by cyrus townsend brady, ll. d. illustrations by seymour m. stone, george gibbs, w. j. aylward and j. n. marchand together with reproductions from old prints and portraits [frontispiece: "the poor little governor . . . distanced his fierce pursuers at last"] garden city -------new york doubleday, page & company mcmxiii all rights reserved, including that of translation into foreign languages, including the scandinavian copyright, 1910, by doubleday, page & company published, april, 1910 to george william beatty good fellow, good citizen good friend preface the first part of this new volume of the _american fights and fighters series_ needs no special introduction. partly to make this the same size as the other books, but more particularly because i especially desired to give a permanent place to some of the most dramatic and interesting episodes in our history--especially as most of them related to the pacific and the far west--the series of papers in part second was included. "the yarn of the _essex_, whaler" is abridged from a quaint account written by the mate and published in an old volume which is long since out of print and very scarce. the papers on the _tonquin_, john paul jones, and "the great american duellists" speak for themselves. the account of the battle of the pitt river has never been published in book form heretofore. the last paper "on being a boy out west" i inserted because i enjoy it myself, and because i have found that others young and old who have read it generally like it also. thanks are due and are hereby extended to the following magazines for permission to republish various articles which originally appeared in their pages: _harper's_, _munseys_, _the cosmopolitan_, _sunset_ and _the new era_. i project another volume of the series supplementing the two indian volumes immediately preceding this one, but the information is hard to get, and the work amid many other demands upon my time, proceeds slowly. cyrus townsend brady. st. george's rectory, kansas city, mo., february, 1910. contents part i south american fights and fighters page panama and the knights-errant of colonization i. the spanish main . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 ii. the don quixote of discoverers and his rival . . . . 5 iii. the adventures of ojeda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 iv. enter one vasco nuñez de balboa . . . . . . . . . . . 17 v. the desperate straits of nicuesa . . . . . . . . . . 20 panama, balboa and a forgotten romance i. the coming of the devastator . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 ii. the greatest exploit since columbus's voyage . . . . 34 iii. "furor domini" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 iv. the end of balboa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 peru and the pizarros i. the chief scion of a famous family . . . . . . . . . 53 ii. the terrible persistence of pizarro . . . . . . . . . 57 iii. "a communistic despotism" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 iv. the treacherous and bloody massacre of caxamarca . . 73 v. the ransom and murder of the inca . . . . . . . . . . 85 vi. the inca and the peruvians strike vainly for freedom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 vii. "the men of chili" and the civil wars . . . . . . . 102 viii. the mean end of the great conquistador . . . . . . 105 ix. the last of the brethren . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 the greatest adventure in history i. the chief of all the soldiers of fortune . . . . . 115 ii. the expedition to mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 iii. the religion of the aztecs . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 iv. the march to tenochtitlan . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 v. the republic of tlascala . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 vi. cortes's description of mexico . . . . . . . . . . 147 vii. the meeting with montezuma . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 viii. the seizure of the emperor . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 ix. the revolt of the capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 x. in god's way . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 xi. the melancholy night . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 xii. the siege and destruction of mexico . . . . . . . . 194 xiii. a day of desperate fighting . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 xiv. the last mexican . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 xv. the end of cortes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 part ii other tales of adventure the yarn of the "essex," whaler . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 some famous american duels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 i. a tragedy of old new york . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 ii. andrew jackson as a duellist . . . . . . . . . . . 248 iii. the killing of stephen decatur . . . . . . . . . . 251 iv. an episode in the life of james bowie . . . . . . . 252 v. a famous congressional duel . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 vi. the last notable duel in america . . . . . . . . . 256 the cruise of the "tonquin" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 john paul jones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281 i. the birth of the american navy . . . . . . . . . . 283 ii. jones first hoists the stars and stripes . . . . . 284 iii. the battle with the "serapis" . . . . . . . . . . . 285 iv. a hero's famous sayings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 v. what jones did for his country . . . . . . . . . . 288 vi. why did he take the name of jones . . . . . . . . . 289 vii. a search for historical evidence . . . . . . . . . 292 viii. the joneses of north carolina . . . . . . . . . . . 296 ix. paul jones never a man of wealth . . . . . . . . . 297 in the caverns of the pitt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 being a boy out west . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 list of illustrations "the poor little governor . . . distanced his fierce pursuers at last" . . . . . . . . . . _frontispiece_ drawing by seymour m. stone facing page "ojeda galloped off with his . . . captive" . . . . . . . . 6 drawing by seymour m. stone "the indians poured a rain of poisoned arrows" . . . . . . . 7 drawing by seymour m. stone "balboa . . . engaged in superintending the roofing of a house" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 drawing by george gibbs "the expedition had to fight its way through tribes of warlike and ferocious mountaineers" . . . . . . 35 drawing by george gibbs "he took possession of the sea in the name of castile and leon" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 drawing by george gibbs "he threw the sacred volume to the ground in a violent rage" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 drawing by george gibbs "they burst upon the ranks of the unarmed indians" . . . . . 86 drawing by george gibbs "the three pizarros . . . sallied out to meet them" . . . . 87 drawing by george gibbs "he threw his sole remaining weapon in the faces of the escaladers" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 drawing by george gibbs fernando cortes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 from a picture in the florence gallery the death of montezuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 from an old engraving "he defended himself with his terrible spear" . . . . . . . 179 drawing by george gibbs "the ship came to a dead stop" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 drawing by w. j. aylward the killing of alexander hamilton by aaron burr . . . . . . 233 drawing by j. n. marchand _the publishers wish to acknowledge their indebtedness to the cosmopolitan magazine and munsey's magazine for permission to use several of the illustrations in this volume._ {3} part i south american fights and fighters i panama and the knights-errant of colonization i. the spanish main one of the commonly misunderstood phrases in the language is "the spanish main." to the ordinary individual it suggests the caribbean sea. although shakespeare in "othello," makes one of the gentlemen of cyprus say that he "cannot 'twixt heaven and main descry a sail," and, therefore, with other poets, gives warrant to the application of the word to the ocean, "main" really refers to the other element. the spanish main was that portion of south american territory distinguished from cuba, hispaniola and the other islands, because it was on the main land. when the gulf of mexico and the caribbean sea were a spanish lake, the whole circle of territory, bordering thereon was the spanish main, but of late the title has been restricted to central and south america. the buccaneers are those who made it famous. so the word brings up white-hot stories of battle, murder and sudden death. the history of the spanish main begins in 1509, with the voyages of ojeda and nicuesa, which were the first definite and authorized attempts to colonize the mainland of south america. the honor of being the first of the fifteenth-century {4} navigators to set foot upon either of the two american continents, indisputably belongs to john cabot, on june 24, 1497. who was next to make a continental landfall, and in the more southerly latitudes, is a question which lies between columbus and amerigo vespucci. fiske, in a very convincing argument awards the honor to vespucci, whose first voyage (may 1497 to october 1498) carried him from the north coast of honduras along the gulf coast around florida, and possibly as far north as the chesapeake bay, and to the bahamas on his return. markham scouts this claim. winsor neither agrees nor dissents. his verdict in the case is a scottish one, "not proven." who shall decide when the doctors disagree? let every one choose for himself. as for me, i am inclined to agree with fiske. if it were not vespucci, it certainly was columbus on his third voyage (1498-1500). on this voyage, the chief of the navigators struck the south american shore off the mouth of the orinoco and sailed westward along it for a short distance before turning to the northward. there he found so many pearls that he called it the "pearl coast." it is interesting to note that, however the question may be decided, all the honors go to italy. columbus was a genoese. cabot, although born in genoa, had lived many years in venice and had been made a citizen there; while vespucci was a florentine. the first important expedition along the northern coast of south america was that of ojeda in 1499-1500, in company with juan de la cosa, next to columbus the most expert navigator and pilot of the age, and vespucci, perhaps his equal in nautical science as he {5} was his superior in other departments of polite learning. there were several other explorations of the gulf coast, and its continuations on every side, during the same year, by one of the pizons, who had accompanied columbus on his first voyage; by lepe; by cabral, a portuguese, and by bastidas and la cosa, who went for the first time as far to the westward as porto rico on the isthmus of darien. on the fourth and last voyage of columbus, he reached honduras and thence sailed eastward and southward to the gulf of darien, having not the least idea that the shore line which he called veragua was in fact the border of the famous isthmus of panama. there were a number of other voyages, including a further exploration by la cosa and vespucci, and a second by ojeda in which an abortive attempt was made to found a colony; but most of the voyages were mere trading expeditions, slave-hunting enterprises or searches, generally fruitless, for gold and pearls. ojeda reported after one of these voyages that the english were on the coast. who these english were is unknown. the news, however, was sufficiently disquieting to ferdinand, the catholic--and also the crafty!--who now ruled alone in spain, and he determined to frustrate any possible english movement by planting colonies on the spanish main. ii. the don quixote of discoveries and his rival instantly two claimants for the honor of leading such an expedition presented themselves. the first alonzo de ojeda, the other diego de nicuesa. two more extraordinary characters never went knight-erranting upon the seas. ojeda was one of the {6} prodigious men of a time which was fertile in notable characters. although small in stature, he was a man of phenomenal strength and vigor. he could stand at the foot of the giralda in seville and throw an orange over it, a distance of two hundred and fifty feet from the earth![1] wishing to show his contempt for danger, on one occasion he ran out on a narrow beam projecting some twenty feet from the top of the same tower and there, in full view of queen isabella and her court, performed various gymnastic exercises, such as standing on one leg, _et cetera_, for the edification of the spectators, returning calmly and composedly to the tower when he had finished the exhibition. he was a magnificent horseman, an accomplished knight and an able soldier. there was no limit to his daring. he went with columbus on his second voyage, and, single-handed, effected the capture of a powerful indian cacique named caonabo, by a mixture of adroitness, audacity and courage. professing amity, he got access to the indian, and, exhibiting some polished manacles, which he declared were badges of royalty, he offered to put them on the fierce but unsophisticated savage and then mount the chief on his own horse to show him off like a spanish monarch to his subjects. the daring programme was carried out just exactly as it had been planned. when ojeda had got the forest king safely fettered and mounted on his horse, he sprang up behind him, held him there firmly in spite of his efforts, and galloped off to columbus with his astonished and disgusted captive. [illustration: "ojeda galloped off with his astonished captive"] {7} neither of the voyages was successful. with all of his personal prowess, he was an unsuccessful administrator. he was poor, not to say penniless. he had two powerful friends, however. one was bishop fonseca, who was charged with the administration of affairs in the indies, and the other was stout old juan de la cosa. these two men made a very efficient combination at the spanish court, especially as la cosa had some money and was quite willing to put it up, a prime requisite for the mercenary and niggardly ferdinand's favor. [illustration: "the indians poured a rain of poisoned arrows"] the other claimant for the honor of leading the colony happened to be another man small in stature, but also of great bodily strength, although he scarcely equalled his rival in that particular. nicuesa had made a successful voyage to the indies with ovando, and had ample command of means. he was a gentleman by birth and station--ojeda was that also--and was grand carver-in-chief to the king's uncle! among his other qualities for successful colonization were a beautiful voice, a masterly touch on the guitar and an exquisite skill in equitation. he had even taught his horse to keep time to music. whether or not he played that music himself on the back of the performing steed is not recorded. ferdinand was unable to decide between the rival claimants. finally he determined to send out two expeditions. the gulf of uraba, now called the gulf of darien, was to be the dividing line between the two allotments of territory. ojeda was to have that portion extending from the gulf to the cape de la vela, which is just west of the gulf of venezuela. this territory was named new andalusia. nicuesa was to take that between the gulf and the cape gracias á dios off {8} honduras. this section was denominated golden castile. each governor was to fit out his expedition at his own charges. jamaica was given to both in common as a point of departure and a base of supplies. the resources of ojeda were small, but when he arrived at santo domingo with what he had been able to secure in the way of ships and men, he succeeded in inducing a lawyer named encisco, commonly called the bachelor[2] encisco, to embark his fortune of several thousand gold castellanos, which he had gained in successful pleadings in the court in the litigious west indies, in the enterprise. in it he was given a high position, something like that of district judge. with this reënforcement, ojeda and la cosa equipped two small ships and two brigantines containing three hundred men and twelve horses.[3] they were greatly chagrined when the imposing armada of nicuesa, comprising four ships of different sizes, but much larger than any of ojeda's, and two brigantines carrying seven hundred and fifty men, sailed into the harbor of santo domingo. the two governors immediately began to quarrel. ojeda finally challenged nicuesa to a duel which should determine the whole affair. nicuesa, who had everything to lose and nothing to gain by fighting, but who could not well decline the challenge, said that he was willing to fight him if ojeda would put up what would popularly be known to-day in the pugilistic {9} circles as "a side bet" of five thousand castellanos to make the fight worth while.[4] poor ojeda could not raise another maravedi, and as nobody would stake him, the duel was off. diego columbus, governor of hispaniola, also interfered in the game to a certain extent by declaring that the island of jamaica was his, and that he would not allow anybody to make use of it. he sent there one juan de esquivel, with a party of men to take possession of it. whereupon ojeda stoutly declared that when he had time he would stop at that island and if esquivel were there, he would cut off his head. finally on the 10th of november, 1509, ojeda set sail, leaving encisco to bring after him another ship with needed supplies. with ojeda was francisco pizarro, a middle-aged soldier of fortune, who had not hitherto distinguished himself in any way. hernando cortez was to have gone along also, but fortunately for him, an inflammation of the knee kept him at home. ojeda was in such a hurry to get to el dorado--for it was in the territory to the southward of his allotment, that the mysterious city was supposed to be located--that he did not stop at jamaica to take off esquivel's head--a good thing for him, as it subsequently turned out. nicuesa would have followed ojeda immediately, but his prodigal generosity had exhausted even his large resources, and he was detained by clamorous creditors, the law of the island being that no one could leave it in debt. the gallant little meat-carver labored with success to settle various suits pending, and thought {10} he had everything compounded; but just as he was about to sail he was arrested for another debt of five hundred ducats. a friend at last advanced the money for him and he got away ten days after ojeda. it would have been a good thing if no friend had ever interfered and he had been detained indefinitely at hispaniola. iii. the adventures of ojeda ojeda made a landfall at what is known now as cartagena. it was not a particularly good place for a settlement. there was no reason on earth why they should stay there at all. la cosa, who had been along the coast several times and knew it thoroughly, warned his youthful captain--to whom he was blindly and devotedly attached, by the way--that the place was extremely dangerous; that the inhabitants were fierce, brave and warlike, and that they had a weapon almost as effectual as the spanish guns. that was the poisoned arrow. ojeda thought he knew everything and he turned a deaf ear to all remonstrances. he hoped he might chance upon an opportunity of surprising an indian village and capturing a lot of inoffensive inhabitants for slaves, already a very profitable part of voyaging to the indies. he landed without much difficulty, assembled the natives and read to them a perfectly absurd manifesto, which had been prepared in spain for use in similar contingencies, summoning them to change their religion and to acknowledge the supremacy of spain. not one word of this did the natives understand and to it they responded with a volley of poisoned arrows. the spanish considered this paper a most {11} valuable document, and always went through the formality of having the publication of it attested by a notary public. ojeda seized some seventy-five captives, male and female, as slaves. they were sent on board the ships. the indian warriors, infuriated beyond measure, now attacked in earnest the shore party, comprising seventy men, among whom were ojeda and la cosa. the latter, unable to prevent him, had considered it proper to go ashore with the hot-headed governor to restrain him so far as was possible. ojeda impetuously attacked the indians and, with part of his men, pursued them several miles inland to their town, of which he took possession. the savages, in constantly increasing numbers, clustered around the town and attacked the spaniards with terrible persistence. ojeda and his followers took refuge in huts and enclosures and fought valiantly. finally all were killed, or fatally wounded by the envenomed darts except ojeda himself and a few men, who retreated to a small palisaded enclosure. into this improvised fort the indians poured a rain of poisoned arrows which soon struck down every one but the governor himself. being small of stature and extremely agile, and being provided with a large target or shield, he was able successfully to fend off the deadly arrows from his person. it was only a question of time before the indians would get him and he would die in the frightful agony which his men experienced after being infected with the poison upon the arrow-points. in his extremity, he was rescued by la cosa who had kept in hand a moiety of the shore party. the advent of la cosa saved ojeda. infuriated at the slaughter of his men, ojeda rashly and {12} intemperately threw himself upon the savages, at once disappearing from the view of la cosa and his men, who were soon surrounded and engaged in a desperate battle on their own account. they, too, took refuge in the building, from which they were forced to tear away the thatched roof that might have shielded them from the poisoned arrows, in fear lest the indians might set it on fire. and they in turn were also reduced to the direst of straits. one after another was killed, and finally la cosa himself, who had been desperately wounded before, received a mortal hurt; while but one man remained on his feet. possibly thinking that they had killed the whole party, and withdrawing to turn their attention to ojeda, furiously ranging the forest alone, the indians left the two surviving spaniards unmolested, whereupon the dying la cosa bade his comrade leave him, and if possible get word to ojeda of the fate which had overtaken him. this man succeeded in getting back to the shore and apprised the men there of the frightful disaster. the ships cruised along the shore, sending parties into the bay at different points looking for ojeda and any others who might have survived. a day or two after the battle they came across their unfortunate commander. he was lying on his back in a grove of mangroves, upheld from the water by the gnarled and twisted roots of one of the huge trees. he had his naked sword in his hand and his target on his arm, but he was completely prostrated and speechless. the men took him to a fire, revived him and finally brought him back to the ship. marvelous to relate, he had not a single wound upon him! {13} great was the grief of the little squadron at this dolorous state of affairs. in the middle of it, the ships of nicuesa hove in sight. mindful of their previous quarrels, ojeda decided to stay ashore until he found out what were nicuesa's intentions toward him. cautiously his men broke the news to nicuesa. with magnanimity and courtesy delightful to contemplate, he at once declared that he had forgotten the quarrel and offered every assistance to ojeda to enable him to avenge himself. ojeda thereupon rejoined the squadron, and the two rivals embraced with many protestations of friendship amid the acclaim of their followers. the next night, four hundred men were secretly assembled. they landed and marched to the indian town, surrounded it and put it to the flames. the defenders fought with their usual resolution, and many of the spaniards were killed by the poisonous arrows, but to no avail. the indians were doomed, and the whole village perished then and there. nicuesa had landed some of his horses, and such was the terror inspired by those remarkable and unknown animals that several of the women who had escaped from the fire, when they caught sight of the frightful monsters, rushed back into the flames, preferring this horrible death rather than to meet the horses. the value of the plunder amounted to eighteen thousand dollars in modern money, the most of which nicuesa took. the two adventurers separated, nicuesa bidding ojeda farewell and striking boldly across the caribbean for veragua, which was the name columbus had given to the isthmian coast below honduras; while ojeda crept along the shore seeking a convenient {14} spot to plant his colony. finally he established himself at a place which he named san sebastian. one of his ships was wrecked and many of his men were lost. another was sent back to santo domingo with what little treasure they had gathered and with an appeal to encisco to hurry up. they made a rude fort on the shore, from which to prosecute their search for gold and slaves. the indians, who also belonged to the poisoned-arrow fraternity, kept the fort in constant anxiety. many were the conflicts between the spaniards and the savages, and terrible were the losses inflicted by the invaders; but there seemed to be no limit to the number of indians, while every spaniard killed was a serious drain upon the little party. man after man succumbed to the effects of the dreadful poison. ojeda, who never spared himself in any way, never received a wound. from their constant fighting, the savages got to recognize him as the leader and they used all their skill to compass destruction. finally, they succeeded in decoying him into an ambush where four of their best men had been posted. recklessly exposing themselves, the indians at close range opened fire upon their prisoner with arrows. three of the arrows he caught on his buckler, but the fourth pierced his thigh. it is surmised that ojeda attended to the four indians before taking cognizance of his wound. the arrow, of course, was poisoned, and unless something could be done, it meant death. he resorted to a truly heroic expedient. he caused two iron plates to be heated white-hot and then directed the surgeon to apply the plates to the wound, one at the entrance and the other at the exit of the arrow. {15} the surgeon, appalled by the idea of such torture, refused to do so, and it was not until ojeda threatened to hang him with his own hands that he consented. ojeda bore the frightful agony without a murmur or a quiver, such was his extraordinary endurance. it was the custom in that day to bind patients who were operated upon surgically, that their involuntary movements might not disconcert the doctors and cause them to wound where they hoped to cure. ojeda refused even to be bound. the remedy was efficacious, although the heat of the iron, in the language of the ancient chronicler, so entered his system that they used a barrel of vinegar to cool him off. ojeda was very much dejected by the fact that he had been wounded. it seemed to him that the virgin, his patron, had deserted him. the little band, by this time reduced to less than one hundred people, was in desperate straits. starvation stared it in the face when fortunately assistance came. one bernardino de talavera, with seventy congenial cut-throats, absconding debtors and escaped criminals, from hispaniola, had seized a genoese trading-ship loaded with provisions and had luckily reached san sebastian in her. they sold these provisions to ojeda and his men at exorbitant prices, for some of the hard-earned treasure which they had amassed with their great expenditure of life and health. there was no place else for talavera and his gang to go, so they stayed at san sebastian. the supply of provisions was soon exhausted, and finally it was evident that, as encisco had not appeared with any reënforcements or supplies, some one must go back to hispaniola to bring rescue to the party. ojeda offered to do this himself. giving the charge of affairs at {16} san sebastian to francisco pizarro, who promised to remain there for fifty days for the expected help, he embarked with talavera. naturally ojeda considered himself in charge of the ship; naturally talavera did not. ojeda, endeavoring to direct things, was seized and put in chains by the crew. he promptly challenged the whole crew to a duel, offering to fight them two at a time in succession until he had gone through the ship, of which he expected thereby to become the master; although what he would have done with seventy dead pirates on the ship is hard to see. the men refused this wager of battle, but fortune favored this doughty little cavalier, for presently a great storm arose. as neither talavera nor any of the men were navigators or seamen, they had to release ojeda. he took charge. once he was in charge, they never succeeded in ousting him. in spite of his seamanship, the caravel was wrecked on the island of cuba. they were forced to make their way along the shore, which was then unsettled by spain. under the leadership of ojeda the party struggled eastward under conditions of extreme hardship. when they were most desperate, ojeda, who had appealed daily to his little picture of the virgin, which he always carried with him, and had not ceased to urge the others to do likewise, made a vow to establish a shrine and leave the picture at the first indian village they came to if they got succor there. sure enough, they did reach a place called cueyabos, where they were hospitably received by the indians, and where ojeda, fulfilling his vow, erected a log hut, or shrine, in the recess of which he left, with much regret, the picture of the virgin which had accompanied {17} him on his wanderings and adventures. means were found to send word to jamaica, still under the governorship of esquivel, whose head ojeda had threatened to cut off when he met him. magnanimously forgetting the purpose of the broken adventurer, esquivel despatched a ship to bring him to jamaica. we may be perfectly sure that ojeda said nothing about the decapitation when the generous hearted esquivel received him with open arms. ojeda with talavera and his comrades were sent back to santo domingo. there talavera and the principal men of his crew were tried for piracy and executed. ojeda found that encisco had gone. he was penniless, discredited and thoroughly downcast by his ill fortune. no one would advance him anything to send succor to san sebastian. his indomitable spirit was at last broken by his misfortunes. he lingered for a short time in constantly increasing ill health, being taken care of by the good franciscans, until he died in the monastery. some authorities say he became a monk; others deny it; it certainly is quite possible. at any rate, before he died he put on the habit of the order, and after his death, by his own direction, his body was buried before the gate, so that those who passed through it would have to step over his remains. such was the tardy humility with which he endeavoured to make up for the arrogance and pride of his exciting life. iv. enter one vasco nuñez de balboa encisco, coasting along the shore with a large ship, carrying reënforcements and loaded with provisions for the party, easily followed the course of ojeda's {18} wanderings, and finally ran across the final remnants of his expedition in the harbor of cartagena. the remnant was crowded into a single small, unseaworthy brigantine under the command of francisco pizarro. pizarro had scrupulously kept faith with ojeda. he had done more. he had waited fifty days, and then, finding that the two brigantines left to him were not large enough to contain his whole party, by mutual agreement of the survivors clung to the death-laden spot until a sufficient number had been killed or had died to enable them to get away in the two ships. they did not have to wait long, for death was busy, and a few weeks after the expiration of the appointed time they were all on board. there is something terrific to the imagination in the thought of that body of men sitting down and grimly waiting until enough of them should die to enable the rest to get away! what must have been the emotions that filled their breasts as the days dragged on? no one knew whether the result of the delay would enable him to leave, or cause his bones to rot on the shore. cruel, fierce, implacable as were these spaniards, there is something homeric about them in such crises as these. that was not the end of their misfortunes, for one of the two brigantines was capsized. the old chroniclers say that the boat was struck by a great fish. that is a fish story, which, like most fish stories, it is difficult to credit. at any rate, sink it did, with all on board, and pizarro and about thirty men were all that were left of the gallant three hundred who had followed the doughty ojeda in the first attempt to colonize south america. encisco was for hanging them at once, believing that {19} they had murdered and deserted ojeda, but they were able to convince him at last of the strict legality of their proceedings. taking command of the expedition himself, as being next in rank to ojeda, the bachelor led them back to san sebastian. unfortunately, before the unloading of his ship could be begun, she struck a rock and was lost; and the last state of the men, therefore, was as bad as the first. among the men who had come with encisco was a certain vasco nuñez, commonly called balboa. he had been with bastidas and la cosa on their voyage to the isthmus nine years before. the voyage had been a profitable one and balboa had made money out of it. he had lost all his money, however, and had eked out a scanty living on a farm at hispaniola, which he had been unable to leave because he was in debt to everybody. the authorities were very strict in searching every vessel that cleared from santo domingo, for absconders. the search was usually conducted after the vessel had got to sea, too! balboa caused himself to be conveyed aboard the ship in a provision cask. no one suspected anything, and when the officers of the boat had withdrawn from the ship and hispaniola was well down astern, he came forth. encisco, who was a pettifogger of the most pronounced type, would have dealt harshly with him, but there was nothing to do after all. balboa could not be sent back, and besides, he was considered a very valuable reënforcement on account of his known experience and courage. it was he who now came to the rescue of the wretched colonists at san sebastian by telling them that across the gulf of darien there was an indian tribe with many villages and much gold. furthermore, these {20} indians, unfortunately for them, were not acquainted with the use of poisoned arrows. balboa urged them to go there. his suggestion was received with cheers. the brigantines, and such other vessels as they could construct quickly, were got ready and the whole party took advantage of the favorable season to cross the gulf of darien to the other side, to the present territory of panama which has been so prominent in the public eye of late. this was nicuesa's domain, but nobody considered that at the time. they found the indian villages which balboa had mentioned, fought a desperate battle with cacique cemaco, captured the place, and discovered quantities of gold castellanos (upward of twenty-five thousand dollars). they built a fort, and laid out a town called maria de la antigua del darien--the name being almost bigger than the town! balboa was in high favor by this time, and when encisco got into trouble by decreeing various oppressive regulations and vexatious restrictions, attending to things in general with a high hand, they calmly deposed him on the ground that he had no authority to act, since they were on the territory of nicuesa. to this logic, which was irrefutable, poor encisco could make no reply. pending the arrival of nicuesa they elected balboa and one zamudio, a biscayan, to take charge of affairs. the time passed in hunting and gathering treasure, not unprofitably and, as they had plenty to eat, not unpleasantly. v. the desperate straits of nicuesa now let us return to nicuesa. making a landfall, nicuesa, with a small caravel, attended by the two {21} brigantines, coasted along the shore seeking a favorable point for settlement. the large ships, by his orders, kept well out to sea. during a storm, nicuesa put out to sea himself, imagining that the brigantines under the charge of lope de olano, second in command would follow him. when morning broke and the storm disappeared there were no signs of the ships or brigantines. nicuesa ran along the shore to search for them, got himself embayed in the mouth of a small river, swollen by recent rains, and upon the sudden subsidence of the water coincident with the ebb of the tide, his ship took ground, fell over on her bilge and was completely wrecked. the men on board barely escaped with their lives to the shore. they had saved nothing except what they wore, the few arms they carried and one small boat. putting diego de ribero and three sailors in the boat and directing them to coast along the shore, nicuesa with the rest struggled westward in search of the two brigantines and the other three ships. they toiled through interminable forests and morasses for several days, living on what they could pick up in the way of roots and grasses, without discovering any signs of the missing vessels. coming to an arm of the sea, supposed to be chiriqui lagoon off costa rica, in the course of their journeyings, they decided to cross it in a small boat rather than make the long detour necessary to get to what they believed to be the other side. they were ferried over to the opposite shore in the boat, and to their dismay discovered that they were upon an almost desert island. it was too late and they were too tired, to go farther that night, so they resolved to pass the night on the {22} island. in the morning they were appalled to find that the little boat, with ribero and the three sailors, was gone. they were marooned on a desert island with practically nothing to eat and nothing but brackish swamp water to drink. the sailors they believed to have abandoned them. they gave way to transports of despair. some in their grief threw themselves down and died forthwith. others sought to prolong life by eating herbs, roots and the like. they were reduced to the condition of wild animals, when a sail whitened the horizon, and presently the two brigantines dropped anchor near the island. ribero was no recreant. he had been convinced that nicuesa was going farther and farther from the ships with every step that he took, and, unable to persuade him of that fact, he deliberately took matters into his own hands and retraced his course. the event justified his decision, for he soon found the brigantines and the other ships. olano does not seem to have bestirred himself very vigorously to seek for nicuesa, perhaps because he hoped to command himself; but when ribero made his report he at once made for the island, which he reached just in time to save the miserable remnant from dying of starvation. as soon as he could command himself, nicuesa, whose easy temper and generous disposition had left him under the hardships and misfortunes he had sustained, sentenced olano to death. by the pleas of his comrades, the sentence was mitigated, and the wretched man was bound in chains and forced to grind corn for the rest of the party--when there was any to grind. to follow nicuesa's career further would be simply to chronicle the story of increasing disaster. he lost {23} ship after ship and man after man. finally reduced in number to one hundred men, one of the sailors, which had been with columbus remembered the location of porto rico as being a haven where they might establish themselves in a fertile and beautiful country, well-watered and healthy. columbus had left an anchor under the tree to mark the place, and when they reached it they found that the anchor had remained undisturbed all the years. they were attacked by the indians there, and after losing twenty killed, were forced to put to sea in two small brigantines and a caravel, which they had made from the wrecks of their ships. coasting along the shore, they came at last to an open roadstead where they could debark. "in the name of god," said the disheartened nicuesa, "let us stop here." there they landed, called the place after their leader's exclamation, nombre de dios. the caravel, with a crew of the strongest, was despatched for succour, and was never heard of again. one day, the colonists of antigua were surprised by the sound of a cannon shot. they fired their own weapons in reply, and soon two ships carrying reënforcements for nicuesa under rodrigo de colmenares, dropped anchor in front of the town. by this time the colonists had divided into factions, some favoring the existing régime, others inclining toward the still busy encisco, others desirous of putting themselves under the command of nicuesa, whose generosity and sunny disposition were still affectionately remembered. the arrival of colmenares and his party, gave the nicuesa faction a decided preponderance; and, taking things in their own hands, they determined to despatch one of the ships, with two {24} representatives of the colony, up the coast in search of the governor. this expedition found nicuesa without much difficulty. again the rescuing ship arrived just in time. in a few days more, the miserable body of men, reduced now to less than sixty, would have perished of starvation. nicuesa's spirit had not been chastened by his unparalleled misfortunes. he not only accepted the proffered command of the colony--which was no more than his right, since it was established on his own territory--but he did more. when he heard that the colonists had amassed a great amount of gold by trading and thieving, he harshly declared that, as they had no legitimate right there, he would take their portion for himself; that he would stop further enterprises on their part--in short, he boastfully declared his intention of carrying things with a high hand in a way well calculated to infuriate his voluntary subjects. so arrogant was his bearing and so tactless and injudicious his talk, that the envoys from antigua fled in the night with one of the ships and reported the situation to the colony. olano, still in chains, found means to communicate with his friends in the other party. naturally he painted the probable conduct of the governor in anything but flattering colors. all this was most impolitic in nicuesa. he seemed to have forgotten that profound political principle which suggests that a firm seat in the saddle should be acquired before any attempts should be made to lead the procession. the fable of "king stork and the frogs" was applicable to the situation of the colonists. in this contingency they did not know quite what to do. it was balboa who came to their rescue again. {25} he suggested that, although they had invited him, they need not permit nicuesa to land. accordingly, when nicuesa hove in sight in the other ship, full of determination to carry things in his own way, they prevented him from coming ashore. greatly astonished, he modified his tone somewhat, but to no avail. it was finally decided among the colonists to allow him to land in order to seize his person. arrangements were made accordingly, and the unsuspicious nicuesa debarked from his ship the day after his arrival. he was immediately surrounded by a crowd of excited soldiers menacing and threatening him. it was impossible for him to make headway against them. he turned and fled. among his other gubernatorial accomplishments was a remarkable fleetness of foot. the poor little governor scampered over the sands at a great pace. he distanced his fierce pursuers at last and escaped to the temporary shelter of the woods. balboa, a gentleman by birth and by inclination as well--who had, according to some accounts, endeavored to compose the differences between nicuesa and the colonists--was greatly touched and mortified at seeing so brave a cavalier reduced to such an undignified and desperate extremity. he secretly sought nicuesa that night and profferred him his services. then he strove valiantly to bring about an adjustment between the fugitive and the brutal soldiery, but in vain. nicuesa, abandoning all his pretensions, at last begged them to receive him, if not as a governor, at least as a companion-at-arms, a volunteer. but nothing, neither the influence of balboa nor the entreaties {26} of nicuesa, could mitigate the anger of the colonists. they would not have the little governor with them on any terms. they would have killed him then and there, but balboa, by resorting to harsh measures, even causing one man to be flogged for his insolence, at last changed that purpose into another--which, to be sure, was scarcely less hazardous for nicuesa. he was to be given a ship and sent away forever from the isthmus. seventeen adherents offered manfully to share his fate. protesting against the legality of the action, appealing to them to give him a chance for humanity's sake, poor nicuesa was hurried aboard a small, crazy bark, the weakest of the wretched brigantines in the harbor. this was a boat so carelessly constructed that the calking of the seams had been done with a blunt iron. with little or no provisions, nicuesa and his faithful seventeen were forced to put to sea amid the jeers and mockery of the men on shore. the date was march 1, 1511. according to the chroniclers, the last words that those left on the island heard nicuesa say were, "show thy face, o lord, and we shall be saved." [5] a pathetic and noble departure! into the misty deep then vanished poor nicuesa and his faithful followers on that bright sunny spring morning. and none of them ever came back to tell the tale of what became of them. did they die of starvation in their crazy brigantine, drifting on and on while they rotted in the blazing sun, until her seams opened and she sank? did they founder in one of the sudden and fierce storms which sometimes swept {27} that coast? did the deadly teredo bore the ship's timbers full of holes, until she went down with all on board? were they cast on shore to become the prey of indians whose enmity they had provoked by their own conduct? no one ever knew. it was reported that years afterward on the coast of veragua some wandering adventurers found this legend, almost undecipherable, cut in the bark of a tree, "_aqui anduvo el desdichado diego de nicuesa_," which may be translated, "here was lost the unfortunate diego de nicuesa." but the statement is not credited. the fate of the gallant little gentleman is one of the mysteries of the sea. of the original eleven hundred men who sailed with the two governors there remained perhaps thirty of ojeda's and forty of nicuesa's at antigua with encisco's command. this was the net result of the first two years of effort at the beginning of government in south america on the isthmus of panama, with its ocean on the other side still undreamed of. what these men did there, and how balboa rose to further prominence, his great exploits, and finally how unkind fate also overtook him, will form the subject of the next paper. [1] at least, the assertion is gravely made by the ancient chroniclers. i wonder what kind of an outfielder he would have made today. [2] from the spanish word "bachiller," referring to an inferior degree in the legal profession. [3] in the absence of particular information, i suppose the ships to be small caravels of between fifty and sixty tons, and the brigantines much smaller, open, flat-bottomed boats with but one mast--although a modern brigantine is a two-masted vessel. [4] the castellano was valued at two dollars and fifty-six cents, but the purchasing power of that sum was much greater then than now. the maravedi was the equivalent of about one-third of a cent. [5] evidently he was quoting the exquisite measures of the eightieth psalm, one of the most touching appeals of david the poet-king, in which he says over and over again, "turn us again, o god, and cause thy face to shine, and we shall be saved." {31} ii panama, balboa and a forgotten romance i. the coming of the devastator this is the romantic history of vasco nuñez de balboa, the most knightly and gentle of the spanish discoverers, and one who would fain have been true to the humble indian girl who had won his heart, even though his life and liberty were at stake. it is almost the only love story in early spanish-american history, and the account of it, veracious though it is, reads like a novel or a play. after diego de nicuesa had sailed away from antigua on that enforced voyage from which he never returned, vasco nuñez de balboa was supreme on the isthmus. encisco, however, remained to make trouble. in order to secure internal peace before prosecuting some further expeditions, balboa determined to send him back to spain, as the easiest way of getting rid of his importunities and complaints. a more truculent commander would have no difficulty in inventing a pretext for taking off his head. a more prudent captain would have realized that encisco with his trained mouth could do very much more harm to him in spain than he could in darien. balboa thought to nullify that possibility, however, by sending valdivia, with a present, to hispaniola, and zamudio {32} with the bachelor to spain to lay the state of affairs before the king. encisco was a much better advocate than balboa's friend zamudio, and the king of spain credited the one and disbelieved the other. he determined to appoint a new governor for the isthmus, and decided that balboa should be proceeded against rigorously for nearly all the crimes in the decalogue, the most serious accusation being that to him was due the death of poor nicuesa. for by this time everybody was sure that the poor little meat-carver was no more. an enterprise against the french which had been declared off filled spain with needy cavaliers who had started out for an adventure and were greatly desirous of having one. encisco and zamudio had both enflamed the minds of the spanish people with fabulous stories of the riches of darien. it was curiously believed that gold was so plentiful that it could be fished up in nets from the rivers. such a piscatorial prospect was enough to unlock the coffers of a prince as selfish as ferdinand. he was willing to risk fifty thousand ducats in the adventure, which was to be conducted on a grand scale. no such expedition to america had ever been prepared before as that destined for darien. among the many claimants for its command, he picked out an old cavalier named pedro arias de avila, called by the spaniards pedrarias.[1] this pedrarias was seventy-two years old. he was of good birth and rich, and was the father of a large and interesting family, which he prudently left behind him in spain. his wife, however, insisted on going {33} with him to the new world. whether or not this was a proof of wifely devotion--and if it was, it is the only thing in history to his credit--or of an unwillingness to trust pedrarias out of her sight, which is more likely, is not known. at any rate, she went along. pedrarias, up to the time of his departure from spain, had enjoyed two nick-names, el galan and el justador. he had been a bold and dashing cavalier in his youth, a famous tilter in tournaments in his middle age, and a hard-fighting soldier all his life. his patron was bishop fonseca. whatever qualities he might possess for the important work about to be devolved upon him would be developed later. his expedition included from fifteen hundred to two thousand souls, and there were at least as many more who wanted to go and could not for lack of accommodations. the number of ships varies in different accounts from nineteen to twenty-five. the appointments both of the general expedition and the cavaliers themselves were magnificent in the extreme. many afterward distinguished in america went in pedrarias's command, chief among them being de soto. among others were quevedo, the newly appointed bishop of darien, and espinosa, the judge. the first fleet set sail on the 11th of april, 1514, and arrived at antigua without mishap on the 29th of june in the same year. the colony at that place, which had been regularly laid out as a town with fortifications and with some degree at least of european comfort, numbered some three hundred hard-bitten soldiers. the principle of the survival of the fittest had resulted in the selection of the best men from all the previous expeditions. they would have been a {34} dangerous body to antagonize. pedrarias was in some doubt as to how balboa would receive him. he dissembled his intentions toward him, therefore, and sent an officer ashore to announce the meaning of the flotilla which whitened the waters of the bay. the officer found balboa, dressed in a suit of pajamas engaged in superintending the roofing of a house. the officer, brilliant in silk and satin and polished armour, was astonished at the simplicity of vasco nuñez's appearance. he courteously delivered his message, however, to the effect that yonder was the fleet of don pedro arias de avila, the new governor of darien. [illustration: "balboa . . . engaged in superintending the roofing of a house"] balboa calmly bade the messenger tell pedrarias that he could come ashore in safety and that he was very welcome. balboa was something of a dissembler himself on occasion, as you will see. pedrarias thereupon debarked in great state with his men, and, as soon as he firmly got himself established on shore, arrested balboa and presented him for trial before espinosa for the death of nicuesa. ii. the greatest exploit since columbus's voyage during all this long interval, balboa had not been idle. a singular change had taken place in his character. he had entered upon the adventure in his famous barrel on encisco's ship as a reckless, improvident, roisterous, careless, hare-brained scapegrace. responsibility and opportunity had sobered and elevated him. while he had lost none of his dash and daring and brilliancy, yet he had become a wise, a prudent and a most successful captain. judged by the high standard of the modern times, balboa was {35} cruel and ruthless enough to merit our severe condemnation. judged by his environments and contrasted with any other of the spanish conquistadores he was an angel of light. [illustration: "the expedition had to fight its way through tribes of warlike and ferocious mountaineers"] he seems to have remained always a generous, affectionate, open-hearted soldier. he had conducted a number of expeditions after the departure of nicuesa to different parts of the isthmus, and he amassed much treasure thereby, but he always so managed affairs that he left the indian chiefs in possession of their territory and firmly attached to him personally. there was no indiscriminate murder, outrage or plunder in his train, and the isthmus was fairly peaceable. balboa had tamed the tempers of the fierce soldiery under him to a remarkable degree, and they had actually descended to cultivating the soil between periods of gold-hunting and pearl-fishing. the men under him were devotedly attached to him as a rule, although here and there a malcontent, unruly soldier, restless under the iron discipline, hated his captain. fortunately he had been warned by a letter from zamudio, who had found means to send it via hispaniola, of the threatening purpose of pedrarias and the great expedition. balboa stood well with the authorities in hispaniola. diego columbus had given him a commission as vice-governor of darien, so that as darien was clearly within diego columbus's jurisdiction, balboa was strictly under authority. the news in zamudio's letter was very disconcerting. like every spaniard, vasco nuñez knew that he could expect little mercy and scant justice from a trial conducted under such auspices as pedrarias's. he determined, therefore, to secure himself in his position by some splendid achievement, which would so work upon the {36} feelings of the king that he would be unable, for very gratitude, to press hard upon him. the exploit that he meditated and proposed to accomplish was the discovery of the ocean upon the other side of the isthmus. when nicuesa came down from nombre de dios, he left there a little handful of men. balboa sent an expedition to rescue them and brought them down to antigua. either on that expedition or on another shortly afterward, two white men painted as indians discovered themselves to balboa in the forest. they proved to be spaniards who had fled from nicuesa to escape punishment for some fault they had committed and had sought safety in the territory of an indian chief named careta, the cacique of cueva. they had been hospitably received and adopted into the tribe. in requital for their entertainment, they offered to betray the indians if vasco nuñez, the new governor, would condone their past offenses. they filled the minds of the spaniards, alike covetous and hungry, with stories of great treasures and what was equally valuable, abundant provisions, in coreta's village. balboa immediately consented. the act of treachery was consummated and the chief captured. all that, of course, was very bad, but the difference between balboa and the men of his time is seen in his after conduct. instead of putting the unfortunate chieftain to death and taking his people for slaves, balboa released him. the reason he released him was because of a woman--a woman who enters vitally into the subsequent history of vasco nuñez, and indeed of the whole of south america. this was the beautiful daughter of the chief. anxious to propitiate his captor, careta offered balboa this flower of the family {37} to wife. balboa saw her, loved her and took her to himself. they were married in accordance with the indian custom; which, of course, was not considered in the least degree binding by the spaniards of that time. but it is to balboa's credit that he remained faithful to this indian girl. indeed, if he had not been so much attached to her it is probable that he might have lived to do even greater things than he did. in his excursions throughout the isthmus, balboa had met a chief called comagre. as everywhere, the first desire of the spanish was gold. the metal had no commercial value to the indians. they used it simply to make ornaments, and when it was not taken from them by force, they were cheerfully willing to exchange it for beads, trinkets, hawks' bells, and any other petty trifles. comagre was the father of a numerous family of stalwart sons. the oldest, observing the spaniards brawling and fighting--"brabbling," peter martyr calls it--about the division of gold, with an astonishing degree of intrepidity knocked over the scales at last and dashed the stuff on the ground in contempt. he made amends for his action by telling them of a country where gold, like falstaff's reasons, was as plenty as blackberries. incidentally he gave them the news that darien was an isthmus, and that the other side was swept by a vaster sea than that which washed its eastern shore. these tidings inspired balboa and his men. they talked long and earnestly with the indians and fully satisfied themselves of the existence of a great sea and of a far-off country abounding in treasure on the other side. could it be that mysterious cipango of marco polo, search for which had been the object of columbus's voyage? the way there was discussed and the {38} difficulties of the journey estimated, and it was finally decided that at least one thousand spaniards would be required safely to cross the isthmus. balboa had sent an account of this conversation to spain, asking for the one thousand men. the account reached there long before pedrarias sailed, and to it, in fact, was largely due the extensive expedition. now when balboa learned from zamudio of what was intended toward him in spain, he determined to undertake the discovery himself. he set forth from antigua the 1st of september, 1513, with a hundred and ninety chosen men, accompanied by a pack of bloodhounds, very useful in fighting savages, and a train of indian slaves. francisco pizarro was his second in command. all this in lieu of the one thousand spaniards for which he had asked, which was not thought to be too great a number. the difficulties to be overcome were almost incredible. the expedition had to fight its way through tribes of warlike and ferocious mountaineers. if it was not to be dogged by a trail of pestilent hatreds, the antagonisms evoked by its advance must be composed in every indian village or tribe before it progressed farther. aside from these things, the topographical difficulties were immense. the spaniards were armour-clad, as usual, and heavily burdened. their way led through thick and overgrown and pathless jungles or across lofty and broken mountain-ranges, which could be surmounted only after the most exhausting labor. the distance as the crow flies, was short, less than fifty miles, but nearly a month elapsed before they approached the end of their journey. balboa's enthusiasm and courage had surmounted every obstacle. he made friends with the chiefs {39} through whose territories he passed, if they were willing to be friends. if they chose to be enemies, he fought them, he conquered them and then made friends with them then. such a singular mixture of courage, adroitness and statesmanship was he that everywhere he prevailed by one method or another. finally, in the territory of a chief named quarequa, he reached the foot of the mountain range from the summit of which his guides advised him that he could see the object of his expedition. there were but sixty-seven men capable of ascending that mountain. the toil and hardship of the journey had incapacitated the others. next to balboa, among the sixty-seven, was francisco pizarro. early on the morning of the 25th of september, 1513, the little company began the ascent of the sierra. it was still morning when they surmounted it and reached the top. before them rose a little cone, or crest, which hid the view toward the south. "there," said the guides, "from the top of yon rock, you can see the ocean." bidding his men halt where they were, vasco nuñez went forward alone and surmounted the little elevation. a magnificent prospect was embraced in his view. the tree-clad mountains sloped gently away from his feet, and on the far horizon glittered a line of silver which attested the accuracy of the claim of the indians as to the existence of a great sea on the other side of what he knew now to be an isthmus. balboa named the body of water that he could see far away, flashing in the sunlight of that bright morning, "the sea of the south," or "the south sea." [2] drawing his sword, he took possession of it in the {40} name of castile and leon. then he summoned his soldiers. pizarro in the lead they were soon assembled at his side. in silent awe they gazed, as if they were looking upon a vision. finally some one broke into the words of a chant, and on that peak in darien those men sang the "te deum laudamus." [illustration: "he took possession of the sea in the name of castile and leon"] somehow the dramatic quality of that supreme moment in the life of balboa has impressed itself upon the minds of the successive generations that have read of it since that day. it stands as one of the great episodes of history. that little band of ragged, weather-beaten, hard-bitten soldiers, under the leadership of the most lovable and gallant of the spaniards of his time, on that lonely mountain peak rising above the almost limitless sea of trackless verdure, gazing upon the great ocean whose waters extended before them for thousands and thousands of miles, attracts the attention and fires the imagination. your truly great man may disguise his imaginative qualities from the unthinking public eye, but his greatness is in proportion to his imagination. balboa, with the centuries behind him, shading his eye and staring at the water: ----dipt into the future far as human eye could see, saw the visions of the world, and all the wonder that would be. he saw peru with its riches; he saw fabled cathay; he saw the uttermost isles of the distant sea. his imagination took the wings of the morning and soared over worlds and countries that no one but he had ever dreamed of, all to be the fiefs of the king of castile. it is interesting to note that it must have been to balboa, of all men, that some adequate idea of the real size of the earth first came. {41} well, they gazed their fill; then, with much toil, they cut down trees, dragged them to the top of the mountain and erected a huge cross which they stayed by piles of stones. then they went down the mountain-side and sought the beach. it was no easy task to find it, either. it was not until some days had passed that one of the several parties broke through the jungle and stood upon the shore. when they were all assembled, the tide was at low ebb. a long space of muddy beach lay between them and the water. they sat down under the trees and waited until the tide was at flood, and then, on the 29th of september, with a banner displaying the virgin and child above the arms of spain in one hand and with drawn sword in the other, balboa marched solemnly into the rolling surf that broke about his waist and took formal possession of the ocean, and all the shores, wheresoever they might be, which were washed by its waters, for ferdinand of aragon, and his daughter joanna of castile, and their successors in spain. truly a prodigious claim, but one which for a time spain came perilously near establishing and maintaining.[3] [illustration: "he threw the sacred volume to the ground in a violent rage"] before they left the shore they found some canoes and voyaged over to a little island in the bay, which they called san miguel, since it was that saint's day, and where they were nearly all swept away by the rising tide. they went back to antigua by another route, somewhat less difficult, fighting and making peace as before, and amassing treasure the while. great was the joy of the colonists who had been left behind, when balboa and his men rejoined them. {42} those who had stayed behind shared equally with those who had gone. the king's royal fifth was scrupulously set aside and balboa at once dispatched a ship, under a trusted adherent named arbolancha, to acquaint the king with his marvelous discovery, and to bring back reënforcements and permission to venture upon the great sea in quest of the fabled golden land toward the south. iii. "furor domini" unfortunately for vasco nuñez, arbolancha arrived just two months after pedrarias had sailed. the discovery of the pacific was the greatest single exploit since the voyage of columbus. it was impossible for the king to proceed further against balboa under such circumstances. arbolancha was graciously received, therefore, and after his story had been heard a ship was sent back to darien instructing pedrarias to let balboa alone, appointing him an adelantado, or governor of the islands he had discovered in the south sea, and all such countries as he might discover beyond. all this, however took time, and balboa was having a hard time with pedrarias. in spite of all the skill of the envenomed encisco, who had been appointed the public prosecutor in pedrarias's administration, balboa was at last acquitted of having been concerned in the death of nicuesa. pedrarias, furious at the verdict, made living a burden to poor vasco nuñez by civil suits which ate up all his property. it had not fared well with the expedition of pedrarias, either, for in six weeks after they landed, over seven hundred of his unacclimated men were dead of fever and other diseases, incident to their lack of {43} precaution and the unhealthy climate of the isthmus. they had been buried in their brocades, as has been pithily remarked, and forgotten. the condition of the survivors was also precarious. they were starving in their silks and satins. pedrarias, however, did not lack courage. he sent the survivors hunting for treasures. under different captains he dispatched them far and wide through the isthmus to gather gold, pearls, and food. they turned its pleasant valleys and its noble hills into earthly hells. murder, outrage and rapine flourished unchecked, even encouraged and rewarded. all the good work of balboa in pacifying the natives and laying the foundation for a wise and kindly rule was undone in a few months. such cruelties had never before been practised in any part of the new world settled by the spaniards. i do not suppose the men under pedrarias were any worse than others. indeed, they were better than some of them, but they took their cue from their terrible commander. fiske calls him "a two-legged tiger." that he was an old man seems to add to the horror which the story of his course inspires. the recklessness of an unthinking young man may be better understood than the cold, calculating fury and ferocity of threescore and ten. to his previous appellations, a third was added. men called him, "_furor domini_"--"the scourge of god." not attila himself, to whom the title was originally applied, was more ruthless and more terrible. balboa remonstrated, but to no avail. he wrote letter after letter to the king, depicting the results of pedrarias' actions, and some tidings of his successive communications, came trickling back to the {44} governor, who had been especially cautioned by the king to deal mercifully with the inhabitants and set them an example of christian kindness and gentleness that they might be won to the religion of jesus thereby! pedrarias was furious against balboa, and would have withheld the king's dispatches acknowledging the discovery of the south sea by appointing him adelantado; but the bishop of darien, whose friendship balboa had gained, protested and the dispatches were finally delivered. the good bishop did more. he brought about a composition of the bitter quarrel between balboa and pedrarias. a marriage was arranged between the eldest daughter of pedrarias and balboa. balboa still loved his indian wife; it is evident that he never intended to marry the daughter of pedrarias, and that he entered upon the engagement simply to quiet the old man and secure his countenance and assistance for the undertaking he projected to the mysterious golden land toward the south. there was a public betrothal which effected the reconciliation. and now pedrarias could not do enough for balboa, whom he called his "dear son." iv. the end of balboa balboa, therefore, proposed to pedrarias that he should immediately set forth upon the south sea voyage. inasmuch as pedrarias was to be supreme in the new world and as balboa was only a provincial governor under him, the old reprobate at last consented. balboa decided that four ships, brigantines, would be needed for his expedition. the only timber fit for shipping, of which the spaniards were aware, {45} grew on the eastern side of the isthmus. it would be necessary, therefore, to cut and work up the frames and timbers of the ships on the eastern side, then carry the material across the isthmus, and there put it together. vasco nuñez reconnoitered the ground and decided to start his ship-building operations at a new settlement called ada. the timber when cut and worked had to be carried sixteen miles away to the top of the mountain, then down the other slope, to a convenient spot on the river valsa, where the keels were to be laid, the frames put together, the shipbuilding completed, and the boats launched on the river, which was navigable to the sea. this amazing undertaking was carried out as planned. there were two setbacks before the work was completed. in one case, after the frames had been made and carried with prodigious toil to the other side of the mountain, they were discovered to be full of worms and had to be thrown away. after they had been replaced, and while the men were building the brigantines, a flood washed every vestige of their labor into the river. but, as before, nothing could daunt balboa. finally, after labors and disappointments enough to crush the heart of an ordinary man, two of the brigantines were launched in the river. most of the carrying had been done by indians, over two thousand of whom died under the tremendous exactions of the work. embarking upon the two brigantines, balboa soon reached the pacific, where he was presently joined by the two remaining boats as they were completed. he had now four fairly serviceable ships and three hundred of the best men of the new world under his command. he was well equipped and well provisioned {46} for the voyage and lacked only a little iron and a little pitch, which, of course, would have to be brought to him from ada on the other side of the isthmus. the lack of that little iron and that little pitch proved the undoing of vasco nuñez. if he had been able to obtain them or if he had sailed away without them, he might have been the conqueror of peru; in which case that unhappy country would have been spared the hideous excesses and the frightful internal brawls and revolutions which afterward almost ruined it under the long rule of the ferocious pizarros. balboa would have done better from a military standpoint than his successors, and as a statesman as well as a soldier the results of his policy would have been felt for generations. history goes on to state that while he was waiting for the pitch and iron, word was brought to him that pedrarias was to be superseded in his government. this would have been delightful tidings under any other circumstances, but now that a reconciliation had been patched up between him and the governor, he rightly felt that the arrival of a new governor might materially alter the existing state of affairs. therefore, he determined to send a party of four adherents across the mountains to ada to find out if the rumours were true. if pedrarias was supplanted the messengers were to return immediately, and without further delay they would at once set sail. if pedrarias was still there, well and good. there would be no occasion for such precipitate action and they could wait for the pitch and iron. he was discussing this matter with some friends on a rainy day in 1517--the month and the date not being determinable now. the sentry attached to the governor's quarters, driven to the shelter of the {47} house by the storm, overheard a part of this harmless conversation. there is nothing so dangerous as a half-truth; it is worse than a whole lie. the soldier who had aforetime felt the weight of balboa's heavy hand for some dereliction of duty, catching sentences here and there, fancied he detected treachery to pedrarias and thought he saw an opportunity of revenging himself, and of currying favor with the governor, by reporting it at the first convenient opportunity. now, there lived at ada at the time one andres garavito. this man was balboa's bitter enemy. he had presumed to make dishonorable overtures to balboa's indian wife. the woman had indignantly repulsed his advances and had made them known to her husband. balboa had sternly reproved garavito and threatened him with death. garavito had nourished his hatred, and had sought opportunity to injure his former captain. the men sent by balboa to ada to find out the state of affairs were very maladroit in their manoeuvres, and their peculiar actions awakened the suspicions of pedrarias. the first one who entered the town was seized and cast into prison. the others thereupon came openly to ada and declared their purposes. this seems to have quieted, temporarily, the suspicions of pedrarias; but the implacable garavito, taking opportunity, when the governor's mind was unsettled and hesitant, assured him that balboa had not the slightest intention whatever of marrying pedrarias's daughter; that he was devoted to his indian wife, and intended to remain true to her; that it was his purpose to sail to the south sea, establish a kingdom and make himself independent of pedrarias. {48} the old animosity and anger of the governor awoke on the instant. there was no truth in the accusations except in so far as it regarded vasco nuñez's attachment to his indian wife, and indeed balboa had never given any public refusal to abide by the marital engagement which he had entered into; but there was just enough probability in garavito's tale to carry conviction to the ferocious tyrant. he instantly determined upon balboa's death. detaining his envoys, he sent him a very courteous and affectionate letter, entreating him to come to ada to receive some further instructions before he set forth on the south sea. among the many friends of balboa was the notary arguello who had embarked his fortune in the projected expedition. he prepared a warning to vasco nuñez, which unfortunately fell into the hands of pedrarias and resulted in his being clapped into prison with the rest. balboa unsuspiciously complied with the governor's request, and, attended by a small escort, immediately set forth for ada. he was arrested on the way by a company of soldiers headed by francisco pizarro, who had nothing to do with the subsequent transactions, and simply acted under orders, as any other soldier would have done. balboa was thrown into prison and heavily ironed; he was tried for treason against the king and pedrarias. the testimony of the soldier who had listened in the rainstorm was brought forward, and, in spite of a noble defense, balboa was declared guilty. espinosa, who was his judge, was so dissatisfied with the verdict, however, that he personally besought pedrarias to mitigate the sentence. the stern old tyrant refused to interfere, nor would he entertain {49} balboa's appeal to spain. "he has sinned," he said tersely; "death to him!" four of his companions--three of them men who had been imprisoned at ada, and the notary who had endeavored to warn him--were sentenced to death. it was evening before the preparations for the execution were completed. balboa faced death as dauntlessly as he had faced life. pedrarias was hated in ada and darien; balboa was loved. if the veterans of antigua had not been on the other side of the isthmus, balboa would have been rescued. as it was, the troops of pedrarias awed the people of ada and the judicial murder went forward. balboa was as composed when he mounted the scaffold as he had been when he welcomed pedrarias. a proclamation was made that he was a traitor, and with his last breath he denied this and asserted his innocence. when the axe fell that severed his head, the noblest spaniard of the time, and one who ranks with those of any time, was judicially murdered. one after the other, the three companions, equally as dauntless, suffered the unjust penalty. the fourth execution had taken place in the swift twilight of the tropical latitude and the darkness was already closing down upon the town when the last man mounted the scaffold. this was the notary, arguello, who had interfered to save balboa. he seems to have been beloved by the inhabitants of the town, for they awakened from their horror, and some of consideration among them appealed personally to pedrarias, who had watched the execution from a latticed window, to reprieve the last victim. "he shall die," said the governor sternly, "if i have to kill him with my own hand." so, to the future sorrow of america, and to the {50} great diminution of the glory and peace of spain, and the world, passed to his death the gallant, the dauntless, the noble-hearted balboa. pedrarias lived until his eighty-ninth year, and died in his bed at panama; which town had been first visited by one of his captains, tello de guzman, founded by espinosa and upbuilt by himself. there are times when a belief in an old-fashioned calvinistic hell of fire and brimstone is an extremely comforting doctrine, irrespective of theological bias. else how should we dispose of nero, tiberius, torquemada, and gentlemen of their stripe? wherever such a company may be congregated, pedro arias de avila is entitled to a high and exclusive place. [1] in the english chronicles he is often spoken of as davila, which is near enough to diabolo to make one wish that the latter sobriquet had been his own. it would have been much more apposite. [2] it was magellan who gave it the inappropriate name of "pacific." [3] to-day not one foot of territory bordering on that sea belongs to spain. the american flag flies over the philippines--shall i say forever? {53} iii peru and the pizarros a study in retribution "they that take the sword shall perish by the sword." i. the chief scion of a famous family the reader will look in vain on the map of modern spain for the ancient province of estremadura, yet it is a spot which, in that it was the birthplace of the conquerors of peru and mexico--to say nothing of the discoverer of the mississippi--contributed more to the glory of spain than any other province in the iberian peninsula. in 1883, the ancient territory was divided into the two present existing states of badajoz and caceres. in the latter of these lies the important mountain town of trujillo. living there in the last half of the fifteenth century was an obscure personage named gonzalo pizarro. he was a gentleman whose lineage was ancient, whose circumstances were narrow and whose morals were loose. by profession he was a soldier who had gained some experience in the wars under the "great captain," gonsalvo de cordova. history would take no note of this vagrom and obscure cavalier had it not been for his children. four sons there were whose qualities and opportunities were such as to have enabled them to play a somewhat large part in the world's affairs {54} in their day. how many unconsidered other progeny, male or female, there may have been, god alone knows--possibly, nay probably, a goodly number. the eldest son was named francisco. his mother, who was not married to his father--indeed not married to anybody at any time so far as i can find out--was a peasant woman named francisca gonzales. francisco was born about the year 1471. his advent was not of sufficient importance to have been recorded, apparently, and the exact date of his terrestrial appearance is a matter of conjecture, with the guesses ranging between 1470 and 1478. a few years after the arrival of francisco, there was born to gonzales, and this time by his lawful wife, name unknown, a second son, hernando. by the woman gonzales, a score of years later, this promiscuous father had two more illegitimate sons, one of whom he named gonzalo after himself, and the third he called juan. francisca gonzales also bore a fourth son, of whom gonzalo pizarro was not the father, who was known as martin de alcántara. thus hernando, the second, was legitimate; gonzalo and juan were his illegitimate half-brethren, having the same father but a different mother; while alcántara was a uterine brother to the three illegitimate pizarros, having the same mother but a different father. there must have been marvelous qualities in the original pizarro, for such a family is rarely to be met with in history. such a mixed state of affairs was not so shocking in those days as it would be at present. i do not find that anybody cast any stones at the pizarros on account of these irregularities in their birth. in fact, they had plenty of companions in their anomalous social relations, and it is a speaking commentary on the {55} times that nobody seemed to consider it as especially disgraceful or even very remarkable. hernando, the second son, received a good education for the day. the others were thrown mainly on their own resources. legend says that francisco was suckled by a sow. the statement may be dismissed as a fable, but it is more than probable that the assertion that he was a swineherd is correct. it is certain that to the day of his death he could neither read nor write. he never even learned to sign his own name, yet he was a man of qualities who made a great figure in history in spite of these disabilities, leaving behind him an immortal if unenviable name. his career was humble and obscure to the vanishing point for forty years, of which practically nothing is known. it is alleged that he made a campaign in italy with his father, but this is doubtful. a father who left him to tend the swine, who did nothing for his education, would not have bothered to take him a-soldiering. we leave the field of conjecture, however, and meet him in far-off america in 1510 as an officer under alonzo de ojeda--that don quixote among discoverers. his qualities had obtained for him some preferment, for when ojeda left the miserable remnants of his colony at san sebastian on the gulf of darien, and returned to cuba for help, pizarro was put in charge, with instructions to wait a certain time, and if succour did not reach him to leave. he waited the required time, indeed waited longer, until enough people died to enable the brigantine that had been left with them to carry the survivors, and then sailed away. he was a member of encisco's expedition to darien, in which he fell in with the youthful and {56} romantic vasco nuñez de balboa. with balboa he marched across the isthmus, and was the second white man to look upon the great south sea in 1513. subsequently, he was an officer under that american nero, pedro arias de avila, commonly called pedrarias, the founder and governor of panama, the conqueror of nicaragua and parts adjacent. oviedo says that between his seventieth year, which was his age when he came to america, and his eighty-sixth year, when he died, the infamous pedrarias caused more than two million indians to be put to death, besides a numerous lot of his own countrymen. if we lop off two ciphers, the record is still bad enough. in 1515, pizarro and morales, by direction of pedrarias, made an expedition to the south of the gulf of san miguel, into the territory of a chieftain named biru, from whom they early got into the habit of calling the vague land believed to exist in the south sea, the "land of biru," or peru. it was on this expedition that the spaniards, hotly pursued by the natives, stabbed their captives one by one and left them dying at intervals in the pathway to check pursuit. the practice was effective enough and the action throws an interesting light on the spanish conquistador in general and pizarro in particular. it fell to the lot of pizarro also to arrest his old captain, balboa, just as the latter was about to sail on a voyage of discovery to the fabulous gold country of peru in 1517.[1] when balboa and pizarro had crossed the isthmus six years before, the son of the cacique comagre, observing their avidity for gold, told them {57} that it abounded in a mysterious land far toward the south, and the young indian made a little clay image of a llama further to describe the country. to conquer that el dorado had been balboa's cherished dream. well would it have been for the country had not the jealousy of pedrarias cut short balboa's career by taking off his head, thus forcing the enterprise to be undertaken by men of coarser mould and meaner clay. it does not appear that pizarro had any hand in the judicial murder of balboa, and no reflection can be made on his conduct for the arrest, which was simply a matter of military duty, probably as distasteful to pizarro as it was surprising to balboa. ii. the terrible persistence of pizarro in 1519, pizarro was living in panama in rather straightened circumstances. his life had been a failure. a soldier of fortune, he possessed little but his sword. he was discontented, and although now nearly fifty years of age, he still had ambition. with remembrance of what he had heard the young indian chief tell balboa, constantly inciting him to a further grapple with hitherto coy and elusive fortune, he formed a partnership with another poverty-stricken but enterprising veteran named diego de almagro, whose parentage was as obscure as pizarro's--indeed more so, for he is reputed to have been a foundling, although oviedo describes him as the son of a spanish laboring man. the two men supplemented each other. pizarro, although astute and circumspect, was taciturn and chary of speech, though fluent enough on occasion; he was slow in making up his mind, too, but when it {58} was made up, resolute and tenacious of his purpose. almagro was quick, impulsive, generous, frank in manner, "wonderfully skilled in gaining the hearts of men," but sadly deficient in other qualities of leadership. both were experienced soldiers, as brave as lions and nearly as cruel as pedrarias himself--being indeed worthy disciples of his school. the two penniless, middle-aged soldiers of fortune determined to undertake the conquest of that distant empire--a stupendous resolution. being almost without means, they were forced to enlarge the company by taking on a third partner, a priest named luque, who had, or could command, the necessary funds. with the sanction of pedrarias, who demanded and received a share, largely gratuitous, in the expedition, they bought two of the four vessels which balboa had caused to be taken to pieces, transported them across the isthmus, then set them up again, and relaunched in the pacific. enlisting one hundred men under his banner, pizarro set sail with the first vessel on the 14th of november, 1524. almagro was to follow after with reënforcements and supplies in the second ship. one andagoya had made a short excursion southward some time before, but they soon passed his latitude and were the first white men to cleave those southern seas. with only their hopes to guide them, without pilot, chart or experience, being, i suspect, indifferent sailors and wretched navigators, they crept along the forbidding shore in a crazy little ship, landing from time to time, seeing no evidence of the empire, being indeed unable to penetrate the jungles far enough to find out much of anything about the countries they passed. finally, at one place, that they afterwards called "starvation {59} harbor," the men rebelled and demanded to be led back. they had seen and heard little of importance. there seemed to be nothing before them but death by starvation. pizarro, however, who has been aptly described as "terribly persistent," refused to return. he sent the ship back to the isles of pearls for provisions, and grimly clung to the camp on the desolate shore. when twenty of his men were dead of starvation, the ship came back with supplies. in one of their excursions, during this wait at starvation harbor, they had stumbled upon and surprised an indian village in which they found some clumsy gold ornaments, with further tales of the el dorado to the southward. instead of yielding to the request of his men that they immediately return in the ship, therefore, the indomitable spaniard made sail southward. he landed at various places, getting everywhere little food and less gold, but everywhere gaining more and more confirmation that the foundation of his dreams was not "the baseless fabric of a vision." in one place they had a fierce battle with the indians in which two of the spaniards were killed and a large number wounded. pizarro now determined to return to panama with the little gold he had picked up and the large stories he had heard, there to recruit his band and to start out again. almagro meanwhile had set forth with his ship with sixty or seventy additional adventurers. he easily followed the traces of pizarro on the shore but the ships did not meet. almagro went farther south than pizarro. at one landing-place he had a furious battle with the natives in which he lost an eye. he turned back after reaching the mouth of the river san juan in about the fourth {60} parallel of north latitude. he, too, had picked up some little treasure and a vast quantity of rumor to compensate for his lost optic and bitter experience. but the partners had little to show for their sufferings and expenditures but rumors and hopes. pedrarias in disgust withdrew from the expedition for a price, which, with the money necessary to send out a second expedition, was furnished through luque by the licentiate espinosa. about september, 1526, with two ships, the two captains set forth once more. this time they had with them a capable pilot named ruiz. they avoided the coast and steered direct for the mouth of the san juan river. pizarro surprised a village here, carried off some of the natives, and a considerable amount of gold. this almagro, as the best "persuader," took back to panama in the hope that by exhibiting it he could gain much needed reënforcements for their expedition. the ships were very much undermanned. the experience of the first expedition, as related by the survivors, had been so horrible that it was with difficulty that they could get anybody to go with them on the second. pizarro agreed to remain at the mouth of the river and examine the vicinity, while ruiz with the second ship sailed southward to see what he could discover. pizarro's men found no gold, although they explored the country with prodigious labor. indians fell upon them, at one time killing fourteen who had stranded in a canoe on the bank of a river. many other spaniards perished, and all except pizarro and a few of the stoutest hearts begged to return to panama. ruiz came back just as they had begun to despair. he had crossed the equator, the first european to {61} cross it from the north, and had sailed half a degree south from the line.[2] he brought back some indians, further specimens of gold and silver ornaments, exquisitely woven woollen garments, _et cetera_, which he had taken from a craft cruising near the shore, which were proofs positive of the existence of the long-desired country. almagro now made his appearance with reënforcements and the keels were soon turned to the south. coasting along the shore, they saw increasing evidence of cultivation in the valleys and uplands, backed by the huge snow-crowned range of the andes. large villages appeared here and there. finally, they anchored opposite a considerable town laid out in well-defined streets, containing about two thousand houses, many of them built of stone. from their position close to the shore they thought that they could make out that the inhabitants wore ornaments of gold. several canoes approached the ship, one of them crowded with warriors carrying a species of gold mask as an ensign. there appeared to be at least ten thousand warriors assembled on the shore but pizarro landed with the few horses which he had brought along in the ship. a sharp engagement ensued, and the result might have been disastrous to the spaniards had not one of them fallen from his horse during the fray. this diversion of what they considered a single animal into two, both living, alarmed the indians so much, that they desisted from the attack and withdrew, the spaniards taking advantage of the chance to return to the ships. what to do next was the problem. they had not {62} sufficient force or supplies with them to encounter the natives, or conquer or even explore the country. the expedition was about as meagrely equipped as it well could be and be an expedition at all. there were long discussions on the ships and a fierce quarrel between the two partners. finally, it was composed outwardly, and it was decided that pizarro should remain at the coast at some convenient point while almagro, the traverser, went back for reënforcements. pizarro elected to pitch his camp on the little island of gallo which they had discovered. those who were appointed to remain with him rebelled at the decision which left them marooned on a desolate island with no adequate provisions for their needs. pizarro, however, insisted and almagro sailed with the other ship. shortly afterward, pizarro sent the remaining ship with the most obstinate of the mutineers to panama. a letter revealing their sad plight, which was concealed in a ball of cotton sent as a present to the wife of the governor by one of the men on the island of gallo, was smuggled ashore at panama when almagro's ship reached that point, despite his vigilant efforts to allow no such communications to pass. there was a new governor in panama, pedro de los rios. incensed by the loss of life and the hardships of the two expeditions, with the lack of definite and tangible results, and disregarding the remonstrances of almagro, he dispatched two ships under one pedro tafur to bring them back. life on the island of gallo had been a hideous experience. famine, disease and inclement weather had taken off many and had broken the spirit of the most of the rest of the band. nothing could break that of pizarro. when tafur appeared, he refused to return. drawing {63} an east-and-west line upon the sand with his sword, he made a brief soldierly address to his men. "friends and comrades," he said, facing the south, "on that side of the line are toil, hunger, nakedness, the drenching storm, destruction and death. on this side," turning to the north, "are ease and pleasure. there lies peru with its riches. here, panama with its poverty. choose each man as best becomes a cavalier of castile. for my part, i go to the south." such was the effect of his electrifying words, that, as he stepped over the line, a number of his comrades, led by ruiz, the pilot, and pedro de candia, a greek gunner, followed him. the number varies from thirteen to sixteen according to different authorities. the weight of evidence inclines me to the smaller number.[3] tafur raged and threatened, but pizarro and his men persisted. they got themselves transferred to the island of gorgona where there were water and game and no inhabitants, and there they stayed while tafur returned. {64} less than a score of men marooned on a desert island in an unknown sea, opposite a desolate and forbidding coast, without a ship or any means of leaving the island, not knowing whether almagro and luque would be able to succor them; their position was indeed a desperate one. it shows, as nothing else could, the iron determination of the indomitable spaniard. at that moment when pizarro drew the line and stepped across it after that fiery address, he touched at the same time the nadir of his fortunes and the zenith of his fame. surely it stands as one of the great dramatic incidents of history. the conquest of peru turned upon that very instant, upon the determination of that moment; and upon the conquest of peru depended more things in the future history of the earth than were dreamed of in the narrow philosophy of any spaniard there present, or of any other man in existence in that long-past day. peru has played a tremendously important part in the affairs of men. it was the treasure of peru that armed the soldiers of alva and laid the keels of the armada. it was the treasure of peru that relieved the spanish people of the necessity of wresting a national revenue out of a soil by agriculture; which abrogated the auxiliary of agriculture, manufactures; which precluded the possibility of the corollary of the other two, commerce. it was the treasure of peru that permitted the spanish people to indulge that passion for religious bigotry which was stifling to liberty and throttling to development, and which put them hopelessly out of touch with the onward and progressive movement of humanity in one of the most vital periods and movements in history. it was the treasure of peru that kindled the fires of the inquisition, {65} in which the best blood of the nation lighted it to its downfall, and blazed the way for manila and santiago. philip ii, and his decadent and infamous successors depended upon the mines of potosi and the mines of potosi hung upon pizarro and his line in the sand. the base-born, ignorant, cruel soldier wrecked in one moment a nation, made and unmade empires, and changed the whole course of the world. it was largely the spanish zeal and intolerance that developed and made perfect the reformation, for no great cause has ever won success without opposition, nay, persecution. "the blood of the martyr," says st. augustine, "is the seed of the church." to return to the situation. tafur presently reached panama and reported. the governor and the people of that city looked upon pizarro as a madman. luque and almagro were unwearying in their efforts and importunities, however, and finally they wrung a reluctant permission from de los rios for ruiz and one small ship and a few men to go to the rescue, with the proviso that a return must be made within six months. one can imagine the joy with which the desperate adventurers on the island saw the sails of that ship whitening the horizon. once more they set sail to the south, arriving finally before a large and populous town called tumbez. here they saw undoubted signs of the existence of a great empire in a high state of civilization. the little party had some pleasant intercourse with the natives of tumbez. they gathered a considerable amount of gold and silver, some of it exquisitely wrought by cunning artificers into the forms of beautiful and unknown plants and animals. there was no possible doubt as to {66} the truth of their golden dreams. the empire of peru in all its magnificence lay before them. too meagre a force to embrace the opportunity, there was nothing to do but to return to panama. there it was agreed that pizarro, with de candia, should go over to spain, taking with him peruvians and treasures, tell what he had seen, and secure the royal countenance and support for their future undertaking, while almagro and luque remained at panama preparing for the final expedition. pizarro had no sooner set foot in spain than he was arrested for debt on some ancient charge by encisco, but he was too big a man, now, for such petty persecution and he was at once released and ordered to present himself at court. the rough, blunt soldier, with his terrible yet romantic tale with its infinite possibilities, was received with astonishing cordiality. he gained a royal commission to discover and conquer the empire of peru for spain for the distance of two hundred leagues south of the santiago river, and received the title of governor and captain-general with large powers and revenue appertaining, which it was easy for the crown to bestow since pizarro had to get them himself. almagro, who justly felt himself slighted and his services inadequately valued, was made governor of tumbez; luque was appointed bishop for the same place and protector of the peruvians; ruiz was named grand pilot of the southern ocean; de candia, a general of artillery; and every one of the thirteen who had crossed the line at gallo was ennobled and made an hidalgo of spain. then pizarro went back to trujillo. certainly it must have been a happy moment for the neglected {67} bastard who had been a swineherd to return to his native village under such enviable conditions. he set sail for america early in 1530, with three ships. his four brothers came with him, the able hernando being made second in command. almagro and luque were very much chagrined at the meagre reward that had fallen to them, and almagro looked with deep antagonism upon the advent of the pizarros, who, he realized instinctively, would undermine his influence with his partner. this hatred the new pizarros repaid in kind. some sort of peace, however, was patched up between them, and in january, 1531, with three small ships and one hundred and eighty-three men, including thirty-seven horses, francisco set forth on his final voyage of conquest. nearly seven years had elapsed since the first attempt was made. as yet they had little but empty titles, large powers, purely potential, however, and drained purses to show for their heroic endeavor, but the persistence of pizarro was about to triumph at last. after a voyage of thirteen days, the squadron arrived at san mateo, where the horses and soldiers were landed and ordered to march along the shore southward, while the ships were sent back for reënforcements which almagro was gathering as usual. they returned with thirty more men and thirty-six additional horses. arriving at the gulf of guayaquil, pizarro established himself on the island of puna, opposite tumbez, which he cleared of its inhabitants by a series of desperate battles. there he was reënforced by a detachment of one hundred men with an additional number of horses under the command of young hernando de soto, another gallant estremaduran, and quite the most attractive among this band of desperadoes, whose {68} design was to loot an empire and proclaim the holy gospel of christ as the spanish people had received the same. i have no doubt at all that the desire to propagate their religion was quite as real and as vividly present to them at all times as was their greed for gold. they had a zeal for god, but not according to knowledge; like the men of the middle ages who bore the cross on their hauberks, every spaniard was a crusader. aside from de soto, there is no single character of all those, either indian or spaniard, who for fifteen years made peru a bloody battle-ground, except the unfortunate young inca manco capac, who is entitled to the least admiration or affection. in april, 1532, pizarro embarked his men on the ships and landed, not without some fierce fighting, at tumbez, on the coast of peru. at last the expedition was on solid ground and nothing prevented its further advance. on the 18th of may, therefore, they took up the march for the interior, little dreaming of the ultimate fate that awaited them all. iii. "a communistic despotism." the empire of peru well deserved the title of magnificent. the highest civilization attained on the western hemisphere had been reached on this south american coast. a form of government unique in history had been developed and put in operation by a capable and enlightened people. it was a "communistic despotism," a community with a despot and a ruling class superimposed upon its socialism. the sway of these despots was exceedingly mild and gentle, even if absolute. with wonderful ingenuity and a rare capacity for organization, upon the {69} ruins of an older civilization, they built the inca empire. the incas were the ruling tribe, the emperor being the inca par excellence. their empire was as thoroughly organized as it is possible for a community to be. indeed, it was organized to death; the inca was the empire, and one source of the empire's speedy downfall was due to the fact that the national spirit of the peruvians had been so crushed by the theocratic despotism of their rulers that they viewed the change of masters with more or less indifference. when the incas conquered a country and people they so arranged affairs as to incorporate the people as part of the empire. they called their domains grandiloquently "the four quarters of the earth." they did not govern this great territory by brute force as did the aztecs--although they knew how to use the sword if necessary--but by methods dictated by prudent and profound policy, productive of peaceful success. the mild government of the incas was at once patriarchal, theocratic and despotic. whatever it was, from the incas' point of view it was absolute and satisfactory. prescott's account of the inca civilization reads like a romance, yet it is practically borne out by all chroniclers who have discussed the subject, some of whom appear to desire to find the great american historian at fault. large and populous cities existed, communication between which was had by great national roads traversing every part of the land. vast herds of llamas were domesticated, from the hair of which the exquisitely woven cloth was made. agriculture flourished. the country, upraised from the sea by the great range of mountains, afforded every variety of {70} climate from temperate to tropic, and the diversified products of the soil corresponded with the opportunities presented. and every foot of space was utilized for a population of millions of industrious workers, with an economy and resourcefulness only emulated by the chinese in the working of their country. even the mountain-sides were terraced by tiny farms. the peruvians had made some progress in the arts, less in science. they lacked the art of writing, although they possessed a highly developed system of mnemonic aids in the form of curiously knotted and particolored strings called quipus. their literature, if the contradiction be permitted, was handed down like their history, by oral tradition. great as had been their achievements, however, they were in a curious state of arrested development. with the peruvians, says helps, "everything stopped short." they had not arrived at a finality anywhere, save perhaps in their mode of government. they could erect enormous time-defying buildings, but they knew of no way to roof them except by thatching them. their roads were marvels of engineering construction, but they could not build bridges except frail ones made out of osier cables. no wheels ran along the smooth, well-paved, magnificent highways. they could refine gold and silver and make weapons of tempered copper, but they were entirely ignorant of the use of iron. the greatest human development has depended upon that last metal. the great nations are those which have had the steel-tempered sword blades in their hands. they could administer a colony in a way to excite the admiration of the world, and yet not write a line. there is little probability that they would have progressed much beyond the state at which {71} they had arrived, _for there was no individual liberty in the land_. that was the fatal defect in their system. it was the lack which put that touch of finality to their otherwise marvelously developed condition and which limited inexorably their civilization. the unchangeable conditions were stifling to ambition and paralyzing to achievement. the two things the country lacked were the two vital things to human progress and human success--letters and liberty. the religious development of the peruvians was very high. they worshipped an unknown supreme being and they worshipped him, it is conclusively demonstrated, without human sacrifice. objectively they paid their chief adoration to the sun, moon and stars, and to the inca as the child or earthly representative of the sun. sun-worship is the noblest and highest of all the purely natural religions. when to this was superadded an instinctive feeling for a great first cause, of which the solar magnificence was but a manifestation, the religion of the peruvians is entitled to great respect. their history ran back into the mists of the past. at the time of the arrival of pizarro, a curious condition, anomalous in their records, had arisen. huayna capac, one of the greatest monarchs of the inca line, had extended his dominion by force of arms over the rich province of quito, far to the north. he had taken as one of his concubines the daughter of the conquered monarch of quito and by her had a son named atahualpa.[4] the son of the monarch by his sister, his only legal {72} wife, or coya--the irrevocable peruvian method of providing for the inca succession--was named huascar. huayna on his deathbed, after a glorious reign of forty years, made the fatal mistake of dividing his dominion between huascar, to whom was given ancient peru, and atahualpa, who took quito to the north. world-history, of which huayna could have known nothing, has shown conclusively enough that such a policy has always brought about civil war, and this startling reversal of peruvian custom by a doting monarch on his deathbed produced the usual results. the armies of atahualpa, led by two famous soldiers called quiz-quiz and chalcuchima, had met and defeated the troops of huascar in a series of bloody battles. they had taken that unhappy monarch prisoner and, by a series of terrible massacres instigated by atahualpa, had striven with large success to cut off the family of the unfortunate inca root and branches. the land had been devastated by the fierceness of the internecine conflict, towns had been carried by storm, the inhabitants put to the sword; the ordinary course of events had been interrupted and agriculture had languished; the empire lay gasping under the paw of the peruvian usurper when pizarro landed upon the shore. the strife that was to ensue was between two base-born, cruel-hearted soldiers of fortune, one at the head of a little body of white men, but with all the prestige of their color and development in warfare, and weapons, the other, the now undisputed monarch of a vast if prostrate and exhausted empire, at the head of great armies flushed with victory and eager for new conquests. what would the result of the struggle be? {73} iv. the treacherous and bloody massacre of caxamarca. having marched some thirty miles south of tumbezin the pleasant spring weather, pizarro, finding what he conceived to be a favorable location for a permanent colony, encamped his army, laid out and began to build a city, which he called san miguel. the spaniards were great builders and the city was planned and fortified on an extensive scale and the more important buildings erected, so that it was not until september that pizarro considered his base of supplies had been made secure. meanwhile he had been assiduously seeking information on every hand concerning the internal dissensions in the peruvian empire, so that he could undertake his conquest intelligently. on the 24th of september, 1532, the valiant little army was mustered and, after deducting a small garrison for san miguel, those appointed for the expedition were found to include sixty-seven horsemen, three arquebusiers, twenty crossbowmen and eighty-seven footmen, in all one hundred and seventy-seven.[5] they were accompanied by two pieces of small artillery called falconets, each having a bore of two inches and carrying a shot weighing about a pound and a half, being, with the three arquebusiers, general de candia's command. with this insignificant force, augmented, i suppose, by some indian captives acting as pack-mules, pizarro started out to conquer an empire conservatively estimated to contain from ten to twelve millions of people, supporting an army of disciplined {74} soldiers whose numbers ran into the hundreds of thousands. the spanish forces were well equipped and in good condition, but as they left the sea-shore and advanced, without molestation, to be sure, through the populous country, some idea of the magnitude of their self-appointed task permeated the minds of the common soldiery, and evidences of hesitation, reluctance and dissension speedily appeared. the unwillingness of the men grew until pizarro was forced to take notice of it. halting on the fifth day in a pleasant valley, he met the emergency in his usual characteristic fashion. parading the men, he addressed to them another of those fiery speeches for which he was famous, and the quality of which, from so illiterate a man, is amazingly high. he painted anew the dangers before them, and then adroitly lightened the shadows of his picture by pointing to the rewards. he appealed to all that was best in humanity by saying that he wanted none but the bravest to go forward.[6] he closed his address by offering to allow all who wished to do so to return to san miguel, whose feeble garrison, he said, he should be glad to have reënforced. and, with a subtler stroke of policy, he promised that those who went back should share in the rewards gained by their more constant brethren. but four infantrymen and five horsemen shamefacedly availed themselves of this permission. the rest enthusiastically clamored to be led forward. both mutiny and timidity were silenced forever in that band. {75} on a similar occasion, cortes had burnt his ships. it is hard to decide which was the better expedient. certainly cortes was incomparably a much abler man than pizarro, but somehow pizarro managed to rise to the successive emergencies which confronted him, just the same. greatly refreshed in spirits, the army, purged of the malcontents, proceeded cautiously on its way south. they were much elated from time to time at receiving envoys from atahualpa, who coupled a superstitious reverence for the invaders as children of the sun with demands as to their purposes, and a request that they halt and wait the pleasure of the inca. pizarro dissembled his intentions and received them with fair words, but refusing to halt, kept steadily on, announcing his intention of visiting atahualpa wherever he might be found. pursuing their journey, the spaniards came early in november to the foot of the mountains. to the right of them, that is toward the south, extended a great well-paved road which led to the imperial capital of cuzco. in front of them, a narrow path rose over the mountains. one was easy, the other hard. in spite of suggestions from his soldiery, pizarro chose the hard way. he had announced his intention of visiting the inca, and visit him he would although the way to the city of cuzco was open and the place might easily be taken possession of. the seat of danger and the source of power were alike with the inca, and not in cuzco. with sixty foot and forty horse, this old man, now past sixty years, led the way over the mountains, while his brother brought up the rear with the remainder. the passage was a terrible one, but the indomitable {76} band, catching some of the spirit of their leader, surmounted all the obstacles, and a few days after from the summits of a mighty range, surveyed the fertile, beautiful plains spread out before them on the farther side of the mountain. close at hand was the white-walled city, caxamarca or cajamarca, embowered in verdure in a fruitful valley. the place was an important position, well fortified and containing, under ordinary circumstances, a population of ten thousand. the reader should remember the name, for it was the scene of one of the most remarkable and determinative events in history. the conquest, in fact, was settled there. beyond the city, on the slopes of the hills, and divided from it by a river, over which a causeway led, stood the white tents of the fifty thousand soldiers of atahualpa's army. the number of them filled the spaniards with amazement, and in some cases with apprehension. there was no going back then, however; there was nothing to do but advance. at the hour when the bells of holy church in their home land were ringing vespers, in a cold driving rain mingled with sleet, the little cortège entered the city, which they found as the french found moscow, deserted of its inhabitants. with the ready instinct of a soldier, pizarro led his force to the public square, or plaza, which was in the shape of a rude triangle surrounded on two sides by well-built, two-story houses of stone. on the other side, or base, rose a huge fortress with a tower overlooking the city on one hand and the inca's camp on the other. without hesitation, the weary spaniards made themselves at home in the vacant buildings around the square; guards were posted in order that the strictest {77} watch might be kept, and other preparations made for defence. here they prepared for the repose of the night. meanwhile hernando de soto with twenty horse was sent as an ambassador to atahualpa's camp. he had been gone but a short time when pizarro, at the suggestion of his brother hernando, who made the point that twenty horsemen were not sufficient for defense and too many to lose, despatched the latter with twenty more cavalrymen to reënforce the first party. the two cavaliers and their escort found the inca in the midst of his camp. the monarch was seated and surrounded by a brilliant assemblage of nobles in magnificent vestments. he was guarded by a great army of soldiers armed with war-clubs, swords and spears of tempered copper, and bows and slings. he received the deputation with the impassivity of a stone image, vouchsafing no answer to their respectful address until it had been several times repeated. at last he declared he would visit the strangers on the morrow, and directed them to occupy the buildings in the public square, and none other until he came to make arrangements. his demeanor was cold and forbidding to the last degree. the results of the embassy were highly unsatisfactory. one incident connected with the interview is worthy of mention. de soto, who was a most accomplished cavalier, a perfect centaur in fact, noticing the amazed and somewhat alarmed glances of the inca's men at the movements of his restless horse, suddenly determined to exhibit his skill at the manège. striking spurs to his charger, he caused him to curvet and prance in the open before the inca, showing at the same time {78} his own horsemanship and the fiery impetuosity of the high-spirited animal. he concluded this performance--shall i say circus?--by dashing at full speed toward the inca, reining in his steed with the utmost dexterity a few feet from the royal person. what the inca thought of this has not been recorded. i imagine he must have been terribly affronted. some of his nobles and soldiers, less able to preserve their iron composure than their master, shrank back from the onrushing avalanche of steed and steel presented by de soto and his horse. the spaniards found their dead bodies the next day. it did not do to show cowardice in the presence of the inca! they had been summarily executed by atahualpa's order. yet, i cannot think the inca a man of surpassing bravery after all. certainly he was not a man of sufficient ability worthily to hold the scepter of so great an empire. he made a frightful mistake in not stopping the invaders where it would have been easy for him to do so, in the narrow defiles of the mountains, and he did not even yet seem to have decided in his own mind how he should treat them. to be sure, according to some accounts, he looked upon them as belonging to the immortal gods, but there have been men brave enough in the defence of land and liberty to defy even the immortal gods! a vast deal of sympathy, indeed, has been wasted upon atahualpa. without doubt the spaniards treated him abominably, and for that treatment the wretched monarch has claims to our consideration, but for his personal qualities or his past record, none. helps explains his name as derived from two words meaning, "sweet valor!" markham affirms that the words mean "a chance, or lucky, game-cock!" neither appellation, in view of {79} atahualpa's history can be considered as especially apt or happy. much dissatisfied and thoroughly perturbed, de soto and hernando pizarro returned to the city. long and serious were the deliberations of the leaders that night. at length they arrived at a momentous decision, one for which they have been severely and justly censured, but which under the circumstances was the only possible decision which insured their safety. they had no business in that country. they had come there with the deliberate intention of looting it without regard to the rights of the inhabitants, and in that purpose lay the seeds of all their subsequent crimes, treachery, murder, outrage and all other abominations whatsoever. no surprise need be felt therefore, that they determined upon the seizure of the person of the inca. the example of cortes with montezuma was before them. i have no doubt that his amazing exploits in mexico had been talked over frequently by every camp-fire in the new and the old world, and many bold spirits had longed for an opportunity to emulate his doings. the spaniards in peru had already learned enough of the local conditions to realize that with the person of the inca they could control the government. to seize him was black treachery, of course; but being there, it was the only thing to do, from their point of view. the night was an anxious one and the morning found them engaged in preparations. de candia was posted with two small falconets and three arquebusiers on the roof of the fortress. his guns pointed toward the inca's camp, though he had instructions to turn them on the square as soon as the peruvians arrived. de soto and hernando pizarro divided the horse {80} between them and occupied the houses on the other side of the square with them. the infantry were distributed at various points of vantage. pizarro reserved twenty of the trustiest blades for his own escort. the arms of the men were carefully looked to, and nothing that the skill or experience of the captains could suggest was left undone to promote the success of their hazardous and bold undertaking. mass was said with great solemnity by the priest of the expedition, fra vincente de valverde, an iron-souled, fierce-hearted dominican, meet ecclesiastic for such a band. refreshments were then provided liberally for the soldiers--it is not so stated, but it may be presumed that some of them were in liquid shape--and then the whole party settled down to await developments. nothing seemed to be going on in the peruvian camp during the morning. the inca moved toward the city in the afternoon, but stopped just outside the walls, to the great annoyance of the spaniards, who had found the long wait a trying experience indeed. late in the afternoon, pizarro received a message that atahualpa had changed his mind and would not visit him until the following day. this did not suit his plans at all. he instantly returned an answer to the inca, begging him not to defer his visit, saying that he had provided everything for his entertainment--which was quite true although in a very different sense from that conveyed by the words of his messenger--and requesting atahualpa to arrange to sup with him without fail that night. pizarro had previously assured the inca that he would receive him as a "friend and brother"! what reasons actuated the inca we have no means of ascertaining. suffice it to say that he changed his mind and came. {81} a short time after sunset, therefore, the inca, attended by a numerous retinue, entered the square. atahualpa was borne aloft on a throne made of massive gold, supported on the shoulders of his attendants. he was dressed with barbaric magnificence in robes of exquisite texture, heavily embroidered and ornamented with gold and silver. around his neck blazed a necklace of emeralds of wonderful size and great brilliancy. his forehead was hidden by a thick vivid scarlet fringe depending from a diadem almost to the eyebrows. this tassel (or _borla_, as the spaniards called it; _llauta_, according to the peruvians) was the supreme mark of the imperial dignity in that no one but the inca could wear it. the inca was surrounded by a gorgeously attired body of retainers who were preceded by hundreds of menials who cleared the streets of every obstacle which might impede the progress of their master, the son of the sun. the processions divided at the square, and the monarch was carried forward in the open. not a spaniard save the watchful sentries pacing the fort above, was to be seen. "where," asked atahualpa, looking about in surprise, "are the strangers?" at this moment, at the request of pizarro, father valverde came forward in his canonicals, crucifix in one hand, breviary or bible in the other.[7] he was attended by one of the peruvians whom pizarro had taken back to spain, who was to act as interpreter. this precocious little rascal, named felippo, was the best interpreter that could be found, which is saying little, for his spanish was bad and mainly picked up in the camps from the rude soldiery, and his peruvian {82} was only an uncouth dialect of the highly inflected and most flexible and expressive quichua, the language of the educated, indeed of the most of the people. approaching the litter of the inca, valverde delivered an extraordinary address. he briefly explained the doctrines of the christian religion to the astonished peruvian, requiring him to conform to this religion and acknowledge the spiritual supremacy of the pope, and at the same time to submit to the sway of his imperial majesty charles v. it was a pretty heavy demand to spring upon a great monarch in the midst of his people, and it was not to be wondered at that atahualpa rejected these requests with contempt. the inca answered the friar not without shrewdness. he had gathered the idea from felippo's vile mistranslation that the christians worshipped four gods, i. e. the trinity and the pope. he declared that he himself worshipped one, and there was its sign and symbol--pointing to the declining sun; that he believed one god was better than four. he rejected indignantly the idea that he, "the lord of the four quarters of the earth," owed allegiance to any charles v. or any other earthly monarch, of whom he had never heard and who had assuredly never heard of him either. valverde had referred to the book in his hand as he had spoken and atahualpa now asked to see it. the volume was a clasped one and he found it difficult to open. valverde, probably thinking he could show him to unclasp the volume, stepped nearer to him. the inca repulsed him with disdain. wrenching open the covers he glanced rapidly at the book, and perhaps suddenly realizing the full sense of the insult which had been offered to him in the demands {83} of the dogmatic and domineering dominican, he threw the sacred volume to the ground in a violent rage. "tell your companions," he said, "that they shall give me an account of their doings in my land. i will not go hence until they have made me full satisfaction for all the wrongs they have committed!" then he turned and spoke to his people--the last word he was ever to address them as a free monarch from his throne. there was a loud murmur from the crowd. thereupon, according to some accounts, valverde picked up the book through which atahualpa had offered such a deadly insult to his religion and rushed back to pizarro, exclaiming, "do you not see that while we stand here wasting our breath in talking with this dog, full of pride as he is, the fields are filling with indians? set on at once! i absolve you for whatever you do!" i would fain do no man an injustice. therefore, i also set down what other authorities say, namely, that valverde simply told pizarro what had occurred. there is no dispute, however, as to what happened immediately. pizarro stepped out from the doorway, and drawing a white scarf from his shoulders, threw it into the air. instantly a shot roared from the fort above his head. the famous war-cry of the spaniards, "st. jago, and at them!" rang over every quarter of the square into which, with bared swords, couched lances and drawn bows, poured the mail-clad soldiery horse and foot. they burst upon the astonished ranks of the unarmed indians with the suddenness and swiftness of a tornado. from the roof above, the gunners discharged their bullets into the swaying, seething mass. with {84} their wands of office, with their naked hands, with whatever they could seize, the peruvians defended themselves. they rallied around the person of the inca, freely offering their breasts to the spanish blades with the vain attempt to protect their monarch. atahualpa sat upon his reeling throne gazing upon the bloody scene in a daze of surprise. pizarro and the twenty chosen cut their way to the litter and, striking down the helpless bearers thereof, precipitated the inca to the ground. the spaniards were mad with carnage now, and were striking indiscriminately at any indian. then could be heard pizarro's stern voice ringing above the melée, "let no man who values his life strike at the inca!" such was the fierceness of his soldiery, however, that in his frenzied attempt to protect the monarch, pizarro was wounded in one of his hands by his own men. as the inca fell, he had been caught by pizarro and supported, although a soldier named estete snatched the imperial _llauta_ from his head as he fell. with the capture of the inca, what little futile resistance the unarmed host had been able to make ceased. the indians, relentlessly pursued by their bloody conquerors, fled in every direction, and, to anticipate events, the army deprived of its monarch and its generals, dispersed the next day without striking a blow. indeed the army was helpless for offence while the spaniards held the inca as a hostage. the estimates of the numbers slain in one half-hour's fighting in the square of caxamarca vary from two to ten thousand. whatever the number, it was great and horrible enough. an unparalleled act of treachery had been consummated, and peru, in the space of thirty minutes had been conquered and pizarro held {85} it in the hollow of his hand. not a spaniard had been wounded except pizarro himself, and his wound had been received from his own men while he tried to protect atahualpa from the spaniards' fury. v. the ransom and murder of the inca pizarro treated the inca well enough, although he held him in rigorous captivity. nobody else in peru seemed to know what to do under the circumstances, and the spaniards soon lost all apprehension of resistance. quiz-quiz and chalcuchima still held huascar a captive at xuaca, a fortress between caxamarca and cuzco. atahualpa, realizing how important such a man would be to the spaniards, sent orders that he be put to death and the unfortunate deposed inca was therefore executed by the two generals. although he was captive, atahualpa's orders were as implicitly obeyed as if he had been free. he was still the inca, if only by the right of sword, and the forces of his generals were sufficiently great to render it impossible for the son of huascar, named manco capac, who had escaped the massacre of his kinfolk and who was the legitimate heir to the throne, to claim the crown. pizarro, with a fine show of rectitude, affected to be horrified by this evidence of brutal cruelty, and although atahualpa claimed no connection with the assassination of huascar, it was impossible to acquit him of it. greatly desiring his freedom, atahualpa, who had observed the spanish greed for gold, made an extraordinary proposition to pizarro. they were together in a room twenty-two feet long by seventeen feet broad. standing on his tiptoes and reaching as high as he could, probably about eight feet, for he was a tall man, {86} atahualpa offered to fill the room with gold to the height he had touched, if, when he had completed his undertaking, pizarro would release him. pizarro jumped at the offer, and well he might for no such proposition had ever before been offered in the history of the world. the cubic contents enclosed by the figures mentioned are three thousand three hundred and sixty-six feet, or in round numbers, one hundred and twenty-five cubic yards. such a treasure was even beyond the most delirious dreams of the conquerors.[8] as soon as these astonishing terms had been formally accepted in writing by pizarro, the inca sent orders to all parts of his dominion for the people to bring in their treasures. he also directed the royal palaces and temples to be stripped, and his orders were obeyed. he had stipulated that he be allowed two months in which to raise the ransom and day after day a stream of indians poured into the city loaded with treasure which dazzled the eyes of the astonished and delighted conquerors. atahualpa had stipulated also that the gold was not to be smelted--that is, he would not be required to fill the spaces solidly with ingots, but that it should be put into the room just as it was brought in and allowed to take up as much space as was required, even though it might be in the shape of a manufactured article. [illustration: "they burst upon the ranks of the unarmed indians."] {87} some of the gold was in the shape of ingenious plants and animals, one especially beautiful object being the corn plant with blades of gold and tassels of silver. pizarro, to his credit, ordered that some of these specimens of exquisite workmanship should be preserved intact. much of the treasure was in the shape of plates or tiles, from the interior of the temples or palaces which did not take up much space. the great temple of the sun at cuzco had a heavy outside cornice, or moulding, of pure gold. it was stripped of this dazzling ornament to satisfy the rapacity of the conquerors. there was also a vast quantity of silver which was stored in other chambers. silver hardly counted in view of the deluge of the more precious metal. [illustration: "the three pizarros . . . sallied out to meet them"] atahualpa did not quite succeed in filling the space, but he came so near it that pizarro, in a formal agreement executed before a notary, declared that the inca had paid his ransom and that he was released from any further obligation concerning it. that is the only release, however, which the unfortunate inca ever got. obviously, it was dangerous to turn loose such a man. therefore, in spite of his legal quittance, he still was held in captivity. the spaniards concluded finally that the only safe course was to get rid of him. the ransom amounted in our money to over seventeen million dollars, according to prescott; to nearly eighteen million dollars, according to markham. pizarro's personal share was seven hundred thousand dollars; hernando received three hundred and fifty thousand dollars; de soto two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. each horse soldier received nearly one hundred thousand; the principal foot soldiers, fifty thousand, and the others smaller sums in accordance {88} with their rank and service. the precious metals were so plentiful that for the time being they lost their value, for men cheerfully paid thousands of dollars for a horse. indeed so bulky and unwieldly was the treasure with which the soldiers were loaded, that it is solemnly averred that creditors avoided their debtors fearing lest the latter should pay them what they owed in further heaps of the bulky treasure; and it is certainly a fact that even the animals shared in the opulence of the conquest, for the horses were shod with silver. silver was cheaper and easier to get than iron. while they were revelling in the treasure, dividing the spoils and deliberating what was to be done with atahualpa, almagro arrived with his reënforcements. naturally he and his men demanded a share of the booty. great was their disgust and furious their anger when pizarro and the other conquerors refused to give it up. finally, the quarrels that ensued were composed by presenting almagro and his followers certain sums, large in themselves though trifling in comparison with what pizarro's men had received. almagro's men were also given to understand that they could move on to the southwest at some convenient season and conquer another empire and take all they could for themselves. unfortunately for them, there were no more empires like peru on this or any other side of the world left them to conquer. hernando pizarro was then dispatched to spain to deliver the royal fifth to charles, to give an account of the fortunes of the conquerors and to secure what further rewards and privileges he could for them. atahualpa saw him leave with the greatest regret. he was a man of fierce, stern, implacable disposition, {89} not a lovely character, according to any of the chroniclers, but he seems to have been fairer, and in his own way he had treated the unfortunate monarch better, than any of the others, unless it was de soto. possibly hernando might have restrained his brother from the last infamy he was about to perpetrate if he had been there. certainly de soto would have sought to dissuade him. pizarro realized this and got rid of de soto by sending him away to investigate as to the truth of rumors that atahualpa was conspiring to obtain his freedom. i have no doubt that he was so conspiring. i hope so, for if he was, it was about the only manly thing that he did. while de soto was away, at the instigation of the soldiers, pizarro with seeming reluctance, allowed atahualpa to be brought to trial. i have no doubt that pizarro instigated the soldiers himself. he was adroit enough to do it, and he would have no scruples whatever to deter him. the inca was tried on twelve charges, among which were included accusations that he had usurped the crown, and given its prerogatives to his friends (instead of to the spaniards!). he was charged with being an idolator, an adulterer and a polygamist, and finally it was urged that he had endeavored to incite an insurrection against the spaniards. such accusations came with a peculiarly bad grace from the conquerors. the whole thing, charges and all, would have been a farce had it not been for the certain grim and terrible outcome. felippo, the infamous, was the only interpreter. he had made love to one of the inca's wives, whom the spaniards had allowed to share his captivity. atahualpa, furiously affronted, desired to have him {90} put to death, but felippo was too important to the spaniards, and he was spared. how atahualpa's defense suffered from felippo's interpretations under such circumstances may easily be imagined. in spite of the courageous opposition of a few of the self-appointed judges, the inca was convicted and sentenced to death, father valverde concurring, in writing, with the sentence. when the verdict of the court was communicated to atahualpa, he did not receive it with any remarkable degree of fortitude. he is a pitiful rather than a heroic figure. "what have i done," he cried, weeping, "what have my children done, that i should meet with such a fate?" turning to pizarro, he added, "and from your hands, too, who have met with friendship and kindness from my people, to whom i have given my treasure, who have received nothing but benefit from my hands!" he besought the conqueror to spare his life, promising anything, even to double the enormous ransom he had already paid, and offering to guarantee in any appointed way the safety of every spaniard in the army. pedro pizarro, a cousin of the conqueror, who has left an account of the interview, says that pizarro was greatly affected by the touching appeal of the unfortunate monarch, and that he wept in turn also. however that may be, he refused to interfere. a man may weep and weep, to paraphrase shakespeare, "and be a villain!" there was no help for it; atahualpa had to die. it was on the 29th of august, 1533. the trial and deliberations had occupied the whole day. it was two hours after sunset before they were ready to execute him in the great square of caxamarca. {91} the spanish soldiers, fully armed, arranged themselves about a huge stake which had been planted in the square. back of them were groups of terrified, awe-struck peruvians, helplessly weeping and lamenting the fate of their monarch which they were powerless to prevent. flickering torches held by the troops cast an uncertain light over the tragic scene. atahualpa was led forth in fetters and chained to the stake. he showed little of the firmness and fortitude of a proud monarch or a brave man. how feebly he appears when contrasted with the great aztec guatemotzin, calmly enduring the tortures of the red-hot gridiron and resolutely refusing to gratify either his captors' lust for treasure or desire for revenge by vouchsafing them a single fact or a single moan. by inca's side was valverde, who had been assiduous in his endeavors to make him a christian. the friar was ready to offer such grim consolation as he could to the wretched peruvian in whose death sentence he had concurred. atahualpa had hitherto turned a deaf ear to all his importunities, but at the last moment valverde told him that if he would consent to receive baptism, he should be strangled instead of burnt to death. atahualpa asked pizarro if this was true, and being assured that it was, he abjured his religion to avoid the agonies of fire, and was thereupon baptised under the name of juan de atahualpa. the name john was given to him because this baptism _in extremis_ took place on st. john the baptist's day. rarely, if ever, has there been a more ghastly profanation of the holy sacrament of regeneration! before he was garroted, atahualpa begged that his remains might be preserved at quito with those of his mother's people. then he turned to pizarro and {92} made a final request of that iron-hearted man, that he would look after and care for the inca's little children. while he was strangled and his body was being burnt, the terrible soldiery could be heard muttering the magnificent words of the apostolic creed for the redemption of the soul of the monarch. incidentally it may be noted that a little later the spaniards burnt old chalcuchima, of whom they had got possession by treacherous promises, at the stake. he did not embrace christianity at the last moment, but died as he had lived, a soldier and a peruvian. the character of atahualpa may be learned from his career. he was a cruel, ruthless usurper, neither magnanimous in victory nor resolute in defeat. as i have said, it is impossible to admire him, but no one can think of his fate and the treacheries of which he was a victim without being touched by his miseries. if he sowed the wind he reaped the whirlwind, and bad as he was, his conquerors were worse. pizarro placed the diadem on toparca, a youthful brother of the late inca. when he was alone with his attendants, the boy tore the _llauta_ from his forehead, and trampled it under his foot, as no longer the badge of anything but infamy and shame, and in two short months he pined and died from the consciousness of his disgrace. whereupon another peruvian, manco capac, the legitimate heir of huascar, appeared before pizarro, made good his claim, and on the entry of the conquerors into cuzco, was crowned inca with all the ancient ceremonies. he soon realized that he was but a puppet in pizarro's hands, however, and by and by he, too, made a bold stroke for freedom. the conquest of peru was complete. charles v., dazzled by the report of hernando pizarro, and the {93} substantial treasures placed before him, created pizarro a marquis of the country, confirmed him in the government of the country for two hundred and seventy leagues south of the santiago river and gave almagro authority to conquer everything beyond that limit. almagro was very much dissatisfied with his share, but concluded, before he made any violent objections, to go to the south and find an el dorado for himself. meanwhile pizarro, who was almost as much of a builder as rameses the great, laid out the city of lima and the spaniards flocked into peru from spain in thousands. the natives were enslaved and the country divided into great estates, and almagro and his discontented started for chili. hernando pizarro, who was appointed governor of cuzco, held young manco in close confinement, and everything outwardly was as fine and lovely as a summer day. there was growing, however, a tremendous uprising in which hitherto somnolent fate was about to lay her belated hands upon nearly all the actors of the great drama which had heretofore been so successfully played. vi. the inca and the peruvians strike vainly for freedom the city of cuzco was, without doubt, the most superb capital on the american continent. indeed, in many respects, it would have compared favorably with, let us say, paris in the sixteenth century, with its narrow, crooked, unpaved filthy streets, its indifferent protections, and its utterly inadequate water and sewer system. the streets, which were broad and level, crossed each other at regular intervals at right angles. they were smoothly paved with large, carefully joined {94} flagstones. the houses in the city were mainly built of stone. the palace of the inca, which stood alone in the great square, was of marble. the temples and buildings for public assemblages, armories, granaries, storehouses, _et cetera_, were of great size. the stones used in their erection were of such dimensions that the spanish marvelled at the engineering genius which could have quarried them and put them in place, just as the people of to-day are amazed at baalbec and the pyramids. stone conduits ran down each street, bringing delicious water to each doorway, and the city was traversed by two mountain streams crossed by bridges cut by watergates. that the cold, clear water might be kept pure and sweet, the beds of the rivers like those of the euphrates at babylon, had been paved. the city was surrounded by walls and dominated by a great fortress called sacsahuaman, which stood upon a steep and rocky hill overlooking the capital. on the side toward the city the fortress was practically impregnable on account of the precipitous slopes of the cliffs. the other side was defended by three stone walls laid out in zigzag shape, with salient and reëntrant angles (demi-lunes), like an old-fashioned rail fence, with many doors, each closed by stone portcullis, in each wall. within the walls was a citadel of three tall towers. the whole constituted a most formidable position. while francisco pizarro was founding and laying out on a magnificent scale and with lavish generosity the city of lima, near the seaboard, hernando was made governor of cuzco. hernando was, without doubt, the most able and most admirable of the pizarros, although his fame has been obscured by that of his {95} elder brother. he had been directed by charles v to treat the inca and the people with kindness, and, perhaps on that account, he had not exercised so rigorous a surveillance over the movements of young manco as his ordinary prudence would have dictated. at any rate, the bold and youthful emperor found no difficulty in leaving his ancient capital. he repaired immediately to the valley of yucay, in the high mountains of the northeastward of cuzco. there had been brewing a vast conspiracy against the spaniards for some time, and at the summons of the inca, thither resorted the great chiefs of the peruvians with their retainers and dependents, including their women and children. the partisans of the two inca half-brothers, who had not been slain, made common cause with each other. all internal differences were forgotten in the presence of the common enemy. they had much to revenge. their treasures had been taken, their temples polluted, their religion profaned, their monarchs slain, their women outraged and the people forced into a degrading, exhausting slavery. strange is it to recognize that human slavery was introduced into peru by the christians! it is good to think that the manhood of the peruvians was awakened at last. manco, burning with fiery patriotic zeal, summoned his great vassals and subjects to his standard. "death to the spaniards!" were the watchwords that resounded with fierce war-cries among the mountains and hills. with ancient ceremonies, drinking from a common cup, they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor to their hereditary chief in defense of their altars and their fires, their native land. {96} early in 1536 a vast army swept down through the mountain passes and made toward the ancient capital. the three pizarros, hernando, juan and gonzalo, put themselves at the head of their horsemen and sallied out to meet them. they killed numbers of peruvians, but all their valor could not check the resistless force of the patriotic army. the spaniards were swept back into the city, glad to escape with their lives before such overwhelming numbers; indeed, only a timely attack by a detachment in the rear of the peruvians saved them from destruction then and there. cuzco was at once invested. the indians, with a heroism which cannot be too greatly commended, endeavored to carry the place by assault.[9] they set fire to the thatched roofs of their own houses, devoting their city to flames, like the russians at moscow, to compass the annihilation of the detested invaders. the wind favored them, and a besom of flame swept over the devoted town until over one-half of it was laid in ruins. there were ninety spanish horse in the city, probably as many foot, and a thousand indian auxiliaries, but they were soldiers of the highest quality and led by three captains whose like for daring and skill are not often seen. no one ever questioned the courage or the military ability of the pizarros and certainly they exhibited both qualities in full measure during the siege. of all the brothers, it is probable that hernando was the most daring cavalier as well as the most capable captain, although in personal prowess his younger brothers were not a whit behind him. indeed, gonzalo was {97} reckoned as the best lance in the new world. stifled by the smoke, scorched by the flames, parched with heat, choked with thirst, exhausted with hunger, crazed from loss of sleep, yet battling with the energy of despair against overwhelming numbers of indians, who, with a reckless disregard for life, hurled themselves upon the sword-points, the spaniards after several days of the most terrific fighting, were forced into the square, which they held against their enemy by dint of the most heroic and continuous endeavors. the peruvians barricaded the streets with the debris of their ruined houses and sharpened stakes, and prepared to press home for a final attack. although the slaughter among the indians had been fearful, the odds against the spaniards did not appear diminished, for it was learned afterward that there were more than one hundred thousand warriors engaged, and, with a host of followers and servants, the total aggregated at least eighty thousand more. and, indeed, the spaniards mourned the death of many a brave cavalier and stout man-at-arms. in all the fighting the young inca, in full war-gear of gold and silver, mounted on a captured horse, with a spanish lance in his hand, had played a hero's dauntless part. at the commencement of the siege there had been a discussion as to whether they should occupy the great fortress of sacsahuaman, or not. juan pizarro had dissuaded the spanish from the attempt, for, he said: "our forces are too weak to hold both places. the city is the most important, and should it happen that we need the fortress we can take it any time." without opposition the indian high priest had occupied it with a large body of men. it was evident, at last, that the spaniards would {98} either have to retreat from their town or seize the fortress, which, now that they had been driven from the walls, commanded their position in the square. most of the cavaliers were for retreat. there is no doubt that the horse could certainly have cut their way through the ranks of the besiegers, and have escaped, together with most of the foot as well. hernando was quite as persistent as his indomitable brother francisco, however, and he talked equally as well to the soldiers. he made them a stirring address which he closed by declaring that he had been sent there to hold the town, and hold it he would if he had to hold it alone; that he would rather die there in the square with the consciousness that he had kept his trust than abandon the place. juan and gonzalo seconded his stirring appeal. it was resolved that the fortress should be taken. hernando proposed to lead the assault in person, but juan interposed with the remark that he had objected to its seizure in the first instance, and to him rightfully belonged the leadership of the forlorn hope to repair the error. hernando consented. juan and gonzalo, with their commands and fifty of their best horse, were detailed for the purpose. by hernando's instructions they cut through the indians and galloped headlong down the road in the direction of lima. the indians were deceived by the seeming dash of the horsemen through the lines and, supposing them to be in retreat, turned their attention to the spaniards left in the square. the conflict which had been intermitted for a space began again with the utmost fury. in the midst of it, juan pizarro, who had galloped about a league from the town and then made a long {99} detour, suddenly appeared at sacsahuaman. the spaniards immediately rushed to the assault. this diversion caused the indians, who had been literally forcing the spaniards in the town up against the wall, and in the last ditch, as it were, to give ground. thereupon the dauntless hernando charged upon them, drove them out of the square, and succeeded in establishing communications with juan and gonzalo on the hill. he directed juan to hold his position and make no attack, but juan thought he saw an opportunity to gain the fortress, and at vespers the spaniards rushed at the walls. there were indians not only within but without the walls, and the fighting was soon of the most sanguinary description. juan pizarro had been wounded previously in a skirmish and on account of this wound was unable to wear his morion. hernando had especially cautioned him to be careful on this account; but the impetuous valor of the pizarros was not to be restrained by considerations of any personal safety, and juan was in the front rank of the storming party. they had cut their way through to the fort and were battling for entrance when a stone hurled from the tower struck juan in the head, knocking him senseless. the wound was of such a character that two weeks afterward he died of it in great agony. he was the first to pay the penalty. history has preserved little concerning him, but some chroniclers have found him the highest-minded of the brothers--possibly because less is known about him! at any rate, he was a valiant soldier. gonzalo succeeded to the leadership, and although he and his men fought heroically, they were at last forced back from the fortress in spite of the fact that {100} they had gained the outer walls. the fighting had transferred itself from the city to the hills, which was a sad tactical error on the part of the peruvians, for they had force enough to overwhelm hernando and his men in the city, while they held juan and gonzalo in play at sacsahuaman, in which case all the spaniards would eventually have fallen into their hands. as night fell hernando left the city and came up to the hill. the spaniards busied themselves in making scaling-ladders, and in the morning, with the aid of the ladders, the assault was resumed with desperate fury. wall after wall was carried, and finally the fighting ranged around the citadel. the inca had sent five thousand of his best men to reënforce the defenders, but the spaniards succeeded in preventing their entrance to the fort which was now in a sorry plight. the ammunition--arrows, spears, stone, _et cetera_--of the garrison was almost spent. the spanish attack was pressed as rigorously as at the beginning. the high priest--priests have ever been among the first to incite people to war, and among the first to abandon the field of battle--fled with a great majority of his followers, and escaped by subterranean passages from the citadel, leaving but a few defenders to do or die. first among them was a chief, whose name, unfortunately, has not been preserved. he was one of those, however, who had drunk of the cup and pledged himself in the mountains of yucay. driven from wall to wall and from tower to tower, he and his followers made a heroic defense. the spanish chroniclers say that when this hero, whose exploits recall the half-mythical legends of the early roman republic, when men were as demi-gods, saw one of his men falter, he {101} stabbed him and threw his body upon the spaniards. at last he stood alone upon the last tower. the assailants offered him quarter, which he disdained. shouting his war-cry of defiance, he dashed his sole remaining weapon in the faces of the escaladers and then hurled himself bodily upon them to die on their sword-points. let him be remembered as a soldier, a patriot, and a gentleman. the fortress was gained! dismayed by the fearful loss that they had sustained, the peruvians, who had fought so valiantly, if so unsuccessfully, withdrew temporarily. hernando pizarro was master of the situation. he employed the few days of respite given him in gathering supplies and strengthening his position. it was well that he did so, for in a short time the peruvians once more appeared around the city, to which they laid a regular siege. there was more sharp fighting, but nothing like the homeric combats of the first investment. the peruvians had risen all over the land. detached parties of spaniards had been cut off without mercy. francisco pizarro was besieged in lima. messengers and ships were despatched in every direction, craving assistance. francisco did not know what had happened in cuzco, and the brothers in that city began to despair of their being extricated from their terrible predicament. help came to them from an unexpected source. we left almagro marching toward chili. his was no lovely promenade through a pleasant, smiling, fertile, wealthy land. he traversed vast deserts under burning skies. he climbed lofty mountains in freezing cold and found nothing. in despair, he turned back to peru. the limits assigned to pizarro were {102} not clear. almagro claimed that the city of cuzco was within his province, and determined to return and take it. on the way his little army, under the command of a very able soldier named orgonez, met and defeated a large army of peruvians. this, taken with the arrival of the harvest time, which must of necessity be gathered if the people were not to starve, caused the subsequent dissipation of the peruvian army. the inca maintained a fugitive court in the impregnable and secret fastnesses of the mountains, but the peruvians never gave any more trouble to the spaniards. they had spent themselves in this one fierce but futile blow. i am glad for the sake of their manhood that at least they had fought one great battle for their lands and liberties. [illustration: "he threw his sole remaining weapon in the faces of the escaladers"] vii. "the men of chili" and the civil wars almagro, assisted by treachery on the part of some of the spaniards who hated the pizarros, made himself master of the city, and, breaking his plighted word, seized hernando and gonzalo. meanwhile francisco, the marquis, had despatched a certain captain named alvarado with a force to relieve cuzco. almagro marched out with his army and defeated the superior force of alvarado in the battle of abancay, in july, 1537, in which, through the generalship of orgonez, alvarado's troops were captured with little or no loss in almagro's army. almagro had left gonzalo pizarro behind in cuzco, but had taken hernando, heavily guarded, with him. orgonez had urged almagro to put both of them to death. "dead men," he pithily remarked, "need no guards." on the principle of "in for a penny, in for a pound," {103} almagro was already deep enough in the bad graces of francisco pizarro, and he might as well be in deeper than he was, especially as the execution of hernando would remove his worst enemy. but almagro does not appear to have been an especially cruel man. he was an easy-going, careless, jovial, pleasure-loving soldier, and he spared the lives of the two brothers. gonzalo escaped, and assembling a force, immediately took the field. [illustration: fernando cortes. from a picture in the florence gallery] there had been a meeting between francisco and almagro. the latter got an inkling that there was treachery intended, and though the meeting had begun with embraces and tears, it was broken off abruptly and both the ancient partners prepared for an appeal to arms. almagro had released hernando on his promise to return immediately to spain. this promise hernando broke. francisco made his brother commander of the army, and the forces of the two commanders met on the plains of salinas on the 6th of april, 1538. there were about seven hundred on one side, pizarro's, and five hundred on the other, equally divided between horse and foot, with a few pieces of artillery in both armies. the men of chili, as almagro's forces were called, hated their former comrades, and pizarro's men returned this feeling with such animosities as are engendered nowhere save in civil war. victory finally attended hernando pizarro. he had fought in the ranks like a common soldier, save that he had been at great pains so to distinguish himself by his apparel that every one could know him, so that all who sought him could find him. orgonez was slain as he lay on the ground, wounded. such was the close, fierce fighting that the killed alone numbered nearly {104} two hundred, besides a proportionately greater number wounded. almagro had watched the battle from an adjacent hill. he was old and ill, broken down from excesses and dissipations. unable to sit a horse, he had been carried thither on a litter. the sight of his routed army admonished him to try to escape. with great pain and difficulty he got upon a horse, but being pursued, the animal stumbled and almagro fell to the ground. some of pizarro's men were about to dispatch him when hernando interfered. he was taken prisoner to cuzco and held in captivity for a while. hernando had announced his intention of sending him to spain for trial, but a conspiracy to effect his release, in which was our old friend de candia, caused a change in his purposes. almagro was tried on charges which were easily trumped up, was found guilty, of course, and in spite of his protestations and piteous appeals for life, he was strangled to death at night in his prison on the 8th of july, 1538, in the sixty-fifth year of his life. his head was then struck from his shoulders and both were exhibited in the great square at cuzco. vainglorious, ignorant, incompetent, yet cheerful, generous, frank, kindly and open-hearted, and badly treated by pizarro and his brothers, he possibly deserved a better fate. the pizarro brothers affected to be overcome by the stern necessity which compelled poor almagro's execution. as francisco had done when he had killed atahualpa, these two put on mourning and insisted upon being pall-bearers, and exhibited every outward manifestation of deep and abiding grief. almagro left a son, diego, by an indian woman, to whom he had not been married. this young man {105} was under the guardianship of pizarro at lima. the sword of damocles hung over his head for a while, but he was spared eventually and, the rebellion of almagro having been cut down, the revolt of the inca crushed, peace appeared once more to dwell in the land. viii. the mean end of the great conquistador but fate had not finished with the pizarros as yet. hernando was sent back to spain to explain the situation, and gonzalo despatched to quito, of which province he was made governor. he had instructions to explore the country eastward to see if he could find another peru. he made a marvelous march to the head-waters of the amazon river, where he was deserted by one of his commanders, orellana, who built a brigantine, sailed down the whole length of the amazon, finally reaching europe, while gonzalo and those few of his wretched followers who survived the terrible hardships of that march, struggled back to quito. francisco, the marquis, was thus left alone in peru. the position of the men of chili was precarious. although outwardly things were peaceful, yet they felt that at any time pizarro might institute war against them. they got the young almagro away from him, and a score of men under juan de rada, a stout-hearted veteran, mercenary soldier, determined to put the marquis to death and proclaim the young almagro as lord and dictator of peru. on sunday afternoon, the 26th of june, 1541, de rada and nineteen desperate men of chili, met at de rada's house in lima. pizarro had received a number of warnings which he had neglected, confident {106} in the security of his position, but the existence of the conspiracy had been brought home to him with peculiar force that sunday, and he had remained in his palace at lima surrounded by a number of gentlemen devoted to his cause. at vespers--which seems to have been a favorite hour for nefarious deeds among the spaniards--the assassins sallied forth from the home of de rada and started for the palace. such was the indifference in which the people held the squabbles between the pizarrists and the almagrists, that it was casually remarked by many of them, as the assassins proceeded through the streets, that they were probably on their way to kill the governor. the governor was at supper on the second floor of his palace. there was a sudden tumult in the square below. the door was forced open and the almagrists, shouting "death to pizarro!" rushed for the stairs. most of the noble company with the old marquis fled. the great conquistador at least had no thought of flight. there remained with him, however, two pages, his brother martin de alcántara, francisco de chaves, one of the immortal thirteen of gallo, and another cavalier, named de luna. as they heard the clash of arms on the stairs and the shouting of the assailants, the marquis ordered de chaves to close the door; then he sprang to the wall, tore from it his corselet and endeavored to buckle it on his person. de chaves unwisely attempted to parley, instead of closing the door and barring it. the assailants forced the entrance, cut down de chaves, and burst into the room. pizarro gave over the attempt to fasten his breastplate, and seizing a sword and spear, defended himself stoutly while pealing his war-cry: "santiago!" through the palace. the two pages, {107} fighting valiantly, were soon cut down. de alcántara and de luna were also killed, and finally, pizarro, an old man over seventy years of age, stood alone before the murderers. such was the wonderful address of the sword play with which he defended himself that the conspirators were at a loss how to take him, until de rada, ruthlessly seizing one of his comrades, pitilessly thrust him upon pizarro's sword-point, and, before the old man could withdraw the weapon, cut him in the throat with his sword. instantly pizarro was struck by a dozen blades. he fell back upon the floor, but he was not yet dead, and with his own blood he marked a cross on the stones. it is alleged by some that he asked for a confessor, but that is hardly likely, for as he bent his head to press his lips upon the cross, one of the murderers, seizing a huge stone bowl, or earthen vessel, threw it upon his head and killed him. _sic transit pizarro_! if he has been the subject of much severe censure, he has not lacked, especially of late, zealous defenders. i have endeavored to treat him fairly in these sketches. considering him in comparison with his contemporaries, cortes surpassed him in ability, hernando in executive capacity, almagro in generosity, balboa in gallantry, and de soto in courtesy. on the other hand, he was inferior to none of them in bravery and resolution, and he made up for his lack of other qualities by a terrible and unexampled persistency. nothing could swerve him from his determination. he had a faculty of rising to each successive crisis which confronted him, wresting victory from the most adverse circumstances in a way worthy of the highest admiration. he was not so cruel as pedrarias, but he was {108} ruthless enough and his fame is forever stained by atrocities and treacheries from which no personal or public success can redeem it. in passing judgment upon him, account must be taken of the humble circumstances of his early life, his lack of decent, healthy environment, his neglected youth, his total ignorance of polite learning. take him all in all, in some things he was better and in other things no worse than his day and generation. ix. the last of the brethren hernando pizarro was delayed on his voyage to spain and some of almagro's partisans got the ear of the king before he arrived. he was charged with having permitted by his carelessness the peruvian uprising and having unlawfully taken the life of almagro. the story of his desperate defense of cusco was unavailing to mitigate the anger of the king at the anarchy and confusion--and incidentally the diminution of the royal revenue--which prevailed in peru. hernando was thrown into prison at medina, and kept there for twenty-three long and weary years. he had married his own niece, francisca pizarro, illegitimate daughter of the marquis francisco, by a daughter of the great inca, huayna capac. the woman was a half-sister of atahualpa and huascar. by this questionable means, the family of the pizarros, with certain dignities, restored for their peruvian service, was perpetuated in spain. hernando died at the age of one hundred and four. de rada, after the assassination of francisco, assembled the ancient partisans of almagro. they swore fealty to the young almagro, and immediately {109} took the field against a new governor sent out by charles v. to take charge of affairs in peru. this vaca de castro, through his able lieutenants, alvarado and carvajal, defeated the forces of almagro on the bloody and desperately fought field of chapus, took the young man prisoner to cuzco, and beheaded him forthwith. he met his death bravely, without beseeching or repining. before the fate of the battle was decided, almagro, suspecting that the gunner, de candia, another of the thirteen who had adhered to his cause, was not serving his artillery with so good effect as he might, ran him through the body. there remains but one of the brothers who gave peru to spain, the magnificent cavalier, gonzalo. his fate may be briefly summarized. another viceroy, named blasco nuñez vela, succeeded de castro. he had orders to release the peruvians from servitude, which meant that the conquerors and the thousands who had come after, would have been compelled to work. led by gonzalo, who had been rewarded for his services in the rebellion against almagro by a domain in peru which included the newly discovered mines of potosi, which provided him with the sinews of war, the people rebelled against the viceroy. pizarro and his lieutenant, carvajal, deposed and defeated the viceroy in a battle near quito on the 18th of january, 1546, the latter losing his life. gonzalo pizarro was now the supreme lord of peru, which included practically the whole of the south american coast from the isthmus of darien to the straits of magellan, for valdivia, one of francisco pizarro's lieutenants, had partially conquered chili at last. the spanish monarch, three thousand miles away, {110} could do nothing by force. he sent an able and devoted ecclesiastic, gasca by name, clothing him with dictatorial powers, to see what he could do. gasca arrived at panama, cunningly and tactfully won the captains of gonzalo's navy to his side, went to peru, assembled a force, and although centeno, one of his lieutenants, was badly defeated by gonzalo and carvajal on the 26th of october, 1547, at huarina, the bloodiest battle ever fought in peru, finally gained strength enough to march to cuzco, where gonzalo had command of a large and splendidly equipped army. gasca, by promising that the obnoxious laws concerning the indians should be repealed, and adroitly pointing out that those who adhered to gonzalo were, in effect, in rebellion against their sovereign, had so undermined the allegiance of his men that gonzalo, who had marched to the valley of xaquixaguana, found himself deserted on the eve of the battle by all but a handful of faithful retainers. "what shall we do?" asked one of the devoted followers. "fall on them and die like romans." "i believe i should prefer to die like a christian," said gonzalo calmly. recognizing that it was all up with him, riding forward with carvajal and the rest, he coolly surrendered himself to gasca. carvajal was hung, drawn and quartered. gonzalo, the last of the brothers, was beheaded in the great square at cuzco. he was magnificently arrayed as he rode to his death. his vast estates, including the mines of potosi, had been confiscated and all his possessions were on his back. he met his fate with the courage of the family. before he {111} died he made a little address from the scaffold. contrasting his present poverty with his former state, he asked those who had been his friends and who owed him anything, and also those who had been his enemies, to lay out some of the treasure they had gained through his family and himself in masses for the repose of his soul. then he knelt down before a table bearing a crucifix, and prayed silently. at last he turned to the executioner and said: "do your duty with a steady hand!" so he made a rather dramatic and picturesque exit there in the square at cuzco, on that sunny morning in april, 1548. his head was exhibited at lima with that of carvajal. to it was attached this inscription: "this is the head of the traitor, gonzalo pizarro, who rebelled in peru against his sovereign and battled against the royal standard at the valley of xaquixaguana." there remains but one other person whose fate excites a passing interest, unless it be bishop valverde, who was killed, while on a journey, by the peruvians, some years before; this is the last inca, manco capac. when de rada and his band started out to assassinate pizarro, one of the soldiers, named gomez perez, made a detour as they crossed the square, to keep from getting his feet wet in a puddle of muddy water which had overflowed from one of the conduits. "you shrink," cried de rada, in contempt, "from wetting your feet, who are about to wade in the blood of the governor! go back, we will have none of you." he had not permitted perez to take part in the assassination. this perez, after the final defeat of the almagrists, fled to the mountains where manco still exercised a fugitive sway over such of his people {112} as could escape the spaniards. he was afterward pardoned and used as a medium of communication between gasca and the inca. the priest viceroy was anxious to be at peace with the inca, but manco refused to trust himself to the spaniards. perez and he were playing bowls one day in the mountains. perez either cheated, or in some way incensed the unfortunate inca, who peremptorily reproved him, whereupon the spaniard, in a fit of passion, hurled his heavy stone bowl at the last of the incas, and killed him. that was the end of perez, also, for the attendants of the young inca stabbed him to death. thus all those who had borne a prominent part in the great adventures had gone to receive such certain reward as they merited; which reward was not counted out to them in the form of gold and silver, or stones of price. the sway in the new land of the king over the sea was absolute at last, and there was peace, such as it was, in peru. [1] "what is this, francisco pizarro?" balboa asked, in great astonishment, of his former lieutenant and comrade, meeting him and his soldiers on the way with the order of arrest. "you were not wont to come out in this fashion to receive me!" [2] magellan had crossed it from the south five years before. [3] prescott, to whose remarkable accuracy, considering the time in which he wrote, the authorities at his command, and the disabilities under which he labored, i am glad to testify, in view of the prevalent opinion that his books are literature and not history, says thirteen; helps says fifteen, while markham and fiske say sixteen. kirk verifies prescott's conclusion with a good argument. one thing there is to which no one but prescott seems to have called attention or explained. everybody says ruiz, the old pilot, was the first to follow pizarro across the line. if so, he must have stepped back again, probably at pizarro's request, for six months later we find him leaving panama in charge of the ship which took pizarro and his devoted subordinates off the island of gorgona. ruiz could only have reached panama in tafur's ship. certain it is that only thirteen men were ennobled for their heroic constancy on the island of gallo, as we shall see later. the three names added to prescott's list are put there on the authority of garcilasso de la vega, the son of a spanish cavalier and an inca princess. two of the three men he mentions he claims told him personally that they had been of the heroic band which had refused to abandon pizarro. such claims made by men who may really believe them to be true after the event, are not rare in history. whatever the exact number, there were but a handful. the rest, choosing panama, remained on the north side of the line, and i have no doubt regretted their decision for the rest of their lives. [4] generally speaking, the peruvians were monogamous, except in case of the inca, who had as many wives as he wished, and who sometimes rewarded exceptional services by allowing some favored adherent an extra wife. [5] the exact number varies with different authorities, none of whom, however, makes the total greater than two hundred. [6] napoleon at toulon succeeded in getting volunteers to man a particularly dangerous artillery outpost swept by the guns of the enemy, by the simple expedient of denominating the position as the "battery of the fearless," or the "battery of those who are not afraid." even better than pizarro, this great corsican soldier of fortune knew how to handle his men. [7] authorities differ as to which it was. the matter is not material, anyway. [8] the ransom of king john ii. of france, taken prisoner by the black prince, was three million golden crowns. the value of the ancient ecu de la couronne varied between $1.50 and $1.30, so that the ransom of john was between four and one-half and seven million dollars. estimating the purchasing power of money in john's time at two and one-half times that of the present, we arrive at a ransom of between eleven and eighteen million dollars. if we split the difference and call the ransom fourteen and a half millions, we still find that the christian monarch was slightly undervalued as compared with his heathen fellow in misery. however, all this is profitless, because the ransom of john was never paid. [9] query: does the reader not wish that the peruvians had succeeded? indeed, how can the reader help wishing that? yet would it have been better for the world if the peruvians had succeeded in expelling the spaniards, or would it have been worse? these questions afford matter for interesting speculation. {115} iv the greatest adventure in history i. the chief of all the soldiers of fortune at the close of the fifteenth century, to be exact, in the year 1500, in the town of painala, in the province of coatzacualco, one of the feudatory divisions of the great aztec empire of mexico, there was born a young girl who was destined to exercise upon the fortunes of her country an influence as great as it was baleful, as wonderful as it was unfortunate. she was the daughter of the cacique of tenepal, who was lord of the town and province, a feoff of the mexican emperor montezuma xocoyotzin. this was the second montezuma who had occupied the imperial throne and his last name means "the younger," which he adopted to distinguish him from his predecessor in the empire. this lord of painala, whose name has been forgotten, unfortunately for his country departed this life soon after the birth of his daughter, who was called malinal because she was born on the twelfth day of the month, her name indicating that fact. his property naturally devolved upon the young daughter. her mother assumed the office of guardian and regent of the state. this lady, whose name has also been lost in oblivion, did not long remain single. after her second marriage, which apparently took place with a somewhat indecent hurry, there was born to {116} her and her new consort, a young son. to secure to this son the inheritance, she sold her little daughter, too young to realize the unfortunate transaction, to some traders of xicalango, who in turn disposed of her to a coast tribe of aztecs called the tabascans. she lived in bondage with the tabascans until she was nineteen years old. she developed into a woman of rare beauty and unusual intellect. something of the power of high birth was evidently hers, for she escaped the degrading servitude of the time, and was carefully trained and prepared for some higher purpose. this girl was to be the instrument of the downfall of her native land. now it happened that when malinal was nineteen years old, the rumor of a strange visitation ran up and down the shore among the people who dwelt upon the great gulf of mexico. some remarkable beings, the like of whom had never been seen or heard of within the memory of living man, in some remarkable boats which absolutely transcended the imagination of the aztecs, had been seen upon the coast and some of them had landed at different points. also there had sifted from the south, from the isthmus of darien and the panama states, some account of these white-skinned demi-gods. just enough rumor was current to cause alarm and uneasiness in the aztec empire when the attention of the rulers was called to some definite facts. on good friday, march 23, 1519, the dreaded and expected happened, for there landed at what is now the city of vera cruz, in the territory of the tabascans, vassals of montezuma, a party of these strange adventurers. they were led by a man of mature years, whose name was fernando cortes--sometimes written {117} hernando cortes. like pizarro, whose history has been related, he was from the forgotten province of estremadura. he was born in the year 1485, in the city of medellin. he was seven years old when columbus set sail upon that epoch-making voyage of discovery and he was thirty-four when he set foot for the first time on the shores of mexico. in the intervening years much interesting and valuable experience had been enjoyed. the parents of cortes belonged to the provincial nobility. they were worthy and respectable subjects of the king of spain. the old-fashioned adjectives, "poor, but honest" could be applied to them. the boy was a puny, sickly lad, whom they scarcely expected to reach man's estate. when he was fourteen years old they entered him in the great university of salamanca where he took his degree as bachelor of laws, after a two years' course. the law, in spain, was considered an entirely proper profession for the nobility, especially when the nobility were unable, through narrow circumstances, properly to support the profession of arms. cortes, therefore, was in receipt of a liberal education for his day. his letters, some of which will be quoted hereafter, are evidences of his mental training. in some respects they are as interesting as are the famous commentaries of julius caesar. the young man, whose constitution improved as he grew older, until he eventually became the hardiest, most enduring and bravest of his company, which included the most intrepid men of the age, had no love for the humdrum profession of law. he desired to go to italy and take service with gonsalvo de cordova, who is remembered, when he is remembered at all, as "the great captain"; but sickness prevented. {118} following that, his thoughts turned, as did those of so many spanish youths who were of an adventurous disposition, toward the new world. after many setbacks, one of which was caused by a wound received by the hot-blooded young man while engaged in a love affair, and which left a permanent scar upon his upper lip, he finally landed at santo domingo in the spring of 1504. from there he went to cuba and served under one diego velasquez, the governor of that province in some fierce fighting in the island, and received as a reward from the governor, who was much attached to him, a large plantation with a number of indians to work it. there he married and lived prosperously. what he had done before he arrived in mexico counted little. what he did afterward gave him eternal fame as one, if not the greatest, of the conquerors and soldiers of fortune in all history. sir arthur helps thus portrays him: "cortes," he says, "was an heroic adventurer, a very politic statesman, and an admirable soldier. he was cruel at times in conduct, but not in disposition; he was sincerely religious, profoundly dissembling, courteous, liberal, amorous, decisive. there was a certain grandeur in all his proceedings. he was fertile in resources; and, while he looked forward, he was at the same time almost madly audacious in his enterprises. this strange mixture of valor, religion, policy, and craft, was a peculiar product of the century. . . . there are two main points in his character which i shall dwell upon at the outset. these are his soldier-like qualities and his cruelty. as a commander, the only fault imputed to him, was his recklessness in exposing himself to the dangers of personal conflict with the enemy. but then, that is an error {119} to be commonly noticed even in the greatest generals of that period; and cortes, with this singular dexterity in arms, was naturally prone to fall into this error. as regards his peculiar qualifications as a commander, it may be observed, that, great as he was in carrying out large and difficult operations in actual warfare, he was not less so in attending to those minute details upon which so much of the efficiency of troops depends. his companion-in-arms, bernal diaz, says of him, 'he would visit the hut of every soldier, see that his arms were ready at hand, and that he had his shoes on. those whom he found had neglected anything in this way he severely reprimanded, and compared them to mangy sheep, whose own wool is too heavy for them.' "i have said that he was cruel in conduct, but not in disposition. this statement requires explanation. cortes was a man who always determined to go through with the thing he had once resolved to do. human beings, if they came in his way, were to be swept out of it, like any other material obstacles. he desired no man's death, but if people would come between him and success, they must bear the consequences. he did not particularly value human life. the ideas of the nineteenth century in that respect were unknown to him. he had come to conquer, to civilize, to convert (for he was really a devout man from his youth upward); and, as his chaplain takes care to tell us, knew many prayers and psalms of the choir by heart; and the lives of thousands of barbarians, for so he deemed them, were of no account in the balance of his mind, when set against the great objects he had in view. in saying this, i am not apologizing for this cruelty; i am only endeavoring to explain it. "of all the generals who have been made known {120} to us in history, or by fiction, claverhouse, as represented by sir walter scott, most closely resembles cortes. both of them thorough gentlemen, very dignified, very nice and precise in all their ways and habits, they were sadly indifferent to the severity of the means by which they compassed their ends; and bloody deeds sat easily, for the most part, upon their well-bred natures. i make these comments once for all; and shall hold myself excused from making further comments of a like nature when any of the cruelties of cortes come before us--cruelties which one must ever deeply deplore on their own account, and bitterly regret as ineffaceable strains upon the fair fame and memory of a very great man. . . . the conquest of mexico could hardly have been achieved at this period under any man of less genius than that which belonged to hernando cortes. and even his genius would probably not have attempted the achievement, or would have failed in it, but for a singular concurrence of good and evil fortune, which contributed much to the ultimate success of his enterprise. great difficulties and fearful conflicts of fortune not only stimulate to great attempts, but absolutely create the opportunities for them." ii. the expedition to mexico. reports brought back to cuba by one juan de grijilva, who told of the populous and wealthy cities of the main land to the westward of cuba, induced velasquez to fit out an expedition for exploration, colonization or whatever might turn up. casting about among his friends, followers, and acquaintances for a suitable leader, his choice after some hesitation {121} devolved upon cortes. this nascent captain had not lived at the provincial court of velasquez without impressing his characteristics upon those with whom he came in contact. after the outfitting of the expedition had progressed considerably, velasquez was warned that cortes was of too high and resolved a spirit to be trusted with an independent command, and it was probable that upon this opportunity he would disregard his instructions and act for his own interests, without giving another thought to velasquez and his backers. velasquez ignored the suggestions that he displace cortes until it was too late. cortes, learning that his enemies were undermining him with the governor, hastily completed his preparations and set sail a short time in advance of the arrival of the order displacing him from the command. his little squadron touched at a point in cuba and was there overtaken by the missive from velasquez, which cortes absolutely disregarded. he had embarked his property and had persuaded his friends to invest and did not propose to be displaced by anybody or anything. the expedition consisted of eleven ships. the flag was a small caravel of one hundred tons burden. there were three others of eighty tons each, and the seven remaining were small, undecked brigantines. authorities vary as to the number of men in the expedition, but there were between five hundred and fifty and six hundred spaniards, two hundred indian servants, ten small pieces of artillery, four falconets and sixteen horses. the truth must be admitted. there were three factors which contributed to the downfall of that vast empire against which this expedition of adventurers {122} was launched. one of them was cortes himself, the second was malinal, and the third was the sixteen, doubtless sorry horses, loaded into the ships. fiske says: "it was not enough that the spanish soldier of that day was a bulldog for strength and courage, or that his armor was proof against stone arrows and lances, or that he wielded a toledo blade that could cut through silken cushions, or that his arquebus and cannon were not only death-dealing weapons but objects of superstitious awe. more potent than all else together were those frightful monsters, the horses. before these animals men, women, and children fled like sheep, or skulked and peeped from behind their walls in an ecstasy of terror. it was that paralyzing, blood-curdling fear of the supernatural, against which no amount of physical bravery, nothing in the world but modern knowledge, is of the slightest avail." after touching at various places, in one of which they were lucky enough to find and release a spanish captive named geronimo de aguilar, who had been wrecked on the yucatan coast while on a voyage from the spanish settlement in darien and had been taken captive by the mayas and held for several years. the hospitable mayas had eaten most of the expedition. there were then but two alive. one had renounced his religion, married a maya woman, and had been elected chieftain of the tribe, and accordingly refused to join cortes. aguilar was unfettered and glad of the opportunity. during his sojourn among the mayas he had learned to speak their language fluently. after landing at tabasco on good friday, there was a great battle with the warlike inhabitants of that section, a battle which resulted in the complete {123} discomfiture of the tabascans. the artillery did much to bring this about, but was not especially terrifying to the aborigines because they crowded in such numbers around the spaniards, and made such terrific outcries, beating on their drums the while, that they drowned out the noise of the cannonade; but when cortes at the head of the horsemen sallied out from the woods, and fell upon them, the strange, terrifying spectacle presented by these mail-clad monsters and demons, took the heart out of the tabascans, and they abandoned the contest, leaving, so the chroniclers say, countless numbers dead upon the field. they knew when they had had enough, and immediately thereafter, they sued for peace. cortes was graciously pleased to grant their request, and to accept as a peace-offering a score of slaves. among them was malinal. in the allotment of the slaves among the officers, she fell to the share of alonzo de puerto carrero from whom cortes speedily acquired her. of all the indians present with cortes, malinal alone could speak two languages. the tabascans spoke a sort of degenerate maya, with which, as she had lived among them so long, she was of course perfectly familiar, at the same time she had not forgotten her native mexican. it would have been impossible for cortes to have communicated with the mexicans without malinal, for aguilar could turn spanish into maya, and malinal could turn maya into mexican. this means of communication, round about though it might be, was at once established. the intervention of aguilar soon became unnecessary, for malinal presently learned to speak pure castilian with fluency and grace. she received instruction from the worthy priests who accompanied the expedition and was {124} baptised under the name of marina, and it is by that name that she is known in history. her eminence is even greater than that unfortunate florinda, whose father, to revenge her mistreatment by king roderick, the goth, sold spain to tarik, the saracen, so many centuries before. marina learnt among other things to love cortes, whose fortunes she followed and whom she served with an absolute, unquestioning, blind devotion and fidelity until the end. so absolute was this attachment of hers that cortes became known to the aztecs as the lord of marina. the aztecs could not pronounce the letter r. marina was therefore changed to malina, which curiously enough was nearly her original name. the word "tzin" is the aztec name for lord, consequently cortes was called malintzin, or more shortly malinche, meaning, as has been stated, the lord of malina. sir arthur helps has this to say of her: "indeed her fidelity was assured by the love which she bore her master. bernal diaz says that she was handsome, clever, and eager to be useful (one that will have an oar in every boat), and she looked the great lady that she was. "there was hardly any person in history to whom the ruin of that person's native land can be so distinctly brought home, as it can be to the wicked mother of donna marina. cortes, valiant and skilful as he was in the use of the sword, was not less valiant (perhaps we might say, not less audacious) nor less skilful, in the use of the tongue. all the craft which he afterward showed in negotiations would have been profitless without a competent and trusty interpreter. . . . if a medal had been struck to commemorate the deeds of {125} cortes, the head of donna marina should have been associated with that of cortes on the face of the medal; for, without her aid, his conquest of mexico would never have been accomplished." iii. the religion of the aztecs now the aztec empire was a rather loose confederation of states bound together by allegiance to a common overlord, who had his capital across the mountains in the city of mexico. it had been founded by the influx of an army of fierce marauders from the north who had overwhelmed the toltecs who occupied the country and had attained a degree of civilization which is presumed to have been higher than that which displaced it. this empire of anahuac, as it was sometimes called, had endured for two centuries. it was a military despotism and the emperor was a military despot. his rule was the rule of fear. it subsisted by force of arms and terror was its cohering power. it had been extended by ruthless conquest alone until it comprised from eighteen hundred to two thousand square leagues, about two hundred thousand square miles of territory. the capital, situated on an island in the midst of a salt lake, was known as tenochtitlan, or the city of mexico, and what rome was to the italian states, or carthage was to the north african literal, this city was to anahuac, the empire of the aztecs. the name tenochtitlan is thus explained by fiske: "when the aztecs, hard pressed by foes, took refuge among these marshes, they came upon a sacrificial stone which they recognized as one upon which some years before one of their priests had immolated a captive {126} chief. from a crevice in this stone, where a little earth was imbedded, there grew a cactus, upon which sat an eagle holding in its beak a serpent. a priest ingeniously interpretated this symbolism as a prophecy of signal and long-continued victory, and, forthwith diving into the lake, he had an interview with tlaloc, the god of waters, who told him that upon that very spot the people were to build their town. the place was thereafter called tenochtitlan, or "the place of the cactus-rock," but the name under which it afterward came to be best known was taken from mexitl, one of the names of the war god huitzilopochtli. the device of the rock, the cactus, with the eagle and the serpent, formed a tribal totem for the aztecs, and has been adopted, as the coat-of-arms of the present republic of mexico." included in the sway of its emperor were many different tribes. they were kept in submission by the strong and inexorable hand. there were a few tribes, however, which had not been subdued and which still maintained a more or less precarious independence. the subject peoples were only kept from open rebellion by the most rigorous and oppressive measures. there was jealousy, humiliation, hoped-for revenge throughout the entire empire. each tribe or people had its own local god, but there was a bond coherent in the general mexican religion that had its centre of worship in the great city, and which all of them followed. this religion was one of the most ferocious, degrading and disgusting of any in history. it required human sacrifice on a larger scale than had ever before been practised. cannibalism was universal. captives of war were sacrificed to the gods and their bodies eaten. in mexico, {127} itself, with all its charm, with all its beauty, with all its luxuries, with all its verdure and wealth, there were huge pyramids of skulls. the priests were ferocious creatures, whose long black locks, never combed, were matted with blood, as they sacrificed to their awful war-god human hearts, still palpitating, torn from the victims a moment since alive. fiske thus describes the temple pyramid and chief shrine in the great city: "on the summit was a dreadful block of jasper, convex at the top, so that when the human victim was laid upon his back and held down, the breast was pushed upwards, ready for the priest to make one deep slashing cut and snatch out the heart. near the sacrificial block were the altars, and sanctuaries of the gods, tezcatlipoca, huitzilopochtli, and others, with idols as hideous as their names. on these altars smoked fresh human hearts, of which the gods were fond, while other parts of the bodies were ready for the kitchens of the communal houses below. the gods were voracious as wolves, and the victims as numerous. in some cases the heart was thrust into the mouth of the idol with a golden spoon, in others the lips were simply daubed with blood. in the temple a great quantity of rattlesnakes, kept as sacred objects were fed with the entrails of the victims. other parts of the body were given to the menagerie beasts, which were probably also kept for purposes of religious symbolism. blood was also rubbed into the mouths of the carved serpents upon the jambs and lintels of the houses. the walls and floor of the great temple were clotted with blood and shreds of human flesh, and the smell was like that of a slaughter-house. just outside the temple, in front of the broad street which {128} led across the causeway to tlacopan, stood the _tzompantli_, which was an oblong parallelogram of earth and masonry, one hundred and fifty-four feet (long) at the base, ascended by thirty steps, on each of which were skulls. round the summit were upward of seventy raised poles about four feet apart, connected by numerous rows of cross-poles passed through holes in the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the sticks being passed through the temples. in the centre stood two towers, or columns, made of skulls and lime, the face of each skull being turned outwards, and giving a horrible appearance to the whole. this effect was heightened by leaving the heads of distinguished captives in their natural state, with hair and skin on. as the skulls decayed they fell from the towers or poles, and they were replaced by others, so that no vacant place was left." concerning the cruelty of the spaniards, the contrast between the opposing religions must be considered. ruthless as the conquerors were, there is no possible comparison between the most indifferent principles of the christian religion and the application of the awful principles of the mexican religion. macnutt, the author of the latest and best life of cortes, makes this interesting comment on the christianity of the spanish adventurers of the time: "soldier of spain and soldier of the cross, for the cross was the standard of militant christianity, of which spain was the truest exponent, his religion, devoutly believed in, but intermittently practised, inspired his ideals, without sufficiently guiding his conduct. ofttimes brutal, he was never vulgar, while as a lover of sheer daring and of danger for danger's sake, he has never been eclipsed. . . . {129} sixteenth-century spain produced a race of christian warriors whose piety, born of an intense realization of, and love for a militant christ, was of a martial complexion, beholding in the symbol of salvation--the cross--the standard of christendom around which the faithful must rally, and for whose protection and exaltation swords must be drawn and blood spilled if need be. they were the children of the generation which had expelled the moor from spain, and had brought centuries of religious and patriotic warfare to a triumphant close, in which their country was finally united under the crown of castile. from such forebears the generation of cortes received its heritage of christian chivalry. the discovery of a new world, peopled by barbarians, opened a fresh field to spanish missionary zeal, in which the kingdom of god upon earth was to be extended and countless souls rescued from the obscene idolatries and debasing cannibalism which enslaved them." in the mexican pantheon, however, there was one good god, named quetzalcoatl. he was a toltec deity, and was venerated as the god of the air. he was identified with the east wind which brought the fertilizing rains. some historians and investigators explain him as purely a mythical personage. he was supposed to have appeared to the toltecs long before the aztecs came into the land. he was described in ancient traditions as a tall, white-faced, bearded man, whose dress differed from that of the aborigines and included a long white tunic, upon which were dark red crosses. his teachings enjoined chastity, charity, and penance. he had but one god and preached in the name of that god. he condemned human sacrifice and taught the nation agriculture, metal work and {130} mechanics. he fixed their calendar so that it was much more reliable than either the greek or the roman. there were various legends as to his departure, one of them being that he sailed away across the sea upon a raft composed of serpents, and was wafted into the unknown east whence he had come. his color, his dress, his teachings, and his character, are all so symbolic of christianity, they are so strange, so unique, so utterly without an explanation in anything else known of the aztecs and toltecs, that the conclusion that he was a christian bishop, wearing a pallium is almost irresistible. why could not some christian bishop, voyaging along the shores of europe, have been blown far out of his course by a long-continued easterly gale, finally have landed on the shores of mexico and, having done what he could to teach the people, have built himself some kind of a ship and sailed eastward in the hope of once more revisiting his native land before he died. at any rate, such is the tradition. it was a tradition or legend which played no small part in the conquest about to be effected. iv. the march to tenochtitlan into this loosely compact political and social organization, hard-headed, clear-sighted, iron-hearted, steel-clad cortes precipitated himself. his was a mind at the same time capable of vast and comprehensive designs and a most minute attention to small details. for instance, he laid out the city of vera cruz at the place of his landing. he caused his men to elect a full corps of municipal officers from their number. to this organization he frankly resigned his commission and the power that he had by the appointment of {131} velasquez, which the latter had tried so hard to revoke. they immediately elected him captain-general of the expedition with vastly increased prerogatives and privileges. thus he could now, in form at least, trace his authority to the crown, as represented by this new colonial municipality and he therefore had behind him the whole power of the expedition! with a skill, which showed not only his adroitness, but his determination, he next caused his men to acquiesce in the scuttling of the ships which had conveyed them to mexico! after saving the cordage, rigging and everything else that might be useful, which was carefully stored away in the little fort rapidly building, the vessels were destroyed beyond repair. before this was done, cortes offered to reserve one ship for certain malcontents and partisans of velasquez in which they might return if they wished. nobody took advantage of his offer. by this bold and original stroke, he added to his expeditionary force some one hundred and twenty hardy mariners, who thereafter took part with the soldiery in all the hazards and undertakings. with, therefore, less than six hundred men, sixteen horses, ten small cannon, and one woman, cortes prepared to undertake the conquest of this mighty empire. it was a small force, but its fighting quality was unsurpassed. lew wallace thus characterizes them: "it is hardly worth while to eulogize the christians who took part in cortes's crusade. history has assumed their commemoration. i may say, however, they were men who had acquired fitness for the task by service in almost every clime. some had tilted with the moor under the walls of granada; some had {132} fought the islamite on the blue danube; some had performed the first atlantic voyage with columbus; all of them had hunted the carib in the glades of hispaniola. it is not enough to describe them as fortune-hunters, credulous, imaginative, tireless; neither is it enough to write them soldiers, bold, skilful, confident, cruel to enemies, gentle to each other. they were characters of the age in which they lived, unseen before, unseen since; knights errant, who believed in hippogriff and dragon, but sought them only in lands of gold; missionaries, who complacently broke the body of the converted that christ might the sooner receive his soul; palmers of pike and shield, who, in care of the virgin, followed the morning round the world, assured that heaven stooped lowest over the most profitable plantations." just what cortes at first proposed to do is not quite clear. indeed, he himself could not form any definite plan until the circumstances under which he would be compelled to act, should be more precisely ascertained. he was, therefore, an opportunist. for one thing, he made up his mind to lead his troops to the capital city willy-nilly, and there act as circumstances might determine. he was a statesman as well as a soldier. it did not take him long to fathom the peculiarities of the organization and composition of the aztec empire. he knew that discord existed and he had only to introduce himself to become a focus for the discontent and rebellion. by giving a secret impression that he was for either side, he could play one party against the other, as best suited his purposes. he came to bring freedom to the one, to promote the revolt of the other, check the oppression of the third, and destroy the presumption of the another {133} tribe, or warring nation. so he caused his purposes to be declared. cortes's personal character was not by any means above reproach, yet withal he was a sincere and devoted christian, strange and inexplicable as the paradox may seem, but it was an age of devoted christians, whose devotion and principles fortunately were not translated into daily life. neither cortes nor any of his followers--perhaps not even the priests were of different opinion--thought any less of themselves or regarded themselves the less worthy christians: if their conduct toward the native races did not manifest that continence, restraint and sympathy which their religion taught. cortes was a child of his age; the other great men of his age were much like him in these things. here and there a las casas appears, but he shines forth against a dark and universally extensive background. such as the great apostles to the indies were lonely exceptions indeed. all the spanish conquerors were cruel; but cortes was not so cruel as many others. he was not to be compared to the ruthless pizarro for instance. save in daring and personal courage, he vastly surpassed the lord of peru in every quality which goes to make a man. cortes was treacherous in his dealings with montezuma and others, but the man of his age regarded very lightly the obligation of his word toward a savage. indeed, it was a well-known principle that no faith was necessarily to be kept with either heretics or heathen and no oath was binding against the interests of the state. cortes, of course, had all the contempt for the aztecs that caucasians usually have for inferior races, although in his letters, he tried his very best to be fair, to be just, even to be generous to these {134} people he overcame; and no one can doubt the sincerity with which he desired to promote the spreading of the christian religion. they did things differently in those days. not only did they believe that the religion of the heathen should be changed by force, but they believed that in some way they could constrain all people to accept christianity. more blood has been shed in promoting the idea that the outsider should be compelled to come into the fold than from the misinterpretation of any other text in the sacred scriptures. if any civilized power in the world to-day should send an expeditionary force into a heathen country, which should signalize its arrival therein by the desecration of its temples and the destruction of its idols, the commander would be recalled at once. we have learned other methods, methods of persuasion, of reason, of love. the age of cortes knew nothing of these methods, and he was only following out the common practice when he smashed with his battle-axe the hideous gods of the mexicans, and washed and purified with clean water, the reeking, gory, ill-smelling slaughter-houses which were the aztec holy of holies, and adorned them with crosses and images of the blessed virgin mary. when charles the ix. offered henry of navarre a choice of death, mass, or the bastille on the night of saint bartholomew, he gave him one more chance than the early steel-clad militant missionary gave to the aborigines of the new world--for them there was no bastille. making friends with the tabascans, and leaving one hundred and fifty men to guard his base of supplies at vera cruz and to watch the coast, cortes began his march toward mexico on the sixteenth day of august, 1519. he proceeded with the greatest caution. bernal {135} diaz, an old soldier, who afterward wrote a most vivid and graphic account of the conquest, of which he was no small part, says that they marched forward "with their beards on their shoulders," that is, looking from side to side, constantly. there was no hurry and there was no need to tire out the force which was thus facing the danger of a long, hard and rash adventure. by the aid of marina and aguilar, cortes speedily learned of places like cempoalla, which were hostile to montezuma and he took in as many of these places on his march as possible, always with incidents instructive and valuable. at cempoalla, for instance, he met the tax-gatherers of montezuma. he persuaded the cempoallans to refuse payment of the tax--an action which would ordinarily have brought down upon them the fury of the aztec monarch and would have resulted in their complete and utter extermination. he did more. he caused the cacique of cempoalla--a man so fat and gross, that, like "the little round belly" of santa claus, he "shook like a jelly" so that the spaniards called him "the trembler"--actually to raise his hand against the tax-gatherers and imprison them. they would undoubtedly have been sacrificed and eaten had not cortes, secretly and by night released three of them and allowed them to go back to their royal master, after he had sent two into a safe ward at vera cruz. montezuma's messengers met him at every town. "bearing rich gifts, they disclosed the possibilities of the _hinterland_ and germinated in the brain of cortes the idea of conquest. one revelation was confirmed by another, and, as the evidence of aztec wealth multiplied the proofs of internal disaffection throughout the {136} empire stimulated the confidence of the brooding conqueror. disloyalty among the totonacs, treachery that only waited an opportunity in texcoco, an ancient tradition of hate in tlascala, and the superstition that obscured the judgment and paralyzed the action of the despotic ruler--these were the materials from which the astute invader evolved the machinery for his conquest." montezuma was in a pitiable state of superstitious indecision. it was popularly believed that quetzalcoatl would some day return, and it was more than probable to the aztec monarch and his counsellors that he might be reincarnated in the person of cortes and his followers. indeed, the common name for them among the mexicans was teules, which means gods. if cortes was a god it was useless to fight against him. if he and his were men, they could of course be easily exterminated, but were they men? there were a few bold spirits who inclined to this belief, but not many. besides, whatever the rest might be, the horsemen must be of divine origin. cuitlahua, the brother of montezuma, and one of the highest and most important of the aztec rulers was for attacking them whatever the consequences, but he was alone in advising this. it was thought better to temporize. perhaps later on it might be decided whether these strange beings were of common clay, and there would be plenty of time to exterminate them then. montezuma was therefore an opportunist, like cortes, but there was a vast difference between them. montezuma was a man of great ability, undoubtedly, or he never could have been chosen by the hereditary electors to the position he occupied, and he could never have held it if he had not been. he was a man over {137} fifty years of age, and had maintained himself on the throne, in spite of many wars, in which he had been almost universally victorious. his judgment and his decision alike were paralyzed by superstition. he did the unwisest thing he could possibly have done. he sent messengers to cortes, bearing rich gifts, gold, feather work, green stones, which the spaniards thought were emeralds, vast treasures. he acknowledged in effect the wonderful wisdom of cortes's overlord, the great emperor, charles v., in whose name cortes did everything, taking care always to have a notary to attest his proclamations to the indians, but he told cortes not to come to mexico city. he said that he was poor, that the journey was a long and hard one; in short, he offered him every inducement to come with one hand, while he waved him back with the other. treasure was the only motive of the conquerors of peru. cortes was big enough and great enough to rise above that. he was after larger things than the mere filling of his purse, and on several occasions he relinquished his own share of the booty to the soldiery. he was an empire-builder, not a treasure-hunter. as cortes progressed through the country, the treasure sent by montezuma grew in value, and the prohibitions, which by and by amounted to entreaties, increased in volume. we wonder what might have happened, if young guatemoc, whom we shall hear of later had occupied the throne. certainly, although the spaniards would have died fighting, they would undoubtedly have been overwhelmed, and the conquest of mexico might have been postponed for another generation or two. it was bound to happen anyway, sooner or later, as far as that goes. {138} v. the republic of tlascala cortes's progress finally brought him to a remarkable tribe, whose friendship he succeeded in winning, and which must be added as the fourth factor, with himself, marina, and the horses, as the cause of the downfall of mexico. curiously enough, this tribe had a sort of republican form of government. it is usually referred to as the republic of tlascala. it was an independent confederation composed of four separate states. the government consisted of a senate, composed of the rulers of the four states or clans of the tribe. tlascala was completely hemmed in by provinces of the aztec empire, with which it was always in a state of constant and bitter warfare. the inhabitants had no access to the sea, consequently they had never enjoyed the use of salt. they had no access to the lowlands, so they were without cotton, a fabric then universally used throughout the country. they had no trade or commerce. they were completely shut in and eternal vigilance was the price of their liberty. they lacked the arts, the grace, and the refinement of the mexicans, but they were as hardy, as bold, as skilful in the use of arms, and as determined, as well as cruel, as the aztecs. neither montezuma nor his predecessors with the power of millions had been able to make them acknowledge any sovereignty but their own. they were protected by the mountain ranges and here and there they had built high walls across the valley. tlascala was a large and imposing city. cortes thus describes it: "this city is so extensive and so well worthy of admiration, that although i omit much that i could {139} say of it, i feel assured that the little i shall say will be scarcely credited, for it is larger than granada, and much stronger, and contains as many fine houses and a much larger population than that city did at the time of its capture; and it is much better supplied with the products of the earth, such as corn, and with fowls and game, fish from the rivers, various kinds of vegetables, and other exellent articles of food. there is in this city a market, in which every day thirty thousand people are engaged in buying and selling, besides many other merchants who are scattered about the city. the market contains a great variety of articles both of food and clothing, and all kinds of shoes for the feet; jewels of gold and silver, and precious stones, and ornaments of feathers, all as well arranged as they can possibly be found in any public squares or markets in the world. there is much earthenware of every style and a good quality, equal to the best spanish manufacture. wood, coal, edible and medicinal plants, are sold in great quantities. there are houses where they wash and shave the head as barbers, and also for baths. finally, there is found among them a well-regulated police; the people are rational and well disposed, and altogether greatly superior to the most civilized african nations. the country abounds in level and beautiful valleys all tilled and sown, without any part lying unimproved. in its constitution of government that has existed until the present time, it resembles the states of venice, genoa and pisa; since the supreme authority is not reposed in one person. there are many nobles, all of whom reside in the city; the common people are laborers and the vassals of the nobility, but each one possesses land of his own, some more than others. in war all unite and have a voice in its management {140} and direction. it may be supposed that they have tribunals of justice for the punishment of the guilty; since when one of the natives of the province stole some gold of a spaniard, and i mentioned the circumstance to magiscacin, the most powerful of the nobility, they made search for the thief, and traced him to a city in the neighborhood called churultecal (cholula) from whence they brought him prisoner, and delivered him to me with the gold, saying that i must have him punished. i acknowledged in suitable terms the pains they had taken in the matter, but remarked to them that since the prisoner was in their country, they should punish him according to their custom, and that i chose not to interfere with the punishment of their people while i remained among them. they thanked me and, taking the man, carried him to the great market, a town crier making public proclamations of his offense; they then placed him at the base of a structure resembling a theatre, which stands in the midst of the market-place, while the crier went to the top of the building, and with a loud voice again proclaimed his offense; whereupon the people beat him with sticks until he was dead. we likewise saw many persons in prison who were said to be confined for theft and other offenses they had committed. there are in this province, according to the report made by my order, five hundred thousand inhabitants, besides those in another smaller province adjacent to this, called guazincango, who live in the manner, not subject to any native sovereign and are not less the vassals of your highness than the people of tlascala." montezuma gave another reason for permitting the tlascalans their liberty and independence. he said that he was allowing them to maintain their existence {141} and remain a republic because everything else in the vicinity had been conquered; and as there was no field for the young warriors of the aztec nation to obtain that military training which it was always best to learn by actual experience, he kept tlascala in a state of enmity because it furnished him a place where he could get the human beings for sacrifices to his gods that he required and at the same time train his young soldiery. in other words, tlascala was regarded as a sort of game preserve from a religious point of view. doubtless, tlascala did not acknowledge the justice, the propriety and the correctness of this attitude of scorn and contempt on the part of the aztecs. the other tribes of mexico bore the yoke uneasily, and cherished resentment, but even the enmity between the jews and the samaritans was not more bitter than the enmity between the tlascalans and the people of the city of anahuac. when cortes drew near tlascala, the senate debated what course it should pursue toward him. one of the four regents, so called, of the republic was a man of great age, feeble and blind, but resolute of spirit. his name was xicotencatl. he was all for war. he was opposed by a young man named maxixcatzin. the debate between the two and the other participants was long and furious. finally the desire of xicotencatl prevailed in a modified form. there was a tribe occupying part of the tlascalan territory and under tlascalan rule called otumies. it was decided to cause the otumies to attack cortes and his force. if cortes was annihilated, the problem would be solved. if the otumies were defeated their action would be disavowed by the tlascalans and no harm would be done to anybody but the unfortunate {142} otumies, for whom no one in tlascala felt any great concern. the otumies were placed in the front of the battle, but the tlascalans themselves followed under the command of another xicotencatl, son of the old regent, who was a tried and brilliant soldier. the battles along the coast had been more like massacres, but this was a real fight, and a number of spaniards were killed, three horses also, more valuable than the men, were despatched, and at the close of the engagement the spaniards had lost about fifty, a serious diminution of the forces of cortes, but the unfortunate otumies and the tlascalans were overwhelmed with a fearful slaughter. of course, the action of the otumies was disavowed, cortes was invited into tlascala and an alliance between the spaniards and the republic was consummated. the tlascalans threw themselves, heart and soul, into the project, which they dimly perceived was in the mind of cortes, the conquest of mexico. nothing was said about all of this. cortes simply declared his design to pay a friendly visit to montezuma to whom he sent repeated and solemn assurances that he intended him no harm, that montezuma could receive him with the utmost frankness and without fear and without anticipating any violence whatever on the part of the spaniards. but the wise in tlascala knew that a collision between the spaniards and the aztecs would be inevitable. they saw a chance to feed fat their ancient grudge, and to exact bitter revenge for all that they had suffered at the hands of the aztecs. to anticipate, they were faithful to the alliance and loyally carried out their part of the agreement in the resulting campaigns. without them on several {143} occasions cortes' fortunes would have been even more desperate than they were. montezuma's envoys, heartily detesting the tlascalans, sought to persuade cortes against any dealings with them whatsoever. they gave a very bad character to the dusky allies of the spaniards and the tlascalans returned the compliment in kind. when his wounded had recovered, accompanied by a large army of tlascalans under young xicotencatl, cortes set forth about the middle of october on the last stage of his wonderful journey. by this time, montezuma had concluded to make a virtue out of a necessity, and he had sent word to him that he would welcome him to his capital. he received return reiterations of the statement that cortes' intentions were entirely pacific, that he represented the greatest monarch in the world who lived beyond the seas, and all that he would require of montezuma was the acknowledgment of his dependence in common with every earthly monarch upon this mysterious potentate across the ocean. this montezuma was quite willing to give. he was also willing to pay any tribute exacted if only these children of the sun would go away, and he could be left to the undisturbed enjoyment of his kingdom. he suggested a way for cortes to approach the capital. the tlascalans did some scouting and informed cortes that the way was filled with pitfalls, blocked with stones, and the opportunities for ambuscade were many and good. no one can blame montezuma for taking these precautions, although he afterwards disowned any participation in them and said that the arrangements had been made by some irresponsible subjects, and cortes passed it over. the tlascalans, who knew all the passes of the {144} mountains, offered to lead cortes and his followers by another way. although he was warned not to trust them by the envoys of montezuma, cortes with that judgment of men which so distinguished him, elected the harder and shorter way across the mountains. nature had made the pass a difficult one, but the indomitable spaniards struggled over it, enduring terrible fatigue and periods of piercing cold. they got far above the timber line and approached the boundaries of eternal snow. it is characteristic of them, that on one point of their journey, they stopped and despatched a party under ordaz to scale and explore the smoking volcano popocatepetl, which with ixtaccihuatl guarded the beautiful valley of mexico. ordaz and his twelve companions followed the guides as far as they would lead them and then they climbed far up the sides. they were unable to reach the top, but they accomplished a prodigious ascent, and ordaz was afterwards allowed to add to his coat of arms a flaming volcano. the summit of the mountain was at last passed, and the magnificent valley of mexico opened to their view. it was a scene which caused even the hearts of these rugged and hardened adventurers to thrill with pleasure and satisfaction. no fairer land had ever burst upon human vision. the emerald verdure was broken by beautiful lakes, bordered by luxuriant vegetation, diversified by mountains and plateaus, while here and there magnificent cities glistened in the brilliant tropical sun among the sparkling waters. as far as one could see the land was under cultivation. the descent of the mountains was easy, comparatively speaking, and the spaniards, after some journeying, {145} found themselves in the populous and wealthy city of cholula, remarkable for the splendid pyramid temple--teocalli--which rose in the centre of its encircling walls. here a plan was devolved to massacre the whole force which had been quartered in one of the vast palaces or houses of the town. the women and the children left the city in large numbers, a vast body of mexican soldiers was secretly assembled near by. the provisions, which had always been supplied them generously, were suddenly withdrawn. the suspicions of the spaniards were of course awakened and extra good watch was kept. they did not know what to suspect, until a cholulan woman, who had formed an acquaintance with marina, told her of the purpose of the mexicans, and advised her to flee from the spanish camp if she valued her life. the faithful marina immediately disclosed the whole plan to cortes. he acted with remarkable celerity and decision. there were many cholulan lords and attendants about the spanish camp and there were many others in town, evidently to lull any suspicions which the spaniards might feel and to make whatever excuse they could for the lack of provisions. on one pretense or another, cortes summoned the whole body to his house, which was a great rambling structure of many rooms and thick walls and enclosures. he got them assembled in one room and then proceeded to slaughter most of them, reserving only a few for use after the event had been determined. while this butchering was going on he sent others of his troops into the streets and squares of the town, where they killed without hesitation and without mercy all with whom they came in contact, including several bodies of soldiers who {146} were more or less helpless without their leaders, whom cortes had so craftily disposed of. this was the celebrated massacre of cholula. whether it was justifiable or not, each reader must settle for himself. cortes' situation then was certainly desperate; for that matter, it was desperate at all times. his life and the lives of his comrades hung upon a thread. he certainly had a right to protect himself. personally, i do not think such a slaughter was necessary for his protection. however, cortes thought so, and he was there. it was his life that was concerned, and not mine. other monarchs in more civilized days have done practically the same as this, as for instance, the famous barmecide feast, the wholesale assassination of the abencerrages in spain, the massacre of the mamelukes by napoleon in egypt, and many others. to be sure these massacres did not include the helpless inhabitants of the towns. however, with his usual policy, cortes spared some of the cholulan lords and when he had shown his power over them, he released them and told them to summon back the people who had left the city. he had no more trouble with the cholulans after that victory, and he presently took up his journey toward mexico. now, the city of mexico to the spaniards was one of the wonders of the world. they have described it in such terms as show the impression it made upon them, but they have not described it in such terms as to enable us to understand from their stories exactly what the city was. it was described as an island city. some believed it to have been an enormous pueblo city, such as may be seen in arizona or new mexico, surrounded by thousands of squalid huts. {147} others conjectured it as a city as beautiful as venice, as great as babylon, and as wonderful as hundred-gated thebes. cortes shall tell himself the impression it made upon him in the next section which is lifted bodily from one of his famous letters to the emperor charles v. vi. cortes' description of mexico, written by his own hand to charles v., emperor of germany and king of spain in order, most potent sire, to convey to your majesty a just conception of the great extent of this noble city of temixtitan, and of the many rare and wonderful objects it contains; of the government and dominions of muteczuma, the sovereign; of the religious rites and customs that prevail, and the order that exists in this as well as other cities, appertaining to his realm; it would require the labor of many accomplished writers, and much time for the completion of the task. i shall not be able to relate an hundredth part of what could be told respecting these matters; but i will endeavor to describe, in the best manner in my power, what i have myself seen; and, imperfectly as i may succeed in that attempt, i am fully aware that the account will appear so wonderful as to be deemed scarcely worthy of credit; since even we who have seen these things with our own eyes, are yet so amazed as to be unable to comprehend their reality. but your majesty may be assured that if there is any fault in my relation, either in regard to the present subject, or to any other matters of which i shall give your majesty an account, it will arise from too great brevity rather than extravagance or prolixity in the details; and it seems to me {148} but just to my prince and sovereign to declare the truth in the clearest manner, without saying anything that would detract from it, or add to it. before i begin to describe this great city and the others already mentioned, it may be well for the better understanding of the subject to say something of the configuration of mexico,[1] in which they are situated, it being the principal seat of muteczuma's power. this province is in the form of a circle, surrounded on all sides by lofty and rugged mountains; its level surface comprises an area of about seventy leagues in circumference, including two lakes, that overspread nearly the whole valley, being navigated by boats more than fifty leagues round. one of these lakes contains fresh, and the other, which is the larger of the two, salt water. on one side of the lakes, in the middle of the valley, a range of highlands divides them from one another, with the exception of a narrow strait which lies between the highlands and the lofty sierras. this strait is a bow-shot wide, and connects the two lakes; and by this means a trade is carried on by the cities and other settlement on the lakes in canoes, without the necessity of traveling by land. as the salt lake rises and falls with the tides like the sea, during the time of high water it pours into the other lake with the rapidity of a powerful stream; and on the other hand, when the tide has ebbed, the water runs from the fresh into the salt lake. this great city of temixtitan (mexico) is situated in this salt lake, and from the main land to the denser parts of it, by which ever route one choses to enter, {149} the distance is two leagues. there are four avenues or entrances to the city, all of which are formed by artificial causeways, two spears' length in width. the city is as large as seville or cordova; its streets, i speak of principal ones, are very wide and straight; some of these, and all the inferior ones, are half land and half water, and are navigated by canoes. all the streets at intervals have openings, through which the water flows, crossing from one street to another; and at these openings, some of which are very wide, there are also very wide bridges, composed of large pieces of lumber, of great strength and well put together; on many of these bridges ten horses can go abreast. foreseeing that if the inhabitants of this city should prove treacherous, they would possess great advantages from the manner in which the city is constructed, since by removing the bridges at the entrances and abandoning the place, they could leave us to perish by famine without our being able to reach the mainland--as soon as i had entered it, i made great haste to build four brigantines, which were soon finished, and were large enough to take ashore three hundred men and the horses, whenever it became necessary. this city has many public squares, in which are situated the markets and other places for buying and selling. there is one square twice as large as that of the city of salamanca, surrounded by porticoes, where are daily assembled more than sixty thousand souls, engaged in buying and selling; and where are found all kinds of merchandise that the world affords, embracing the necessities of life, as, for instance, articles of food, as well as jewels of gold, silver, lead, brass, copper, tin, precious stones, bones, shells, snails and feathers. there were also exposed for sale wrought and unwrought {150} stone, bricks burnt and unburnt, timber hewn and unhewn of different sorts. there is a street for game, where every variety of birds found in the country is sold, as fowls, partridges, quails, wild ducks, fly-catchers, widgeons, turtle-doves, pigeons, reedbirds, parrots, sparrows, eagles, hawks, owls, and kestrels; they sell, likewise, the skins of some birds of prey, with their feathers, head and beak and claws. there they also sold rabbits, hares, deer, and little dogs which are raised for eating and castrated. there is also an herb street, where may be obtained all sorts of roots and medicinal herbs that the country affords. there are apothecaries' shops, where prepared medicines, liquids, ointments, and plasters are sold; barber shops where they wash and shave the head; and restauranteurs that furnish food and drink at a certain price. there is also a class of men like those called in castile porters, for carrying burdens. wood and coal are seen in abundance, and brasiers of earthenware for burning coals; mats of various kinds for beds, others of a lighter sort for seats, and for halls and bedrooms. there are all kinds of green vegetables, especially onions, leeks, garlic, watercresses, nasturtium, borage, sorel, artichokes, and golden thistle-fruits also of numerous descriptions, amongst which are cherries and plums, similar to those in spain; honey and wax from bees, and from the stalks of maize, which are as sweet as the sugar-cane; honey is also extracted from the plant called maguey,[2] which is superior to sweet or new wine; from the same plant they extract sugar and wine, which they also sell. different kinds of cotton thread {151} of all colors in skeins are exposed for sale in one quarter of the market, which has the appearance of the silk market at granada, although the former is supplied more abundantly. painter's colors, as numerous as can be found in spain, and as fine shades; deer-skins dressed and undressed, dyed different colors; earthenware of a large size and excellent quality; large and small jars, jugs, pots, bricks, and an endless variety of vessels, all made of fine clay, and all or most of them glazed and painted; maize or indian corn, in the grain, and in the form of bread, preferred in the grain for its flavor to that of the other islands and terra firma; pâtés of birds and fish; great quantities of fish, fresh, salt, cooked and uncooked; the eggs of hens, geese and of all the other birds i have mentioned, in great abundance, and cakes made of eggs; finally, everything that can be found throughout the whole country is sold in the markets, comprising articles so numerous that, to avoid prolixity and because their names are not retained in my memory, or are unknown to me, i shall not attempt to enumerate them. every kind of merchandise is sold in a particular street or quarter assigned to it exclusively, and thus the best order is preserved. they sell everything by number or measure; at least, so far we have not observed them to sell anything by weight. there is a building in the great square that is used as an audience house, where ten or twelve persons, who are magistrates, sit and decide all controversies that arise in the market, and order delinquents to be punished. in the same square there are other persons who go constantly about among the people observing what is sold, and the measures used in selling; and they have been seen to break measures that were not true. {152} this great city contains a large number of temples[3] or houses for their idols, very handsome edifices, which are situated in the different districts and the suburbs; in the principal ones religious persons of each particular sect are constantly residing, for whose use, beside the houses containing the idols, there are other convenient habitations. all these persons dress in black and never cut or comb their hair from the time they enter the priesthood until they leave it; and all the sons of the principal inhabitants, both nobles and respectable citizens, are placed in the temples and wear the same dress from the age of seven or eight years until they are taken out to be married; which occurs more frequently with the firstborn, who inherits estates, than with the others. the priests are debarred from female society, nor is any woman permitted to enter the religious houses. they also abstain from eating certain kinds of food, more at some seasons of the year than others. among these temples there is one which far surpasses all the rest, whose grandeur of architectural details no human tongue is able to describe; for within its precincts, surrounded by a lofty wall, there is room for a town of five hundred families. around the interior of this enclosure there are handsome edifices, containing large halls and corridors, in which the religious persons attached to the temple reside. there are full forty towers, which are lofty and well built, the largest of which has fifty steps leading to its main body, and is higher than the tower of the principal church at seville. the stone and wood of which they are constructed are so well wrought {153} in every part, that nothing could be better done, for the interior of the chapels containing the idols consists of curious imagery, wrought in stone, with plaster ceilings, and woodwork carved in relief, and painted with figures of monsters and other objects. all these towers are the burial places of the nobles, and every chapel of them is dedicated to a particular idol, to which they pay their devotions. there are three halls in this grand temple, which contain the principal idols; these are of wonderful extent and height, and admirable workmanship, adorned with figures sculptured in stone and wood; leading from the halls are chapels with very small doors, to which the light is not admitted, nor are any persons except the priests, and not all of them. in these chapels are the images or idols, although, as i have before said, many of them are also found on the outside; the principal ones, in which the people have greatest faith and confidence, i precipitated from their pedestals, and cast them down the steps of the temple, purifying the chapels in which they stood, as they were all polluted with human blood, shed in the sacrifices. in the place of these i put images of our lady and the saints, which excited not a little feeling in muteczuma and the inhabitants, who at first remonstrated, declaring that if my proceedings were known throughout the country, the people would rise against me; for they believed that their idols bestowed upon them all temporal good, and if they permitted them to be ill-treated, they would be angry and withhold their gifts, and by this means the people would be deprived of the fruits of the earth and die of famine. i answered, through the interpreters, that they were deceived in expecting any favors from idols, the work of their own {154} hands, formed of unclean things; and that they must learn there was but one god, the universal lord of all, who had created the heavens and the earth, and all things else, and had made them and us; that he was without beginning and immortal, and that they were bound to adore and believe him, and no other creature or thing. i said everything to them i could to divert them from their idolatries, and draw them to a knowledge of god our lord. muteczuma replied, the others assenting to what he said: "that they had already informed me that they were not the aborigines of the country, but that their ancestors had emigrated to it many years ago; and they fully believed, after so long an absence from their native land, they might have fallen into some errors; that i, having been recently arrived, must know better than themselves what they ought to believe; and that if i would instruct them in these matters, and make them understand the true faith, they would follow my directions, as being for the best." afterward muteczuma and many of the principal citizens remained with me until i had removed the idols, purified the chapels, and placed images in them, manifesting apparent pleasure; and i forbade them sacrificing human beings to their idols, as they had been accustomed to do; because, besides being abhorrent in the sight of god, your sacred majesty had prohibited it by law and commanded to put to death whoever should take the life of another. thus, from that time, they refrained from the practice, and during the whole period of my abode in that city, they were never seen to kill or sacrifice a human being. the figures of the idols in which these people believe surpass in stature a person of more than the ordinary {155} size; some of them are composed of a mass of seeds and leguminous plants, such as are used for food, ground and mixed together, and kneaded with the blood of human hearts taken from the breasts of living persons, from which a paste is formed in a sufficient quantity to form large statues. when these are completed they make them offerings of the hearts of other victims, which they sacrifice to them, and besmear their faces with the blood. for everything they have an idol, consecrated by the use of the nations that in ancient times honored the same gods. thus they have an idol that they petition for victory in war; another for success in their labors; and so for everything in which they seek or desire prosperity, they have their idols, which they honor and serve. this noble city contains many fine and magnificent houses; which may be accounted for from the fact that all the nobility of the country, who are the vassals of muteczuma, have houses in the city, in which they reside a certain part of the year; and besides, there are numerous wealthy citizens who also possess fine houses. all these persons, in addition to the large and spacious apartments for ordinary purposes, have others, both upper and lower, that contain conservatories of flowers. along one of the causeways that lead into the city are laid two pipes, constructed of masonry, each of which is two paces in width, and about five feet in height. an abundant supply of excellent water, forming a volume equal in bulk to the human body, is conveyed by one of these pipes, and distributed about the city, where it is used by the inhabitants for drinking and other purposes. the other pipe, in the meantime, is kept empty until the former requires to be cleansed, when the water is let into it; and continues to be used {156} until the cleansing is finished. as the water is necessarily carried over bridges on account of the salt water crossing its route, reservoirs resembling canals are constructed on the bridges, through which the fresh water is conveyed. these reservoirs are of the breadth of the body of an ox, and of the same length as the bridges. the whole city is thus served with water, which they carry in canoes through all the streets for sale, taking it from the aqueduct in the following manner: the canoes pass under the bridges on which the reservoirs are placed, when men stationed above fill them with water, for which service they are paid. at all the entrances of the city, and in those parts where the canoes are discharged, that is, where the greatest quantity of provisions is brought in, huts are erected and persons stationed as guards, who receive a _certum quid_ for everything that enters. i know not whether the sovereign receives this duty or the city, as i have not yet been informed; but i believe that it appertains to the sovereign, as in the markets of other provinces a tax is collected for the benefit of their cacique. in all the markets and public places of this city are seen daily many laborers and persons of various employments waiting for some one to hire them. the inhabitants of this city pay a greater regard to style in their mode of living, and are more attentive to elegance of dress and politeness of manners, than those of the other provinces and cities; since as the cacique[4] muteczuma has his residence in the capital, and all {157} the nobility, his vassals, are in the constant habit of meeting there, a general courtesy of demeanour necessarily prevails. but not to be prolix in describing what relates to the affairs of this great city, although it is with difficulty that i refrain from proceeding. i will say no more than that the manners of the people, as shown in their intercourse with one another, are marked by as great an attention to the proprieties of life as in spain, and good order is equally well observed; and considering that they are a barbarous people, without the knowledge of god, having no intercourse with civilized nations, these traits of character are worthy of admiration. in regard to the domestic appointments of muteczuma, and the wonderful grandeur and state he maintains, there is so much to be told, that i assure your majesty i do not know where to begin my relation, so as to be able to finish any part of it. for, as i have already stated, what can be more wonderful, than that a barbarous monarch, as he is, should have every object found in his dominions, imitated in gold, silver, precious stones and feathers?--the gold and silver being wrought so naturally as not to be surpassed by any smith in the world; the stone work executed with such perfection that is it difficult to conceive what instruments could have been used; and the feather work superior to the finest productions in wax and embroidery. the extent of muteczuma's dominions has not been ascertained, since to whatever point he despatched his messengers, even two hundred leagues from his capital, his commands were obeyed, although some of his provinces were in the midst of countries with which he was at war. but as nearly as i have been able to learn, his territories are equal in extent {158} to spain itself, for he sent messengers to the inhabitants of a city called cumatan (requiring them to become subjects of your majesty), which is sixty leagues beyond that part of putunchan watered by the river grijalva, and two hundred and thirty leagues distant from the great city; and i sent some of our people a distance of one hundred and fifty leagues in the same direction. all the principal chiefs of these provinces, especially those in the vicinity of the capital, reside, as i have already stated, the greater part of the year in that great city, and all or most of them have their oldest sons in the service of muteczuma. there are fortified places in all the provinces, garrisoned with his own men, where are also stationed his governors and collectors of the rent and tribute, rendered him by every province; and an account is kept of what each is obliged to pay, as they have characters and figures made on paper that are used for this purpose. each province renders a tribute of its own particular productions, so that the sovereign receives a great variety of articles from different quarters. no prince was ever more feared by his subjects, both in his presence and absence. he possessed out of the city as well as within, numerous villas, each of which had its peculiar sources of amusement, and all were constructed in the best possible manner for the use of a great prince and lord. within the city his palaces were so wonderful that it is hardly possible to describe their beauty and extent; i can only say that in spain there is nothing to equal them. there was one palace somewhat inferior to the rest, attached to which was a beautiful garden with balconies extending over it, supported by marble columns, and having a floor formed of jasper elegantly {159} laid. there were apartments in this palace sufficient to lodge two princes of the highest rank with their retinues. there were likewise belonging to it ten pools of water, in which were kept the different species of water birds found in this country, of which there is a great variety, all of which are domesticated; for the sea birds there were pools of salt water, and for the river birds, of fresh water. the water is let off at certain times to keep it pure, and is replenished by means of pipes. each species of bird is supplied with the food natural to it, which it feeds upon when wild. thus fish is given to birds that usually eat it; worms, maize and the finer seeds, to such as prefer them. and i assure your highness, that to the birds accustomed to eat fish, there is given the enormous quantity of ten arrobas[5] every day, taken in the salt lake. the emperor has three hundred men whose sole employment is to take care of these birds; and there are others whose only business is to attend to the birds that are in bad health. over the pools for the birds there are corridors and galleries to which muteczuma resorts, and from which he can look out and amuse himself with the sight of them. there is an apartment in the same palace, in which are men, women, and children, whose faces, bodies, hair, eyebrows, and eyelashes are white from birth. the cacique has another very beautiful palace, with a large courtyard, paved with handsome flags, in the style of a chess-board. there were also cages, about nine feet in height and six paces square, each of which was half covered with a roof of tiles, and the other half had over it a wooden grate, skilfully made. every cage contains a bird of prey, of all the species {160} found in spain, from the kestrel to the eagle, and many unknown there. there were a great number of each kind, and in the covered part of the cages there was a perch, and another on the outside of the grating, the former of which the birds used in the night-time, and when it rained; and the other enabled them to enjoy the sun and air. to all these birds fowl were daily given for food, and nothing else. there were in the same palace several large halls on the ground floor, filled with immense cages built of heavy pieces of timber, well put together, in all or most of which were kept lions, tigers, wolves, foxes and a variety of animals of the cat tribe, in great numbers, which were also fed on fowls. the care of these animals and birds was assigned to three hundred men. there was another palace that contained a number of men and women of monstrous size, and also dwarfs, and crooked and ill-formed persons, each of which had their separate apartments. these also had their respective keepers. as to the other remarkable things that the ruler had in his city for amusement, i can only say that they were numerous and of various kinds. he was served in the following manner. every day as soon as it was light, six hundred nobles and men of rank were in attendance at the palace, who either sat or walked about the halls and galleries, and passed their time in conversation, but without entering the apartment where his person was. the servants and attendants of these nobles remained in the courtyards, of which there were two or three of great extent, and in the adjoining street, which was also spacious. they all remained in attendance from morning until night; and when his meals were served, the nobles were likewise served with equal profusion, and their {161} servants and secretaries also had their allowance. daily his larder and wine-cellar were open to all who wished to eat and drink. the meals were served by three or four hundred youths, who brought on an infinite variety of dishes; indeed, whenever he dined or supped the table was loaded with every kind of flesh, fish, fruit, and vegetables that the country provided. as the climate is cold, they put a chafing-dish with live coals under every plate and dish to keep them warm. the meals were served in a large hall where muteczuma was accustomed to eat, and the dishes quite filled the room, which was covered with mats and kept very clean. he sat on small cushions curiously wrought in leather. during the meals there were present, at a little distance from him, five or six elderly caciques, to whom he presented some of the food. and there was constantly in attendance one of the servants, who arranged and handed the dishes, and who received from others whatever was wanted for the supply of the table. both at the beginning and end of every meal, they furnished water for the hands, and the napkins used on these occasions were never used a second time; this was the case also with the plates and dishes, which were not brought again, but new ones in place of them; it was also the same with the chafing-dishes. he is also dressed every day in four different suits, entirely new, which he never wears a second time. none of the caciques ever enter his palace with their feet covered, and when those for whom he sends enter his presence, they incline their heads and look down, bending their bodies; and when they address him they do not look in his face; this arises from excessive modesty and reverence. whenever muteczuma appeared in public, which was seldom the case, all those who {162} accompanied him or whom he accidentally met in the streets, turned away without looking toward him, and others prostrated themselves until he passed. one of the nobles always preceded him on these occasions, carrying three slender rods erect, which i suppose was to give notice of the approach of his person. and when they descended from the litters, he took one of them in his hands, and held it until he reached the places where he was going. so many and various were the ceremonies and customs observed by those in the service of muteczuma, that more space than i can spare would be required for the details, as well as a better memory than i have to recollect them; since no sultan or other infidel lord, of whom any knowledge now exists, ever had so much ceremonial in their courts. vii. the meeting with montezuma it was early in the morning of november the 8th, 1519, when cortes, at the head of his little army, rode over one of the long causeways and into the city to his first meeting with montezuma. as no one can tell better than he what happened, i here insert his own account of the episode: "the next day after my arrival at this city, i departed on my route, and having proceeded half a league, i entered upon a causeway that extends two leagues through the centre of the salt lake, until it reaches the great city of temixtitan (mexico), which is built in the middle of the lake. . . . "i pursued my course over the above-mentioned causeway, and having proceeded half a league before arriving at the body of the city of temixtitan, i found {163} at its intersection with another causeway, which extends from this point to terra firma, a very strong fortress with two towers, surrounded by a double wall, twelve feet in height, with an embattled parapet, which commands the two causeways, and has only two gates, one for the entering and the other for departure. there came to meet me at this place nearly a thousand of the principal inhabitants of the great city, all uniformly dressed according to their custom in very rich costumes; and as soon as they had come within speaking distance, each one, as he approached me, performed a salutation in much use among them, by placing his hand upon the ground and kissing it; and thus i was kept waiting about an hour, until all had performed the ceremony. connected with the city is a wooden bridge ten paces wide, where the causeway is open to allow the water free ingress and egress, as it rises and falls; and also for the security of the city, as they can remove the long and wide beams of which the bridge is formed, and replace them whenever they wish; and there are many such bridges in different parts of the city, as your highness will perceive hereafter from the particular account i shall give of it. "when we had passed the bridge, the señor muteczuma came out to receive us, attended by about two hundred nobles, all barefooted, and dressed in livery, or a peculiar garb of fine cotton, richer than is usually worn; they came in two processions in close proximity to the houses on each side of the street, which is very wide and beautiful, and so straight that you can see from one end of it to the other, although it is two-thirds of a league in length, having on both sides large and elegant houses and temples. muteczuma came through {164} the centre of the street, attended by two lords, one upon his right and the other upon his left hand, one of whom was the same nobleman who, as i have mentioned, came to meet me in a litter, and the other was the brother of muteczuma, lord of the city of iztapalapa, which i had left the same day; all three were dressed in the same manner, except that muteczuma wore shoes, while the others were without them. he was supported in the arms of both, and as we approached, i alighted and advanced alone to salute him; but the two attendant lords stopped me to prevent my touching him, and they and he both performed the ceremony of kissing the ground; after which he directed his brother who accompanied him to remain with me; the latter accordingly took me by the arm, while muteczuma, with his other attendant, walked a short distance in front of me, and after he had spoken to me, all the other nobles also came up to address me, and then went away in two processions with great regularity, one after the other, and in this manner returned to the city. at the time i advanced to speak to muteczuma, i took off from myself a collar of pearls and glass diamonds, and put it around his neck. after having proceeded along the street, one of his servants came bringing two collars formed of shell fish, enclosed in a roll of cloth, which were made from the shells of colored prawns or periwinkles, held by them in great esteem; and from each collar depended eight golden prawns, finished in a very perfect manner and about a foot and a half in length. when these were brought muteczuma turned toward me and put them around my neck; he then returned along the street in the order already described, until he reached a very large and splendid palace, in which we were to be quartered, {165} which had been fully prepared for our reception. he there took me by the hand and led me into a spacious saloon, in front of which was a court, through which we entered. having caused me to sit down on a piece of rich carpeting, which he had ordered to be made for himself, he told me to await his return there, and then went away. after a short space of time, when my people were all bestowed in their quarters, he returned with many and various jewels of gold and silver, feather work and five or six thousand pieces of cotton cloth, very rich and of varied texture and finish. after having presented these to me, he sat down on another piece of carpet they had placed for him near me, and being seated he discoursed as follows: "'it is now a long time since, by means of written records, we learned from our ancestors that neither myself nor any of those who inhabit this region were descended from its original inhabitants, but from strangers who emigrated hither from a very distant land; and we have also learned that a prince, whose vassals they all were, conducted our people into these parts, and then returned to his native land. he afterward came again to this country, after the lapse of much time, and found that his people had inter-married with the native inhabitants, by whom they had many children, and had built towns in which they resided; and when he desired them to return with him, they were unwilling to go, nor were they disposed to acknowledge him as their sovereign; so he departed from the country, and we have always heard that his descendants would come to conquer this land and reduce us to subjection as his vassals; and according to the direction from which you say you have come, namely the quarter where the sun rises, and from what {166} you say of the great lord or king who sent you hither, we believe and are assured that he is our natural sovereign, especially as you say that it is a long time since you first had knowledge of us. therefore, be assured that we will obey you, and acknowledge you for our sovereign in place of the great lord whom you mention, and that there shall be no default or deception on our part. and you have the power in all this land, i mean wherever my power extends, to command what is your pleasure, and it shall be done in obedience thereto, and all that we have is at your disposal. and since you are in your own proper land and your own house, rest and refresh yourself after the toils of your journey, and the conflicts in which you have been engaged, which have been brought upon you, as i well know, by all the people from puntunchan to this place; and i am aware that the cempoallans and the tlascalans have told you much evil of me, but believe no more than you see with your own eyes, especially from those who are my enemies, some of whom were once my subjects, and having rebelled upon your arrival, make these statements to ingratiate themselves in your favor. these people, i know, have informed you that i possessed houses with walls of gold, and that my carpets and other things in common use were of the texture of gold; and that i was a god, or made myself one, and many other such things. the houses, as you see, are of stone and lime and earth.' and then he opened his robes and showed his person to me, saying: 'you see that i am composed of flesh and bone like yourself, and that i am mortal and palpable to the touch,' at the same time pinching his arms and body with his hands. 'see,' he continued, 'how they have deceived you. it is true that i have some things of gold, which {167} my ancestors have left me; all that i have is at your service whenever you wish it. i am now going to my other houses where i reside; you will be here provided with everything necessary for yourself and your people, and will suffer no embarrassment, as you are in your own house and country.' i answered him in respect to all that he had said, expressing my acknowledgments, and adding whatever the occasion seemed to demand, especially endeavoring to confirm him in the belief that your majesty was the sovereign they had looked for; and after this he took his leave, and having gone, we were liberally supplied with fowls, bread, fruits and other things required for the use of our quarters. in this way i was for six days amply provided with all that was necessary, and visited by many of the nobility." it throws a somewhat amusing light on the interview when we note that the presents exchanged were of great value on montezuma's part, while the gift of cortes was a collar of cheap imitation diamonds! the emotions of the spaniards at this singular meeting between the immeasurable distance of the past and present were so strong that even the rough soldier felt it. "and when we beheld," says bernal diaz, "so many cities and towns rising up from the water, and other populous places situated on the terra firma, and that causeway, straight as a level, which went into mexico, we remained astonished, and said to one another that it appeared like the enchanted castles which they tell of in the book of amadis, by reason of the great towers, temples, and edifices which there were in the water, all of them work of masonry. some of our soldiers asked if this that they saw was not a thing in a dream." {168} fiske thus felicitously alludes to it: "it may be well called the most romantic moment in all history, this moment when european eyes first rested upon that city of wonders, the chief ornament of a stage of social evolution two full ethnical periods behind their own. to say that it was like stepping back across the centuries to visit the nineveh of sennacherib or hundred-gated thebes, is but inadequately to depict the situation, for it was a longer step than that. such chances do not come twice to mankind, for when two grades of culture so widely severed are brought into contact, the stronger is apt to blight and crush the weaker where it does not amend and transform it. in spite of its foul abominations, one sometimes feels that one would like to recall the extinct state of society in order to study it. the devoted lover of history, who ransacks all sciences for aid toward understanding the course of human events, who knows in what unexpected ways one progress often illustrates other stages, will sometimes wish it were possible to resuscitate, even for one brief year, the vanished city of the cactus rock. could such a work of enchantment be performed, however, our first feeling would doubtless be one of ineffable horror and disgust, like that of the knight in the old english ballad, who, folding in his arms a damsel of radiant beauty, finds himself in the embrace of a loathsome fiend." what the emotions of the mexicans were we have no account, but it is not difficult to imagine them. amazement as at the visitation of a god, fear begot of this gross superstition, apprehension of what might be the result of the coming of these strange monsters, curiosity mingled with admiration; and as they looked at the long lines of fierce, dauntless, implacable {169} tlascalans who accompanied the spaniards, their hereditary enemies, there must have swelled in their savage breasts feelings of deep and bitter hatred. outwardly, however, all was calm. the spaniards marched through the flower-decked streets to the great palace of ayxacatl, which had been assigned to them as a residence, and which was spacious and commodious enough to take them all in, bag and baggage, including their savage allies. it is one of the singular contradictions of the aztec character that with all of their brutal religion and barbarism, they were passionately fond of flowers and like other barbarians rejoiced in color. "flowers were used in many of the religious festivals, and there is abundant evidence, moreover, that the mexicans were very fond of them. this is illustrated in the perpetual reference to flowers in old mexican poems: 'they led me within a valley to a fertile spot, a flowery spot, where the dew spread out in glistening splendor, where i saw various lovely fragrant flowers, lovely odorous flowers, clothed with the dew, scattered around in rainbow glory; there they said to me, 'pluck the flowers, whichever thou wishest; mayst thou, the singer, be glad, and give them to thy friends, to the chiefs, that they may rejoice on the earth.' so i gathered in the folds of my garments the various fragrant flowers, delicate, scented, delicious.'" the will of montezuma was supreme. nothing dimmed the warmth and generosity of his splendid hospitality. there were no frowning looks, no mutterings of discontent, everything was joyous and pleasant, at least outwardly, yet not one of the christians was blind to the peril in which he stood, or doubted that the least accident might precipitate an outbreak {170} which would sweep them all from off the face of the earth. for six days the spaniards remained the guests of the mexican emperor. visits were exchanged, religious discussions were indulged in, and cortes was only constrained from overthrowing their idols in the temples which he visited, and substituting christian emblems therein by force, by the prudent counsel of the worthy priests, men remarkable for their wisdom and their statesmanship, who accompanied him. continual efforts were made to convert montezuma, but without results. that monarch, who was of a cheerful and jovial nature, professed great friendship for and interest in the spaniards, whom he often visited and to whom he accorded many privileges. such a condition of affairs, however, could not last very long. the suspense was intolerable to a man of action like cortes and to the men who followed him as well. they were not good waiters. something had to be done. into the mind of this spanish soldier of fortune there leaped a bold design. he decided upon a course of action, as amazing in its character, so far-reaching in its result, that its conception and its execution almost thrust him into the ranks of the demi-gods. this project was nothing less than the seizure of the person of montezuma in the midst of his capital, a city of three hundred thousand people, among whom were thousands of fierce and highly trained veteran warriors who counted their lives as nothing in the emperor's need. undoubtedly such an action was the basest of treachery, but cortes had put himself in such a position that the nakedness of such an action did not prevail with him for a moment. he quieted his conscience with the {171} old reasoning that montezuma was a heathen, and that oaths to him were by no means binding. whether he quieted his conscience or not, something was necessary. he could not retire from mexico after this ostensibly friendly visit. such a withdrawal would not have suited his purposes at all, and it was more than possible that the moment he turned his back on the aztec capital, he would be forced to fight for his life against conditions which would leave him little or no possibility of escape. it was really montezuma's life and liberty or cortes' life and liberty. in such an alternative, there was no hesitation. viii. the seizure of the emperor occasion was soon found for the seizure. a chief on the sea coast had attacked and killed some of the men left at vera cruz. it was alleged that this was done by the orders of montezuma. cortes accompanied by the hardiest and bravest of his companions, and after a night of prayer--singular with what good consciences they could pray for the success of the most nefarious undertaking!--visited montezuma, and accused him of having instigated the crime. montezuma denied it, and despatched messengers to the offending cacique, directing that he be put under close arrest and brought to the capital. this was all any reasonable man could expect, but cortes and his companions were not reasonable. in spite of the fact that the prompt action of the aztec had deprived them of the faintest pretext, they nevertheless at last declared to the unhappy monarch that he must accompany them to the pueblo, which he had assigned to them, and remain in the custody of {172} the spaniards until the matter had been decided. in vain montezuma protested. his situation was unfortunate. he was surrounded by an intrepid body of steel-clad spaniards, and although the room was filled with officers, courtiers and soldiers, he realized--indeed he was bluntly told--that the first act of hostility against the spaniards would result in his immediate death. he made a virtue of a necessity, and complied with the spaniards' demand. forbidding his subjects, who were moved to tears--tears of rage and anger, most probably--to assist him, he submitted himself to the will of his captors, and went away with them. he had to go or he would have died then and there. far better would it have been if he had chosen the nobler course, both for his fame and his empire. the affairs of the government were carried on as usual by montezuma, to whom his officers and his counsellors had free access. cortes even permitted him to go to the temple on occasion for the ordinary worship, but in every instance he was accompanied and practically surrounded by a body of one hundred completely armed and thoroughly resolute spaniards. cortes did not attempt to interfere in the least degree with the national administration, although it was patent to everybody that as he held the person of the emperor, he could also command, if he so elected, the power of the empire. meanwhile, the cacique quahpopoca, who was guilty of the murder of the spaniards on the coast, was brought into mexico two weeks after the seizure of montezuma. with a loyalty touchingly beautiful, he promptly declared that he had acted upon his own responsibility and that montezuma had had {173} nothing whatever to do with it, which was, of course, highly improbable. the official clearing of montezuma was complete; nevertheless, despite the testimony of quahpopoca, cortes actually put the mexican monarch in double irons. it is true, the irons were removed almost immediately, and he was treated as he had been during his two weeks' captivity, with the greatest possible respect and deference, but the irons had not merely clasped the wrists and ankles of the unfortunate aztec. they had entered his soul. quahpopoca was burned in the public square. the heaping fagots which surrounded the stake were made of javelins and spears collected by cortes with intrepid audacity and far-seeing prudence, from the public armory. vast numbers of them were used. the populace looked on in sullen and gloomy silence. montezuma was not merely the ruler of the country, but in some senses he was a deity, and his capture, together with the capture of the great lords of his family, who, under ordinary circumstances would have succeeded to his throne, paralyzed the national, social, political and religious organization. cortes actually held his captive in this way until spring. the intervening months were not wasted. expeditions were sent to all parts of the country to ascertain its resources and report upon them, so that, when the spaniards took over the government, they would be prepared to administer it wisely and well. no such prudent and statesmanlike policy was inaugurated by any other conqueror. cortes in this particular stands absolutely alone among the great adventurers, spanish and otherwise. he was not a mere plunderer of the people, he was laying a foundation for an empire. vast treasures were, nevertheless, collected. {174} messengers were despatched to charles v. with the letters which have already been quoted and with the royal share of the booty, which was great enough to insure them a favorable reception. what cortes would have done further can only be surmised. something happened suddenly which forced his hand. in the spring, montezuma received word through an excellent corps of messengers which supplied him daily with information from all parts of the empire, of the arrival of a strange spanish force on the coast. mexico had no writing, but its messenger system was one of the best in the world. messengers arrived daily from the farthest parts and confines of the mexican empire, supplementing pictures, which the mexicans drew very cleverly, with verbal accounts. incidentally, there was no money in the empire, either. the art of coinage had not been attained. ix. the revolt of the capital cortes was naturally much interested and not a little perturbed by the news. soon the exact tidings reached him from the commander at vera cruz, that the force consisted of some twelve hundred men, including eighty horse, all under the command of one panfilo de narvaez, which had been organized, equipped and sent out by cortes' old enemy, velasquez, with instructions to seize him and his companions and send them back to cuba for trial. narvaez was loud in his threats of what he was going to do with cortes and how he was going to do it. the great spaniard acted with his usual promptness. he left in charge of the city one pedro de alvarado, called from his fair hair, tonatiuh, or the {175} child of the sun. committing the care of montezuma to this cavalier and bidding him watch over him and guard him with his life, as the safety of all depended upon him, cortes with some two hundred and fifty men made a dash for the coast. it was two hundred and fifty against five times that number, but with the two hundred and fifty was a man whose mere presence equalized conditions, while with the twelve hundred and fifty was another whose braggart foolishness diminished their superiority until, in the end, it really amounted to nothing! cortes actually surprised narvaez in the town in which he had taken refuge and seized him after an attack--a night surprise of bold and audacious conception--by the two hundred and fifty against the twelve hundred which was completely successful. with narvaez in cortes's hands all opposition ceased on the part of the men. in one swoop narvaez lost power, position and one eye, which had been knocked out during the contest, and cortes found his following reinforced by so great a number and quality that he had never dreamed of such a thing. "you are, indeed, fortunate," said narvaez to his conqueror, "in having captured me." "it is," said cortes carelessly, "the least of the things i have done in mexico!" while affairs were thus progressing favorably on the coast, the smouldering rebellion had at last broken out in mexico, and cortes received a message from alvarado, bidding him return with all possible speed. there was not a braver soldier, a fiercer fighter, or a more resolute man in the following of cortes than pedro de alvarado. when that has been said, however, practically all has been said that can be said in {176} his favor. he was a rash, impetuous, reckless, head-long, tactless, unscrupulous man, and brutal and cruel to a high degree. his suspicions that the aztecs, led by montezuma, were conspiring to overwhelm his small force were aroused. it is probable that there was some truth in his apprehensions, although he could not point to anything very definite upon which to base them. he knew of but one way to deal with such a situation--by brute force. he waited until the great may festival of the aztecs was being held, and then fell upon them in the midst of their joyous play and slew six hundred, including many of the noblest chiefs of the land. the outbreak was instant and universal. the house of ayxacatl was at once besieged, the influx of provisions was stopped, and the pueblo was surrounded by vast numbers of thoroughly enraged citizens. neither the spaniards nor the allies could leave the pueblo without being overwhelmed. alvarado at last compelled montezuma to show himself on the walls and bid the people stop fighting, to enable him to strengthen his position and hold it until the arrival of cortes, and some fifteen hundred men, his own force and that of narvaez combined. when the conqueror met alvarado he upbraided him and told him that he had behaved like a madman. there was little or no provision. cortes now made the mistake of sending cuitlahua, the brother of montezuma, out into the city with instructions for him to have the markets opened at once and secure provisions for the spaniards and their horses. cuitlahua, being free, called the council of priests. this council at once deposed montezuma and elected cuitlahua {177} emperor and priest in his place. the revolution and the religion now had a head. the next morning an attack of such force was delivered that many of even the stoutest-hearted spaniards quailed before it. the slaughter of the natives was terrific. the spanish cannon opened long lanes through the crowded streets. the spanish horse sallied forth and hacked and hewed broad pathways up the different avenues. still, the attack was pressed and was as intrepid as if not a single aztec had died. the roar that came up from every quarter of the city, from the house tops, from the crowded streets, from the temples, was in itself enough to appall the bravest. x. in god's way finally cortes resorted to alvarado's expedient. he compelled the unhappy montezuma to mount the walls of the palace and bid the people disperse. when he appeared in all his splendid panoply upon the roof of the palace there was a strange silence. he was no longer priest, he was no longer emperor, he was no longer a power, he was no longer a god, but some of the old divinity seemed to cling to him, to linger around him still. the situation was so tragic that even the meanest soldier, mexican or spanish, felt its import. a long time the aztec looked over his once smiling capital, and into the faces of his once subordinate people. finally he began to address them. he bade them lay down their arms and disperse. the people, led by the great lords and montezuma's brother, cuitlahua, and his nephew, guatemoc, answered with a roar of rage, and the roar spread as the purport of the message was communicated to those {178} further back. montezuma stood appalled. the next instant a rain of missiles was actually launched at him and the spaniards who stood by his side. a stone hurled, it is said by young guatemoc, struck him in the forehead. he reeled and fell. with the bitter words: "woman! woman!" ringing in his ears, he was carried away by the spaniards. his face, says lew wallace, was the face of a man "breaking because he was in god's way!" he lived a few days after that, but he refused to eat, and repeatedly tore the bandages from his wounds until death put an end to his miseries. the stone that had struck him had broken his heart. neither cortes nor montezuma himself knew that he had been deposed. cortes and the principal spaniards visited him and endeavoured to console him, but he turned his face to the wall and would have none of them. it was said afterward that he became a christian, but it is most probably not true. he died as he had lived. helps thus describes the scene and the great montezuma's end: [illustration: the death of montezuma. from an old engraving.] "he was surrounded by spanish soldiers, and was at first received with all respect and honor by his people. when silence ensued, he addressed them in very loving words, bidding them discontinue the attack, and assuring them that the spaniards would depart from mexico. it is not probable that much of his discourse could have been heard by the raging multitude. but, on the other hand, he was able to hear what their leaders had to say, as four of the chiefs approached near him, and with tears addressed him, declaring their grief at his imprisonment. they told him that they had chosen his brother as their leader, that they had vowed to their gods not to cease fighting {179} until the spaniards were all destroyed, and that each day they prayed to their gods to keep him free and harmless. they added, that when their designs were accomplished, he should be much more their lord than heretofore, and that he should then pardon them. amongst the crowd, however, were, doubtless, men who viewed the conduct of montezuma with intense disgust, or who thought that they had already shown too much disrespect toward him ever to be pardoned. a shower of stones and arrows interrupted the parley; the spanish soldiers had ceased for the moment to protect montezuma with their shields; and he was severely wounded in the head and in two other places. the miserable monarch was borne away, having received his death-stroke; but whether it came from the wounds themselves, or from the indignity of being thus treated by his people, remains a doubtful point. it seems, however, that, to use some emphatic words which have been employed upon a similar occasion: 'he turned his face to the wall, and would be troubled no more.' [illustration: "he defended himself with his terrible spear"] "it is remarkable that he did not die like a christian,[6] and i think this shows that he had more force of mind and purpose than the world has generally been inclined to give him credit for. to read montezuma's character rightly, at this distance of time, and amidst such a wild perplexity of facts, would be very difficult, and is not very important. but one thing, {180} i think, is discernible, and that is, that his manners were very gracious and graceful. i dwell upon this, because i conceive it was a characteristic of the race; and no one will estimate this characteristic lightly, who has observed how very rare, even in the centres of civilized life, it is to find people of fine manners, so that in great capitals but very few persons can be pointed out who are at all transcendent in this respect. the gracious delight which montezuma had in giving was particularly noticeable; and the impression which he made upon bernal diaz may be seen in the narrative of this simple soldier, who never speaks of him otherwise as 'the great montezuma'; and, upon the occasion of his death, remarks that some of the spanish soldiers who had known him mourned for him as if he had been a father, 'and no wonder,' he adds, 'seeing that he was so good.'" cortes sent out the body to the new king, and montezuma was mourned over by the spaniards, to whom he had always been gracious, and probably, by his own people; but little could be learned of what the mexicans thought, or did, upon the occasion, by the spaniards, who only saw that montezuma's death made no difference in the fierceness of the enemy's attack. meanwhile the situation of the spaniards was indescribable. there was mutiny and rebellion among them. the soldiers of narvaez, who looked for a pleasant promenade through a land of peace and plenty, were appalled. there was daily, desperate fighting. the mexicans had manned the temple of the war-god which overlooked the spanish pueblo, and cortes determined to capture it. with a large body of chosen men he attempted its escalade. it was crowded to the very top with the most resolute {181} aztecs, and they fought for it with the courage of fanaticism and despair itself. the feather shields were no match for the steel cuirasses. the wooden clubs, stuck full of sharp pieces of obsidian, could not compete on equal terms with the toledo blades. step by step, terrace by terrace, the spaniards fought their way to the very top. as if by mutual consent, the contests in the streets stopped and all eyes were turned upon this battle in the air. arriving at the great plateau upon the crest, the spaniards were met by five hundred of the noblest aztecs, who, animated by their priests, made the last desperate stand for the altars of their gods. "and how can men die better, than in facing fearful odds, for the ashes of their fathers, and the temples of their gods?" in the course of the terrific conflict which ensued, two of the bravest leaped upon cortes, wrapped their arms around him, and attempted to throw themselves off the top of the temple, devoting themselves to death, if so be, they might compass their bold design. it was on the very verge of eternity that cortes tore himself free from them. singled out for attack because of his position and because of his fearlessness in battle, his life was saved again and again by his followers, until it seemed to be miraculously preserved. after a stupendous struggle the summit of the temple was carried. amid the groans of the populace, the spaniards tumbled down from its resting-place the hideous image of the war-god, and completed in aztec eyes the desecration of the temple. they were victorious, but they had paid a price. dead spaniards {182} dotted the terraces, the sunlight, gleaming on their armor, picking them out amid the dark, naked bodies of the mexicans. of those who had survived the encounter, there was scarcely one but had sustained one or more wounds, some of them fearful in character. the mexicans had not died in vain. leaving a guard at the temple, cortes came back to the garrison. the attack was resumed at once by the natives. attempts were made to burn the thatched roofs of the pueblo. a rain of missiles was poured upon it. the spaniards made sally after sally, inflicting great slaughter, but losing always a little themselves. the aztecs would sometimes seize a spaniard and bear him off alive to sacrifice him on some high pyramid temple in full view of his wretched comrades below. the spaniards fired cannon after cannon, but to no avail. they were starving, they were becoming sick, and they were covered with wounds; their allies, who took part gallantly in all the hard fighting, suffered frightful losses. it was at last reluctantly agreed among the leaders that their only salvation was the evacuation of the city. xi. the melancholy night although the course thus thrust upon them was indeed a hard one, there was nothing else to be done. sick, wounded, starving, dying, they could by no means maintain themselves longer in the city. fight as they might and would, the end would come speedily, and would mean annihilation. happy in that event would be those who died upon the field, for every living captive, whatever his condition, would be reserved for that frightful sacrifice to the war-god, in which his {183} body would be opened, and his reeking heart torn, almost while still beating, from his breast. to retreat was almost as dangerous as it was to remain. it was certain, however, that some would get through in that attempt, although it was equally certain that many would not. cortes, mustering his soldiers and allies, after a day of heart-breaking fighting, disclosed the situation to them in blunt soldier-like words, although they all knew it as well as he, and then the hasty preparations began. a vast treasure had been amassed by the spaniards. making an effort to preserve the fifth portion of it, which by law belonged to the king, cortes threw open the treasure chamber and bade the rest help themselves. he cautioned them, however, that those who went the lightest, would have the greatest prospects for escape, a warning which many, especially among those who had come to the country with narvaez, chose to disregard. the causeway along which they determined to fly and which connected mexico with the mainland was pierced at intervals to admit passage from one portion of the lake to the other. the bridges which usually covered these openings had been taken away by the aztecs. cortes caused a temporary bridge or pontoon to be built which was to be carried with the fugitives to enable them to pass the openings. the night was the first of july, 1520. it was pitch dark and a heavy rain was falling. the forces consisted of twelve hundred and fifty spaniards, of whom eighty were mounted, and six thousand tlascalans. they were divided into three divisions. the advance was under the command of juan valesquez, cortes led the main body, and the rear was put in the charge {184} of the rash, cruel, but heroic alvarado. the less severely wounded were supported by their comrades, and those unable to walk were carried on litters or mounted on horses. montezuma had died the night before. any lingering hopes of being able to effect peace through his influence had departed. leaving everything they could not carry, the spaniards, after prayer, confession and absolution, threw open the gates,[7] and entered the city. midnight was approaching. the streets and avenues were silent and deserted. the retreat proceeded cautiously for a little way, unmolested, when suddenly a deep, booming sound roared like thunder over the heads of the spaniards, through the black night, filling their hearts with alarm. cortes recognized it at once. the aztecs were awake and ready. the priests in the great teocallis, or temple pyramids, were beating the great drum of the war-god, huitzilopocahtli. lights appeared here and there in the town, the clashing of arms was heard here and there on the broad avenues. under the lights farther up the streets could be seen files of troops moving. the hour was full of portent. dragging their artillery, carrying their wounded, bearing their treasure, the spaniards and their allies passed rapidly through the streets. before the advance reached the first opening in the causeway it was already hotly engaged. the water on either side of the cause-way suddenly swarmed with canoes. spears, javelins, arrows, heavy war-clubs with jagged pieces of obsidian were hurled upon the spaniards on the causeway. in front of them, almost, it seemed, for the whole length, the {185} indians were massed. step by step, by the hardest kind of hand-to-hand fighting, the spaniards and their allies arrived at the first opening. their loss had been frightful already. they were surrounded and attacked from all sides. indians scrambled up the low banks in the darkness, seized the feet of the flying spaniards and strove to draw them into the water. many a white man, many a tlascalan locked in the savage embrace of some heroic aztec, stumbled or was dragged into the lake and was drowned in the struggle. the frightened horses reared and plunged and created great confusion. the golden treasure with which many had loaded themselves proved a frightful incumbrance. those who could do so, flung it away; those too bitterly occupied in fighting for their lives could do little but drive, thrust, hew, hack and struggle in the dark and slippery way. but the army did advance. arriving at the brink of the first opening, the bridge was brought up and the division began its passage. it had scarcely crossed the gap when under the pressure of tremendous fear, the second division, in spite of all that could be done to refrain and control them by cortes and his officers--and there were no braver men on earth--crowded on the frail bridge. the structure which was sufficiently strong for ordinary and orderly passage, gave way, precipitating a great mass of spaniards and indians into the causeway. cortes with his own hands, assisted by a few of the cooler veterans, tried to lift up the shattered remains of the bridge but was unable to do anything with it. it was ruined beyond repair, and sank into a splintered mass of timber under the terrific pressure to which it had been subjected. a passage at that gap was afforded to those who came {186} after because it was filled level with dead bodies of spaniards, indians and horses, to say nothing of guns, baggage and equipment. by this time the advance guard was again heavily engaged. the spaniards and their allies staggered along the dyke, fighting desperately all the time. velasquez, leading the advance division was killed at the brink of the second opening. the wretched fugitives were driven headlong into the second opening which was soon choked with horses and men as the first had been. over this living, dying bridge the survivors madly ploughed. some of them led by cortes himself found a ford on the side. although they were cut down by the hundreds, there seemed to be no end to the aztecs. the rain still fell. the drum of the war-god mingled with frightful peals of thunder, and the shrill cries of the mexicans rose higher and higher. the spaniards were sick, wounded, beaten and terrified. only cortes and his captains and a few of his veterans preserved the slightest semblance of organization. the third gap was passed by the same awful expedient as the other two had been. there was not a great distance from the third opening to the mainland. the few who had passed over rushed desperately for the shore. way back in the rear, last of all, came alvarado. there was a strange current in the lake, and as he stood all alone at the last opening, confronting the pursuers, his horse having been killed under him, a swift movement of the water swept away the gorged mass of bodies. torches in the canoes enabled the aztecs to recognize alvarado, tonatiuh, the child of the sun. his helmet had been knocked off and his fair hair streamed over his shoulders. he indeed would {187} be a prize for their sacrifice, second only to cortes himself. with furious cries, the most reckless and intrepid leaped upon the dyke and rushed at him. at his feet lay his neglected lance. dropping his sword, he seized his spear, swiftly plunged the point of it into the sand at the bottom of the pass, and, weighted though he was with his armor, and weak from his wounds and from the loss of blood, leaped to safety on the other side. to this day, this place of alvarado's marvelous leap is pointed out. like ney, alvarado was the last of that grand army, and like the french commander, also, he might properly be called the bravest of the brave. darkness was not the usual period for aztec fighting. it was this alone that saved the lives of the remaining few for, having seen alvarado stagger to freedom along the causeway, the aztecs concluded that they had done enough and returned to the city rejoicing. they took back with them many spaniards and tlascalans as captives for sacrifice and the cannibalistic feast which followed. when day broke, cortes sitting under a tree, which is still to be seen in mexico,[8] ordered the survivors to pass in review before him. they numbered five hundred spaniards and two thousand tlascalans and a score of horses. seven hundred and fifty spaniards had been killed or taken captive and four thousand tlascalans. all the artillery had been lost, seven arquebuses had been saved, but there was no powder. half the spaniards were destitute of any weapons and the battle-axes and spears which had been saved {188} were jagged and broken. their armor was battered and the most important parts, as helmets, shields, breastplates, had been lost. some of the tlascalans still preserved their savage weapons. there was scarcely a man, spanish or tlascalan who was not suffering from some wound. it is no wonder that when cortes saw the melancholy and dejected array, even his heart of steel gave way and he buried his face in his hands and burst into tears. this terrible night has always been known in history as _la noche triste_--the melancholy night. melancholy indeed it was. surely the situation of a man was never more desperate. if the mexicans had rejoiced in the leadership of a cortes, they would have mustered their forces and fallen upon the spaniards without the delay of a moment, and the result could only have been annihilation. but the mexicans themselves had suffered terrifically. they had won a great victory, but they had paid a fearful price for it. now they wanted to enjoy it. they wished to sacrifice their captives to their gods, and they thought that there was no hope for the spaniards, and that they might overwhelm them at their leisure. this is sir arthur helps' vivid description of the awful retreat: "a little before midnight the stealthy march began. the spaniards succeeded in laying down the pontoon over the first bridge-way, and the vanguard with sandoval passed over; cortes and his men also passed over; but while the rest were passing, the mexicans gave the alarm with loud shouts and blowing of horns. 'tlaltelulco![9] tlaltelulco!' they exclaimed, 'come out quickly with your canoes; the _teules_ are going; cut {189} them off at the bridges.' almost immediately after this alarm, the lake was covered with canoes. it rained, and the misfortunes of the night commenced by two horses slipping from the pontoon into the water. then, the mexicans attacked the pontoon-bearers so furiously that it was impossible for them to raise it up again. in a very short time the water at that part was full of dead horses, tlascalan men, indian women, baggage, artillery, prisoners, and boxes (_petacas_) which, i suppose, supported the pontoon. on every side the most piteous cries were heard: 'help me! i drown!' 'rescue me! they are killing me!' such vain demands were mingled with prayers to the virgin mary and to saint james. those that did get upon the bridge and on the causeway found hands of mexicans ready to push them down again into the water. "at the second bridge-way a single beam was found, which doubtless had been left for the convenience of the mexicans themselves. this was useless for the horses, but cortes diverging, found a shallow place where the water did not reach further than up to the saddle, and by that he and his horsemen passed (as sandoval must have done before). he contrived, also to get his foot-soldiers safely to the mainland, though whether they swam or waded, whether they kept the line of the causeway, or diverged into the shallows, it is difficult to determine. leaving the vanguard and his own division safe on shore, cortes with a small body of horse and foot, returned to give what assistance he could to those who were left behind. all order was now lost, and the retreat was little else than a confused slaughter, although small bodies of the spaniards still retained sufficient presence of mind {190} to act together, rushing forward, clearing the space about them, making their way at each moment with loss of life, but still some few survivors getting onward. few, indeed, of the rear-guard could have escaped. it is told as a wonder of alvarado, that, coming to the last bridge, he made a leap, which has by many been deemed impossible, and cleared the vast aperture. when cortes came up to him, he was found accompanied by only seven soldiers and eight tlascalans, all covered with blood from their many wounds. they told cortes that there was no use in going further back, that all who remained alive were there with him. upon this the general turned; and the small and melancholy band of spaniards pushed on to tlacuba, cortes protecting the rear. it is said that he sat down on a stone in the village called popotla near tlacuba, and wept; a rare occurrence, for he was not a man to waste any energy in weeping while aught remained to be done. the country was aroused against them, and they did not rest for the night till they had fortified themselves in a temple on a hill near tlacuba, where afterward was built a church dedicated, very appropriately, to our lady of refuge (_à nuestra señora de los remedios_)." there is an old story of a roman general, who after a most terrific defeat, a defeat due largely to his own incompetency, not only escaped censure but was officially thanked by the senate, because he declared publicly that he did not despair of the republic. of that same temper was cortes. exhorting his men in the face of this awful peril which menaced them to conduct themselves as white men, as spaniards, and as soldiers of the cross, cortes led his army toward tlascala. upon the position of {191} that republic absolutely depended the future. it depends upon the way you look at the situation as to how you estimate the conduct of these dusky allies of the unfortunate conqueror. had there been any national feeling among them, had their hatred of the aztecs been less, they might have broken their agreements with the spaniards and overwhelmed them, but the hatred of the tlascalans did not permit them to look beyond the present day. they decided to maintain the alliance they had entered into with cortes and welcomed him with open arms. they gave him a chance to recuperate, to get something to eat, and to dress the wounds of his men. all the spaniards wanted was time to bring about the inevitable downfall of mexico and the mexicans. among the men who had followed narvaez was a negro who had brought with him the germs of small-pox, which were communicated to the aztecs in the city. it spared neither rich nor poor, as one of the first victims was their leader, cuitlahua. the electors chose his nephew to succeed him, the youthful guatemoc, or, as he was commonly called, guatemotzin. in some respects in spite of the lack of the sagacity and farsightedness of cuitlahua, he was a better man for the problem, for he at once mustered his forces and launched them upon cortes and the tlascalans in the valley of otumba. the tlascalans had furnished shelter and provisions to cortes, and had resolved to stand by their treaty with him, but they had not yet furnished him with any great assistance. a strong party in the council had been entirely opposed to doing anything whatever for him. cortes practically had to fight the battle alone and the battle had {192} to be won. he and his fought, as the saying is, with halters around their necks. all day long the spaniards and their few allies fought up and down the narrow valley. defeat meant certain death. they must conquer or be tortured, sacrificed and eaten. it was cortes himself who decided the issue. with alvarado and a few of the other captains, he finally broke through the aztec centre, with his own hand killed the aztec general, to whom guatemoc had committed the battle, and seized the aztec standard. at the close of the long hours of fighting the natives broke and fled, and the supremacy of cortes and the spaniards was once more established. wavering tlascala decided for cortes and he was received with generous, royal and munificent hospitality, which accorded him everything he asked. messengers were despatched to hispaniola for reinforcements and every preparation made for the renewal of the campaign. during the fall, troops, horses, men, guns and thousands of the flower of the tlascalan army were placed at cortes's disposal. he occupied them by sending expeditions in every direction, thus restoring their morale and punishing the savage tribes who had revolted against the spanish rule and had returned to their old allegiance to the aztec emperor. the punishments were fearful. the resources of the mexicans were gradually cut off and by the end of the year the aztecs realized that they would have to fight their last battle alone. these successful campaigns reëstablished the prestige which the spaniards had lost. the people everywhere knew that they were no longer gods, but they now enjoyed a higher reputation, that of being invincible. cortes was resolved to attack mexico. with a {193} prudence as great as his determination he decided to neglect no precaution which would insure his success. he caused to be built a number of brigantines by which he could secure the command of the lake, and thereby give access to the city for his troops and allies. these brigantines were built at tlascala under the supervision of the sailors of the expedition. the rigging of the ships, which had been destroyed, was useful in fitting them out. they were built in pieces and arrangements were made to carry them over the mountains and put them together at the lake when the campaign began. guns and provisions were also amassed. powder was brought from cuba and it was also made by means of the sulphur deposits of the volcanoes round about. the troops were daily drilled and trained. daily prayers were held, and every effort was made to give the forthcoming campaign the spirit of a crusade. the strictest moral regulations were promulgated. in short, nothing was left undone to bring about the downfall of mexico. on his part, guatemoc was not idle. he summoned to his assistance all the tribes that remained loyal to him, especially those to the west, not subjected to the spanish attack. he strove by bribery to detach those who had given their adherence to cortes. vast numbers of allies assembled in mexico, which was provisioned for a siege. everything that occurred to the minds of these splendid barbarians was done. after having done all that was possible, with resolution which cannot be commended too highly, they calmly awaited the onset of the spaniards. on christmas day, 1520, cortes took up the march over the mountains again for the great city of the cactus rock. {194} xii. the siege and destruction of mexico it was april of the next year when cortes at last arrived before the city and began the siege. the force which he had mustered for this tremendous undertaking consisted of seven hundred spanish infantry, one hundred and twenty arquebuses, eighty-six horsemen, twelve cannon, and a countless multitude of tlascalan fighters together with numbers of slaves and servants. as the city was connected with the mainland by three causeways, it was necessary to invest it on three sides. the army was divided into three equal divisions. he himself commanded the force that was to attack along the south causeway; with him was sandoval, his most trusted and efficient lieutenant; alvarado led that which was to advance over the west causeway and olid was to close the north causeway. the brigantines were brought over the mountains by hand by thousands of tlascalans. there were no vehicles or highways of any sort in mexico; the mexicans not having domesticated any animals there was no use for anything broader than a foot-path, a fact which throws an interesting side-light on their civilization, by the way. these spanish boats were put together on the shores of the lake and when they were launched they served to close the ring of steel which surrounded the doomed city. the three great tribal divisions of the aztec empire were the aztecs themselves, the cholulans and the tezcocans. cholula had been conquered and with tezcoco at this critical juncture went over to the spaniards, leaving guatemoc and his aztecs to fight the last fight {195} alone. besides the forces enumerated, each spanish division was accompanied by formidable bodies of tlascalans. the tlascalans were nearly, if not quite, as good fighters as the aztecs; perhaps they were better fighters, so far as their numbers went, when led and supported by the white people. the first thing that cortes did was to cut the aqueduct which carried fresh water into the city. the lake of tezcoco in which mexico stood was salt. by this one stroke, cortes forced the inhabitants to depend upon a very meagre, scanty supply of water from wells in the city, many of which were brackish and unpalatable. the shores of the lake were swept bare by the beleaguerers. iztatapalan, a rocky fortress was taken by storm and on april 21, 1521, the first attack was delivered along the causeways. the mexicans met the advance with their customary intrepidity. the water on either side of the causeway swarmed with canoes. thousands of warriors poured out of the city. the canoes swept down the lake intending to take the spaniards in reverse and then pour in a terrible flank fire of missiles as they had done on the melancholy night. cortes sustained this fire for a short time in order to draw the canoes as far toward him as possible, then he let loose the brigantines. these brigantines were boats propelled by oars and sails on a single mast. they carried about a score of armed men and were very well and stoutly built. i suppose them to have been something like a modern man-o'-war cutter. they played havoc with the frail canoes. their solid construction, their higher free-board, that is, the height they were above the water-line, the armor of their crews and the fact that the wind happened to be favorable and they {196} could sail instead of row that morning, all contributed to the utter and complete destruction of the indian flotilla. canoes were splintered and sunk. men were killed by the hundreds. they strove to climb up the slippery sides of the causeways and dykes. the spaniards thrust them off into the deep water with their spears or cut them to pieces with their swords. the battle along the causeways, which were narrow, although quite wide enough for a dozen horsemen abreast, was terrible. the aztecs literally died in their tracks, disdaining to fly. the spaniards made their way over a floor of dead and writhing bodies. bare breasts, however resolute the hearts that beat beneath them, were no match for the steel cuirasses. the wooden shields did not even blunt the edge of the toledo blade; the obsidian battle-axes could not contest with the iron maces. the jewelled feather work of the proudest noble was not equal even to the steel-trimmed leather jerkin of the poorest white soldier. the spaniards literally cut their way, hewed, hacked, thrust their way into the city. here the fighting was slightly more equalized. the low roofs of the houses and pueblos swarmed with warriors. they rained missiles down upon the spaniards' heads, while a never diminishing mob hurled itself into the faces of the white men. the aztecs could have done more damage if they had not sacrificed everything in order to capture the spaniards alive. in some instances they succeeded in their purpose. the fighting which was the same in all three of the causeways lasted all day and then the spaniards retired to their several camps. save for the fact that they afterward cleared the lake of the canoes by the aid of the brigantines, one {197} day's fighting was like another. the spaniards would march into the city, slaughter until their arms were weary. they would lose a few here and there every day. the tlascalans who took their part in all the fighting lost many. the end of the day would see things _in statu quo_. there were enough of the indians even to sacrifice one hundred of them to one spaniard and still maintain the balance of power. cortes observed that he might fight this way until all of his army had melted away by piecemeal and have taken nothing. he determined upon the dreadful expedient of destroying the city as he captured it. after coming to this decision, he summoned to his aid large bodies of the subject tribes. thereafter, while the spaniards and the tlascalans fought, the others tore down that portion of the city which had been taken. the buildings were absolutely razed to the ground and nothing whatever was left of them. canals were filled, gardens were ruined, trees cut down and even the walls of the city torn apart. in short, what once had been a teeming populous quarter of the city, abounding in parks, gardens and palaces, was left a desert. there was not enough power left in the aztec confederacy to rebuild the devastated portions over night and the spaniards daily pressed their attack on every side with relentless rigor. the mexicans were slowly constricted to an ever narrowing circle. the spaniards seized and choked up the wells. the mexicans were dying of thirst. the brigantines swept the lake and prevented any reënforcements reaching them, which cut off their supply of provisions. they were dying of hunger. after every day's fighting cortes offered amnesty. to do {198} him justice, he begged that peace might be made and the fighting stopped before the city was ruined and all its inhabitants were killed. he was no mere murderer, and such scenes of slaughter horrified him. he had a genuine admiration for the enemy too. he tried his best to secure peace. his offers were repudiated with contempt. in spite of the fact that they were starving, the aztecs in bravado actually threw provisions in the faces of the advancing spaniards. they declared to the tlascalans that when there was nothing left to eat they would eat them, and if there was nothing else, they would live on one another until they were all dead. they mocked and jeered at the tribes tearing down the houses, and with grim humor pointed out to them that they would have to rebuild the city whoever was successful in the strife, for either the aztecs or the spaniards would compel them to do so. so the fighting went on through the long days. xiii. a day of desperate fighting on one occasion the soldiers, tiring of this, demanded, and cortes in compliance with their wishes projected, an attack which was hoped would capture the narrow circle of defense by storm. in his own words the story of this day's fighting is now related. it will be seen how he narrowly escaped with his life: "the day after mass,[10] in pursuance of the arrangements already mentioned, the seven brigantines with more than three thousand canoes of our allies left the encampment; and i, with twenty-five horses and {199} all the other force i had, including the seventy-five men from the division at tacuba, took up the line of march and entered the city, where i distributed the troops in the following manner: there were three streets leading from where we entered to the market-place, called by the indians tianguizco, and the whole square in which it is situated is called tlaltelulco; one of these streets was the principal avenue to the marketplace, which i ordered your majesty's treasurer and auditor to take, with seventy men and more than fifteen or twenty thousand of our allies, and rear-guard consisting of seven or eight horses. i also directed that, whenever a bridge or entrenchment was taken, it should be immediately filled up; and for this purpose they had twelve men with pick-axes, together with many more of our allies who were very useful in this kind of work. the two other streets also lead from that of tacuba to the market-place, and are narrower and full of causeways, bridges, and water-streets (or canals). i ordered two captains,[11] to take the wildest of these with eighty men and more than ten thousand of our indian allies; and at the head of the street of tacuba i placed two heavy cannon with eight horse to guard them. with eight other horse and about one hundred foot, including twenty-five or more bowmen and musketeers, and an innumerable host of our allies, i took up the line of march along the other narrow street, intending to penetrate as far as possible. at its entrance i caused the cavalry to halt, and ordered them by no means to pass from there, nor to come in my rear, unless i first sent them orders to that effect; and then i alighted from my {200} horse, and we came to an entrenchment that had been raised in front of a bridge, which we carried by means of a small field-piece, and the archers and musketeers, and then proceeded along the causeway, which was broken in two or three places, where we encountered the enemy. so great was the number of our allies, who ascended the terraces and other places, that it did not appear possible anything could stop us. when we had gained the two bridges, the entrenchments and the causeways, our allies followed along the street without taking any spoils; and i remained behind with about twenty spanish soldiers on a little island, for i saw that some of our indians were getting into trouble with the enemy; and in some instances they retreated until they cast themselves into the water, and with our aid were enabled to return to the attack. besides this, we were on the watch to prevent the enemy from sallying forth out of the cross-streets in the rear of the spaniards, who had advanced on the main street and at this time sent us word that they had made much progress, and were not far from the great square of the market-place; adding, that they wished to push forward, for they already heard the noise of the combat in which the alguazil mayor and pedro de alvarado were engaged on their side of the city. i answered them that they must by no means go forward without leaving the bridges well filled up, so that, if it became necessary to beat a retreat, the water might present no obstacle or impediment, for in this consisted all the danger. they sent to me a message in reply, the amount of which was that the whole they had gained was in good condition, and that i might go and see if it was not so. but suspecting that they had disregarded the orders and left the {201} bridges imperfectly filled up, i went to the place and found they had passed a breach in the road ten or twelve paces wide, and the water that flowed through it was ten or twelve feet deep. at the time the troops had passed this ditch, thus formed, they had thrown in it wood and reed-canes, and as they had crossed a few at a time and with great circumspection, the wood and canes had not sunk beneath their weight; and they were so intoxicated with the pleasure of victory that they imagined it to be sufficiently firm. at the moment i reached this bridge of troubles, i discovered some spaniards and many of our allies flying back in great haste, and the enemy like dogs in pursuit of them; and when i saw such a rout, i began to cry out, 'hold, hold!' and on approaching the water, i beheld it full of spaniards and indians in so dense a mass that it seemed as if there was not room for a straw to float. the enemy charged on the fugitives so hotly, that in the _mêlée_ they threw themselves into the water after them; and soon the enemy's canoes came up by means of the canal and took the spaniards alive. as this affair was so sudden, and i saw them killing our men, i resolved to remain there and perish in the fight. the way in which i and those that were with me could do the most good was to give our hands to some unfortunate spaniards who were drowning, and draw them out of the water; some came out wounded, others half-drowned, and others without arms, whom i sent forward. already such multitudes of the enemy pressed upon us, that they had completely surrounded me and the twelve or fifteen men who were with me; and being deeply interested in endeavoring to save those that were sinking, i did not observe nor regard the danger to which i was exposed. several indians {202} of the enemy had already advanced to seize me and would have borne me off, had it not been for a captain of fifty men whom i always had with me, and also a youth of his company, to whom next to god, i owed my life; and in saving mine, like a valiant man, he lost his own.[12] in the meantime the spaniards who had fled before the enemy, pursued their course along the causeway, and as it was small and narrow, and on the same level as the water, which had been effected by those dogs on purpose to annoy us; and as the road was crowded also with our allies who had been routed, much delay was thereby occasioned, enabling the enemy to come up on both sides of the water, and to take and destroy as many as they pleased. the captain who was with me, antonio de quinones, said to me: 'let us leave this place and save your life, since you know that without you none of us can escape'; but he could not induce me to go. when he saw this, he seized me in his arms, that he might force me away; and although i would have been better satisfied to die than to live, yet by the importunity of this captain and of my other companions, we began to retreat, making our way with our swords and bucklers against the enemy, who pressed hard upon us. at this moment there came up a servant of mine and made a little room; but presently he received a blow in his throat from a lance thrown from a low terrace, that brought him to the ground. while i was in the midst of this conflict, sustaining the attacks of the enemy, and waiting for the crowd on the narrow causeway, to reach a place of safety, one of my servants brought {203} me a horse to ride on. but the mud on the causeway, occasioned by the coming and going of persons by water, was so deep that no one could stand, especially with the jostling of the people against one another in their effort to escape. "i mounted the horse, but not to fight, as this was impossible on horseback; but if it had been practicable i should have found on the little island opposite the narrow causeway, the eight horsemen i had left there, who were unable to do more than effect their return; which indeed, was so dangerous that two mares, on which two of my servants rode fell from the causeway into the water; one of them was killed by the indians, but the other was saved by some of the infantry. another servant of mine cristobal de guzman, rode a horse that they gave him at the little island to bring to me, on which i might make my escape; but the enemy killed both him and the horse before they reached me; his death spread sorrow through the whole camp, and even to this day his loss is still mourned by those who knew him. but after all our troubles, by the blessing of god, those of us who survived, reached the street of tlacuba, which was very wide; and collecting the people, i took my post with nine horsemen in the rear-guard. the enemy pressed forward with all the pride of victory, as if resolved that none should escape with life; but falling back in the best manner i could, i sent word to the treasurer and auditor to retreat to the public square in good order. i also sent similar orders to the two captains who had entered the city by the street that led to the market-place, both of whom had fought gallantly, and carried many entrenchments and bridges, which they had caused to be well filled up, on account of {204} which they were able to retire without loss. before the retreat of the treasurer and auditor some of the enemy threw in their way two or three heads of christian men from the upper part of the entrenchment where they were fighting, but it was not known whether they were persons belonging to the camp of pedro de alvarado, or our own. all being assembled in the square, so large a multitude of the enemy charged upon us from all directions that we had as much as we could do to keep them back; and that, too, in places where, before this defeat, the enemy would have fled before three horse and ten foot. immediately after, in a lofty tower filled with their idols that stood near the square, they burned perfumes and fumigated the air with certain gums peculiar to this country, that greatly resembled _anime_, which they offer to their idols in token of victory. although we endeavored to throw obstacles in the way of the enemy, it was out of our power, as our people were hurrying back to the camp. "in this defeat thirty-five or forty spaniards, and more than a thousand of our allies, were slain by the enemy, besides more than twenty christians wounded, among whom was myself in the leg. we lost the small field-piece that we had taken with us, and many crossbows, muskets and other arms. immediately after their victory in order to strike terror into the alguazil mayor and pedro de alvarado, the enemy carried all the spaniards, both living and dead, whom they had taken, to the tlaltelulco which is the market-place, and in some of the lofty towers that are situated there they sacrificed them naked, opening their breasts and taking out their hearts to offer them to the idols. this was seen by the spaniards of alvarado's division from {205} where they were fighting, and from the whiteness of the naked bodies which they saw sacrificed they knew them to be christians; but although they suffered great sorrow and dismay at the sight, they effected a retreat to their camp after having fought gallantly that day, and carried their conquests almost to the market-place, which would have been taken if god, on account of our sins, had not permitted so great a disaster. we returned to our camp, such was the grief we felt, somewhat earlier than had been usual on other days; and in addition to our other losses, we had been told that the brigantines had fallen into the hands of the enemies, who attacked them in their canoes from the rear; but it pleased god this was not true, although the brigantines and the canoes of our allies had been seen in danger enough, and even a brigantine came near being lost, the captain and the master of it being wounded, the former of whom died eight days afterward." this modest account of the brave soldier scarcely does justice to the situation, his peril and his courage. therefore, i supplement it by helps' description of the same day of desperate fighting: "the impatience of the soldiers grew to a great height, and was supported in an official quarter--by no less a person than alderete, the king's treasurer. cortes gave way against his own judgment to their importunities. there had all along been a reason for his reluctance, which, probably, he did not communicate to his men; namely, that he had not abandoned the hope that the enemy would still come to terms. 'finally,' he says, 'they pressed me so much that i gave way.' "the attack was to be a general one, in which the {206} divisions of sandoval and alvarado were to cooperate; but cortes, with that knowledge of character which belonged to him, particularly explained that, though his general orders were for them to press into the market-place, they were not obliged to gain a single difficult pass which laid them open to defeat; 'for,' he says, 'i knew, from the men they were, that they would advance to whatever spot i told them to gain, even if they knew that it would cost them their lives.' "on the appointed day, cortes moved from his camp, supported by seven brigantines, and by more than three thousand canoes filled with his indian allies. when his soldiers reached the entrance of the city, he divided them in the following manner. there were three streets which led to the market-place from the position which the spaniards had already gained. along the principal street, the king's treasurer, with seventy spaniards, and fifteen or twenty thousand allies was to make his way. his rear was to be protected by a small guard of horsemen. "the other streets were smaller, and led from the street of tlacuba to the market-place. along the broader of these two streets, cortes sent two of his principal captains, with eighty spaniards and the thousand indians; he himself with eight horsemen, seventy-five foot-soldiers, twenty-five musketeers, and an 'infinite number' of allies, was to enter the narrower street. at the entrance to the street of tlacuba, he left two large cannon with eight horsemen to guard them, and at the entrance of his own street, he also left eight horsemen to protect the rear. "the spaniards and their allies made their entrance into the city with even more success and less embarrassment than on previous occasions. bridges and {207} barricades were gained, and the three main bodies of the army moved forward into the heart of the city. the ever-prudent cortes did not follow his division, but remained with a small body-guard of twenty spaniards in a little island formed by the intersection of certain water streets, whence he encouraged the allies, who were occasionally beaten back by the mexicans, and where he could protect his own troops against any sudden descent of the enemy from certain side streets. "he now received a message from these spanish troops who had made a rapid and successful advance into the heart of the town, informing him that they were not far from the market-place, and that they wished to have his permission to push forward, as they already heard the noise of the combats which the alguazil mayor and pedro de alvarado were waging from their respective stations. to this message cortes returned for answer that on no account should they move forward without first filling up the apertures thoroughly. they sent an answer back, stating that they had made completely passable all the ground they had gained; and that he might come and see whether it were not so. "cortes, like a wise commander, not inclined to admit anything as a fact upon the statement of others which could be verified by personal inspection, took them at their word, and did move on to see what sort of a pathway they had made; when, to his dismay, he came in sight of a breach in the causeway, of considerable magnitude, being ten or twelve paces in width, and which, far from being filled up with solid material, had been passed upon wood and reeds, which was entirely insecure in case of retreat. the spaniards, 'intoxicated with victory,' as their commander {208} describes them, had rushed on, imagining that they left behind them a sufficient pathway. "there was now no time to remedy this lamentable error, for when cortes arrived near this 'bridge of affliction,' as he calls it, he saw many of the spaniards and the allies retreating toward it, and when he came up close to it, he found the bridge-way broken down, and the whole aperture so full of spaniards and indians, that there was not room for a straw to float upon the surface of the water. the peril was so imminent that cortes not only thought that the conquest of mexico was gone, but that the term of his life as well as that of his victories had come; and he resolved to die there fighting. all that he could do at first was to help his men out of the water; and meanwhile, the mexicans charged upon them in such numbers, that he and his little party were entirely surrounded. the enemy seized upon his person, and would have carried him off, but for the resolute bravery of some of his guard, one of whom lost his life there in succoring his master. the greatest aid, however, that cortes had at this moment of urgent peril, was the cruel superstition of the mexicans, which made them wish to take the malinche alive, and grudged the death of an enemy in any other way than that of sacrifice to their detestable gods. the captain of the body-guard seized hold of cortes, and insisted upon his retreating, declaring that upon his life depended the lives of all of them. cortes, though at that moment he felt that he should have delighted more in death than life, gave way to the importunity of his captain, and of other spaniards who were near, and commenced a retreat for his life. his flight was along a narrow causeway at the same level as the water, an additional circumstance of danger, {209} which to use his expression about them, those 'dogs' had contrived against the spaniards. the mexicans in their canoes approached the causeway on both sides, and the slaughter they were thus enabled to commit, both among the allies and the spaniards, was very great. meanwhile, two or three horses were sent to aid cortes in his retreat, and a youth upon one of them contrived to reach him, although the others were lost. at last he and a few of his men succeeded in fighting their way to the broad street of tlacuba, where, like a brave captain, instead of continuing his flight, he and the few horsemen that were with him turned around and formed a rear-guard to protect his retreating troops. he also sent immediate orders to the king's treasurer and the other commanders to make good their escape; orders the force of which was much heightened by the sight of two or three spanish heads which the mexicans, who were fighting behind a barricade, threw amongst the besiegers. "we must now see how it fared with the other divisions. alvarado's men had prospered in their attack, and were steadily advancing toward the marketplace, when, all of a sudden, they found themselves encountered by an immense body of mexican troops, splendidly accoutred, who threw before them five heads of spaniards and kept shouting out, 'thus we will slay you, as we have slain malinche and sandoval, whose heads these are.' with these words they commenced an attack of such fury, and came so close to hand with the spaniards, that they could not use their cross-bows, their muskets, or even their swords. one thing, however, was in their favor. the difficulty of their retreat was always greatly enhanced by the number of their allies; but on this occasion, the {210} tlascalans no sooner saw the bleeding heads and heard the menacing words of the mexicans, than they cleared themselves off the causeway with all possible speed. "the spaniards, therefore, were able to retreat in good order; and their dismay did not take the form of panic, even when they heard, from the summit of the temple, the tones of that awful drum, made from the skin of serpents, which gave forth the most melancholy sound imaginable, and which was audible at two or three leagues' distance. this was the signal of sacrifice, and at that moment ten human hearts, the hearts of their companions, were being offered up to the mexican deities. "a more dangerous, though not more dreadful sound was now to be heard. this was the blast of a horn sounded by no less a personage than the mexican king--which signified that his captains were to succeed or die. the mad fury with which the mexicans now rushed upon the spaniards was an 'awful thing' to see; and the historian, who was present at the scene, writing in his old age, exclaims that, though he cannot describe it, yet, when he comes to think of it, it is as if it were 'visibly' before him, so deep was the impression it had made upon his mind. "but the spaniards were not raw troops; and terror however great, was not able to overcome their sense of discipline and their duty to each other as comrades. it was in vain that the mexicans rushed upon them 'as a conquered thing'; they reached their station, served their cannon steadily--although they had to renew their artillery-men--and maintained their ground. "the appalling stratagem adopted by the mexicans--of {211} throwing down before one division of the spanish army some of the heads of the prisoners they had taken from another division, and shouting that these were the heads of the principal commanders--was pursued with great success. they were thus enabled to discourage sandoval, and to cause him to retreat with loss toward his quarters. they even tried with success the same stratagem upon cortes, throwing before his camp, to which he had at last retreated, certain bleeding heads, which they said, were those of 'tonatiuh' (alvarado), sandoval, and the other _teules_. then it was that cortes felt more dismay than ever, 'though,' says the honest chronicler, who did not like the man, no matter how much he admired the soldier, 'not in such a manner that those who were with him should perceive in it much weakness.' "after sandoval had made good his retreat, he set off, accompanied by a few horsemen, for the camp of cortes, and had an interview with him, of which the following account is given: 'o señor captain! what is this?' exclaimed sandoval; 'are these the great counsels, and artifices of war which you have always been wont to show us? how has this disaster happened?' cortes replied, 'o don sandoval! my sins have permitted this; but i am not so culpable in the business as they may make out, for it is the fault of the treasurer, juan de alderete, whom i charged to fill up that difficult pass where they routed us; but he did not do so, for he is not accustomed to wars, nor to be commanded by superior officers.' at this point of the conference, the treasurer himself, who had approached the captains in order to learn sandoval's news, exclaimed that it was cortes himself who was to blame; that he had encouraged his men to go {212} forward; that he had not charged them to fill up the bridges and bad passes--if he had done so, he (the treasurer) and his company would have done it; and, moreover, that cortes had not cleared the causeway in time of his indian allies. thus they argued and disputed with one another; for hardly any one is generous, in defeat, to those with whom he has acted. indeed, a generosity of this kind, which will not allow a man to comment severely upon the errors of his comrades in misfortune, is so rare a virtue, that it scarcely seems to belong to this planet. "there was little time, however, for altercation, and cortes was not the man to indulge in more of that luxury for the unfortunate than human nature demanded. he had received no tidings of what had befallen the camp of tlacuba, and thither he despatched sandoval, embracing him and saying, 'look you, since you see that i cannot go to all parts, i commend these labors to you, for, as you perceive, i am wounded and lame. i implore you, take charge of these three camps. i well know that pedro de alvarado and his soldiers will have behaved themselves as cavaliers, but i fear lest the great force of those dogs should have routed them.' "the scene now changes to the ground near alvarado's camp. sandoval succeeded in making his way there, and arrived about the hour of vespers. he found the men of that division in the act of repelling a most vigorous attack on the part of the mexicans, who had hoped that night to penetrate into the camp and carry off all the spaniards for sacrifice. the enemy were better armed than usual, some of them using the weapons which they had taken from the soldiers of cortez. at last, after a severe conflict, {213} in which sandoval himself was wounded, and in which the cannon shots did not suffice to break the serried ranks of the mexicans, the spaniards gained their quarters, and, being under shelter, had some respite from the fury of the mexican attack. "there, sandoval, pedro de alvarado, and the other principal captains, were standing together and relating what had occurred to each of them, when, suddenly, the sound of the sacrificial drum was heard again, accompanied by other musical instruments of a similar dolorous character. from the camp of tlacuba the great temple was perfectly visible, and the spaniards looked up at it for the interpretation of these melancholy tones; they saw their companions driven by blows and buffetings up to the place of sacrifice. the white-skinned christians were easily to be distinguished amidst the dusky groups that surrounded them. when the unhappy men about to be sacrificed had reached the lofty level space on which these abominations were wont to be committed, it was discerned by their friends and late companions that plumes of feathers were put upon the heads of many of them, and that men, whose movements in the distance appeared like those of winnowers, made the captive dance before the image of huitzilopochtli. when the dance was concluded, the victims were placed upon the sacrificial stones; their hearts were taken out and offered to the idols; and their bodies hurled down the steps of the temple. at the bottom of the steps stood 'other butchers' who cut off the arms and legs of the victims, intending to eat these portions of their enemy. the skin of the face with the beard was preserved. the rest of the body was thrown to the lions, tigers, and serpents. 'let the curious {214} reader consider,' says the chronicler, 'what pity we must have had for these, our companions, and how we said to one another, 'oh, thanks be to god, that they did not carry me off to-day to sacrifice me.' and certainly no army ever looked on a more deplorable sight. "there was no time, however, for such contemplation: for, at that instant, numerous bands of warriors attacked the spaniards on all sides, and fully occupied their attention in the preservation of their own lives. "modern warfare has lost one great element of the picturesque in narrative, namely, in there being no interchange, now, of verbal threats and menaces between the contending parties; but in those days it was otherwise, and the mexicans were able to indulge in the most fierce and malignant language. 'look,' they said, 'that is the way in which all of you have to die, for our gods have promised this to us many times.' to the tlascalans their language was more insulting and much more minutely descriptive. throwing to them the roasted flesh of their companions and of the spanish soldiers, they shouted, 'eat of the flesh of these _teules_, and of your brethren, for we are quite satiated with it; and, look you, for the houses you have pulled down, we shall have to make you build in their place much better ones with stone and plates of metal, likewise with hewn stone and lime; and the houses will be painted. wherefore continue to assist these _teules_ all of whom you will see sacrificed.' "the mexicans, however, did not succeed in carrying off any more spaniards for sacrifice that night. the spanish camp had some few hours of repose, and some time to reckon up their losses, which were very {215} considerable. they lost upward of sixty of their own men, six horses, two cannon, and a great number of their indian allies. moreover the brigantines had not fared much better on this disastrous day than the land forces. but the indirect consequences of this defeat were still more injurious than the actual losses. the allies from the neighboring cities on the lake deserted the spaniards, nearly to a man. the mexicans regained and strengthened most of their positions; and the greatest part of the work of the besiegers seemed as if it would have to be done over again. even the tlascalans, hitherto so faithful, despaired of the fortunes of their allies, and could not but believe, with renewed terror, in the potency of the mexican deities, kindred to, if not identical with, their own." xiv. the last mexican the courage of the aztecs was beyond all question. their heroism awakens a thrill of admiration, although we are fully aware of their fearful and ferocious and degrading religious rites. again and again the heart-sick spaniards saw lifted up before the hideous gods on the temple pyramids, the white, naked bodies of their unfortunate comrades who had been captured for that awful sacrifice. both parties were wrought up to a pitch of furious rage. no valor, no heroism, no courage, no devotion could prevail against thirst, hunger, smallpox, pestilence, the fever of besieged towns, with the streets filled with unburied dead. on august 13, 1521, the city fell. there was no formal surrender, the last defender had been killed. the old, weak and feeble were left. only a small portion of the city, the {216} cheapest and poorest part, was left standing. into this ghastly street rode the spaniards. where was guatemoc? a wretched, haggard, worn, starved figure, having done all that humanity could do, and apparently more, in the defence of his land, he had striven to escape in a canoe on the lake. one of the brigantines overhauled him. the commander was about to make way with the little party when some one informed him that the principal captive was no less than guatemotzin. the unfortunate young emperor, after vainly trying to persuade garcia holguin to kill him then and there, demanded to be led to cortes. he found that great captain on one of the house-tops, watching the slaughter of the men and women and children by the furious tlascalans who were at last feeding fat their revenge by indiscriminate massacre. "deal with me as you please," said the broken-hearted mexican, as he touched the dagger which hung by cortes's side. "kill me at once," he implored. he had no wish to survive the downfall of his empire, the devastation of his city, and the annihilation of his people. cortes spared his life and at first treated him generously. he afterward marred his reputation by yielding him and the cacique of tlacuba to torture at the urgent and insistent demand of the soldiery. there was no treasure found in the city. it had been spirited away or else buried forever beneath the ruins of the town.[13] the soldiers, their greed for treasure excited, insisted upon the torture of the noble guatemoc and his comrade. the cacique of tlacuba, unable through weakness to sustain the torture, which consisted of burning the soles of their feet with boiling {217} oil, broke into lamenting reproaches, some of them addressed to the emperor. "and am i taking pleasure in my bath, do you think?" proudly replied the young chief, while the soles of his feet were being immersed in the same dreadful cauldron. he was lame and more or less helpless for the rest of his life. i have no doubt that he often wished that he had been cut down in the final moment of his defeat. he dragged on a miserable existence until cortes put him to death by hanging several years after the conquest while in honduras on an expedition. the charge against him, so cortes writes to charles v., was conspiracy. the evidence was flimsy enough, yet it is probable that cortes believed it. the expedition was far from mexico, surrounded by hostile nations, and cortes, as usual, was in great danger. helps thus describes the bitter end of the noble young emperor: "when led to execution, the king of mexico exclaimed, 'o malinche, i have long known the falseness of your words, and have foreseen that you would give me that death which, alas! i did not give myself, when i surrendered to you in my city of mexico. wherefore do you slay me without justice? may god demand it of you!' "the king of the tlacuba said that he looked upon his death as welcome, since he was able to die with his lord, the king of mexico. after confession and absolution, the two kings were hanged upon a ceyba tree in izzancanac, in the province of acalan, on one of the carnival days before shrovetide, in the year 1525. thus ended the great mexican dynasty--itself a thing compacted by so much blood and toil and {218} suffering of countless human beings. the days of deposed monarchs--victims alike to the zeal of their friends and the suspicions of their captors--are mostly very brief; and perhaps it is surprising that the king of mexico should have survived as long as four years the conquest of his capital, and have been treated during the greater part of that time with favor and honor. "some writers have supposed that cortes was weary of his captives, and wished to destroy them, and that the charge of conspiracy was fictitious. such assertions betray a total ignorance of the character of this great spaniard. astute men seldom condescend to lying. now, cortes was not only very astute, but, according to his notions, highly honorable. a genuine hidalgo, and a thoroughly loyal man, he would as soon have thought of committing a small theft as of uttering a falsehood in a despatch addressed to his sovereign." xv. the end of cortes cortes received a full reward for his conquest, at least for a time. he was received in high favor by charles v., whom he visited in spain, and who made him marques of the valley of mexico. "there is on record a single sentence of the emperor's that must have been addressed to cortes in some private interview, which shows the gracious esteem in which he was held by his sovereign. borrowing a metaphor from the archery-ground, and gracefully, as it seems, alluding to a former misappreciation of the services of cortes, the emperor said that he wished to deal with him as those who contend with the crossbow, whose first shots go wide of the mark, and then {219} they improve and improve, until they hit the centre of the white. so, continued his majesty, he wished to go on until he had shot into the white of what should be done to reward the marquis' deserts; and meanwhile nothing was to be taken from him which he then held. "it was very pleasing to find that cortes did not forget his old friends the tlascalans, but dwelt on their services, and procured from the emperor an order that they should not be given _encomienda_ to his majesty, or to any other person." the only reward the tlascalans got from the emperor was that, when the other mexicans were made slaves, they were left at least nominally free, but their republic soon fell into decay and the city in which they had so proudly maintained themselves in their independence, became a desolate ruin. a dirty and squalid village to-day marks the place. marina, who had served the spaniards for the love of the great captain with such fidelity and such success, was cast off by cortes and compelled to marry one of his officers, whom she scarcely knew. this crushed her spirit. she abandoned her husband and sank into wretched and miserable obscurity, and died at an early age of a broken heart. cortes conducted other expeditions, most of them without any great success, as that to honduras, where he hanged the last of the aztec kings. jealousy arose in the great state which he had founded, and he fell out of favor with the emperor, who refused to see him, and he was received with cold and bitter reproaches by his wife, whom he married after the death of his former wife, and who had never proved a comfort to him. an admirable marriage which {220} he had arranged for his daughter with one of the highest nobility of spain failed, his last days were sad and miserable, and he died old, lonely and broken-hearted. i again quote helps concerning these closing scenes: "the poets say, 'care sits behind a man and follows him wherever he goes.' so does ill-success; and henceforward the life of cortes was almost invariably unsuccessful. there is an anecdote told of him (resting upon no higher authority than that of voltaire) which, although evidently untrue, tells in a mythical way the reception which cortes met at the spanish court; and his feelings as regards that reception. "one day he broke through the crowd which surrounded the carriage of the emperor and jumped on the step. "'who are you?' asked the emperor in astonishment. "'i am the man,' replied cortes fiercely, 'who has given you more provinces than your ancestors have left you cities.' "quitting fiction, however, and returning to fact, there is a letter extant addressed by cortes to the emperor, charles v., which conveys more forcibly than even a large extent of narrative could do, the troubles, vexations, and disappointments which cortes had to endure at this latter period of his life, and his feelings with regard to them. it is one of the most touching letters ever written by a subject to a sovereign. i will here translate some of it, greatly condensing those parts of the letter which relate to the business in hand, and which would be as wearisome to the reader to read, as they were to the writer to write; for doubtless, it was not the first time, by many times, {221} that cortes had set down the same grievance in writing. the letter bears date, valladolid, the 3rd. of february, 1544. it begins thus:-"'sacred cesarian catholic majesty:--i thought that having labored in my youth, it would so profit me that in my old age i might have ease and rest; and now it is forty years that i have been occupied in not sleeping, in eating ill, and sometimes eating neither well nor ill, in bearing armor, in placing my person in danger, in spending my estates and my life, all in the service of god, bringing sheep into his sheep-fold--which were very remote from our hemisphere, unknown, and whose names are not written in our writings--also increasing and making broad the name and patrimony of my king--gaining for him, and bringing under his yoke and royal sceptre, many and very great kingdoms and many barbarous nations, all won by my own person, and at my own expense; without being assisted in anything, on the contrary, being much hindered by many jealous and evil and envious persons who, like leeches, have been filled to bursting with my blood.' "he then proceeds to say that for the part which god has had in his labors and watchings he is sufficiently paid, because it was his work; and it was not without a reason that providence was pleased that so great a work should be accomplished by so weak a medium, in order that it might be seen that to god alone the good work must be attributed. "cortes then says that for what he has done for the king, he has always been satisfied with the remuneration he has received. the king has been grateful to him, has honored him, and has rewarded him, and he adds that his majesty knows that the rewards {222} and honors which the emperor offered were, in the opinion of cortes, so far greater than his merits, that he refused to receive them. "what, however, his majesty did mean him to receive, he has not received. that which his majesty has given has been so completely without fruit, that it would have been better for cortes not to have had it, but that he should have taken care of his own estate, and not spent the fruit of that in defending himself against 'the fiscal of your majesty, which defence has been, and is, a more difficult undertaking than to win the land of the enemy.' "he then implores his majesty that he will be pleased to render clear the good will which he had shown to reward him. 'i see myself,' he exclaims, 'old, poor and indebted. not only have i no repose in my old age, but i can foresee labor and trouble until my death.' and he adds, 'please god that the mischief may not go beyond death; but may finish with the body, and not exist forever, since whosoever has such toil in defending his bodily estate, cannot avoid injuring his soul.' "all that he asks is that his appeal may be heard; that members of the king's council be added to the council of the indies; and that the cause may be determined, and judgment given, without further delay. 'for, otherwise, i must leave it and loose it, and must return to my home, as i am no longer of the age to go about to hostelries; and should withdraw myself to make my account clear with god, since it is a large one that i have, and little life is left to me to discharge my conscience; and it will be better for me to lose my estate than my soul.' he concludes by saying that 'he is of your catholic majesty the {223} very humble servant and vassal, who kisses your very royal feet and hands--the marquis del valle.' "in addition to these vexations he had a domestic trouble which doubtless caused him much mortification. his daughter, donna maria, was engaged to one of the greatest nobles in spain; but ultimately the young man refused to fulfil the engagement. some say that this caused the death of cortes. but this is not so. he was broken, alike in health and in spirits, by reason of the many reverses he had met with in these his latter days. "we live, to a great measure, upon success; and there is no knowing the agony that an unvarying course of ill-success causes to a sanguine and powerful mind which feels that, if only such and such small obstacles were removed out of its way, it could again shine forth with all its pristine force and brightness. "to meet this rejected daughter, who was coming from new spain, cortes went to seville. there he was taken ill, and, being molested by the importunity of many persons who came to see him on business, he retired to a small village, about half a league from seville, called castillaje de la cuesta. he also sought retirement for the purpose, as bernal diaz says, of making his will and preparing his soul for death. 'and when he had settled his worldly affairs, our lord jesus christ was pleased to take him from his troublesome world.' he died on the 2nd of december, 1547, being then sixty-two years of age." his bones were interred in mexico. during the civil wars of the last century, his bones were taken away and hidden. it is reported that only the other day the place of his sepulchre had been discovered. some monument to his memory should be erected to {224} match the statue of guatemoc, which is one of the principal adornments of mexico. as is well said by william h. johnson: "to the honor of spain be it said, her rule in mexico was firm and kind. the indians became thoroughly incorporated into the national life, enjoying the opportunities of advancement as spaniards. in the present republic of mexico the greatest name has been that of benito juarez, the president who upheld the national cause during the french-austrian usurpation. he was of pure aztec blood. porfirio diaz, the gallant soldier who led the army of the republic during the same trying period, and who, as its president, is a model of a strong and wise ruler, is also, in part, a descendant of the ancient race." with the following tributes to the great captain the story of his amazing adventures is ended. says helps: "he was the mighty conqueror of one of the most compact and well-ordered barbaric nations of the world--a conqueror who, with a few hundreds of his fellow-countrymen, not all of them his partisans, overcame hundreds of thousands of fanatic and resolute men fighting against him with immense resources, and with a resolution nearly equal to his own. let us give him the benefit of his sincere belief in christianity, and his determination to substitute that beneficent religion for the hideous and cruel superstition of the people he was resolved to conquer. and let us echo the wish of that good common soldier, bernal diaz, who, though having his grievances against cortes, as all of the other _conquistadores_ thought they had, could yet, after watching every turn in the fortunes of the great marquis, and knowing almost every sin {225} that he had committed, write most tenderly of the great captain whose plume he had so often followed to victory. "after saying that, subsequently to the conquest of mexico, cortes had not had good fortune either in his californian or his honduras expedition, or indeed in anything else he had undertaken, bernal diaz adds, 'perhaps it was that he might have felicity in heaven. and i believe it was so, for he was an honorable cavalier, and a devoted worshipper of the virgin, the apostle st. peter and other saints. may god pardon his sins, and mine too, and give me a righteous ending, which things are of more concern than the conquests and victories that we had over the indians.'" writes macnutt: "his sagacity, his foresight, and his moderation have caused critical historians to rank him higher as a statesman than as a soldier. in virtue of his pre-eminent qualities both as a statesman and as a general, as well as because of the enduring importance of his conquest, fernando cortes occupies an uncontested place amongst the heroes of the nations." however we may sympathize with the aztecs, we cannot escape from the fact that it was much better that there should be a spanish rule instead of an aztec rule in mexico, and that the civilization of the former should supplant the so-called civilization of the latter. that does not prevent us from wishing that the supersession might not have been so harsh and ruthless, but in view of the times, and the men, both aztecs and christians, it was not to be expected. personally, i love the memory of guatemoc for his heroism and his devotion. i also have a warm feeling {226} for cortes. it is true, as has been stated, that he was a child of his age, but he was the best child of his age, and it was not his fault altogether that in some respects it was the worst age. the spanish rule in mexico was better than the spanish rule in peru, and cortes and his successors, by the side of pizarro and his successors, were almost angels of light. i close with these noble words of john fiske in his great and highly valued _discovery of north america_: "a great deal of sentimental ink has been shed over the wickedness of the spaniards in crossing the ocean and attacking people who had never done them any harm, overturning and obliterating a 'splendid civilization,' and more to the same effect. it is undeniable that unprovoked aggression is an extremely hateful thing, and many of the circumstances attendant upon the spanish conquest in america were not only heinous in their atrocity, but were emphatically condemned, as we shall presently see, by the best moral standards of the sixteenth century. yet if we are to be guided by strict logic, it would be difficult to condemn the spaniards for the mere act of conquering mexico without involving in the same condemnation our own forefathers who crossed the ocean and overran the territory of the united states with small regard for the proprietary rights of algonquins, or iroquois, or red men of any sort. our forefathers, if called upon to justify themselves, would have replied that they were founding christian states and diffusing the blessings of a higher civilization; and such, in spite of much alloy in the motives and imperfection in the performance, was certainly the case. now if we would not lose or distort the historical perspective, we must bear in mind that the spanish conquerors would have returned {227} exactly the same answer. if cortes were to return to the world and pick up some history book in which he is described as a mere picturesque adventurer, he would feel himself very unjustly treated. he would say that he had higher aims than those of a mere fighter and gold-hunter; and so doubtless he had. in the complex tangle of motives that actuated the mediaeval spaniard--and in his peninsula we may apply the term mediaeval to later dates than would be proper in france or italy--the desire of extending the dominion of the church was a very real and powerful incentive to action. the strength of the missionary and crusading spirit in cortes is seen in the fact that where it was concerned, and there only, was he liable to let zeal overcome prudence. "there can be no doubt that, after making all allowances, the spaniards did introduce a better state of society into mexico than they found there. it was high time that an end should be put to those hecatombs of human victims, slashed, torn open and devoured on all the little occasions of life. it sounds quite pithy to say that the inquisition, as conducted in mexico, was as great an evil as the human sacrifices and the cannibalism; but it is not true. compared with the ferocious barbarism of ancient mexico, the contemporary spanish modes of life were mild, and this, i think, helps further to explain the ease with which the country was conquered. in a certain sense the prophecy of quetzalcoatl was fulfilled and the coming of the spaniards did mean the final dethronement of the ravening tezcatlipoca. the work of the noble franciscan and dominican monks who followed closely upon cortes, and devoted their lives to the spiritual welfare of the mexicans, is a more attractive {228} subject than any picture of military conquest. to this point i shall return hereafter, when we come to consider the sublime character of las casas. for the present we may conclude in the spirit of one of the noble spanish historians, pedro de cieza de leon, and praise god, that the idols are cast down." [1] cortes applies this name to the province in which the city, called by him temixtitan, more properly tenochtitlan, but now mexico, was situated. throughout this article the curious spelling of the great conqueror is retained as he wrote. [2] this is the plant known in this country under the name of the _century plant_, which is still much cultivated in mexico for the purposes mentioned by cortes. it usually flowers when eight or ten years old. [3] the original has the word _mesquitas_, mosques; but as the term is applied in english exclusively to mohammedan places of worship, one of more general application is used in the translation. [4] the title invariably given to muteczuma (or montezuma) in these dispatches is simply señor, in its sense of lord or (to use an indian word) cacique; which is also given to the chiefs or governors of districts or provinces, whether independent or feudatories. the title of emperador (emperor), how generally applied to the mexican ruler, is never conferred on him by cortes, nor any other implying royality, although in the beginning of this despatch, he assures charles v. that the country is extensive enough to constitute an empire. [5] two hundred and fifty pounds weight. [6] i am not ignorant that it has been asserted that montezuma received the rite of baptism at the hands of his christian captors. see bustamante's notes on chimalpain's translation of gomara (_historia de las conquistas de hernando cortes_. carlos maria de bustamante. mexico, 1826, p. 287). but the objection raised by torquemada--the silence of some of the best authorities, such as oviedo, ixlilxochitl, _histoire des chichimeques_, and of cortes himself; and, on the other hand, the distinctly opposing testimony of bernal diaz (see cap. 127), and the statement of herrera, who asserts that montezuma, at the hour of his death, refused to quit the religion of his fathers. ("no se queria apartar de la religion de sus padres." _hist. de las indias_, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 10), convinces me that no such baptism took place. [7] these gates they had made themselves. the aztecs had not learned the art of making gates or doors. the exits and entrances of their houses were closed, if at all with portières. [8] it is growing very old and is badly decayed. the newspapers report that efforts are being made by experts to try a course of treatment which will preserve this venerable and interesting forest relic, already nearly four hundred years old, but it is not believed that success will attend their endeavors. [9] "tlaltelulco" was the quarter of the town where the market was situated. [10] archbishop lorenzana, in his note on this passage, greatly extols the pious fervor of cortes, who, he says, "whether in the field or on the causeway, in the midst of the enemy or toiling by night or day," never omitted the celebration of the mass. [11] they were andres de tapia and george de alvarado, a brother of the more famous pedro, tonatiuh. [12] antonio de quinones was the captain and francisco de olea, the youth, according to gomara; who says that the latter cut off at one blow the arms of the men that had seized cortes, and was himself immediately slain by the enemy. cortes was then rescued by quinones.--_cron. nuev. esp._ cap., 138. [13] i wonder where it is! there may be a great amount of it somewhere. {231} part ii other tales of adventure i the yarn of the _essex_, whaler among marine disasters there is none more extraordinary in character or more appalling in consequence, than the loss of the whaleship _essex_. the _essex_ was a well-found whaler of two hundred and thirty-eight tons. james pollard was her captain, with owen chase and matthew joy as mates. six of her complement of twenty were negroes. thoroughly overhauled and provisioned for two and one-half years, on the 17th of august, 1819, she took her departure from nantucket. on the 17th of january, 1820, she reached st. mary's island, off the coast of chili, near conception, a noted whaling ground. they cruised off these coasts for some time, being lucky enough to take several large whales, and finally, the season being over, having about one thousand barrels of oil in the hold, they struck boldly westward. on the 16th of november, being a few minutes south of the line in long. 118 degrees w., a school of sperm whales was sighted, and three boats were lowered in chase. chase, the mate--the first mate is always the mate _par excellence_--soon got fast to a huge bull-whale who, when he felt the deadly harpoon in his vitals, swiftly turned and struck the whale-boat a terrific blow with his tail, smashing it into kindling wood and hurling the men in every direction. after that {232} splendid exhibition of power, he got away scot-free save for the rankling iron and the dangling line which he took with him. the boat's crew were picked up, no one being much the worse for the encounter, strange to say, and were brought back to the ship by the other boats. on the 20th of november, being then just about 40 minutes south of the equator, and in long. 119 degrees w., at eight o'clock in the morning the lookout at the masthead shouted the welcome signal: "there she blows!" it was evident that they were in the presence of a large school. the ship was headed toward them, and when within half a mile the mainyard was backed, and three boats, under the charge of the captain and the first and second mates, respectively, were lowered. their only other boat was a spare one, lashed amidships on chocks. arriving at the spot where they had been sighted at the ship, the men discovered that the whales had sounded and vanished. the boats, thereupon, separated widely, and the men lay on their oars and waited. presently a great bull rose lazily, spouting in front of the mate's boat, and lay idly wallowing in the tumbling sea. approaching cautiously, the harpooneer drove in the terrible weapon. in his agony, the great cetacean, instead of sounding, threw himself blindly toward the boat. so close were they, and so unexpected was the whale's movement in spite of his vast bulk, that, although the order, "stern all!" had been promptly given, they were unable to win clear of him. the tip of his massive tail, as he thrashed about in his rage, struck the side of the light, clinker-built boat and smashed a hole in it. then the whale started to run, towing the boat, which {233} immediately began to fill with water under the terrible drag to which it was subjected. there was nothing to do but cut the line. two or three jackets were stuffed into the aperture, and while some bailed, the others rowed back to the ship. the captain's and second mate's boats, meanwhile, were seeking the school, which had risen and was swimming away from the ship. as soon as the wrecked boat was run up to the davits, the mate swung the mainyard and got under way, following the other boats. he first determined to break out the spare boat, but after investigating the damaged boat, he concluded that he could save time by nailing a patch of canvas over the broken place, which would serve temporarily to keep out the water, in case they went in search of another whale in her. while he was about this, an immense sperm-whale, about eighty-five feet long, "breached"--that is, coming from a great depth, he shot out of the water his whole length and then fell back with a tremendous splash--about fifty fathoms from the ship. after he fell back, he spouted three or four times, sounded, and once more appeared, this time about a ship's length off the weather bow of the essex. evidently, it was the whale they had just struck. he was angry, and he meant business, for as soon as he came to the surface he started for the ship. under the light air the vessel was making about three knots. the whale was going at the same speed. the mate saw at once that if he did not change his course, the whale would strike his ship. dropping the hammer, he shouted to the boy at the helm to put it hard up, and himself sprang across the deck to reënforce his order. the unwieldy ship paid off slowly, {234} and before her head had been fairly turned to leeward the whale deliberately rammed her right under the forechains. the concussion was terrible. the ship came to a dead stop, as if she had run upon a rock, while the whale bumped along under the keel. some of those aboard were thrown to the deck. the masts quivered and buckled under the shock, but fortunately nothing was carried away. the onset was so unexpected that the men were dazed for a moment. when the mate recovered his wits, he immediately sounded the well, and found that the ship was leaking badly. he then ordered the men to the pumps, and set signals for the recall of the boats, each of which had got fast to a whale. [illustration: "the ship came to a dead stop"] in spite of all they could do, the ship began settling rapidly by the head. she was badly stove in, and making water fast. while some of the men toiled at the pumps, others cleared away the extra boat. there was no longer time to repair the other. at this juncture one of the men discovered the same whale about two hundred and fifty fathoms to leeward. he was in a fit of convulsive rage terrible to look upon; leaping, turning, writhing, threshing about in the water, beating it with his mighty tail and great flukes, thundering upon it with all his force, and all the while opening and shutting his enormous jaws, "smiting them together," in the words of the mate, as if distracted with wrath and fury. there was no time to watch the whale in the exigency of their peril, and observing him start out with great velocity to cross the bows of the ship to leeward, the men turned their attention to the more serious duty at the pumps and the boat. but a few moments had {235} elapsed, when another man forward observed the whale again. [illustration: "the killing of alexander hamilton by aaron burr, at weehawken, new jersey, july 11, 1804"] "here he is!" he shouted. "he's making for us again." the great cachalot was now directly ahead, about two hundred fathoms away, and coming down upon them with twice his ordinary speed. the surf flew in all directions about him. "his course was marked by a white foam a rod in width which he made with the continual thrashing of this tail." his huge head, boneless but almost as solid and as hard as the inside of a horse's hoof, most admirably designed for a battering-ram, was almost half out of the water. the mate made one desperate attempt to get out of his way. again the helm was put up and the men ran to the braces, but the water-laden ship, already well down by the head, and more sluggish than ever, had fallen off only one point when the whale leaped upon her with demoniac energy, and--so it appeared to the seamen--rammed her with maleficent passion. this time he struck the ship just under the weather cathead. he was going not less than six knots an hour to the ship's three, and the force of the blow completely stove in the bows of the _essex_. those on board could feel the huge bulk scraping along beneath the keel a second time, and then, having done all the damage he could, he went hurtling off to windward. he had exacted a complete revenge for their attack upon him. working with the energy of despair, for the ship seemed literally sinking under their feet, the men succeeded in clearing away the spare boat and launching it. the steward saved two quadrants, two bowditch's "practical navigators," the captain's chest and that {236} of the first mate, with two compasses which the mate had snatched from the binnacle. they shoved off, but had scarcely made two lengths from the ship when she fell over to windward and settled low in the water on her beam-ends, a total wreck. the captain and second mate, seeing the signal for the recall of the boats flying, had cut loose from their whales and were rowing toward the ship. they knew something had happened, but what it was, they could not tell. the captain's boat was the first to reach the mate's. he stopped close by, so completely overpowered that for a space he could not utter a syllable. "my god! mr. chase," he gasped out at last; "what is the matter?" "we have been stove in by a whale, sir," said the mate, telling the whole appalling story. by the captain's direction, the boats rowed to the sinking ship, and with their hatchets the men managed to cut away the masts, whereupon she rose two-thirds of the way to an even keel. they scuttled the deck--chopped holes through her, that is--and succeeded in coming at some six hundred pounds of unspoiled hard bread, which they divided among the three boats, and sufficient fresh water to give each boat sixty-five gallons in small breakers--being all they dared to take in each one. they also procured a musket, two pistols, some powder and bullets, some tools and six live turtles. from the light spars of the ship they rigged two masts for each boat and with the light canvas provided each one with two spritsails and a jib. they also got some light cedar planking used to repair the boats, and with it built the gunwales up six inches all around. {237} on the 22nd of november, being then in 120 w. long., and just north of the equator, the officers took counsel together as to what to do. the nearest lands were the marquesas islands, fifteen hundred miles away; the society islands, twenty-four hundred miles away, and the sandwich islands, three thousand miles away. they knew little about the first two groups, save that they were inhabited by fierce and treacherous savages from whom they had as much to fear as from the perils of the sea. the sandwich islands were too far away, and they would be apt to meet hurricanes, prevalent at that season, should they attempt to reach them. after a long deliberation they decided to take advantage of the southeast trades by sailing by the wind until they reached the twenty-fifth parallel of south latitude. then falling in with westerly and variable winds, they could turn east and run for the coast of chili or peru. this course involved the longest voyage, but it also promised the greatest chance for success. sometimes they made good progress with favorable winds. at other times they lay immobile in the blazing tropic sunlight which was almost unbearable. often they were buffeted by fierce squalls or wild storms, especially as they left the equator. only the important incidents of their unparalleled voyage can be dwelt upon. most of the events mentioned happened in the mate's boat, but the experience of the boat epitomes that of the others. the mate's boat was the smallest. he was allotted five men. the other two boats each contained one more man. the men were put on an allowance of one sea-biscuit, weighing about one pound and a quarter, and a pint of water a day. in the mate's boat the provisions were kept in his chest, which he {238} locked. the men behaved in the most exemplary manner. in only one instance did any one ever attempt to steal provisions. they ran into a storm on the 24th, which wet some of their biscuit, and as it was necessary to get rid of the damaged bread as soon as possible, the daily allowance was taken from the spoiled portion exclusively. the soaked biscuit were very salt and greatly increased their thirst. during the long and exhausting voyage, a plank started in the mate's boat, and it was with difficulty that they heeled it over in the water, at the risk of their lives, to get to the place and nail it up. one night the captain's boat was attacked by a species of fish known as a "killer" (orca), and its bows were stove in. this also they managed to patch up. on december 3rd, they ate the last of the spoiled salt bread, and their relief when they began on the other was amazing. their thirst was terrible, especially as it became necessary to cut the allowance of food and water in half. they tried from time to time to catch rain water by means of the sails, but the canvas had been so often drenched by the spray that the water they caught was as salt as the sea. one day they caught half a dozen flying fish, which they ate raw. mr. chase remarks on the delicacy and daintiness of the mouthfuls which these little fish afforded the starving mariners. they fished for dolphins and porpoises, but they never caught any, perhaps because they had nothing with which to bait the hooks. one day, seeking to alleviate the pangs of thirst by wetting their bodies, three of the men dropped into the water alongside and clung to the gunwale. one of them discovered that the boat's bottom was covered with barnacles. they were {239} ravenously devoured, but proved of little value as food. the men in the water were so weak that had it not been for the efforts of three who had remained in the boat, sceptical as to the utility of the bath, they would never have been able to regain their positions. during all these experiences, discipline was maintained--indeed, it was maintained to the very last. on the 15th of december, they reached ducie island, in long. 124 degrees 40 minutes w., lat. 24 degrees 40 minutes s., having come some seventeen hundred miles in twenty-three days in these open boats. they landed on the island and found a few shell-fish, birds, and a species of pepper-grass, but no water. the famished men soon consumed everything eatable they could come at on the island. they hunted high and low, but it was not until the 22nd that they found a spring of water. the island was almost desolate. nothing was to be gained by remaining there, so the majority concluded to sail for easter island, some nine hundred miles southward. three men decided to stay on the island. they all spent a melancholy christmas there, repairing their boats and filling their water-breakers, and on the 27th the others took their departure. on the 14th of january, 1821, they found that they had been driven to the south of easter island, and that it was not practicable to beat up to it. they therefore determined to head for juan fernandez--robinson crusoe's island--some two thousand miles southeastward. on the 10th, the second mate, matthew joy, died from exposure, and was buried the next morning. on the 12th in the midst of a terrible storm, the boats separated. first we will follow the course of the mate's boat. {240} on the 20th, peterson, a black man, died and was buried. on the 8th of february, isaac cole, a white seaman, died. the men on the boat were by this time in a frightful condition, weak and emaciated to the last degree. their provisions were almost gone. but two biscuit to a man remained. they were still over a thousand miles from land. they came to a fearful determination. the body of cole was not buried. they lived on him from the 9th to the 14th. on the 15th and 16th, they consumed the last vestige of their biscuit. on the 17th, driving along at the mercy of wind and wave, for there was not a man strong enough to do anything, they caught sight of the island of massafuera. they were helpless to bring the boat near to the island. whale-boats were steered by an oar. there was not a single man able to lift an oar. in addition to starvation, thirst, weakness, mental anguish, their legs began to swell with a sort of scurvy, giving them excessive pain. their condition can scarcely be imagined. the breath of life was there, nothing more. however, they had at last reached the end of their sufferings, for on the morning of the 19th of february, 1821, in lat. 35 degrees 45 minutes s., long. 81 degrees 03 minutes w., the three surviving men were picked up by the brig _indian_, of london, captain william crozier. on the 25th of february, they arrived at valparaiso, ninety-six days and nearly four thousand miles from the sinking of the ship! the other two boats managed to keep together for a little while after they lost sight of the mate's boat. on the 14th of february, provisions in the second mate's boat gave out entirely. on the 15th, lawson thomas, a black man, died in that boat and was eaten. {241} the captain's boat ran out of provisions on the 21st. on the 23rd charles shorter, another negro, died in the second mate's boat and was shared between the two boats. on the 27th another black man died from the same boat, furnishing a further meal for the survivors. on the 28th, samuel reed, the last black man, died in the captain's boat and was eaten like the rest. singular that all the negroes died first! on the 29th, in a storm, these two boats separated. when they parted the second mate's boat had three living white men in her. nothing was ever heard of her. it might be inferred from the fact that the surviving men had had something to eat, that they were in fair physical condition. that is far from the truth. the men who had died were nothing but skin and bone, and all that the survivors got from their ghastly meals was the bare prolongation of a life which sank steadily to a lower and lower ebb. we may not judge these people too harshly. hunger and thirst make men mad. they scarcely realized what they did. there was worse to come. on the 1st of february, 1821, being without food or drink of any sort, the four men in the captain's boat cast lots as to which should die for the others. there is something significant of a spirit of fair play and discipline, not without its admirable quality, that under such circumstances, the weaker were not overpowered by the stronger, but that each man had an equal chance for life. the lot fell upon owen coffin,[1] the captain's nephew. he did not repine. he expressed his willingness to abide {242} by the decision. no man desired to be his executioner. they cast lots, as before, to determine who should kill him, and the lot fell upon charles ramsdale. by him coffin was shot. thus they eked out a miserable existence until the 11th of february, when barzilla ray died. on the 23rd of february, the two remaining men, the captain and ramsdale, just on the point of casting lots as to which should have the last poor chance for life, were picked up by the nantucket whaler, _dauphin_, captain zimri coffin. they had almost reached st. mary's island, ten miles from the coast of chili. on the 17th of march, these two survivors joined the three from the mate's boat in valparaiso. in the harbor was the united states frigate, _constellation_, captain charles g. ridgeley, u. s. n. as soon as her commander heard of the three left on ducie island, he arranged with captain thomas raines, of the british merchant ship, _surrey_, to touch at the island on his voyage to australia and take off the men. captain raines found them still alive, but reduced to the last gasp. thus of the twenty men, five reached valparaiso; three were saved on the island, three were lost in the second mate's boat, two died and were buried; six died and were eaten, and one was shot and eaten. so ends this strange tragedy of the sea. [1] a tradition still current in nantucket has it that the lot fell to the captain, whereupon his nephew, already near death, feeling that he could not survive the afternoon, offered and insisted upon taking his uncle's place. i doubt this. {245} ii some famous american duels we are accustomed to regard our country as peculiarly law-abiding and peaceful. this, in spite of the fact that three presidents have been murdered within the last forty-five years, a record of assassination of chief magistrates surpassed in no other land, not even in russia. we need not be surprised to learn that in no country was the serious duel, the _combat à l'outrance_, so prevalent as in the united states at one period of our national development. the code of honor, so-called, was most profoundly respected by our ancestors; and the number of eminent men who engaged in duelling--and of whom many lost their lives on the field--is astonishing. scarce any meeting was without its fatal termination, perhaps owing to the fact that pistols and rifles were generally used, and americans are noted for their marksmanship. there has been a revulsion of public sentiment which has brought about the practical abolition of duelling in america. although the practice still obtains in continental european countries, it is here regarded as immoral, and it is illegal as well. for one reason, in spite of the apparent contradiction above, we are a law-abiding people. the genius of the anglo-saxon--i, who am a celt, admit it--is for the orderly administration of the law, and much of the evil noted comes from the introduction within our borders {246} of an imperfectly assimilated foreign element which cherishes different views on the subject. another deterrent cause is a cool common sense which has recognized the futility of trying to settle with blade or bullet differences which belong to the courts; to this may be added a keen sense of humor which has seen the absurdity and laughed the practice out of existence. the freedom of the press has also been a contributing factor. perhaps the greatest deterrent, however, has been the development of a sense of responsibility for life and its uses to a higher power. as general grant has put it, with the matchless simplicity of greatness: "i do not believe i ever would have the courage to fight a duel. if any man should wrong me to the extent of my being willing to kill him, i should not be willing to give him the choice of weapons with which it should be done, and of the time, place, and distance separating us when i executed him. if i should do any other such a wrong as to justify him in killing me, i would make any reasonable atonement within my power, if convinced of the wrong done." with this little preliminary, i shall briefly review a few of the most noted duels in our history. i. a tragedy of old new york on wednesday, the 11th of july, 1804, at seven o'clock on a bright, sunny, summer morning, two men, pistol in hand, confronted each other on a narrow shelf of rocky ground jutting out from the cliffs that overlook the hudson at weehawken, on the jersey shore. one was a small, slender man, the other taller and more imposing in appearance. both had been soldiers; each faced the other in grave quietude, {247} without giving outward evidence of any special emotion. one was at that time the vice-president of the united states; the other had been secretary of the treasury, a general in command of the army, and was the leading lawyer of his time. the vice-president was brilliantly clever; the ex-secretary was a genius of the first order. a political quarrel had brought them to this sorry position. words uttered in the heat of campaign, conveying not so much a personal attack as a well-merited public censure, had been dwelt upon until the vice-president had challenged his political antagonist. the great attorney did not believe in duels. he was a christian, a man of family; he had everything to lose and little to gain from this meeting. upon his great past he might hope to build an even greater future. he was possessed of sufficient moral courage to refuse the meeting, but had, nevertheless, deliberately accepted the other's challenge. it is believed that he did so from a high and lofty motive; that he felt persuaded of the instability of the government which he had helped to found, and that he realized that he possessed qualities which in such a crisis would be of rare service to his adopted country. his future usefulness, he thought--erroneously, doubtless, but he believed it--would be impaired if any one could cast a doubt upon his courage by pointing to the fact that he had refused a challenge. thirty months before, his son, a bright lad of eighteen, fresh from columbia college, had been shot dead in a duel which he had brought upon himself by resenting a public criticism of his father. he had fallen on that very spot where his father stood. i think that {248} the tragedy must have been in the great statesman's mind that summer morning. the word was given. the two pistols were discharged. the vice-president, taking deliberate aim, fired first. the ex-secretary of the treasury, who had previously stated to his second that he did not intend to fire at his adversary, discharged his pistol in the air. he had been hit by the bullet of his enemy, and did not know that as he fell, by a convulsive movement, he had pulled the trigger of the weapon in his hand. that was the end--for he died the next day after lingering agonies--of alexander hamilton, the greatest intellect and one of the greatest personalities associated with the beginning of this government. it was also the end of his successful antagonist, aaron burr, for thereafter he was a marked man, an avoided, a hated man. when abroad in 1808, he gave jeremy bentham an account of the duel, and said that he "was sure of being able to kill him." "and so," replied bentham, "i thought it little better than a murder." "posterity," the historian adds, "will not be likely to disturb the judgment of the british philosopher." ii. andrew jackson as a duellist comparatively speaking, the next great duel on my list attracted little more than local attention at the time. years after, when one of them who took part in it had risen to national fame, and was a candidate for the presidency, it was revived and made much of. on friday, the 30th of may, 1806, charles dickinson, a young man of brilliant abilities, born in maryland and residing in tennessee, met andrew jackson, of the {249} latter state, near the banks of a small stream called the red river, in a sequestered woodland glade in logan county, ky., a day's ride from nashville. unwittingly, and with entire innocence on the part of both parties, andrew jackson had placed his wife in an equivocal position by marrying her before a divorce had separated her from her husband[1]. absolutely no blame, except, perhaps, a censure for carelessness, attaches to jackson or his wife, and their whole life together was an example of conjugal affection. however, his enemies--and he had many--found it easy to strike at him through this unfortunate episode. there did not live a more implacable and unforgiving man, when his wife was slandered, than andrew jackson. dickinson, who was a political rival, spoke slurringly of mrs. jackson. he apologized for it on the plea that he had been in his cups at the time, but jackson never forgave him. a political difference as an ostensible cause of quarrel soon developed. dickinson sent a challenge which was gladly accepted. the resulting duel was probably the most dramatic that ever occurred in the united states. dickinson was a dead shot. so, for that matter, was jackson, but dickinson was remarkable for the quickness of his fire, while jackson was slower. the arrangements stipulated that the combatants should be placed at the close distance of eight paces; that the word "fire!" should be given, after which each was to fire one shot at will. rather than be hurried and have his aim disturbed, jackson determined to sustain dickinson's fire and then return it at his leisure. {250} "what if he kills you or disables you?" asked his second. "sir," replied jackson deliberately, "i shall kill him though he should hit me in the brain!" this is no gasconade or bravado, but simply an evidence of an intensity of purpose, of which no man ever had a greater supply than andrew jackson. dickinson fired instantly the word was given. a fleck of dust arose from the loose coat which covered the spare form of the general, but he stood apparently untouched. dickinson, amazed, shrank back from the peg indicating his position. old general overton, jackson's second, raised his pistol. "back to the mark, sir!" he thundered, as the unhappy young man exclaimed in dismay. "great god! have i missed him?" dickinson recovered himself immediately, stepped back to the mark, and folded his arms to receive jackson's fire. the hammer of the tennesseean's pistol stopped at half-cock. he deliberately re-cocked his weapon, took careful aim again, and shot dickinson through the body. seeing his enemy fall, jackson turned and walked away. it was not until he had gone one hundred yards from the duelling ground and was hidden by the thick poplar trees, that his second noticed that one of his shoes was filled with blood. dickinson had hit the general in the breast, inflicting a severe wound, and might have killed him had not the bullet glanced on a rib. the iron-nerved jackson declared that his reason for concealing his wound was that he did not intend to give dickinson the satisfaction of knowing that he had hit his enemy before he died. twenty-two years after, as jackson stood by his dead wife's body, he "lifted his cane as if appealing to {251} heaven, and by a look commanding silence, said, slowly and painfully, and with a voice full of bitter tears: "'in the presence of this dear saint i can and do forgive all my enemies. but those vile wretches who have slandered her must look to god for mercy!'" iii. the killing of stephen decatur the idol of the american navy was stephen decatur. james barron, a disgraced officer under suspension for his lack of conduct during the famous affair between the british ship _leopard_ and the american ship _chesapeake_, had taken no part in the war of 1812, for causes which afforded him sufficient excuse; but subsequently he sought re-employment in the navy. decatur, who had been one of the court which tried and sentenced him before the war, and who was now a naval commissioner, opposed his plea. the situation brought forth a challenge from barron. decatur was under no necessity of meeting it. as commissioner, he was in effect, barron's superior, and washington had laid down a rule for general greene's guidance in a similar case that a superior officer is not amenable to challenge from a junior officer whom he has offended in course of duty. the principle is sound common sense, as everybody, even duellists, will admit. nevertheless, such was the state of public opinion about questions of "honor" that decatur felt constrained to accept the challenge. the two naval officers met on the duelling ground at bladensburg, "the cockpit of washington duellists," on the 22nd of march, 1820. barron was near-sighted, and insisted upon a closer distance than the usual ten paces. they were placed a scant eight {252} paces apart. decatur, who was a dead shot, did not wish to kill barron; at the same time he did not deem it safe to stand his adversary's fire without return. therefore he stated to his second that he would shoot barron in the hip. before the duel, barron expressed the hope that if they met in another world they might be better friends. decatur replied gravely that he had never been barron's enemy. under such circumstances it would appear that the quarrel might have been composed without the shedding of blood. at the word "two" the men fired together, decatur's bullet struck barron in the hip, inflicting a severe but not mortal wound. at the same instant barron's bullet passed through decatur's abdomen, inflicting a wound necessarily fatal then, probably so, even now. as he lay on the ground the great commodore said faintly: "i am mortally wounded--at least, i believe so--and i wish i had fallen in defence of my country." he died at ten o'clock that night, regretted by all who love brave men the world over. iv. an episode in the life of james bowie of a different character, but equally interesting, was an encounter in august, 1829, which has become famous because of one of the weapons used with deadly effect. on an island in the mississippi river, opposite natchez, which was nothing but a sand bar with some undergrowth upon it, a party of men met to witness and second a duel between a dr. maddox and one samuel wells. the spectators were all interested in one or the other combatant, and had taken part in a neighborhood feud which arose out of a speculation in land. {253} the two principals exchanged two shots without injury, whereupon the seconds and spectators, unable to restrain their animosity, started a free fight. judge crane, of mississippi, was the leader on one side; james bowie, of georgia, the principal man on the other. crane was armed with a brace of duelling pistols; bowie had nothing but a knife. bowie and a friend of his, named currey, attacked crane after the maddox-wells duel had been abandoned. crane was wounded in the left arm by a shot from currey; he thereupon shot currey dead and with his remaining pistol he wounded bowie in the groin. nevertheless, bowie resolutely came on. crane struck him over the head with his pistol, felling him to the ground. undaunted, bowie scrambled to his feet and made again for crane. major wright, a friend of crane's, now interposed, and thrust at bowie with a sword cane. the blade tore open bowie's breast. the terrible georgian, twice wounded though he was, caught wright by the neck-cloth, grappled with him, and threw him to the ground, falling upon him. "now, major, you die," said bowie coolly, wrenching his arm free and plunging his knife into wright's heart. the knife had been made by bowie's brother rezin out of a blacksmith's rasp. it was shaped in accordance with his own ideas, and james bowie used it with terrible effect. it was the first of the celebrated "bowie knives" which played so great a part in frontier quarrels. in the general _mêlée_ which followed the death of wright and currey, six other men were killed and fifteen severely wounded. bowie was a noted duellist {254} in his day, and died heroically in the famous siege of the alamo[2]. on one occasion he was a passenger on a mississippi steamboat with a young man and his bride. the young man had collected a large sum of money for friends and employers, which he gambled away on the boat. bowie kept him from suicide, took his place at the gaming-table, exposed the cheating of the gamblers, was challenged by one of them, fought him on the hurricane deck of the steamer, shot him into the river, and restored the money to the distracted husband. brief reference may be made to an affair between major thomas biddle, of the united states army, and congressman spencer pettis, of missouri, on august 27, 1831. the cause of the duel was a political difficulty. the two men stood five feet apart, their pistols overlapping. both were mortally wounded. this was nothing less than a double murder, and shows to what length men will go under the heat of passion or the stimulus of a false code of honor. v. a famous congressional duel on february the 24, 1838, at a quarter after three o'clock on the marlborough road in maryland, just outside the district of columbia, two members of congress, jonathan cilley of maine, and william j. graves of kentucky, exchanged shots with rifles at a distance of ninety yards three times in succession. at the third exchange, cilley was shot and died in three minutes. of all the causes for deadly encounters, that which brought these two men opposite each other was the {255} most foolish. cilley, on the floor of the house, had reflected upon the character of a newspaper editor in the discussion of charges which had been made against certain congressmen with whom he had no personal connection. the newspaper editor, whose subsequent conduct showed that he fully merited even more severe strictures than cilley had passed upon him, sent a challenge to the gentleman from maine by the hand of congressman graves. cilley took the justifiable position that his language had been proper and privileged, and that he did not propose to accept a challenge or discuss the matter with any one. he assured graves that this declination to pursue the matter further was not to be construed as a reflection upon the bearer of the challenge. there was no quarrel whatever between cilley and graves. nevertheless, graves took the ground that the refusal to accept the challenge which he had brought was a reflection upon him. he thereupon challenged cilley on his own behalf. efforts were made to compose the quarrel but cilley was not willing to go further than he had already done. he positively refused to discuss the editor in question. he would only repeat that he intended no reflection upon mr. graves, whom he respected and esteemed, by refusing the editor's challenge. this was not satisfactory to graves, and the duel was, accordingly, arranged. during its course, after each fruitless exchange of shots, efforts were made to end the affair, but graves refused to accept cilley's statement, again repeated, that he had no reflection to cast upon mr. graves, and cilley refused to abandon the position he had taken with regard to the editor. never did a more foolish punctilio bring about so terrible a result. aside from {256} accepting the challenge, cilley had pursued a dignified and proper course. graves, to put it mildly, had played the fool. he was practically a disgraced man thereafter. the congressional committee which investigated the matter censured him in the severest terms, and recommended his expulsion from congress. perhaps the public indignation excited by this wretched affair did more to discredit duelling than any previous event. vi. the last notable duel in america the last notable american duel was that between united states senator broderick, of california, and ex-chief justice terry, of the supreme court of the same state, on september 13, 1859. this, too, arose from political differences. broderick and terry belonged to different factions of the growing republican party, each struggling for control in california. broderick was strongly anti-slavery, and his opponents wanted him removed. terry was defeated in his campaign for reflection largely, as he supposed, through broderick's efforts. the two men had been good friends previously. broderick had stood by terry on one occasion when everybody else had been against him and his situation had been critical. in his anger over his defeat, terry accused broderick of disgraceful and underhand practices. broderick was provoked into the following rejoinder: "i see that terry has been abusing me. i now take back the remark i once made that he is the only honest judge in the supreme court. i was his friend when he was in need of friends, for which i am sorry. had the vigilance committee disposed of him as they did of others, they would have done a righteous act." {257} he alluded to terry's arrest by the vigilantes in august, 1856, charged with cutting a man named sterling a. hopkins, in the attempt to free from arrest one reuben maloney. had hopkins died, terry would probably have been hung. as it was, it took the strongest influence--masonic, press and other--to save him from banishment. terry, after some acrimonious correspondence, challenged broderick. a meeting on the 12th of september was stopped by the chief of police of san francisco. the police magistrate before whom the duellists were arraigned, discharged them on the ground that there had been no actual misdemeanor. next day the principals and the seconds met again at the foot of lake merced, about twelve miles from san francisco. about eighty spectators, friends of the participants, were present. the distance was the usual ten paces. both pistols had hair triggers, but broderick's was more delicately set than terry's, so much so that a jar might discharge it. broderick's seconds were inexperienced men, and no one realized the importance of this difference. at the word both raised their weapons. broderick's was discharged before he had elevated it sufficiently, and his bullet struck the ground about six feet in front of terry. terry was surer and shot his antagonist through the lung. terry, who acted throughout with cold-blooded indifference, watched his antagonist fall and remarked that the wound was not mortal, as he had struck two inches to the right. he then left the field. when broderick fell, one of the bystanders, named davis, shouted out: "that is murder, by god!" {258} drawing his own weapon, he started for terry, exclaiming: "i am broderick's friend. i'm not going to see him killed in that way. if you are men you will join me in avenging his death!" some cool heads in the multitude restrained him, pointing out that if he attacked terry there would be a general _mêlée_, from which few on the ground would escape, and they finally succeeded in getting him away. broderick lingered for three days. "they have killed me," he said, "because i was opposed to slavery and a corrupt administration." colonel edward d. baker, who was killed at ball's bluff in the civil war, received his friend's last words. "i tried to stand firm when i was wounded, but i could not. the blow blinded me." terry was tried for murder, but by influence and other means he was never convicted, and escaped all punishment save that inflicted by his conscience. in judging these affairs, it must be remembered that many of the most prominent americans of the past--benton, clay, calhoun and houston among them--fought duels. and it is well known that only abraham lincoln's wit and humor saved him from a deadly encounter with general james shields, whose challenge he accepted. [1] the reader may consult my book "the true andrew jackson" for a detailed account of this interesting transaction. [2] see my "border fights and fighters" in this series for an account of this dramatic and heroic adventure. {261} iii the cruise of the _tonquin_ a forgotten tragedy in early american history on the morning of the 8th of september, 1810, two ships were running side by side before a fresh southwesterly breeze off sandy hook, new york. one was the great united states ship _constitution_, captain isaac hull; the other was the little full-rigged ship _tonquin_, of two hundred and ninety tons burden. this little vessel was captained by one jonathan thorn, who was at the time a lieutenant in the united states navy. he had obtained leave of absence for the purpose of making a cruise in the _tonquin_. thorn was a thoroughly experienced seaman and a skilled and practised navigator. he was a man of magnificent physique, with a fine war record. he was with decatur in the _intrepid_ when he put the captured _philadelphia_ to flames six years before. in the subsequent desperate gunboat fighting at tripoli, midshipman thorn had borne so distinguished a part that he received special commendation by commodore preble. as to his other qualities, washington irving, who knew him from infancy, wrote of him to the last with a warm affection which nothing could diminish. mr. john jacob astor, merchant, fur-trader, financier, had pitched upon thorn as the best man to take {262} the ship bearing the first representatives of the pacific fur company around the horn and up to the far northwestern american coast to make the first settlement at astoria, whose history is so interwoven with that of our country. mr. astor already monopolized the fur trade of the far west south of the great lakes. his present plan was to form a fur company and establish a series of trading posts along the missouri river, reaching overland across the rocky mountains until they joined the posts on the pacific. the place he selected for his pacific depot was the mouth of the columbia river. the principal rival of the astor fur trading company was the northwest company. astor tried to persuade the company to join him in his new venture. when it refused to do so as an organization, he approached individual employees of the company, and in 1810 formed the pacific fur company. among the incorporators were four scottish canadians, messrs. mckay, mcdougall, david stuart, and robert, his nephew. there were several other partners, including wilson price hunt, of new jersey. it was planned that hunt should lead an overland expedition from st. louis, while the four scotsmen mentioned went around the horn, and that they should meet at the mouth of the columbia river, where the trading post was to be situated. most of the employees of the company were canadians who had enjoyed large experience in the fur business. among these were included a large number of french _voyageurs_. thus the _tonquin_, owned by a german, captained by an american, with a crew including swedes, french, english, negroes, and americans, carrying out a party of scottish and french canadians and one russian, {263} started on her memorable voyage to establish a trading post under the american flag! the crew of the _tonquin_ numbered twenty-three men. the number of passengers was thirty-three. the story of her voyage is related in the letters of the captain to mr. astor, and more fully in a quaint and curious french journal published at montreal in 1819, by m. gabriel franchere, one of the canadian clerks who made the voyage. the _tonquin_ was pierced for twenty guns, only ten small ones being mounted. the other ports were provided with imposing wooden dummies. she had a high poop and a topgallant forecastle. the four partners, with james lewis, acting captain's clerk, and one other, with the two mates, slept in the cabin or wardroom below the poop. forward of this main cabin was a large room extending across the ship, called the steerage, in which the rest of the clerks, the mechanics, and the canadian boatmen were quartered. thorn seems to have felt to the full all the early naval officer's utterly unmerited contempt for the merchant service. it is also the habit of the anglo-saxon to hold the french in slight esteem on the sea. the canadians were wretched sailors, and thorn despised them. thorn also cherished a natural hatred against the english, who were carrying things with a high hand on our coast. he began the voyage with a violent prejudice against the four partners on his ship. indeed, the _constitution_ had convoyed the _tonquin_ to sea because it was rumored that a british brig-o'-war intended to swoop down upon her and take off the english subjects on board. it was quite evident that war would shortly break out between england {264} and the united states, and the scottish partners had surreptitiously consulted the english consul as to what they should do if hostilities began. they were informed that in that case they would be treated as british subjects--a fine situation for an american expedition! with such a spirit in the captain, and such a feeling on the part of the passengers, the relations between them were bound to become strained. hostilities began at once. the first night out thorn ordered all lights out at eight bells. this in spite of all the remonstrances of the four partners, who, as representing mr. astor, considered themselves, properly enough, as owners of the ship. these gentlemen did not wish to retire at so early an hour, nor did they desire to spend the intervening time in darkness. they remonstrated with thorn, and he told them, in the terse, blunt language of a seaman, to keep quiet or he would put them in irons. in case he attempted that, they threatened to resort to firearms for protection. finally, however, the captain allowed them a little longer use of their lights. thus was inaugurated a long, disgraceful wrangle that did not cease while life lasted. there was doubtless much fault on both sides, but, in spite of the brilliant advocate who has pleaded thorn's cause, i cannot but admit that he was decidedly the more to blame. he carried things with a high hand, indeed, treating the partners as he might a graceless lot of undisciplined midshipmen. a voyage around the horn in those days was no slight matter. the _tonquin_ was a remarkably good sailer, but it was not until the 5th of october that they sighted the cape verde islands. there they struck the trades, and went booming down the african coast {265} at a great rate. there, also, they were pursued by a large man-o'-war brig. on the third day she drew so near that thorn prepared for action, whereupon the brig sheered off, and left them. on the 11th of october they ran into a terrific storm, which prevailed until the 21st, when they found themselves off the river plate. while the storm was at its height the man at the wheel was thrown across the deck by a sudden jump of the wheel and severely injured, breaking three of his ribs and fracturing his collar-bone[1]. thorn's seamanship during the trying period was first class. after the gale blew itself out, a fresh breeze succeeded, which enabled them rapidly to run down their southing. the water supply had grown very low, and it was determined to run in to the falkland islands to fill the casks. they made a landfall on the 3rd of december, got on shore on one of the smaller islets on the 4th, found no water, and were driven to sea to seek an offing on the 5th by a gale. on the 6th they landed at point egmont on the west falkland, and found a fine spring of fresh water. as it would take several days to fill the casks, all the passengers went ashore and camped on the deserted island. they amused themselves by fishing, shooting and rambling about. on the 11th of the month the captain, having filled his water-casks, signalled for every man to come aboard, by firing a gun. eight passengers, including mcdougall and stuart, happened to be on shore at the time. they had wandered around to the other side of the island, and did not hear the report of the gun. thorn, after waiting a short time, weighed anchor and filled away from {266} the island, firmly resolved to leave the men ashore, marooned and destitute of supplies on that desolate and uninhabited spot, where they must inevitably perish of starvation and exposure. some of the abandoned passengers happened to see the _tonquin_ fast leaving the island. in great alarm they hastily summoned all the other wanderers, and the eight got into a small boat twenty feet long, which had been left with them, and rowed after the rapidly receding ship. they had not the slightest hope of catching her unless she waited for them, but they pulled for her with furious energy, nevertheless. as the _tonquin_ got from under the lee of the land the breeze freshened and she drew away from them with every passing moment in spite of their manful work at the oars. when they had about given up in exhaustion and despair, the ship suddenly changed her course and stood toward them. franchere says that it was because young stuart put a pistol to the captain's head and swore that he would blow out his brains unless he went back for the boat. the captain's account to mr. astor is that a sudden shift of wind compelled him to come about and this gave the boat an opportunity to overhaul him. there was a scene of wild recrimination when the boat reached the ship, shortly after six bells (3 p. m.), but it did not seem to bother thorn in the least. on the 18th of december, they were south and east of cape horn. the weather was mild and pleasant, but before they could make headway enough against the swift easterly current to round that most dangerous point it came on to blow a regular cape horn gale. after seven days of hard beating they celebrated christmas under pleasanter auspices in the southern pacific. {267} their run northward was uneventful, and on the 11th of february, 1811, they sighted the volcano of mauna loa in the sandwich islands. they landed on the 12th and spent sixteen days among the different islands, visiting, filling the water-casks, and buying fresh meat, vegetables, and live-stock from kamehameha i. while captain thorn was hated by the passengers, he was not loved by his officers. singularly enough, he seems to have been well liked by the crew, although there were some exceptions even there. anderson, the boatswain, left the ship at hawaii. there had been difficulties between them, and the captain was glad to see him go. a sample of thorn's method of administering discipline is interesting. the day they sailed a seaman named aymes strayed from the boat party, and was left behind when the boat returned to the ship. in great terror aymes had some natives bring him aboard in a canoe. a longboat loaded with fodder for the live-stock lay alongside. as aymes clambered into the long-boat, the captain, who was furiously angry, sprang down into the boat, seized aymes with one hand and a stout piece of sugar-cane with the other. with this formidable weapon the unfortunate sailor was beaten until he screamed for mercy. after wearing out the sugarcane upon him, with the remark that if he ever saw him on the sloop again, he would kill him, the captain pitched him into the water. aymes, who was a good swimmer, made the best of his way to the shore, and stayed there with anderson. twenty-four natives were shipped at hawaii, twelve for the crew and twelve for the new settlement. on the 16th of march they ran into another storm, of such violence that they were forced to strike their {268} topgallant masts and scud under double-reefed foresail. as they were nearing the coast, the ship was hove to at night. early on the morning of the 22nd of march, they sighted land, one hundred and ninety-five days and twenty thousand miles from sandy hook. the weather was still very severe, the wind blowing in heavy squalls and the sea running high, and the captain did not think it prudent to approach the shore nearer than three miles. his navigation had been excellent, however, for before them lay the mouth of the columbia river, the object of their long voyage. they could see the waves breaking over the bar with tremendous force as they beat to and fro along the coast. thorn, ignorant of the channel, did not dare take the ship in under such conditions. he therefore ordered first-mate ebenezer fox to take sailmaker martin and three canadians into a boat and find the channel. it was a hazardous undertaking, and the despatch of the small boat under such circumstances was a serious error in judgment. there had been bad blood between the captain and the mate, and fox did not wish to go. if he had to go, he begged that his boat might be manned with seamen instead of canadians. the captain refused to change his orders. fox appealed to the partners. they remonstrated with the captain, but they could not alter his determination. the boat was pulled away and was lost to sight in the breakers. neither the boat nor any member of the crew was ever seen or heard of again. the boat was ill-found and ill-manned. she was undoubtedly caught in the breakers and foundered. the next day the wind increased in violence, and they cruised off the shore looking for the boat. every one on board, including the captain, stern and {269} ruthless though he was, was very much disturbed at her loss. on the 24th the weather moderated somewhat, and running nearer to the shore, they anchored just outside cape disappointment, near the north shore of the river mouth. the wind subsiding, mumford, the second mate, with another boat, was sent to search for the passage, but finding the surf still too heavy, he returned about noon, after a terrible struggle with the breakers. in the afternoon mckay and stuart offered to take a boat and try to get ashore to seek for fox and the missing men. they made the endeavor, but did not succeed in passing the breakers, and returned to the ship. later in the afternoon a gentle breeze sprang up from the west, blowing into the mouth of the river, and thorn determined to try and cross the bar. he weighed anchor, therefore, and bore down under easy sail for the entrance of the river. as he came close to the breakers he hove to and sent out another boat, in charge of aitkin, a scottish seaman, accompanied by sailmaker coles, armorer weeks and two sandwich islanders. the breakers were not quite so rough as they had been, and aitkin proceeded cautiously some distance in front of the ship, making soundings and finding no depth less than four fathoms. in obedience to his signals, the ship came bowling on, and the fitful breeze suddenly freshening, she ran through the breakers, passing aitkin's boat to starboard in pistol-shot distance. signals were made for the boat to return, but the tide had turned, and the strong ebb, with the current of the river, bore the boat into the breakers in spite of all her crew could do. while they were watching the boat, over which the waves were seen breaking furiously, {270} the ship, the wind failing, was driven seaward by the tide, and struck six or seven times on the bar. the breakers, running frightfully high, swept over her decks again and again. nothing could be done for the boat by the ship, their own condition being so serious as to demand all their efforts. thorn at last extricated the _tonquin_ from her predicament. the wind favored her again, and she got over the bar and through the breakers, anchoring at nightfall in seven fathoms of water. the night was very dark. the ebb and current threatened to sweep the ship on the shore. both anchors were carried out. still the holding was inadequate and the ship's position grew more dangerous. they passed some anxious hours until the turn of the tide, when in spite of the fact that it was pitch dark, they weighed anchor, made sail, and succeeded in finding a safe haven under the lee of cape disappointment, in a place called baker's bay. the next day the captain and some of the partners landed in the morning to see if they could find the missing party. as they were wandering aimlessly upon the shore, they came across weeks, exhausted and almost naked. he had a sad story to tell. the boat had capsized in the breakers and his two white companions had been drowned. he and the kanakas had succeeded in righting the boat and clambering into her. by some fortunate chance they were tossed outside the breakers and into calmer waters. the boat was bailed out, and the next morning weeks sculled her ashore with the one remaining oar. one of the sandwich islanders was so severely injured that he died in the boat, and the other was probably dying from exposure. the relief party prosecuted their {271} search for the kanaka and found him the next day almost dead. the loss of these eight men and these two boats was a serious blow to so small an expedition, but there was nothing to be done about it, and the work of selecting a permanent location for the trading-post on the south shore, unloading the cargo, and building the fort was rapidly carried on, although not without the usual quarrels between captain and men. after landing the company, thorn had been directed by mr. astor to take the _tonquin_ up the coast to gather a load of furs. he was to touch at the settlement which they had named astoria, on his way back, and take on board what furs the partners had been able to procure and bring them back to new york. thorn was anxious to get away, and on the 1st of june, having finished the unloading of the ship, and having seen the buildings approaching completion, accompanied by mckay as supercargo, and james lewis of new york, as clerk, he started on his trading voyage. that was the last that anybody ever saw of thorn or the _tonquin_ and her men. several months after her departure a chehalis indian, named lamanse, wandered into astoria with a terrible story of an appalling disaster. the _tonquin_ made her way up the coast, thorn buying furs as he could. at one of her stops at gray's harbour, this indian was engaged as interpreter. about the middle of june, the _tonquin_ entered nootka sound, an ocean estuary between nootka and vancouver islands, about midway of the western shore of the latter. there she anchored before a large nootka indian village, called newity. the place was even then not unknown to history. the nootkas were a fierce and savage race. a few {272} years before the advent of the _tonquin_, the american ship _boston_, captain slater, was trading in nootka sound. the captain had grievously insulted a native chieftain. the ship had been surprised, every member of her crew except two murdered, and the ship burned. these two had been wounded and captured, but when it was learned that one was a gunsmith and armorer, their lives were preserved and they had been made slaves, escaping long after. every ship which entered the sound thereafter did so with the full knowledge of the savage and treacherous nature of the indians, and the trading was carried on with the utmost circumspection. there had been no violent catastrophes for several years, until another ship _boston_ made further trouble. her captain had shipped twelve indian hunters, promising to return them to their people on nootka sound when he was finished with them. instead of bringing them back, he marooned them on a barren coast hundreds of miles away from their destination. when they heard of his cruel action, the nootkas swore to be revenged on the next ship that entered the sound. the next ship happened to be the ill-fated _tonquin_. now, no indians that ever lived could seize a ship like the _tonquin_ if proper precautions were taken by her crew. mr. astor, knowing the record of the bleak north-western shores, had especially cautioned thorn that constant watchfulness should be exercised in trading. thorn felt the serenest contempt for the indians, and took no precautions of any sort. indeed, the demeanor of the savages lulled even the suspicions of mckay, who had had a wide experience with the aborigines. mckay even went ashore at the invitation of one of the chiefs and spent the first night of his arrival in his lodge. {273} the next day the indians came aboard to trade. they asked exorbitant prices for their skins, and conducted themselves in a very obnoxious way. thorn was not a trader; he was a sailor. he offered them what he considered a fair price, and if that was not satisfactory, why, the vendor could go hang, for all he cared. one old chief was especially persistent and offensive in his bargaining for a high price. he followed thorn back and forth on the deck, thrusting a roll of skins in front of him, until the irascible captain at last lost the little control of his temper he ordinarily retained. he suddenly grabbed the skins and shoved them--not to say rubbed them--in the face of the indignant and astonished indian. then he took the indian by the back of the neck and summarily rushed him along the deck to the gangway. it is more than likely that he assisted him in his progress by kicking him overboard. the other indians left the ship immediately. the interpreter warned mckay that they would never forgive such an insult, and mckay remonstrated with the captain. his remonstrances were laughed to scorn, as usual. not a precaution was taken. ships trading in these latitudes usually triced up boarding nettings fore and aft to prevent savages from swarming over the bulwarks without warning. thorn refused to order these nettings put in position. mckay did not think it prudent to go on shore that night. early the next morning a large canoe containing some twenty indians, all unarmed, came off to the ship. each indian held up a bundle of furs and signified his desire to trade. thorn in great triumph admitted them to the ship, the furs were brought on deck, and bargaining began. there was no evidence of {274} resentment about any of them. their demeanor was entirely different from what it had been the night before. on this occasion the indians were willing to let the white men put any value they pleased on the furs. while they were busily buying and selling, another party of unarmed indians made their appearance alongside. they were succeeded by a second, a third, a fourth, and others, all of whom were welcome to the ship. soon the deck was crowded with indians eager to barter. most of them wanted hunting or butcher knives in return, and by this means, no one suspecting anything, nearly every one of the savages became possessed of a formidable weapon for close-quarter fighting. mckay and thorn appeared to have gone below temporarily, perhaps to break out more goods to exchange for furs, when the indian interpreter became convinced that treachery was intended. whoever was in charge at the time--perhaps lewis--at the interpreter's instance [transcriber's note: insistence?], sent word to the captain, and he and mckay came on deck at once. the ship was filled with a mob of indians, whose gentle and pleasant aspect had given way to one of scowling displeasure and menace. the situation was serious. mckay suggested that the ship be got under way at once. the captain for the first time agreed with him. orders were given to man the capstan, and five of the seamen were sent aloft to loose sail. the wind was strong, and happened to be blowing in the right direction. with singular fatuity none of the officers or seamen were armed, although the ship was well provided with weapons. as the cable slowly came in through the hawse-pipe, and the loosed sails fell from the yards, thorn, through the interpreter, told the indians that he was about to sail away, and {275} peremptorily directed them to leave the ship. indeed, the movements of the sailors made his intentions plain. it was too late. there was a sharp cry--a signal--from the chief, and without a moment's hesitation the indians fell upon the unprepared and astonished crew. some of the savages hauled out war-clubs and tomahawks which had been concealed in bundles of fur; others made use of the knives just purchased. lewis was the first man struck down. he was mortally wounded, but succeeded in the subsequent confusion, in gaining the steerage. mckay was seriously injured and thrown overboard. in the boats surrounding the ships were a number of women, and they despatched the unfortunate partner with their paddles. the captain whipped out a sailor's sheath knife which he wore, and made a desperate fight for his life. the sailors also drew their knives or caught up belaying-pins or handspikes, and laid about them with the energy of despair, but to no avail. they were cut down in spite of every endeavor. the captain killed several of the indians with his knife, and was the last to fall, overborne in the end by numbers. he was hacked and stabbed to death on his own deck. the five sailors aloft had been terrified and helpless witnesses to the massacre beneath them. that they must do something for their own lives they now realized. making their way aft by means of the rigging, they swung themselves to the deck and dashed for the steerage hatch. the attention of the savages had been diverted from them by the mêlée on deck. the five men gained the hatch, the last man down, weeks the armorer being stabbed and mortally wounded, although he, too, gained the hatch. at this juncture the indian interpreter, who had not been molested, sprang {276} overboard, and was taken into one of the canoes and concealed by the women. his life was spared, and he was afterward made a slave, and eventually escaped. the four unhurt men who had gained the steerage, broke through into the cabin, armed themselves, and made their way to the captain's cabin, whence they opened fire upon the savages on deck. the indians fled instantly, leaving many of their dead aboard the ship. the decks of the _tonquin_ had been turned into shambles. the next morning the natives saw a boat with four sailors in it pulling away from the ship. they cautiously approached the _tonquin_ thereupon, and discovered one man, evidently badly wounded, leaning over the rail. when they gained the deck, he was no longer visible. no immediate search appears to have been made for him, but finding the ship practically deserted, a great number of indians came off in their canoes and got aboard. they were making preparations to search and pillage the ship, when there was a terrific explosion, and the ill-fated _tonquin_ blew up with all on board. in her ending she carried sudden destruction to over two hundred of the indians. it is surmised that the four unwounded men left on the ship realized their inability to carry the _tonquin_ to sea, and determined to take to the boat in the hope of reaching astoria by coasting down the shore. it is possible that they may have laid a train to the magazine--the _tonquin_ carried four and a half tons of powder--but it is generally believed, as a more probable story, on account of the time that elapsed between their departure and the blowing up of the ship, that lewis, who was yet alive in spite of his mortal wounds, and who was a man of splendid resolution and courage as well, {277} realizing that he could not escape death, remained on board; and when the vessel was crowded with indians had revenged himself for the loss of his comrades by firing the magazine and blowing up the ship. again, it is possible that lewis may have died, and that weeks, the armorer, the other wounded man, made himself the instrument of his own and the indians' destruction. to complete the story, the four men who had escaped in the boats were pursued, driven ashore, and fell into the hands of the implacable indians. they were tortured to death. such was the melancholy fate which attended some of the participants in the first settlement of what is now one of the greatest and most populous sections of the union. [1] i have seen a man at the wheel of the old _constellation_ on one of my own cruises similarly injured. {281} iv john paul jones being further light on his strange career[1] one hundred and eighteen years ago a little man who had attracted the attention of two continents, and who, in his comparatively brief career of forty-five years, had won eternal fame for himself among the heroes of the world, died in paris, alone in his room. he had been ill for some time, and his physician, calling late in the evening, found him prone upon his bed, sleeping a sleep from which no call to battle would ever arouse him. like warren hastings, john paul jones was at rest at last; "in peace after so many storms, in honor after so much obliquy." he was buried in a protestant cemetery in paris, which was officially closed in january, 1793. the exact location of his grave there was forgotten. for many years even the fact that he was buried there was forgotten. the other day the cable flashed a message which gladdened every american heart. under the inspiration, and at the personal charges, of general horace porter, united states ambassador to france, {282} a search had been instigated and the body was found and completely identified. it is a service of sentiment that general porter has rendered us, but not the less valuable on that account. to love the hero, to recall the heroic past, is good for the future. the remains of the great captain came back to the united states. on the decks of such a battleship as even his genius never dreamed of, surrounded by a squadron that could have put to flight all the sea-fighters of the world before the age of steam and steel, the body of the little commodore was brought back to his adopted country to repose on the soil of the land he loved, for whose liberty he fought, whose honor he maintained in battle; and a suitable monument is to be raised by our people to commemorate his services, to inspire like conduct in years to come. commodore john paul jones, the first of the great american fighters, and not the least splendid in the long line, was born of humble origin in a southern county of scotland. his family was obscure, his circumstances narrow, his advantages meagre, his opportunities limited. at the age of twelve he became a sailor. genius rose, superior to adverse circumstances, however, and before he died he was one of the most accomplished officers who ever served the united states. the greatest men of america and france took pleasure in his society and were proud of his friendship. he progressed rapidly in his chosen career. at nineteen he was chief mate of a slaver, a legitimate occupation in his day but one that filled him with disgust. at twenty-one he was captain of a trader. in 1773 he came to america, forsook the sea and settled in virginia. {283} i. the birth of the american navy he was still poor and still obscure when on december 7, 1775, he was appointed a lieutenant in the new continental navy, in that capacity he was ordered to the _alfred_, a small converted merchantman, the flagship of commodore hopkins. he joined the ship immediately, and in the latter part of december he had the honor of hoisting with his own hands the first naval flag of an american squadron. this was the famous yellow silk banner with a rattlesnake and perhaps a pine tree emblazoned upon it, and with the significant legend, "don't tread on me!" hopkins made an abortive expedition to new providence, in which jones had but one opportunity to distinguish himself. at the peril of his commission, when the regular pilots refused to do so, he volunteered to take the _alfred_ through a difficult and dangerous channel. needless to say, he succeeded--he always succeeded! his first independent command was the little schooner _providence_, of seventy men and twelve four-pound guns. in the fall of 1775 he made a notable cruise in this schooner; he skirmished with, and escaped from, by seamanship and daring, two heavy frigates, the _solebay_ and the _milford_; in four months he captured sixteen vessels, eight of which were sent in as prizes, five burned, three returned to certain poor fishermen; and he destroyed property aggregating a million dollars. later, in command of the _alfred_, with a short crew of one hundred and fifty, when he should have had three hundred, he made another brilliant cruise in {284} which he burned several british transports, captured one store-ship, laden to the gunwales with priceless munitions of war and supplies, cut out three of the supply fleet from under the guns of the _flora_ frigate, and had another smart brush with the _milford_. ii. jones first hoists the stars and stripes commissioned captain on the 14th of june, 1777, in the same resolution which established an american flag, he was ordered to the _ranger_, a little ship-rigged corvette of three hundred tons. in her, on the 4th of july of the same year, he hoisted the first stars and stripes that had ever waved over a ship-of-war. in quiberon bay--famous as one of the battle-grounds of the world--on the evening of the 14th of february, 1778, in the _ranger_, he received the first formal recognition ever given by a foreign fleet to the united states in a salute to the american flag. as it was after sunset when the salutes were exchanged, and in order that there should be no mistake about it, the next morning, the 15th of february, jones transferred his flag to the _independence_, a small privateer, and deliberately sailed through la motte picquet's great fleet of towering line-of-battle-ships, saluting and receiving salutes again. still on the _ranger_, on the 24th of april, he fought the british sloop-of-war _drake_, of equal force and larger crew, to a standstill in an hour and five minutes. when the _drake_ struck her flag, her rigging, sails and spars were cut to pieces. she had forty-two killed and wounded--more than one-fifth of her crew--and was completely helpless. the _ranger_ lost two killed and six wounded. {285} in 1779 jones hoisted his flag on the _duc de duras_, a condemned east indiaman, which would have been broken up had he not turned her into a makeshift frigate by mounting forty guns in her batteries--fourteen twelve-pounders, twenty nines and six eighteens. this, in honor of franklin, he named the _bonhomme richard_. accompanied by the fine little american-built frigate _alliance_ and the french ship _pallas_, with the brig _vengeance_, and the cutter _cerf_, he cruised around england, taking several prizes, and striking terror all along the shore. iii. the battle with the _serapis_ on the evening of the 23rd of september he fell in with the baltic convoy. he was accompanied at the time by the _alliance_ and the _pallas_. the baltic convoy was protected by the _serapis_ and the _scarborough_. the _serapis_ was a brand-new, double-banked frigate of eight hundred tons, carrying twenty eighteen-pounders, twenty nines and ten sixes. inasmuch as the eighteen-pounders on the _richard_ burst and were abandoned after the first fire, the _serapis_ could and did discharge nearly twice as many pounds' weight of broadside as the _richard_, say three hundred pounds to one hundred and seventy-five. the _pallas_ grappled with the _scarborough_--a more equal match--and jones attacked the _serapis_, which was not unwilling--quite the contrary--for the fight. the battle was one of the most memorable and desperate ever fought upon the ocean. the _richard_ was riddled like a sieve. her rotten sides were literally blown out to starboard and port by the heavy batteries of the _serapis_. jones had several hundred english {286} prisoners on board. the master-at-arms released them, but, with great readiness and presence of mind, jones sent them to the pumps, while he continued to fight the english frigate, his own ship kept afloat by their efforts. captain pearson, of the _serapis_, was as brave a man as ever drew a sword, but he was no match for the indomitable personality of the american commander. after several hours of such fighting as had scarcely been seen before on the narrow seas, he struck his flag. the _alliance_, accompanied by a jealous and incapable frenchman, had contributed nothing to jones's success. indeed, she had twice poured her broadsides into the _richard_. the american vessel was so wrecked below and aloft that she sank alongside, and jones had to transfer the survivors of his crew to the english frigate. the aggregate of the two crews was nearly seven hundred, of which about three hundred and fifty were killed or wounded. it is the greatest pity that the poverty of america did not permit jones to get to sea in a proper frigate, or in a ship of the line, before the close of the war. after the revolution, in which he had borne so conspicuous a part, so much so that his exploits had electrified both continents, he took service under catherine of russia, carefully reserving his american citizenship. in her service he fought four brilliant actions in the black sea, in which he had to contend with the usual discouragement of indifferent personnel and wretched material, and in which he displayed all his old-time qualities, winning his usual successes, too. worn out in unrequited service, disgusted with russian court intrigues of which he was the victim, resentful of the infamous potemkin's brutal attempts {287} at coercion, he asked leave of absence from catherine's service and went to paris, where, in the companionship of his friends, and in the society of the beautiful aimèe de telison, the one woman he loved, he lived two years and died at the age of forty-five. iv. a hero's famous sayings besides the memory of his battles, paul jones left a collection of immortal sayings, which are the heritage of the american navy and the admiration of brave men the world over. when the monument which is to be erected shall be ready for inscriptions, these may with propriety be carved upon it: "_i do not wish to have command of any ship that does not sail fast, for i intend to go in harm's way!_" brave little captain. "_i have ever looked out for the honor of the american flag!_" it is the truth itself. "_i can never renounce the glorious title of a citizen of the united states!_" the title was one which paul jones signally honored. last, but not least, that curt phrase which comes ringing through the centuries like a trumpet call to battle; the words with which he replied to the demand of the astonished pearson, who saw his enemy's ship beaten to a pulp, and wondered why he did not yield: "_i have not yet begun to fight!_" that was the finest phrase, under the circumstances, that ever came from the lips of an american sailor. "it was no new message. the british had heard it as they tramped again and again up the bullet-swept slopes of bunker hill; washington rang it in the ears of the hessians on the snowy christmas morning at {288} trenton; the hoof-beats of arnold's horse kept time to it in the wild charge at saratoga; it cracked with the whip of the old wagoner morgan at the cowpens; the maryland troops drove it home in the hearts of their enemies with greene at guilford court house; and the drums of france and america beat it into cornwallis's ears when the end came at yorktown. there, that night, in that darkness, in that still moment of battle, paul jones declared the determination of a great people. his was the expression of an inspiration on the part of a new nation. from this man came a statement of our unshakeable determination, at whatever cost, to be free! a new declaration of independence, this famous word of warning to the brave sailor of the british king." v. what jones did for his country never in his long career did jones have a decent ship or a respectable crew. his materials were always of the very poorest. his officers, with the exception of richard dale, were but little to boast of. what he accomplished, he accomplished by the exercise of his own indomitable will, his serene courage, his matchless skill as a sailor, and his devotion to the cause he had espoused. after his death, among his papers, the following little memorandum, written in his own hand, was found: "in 1775, j. paul jones armed and embarked in the first american ship of war. in the revolution he had twenty-three battles and solemn _rencontres_ by sea; made seven descents in britain, and her colonies; took of her navy two ships of equal, and two of superior force, many store-ships, and others; constrained her to {289} fortify her ports; suffer the irish volunteers; desist from her cruel burnings in america and exchange, as prisoners of war, the american citizens taken on the ocean, and cast into prisons of england, as 'traitors, pirates, and felons!'" indeed a truthful and a brilliant record. paul jones was accused of being a pirate. the charge was a long time dying, but it is to-day generally disavowed. when recently his bones were returned to american shores, may we not believe that from some valhalla of the heroes, where the mighty men of the past mingle in peace and amity, he saw and took pride in the great if tardy outpouring of our fellow citizens to greet this first sea-king of our flag? now, this story of the magnificent career of john paul jones, so briefly summarized, has been often told, and its details are familiar to every schoolboy. there is one mystery connected with his life, however, which has not yet been solved. i purpose to make here an original contribution toward its solution. no one knows positively--it is probable that no one ever will know, why john paul assumed the name of jones. of course the question is not vital to jones's fame, for from whatever reason he assumed the name by which he is remembered, he certainly honored it most signally; but the reason for the assumption is nevertheless of deep interest to all lovers of history. there have been two explanations of this action. vi. why did he take the name of jones? five years ago two biographies of jones appeared simultaneously. one i had the honor of writing myself. the other was from the pen of that gifted {290} and able author, the late colonel augustus c. buell. our accounts were in singular agreement, save in one or two points, and our conclusions as to the character of jones in absolute harmony. in colonel buell's book he put forth the theory--which, so far as i know, had not before been formulated--that john paul assumed the name of jones in testamentary succession to his brother william paul, who had preceded him to america; and that william paul had himself taken the name in testamentary succession to one william jones, a childless old planter of middlesex county, virginia, who bequeathed to the said william paul an extensive plantation on the rappahannock, some nine miles below urbana, at a place called jones's wharf, on condition that he call himself jones. in 1805 this jones property was owned by members of the taliaferro family, who had received it from archibald frazier, who claimed to have received it from john paul jones, although there are no records of transfer extant. my theory, which colonel buell facetiously characterized--doubtless in all good humor--as "tar-heel mythology," stated that john paul assumed the name of jones out of friendship and regard for the justly celebrated jones family of north carolina, and especially for mrs. willie jones, who is not unknown in history, and who was one of the most brilliant and charming women of the colonies. members of this family had befriended him and assisted him pecuniarily, and had extended to him the bounteous hospitality of the famous plantations, mount gallant and the groves, near halifax. it was through their influence with congressman hewes that jones received his commission as a lieutenant in the continental navy. {291} in further explanation it was suggested that on casting his lot with the rebellious colonies john paul, who was somewhat erratic as well as romantic and impulsive, determined to take a new name and begin life over again. here are two utterly irreconcilable theories. i at once wrote to colonel buell asking him to inform me what was his authority for his statement. i quote, with his permission given me before his lamented death, from several letters that he wrote me: "my first authentic information on the subject was from a gentleman named william louden, whom i met in st. louis in 1873, when i was attached to the _missouri republican_. mr. louden was a great-grandson of mary paul louden, sister of john paul jones. he was the only surviving blood-relative of paul jones in this country, being his great-grandnephew. he told me substantially the history of the change of names as related in my first volume. "two years later i met the late general taliaferro of virginia in washington, and he corroborated the version, together with the history of the jones plantation.[2] "one would naturally judge that the great-grandnephew of the man himself, and the gentleman who had subsequently owned the property, ought to know something about the antecedents of both the man and the land. . . . i doubt whether documentary evidence--such as would be admitted in court--can ever be found." colonel buell also called my attention to the fact {292} that in none of paul jones's letters to joseph hewes is there any reference to the north carolina jones family; and further, that jones and hewes became acquainted in commercial transactions before jones settled in america. vii. search for historical evidence in an attempt to settle the matter i wrote to all the virginia county clerks on both sides of the rappahannock river, asking them if any copy of the will of william paul, or that of william paul jones, could be found in their records. most of these virginia county records were destroyed during the civil war. by great good fortune, however, those of spottsylvania county, in which the city of fredericksburg is situated, were preserved, and i herewith append a copy of the will of william paul, in which he bequeathes his property, making no mention of any plantation and no mention of the name of william jones, to his sister, mary young, who afterward married louden. "in the name of god, amen; i, william paul, of the town of fredericksburg and county of spottsylvania in virginia--being in perfect sound memory, thanks be to almighty god, and knowing it is appointed unto all men to die, do make and ordain this my last will and testament in manner and form revoking all former will or wills by me herebefore made. "principally and first of all, i recommend my soul to almighty god who gave it, hoping through the merits of my blessed saviour and redeemer jesus christ to find redemption, and as to touching and concerning {293} what worldly estate it has pleased god to bless me with, i dispose of it in the following manner: "_item_--it is my will and desire that all my just debts and funeral expenses be first paid by my executors hereafter named, who are desired to bury my body in a decent, christian-like manner. "_item_--it is my will and desire that my lots and houses in this town be sold and converted into money for as much as they will bring, that with all my other estate being sold and what of my out-standing debts that can be collected, i give and bequeath unto my beloved sister mary young, and her two eldest children and their heirs in arbiglon in parish of kirkbeen in stewartry of galloway, north brittain, forever. i do hereby empower my executors to sell and convey the said land, lots and houses and make a fee simple therein, as i could or might do in my proper person, and i do appoint my friends mr. william templeman and isaac heislop my executors to see this my will executed, confirming this to be my last will and testament. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and fixed my seal as my last act and deed this 22nd day of march, 1772. "william paul (seal)." "william paul having heard the above will distinctly read, declared the same to be his last will and testament in the presence of us: "john atkinson, "thomas holmes, "b. johnston." william paul evidently died in 1774, instead of 1773, as all the biographers of his famous brother {294} have it, and the will was accordingly probated, as will be seen from the following transcript of the court records: "at a court continued and held for spottsylvania county, december the 16th, 1774. "the last will and testament of william paul, deceased, was proved by the oaths of john atkinson, a witness thereto, and ordered to be certified, and the executors therein named refusing to take upon themselves the burden of the execution thereof, on the motion of john atkinson who made oath and together with john walker, jr., his security, entered into and acknowledged their bond in the penalty of five hundred pounds as the law directs. certificate is granted him for obtaining letter of administration on the said decedent's estate with his will aforesaid annexed in due form." in further support of these facts, the grave of william paul was recently discovered in st. george's churchyard, fredericksburg, and his tombstone bears the date of 1774. this effectually disposes of colonel buell's contention. for whatever reason john paul assumed the name of jones it was not in testamentary succession to william paul; for william paul kept his inherited surname to the last. it occurred to me that john paul might have been empowered to represent his sister in the settlement of his brother's estate. a power-of-attorney which would have enabled him to attend to her affairs would not necessarily have been registered in the scottish or american courts; yet, knowing the methodical habit of the scottish bar, i caused search to be made in the {295} private papers and records of those local advocates who might possibly have handled the business in scotland; but with no results so far. i also had search made for any conveyance of the property mentioned in the will by william paul's administrators. i append a copy of a letter from mr. j. p. h. crismund, a county clerk of spottsylvania county. "spottsylvania, va., june 7, 1901. "i have made the matter of john paul jones and william paul and william jones a matter of most careful study and search, but have not been able to find anything beyond the last will and testament of william paul, a copy of which i send you. my first search was made to find the conveyance from william paul's administration, with will annexed, conveying the houses and lots in fredericksburg which are directed in william paul's will to be sold, but the records nowhere show this. this seems and is strange, because some disposition must have been made of this property in some way, but i cannot find this here. i then followed the fiduciary indexes to see if i could find anything about the enlistment and service of john paul to john paul jones--but this also was fruitless. william paul could not have assumed the name of jones, as he leaves his last will and testament in the name of paul, nor is there any will of record in the name of paul, nor is there any will of record in the name of john paul jones. i have given this matter such thought and attention and work, but i cannot find a clue to anything named in your letter to me and concerning which you make inquiry. "as william paul's property was in fredericksburg, it may be that the settlement of his estate and the {296} account of the sale of his effects is of record there. if you desire to write to the clerk of corporation court of that city as to that, he will courteously attend to your matter of inquiry. "yours sincerely, "j. p. h. crismund." i wrote as mr. crismund suggested, but could get no further information. viii. the joneses of north carolina now to revert to the north carolina account. it comes down as straight as such a story could. colonel cadwallader jones of north carolina, in a privately printed genealogical history of his family, states that he was born in 1812. his grandmother, mrs. willie jones, died in 1828. he lived with her for the first fifteen years of his life. he declares positively that she told him that john paul had taken the name for the reasons mentioned. the matter was generally so stated and accepted in the family. mrs. willie jones was a woman of unusual mental force and character, and preserved the full use of her faculties until her death. the same statement is made independently by descendants of other branches of the jones family. for instance, mr. armistead churchill gordon, of staunton, va., had it direct from his great-aunt, who was a kinswoman of mrs. jones, and who heard from her the circumstances referred to. and there are still other lines of tradition which create a strong probability in favor of the credibility of the theory. for one thing, if jones did represent his sister in the {297} settlement of his brother's estate, it is probable that he would have to give bond for the proper performance of his trust, and it is sometimes stated that willie and allen jones went on his bond for five hundred pounds--just the sum required of the executors, by the way. it is also singular, in view of this will leaving property to his grandmother, that the louden whom mr. buell knew--and who is said to have died in new orleans 1887--should have been so mistaken in his statements; but on this point the evidence of the will is absolutely conclusive. ix. paul jones never a man of wealth colonel buell claims that john paul jones had riches and influence in virginia after the death of his brother, but the claim is not tenable according to an exhaustive review of his book in the _virginia historical magazine_. in the face of the present exhibit, and in the view of the fact that jones himself spoke of living for two years in virginia on fifty pounds, the story of his wealth cannot be credited. it is therefore entirely in harmony with the facts to accept the north carolina tradition, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary. the direct statement coming to us in one instance through but one generation is entitled to respect. as a matter of fact both colonel buell's version of the matter and my own story rest upon tradition alone, with this difference--the evidence submitted absolutely excluded one of the accounts; the other, therefore, logically comes to the fore. and thus, i think, i have contributed to clear up one mooted point in american history. [1] my reason for including in this volume a paper on this great sailor whose career has already been discussed in "revolutionary fights and fighters" (q. v.) is because this present article contains a new and original contribution to history, never before published in book form, which absolutely and finally settles one phase of the much mooted question as to why john paul assumed the surname jones, as will be seen hereafter. [2] of which he (general taliaferro) had become the owner. {301} v in the caverns of the pitt a story of a forgotten fight with the indians one of the most distinguished of the minor soldiers of the civil war, minor in the sense of being surpassed only by men of the stature of grant, sherman, sheridan and thomas, was george crook. his exploits in the valley of the shenandoah were brilliant, and his whole career was replete with instances of ability and courage which stamped him as a soldier of the first grade. a major-general of volunteers and a brevet major-general in the regular army, the year 1868 found him a colonel of infantry commanding the military district of owyhee, a section of the country which included the southeastern part of oregon and the northeastern part of california. in the adaptation of means to ends, so far as indian affairs are concerned, the united states has usually been woefully lacking. with a few companies of cavalry and infantry not aggregating a full regiment, this eminent soldier was directed to hold the various scattered garrison points throughout a large extent of territory, and also to settle the indians, who for some time had been indulging their propensities for savage slaughter almost unchecked, save for a few sporadic and ineffective efforts by volunteers and irregulars. the far western representatives of the great {302} shoshone nation are among the meanest, most degraded, most despicable indians on the continent. this did not hinder them from being among the most brutal and ferocious. they made the tenure of life and property more than precarious in that far-off section during and after the civil war. they were not very numerous, nor were they a great race of fighters, except when cornered. the character of the country to the eastward of their ravaging ground, abounding in lava beds, desolate plains, inaccessible valleys and impassable mountain ranges, to which they could fly when they were hard pressed, rendered it difficult to bring any considerable number of them to action, and they enjoyed a certain immunity from punishment on that account. the most important engagement between them and the troops, before the patience and perseverance of crook and his handful, finally wore out the indians, presents, perhaps, the one instance where they were brought fairly to bay and the soldiers had an opportunity to give them a thorough beating. this unique battle demonstrated also how desperately even a coward will fight when his back is against a wall. and it showed, as few other frontier fights have shown, the splendid courage of the regular american soldier in this arduous, unheeded service. early on the 26th of september, 1868, general crook, with a small troop of cavalry, h of the first, numbering less than thirty men, together with about a score of mounted infantrymen from the twenty-third regiment, and perhaps as many warm spring indian scouts under a leader named donald macintosh, with a small pack train, found himself on the south fork of pitt river, in modoc county, cal., a few miles below its junction with the main stream. the {303} country is wild, unsettled, largely unexplored to this day. there is no railroad even now nearer than one hundred and twenty-five miles. general crook had been hunting and trailing indians in the warmer mountains without success for several days. on this morning the warm spring indian scouts reported that a large body of indians was encamped in the valley upon which he was just entering. the general direction of the river here was due north and south. perhaps a mile from the bank of the river to the west, rose a high tableland which terminated in precipitous and generally insurmountable bluffs of black basalt, extending above the general level of the valley about twelve hundred feet. projecting eastward from the side of these lofty cliffs was a singular rocky plateau, the outer lines of which roughly formed a half circle. this elevation was bordered on the south by a deep and broken cañon, on the north by a creek which ran through a forest of scattered juniper trees. the plateau rose in two gentle slopes to a height of about five or six hundred feet above the valley level, and was thus half as high as the bluff to the westward, which formed the base of the semi-circle. near the northern part of the plateau the rocks were elevated in a series of irregular broken peaks, like the jagged ice hummocks of the higher latitudes. the whole plateau was covered with enormous boulders, over which it was impossible even to lead a horse. on the lower reaches plots of grass, dotted with junipers, abounded. the valley of the river proper below the cliffs and the projecting plateau was a good place for a camp, although the ground near the banks was swampy and impassable. the peaks mentioned, it was afterward learned, {304} abounded with hidden caves and underground passages. by some curious freak of nature, the volcanic hummocks contained no less than four natural fortifications of varying sizes, which, supplemented by very slight efforts on the part of the indians, had been turned into defensive works of the most formidable character. they were connected by a perfect labyrinth of crevasses and underground passages and caves, so that the defenders could easily pass from one to the other. the northeast fort, which was the principal one of the chain, was surrounded by a natural gorge some fifty feet deep and twenty-five feet wide at the top. a sort of banquette, or balcony, making a practicable path several feet wide, extended around the fort between the wall and the edge of the ravine. the fort proper was enclosed by a wall of rock, partly natural, partly artificial, about eight feet high. an assailant crossing the ravine and gaining the crest of the peak would have ample standing ground between the edge and the wall. the broken ground around these forts on the plateau formed a series of natural rifle pits. these works were held by no less than one hundred and twenty shoshones belonging to the piutes, pitt rivers, modocs and snakes. their chief was sa-hei-ta, one of the bravest and most brutal of the marauders. when they saw crook's little force of fifty white soldiers and a score of warm spring indians descending the bluff into the valley south of the rocky cañon, they laughed them to scorn. they were confident in the strength of their position and in their numbers, and they resolved to hold their ground. indeed, after the first few moments there was nothing else for them to do, for crook distributed his cavalry {305} and infantry around the northern and southern sides, put his pack mules in camp in the valley on the east with a small guard, and threw the warm spring indian scouts back of the forts between them and the cliffs. thus he had the indians surrounded, so far as seventy men could surround nearly twice their number in chosen fortifications. the whole place was popularly known as the hell caves of the pitt river, although in the war department and official records it is described more politely as the infernal caverns of the pitt river. getting his men in position, crook acted promptly. in long thin lines on the north and south, taking advantage of the abundant cover, the soldiers cautiously advanced, clearing out the rifle pits and driving the indians back toward their stronghold. there was severe fighting all during the afternoon, in which first sergeant charles brackett and private james lyons were killed and a number were wounded. the warm spring indians, who were good scouts, did not fancy this sort of warfare, and they took practically no part in the battle. they were useful enough in one way, as they checked any retreat toward the bluffs, although as it turned out the indians had no intention of leaving. finally, toward evening, the plateau was entirely cleared of indians, who had all been forced back into the forts. crook had sent a picket of soldiers to the edge of the basalt cliffs and these men, with long-range rifles, did some little execution on the defenders of the forts, although the distance was so great that their fire was largely ineffectual. night found the soldiers ensconced behind boulders on the very rim of the ravine, the indians in the forts. in little squads the {306} soldiers were withdrawn from the battlefield and sent down to the camp in the valley to get something to eat. they had been without food or water since morning, and fighting is about the hottest, thirstiest work that a man can engage in. after they had refreshed themselves, they went back to the plateau to keep watch over the fort. desultory firing took place all night long, the indians blazing away indiscriminately--they had plenty of ammunition, it appeared--and the soldiers firing at the flashes of the guns. the voices of the medicine men and the chiefs could be heard exhorting them and promising victory. crook determined to storm the place at break of day. the darkness rendered it impossible to attempt the broken, precipitous descent and ascent of the ravine in the night. light was needed for that. he had fought valiantly throughout the day, this major-general, as a common soldier in the ranks. he was a dead shot, and had used his spencer carbine with effect whenever opportunity presented. he could assemble for the assault but forty men, twenty-two of the first cavalry and eighteen of the twenty-third infantry. the warm spring auxiliaries refused to assault, such close work not being to their taste. there were several wounded men in the camp, and a small guard had to be kept there to protect them and the horses from the attacks of some of the indians who had taken advantage of the night to escape from the stronghold to endeavor to stampede the herd, and who from various covers kept up a constant fire on the camp, so that lieutenant eskridge, quartermaster, had his hands full in holding his ground. first lieutenant w. r. parnell, now of san francisco, who commanded the cavalry, was directed to {307} lead the assault. second lieutenant john madigan, also of the cavalry, who had charge of the infantry, was ordered to support. the troops were directed to creep to the brink of the crevasses surrounding the fort and drop down it as quickly as possible. arrived at the bottom, they were to scale the rocky counter-scarp, and when they got to the platform they were to keep moving while they attempted to break the wall of the fort proper. crook, who believed in intimidation, advised them to yell and cheer as much as possible. the general crawled around during the night from man to man, acquainting every soldier with his ideas and "talking to them as a father." he reminds me a little of henry v. before the battle of agincourt. the task he had set his soldiers was desperate in the extreme. it speaks well not only for the general's reliance upon them, but for the quality of the men also, that he conceived it possible and that they carried it out effectively. so soon as it was fairly dawn the soldiers at a given signal dashed at the crest. so suddenly did they appear that, although the indians in the fort across the ravine opened a terrific rifle and arrow fire upon them, not one was injured. without a moment's hesitation, the men plunged down the walls, and sliding, falling, any way, they reached the bottom. there they were safe from the fire of the indians, for the platform around the wall of the fort prevented the indians from shooting into the ravine. parnell's company immediately began the escalade of the cliffs. madigan had not been so fortunate. where he struck the ravine the wall happened to be absolutely sheer. descent was not practicable. his men therefore stopped on the brink until he directed his infantrymen to circle the ravine until they found a {308} practicable descent and there join parnell's men. he had scarcely given the order when a bullet pierced his brain. some of his men were also struck down, others retired behind the rocks, made a detour and followed parnell. the sides of the ravine were so precipitous that no man could scale them unaided. two or three would lift up a fellow-soldier. after gaining a foothold he in turn would pull others up, and thus they slowly made their way to the edge of the cliffs, crook climbing with the rest. they finally gained the banquette, or platform, after a difficult and exhausting climb. the indians were behind the walls of the fort, the soldiers outside. sergeant michael meara, leading the advance, peeped through a loop-hole, and was shot dead. private willoughby sawyer, happening to pass by another orifice, was killed in the same way. in both cases the indians were so close that the faces of both men were badly powder burned. a slug struck the wrist and an arrow pierced the body of private shea, hurling him to the bottom of the ravine. but the soldiers were not idle. guns from each side were thrust through every loophole or crevice and discharged blindly. in this desperate method of fighting, the indians, being contracted within the circle, suffered the more. while some were fighting thus, others were tearing down the rocky wall with hands and bayonets. a breach was soon made, and through it the soldiers streamed. the indians, after one hasty volley, fled precipitately. the last man to leave the fort was the chief, sa-hei-ta. as he leaped over the wall crook's unerring spencer sent a bullet into his spine, and he fell dead at the bottom of the ravine. the fort had been defended by at least fifty {309} indians, and there were fifteen dead bodies in it. among these was that of the chief medicine man. the soldiers ran to the western wall, and through loopholes opened a fire upon the indians, who had joined their fellows in the other forts. the fire was fiercely returned. about nine in the morning one of the infantrymen, peering through a small crevice in the rock, found his view obstructed by a small weed. in spite of parnell's caution, he uprooted it, leaving quite an opening, in which he was completely exposed. he was shot through the head instantly and fell unconscious.[1] the wounded, of which there were a number, were now taken to the camp about 11 a. m. the fire of the indians having slackened, crook, leaving a detachment in the fort, withdrew the rest of the men to the camp for breakfast. the indians took advantage of this opportunity to charge the fort. the few defenders were driven out of the fortification and sergeant russler was killed, the third sergeant to lose his life that day! rallying on the banquette, upon the return of the others, they in turn drove the indians out of the fort. neither party could occupy it all day long. the soldiers clung to the platform covering their dead in the fort on one side, while the indians from the forts on the other side prevented the soldiers from re-entering. it was not until nightfall that the dead could be withdrawn. the soldiers re-occupied the fort at night, and although the indians sent frequent volleys of arrows, which they shot into the air, hoping they would {310} fall upon the soldiers, and kept up an irregular fire, culminating in a sustained discharge about midnight, they made no attempt seriously to take the fort, although the soldiers, confidently expecting an attack, lay on their arms all night. during the last half of it not a sound came from the indians. the next morning crook prepared to resume the attack by assaulting the other forts, when his suspicions were awakened by a strange quiet, which continued in spite of several efforts to draw the indian fire. fearing some stratagem, he delayed until he could have speech with the interior forts by means of a wounded indian squaw, whom they captured after cautious scouting. from this woman, whom they forced to speak by threatening to hang her, it was learned that the indians had decamped during the night. the warriors had taken advantage of a long underground passage which led south and opened in a cave in the side of the cañon. this concealed way actually took them under the feet of crook's soldiers, and sufficiently far from his camp and scouts to enable them, so quietly had they moved, to steal away undetected. they left their women and children in the caves. these caves were a perfect maze. to attempt to search them would have been impossible. indeed, one soldier, private james carey, who saw the body of a dead indian near the mouth of one of them, and who sought a scalp as a trophy, descended to the cave mouth and was shot dead by some one, probably a wounded brave, within the dark recesses. the indians' loss was about forty killed. crook had lost nearly a moiety--50 per cent.--of his entire force, an appalling proportion! one officer, six soldiers, one civilian had been killed, twelve soldiers, {311} including three corporals,[2] seriously wounded, two of them afterward died; and almost every survivor in the party had received some slight wound or had been badly bruised by falls in climbing over the broken rocks. their clothing and shoes were cut to pieces, they were utterly worn out by two sleepless nights and two days' desperate fighting. they buried the brave soldiers in the valley, concealing their graves so that the indians could not discover them and ravage them. carrying their wounded in rude travels slung between horses and mules, and taking the body of brave young madigan, who was buried in a lonely forgotten grave, one day's march from the battlefield, they returned to camp warner. with a greatly inferior force crook had assailed the indians on ground of their own choosing, which they believed to be impregnable, and had administered a crushing defeat. the escalade of the wall of the ravine, the breaching of the rampart, the storming of the fort, its defence, its abandonment and recapture, was one of the most gallant and heroic exploits ever performed in american history. although he had paid dearly for his victory, the lesson crook had inflicted upon the savages was a salutary one, and the disastrous defeat of the indians in the infernal caverns of the pitt river was a great factor in bringing about the subsequent pacification of that section. to-day the exploit is forgotten. all the officers, save one, and i presume most of the men, who participated, are dead. it is from the papers of the surviving officer, colonel parnell, and from official reports and a few meagre published accounts in newspapers and books that this story of american heroism has been prepared. [1] he lived three weeks without regaining his senses, and eventually died at camp warner, ore., over one hundred and fifty miles away, whither he was carried with the other wounded, after the battle. [2] the loss among non-commissioned officers was especially heavy, showing how well these brave men did their duty. {315} vi being a boy out west i am in some doubt as to whether to call this particular reminiscence "pants that i have worn" or "trousers like those mother used to make." for either name seems admirably suitable to the situation. i was the oldest son in a numerous family, and therefore had the heritage of my father's clothes. he was an exceedingly neat and careful man, and never--to my sorrow be it said--did he ever wear out anything, unless it were an apple switch on me or my brothers. i had to wear out all his old clothes, it seemed to me. it was not a matter of choice but of necessity with me. my younger brother always escaped. by the time i had finished anything, there was no more of it. it went perforce to the ragman, if he would condescend to accept it. there was a certain sad, plum-colored, shad-bellied coat that flashes athwart my memory in hideous recollection, which wrapped itself portentiously about my slim figure, to the great delectation of my young friends and companions, and to my corresponding misery. i can recall their satirical criticisms vividly even now. they enjoyed it hugely, especially the little girls. think of a small--say "skinny"--little boy, about nine or ten years old, in a purple shad-bellied coat which had been made to fit (?) him by cutting off the sleeves, also the voluminous tails just below the back buttons! {316} i could never understand the peculiar taste my father manifested in his younger days, for when i recall the age which permitted me to wear cut-down clothing (and that age arrived at an extraordinary early period in my existence, it appeared to me), such a fearful and wonderful assortment of miscellaneous garments of all colors, shapes and sizes as were resurrected from the old chests in the garret, where they had reposed in peaceful neglect for half a generation, the uninitiated can scarcely believe. the shad-bellied coat was bad enough--you could take that off, though--but there was something worse that stayed on. fortunately there is one season in the year when coats in the small western village, in which i lived, were at a discount, especially on small boys, and that was summer. but on the warmest of summer days the most recklessly audacious youngster has to wear trousers even in the most sequestered village. one pair rises before me among the images of many and will not down. the fabric of which this particular garment was made was colored a light cream, not to say yellow. there was a black stripe, a piece of round black braid down each leg, too, and the garment was as heavy as broadcloth and as stiff as a board. nothing could have been more unsuitable for a boy to wear than that was. i rebelled and protested with all the strength of my infantile nature, but it was needs must--i had either to wear them or to remain in bed indefinitely. swallowing my pride, in spite of my mortification, i put them on and sallied forth, but little consoled by the approving words and glances of my mother, who took what i childishly believed to be an utterly unwarranted pride in her--shall i say--adaptation or reduction? those trousers had a {317} sentimental value for her, too, as i was to learn later. as for me, i fairly loathed them. many times since then, i have been the possessor of a "best and only pair," but never a pair of such color, quality and shape. they were originally of the wide-seated, peg-top variety, quite like the fashion of to-day, by the way--or is it yesterday, in these times of sudden changes?--and when they were cut off square at the knee and shirred or gathered or reefed in at the waist, they looked singularly like the typical "dutchman's breeches." i might have worn them as one of hendrik hudson's crew in "rip van winkle"--which was, even in those days, the most popular play in which joseph jefferson appeared. you can see how long ago it was from that. well, i put them on in bitterness of heart. how the other boys greeted me until they got used to them--which it seemed to me they never would! unfortunately for them, anyway, they had only one day, one brief day, in which to make game of me; for the first time i wore them something happened. there was a pond on a farm near our house called, from its owner, "duffy's pond." the water drained into a shallow low depression in a large meadow, and made a mudhole, a cattle wallow. little boys have a fondness for water, when it is exposed to the air--that is, when it is muddy, when it is dirty--which is in adverse ratio to their zest for nice, clean water in a nice clean tub. to bathe and be clean does not seem instinctive with boys. and how careful we were not to wet the backs of our hands and our wrists except when in swimming! and how hard did our parents strive to teach us to distribute our ablutions more generally! {318} well, mr. duffy did not allow boys to swim in his pond, which made it all the more inviting. it was a hot august day when i first put on those cream-colored pants. naturally, we went in swimming. having divested ourselves of our clothing--and with what joy i cast off the hideous garment!--we had to wade through twenty or thirty yards of mud growing deeper and more liquid with every step, until we reached the water. we were having a great time playing in the ooze when mr. duffy appeared in sight. he was an irascible old man, and did not love his neighbors' children! he had no sympathy at all with us in our sports; he actually begrudged us the few apples we stole when they were unripe and scarce, and as for watermelons--ah, but he was an unfeeling farmer! fortunately, he had no dog with him that morning, nothing but a gun--an old shotgun with the barrels sawed off at half their length, loaded with beans or bacon, or pepper or sand, i don't remember which--they were all bad enough if they hit you. the alarm was given instantly, and we made a wild rush for the tall grass through that mud. you can fancy how dirty we became, splashing, stumbling, wallowing in it. mr. duffy, firing beans at us from the rear, accelerated our pace to a frightful degree. fortunately again, like hamlet, he was "fat and scant o' breath," and we could run like deer, which we did. _en route_ i grabbed my shirt with one hand and those cream-colored pants with the other. the mud of that pond was the thick, black, sticky kind. it stained hideously anything light that it touched, as irrevocably as sin. those trousers had been clasped against my boyish muddy breast or flapped against my muddy, skinny legs, and they were {319} a sight to behold! there was no water available for miles where we stopped. we rubbed ourselves off with the burnt grass of august and dusty leaves as well as we could, dressed ourselves and repaired home. i was a melancholy picture. the leopard could have changed his spots as easily as i. yet i well remember the mixture of fierce joy and terrified apprehension that pervaded me. i arrived home about dinner-time. father was there. "wh--what!" he cried in astonishment. "where have you been, sir?" "those," sobbed my mother in anguished tones, "were your father's wedding trousers! i gave them to you with reluctance and as a great favor, you wretched boy, and--and--you have ruined them." i was taken upstairs, thoroughly washed, scrubbed--in the tub, which was bad enough--and when sufficiently clean to be handed to my father, he and i had an important interview in the wood-shed--our penal institution--over which it were well to draw the curtain. there was a happy result to the adventure, however: i never wore the cream-colored pants again, and hence my joy. the relief was almost worth the licking. some of the material, however, was worked up into a patchwork quilt, and of the rest my mother made a jacket for my sister. my mother could not look upon those things without tears; neither could i! why is it that grown people will be so inconsiderate about a little boy's clothes? it was the fashion of many years before i was born for people--that is, men and boys--to wear shawls. there was a dearth in the family exchequer on one occasion--on many occasions, i may say, but this {320} was a particular one. i had no overcoat, at least not one suitable for sunday, and really it would have been preposterous to have attempted to cut down one of father's for me. that feat was beyond even my mother's facile scissors, and she could effect marvels with them, i knew to my cost. it was a bitter cold winter day, i remember, and my mother, in the kindness of her heart, brought to light one of those long, narrow, fringed, brilliantly colored plaided shawls, so that i should not miss sunday school. i was perfectly willing to miss it, then or any other time, for any excuse was a good one for that. but no, i was wrapped up in it in spite of my frantic protests and despatched with my little sister--she who wore the cream-colored trousers-jacket--to the church. strange to say, she did not mind at all. we separated outside the house door, and i ran on alone. i had evolved a deep, dark purpose. i went much more rapidly than she, and as soon as i turned the corner, and was safely out of sight, i tore off that hateful shawl and when i arrived at the meeting-house i ignominiously thrust it into the coal heap in the dilapidated shed in the corner of the lot. i was almost frozen by the time i arrived, but any condition was better than that shawl. the sunday school exercises proceeded as usual, but in the middle of them, the janitor who had gone into the coal house for the wherewithal to replenish the fires, came back with the shawl. i had rammed it rather viciously under the coal, and it was a filthy object. the superintendent held it up by finger and thumb and asked to whom it belonged. "why, that's our johnny's" piped up my little sister amid a very disheartening roar of laughter from the {321} school. there was no use in my denying the statement. her reputation for veracity was much higher than mine, and i recognized the futility of trying to convince any one that she was mistaken. at the close of the session i had to wrap myself in that coal-stained garment and go forth. i was attended by a large delegation of the scholars when the school was over. they did not at all object to going far out of their way to escort me home, and they left me at my own gate. it was sunday, and it was against my father's religious principles to lick us on sunday--that was one of the compensations, youthful compensations of that holy day--but monday wasn't far off, and father's memory was remarkably acute. ah, those sad times, but there was fun in them, too, after all. there was a little boy who lived near us named henry smith. he and i were inseparable. he had a brother three years older than himself whose name was charles. charles was of course much taller and stronger than henry and myself, and he could attend to one of us easily. but both of us together made a pretty good match for him. consequently we hunted in couples, as it were. charles was unduly sensitive about his christian name. i think he called it his unchristian name. not the "charles" part of it, that was all right, but his parents had inconsiderately saddled him with the hopeless additional name of peter van buskirk smith! all we had to do to bring about a fight was to approach him and address him as "peter van buskirk." he bitterly resented it, which was most unreasonable of him. i recall times when the three of us struggled in the haymow for hours at a time, peter van buskirk, furiously angry, striving to force an apology or retraction, and henry and i having a glorious time refusing him. we were safe enough while we were together, but when he caught us alone--o my! i can remember it yet. he was always charles, at that time, but it was of no use. yet notwithstanding the absolute certainty of a severe thrashing when he caught us singly, we never could refrain from calling him "peter van buskirk" when we were together. why is it that parents are so thoughtless about the naming of their children? i knew a boy once named elijah draco and there was another lad of my acquaintance who struggled under the name of lord byron. that wasn't so bad, because we shortened it to "by," but "elijah draco" was hopeless, so we called him "tommy," as a rebuke to his unfeeling parents. charles peter van buskirk was a funny boy. he was as brave as a lion. you could pick him up by the ears, which were long--and shall i say handy?--and he never would howl. we knew that was the way to tell a good dog. "pick him up by the ears; an' if he howls, he'll be no fighter!" and we thought what was a good test for a dog could not be amiss for a boy. he had a dog once, sold to him for a quarter when it was a pup by a specious individual of the tramp variety, as one of the finest "king-newf'un'lan'--bull breed." his appetite and his vices were in proportion to his descriptions, but he had no virtues that we could discover. with a boy's lack of inventiveness we called him "tiger" although anything less ferocious than he would be hard to find. he was more like a sheep in spirit than anything else. but charles thought he saw signs of promise in that pup, and in spite of our disparaging remarks he clung to him. charles knew a lot about dogs, or thought he did, which was the same thing. i remember we were trying to teach tige to "lead" one day. he had no more natural aptitude for leading than an unbroken calf. the perverse dog at last flattened himself down on his stomach, spread-eagled himself on the ground, and stretched his four legs out as stiff as he could. we dragged him over the yard until he raised a pile of dirt and leaves in front of him like a plow in an untilled field. he would not "lead," although we nearly choked him to death trying to teach him. then we tried picking him up by the ears, applying that test for courage and blood, you know! you might have heard that dog yelp for miles. he had no spirit at all. charles peter van buskirk was disgusted with him. we got out a can of wagon-grease and spotted him artistically to make him look like a coach-dog, which was legitimate, as coach-dogs are notoriously remarkable for lack of courage. they are only for ornament. that was a pretty-looking animal when it rained. we changed his name, too, and called him "kitty," regardless of his sex. it was the last insult to a dog, we thought, but he never seemed to mind it. i feel sorry for that dog as i look back at him now, and it rather provoked charles when we subsequently asked his opinion of any other dog. this we did as often as there were enough of us together to make it safe. when we felt very reckless, we used to go in swimming in the river, which was a very dangerous proceeding indeed, for the missouri is a treacherous, wicked {324} stream, full of "suck-holes" and whirlpools and with a tremendous current, especially during the june "rise." the practice was strictly forbidden by all right-minded parents, including our own. frequently, however, in compliance with that mysterious sign, the first two fingers of the right hand up-lifted and held wide apart, which all boys over a thousand miles of country knew meant "will you go swimming?" we would make up a party after school and try the flood. father usually inspected us with a rather sharper eye, when we came sneaking in the back way after such exercises. for a busy man, father had a habit, that was positively maddening, of happening upon a boy at the wrong time. we used to think we had no privacy at all. "hum!" he was wont to say, looking suspiciously at our wet, sleek heads and general clean appearance--clean for us, that is, for the missouri river, sandy though it was, was vastly cleaner than duffy's pond or puddles of that ilk--"been in swimming again, have you? in the river, i'll be bound." two little boys, my brother and i would choke out some sort of a mumbling evasion in lieu of a reply. "how did you get your hair wet?" the old man would continue, rising and feeling two guilty little heads. "per-perspiration, sir," we would gasp out faintly. "and that vile odor about you? hey? is that perspiration, too?" sniffing the air with a grim resolution that made our hearts sink. we had been smoking drift-wood, the vilest stuff that anybody can put in his mouth. this was enough to betray us. "it's no use, boys; you needn't say another word," father would add in the face of our desperate and awful {325} attempts at an adequate explanation. "you know what i told you. go to the wood-shed!" oh, that wood-shed! "abandon ye all hope who enter here" should have been written over its door. often mother would interfere--bless her tender heart!--but not always. father was a small man of sedentary habits, not given to athletic exercises. a board across two barrels afforded a convenient resting-place for the arms and breast of the one appointed to receive the corporal punishment, and a barrel stave was an excellent instrument with which to administer it. i said father was a small, weak man. when he got through with us we used to think he would have made a splendid blacksmith. our muscles were pretty strong, and our skin callous--"the hand of little use hath the daintier touch!"--but they were as nothing to his. we always tired of that game before he did, although we played it often. two of us, i recall, have carried large tubs up the steep bank from the river to the train at 4 a. m. on a summer morning, when the circus came to town. we were proud to be privileged to water the elephants, but it killed us to split wood for a day's burning in the kitchen stove. we never were good for anything except assisting the circus people, on circus day. school was torture, and it was generally dismissed. our father was mayor of the town, and the mayor's children usually got in free. on one occasion we yielded to the solicitations of our most intimate friends and assembled thirty of them in a body. this group of children of all ages and sizes--and there was even one lone "nigger" in it--we were to pass through the gate by declaring that we were the mayor's children. "great heavens!" cried the ticket man, appalled {326} at the sight, "how many blame children has the mayor of the town got? is he a mormon, anyway, or what? an' how about that one?" pointing to the darky. father was standing near. we had not seen him. he turned and surveyed the multitude, including the black boy, that we had foisted upon him. it was a humorous situation, but father didn't see it that way. he sent all of us home with a few scathing words. my younger brother and i wanted to go to that circus more than we ever wanted to go to any circus before. we slept in a half-story room with windows opening on the porch roof. that night we climbed out on the roof and slid down the porch to the ground at the risk of breaking our necks. henry and charles met us by appointment. we none of us had any money and we resolved to sneak in, our services at watering the elephants not being considered worthy of a ticket. my brother and i got in safely under the canvas in one place. henry succeeded in effecting an entrance in another, but charles peter van buskirk got caught. a flat board in the hands of a watchman made a close connection with his anatomy. charles was hauled back, well paddled and sent home. circuses were a tabooed subject where he was concerned for some time thereafter. william, my brother, and i clambered through the legs of the crowd on the seats after we got into the canvas tent. as luck would have it, we ran right into the arms of our father. i was paralyzed, but william burst out with a boldness that savored of an inspiration, "why father, you here? i thought you were going to prayer-meeting." everybody laughed, father said nothing; some one made room for us, and we watched the performance {327} with mingled feelings of delight and apprehension. the wood-shed loomed up awfully black as we passed it that night. we held our breath. however, father never said anything to us but, "good night, boys. i hope you had a good time." we certainly had. and we escaped the usual licking, deserved though it was. and it wasn't sunday, either. but where was i? o, yes! charles peter van buskirk one saturday morning announced his intention of going on an expedition across the river. over the river from where we lived was "slab town," dilapidated little settlement of no social or moral consideration. the old captain, the pilot of the wheezy ferry-boat _edgar_, was our sworn friend, and allowed us to ride free as often as we could get away. charles intended crossing the river to get pawpaws. a pawpaw is an easily mashed fruit, three or four inches long, with a tough skin inclosing a very liquid pulp full of seeds, and about as solid as a cream puff, when it is dead ripe. it grows on a low, stunted bush-like tree. we were mighty fond of pawpaws, but little fellows as we were didn't dare to cross the river and venture into "slab town" or its vicinity, for such an excursion within its territory usually provoked a fight with the young ruffians of that hamlet, who hated the village boys as aristocrats. "you'd better not go over there, charles," we advised him timorously. "those slab town boys will take your pawpaws away from you." i can see now the chesty movement with which charles stuck out his breast, threw back his shoulders, curved inward and swung his arms, and went away basket in hand, remarking in a lordly manner; "aw, who's goin' to take _my_ pawpaws?" {328} it was evening when the rash youth returned. he came slinking up the back alley in a vain endeavor to elude observation, but we had a number of his and our friends on the watch for him--to see that he returned safely, of course--and we gave him a royal greeting. we had been true prophets, though without honor in charles's sight. the slab town boys had taken his pawpaws in a spirit of aggressive appropriation, which was bad enough, but with rare and unusual generosity they had afterward returned them to charles. they had not put them back in his basket, however, but had heaped them indiscriminately upon his person. it appears that he must have run for miles pursued by a howling mob of all the ruffians over there, engaged in the happy pastime of throwing soft, mushy pawpaws at him. charles could hardly see; in fact he could hardly walk. he was plastered with pawpaws from his head to his feet. thereafter when we wanted to provoke a fight, all that was necessary when the unappreciated portion of his name was flung at him and was not sufficient to awaken his ire, was to throw out our chests, hold back our shoulders, curve our arms and say in a throaty voice, "who's going to take _my_ pawpaws?" i feel tempted to use the old phrase in certain modern circumstances to-day when it seems to fit some bold and reckless endeavor. i have never forgotten charles's "who's-goin'-to-take-_my_-pawpaws" air! we were sometimes able to get a little money together by doing odd jobs--not for our parents, however, but for the neighbors. we had plenty of odd jobs to do at home, but such work was a matter of obligation and not remunerative, nor was it interesting. with this money henry and i each bought a game-chicken, {329} which we kept cooped up separately in the back lot behind the stable. neither father nor mother knew anything about it, of course. we would let these two game-cocks out half a dozen times a day. they would rush at each other fiercely, but before the battle was fairly on, we would summarily part them, and put them back in their coops, which were placed opposite each other, when they would indulge in chicken-swearing and personalities as much as they desired. their appetites for fighting were whetted indeed. in fact, there was so much animosity engendered between these two birds that they would rush together like two express trains trying to pass each other on the same track whenever they were turned loose. there was no time sparring for time or position. it was fight from the moment they saw each other, although we never let them strike more than one blow or two. a half-minute round was enough for us. i think it really scared us. charles, in spirit of revenge, let them out one day during our absence. when we got back from school we had only one chicken between us. it was a wonderful chicken, for it had beaten the other, although the conquered bird had fought until it had been killed. we burned him on a funeral pyre as a dead gladiator, with much ceremony and boyish speaking. we wanted to sacrifice to his _manes_ a hen as his wife, but finally concluded to abandon that part of the ceremony; mother kept count of the hens, you see. of course, julius caesar (as we named him) had the run of the yard thereafter, there being no one to oppose him. he led a very peaceful life until our next door neighbor bought a large shanghai rooster. i forgot now what particular breed our rooster was, {330} but he was small, not much larger than a bantam. the shanghai rooster, which was a huge monster, had the most provoking crow, large, loud and aggressive. an alley intervened between the yard where he held forth and our yard. one day we came home from school and looked for our chicken. he was gone! we hunted everywhere for him, but could not find him. we missed the crowing of the shanghai rooster, which had been frequent and exasperating, i have no doubt. the yard was very silent. we pursued our investigations with zeal and finally reached the alley. it had been raining heavily for almost a week, and the alley was a mass of black, sticky mud. gazing anxiously over the fence, we heard a feeble chirp from a large gob of mud in the alley. it was our rooster! the shanghai had rashly ventured into supposed neutral ground in that alley and had crowed once too often. the little game cock had squeezed through the fence and come over to investigate the situation. they had fought there in the mud. the mud was too deep for the shanghai to run and the bantam killed him. during the battle the victor had become so covered with mud that he could neither move nor crow nor see. he was in a worse state than charles with the pawpaws, and indifferent to honors. we took him and washed him. he seemed none the worse for his adventure, but that battle must have been a royal one. it was the second one we had not seen! we felt like the roman public deprived of its "_circenses_." we really never did see that chicken fight, for he got the pip or something, a few days after, perhaps from the microbes in the alley, and in spite of our careful nursing, or possibly because of it, he died. he died just in time, too, for after we had put {331} him away with more ceremony than we had used before, father who had got some inkling of the affair, suddenly broke out at supper: "boys, are you keeping game-cocks in the back lot? fighting-chickens, eh?" "no, sir," we both answered meekly, with a clear conscience and a steady eye. we had lots of pets in those days; some time they may serve for another story. the end {335} index a abancay, battle of, 102. acla, spanish settlement, 45-49 aguilar, geronimo de, 122 alcántara, martin de, 54, 106, 107 alderete, the king's treasurer, 205-212 _alfred_, the, jones's first ship, 283 almagrists, the, 106, 111 almagro, diego de, 57-67; 88-93; 101-104; 107 diego, the son, 104, 108, 109 alvarado, pedro de, called tonatiuh, 102, 109, 174, 184, 186, 187, 194 amazon river, 105 america, central, 3 south, 3, 4, 18, 27 anahuac, empire of, 125 andalusia, new, 7 antigua del darien, maria de la, 20, 23-27; 33-41 arbolancha, 42 arguello, the notary, 48, 49 arrows, poisoned, used by indians, 10, 11, 13, 14 astor, john jacob, 261-272 fur trading company, 262 astoria, 262-276 atahualpa, 71-92; 108 avila, pedro arias de, called pedrarias, 32-35; 42-50; 56 ayxacatl, 169,176 aztec empire, 115, 116, 125, 132 holy of holies, 134 wealth, 135 last of the kings, 219 aztecs, the, 69, 116, 125-130; 133, 176, 182-187; 194-198; 215-219 b badajoz, 53 bahamas, the, 4 balboa, vasco nuñez de, accompanies encisco to san sebastian, 19 placed in charge at antigua, 20 seeks to serve nicuesa, 25 further adventures, 31-50 referred to, 107 barron, james, 251, 252 bastidas, an explorer, 5 "battery of the fearless," referred to, 74 (footnote) bay, chesapeake, 4 bentham, jeremy, 248 biddle, major thomas, 255 biru, land of, early name of peru, 56 chieftain named, 56 _bonhomme richard_, the, 285, 286 bowie, james, 252-254 knives, 253 brackett, charles, 305 broderick, senator, 256-258 buccaneers, the, 3 burr, aaron, 248 c cabot, john, 4 cabral, portuguese explorer, 5 caceres, 53 cacique, indian, caonabo, 6 cemaco, 20 careta, of cueva, 36 comagre, 37, 56 of tenepal, 115 monteczuma, so called in cortes's letter, 156 quahpopoca, 172 of tlacuba, 216 cannibalism universal among aztecs, 126 capac, manco, 68, 85, 92, 93, 95, 111, 112 huayna, 71, 108 cape, de la vela, 7 gracias á dios, 7 careta, cacique of cueva, 36 caribbean sea, 3, 13 carrero, alonzo de puerto, 123 cartagena, 10, 18 carvajal, 109-111 castile, golden, 8 king of, 40 joanna of, 41 castro, vaca de, 109 caverns, infernal, of pitt river, 311 caxamarca, massacre of, 73-85 cempoalla, town of, 135 cacique of, 135 people of, 135, 166 central america, 3 chalcuchimo, 72, 85, 92 chapus, field of, 109 charles v., of spain, 82, 88, 92, 95, 109, 137, 147, 217, 218, 220 chase, owen, mate of the _essex_, 231 chaves, francisco de, 106 chesapeake, bay, 4 american ship, 251 chili, almagro goes to, 93 valdivia partially conquers, 109 men of, 102-107 coast of, 231, 237 cholula, 140, 145, 146 cholulans, the, 145, 146, 194 cilley, jonathan, 255, 256 cipango, referred to, 37 claverhouse, compared with cortes, 120 coatzacualco, province of, 115 colmenares, rodrigo de, 23 columbus, christopher, 4, 5, 6, 23, 37, 117, 132 diego, 9, 35 comagre, indian chief, 37, 56 conception, a whaling ground, 231 cordova, gonsalvo de, 117 cortes, hernando (or fernando), mentioned, 9, 75, 107; lands at vera cruz, 116; story of his birth and early life, 117; voyage to santo domingo and cuba, 118; described by helps and diaz, 118-120; expedition to mexico, 120-125; march to tenochtitlan, 130; personal character of, 133; describes tlascala, 138-140; massacres cholulans, 145, 146; describes mexico, 147-162; meets montezuma, 162-167; seizes the emperor, 171-173; mexico rebels against, 175; attacks mexico, 192-218; the end of, 218-223; descriptions of, 223-228 cosa, juan de la, 4, 5, 7, 10, 12 costa rica, 21 coya, the inca's legal wife, 72 crook, george, 301-311 crozier, william, captain of the brig _indian_, 240 cuba, 3, 16, 55, 120 cueyabos, 16 cuitlahua, 136, 176, 191 cuzco, 75, 85, 87, 92, 93, 102-111 d darien, isthmus of, 5, 26, 32, 37, 55, 109 maria de la antigua del, 20, 23-27; 33-41 quevedo, bishop of, 33, 44 _dauphin_, nantucket whaler, 242 davila, another name for pedrarias, 32 (footnote) de candia, 66, 73, 79, 104, 109 decatur, stephen, 251, 252 de soto, hernando, 33, 67, 68; 77-89; 107 despotism, communistic, form of government on south american coast, 68 diaz, bernal, 119, 124, 134, 135, 167, 179 (footnote), 223, 224, 225 porfirio, 224 dickinson, charles, 248-250 dios, nombre de, 23, 36 disappointment, cape, 269, 270 _duras, duc de_, an east indiaman, 285 e el dorado, 9, 57, 59, 93 el galan, nickname of pedrarias, 33 el justador, nickname of pedrarias, 33 encisco, 8; 17-20; 31, 32, 42, 66 english, their first appearance on the south american coast, 5 espinosa, 33, 48, 60 esquivel, juan de, 9 _essex_, the whaleship, 231-242 estremadura, birthplace of the pizarros, 53 birthplace of cortes, 117 f felippo, the interpreter, 82, 89, 90 ferdinand, king, of spain, 5, 7, 41 fiske, john, 4, 43, 63 (footnote), 122, 125, 168, 226 florida, 4 fonseca, bishop, 7, 33 fox, ebenezer, 268, 269 "furor domini," name given to pedrarias, 43 g gallo, island of, 62 garavito, andres, 47 gasca, 110-112 golden castile, 8 gonzales, francisca, 54 gorgona, island of, 63 graves, william j., 255, 256 grijilva, juan de, 120 guatemoc (or guatemotzin), 137, 177, 191, 193, 194, 216, 225 guatemotzin, popular name for guatemoc, 191, 216 guayaquil, gulf of, 67 gulf, of mexico, 3 explorations on, coast, 5 of darien, 5, 20, 55 of uraba, 7 of venezuela, 7 of san miguel, 56 of guayaquil, 67 guzman, tello de, 50 h hamilton, alexander, 248 helps, sir arthur, the historian, referred to, 63 (footnote), 70, 78, 118, 124, 178, 188, 220, 224 herrera, referred to, 179 (footnote) honduras, 4, 5, 8, 13, 219 hopkins, sterling a., 257 horn, cape, 266 horses introduced to the natives of south america, 13 huarina, battlefield of, 110 huascar, son of huayna, 72, 85, 108 huitzilopochtli, aztec god of war, 126, 127, 184 i inca, the young, manco capac, 68 the empire, 69 civilization, 69 "child of the sun," 71 pizarro's capture of the, 75-84 ransom and murder of the, 85-92 and peruvians strike for freedom, 93-102 incas, the, 69-112 _independence_, the, privateer, 284 _indian_, the brig, of london, 240 indian wife, balboa's, 37, 44, 47, 48 indians, warm spring, 302-306 indies, the, 7, 8, 10 isabella, queen, and her court mentioned, 6 island, of gallo, the, 62, 63 (foot-note) of gorgona, the, 63 of puna, 67 island, st. mary's, 231, 242 ducie, 239, 242 of massafera, 240 islands, society, 237 sandwich, 237, 267 cape verde, 264 falkland, 265 vancouver, 271 isles of pearls, 59 isthmus, of darien, 5, 26, 32, 37, 109, 116 of panama, 5, 27, 50, 110 ixlilxochitl, referred to, 179 (footnote) ixtaccihuatl, 144 iztatapalan, 195 j jackson, andrew, 248-250 jamaica, 8, 17 jones, john paul, 281-297 william paul, 290-295 mrs. willie, 290, 296 colonel cadwallader, 296 joy, matthew, mate of the _essex_, 231, 239 juarez, benito, 224 k king, john ii. of france, referred to, 86 (footnote) kirk, referred to, 63 (footnote) l _leopard_, british ship, 251 lepe, an explorer, 5 lewis, james, 263-277 lima, 93, 98, 101, 105, 111 lorenzana, archbishop, referred to, 198 (footnote) louden, mary paul, sister of john paul jones, 291 luque, 60-67 lyons, james, 305 m mckay, 262-277 macnutt, referred to, 128, 225 maddox, dr., 252 madigan, john, 307-311 magellan, referred to, 39 (footnote), 61 (footnote) straits of, 109 main, the spanish, 3, 5 malinal (or marina) 115, 116; 123-125; 135, 145, 219 malinche, shorter form of malintzin, 124, 208, 209, 217 malintzin, aztec name for cortes, 124 marco polo, referred to, 37 maria, donna, daughter of cortes, 223 marina, malinal, baptized as, 124 markham, referred to, 4, 63 (footnote), 78, 87 massacre of caxamarca, 73-85 maxixcatzin, 141 mayas, the, 122 medellin, native city of cortes, 117 mexico, the gulf of, 3, 116 the country of, 53, 127 aztec empire of, 115, 125 shores of, 117 city of, 125, 137, 146-162 republic of, 126, 224 valley of, 144, 218 king of, 217 mexitl, one of the names of aztec war god, 126 montezuma xocoyotzin, emperor of mexico, 115; sends messengers to cortes, 135, 137; described, 136, 137; and the tlascalans, 140, 141; agrees to receive cortes, 143; meeting with cortes, 162-168; seizure of, 171-173; deposed, 176; end of, 178-180 n napoleon at toulon, referred to, 74 (footnote) narvaez, panfilo de, 174, 175 navigators, the fifteenth-century, 4 new andalusia, 7 newity, nootka village, 271 nicuesa, diego de, 3, 5, 8, 20, 27 nombre de dios, 23, 36 nootkas, the, 271 o ojeda, alonza de, 3; heads first important expedition along south american coast, 4; second voyage, 5; arrives at santo domingo, 8; adventures of, 10-19; referred to, 55 olano, lope de, 21, 22, 24 ordaz, 144 orellano, commander under gonzalo pizarro, 105 orgonez, 102, 103 orinoco, the, 4 otumba, valley of, 191 otumies, tribe of, 141 ovando, an explorer with nicuesa, 7 oviedo, quoted, 56, 57, 179 (footnote) p pacific, the, so called by magellan, 39 (footnote) discovery of, 39-42 balboa reaches, 45 painala, town of, 115 lord of, 115 panama, pedrarias dies at, 50 pedrarias the founder and governor of, 56 pizarro living in, 57 pizarro sends ship to, 62 pedro de los rios, governor of, 62 referred to, 63, 65, 66 states, 116 parnell, w. r., 306-311 "pearl coast," the, 4 pedrarias, 32-35; 42-50; 107 perez, gomez, 111, 112 peru, 40, 53, 63, 64, 66, 68, 93, 95, 105, 109, 237 peruvians, the, 69-102 pettis, congressman spencer, 255 philip ii., 65 pizarrists, the, 106 pizarro, francisco, 9, 16, 18, 38-40; 48, 54, 55-107 hernando, 54, 55, 67, 79, 93, 96-108 juan, 54, 96-99 gonzalo, the father, 53, 54 gonzalo, the son, 54, 96-101 pedro, 90 pizarros, the, 46, 67, 96, 104, 105, 108-110 pizons, the, explorers, 5 pollard, james, captain of the _essex_, 231 popocatepetl, 144 popotla, 190 porto rico, 5 potosi, the mines of, 65, 109, 110 prescott, the historian, referred to, 63 (footnote) reference to account of inca civilization by, 69 reference to amount of inca's ransom, according to, 87 q quarequa, indian chief, 39 quetzalcoatl, toltec god, 129, 136 quevedo, bishop of darien, 33 quichua, the language of peru, 82 quinones, antonio de, 202 quito, 71, 91, 105, 109 quiz-quiz, 72, 85 r rada, juan de, 105-112 _ranger_, the, one of jones's ships, 284 ribero, diego de, 21, 22 rios, pedro de los, 62, 65 ruiz, 60-63 (and footnote), 65, 66 s sacsahuaman, 94, 97-99 salamanca, university of, 117 salinas, the plains of, 103 san mateo, 67 san miguel, 41, 56, 73 san sebastian, 14, 16, 17, 19 santiago river, 66 santo domingo, 8, 14, 19, 118 "scourge of god," the, name given to pedrarias, 43 sea, caribbean, 3 sea of the south, so called by balboa, 39 _serapis_, the battle with the, 285-287 shoshone nation, 301-304 slavery, human, introduced into peru by christians, 95 south sea, the, so called by balboa, 39 voyage, 44 pizarro's first sight of, 56 spanish, main, the, 3, 5 court, the, 6, 7 rule in mexico, 226 in peru, 226 "starvation harbor," 58, 59 t tabascans, the, 116, 123, 134 tabasco, 122 tacuba, 190, 199, 206, 216 tafur, pedro, 62-65 talavera, 16, 17 temixtitan, name for mexico, 147, 148, 162 temple of the sun, at cuzco, 87 tenochtitlan, or city of mexico, 125 the march to, 130-137 teocalli, 145 terry, ex-chief justice, 256-258 teules, aztec name for cortes and his followers, 136 texcoco, 136 tezcatlipoca, aztec god, 127 tezcocans, the, 194 tezcoco, province of, 194; lake of, 195 thorn, jonathan, 261-275 tianguizco, 199 tlacopan, 128 tlaloc, aztec god of waters, 126 tlaltelulco, 199 tlascala, 136, 138-140, 141, 190-192 tascalans, the, 140-144, 166, 191-219 toltecs, the, 125, 129, 130 _tonquin_, the ship, 261-277 toparca, 92 torquemada, referred to, 179 (footnote) totonacs, the, 136 toulon, napoleon at, 74 (footnote) treasure, the, of peru, 64 trujillo, 53, 66 tumbez, town of, 65 almagro made governor of, 66 pizarro lands at, 68 u uraba, gulf of, 7 v valdivia, lieutenant of francisco pizarro, 31, 109 valparaiso, 240, 242 valsa, the river, 45 valverde, fra vincente de, 80-83; 90, 91, 111 vega, garcilasso de la, 63 (footnote) vela, blasco nuñez, 109 velasquez, diego de, 118-121; 131 juan, 183-186 venezuela, gulf of, 7 veragua, 5, 13, 27 vera cruz, 116, 130, 134, 135 vespucci, amerigo, 4 w wallace, lew, quoted, 131, 178 weeks, armorer, 269-277 wells, samuel, 252 winsor, 4 x xaquixaguana, valley of, 110, 111 xicalango, traders of, 116 xicotencatl, 141-143 xuaca, 85 y yucatan coast, 122 yucay, mountains of, 100 z zamudio, 20, 31, 32, 35, 38 [frontispiece: "in a short time they had bound our arms tightly with strips of hide."] [transcriber's note: frontispiece missing from book.] at the point of the sword a story for boys by herbert hayens author of "ye mariners of england," "under the lone star," "for the colours," "a captain of irregulars," "in the grip of the spaniard," &c., &c. thomas nelson & sons, ltd. london, edinburgh, and new york 1903 contents. i. a birthday eve ii. an exciting voyage iii. the end of the "aguila" iv. the silver key v. in the hidden valley vi. we leave the hidden valley vii. whom the gods love die young viii. a friendly opponent ix. a gleam of hope x. a stormy interview xi. a narrow escape xii. a stern pursuit xiii. home again xiv. friend or foe? xv. we catch a tartar xvi. glorious news xvii. duty first xviii. dark days xix. false play, or not? xx. "save him, juan, save him!" xxi. rough justice xxii. the "silver key" again xxiii. an open-air prison xxiv. a dangerous journey xxv. back to duty xxvi. the hussars of junin xxvii. a disastrous retreat xxviii. the battle of the generals xxix. home again list of illustrations. "in a short time they had bound our arms tightly with strips of hide" . . . . . . _frontispiece_ "'help, help!' i exclaimed faintly; but he heard me, and i knew i was saved." "pushing off his sandy bed-clothes at our approach, he struggled to his feet." "'save him, juan, save him!'" "he glanced contemptuously at the gigantic sorillo." "'a soldier from ayacucho! here is one of our brave deliverers!'" at the point of the sword. chapter i. a birthday eve. in spite of my english name--jack crawford--and my english blood, i have never set foot on that famous little island in the north sea, and now it is quite unlikely that i ever shall do so. i was born in peru, on the outskirts of beautiful lima, where, until the year 1819, on the very eve of my fourteenth birthday, the days of my childhood were passed. i expect you know that in ancient days peru was called the "land of the sun," because the sun was worshipped by the natives. their great city was cuzco, built, it is said, in 1043 a.d., by manco capac, the first of the incas, or emperors of peru. the natives believed manco to be a child of the sun; but i have heard an old story that his father was a shipwrecked englishman, who married the daughter of a peruvian chief. i do not think this tale correct, but it is full of interest. most of the incas ruled very wisely, and the remains of palaces, temples, and aqueducts show that the people were highly civilized; but in 1534 the spaniards, under pizarro, invaded the country, and swept away the glorious empire of the incas. after that peru became a part of spanish america, and pizarro founded the city of lima, which he made the capital. my father, who settled in the country when quite a young man, married a peruvian lady of wealthy and influential family. the estate near lima formed part of her marriage portion, and a beautiful place it was, with a fine park, and a lake which served me both for boating and bathing. i had several friends, chiefly spaniards, but two english boys, whose fathers were merchants in callao, often visited me, and many a pleasant game we had together. at this time peru was a spanish colony, but some people, among whom was my father, wanted to make it an independent country, having its own ruler. being still a boy, i did not hear much of these things, though, from certain talk, i understood that the country was in a most unsettled state, and that the spanish governor had thrown many good men into prison for urging the people to free themselves. one evening, in march 1819, i was busy in my workshop painting a small boat. my father had been absent for nearly a week, but he had promised to return for my birthday, and every moment i expected to see him crossing the courtyard. presently, hearing old antonio unfasten the wicket-gate, i put down my brush, wiped my hands, and ran out joyously. the happy welcome died on my lips. it was not my father who had entered, but rosa montilla, the young daughter of a famous spanish officer. she was nearly a year younger than myself, and a frequent visitor at our house. often we had gone together for a row on the lake, or for a gallop on our ponies round the park. she was very pretty, with deep blue eyes and fair hair, quite unlike most spanish girls, and generally full of fun and good spirits. now, however, she was very pale and looked frightened. i noticed, too, that she had no covering on her head or shoulders, and that she had not changed the thin slippers worn in the house. these things made me curious and uneasy. i feared some evil had befallen her father, and knew not how to act. on seeing me she made a little run forward, and, bursting into tears, cried, "o juan, juan!" using, as also did my mother, the spanish form of my name. now, being only a boy, and being brought up for the most part among boys, i was but a clumsy comforter, though i would have done anything to lessen her grief. "what is it, rosa?" i asked; "what has happened?" but for answer she could only wring her hands and cry, "o juan, juan!" "do not cry, rosa!" i said, and then doing what i should have done in the first place, led her toward the drawing-room, where my mother was. "mother will comfort you. tell her all about it," i said confidently, for it was to my mother i always turned when things went wrong. on this her tears fell faster, but she came with me, and together we entered the room. "juan!" cried my mother.--"rosa! what is the matter? why are you crying? but come to me, darling;" and in another moment she was pressing the girl to her bosom. at a sign from her i left the room, but did not go far away. rosa's action was so odd that i waited with impatience to hear the reason. she must have left her home hurriedly and unobserved, since it was an unheard-of thing that the daughter of don felipe montilla should be out on foot and unattended. i was sure that should her father discover it he would be greatly annoyed. the whole affair was so mysterious that i could make nothing of it. the girl's sobs were more under control now, and she began to speak. as she might not wish me to hear her story, i walked away, meaning to chat with antonio at the gate, and to await my father's return. he might not come for hours yet, as it was still early evening, but i hoped he would, and the more so now on rosa's account. she might need help which i was not old enough to give; while, as it chanced, joseph craig, my father's trusty english servant, had gone that afternoon into callao. however, he also might be back at any moment now, and would not, in any case, be late. half an hour had perhaps passed, and i was turning from the gate, when two horsemen dashed up at full speed. one was joseph craig, or josé as the spaniards called him, and my feeling of uneasiness returned as i noticed that his face, too, wore a strange and startled look. josé, as i have said, was my father's servant; but we all regarded him more as a friend, and treated him as one of ourselves. he was a well-built man of medium height, with good features and keen gray eyes. he spoke english and spanish fluently, and could make himself understood in several indian dialects. he kept the accounts of the estate, and might easily have obtained a more lucrative situation in any counting-house in callao. he excelled, too, in outdoor sports, and had taught me to fence, to shoot, and to ride straight. the second man i did not know. he seemed to be an indian of the mountains, and was of gigantic stature. his dress was altogether different from that of the spaniards, and in his cap he wore a plume of feathers. his face was scarred by more than one sword-cut, his brows were lowering, and his massive jaw told of great animal strength. josé's horse had galloped fast, but the one ridden by the stranger was flaked with foam. antonio would have opened the big gate without question: but i, thinking of rosa, forbade him, saying to josé in english, "does he mean harm to the girl?" you see, my head was full of the one idea, and i could think of nothing else. i imagined that rosa had run away from some peril, and that this man with the savage face and cruel eyes had tracked her to our gate. so i put the question to josé, who looked at me wonderingly. "the girl?" he repeated slowly; "what girl?" "rosa montilla," i answered. we spoke in english; but at the mention of rosa's name the mountaineer scowled savagely, and leaned forward as if to take part in the conversation. "the man has come from the mountains with a message for your mother," said josé; "i met him at the entrance to the park. but if rosa montilla is here, the news is known already." his face was very pale, and he spoke haltingly, as if his words were burdensome, and there was a look in his eyes which i had never seen before. i motioned to antonio, and the two passed through. what message did they bring? what news could link dainty little rosa with this wild outlaw of the hills? josé jumped to the ground and walked with me, laying a hand on my shoulder. until then i had no thought of the truth, but the touch of his fingers sent a shiver of fear through me, and i looked at his face in alarm. "what is it, josé?" i asked; "what has happened? why did rosa steal here alone and sob in my mother's arms as if her heart would break?" "the little maid has heard bad news," he answered quietly, "though how i do not know." "and as she had no mother, she came to mine for comfort," i said. "it was a happy thought: mother will make her forget her trouble." josé stopped, and looked searchingly in my face. "poor boy!" he said. "you have no idea of the truth, and how can i tell you? the little maid did not weep for her own sorrow, but for yours and your mother's." at that i understood without further words, though i was to learn more soon. the reason of it i guessed, though not the matter; but i knew that somewhere my dear father lay dead--killed by order of the spanish viceroy. josé saw from my face that i knew, and there was sympathy in the very touch of his hand. "it is true," he whispered. "the spaniards trapped him in the mountains, whither he had gone to meet the indians. they wished to rise against the government; but he knew it was madness just now, and thought to keep them quiet till his own plans were ready." "and the spaniards slew him?" "yes," replied josé simply. "here," pointing to the mountaineer, "is our witness." "but how did rosa hear of it? she was not in the mountains. ah, i forgot! her father stands high in the viceroy's favour. and so my father is dead!" the thought unnerved me, and i could have cried aloud in my sorrow. "hold up your head, boy!" exclaimed the harsh voice of the mountaineer. "tears are for women and girls. years ago my father's head was cut off, but i did not cry. i took my gun and went to the mountains," and he finished with a bitter laugh. "but my mother!" i said. "the news will break her heart." "the world will not know it," he answered, and he spoke truly. "i am glad the little maid has told her," remarked josé, giving his horse and that of the stranger to a serving-man. "jack, do you go in and prepare her for our coming." a single glance showed that rosa had indeed told her story. she sat on a lounge, looking very miserable. my mother rose and came toward me. taking my hands, she clasped them in her own. she was a very beautiful woman, famous for her beauty even among the ladies of lima. she was tall and slightly built, with black hair and glorious dark eyes that shone like stars. i have heard that at one time she was called the "lady of the stars," and i am not surprised. they shone now, but all gentleness had gone from them, and was replaced by a hard, fierce glitter which half frightened me. her cheeks were white, and her lips bloodless; but as far as could be seen, she had not shed a tear. still holding my hands, and looking into my face, she said, "you have heard the news, juan? you know that your father lies dead on the mountains, slain while carrying a message of peace to the fierce men who live there?" i bowed my head, but could utter no sound save the anguished cry of "mother, mother!" "hush!" she exclaimed; "it is no time for tears now. i shall weep later in my own room, but not before the world, juan. our grief is our own, my son, not the country's. and there is little rosa, brave little rosa, who came to bring me the news; she must go back. let miguel bring round the carriage, and see that half a dozen of the men ride in attendance. don felipe's daughter must have an escort befitting her father's rank." i began to speak of the strange visitor outside; but rosa was her first care, and she would see no one until rosa had been attended to. so i hurried miguel, the coachman, and the men who were to ride on either side of the carriage, returning to the room only when all was ready. mother had wrapped rosa up warmly, and now, kissing her, she said, "good-bye, my child. you were very good to think of me, and i shall not forget. tell your father the truth; he will not mind now." rosa kissed my mother in reply, and walked unsteadily to the coach. she was still sobbing, and the sight of her white face added to my misery. "don't cry, rosa," said i, as i helped her into the carriage and wished her good-bye, neither of us having any idea of the strange events which would happen before we met again. as soon as the carriage had gone, my mother directed that the stranger should be admitted, and he came in accompanied by josé. i would have left the room, but my mother stopped me, saying,-"no, juan; your place is here. an hour ago you were but a thoughtless boy; now you must learn to be a man.--señor, you have brought news? you have come to announce the death of my husband; is it not so?" the mountaineer bowed almost to the ground. "it is a sad story, señora, but it will not take long to tell. the spaniards pretended he was stirring up our people to revolt; they waited for him in the passes, and shot him down like a dog." "did you see him fall?" the fellow's eyes flashed with savage rage. "had i been there," he cried, "not a soldier of them all would have returned to his quarters! but they shall yet pay for it, señora. my people are mad to rise. only say the word, and send the son of the dead man to ride at their head, and lima shall be in flames to-morrow." my mother made a gesture of dissent. "don eduardo liked not cruelty," she exclaimed; "and it would be but a poor revenge to slay the innocent. but juan shall take his father's place, and work for his country's freedom. when the time comes to strike he shall be ready." "before the time comes he will have disappeared," cried the mountaineer, with a harsh laugh. "do you think don eduardo's son will be allowed to live? accidents, señora, are common in peru!" "it is true," remarked josé; "juan will never be out of danger." "but the country is not ready for revolt, and only harm can come from a rising now. should the indians leave their mountain homes, the trained soldiers will annihilate them." "but juan must be saved!" "yes," assented my mother; "we must save juan to take his father's place." after this there was silence for a time. then josé spoke, "there is one way," said he slowly. "he can find a refuge in chili till san martin is ready; but he must go at once." a spasm of fresh pain shot across my mother's face, but it disappeared instantly; even with this added grief she would not let people know how she suffered. only as her hand rested on mine i felt it tremble. "let it be so, josé," she said simply. "i leave it to you." then she thanked the mountaineer who had ridden so far to break the terrible news to her, and the two men went away, leaving us two together. "mother," i said, "must i really leave you?" for answer she clasped me in her arms and kissed my face passionately. "but you will come back, my boy!" she cried; "you will come back. now that your father is no more, you are my only hope, the only joy of my life. o juan, juan! it is hard to let you go; but josé is right--there is no other way. i will be brave, dear, and wait patiently for your return. follow in your father's footsteps. do the right, and fear not whatever may happen; be brave and gentle, and filled with love for your country, even as he was. keep his memory green in your heart, and you cannot stray from the path of honour." "i will try, mother." "and if--if we never meet again, my boy, i will try to be brave too." she wiped away the tears which veiled like a mist the brilliance of her starry eyes, and we sat quietly in the darkening room, while outside josé was making preparations for our immediate departure. at last he knocked at the door, and without a tremor in her voice she bade him enter. "the horses are saddled, señora." "yes; and your plan, what is it?" she asked. "it is very simple, señora. juan and i will ride straight to mr. warren at callao. he may have a vessel bound for valparaiso; if not, he will find us one for my master's sake. once at sea, we shall be out of danger. general san martin will give us welcome, and there are many peruvians in his army." once my mother's wonderful nerve nearly failed her. "you will take care of him, josé," she said brokenly. "i will guard him with my life, señora!" "i know it, i am sure of it; and some day yon will bring him back to me. god will reward you, josé.--good-bye, juan, my boy. oh how reluctant i am to let you go!" i will not dwell on the sadness of that parting. the horses were waiting in the courtyard, and after the last fond embrace i mounted. "good-bye, mother!" "farewell, my boy. god keep you!" and as we moved away i saw her white handkerchief fluttering through the gloom. at the gate the indian waited for us, and he followed a few paces in the rear. i thought this strange, and asked josé about it. "it may be well to have a friend to guard our backs," he replied. so in the gathering darkness i stole away from my home, with my heart sore for my father's death and my mother's suffering. and it was the eve of my birthday--the eve of the day to which i had looked forward with such delight! being so young, i did not really understand the peril that surrounded me; but my faith in josé was strong, and i felt confident that in taking me away he was acting for the best. our path through the park led us near the lake, and i glanced sorrowfully at its calm waters and fern-fringed border. i would have liked to linger a moment at its margin, dwelling on past joys; but josé hurried me on, remarking there was no time to waste. only, as the great gates swung open, he let me stop, so that i might bid a silent adieu to the beautiful home where my happy days of childhood had been passed. "keep a brave heart," said he kindly; "we shall be back some day. and now for a word of advice. ride carefully and keep your eyes open. i don't want to frighten you, but the sooner we're clear of lima the better i shall be pleased." with that he put spurs to his horse, and with the clanging of the gate in our ears we rode off on the road to callao, while the gigantic indian followed about twenty paces behind. chapter ii. an exciting voyage. it may be that josé's fears on my account had exaggerated the danger, as we reached callao without interruption, and dismounted outside mr. warren's villa. here the indian took leave of us, but before going he unfastened a silver key from the chain round his neck, and pressed it into my hand. "it may happen," said he, "that at some time or other you will need help. that key and the name of raymon sorillo will obtain it for you from every patriot in the mountains of peru. for the present, farewell. when you return from chili we shall meet again." without waiting for my thanks he bade adieu to josé and then, spurring his horse into a gallop, he disappeared. from the man who opened the gate in answer to our summons we learned that my father's friend was at home, and leaving our horses, we went immediately into the house. this english merchant had often been our guest, and it was soon abundantly evident that we had done right in trusting him. he was a short, round-faced man, with a florid complexion, twinkling eyes, and sandy hair. he was very restless and irritable, and had a queer habit of twiddling his thumbs backward and forward whenever his hands were unoccupied. "how do, joseph?" exclaimed he, jumping up. "come to take that berth i offered you? no? well, well, what a fool a man can be if he tries! why, bless me, this is young jack crawford! eight miles from home, and at this time of night too! anything the matter? get it out, joseph, and don't waste time." while joseph was explaining the circumstances, the choleric little man danced about the room, exclaiming at intervals, "ted crawford gone? dear, dear! not a better fellow in south america! i'd shoot 'em all or string 'em up! the country's going to the dogs, and a man isn't safe in his own house! eh? what? hurt the boy? what's the boy to do with it? they can't punish him if his father had been fifty times a rebel!" "that is so, sir," remarked josé; "but he might meet with an unfortunate accident, or vanish mysteriously, or something of that kind. what's the use of making believe? those who have got rid of the father won't spare the son, should he happen to stand in their way." "which he will," interrupted mr. warren. "my poor friend was hand in glove with the indians, and they'll rally round the boy." "there are other things, too, which need not be gone into now, however," said josé; "but the long and the short of it is that jack must be got out of the way at present." "and his mother?" "she has sent him to you." "but he can't be hidden here. the rascally dons will have him in the casemates before one can say 'jack robinson!'" "we don't mean to stay here, sir," replied josé. "our idea is to go to valparaiso, and we thought if you had a ship--" "the very thing, joseph," and the thumbs went backward and forward taster than ever. "maxwell has a schooner leaving in the morning. you can go on board to-night if you choose, but you had better have some supper first." as it happened, both josé and i had been some time without food, so we were glad to have something to eat; after which mr. warren took us to the quay, where the schooner _aguila_ lay moored. "there she is," he remarked; "let us go aboard. most likely we shall find maxwell there.--hi, you fellows, show a light!--lazy dogs, aren't they? mind your foot there, and don't tumble into the harbour; you won't get to valparaiso that way.--that you, maxwell? i have brought a couple of friends who are so charmed with your boat that they want to make a trip in her. where do you keep your cabin? let's go down there; we can't talk on deck." mr. maxwell was another english merchant at callao, and as soon as he heard what had happened, he readily agreed to give us a passage in the _aguila_. we must be prepared to rough it, he said. the schooner had no accommodation for passengers, but she was a sound boat, and the chilian skipper was a trustworthy sailor. then he sent to his warehouse for some extra provisions, and afterwards introduced us to the captain, whose name was montevo. as the schooner was to sail at daylight, our friends remained with us, and, sitting in the dingy cabin, chatted with josé about the state of the country. by listening to the talk i learned that general san martin was a great soldier from buenos ayres, who, having overthrown the spanish power in chili, was collecting an army with which to drive the spanish rulers from peru. at the same time another leader, general bolivar, was freeing the northern provinces, and it was thought that the two generals, joining their forces, would sweep peru from north to south. "and a good thing, too!" exclaimed mr. warren. "perhaps we shall have a little peace then!" "pooh! stuff!" said his friend; "things will be worse than ever! these people can't rule themselves. they're like disorderly schoolboys, and need a firm master who knows how to use the birch. i am all for a stern master." "so am i," agreed josé, "if he's just, which the spaniards aren't." "that is so," cried mr. warren. "what would our property be worth if it wasn't for the british frigate lying in the harbour? tell me that, maxwell; tell me that, sir! they'd confiscate the whole lot, and clap us into prison for being paupers," and the thumbs revolved like the sails of a windmill. so the talk continued until daybreak, when the skipper, knocking at the cabin door, informed us that the schooner was ready to sail; so we all went on deck, where the kindly merchants bade us good-bye, and hoped we should have a pleasant voyage. "keep the youngster out of mischief, joseph. there's plenty of food for powder without using him," were mr. warren's last words as he stepped ashore, followed by his friend. it was the first time i had been on board a ship, and i knew absolutely nothing of what the sailors were doing; but presently the boat began to move, the merchants, waving their hands, shouted a last good-bye, and very quickly we passed to the outer harbour. i have been in many dangers and suffered numerous hardships since then, some of which are narrated in this book, but i have never felt quite so wretched and miserable as on the morning of our departure from callao. wishing to divert my thoughts, josé pointed out the beauties of the bay and the shore; but my gaze went far inland--to the lonely home where my mother sat with her grief, to the mighty cordillera where my father lay dead. time softened the pain, and brought back the pleasures of life, but just then it seemed as if i should never laugh or sing or be merry again. the first day or two on the _aguila_ did not tend to make me more cheerful, though the skipper did what he could to make us comfortable. we slept in a dirty little box, which was really the mate's cabin, and had our meals, or at least josé had, at the captain's table. by degrees, however, my sickness wore off, and on the fourth morning i began to take an interest in things. by this time the land was out of sight; for miles and miles the blue water lay around us--an interminable stretch. there was not a sail to be seen, and the utter loneliness impressed me with a feeling of awe. josé was as ignorant of seafaring matters as myself; but the captain said we were making a good voyage, and with that we were content. a stiff breeze blew the schooner along merrily, the blue sky was flecked only by the softest white clouds, and the swish, swish of the water against the vessel's sides sounded pleasantly in our ears. i began to think there were worse ways of earning a living than by going to sea. that same evening i turned in early, leaving josé on deck, but i was still awake when he entered the cabin. "there's an ugly storm brewing," said he, kicking off his boots, "and i don't think the skipper much likes the prospect of it. he has all hands at work taking in the sails and getting things ready generally. rather a lucky thing for us that the _aguila_ is a stout boat. listen! that's the first blast!" as the schooner staggered and reeled. above us we heard the captain shouting orders, the answering cries of the sailors, and the groaning of the timbers, as if the ship were a living being stretched on a rack. slipping out of my bunk and dressing quickly, i held on to a bar to steady myself. "let us go on deck before they batten down the hatches," said josé, putting on his boots again. "i've no mind to stay in this hole. if the ship sinks, we shall be drowned like rats in a trap." he climbed the steps, and i followed, shuddering at the picture his words had conjured up. the scene was grand, but wild and awful in the extreme. i hardly dared to watch the great waves thundering along as if seeking to devour our tiny craft. now the schooner hung poised for a moment on the edge of a mountainous wave; the next instant it seemed to be dashing headlong into a fathomless, black abyss. the wind tore on with a fierce shriek, and we scudded before it under bare poles, flying for life. two men were at the wheel; the captain, lashed aft, was yelling out orders which no one could understand, or, understanding, obey. the night, as yet, was not particularly dark, and i shivered at sight of the white, scared faces of the crew. they could do nothing more; in the face of such a gale they were helpless as babies; those at the wheel kept the ship's head straight by great effort, but beyond that, everything was unavailing. our fate was in the hands of god; he alone could determine whether it should be life or death. once, above the fury of the storm, the howling of the wind, the straining of the timber, there rose an awful shriek; and though the tragedy was hidden from my sight, i knew it to be the cry of an unhappy sailor in his death-agony. a huge wave, leaping like some ravenous animal to the deck, had caught him and was gone; while the spirit of the wind laughed in demoniacal glee as he was tossed from crest to crest, the sport of the cruel billows. the captain had seen, but was powerless to help. the schooner was but the plaything of the waves, while to launch a boat--ah, how the storm-fiends would have laughed at the attempt! so leaving the hapless sailor to his fate, we drove on through a blinding wall of rain into the dark night, waiting for the end. no sky was visible, nor the light of any star, but the great cloud walls stood up thick on every side, and it seemed as if the boat were plunging through a dark and dreary tunnel. close to me, where a lantern not yet douted [transcriber's note: doused?] cast its fitful light, a man lay grovelling on the deck. he was praying aloud in an agony of fear, but no sound could be heard from his moving lips. suddenly there came a crash as of a falling body, the light went out, and i saw the man no more. how long the night lasted i cannot tell; to me it seemed an age, and no second of it was free from fear. whether we were driving north, south, east, or west no one knew, while the fury of the storm would have drowned the thunder of waves on a surf-beaten shore. but the _aguila_ was an english boat, built by honest english workmen, and her planks held firmly together despite the raging storm. for long hours, as i have said, we were swallowed up in darkness, feeling ourselves in the presence of death; but the light broke through at last, a cold gray light, and cheerless withal, which exactly suited our unhappy condition. the wind, too, as though satisfied with its night's work, sank to rest, while by degrees the tossing of the angry billows subsided into a peaceful ripple. we looked at each other and at the schooner. one man had been washed overboard; another, struck by a falling spar, still lay insensible; the rest were weary and exhausted. thanks to the skipper's foresight, the _aguila_ had suffered less than we had expected, and he exclaimed cheerfully that the damage could soon be repaired. but though our good ship remained sound, the storm had wrought a fearful calamity, which dazed the bravest, and blanched every face among us. the skipper brought the news when he joined us at breakfast, and his lips could scarcely frame the words. "the water-casks are stove in," he exclaimed, "and we have hardly a gallon of fresh water aboard!" "then we must run for the nearest port," said josé, trying to speak cheerily. the captain spread out his hands dramatically. "there is no port," he replied, in something of a hopeless tone, "and there is no wind. the schooner lies like a log on the water." we went on deck, forgetting past dangers in the more terrifying one before us. the captain had spoken truly: not a breath of air stirred, and the sea lay beneath us like a sheet of glass. the dark clouds had rolled away, and though the sun was not visible, the thin haze between us and the sky was tinged blood-red. it was such a sight as no man on board had seen, and the sailors gazed at it in awestruck silence. hour after hour through the livelong day the _aguila_ lay motionless, as if held by some invisible cable. no ripple broke the glassy surface, no breath of wind fanned the idle sails, and the air we breathed was hot and stifling, as if proceeding from a furnace. the men lounged about listlessly, unable to forget their distress even in sleep. the captain scanned the horizon eagerly, looking in vain for the tiniest cloud that might promise a break-up of the hideous weather. josé and i lay under an awning, though this was no protection from the stifling atmosphere. every one hoped that evening would bring relief, that a breeze might spring up, or that we might have a downpour of rain. evening came, but the situation was unchanged, and a great fear entered our hearts. how long could we live like this--how long before death would release us from our misery? for misery it was now in downright, cruel earnest. once josé rose and walked to the vessel's side, but, returning shortly, lay face downward on the deck. "i must shut out the sight of the sea," he said, "or i shall go mad. what an awful thing to perish of thirst with water everywhere around us!" this was our second night of horror, but very different in its nature from the first. then, for long hours, we went in fear of the storm; now, we would have welcomed the most terrible tempest that ever blew, if only it brought us rain. very slowly the night crept by, and again we were confronted by the gray haze, with its curious blood-red tint. we could not escape from the vessel, as our boats had been smashed in the hurricane; we could only wait for what might happen in this sea of the dead. "rain or death, it is one or the other!" remarked josé, as, rising to our feet, we staggered across to the skipper. rain or death! which would come first, i wondered. the captain could do nothing, though i must say he played his part like a man--encouraging the crew, foretelling a storm which should rise later in the day, and asserting that we were right in the track of ships. we had only to hold on patiently, he said, and all would come right. josé also spoke to the me cheerfully, trying to keep alive a glimmer of hope; but as the morning hours dragged wearily along, they were fain to give way to utter despair. no ships could reach us, they said, while the calm lasted, and not the slightest sign of change could be seen. our throats were parched, our lips cracked, our eyes bloodshot and staring. one of the crew, a plump, chubby, round-faced man, began talking aloud in a rambling manner, and presently, with a scream of excitement, he sprang into the rigging. "sail ho!" he cried, "sail ho!" and forgetting our weakness, we all jumped up to peer eagerly through the gauzy mist. "where away?" exclaimed the captain. the sailor laughed in glee. "oho! here she comes!" cried he; "here she comes!" and, tearing off his shirt, waved it frantically. the action was so natural, the man seemed so much in earnest, that we hung over the schooner's side, anxiously scanning the horizon for our rescuer. again the fellow shouted, "here she comes!" and then, with a frenzied laugh, flung himself into the glassy sea. a groan of despair burst from the crew, and for several seconds no one moved. then josé, crying, "throw me a rope!" jumped overboard, and swam to the spot where the man had gone down. "come back!" cried the skipper hoarsely; "you will be drowned! the poor fellow has lost his senses." but josé, unheeding the warning, clutched the man as he came to the surface a second time. we heard the demented laugh of the drowning sailor, and then the two disappeared--down, down into the depths together. "he has thrown his life away for a madman!" said the captain, and his words brought me to my senses. with a prayer in my heart i leaped into the sea, hoping that i might yet save the brave fellow. a cry from the schooner told me that he had reappeared, and soon i saw him alone, and well-nigh exhausted. a dozen strokes took me to his side, and then, half supporting him, i turned toward the vessel. the men flung us a rope, and willing hands hauled first josé and then me aboard. "a brave act," said the skipper gruffly, "but foolhardy!" josé smiled, and, still leaning on me, went below to the cabin, where, removing our wet things, we had a good rub down. "thanks, my boy!" said josé, "but for your help i doubt if i could have got back. the poor beggar nearly throttled me, down under!" and i noticed on his throat the marks of fingers that must have pressed him like a vice. "do you feel it now?" i asked. "only here," touching his throat; "but for that, i should be all the better for the dip. let us go on deck again; i am stifling here. and keep up your spirits, jack. don't give way the least bit, or it will be all over with you. we are in a fearful plight, but help may yet come." and i promised him solemnly that i would do my best. chapter ii. the end of the "aguila." the drowning of the crazy sailor had a bad effect on the rest of the crew, and it became evident that they had abandoned all hope. they hung about so listlessly that even the captain could not rouse them, and indeed there was nothing they could do. this utter inability to help ourselves was the worst evil of the case. even i, though only a boy, wanted to do something, no matter what, if it would help in the struggle for life; but i, like the rest, could only wait--wait with throat like a furnace, peeling lips, smarting eyes, and aching head, till death or rain put an end to the misery. i tried not to think of it, tried to shut out the horrible end so close at hand; but in vain. josé sat beside me, endeavouring to rouse me. it must rain, he said, or the wind would spring up, and we should meet with a ship; but in his heart i think he had no hope. the day crawled on, afternoon came, and i fell into a troubled sleep. the pain of my throat directed my wandering thoughts perhaps, and conjured up horrible visions. i was lashed to the wheel of the _aguila_, and the schooner went drifting, drifting far away into an unknown sea. all was still around me, though i was not alone. sailors walked the deck or huddled in the forecastle--sailors with skin of wrinkled parchment, with deep-set, burning yet unseeing eyes, with moving lips from which no sound came; and as we sailed away ever further and further into the darkness, the horror of it maddened me. i struggled desperately to free myself, calling aloud to josé to save me. then a hand was laid softly on my forehead, and a kind, familiar voice whispered,-"jack! jack! wake up. you are dreaming!" opening my eyes i saw josé bending over me, his face stricken with fear. my head burned, but my face and limbs were wet as if i had just come from the sea. "get up," said josé sharply, "and walk about with me. you must not dream again." it seems that in my sleep i had screamed aloud; but the sailors took no notice of me either then or afterwards. they had troubles enough of their own, and were totally indifferent to those of others. the red tinge had now gone from the haze, leaving it cold and gray; the sea was dull and lifeless, no ripple breaking the stillness of its surface. "is there any hope, josé?" i asked in a whisper, and from his face, though not from his speech, learned there was none. the captain had stored two bottles of liquor in the cabin for his own use. these he shared amongst us; but it was fiery stuff, and even at the first increased rather than allayed our thirst. most of the crew were lying down now; but one had climbed to the roof of the forecastle, and stood there singing in a weak, quavering voice. josé spoke to him soothingly; but he only laughed, and continued his weird song. his face haunted me; even when darkness closed like a pall around us i could still see it. he sang on and on in the gloom, and it appeared to me that he was wailing our death-chant. presently there was silence, followed by a slight shuffling sound as the man moved to another part of the deck; then the song began again, and was followed by a burst of uncanny laughter. suddenly it seemed as if the poor fellow realized his position, as he broke into a sob and called on god to save him. making our way to the other side of the vessel, we found him sitting disconsolately on a coil of rope, and did our best to cheer him. the skipper joined us, but no other man stirred hand or foot. apparently their terrible suffering had overpowered all feeling of sympathy. "don't give way," said josé brightly, laying a hand on his shoulder; "bear up, there's a good fellow. rain may fall at any moment now, and then we shall be saved." "ah, señor," cried the poor fellow huskily, "my throat is parched, parched; my head is like a burning coal! but i will be quiet now and brave--if i can." "this is terrible," exclaimed the captain piteously, as after a time we turned away. "hope must be our sheet-anchor," said josé. "once cut ourselves adrift from that, and we shall go to ruin headlong." he spoke bravely, but his words came from the lips only, and this we all knew. sitting down on a coil of rope, we waited for the night to pass, longing for yet dreading the appearance of another dawn. it was dreadfully silent, except when some poor fellow broke the stillness with his groans and cries of anguish. it was, as nearly as i could judge, about one o'clock in the morning, when josé suddenly sprang to his feet with a cry of joy. "what is it?" i asked; and he, clapping his hands, exclaimed,-"lightning! see, there is another flash.--get up, my hearties; the wind's rising. there's a beautiful clap of thunder. we shall have a fine storm presently!" one by one the men staggered to their feet. they heard the crash of the thunder, and a broad sheet of lightning showed them banks of cloud gathering thick and black overhead. directed by the captain and helped by josé, they spread every sail and awning that could be used, collected buckets and a spare cask, and awaited the rain eagerly and expectantly. would it come? fiery snakes played about the tops of the masts or leaped from sky to sea; the thunder pealed and pealed again through the air; the wind rose, the sails filled, the schooner moved through the water, but no rain fell. i cannot tell you a tithe of the hopes and fears which passed through our hearts during the next half-hour. now we exulted in the certainty of relief; again we were thrown into the abyss of despair. we stood looking at the darkness, hoping, praying that the life-giving rain might fall speedily upon our upturned faces. another terrific crash, and then--ah, how earnestly we gave thanks to god for his mercy--the raindrops came pattering to the deck, lightly at first, lightly and softly, like scouts sent forward to spy out the land, and afterwards the main body in a crowd beating fiercely, heavily upon us. how we laughed as, making cups of our hands, we lapped the welcome water greedily! what cries of delight ascended heavenward as we filled our spare cask and every vessel that would hold water! the rain came down in a steady torrent, soaking us through; but we felt no discomfort, for it fed us with new life. presently the captain got some of the men to work, while the others ate the food which had lain all day untasted, and then, doubly refreshed, they relieved their comrades. josé and i, too, ate sparingly of some food; but even this little, with the water, made new beings of us. as yet the wind was no more than a fair breeze, but by degrees it became boisterous, and the crew, still weak and now short of three men, could barely manage the schooner. josé and i knew nothing of seamanship, but we bore a hand here and there, straining at this rope or that as we were bidden, and encouraging the crew to the best of our ability. as yet we gave little thought to the new danger that menaced us, being full of thanks for our escape from a horrible death; but the fury of the storm increased, the wind battered against the schooner in howling gusts, and presently the topgallant mast fell with a crash to the deck. fortunately no one was hurt, and we quickly cut the wreckage clear; but misfortune followed misfortune, and at length, with white, scared face, the carpenter announced that water was fast rising in the hold. here, at least, josé and i were of service. taking our places at the pumps, we toiled with might and main to keep the water down. thus the remainder of the night passed with every one working at the pumps or assisting the captain to manage the vessel. morning brought no abatement of the storm, but the light enabled us to realize more clearly how near we were, a second time, to death. the rain still poured down in torrents, the wind leaped at us with hurricane fury, the schooner tossed, a helpless wreck, in the midst of a mountainous sea. the carpenter reported that, in spite of all our labours, the water was fast gaining on us. the sailors now lost heart, and one of them left his post, saying sullenly they might as well drown first as last. it was a dangerous example, but the skipper checked the mischief. running forward with loaded pistol, he shouted,-"go back to the pumps, you coward, or i will shoot you down like a dog! call yourself a man? why, that youngster there is worth fifty of you!" the fellow returned to his work; but as the hours passed we became more and more certain that no amount of pumping would save the ship. even now she was but a floating wreck, and soon she would be engulfed by the raging sea. while josé and i were taking a rest, the captain told us that, even should the storm cease, the _aguila_ must go down in less than twenty-four hours, and that he knew not whether we were close to the shore or a hundred leagues from it. josé received the news coolly. he came of a race that does not believe in whimpering, and his only care was on my account. "i am sorry for your mother, jack," said he, "and for you too. we're in a fair hole, and i don't see any way of getting out; but for all that we will keep our heads cool. never go under without a fight for it--that's as good a motto as any other. you heard the skipper say the schooner is bound to go down, and you know we have no boats--they wouldn't be any good if we had, while this storm lasts; but if the sea calms, a plank will keep you afloat a long time, and maybe a ship will come along handy. anyhow, make a fight for it, my boy. now we'll have a snack of something to eat, and then for another spell at the pumps." by this time a feeling of despair had seized the crew, and but for fear of the captain's pistol they would have stopped work in a body. however, he kept them at it, and towards noon the tempest ceased almost as suddenly as it had begun. the gale dropped to a steady breeze, and the surface of the ocean became comparatively calm. the change cheered us; we looked on it as a good omen, and toiled at the pumps even harder than before. we could not lessen the quantity of water, but for a time we kept it from gaining, and a germ of hope crept back into our hearts. every hour now was likely to be in our favour, as the captain judged the wind was blowing us to some part of the coast, where we might either fall in with a vessel or effect a landing. thus, between hope and fear, the afternoon passed, and then we saw that the captain's judgment was correct. straight before us, though far off as yet, appeared the dark line of coast with a barrier of mountains in the background, and in front a broad band of snow-white foam. would the schooner cover the distance? if so, would she escape being dashed to pieces in the thundering surf? these were the questions which agitated our minds as, impelled by the breeze, she drove through the water. we of ourselves could do nothing save work at the pumps and wait for what might happen. afternoon merged into evening, and evening into night. a few stars peeped forth in the sky, but were soon veiled by grayish clouds. the broad white band along the shore was startlingly distinct, and still the issue was undecided. the end came with such unexpected suddenness that the men hardly had time to cry out. josé and i were resting at the moment, when the schooner lurched heavily, tried to right herself and failed, filled with water, and sank like a stone. i often think of that shipwreck as a horrible dream. down, down i went, holding my breath till it seemed impossible to stay longer without opening my mouth and swallowing the salt water. by an effort i restrained myself till my head shot above the surface and once more i was free to breathe. the ship had disappeared entirely, and it was too dark to see such a small object as a man's head. by great good fortune i managed to seize a floating spar, and, resting on it, called aloud for josé. the only answer was the anguished cry of a drowning man across the waste of waters. twice again it came, and then all was silent, though in imagination i still could hear that anguished cry. the sea rolled in long surges, carrying me forward without effort and at a great rate toward the clear white line. live or die, i could not help myself now, but was entirely at the mercy of the waves. i thought of josé's advice to make a fight for it, but there was nothing to be done. clinging to my spar, i was tossed from crest to depth like a ball bandied about by boys. and now my ears were filled with a great roaring as i approached nearer to the crested foam; then feeling that the end was very near, i prayed silently yet fervently that god would comfort my mother in this her new trial, and prepared myself to die. from the top of a high wave i went down into the depths, rose again to the crest of a second huge roller, and then was flung with the velocity of lightning into the midst of the great sea-horses with their snowy manes. of this part of the adventure i remember but little, only that for a moment i lay bruised and battered at the foot of a high rock. once more josé's advice sounded in my ear, and loosing my spar, i clambered, dizzy and half blind, to the top. the ramping white horses raced after as if to drag me back, but finding that impossible, retired sullenly to spring yet once again. shrieking and hissing, the great white monsters tore along, dashing in fury and breaking in impotence against the immovable rocks. the wild, weird scene, too, frightened me; for i was but a boy, remember, who up to this had never met with a more stirring adventure, perhaps, than a tussle with a high-spirited pony. i was worn out, too, by hard toil, faint from loss of blood, saddened by the loss of my faithful josé, and by the awful calamity that had overtaken the crew of the schooner. yet, in spite of all, so strong was the instinct to live, that, almost without thought, i clambered along the rocky ridge which jutted out from the mainland, while the baffled waves raced hungrily on either side of me, as if even now loath to abandon their expected prey. at length the line of white foam was at my back. i found myself on a boulder-strewn beach, and for the time safe! although half dead with privation and exposure, i wandered some way along the beach, calling aloud on josé and the sailors, forgetful that the roar of the surf drowned my voice. presently i could go no further, the beach in that direction being walled in by a rocky cliff, steep and high, and but for a narrow fissure upon which i happily came, insurmountable. i say happily, for at the summit of the cliff i fancied i saw the flash of a lantern. a lantern meant human beings, who on hearing my story would search the shore, and find, perhaps, that others besides myself had escaped from the wreck. with this idea in my head, i began to climb, going very steadily; for, as i have said, the track was little more than a fissure in the rock, and my head was far from clear. i toiled on, cutting my hands and legs with the jagged rocks, but making some progress, till at length i had covered the greater part of the distance; then i could do no more. a tiny crevice gave me foothold, and i was able to rest my arms on a wide ledge, but had no strength to draw myself up to it. twice i tried and failed; then fearful lest my strength should give way, i strove no more, but, raising my voice, shouted loudly for help. very mournful the cry sounded in the silent night, as i hung there utterly helpless on the face of the cliff. again and again i shouted with all my might, to be answered at first only by the roar of the surf below. presently, on the summit of the cliff, not far above me, a lantern flashed, then another, and another, and a voice hailed me through the darkness. "help!" i cried, "help!" and my voice was full of despair, for my strength was fast ebbing. i must soon lose my hold, and be dashed to pieces at the foot of the cliff. the lanterns flashed to and fro above me. would they never come nearer? what was that? a big stone bounding and bouncing from rock to rock whizzed past my head, and disappeared in the gloom below. collecting all my strength, i shouted again, fearing that it must be for the last time. but now--oh, how sincerely i gave thanks to god!--a light had come over the edge of the cliff, and though moving slowly, it certainly advanced in my direction. yes, i saw a man's outline. in one hand he carried a lantern, in the other a noosed rope, and he felt his way carefully. "help! help!" i exclaimed, faintly enough now; but he heard me, and i knew i was saved. putting the lantern on the ledge and grasping the collar of my coat, he got the noose round my body under the arms, and those above drew me up. [illustration: "help! help!" i exclaimed, faintly; but he heard me, and i knew i was saved.] the lanterns showed a group of men in uniform, who crowded around me as i reached the top; but being uncertain how long my strength would last, i cried,-"a wreck! search the beach. there may have been others washed ashore." upon this there was much talking, and then two men carried me away, leaving their companions, as i hoped, to search for any chance survivors. chapter iv. the silver key. it would be hard for me to tell just what happened during the next day or two. i did not lose consciousness altogether, but my nerves were so shattered that i mixed up fact and fancy, and could hardly separate my dreams from events which actually took place. on the third or fourth day my senses became clearer i lay on a bed in a small cell-like apartment. in the opposite corner was a mattress, with a blanket and rug rolled neatly at the head; above it, on the wall, hung a sword and various military articles, as if the room belonged to a soldier. presently, as i lay trying to recall things, the door was pushed open, and a man entered. he was young; his face was frank and open, and he had fine dark eyes. he was in undress uniform, and i judged, rightly as it turned out, that he was a spanish officer. seeing me looking at him, he crossed to the bed, and exclaimed in the spanish tongue, "are you better this morning?" i nodded and smiled, but could not speak--my throat hurt me so. "all right!" he cried gaily. "don't worry; i understand," and at that he went out, coming back presently with the military doctor. now i had no cause, then or afterwards, to love the spaniards; but i hold it fair to give even an enemy his due, and it is only just to say that this young officer, captain santiago mariano, treated me royally. in a sense i owed my life to him, and i have never forgotten his kindness. as my strength returned he often sat with me, talking of the wreck, from which i was apparently the only one rescued. three men, he said, had been washed ashore, but they were all dead. two were ordinary sailors, and from his description i easily recognized the third as montevo, the skipper. there was a rumour, the young officer continued, that a man had been picked up by some indians further along the coast; but no one really knew anything about it, and for his part he looked on it as an idle tale. there was small comfort in tills; yet, against my better judgment, i began to hope that josé had somehow escaped from the sea. he was a strong man and a stout swimmer, while for dogged courage i have rarely met his equal. one morning santiago came into my room--or rather his--with a troubled expression on his face. i was able to walk by this time, and stood by the little window, watching the soldiers at exercise in the courtyard. "crawford," said he abruptly, "have you any reason to be afraid of general barejo?" now, until that moment i had not given a thought to the fact that in escaping one danger i had tumbled headlong into another; but this question made me uneasy. as far as safety went, i might as well have stayed at my mother's side in lima as have blundered into a far-off fortress garrisoned by spanish soldiers. "i ought not to speak of this," continued santiago, "but the warning may help you. did you hear the guns last night?" "yes," said i, wondering. "it was the salute to the general, who is inspecting the forts along the coast." "i have heard my father speak of general barejo." "well, after dinner last evening the commandant happened to speak of your shipwreck, and the general was greatly interested. 'a boy named crawford?' said he thoughtfully; 'is he in the fort now?' and on hearing you were, told the commandant he would see you in the morning. this is he crossing the courtyard. he is coming here, i believe." i had only time to thank santiago for his kindness when the general entered the room. he was a short, spare man, with closely-cropped gray hair and a grizzled beard. his face was tanned and wrinkled, but he held himself erect as a youth; and his profession was most pronounced. the young captain saluted, and, at a sign from the general, left the room. barejo eyed me critically, and with a grim smile exclaimed, "by st. philip, there's no need to ask. you're the son of the englishman crawford, right enough." "who was murdered by spanish soldiers," said i, for his cool and somewhat contemptuous tone roused me to anger. he smiled at this outburst, and spread out his hands as if to say, "the boy's crazy;" but when he spoke, it was to ask why i had left lima. "because i had no wish to meet with my father's fate," i answered brusquely; and he laughed again. "faith," he muttered, "the young cockerel ruffles his feathers early!" and then, again addressing me, he asked, "and where were you going?" "on a sea voyage, for the benefit of my health--and to be out of the way." to this he made no reply, but his brows puckered up as if he were in deep thought. i stood by the window watching him, and wondering what would be the outcome of this visit. after a short time he said, slowly and deliberately, so that i might lose nothing of his speech, "listen to me, young sir. though you are young, there are some things you can understand. your father tried, and tried hard, to wrest this country from its proper ruler, our honoured master, the king of spain. he failed; but others have taken his place, and though you are only a boy, they will endeavour to make use of you. we shall crush the rebellion, and the leaders will lose their lives. i am going to save you from their fate." i thought this display of kindness rather strange, but made no remark. "in this fortress," he continued, "you will be out of mischief, and here i intend you shall stay till the troubles are at an end." "that sounds very much as if you mean to keep me a prisoner!" i exclaimed hotly. "exactly," said he; then turning on his heel he walked out. from the window i watched him cross the courtyard and enter the commandant's quarters. ten minutes afterwards santiago appeared with a file of soldiers. "very sorry, my boy," said the young captain, coming into the room, "but a soldier must obey orders. you are my prisoner." "i couldn't wish for a better jailer," said i, laughing. "i'm glad you take it like that, but unfortunately you won't be under my care. have you all your things? this way, then." we marched very solemnly side by side along the corridor, the soldiers a few paces in the rear. at the end stood a half-dressed indian, holding open the door of a cell. "oh, come," said i, looking in, "it's not so bad." the cell was, indeed, almost a counterpart of santiago's room, only the window was high up and heavily barred. the furniture consisted of bedstead and rugs, a chair, small table, and one or two other articles. the floor was of earth, but quite dry; and altogether i was fairly satisfied with my new home. "you'll have decent food and sufficient exercise," said the captain, who had entered with me; "but"--and here he lowered his voice to a whisper--"don't be foolish and try to escape. barejo's orders are strict, and though it may not appear so, you will be closely guarded." "thanks for the hint," said i as he turned away. the indian shut the door, the bolts were shot, the footsteps of the soldiers grew fainter, and i was alone. i shall not dwell long on my prison life. i had ample food, and twice a day was allowed to wander unmolested about the courtyard. the general had gone, and most of the officers, including santiago, showed me many acts of kindness, which, though trifling in themselves, did much towards keeping me cheerful. several weeks passed without incident, and i began to get very tired of doing nothing. there seemed to be little chance of escape, however. every outlet was guarded by an armed sentry, and i was carefully watched. one day i dragged my bedstead under the window, and making a ladder of the table and chair, climbed to the bars. a single glance showed the folly of trying to escape that way without the aid of wings. that part of the fort stood on the brink of a frightful precipice which fell sheer away for hundreds of feet to the rocky coast. of course i had no weapon of any kind, but the spaniards had allowed me to keep the silver key, which hung around my neck by a thin, stout cord. i had almost forgotten the mountaineer's strange words, when a trifling incident brought them vividly to my mind. one morning the indian, as usual, brought in my breakfast, and was turning to go, when he suddenly stopped and stared at me with a look of intense surprise. he was a short, stout, beardless man, with a bright brown complexion and rather intelligent features. "well," i exclaimed, "what is it? have i altered much since yesterday?" the man bent one knee, and bowing low, exclaimed in great excitement, "it is the key!" then i discovered that, my shirt collar being unfastened, the silver key had slipped outside, where it hung in full view. "yes," said i, "it is the key right enough. what of it?" his eyes were flashing now, and the glow in them lit up his whole face. "what is the master's name?" he whispered eagerly. now this was an awkward question for me to answer. in the first place, the man might or might not be trustworthy; and in the second, the only name i knew was that of the bandit chief. however, i concluded the venture was worth making, and said, "men call the owner of the key raymon sorillo." "ah!" exclaimed the indian, with a sigh of satisfaction, "he is a great chief. hide the key, señor, and wait. a dog's kennel is no place for the friend of our chief." with that he went out, and the door clanged after him, while i stood lost in astonishment. what did he mean? was it possible that he intended to help me? thrusting the mysterious key out of sight, i sat down to breakfast with what appetite i could muster. all that day i was in a state of great excitement, though at exercise i took care to appear calm. i waited with impatience for the evening meal, which, to my disgust, was brought by a strange soldier. "hullo!" i exclaimed, "a change of jailers? what has become of the other fellow?" "the dog of an indian is ill," answered the man, who was evidently in a very bad temper, "and i have his work to do." placing the things on the table, he went out, slamming the door behind him, and shooting the bolts viciously. the next morning he came again, and indeed for four days in succession performed the sick man's duties. now you may be sure i felt greatly interested in this sudden illness. it filled me with curiosity, and to a certain extent strengthened my hope that the indian intended to help me to escape from the fort. what his plans were, of course i could not conjecture. on the fifth night i undressed and lay down as usual. it was quite dark in the cell, and the only sound that reached me was the periodical "all's well!" of the sentry stationed at the end of the corridor. for a long time i lay puzzling over the strange situation, but at length dropped into a light sleep. suddenly i was awakened by a queer sensation, and sat up in bed. it was too dark to see anything, but i felt that some one was creeping stealthily across the floor. presently i heard a faint sound, and knew that the object, whatever it might be, was approaching nearer. at the side of the bed it stopped, and a muffled voice whispered, "señor, are you awake?" "yes," said i. "who's there?" "a friend of the silver key. dress quickly and come with me; the way is open." "where is the sentry?" i asked. "gagged and insensible," replied the voice. "quick, while there is yet time." perhaps it was rather venturesome thus to trust myself in the hands of an unknown man, but i slipped on my clothes, and keeping touch of his arm, accompanied him into the dimly-lighted corridor. turning to the left, we glided along close to the wall. at the end of this passage the body of the sentry lay on the ground, while near at hand crouched an indian, keeping watch. this man joined us, and my guide immediately led the way into an empty room, the door of which was open. as soon as we were inside he closed it softly. "keep close to me," he whispered, and then said something to an unseen person in a patois i did not understand. presently he stopped, and i could just distinguish the figure of a third man, who, grasping my hand, whispered, "the silver key has unlocked the door, señor." before i could recover from my astonishment--for the man who spoke was the sick jailer--my guide let himself down through a trap-door, and called to me to follow. i found myself on a flight of steep steps in a kind of shaft, very narrow, and so foul that breathing was difficult. at the bottom was a fair-sized chamber, with a lofty roof--at least i judged it so by the greater purity of the air--and here the guide stopped until his companion caught up with us. the jailer, to my surprise, had remained in the fort, but there was no time for explanation. the exit from the chamber was by means of an aperture so low that we had to lie flat on the ground, and so narrow that even i found it hard work to wriggle through. of all my adventures, this one impressed itself most strongly on my mind. people are apt to smile when i speak of what one man called "crawling along a passage;" yet had the terrors of the journey been known beforehand, i think i could hardly have summoned the courage to face them. we went in indian file, i being second, and my shoulders brushed the sides of what was apparently a stonework tube. there was not a glimmer of light, and the foul air threatened suffocation at every yard. i could breathe only with great difficulty, my throat seemed choked, i was bathed in perspiration, while loathsome creatures crawled or scampered over every part of me. before half the distance was covered--and i make the confession without shame--i was truly and horribly afraid. however, there was no turning back--indeed there was no turning at all--so i crawled on, hoping and praying for light and air. presently i caught sight of a dull red glow like that from a burning torch, my breath came more easily, and at the end of another hundred yards the guide, rising to his feet, stood upright: we had arrived at the exit from the tunnel. clambering up, i once more found myself in the open air, and was instantly followed by the second indian. two other men waited for us, and the four, with some difficulty, rearranged a huge boulder which effectually blocked the aperture. then the light from the torch was quenched, and i was hurried off in the darkness. for an hour perhaps we travelled, but in what direction i had no idea. at first we had the roar of the thundering sea in our ears, but presently that grew faint, until the sound was completely lost. the route was rocky, and i should say dangerous; for the guide clutched my arm tightly, and from time to time whispered a warning. at last he stopped and whistled softly. the signal was heard and answered, and very soon i became aware of several dusky figures, including both men and horses. no time was wasted in talk; a man brought me a horse, and a loose cloak with a hood in which to muffle my head. i mounted, the others sprang to their cumbrous saddles, and at a word from the guide we set off. the route now lay over a desert of loose sand, in which the animals sank almost to their fetlocks; every puff of wind blew it around us in clouds, and but for the hood i think i must have been both blinded and choked. i have not the faintest idea how the leader found his way, unless it was by the direction of the wind, as there were no stars, and it was impossible to see beyond a few yards. hour after hour passed; dawn broke cold and gray. the choking sand was left behind, and we approached a narrow valley shut in by two gigantic ranges of hills. here a voice hailed us from the rocks, the guide answered the challenge, and the whole party passed through the defile to the valley beyond. it was now light enough to observe a number of indian huts dotted about on both slopes; and the horsemen who had formed my escort quickly dispersed, leaving me with the guide. "we are home," said he, "and the dogs have lost their prey." dismounting and leading the horses, we approached a hut set somewhat apart from the rest. an indian boy standing at the entrance took our animals away while we entered the hut. "will you eat, señor, or sleep?" asked my rescuer. "sleep," said i, "as soon as you have answered a question or two." i cannot repeat exactly what the man told me, as his spanish was none of the best, and he mixed it up with a patois which i only half understood. however, the outline of the story was plain enough, and will take but little telling. my late jailer belonged to the order of the silver key, a powerful indian society, acting under the leadership of raymon sorillo. he had been placed in the fort both as a spy on the garrison and to assist comrades if at any time they endeavoured to capture the stronghold by way of the secret passage. only the commandant and his chief officer were supposed to know of its existence, but a strange accident had revealed it to the indians some years previously. the jailer, of course, could have set me free, but in that case he must have joined in my flight. the plan he adopted was to communicate with his friends, and then, by feigning illness, to divert suspicion from himself. as soon as we descended the steps, he replaced the trap-door, removed all signs of disturbance, and crept cautiously back to his room. when the indian had finished his explanation, i asked him to what place he had brought me. "the hidden valley," he replied, "where no spaniard has ever set foot. here you are quite safe, for all the armies of peru could not tear you from this spot." "does sorillo ever come here?" i asked. "rarely; but his messengers come and go at their pleasure." "that is good news," i remarked, thinking of my mother. "i shall be able to get a message through to lima. and now, if you please, i will go to sleep." he spread a rug on the earth floor, covered me with another, and in a few minutes i was fast asleep, forgetful even of the dismal tunnel and its horrible associations. chapter v. in the hidden valley. perhaps my indian host overstated the case, but he could not have been far wrong in saying that no stranger had ever succeeded in finding the hidden valley. let me describe the coast of peru, and then you may be able to form some idea of the district between the spanish fortress and my new home. the coast is a sandy desert studded with hills, and having in the background stupendous ranges of towering mountains. from north to south the desert is cut at intervals by streams, which in the rainy season are converted into roaring rivers. little villages dot the banks of these streams, and here and there are patches of cultivated land. from one river to another the country is for the most part a dreary desert of sand, where rain never falls nor vegetation grows--a dead land, where the song of a bird is a thing unknown. sometimes after a sandstorm a cluster of dry bones may be seen--the sole remains of lost travellers and their animals. at times even the most experienced guides lose the track, and then they are seen no more. over such a desert i had ridden from the fort, and the indians assured me that, even in broad daylight, i could not go back safely without a guide. as for the valley itself, it was comparatively nothing but a slit in the mass of mountains. a river ran through it, and the water was used by the indians to irrigate the surrounding land. their live stock consisted chiefly of oxen and horses, and the principal vegetables cultivated were maize and coca. you may not know that this coca is a plant something like the vine, and it grows to a height of six or eight feet. the leaves are very carefully gathered one by one. they are bitter to the taste, however, and as a rule strangers do not take kindly to coca. the indian is never without it. it is the first thing he puts into his mouth in the morning, and the last thing that he takes out at night. he carries a supply in a leathern pouch hung round his neck, and with this and a handful of roasted maize he will go a long day's journey. i had never chewed coca before, but soon got into the habit of doing so, much to the delight of my new friends. my stay in the hidden valley, although lasting nearly two years, had little of interest in it. the indians treated me with every respect. i was lodged in the best house, and was given the best fare the valley produced. within the valley i was master, but i was not allowed to join any of their expeditions, and without their help it was impossible, as i have explained, to get away. their advice to stay quietly in my hiding-place was indeed the best they could give. i was quite safe, the spanish soldiers in the fort being unable to follow me, and indeed, as we gathered from the spy, quite at a loss to account for my escape. away from the valley, too, i should be utterly helpless. i could not return to lima, and without money there was little chance of making my way into chili. the two things that troubled me most were josé's fate and my mother's unhappiness. at first i had ventured to hope that my friend still lived; but as the weeks and months passed without any tidings, i began to look upon him as dead. the indians thought it certain i should never see him again. as to my mother, she would be in no particular uneasiness until the time came for the return of the _aguila_; but i dreaded what would happen when mr. maxwell had to confess the schooner was overdue, and that nothing had been heard of her. many miserable hours i spent wandering about the valley, and thinking how my mother would watch and wait, hoping against hope for some tidings of the missing ship. one night--it was in the december of 1819--i had gone to bed early, when an unusual commotion in the valley caused me to get up. my indian host had already gone out, so, putting on my things, i followed. naturally my first thought was of the spaniards; but the natives, though flocking towards the entrance to the valley, did not appear alarmed. several of them carried torches, and a strange picture was revealed by the lurid flames. on the ground lay a horse so weak and exhausted that it could barely struggle for breath. close by, supported in the arms of two indians, was the rider, a short, rather stout man of brown complexion. his eyes were glazed as if in death. blood gushed from his ears and nostrils, his head hung limply down: it was hard to believe that he lived. the natives gabbled to each other, and i heard the words frequently repeated, "sorillo's messenger!" then an old, old woman--the _mother_ of the village--tottered feebly down the path. in one hand she carried a small pitcher, and in the other a funnel, whose slender stem they inserted between the man's teeth. in this way a little liquid was forced into his mouth, and presently his bared breast heaved slightly--so slightly that the motion was almost imperceptible. however, the old woman appeared satisfied, and at a sign from her the stricken man was carried slowly up the path. one native attended to the horse, and the rest returned to their huts, talking excitedly of what had happened. "is that a messenger from raymon sorillo, quilca?" i asked my host. "yes," said he, "and he has had a very narrow escape. he has been caught in a sandstorm. perhaps he lost the track. perhaps the soldiers gave chase, and he went further round to baffle them. who knows? but we shall hear to-morrow." "then he is likely to recover?" "yes; the medicine saved him. didn't you see his chest move?" "yes," i replied, thinking that but a small thing to go on. "that showed the medicine was in time," returned quilca. "it has begun its work, and all will be well." quilca spoke so confidently that, had i been the patient, i should have started on the road to recovery at once. "will he stay here long?" i asked. "who knows?" replied quilca. "the chief gives orders; the servants obey." "but he will return at some time?" "it is likely." "and will he take a message to my mother, do you think?" "oh yes," said the indian; "i had forgotten. besides"--and he touched the cord supporting the silver key--"he is your servant, as i am." for three days the messenger was too weak to explain his errand; but the medicine worked wonders, and at the end of a week he sent for quilca and the other leading men of the tribe. what orders he brought i did not learn; only my host told me that the rising to which they looked forward had been put off. the chilians were not ready, and could not be in peru for at least another six months. quilca was dreadfully disappointed; but the chief had spoken, and his word was law. indeed, it was most extraordinary to see with what reverence his commands were treated. had it been his pleasure, i am sure his followers would have willingly gone to certain death. on the day following this i visited the messenger, who, on seeing the silver key, bowed low before me. "what are my lord's commands?" asked he humbly. "they are very simple," i replied. "in a short time you are returning to your chief. say to him that juan crawford is safe in the hidden valley, and ask him to tell señora maria dolores crawford at lima so. can you remember that?" the blood mounted into the man's face as he said, "i will remember." then he added in quick, eager tones, "are you the son of don eduardo?" "he was my father." at that the man bent again and kissed my hand, saying,-"señor, he was our best friend. he loved our people, and when he was killed there was much weeping in the villages of the indians." "he gave his life for you," said i slowly. "as we will give ours for his son," answered the man; and no one hearing him could have doubted the sincerity of his words. at the end of a fortnight he was strong enough to travel, and his last words as he struck into the narrow pass were, "i shall not forget, señor." after his departure i felt much easier. true, there was a terrible journey before him, which hardly one man in a thousand could hope to accomplish successfully; but he was a daring and plucky rider, used alike to desert and mountain. then, too, any indian on the route would give him food and shelter, and warn him of any lurking soldiers. he would relate my story to raymon sorillo, and i knew that the gigantic chief would carry the news to my mother. i no longer fretted at being shut up in the valley, but passed my time merrily with the boys and younger men of the tribe, learning their patois, riding, and practising shooting with the musket, and with bow and arrow. on my fifteenth birthday quilca organized some sports, and though not gaining a first prize in any event, i performed so creditably that the indians were delighted with my prowess. "the young chief will make a warrior," said they, and i felt proud of their praise. let me try to give you a picture of myself at that time. i was tall for my age, standing five feet five inches in height. i had curly dark hair, cut rather short, and brown eyes. my face was tanned through exposure to the weather and regular exercise had made my muscles hard as iron. like my companions, i wore a short woollen jacket, dark in colour, and breeches open at the knees, and caught up with strips of coloured cotton. my cap was of wool gorgeously embroidered; dark woollen stockings without feet covered my legs, and in place of boots i had a pair of goatskin sandals. thrown over my left shoulder was a small poncho, which dangled like the cloak worn by some of our cavalry soldiers. some time during the month of april sorillo's messenger returned, bringing me two letters--one from my mother, the other from the chief. i need not say how eagerly i opened the first. it was very long, consisting of several closely-written pages, but it did not contain a word too much. i read it over and over again, until i could almost say it by heart. no word had reached lima of the wreck of the _aguila_; but the british merchants, though bidding my mother be of good cheer, had put the schooner down for lost. my message had shown their fears to be well grounded, but at the same time it had carried joy and thankfulness to my mother's breast. "i grieve for poor josé," she wrote, "but i thank god every hour for your safety." the letter from sorillo was brief. after saying how glad he was to get my message, he went on,-"for the present, stay in the hidden valley; there is no safer place in peru. the fruit ripens slowly, and even yet is not ready for plucking. san martin has not left valparaiso, and little beyond skirmishing will be done this year." apparently, however, he had sent definite orders to the tribe, as from this date i noticed a great difference in our hitherto peaceful abode. every man went armed day and night, scouts were posted on the mountains, and swift riders scoured the desert for miles. once, too, a band of horsemen, twenty strong, led by quilca, left the valley at night. i could not learn their business, because quilca said they were acting under the secret orders of the great chief. they were absent three days, and when, in the gray dawn of the fourth morning, they rode back up the valley, three were missing. the leader had a bloodstained bandage round his head, and several men bore signs of a fierce conflict. "you are hurt?" said i, as quilca dismounted. "it is nothing," replied he carelessly. "and three of your followers have not returned!" "it cost six lives to kill them," he answered, with fierce satisfaction, passing into the hut. this expedition was followed by others, and from the talk in the valley i gathered that sorillo had started the indians on the war-trail. already the spaniards were safe only in large numbers, for on every weak and isolated detachment the fierce mountaineers swept down like hawks on their prey. now and again they were beaten off; but this did not happen often, because they knew the number of their enemy almost to a man, and had learned the most effective method of attack. generally speaking, the little body of spanish soldiers had no chance whatever, either of flight or of victory. from time to time strange and startling rumours reached us. in september we heard that the chilian army had landed on the coast, and soon afterwards that the englishman cochrane had swept the spanish fleet from the seas. josé had often spoken of this daring sailor, who, after performing many glorious deeds in the british navy, had taken command of the chilian fleet, and had done much to make chili independent of spain. now, with his ships and sailors, he was helping to do the same for peru. on hearing these things i became impatient, not wishing to remain cooped up in the valley while the liberating army was marching on lima. however, my deliverance, though slow in coming, came at length, but before that time i had a most startling surprise. one morning, in the last week of january 1821, i had gone out very early, half expecting to see quilca returning from one of his excursions. most of the indians were astir, when suddenly a man came running from the mouth of the pass. "here they are!" he cried; "here they are!" we pushed down quickly to meet them, i in the very front. quilca appeared first, riding slowly, as if his horse were tired out. his men, lolling on their animals, followed, some of them with closed eyes and half asleep. presently i caught sight of sorillo's messenger, nearly at the end of the line; and then i opened my eyes wide, thinking they had played me false. was i awake, or was i dreaming? was i-"jack!" that settled it! the indians stared in astonishment, as with a startled cry i ran past them to where in the rear a man had jumped from his horse to the ground. "josé!" i cried, "josé!" and for the life of me could say no more, but stood staring at him as if he had been some strange, unnatural animal. had i the skill of an artist, i should love to draw his face as he looked into mine. it was strong and firm and purposeful, but the gray eyes softened into almost womanly tenderness. "why, jack," said he, shifting the reins and laying a hand on my shoulder, "you're quite a man! your mother would be proud of you!" "have you seen her?" i asked. "yes; all's well at home. but we'll talk of that later on. so you've turned indian, eh?" "it's better than living in a cell!" "so it is; and you didn't go down in the ship, after all?" "no; but i must tell you the story when you've had something to eat. give your horse to this youngster, and now come on to quilca's hut; you must be tired." "i was," replied he, "but the sight of you woke me up. i wondered if you'd be waiting to see the braves come home. that quilca of yours is a born soldier. he'd make a good general if they didn't train him!" he rattled on, and i listened, glad just to hear the sound of his voice, without reference to what he said. quilca bade us welcome to the hut, and his womenfolk brought in the food and drink they had prepared. josé, as i have said, knew the indian patois, which during the meal, he used for the benefit of our host, whose spanish was rather halting. he talked of the war, and told how the chilians had landed, and how the royalists were broken up and in full retreat. the campaign, he said, was as good as over, and san martin could be president of peru any day he chose. at that i was much astonished, for knowing the spanish leaders, i had expected them to fight to the death; but it was pleasing news, all the same, and i began to speculate on how soon we should be in lima. after breakfast josé had a long nap, and then i took him for a stroll in the valley, where we could talk without interruption. i was anxious to hear about my mother, but first i told my own story--the rescue by the spanish soldiers, the coming of general barejo, and the power of the silver key, as also the escape by the underground passage, just as i have related it here. "barejo's a dangerous man," remarked josé thoughtfully. "he'll spend the last drop of blood in his body to keep this country for spain. he's loyalist and royalist to the core. it's a pity, too, because he is fighting for a lost cause." "the more honour to him!" i answered warmly. "just so," exclaimed josé, with a queer smile; "but, all the same, he makes things more difficult for us." "well, put him on one side now. tell me your own adventures, and where you were when my message reached lima." "on the way there. when the schooner foundered, i reckoned it was all over. i went down to a great depth, but, as luck would have it, came up just clear of a broken mast. one of the sailors was holding to it, and i joined him, though without any hope of being saved. you know i'm pretty strong, but i was helpless in that wild sea. the waves just flung me about anyhow. the other chap lasted an hour or two, when down he went with a scream, and i heard no more of him. but i needn't dwell on the horrors of that night; you had a strong taste of them yourself. about daybreak i was flung like a spent ball on to a sandy beach. i had just strength to crawl a few yards further up, and then collapsed. it seems some indians carried me away, and nursed me back to health, but for weeks i was wild as a loon. they searched the coast, but found nothing, and i concluded you were at the bottom of the sea. then i got a passage to pisco in a coasting brig, and from there made my way overland to callao." "where you heard i was alive?" "yes; i hardly know whether i stood on my head or my heels when i was told. it was old mr. warren who informed me. i went to him because i dared not go to your mother. i was afraid that--" "all right; i understand." "so i went to warren, and he began a long yarn; but as soon as he said you were alive, i was off like a shot to lima." then he talked of my mother, repeating the messages she had given him, and i could have listened for hours. as it was, i plied him with questions, asking this and that--if my pony was well; had he seen rosa montilla; was my mother less sad; and a hundred other things, many of them trivial enough, yet full of interest to me. at the end i asked how he had found his way to the hidden valley. "oh!" replied he with a jolly laugh, "that was simple. i hunted up your black-browed bandit, who passed me on to one of his band. how he found the way i can't tell you, but he brought me along all right." "and now what are we going to do?" "well, that depends. if the spaniards give in, we can just go quietly back home." "and if they don't?" "well, in that case--" "we must join general san martin!" i exclaimed. "i suppose so," he said, half reluctantly. "you're only a boy, but there are many youngsters of your age with the army, and you've a big stake in the country. but we can afford to let that matter stand for a day or two longer." chapter vi. we leave the hidden valley now, before proceeding with my story, it will be well to mention here one piece of information which josé, not caring, perhaps, to add to my troubles, did not give me. indeed, very little was said about it at any time, for reasons which will be clear to any one who makes himself acquainted with this narrative. on the very morning after my flight from lima, a servant of the government paid my mother a visit of official importance. he brought with him a notable document full of curious legal phrases, which, put in simple language, meant that all my father's vast estates had been confiscated and given over to that loyal and worthy spaniard don felipe montilla. as an act of mercy, my mother was permitted to retain the house and grounds at lima during her lifetime. in presenting this famous letter, the messenger was, of course, only doing his duty, but it is certain that in some way he failed in the respect due to a noble lady. he may have been one of those mean-spirited people who delight in trampling on the fallen. there are, strange to say, many such in the world. my mother never alluded to the incident, which was related to me by tomas peraza, an old and faithful servant, next in importance to josé himself. "the man had been with my lady nearly an hour," said he, in describing the event, "when her bell rang, and i went into the room. she stood in the centre of the apartment, her cheeks very red, and her eyes flashing like summer stars. "'peraza,' she exclaimed, 'our house has fallen very low, but even so its members brook insolence from no man. bid my servants bring stout sticks and chastise this rude fellow back to the place from which he came!' "you may be sure that i lost no time in obeying. the fellow drew his sword even in the presence of a lady; but it was knocked from his grasp, and we drove him from the grounds with blows and buffets. it was a strange spectacle, and the people came flocking to us in crowds. at first they would have interfered, but on hearing me cry, 'this for insulting the donna maria crawford!' they desisted. and in this way we pursued him right to the government house, where he flung himself upon the protection of the soldiers." it was a harsh measure, perhaps; but then no man should be wanting in respect to a woman, and the fellow had but himself to blame. josé, as i have said, withheld the news, or i should have gone at all risks to lima. as it was, i stayed contentedly in the valley, waiting until the indians received the signal to move. from that time we heard rumours of hard fighting in various parts of the country, and about the middle of march 1821 a messenger arrived from raymon sorillo. he brought the order for thirty men to march to pisco, on the sea-coast, where a small patriot detachment had landed under the command of colonel miller. "a countryman of ours, jack," remarked josé, "and, from what i hear, one of the finest fellows in south america. the patriots think almost as much of him as they do of the famous lord cochrane." "what is he like?" "i haven't seen him; but he is quite young--not twenty-four yet--though he has been soldiering for the last eight years. he served under wellington in spain, fought all through the chilian war, was cochrane's right-hand man at the capture of valdivia, and now he has come to help us. he has been shipwrecked, taken prisoner, wounded times out of number, blown up by a powder explosion--after which he was confined for six weeks in a dark room and fed through a plaster mask--and nearly killed by fever. i should say he has crowded as much excitement into his life as any man in the world." "he seems to be a lively customer!" "he is," laughed josé; "and nothing will ever kill him, in my opinion!" "don't you think we might join him?" i asked, my blood being fired by josé's description. "well," said my companion, after a pause, "that's what i was about to suggest. you must throw in somewhere, and i'm not over anxious for sorillo to get hold of you. he's a cruel fellow, though kind enough to us, and all the cut-throats in the country are likely to flock to him. i'm sorry for the spaniards who fall into his hands!" quilca was rather opposed to our plans, but finding us determined, he at last agreed that we should accompany him on the next expedition. day had but just broken when we rode from the valley and i turned to take a farewell glance at the place which had been my home so long. i had not been altogether unhappy there, yet i was glad to go into the world again, to take the first step on the road to lima and my mother. the march to pisco passed without incident. we suffered horribly, it is true, from thirst, and from choking, blinding sandstorms; but there were no spaniards in that desolate district to bar our way. a few hours' march from the town we fell in with some indian scouts, and learned from them that the patriots lay encamped in the chincha baja, a beautiful valley. our joy at these tidings was, however, soon dashed by the report that they were in a deplorable condition--suffering from fever and ague, and unable to move. the gloomy picture was not overdrawn. the valley was a hospital, but almost destitute of doctors and medicine. the sentries, selected from the strongest of the troops, could barely stand, staggering even under the weight of their muskets. privates and officers alike were prostrate, and a score of strong men could have killed them all without effort. as it chanced, the enemy, stationed in an adjoining valley, though suffering less severely, were in no condition to make an attack, and the two parties could do no more than idly watch each other. ordering his men to dismount, quilca went to find an officer, and soon returned with the startling intelligence that the colonel himself lay dangerously ill in one of the huts. "not an encouraging start!" i remarked. "a bad beginning often makes a good ending," answered josé cheerfully. "let us go to see him." the doctor, a spaniard, was attending his patient when we entered the hut, and he beckoned us toward the bed. i could not repress a start at the sight which met our eyes. the colonel was turning restlessly but feebly from side to side; his eyes were unnaturally bright; his cheek bones stood out sharp and prominent. he mumbled to himself in short snatches, but so faintly that only a word here and there reached us. once he smiled pleasantly, saying, "yes, i see the steeple! dear old wingham!" i did not at that time understand the allusion, but afterwards it became plain that he referred to his home, the home of his childhood, a place called wingham, in kent. "do you know," said josé sharply, turning to the doctor, "that your patient is dying?" "perfectly; but what can i do?" replied he. "he is suffering from the tertian ague; the valley is permeated with it." "we must get him out of it," said josé, with decision. "but where will you take him? the town is as bad." "on shipboard, and give him a sea-breeze." "the chilian squadron is absent, cruising." "then we must beg, borrow, or steal a trading-vessel; for go he must and shall." it was wonderful how the doctor brightened up at these words, and still more wonderful how he allowed himself to be commanded by a stranger. but josé was a strong man though not often exerting his strength, and there was that in his face which made most men chary of coming to handgrips with him. "come, jack," said he, "let us go to the bay and find a ship, if we wish to save the colonel's life. another week of this pestilence and he will be dead, and peru can't afford to lose him just yet." "but suppose," said i, as we rode away from the valley, "that the authorities won't allow him to be moved?" "why, we'll move him in spite of them. quilca's men can be trusted to help us. 'twill be a little campaign on our own account!" said he, with a jovial laugh. even josé, however, could not impress a vessel that had no existence, and the bay was empty. a few boats only lay peacefully resting on the placid waters, but of a ship there was no sign. we stood for an hour staring seaward, as if our will could conjure up a vessel, and then returned to the town. we paid a visit to the governor, but he could not help us. it was unlikely there would be a vessel, he said, until lord cochrane returned with the squadron from callao. "when will that be?" i asked. the governor gave his shoulders an expressive shrug. "the gallant englishman does not confide in me," he replied. "he may come to-day; he may not come for a twelvemonth." it was getting late now, and nothing further could be done till the following morning. josé was disappointed, but in no way disheartened. "if we can't get what we want," said he, "we must be satisfied with what we can get. there's a fine bit of philosophy for you!" "and what can we get?" "a house at the seaside. we'll look for a sheltered place on the beach to-morrow, bring down some men to build a hut, and have the colonel removed to it. with the sea air filling his lungs, he may yet have a chance of recovery." instead of returning to camp, we slept that night at pisco, and after an early breakfast went again to the beach. josé had just selected an admirable spot for the hut, when we suddenly heard a shout of "sail ho! sail ho! there's another--and another! why, it must be cochrane's squadron!" in an instant we were gazing seaward, and there, sure enough, rounding the corner of the bay, were several vessels, led by a stately ship. by this time a number of people had assembled, and more were coming in hot haste from the town. they talked and gesticulated violently--the majority, i observed being doubtful if the incoming vessels were friends or foes. as they drew nearer, however, all misgiving vanished, every one agreeing that the leading ship was the _san martin_, so named in honour of the great general. "the luck's with us!" cried josé joyfully. "before nightfall we'll have the colonel on board one of those craft. how beautifully the admiral's ship is handled! she comes sweeping in like a great sea-bird." "hadn't we better get a couple of men to pull us out to her? she'll anchor soon." "the very thing! we can't afford to lose time." our arrangements did not take long to make, and we were soon speeding across the bay, our crazy boat being propelled by two wiry indians. the whole squadron was now well within the bay, the smaller craft lying close in, and flying the chilian colours; but josé directed the boatmen to pull for the flagship. "_san martin_ ahoy!" he yelled, standing up in the stern and hailing the ship in what he believed to be sailor fashion. "hullo! who are you?" came the answer. "is admiral cochrane on board?" "well, he was a minute ago." "throw a rope, will you? we're coming up." this conversation was carried on in english, for many officers in the chilian navy were englishmen; and now the man on the _san martin_ exclaimed, "well, you're a cool customer anyhow! walt a bit while i tell the captain." "hang the captain!" roared josé; "it's a matter of life and death." and those on deck, seeing how terribly in earnest he was, flung over a rope, and we scrambled up the ship's side. "now, my man," exclaimed a sharp voice, "what is it you are in such a tremendous hurry about?" "i want to see lord cochrane immediately," said josé. "his lordship is engaged in his cabin. give your message to me." "i prefer to manage my own business, thank you," replied josé coolly. "tell the admiral i have come from colonel miller." as he finished speaking, a distinguished-looking officer, accompanied by several others, appeared on deck, and i knew instinctively that we were in the presence of the famous admiral cochrane, whose marvellous exploits had gained for him the admiration of the world. hearing the name of miller, he stopped, and looking at us, said, "what is that about colonel miller?" "he is dying, sir!" exclaimed josé, as much at ease with an admiral as with a private sailor. "his men are all down with ague, and the colonel will be dead inside a week unless you remove him at once." "mr. welsh," remarked the admiral to a handsome young fellow standing near, "this is your affair. do whatever you think best; but remember, i would rather lose a ship than miller. he's the one man we can rely upon ashore." then looking at us, he added, "you are not soldiers?" "this lad," replied josé, pointing to me, "is jack crawford. his father was one of the largest landowners in peru, and a great patriot. the spaniards shot him some time ago, and the boy has been hiding ever since. yesterday we arrived at pisco to join the detachment there, as volunteers, and found the colonel delirious with fever. a few days longer in camp will finish him." "he shall be removed at once," exclaimed the admiral.--"captain wilkinson, will you order a boat to be lowered!" and then he began to question josé further concerning the condition of the troops. very quickly the boat was got ready, mr. welsh took his seat, and at his suggestion we followed, giving instructions to our own men to return to shore. "are you a doctor?" asked josé of our companion. "yes; i am lord cochrane's private surgeon, though, fortunately, he gives me but little work to do," and he laughed merrily. i have said that he was a handsome fellow, with a boyish, fresh-coloured face, and bright, sparkling eyes. he talked to us cheerfully about the campaign, and would not allow that colonel miller was in danger of dying. "you don't know him as well as we do," he said, with a laugh. "most men who had been through what he has would be dead already; but miller stands alone. the last time we brought him from pisco he had a ball in the right arm, another had smashed his left hand, while a third had gone through his chest, fractured a rib, and passed out at the back. of course we gave him up, but he pulled through comfortably." "well, he is pretty bad now," said josé significantly. "he'll be leading a bayonet charge in a month," laughed the young surgeon, "if the war lasts as long. for my part, i expect it to be over sooner." "i had no idea," said i, "that the spaniards would be beaten so easily." "the odds are all against them, you see. lord cochrane has scooped up their navy, san martin is waiting to pounce on lima, they have to watch general bolivar in the north, and most of the people are in favour of the revolution. hullo! here we are! i suppose you'll come with me to the camp?" "yes," said josé, "and back to the ship if you will let us. we can do no good here." "all right. i daresay we can find you a berth." the young surgeon came near to losing his self-possession when he saw the actual state of things. "whew!" exclaimed he, "this will have to be altered. why, the men are dying on their feet! and i suppose it's the same old story--not enough doctors, no proper attendants, and musty drugs. well, we'll clear the colonel out of it first, and then see what can be done for the others." while he attended to his patient, we had a litter made ready, in which the colonel was placed and carried to the water's edge, where the ship's boat was in waiting. the sailors rowed steadily and well, and we soon had the satisfaction of seeing the sick man comfortably installed in one of the ship's cabins. lord cochrane showed the greatest concern at his old friend's shocking condition, and did everything possible to help forward his recovery. as it chanced, i was much in the sick man's cabin; the doctor, to whom i had taken a singular liking, using me as a sort of assistant. in the early evening he went ashore with the admiral, who also took josé with him, and together they visited the sick camp. it was late when they returned, but our patient had suffered no hurt during their absence. indeed he lay very still and quiet, while from time to time i wiped the sweat from his brow and gave him cooling drinks. josé did not come into the cabin again, but i heard from the doctor that it had been decided to bring the soldiers on board, in the hope that a sea voyage would set up their strength. our own particular indians returned to the hidden valley, but in the course of a day or two the rest of the troops were embarked on the flagship. then we stood out to sea, bearing southward, the other vessels of the squadron taking the opposite direction. thanks partly to the young surgeon's skill, but chiefly, perhaps, to his own marvellous constitution, the colonel began to mend slowly. the fever abated, he was able to take some nourishing food, and at last a day came when we carried him on deck. it was extraordinary to behold the joy with which his appearance was greeted, not only by his own troops, but by every man on board. some of them knew him only by report, but most of the sailors had witnessed his daring deeds, while the marines had taken part in them. the officers, too, from the admiral downward, came about him, and though too weak as yet for much talk, he acknowledged their kindness by a charming and fascinating smile. at the end of an hour the doctor gave orders that he should be carried back to his cabin, saying with a laugh, "that's enough excitement for the first day, colonel. mustn't overdo it, you know." whether it was the bracing effect of the fresh sea air, or the sight of his men's most obvious improvement, i know not, but from that day his strength increased with astonishing rapidity. during this period of convalescence he talked with me a good deal, and in the kindest manner, so that shortly i became as ardent a hero-worshipper as the others. he sent for josé, too, thanked him for his prompt action, and declared that in a sense he was indebted to him for his life. "but," said he, smiling, "i don't know yet who you are, or how you came to turn up at pisco just at the right moment!" whereupon josé gave him an outline of our story. he listened attentively, and at the end said, "i have heard of your father, my boy, through general san martin, who will be glad to make your acquaintance. meanwhile i shall charge myself with your welfare--that is, if you care to share my fortunes." "i ask for nothing better, sir," i replied, flushing with pleasure. "there is no leader i would rather choose to follow." "then you shall have your wish," said he, "unless the general finds other work for you." chapter vii. whom the gods love die young. it was, i believe, lord cochrane's desire to land his troops close to the port of arica; but two unsuccessful attempts having been made, the plan was abandoned. colonel miller, who had by this time resumed his duties, next transferred his men to two small schooners captured from the enemy, and having taken on board food and water sufficient for twenty-four hours, set sail for the morro de sama, a miserable port ten leagues north of arica. josé and i accompanied him, as did also, to my great delight, the young doctor. our two vessels were crazy craft: they had only temporary rudders, and it was impossible to steer with any degree of accuracy. owing to this the trip occupied just double the calculated time, so that on landing we were half dead with hunger and thirst. the soldiers still suffered somewhat from the effects of the ague: their legs tottered under them, and at first they could not march longer than half an hour at a time without lying down to rest. you must not, however, suppose that we were at all downhearted on this account. the men had the greatest confidence in their leader, while the gaiety and high spirits of the young doctor acted as a fine tonic. he was full of quips and cranks, and his merry sayings brought a smile to the faces of even the most wearied. a winding path three miles in length brought us to the summit of a steep mountain, where we stopped awhile to rest, and to enjoy the refreshing breeze. "well, crawford," exclaimed the doctor cheerfully, when we once more resumed the march, "how do you like being on active service? a pleasant change, isn't it, from being cooped up on board ship?" at the moment i hardly agreed with him, but i made an effort to reply to his banter. only to a few of us was the really desperate nature of our expedition known. of the spaniards we entertained no manner of fear; the sole terror lay in the route to be traversed. we were already parched by thirst, and more than twenty miles of sandy desert lay between us and water. nor was this all. only one man knew the route, and years had gone by since he had last travelled over it. if his strength or memory failed, it might well happen that the dreary desert would be our burial-place and the loose sand our winding-sheet. it was not exactly a cheering prospect, but we made the best of it. the colonel marched at the head of his men, the doctor at the rear, so that he might assist any unfortunate stragglers, while josé and i went forward with the guide. with frequent halts for rest we ploughed our way through the shifting sand, our eyes aching and our throats terribly dry. about midnight, as near as i could judge, the guide stopped irresolutely. "what is it?" asked josé, in an excited whisper; "what is wrong?" we could not see the fellow's face, but he seemed very agitated, and there was a break in his voice as he answered,-"i don't know--i am not sure--but i can't be certain that we are on the right track." the words sounded like a sentence of death, and i could hardly repress a cry of horror. "be still!" whispered josé; "the men must not know. stay here a minute while i ask the colonel to halt. that will give us a little breathing-space." he was soon back, and taking the guide's arm, he exclaimed,-"now come, get your wits about you, and let us see what can be done. where do you think we ought to be?" "i don't know," replied the guide helplessly. "the saints preserve us, or we are lost!" "now look here," said josé sternly: "you are giving way, and that won't do. pluck up your courage, man, and remember that all our lives are in your hands." i think, perhaps, this awful responsibility had much to do with breaking the guide down. he wrung his hands and groaned, saying aloud that he had brought us to death. "but we aren't dead yet," i remarked, "and needn't be if only you will collect your wits. come, let us cast about a bit; maybe you'll find some landmark that will help you." "no, no," he cried; "we may be right now, and if we stray away we shall certainly be lost. may the saints preserve us!" i think the fellow would be there yet, but for the click of josé's pistol and the stern ring in his voice as he said sharply,-"this nonsense has to stop.--take his arm, jack.--now go on without a word, until you can make up your mind one way or other about the route." the next quarter of an hour was one of the worst in my life. the man stumbled this way and that, now going in a straight line, again turning to right or left, and all the time the troops in our rear were resting in fancied security. i shuddered to think what would happen if the guide failed to locate the track. suddenly he ran forward quickly, dragging me with him, and then uttered a joyful cry. we were at the foot of a sandy hillock of peculiar shape, much like, as far as i could tell, a truncated cone. it was not high, but apparently of considerable circumference. the guide laughed and wept like a man bereft of his senses, and then crying, "we are saved!" he straightway fell on his knees and offered up a prayer of thanksgiving. the strangely-shaped hillock showed him that thus far he had led us correctly; and although during the night he had several further twinges of alarm, he did not lose his nerve again. as mile after mile was traversed our thirst became excruciatingly painful, and there was no chance of relief. between us and the valley of sama no drop of water would be found. still we plodded on, parched and weary, until in the eastern sky the dawn rose slowly. for just a brief period we felt the cold, damp, but refreshing breath of morning, and then the hot sun added to our misery. our heads were scorched by its burning rays, and we were almost blinded by the glare reflected from the deep, loose sand. it was nearly nine o'clock when the guide, extending his arm, exclaimed, "sama--water!" and looking ahead, we caught a glimpse of the cool green vegetation in the sama valley. under other circumstances it would have been laughable to watch the effect produced by our near approach to the valley. what semblance of order the colonel had kept on the march vanished. breaking their ranks, the men rushed forward eagerly in search of the welcome water. one who for the last mile had been crawling along, supported by the doctor, darted off like a champion runner, though he fell exhausted before covering half the distance. on reaching the sparkling stream, we all, without exception, flung ourselves down by the margin, and lapped the water like thirsty dogs. here we remained till the next day, being supplied with food by the people from sama, who also procured for us about a dozen horses, two of which, i am thankful to say, fell to josé and myself. most of the men, after eating and drinking, stretched themselves out on the grass, and were fast asleep in a moment; but our leader had much to do, and the cheery young doctor spent half his time in attending on the sick. in this josé helped him. i wished to do so, but in truth the long march, and the want of food and water, had worn me out. "lie down and get some rest," said the doctor, "or you will be left behind to-morrow. we have another twelve leagues or so before us yet." "where are we going?" i asked. "to a village called tacna." "we call it a town," laughed josé. "why, there are more than four thousand people living in it." "dear me," exclaimed the doctor good-humouredly, "what a considerable place!" attended by josé, he passed on laughing, and i curled up in the sheltered nook which i had selected as bed and bedchamber in one. i know nothing of what happened after that until josé, shaking my arm, told me to rise. it was scarcely light; but the troops were already preparing their simple breakfast, for they had another long and tedious march before them. "how do you feel, jack?" asked josé. "all right, thank you," said i, giving myself a shake, "but tremendously hungry. i could eat a horse!" at that he laughed, saying, "before the campaign's over i daresay you will be glad to eat part of one"--a prophecy that was more than fulfilled. directly after breakfast the men were assembled, the colonel addressed them in a few stirring words, and the march began. we did not anticipate an attack, but a few sturdy and well-mounted peasants from sama rode ahead to make sure that the route was clear. outside tacna we were met by the inhabitants, who escorted us, with much noise and cheering, in triumph to the town. "these worthy people are good patriots, crawford," said the doctor, who was riding next me. "hark how they cry 'down with the spaniards!' it is lucky for them that we are not part of the spanish army." "as to that," i answered, "it is as easy to shout for one side as for the other. it is only a matter of words, after all." "well," he laughed, "if cheers were bullets, we need not go short of ammunition." we remained several days in tacna, where i had the luck to be quartered on a wealthy spanish merchant. it was most amusing to be in his company, as he hated us like poison, and, in spite of himself, could hardly prevent his real sentiments from popping out at inconvenient times. however, either from fear or from policy, he treated me well, and during our stay in the town i lived on the best of everything. this was an agreeable interlude in the making of war, and suited me admirably. like all good things, it came to an end much too soon, and very suddenly. josé, the doctor, and i had been spending an evening with one of the principal inhabitants, and on coming away met the colonel. "i am pleased that you keep good hours," said he, with a smile. "we march at dawn. the spaniards are moving in three detachments to intercept us; we must crush them one by one." "well," exclaimed the doctor pleasantly, "we can't grumble; we have had a pleasant breathing-space." during our stay at tacna we had received reinforcements, bringing our adventurous party up to four hundred and fifty, of which about a third part consisted of cavalry. the few days' rest had recruited our strength, and we set out in high spirits for buena vista, a tiny hamlet at the foot of the cordillera. as yet we had obtained no definite news of the enemy; but while we lay at buena vista, a native scout brought word that a strong spanish force was stationed at mirabe, a village some forty miles distant. the colonel's resolution was instantly taken, and as soon as day broke we were once more moving. after we had left the valley, our route lay across a region where no blade of grass had ever grown. as far as the eye reached, the scene was one of utter desolation. the horses picked their steps gingerly, and the foot-soldiers stumbled along as best they could, tripping now and then over the stones and boulders that strewed the path. all day long, with intervals for rest, we tramped, and the coming of night still found us pursuing the tedious journey. the last part was worse than the first. for six miles the road descended amidst steep rocks and mighty precipices. the pass was so narrow that we had to march in single file, each horseman on foot and leading his animal. had the spaniards caught us there, not a man would have escaped. slowly and carefully we descended in one long line, until at midnight we reached the rugged bank of the river which rushes through the mirabe valley. in a hollow on the opposite side lay the village, and behind the mud walls surrounding the cultivated grounds were the spaniards, little dreaming of our proximity. "now," exclaimed the colonel softly, "we have them in our power. we have but to cross the river and fall upon their camp." he had already begun to give his orders, when the report of a pistol--fired, whether by accident or design, by one of our men--rang out, and all chance of a surprise vanished. the spaniards, in alarm, began firing rapidly, though they could not see us, a thick wood stretching between them and the river. "i'd hang that fellow," growled josé. "he's either a fool or a rogue, and has completely spoiled the colonel's plans." "never mind," said the colonel cheerfully; "we must make new ones," and he immediately dispatched two rocket parties--one to the right, the other to the left--in order to engage the enemy's attention. meanwhile each mounted man, taking up a foot-soldier behind him, crossed the river, and then returned for another, until in a short time all had safely effected a passage. then, unable to do more in the darkness, we lay down to wait for the coming of dawn. many of the men fell fast asleep in spite of the random firing, but my mind was busy with thoughts of the approaching fight. about two o'clock, dr. welsh, who had been assisting the regular army surgeons, came and lay down beside me. "well, crawford," said he, finding i was awake, "how do you like the music? rather alarming at first, eh? but you'll get used to it. after hearing the bullets swish round your ears a time or two you'll think nothing of it." "that may be," i replied, "but it is distinctly unpleasant just now." he laughed, saying the fight would be only a skirmish at the most, and not worth considering. "are you going to stay with us?" i asked. "oh no," said he; "this is only a run ashore, just to stretch my legs a bit, you know. they get cramped on board ship. by george, those fellows intend serenading us till daybreak. who's that on the other side of you--craig?" "yes--sound asleep and snoring. i wish i were." "ah, no doubt he has a clear conscience. take pattern by him, my boy." "thanks for the advice," said i, laughing; "it's very kind of you to offer it." "it costs nothing," he answered banteringly; "which explains why so many people are willing to give it." after a time i fell asleep, and did not waken till, at the first streak of dawn, an order was quietly passed through the lines for every man to hold himself in readiness. josé sat up, rubbed his eyes lazily, and declared that he could sleep another twenty-four hours. "there's too much hurry and bustle about this kind of warfare," said he. "why don't both sides agree to meet at a certain place, and to fight it out?" "a famous plan, upon my word!" cried the doctor; "it would save no end of trouble." "and get the business over quickly," said josé, who was saddling up. "hullo, there goes the colonel! i wonder if he ever gets tired?" "no," laughed the doctor merrily; "he's made of iron." the dawn was broadening now; and moving from the shelter of the wood, we saw the spaniards on a level piece of ground about half a mile wide. "they're trying to gain the ridge on the left," cried josé; "that will give them the advantage." but the colonel had seen the manoeuvre also, and flung his small body of cavalry at them with such force that they drew back, trying to retreat by the winding track through the mountains. again they were intercepted, this time being forced to the edge of a precipitous cliff. "by george," exclaimed the doctor, "they're in it now! it's neck or nothing with them." all this time i had quietly sat on my horse, watching the phases of the fight. the scene was to me so extraordinary that i had no sense of fear. i was not upset even by the strange, wailing sounds made by the rushing bullets. josé and i were with the reserve cavalry; welsh was at the colonel's side. the spaniards fought with desperate courage, i could see that, and they pushed our men hard. fallen soldiers dotted the level tract of ground. some, raising themselves painfully, began to crawl back. i make no pretence of giving an accurate description of the combat. to me it was a confused medley of men and horses inextricably mixed; of shining swords, of blinding red flashes; and my ears were deafened with the fierce cries and shouts of men spending their lives recklessly under the rising sun. at last i saw the colonel raise his sword. then he shouted something in spanish, whereat, gathering up the reins in my left hand, i spurred my horse, to keep company with the rest. "a firm seat, jack; keep a firm seat!" cried a familiar voice in my ear; and there was josé, riding as coolly as if taking a canter over the grounds of our park at home! we were riding at no great pace, but all well together, when again the colonel's voice rang out, and we broke instantly into a gallop. then in a flash i saw a body of spanish cavalry drawn up to receive us, while from our left came a stinging hail of bullets. a man close to me dropped his sword with a cry of pain, and the next moment his horse, taking the bit between its teeth, rushed madly to the front. i watched its progress with queer fascination. on it went, right through the spaniards, who edged aside to let it pass, straight to the brink of the precipice, over which it fell, still carrying its hapless rider. it seemed to me that i heard his shriek, though that must have been fancy, as it could not have risen above the tumult of the fight. "forward!" roared the colonel, waving his sword, and the next instant we were in the midst of the throng. the young doctor was just in front of me, josé on my right hand, and the men pressing close behind. i saw nothing of the fight save that part only which concerned myself. again and again the shining steel was within a hair's-breadth of me--now at my head, now at my heart--while i was almost suffocated in the press. inch by inch, by sheer force of steel, we threaded our way through, re-formed on the further side, and, still headed by the colonel, dashed once more into the fray. this time the resistance was less obstinate. the spaniards began to weary--to fall back, as if unable to hold their ground. "hurrah!" cried the young doctor, "hurrah! they're done for!" i shall not easily forget the picture he made. his handsome face was flushed with excitement, his beautiful eyes were ablaze with light; he sat his horse erect as a young sapling. a handsomer or finer man could not have been. i saw the tragedy from beginning to end, but could do nothing to prevent it. it was over quick as a flash of summer lightning. before us rode a spanish officer, calling fiercely on his men to come back. at the sound of the doctor's triumphant note he turned, and i saw his face black with anger. "ah, englishman!" he cried savagely; and even as he spoke his left arm rose, there was a flash, a report, and the doctor fell forward on his horse's neck. "see to him, crawford!" cried the colonel huskily; and as i clutched the animal's bridle, the troopers swept on in hurricane fury, while from all parts of the battlefield there rose a cry of triumph. chapter viii. a friendly opponent. i had known the young english doctor only a short time, but i had learned to love him as a dear friend. in the fight he had shown himself brave and fearless, but quite apart from this, his qualities endeared him to every one. he was always cheery and full of hope, even in our worst straits; he was tender-hearted as a child, and every sick or wounded soldier worshipped him for his unvarying attention and kindness. he was not dead when, slipping from my horse, i placed my arm round him as well as i could to support him. i saw that his eyes were open, and that a beautiful smile lit up his face. for a second or two he recognized me and tried to speak, but this was beyond his powers. then a change came swiftly and suddenly; the light faded from his eyes, his cheeks grew ashen gray, and though quite unfamiliar with death, i knew that his spirit had fled. some wounded indians, staggering from the fight, helped me to place the lifeless body on the ground; and these poor, simple natives filled the air with their lamentations. the death of the brilliant young surgeon had deprived them of a good friend, and they were quick to show their grief. the fight was now over. the majority of the spaniards were either killed or captured; but no one took much pleasure in the well-earned little victory. from the chief to the meanest soldier in the detachment, every one mourned sincerely the loss of a trusty comrade. on active service, however, one has not much time to spend in grieving. there were the dead to be buried, the wounded to be seen to, the prisoners to be secured, and then, after a short space for food and rest, we were marching in hot pursuit of the scanty remnant that had escaped. "it's lucky," observed josé, with a laugh, "that the colonel managed to procure a few horses." "his command would have been one short without them," i replied. we were by no means a smart-looking detachment. the officers rode on horseback, and a number of mules had been obtained for the men, who followed the system of _ride and tie_. our clothes began to show signs of hard wear, we suffered much from hunger and thirst, and most of all from loss of sleep. this last was really a terrible hardship, and i noticed more than one poor fellow fall from his mule in a kind of stupor as i rode along. however, by dint of pegging away, we arrived at the town of moquegua just in time to capture most of the runaways, and then, utterly worn out and exhausted, gladly settled down for a few days' rest. josé and i were billeted in a house near the colonel's quarters, and the people gave us a warm welcome. they spread a good meal, to which we did ample justice, and then, although barely noon, we went straight to bed. "i hope," exclaimed josé as he lay down, "that we shan't be disturbed for a month. i can easily do with a month's sleep." "the chances are," said i gloomily, "that the colonel will be knocking us up before we have fairly begun to dream." at which dismal prophecy josé threatened me with all sorts of pains and penalties unless i held my peace. as it happened, the colonel did not need us, and we actually slept without waking until nine o'clock the next morning, when, having made a hearty breakfast, we went to call upon the chief. "why, crawford," exclaimed the colonel, smiling, "i thought you were lost!" "only in dreams, sir," i replied. "we've been catching up a little of our lost sleep. we did not know how soon we might be on the march again." "so you made the most of your opportunity? well, i don't blame you; but it is possible we shall make a long halt here." "possible," remarked josé to me afterwards, "but not probable;" and events proved that, as far as we were concerned, he was right. that evening the colonel invited us to dinner; but we had scarcely sat down when he was called away to speak to a messenger who had brought important news. he returned looking rather thoughtful, and, catching sight of josé, exclaimed,-"craig, you are pretty well acquainted with the indian dialects, i believe?" "yes, sir," answered josé readily; "i can manage to talk with most of the natives." "then you are the very man i want. i'll tell you all about it after dinner. mustn't send you off without satisfying the inner man, eh?" josé glanced at me with a smile, as much as to say, "i wasn't very far out this morning;" while i was all curiosity as to what the business might be. as soon as we had finished, the colonel and josé had a very earnest and confidential talk, after which my companion rejoined me, and together we left the room. "what is it?" i asked anxiously; "anything of importance?" "rather, unless the indian has made a mistake. la hera is hiding with a few wounded men in the mountains, not a dozen miles away." this was the spanish leader whom we had defeated at mirabe. he was a bold, dashing soldier, and a firm loyalist, whose capture would deal the enemy a heavy blow. "get the horses ready," said josé, "while i pick out a few men. we mustn't make a mess of this affair, or the colonel won't trust us again. and don't mention where we are going, up at the house. i daresay the folks are all right, but what they don't know they can't tell." "where shall i meet you?" "outside the colonel's quarters. now, off with you, we've no time to waste." the horses had benefited by their unusually long rest, and having saddled them with the help of one of our host's servants, i led them into the street. josé soon appeared with a dozen mounted men, wild, fierce-looking fellows, and all natives. presently the guide came out, and directly afterwards the colonel, who spoke a few words, telling us that we were bound on an important errand, which he trusted we should accomplish successfully. then the guide placed himself, on foot, beside josé's horse, and we moved off. he led us at first, purposely, in a wrong direction, in case of prying eyes, turning back at the end of a mile or so, and then steering across a wild and lonely desert track. having covered nearly a dozen miles, we came to a tiny hamlet at the foot of the mountains. halting here, we left our horses in charge of two men and pressed forward on foot. fortunately, in one way though not in another, it was a moonlight night, and we could see where to step. all around us towered huge mountains, grim and forbidding. we marched in single file by the edge of steep precipices, so close sometimes that we seemed to hang over the awful abyss. further and further we penetrated into the dreary recesses. we seemed to be a body of ghosts traversing a dreary world. no man spoke; we heard the cry neither of bird nor of animal. the only sound to break the eerie silence was the occasional clatter of a stone, which, loosened by our passage, rolled over into the unknown depths. i looked neither to right nor to left, but kept my gaze fixed on josé, who walked before me. the track narrowed down so that it hardly afforded footing for one, and i prayed in my heart that we might soon come to a better vantage-ground. i was no coward, and since leaving home had met with more than one adventure, but this was the most perilous of all. despite every effort to keep firm, my limbs trembled, my head grew dizzy; i was seized by a strong temptation to launch myself into space. the fit passed as suddenly as it had come, but i felt the sweat trickling down my face. presently we emerged on to a broad platform, and josé, stopping, seized my hand. he was trembling now, but it was at the thought of danger past. one by one the men stole cautiously along while we waited, watching with fascinated eyes, and drawing a deep breath of relief as each stepped safely from the perilous path. whether they had also felt fearful i could not tell; their faces were wonderfully impassive, and, except when roused by savage anger, quite expressionless. at a sign from josé they dropped to the ground behind a group of boulders, and he, addressing them in some indian dialect, issued his instructions. i gathered very little from his speech; but presently the men disappeared, gliding like serpents along the side of the cliffs, and leaving me with josé and the guide. "i don't much like this, jack," said josé. "i almost wish you had stayed behind. i hope the colonel can depend on this fellow." "what is it?" i asked. "i suppose we didn't come out just for the pleasure of exercising ourselves on that goat-track?" "no," said he; "though, to be sure, that was an uncommon diversion. the real thing is just about to begin, and this is the way of it. according to the guide, la hera is in a cave close at hand." "all the more chance of trapping him." "i'm not so sure of that. the entrance to the cave is some sixty feet from the ground, in the side of a steep cliff." "well, we've had some experience in mountain-climbing." "yes, but not this sort. the face of the cliff is as perpendicular as the side of a house." "the other fellows got up." "so they did, but it was in the daylight, and there was no one at the top waiting to pop them off with a bullet. it seems the bandits have been in the habit of using this cave as a depot, and one of them guided la hera there with the real object of betraying him." "ugh!" said i; "these traitors make me sick." "just so; but they are very useful. without the help of this one, for instance, we can't capture la hera, unless we starve him out." "what does he propose to do?" "well, there is a stout rope fixed in the cave which he will let down at the right moment. up this we shall have to climb by help of the niches that have been cut in the cliff." "suppose la hera finds it out, and is waiting to receive us?" "that," replied josé, with a shrug of the shoulders, "is just what is bothering me. however, we shall soon discover. our men have had time to hide themselves, and the guide is getting fidgety. but i say, jack, i wish i hadn't brought you." "i'm rather pleased now that you have, though i wasn't half an hour ago." "no; i thought you breathed too hard to be enjoying yourself." with that he ordered the native to proceed; and we all three crept along, keeping well in the shadow, though the enemy, feeling secure in possession of the rope, were hardly likely to have set a watch. coming to a halt, the guide pointed to a towering cliff, which, on that face at least, was in truth steep and smooth as the wall of a house. our men lay close at hand, but completely concealed, watching for the lowering of the rope. now it seemed to me that we were running great risk when our object might have been gained with none at all. why not, as josé had remarked a short time previously, starve the inmates out? "no good," answered he, when i asked the question. "the guide says there are stores in the cave sufficient to last a small party for months. the war would be over before they had finished their provisions. no; we must get them by surprise or not at all. i should like to see that rope dangling." it was weary waiting, and a great strain on our nerves too, as every moment's delay gave us more time to appreciate the danger. the longer i pondered the more i disliked the business, and doubted what would be the end of it. la hera was a bold man, and if he got an inkling of the truth, we should meet with an unpleasant reception. he might not approve of such an unceremonious intrusion into his dwelling-place. i was still thinking of these things when the indian guide drew our attention to the cliff. the time had come. there, distinguishable in the pale moonlight, dangled the rope, and as we watched it descended lower and lower, very steadily, until the end of it was not higher than a man could grasp. it was the signal agreed upon to show that the enemy were asleep. calling softly to one of his men, josé said, "stay here and watch. if we are betrayed, take this man back to colonel miller. if he tries to escape, kill him." the indian moved not a muscle, while his guard took his place beside him with drawn sword, for no muskets had been brought on the expedition. then word was quietly passed round to the others, and one by one we gathered close to the hanging rope. we could not communicate with the man at the top, lest we should be heard by the spaniards, and we dared not make a sound. holding a knife between his teeth, josé clutched the rope firmly, planted one foot in a niche, and began to mount. when he had reached half-way up, i began the ascent, bidding the men be ready to follow me. i did not mind this part of the enterprise, dangerous though it was. the niches cut in the rock afforded decent foothold, while the rope was knotted at intervals. the peril lay not so much in the climbing as in the chance of discovery. if the spaniards learned what was going forward, nothing could save us from certain death. this was an unpleasant thought, which i hastened to put as far from me as possible. meanwhile josé's head was on a level with the cave, and i felt that the best or the worst of the business would soon be known. if the enemy were awake, it would go hard with him. his foot left the last niche, he swung on the rope, and as i watched breathlessly he disappeared. casting a glance downward, i called softly to the troopers to hurry, and then went up hand over hand at a breakneck pace. in a short time i was gazing at as strange a spectacle as i have ever seen. the cavern was an immense apartment, with steep walls and exceedingly lofty roof. near the centre was a fire, on which some one had hastily thrown a fresh supply of dry fuel, and the red flames were leaping high in long, thin tongues. just inside the entrance josé and the traitorous indian stood over the windlass, by means of which the rope was worked, and as i ran to their side, one of the spanish soldiers uttered a cry of alarm. instantly all was tumult and confusion. shots were fired at random, men shouted wildly, "we are betrayed!" while, above all, josé's voice rang out high and clear, "surrender! you are my prisoners." with a rush the spaniards sprang at us, fighting with the fury of wild animals, while we had to guard not only ourselves but the rope up which our men were swarming. if that were cut or loosened, our opponents would hold us at their mercy. we fought against long odds, but for a time held our own, though once i was stricken almost to my knees, and felt the graze of a sharp blade across my cheeks. fortunately help came soon, or it would have gone badly with us. with a wild shout a burly trooper sprang into the fray, and another soon joined him. a third and a fourth followed quickly, and the issue was placed beyond doubt. now, although our indians made splendid soldiers, they hated the spaniards so much that it was difficult to restrain their passions. some excuse may be found for them in the long years of misery and oppression they had endured; but, of course, josé set his face sternly against cruelties. thus it was in our enemies' own interest that i raised my voice, crying, "surrender, and we will spare your lives! you cannot escape!" and josé echoed my appeal. he, too, dreaded the slaughter that must ensue if our indians got out of hand. perhaps the spaniards guessed our motive; at least they must have seen the futility of continuing the contest. one by one they flung their weapons sullenly to the ground, and yielded themselves prisoners. "torches!" cried josé quickly, "and let us examine our capture. where is colonel la hera?" no one spoke, but several indians plucked blazing brands from the fire and brought them to us. by their light we saw one man lying dead near the windlass, and three wounded. six others, disarmed, stood round, for the most part black-browed and scowling. josé repeated his question. "where is colonel la hera?" he asked. "gone to get reinforcements to drive you into the sea," answered a calm voice. "then he is not in this cave?" asked josé bluntly, but with a certain ring of admiration in his tone. now all this time i had been taking particular notice of this spaniard. his uniform showed him to be a major, though he was quite young. his face was frank and open; he had dark, expressive eyes, and a pleasant, musical voice, which somehow seemed familiar to me. where had i met this man before? in a moment or two he himself supplied the answer. "who is in command here?" asked josé. "i have the honour, and, as it seems, the misfortune also, of commanding these brave fellows. i am major santiago mariano, in the service of his spanish majesty, whom may god preserve!" "i wish him no harm," replied josé; "only for the future he must not reckon peru among his dominions. now, how am i to know that la hera is not here?" "ask the man who betrayed us," said the major scornfully; and on questioning the indian, it appeared he had mistaken santiago for the famous colonel. "well," muttered josé, "it's a disappointment; but it can't be helped. what are we to do with the wounded? they can't go down the rope." "let me stay with them," i suggested, "and you can send a doctor back." "meanwhile," interrupted the major, "i have some little skill in surgery, and, with your permission, i will remain also. you need not fear that i shall run away. i will give my parole to come to moquegua. after that, matters must shape their own course." "very well," exclaimed josé; "the plan has its advantages. i'll hurry along the first doctor i come across, jack. but you are hurt!" "it's only a scratch; nothing serious at all." josé sent half a dozen of his men down the rope; then the dead spaniard was lowered, the prisoners followed, and josé himself descended with the remainder of the troopers. "haul up the rope, jack," he cried in farewell, "and make sure of your visitors before dropping it again." chapter ix. a gleam of hope. as soon as the party had disappeared, i turned to the major and said with a smile,-"now, my dear santiago, let us attend to the needs of these poor fellows." i was now standing full in the firelight, and he glanced at my face with a puzzled expression. then a half gleam of recognition shone in his eyes, and he exclaimed doubtfully-"surely you can't be the boy crawford who vanished so mysteriously from the fort?" "i am, though!" said i, laughing at his amazement. "but we shall have time for a talk presently; let us do what we can for these poor fellows first. is there any water in the cave?" "yes; there is a spring at the far end. i will fetch some. put some more wood on the fire; it smokes if allowed to go down." of the three wounded men only one was seriously hurt, and he, i feared, was beyond the aid of the most skilled surgeon. however, we did our best for all the sufferers, gave them water to drink, arranged them comfortably on beds of straw, and bathed and bandaged their wounds. then i washed the cut in my cheek, and santiago smeared it with a native ointment, which he said possessed wonderful healing properties. "now," said he, "i judge you are ready for late supper or early breakfast, whichever you may prefer to call it. the provisions are homely, and i am an indifferent cook, but i can at least give you enough to eat. those brigands of yours have stored sufficient food here for an army." carrying a torch, i accompanied him round the cavern, gazing in wonder at the piles of indian corn, the heaps of potatoes, and the strings of charqui, the last suspended from the walls. "come," said i, "there is no need to starve in the midst of plenty. what shall we have? roast potatoes and jerked beef? the potatoes will require the least attention." "and they are not bad if you are downright hungry, as i was when we crept in here after the affair at mirabe. there's a smart soldier leading your men, crawford." "yes; he is an englishman named miller, and a very fine fellow. but how come you to be here?" "we'll talk over these things presently. meanwhile, let us cook the potatoes. bring another handful; i daresay two of the men will be able to eat a little breakfast." "if it is breakfast!" "it must be for us, because we had our supper before you paid us so unceremonious a visit. of course we were betrayed." "well, as to that," i replied, "you must ask the colonel; i only acted under orders." "just so. well, i am very pleased to see you, though i dislike the way in which you introduced yourself. cut this piece of beef up finely while i fetch some salt." "have you any?" i asked, in some surprise. "oh yes. your amiable brigands know how to stock a larder." two of the wounded men were able to eat, and they were very grateful for the food we took them. then we returned to the fire, piled up some sacks to serve as seats, and began our meal. it was all most strange to me and very delightful; it might have been a chapter lifted bodily from one of my favourite story-books. there seemed to be a piratical flavour about the whole business. "perhaps it is as well that i gave my parole," exclaimed the major thoughtfully, taking off another potato. "why?" i asked. "i might have felt tempted to escape," he replied, looking at the coil of rope. "you forget your jailer carries a pistol," i remarked, laughing. "an empty one," he suggested, shrugging his shoulders. "no, no, my boy; my parole is your only safeguard." "it is a sufficient one, at any rate." "yes," said he, rather dreamily, i thought. "the honour of a mariano is sacred; my father taught me that. and yet--and yet, do you know, crawford," he added, in a sharper tone, "i doubt if a parole given to brigands should be held to." i did not at all like this turn in the conversation, the more especially as my pistol was really empty. i had not dreamed of taking any precautions, trusting wholly in the spanish officer's honour. i looked up at him, and felt reassured; there could be no treachery hidden behind that frank, open countenance. "it seems to me you are talking nonsense, santiago," i said cheerfully. "a man's word is his bond in any case--that is, if he be a man." he took no notice of my remark, but sat musing, leaving half his food untouched. as for me, i helped myself to some more beef, though i must confess the major's wild talk nearly destroyed my appetite. his manner had changed so suddenly and abruptly that i knew not what to make of it. i might perhaps have reloaded my pistol without his knowledge, but this would be a confession that i had lost faith in him. "come," said i jocularly, pointing to his food, "you pay your cooking a poor compliment." to this he made no reply, but looking up after a time exclaimed,-"i have news for you. i had almost forgotten, but i must tell you before going." "going?" i cried; "we cannot go before the doctor arrives." "you cannot, but i can, and must. my mind is made up. do not try to thwart me; i should be sorry if you got hurt. sit still, my boy; don't stir a finger, or i will kill you!" i looked at him in amazement. his face was flushed, his eyes shone wildly; he spoke with a rapid and angry vehemence. "by st. philip," he cried, "i should be a cur to place honour before loyalty! my duty is to my king, do you hear? shall i help a parcel of bandits to set the king at naught? shall i bring disgrace on a family that has stood by the throne for untold centuries? my father died on the battlefield with the king's banner above his head, as did his father before him. and i am to stay in a cage when the door is open! i am to let these upstarts trample on the king's rights!" the words swept from his lips in a sweeping, tempestuous torrent, and when they were done he leaped to his feet with an angry cry. i sat in my place looking at him steadily, but making no movement. "i tell you it is monstrous!" he continued. "i care nothing for myself, but i cannot desert the king!" "his majesty must be greatly in need of friends," i remarked dryly, "to accept the aid of a perjured soldier." it was strong language. i knew it would hurt him cruelly; but a desperate disease requires a desperate remedy. i thought at first he would kill me. his eyes blazed fiercely, and he sprang forward with uplifted hands. suddenly he paused, and returned abruptly to his seat. thinking it best not to disturb him, i rose and made the round of the wounded men. i felt awfully sorry for the young major, and almost wished he had not passed his word to josé. having done so, he must, of course, abide by it, unless he cared to live with tarnished honour. presently, returning to the fire, i threw some more fuel on, and sat down again on my heap of sacks. santiago had covered his face with his hands, and was rocking himself gently to and fro, like a child in pain. evidently the wild fit had passed, and he had overcome the temptation which had tried him so sorely. for nearly an hour we sat there, speaking no word, then looking me straight in the face, he said suddenly,-"crawford, i have acted like a madman, but there is nothing to be feared now." "nor before," i answered cheerfully. "you would not have gone a hundred yards. come, let us now dismiss the subject. after all, it was no more than a bad dream." "by st. philip," he exclaimed, "it was a very ugly one. however, i am in my right mind now, and as soon as we arrive at moquegua i will withdraw my parole. then if a chance to escape comes, i can avail myself of it with an easy conscience. you have not reloaded your pistol?" "no. why should i? there is no need of it." "not now," he said. "i am master of myself now," and he actually smiled. "you were going to tell me some news," i observed, after a pause. "now that you have roused my curiosity, i hope you will satisfy it." i spoke half jestingly, and more for the sake of keeping up the conversation than in the expectation of hearing any particular information. it was unlikely, i considered, that santiago could tell me anything of real interest. in this i was much mistaken, as you will find. "i don't know," said he thoughtfully, "that it will be doing you any real kindness, yet it is only right that you should know. of course, you will understand that your escape occasioned some little stir among the garrison of the fort." "i am quite ready to believe it," i replied, chuckling at the remembrance. "i have often laughed to think of your astonishment in the morning." "it was no laughing matter to us, i can assure you. the commandant was furious, and went about vowing vengeance against everybody. search-parties scoured the neighbourhood in all directions, but with no result, and we at last concluded that by some means you had been taken off by ship." "quite a wrong conclusion," i interposed. "we could think of no other. however, to get on with the story. in the midst of the confusion barejo turned up on his way back to lima. he was simply furious, and threatened to put us all in irons, the commandant included; which, by the way, was absurd." "it was paying me a very high compliment." "don't be puffed up, or imagine the general was afraid of you," laughed santiago. "oh!" i exclaimed, affecting to feel disappointed, "that alters the case. but why should he be angry at my escape?" "because he really wished to keep you out of mischief." "then i have sadly misjudged him." "i think you have. of course, i don't profess to understand the matter, but it seems to be something in this way. when we have crushed this rebellion, the estates of those who have borne arms against the king will be confiscated." "spoils to the victors!" i laughed; "an old-fashioned principle." "and, of course," continued santiago, not heeding the interruption, "your father's estates will be among them. now, as far as i can gather, barejo thought that by preventing you from joining the rebels something might be saved from the wreck." "that was very kind of the general," i remarked. "i had no idea that he took any interest in my affairs. but isn't it possible, major, that you are going a trifle too fast? suppose, for instance, that the rebels, as you call us, should win?" the major tossed his head scornfully. "that is utterly impossible!" he answered, with a short, quick snap. "but let us suppose it, just for argument," i urged. "well in that case," said he, "of which there is no possible likelihood, your father will keep his property." at first i thought he had forgotten, but something in his face held my attention, and brought the blood to my head with a rush. "do you mean- what is it? tell me quickly! is my father--" "alive! that is my news; but you must not build on it too greatly. i can only tell you he was not slain that day in the mountains. he was dangerously wounded, but was still living when the soldiers carried him away." "where did they take him?" "that i do not know; neither, i think, does barejo. perhaps, and in my opinion most likely, to the forts at callao." the major's news, as you may imagine, filled me with the liveliest astonishment and excitement. my father alive! i could hardly credit the statement. what would my mother say? how would she receive the startling information? i rose from my seat and walked about the cavern, trying to think it over coolly. then it dawned upon me why santiago had said he would not be doing me any real kindness in talking of the discovery. after all, his information only reopened the old wounds. more than two years had passed since my father's disappearance, and many things had happened in that time. not every one who entered the casemates of callao came out alive. "but," said i aloud, "some one must know the truth. a man can't be shut up without authority, even in peru." "i wish i could help you," replied the major. "as soon as i escape from moquegua i will make inquiries." "thank you; but i fear it will be a long time to wait," i answered gloomily. "not at all! la hera will return in a week or two, and your miller will be too busy running away to look after prisoners. imitate me, my boy, and make hope your best friend." in trying to cheer me he forgot his own distress. the light returned to his eyes, the smile to his face, and he seemed to have banished all memory of his recent despair. "come," said he cheerfully, "put your doubts and fears aside for the present. our wounded want attention; we must not neglect them." i tried hard to act upon his advice, but all the time continued to wonder whether my father was alive or dead. that was the one question that racked my brain, and to it i could give no answer. we had just made our patients comfortable, with the exception of one who was dying fast, when a shrill whistle sounded outside. "the surgeon!" i exclaimed, running to the entrance. "yes, there he is with the guide and two soldiers." "two bandits!" said santiago banteringly. "give the men their proper name." "soldiers or bandits, they know how to fight. help me to uncoil the rope, will you?" "that's almost as bad as asking a man to make the noose he is to hang in. you forget that on leaving here i shall go straight to prison." "i had forgotten, major, and sorry enough i am to remember it. still, as la hera returns so soon, it will be only a temporary inconvenience, and i'm sure colonel miller will treat you well." santiago laughed. "you will make me fancy soon that imprisonment is a privilege worth paying for," he exclaimed. "hardly that," i replied; "but, as barejo said, it keeps one out of mischief." we lowered the rope, the guide attached the surgeon's instruments, and at a signal we hauled up. then the rope went down again, the two soldiers climbed to the cave, and the doctor followed unsteadily. it was evident that this novel method of visiting patients found no favour in his eyes; he was obviously nervous, and twice during the ascent i quite expected to see him go headlong. he was a citizen of moquegua, very young, and utterly unsuited for his present errand. so great was his agitation that when he had planted his feet firmly on the floor of the cave his hands still clung like grim death to the rope. "you're all right now," i said, leading him away from the mouth of the cave. "rather a queer way of getting into a house, isn't it?" "the saints preserve me!" he exclaimed, while his teeth chattered like castanets, "this is horrible. a dozen times, coming up that rope, i wished i'd never been born. but it's the last time i'll practise doctoring outside moquegua." "you did very creditably, i assure you, doctor," observed santiago, whose eyes gleamed with fun; "such grace, such agility, is given to few. i should have thought your life had been spent in scaling mountains." the doctor looked from santiago to me, hardly knowing what to make of such flattery. "faith," exclaimed he at last, "i hope there is an easier way of getting down than of coming up." "there is," said the major, "and much more expeditious. you have but to step outside the cave, and there you are. most people, however, prefer to go down by the rope." the doctor groaned. "i shall never do it," said he, "never! i shall be shut up in this place for the rest of my life." "there will be one advantage in that," remarked santiago pleasantly: "your patients will always be able to find you. now i fear we must tear ourselves from your side." "do your best with these poor fellows," i said. "the one in the corner yonder will not trouble you long; the others are getting on nicely. you will find this cavern quite a comfortable dwelling-place. there is plenty of food, a spring of clear water, and enough fuel to keep a fire going for weeks." "meanwhile," observed santiago, "we will ask the good folks of moquegua to make a nice long ladder, so that you can get down without trouble." it was really very laughable to watch the doctor's face as the major prepared to descend. "he will be killed," said he dolefully. "it is a clear case of suicide. look, he has missed his foothold, and will be dashed to pieces!" "nonsense," i said, with a laugh; "there is no danger if you don't think about it. see, it is nothing but going down a flight of steps backwards." but he covered his face with his hands and shuddered. when the major had reached the ground, i grasped the rope, saying,-"farewell, doctor; i hope you will have a comfortable time. and don't worry about coming down; you'll find it an easy matter enough." "good-bye," answered he gloomily; "i shall never see you or any one else again. i shall die up here for certain." the fellow was so genuinely frightened that i assured him we would devise some plan to rescue him; on which he brightened up considerably, and i began the descent. i asked the guide where he had left the horses. "at the village, señor," he replied, "on the other side of the mountain." in answer to a further question, he told us that the doctor would not cross the narrow track, and that they had, in consequence, been compelled to travel many miles out of their way. "i think he was right," exclaimed santiago, when we reached the spot. "this is a far worse venture than climbing to the cavern by the rope." and indeed, seen in broad daylight, with every rock standing out pitilessly clear, and every chasm yawning wide, the place was enough to daunt the spirit of the bravest. familiarity had rendered the guide indifferent to the danger, but i felt as nervous as when crossing the previous evening. however, i could not make a parade of my anxiety, so i set foot on the narrow path with a jaunty air but quaking heart. santiago smiled too, but i fancy he was by no means sorry when we gained the farther side without accident. then we jested about the past danger, talking lightly and as if it were an affair of no moment. nevertheless, i was thankful the heat of the sun provided an excuse for the perspiration that streamed down my face. chapter x. a stormy interview. on our march to the town, santiago assumed a light-hearted carelessness that was far from his real feelings. he laughed merrily, made joking remarks, and behaved generally as if the prospect of a spell of prison life was most agreeable. this was, of course, mere outside show. he was too proud to let his captors see his real distress; but his acting did not deceive me. we had reached the market-place, and i was wondering at the absence of the soldiers, when josé suddenly appeared, coming from the governor's house. on seeing us, he approached, saying, "you have been a long time. i began to think you had missed your way." "the guide was late in the first place, as the doctor would not take the nearest way, and we did not hurry. but where are the troops?" "off again!" said he, his eyes twinkling: "the colonel has gone for a little jaunt of ninety miles or so to intercept a spanish column. thank goodness, we have missed that!--how did you leave your men, major?" "one is dying, i fear," replied santiago; "but the others will soon be all right, unless your doctor kills them!" "i was sorry to send him," said josé, "but i had no choice. he was the only one in the place available. he didn't offer his services, i can assure you." "i can well believe it," laughed the major. "the poor fellow was half dead with fright when he reached us, and vows he will never risk the danger of getting down again." "we must have him tied to the rope, and lowered like a sack of potatoes. meanwhile, what is to be done with you?" "the only suggestion i can make is that you set me free!" "perhaps i had better report to the governor," observed josé thoughtfully. "he is colonel miller's representative. i daresay he will parole you till the chief comes." "no, no!" cried the major hastily; "i've done with paroles! from this moment i consider myself free to escape." "to _try_," corrected josé. "well, the effort will fill up your time, and keep you from being idle. of course," he added, "it will change the position a little. we can still remain on friendly terms, only i must not forget to load my pistol. and now let us interview the governor." a sentry stood at the outside gate, and several soldiers were in the courtyard; but passing through, we entered the house, and found ourselves in the governor's presence. he was a military-looking man, though holding no rank in the army--a spaniard who had recently come over from the enemy. two or three officers were in the room, and a young man sat at a table, writing. josé told his story briefly, concluding with a proposal that the prisoner should be left in his charge until colonel miller's return. "there is a more agreeable way still," observed the governor, with a bland smile.--"major mariano, i am not unaware either of your name or your services. i know you for a dashing and brilliant officer, far and away superior to those nominally above you. i am not without the power to make you an offer. the spanish cause is lost; in a few months your armies will be crushed; peru will be independent. until that time you will languish miserably in prison. afterwards i cannot pretend to prophesy your fate; but i offer you an opportunity to escape from the wreck. join the patriot army, and i pledge my word that san martin shall give you the rank of colonel at once. in a year it will be your own fault if you are not a general. come, what do you say?" only a few hours previously i had seen an outburst of temper on santiago's part; now i beheld another, which by comparison made the first appear mild. his eyes literally blazed with anger; his face was red; he actually quivered with passion. twice he endeavoured to speak, and the words choked in his throat. josé laid a hand restrainingly on his shoulder; he flung it off passionately. "dog of a traitor!" cried he at last, "do you think the blood of santiago mariano is as base as yours? do you imagine i am a rat like you to leave a sinking ship? what! lend my sword to a parcel of beggarly cutthroats and vagabonds? i would rather eat out my heart in the blackest dungeon of peru!" once a flush of shame overspread the governor's face, but he recovered himself promptly, and listened with a bitter smile till the end. "you shall eat your words if not your heart," he exclaimed brutally; and turning to an officer, he added, "rincona, bring in your men and the heaviest irons that can be found in the prison." santiago smiled scornfully; but josé, pushing forward, said quietly, "you cannot do that, señor. this man is my prisoner, for whom i am responsible to colonel miller alone. until the return of the colonel, therefore, i cannot let him go from my keeping." for a moment rincona hesitated, but at the governor's second command he left the room, while the other officers clustered round their chief. josé produced a pistol and cocked it, saying coolly, "the man who lays hands on my prisoner dies." santiago turned to him with a pleasant smile. "thanks, my friend," he said, "but i cannot let you suffer on my behalf. besides, there is crawford to be considered. the consequences may be fatal to him, as he is sure to stand by you." "don't hesitate on my account, josé," said i. but the major's words had made an impression, and a shadow of annoyance flitted across my companion's brow. however, there was little time for thinking. we heard the tramp, tramp of marching feet, and presently rincona entered, followed by about a dozen soldiers. "the irons!" roared the governor, beside himself with passion; "where are the irons?" "i have sent for them, sir," replied rincona. "you might have spared yourself the trouble," remarked josé; "they shall not be put on." "yes, yes!" exclaimed santiago; "what does it matter? better so than that you two should lose your lives." i looked at josé. his lips were set like a vice, and i knew that no power on earth could move him now. the situation was decidedly unpleasant, and unfortunately there seemed to be no way out. true, he might kill the governor, but that would only still further complicate matters. the soldiers, as usual, stood with impassive faces; the affair was none of theirs, save so far as obeying orders went. the officers were restless and uneasy, and one of them kept up a whispered conversation with the governor, who listened impatiently, and from time to time shook his head. at last two other men arrived, bearing a set of heavy irons, and once again santiago turned appealingly, but without effect, to josé. one might have heard a pin drop when the governor, sheltering behind his officers, cried in a loud voice, "put that man in irons!" "stand still!" said josé, raising his pistol, and speaking in the indian dialect. how the dispute would have ended i cannot tell, but at that moment a happy inspiration flashed into my mind. the soldiers were all indians, and judging by their appearance, indians of the mountains. was it possible that any of them acknowledged the authority of the silver key? if so, we were safe. it was a poor chance, but there seemed to be no other. trembling with impatience, i opened my shirt at the neck, and drew forth the brigand chief's gift. at first no one took any notice; but when i held the key to view, the indians raised a shout of mingled joy and surprise. then i looked at santiago and laughed, saying, "we are safe!" the indians jabbered away in their own language, talking with one another, and pointing to the emblem of authority which hung from my neck. the governor stood like a man in a dream; the officers gazed alternately at me and the native soldiers, as if doubting the evidence of their senses. "how many of you are followers of the silver key, and of raymon sorillo?" i asked. "all, all, master!" they cried. "and those outside?" "all, all!" they again shouted. "i can trust you to help me?" "to the death, master!" they cried with one voice. at that i turned to the governor, saying with a smile, "the position is changed, señor. i have but to raise my hand, and you will feel the weight of your own irons. but there is no need to quarrel. colonel miller will be here in a few days, and he shall decide between us. meanwhile we will guard the prisoner." the governor nearly choked with anger, and threatened violently that as soon as the colonel returned he would have us all shot. however, as it was evident that the soldiers would obey my orders, he raised no further objection to our taking santiago away. "by st. philip," exclaimed the major, "the room was hot! are you a magician, crawford?" "upon my word i begin to think so. at any rate, i possess a magical key." "which has saved our lives," observed josé grimly. "and i suspect," laughed santiago, "that once upon a time it unlocked the door of a prison cell! but won't those natives suffer for this?" "i don't think so. they are too strong, and their chief has more power in peru than the viceroy and san martin combined." "you know him, then?" "yes, and so does josé. he has done me good service, for which i am grateful, though i could never like the man. but here we are at the house. the good folk will wonder at our bringing an uninvited guest." fortunately a room had been set apart for us, so we could talk at our ease. i was burning to tell josé about my father, but first of all we had to come to an understanding with santiago. this time he made no demur at giving his parole. "in fact," said he gaily, "you have forced my hand, and i have no choice." "so much the better," remarked josé; "we may as well be comfortable together till the colonel arrives." "and after that we may be hanged comfortably together!" laughed the major. "how do you like the prospect?" "i can trust miller. he is an honourable man, and will do what is right. it is crawford who will suffer for inciting the troops to mutiny." "josé," said i presently, "i haven't told you that major mariano is an old friend of mine." "and at one time his jailer," interrupted santiago. "that ought to make him feel grateful." "oh," exclaimed josé, "you are the captain jack has often talked about! well, i'm glad we have been able to do a little for you." "this morning while we were waiting for your precious doctor," i continued, "he told me a very startling piece of news." "yes?" said josé. "about my father." josé sprang to his feet, demanding fiercely, "what do you know of señor crawford, major? don eduardo came to his end by foul means: he was not slain by the government, but by some one who hoped to profit by his death." "according to the major's information, he was not slain at all," i said, and proceeded to relate the story. josé listened attentively to every word, and then asked santiago innumerable questions. like myself, he displayed great excitement, but i judged from his expression that he entertained little hope of my father being still alive. "the truth is," said he, "don eduardo had made numerous powerful enemies both in public and private life; and as we all know, any stick is good enough to beat a dog with. besides, he owned vast estates, and--" "go on!" laughed santiago as josé hesitated; "the king's party put him to death in order to seize them!" "no, no," said josé hotly; "i don't tar all spaniards with the same brush. still, they aren't all saints either, and i say some of them killed him under cloak of the government. and some day," he added, "i will prove it. as to his being alive, i think there is small chance of it.--and jack, my boy, i would not mention the matter to your mother." "but," said i, clinging to my shred of hope, "he was not killed in the mountains, and we have heard nothing since." josé let me talk, and listened kindly to my arguments, but i noticed that none of them made any impression. at the best, he said, my father had been thrown into prison seriously hurt, and it was not likely that he had survived the confinement. "have you ever seen the casemates at callao, major?" he asked. "yes," said santiago, "and very unhealthy places they are. but there are more prisons than those in peru." it would be wearisome to repeat our conversation, for, after all, we were arguing in the dark, having only the major's imperfect story to go by. besides, as josé said, many events had happened during the last two years, and my father was by no means the only noted man in peru to disappear. so our talk travelled in a circle, leaving off at the starting-point, and for sole effect it extinguished the gleam of hope which the major's story had kindled. in the evening, at josé's suggestion, i went into the streets to pick up any information concerning the governor's doings. everything seemed quiet; the sentries were at their posts as usual, while the soldiers off duty wandered about the town. they greeted me respectfully, raising their hands in salute and standing at attention, as if i had been an officer of high degree. recognizing a sergeant who had been in the governor's room, i stopped to ask a few questions. greatly to my relief, i learned that, with the exception of a few spanish officers, the troops in the town were all indians from the mountains. as the man seemed smart and intelligent, i told him how matters stood, and that we depended entirely upon him and his comrades until the coming of the english colonel. "you can trust us, master," he replied, and indeed his talk made it quite clear that the friend of raymon sorillo and the holder of the silver key might rely on the indians in moquegua even against miller himself. josé, i think, felt rather relieved on hearing my news; while santiago laughed heartily, prophesying that, if the spaniards were defeated, i should in a few years be king, or at least president, of peru. "i had no idea," said he, "that you were so important a person. no wonder barejo wished to keep you shut up!" that night we took it in turns to watch; but the governor attempted nothing against us, and the next day we walked openly in the street without molestation. colonel miller had vanished into space, and for nearly a week we heard nothing of him; then one morning an indian scout rode wearily into the town with the news that the englishman was close at hand. immediately the people rushed out in hundreds to line the street, and to cheer the returning warriors. josé stayed indoors with the major, but sent me out to get an early word with our leader. bright, alert, and cheery as ever, he rode at the head of his troops, smiling and bowing to the inhabitants as they greeted him with rousing cheers. then came the soldiers--the cavalry on dead-tired horses, the infantry on jaded mules--with a number of prisoners in the midst. the animals were tired enough; but the men! i can hardly describe their condition. their faces were haggard, their eyes heavy and bloodshot; some were nearly asleep, others had scarcely strength to sit upright. very little grass had grown under their feet. as soon as they were dismissed, the citizens pounced on them, taking them into the houses, where food and drink were provided in abundance. the governor had come out to meet the colonel, whom i expected to see return with him; but at the last moment he turned aside, and with a laughing exclamation went straight to his own quarters, whither i followed him. "hullo, crawford!" cried he. "so you didn't get la hera?" "no, sir; but we captured a major, and i wish to speak to you about him." "won't it wait?" he asked, with a comical expression. "i am afraid not, sir. the truth is, we've had a quarrel with the governor, and--" "you want to get in your version first! a very good plan. well, fire away, but don't make it long; i've a lot of things on hand." by this time we had entered his room, and going straight to the heart of the affair, i told my story in the fewest possible words. the colonel listened with rather a grave face, and when i had finished he said, "it's an awkward mess, especially just now. it's absolutely necessary to keep friends with the governor, and i don't like this tampering with the troops. but, of course, i won't have the prisoner put in irons or treated differently from the rest. bring him here now, and i'll settle the matter at once." "yes, sir," said i, thankful to get off so lightly. the colonel had already begun some fresh work when i returned with josé and the major, but he rose from his seat and saluted the spaniard courteously. "i understand it is useless to ask for your parole, major," he said. "your mind is quite made up on the point?" "yes, sir," answered santiago, smiling in his easy, graceful way. "an opportunity to escape may not arise but if it does, i shall certainly seize it." "quite right!" exclaimed the colonel; "but i fear you will be disappointed. however, though guarding you rigidly, we shall put you to as little inconvenience as possible. you will find half a dozen companions in misfortune in the prison. most of the captured rank and file have joined the patriots." the major's lip curled scornfully, but he only said, "i am obliged to you, colonel, for your kindness. some day perhaps i may be able to return it." "not in the same way, i hope," laughed colonel miller. "i have had a taste of spanish prison life already, major. but when the war is over i trust we may meet again." then he sent for an officer and a file of soldiers, and santiago turned to bid us a cheery farewell. "good-bye," said he brightly; "i have had a pleasant time with you.--if i do succeed in escaping, crawford, i will inquire further into your father's story.--ah, here is my escort!" and with a salute to the colonel and a nod to us, he took his place in front of the men, while the officer received his chief's instructions. "he's a plucky fellow. i should have liked to set him free," i said, as we strolled back to our quarters. "to do more mischief!" growled josé. "i'm sorry for him, in a way, but it's better for us that he should be under lock and key. and that reminds me! how did colonel miller take the silver key business?" "very badly; called it tampering with the troops." "so it was, but it saved our lives, all the same. i shall be rather pleased when we leave this district; the governor won't regard either of us too favourably." "he can't hurt us now the colonel is here." "no," replied josé, with a curious smile "but we might meet with a nasty accident. perhaps you remember my remark, made two years ago, that accidents are common in peru. it's as true now as then." as it chanced, josé was shortly to have his wish; for although we did not know it then, the colonel had decided to abandon moquegua. many of the troops were down with the ague, the place was a difficult one to defend, unless against a weak attack, and la hera was already on the march with a force far superior to ours. this, however, we did not learn till two days later. chapter xi. a narrow escape. "it is a great honour," exclaimed josé, "and you should feel proud." i had just returned from an interview with the colonel, who had asked me to undertake for a short time the duties of his private secretary. it seemed a simple task then, but afterwards i regarded it differently. for the next three weeks i was attached to the colonel, who took me with him everywhere. a secretary is generally supposed to write, but my work consisted in riding. day after day, from morning till night, we were on horseback, now travelling over sandy deserts to the seashore, again penetrating into the heart of the mountains--hungry, thirsty, and tired, and always in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy. as a measure of precaution our little force retired to tacna, where, much to my satisfaction, the colonel received from lima news of an armistice. this, of course, extended to all parts of the country; but i was mistaken in thinking it would increase my leisure, as my time was still kept fully occupied. in one way this was a good thing, as it kept me from brooding over santiago's story, though even at the busiest times the thought of my father's fate would creep into my mind. i saw nothing of josé, who had been left behind with some indians to hold a mountain pass, but occasionally i paid a brief visit to the spanish prisoners for a chat with the friendly major. we had been at tacna a month, when one evening colonel miller said abruptly: "crawford, the armistice is at an end, and we must retreat. tell videla to send the stores and the sick to arica the first thing in the morning; then carry this order to ilo. you will find three small brigs there; they are to sail at once for arica. take castro the guide with you, and rejoin me on the march to arica." "very good, sir," i replied, though my words belied my feelings. however, i went out, gave videla the colonel's message, and hunted up the guide. castro was an educated indian, trained by one of the missionaries, and a very decent fellow. i found him sound asleep; but he rose at once, looked to see if his bag of coca was full, loaded his pistols, and saddled his horse. "a pleasant night for a ride, lieutenant,"--the colonel had given me that rank,--"and every yard will take us further from the spaniards. i hear that la hera is getting ready to swoop." "he will find his pigeon a hawk if he comes too close," i answered, laughing. "bring your horse, and wait for me at the hospital." the night was still young, and many people, civilians and military, were in the street, talking in excited whispers. it was plain that they had heard of la hera's approach, and were discussing what they knew of the colonel's plans. soon, however, the town was left behind, and we had fairly started on our journey. there was no danger in it, except that of getting lost, which, with castro for a guide, was not likely to happen. he knew the district as well as, perhaps better than, i knew the streets of lima. we jogged along quietly till midnight, not wishing to tire the animals, and then stopped near the edge of a sandy desert for an hour's rest. by this time i had begun to hate the very sight of sand; it seemed to me more dreary and pitiless than the stoniest of barren ground. castro did not mind in the least, but lay on his back looking at the starry sky and placidly chewing his coca. "come, lieutenant," said he briskly at the end of an hour, "it is time to mount;" and we were soon plodding on as patiently as before. it was nine o'clock when we finally arrived at ilo. it may have been owing to my own tired state, but i thought i had never seen such a miserable and desolate spot in all my life. the houses were wretched mud-built hovels, and the few people in the place looked woebegone beyond belief. the three brigs were in keeping with the village, being old and worm-eaten, and the craziest craft imaginable. i would not have sailed one across a pond. however, i sought out the commander of this ragged squadron, and gave him the colonel's order. on reading it his face brightened, and he declared his intention of running out to sea that very afternoon. "he doesn't look much of a hero," observed castro; "but," with an expressive glance at the three floating coffins, "i imagine there are few braver men in peru." "one need not be brave to seize any chance of getting away from this depressing place," said i. "i believe i could easily take the risk of being drowned if there were no other way of escape." "you will have the risk, lieutenant, if we are to go afloat in these brigs; but my opinion is that the bottoms will drop out of them before they reach arica." "in that case we must either beat la hera or be annihilated." "that's what it looks like," replied castro coolly. we stabled our horses in a tumble-down shed, fed and watered them, and, as it was impossible to leave till they were rested, lay down to snatch a brief sleep on the ground. we were invited to use the floor of a hovel for a couch, but after glancing at it, declined with great politeness and many sonorous words of thanks. when we awoke the brigs had disappeared, and a roaring wind was sweeping down from the north. "they'll never make headway against that," remarked castro. "we can return to the colonel and tell him his brigs are at the bottom of the sea. there will be a pretty tune played presently, and la hera will provide the music." to a sailor, perhaps, the danger would not have seemed formidable; but standing on that desolate beach, listening to the hurricane rush of the wind, i could not but think castro was right. and if indeed he had prophesied truly, then was our little force in sad straits. burdened with sick, hampered by fleeing patriots, encumbered by prisoners, with half his troops weakened as usual by ague, the english colonel could neither fight nor flee. what, then, could he do? by this time every one knew him too well to dream he would surrender. "castro," said i, "we carry bad news, and bad news flies apace. let us keep up the reputation of the old proverb. half an hour or so may make all the difference in the world." he made a grimace as if to say that a few minutes more or less would matter little; but he saddled his horse promptly, nevertheless, and was ready to start as soon as i. "i reckon," he said, "that we may strike the road from tacna to arica by midnight to-morrow, unless our animals founder by the way. can you trust your horse?" "the colonel selected him." "that ought to be sufficient warrant. the chief knows a horse, though he will ride in the absurd english style." there were few men in the country who would have cared to cut themselves adrift as castro did on this ride of ours to intercept the marching patriots. his only guides were those he could interpret from nature. while daylight lasted, he steered by the sun; at night, by the stars and the faint wind that fanned our faces. for twenty-four hours, during which time we rested, of course, both for our own sakes and for the sakes of our animals, not one human being crossed our path, or even came within sight of us. and during that time, also, we saw neither bird nor beast, nor any manner of living thing, save only ourselves and our animals. and then, quite unexpectedly to me, we came upon an oasis in the dreary desert--a little hamlet with mud-walled hovels, but better than those at ilo, and having patches of cultivated ground enclosed. the natives had reclaimed this piece of land by means of the waters of a moderate-sized stream, and lived in almost as great isolation as if they had been on robinson crusoe's island. they were neither patriots nor royalists, and i doubt much whether they knew of the struggle going forward; but they had kind hearts, and gave us a warm welcome, pressing upon us gifts of fruits and vegetables to the limits of their scanty stock. they found ample forage, too, for the weary animals, and we stayed there a matter of three hours to rest castro's horse, which had shown symptoms of breaking down. i seized this opportunity to snatch an hour's sleep; but my guide was kept chattering by the natives, who listened with amazement to his news. they knew no spanish, and could not understand the native patois i spoke; neither could i understand a word of what they said. as for castro, i suppose no man in south america had the gift of so many indian dialects. "after all, lieutenant," exclaimed he, as we took leave of this simple community, "i doubt if these people have not the best of life. they eat, drink, and are at peace, caring no more for a president than for a king." "and doing nothing for either," i replied, laughing. "how does the horse seem now?" "i think he will do this journey. but if i'm to ride with the colonel, he will have to provide me with another." throughout the evening we rode silently side by side, while all around us was the awful stillness of a dead world. the sun went down, and presently the stars gleamed above us, throwing a ghostly light over the sea of sand. midnight found us still riding, and another hour passed before castro drew rein at the broken track leading from tacna to arica. throwing the reins over his horse's neck, and jumping down, he examined the ground carefully, reading it as skilfully as the student reads a printed book. to and fro he went, casting off here and there like a hunting-dog, till he was satisfied. then he returned to me, saying, "carts have gone by hours since, and the infantry quite recently, but i see no signs of cavalry." "they would remain till the last minute, so as to deceive la hera." "that is so; but the question is, has the colonel stayed with them? it is to him we want to give our information." "the infantry can tell us." "we shall waste time if he is in the rear, and time is precious." "let us separate. you go forward; i will ride toward tacna." "it is dangerous, señor." "you forget that i have been over this route." "well, as you will. if the colonel has not passed, i shall return. keep to the track; do not wander from it either to right or to left." "all right, castro; i will take care." he vaulted to the saddle, wished me a safe journey, and rode off, while i turned my horse's head in the opposite direction. fortunately the night was clear, while the dawn was not far off, so that i had a great advantage in steering my way. true, i rode at no great pace, being both afraid and unwilling to spur my jaded beast. now and again i even dismounted and walked at his head to give him some relief. it was perhaps about three o'clock in the morning. a heavy fog had arisen, and i was riding with the greatest care, when suddenly i found a musket pointed straight at me, and heard the demand, "halt, or i fire!" the man spoke in spanish, but his accent showed him to be an indian, and i hoped he was one of miller's cavalry detachment. whistling softly, he was at once joined by a second and a third man, the last of whom sharply ordered me to dismount. at the sound of his voice i laughed aloud, saying, "you post your men well, josé, but they have not made a great capture this time. is the colonel here?" "we are all here," said josé, giving my hand a grip; "but i thought you had gone to arica. is anything wrong?" "a good deal," i answered, speaking in english, so that the indians might not understand. "i must see colonel miller at once." "jump down, then. leave your horse here, and i will take you to him. mind where you step; the men are all tucked in and sound asleep." but for the fog, i could by this time have seen my way clearly; as it was, i could only just distinguish the ponchos enveloping the men's heads. when the fog lifted, the light showed a more curious spectacle than most of you have perhaps ever seen. it was the custom, whenever we halted in a sandy desert, for each man to scoop out for himself a shallow grave. in this he lay, scraping the loose sand over his body for bed-clothes, and leaving his head, wrapped in his poncho, above ground. it was, indeed, a most comfortable and delicious bed, as in those days, or rather nights, i often proved. the colonel lay buried alive, as it were, like his men; but he slept lightly, and pushing off his sandy bed-clothes at our approach, he struggled to his feet. [illustration: pushing off his sandy bed-clothes at our approach, he struggled to his feet.] "who is it?" he asked. "crawford, where is your guide?" "gone another way to look for you, colonel." "have the brigs left ilo?" "yes; but both castro and i doubt if they will reach arica. they are altogether crazy, and as soon as they left the harbour a strong gale from the north, which will drive them out of their course, sprang up." "you are rather a job's comforter," laughed the colonel. "i daresay they will arrive all right. still," he continued, speaking more to himself, "everything depends upon their safe arrival--everything! jump in, crawford, and have a nap; i may want you presently." he went away with josé, while i got into his bed, pulled the sand over me, and was fast asleep before the two men had gone a dozen yards. for two whole hours i lay like a log; then a soldier pulled the poncho from my head, saying that the colonel waited for me at breakfast. i rose quickly, made my toilet--not an elaborate proceeding, you may be sure--and waited on the colonel. "sit down," said he, laughing; "it's early in the day for banqueting, but we must feast when we can. i hope you are not blessed with too good an appetite?" "i don't think i should feel greatly tempted to indulge much at present," i replied, with a grimace at the dried meat i was cutting. "indigestion would only too surely follow." "then," said he, and his eyes twinkled with merriment, "we will eat sparingly. i am going straight to arica, and you will ride with me." "i am afraid i shall have to get you to find me a fresh horse, as my own has broken down, colonel." turning to one of the soldiers near, he said, "ask major videla to send me a good horse at once.--take your time, crawford; i am awaiting a messenger from tacna." nearly an hour passed before he was ready, during which time i saddled my fresh mount, transferred my holsters, and had a chat with josé. he told me they had been compelled to release their prisoners, santiago among them. "i had no idea you were so hard pressed," i said. "if la hera doesn't blunder," answered josé, "he can sweep us all into his net. the only thing that saves us now is miller's skill and reputation. every one believes he is going to show fight somewhere between this and the coast." presently the colonel came along, accompanied by major videla, to whom he gave final directions; and then, bidding me follow, rode from the camp. four miles out we came upon castro, walking, and leading his horse, which had fallen dead lame. "have you been into arica?" asked miller. "no, colonel; but i have learned some news. there are four fine vessels in the roadstead; if you could get them, the troops would be safe." "ah!" cried the colonel sharply; and telling castro to wait for the cavalry, he rode off at a great pace towards arica. at four o'clock we staggered into the town, and were instantly met by the governor with a sorrowful tale. he had secured the use of three vessels, but the commander of the fourth absolutely refused to be either coaxed or threatened into lending his assistance. there was not a moment to be lost, and colonel miller, with no other attendant than myself, ran down to the beach. there we got on a balsa, or raft, which carried us to a launch, whose crew at once took us alongside a fine north american schooner. clambering on deck, we found the master, to whom the colonel applied for the loan of his vessel. the sour old sea-dog turned a deaf ear. the colonel offered a sum of money that would have bought the schooner outright at market value; he would have none of it. now, it chanced that some of the crew were englishmen who had served under miller in the chilian war; and though i did not know that, i could plainly see how interested they were in the discussion. the colonel saw it too, and in a few simple but terse and vigorous words he laid the case before them. this produced a marked effect. the men growled their approbation, and one sturdy fellow exclaimed stoutly, "i'm not going to see a countryman of mine hard pushed without helping him. what's your sentiments, mates?" "the same!" cried they.--"we'll stand by you, colonel. the spaniards shan't cut you off if we can help it." "thanks, men," replied colonel miller, "and i'll treat you fairly. neither your master nor you shall have cause to complain." the skipper, however, was not to be appeased. he threw up his command and went ashore with us, leaving the mate to navigate the vessel. it was rather a high-handed proceeding, perhaps, on the colonel's part, but he was saving his troops from an unavailing fight against overwhelming odds. all that night we worked like slaves. the launches could not come close inshore, so that every one and everything had to be transported to them on balsas. the colonel did not spare himself, and my position procured me the honour of standing beside him knee-deep in surf while he superintended the embarkation. most of the sick were got on board one or other of the four vessels, but the worst cases had to remain in hospital. then nearly a hundred people of the town, who had recently joined the patriot cause, clamoured for protection, which was, of course, afforded. in the morning the colonel insisted i should take a rest, but the work continued all day, while from time to time scouts came in with the news that la hera was advancing at full speed. at length it was all done; only the colonel and i remained to go on board, and we had just reached the launch, when, with a yell and thunder of hoofs, the royalist cavalry galloped down to the beach. "just too late to take their passage," laughed miller. "what a pity!" "there's our late prisoner," i cried, standing up in the launch. "look at the rascal; he is shaking his sword at us, and laughing." "he's a fine fellow," remarked the colonel. "i don't grudge him his liberty." taking off my cap, i waved it vigorously; to which santiago replied with a salute; and then, as pursuit was impossible, he led his men back into the town. chapter xii. a stern pursuit. as soon as our vessels left the shelter of the bay, they felt the full force of the gale; and but for skilful handling on the part of their crews, would most likely have come to grief. even as it was, the more timid of the passengers began to think they would have done better in trusting to the mercy of the victorious spaniards. "it is lucky for us, lieutenant," exclaimed castro, "that the brigs did not reach arica." "i hope they are safe," i said doubtfully. "safe enough by this time," he replied--"at the bottom of the ocean!" whether or not he was right in his surmise i cannot say, but from that day to this i never again heard mention of the unfortunate vessels. after being at sea about a week, on reduced rations both of food and of water, we ran one night into the roadstead of pisco, landed, and before daylight had made ourselves masters of the town, the royalists hurriedly retreating. on board the schooner i had obtained a much-needed rest, but directly my feet touched the shore i was set to work again. there never was such a man for prompt and instant action as colonel miller. as josé said more than once, he was always packing twenty-four hours' work into twelve, and no one within had ever had a chance to shirk his share. "we must follow up the enemy--follow them up, and not give them a moment's rest!" said he, almost before the nose of our boat had touched the shore. first, however, it was necessary to obtain animals, and almost before day broke a dozen parties were dispatched to scour the surrounding district for horses. the royalists, however, had been beforehand, and it took three days to procure the needful supplies. fortunately a woman arrived from lima with a drove of fifty mules, which our leader instantly pressed into the service, in spite of their lawful owner's protestations. she was a fine, handsome, and remarkable woman, who traded on her own account like a man, and she made a sturdy fight for her property. directly the mules were seized she bounced into the colonel's room, her eyes ablaze. "good-morning, madam," said he courteously. "it's a bad morning for me," she replied. "do you know that your men have stolen my mules?" "not stolen, madam; only borrowed, by my orders, for the good of the patriot cause." "i defy you to keep them!" she cried. "see," and waving & paper, added triumphantly, "that will make you less high and mighty, señor englishman!" the paper was a passport and protection signed by san martin himself; but it produced no effect on the stubborn colonel. "i am sorry, madam," he exclaimed, still courteously, "but my men need the mules. they shall be paid for, handsomely, but i must have them." the woman gasped with astonishment, and pushing the paper close to the colonel's face, cried, "are you blind? can't you see general san martin's name? don't you know that he can have you shot to-day if he pleases?" "not _to-day_, madam. the swiftest messenger could not get here from lima to-day; and thanks to your mules, which are really very fine animals, we shall begin to chase the royalists at dawn." luckily she could not see my face as she broke into a torrent of abuse. she had a fine command of the spanish language, which she used for his benefit, besides throwing in a number of odd phrases picked up from english sailors. and all the while the colonel beamed upon her genially, as if she were paying him the highest compliments. at length she announced, in high-pitched tones, that where her mules went there would she go also; she would not trust them to such a band of thieving scoundrels. "i am delighted, madam," said the colonel, bowing low; "your society will in some degree atone for the hardships of our journey." neither of us thought she would really carry out her threat; but early next morning she appeared mounted on one of her own mules, and attached herself to me. "madam," said i gravely, trying to imitate the colonel, "this is a great pleasure for us; but even at the risk of losing your valued company, i must once more point out to you the real nature of this journey. we shall be half starved, besides suffering torments from thirst; we shall be worn out by forced marches, and some of us, no doubt, will fall victims to the spanish bullets." "i won't leave my mules," was her only reply. "but why not sell them to the colonel? he will give you a fair price." "and what about my profit?" she cried. "do you know why i came to pisco?--to buy brandy at eight dollars a jar, which just now i could sell in lima at eighty! what do you think of that, young man? why, i should have cleared a handsome fortune by this trip!" "it is very sad, madam; but soldiers, you know--" "soldiers? bah! look at them riding on my mules! _my_ mules, mark you! and to think that each of the honest beasts might be carrying four jars of brandy at eight dollars a jar! it's a wicked waste of mule-flesh! eight from eighty leaves seventy-two; take twelve for expenses, there's still sixty, and four sixties are two hundred and forty--all clear profit from! a dozen of your vagabonds would be dear at the price! look at that rascally fellow cutting my mule with a whip! i will most certainly have your colonel shot!" "i think not, madam; you have too tender a heart." "yes," said she complacently, "that is the truth. i am not stern enough. but fancy"--and here she went all over her calculations again, winding up with the assertion that we were a set of common thieves and rogues. by degrees, however, her manner changed: the ill-humour wore off, and she became quite a patriot, saying she would willingly lose her mules if the royalists were hunted down. however, about nine o'clock in the morning i left the good lady to pour her grievances into more sympathetic ears, being ordered to push on with a small detachment of cavalry, guided by castro. josé was lucky enough to stay with the main body. captain plaza was in command of our party, and he rode with the guide and me. our course to ica, the first village on our route, lay over a burning desert of very loose sand, dotted at great intervals by clumps of stunted palms. it was a horrible ride, and when we reached ica, about four in the afternoon, neither men nor animals could go a step further. the people received us kindly, provided food and drink, and fresh horses in place of our wearied animals. then we slept for an hour, and, thus refreshed, resumed the pursuit. i have often wondered since how any of us survived the hardships of the next few days. now and again we obtained an hour's rest, but our leader halted only when our animals showed signs of exhaustion. the spaniards must have suffered as much as, if not more than, ourselves, as occasionally we came upon a dead horse or a dead man, killed by sheer fatigue. on the third night after leaving lea we had ample proof of their desperate straits. we had left the sandy deserts behind, and were toiling along painfully, sustained only by castro's assurance that he knew of a capital camping-ground. "a fine wooded place," said he, "with grass for the horses, and a clear stream of water. you will be tempted to stay there all night, captain." "three hours," replied plaza, "not a moment more. we must be close on their heels now, and i don't mean santalla to escape if i can help it." santalla was a royalist colonel of whose cruelty i had heard many times. he was a gigantic fellow, of enormous strength; but, according to all accounts, a pitiful coward in spite of his boasting. indeed, any leader of average bravery would have turned and struck a blow at the handful of tired riders which now pursued him. "here we are!" exclaimed castro presently, and i saw with satisfaction the trees on our left hand to which he pointed. every bone in my body was racked with pain, my lips were parched, my eyes ached, and for the last hour i had scarcely been able to keep my seat. halting his men, plaza sent me on with the guide to investigate. leaving our horses, we moved forward swiftly but quietly; there was just the possibility of a trap. the place was almost like an enclosure on a large hacienda, but the fence was composed of trees, and we could hear the plashing waters of a stream. inside the ring was an open space, and there, to our astonishment, we beheld some twenty men lying on the grass in all manner of attitudes. not one made the slightest movement, and at first i thought they must be dead. "don't be too sure," whispered castro, and stooping down he glided noiselessly to the nearest man, while i waited with breathless eagerness. "poor beggars!" said he pityingly; "we must have pushed them hard. i don't believe they would waken if a cannon were fired at them!" this was an exaggeration, but indeed they slept so soundly that our men, surrounding them, took away most of their weapons before they understood what was going on. binding their arms, we pushed and dragged them close together, and then the captain placed his men round them in a circle. sentries were stationed at various places on the outer ring, and, much to my disgust, i was told off to visit them during the first hour. "keep a sharp lookout," said the captain, "and go round regularly. they are likely to fall asleep if you don't,"--which i did not think at all surprising. however, i had a good drink of water, and dipped my head in the stream, which freshened me somewhat. then i began what has, perhaps, been the very longest hour in my life. fortunately i had to walk, and i tried hard to keep my eyes open all the time. as to the captain's "sharp look-out," i concluded he must have been joking. the hour came to an end at last, and i was free to sleep. i just lay down on the ground, drew my poncho over me, and was sound asleep. i would not have undertaken another hour's duty just then for all the gold ever mined. the capture of the small spanish detachment was a benefit to us in one way: it prevented plaza from moving so early, and gave us all an extra hour's sleep. however, as soon as day broke, he told off half a dozen men to guard the prisoners until the colonel's arrival, and ordered the rest to be ready for starting in ten minutes. "it's nothing to do with me," remarked castro, as he and i rode out at the head of the men; "but the captain's overdoing it. he's taking the heart out of his fellows, and just at the last pinch they'll fall to pieces. there's nothing left in them for a dash at the end." "we shouldn't shine in a cavalry charge," i admitted, laughing and looking at my horse, "unless, indeed, it were under don quixote's banner!" "well, crawford," cried the captain, riding up, "something ought to happen soon now. it's a pity we wasted that last hour this morning, though. we must make up for it during the day. one of the prisoners informed me that santalla cannot be far ahead. i have a good mind to push on with the men on the strongest horses, leaving you to follow. what do you think?" "i think that you are going fast enough, captain. both men and horses are fagged now, and it's useless to catch up with santalla just as we are all dead beat." "but if we don't go ahead we shan't catch him at all. the colonel did not send us on in front to sit down by the wayside." "no, captain; but that's just what we shall be doing soon, whether we want to or not. most of the horses are nearly done for now." "then we'll get fresh ones," cried he (which, by the way, there was no possible means of doing), "or continue the pursuit on foot. do you think if the colonel were in my place he would lag behind?" of course i knew he would not, but then miller was miller, who had not, to my thinking, his equal in south america. and plaza wished to imitate his chief, forgetting he did not possess that marvellous personal influence over men which accounted so much for the english colonel's success. so we pushed on, till, at the end of the third mile or thereabout, a horse sank through sheer weariness to the ground, and had not sufficient strength to rise again. "run on with the rest," said the captain to the rider; "we will ride and tie by turns." the man saluted and came on, but the last i saw of him he was staggering from side to side of the track, as if he had completely lost control of his limbs. after a time another horse fell, giving us another infantry-man, who in a short time was, i daresay, also left behind on the road. "'twill be a plain trail for the main body," remarked the guide; for we ourselves were continually passing broken weapons, mules that could not drag their limbs a step further, dead horses, and now and then a royalist soldier curled up on the track fast asleep. "where will santalla make for?" i asked. "arequipa. but i don't think he can reach it. the indians bar the direct route, and his only way out, as far as i can see, is by taking to the mountains at copari." "my horse won't face a hill just now." castro smiled, saying, "the pass near copari is too rugged for horses at any time; the climbing must all be done on foot," and he smiled again at my gesture of despair. at ten o'clock plaza was compelled to halt, three-fourths of the men being tired as dogs, while several horses had foundered on the road. he was very excited, having heard from the last spaniard picked up that santalla, thoroughly worn out, was barely two hours' march in front. he glanced wrathfully at his tired troopers. there they lay, five minutes after the order to halt, sleeping like dead men, and for the time being certainly of no greater use. "caramba!" cried he, "it makes me wild! two hours, crawford! do you hear? and look at them! the prize will slip through our fingers after all!" "hardly that, captain," i murmured sleepily, "as it has never been in our hands." "santalla will have to rest as well," remarked the guide, "so the scales will balance." "but i don't want them to balance!" cried plaza testily. to give the captain his due, he was greatly in earnest, and willing to do himself all that he required of his men. he showed this plainly two hours after we had resumed the pursuit, when his horse suddenly dropped from exhaustion. a dozen troopers at once made as if to dismount, but he ordered them to keep their seats. "no, no," he roared; "i take no advantage!" and he ran on, holding by the stirrup to the nearest horseman. the fellows cheered him, and i think we got on better for the incident, though the halts became more frequent now, and our numbers lessened, as one man after another dropped exhausted to the ground. still we were gaining on the runaways, as a disagreeable episode presently made clear. it was about four o'clock in the afternoon, and we were straggling at no great speed through a narrow valley, when half a dozen bullets from the rocky sides dropped into our midst. "ah!" exclaimed castro, "now the spaniards are playing the proper game. these fellows have been left to hold us in check while the main body escapes through the copari pass." "push on there!" roared the captain, who after a spell of riding had just dismounted. there was, indeed, nothing else to be done. we must run the gauntlet, and trust to luck for some of us getting through. the spaniards were well hidden, and could not be dislodged, unless, which was out of the question, we came to hand-grasps with them. so urging our jaded beasts to a spurt, we quickened the pace, while now and again a groan and a thud told that a bullet had found its mark. those who were hit lay where they fell; the most of us reached the open country just in time to see a dozen or fifteen horsemen mount and ride off. evidently they had the pick of santalla's animals, as they easily kept their distance, though allowing us to advance within range, when, discharging their muskets, they recommenced the retreat. plaza fumed like one distracted at the galling fire, which considerably delayed our advance, though we suffered in the loss of horses rather than of men. he was riding again now, and well in front, with castro and myself behind him. suddenly, after a scattering volley, i felt my horse slip, and the next instant the poor beast was sprawling on the ground with a bullet-hole in its chest. staggering to my feet, i ran on, but unsteadily, for in truth i was getting very near the end of my strength. however, a husky shout from those in front encouraged me, and i saw that at last we had come fairly upon the runaways. just as castro had foretold, they were taking to a mountain pass, eastward of copari, and the main body was already toiling up the ascent. their stores lay about everywhere; horses and mules were abandoned; only a handful of horsemen, constituting the rearguard, preserved any appearance of order. for a time they stoutly held the mouth of the pass, but at length, leaving their animals, they too disappeared. plaza went at the entrance like a bull at a gate, castro followed, and i toiled after them with the men. up we went, some cheering, but the majority with closed lips, saving their breath. in our fatigued state the climb was fearfully distressing: men sank to the ground gasping, or fell while trying to grasp the overhanging rocks with nerveless fingers. as for me, though straining every nerve, i could not keep pace with the leaders. my eyes smarted and ached; my head seemed to spin round; more than once i should have fallen but for a friendly hand. presently i heard plaza cheer; but he was out of sight, and the sound seemed to come from a long distance. then i was placed gently against a rock by a soldier, who pushed on after the rest. had i been hit? i really did not know. there was blood on my hands, but they had been gashed by the jagged rocks. but hit or not, i must do my best to keep up; so trying to steady myself, i took another step forward. the pass was filled with strange sounds and with strange shapes too. large birds hovered over my head, men and animals stood in my path; i had to dodge here and there in order to find a way through. suddenly a man placed his arm round my waist, and saying, "you must lie down, lieutenant," carried me a little distance, and then placed me on the ground. "no, no," i murmured drowsily; "the captain is calling! don't you hear the captain calling?" "yes," said he: "the spaniards have escaped, and the captain has sounded a halt." i did not know then that the man was tricking me for my own good, so i answered innocently, "thank goodness! now we shall have a little rest. waken me when they return." "never fear, sir," said he; "i will waken you," and even before he turned away i had lost all knowledge of the situation. chapter xiii. home again. several days passed before i could recognize any one or anything, and then i found myself lying in bed in a strange room, but with josé sitting near me. he rubbed his hands together and smiled when my eyes opened, but he would not talk beyond saying that we were back in ica. i felt weak, but in no pain; and in a day or two was able to dress, and with josé's help to go for a stroll in the town. several acquaintances congratulated me on my recovery; but not seeing captain plaza, i asked josé if he had been hurt. "oh no," he answered, with a smile; "the captain is sound in everything but temper. santalla spoiled that by getting clear off. you won't forget that charming little trip in a hurry, jack!" "oh, it was simply awful! i wouldn't go through it again to be made commander-in-chief. i wonder it didn't kill me." "it did kill some, and knocked you all out except plaza and the guide. there was precious little difficulty in finding the route you had taken. one of the troopers showed me where you were. 'the lieutenant is a bit light-headed; said he; 'so i put him in a corner out of harm's way. i told him the captain had stopped the pursuit.'" "i remember something about it. i was tired out before my horse got hit, and the climb up the pass finished me." "you weren't the only one to get knocked up. however, the colonel obtained a light cart, and we brought you all back to ica." "so we had our trouble for nothing?" "not exactly. santalla escaped, but he left all his stores behind, and nearly a hundred of his men were captured. most of them, i think, were very glad of it. we couldn't get them to keep their eyes open, they were so sleepy." "what did the colonel say?" "oh, he laughed, and chaffed plaza a bit, but i think he was very well satisfied. now we had better turn back." i offered no objection, as even the short distance we had walked had fatigued me wonderfully. by degrees, however, my strength returned, and at the end of another week i was able to resume my duties. the colonel, as usual, was extremely busy, having to keep in order all the affairs of a huge district. though my services were very welcome, he would not let me do too much, saying kindly, "take it easy, my lad. one mustn't spur the willing horse. we are not chasing santalla just at present." "thank goodness!" i exclaimed. "one can have too much of that sport." and the colonel indulged in one of his merry laughs. the town at this time was very quiet. there were no spanish troops within many miles; our own men, through decent food and careful nursing, were rapidly recovering from the effects of their long forced marches; and fierce bands of our guerillas guarded the mountain passes. as far as our particular district was concerned, the war seemed to be over. one night as i sat making a fair copy of a proclamation, the colonel, looking up suddenly, exclaimed, "crawford, would you like to go to lima?" "to lima, sir?" and i let the pen fall in my eagerness; "why, i'd give anything to go there!" "well, you can go for nothing, my boy, in a day or two. of course you know our friends have been for some time now in possession of the capital, and that san martin is protector of peru?" "yes, sir, though i think 'tis but an empty title until the royalists are thoroughly beaten." "all in good time," said he pleasantly. "that will come some day. we shall be masters of callao shortly; which will be a great step forward. i have received news this afternoon which impels me to make the journey to lima; so if you think you're strong enough--" "i'm sure i am," i cried eagerly. "i haven't an ache or pain in my whole body now, and--" "all right!" interrupted the colonel; "i'll take you. now finish your copying, and don't fling the ink all over the place; it's wasteful." it was not only wasteful, but it gave me extra work, the copy being so smeared and blotted that i had to write it again on a fresh sheet. "lima in a day or two!" i said softly to myself as my pen drove along the paper. the words sounded like sweetest music to me, and i hummed them to myself over and over again. i pictured the dear old home, the park, the pony i had ridden so often, the silvery pond, and the boats i had fashioned to sail on its waters. but above and beyond all i saw my mother, with eyes aglint and face suffused with joy. the vision was so real that i stopped in my writing to view it more closely. and when the colonel presently gave me leave for the remainder of the day, i rushed off to find josé, hardly knowing whether i ran or flew. "what is it, jack?" he exclaimed. "has captain plaza promised to take you on another trip?" he laughed at his own joke, and i laughed too, being in the humour to see fun in anything. "you aren't far out, josé," i replied, slapping him on the shoulder out of pure good humour. "i am going on a trip, but not with plaza!" "then it must be with the colonel." "right this time. but where are we going, josé? can you tell me that, eh? no, you'll never guess, so i will tell you. to _lima_, my boy! what do you think of that?" "i think that your mother will be very pleased to see you." "fancy seeing her again, josé, after all these weary months!" "she will hardly know you," said he. "you have grown so tall and strong and manly. you are the image of what your father was at your age, jack. are all the troops to be moved up?" "i think not. as far as i know, the colonel's only paying a flying visit to the capital. why are you laughing?" "because i'm rather doubtful of that. if miller goes to lima, it's a proof there are hard knocks about. and high time too! according to the talk, the war should have been done with long ago." next day the colonel made his arrangements, and on the following morning he set out, leaving major videla in charge of the district. rather to my surprise, josé formed one of the party, which consisted only of us three. under some circumstances the journey would have been tedious; but colonel miller was very agreeable, and told us many interesting stories of his adventurous career. thus the time passed pleasantly enough, and on the evening of september 11, 1821, we arrived in the neighbourhood of lima. the capital, as i have said, was in possession of the patriots; but a royalist garrison still held callao, and the royalist general, canterac, with a small army, had just swooped down from the mountains to help his friends. our soldiers were chiefly stationed between the two towns; but the citizens of lima had armed themselves, and swaggered about talking of the great deeds they were about to perform. the colonel, aware of my anxiety, agreed that i should pay a visit to my mother at once. "i must see general san martin," said he. "he may give me a post here, and if so, i will send for you. but you have earned a few days' rest, and i shall not omit to mention you favourably to the protector." as soon as he had gone, josé and i rode on quickly. my heart beat fast, and my hands trembled so that i had to use both in holding the reins. "i suppose it is all right, josé," i remarked as we drew near the house. "i suppose there is nothing wrong?" "no, no," replied he; "why should there be? you are nervous, my boy, that's all. cheer up; in a short time you will be in your mother's arms." at the outer gate i drew back, leaving josé to accost the janitor, who greeted him heartily. then in silence we rode through the park to the courtyard, and in response to our knocking antonio appeared. on seeing me the old man would have screamed with delight, but i checked him, saying softly, "hush, antonio; tell me quickly of your mistress, my mother. is she well?" "in health, señor, but sad. ah, the house has been very lonely for many a long day!" "go you, josé," said i, "and prepare her." "joy never kills," answered he, laughing; "but perhaps it will be as well for me to go in first." i waited a few moments, and then dismounting, walked softly towards the entrance. what would she say? what would she do? my heart almost ceased beating as i stood in the shadow listening. the door was wide open, and a stream of light came from the spacious hall. suddenly i heard a quick step, and then my mother's voice crying, "juan! my juan! where are you?" and running forward, i threw myself joyfully into her arms. she kissed me repeatedly, and then hand in hand we went inside. "mother!" i cried, "mother!" and for a long time that was the only word spoken. we sat down side by side, and her beautiful eyes, dimmed by very joy, looked into mine. she pressed my hand, smoothed my cheeks, and brushed back the hair from my forehead, murmuring softly, "juan, my juan!" i think, perhaps, that great happiness, like great grief, kills speech. at least it was so with us, and we were content to sit there silently gazing into each loved face. at length the good old major-domo, knocking timidly at the door, announced that supper was served, when my mother with a sigh suffered me to leave her for a few minutes, in order to make myself more presentable for the table. i would have had josé sit down with us, but he disappeared, and perhaps after all it was as well. my mother made only a pretence at eating, and sat with her eyes fixed on me, as though fearful i should in some mysterious way suddenly disappear. after supper we returned to the drawing-room, where i related my adventures, telling her the story of the shipwreck, of my rescue and imprisonment in the fort, of my marvellous escape, and all the various incidents which had happened since i left home. of santiago's information concerning my father i said nothing, though i longed greatly to do so. "i think general barejo wished you well," she exclaimed after a pause. "he is not of our way of thinking, but he has a kind heart, and he was a true friend to me before these troubles came upon us." "was he ever friendly with father?" i asked. "he respected him much, though he thought him greatly mistaken. you see, their ideas were altogether opposed, but in private life each esteemed the other." presently, remembering that the royalists no longer held lima, i said, "what has become of little rosa? i hope our people have not disturbed her, though it must be lonely for her living in that great house alone. could she not have come to you?" "there was no need," and my mother's lips curled scornfully; "she is safe enough with her father." "with her father?" i echoed, in astonishment. "how can he take a delicate child like that into a rough camp?" "his house is not a rough camp, juan!" the truth did not strike me at first, so i said innocently, "oh, has he been wounded and obtained permission to be nursed at home? is he seriously hurt?" "he is quite well, i believe, and is one of us." "felipe montilla turned _patriot_?" i cried in amazement. now let me not be misunderstood. i honestly believed our cause just. in my small way i had ventured my life for the independence of peru, and was quite ready to venture it again. but this man had boasted his loyalty to the spanish king, had fought under his flag, had taken high rank in his army! he had accepted from him both honours and broad lands, and then at the first reverse in his fortunes had slunk away like a whipped cur. "a fig for such patriots!" cried i hotly. "were i san martin, he should be whipped back to the men he has deserted. give me a loyal friend or a stout enemy, i care not which; but these _jellyfish_--bah! they are an abomination." "you are young, my boy, and not quite wise enough to understand these things. is it not to don felipe's credit that he should openly confess his mistake?" "and save his estates into the bargain," said i wrathfully. "let the spaniards get the upper hand, and you will find him back in their ranks quickly enough." "a man must follow the guiding of his conscience, even if it lead to his advantage," remarked my mother quietly. "but if you are indignant with don felipe, you will be equally delighted with rosa. she is still loyalist to the core, and makes no secret of it. she told san martin the other day that he was a busybody, meddling in affairs that did not concern him, and that the people of peru could settle their disputes without his interference." "bravo, rosa!" i cried, with a laugh; "there is nothing like speaking one's mind. i'll wager san martin prefers the girl to her father. have you seen the general?" "yes; he paid me a friendly visit on purpose to show his admiration for your dear father. he is a most remarkable man." it was not until the evening drew to a close that my mother spoke of what lay nearest her heart--our plans for the future. she admitted with a sigh that i must in honour offer my services to san martin. i was still young, but there were many boys fighting in the ranks, and some had already sacrificed their lives for the cause. "it is hard to let you go again," said she, pressing me fondly to her, "and yet i must. god grant that the war may soon be brought to an end!" "amen to that!" i exclaimed fervently. "fighting is not to my liking, but i cannot stand idly by while others risk their lives for my benefit." "no," said my mother, kissing me good-night; "you must do your duty, my boy. your father would have wished it." a few minutes later i went to my room, and was just closing the door when josé appeared. he looked hot and flushed, and i asked where he had been. "to the camp," said he, with a laugh, "to see what's going on. i thought the colonel must have had some special news. unless san martin holds his hand, the spaniards are lost. they can't stay at callao, as there isn't food even for the garrison; they aren't strong enough to take lima: they must retreat or starve." "well?" i exclaimed questioningly. "why, don't you see, directly they begin to retreat we shall crush them. already nearly two hundred of their men have deserted." "more deserters? why, we shall soon be able to form a battalion of turncoats for don felipe to lead!" it was now josé's turn to look astonished, and his expression of amazement was so ludicrous that i laughed outright. "what a poltroon!" he cried contemptuously. "but i'll see you get no harm by this right-about face. he is mistaken if he thinks his treachery will give him a hold on your estates." "a hold on my estates, josé? what do you mean?" "oh," said he, "i have not cared to speak of it, but i must now." and he proceeded to inform me that all my father's property had passed into the possession of don felipe montilla. "but," i exclaimed, striving to appear calm, "that will be set aside now. san martin will never allow our property to be confiscated because my father died for the patriot cause." "montilla is a fox, jack, and has made a good bargain for himself, no doubt. i expect he obtained the general's written promise to confirm him in all his estates. and if so," he concluded gloomily, "yours form part of them." "he shall not keep them," i cried angrily, "whatever san martin has promised!" "no; but we must not quarrel openly until the spaniards are done with. montilla has influence, and no doubt san martin finds him useful. but don't take it to heart, jack; we will defeat him in the end." "if we don't," said i grimly, "it will be because the son has followed the father. and that reminds me, do you think montilla knows what actually happened to my father? it always seemed strange to me that rosa should learn of that affair so quickly." "you don't suspect--" "that he had a hand in his death? no, hardly that, though he is mean-spirited enough for it. but it struck me that, being high in the viceroy's favour, he probably knew what was going on." "that is possible at least." "probable, i should say. however, to-morrow i intend putting the question to him." "do you mean that you are going to interview him on the subject?" "why not? there can be no harm in asking a straightforward question." "mind you don't lose your temper, my boy. it's dangerous work rousing a venomous snake until its poison bag is extracted." "never fear, josé. i have learned how to take care of myself during the last few months. thanks to you and the colonel, i have done some hard practising. and now turn in. it will seem strange to sleep in one's own bed again, won't it?" "make the most of it," advised he laughingly. "it may be a long time before you have another chance." i felt very tired, and yet it was long before i fell asleep. i was angry at montilla's double-dealing, sorry for rosa, my old playmate, and agitated by a thousand vague doubts and suspicions. in the morning i rose very little refreshed, had a simple breakfast in my room, and went to find josé. he had already returned from an early visit to the camp, and brought word that matters were still in the same state. the spaniards remained sheltered under the guns of the fortress, and san martin, knowing their provisions were almost exhausted, would not attack. presently we were joined by my mother, who made josé happy by praising him for his care of me. then we took a stroll round the grounds, looked in at my workshop, where my half-painted boat still lay, and paid a visit to the lake. after a while i asked josé to have my horse saddled, saying, "excuse me, mother, for a short time, please. you know the colonel may send for me at any moment, and i should like to see rosa once more." this was only partly the truth, but i could not speak of my principal motive, for as yet, acting under josé's advice, i had made no mention of santiago's queer story. it would have been cruel to raise hopes that might have no actual foundation. chapter xiv friend or foe! i have before said that don felipe was our nearest neighbour; the grounds of his house, indeed, joined our own, and i might easily have gone there on foot. perhaps it was a touch of pride which induced me to go on horseback, as i was a good rider, and young enough to feel a certain satisfaction in my appearance. i had grown beyond the recollection of the gatekeeper, who admitted me to the courtyard with a show of deference, saying that both his master and young mistress were at home. rosa's mother had been dead for some years. don felipe had numerous servants, and to one of them i threw the reins, telling him to mind my horse. then going to the door, i inquired for don felipe. the major-domo was showing me to a small room, when a girl, merrily humming a popular royalist song, came tripping along the corridor. suddenly she stopped, looked hard at me, and then came forward again, saying, "juan! surely you are juan crawford?" i have sometimes laughed since at my stupidity, yet there might be found some excuse for it. during my absence from lima i had often thought of my little playmate, but it had never occurred to me that time would change her as well as myself. and now, instead of the merry child with whom i had romped and played, there appeared a beautiful girl at whom i gazed in wonder. "are you not juan crawford?" she asked again, speaking softly. "yes," said i, "i am juan; but you, señorita?" her face rippled with merry laughter; but pouting her lips, she said,-"what a poor compliment to your old friend, juan! surely you have not forgotten rosa!" "nay, that have i not; i have forgotten nothing. but you are so changed, rosa--so different!" "so are you; but i knew you at once. when did you come home? have you come to see me?" "yes, and your father as well. i have some business with him." "oh!" cried she, tossing her head and frowning, "of course you and he are on the same side. my father is a patriot now, and cries, 'down with the king!' i suppose your meddlesome general has sent you with a message." i did not undeceive her; and while the servant carried my name to his master, we entered one of the rooms and continued our conversation. i saw she was troubled; yet with great skill and grace she put me at ease, and led me to talk of what had happened during the last two years. "what a fire-eater you are, juan!" she cried banteringly. "i am quite afraid of you. but what a fine sword you have! ah, if i were only a boy! can you guess what i would do?" "no," i replied, with a shake of the head. "no one can guess what a girl will do." "but i said a boy." "ah! that would be altogether different." "i will tell you then," she said, standing up and speaking very earnestly. "i would get a sword and pistols and join the king's friends. i would be a loyal spanish cavalier, juan, if i were the only one in peru!" "then it is lucky you are a girl, rosa, or you would soon be killed. i would not harm the king, even if he were here instead of being in spain, thousands of miles away; but i have no love for those who rule in his name." "no," said she, casting down her eyes, and i thought her voice sounded sad; "you have suffered at their hands. but it is not the king's fault, juan; he would have seen you righted." "it is a long way from peru to spain," said i, trying to speak carelessly, "and it seems as if in these days one must right one's own wrongs." after that we sat speaking very little, each afraid lest the talk should drift into an awkward channel, for i felt sure that she knew how her father had robbed us of our estates. on the return of the servant she whispered earnestly, "my father has changed greatly. i am sure he is unhappy. if he should appear cross and irritable, you will bear with him, won't you, juan?" "i will do my best, rosa. but why should he be angry with me? i am only going to ask him a question." don felipe was truly much altered. his dark hair was plentifully sprinkled with silver; there were deep lines in his forehead and around his lips; his eyes had become shifty, and there was a look of cunning in them. he gave me just one swift, searching glance, and then looked away. it was an awkward meeting, and i hardly knew what to say. fortunately don felipe took the lead. "you have grown almost out of knowledge, my young friend; and i notice you have obtained military rank," said he, with a covert sneer. "i have the honour to be a lieutenant in the army to which we both belong, señor," i replied. he winced at that, and his eyes glowed angrily. "if you have brought me a message from your general," said he, "will you at once deliver it? i am very busy just now." "i will not take up more than five minutes of your valuable time, señor. my errand is an important one, though _at present_ it has nothing to do with general san martin." again he glanced at me sharply, and i thought he seemed slightly nervous. "i must ask you to be quick with it," he said coldly. "i only desire to ask you about the death of my father. i am sure you will give me all the information in your power, as he died for the independence of peru, which to-day both you and i are trying to secure." at that he started up, his eyes blazing, his hand on his sword. "do you think i killed your father?" he roared furiously. "he died through his own fault. i warned him again and again that the time was not ripe, but he paid no heed to me." "are you not mistaken?" i asked. "according to the indians' account, he was slain while trying to prevent them from rising." "then the government was deceived. no good can be done by digging up the dead past, but you shall hear all that i know of the story. at that time there were three parties in the country. one section, led by your father, resolved upon armed insurrection; another, composed of royalists, determined that nothing should be changed; the third, to which i belonged, endeavoured to obtain reform by moderate means. i need not say that your father was a marked man. one day the viceroy received word that he had started for the mountains in order to rouse the indians to revolt, and, to prevent mischief, it was arranged that he should be placed in prison. as you may know, he refused to submit quietly, and, unfortunately, was shot in the fight which ensued." "was his body brought back to lima?" "i never heard so. most probably it was left on the mountains. i was sorry for him; but he was a headstrong man, and would not listen to reason." "that was foolish of him," i remarked quietly. "had he waited till the proper time to declare his real opinions, he would not have lost his life, nor my mother her property. it is possible, indeed, that our estates would have been largely added to." "the estates were confiscated, it is true," said don felipe slowly, "but they fell into friendly hands." then, in quite a kindly tone, he added, "you feel bitter against me, juan--i see it in your face. perhaps it is natural; yet you really have no reason to do so. i must not say more now, but all will come right in the end." "so i intend," said i stoutly, yet feeling rather mystified. the man's sudden change of manner puzzled me. after all, i was only a boy, with little ability and no training to seek for things lying beneath the surface. and montilla seeing the state of my mind, played upon it with consummate skill. i cannot truthfully say that he made any definite promise, but this was the impression i received:--knowing that all my father's property was forfeit to the law, he had exerted his influence to secure it. at that time he thought the trouble would be settled without fighting, and intended in a year or two to restore the estates. when the war broke out, he endeavoured to bring the viceroy over to the cause of reform, but finding that impossible, was compelled reluctantly to join the patriots. of course, in the matter of the estates, nothing could be done now till the war was over. "thus," said he cheerfully, "the future is safe. if the patriots win, we can have the confiscation revoked; while, on the other hand, i count so many friends among the moderate royalists that the viceroy would hardly care to thwart me." "in any case," said i bluntly, though with no wish to vex him, "the indians will see that i am not wronged!" "trust me," he answered, his voice sounding now like the purring of a cat; "felipe montilla never makes mistakes." i had a stinging reply on my lips, but refraining from giving it utterance, i bade him farewell. "come again, juan," said he, "if the general can spare you!" and though not overburdened with wits, i had a sense of being laughed at. i was joined in the corridor by rosa, who wanted to know why i was going so soon. "i really must," i answered, smiling. "i have spent no time with my mother yet, and i may be sent for at any moment." "but this will not be _good-bye_?" "on the contrary, i hope to see you often. your father has given me the kindest of invitations." at this she opened her eyes wide; but quickly recovering herself, she smiled pleasantly, and accompanied me to the hall. as i rode by, she was standing at a window waving her hand. i had much to think of during the short ride home, but i got little satisfaction from my thoughts. nothing had been gained by my visit to montilla, and his story only went to confirm the truth of the reports of my father's death. as to my faith in his startling promises, it grew weaker with every step my horse took. i said nothing to my mother; but josé, to whom i related all that had passed, laughed loudly. "the cunning old fox!" cried he; "he hasn't his equal for craft in peru! you will see that, whoever sinks, don felipe montilla will swim." "not at my expense," i exclaimed, "while i have strength to raise an arm." the rest of that day i spent with my mother, forcing myself to forget that any trouble existed in the world. it was only a brief spell of happiness, but we enjoyed every second of it, and by nightfall my mother's face had lost some of its sadness, and her eyes shone brightly as in the olden days. early next morning an order was brought to me to rejoin colonel miller, as it was arranged that, for a time at least, josé should remain behind to look after the affairs of the hacienda. the servants assembled in the courtyard to see me off, and my mother came to the hall door. there she embraced me, and stood smiling bravely as i mounted. whatever sorrow she felt was locked up tightly in her own breast. accompanied by the man who had brought the order, i rode briskly to mirones, the headquarters of the patriot army, and about a mile from callao. the colonel was with san martin and a group of officers, watching the enemy's movements; but he turned to me at once, saying, "general, this is lieutenant crawford, of whom i spoke." san martin, the protector of peru, was a tall man with black hair, bushy whiskers, and a deep olive complexion. he had black, piercing eyes, fringed by long lashes and overhung by heavy brows and a high, straight forehead. he was strong and muscular, with an erect, military carriage. he looked every inch a soldier, and one, moreover, with an iron will that nothing could bend. his voice was harsh and unmusical, but he spoke in a kindly, simple, and unaffected manner. "colonel miller has told me many things of you, lieutenant," said he, "and all to your credit. i am glad to know that the son of don eduardo crawford is following so well in his father's steps." "thank you, general," i replied, bowing low. "i understand," he continued, "that colonel miller wishes to keep you with him. it is certainly an honourable post; but i fancy you are likely to get many hard knocks," he concluded, with a laugh. "he has had a strong taste of the service, general," observed miller, with a merry smile.--"are you willing to stay with me, crawford?" "yes, certainly, sir, with the general's permission." "very well," said san martin. "and, by the way, colonel, let him have on hour's sleep now and again,"--a little joke at which the group of officers, knowing the englishman's habits, laughed heartily. the general presently rode off to his quarters, the officers went to their several duties, and i accompanied colonel miller to that part of the field in which his men were stationed. he had been appointed to the command of a column seven hundred strong, which was held in readiness to move at any moment. the officers were unknown to me, but they seemed pleasant, genial fellows, and in a short time i felt quite at home with them. the younger ones were grumbling because san martin did not at once attack the enemy, saying that canterac would slip away to the mountains in the night. "then his army will break up of its own accord," remarked a grizzled major. "he can't take his guns, and his troops are starving. hundreds will throw down their weapons on finding us close at their heels." "better have a straight fight and have done with it," grumbled a youngster. "there's no fun playing at hide-and-seek in the hills." "should you live to be a man," said the major reprovingly, "you won't talk in such a light-hearted way of a battle." and the boy's face flushed at the laugh which greeted the remark. "don't be too sarcastic, gamarra," cried another. "the youngster's right in the main. if canterac escapes, the war may drag on for months, and will cost thousands of lives. the mountains will kill more than a pitched battle would." "canterac can't escape if we follow him up properly," said the major, "and colonel miller seems the man to do that." "that is so; but he can't move without orders; and there's more than one man in high places who will prefer lima to a pursuit." thus they talked during the afternoon, and early in the evening colonel miller ordered that every one not on duty should turn in at once; which we took to be a sign that something was going to happen shortly. at ten o'clock the column was roused. the men assembled silently, and a whisper went round that canterac had begun his retreat. for more than an hour we awaited fresh orders, the colonel on horseback fuming impatiently, until at last the word came to march. "an hour thrown away," muttered the colonel angrily. "canterac will laugh in our faces." to our disgust, we found that the column was attached to the main army, and that we had to move step by step to the will of the chief. i knew very little about military tactics, but it was a strange kind of pursuit, and made me think of a tortoise chasing a hare. "i wonder what captain plaza would think of this performance?" said the colonel, rather bitterly, as we jogged along. "this isn't the way he took you after santalla, eh?" "indeed no, colonel!" i replied, laughing. "the captain would have had us on the other side of lima by now." "it's like a funeral procession," he muttered impatiently; "and if they don't mind, 'twill be a funeral procession in reality. we shall be burying the independence of peru." the ridiculous part of it was that our column had been formed of all the light companies on purpose to swoop down on the foe. as far as i could judge, the swoop was much like that of a hawk whose wings had been carefully tied to its body. however, we tramped along throughout the night, halting at daybreak without getting a glimpse of the exulting canterac. "never mind," exclaimed the colonel, who hated to look on the dark side of things; "we may catch them during the day." in this he was disappointed, as we proceeded in the same leisurely manner, just as if we were out for a quiet stroll on a summer's day. several times miller rode off to the staff, but on each occasion he returned looking more dissatisfied than before. the men wondered, and at each halt the officers talked pretty freely among themselves, giving their opinions with refreshing vigour. "canterac has the start of us now," said one, "and we shall never overtake him. we had the game in our hands, and have simply thrown it away." the grizzled major remained optimistic, saying, "you may depend that san martin has some scheme in his head." but the rest of us were doubtful. "if i had an enemy in a trap, my scheme would be to keep him there and not to let him walk out through an open door," laughed a young captain. "the war might have been finished to-day; now it's likely to go on for another twelvemonth." "well," remarked one of his comrades, "it's a comfort to think we shan't kill ourselves through over-exertion." by degrees we pushed on to a place about nine leagues east of lima, where it seemed as if the lumbering machine had broken down altogether. it was evening when we arrived and halted; the men ate the last morsel of their scanty rations; the chief officers, though no one could imagine what they found to discuss, held a conference, and presently it leaked out that the pursuit had been abandoned. "i don't profess to understand it," exclaimed major gamarra, "but you will find that there's some grand scheme in the air." "ah!" interrupted another officer, in a sarcastic tone, "and no doubt it will stay there; most of these precious schemes do. what i should like to see would be a little common sense." "would you recognize it if you saw it?" put in the major quick as lightning; and all the others laughed. "perhaps not. i've had little opportunity of renewing my acquaintance with it since san martin came to peru." this was a dangerous remark, as we were a very mixed crowd. some had come from buenos ayres with san martin; others were chilians who had fought with him throughout the chilian war; several, like myself, were natives of peru; while two or three were englishmen. fortunately, before the dispute had had time to become hot, the colonel returned from the conference, and joined us at the fire. "i don't know, gentlemen, that anything is likely to happen," said he; "but we may as well enjoy a night's rest while we can," and wrapping his cloak around him, he lay down, setting an example which most of us followed. chapter xv. we catch a tartar. when i awoke at six o'clock in the morning, most of the officers and men were still sleeping, but the colonel had disappeared. there was nothing to be done beyond feeding and grooming my horse, which i always made a point of doing myself. as to my own breakfast, my haversack was empty, and i think there was hardly a pound of meat to be found among the whole column. after a short time the men were roused, and just after seven o'clock we saw the colonel come tearing along on horseback, as if pursued by a cavalry division. evidently he was in a great hurry, and his face was wreathed in smiles. "good-morning, gentlemen," he cried. "you will be glad to hear my news: we move in an hour's time. the general has only a scanty stock of provisions, but there is sufficient to provide your men with breakfast.--crawford, hunt up lieutenant-colonel o'brien, and ask him to come to me at once." o'brien was a famous irishman who had served with san martin all through the chilian war. he was a fine fellow, standing six feet six inches high, and well proportioned. every one loved him for his winning ways, his ready smile, his perfect honesty, and his absolute fearlessness. "colonel miller?" said he, on hearing my message. "faith, i'll come instantly." and we rode back together. "you're prompt, o'brien," exclaimed the colonel, laughing; "have you had enough of this slow-time business?" "more than enough, colonel. what are your fellows looking so pleased about?" "first, the prospect of a breakfast; and then--" "you've badgered the general into giving you a free hand!" "not quite that; but i have permission to push on. i fear it's too late. canterac is a fine soldier, and will be ready for us now; but i am going to see if he has left any weak places. would you care to come with me?" "you're just a jewel, colonel," exclaimed the big irishman enthusiastically, "and i'm eternally devoted to you. when do we start?" "directly after breakfast. will you take some with me?" "that will i, colonel, and i'm as charmed with the second invitation as the first. i dined with the general the day we left mirones, and haven't had a decent meal since." the colonel laughed, saying, "i'm afraid i can't say much for the quality of our food." "never mind the quality, colonel; i think more of quantity just at present." "well, that's on a par with the quality." this did not sound very promising; but we managed to satisfy our hunger, and the men, having eaten their scanty rations, were drawn up ready for the start. at nine o'clock we left the camp, and a rapid march brought us to the village of macas, which the enemy had just abandoned. here, to our great delight, we discovered a number of sheep dressed and ready for cooking; so, for once in a way, we enjoyed a really good meal, while cracking many jokes at the spaniards' expense. then having rested, we pushed on to the foot of the mountains, where the men bivouacked, being too tired to drag themselves any further. i was just preparing to off-saddle when the colonel said, "crawford, if you aren't too tired, you can come with me. i am going just a little way up the mountain." "very good, sir," i answered, climbing into the saddle again, but wishing that he had taken it into his head to sleep instead. "i should like to find out where canterac is. he is quite clever enough to set a very ugly trap for us." it was dark now, and the road was difficult; but we rode cautiously, listening for sounds, and keeping our eyes well open. at the end of perhaps half a mile the colonel suddenly stopped, and said in a whisper, "some one is coming towards us." the position was very awkward. we were on a narrow road with no hiding-place at hand, and must either retreat rapidly or plump ourselves right into the arms of the strangers. in another minute we had no choice at all, as several dusky figures loomed up before us. fortunately colonel miller favoured the practice of taking the bull by the horns, and levelling his pistol, he cried in a stern voice, "halt! who are you?" taken by surprise, the men stopped, and we heard one of them say, "no, no; he's no spaniard. i can tell by his speech." "quite right," cried the colonel. "i'm an english officer in the patriot army. who are you? make haste; we don't want to stay here all night." "we're deserters from general canterac's army," replied one boldly, "and want to give ourselves up." "then you're just right. we will return with you to the camp, or the sentries might shoot you.--crawford, turn your horse round so that they can pass between us.--now, my good fellows, march, and i hope for your own sakes that you've given a true account of yourselves." thus we journeyed back to the camp, where, beside a good fire, colonel miller examined the prisoners. from them we learned that general canterac had halted in a strong position halfway up the mountain; upon which i could see, by his restlessness, that the colonel was eager to resume the pursuit at once. a glance at his wearied men, however, showed him the folly of such an enterprise. "no," said he at last; "they couldn't stand it." which was quite true. having given the strangers into the charge of the guard, we unsaddled our horses, wrapped ourselves up, and lay down near the fire. two seconds later we were fast asleep. at daybreak we were moving again, and i fancy the colonel felt glad he had not attempted to lead his men up the mountains in the darkness of night. the road was simply horrible, and the pass might have been defended by a score of resolute men against an army. halfway up we received a check. o'brien, going forward with a handful of men, got in touch with the enemy, who immediately turned about and threatened to overwhelm us by a sudden attack. under some leaders we should most certainly have come to grief; but the colonel's cheery, smiling face kept the men at their posts. drawing them up in a strong position, he awaited the attack calmly. "if you try to run away, my lads," he said pleasantly, "the spaniards will make mincemeat of you; so it is wisest to stand firm." we watched three battalions come down from the height and halt just beyond musket-range. "i don't believe they're going to attack, after all!" exclaimed o'brien excitedly. "not until we move," answered the colonel, "and then they'll fall on us tooth and nail. i expect they are just gaining time while the main body gets away. it's aggravating, too, because they have the whip hand of us. we aren't strong enough to turn them out." o'brien shook his head, saying, "if the provisions would last, we might stand here staring at each other till doomsday." darkness found the position unchanged, while numerous watch-fires gleamed fitfully through the gloom. "i wonder," said the colonel thoughtfully, "if canterac intends keeping his men there all night? those fires may be just a blind; he's quite equal to a dodge of that sort." "let me find out," said o'brien.--"crawford, do you feel in trim for a stroll?" "oh, thanks! it's very kind of you to think of me." "don't mention it, my dear fellow! it's a weakness of mine to remember my friends.--we'll be back in an hour, colonel.--take off your sword, crawford; we must trust to our pistols. are you ready? come along, then." passing our outposts, we began to climb warily, keeping a keen lookout, and taking care to make no unnecessary noise. it was possible--indeed i thought probable--that we should meet the enemy stealing down to surprise our camp by a night attack. however, we kept steadily on our way, and had nearly reached the outer ring of fires, when, clutching o'brien by the arm, i dragged him bodily to the ground. "what's the matter?" he asked quietly. "a sentry! listen! he's talking to some one." we lay quite still, trying to hear what was said; but in this we were disappointed, and presently the two men separated, each walking slowly in opposite directions. "now's our chance!" whispered o'brien; and crawling on hands and knees, we passed quietly between the two. several yards away was a big fire, and a number of men had gathered round it, where they could easily be seen. "then they haven't bolted, after all!" said o'brien, in surprise. "it doesn't look like it; but don't let us be too sure. you stay in this hollow while i investigate. you are not a good performer on all-fours." "no," said he, chuckling, and i was afraid that, in spite of our danger, he would laugh aloud; "this is a sort of circus trick not taught at our school. can you judge where to find me again?" "easily, if they don't let the fires out;" and i crawled further into the camp, and in the direction of a second fire. it looked very comfortable, but no one was there to take advantage of it, and the third and fourth i visited were equally deserted. the trick was plain enough now. after lighting the fires, the three battalions had marched off, leaving just sufficient men to tend them, and to act as sentries. the sight of a soldier crossing the camp to throw fresh fuel on one of the fires changed suspicion into certainty, and i hastened back to o'brien with my information. "that's an old dodge," said he, "but a good one. it almost always pays in this part of the world. now let us get back and tell the colonel." cautiously we crawled back, waited nearly an hour for a favourable chance to dodge the sentries, and then hurried down the pass. "thanks," exclaimed the colonel, on hearing our report. "we can afford now to let the men have a couple of hours' sleep; they need it." "and i daresay some of the officers will lie down, if you press them," laughed o'brien.--"what do you say, crawford?" "well, the colonel need not press me much," i replied. "good boy! i'm pleased you're so willing to do as you're told." "well, he has certainly earned a rest," observed miller. "but we are moving sharp at daybreak, remember." "there's nothing strange in that," said i sleepily; "the wonder would be if we didn't." at which the colonel and o'brien laughed heartily. next day we marched into the village of puruchuco, on the eastern side of the mountain, and about six miles distant from the small town of huamantanga, where the royalists had halted. owing to the difficulty of obtaining food, colonel miller now sent most of our infantry back to macas; the indians were thrown forward to act as a screen in front; while the rest of us bivouacked in some meadows near the village. the next day the colonel and i rode to within five hundred yards of huamantanga, where we saw the enemy formed up in marching order. "what restless fellows they are!" i exclaimed laughingly; "they're on the move again!" "yes; but this time, unless i'm much mistaken, they are moving backwards. ride round to the right, warn the indians to be ready for an attack, and rejoin me at puruchuco." i had barely reached the village when the colonel's suspicions were verified. two thousand of the enemy, all picked men, as we afterwards discovered, rapidly descended the heights, drove the indians back by sheer strength of numbers, and at last sent them flying pell-mell to seek safety in some of the numerous ravines. we had barely three hundred regular soldiers, many of whom were young boys, and scarcely one had ever smelt powder in a real fight. but miller was a host in himself, and though the odds were so desperate, i did not despair of victory. o'brien, with a picked detachment of infantry, occupied a strong position, and began firing as soon as the assailants came within range. the cavalry and the remainder of the infantry were posted lower down the mountain side. "aim low, lads," said the colonel, "and don't waste your ammunition. if they reach you, give them a taste of the steel." the flight of the indians left us a great deal exposed, and in danger of being surrounded; but o'brien had placed his men on a rocky platform, from which they kept one detachment in check. meanwhile, in our own quarter the fight raged furiously. a large body of spaniards, slipping past o'brien, came on again and again. we beat them back, but they gave us no rest. our men began to fall, and once i saw a shade of anxiety flit across the colonel's face. it was gone in less than a second, but it confirmed my opinion that we could not hold our ground. for the most part, we contented ourselves with repelling the enemy's attacks; but twice our leader flung himself against their dragoons at the head of his cavalry. we broke them easily, but could not pursue, and the experiment cost us a dozen in killed and wounded. "this won't do," said he. "they will eat us up.--crawford, tell o'brien to retire on us slowly. i intend to retreat.--captain prieto, get your men posted in that ravine to the left, and hold it until you are told to withdraw." i did not hear the captain's reply, being on my way to deliver the colonel's order. i had left my horse behind, but even so, the journey was distinctly unpleasant, as my body was a prominent target for dozens of muskets. "warm work, crawford!" exclaimed o'brien. "i think the colonel is right. we've caught a tartar this time, and no mistake.--steady, my lads! we'll make them fight for every yard." i stayed with the detachment, helping to carry a wounded man. the cheering spaniards pressed us closely; if they could break through our cordon, miller's men were doomed. but we returned shot for shot, and stopped their occasional rushes by steel. every moment of delay gave our brave fellows further down the pass a better chance of escape. "well done, o'brien!" cried the colonel, as we joined him where he stood with a few horsemen.--"steady, my lads! captain prieto holds the pass. don't lose your heads, and we shall come out all right." at the ravine the horsemen halted, while the infantry continued the retreat; first o'brien's men, and afterwards those who had held the pass under captain prieto. this was the fiercest part of the struggle. the fighting was at hand-grips now, and i wondered we were not swept away headlong. "stand firm, my lads, stand firm; it's your only chance!" sang out miller cheerfully, and his eyes brightened with the passing minutes, as he knew that the bulk of his command was rapidly getting out of danger. for half an hour we held the narrow way with sword and pistol, and then a body of spaniards, who unseen by us had worked round to the right, appeared lower down the pass. "we must cut our way through, and at once!" cried our leader. "about face, lads, and into them. ride hard, and strike hard." we were in a trap now, and the only way to get out was by smashing the door. the colonel led, the troopers followed as best they could, while o'brien and i remained in the rear to help to check the rush of the enemy's main body. there was a flash of swords, the sound of pistol-shots, an outburst of mocking laughter from the enemy, a "viva!" from our own men, a vigorous "hurrah!" from the colonel, and then we were through! "go on, my lads!" cried the colonel, dropping to the rear. "your comrades are at the foot of the mountain.--a narrow shave, o'brien!" "yes! and we aren't clear yet," replied the irishman, turning in his saddle to glance behind. "there would be more chance for us if we could bring down that tall fellow who is leading." whiz! whiz! the bullets were buzzing about our ears now, too close to be comfortable, and but for our horses, we must soon have been killed or captured. at any other time i would not have ridden down that mountain side at a foot pace. it was a succession of steep descents, which made one dizzy to look at; and how my animal managed to keep its feet i could not understand. "push on!" cried the colonel suddenly, "and tell prieto to line the mouth of the pass, in case these fellows chase us all the way." he and o'brien had stopped, intending to try the effect of a shot or two, and in another minute i was out of sight. fifty yards further down the road forked, and fancying the branch to the right looked the easier, i turned into it. "it may take a little longer to reach the bottom," i thought, "but it's a far less dangerous way. i wonder if the others will think to turn down here." it often happens that we come to grief when feeling most secure, and it was so with me now. i was riding at a swift gallop, and perhaps with less care than was necessary, when all at once my horse stumbled, failed to recover itself, and fell heavily. fortunately it lay still, and i was able to drag myself free, feeling dazed and bewildered. here was a pretty pickle! what could i do? in any case the colonel would reach the bottom first, and the retreat would be continued without me. getting up, i tried to help the animal to its feet; but the poor thing either could not or would not move. it was clear that i must leave it, and though hating to do so, i walked a few paces down the narrow path. the fall had shaken me considerably. my head ached, and i had much ado to grope my way along. three several times in the course of a short distance i stumbled, and the third time fell heavily to the ground, twisting my left foot underneath me. i tried to rise, but could not. now, what should i do? i dared not call for help, lest the spaniards should hear me. for two hours i lay thus, wondering what would become of me. the noise of the shouting and firing had now died away; the enemy had probably returned to their stronghold. not a sound broke the stillness, and the gloom of evening began to envelop the path. it was now only that i realized fully my frightful danger. unless some one passed that way by accident, i should die of hunger and exposure! the idea nerved me to a fresh effort. rising painfully, and steadying myself here and there by the rocks, i limped a short distance, though every step wrung from me a cry of agony. several times i stopped to rest, and to wipe the sweat from my brow; twice in less than five minutes i was obliged to sit down, and at last the pain in my foot became so excruciating that i could struggle no further. "it's no good!" i exclaimed; "i must stay here till the morning, at least." and finding a kind of recess in the rocks, i crept in. then it occurred to me to take off my boot; so opening my knife, i hacked at the leather till i succeeded in getting my foot free. this, after the first sudden rush of pain, was a great comfort. i felt easier and brighter, and lay down to sleep in a happier frame of mind, intending to make a fresh start as soon as daylight appeared. chapter xvi. glorious news. many times during the night the pain and the cold wakened me; but i contrived to get some sleep, for which i fell much better in the morning. to my dismay, however, i found it impossible to walk; my ankle had swollen considerably, and the pain of putting my foot to the ground made me cry out in anguish. yet, unless i wished to starve, something i must do. unbuckling my sword, and hiding it in the recess, i began to crawl along, trailing my injured foot carefully. it was slow work, and i felt faint and dizzy, not only from my hurts, but also from want of food. feeling sure that the spaniards had by this time retired, i ventured to call for help, though little expecting to obtain it. i cried aloud, both in spanish and in the native patois, but received no answer. again i crawled on, but now even move slowly than at first; and when i again tried to shout, my voice seemed weak and quavering. my strength was nearly exhausted, when suddenly, and rather to my astonishment, i caught sight of a man peering at me curiously from behind a rock. he was evidently a spaniard, and an ugly customer. he wore a long beard, a half-healed scar disfigured one side of his face, and on his head was jauntily set a small cap decked with gay-coloured ribbons. on his coming forward i saw that he was dressed in the most grotesque manner, and heavily armed. "by st. philip," i muttered softly, "i should have done better to give myself up to the soldiers! surely this fellow is the prince of ruffians." he stood a moment, leaning on his gun and regarding me with curiosity. "i don't know who you are," said i irritably, "but if you have a spark of human sympathy, you will give me what help you can." "are you hurt?" he asked; and the cool tone in which he spoke made me angry beyond measure. then he drew a step nearer, saying, "perhaps the señor will give me his pistols; the mountain air makes one suspicious." "take them," i cried, "and anything else you desire; but get me some food and drink, and i will pay you well." "ah," exclaimed the fellow, with renewed interest, "the señor has money on him! i had better mind that also. there are lawless people in the mountains," and he grinned knowingly at me. "i have no money here," i answered, "but i will pay you well to get me carried to lima." "that is a long way," he observed cautiously. "no doubt the señor has rings or some articles of jewellery?" "i don't possess a single valuable except this," said i, producing the silver key, "and that i must not part with." on seeing the key the fellow's manner changed instantly. "how did you get that?" he asked. "are you one of us?" the question could hardly be considered a compliment, but it assured me both of safety and of good treatment. "if you belong to the order of the silver key," i remarked, "and recognize the authority of raymon sorillo, all is well. he is my friend, and will give me shelter." "the chief is in the mountains, señor, and not far off. i will get help, and take you to him. meanwhile, eat a little coca; it will keep up your strength. i shall not be long gone." "thanks," said i, taking some of the coca, and chuckling to myself at this unexpected stroke of good fortune. the fellow was as good as his word. he returned shortly with three indians, armed like himself, and dressed in the same grotesque way. they were all sturdy fellows, and two of them, raising me gently from the ground, carried me in their arms with the greatest ease. every step took me farther from the main track, and into a wilder part of the mountains, till at last my bearers stopped in a romantic ravine. there were several huts dotted about in an irregular ring, but most of the men were in the open, seated round a blazing fire. three-fourths of the band were pure indians, some were mulattoes, while a few were spaniards of the lowest type. they looked what they were, bandits and outlaws, and i must say that my acquaintance of the morning was not the most villainous of them. they formed a striking company, quite in keeping with the gloomy grandeur of their home, shut in on every side by overhanging rocks and towering mountains. "who is that?" suddenly roared a deep voice, and i saw the gigantic leader stride from the ring of men. approaching us, he looked me full in the face. "a stranger?" cried he. "why have you brought him here?" "i must have changed much since we last met," i interposed. "but if you don't remember me, you will doubtless remember the present you gave me," and i showed him the silver key. he looked at me again, and this time with a gleam of recognition. "i know you now!" he cried.--"make way there. room for an honoured guest--room for the son of don eduardo!" the name carried no meaning to the spanish brigands; but the indians received it with a great shout, for they knew how greatly my father had suffered in his efforts to make their lives easier. they would have pressed round me to touch my hand, but the chief waved them back, saying i wanted food and rest. they made a space beside the fire, and sorillo himself attended to my injuries. "no bones broken," said he, after making an examination with as much skill as a surgeon. "we have only to reduce this swelling of the ankle. you can make yourself comfortable for a fortnight, at least. now you must have some food, and then we'll talk." now, i have no wish to give you a false impression of raymon sorillo. he was a wild, lawless man, who had passed his life in fighting against the spanish government. he had extraordinary courage and ability, and no man of his band was ever known to question an order issued by him. he had himself founded the order of the silver key, and it was always my father's opinion that, but for the coming of san martin, he would in time have transformed peru into an indian kingdom. i am at least certain that his ambition tended in that direction. when the war broke out, numerous desperadoes flocked to him, and he was held responsible for many acts of cruelty. whether he was deserving of blame i cannot say. josé held him to be cruel, and he generally had that reputation. perhaps it was only a case of giving a dog a bad name. however that may be, it is certain he had a high opinion of my father, and for his sake was exceedingly kind to me. but for him i might have lain long enough in the spanish fortress, or perished in the sandy coast deserts. another service he did, which we only heard of afterwards, and then by accident, was the guarding of my mother. from the time of my escape till the withdrawal of the royalists from lima, several of his men, unknown to her, kept ward over the hacienda. they had received strict orders to protect its mistress against every danger, even at the risk of their lives. in case of anything occurring, one was to rouse the natives belonging to the order in lima, while another rode post-haste to the chief. remembering these things, and others not here set down, i can hardly judge this remarkable man without bias; but even his most bitter enemies could not truly say he was wholly bad. and it may be stated here that during my stay in the ravine i was treated like a prince. the best of everything was set before me, my slightest wish was law, and even the fiercest of the white men, forming a small minority of the band, were compelled to behave peaceably in my presence. after i had eaten and slept for a time, i told the chief the story i had heard from the young spanish officer, santiago mariano, concerning my father, and asked his opinion. "i would build no hopes on that," said he, shaking his head thoughtfully. "if your father is alive, we shall find him at callao; but i doubt it." "the governor was expected to capitulate when i left lima last," i remarked. "yes; his provisions must be gone by now. your san martin is an old woman. why did he allow canterac to escape? my men and i have been marched about from place to place just where we could do no good. i shall not trouble to obey orders any more. we are not children to be treated thus." sorillo was very sore on the subject, and returned to it over and over again. in the evening one of the band arrived with the information that colonel miller had sent out search-parties to look for me, and that three men were waiting at the entrance to the ravine. "tell them," said the chief, "that don juan crawford is with me. he has sprained his ankle very badly, and cannot move for several days; otherwise he is unhurt. as soon as he is well enough we will take him home." "i wish the colonel would let my mother know," said i; "she would be less anxious." "that is a poor compliment to me," observed sorillo, smiling. "my messenger is already on his way to the hacienda with the news. i have told him to say you are in absolutely no danger, so that your mother will not be alarmed." "then i am more than ever in your debt," said i gratefully, for the chief's action showed a thoughtful consideration quite unexpected. "we shall never pay all that is owing to the son of don eduardo crawford," he answered gravely. "and now let me carry you to my hut. a bed has been prepared there for you; it is a simple affair, but you will be comfortable." i slept well that night. the pain had considerably decreased, and i had no cause for fear or anxiety. sorillo slept in another corner of the hut, going out so quietly in the morning that he did not disturb me. indeed the sun was high in the heavens when i wakened. the chief's messenger had not returned, and another day passed before he appeared; then, to my delight, he brought josé with him. "well, jack," exclaimed my old friend, on finding that i was really not much hurt, "you gave miller a fine fright. he thought you were either dead or carried off. his troops are back in lima. it seems canterac was too good for you." "he flung half his army at us," i responded rather sulkily, for one does not like being reminded of a beating. "it must have been a matter of ten to one. but never mind that. what news do you bring from lima? how is my mother? and how are events moving there?" "your mother is well, and sends her love to you, and events are shaping just as we could wish them to. we are masters of callao." "then the forts have fallen? o josé, tell me quickly--i am burning with excitement--was my father there?" "keep cool!" said he, smiling; "i don't want you to throw yourself into a fever. yes, we found your father there." "thank god for that!" i murmured reverently. "you can tell me the rest at your leisure." "there isn't much to tell," he replied. "it seems that your father was suddenly surrounded in the mountains by a body of regulars, and ordered to submit. taken by surprise, there was nothing else to do; but while he stood hesitating, some one--not the captain in charge--shot him down, and he remembers nothing more till he found himself in callao. the governor, la mar, happens to be a kind-hearted fellow; so he had your father's wound dressed, gave him the most comfortable cell, and altogether treated him so well that, in spite of a long illness, he is entirely recovered." "this is better and better, josé! i hope we shall have a chance of doing la mar a good turn." "your father will be in a position to see to that, as san martin has already made him a member of the government." "that's all right then.--by-the-bye, have you seen montilla?" "yes. the old fox plays the game well. he is delighted--so he says--to be able to hand over the estates, which he was keeping in trust for you, to the rightful owner." "do you think my father believes him?" "i can't say. your mother doesn't; neither do i." "nor i." we remained silent for some minutes, when, sorillo joining us, i told him the good news. at first he did not seem to comprehend. when he did, i thought he would take leave of his senses. even josé, who was not given to judging by outward show, was impressed by the man's genuine pleasure. but the grand event took place some days later, when my father himself came to remove me to lima. sorillo marshalled his indians at the mouth of the pass, and they escorted him up the ravine in a triumphal procession, amidst enthusiastic cries of "long live don eduardo crawford! long live the indians' friend!" there is not much to tell about our meeting. it was all very simple, though i suppose there were not at that moment two happier people in peru. my father was exceptionally loving and kind-hearted, but he never made a fuss, while my english blood kept me from being too demonstrative. "well, jack, my boy," he exclaimed, giving me a warm grip of the hand, "i reckon you never expected to see me again?" "well, father, i had heard it was possible you were alive, but i hardly dared hope so." as josé said, he was looking very well, considering the circumstances. his cheeks were thinner, and had lost their colour; his hair had turned gray; he seemed less robust than formerly; but his mind was brisk and alert, and his eyes retained their old fire. sorillo would have kept him awhile as an honoured guest; but he was anxious to return, and the carriage waited at the foot of the mountains. on one point, however, the guerilla chief would not be denied. leaving the spaniards and mulattoes in the ravine, he insisted on accompanying us, with his indians, to lima, and my father did not like to refuse him. from the ravine they carried me on a comfortable litter to the foot of the mountains, where josé had stayed with the carriage. then forming up in front, they marched along singing and cheering for don eduardo crawford. we slept that night in a deserted hacienda, and arrived at our home next day. josé had ridden forward to inform my mother of her coming visitors, so that she might be able to provide them with food and drink. it was a grand home-coming for me, and a great triumph for my father. though not a vain man, the incident pleased him, because it showed that the people for whom he had suffered so much were grateful for his efforts to do them good. as the journey had made me rather excited, i took no part in the rejoicings which were kept up through the night; but after breakfast the indians took their departure, and the noise of their cheering might have been heard at the other end of the town. "it's rather rough on you, jack," laughed my father, coming into my room; "but now you will have a chance of a little quiet." "i am not sure of that," observed my mother, who was looking from a window: "here are two cavaliers crossing the park. by the way they ride, i should say they are englishmen." "is one a big, handsome man?" i asked. "well, yes, he is certainly big!" "that is o'brien, then; and the other most probably is the colonel." i was not mistaken. in a short time colonel miller and his friend were in the room, and each in turn shook me heartily by the hand. "we hardly expected to see you again so soon," said the colonel, laughing. "we thought canterac had taken a fancy to your company. i hope there is no permanent injury to the foot?" "oh no, colonel; only i shan't be able to do any more mountain climbing yet awhile." "there's none to do," broke in o'brien; "we've taken to dancing instead." "i shall not be able even to join in that for some time." "no? what a pity! we are enjoying ourselves immensely, though it seems rather an odd way of carrying on a war." "the general perhaps considers that his troops require rest," suggested my mother. "even so, staying here is a great mistake," said the colonel. "we are giving the royalists time to recover their strength, and we shall suffer for it later on. unfortunately the general appears to think that lima is peru." "not the general only," remarked my father; "many of his officers would be sorry to exchange lima for the mountains." "that is so," admitted o'brien frankly. "the truth of the matter is, the citizens have treated us too well. they have made us so comfortable that we wish to stay here as long as possible." "in that case," said my mother, smiling, "we must steel our hearts against you." "and drive us into the wilderness again!" laughed o'brien gaily. "señora, you will not be so cruel?" "i will not begin to-day," she replied merrily, "because i hope you will stay and dine with us. to-morrow--" "ah! let us think of to-morrow when it comes; to-day we will enjoy ourselves." "a pleasant creed," remarked my father, "though more often than not it leads to ruin. i shall begin to think you are falling a victim to our south american vice." "what is that?" "never to do to-day what can be put off till to-morrow." "that is exactly what we are doing," remarked the colonel, "and i quite agree with you that it is not a paying game, especially in time of war. a chance once missed never presents itself again." "an excellent reason for accepting donna maria's gracious invitation," laughed o'brien. "colonel, i congratulate you on your powers of argument." although talking in this bantering way, it must not be thought that he was really in favour of remaining idle; but he was a soldier, and had to obey orders, however much he disliked them. my father, being a member of the government, was in a much worse position, as many held him responsible in a measure for the lazy way in which the war was being conducted. really he had no power over the army at all, and could not on his own authority have moved a section of recruits. o'brien had spoken truly in saying that the officers had taken to dancing instead of climbing. all the chief families opened their doors to them, and our neighbour, montilla, who had so suddenly been converted to our side, gave a ball more brilliant than even the oldest inhabitant could remember. thus the days passed into weeks; my ankle grew strong and well, i was able to resume my duties, and still there was no sign of moving. we held possession of lima and callao, but on the other side of the mountains the royalists did as they pleased. "i hope," remarked my father more than once, "that when we wish to move we shall be able to do so." chapter xvii. duty first. as far as we in peru were concerned, the winter of 1821-22 passed without disturbance; but colonel miller busied himself in drilling the new regiment of peruvians which had been placed under his command. as he had made me his aid-de-camp, we were much together, and he paid frequent visits to our house, where he was always gladly welcomed. owing to my father's office, i saw a great deal at this time of the protector, who treated me with extreme kindness. although such a great soldier, he had no love for war, and planned to bring about the real independence of the country without fighting. "i do not wish the peruvians to kill each other," he repeatedly declared. "i wish them to live at peace with each other; and whenever they are ready to do that i will step aside, so that they may choose whatever kind of government they please." my father, who admired him greatly, several times pointed out the dangers that loomed ahead. "you are reckoning without bolivar," said he. "he has already driven the spaniards from venezuela and colombia, and is steadily pushing them into peru. he will follow them and mix himself up with our affairs. he is mad with ambition, and you will find there is not room enough for both of you in one country." "in that case i will go away," answered san martin, with a sad smile. "i am here, not for my own good, but for that of peru." "after bearing the heat and burden of the day, you will give up your just reward? it is monstrous!" "i seek no reward, crawford; i seek only the happiness of peru. in order to gain that i shall willingly sacrifice myself." "we will not permit it, general!" "you must, because it is your duty. having made south america independent of spain, it would be sheer wickedness to turn and rend each other. let bolivar have the glory. i shall have a quiet conscience. but it seems to me that we are giving substance to shadows. bolivar will join hands with me. we shall establish a strong government in peru; then having done our duty, each will retire." my father shook his head, saying, "you are mistaken; general bolivar's ambition is to make all south america into one country, with himself at the head. nothing less than that will content him." "then he will fail," answered san martin. "let us hope he will not drag the country to ruin with him." about this time, march 1822, news reached us that our forces at ica had met with a terrible defeat. by a swift and daring march, the spanish general, canterac, had thrown his army against them with startling suddenness. they tried to retreat, but, being attacked in the night, were cut to pieces, and an enormous quantity of stores passed into the hands of the royalists. the news cast a gloom over the city, and many weak-kneed patriots lost their heads entirely. unless we could obtain help from general bolivar, they cried, our cause was undone. my father did not believe this; he distrusted bolivar, and made no scruple of saying so. "still we must find out just what he means to do," remarked san martin one evening. "his intentions are evident," replied my father, rather bitterly. "he means to make himself master of the country, and to push you aside." "i think you misjudge him; but in any case i place the happiness of peru before personal ambition.--by the way," he added, turning to me, "have you ever seen this remarkable man?" "no, general." "would you like to do so? ah, i see you would. well, you shall. i am going to meet him at guayaquil; you shall go with me, unless your father objects." "i have no objection, general. it will do him good, by opening his eyes!" "very well; let him be ready to-morrow morning. i will let colonel miller know of the arrangement." "jack," exclaimed my father when san martin had gone, "this is a great honour for you. i don't expect the protector will take any one else, except guido, who goes with him everywhere. i almost envy you, my boy, for san martin and bolivar are certainly the two most wonderful men in south america." "will there be any danger?" asked my mother. "i think not; the visit is a friendly one." the next day, having put on my gaudiest uniform, blue with red facings, white edging, and abundance of gold lace, i went over to callao, meeting the general and his "aid" just as they were embarking on the schooner _macedonia_. as usual, the general looked grave and rather stern. he was very silent too, and as the schooner slipped from her moorings he disappeared within his cabin. guido, who shared a cabin with me, was far less reserved than his chief. "this is a fool's errand," said he brusquely. "the protector is just playing into bolivar's hands." "he knows what he is doing, i think." "that makes me the more angry. but for him the spaniards would still be in possession of peru; and now, rather than make a bother, he'll let the other fellow take the prize." "what would you have him do?" "do?" cried he excitedly; "why, stand his ground. i would say, 'i have done all the hard work, i have made peru free, and i am going to be master of the country. let bolivar or any one else come here at his peril!'" "then there would be a three-cornered fight, and the spaniards would have the best of it!" "that wouldn't be san martin's fault. do you think bolivar cares how the country suffers as long as he comes out on top? not he!" "if that is so, san martin is certainly playing the better part." "the better part? a fig for the better part! he can beat bolivar and the spanish put together if he chooses. he is far and away the finest general in south america." "and one of the best men, if he acts as you say he will." but guido was much too angry to take that view. when i added that without bolivar's help we could hardly reduce the spaniards to submission, he laughed scornfully and turned away. on the evening of july 25, 1822, the _macedonia_ dropped anchor in the harbour of guayaquil, and immediately afterwards two of bolivar's officers came on board with a friendly greeting from their chief. "caramba!" muttered guido beneath his breath, "it makes me mad! it's like the old custom of garlanding a victim before offering him up as a sacrifice!" that night we slept on the schooner, disembarking the next day. the route was lined by bolivar's soldiers, who saluted stiffly, and by thousands of people cheering wildly for their renowned visitor. "there it is, you see," whispered guido; "the people want san martin. if they had their way, guayaquil would be a part of peru, with him as president." "but they haven't," said i, "and bolivar has; which makes all the difference." "look!" exclaimed he contemptuously, as the carriage stopped; "isn't it like a circus show?" in front of a house stood a group of officers dressed in the most magnificent and gorgeous uniforms. as san martin stepped from the carriage, one of them, moving a pace forward, embraced him. "that's bolivar!" whispered guido, and i gazed at the great captain with intense interest. perhaps i was prejudiced against him, but he did not come up to my expectations. he was short, thin, and narrow-chested, his skin was sallow, his high but narrow forehead was deeply lined. his hair was black and curly; he had thick lips and beautiful white teeth, which he was fond of showing. his eyes were large and black but deeply sunken; now bright and sparkling, again dull and glassy. his features, to me at least, were harsh and unpleasing; but he was evidently a man of great energy, to whom action was as the breath of life. arm in arm the two leaders entered the house, guido and i following with bolivar's staff. the saloon presented a striking scene, being filled with officers in brilliant uniforms and by beautifully-dressed ladies. a young girl, stepping forward, greeted san martin, and placed a laurel wreath of gold upon his head. "what rubbish!" muttered guido testily. "does she think he is as great a mummer as bolivar?" "hush!" i whispered, not wishing his outspoken comments to be heard. "see, he is taking it off." we could not hear what he said, but he spoke pleasantly, and beckoning to guido, placed the wreath in his hand. "take great care of this," said he; "i value it highly for the sake of the giver." "bolivar would have worn a dozen, one on top of the other," growled guido. presently the two chiefs proceeded to an inner room, where they remained alone for nearly two hours, while we chatted with the bolivian officers, several of whom were englishmen. at length the door opened, the leaders came out, and san martin accompanied bolivar to the street, where they parted with a show of cordial friendship. directly afterwards the assembly dispersed, and we were left in peace. the next day they had a much longer interview, and at its close i read in san martin's face that he had resolved to sacrifice himself for the good of peru. "guido," said he quietly, "let the baggage be taken aboard. they are giving a grand dinner in my honour this evening; as soon as i can get away, we sail for callao." the banquet, which was held in the house set apart for bolivar, was on the most magnificent scale. the room was bright with showy uniforms; every one appeared to be covered with stars and crosses and decorations. i almost regretted that my silver key was not dangling outside my tunic. san martin sat in the chair of honour at the right of our host. of all the good things set before him he ate and drank little, his thoughts being evidently far removed from the banqueting-room. this was the first time i had been at a public dinner, and but for anxiety on our leader's account, i should have enjoyed it immensely. presently, when the servants had removed the dishes, bolivar filled his glass with wine, and stood up. instantly the buzz of conversation ceased; the officers gazed intently at their chief, who was about to propose a toast. i listened too, wondering if my ears were playing me false. as to guido, i thought that, in his scornful contempt, he would have kicked the table over. "gentlemen," said our host, "to the two greatest men of south america--general san martin and myself!" there was a round of cheering, while guido and i hardly dared look at each other, and not at all at our chief. soon afterward we adjourned to the ballroom, but did not stay long, san martin saying, "let us go; i cannot stand this riot!" quietly bidding bolivar farewell, we followed one of the high officials, who let us out through a private door, and escorted us to the quay. there we boarded the schooner, which in less than an hour was under way. the protector went straight to his cabin without speaking. he was bitterly disappointed at the result of the interview, but all that passed his lips on the subject was, "bolivar is not the man we took him to be." these words were said as we paced the deck together next morning, and they were spoken more to himself than to us. "it has happened as i predicted," remarked guido that afternoon, "and the rest will follow. as soon as he has put things in order, he will leave peru to make room for bolivar. and he will not let people know the reason; he will even make bolivar's path smoother." "you would plant it thick with thorns, i suppose?" "i would plant it with naked swords!" "ah, guido," i cried, "that is not san martin's teaching!" "no," said he surlily; "it's a lesson of my own composing." the voyage passed uneventfully, and on the twentieth of august the _macedonia_ once more sailed into the bay of callao. during our absence a riot had taken place in lima; but the people received san martin enthusiastically, coming down in thousands to the port, and escorting him to his country house in triumph. i said little of what had taken place to any one except my father, and he was able to judge of things by other signs. the protector, who told him bolivar had agreed to help peru with troops, worked feverishly day and night, until the opening of the first peruvian congress. then removing his sash of authority, he resigned his office, and formally handed over the care of the country to the new parliament. that same evening my father and i called at his house, where we found guido, ever faithful, waiting in the anteroom. "where is the general?" asked my father. "here, crawford!" answered san martin, opening the door of an inner room. "is anything wrong?" "no, general, but i fear there soon will be. do you know it is whispered in the town that you are about to leave peru?" "the rumour is correct, my friend, as i have just been telling guido. no, it is useless to talk; my mind is made up. i can do the country no more good." for a long time both guido and my father tried to prevail upon him to stay, but in vain. "the world will regard you as a deserter!" urged guido. "what matters it as long as i know the truth? i care not for the applause of the world, my friends, nor fear its frowns. i leave my work unfinished, it is true, but others will finish it and reap the glory. besides, peru will be the better for my absence." "no, no!" exclaimed my father earnestly. "the people love you and trust you. they will uphold your authority." san martin held out his hand, saying,-"you are a true friend, crawford, but you are a true patriot and a shrewd man as well. now listen to me. without help it will take two years at least to subdue the spaniards. that will mean two years of misery. do you follow me?" "perfectly." "with help the war can be brought to an end in six months. the chilians can do no more, and we can look only to bolivar. now, do you imagine that he and i can run in double harness?" my father shook his head sorrowfully. "of course not. bolivar is a great man, a remarkable man; but he is ambitious, and will brook no rival. now, suppose i remain. it will be difficult to avoid strife, and the country will be plunged back into its old condition of slavery. do you think that san martin will give a day of delight to the common enemy? no, my friend; if only peru retains its independence, i care nothing for self. let men call me what they please. the path of duty lies plain before me; i am going to walk in it. let bolivar have the glory; it is but a breath. i shall not say this publicly; neither will you. i am broken in health; let that do for the present. in years to come, perhaps, the world will recognize my good faith; if not, never mind!" even after that my father endeavoured to dissuade him from going, but his efforts were useless. "let me wish you good-bye, crawford," said he. "i need hardly counsel you to accept the help which bolivar offers. the man may not please you, but--country first!--good-bye, my boy; if you make half as good a man as your father, you will not do amiss." we grasped his hand for the last time, and leaving guido with him, went into the road, mounted our horses, and rode slowly homeward. next day it became known that san martin had left peru for ever, and instantly men's tongues were loosed in a babel of talk. some few judged him rightly; but for the most part his splendid services were forgotten, and with sickening haste people turned their gaze toward bolivar, the new sun. "there is a lesson for you, jack, worth heeding," remarked my father. "if only these people knew the truth!" "they wouldn't understand it!" said i hotly. "the idea of a man making such a sacrifice is beyond them. you know i have sometimes thought the general made a big mistake in the conduct of the war, but he atoned for everything last night. he looked simply splendid when he talked about giving up everything for duty." "ah!" exclaimed my father thoughtfully, "with all his battles to look back upon, he never won a greater victory than he did last evening. it must almost have broken his heart, jack, but he did not whimper." few spoke in this strain, and i was disappointed that even josé took sides with the majority. sentiment, beyond his love for us, did not appeal to him; he looked only on the practical side of things. "i shouldn't have thought san martin would have thrown up the sponge," said he. "i gave him credit for more pluck than that. they do say in the town that he was keen on making himself king or emperor." "a pack of rubbish!" i cried. "well," said josé, "i would have seen the thing through, anyhow. it won't be pleasant for your father, either, when bolivar gets the whip-hand. san martin's friends will be in bolivar's black books. i'll guarantee montilla has written to him already." "you aren't in a very good temper this morning, josé," said i, with a laugh. "no; because i am looking a long way ahead, and see things. is your father going to keep in office?" "i expect so. he may be able to do the country a little good." "and himself a lot of harm! shall you resign your commission?" "how can i? the spaniards are still in the field." "and will take a lot of beating yet! 'twould have answered better if the peruvians had done the job by themselves." i might have mentioned that if they found it so difficult with the aid of others, they could hardly have done it alone; but dear old josé was too angry for argument, so i let the subject drop. among the officers opinion was divided, but no one had much to say on the matter. it almost seemed as if they feared to express their real opinion in case of future trouble. colonel miller, however, spoke his mind freely, and so did the other englishmen with him. "i am sorry san martin has gone," said he; "but my duty is plain. i am an officer in the army of peru, and must obey orders from the government. if they give the chief command to bolivar, why, i shall fight under him, just as i have done under san martin. that's one good thing about soldiering--you always know where you are." "humph!" said josé, on hearing the remark, "i'm not so sure that the colonel's right. in my opinion there's more than one soldier just at present wondering if he hadn't better join the other party again. another affair like the one at ica would send them flying to canterac in scores. the great thing with some of them is to be on the winning side." as soon as san martin had left peru, bolivar sent a message, offering the aid of his troops; but the government declined all assistance. a new spirit seemed to enter into the nation: the people declared the country would fight its own battles, and preparations to meet the spaniards were eagerly pushed on. what came of them we shall shortly see. chapter xviii. dark days. "i have decided to leave you in lima, crawford, to help videla with the second battalion. i have good reasons for doing so," continued the colonel, observing my disappointed look; "and, anyhow, you are well out of this expedition. i don't expect much from it." the expedition of which colonel miller spoke had been planned on a large scale for the purpose of crushing the enemy in the south, and the first battalion of the peruvian legion formed part of it. naturally i had quite looked forward to sailing with it, and was not at all pleased, therefore, to be left behind. i had many friends, some of them not much older than myself, among the officers of the first battalion, and on the morning of the embarkation i went over to callao to see them off. they were delighted at the thought of active service, and of course chaffed me unmercifully. "take care of the town, juan," said one; "we shall want it when we come back." "some day, when you are a man, we will take you with us," laughed ensign alzura, a merry, round-faced youngster of sixteen; "but we must have seasoned men for this trip, dear boy." "should the spaniards arrive while we're away, ask them to wait till our return," remarked another. "i don't wonder you are so excited," said i coolly; "i felt the same before i knew what a battle is really like." "bravo, crawford!" cried the colonel, who had joined us unperceived; "that's a round shot for them. they haven't heard the whistle of the bullets yet, eh? well, good-bye; it's time you were getting ashore. you'll hear news of us from time to time." "good news too, i hope, colonel.--good-bye, zuviria, alzura, and all of you. i hope you've shipped a schoolmaster," and with that parting shot i ran down to the quay. the peruvians were on board the _o'higgins_; but there were several other vessels, and presently they all stood out of the bay amidst a regular salvo of cheering from the spectators. i returned to lima feeling rather gloomy, but lieutenant-colonel videla, who commanded our second battalion, gave me little time for brooding. fresh recruits were coming in every day, and the work of attending to them kept me employed for weeks. there was still a patriot army encamped outside lima, but it did nothing, though who was to blame i could not say. about the end of the year, vague yet disquieting rumours began to circulate in the city. it was said that our troops in the south had met with defeat, had been cut to pieces and practically swept out of existence. the victorious spaniards, uniting all their forces, were making ready for a swoop on lima. everything was lost! don felipe brought us the news, and it was easy to see, in spite of his talk, that it did not displease him. "we shall have to call in bolivar now," said he, "or make peace with the viceroy. of course you and i will suffer. our estates will be confiscated; we shall probably be thrown into prison; but we are good patriots, and will not shrink from our duty." "if the others agree with me," replied my father, "we shall neither call in bolivar nor make peace. there is still an army left!" "just so, but we cannot trust it. the troops are almost in open rebellion, and this news will not quiet them." "we do not yet know that it is true." "i am sure of it," said our neighbour hastily. "i have--that is to say, there can be no doubt of it." a week or two later--january 20, 1823, to be precise--there walked into the quarters of the second battalion a young officer. his face was white and drawn, his eyes were sunken; he looked so pitifully weak and ill that at first i failed to recognize him. "well, crawford," he exclaimed, "am i as changed as all that? don't you know your old chum alzura when you see him?" "alzura?" i echoed, aghast. "all that is left of him." "where is the first battalion?" spreading his hands out dramatically, he said, "haven't you heard? don't you know what has happened at torata and moquegua?" "i have heard nothing but some very dark rumours," i replied uneasily. "they cannot be darker than the truth. the army has been destroyed, and the battalion with it." "and the colonel?" "oh, he was in another district with the light company. but i'll tell you all about it. we had a wretched voyage, and arrived at arica half dead. after that we sat down for three weeks doing nothing, when alvarado, who was in chief command, sent the colonel north with the light company. a lucky thing for them, too!" "go on!" said i impatiently. "well, at last we moved, and marched as far as torata. do you know the place at all?" "oh yes; it's a few miles from moquegua, isn't it?" "that's it. well, the spaniards were at torata, and we tried to turn them out, but failed. then they attacked, and we were beaten. it was simply awful. the legion fought like a battalion of heroes. every one praised us; but praise won't bring the dead to life. we broke two cavalry charges, and stood our ground till there wasn't a cartridge left." "then you retreated?" "some of us did, not many! we left fifteen of our officers there and three-fourths of the battalion, all dead or dangerously wounded. alvarado took us back to moquegua; but the spaniards caught us again. the second defeat was worse than the first, and when the battle was over there was no army left. as to the battalion--! o juan, isn't it awful? la rosa, tarramona, escobar, rivero--all gone! i should think," he added, with a bitter laugh, "i must have been senior officer." it was, indeed, a terrible story. i could hardly realize that of all my high-spirited young friends who had sailed from callao this was the only one to return. "how did you get back?" i asked, after a time. "with general martinez. we embarked at ilo, while general alvarado went on to iquiqui. the game's up in that part of the country, juan!" "oh, nonsense!" i replied brusquely. "we aren't going to lose heart over a couple of defeats." of course the news soon spread, and the people, especially the soldiers, were wild with anger. they said it was the fault of the government, and called for fresh rulers. some advised sending for bolivar, while a few prominent citizens even talked of coming to terms with the enemy. one morning, toward the end of february, videla called a council of the officers belonging to his battalion. he looked pale, but firm and determined, as if he had resolved on some particular course. when we had taken our seats, he rose and said, "señors, i have called you together to discuss an important proposal. affairs, as you know, are in a bad state; the country is in disorder, and the enemy are triumphing everywhere. under these circumstances, the chiefs of the army have decided to force the hands of the government. to-morrow the troops will march to lima and demand that a president shall be appointed with full powers. now, i will have no part or lot in this matter. i call it treason. if the government choose to resign, well and good; if they resist, my sword, at least, is at their service." a round of cheering greeted his remarks, and one after another the officers sprang up, pledging themselves to support him. "thank you," said he quietly; "i knew you would not fail me. nothing will be done until the morning. then, when the order to march is issued, i shall command you to stand still." "suppose they use force, colonel?" i suggested. his face grew paler, but he answered steadily, "i trust they will not be so foolish. should they be, the battalion, will know how to defend itself." "caramba!" exclaimed alzura, when the meeting broke up, "it seems to me that the second battalion is likely to follow the first. what can we do against an army?" "there will be no fighting," i answered cheerfully. "they will simply march without us, and the government will agree to their demands." i spoke as if my opinion were conclusive, but nevertheless i did not sleep comfortably that night. the troops were wakened early, breakfast was hurried over, and then, to the sound of bugles, the various regiments paraded. presently they began to move, and a mounted officer dashed over to know why our battalion remained still. "by my orders they remain. i refuse to join in what my officers and i regard as an act of treason," calmly replied videla. "we will willingly march against the enemy, but not against our own government." bending over, the officer whispered something in his ear. "we have counted the cost," replied our chief, "and are not to be frightened. let the men who are unwilling to obey me fall out; no harm will happen to them," said he, turning to the troop. not a man moved, the brave fellows stood in their ranks, firm as rocks. again the officer whispered to videla, and then dashed off at full speed. it was, as alzura afterwards remarked, a bad quarter of an hour for us. if the chiefs endeavoured to force us into submission, there could be but one result. videla would not yield, and we could not desert him. perhaps the firmness of our bearing saved us; perhaps the chiefs feared the people, for the battalion was composed entirely of peruvians; but whatever the reason, we remained unmolested, and the army marched off without us. then the men were dismissed, and we gathered in groups to chat over the incident. "what will happen now?" asked one fellow. "it is all decided," replied videla. "i heard last night that the government will yield. riva-aguero is to be made president, and santa cruz commander-in-chief." "and what shall we do, colonel?" "obey orders," he answered, smiling. "we cannot fight for a government that has resigned its powers." the evening proved videla's words true. the troops, having accomplished their object, returned to camp, rejoicing that the country had a new ruler. "now," exclaimed alzura, as we turned in for the night, "i suppose we shall see great things done!" "new brooms sweep clean," said i, laughing, "but unfortunately they soon become old ones." however, it really did seem as if the new general intended to push on the war in vigorous style. preparations were made for another expedition to the south; bolivar was invited to peru; and sucre, his most brilliant general, had already come. at this time we knew nothing of colonel miller; but about the end of march he returned to lima, having done more with his handful of men than all the southern army. the stories told by officers who served with him filled us with envy. "did you hear how we cleared the royalists out of arequipa?" asked captain plaza. "that was a rich joke," and he laughed even at the recollection of it. "let us hear it," said i. "well, of course, it loses in the telling, but i'll do my best. first of all, we caught a peasant and shut him up where he could hear all and see nothing. the poor fellow imagined we were going to shoot him as a spy. about every half-hour or so one of us would go to the colonel to report the arrival of fresh troops, and ask where they were to camp. then we spread our few men about the valley and kindled dozens of blazing fires. as soon as it was dark enough, the colonel ordered the man to be brought out." "his face was a study," interrupted cordova. "he certainly expected to be shot." "the colonel read him a lecture," continued plaza, "and wound up by offering to spare his life on his promising to take a letter to the governor of arequipa. 'but,' said the colonel sternly, 'you are not to tell what you have seen here. i want him to think we are very few in number. do you understand?' the fellow promised readily enough, placed the letter in his hat, mounted his horse, and rode down the valley, counting the fires as he went. of course he told every royalist officer the truth as he believed it, and they cleared out of the district in double-quick time. then we forced the governor to supply us with forage for five hundred horses." "but you didn't have five hundred!" "that was the joke. we carted the stuff to some sandhills, where a part of the force was supposed to lie in ambush. when the royalists returned with large reinforcements, they wasted days, being afraid of falling into a trap. it was very funny watching their manoeuvres." "then there was the officer with the flag of truce near chala," said cordova. "he carried back a pretty report to his chief!" "yes," said plaza, laughing; "he believed we were just the advance-guard of a large force. he stayed with us the night, but i'm afraid his slumbers were troubled ones. the bustle was tremendous--soldiers coming and going every few minutes. the colonel was giving all kinds of impossible orders; in fact, you would have thought we had quite a big army there. next morning i escorted the royalist a mile or so on the road. all our men were spread out, some in fatigue dress, to make him believe there were at least two regiments." "that was a good trick," laughed alzura. "and the officers galloped about, shouting to the men to go to their camps in the rear. turning to me, the fellow exclaimed seriously, 'it is all very well for miller to have a couple of battalions; but we have a couple as well as he!' "'ah,' said i, trying to keep a straight face, 'you keep your eyes open, i see. i warned the colonel not to let you see so much.'" "did you really fool him?" asked half a dozen men in a breath. "yes, and kept our position till the colonel was ready to move. if i had my way, miller should be commander-in-chief. he is now the best man in the country for the post." "bravo!" cried cordova. "as it is, i suppose we shall all be under bolivar's thumb soon." "i don't much care who leads," said alzura, "as long as we win; and it's about time something was done. the royalists are getting a strong following in the city again." "bah!" exclaimed plaza scornfully, "they're just weather-cocks, twisting about with every wind that blows--first royalist, then patriot, then royalist again! it's enough to take away one's breath. did you hear about camba?" "he was one of us," said alzura, "went over to the royalists, and came back again." "and was appointed second in command of the legion!" there was a cry of amazement from every one in the room; but plaza continued, "it's a fact; only miller put his foot down. 'my officers are gentlemen,' said he. 'if you appoint this man over them they will break their swords, and i shall be the first to do so.' that stopped the game, and camba was pushed in somewhere else." "it's a wonder he hasn't changed again," i said. "he is only biding his time, like a good many others." "i know nearly a dozen myself," said alzura, "and one of them is a neighbour of yours, crawford." "do you mean the fellow with the pretty daughter?" some one asked. "yes. i respect the girl. she is an out-and-out royalist, and makes no attempt to deny it; but the old man is a schemer--he runs with the hare and hunts with the hounds." "don't vent your opinion too freely, my boy; montilla has powerful influence in high quarters." "well," said alzura doggedly, "if he isn't working hard to bring back the royalists, i am very much mistaken." the young officer's words made me very uneasy. i knew little of don felipe's proceedings, as, although he was an occasional visitor at our house, a certain coolness had sprung up between us. for this feeling it would have been difficult, perhaps, to give any particular reason. to all appearance the man had acted fairly enough; indeed, according to his own account, he had always been my best friend. still, i had very little love for him, and no respect at all. i was rather suspicious of a man who changed sides just when it best suited his interests. with rosa things were different. she was a born royalist, and though i thought her views mistaken, i admired her pluck in holding so stoutly to them. but the idea that her father was preparing to turn his coat again worried me. true, he might win a big reward by helping the spaniards; but in the event of discovery, he could hardly expect to escape death. i told myself the punishment would serve him right, and that the business was none of mine; yet somehow i could not get rid of the uneasy feeling. if alzura's suspicions were correct, the man might be taken and hanged at any moment. i said again it would serve him right, but the justice of his sentence would not lessen rosa's suffering. all that night i lay awake thinking. i could not get the girl out of my head. you see, i had known her so long; we had played together like brother and sister; she was so pretty and winsome that i hated the idea of trouble assailing her. in the morning i was inclined to laugh at my fears. every one knew there were many people in lima willing to welcome the royalists, and it had been openly stated more than once that don felipe montilla had only changed sides to secure his property. doubtless alzura, knowing this, had jumped to the conclusion that he would willingly return to his former allegiance. "that is about all there is in it," said i, feeling a little more assured. "it is marvellous what stories some men can build up from a word here and there! if alzura lives till the end of the war, he should be a novelist." at this time i was a great deal in lima, being employed by colonel miller in connection with the new expedition which santa cruz was to lead south. several nights a week i slept at home, much to mother's satisfaction. my father continued to be busy in public matters, though he had resigned his office as a protest against the invitation to bolivar. now, it chanced, about a fortnight after young alzura's disquieting talk, that i had occasion to go late at night to callao, and josé offered to accompany me. it is likely enough that my mother put the idea into his head, for though brave enough herself, she was always fearful on my account. however, i was glad to avail myself of josé's offer. the night was fine, the sky was studded with stars, and the moon, nearly at the full, gave forth a splendid light. "you may go to bed, antonio," said i to the old janitor, as he opened the gate. "we are not likely to return till morning." "do you remember our first night ride to callao?" asked josé. "there was no need for any one to sit up for us then." "yes, that i do. and the voyage in the schooner," i added gaily. "that was an adventure, if you like! we were as near to death then, josé, as ever we have been since." "yes," he said thoughtfully. "i have often wondered how we managed to escape." passing through the outer gates of the park on to the highroad, we cantered our horses about a quarter of a mile, and then turned up a narrow lane which separated our property from that of don felipe montilla. suddenly checking his horse, josé whispered, "see to your pistols, my boy; there are horsemen coming this way." chapter xix. false play, or not? there was no actual reason why we should feel alarmed; but lima was an unsafe place in those days, and people who travelled at night generally went well armed. as yet the bend in the road prevented us from seeing any one, but listening intently, we distinctly heard the sounds of a horse's hoofs. "there's only one, josé," i whispered; and he nodded. i do not know that we should have taken any notice of the man, but for his efforts to conceal his identity. we came upon him suddenly, while the moon shone full in his face, and before he had time either to draw his poncho closer or to pull the slouch hat over his eyes. both these things he did quickly, but meanwhile we had seen, and a look of keen surprise shot across josé's face. recovering himself instantly, he said cheerfully,-"good-night, señor. fine night for a ride." "so you seem to think," replied the other surlily. "you have come from the town, i see," said josé, for we lived eastward of lima; "is all quiet there?" "why shouldn't it be? kindly allow me to pass; i am in a hurry," responded our morose stranger. "then 'twas lucky that you knew of this short cut," remarked josé, nothing daunted by the fellow's manner. "well, good-night, señor. pleasant ride!" and he drew his horse aside that the stranger might pass. "he isn't any too polite!" i remarked, as digging his spurs into his horse the fellow galloped off. "he's a fine horseman, though, and has the air of a military man, if i'm not mistaken." "yes," agreed josé; "he certainly rides like a soldier." "but he isn't in uniform." "no; he has left his uniform at home, i expect." "he must be pretty familiar with lima to know this short cut." "i daresay he is. but didn't you recognize him? well, i suppose it's hardly likely you would; you were only a little chap at the time, and perhaps never saw him. he's a rascal to the marrow!" "but who is he?" i asked impatiently. "pardo lureña." "lureña? haven't i heard my father speak of him?" "very likely. he was one of the 'young bloods' of peru, and, being a cadet of a wealthy family, able to do much as he pleased. he was always a thorough ruffian, and the common people hated him like poison. his pranks, however, were hushed up by those in authority, until, for some offence more startling than usual, your father got him clapped in prison. the dons howled finely, but your father stood firm, and the people backed him up; so young lureña had a taste of prison life. there was great excitement over it at the time." "what happened afterwards?" "lureña left lima. he went from bad to worse, and finally joined the ranks. of course his relatives used their influence, and he was given a commission; but he never rose very high, i believe." "what could he be doing in lima to-night?" "something rascally, i'll be bound! he may have been to the town, but i believe the last place he stopped at was over there," and josé pointed toward don felipe's house. "you don't think there's some treachery afoot between them, do you?" "why not? once a traitor, always a traitor! montilla means to save his property at all costs, and to pick up as much as possible in the general scramble. should the spaniards win, your father will say good-bye to his estates." "isn't your prejudice making you a little unjust, josé? remember that we know nothing against don felipe." "oh, don't we? he got the estates into his hands once, and by hook or by crook he'll get them again!" i thought josé exaggerated the danger, but this meeting with lureña set me thinking. the fellow was evidently a royalist soldier, and on a secret errand. if josé's idea was correct, there could be only one object in his visiting montilla. but our neighbour was not the man to compromise himself unless there was a distinct chance of success. had he learned any news favourable to the royalist cause? if so, that might account for his action. silently we rode through the sleeping town and along the road to callao, where josé waited at an inn while i did the business which had brought me to the port. the bay was filled with shipping, and men were hard at work fitting out the transports for the troops ordered south. "isn't it rather risky to remove so many troops?" i asked the colonel. "suppose the enemy should swoop down on the capital?" "they're quite welcome to do so," he replied, with a laugh. "lima is of no use to us really; it's callao that matters." "are you going with them, colonel?" "no; i stay behind with general sucre." there was one question i wanted very much to ask, but it was long before i could muster the courage to do so. "colonel," i said at length, "i want to ask a rather queer question, but i have reasons for it. do you think the war will end in favour of the spaniards?" "that depends," he answered, looking at me in surprise. "it certainly will do so if our people quarrel among themselves, which is what the enemy reckon on. that is their sheet-anchor, in fact." "would a clever man think they had a chance just now?" "why, yes," replied the colonel thoughtfully; "he might think they stand an excellent chance." "thank you, sir," i said, and the incident of the preceding night loomed up larger and uglier than ever. day had fairly broken when i sought josé for the purpose of returning home. i said nothing to him of my talk with the colonel, though the remembrance of it kept running through my mind. on our return i found my father alone, so i told him my suspicions, and asked his advice. "it certainly has an ugly look, jack," said he; "yet it may be easy of explanation. for rosa's sake, i hope montilla isn't playing false. he is in our counsels, and knows everything that goes on, so that he could make the spaniards pay high for his treachery." "and if he is discovered?" "he will be shot." "and you couldn't save him, if you would?" "i couldn't and wouldn't. a man may be a turncoat in good faith, but a traitor--bah! but after all, my boy, it seems to me we are hunting a fox that hasn't broken cover. this lureña, whom josé recognized, is no friend of mine; and though he was an ensign in the royalist army years ago, it does not follow that he is a royalist now. ah, i have it!" said he, in a tone of relief. "what--an explanation?" i asked curiously. "yes; and the right one, i'll wager! it is through lureña we get our information of the enemy's doings! no doubt montilla employs him as a spy." "then why was he so put out at meeting with us?" "well, naturally he would not want his secret known." my father's idea was feasible enough, but it did not altogether satisfy me; yet what could i do? if montilla were playing false, i seemed almost as guilty in not denouncing him. but for rosa's sake i could not bring myself to act; and after all, it was merely a matter of suspicion. about three days before the sailing of the expedition i rode home to spend the evening. josé met me at the outer gate, and i saw in a moment that something had happened. "what is it?" i asked. "have you come to meet me?" "yes. send your horse on; i want to talk to you." we walked across the park out of earshot, when josé said in a whisper, as if still fearful of being overheard,-"he is here again." "he!" said i; "who?" "lureña. he went into don felipe's house half an hour ago." "well, what of that? you know what my father said." i spoke boldly, as if there could be nothing in the business; but josé smiled grimly. "look here, jack," said he at length, "we can easily settle this affair. if montilla is innocent, there's no harm done; if he's guilty--well, better for one to suffer than thousands." "what do you propose?" "to waylay this lureña. he is almost certain to have papers on him which will tell all we wish to know." "i can't do it, josé. don felipe is rosa's father, and i am reluctant to bring trouble to her." "would you rather sacrifice your own father and mother?" "how dare you ask such a question, josé?" i cried angrily. "i dare anything for my master," said he, unmoved. "if the spaniards win, your father is doomed, and you also, while your mother will be a beggar. see, jack, i have no right to speak thus, but i can't help it. with or without your help, i intend getting to the bottom of this matter." i knew josé of old, and that once his mind was made up, no amount of threats or coaxing would turn him from his purpose. "if your father is right," he continued, "so much the better--the knowledge will make our minds easy; but i can't and won't stand this suspense any longer." in a sense i was completely in his power. whether i went or not he would go, and by himself would most certainly proceed to extreme measures. "very well, josé," i said reluctantly, after weighing the matter in my mind, "have your own way." "there is no other," he replied. "come, let us go to the workshop and get a few tools." i did not know his plan, but it was evident he had thought it all out. first he made a simple but effective gag; then he selected a long piece of thin but tough rope, several strips of hide, a large rug, and a tiny lantern. "now," said he with a chuckle, "i think we shan't have much trouble with mr. lureña." on our way to the lane he told me his plan, and gave me full directions as to my share in it. the night was dark, but we moved quietly, speaking only in whispers, and straining our ears for the slightest sound. at the bend in the narrow lane josé unrolled the cord, and i, taking one end in my hand, sat down in the darkness, laying the gag and a strip or two of hide on the ground near me. josé moved to the other side of the lane, and we let the rope lie slack across the road. then we waited in silence for the coming of lureña, feeling confident that he would not leave the house till the night was far spent. this adventure was not to my liking, and i could only hope that in some way my presence might be of use to montilla. somehow i had not the slightest hope of my father's idea proving right. my old distrust of the man returned in full force, and i dreaded what an examination of lureña's pockets would reveal. slowly, very slowly, the minutes passed; a whole hour went by, and still there was no sign of our intended victim. had he left the house by the front? i almost hoped he had. yet, should he escape us this time, i knew that now josé had started his quarry he would run it to earth. a second hour passed. he must come soon now or not at all. my limbs were dreadfully cramped, and i began to get fidgety. once i coughed slightly, but a sharp pull at the rope warned me to be silent. at last the hoof-beats of a horse could be distinctly heard. from the way he rode, the horseman evidently knew the road well. nearer and nearer he came, while we, raising the rope, stretched it tight. the figure of horse and man loomed up dimly, came close to us; there was a stumble, a low cry of surprise, and the next moment our man lay on the ground, his head enveloped in josé's rug. a spectator might easily have mistaken us for professional thieves, we did the thing so neatly. almost in less time than it takes to tell, we had thrust the gag into our victim's mouth, and bound both his legs and arms. then, while i removed his weapons, josé lit the lantern, and we looked for the incriminating papers. we searched minutely every article of his clothing and the trappings of his horse, but without result, except for a scrap of paper hidden in his girdle. josé pounced on this like a hawk, and we examined it together by the light of the lantern. i could have shouted for joy when at last we were able to read it: "to all good friends of peru. pass the bearer without question." it was signed by the president, riva-aguero, and bore the official seal. "it seems you were right," whispered josé sulkily. "help me to raise the horse, and we will let the fellow go." fortunately the animal was unhurt, and very soon we had it on its feet. then we unbound the man, removed the rug from his head, and slipped out the gag. "mount and ride on," said josé sternly, disguising his voice. "we wish you no harm." "give me my pistols, you rascal!" cried lureña, stamping his foot angrily. "mount!" repeated josé, and the click of his own pistol sounded ominously on the still air. there was nothing for it but to obey, and fuming with passion, the fellow clambered sullenly to the saddle. shaking his fist at us and vowing all manner of vengeance, he disappeared in the gloom. "i'm glad we came," said i, helping josé to pick up the things; "that bit of paper has removed a load from my mind. i thought my father might be right, but must admit i was rather doubtful." "i am in no doubt whatever," responded josé. "either the fellow was too sharp for us, or we made our venture at an unlucky time. if there was nothing wrong, why did he ride off so quickly?" "well," said i, laughing, "the click of a pistol in one's ears is not much of an inducement to stay. i think he acted very wisely." "if all were square and aboveboard, he would have shouted for help." "and drawn more attention to himself! that would have been foolish in any case. no, no, josé; the case is clear, i think. we have misjudged montilla, and though i don't admire his methods, it is evident he is working on our side. let us be just, at least." "i wish it were possible," muttered josé, leaving me to conjecture what his words exactly meant. strangely enough, my distrust of don felipe was as strong as ever next day. the incident of the spy should have removed any lingering doubt as to his fidelity, but it did not. perhaps it was owing to josé's influence, but whatever the cause, i still found myself speculating keenly on our neighbour's honesty. now, mind you, i do not wish to be praised or blamed on false grounds. what i did afterwards may have been right or wrong--and much, perhaps, can be said on both sides--but it was not done through either love or hatred of don felipe. true, the man was no friend of mine, but his daughter was, and i could not bear to think of her suffering through his misdeeds. on the very day that the troops for the south embarked, i met her quite by accident. she had been for a gallop, and was returning home. her cheeks were flushed with the exercise, her eyes were bright and sparkling; i had never seen her look so beautiful. "well, juan," she cried saucily, "so you have sent away your band of ragamuffins? i wonder how many of this lot will come back! upon my word, i feel half inclined to pity them." this, of course, she said to tease me; because, if our men lacked something in discipline, they were at least a match for the spaniards in bravery. "you are pleased to be merry," said i, riding with her to the gate, "but i hope you do not seriously think that the spaniards have any chance of winning." "why not? it is you who live in a fool's paradise juan. before long the king's flag will be floating over lima again." she spoke so confidently that i looked at her uneasily. was there really a royalist plot on foot, and did she know of it? perhaps i acted foolishly, but what i did was done with a good motive. "send your horse on," said i, "and let me walk with you to the house. there is something on which i wish to speak seriously to you." "is it a penance for my sins?" she laughed, holding up her riding-habit. "please don't be too severe, juan! now begin, and i will try to be good." "to begin is not so easy as you think, rosa; but first let me tell you one thing--the spaniards will never again be masters of peru." "pouf!" cried she, tossing her head; "that is rubbish, and says little for your understanding, juan." "i am sorry you don't believe it; yet it is true, nevertheless. there are royalists in lima who hope otherwise, but they will be disappointed. more than that, some of them who are working secretly against us will meet with just punishment." "what is that to me? i can't work for the king, being only a girl, but no one can accuse me of hiding my opinions." i could have laughed at that had i been in the mood for merriment. all lima knew that peru did not contain a stancher royalist than rosa montilla. "it is not of you i speak, but of the so-called patriots, who are sedulously plotting for the enemy. already names have been mentioned, and before long some of these people will be shot." i think it was then she first began to suspect my meaning. her eyes flashed fire, and looking me full in the face, she cried,-"what is all this to me? what have i to do with your wretched story?" my face was hot, my forehead clammy with perspiration. i mumbled out my reply like a toothless old woman. "don't be angry, rosa," i said. "i hate to give you pain, but--but--can't you understand?" "no," replied she calmly; "i understand nothing." "i wish to warn you," i continued desperately--"to put you on your guard. there is a rumour--i heard it in camp, but i do not vouch for its truth--" "come, make an end of this," she said haughtily, "or allow me to proceed to the house. what is this rumour which seems to have tied your tongue so?" "i will tell you. it is said that the leader of the conspiracy is don felipe montilla! let me--" "thank you, juan crawford," said she, making a superb gesture of disdain. "now go! if our friendship has given you the right to insult me thus, you have that excuse no longer. go, i say, before i call the servants to whip you from the place." i tried in vain to offer some explanation. "go, señor, go!" she repeated, and at last i turned sorrowfully away. i had done my best and failed. i had lost my friend, and had effected no good, for i saw by her face that she would think it treason to mention the subject to her father. and as i rode from the gate, i wondered whether, after all, we had been mistaken in our judgment. chapter xx. "save him, juan, save him!" "aren't you coming, juan?" two days had passed since my interview with rosa montilla, and i was sitting in my room at the barracks, feeling at enmity with all the world. "it's a pity we've nothing better to do than to make fools of ourselves," said i savagely, when young alzura burst in on me excitedly. he was dressed to represent some hideous monster that never was known on sea or land, and in his hand he carried a grotesque mask. "hullo!" he exclaimed; "some one been rubbing you down the wrong way? caramba, you are in a towering rage! pray what has offended your royal highness?" "why, all this tomfoolery! fancy a masked ball with canterac in the mountains ready to swoop down on us at any moment!" "the more reason why we should enjoy ourselves while we can. besides, you are as bad as the rest: you promised to go!" "i have forgotten it, then." "well, you did; so make haste--the carriage is waiting." "i have no dress ready," said i coldly. "that doesn't matter in the least. go in your uniform; you look very well in it." "thanks, i prefer to stay here." "you forget the ball is given in our honour! colonel miller won't be too pleased at finding you absent. 'twill be a slight on our host and hostess." "very well, if you put it that way, i'll join you in the messroom shortly," said i indifferently. "that's right. slip your things on sharp; the animals will get restive." alzura was in high spirits. he loved fun of all kinds, and this ball was just to his taste. plaza and cordova shared our carriage, and both of them rallied me on my glum looks. "crawford's a bloodthirsty fellow," cried alzura banteringly--"never happy unless he's fighting!" "that's a libel!" said i warmly; "i'm sick of the whole thing. when this war's over, i hope never to hear a shot fired again." "be easy," laughed cordova; "you'll be an old man by then, and too deaf to hear even the report of a pistol." "there may be more truth in that than you think," i observed, bitterly. "never mind, my boy," said plaza; "you won't hear any shots fired to-night. there's no great harm in enjoying ourselves for an hour or two. here we are! what a crowd outside!--put on your mask, alzura; the people will like the fun." there was a roar of laughter from the spectators as alzura, appeared, and we went into the hall amidst a round of cheering. most of the guests wore some fanciful costume, but several officers, miller and o'brien among them, were in uniform. the magnificent _salons_ were illuminated by thousands of lights; the guests were numerous, and represented most of the beauty and wealth of lima. my father and mother had not come, neither did i see montilla. rosa, of course, would have scorned to attend a ball given to the patriots. despite the lights and the music and the striking gaiety of the scene, i could not banish my feeling of dread. i felt, as people say, that "something was going to happen," and moved listlessly among the brilliant assembly, wondering what it would be. "you look bored, crawford," remarked o'brien, coming across to me. "is anything the matter?" "no, thanks; i'm a bit off colour--that's all." "would you rather be in the mountains?" asked colonel miller, who had joined us. "it depends on circumstances, colonel," i replied, trying to smile. when they had left me, i fell back on my occupation of gazing indifferently at the brilliant scene. i could take no interest in it, nor in the chaff and nonsense of my friends, who tried hard to make me more like myself. it seemed that in some mysterious way i was waiting for something, though what i could not imagine. when the summons actually came, i was not in the least surprised. alzura, who brought it me, had no idea he was assisting at a tragedy, but, with a merry laugh, exclaimed, "crawford, there is a lady outside waiting to see you; she will not leave her carriage." "who is it?" i asked. "i don't know; i haven't seen her. a servant gave me the message, and i set off to find you." "thanks," said i quietly, and crossing the brilliantly-lit _salon_, took my cap and went into the vast hall. who had come for me--my mother? that was my first thought, but a moment's reflection showed that it was unlikely. had there been anything wrong at home, she would have sent josé on a swift horse. the answer to my question came as i stood on the flight of steps leading to the hall. the crowd of people had dispersed, and only a solitary carriage with its attendants stood at the door. recognizing the montilla livery in an instant, i ran down the steps with a beating heart. the carriage door was open, and the light from the hall fell full on the white face of rosa. "what has happened?" i cried. "why do you look so frightened? tell me, quick!" her only answer was to bid me step inside. the footman sprang to his place, the coachman gathered up the reins, the carriage turned with a swing, and almost before i realized it we were off at a gallop. the girl's face was hidden now in darkness, but i had seen it for a moment, and could not forget it. she was white and scared; her cheeks were tear-stained, and her eyes full of apprehension and grief. some terrible disaster had happened, but i could not learn what it was. to all my questions she replied, "home! home!" and ordered the coachman to drive faster. then she burst into a fit of crying, uttering incoherent words, of which i could make nothing. "is it your father, rosa?" i asked. "has anything happened to him?" at which she cried still more, upbraiding me for i knew not what. the gates of the hacienda were wide open. we passed through at a gallop, and the trembling, foam-covered horses drew up at the front door. as soon as the carriage came to a standstill, i jumped out and assisted rosa to alight. all the servants seemed to have gathered in the hall. their faces were white, their eyes wild with dread; some of them still shivered. evidently a great calamity had occurred. what was it? looking around, i noted the absence of don felipe. that gave me a clue to the nature of the disaster. perhaps he lay dead in his room; perhaps the government, suspecting him of treachery, had torn him away. i did not hit on the exact truth, but my conjectures went very near it. rosa's wild fit had passed; she was no longer a weeping girl, but an imperious mistress. her tears were dried; she had banished her fear. there was a light of scorn and command in her eyes. "away, cowards!" she cried. "do you call yourselves men, and would not try to save your master? begone!" and she stamped her foot in passion. the servants slunk off abashed, and she led me along the corridor. the door of her father's room was closed, but she opened it, and said, "come in, juan; see your friends' handiwork!" the apartment was in total disorder. chairs were overthrown; the table was stripped of its contents; all kinds of articles lay strewn about the floor: there were very evident signs of a fierce and prolonged struggle. on one wall was the mark of a bullet, and a corner of the apartment was splashed with blood. i gazed round eagerly for montilla's body, but it was not there. "see," said the girl, "he was sitting there when the ruffians burst in upon him. he fought for his life like a cavalier of old spain, but the cowards were too many. they flung themselves upon him like a pack of wolves, and bore him to the ground." "but who were they?" i asked in amazement. "who did it? tell me plainly what happened." "need you ask?" she said coldly. "the ruffians were your friends--your servants, for all i know." "rosa, you are speaking wildly. i do not wonder at it: this terrible affair has upset your nerves." then she turned upon me, her eyes blazing with angry scorn. "what is it that you wear beneath your tunic, juan crawford?" she cried. "are you ashamed that it should be seen?" at first i did not understand her meaning; then a glimmer of the truth began to dawn on me, and slowly i drew out the silver key. "do you mean this?" "yes! 'the chief of the silver key'--that is what the black-browed ruffian called himself. fancy my father, a spanish gentleman, the prisoner of a band of half-dressed savages--your friends, juan crawford!" "but i know nothing about it," i cried. "these men take no orders from me. the key was given me by the chief when i myself stood in need of protection." "nevertheless they are your friends, and they have dragged my father from his home." "but why? surely there must be a reason! tell me what they said. try to be calm, rosa; your father's life may depend on your words." "i know nothing. how should i? i was in bed. my father sat there writing when they broke into the house. the servants fled, and hid themselves like frightened sheep. the cowards! i dressed and ran here. my father had killed one ruffian, but--but he could not struggle against so many." "i'll wager that he showed himself a brave man." "he did; but they overcame him," she continued, speaking more calmly. "they bound him with cords: he was helpless. i begged the big bandit to release him; i would have gone on my knees--i, a daughter of the montillas!" and she drew herself up proudly. "but the chief, rosa--what did he say?" "that my father was charged with a serious offence, and that he must be tried by the officers of the silver key. think of that, juan crawford!--my father tried for his life by those dirty bandits! oh, how i wish i was a man! then they took him away. i was alone and friendless; i thought of you, and told the coachman to drive me to lima. then i remembered you were one of these people, and would have turned back. but my father's life is precious; i would beg it even of an enemy. o juan, juan, save him for me!" she broke down utterly. i tried to comfort her, and failed. she did nothing but cry, "save him, juan, save him!" [illustration: "save him, juan, save him!"] i had no faith in my power to help her, but i could not tell her so. why raymon sorillo had done this i knew no more than she--unless, indeed, he had discovered don felipe conspiring with the royalists. in that case, perhaps, i might prevail on him to spare the prisoner's life, and to restore him to liberty when the war was over. it was only a tiny spark of hope, but i made the most of it. "listen, rosa," i said cheerfully. "i do not belong to this society of which you speak, but its chief will do much for me. i will go to him now and use all my influence. i will beg him earnestly to spare your father's life, and i think he may grant it me. cheer up, rosa! in a few days i shall return and bring your father with me, most likely." "o juan, how shall i ever thank you! forget the wild words i said to you. i was distracted with fear and anger; i did not mean them, juan!" "no, no," i answered soothingly; "i have forgotten them already. now go to bed; i must start at once. i shall take a horse from your stables." "you have no sword!" "i shall not need one. there is no danger for me in the mountains. the indians will do me no harm." as soon as she had promised to go to her room i returned to the hall, and calling the servants, sent one to explain matters briefly to my father, and asking that my mother would come and stay with rosa for a while. then going to the stables, i selected two good horses, and ordered a groom to help me to saddle them. sorillo might or might not listen to my request, but it would be as well to waste no time on the journey. the thought of taking josé occurred to me, but i put it aside. there was really no danger in the journey, while if sorillo would not listen to an appeal made in my father's name, he was not likely to listen at all. leading the spare horse, i rode through the grounds, cantered down the narrow lane, struck the highroad, and turned in the direction of the mountains. just where sorillo might be i could not tell, but i determined first of all to try the ravine where i had once spent several days. i have said that i had little faith in the success of my mission. why the indians had committed this outrage was a mystery, and i could think of nothing which would help me to solve it. that don felipe had acted treacherously i could well believe; but why, in that case, did not sorillo hand him over to the government? why should the officers of the silver key take it upon themselves to try him? i rode on gloomily till the sun was high in the heavens, halting at a solitary hut, where the woman gave me food and drink for myself and the animals. she was kind enough in this matter, but to my questions she would return no answers. she knew nothing about the war, except that the soldiers had slain her only son, and her husband had been absent for over a year. he might be royalist or patriot, she did not know, only she wished people were allowed to live in peace, and to cultivate their little plots of land. giving her some money, i mounted and rode on, feeling refreshed by the brief halt. the district was for the most part bare and uninhabited. here and there were the remains of a ruined hut, and on the route i passed the deserted hacienda which had once afforded me a night's shelter. i met no people, except occasionally a few women and little children; the men and growing boys were in the mountains or in the ranks of the army. it was evening when i reached the foot of the mountains. my horses were tired out, and the worst part of the journey still lay before me. however, the light had not altogether faded, so i began the ascent, hoping to meet with some of sorillo's men. as it chanced, i had not long to wait. a sudden "halt! who are you?" brought me to a stand, and i answered at random, "a friend of the silver key." "are you alone?" asked the voice, with just a tinge of suspicion. "yes," i replied. "i am juan crawford, and am looking for raymon sorillo. can you take me to him?" a man stepped from behind a rock, and eyeing me suspiciously, exclaimed, "wait, señor. i cannot leave my post, but i will call for a guide;" and putting his hand to his mouth, he whistled softly. the sound was answered by one from higher up, and presently a second indian, armed to the teeth, came running down. the two talked together in whispers, and at last the second man said, "come this way, señor; i will lead you to the chief. he will be pleased to see the son of don eduardo." under the circumstances i thought this rather doubtful, but i followed him up the path. "are you staying in the ravine?" i asked. "yes, señor, for the present." "did you go with the chief to lima?" "ah, the señor knows of that! the old crocodile showed fight, and killed a good man; but he is safe enough now." "he has not been put to death?" i asked, my forehead clammy with perspiration. "not yet, señor; he must first be tried." "but what have you discovered?" i asked, thinking the fellow might be able to give me some information as to the cause of don felipe's abduction. in this i was mistaken. the man knew, or pretended to know, nothing about it. the chief had given orders, but not reasons, and had, as usual, been obeyed unquestioningly. at a word from him his men would have ridden into lima and dragged the president from his palace. it almost seemed as if sorillo expected his stronghold to be attacked. the path was guarded by sentries, and a score of men were stationed at the entrance to the ravine, they passed us through without trouble, and before long i found myself in the presence of the chief. "you are surprised to see me?" i said briskly. "yes; i thought you were in lima." "i was there last night." "you have made a wonderfully quick journey. you must be tired and in need of refreshment. come; i can at least offer you a good supper." "not yet, thank you. i want to ask you a question first. what have you done with don felipe montilla?" "the dog is in the hut yonder." he spoke with both anger and contempt; his face underwent a sudden change; for the first time i saw how cruel it could look. my heart sank as i realized the uselessness of any appeal to him for mercy. then i thought of rosa, and said,-"it is on don felipe's account i am here. what has he done? why has he been brought here?" "if another dared question me like this, i would answer him with a pistol shot," he cried fiercely; "but i do not forget that you are the son of don eduardo crawford. come, let us eat and forget this business." "will you tell me afterwards?" "i will tell you nothing, but you shall hear for yourself. to-morrow the man will be tried, and if he is found guilty, not all south america shall save him. but we will try him fairly, and you shall bear witness to our justice." "i want mercy!" said i. "you do not know what you ask yet. wait till the morning. and now come; you must not be able to accuse me of inhospitality." the guerillas led away my horses, and i followed sorillo to his own hut, where in a short time a plentiful meal was laid. i was both hungry and thirsty, yet i had to force myself to eat and drink. sorillo made no attempt at conversation, and i did not care to talk. when the things were removed, he had a bed made on the floor, and suggested i should lie down. "i am busy," said he. "most likely i shall be up all night, but that is no reason why you should not rest. i will have you wakened in good time in the morning." "thank you," i answered; and as he left the hut i lay down on the bed and closed my eyes. though tired out, hours passed before i was able to sleep. in the darkness i could see rosa's white face, and hear her pitiful cry, "save him, juan, save him for me!" what had he done to make sorillo so angry? surely he was not so bitter against every traitor? he had hinted that even i would not beg for mercy when i knew the truth. it would have to be something very dreadful, i thought, to make me forget my promise to rosa. and what of don felipe? how was he passing the night? did he know the charge to be brought against him in this most irregular court? and would he be able to clear himself? i wondered. so thinking and dreaming, between sleep and wakefulness, i lay on the chief's bed, while the long hours rolled slowly away. chapter xxi. rough justice. i did not take much rousing in the morning, and even before remembering the exact circumstances, felt oppressed by the weight of coming sorrow. i breakfasted alone, sorillo sending a profuse apology for not being able to join me, though i was rather glad than otherwise at his absence. leaving the hut, i went into the ravine. there were perhaps a hundred men in sight, all armed, and apparently waiting for some signal. their comrades, no doubt, had been dispatched on an errand, or were guarding the neighbouring passes. in front of don felipe's hut stood a sentry, and, somewhat to my surprise, i now noticed a second hut, slightly lower down and similarly guarded. "two prisoners!" i thought. "i wonder who the other is? sorillo did not mention him." nearer the head of the ravine some soldiers were at work, and going towards them i beheld a strange and significant sight. in the side of the hill was a natural platform, broad and spacious, while round it stretched in a semicircle a wide stone seat, which the men were covering with bright red cloth. below the platform stood a ring of soldiers with impassive faces. i was still wondering what this might mean, when sorillo, touching my arm, led me to the centre of the stone seat, saying, "sit there; you shall be a witness that the people of the silver key treat their enemies justly." rather reluctantly i took the seat indicated. sorillo sat next me, and six officers, ascending the platform, took their places, three on either side of us. that portion of the seat occupied by the chief was slightly raised; but this, of course, makes no difference to the story. at a signal from sorillo the door of don felipe's hut was opened, and the prisoner came out escorted by two armed men. the soldiers, opening to right and left, made way for him, and by means of the boulders, which served as steps, he climbed to the platform. in spite of my prejudice against the man, i rejoiced to see how boldly he held himself. he appeared to have summoned to his aid all the pride of his dead-and-gone ancestors. he glanced contemptuously at the gigantic sorillo, and meeting my eyes, smiled defiantly. as to the officers, he did not give them even a look. [illustration: he glanced contemptuously at the gigantic sorillo.] "thank goodness," said i to myself, "no one can call rosa's father a coward!" then sorillo began to speak, clearly and distinctly, but with no note of anger in his voice. "don felipe montilla," he said, "you are brought here by order of the society of the silver key." don felipe's lips curled as if in amusement. "it is charged against you that you, having taken the oath of loyalty to the government, have since been in traitorous communication with the royalist leaders. do you deny or admit the charge?" don felipe shrugged his shoulders carelessly, saying, "a truce to your mummery! do you think i would plead for my life to a band of cut-throats? what care i for your society?" i thought this outburst would provoke his captors beyond measure, but, as far as i could judge, it produced no effect at all. they sat quite still, as if the remarks had been addressed to others. "it is our custom," continued sorillo, "to give those brought before us every chance to defend themselves. we are not lawyers; we do not juggle with words; our one desire is to get at the truth." "by st. philip," muttered montilla, "this is the last place i should have thought to find it in!" "for this reason," continued the chief, ignoring the sarcastic interruption, "the story shall be told plainly, and then you will understand exactly what you are charged with. three nights ago we stopped a man returning from lima. many times he had gone to and fro unmolested, protected by a pass from riva-aguero. at last he was recognized by one of our men as pardo lureña, an utterly worthless man, who had already changed sides several times during the war." "he would have made a good recruit for you," remarked montilla. "suspecting this man, we had him watched," continued the chief, again passing over the interruption, "and found that always he went to your house, señor, returning under the cover of night. we knew you to be an excellent patriot, yet the circumstance made us uneasy. at length we decided to ignore the president's passport. lureña was stopped and searched, with this result," and he flourished a letter before the prisoner. don felipe must have known by now how helpless his case was; but he only smiled. in truth, at this crisis of his life he showed no want of pluck. "there is much in this letter," said the chief mercilessly. "it contains a full list of the troops just dispatched to the south, and of those still remaining in lima, with an exact statement as to the quantity of their stores and ammunition. it describes their position, and advises general canterac how he can best enter lima and seize callao. it provides also a list of those who will join him, and stipulates that the writer shall keep not only his own estates, but shall be given those of which he has lately been deprived." at this last revelation don felipe changed colour somewhat, and withdrew his eyes from my face. "this letter," said sorillo, "came from your house; it is signed f. m., and i charge you with having written it. can you deny that it is in your handwriting?" the prisoner seemed to have regained self-possession, for looking steadily at sorillo, he exclaimed, "a gentleman of spain does not answer the questions of a mountain robber." passing the letter to me, sorillo said, "you know this man's handwriting; perhaps you will satisfy yourself that he wrote this letter?" "no," said i coldly, thrusting the paper away; "i will be neither judge nor witness in this case." "very well," answered the chief; "let the second prisoner be brought forward." and two men immediately fetched pardo lureña from his hut. he was still a young man, but looked old. his eyes were shifty and cunning, his lips full and thick; he did not seem to be at all the kind of man to play so daring a game. don felipe looked at him so scornfully that he turned away his face in confusion. he gave his answers clearly, however, and told the story from beginning to end without a tremor. it was as sorillo had said. the fellow admitted being a royalist spy employed in carrying messages between general canterac and montilla. the don, he declared, had procured him the pass signed by riva-aguero, and had given him the letter now in the guerilla chief's possession. don felipe never once interrupted him either by word or gesture; to look at him, one would have thought he was merely a spectator, with no interest in the matter one way or another. but when at last the tale ended, and sorillo called upon him to speak, his attitude changed. "do your murders your own way," he cried defiantly. "if the farce pleases you, play it. what has it to do with me? when i am accused of crime by the government of my country, i will answer." "don felipe is right, sorillo," i interrupted. "if he has done wrong, let him be brought before a proper tribunal. whether he be innocent or guilty, if you kill him you commit murder. you and your followers have no right to punish him." "in the case of a traitor we take the right," answered sorillo drily.--"but there is a further charge, don felipe montilla, more serious still. you have been proved false to your country; i accuse you also of being false to your friend." hitherto, i am bound to admit, the guerilla chief had acted like a perfectly impartial judge; now there was a ring of anger in his voice and a dangerous glitter in his eyes. as to montilla, i could hardly suppress an exclamation of surprise at the change in his appearance. no longer boldly erect, he stood with drooping head, pale cheeks, and downcast eyes. in the first act he had behaved like a man of spirit; the second he began like a craven. "listen!" exclaimed sorillo sternly, and his first words told me what would follow. "for many years there has lived in lima a man who loves the indians. he saw that they were treated as dogs, and because of his great pity he resolved to help them. to this end he worked day and night, making many enemies among the rulers of the country. they tried to turn him from his purpose, now with threats, again with offers of heavy bribes: he would not be moved. so badly were the indians treated that it mattered little whether they lived or died. they banded together, procured arms and ammunition, and determined to fight for their liberty. their friend sent them word that the attempt was hopeless; but they were very angry, and would not listen. then he left his home to speak to them himself, and endeavour to dissuade them from their purpose." montilla had not once raised his head, and now his limbs quivered. as for me, i sat listening with fascinated interest. "side by side with this friend of the indians," the chief continued, "there lived a spanish gentleman, who told the viceroy falsely that his neighbour was going to the mountains to raise the standard of rebellion. the viceroy, who was frightened, sent soldiers to seize him. second in command of the party was a lieutenant, young in years but old in crime. to him this spaniard went secretly. 'if this man should be killed in the scuffle,' said he, 'you can come to me for five thousand dollars.' "the lieutenant did his best to earn the money, and thought he had succeeded. as it chanced, however, his victim did not die, but his estates were confiscated and given to the man who had betrayed him." the speaker stopped. all was still; save for the leaping waters of the torrent, no sound was to be heard. i glanced at montilla: he was deathly pale, and on his forehead stood great beads of perspiration, which, with his bound hands, he was unable to wipe away. "shall i tell you who these men were?" asked sorillo. "one is don eduardo crawford; the others stand here," and he pointed to the prisoners. "listen to your accomplice, felipe montilla, if you care to hear the story repeated." again lureña gave his evidence glibly. i think he had no sense of shame, but only a strong desire to save his life. he might not have committed the deed for the sake of the money alone, he said, but he hated my father for having cast him into prison. it was poor evidence on which to try a man for his life, yet no one doubted montilla's guilt. there he stood with trembling limbs and ashen face--truly a wretched figure for a cavalier of spain! his courage had broken down completely, and to all the questions put by his self-appointed judge he answered no word. at length sorillo asked his officers for their verdict, and with one consent they pronounced him "guilty!" "it is a true verdict," exclaimed sorillo; "any other would be a lie.--and now, felipe montilla, listen to me for the last time. you have been proved a traitor to your country, and that alone merits death; but this other crime touches the members of the silver key more closely. when the great men of peru called the indians dogs, don eduardo was our friend. he took our side openly, encouraged us, sympathized with us, pitied us. and you tried to slay him! not in fair fight, mind you, and only because you coveted his possessions. for that you die within forty-eight hours, as surely as the sun will rise to-morrow!" and all his hearers applauded. the condemned man still made no reply, uttered no appeal for mercy, but stood as one dazed. but i thought of the daughter who loved him so well, and sprang to my feet. "hear me!" i cried excitedly. "if don felipe has done wrong, it is against my father. do you think he will thank you for killing his enemy? is that his teaching? you know it is not; you know that he would forgive him freely--would beg his life from you on his bended knees. if you really love my father, if you feel that he deserves your gratitude, spare this man's life. if he has sinned he will repent. i have come here for him. do not let me go back alone. am i to say to my father, 'you are foolish in thinking the indians care for you; they care nothing! i asked of them a boon in your name, and they refused it'? raymon sorillo, i appeal to you, give me this man's life for my father's sake!" i looked at him earnestly, hoping to find a spark of mercy in his eyes. alas, there was none! he was hard as iron, cold as ice; on that day, at least, there was no pity in him. "you are foolish," said he; "you are like a child who cries for the moon. set this man free and he will immediately begin his old games of deceit and trickery. he cannot help himself. it is his nature, as it is a spider's to weave its web. your father's happiness depends on this traitor's death." i heard him patiently, and then renewed my appeal. it was quite useless. "remove the prisoners," said he; and at a sign the troops marched off, the officers dispersed, and none save we two remained on the platform. for a long time neither spoke. i was thinking of rosa anxiously awaiting my return. i had bidden her hope, and there was no longer any hope. i made no attempt to deceive myself in this respect. sorillo would do much for me, but this one thing he would not do. i dreaded the thought of returning to lima. what would rosa say and do when she heard of her father's shameful death? perhaps that part might be spared her; she need not learn the whole truth. i must invent some story which would save her the knowledge of his double treachery. at last i turned to the chief, saying, "will you allow me to speak with don felipe in private? he has a daughter at home; he may wish to send her a last message." "he is not worth your kindness; but do as you please." i thanked him, and walked toward the hut in which don felipe was confined. the sentry let me pass without protest, and opening the door i entered. the sight before me was a pitiful one. the wretched prisoner sat on a wooden bench in the dreary hovel. his arms were bound, but he was free to walk about if he so wished. at the click of the latch he raised his head, but seeing me dropped it again quickly, as if ashamed to meet my gaze. "don felipe," i began, "have you any message for your daughter?" instead of answering my question, he himself asked one. "will that brigand really put me to death?" he said. "i am afraid so. i have begged hard for your life, but in vain." looking at me curiously, he exclaimed, "i cannot understand why you should wish to save me!" "for rosa's sake! when you were carried off, she came to me, and i promised if it were possible to bring you back with me." "then you do not believe the story you heard to-day, about--about--" "my father? yes, i believe it; but that is no reason why i should be unkind to rosa. poor girl! 'twill be hard enough for her to lose you." "is there no way of escape?" i shook my head. "an armed sentry stands outside; a hundred soldiers are in the ravine; the path is closely watched. i would help you if it were possible." "it will be dark to-night." "that would help us little. even if you escaped from the hut, you would be challenged at every dozen yards. no, i can see no way out." i think that at this time he began to fully realize the danger he was in. he had a hunted look in his eyes, and again the perspiration stood on his forehead. fear was fast killing shame, and he seemed to care nothing that i was the son of the man whom he had tried to murder. "juan," said he, "can't you make an excuse to visit me after dark?" "i should think so," i replied. "and will you cut these cords?" "if you think it will help you at all." "leave that to me," said he, speaking almost hopefully. "by st. philip, i shall escape the ruffian yet!" what his plan was he did not tell me, but it seemed to please him greatly. he even laughed when i again mentioned rosa, and said he would carry his message himself. and with hope there came back to him something of the old cunning and smoothness of speech for which he was so noted. "i am sorry you were misled by that preposterous tale," said he softly. "pardo lureña is a villain, but we will unmask him. of course, there was a little truth in his story, but so twisted and distorted that it could not be recognized. your father will understand, however, and even you will come to see that i am not greatly to blame. a little thoughtlessness, juan, and a desire to help a friend--no more; but that can wait. you will be sure to come, juan; you will not fail me?" "i will do my very best, don felipe, for your daughter's sake." wishing him farewell, i returned to the chief's hut. he was not there, so i lay down to think out the situation; but my head was in a hopeless muddle. i went into the ravine again, and, watching the soldiers, wondered how the unhappy prisoner hoped to escape them. as it chanced, his plan was doomed to disappointment. toward the end of the afternoon i stood chatting with sorillo and some of his officers, when a messenger rode up the ravine. his horse had travelled far and fast, while he looked worn out with fatigue. springing to the ground, he saluted, while the chief cried, "what news, sanchez? it should be worth hearing!" "i think it is," replied the man, with a significant smile. "general canterac is marching on lima at the head of a spanish army." "how many men has he?" "nine thousand, perhaps ten--horse, foot, and guns. the advance-guard is not far off." "thanks, sanchez.--let the men assemble, barros: a dozen to stay here, the rest to follow me. has cerdeña sent word to lima? good. he knows his business.--juan, you will just have time to ride clear, and not much to spare. no doubt canterac has sent some of his troops by the near cut." all was bustle and activity in the ravine. officers issued commands, troopers saddled their horses, muskets were seen to, an extra supply of ammunition was served out, and in a very short time everybody save the few men left to guard the ravine was ready to march. "what can your handful of men do against canterac's army?" i asked sorillo as we rode away. "not much beyond cutting off a few stragglers," he replied, smiling; "but we shall obtain information of which our leaders in lima seem to stand badly in need." chapter xxii. the "silver key" again. since these events happened i have asked myself many times whether i did right or wrong, and even now i scarcely know how to decide. those who blamed me said i was sorillo's guest, and should not have abused his confidence. others urged that i was bound, if possible, to prevent him putting a man to death unlawfully. all, however, agreed that none but a madman would have embarked on so preposterous an enterprise. the idea occurred to me suddenly. the guerillas, split up into groups, had gone, some this way, some that, to watch the movements of the royalist troops. sorillo had kept me company till we cleared the pass, when he, too, with a word of farewell, rode away. it was now dusk, and, as the chief had truly said, there was no time to waste; yet i did not move. right in my path, with outstretched arms and pitiful, beseeching face, stood rosa montilla. i knew it was but the outcome of a fevered brain; yet the vision seemed intensely real. the girl's eyes looked at me reproachfully, her lips moved as if in speech. i fancied i could hear again her parting cry, "o juan, save him!" i asked myself impatiently what more could be done. i had tried my best and failed, and there was an end of it. besides, the words of the chief rang in my ears in ominous warning: don felipe could not be trusted! to set him free was like giving liberty to a venomous snake; his hatred would now be all the more bitter in that he had struck and failed. why should i add to my father's danger? the fellow had tried to slay him once; the next time he would make no mistake. i would make no further effort to help such a traitor; i would ride on. but again the beseeching face of the girl stopped me, and again i was moved to think how i could aid the miserable prisoner. like a flash of lightning i thought of the silver key. _that_ would unlock his prison door. although i fully believed in don felipe's guilt, i remembered he made no effort to defend himself. he would not admit sorillo's right to try him. before a lawful judge he might be able to vindicate his actions in some way; at least he should have the chance to do so. thus thinking, i turned back in the direction of the ravine. half of the sentries, i knew, had been withdrawn to ride with their chief, but the number on guard mattered little; the silver key was an all-powerful talisman. i rode slowly, not wishing to tire the horses, to whose speed and strength we might later be indebted for our lives. i thought, too, it would serve my purpose better to reach the ravine in the dead of night, when the men would be sleepy and less likely to ask inconvenient questions. i was stopped at the entrance to the pass, but not for long. the indians who had seen me ride out with their chief had no suspicion of my object. "where is the chief?" asked the officer. "have the royalists got clear of the mountains?" "no; they are still in the defiles. but i am in a hurry; i have come for the spanish prisoner montilla." fortunately this officer had not attended the trial of don felipe, and sorillo was not the man to give reasons for his orders. my main difficulty would lie with the sentry at the door of the hut, but i did not think he would disobey the authority of the silver key. in any case, boldness was my best policy; so i clattered up the ravine, stopping hardly a yard from the astonished sentry. "quick, man!" i cried, springing to the ground; "are you asleep? open the door. i have come back for the prisoner. is he still bound? good. can you tie him to this horse so that he cannot escape?" "yes, señor, if the chief wishes it. but, pardon me, señor, i have no orders." "orders!" cried i angrily; "what would you? i have but just left the chief; and is not this" (producing the silver key) "sufficient authority? am i to tell the chief that he must come himself for the prisoner?" "no, no, señor; but i am only a simple soldier. i must not open the door unless my officer bids me." "he is below," i said; "we cannot pass without his permission. and i must hurry, or it will be too late. quick, drag the fellow out and bind him firmly on the horse; then come with me." the sentry had no inkling of the truth, and, never dreaming that his officer could be deceived, opened the door. then the prisoner, whether from fear or from cunning i could not tell, acted in such a manner that no one would think i was helping him to escape. he refused to stir an inch from his bench, and kicked vigorously when the sentry tried to seize him. then he yelled so loudly that the officer came running up in alarm. "the bird has no wish to leave his cosy nest," laughed he.--"give me the rope, pedro, and get a gag; the chief won't want to hear that music.--now, señor, if you'll bear a hand we'll hoist him up.--be still, you villain, or you'll get a knock on the head.--had not one of my fellows better go with you to guard this wild beast, señor?" now, from the officer's point of view this was a very sensible proposal, and one which i dared not oppose for fear of exciting suspicion. so i answered carelessly, "a good thought, and i am obliged to you; though," with a laugh, "the prisoner won't be able to do much mischief when you have finished with him." "no, indeed; he'll be pretty clever if he can get these knots undone," replied the officer complacently.--"now, the gag, pedro. quick, or he'll spoil his voice in the night air.--there, my pretty bird! you shall sing later on." all this occupied time, and i was in dread lest dawn should break before we left the ravine. then we had to wait till pedro had saddled his horse; and i watched the sky anxiously. at last we were ready, and bidding pedro ride in front, i took leave of the unsuspecting officer. "a safe journey," he cried. "i should like to know what sorillo means to do with the fellow." "you'll hear all about it when the troops return," said i, laughing and hurrying after pedro. thus far the venture, with one exception, had succeeded admirably. the prisoner was out of his cage, and would soon be clear of the pass. then i should only have pedro to deal with. his company was a nuisance, but it must be borne with for the present; later i should have to find means to get rid of him. we rode slowly down the narrow path, pedro in front, don felipe and i abreast. the poor fellow was in a hapless plight. the gag hurt his mouth, and the cords cut into his flesh. had we been alone, i should, of course, have done something to ease his pain; but as long as pedro was there, this was out of the question. "anyhow, it's better than being shot," i thought; "and really the wretch deserves it all." we passed the sentries without trouble; but at the bottom of the pass my difficulties began again. "i suppose the chief has gone to san mateo, señor?" said pedro questioningly. "that is the best place to watch from." this was an awkward question, as i had intended making a straight dash for lima; but it would not do to arouse the man's suspicions. we were too close to the mountains to run any unnecessary risks, and if pedro showed fight there, our chance of escape was gone. so i answered, "yes," and rode along, wondering what would come of it. every step led us into greater danger. we might run into the arms of the guerillas, in which event don felipe's fate was certain; or be stopped by the royalists, when i should be made prisoner. day was now breaking, and with the strengthening light i began to see our position more clearly. it was not promising. we were farther from lima than we had been when in the ravine, and were making straight for the mountains again. another half-hour's riding would cut us off from escape completely. what could be done? there was no time to lose, and i must hit on a plan at once. the simplest and perhaps the only one likely to be successful i set aside without a moment's hesitation. not for a dozen men's lives, my own included, would i harm the unsuspecting man whom chance had thrown into my power. i might, however, frighten him into obedience. as far as i could see, it was that or nothing, and the attempt must be made at once. so, with beating heart and greatly doubting what would be the issue, i whipped out my pistol, and, levelling it at him, said quietly, "move your hand to your musket, and you are a dead man! do as i bid you, and no harm will befall you. leave your gun, get down from the saddle, and hold your hands above your head." in the circumstances it was a risky experiment, because if the man should guess the truth i was entirely at his mercy. for him there was no more danger than if my pistol were a piece of wood. "but, señor--" he began, staring at me in surprise. "get down!" i repeated sternly. "it is my order. don't waste time, or i shall be obliged to fire." pedro was a brave man; indeed, all the indians in sorillo's band held their lives cheap. he did not exactly understand what was happening, yet he seemed to think that all was not right. "the chief!" he exclaimed. "does he--" "get down!" i cried once more, brandishing my weapon. with a thundering shout of "the silver key! help for the silver key!" he clubbed his musket and dashed straight at me, regardless of the levelled pistol. one moment's pressure on the trigger and he would have dropped to the ground helpless, but i refrained; instead, i pulled the rein, and my horse swerved sharply, though not in time. the musket descended with a thud; the pistol slipped from my nerveless fingers; i seemed to be plunging down, down beneath a sea of angry waters. how long i lay thus, or what happened during that time, i do not know; but i awoke to find myself beside a roaring fire, and to hear the hum of many voices. a soldier, hearing me move, came and looked into my face. "where am i?" i asked anxiously. "not far from lima," said he. "a few hours since you weren't far from the next world. how did you get that broken head?" i tried hard to remember, but could not; the past was a total blank. "well, well, never mind," exclaimed the man kindly. "try to sleep; you will be better in the morning." with the coming of dawn i saw that i was in the midst of a large camp. thousands of soldiers wrapped in their ponchos lay motionless before smouldering fires. presently there was a blowing of bugles, and the still figures stirred to life. officers rode hither and thither issuing orders, the men ate their scanty rations, the cavalry groomed and fed their horses--there were all the sights and sounds connected with an army about to march. then the infantry formed in battalions, the horsemen mounted, bugles sounded in numerous places; there was a cracking of whips, the creaking of wheels, and all began to move slowly forward. soon but a few men remained, and it seemed that i had been forgotten. at length a man came to me. he was dressed in uniform, but his words and actions proved him to be a surgeon. "feel better?" he asked. "can you eat something? i can only give you army food; but that will fill up the hollows. now let me look at the damage. faith, i compliment you on having a thick skull. a thinner one would have cracked like an egg-shell. don't try to talk till you've had something to eat." "just one question," i said faintly. "who are the soldiers just moved out?" "why, general canterac's troops. i see you belong to the other side. but don't worry; we shan't hurt you." "then i am a prisoner?" "that's always the way--one question leads to a dozen, yes, i suppose you are a prisoner; but that's nothing very terrible," and he hurried off to procure food and drink for me. later in the day he came to have another talk, and i learned something of what had happened. "we crossed the mountains almost without a check," he began. "the indians did us some damage; but they were only a handful, and we saw none of your fellows." "but how came i to be here?" "ah! that's a queer story. a party of scouts screening our left flank had just reached the base of the mountains, when they heard a fellow yelling at the top of his voice. by the time they got in sight, the man had evidently knocked you down, and was off at a mad gallop." "alone?" i asked. "no; that's the strange part of it. he was leading a spare horse which carried something on its back. our men could not get a good view, but it looked like a full sack, or a big bundle of some sort. they followed rapidly, and were wearing the runaway down when the indians appeared in force on the hills. of course that stopped the pursuit, and after picking you up, they came on with the army." my memory returned now, and i understood what had happened. pedro had escaped, and carried don felipe with him to the indians of the silver key. "poor rosa!" i sighed; "it is all over now. she will never see her father again. sorillo will take care that he doesn't escape a second time." my thoughts dwelt so much on this that i took little interest in the rest of the doctor's conversation. he was very jubilant, though, i remember, about his party's success, telling me that in a short time general canterac would be master of callao, and that the patriots had nowhere the slightest chance of victory. "what will be done with me?" i asked. "i shall send you with our sick to the hospital at jauja. the air there is bracing, and will help you to recover more quickly." "thank you," i said, though really caring very little at that time where i was sent. next day i was placed with several spanish soldiers in an open wagon, one of a number of vehicles guarded by an escort of troopers. my friendly surgeon had gone to lima; but i must say the spaniards behaved very well, making no difference between me and their own people. as to the journey across the mountains, i remember little of it. the worthy pedro had made such good use of his musket that my head was racked with pain, and i could think of nothing. most of the sick soldiers were also in grievous plight, and it was a relief to us all when, after several days' travelling, the procession finally halted in jauja. here we were lifted from the carts and carried to a long whitewashed building filled with beds. they were made on the floor, and many of them were already occupied. accommodation was found for most of us, but several had to wait until some of the beds became vacant. two or three doctors examined the fresh patients, and one forced me to swallow a dose of medicine. why, i could not think, unless he wanted me to know what really vile stuff he was capable of concocting. i shall pass quickly over this portion of my story. for weeks i lay in that wretched room, where dozens of men struggled night and day against death. some snatched a victory in this terrible fight, but now and again i noticed a file of soldiers reverently carrying a silent figure from one of the low beds. by the end of september i was strong enough to get up, and the doctors pronouncing me out of danger, i was taken to another building. this was used as a prison for captured officers of the patriot forces, and the very first person to greet me as i stepped inside the room was the lively alzura. "juan crawford," cried he, "by all that's wonderful! from the ballroom to the prison-house! there's a splendid subject for the moralist. where have you been, juan? your people think you are dead. miller is frantic; all your friends in lima are in despair." "do you know anything of don felipe montilla?" i asked. "montilla? no; there is a mystery about him too. it is given out that he was abducted by brigands, but some people whisper another story." "what?" "that he fled to the royalists, my boy, as i prophesied he would." "then you were a false prophet." "then i ask the worthy don's pardon for suspecting him without cause. but how did you get here?" "i was brought in a wagon." "lucky dog! always lucky, juan. i had to walk," and he showed me his feet, naked, and scored with cuts. after sympathizing with him, i asked him how events were shaping. "canterac did not capture callao, as he hoped, and is now back in the highlands. many things have happened, however; let me be your chronicle. where shall i start?" "from the day that canterac swooped down on lima." "that was nothing. he sat down in the capital; we hugged the guns at callao and looked at him. when he got tired he took himself off, and we returned to our quarters." "nothing very exciting in that." "you are right, my boy. your judgment is marvellous. but we had a day of excitement shortly before i came on this trip. you should have been there. lima went stark mad! the guns at callao thundered for hours; the capital was decked with flags; the people cheered till they were hoarse; there was a very delirium of joy. it was the greeting of peru to her saviour--her second saviour, that is." "why can't you speak plainly? do you mean bolivar has come?" "your second question, juan, shows there was little need for the first. yes, bolivar, the protector or emperor, or whatever name the new master of peru cares to be known by. the hero of south america has arrived; let the spaniards tremble!" "for any sake give your tongue a rest. what has santa cruz done?" "what has santa cruz done? a very great deal, my boy, i assure you. he has lost his whole army--men and horses, guns and ammunition, wagons and stores. what do you think of that, young man? you will be compelled to swallow bolivar after all." "let us change the subject. tell me about yourself." "ah," said he, "that is indeed a great subject! your discernment is worthy of praise. i can talk on that topic for hours without tiring. where shall i begin?" "where is the jailer?" "why?" "that i may ask him to send me back to the hospital." "juan, you are a fraud! but hark! that is the bell calling us to dinner. blessed sound! come with me to the banquet." chapter xxiii. an open-air prison. there were fifteen or sixteen patriot officers of all ranks in the prison, and i found most of them jolly fellows. we lived all together in two large rooms, one of which was used as a bedroom. in addition, we were allowed at certain hours to walk up and down a long corridor, so that we got a fair amount of exercise. alzura and a few of the other youngsters spent much time in planning methods of escape, and they were glad of any suggestions i could offer. as a rule, our arrangements ended in talk. the viceroy put his trust rather in keen-eyed sentries than in locks, bolts, and strong walls. an armed man stood on either side of the door leading to the corridor, which was itself guarded by a chain of soldiers. at the yard-door, through which we were not permitted to pass, an officer with several men always stood on duty. three or four times every week, in the middle of the night, an inspecting officer would summon us to get up and answer our names. this was a great nuisance, as it disturbed our sleep, but fortunately it did not take long. we slept on the floor fully dressed and wrapped in our ponchos, so there was no delay in making our toilets. we were given sufficient food--of a sort; but we had no amusements of any kind, and absolutely nothing to do. our sole occupation was walking round and round the room like caged bears, and chatting about the war. most of us voted alzura a bore in this respect, but i think on the whole he did us good. his was the first voice heard in the morning, and the last at night. he was equally ready to talk with ensign or general, and on any subject under the sun. he would jest or laugh, or, i really believe, weep with you at a moment's notice. he would instruct the artillery officer in the management of guns, advise the cavalryman how to ride, and show the general the best way to order a battle. alzura was a genius, and most of us were only now beginning to find it out. when the talk turned to the best way of escaping, he was delightful. never was there a fellow with such ingenious schemes; only, as it happened, they were not quite suitable to our circumstances. had we been in an underground cell, with massive walls and an iron door, he would have had us out in less than no time. when i mentioned casually that we were not so placed, he would reply good-humouredly, "no, dear boy, but some day you may be, and then my instructions will come in handy. but, as you say, the position at present is slightly different. first, we have to pass the sentry on this side of the door. i suppose we are all agreed on that point? well, then, having got rid of him--" "but we haven't got rid of him!" "no; quite true. i can see him from here, and a very surly fellow he looks. i wonder the officer doesn't give us some one with a more amiable face. however, that's outside the argument. now, supposing we had disposed of this fellow, the question is, what to do next." "but we haven't disposed of him!" "just so; but we ought to be prepared in case he is withdrawn, or anything of that sort, you know. however, if you won't follow my advice, it's no use giving it. it's simply folly to go on talking." "i felt convinced you would say something sensible before you had finished," laughed one of the youngsters gaily. alzura laughed too, and gave the fellow a playful tap on the head, for he loved a joke whoever chanced to be the victim. that same evening he told us of a fresh plan--for alzura was as full of plans as an egg is of meat--and before he came to the end, we were laughing so uproariously that the sentry ordered us to make less noise. "i daresay you fellows have wasted the day as usual," he began; "that is the worst of having some one to do your thinking for you. i really wish you wouldn't depend so much on me." "that's the penalty of being so clever, my boy. the world always overworks its greatest men. it's quite reasonable, after all." "but it's hard on me, nevertheless," observed alzura; "though i suppose one ought not to complain of being a genius. well, i've been working my brains all day--" "your what?" "oh, shut up, and let me speak! i've hit on a lovely plan: it will work like a machine; it can't possibly fail. we have been on the wrong tack, trying to meet force with force. what we want is craft. do you follow me, boys?" "yes, yes; go on! let's hear the lovely plan." "when you do hear it, you will wonder why no one thought of it before. it is simple beyond belief, almost." "a true mark of genius, alzura. but we're waiting to hear this infallible plan." "well, look here. just study that sentry's face a minute. who is he like? don't know? why, isn't he just like our friend crawford?" the little group laughed with delight, while i said reproachfully, "oh, come, alzura!" "not so much the face, dear boy," said he, "but the figure. he's just your height and build; you will admit that. and his clothes will fit you, juan. now, do you see?" i confessed to being still in a fog, so he continued his explanations. "this is the idea," said he. "you and barriero--barriero is wonderfully strong--stroll down to him presently. pretend you want to ask him a question. that will put him off his guard. what happens? you spring on him suddenly, clap a rag in his mouth, and with our help hold him so that he cannot struggle. then you exchange clothes and stand on guard. when the relief comes you march away. understand?" "nothing could be simpler," i murmured, while we were all nearly choking with suppressed laughter. "grand, isn't it?" said he. "i knew you would be struck."--i was.--"then we'll serve the next fellow the same way, and the next, and so on till we are all out. after that we'll seize the viceroy--" but by this time we were convulsed with laughter, and the sentry, in no very gentle tones, advised us to be quiet. "it's a great scheme, alzura," i said presently, "a wonderful scheme, but it can't be carried out. suppose the trick was discovered after my escape, all you fellows would be punished sharply, and i shouldn't like that." "no," said he, in a disappointed tone; "i thought your scruples might stand in the way." alzura's plan was still fresh in our minds when the royalists showed us how to pass the sentry. one morning, directly after breakfast, an officer entered the room with a number of soldiers, and we were ordered to stand in line. producing a paper, he read a list of the names, and each man, as he answered, was told to step forward. then we were marshalled in twos, the left arm of one man being tied to the right of the other. my companion was alzura, and very disgusted he looked at the treatment. "what are they going to do with us?" he asked. "i don't know. perhaps they heard we wanted to get away, and are obliging us." "silence!" roared a royalist sergeant; "no talking!" and alzura groaned. how was he to live if he had to keep his tongue still? a long strip of tough hide was now brought, and was knotted at intervals to the fastenings between each pair of prisoners. it formed a sort of gigantic single rein, and i suggested in a whisper to alzura that we were to be harnessed to the viceroy's chariot. "'twill save horseflesh, and we shall be doing something for our living," i added. some of the soldiers now went to the front of us, some to the rear; the door was flung wide open. "march!" cried the officer, and into the corridor we marched, through the yard, and so into the open road. "out at last," i remarked to alzura. "the royalists have hit on an even simpler plan than yours." "simple, but not clever. there is no art in this kind of thing." "oh, isn't there?" i laughed, giving the thongs a tug. "the arrangement strikes me as unusually artistic." "you are trying to be witty, dear boy. don't. the royalists will be revenged on us, and who shall blame them? hullo, they aren't taking us into the town!" "no; we're going for a pleasure trip somewhere, i expect. how kind of them to think we need a change!--i say, barriero, don't you think this is an improvement on alzura's plan?" barriero, who was one of the couple in front of us, laughed and said, "well, i can't say yet. i'll tell you when i know more about it." at the gate of the prison our escort had been strengthened by a number of horsemen, who now rode on either side of us, so that any hope of escaping was quite extinguished. we knew nothing as to our destination, which i think the officer in charge did not make known even to his subordinates. a few people stood at the outskirts of the town to watch us pass, but during the remainder of the day we saw no one except our guards. the march was terribly painful and fatiguing, though i have no wish to suggest that we were ill-treated. the fact was, the long confinement we had undergone made us keenly alive to the trials of a wearisome journey such as this. about midday a halt was called, our fastenings were loosened, while we were allowed to sit down and eat a ration of meat which was served out to each of us. some of the soldiers rested; others stood on guard, with orders to shoot any man who made the slightest effort to escape. "they needn't fear my running far," said alzura ruefully, showing me his bleeding feet. "caramba!" cried a soldier sitting near, "that won't do, señor. the rocks are sharp in this part of the country. wait; i have some green hides in my knapsack. i'll make you some sandals if the colonel halts for an hour." "i shall be very grateful for your kindness," said alzura; "the pain in my feet has kept me from admiring the scenery, and there are some grand views about here." "i've seen finer in lima," muttered the man, who was already busy at his self-imposed task. "give me some stuff," said one of his comrades; "i'll make one sandal while you make the other. the youngster will have his feet cut to the bone. he ought to be at school instead of marching about the country." "i'm not eager to march," laughed alzura; "i'll stay behind willingly." "ugh!" exclaimed the first soldier, "you would soon be dead in this wilderness. we have seen some sights in this district--haven't we, alonzo?" "that we have," replied his companion, "and i don't want to see any more of them." the two worthy fellows worked so industriously that in less than half an hour the sandals were completed, the holes pierced, and the laces put in, all ready for use. "i don't know how to thank you," said alzura earnestly, "but if we manage to live through this war, i may be able to pay you back. at present you must take the will for the deed." "it's all right, señor; we could not see you suffer like that. and our officer will say we did right. just in time, too! there's the summons to assemble." at the evening halt we were again set free a short time, being refastened for the night. after travelling for four days in this way, we saw from the top of a high hill the waters of a magnificent lake, studded with islets. it seemed quite near; but several hours passed before we reached its border--a broad morass, through which ran devious tracks. our leader now stopped, and we saw a number of soldiers carefully crossing one of the tracks from the lake. as soon as they reached us we were unbound and placed in single file, while the chief of the escort said, "the journey is ended. yonder is your home while the war lasts. it is not a lively place, but you will be out of mischief. follow your guides, and walk carefully; you will not enjoy sinking in the quagmires." we appreciated his advice more when, about half-way across, a stout middle-aged major, missing his footing, plunged into the liquid mud. in an instant he was immersed to the chin, and but for barriero, who grasped his head, would have disappeared altogether. as it was, he presented a miserable appearance, and showed us how terrible was the danger. several boats were moored at the edge of the lake, and an officer directed us to get in, one by one. barriero, alzura, and i entered the same boat; which was fortunate, as the prisoners were divided into three groups and taken to different islets. there were six of us in our group, and twelve soldiers under the command of a non-commissioned officer. the guard occupied comfortable quarters, while three mud huts were reserved for us. the islet was quite bare of trees, and was so small that alzura pretended he could not stretch his legs comfortably for fear of slipping into the water. the men who had rowed us over did not land, but took the boats to another islet, much larger than ours, which we guessed to be the headquarters of this novel prison. "the governor of this place is a clever warder," remarked barriero; "there's no getting away from here." "why not?" i asked. "the risk is too great. just think for a minute. first one would have to swim to the shore, and then cross the morass in the dark, as it would not be possible to escape in the daytime. it's really waste of time to mount a guard over us." "we must set our wits to work," observed alzura gravely. "no, no," i cried; "barriero's is the only way, and a very poor one it is. the swim is a trifle, but to cross the morass--" "why not build a bridge?" suggested alzura. "and use our bodies as part of the foundations," said barriero, laughing. "if you make any more idiotic remarks, alzura, i'll throw you into the lake." "all right," said he. "you'll be sorry when crawford and i escape and leave you behind." "i've a long time to wait," replied barriero, "so i'll pass some of it in sleep." alzura and i shared one of the huts between us. there was no furniture; the floor was of mud, and so were the walls, while the roof was thatched with some dried vegetable matter. the place was not exactly a palace, but it sheltered us, and for that we were thankful. the sergeant in charge of the islet was a good-humoured fellow. feeling sure that we could not escape, he treated us quite genially, though maintaining discipline at the same time. he often talked of the war, giving us news now and again of events which never happened. on the third morning after our arrival, we saw several boats leave the main island and visit the various islets on which prisoners were kept. "that's the governor making a tour of his kingdom," the sergeant explained. "he is bringing us a week's provisions, and will no doubt have a peep at his new subjects." the governor was a spanish officer, quite old, but stiff and erect in spite of his many years. he ordered us to draw up in line, called our names from the list, hoped we should be comfortable, ordered the sergeant to put in irons any man who disobeyed him, wished us all good-morning in courtly old-world style, stepped into his boat, and was rowed away. "not a word about attempting to escape!" remarked barriero. the sergeant heard the remark, and said with a laugh, "it is needless, señor. no one ever got away from here. some have tried, and they are at the bottom of the morass. why, even i would not venture to cross that terrible place, except in broad daylight with a trusty guide. if you think of trying, señor, let me advise you to stay where you are. here you can be comfortable; there--ugh!" and the man shuddered at the very thought of it. "your advice is good, sergeant, and i intend to profit by it," cried barriero. "we saw one man slip when we were crossing, and i shan't forget his face in a hurry. caramba! it makes me shiver yet." "besides," continued the sergeant, "suppose that by some miracle you cross the marsh, what would happen then? you would die of hunger. but i will grant you a further miracle. you shall cross the mountains and join your friends. is the danger over? it is but just beginning. you will be killed in battle. but your luck clings to you, and you still survive. well, then, the war comes to an end; you are hunted down, captured with arms on you, and shot as rebels." "what a charming picture, sergeant!" laughed alzura. "it seems to me we are better off where we are." "i am glad for your own sake that you think so," said the officer gravely. "i grow attached to my birds with their clipped wings, and only desire their welfare. there was a young fellow here once, a pretty boy, señor, like yourself"--alzura bowed gracefully--"and i had grown to love him. but he got tired of the place and the company, i suppose, and one night he slipped into the water. i fired my musket, and a boat which is always kept ready started in pursuit. he reached the morass first, and found a track. my men followed cautiously. they could not see him, but presently they knew there was no need to go further." "how?" asked alzura curiously. "the shriek of the boy as he went to his death told them what had happened. ah, it was not the first time some of them had heard such a wail!" "sergeant," said alzura, "you tell such lively stories that i wonder at any one becoming tired of your society!" "you are pleased to be merry," replied the man, "and i, too, can be the same, only not when speaking of the morass. come, let us forget it for a while. although you are my prisoners, you will not find me a harsh jailer." this was quite true, but not all his kindness could make up to us for loss of liberty. barriero and the other three prisoners seemed quite resigned to their fate, but alzura was always hankering after the delights of lima and home, while i, too, longed very much to see my parents and friends. so we often sat for hours watching the margin of the lake, envying the men who went ashore. they carried on their heads whatever bundles they had, and we carefully noted the landing-place, as well as the track across the morass which they appeared to take. "it seems easy enough, doesn't it?" alzura would say; "but in the dark it would be different! think of the quagmires, juan! caramba! the sergeant was right. we had better give up our dreams, juan, eh?" i felt sure that this was wisely spoken, but somehow the next day we again went to look at the opposite shore and possible freedom. that horrible morass had a wonderful fascination for us. we thought of it by day and dreamed of it by night; but the weeks slipped away, and still we were prisoners on the islet. the new year came, and in may 1824 we were joined by another captive. this was a treat for us, as he brought news from the outside world. he told us there had been many disturbances, that bolivar was now undisputed ruler and leader of the patriots, but that the end of the war seemed as far off as ever. "if they keep us till the country is at peace," said he, "we shall die of old age on this islet." chapter xxiv. a dangerous journey. "i think," remarked alzura, one day toward the end of june, "i'll get the sergeant to put me in irons." "why?" i asked in surprise. "because sitting here and looking at the land is driving me crazy." "then don't look at it." "i can't help it, and that's the truth. wouldn't it be grand if we could only cross that morass safely!" "but we can't!" "no," said he; "but suppose we could? suppose there came a night when it was just dark enough to hide us, and yet light enough to show us the track? wouldn't it be a feather in our caps if we could get back safely to miller?" "it would; but we should lose our nerve in that horrible swamp, even if we reached it." "very likely; and our lives too. let's go back to the hut." we had often talked like this, but now there seemed more purpose and earnestness in my chum's manner. i looked at him closely as we returned to our quarters, and wondered if he had decided to run the risk. "a quarter of a mile isn't a long swim, is it?" he said, after a time. "oh no!" i agreed cheerfully. "and we might easily save sufficient food from our rations to last a long while." "most likely we shouldn't need it long." "it would be very useful if we did." "look here, alzura," said i, turning on him suddenly, "let's make an end of this business. what are you driving at? are you going to risk your life in that morass?" "i'm very tired of this place," he answered moodily. "so am i; but that doesn't lessen the danger of the swamp. now, let us make no mistake. there is, perhaps, one chance in a hundred. is it worth risking? death in a morass must be rather horrible. don't you think so?" "well, it can't be very pleasant; but you admit we stand a chance of getting across." "one in a hundred, no more." "ah, well," said he thoughtfully, "let us sleep on it." i could not help thinking that my chum must want his freedom badly to even suggest such a venture. any hot-blooded enterprise, i knew well, appealed to him strongly; but this one required cool, dogged patience and nerves of iron. barriero was a brave fellow too, but he honestly admitted he would rather be shot than try to cross the morass in the dark. as for me, i trembled at the thought of taking part in so hazardous an enterprise. however, it seemed to me that alzura was making up his mind to go. every day he let fall broad hints, and at last stated his intentions without reserve. "juan," said he one evening, "i'm going. the war may last a couple of years yet. are you coming with me? don't if you'd rather not risk it." "have you counted the cost?" "yes. i know it's a touch-and-go affair; that is why i won't press you to join me." "two will stand a better chance than one," said i thoughtfully, "and you mustn't try it alone. shall we ask barriero to come with us?" "may as well pass the compliment," answered alzura, laughing. "but he won't, i'm positive." and he was right; for barriero, on being asked, said hotly,-"you're a pair of idiots, and i don't know which is the bigger." "it must be neither or both, if we're a pair," chuckled alzura. "why can't you be satisfied?" growled barriero. "you've plenty of food, no work to do, and are well treated. and there isn't one chance in a thousand of your getting through." "crawford said one in a hundred!" "well, anyway, you're certain to lose your lives, and i shall be blamed for not stopping you. it's my duty to inform the sergeant, and have you chained up." "you can't," said alzura--"you can't betray us." "you're two lunatics--stark, staring lunatics--and i wish you had told me nothing of your mad scheme." "it's awfully risky," said i, "but not so mad as you think. we shall choose our night, and we know just where to land. then we shall take provisions to last us three or four days." "you won't need them," interrupted barriero, in a tone of conviction which was far from encouraging. but now that the affair had really been decided on, the dangers of the morass soon lost some of their terrors. we were able to talk about them calmly, and thus grew familiar with them, at least in imagination. every day we set aside a portion of the dried meat and biscuit which formed the chief part of our food, until at last we had as much as could be carried easily. it would be stupid to load ourselves with too heavy a burden, as barriero rather unkindly reminded us. we waited three whole weeks after coming to our decision before starting on the venture, and then, one favourable night, slipped down to the edge of the islet. barriero, who had kept the secret, came to wish us good-bye, and the poor old fellow shook like a timid child. "it is a mad game," said he, "a downright mad game. i shall never forgive myself for allowing you to go. it isn't too late now to draw back. do take my advice, and don't risk it. i shan't sleep a wink all night if you go." "never mind, my boy," replied alzura, laughing; "you'll have plenty of time afterwards for a nap.--now, juan, off with your clothes." the other prisoners were sound asleep in their huts; so were the soldiers, with the exception of the two sentries. these men were supposed to keep a sharp lookout, but nothing had happened for so long a time that their duty was mostly a matter of form. however, barriero kept watch while we each stripped and made a bundle of our food and clothes to carry on our heads. "good-bye, old man," we said to him when we were quite ready; and he, gripping our hands, whispered back,-"good luck; but i wish you would not go. take care, and come back here rather than lose your lives, if you cannot find the track." we promised to do so, and then took quietly to the water. the first part of the journey gave us no trouble whatever. we were both good swimmers, and quickly arrived at the spot which we had selected as the landing-place. here we crouched on a patch of firm ground, undid our bundles, and proceeded to dress quickly. a smothered exclamation from alzura made me glance at him. in his hurry he had whisked his shirt a yard or two away, and it had settled in the liquid mud. "there's an end to that garment!" said he. "well, after all, it's no great loss; 'twas mostly made of holes. what have you found, juan?" "a stout staff tipped with iron, left here by the soldiers, most likely. what a piece of luck, my boy! now we shall be able to test the ground." "yes, the balance is on our side," said he happily, buttoning his tunic. "are you ready? give me the staff, and i'll go first." of course i could not let him do that; so turning it off with a laugh, i cried,-"no, thank you. i'm not going to trust my life to your hands, or rather feet. now, follow me closely. walk just where i do, and if you see me disappearing, pull me back sharp. we're on the track now, and must try to keep on." "spoken with the wisdom of a sage!" said alzura saucily. "i say, juan, how shall i know when you're moving?" there was certainly reason for his sarcasm. as often as not, when i raised my foot i brought it down in the same place again, or, according to alzura, even went a step backward. the night was not particularly dark--indeed, we had doubted whether it was dark enough for us to swim ashore unobserved--but the marsh was fearfully deceptive. in places the track was merely a dry hump here and there, for which i had to feel with the staff. twice, in spite of every precaution, i missed my footing, and the second time had sunk to the waist before alzura could pull me out. "i can't see you very well, juan," said he, laughing, "but i have an idea that you would cut a fine figure in a ballroom just now." "especially if it were a fancy-dress affair," i replied in the same tone. we were in no merry humour, mind you; but the weakest joke was better than dwelling on the horrors which surrounded us. each of us knew that, but for alzura's quickness, i should have disappeared for ever, leaving no trace behind me. twice before the break of day i had saved him from a similar fate. we left the islet about ten o'clock, and at midnight were still in the morass, unable to move. alzura had joined me on a piece of firm ground, just large enough for us to stand on, and no more. it was darker now, so that we could see nothing clearly, while i failed to touch any solid substance, except that behind us, with my pole. alzura's attempts were equally unsuccessful. "you're a pretty guide!" said he. "you've got off the track; we had better try back. give me the staff." "be careful; mind how you turn. can you feel the ground where we stood just now?" "yes; here it is," and the next minute he stepped back to feel for the proper path, while i stood trembling lest he should slip in and be smothered before i could get to his assistance. "can you find a place?" i asked. "only towards the lake. it's nothing but marsh to right and left. i think i'll come to you again. what is it? did i hurt you?" "oh no, not at all!--only crushed my toes a bit with the pole! what are we going to do now?" "i suppose it's too early for breakfast?" he began, and then in a different tone he added hastily, "oh, i say, what a joke! i've dropped my bundle of food somewhere. perhaps it's just as well; i shall walk lighter." "but you'll want something to eat," i suggested. "of course i shall. how dense you are! don't you see how the accident will benefit us both? there are two now instead of one to eat your rations, so you will have all the less to carry." "oh," said i doubtfully, not quite appreciating the logic. "well, we don't want breakfast yet, and the question is, what are we to do? the sergeant's bound to discover our escape at breakfast-time, and a search-party will be sent ashore immediately." "it will be light in an hour or two," observed alzura cheerfully--"at least light enough for us to find the track again. let us sit down; it won't be so tiring, and we can't make ourselves any wetter or dirtier. it's a good thing i didn't start on this journey alone; i should be with my provisions now." "it's always pleasanter to have company," said i, shivering, and not noticing the absurdity till alzura laughed. there was certainly very little pleasure in our position just then. we were wet through, chilled to the marrow, and plastered with mud from head to foot. our limbs felt horribly cramped, yet we almost feared to stretch them, and the enforced delay was fast diminishing our chances of escape. the dawning light might show us the route, but it would also set the soldiers on our heels. altogether, i was rather inclined to envy barriero, sleeping peacefully in his hut. as soon as ever it became light enough, alzura jumped up, saying, "where is the pole?" and grasping it, he began trying to touch bottom. he poked long and vigorously in all directions, but without success, till it seemed as if our only plan was to return and give ourselves up. "yet there must be a way out," said i impatiently. "the track leads here plainly enough, and it wouldn't come to an end just in the middle of the morass." "i shouldn't think so," said alzura. "i wonder whether they've missed us yet. how old barriero will grin on seeing us back again!" "we aren't back yet," i replied. "look at that hump yonder. it seems solid, doesn't it? lend me the pole. ah, too short! what d'you think, alzura?" "it looks all right," said he; "but appearances are often deceptive. besides, we can't reach it." "we can jump it, perhaps." "yes," said he thoughtfully, "we might. it's a big risk, though. if it isn't firm ground, the one who jumps will go to his death." "i'll chance it," said l "no, you won't; it's my venture. stand aside, and give me room for a take-off. remember me to the others if i go down." "wait," said i; "there's no need for you to go. we can put it to the test without risking life," and i hastily unslung the packet of provisions which hung over my shoulder. "bravo, juan! that is a good dodge. mind your aim, though!" "all right," and raising the bundle, i swung it carefully to and fro, trying to gauge the distance. then giving it an upward sweep, i let it go, and we watched breathlessly as it fell plump on the spot. "firm as a rock," cried alzura. "viva! now for the jump, my boy; it's easy enough." "as long as we come down in the proper place. stand back," and pulling myself together, i took the leap, landing close beside the bundle. this i picked up, and, telling alzura to throw me the pole, proceeded to investigate. "is it all right?" he cried softly. "yes," said i, and stood back while he jumped across. "caramba!" said he, "that's a nasty bit well over!" and i noticed that his limbs trembled. "all's well that ends well," i replied. "come on, my boy; we've done the worst part, and the track's as plain as a pikestaff now. if we can reach the hill we came down months ago, 'twill be an easy matter to hide." "i wonder if the sergeant has discovered anything yet? according to his account, the guards will think us dead." "so much the better for us; they'll give up the search sooner. hurrah! the ground's getting firmer at every step. i believe we're out of the morass." the words were hardly spoken, when, my foot catching in some coarse grass, i fell sprawling, face downwards. "not quite," observed alzura, pulling me up, while i tried to get the mud from my mouth and eyes. "it's a lucky thing you didn't try that trick before. faith, juan, you do look a picture! i'd willingly give a hundred dollars to be able to pop you down in lima!" "come along, and don't be idiotic, or we shall find ourselves back on the islet." "yes," said he, still grinning all over his face; "we can't stay here laughing all day." "i'm not laughing," i cried indignantly. "aren't you? well, you see, old fellow, it's rather difficult to tell what you're doing through that black mask. i shouldn't try to rub it off. let it cake, and we'll chip it off with a stone." "this way," said i gruffly, taking no notice of his attempts to be funny. "we'd better make straight for the mountains and hide ourselves." "we've need to," he replied, with a meaning laugh. we were now in a wide plain, dotted with numerous hillocks, and a good deal cut up by streams from the overflow of the lake. the ground was damp, while here and there we plumped straight into a marsh. by this time, however, we were in such a state that nothing mattered, and being unwilling to lose time, we took the shortest though not the most pleasant route. we had a good start of the soldiers, who, as it happened, were completely thrown off the scent through finding alzura's bundle. knowing the terrible nature of the morass, they concluded we were both dead, and returned to the island with the tidings. we learned this long afterwards from barriero, who told us how he had mourned our sad fate, and blamed himself repeatedly for having let us go. at the time, however, we expected every moment to hear the patter of feet behind us, and raced on till, breathless and panting, we reached the base of the mountain. here we stopped a few moments to recover breath, and then, climbing some distance, proceeded to search for a cavern. "there ought to be several," said alzura, "for the mountain has been mined. didn't you notice the _rodados_ as we came down?" "those heaps of rubbish?" "yes. all that refuse has been taken out of the mountain. here's a heap, and the mouth of the tunnel won't be far away. now, keep your eyes open." i did my best; but alzura found the cavern, and in a short time we were both inside. the place was dark, and smelt dreadfully, the roof almost touched our heads, and the passage was very narrow. "a nice trap!" i remarked. "if the soldiers catch us here, there's an end to our freedom." "i'm not so sure of that. the gallery may run a long way back, and perhaps communicate with another. shall we explore it?" "not now; i'm hungry and tired." "so am i, and wet and cold too. i wish we had a fire. better take your things off and wring them; you'll be a bit more comfortable." i followed his advice, and then we sat down to feast on the dried beef and biscuits, which, happily, we had been able to keep in good condition. it was not a brilliant banquet, but we were hungry, and our teeth were sharp. "i think it's a pity i lost my stock," remarked alzura, lazily enjoying the food. "that bit won't last long." "you must eat less. i shall put you on short rations in the morning." "tell me that to-morrow; i'm sleepy now." "aren't we going to keep watch?" "i don't think it's worth while. the soldiers aren't likely to look here for us, unless you attract their attention by snoring too loudly," and the rascal chuckled himself off to sleep. in a few minutes i lay down beside him, and slept soundly till he wakened me by beating a tattoo on my ribs, and saying that he wanted his supper. we had, in fact, slept through most of the day, and it was too late to think of making a fresh start till the first thing in the morning. however, as soon as day broke we set out with a hazy idea of making our way to lima. by dint of careful economy, our provisions would last for three days, and then we must trust to luck. we had no notion how the war had gone, and i should not have been surprised to hear that the royalists were again masters of the country. about noon on the third day of our journey we sat down beside a pleasant stream in a picturesque ravine. there was sufficient food left for one meal, and alzura voted for having it at once. "it's a long time since breakfast," said he, "and this mountain air sharpens one's appetite. besides, it's good policy to make sure of a thing while one has the chance." "all right," said i, laughing, and opening the bundle, "here you are. don't grumble with me when we have to go to bed without supper." "we may get a fresh supply before then; who knows?" i did not think it likely; but all the same i joined him in an attack on the provisions, which we devoured to the very last morsel. then we had another drink of water, and rose to resume our journey. as if this were a signal, the rocks round about suddenly became alive with armed men, who yelled some orders which we could not understand. then clambering over the boulders, they surrounded us, and in a short time had bound our arms tightly with strips of hide. they were fierce-looking fellows--indians, never seen westward of the andes--and apparently unfamiliar with the spanish language. i tried to question them, but they did not understand, while neither of us could make out a word of their patois. it was clear, however, that they meant to take us with them; and as we marched off, alzura said, with a laugh,-"what a lucky thing, juan, that we ate our supper in good time!" chapter xxv. back to duty. since the beginning of the war i had seen a great deal of indian endurance, but nothing to equal that of our new captors. they marched along in a curious fashion at a kind of jog-trot pace, taking short steps and carrying their feet close to the ground. mile after mile was covered without apparent effort, and when at last a halt was called, not a man looked the least bit tired. as for alzura and me, we were exhausted, and lay down just as we were. the indians lit a fire, roasted some maize, and loosening our bonds, gave us a share of the food, a drink of water, and a little coca. whether they were friends or foes we could not tell, but despite their ferocious looks they did us no harm. while on the march i had resolved to try them with the charm of the silver key; but, to my dismay, i found it was no longer round my neck. a part of the chain was still there, but it had snapped off, and the key was gone, sunk probably in the dreadful morass. however, turning to one of the fellows, i said, first in spanish, then in the patois used by sorillo's men, "we are officers in the patriot army, and friends of raymon sorillo and the silver key; who are you?" he shook his head solemnly, and looked at me with a blank stare. "try him with english, juan," laughed alzura. "i wonder where he lives when he's at home? perhaps he knows portuguese. i'll have a shot at him." if alzura knew portuguese--which i rather doubted--the indian was ignorant of that language, and was quite unmoved by my comrade's flood of oratory. perhaps he thought alzura was singing. but my companion in adversity did not take the suggestion in good part; indeed it seemed to annoy him. "never mind," said i cheerfully; "they can't march us about for ever. we are bound to meet with civilized beings some time or other." "but these fellows may belong to the royalists! many of the indians on this side of the mountains do. then we shall be taken back to the island!" "we shall have guides across the morass, though; that's one thing to be thankful for." "and be put in irons! perhaps you think that's a subject for cheerfulness?" "we shouldn't be able to risk our lives again, at all events." "oh, go to sleep," exclaimed alzura, "if you've nothing more sensible than that to say!" and he rolled a little nearer the fire. the next morning the indians resumed their journey, and after a weary tramp of many miles, encamped on the side of a mountain, where stood several huts in a half-ruined state. one of these was set aside for us, and a sentry was placed at the door. here we remained for three weeks while our captors made frequent excursions, starting early in the morning and returning late at night, though of their object we had not the faintest idea. at the end of that time we were taken with them; and from morn till night, for several days in succession, we roamed about those dreadful mountains, till every muscle in our bodies ached with fatigue. "what is the use of it all?" i asked alzura gloomily. "what do they expect to gain by this continual tramp up and down?" "it's my belief that they can't help themselves," he replied. "it's a disease, a form of madness, which keeps them continually on the move. yesterday we climbed the same hill a dozen times, and finished at the starting-point. or perhaps it's some new kind of warfare they've invented." "it's awfully ridiculous, anyhow, and i don't see that we've gained much by leaving the island--unless it's exercise." "when the war is over, i'll give up walking altogether," said my chum resolutely. "when i'm not on horseback, or in a carriage of some kind, i'll be carried about in a chair. if this lasts much longer, my feet will be worn out." that evening the indians lit their fire earlier than usual--a circumstance for which we were duly grateful. we ate our supper, and sat chatting together cheerfully, being put in good humour by the warmth and brightness of the ruddy flames. suddenly we heard in the distance the long-drawn-out note of a night bird, repeated again and again, and each time nearer to us. it was answered by our sentries; but the men round the fire made no movement, nor did they show the slightest interest when half a dozen horsemen rode up. the leader, however, rose slowly and talked to the strangers, who, after seeing to their horses, came and sat down. "juan," said alzura, "these fellows belong to a different tribe. perhaps we shall have a chance of making ourselves understood." "they are looking at us very pointedly," i answered; and raising my voice, i said, "can any of you talk spanish?" "yes," cried several together, coming near to us; "what do you want?" "to make ourselves known," i replied. "these worthy fellows can't understand us, and we're tired of playing hide-and-seek in the mountains." "who are you? where do you come from? are you for the king?" asked one. this was treading on dangerous ground; but as we really were worn out, and there seemed no chance of escape, i thought it best to take the bull by the horns. at the worst we should only be handed over to the enemy and sent back to prison. so i answered quietly, "no; we are patriot officers who have escaped from the spaniards. if you are on our side, perhaps you will help us to return to our own people." "you are with friends, señor, if what you say is true," remarked one who seemed to have some sort of authority. "_if?_" said i, trying to speak haughtily; "do you doubt it?" "well," said the fellow, with a knowing grin, "you don't look much like officers of any kind." and he was right. we were, in fact, a pair of as dreary-looking objects as one would be likely to meet. our sandals were worn out, our clothes hung in rags, and the holes in alzura's tunic made it painfully apparent that he did not indulge in the luxury of a shirt. whether we wore uniform, and if so what kind, would have been difficult to decide, as we were still plastered with mud from head to foot. so i could not altogether blame the man for his distrust. however, i repeated my statement, told him we had fought under the englishman miller, and at last introduced the name of raymon sorillo. "we know him well," i said in conclusion, "and are good friends of the silver key." apparently my words were interpreted for the benefit of our captors, who jabbered together for a considerable time, while alzura and i anxiously awaited the result of the conference. at last the leader of the horsemen, turning to me, said, "señor, it is decided that i shall take you to the army, where your words can be proved. if your story is not true, you will be shot as spies." "all right; we agree!" i exclaimed joyfully, for it was a delightful thought that we were to escape the strange beings who spent their time in running about the rocks. "we shall start early," he continued, "so you had better get some rest." which we did, as soon as our excited state permitted. "bravo!" exclaimed alzura, after breakfast the next morning; "this is an improvement. fancy being on horseback again! this will be better than trudging on foot, juan, eh?" "what about the men who have lent us their horses?" "oh," said he merrily, "i believe they would as soon walk as ride, and i'm sure they could keep up longer than the animals." by this talk you will understand we had been provided with a couple of horses; and taking leave of our original captors, we rode off with our new ones. of course, both alzura and i were unarmed, and the leader, in a quiet way, so arranged that we were never very far from a man with a musket. he was rather a lively fellow for an indian, and having made sure we could not escape, talked with us freely. he told us the men we had just left were very useful, having already sent in a great deal of valuable information to the patriot army. he also said that bolivar had crossed the andes with a large army, and that a decisive battle was expected at any time. he was very curious about our escape, and could barely credit that we had crossed the morass without assistance. "it has been done before," he said, "but only once or twice, and then by natives." "we shan't do it again," laughed alzura. "it nearly turned our hair white. it was the nastiest experience i have ever had--worse than when the royalists cut us up at torata." "were you in that battle, señor? wasn't it terrible?" and the man looked at my comrade with renewed interest. indeed, from that time he treated us both with increased respect, and the journey passed quite pleasantly in his company. during the second day we met several groups of mounted indians, and a detachment of regular soldiers; which showed that we could not be far from the main encampment, on the plain between rancas and pasco. our guide expected to reach it that night, but we did not get in till after breakfast next morning. the plain was a splendid place for a camp, though rather high up, being some twelve thousand feet above the level of the sea. surrounding it on all sides, huge mountains towered, their mighty summits hidden by the clouds. the table-land itself was alive with soldiers, and presently i caught sight of the flag which had been presented to the peruvian legion. "take us over there," i cried excitedly to the guide.--"there are our comrades, alzura. i see plaza, and cordova, and the sour-faced old major. viva! viva!" and i rose in the stirrups with delight. what explanation the indian gave i do not know. we were plucked from the saddles and bandied about from one fellow to another in less than no time, every one helping to keep up a running fire of remarks. "now let the royalists tremble!" exclaimed plaza, striking a dramatic attitude, spoiled only by the fun and twinkle in his eyes. "only think, our little alzura has returned to us!" cried another; "let us embrace him." "wait till he's been scrubbed a few times," suggested plaza. "the legion should be proud of these 'young bloods.' what airs and graces! what remarkable and novel costumes! what--" "can any one lend me a shirt?" interrupted alzura. "a shirt?" exclaimed cordova. "my dear fellow, i have a dozen, quite clean and doing nothing, i shall be proud to let you and crawford each have one." "oh, thanks!" said alzura. "i thought something practical ought to come from all that talk. come on, my boy, let's have them at once. where are they?" "just down in lima. you have only to--" but a roar of laughter drowned the end of the sentence. "you really don't require one," remarked plaza; "it would spoil the rest of your uniform--that is, if you have one under that dirt." every one was still enjoying the joke, when a number of officers in brilliant uniforms approached our quarter of the plain. in the leader i recognized bolivar; and, to my great satisfaction, colonel miller was one of his suite. "your men seem to be enjoying themselves, colonel," we heard bolivar remark; "what is it all about?" at that moment miller caught sight of us, and leaving the general's question unanswered, called us over, saying, "alzura! crawford! where have you been, my boys? we had quite given you up.--general, these are two of my young officers who have been missing for months." bolivar, who was in good humour that morning, made us stand by him and relate our adventures. then he complimented us on our pluck, and turning to an officer, said, "take these youngsters to o'brien, and ask him to supply them with decent clothing; they have at least earned that. and i am very proud of you, boys; and so, no doubt, are your comrades." at which plaza led off a round of cheering. i was very glad to see the great, big, jolly irishman again, and he lost no time in getting us fresh uniforms from the stores, with an extra poncho apiece. "you'll be glad of that at night," said he, "for up here the thermometer is generally below freezing-point. i must come to see you, if there's time, and hear your story." o'brien was quite right about the biting cold, but on that first night at least we hardly felt it. dressed in our new clothes, comfortably wrapped in our ponchos, seated close to a roaring fire, and surrounded by old friends, alzura and i felt amply repaid for all our toils and privations. in honour of our arrival our brother officers had organized a grand supper, the greatest delicacy being a small loaf of white bread, which they insisted on sharing with alzura and myself. after supper, we had to give an account of our adventures; and many a laugh went up as i told of my chum's plans, of our disasters in crossing the morass, and of the strange indians who had mistaken us for royalists, which, plaza unkindly remarked, was a poor compliment to the enemy. "after all," he continued, "you haven't had such a very bad time. now, while you've been playing, we've been at work." "oh," cried alzura, smiling blandly, "that would be a change for you!" "we've made roads," said cordova, with a solemn air, "built huts, collected fuel, carried corn, and driven cattle. we've worked harder than the labourers on your father's estates." "glad to hear it," laughed my chum. "i thought bolivar would make something of you. a pity we weren't with you, though." "a great pity! with crawford and you helping, there would have been little for us to do." "it must have been rough work crossing the mountains," i observed. "rough? rather! especially as bolivar has turned us into cavalry," and he proceeded to give a graphic account of the passage. "the shelving ledges on the mountain sides are so narrow that the troops were obliged to advance in single file. the cavalry, of course, were greatly handicapped. each man rode a mule, and had a led horse, which he dragged after him by a lasso. sometimes a break in the track, caused by a deep gully or a waterfall, occurred, when the men had to dismount, and to lead their animals. "but the worst of all was when night came while we were still on the march," said plaza. "we always walked then, and more than one fellow went tumbling down some frightful precipice. we lost our way two or three times, though there were plenty of trumpeters stationed at intervals. but cordova will tell you about that," and there was a general laugh. "oh," said alzura, scenting a bit of fun, "order, please, for cordova's story.--now, my boy, out with it!" "'twas nothing," replied cordova airily. "we missed our way, and had to return, that's all. a mere accident, only these fellows make such a fuss about it." "plaza, you tell the yarn," said i. "cordova's much too modest, and that's quite a new thing for him, too!" "well, it happened on the wildest night of the whole journey. a terrific snowstorm came on, half blinding us. we were wet through and tired as dogs, and the camping-place was still a long way off. we couldn't see much, but there was plenty of noise. the wind howled, the trumpeters blew loud enough to wake the dead, officers shouted to their men, horses neighed and mules brayed: it was a regular pandemonium! to crown all, we were following the windings of a roaring torrent." "and cordova was leading," interrupted major gamarra. "some one suggested we were on the wrong track, but our friend knew better. 'follow me,' said he; 'i can guide you by the sounds of the trumpets.' and we followed." "like a flock of sheep," chimed in the major. "we went on," continued plaza, "till even cordova admitted something was wrong; then we stopped." "why didn't you turn back?" "out of the question, my boy. we tried it, and lost half a dozen animals in the attempt. the only thing possible was to advance till we reached an open spot. when all our fellows were across we turned round, and began the march back." "bravo, cordova!" cried my chum, who was bubbling over with laughter. "oh, come, wait a bit. you haven't heard the best of the joke yet. we had done nearly half the distance, when we met the head of another squadron that followed us. 'go back,' we yelled; 'you've missed the proper path.' 'go back yourselves,' they shouted in reply; 'we can't!' well, you know, neither party dared move till daybreak; so we stood there, crouching against the rocks and holding on to the animals. we could neither eat nor sleep. the wind flung the snow at us in masses, and we were frozen to the marrow. some pretty things were said about cordova before the morning, i can assure you." "to hear them talk, one would think they were made of sugar!" grunted cordova. "it took us four hours the next day to get out of the mess," laughed plaza, "and then we had to catch up with our division. altogether, it was a very pleasant incident, though the major here and a few others failed to see the fun." "but how came canterac to let you through the passes without a fight?" i asked. "a case of pride going before a fall, i expect. he thinks to serve us as he did at torata.--by the way, crawford, you gave miller his wrong rank this morning. he's a general now, and chief of all the peruvian cavalry." "bravo, that's grand news! there isn't a better soldier in the army." "only he's so fearfully energetic. he'll keep one on the move for sixteen hours, and then suggest a little scouting as a titbit to wind up with," said cordova. "you've had a good rest now, anyway." "we shall pay for it, though." and cordova was not far wrong. we had barely fallen asleep when the bugles sounded. the troops rose, and mounted officers dashed about, carrying orders to different squadrons and battalions. "breakfast at once; ready to march in an hour," were the commands, and we wondered what information bolivar had obtained. some said one thing, some another, and very soon a fine crop of rumours sprang up. canterac was advancing with twenty thousand men; his troops had mutinied, and declared for the patriots; he was retreating hot-foot for cuzco; he was a prisoner in the hands of the mountain tribes. every man suggested the event he fancied most, and seemed quite annoyed if one expressed any doubt of its accuracy. "just our luck," grumbled alzura. "i did think we should have had a little rest." "it's just because you're here that we're moving," laughed plaza. "directly bolivar caught sight of you and crawford yesterday morning, he determined to march. 'canterac won't stand against those fellows,' he said." "bolivar is a capable fellow and a good judge," said alzura. "i wonder where general miller is." "went off in the night, reconnoitring with a party of mountaineers. it's wonderful how those wild fellows have taken to him. they'll go anywhere with him. come along; it's nearly time for us to move, and bolivar doesn't like to be kept waiting." chapter xxvi. the hussars of junin. contrary to custom, we moved off the ground slowly, marching along with swarms of indians on our flanks and in front. for once in a way bolivar had adopted caution instead of the fiery recklessness he usually displayed, and seemed resolved on running no unnecessary risks. our course lay southward, over very rough, broken ground, and a staff officer informed plaza we were making for the plains of junin, to the south of lake reyes. "we shall catch canterac there," said he, "or canterac will catch us; i hardly know which at present." our bivouac that night was cheerless and uncomfortable. the position was a very strong one, but bolivar was evidently determined to leave nothing to chance. the sentries were doubled and in some places trebled, so that most of us were unable to snatch more than a few hours' sleep. early in the morning the journey was resumed, and after a tedious march of fifteen miles through mountainous country we suddenly beheld the royalist army crossing the plains at our feet. the men, breaking into a thundering "viva," waved their caps or swung their lances in the air, and the cavalry were ordered to shift their saddles from the mules to the led horses. "'twill be a cavalry action," said plaza, vaulting into his saddle. "here comes an 'aid' with orders." "there goes miller with a squadron," cried alzura. "we shall be out of it. the colombian horse are moving too. we shall be left behind with the infantry." "not so fast," said plaza, laughing, as bolivar's messenger dashed up to colonel suares, who was in charge of our squadron. "now for it!" "you won't be quite so eager presently," growled the tough old major. "look at the ground; see the defile between the swamp and the hills. canterac can cut us to pieces there, and he's soldier enough to know it." "no, no, major; his cavalry aren't a patch on ours. we've never had a chance to show our mettle before." "well, we shall have one now," said the major, as we began to descend to the plain. two colombian squadrons were in front of us, while miller was still further ahead and bearing to the left. on the other side of the defile we caught a glimpse now and then of the royalist cavalry forming up. the ground was so broken that we could only go at a foot-pace, and i began to think the major might be right. as we entered the defile there came a great shout of "viva el rey!" from the plains ahead, and the next instant the royalist horsemen, thirteen hundred strong, and led by canterac himself, dashed madly to the attack. "viva! viva!" they yelled, cutting and thrusting with sabre and lance. the onset was like a mighty avalanche, and our men were for the most part overwhelmed. a few of the strongest and best mounted cut their way through, but numbers were overthrown, and the rest came flying back, with the victorious royalists slashing and cutting on all sides. "by st. philip," muttered plaza, "we shall be swept away." our colonel, seeing the danger, manoeuvred us into an angle of the marsh, just as the mob of horsemen, friend and foe inextricably mixed, swarmed down, shouting, struggling, fighting. "forward! forward!" yelled the exultant royalists, sweeping past like a whirlwind. farther away on the left, another body was driving miller's men into the swamp, and it seemed that the patriot cavalry must be annihilated. but our squadron remained untouched, and leading us into the plain, suares issued an order to charge the royalists who were handling miller's troops so roughly. "we must win or die, my lads!" he cried; "the country depends on us." the men cheered with a will and shook their sabres; we settled more firmly in our saddles; the colonel rode to the front; the squadron moved forward and broke into a trot. men and officers alike knew that our leader had spoken no more than the truth. we must win or die! on us alone hung the issue of the battle. if we failed, hardly a man of the patriot cavalry would leave the field alive; if we won, the royalists must stop the pursuit in order to help their comrades. it was a heavy task, but one thought cheered and nerved us. we were all peruvians belonging to the legion, and it was but fitting that the desperate venture should fall to us. how our infantry battalion would cheer, how proudly they would greet us, should we return victorious! it would be glorious to show both friends and enemies that the peruvians could strike a stout blow in their own defence. "gallop!" we received the order with a cheer, bent low in the saddle, and grasped our sabres firmly. suares knew his work, and led us across a wide stretch of smooth, firm ground, the very spot for a cavalry charge. finding themselves between two foes, the royalists faced about and dashed at us. the shock was tremendous: men and horses were bowled over like ninepins; great gaps appeared in the ranks; men went down and were trampled under foot in the furious fray; there was a ring of steel as sabre clashed with sabre, and the defiant shouts of the combatants mingled with the groans of the wounded. reeling and panting, i found myself on the other side of the press. plaza was there, too, with a dozen of his men. alzura broke through smiling in spite of a nasty cut across the face, and was followed by many more. then above the din general miller's voice was heard, and we flushed with pride. "bravo, my boys!" he cried; "i'm proud of you! all the army will sing your praises presently." freed from the royalists, his men had got out of the swamp, and now came to join us. the few colombians who had cut their way through in the first attack galloped back, and inspirited by general miller's stern "hurrah!" we once more flung ourselves on the foe. it was steel to steel now, and the spaniards stood their ground well till they saw their comrades retreating from the defile. then, with the exception of a devoted few who stayed in a grim ring around the standard-bearer, they turned to flee. "the flag!" cried the general; "have at the flag!" and like a torrent in flood, we swept down on the little band. "rally to the flag!" cried a voice i knew well, and the next instant i was crossing swords with santiago mariano. i do not care much to dwell on this part of the fight. these royalists were the pick of their squadron, and it seemed as if each man would die where he fought rather than surrender the colours. three or four times the flag disappeared, but came up again the next instant, and presently i saw it borne aloft by santiago, who had been forced away from me in the fierce turmoil. hardly a dozen men remained with him now, and we were all round him. "surrender!" cried the general. "it is a pity to kill so brave a man!" santiago laughed lightly, dug the spurs deep into his horse's sides, cleared a passage with his sabre, and wheeling his horse by the pressure of his knees, bounded away, crying defiantly,-"rally to the flag! viva el rey!" a young colombian officer levelled his pistol; but miller struck it up, saying,-"the odds are heavy enough now. if you want the flag, get it with your sword." the youngster's face flushed, but he kept his temper, and saluting the general, dashed after santiago, crying,-"to me, colombians!" as suares had foreseen, our action gave the beaten squadron a chance to rally; officers and men who had survived the crushing avalanche collected in groups, and the fight was proceeding fiercely on the open plain. ordering our squadron to re-form, the general placed himself at our head. meanwhile, i was watching the gallant santiago and his handful of men. he was a superb rider, and able to guide his horse without using the reins, thus leaving both hands free. his royalist comrades, now reunited, were opposite the defile, and too far off to help, while several detachments of patriot cavalry were hurrying to cut off his retreat. behind him, too, thundered the hot-headed colombian officer with a dozen troopers. "that plucky royalist officer will be killed," said the general to colonel suares. "he's a gallant fellow--eh, crawford?" "he is, sir," i answered warmly; "and i'd give anything to see him get through safely." "why, crawford," returned the general, smiling, "that sounds very much like treason." by this time we ourselves were in motion, but as my place was on the flank, i had a good view of santiago's desperate venture. a body of colombians, some twenty strong, had thrown themselves across his path; and though they were our allies, i could hardly keep from cheering as he dashed through them, losing, as far as could be seen, only one man of his little band. casting a backward glance to see how his followers fared, he waved the flag again, and i could guess at the defiant shout of "viva el rey!" that came from his lips. "he's just splendid," said i, between my teeth. but surely now his time was come! close on his heels rode the beaten colombians, while in front another detachment, far stronger, awaited him. what would he do--surrender? that, i felt sure, would never enter his head. one chance of escape there was if he would take it. by swerving sharply to the left he might avoid the hostile troopers, and gallop across the plain to the royalist infantry. it was evident he saw this way out; but his blood was up, and he made straight for the forest of lances. "lost!" said i, with a groan. "poor old santiago!" i counted eight men with him, and royalist and patriot troops combined held none braver. it was magnificent, and yet terrible, to watch them spring at the massed troops, santiago only slightly in advance of them. i held my breath as they leaped into the throng and were swallowed up. we were not near enough to distinguish the flag amidst the flashing sabres and the long-handled lances, but i feared it had fallen with its daring protector. the tumult showed that some of the brave few still lived, and suddenly i heard general miller, as if his feelings had surprised him into speech, say in english,-"by jove, he's through!" it was true. there in the distance rode a man bare-headed, waving a flag defiantly, and for all we knew cheering for the king. one by one four others joined him, and continued the gallop: their comrades lay dead on the plain. had half the royalist cavalry possessed santiago's pluck, the story of this affair at junin would have had a different ending. as it was, the spaniards began to waver. they could barely hold their own against the reassembled squadrons from the defile, and our arrival had turned the scale. they began to give ground slowly but surely, in spite of their officers' appeals. i saw santiago again; indeed he was the most conspicuous man, though not the highest officer, on the field. wherever the troops seemed weakest, there he was, flag in hand, cheering them on and fighting desperately. when at last they could stand it no longer, but broke and fled, he got together another little band to protect the retreat. but for him, i doubt whether canterac would have saved a quarter of his cavalry. once, when turning at bay to repel a fiercer rush than usual, he caught sight of me, and his face lit up with a smile. he had been wounded, but not dangerously, and his sword-arm was vigorous as ever. again and again, with the aid of his choicest troopers, he stemmed the onset; but his efforts were vain--we were too many. his men dropped one after another, and he was forced to continue the retreat, till the remnant of the royalist horsemen found shelter behind the lines of their infantry, who greeted us with a scattering fire. it was now growing dusk, and we could not attack an army, though general miller decided to hang on a little longer. in the long pursuit our men had become scattered over the plain, and he dispatched various officers to collect them. then turning to me, he said,-"crawford, ride back, find general bolivar, and tell him the royalists are in full retreat. if followed up strongly, i believe they would disperse." saluting, i turned my horse and rode back rapidly. the scene was bewildering. officers galloped this way and that, shouting to their men; riderless horses careered madly about; slightly-wounded troopers were hobbling to the rear; others, more unfortunate, lay on the ground groaning and calling for water; while here and there mounted men were escorting groups of prisoners toward our infantry lines. several times i stopped to ask where general bolivar was. he had entered the defile with the cavalry; but from the time our first squadrons were routed i had seen nothing of him. at last an officer told me that, seeing his horsemen overthrown, the general had galloped back to the infantry, which he had posted on a very high hill about a league away. "he quite expected to be attacked," added my informant, "never dreaming we should recover ourselves. the peruvians saved us. they are fine fellows!" for in the gathering gloom he could not distinguish my uniform. "thanks!" said i, laughing; "i'll repeat that compliment to my comrades," and rode on. bolivar was standing, or to be correct, walking about, on the brow of the hill, looking anxiously toward the plain. several messengers had brought him word of the varying fortunes of the fight, but none had arrived from miller. i passed close to the head of the peruvian infantry, and the colonel shouted,-"what news, crawford!" "good!" i replied, hurrying along; and reaching bolivar, i jumped to the ground and saluted. "where do you come from?" he cried. "general miller, sir. the royalists are in full retreat--horse, foot, and artillery. the general wishes me to say that a vigorous pursuit would probably disperse them altogether." "too late," said he; "tell general miller i have ordered the cavalry to retire on me.--caza," to one of his officers, "lend--" "lieutenant crawford, sir." "lend lieutenant crawford your horse; his is done up.--now ride as fast as you can, and give general miller my message." i saluted, sprang into the saddle, dashed past the peruvian infantry, down the hill, and into the defile. here i found the main body of our cavalry retiring in accordance with bolivar's command, and heard that miller, with a squadron of peruvians, was still following the royalists. it was quite dark now, and the route was covered with hillocks; but i rode on swiftly, trusting to luck, and at length came up with the general, who had halted in his pursuit. on receiving bolivar's message he immediately gave orders to retire, and about seven o'clock we reached our camping-ground. fortunately we managed to collect a little fuel, for the night was so intensely cold that few of the seriously wounded, though receiving every possible attention, survived its rigours. even lying close to the fire and enveloped in our ponchos we shivered. a surgeon had sewn up the cut in alzura's face, and we gave him the most sheltered place, and the one nearest the fire. there was not much sleep for any of us that night; we were far too excited, and spent most of the time fighting the battle over again. to my delight, every one talked of santiago and his magnificent bravery. "didn't we take him prisoner once, down south?" asked plaza. "his face seemed familiar to me." "yes," said i: "his name is santiago mariano, and at that time he was a major." "faith," observed alzura, looking up, "as far as fighting goes, he ought to be a commander-in-chief! a wounded colombian told me the fellow sprang on them like a lion falling on a herd of deer. a lucky thing for us that the marianos are in a minority among the royalists." "canterac nearly did the trick though," growled the major. "i thought he would drop on us in that defile. i tell you what it is: bolivar can thank our colonel that he has any cavalry left." "bravo, major! i heard this evening that we saved the army." "so we did," chuckled plaza; "and we can say it without a word of boasting. i don't care about praising my own men." but the rest was drowned in good-humoured laughter, as every one knew that the finest troop in south america--and the world, too, for that matter--was plaza's. however, it appeared that we really had done a smart thing: for the next morning bolivar held a grand parade, and in presence of the whole army ordered that henceforth the regiment of which we formed part should be known as the "hussars of junin;" and general miller publicly said that we deserved the honour. after the parade we marched into the town of reyes, which had been sacked by the royalists. bolivar occupied the only hut that had a roof, the rest consisting of nothing but bare walls. the inhabitants had fled into the surrounding country, but now they returned, and did all they could to assist us, lighting fires, cooking our scanty rations, and erecting sheds to shelter us from the cold. "i suppose it's all right," said alzura; "but i can't help thinking bolivar has made a big blunder. while we hang about here, canterac is pulling himself together, and we shall have all the work to do over again. if i were the general--" "i should join the other side immediately," laughed plaza. "please don't interrupt," said cordova. "it amuses me to hear these youngsters talk. i'll wager alzura would have finished the war two years ago, only the end might not have been as we anticipate." at which there was a general laugh. "what i don't like about bolivar is his play-acting," i said. "have you seen his hut? have a look at it in the morning. the doorway is hung with silver ornaments in place of laurel wreaths, which the indians were unable to get." "but he can't help the indians idolizing him!" "nonsense! did you ever hear of such rubbish with san martin? and the indians worshipped him!" "ah!" exclaimed plaza, "you're a san martin man, and jealous of the new sun!" "a new comet," said i, a bit testily perhaps, because plaza had happened on an explanation very near the truth. "at any rate," observed cordova, "it's better to be here at our ease than tramping fruitlessly about the mountains. i'm fairly tired of that fun. i want a day or two at lima." none of us guessed how much weary marching lay before us ere we returned to the capital. however, for the time we were in comparatively good quarters, and though grumbling occasionally because bolivar had not followed up the victory at junin, were quite prepared to make the best of things. chapter xxvii. a disastrous retreat. when general canterac retreated from junin, he fled from his own shadow. instead of pursuing him closely, we advanced in a leisurely way to guamanga, and stayed there a month doing nothing. then we marched to challuanca, where bolivar, being needed at the capital, left us under the command of general sucre, who had shown himself a very skilful soldier. it seems we were not strong enough to proceed, and as the rainy season was at hand, no one thought the royalists would return to the attack. the patriot army was spread across the country for many miles, our post being on a high tableland four leagues from challuanca. the weather was abominable. frequent storms swept through the district, the rain fell in torrents, the thunder pealed in reverberating claps among the mountains, and many animals and some men were killed by the lightning. it was bitterly cold, too, and our only shelter was a cluster of miserable indian huts, where we passed all our time when not on duty. often i returned to my cheerless quarters cold, shivering, and drenched, yet with no change of clothing. to add to our misfortunes, it was rumoured that the various royalist armies, having united, were marching to attack us; so for days together we were kept on the alert, riding for hours over the desolate country and returning thoroughly exhausted. one evening early in november i got back after a twenty miles' ride with a small patrol, and found the camp in a state of confusion. "what is it, alzura? what's all the fuss about?" i asked, wearily getting off my mule--for we rode horses only when absolutely necessary. "oh, my dear juan, you will be delighted," he replied, his face brimming with fun. "we are just going back to challuanca. the viceroy is somewhere in our rear with all his army, and we have to run for it." "my animal is dead-beat," said i gloomily. "you must walk, and lead both animals. never mind, dear boy; the excitement will keep you going," he answered, laughing. "hullo! is it you, crawford? in luck's way again! and i've been worrying about your being left behind," said plaza, coming up. i did not exactly see where the luck came in; but the sound of the bugle cut short my reply, and i took my place in the column. that march was the longest twelve miles i remember. sometimes riding, sometimes walking, aching in every limb, and more than half asleep, i plodded along the rocky path, dreamily wondering at every step whether i could take another. as soon as we arrived at challuanca i just lay down on the bare ground, and was fast asleep in a second. it was daylight when the sounds of bugles awakened me, and i rose sleepily. the army had disappeared, with the exception of our squadron, which i afterwards found formed part of the rearguard. "come on, sleepy-head," sang out alzura, "or you'll get no breakfast. i've seen to your animals. a wonder they didn't kick you to death in the night!" "the poor beasts were too tired to have a kick left in them. where's general sucre?" "going on to a place called lambrama. do you know miller is a prisoner?" "a prisoner? i don't believe it." "it's true, nevertheless. his scouting party has returned without him. from what i can hear, we're in a tight fix." according to rumour, alzura was right; but after a long and wearisome march we reached lambrama, where general sucre halted. during the afternoon, while we rested in the valley, a great shout from the troops on our right brought us to our feet, and we saw a soldier on a beautiful white horse descending a pass into the valley. "that's general miller's horse!" i cried excitedly. "and the general's on its back!" said plaza. "viva! viva miller!" and the cry was taken and repeated by thousands of lusty throats. i had witnessed san martin's brilliant reception, and had seen bolivar fêted by his admirers; but this outburst was the most remarkable of all. one would have thought the general was a personal friend of every man in the army. each battalion, as he passed it, broke into renewed cheering, the men flung their caps into the air, and the whole scene was one of amazing enthusiasm. the general rode along slowly, and his smiling face showed how greatly he was touched by his reception. "the man's a marvel!" exclaimed plaza admiringly. "look at him! one would think he had just come from a pleasure-trip instead of being hunted through the mountains. i warrant the viceroy would count his capture cheap at half a million dollars." "say a million, and it would still be cheap," said alzura; and most of us agreed with him. general miller apparently brought important information, as, shortly after his arrival, orders were issued for a fresh start. i need not dwell long upon our sufferings during that disastrous retreat. the royalists had outmarched us, and, hoping to stop our advance, closed many of the defiles and destroyed the bridges by which we should have crossed the numerous rivers. several times we caught a glimpse of the enemy, and one night the hostile armies bivouacked within two miles of each other, but separated by a deep and rugged valley. the terrible march was so weakening us that many officers hoped the enemy would attack at once. but this the viceroy, who was a clever old soldier, would not do. his plan was to wear us down by degrees and only fight at an advantage. for several days we remained watching each other, but on november 25th the royalists disappeared, and sucre immediately made preparations to cross the valley. a swollen river lay in our path; the bridge was destroyed, and there was no material with which to build another. the crossing was simply terrible. the weather was intensely cold, and even at the ford the infantry were breast high in icy water. it was death to remain behind, however, and though many men, numbed and exhausted, were swept down the stream, only two lives were lost. on the last night in november we reached a valley whose sides were clothed with enormous trees, and the order to encamp was gratefully received. "thank goodness!" said alzura. "we shall have a comfortable night at last. the trees will shelter us from the cold winds, and we shall be as cozy as in bed." "humph!" said gamarra testily; "much you know about it. in half an hour you'll wish we had camped on the top of a mountain." "why?" i asked curiously, for the valley seemed to me a very suitable camping-ground. "wait!" growled the crusty old major; "you'll soon know." this sounded very mysterious, but in a short time the secret was out. we had just settled ourselves comfortably when alzura started up, and some one said, in a tone of great disgust, "mosquitoes!" they were very fine specimens, and, i suppose, exceedingly angry at our invasion of their territory. they came buzzing up in countless thousands, and though many were slain, the slaughter made no apparent difference in their numbers. i had put on my gloves, and now hastily covered my face with a handkerchief. the mosquitoes were by no means dismayed. thirsting for blood, they would not be denied, but drank deeply. to any one mosquito-proof the scene would have been most laughable. we made a desperate fight, but the victory was to the mosquitoes. our hands, necks, and faces were swollen from their venomous bites. some of the men could hardly see; and though we were dreadfully fatigued, every one longed to hear the bugle-call to fall in. no one wanted to remain in what plaza christened "alzura's paradise." the welcome sound came at break of day, and we moved out quickly, abandoning the battlefield to our active and vigorous foes. as soon as we reached the open country the rain began to fall, and continued in torrents all that day and the following night. "i don't exactly see how much better off we are than barriero," remarked alzura, as we lay down to sleep in a muddy puddle. "you should have stayed with him, then." "it's all very well to say that now. why did you bring me away?" i was too much staggered by the audacity of the question to make a suitable reply. hungry, cold, and wet, we resumed the retreat, and soon began defiling into another valley. our squadron was right in the rear, and suddenly the sounds of firing and the cries of startled men were heard in front of us. "mount!" cried the colonel; for we were still leading our horses, and most of our mules were dead. "forward! trot!" "some of the enemy have doubled and cut in on our flank!" said plaza excitedly. "gallop!" roared the colonel, as entering the valley we caught sight of what was going on. unperceived by us, a royalist detachment had stolen down the valley and flung itself on the flank of our two rear battalions. taken by surprise, and outnumbered, our men were speedily overpowered, and before we had arrived on the scene they had dispersed in all directions. to the shouts of "viva el rey!" and encouraged by their officers, the royalists were hotly chasing their beaten enemy. the valley was in a state of terrible confusion. the dead bodies of men lay scattered about; a few of the victors were dragging off an abandoned gun; others were carrying away stores and baggage. the fight was a complete disaster for our side. "we can't do any good," whispered alzura, as the colonel halted us, "and i doubt if we aren't cut off ourselves." "better charge at once," muttered plaza; "the more we look at it the less we shall like it." "my lads," cried the colonel, riding down the ranks, "there is a stiff bit of work before us. let us remember we are the hussars of junin." the troopers responded with a ringing "viva!" and as we got a firmer seat on our saddles, alzura remarked,-"that's the way to talk, juan. these fellows will fight to the death now." there was something fresh happening on the other side, but we had no time to see what it was. the bugle sounded, and with the colonel leading we dashed straight across the valley. an infantry battalion peppered us from the right, and a squadron was drawn up right across our path. men began to fall. here and there a riderless horse, darting from the ranks, tore across the valley. we were, as alzura said, in a warm corner. bullets whizzed past our ears, but we noticed them not, riding straight as a die at the hostile cavalry. "the major's down!" cried plaza. "poor old major!" that was his only epitaph. we had no time to sorrow for any one just then, though we mourned for him sincerely enough afterwards. "charge!" roared the colonel; and the sabres flashed as the horses bounded forward, thundering with their hoofs on the ground. "caramba!" cried plaza; "it's your old friend mariano. well, friend or foe, this is his last fight if my blade can reach him." yes, the officer who had accomplished this daring flanking movement was none other than santiago mariano, who, with the flush of success on his handsome face, was again leading his men to the charge. "viva el rey!" he cried, and his voice rang high and clear above the din. "down with the bandits!" crash! we were into them, fighting our way through desperately. horses pranced, and bit, and kicked. men shouted triumphantly, or went down with a cry of agony on their lips. here a gap was made and filled at once, as some daring fighter urged his way forward. alzura rode with the colonel, carrying the colours, and we pressed after them, knowing that our sole chance of safety was to get through the royalist squadron. on coming out at the other side we heard a voice crying, "bravo! bravo, my bold hussars!" and there was general miller, who seemed to scent a fight as a hound scents its quarry. by this time santiago had re-formed his squadron, and was dashing at our rear, when from the rocks above us sprang a line of fire, and his horsemen, wheeling round, rapidly withdrew. while we had been fighting, general miller had rallied the beaten battalions and posted them in a commanding position to cover our ride through the pass. that night in bivouac we counted santiago's venture had cost us more than two hundred men, all the spare horses, and a quantity of stores. "i hope you are proud of your royalist friend," said alzura to me. "he has done us a nice bit of mischief." "he's a smart soldier." "he is that," agreed plaza, "and a splendid swordsman. i had a good bout with him, but could not pass his guard, though he was defending himself against three of us." "did any one see the major after he fell?" i interrupted. "no," said alzura; "but i feel sure he is dead, as the bullet passed through his forehead. he was a grim old fighter, and i'm sorry he's gone." "so am i. but he died a soldier's death, poor old chap," said cordova. "we must have lost heavily since the retreat began. i wonder what sucre intends doing now." "why, continuing the retreat." "to lima? if so, he won't have a hundred men left by the time he reaches the capital." "well, what can he do? we can't stay here and starve, and he can't make the royalists fight." "as to starving," laughed alzura, "i would as soon starve here as elsewhere. i'm getting used to it." "and i don't know," remarked cordova, "that forcing a fight will be so very brilliant for us. we have had one sample to-day." "oh, go to sleep! you might be a raven as far as croaking's concerned. one would think we were in a hole and couldn't get out. trust to sucre and miller; they'll pull us through all right." "i'm going to sleep," announced alzura gravely. "i had a beautiful dream last night, and want to go on where reveille interrupted it. i dreamed we were in lima, at a banquet given by the city to the patriot officers. there was a band to play during the feast; the hall was brilliantly lit; the table was laden with all kinds of good things. we were just beginning when the band struck up, and i woke to hear crawford saying, 'are you going to sleep all day?' it was a splendid feast, though. such a quantity of--" "sit on him, juan! stifle him with his own poncho! fancy talking of banquets now! cruelty to animals i call it." "why, i thought you'd be delighted," grumbled alzura. in a very short time we were all asleep. we rose at dawn, hungry and shivering, to resume our journey. on this day the enemy marched parallel with us, but on the other side of a deep gorge, and general sucre tried in vain to draw them into an engagement. their leader was too crafty. why need he sacrifice his men? "it's a pity from our point of view," remarked plaza, as we toiled along, "but they are playing the proper game. we're like fruit ripening on a tree. when thoroughly fit we shall just drop and be gathered without difficulty." "who's croaking now?" asked cordova, "i'm simply stating facts," replied plaza. "look at the road." "thanks; i've seen more than enough of it already." "we're half starved." "that's less than a fact," laughed alzura. "you can put me down as three-quarters. if decent food were set before me, i shouldn't know how to eat it." "we're losing hundreds of men," continued plaza quietly, "and we've one miserable field-gun." "take a dose of your own medicine," said i, laughing. "trust to sucre and miller; they'll pull us through." the captain's gloomy fit soon passed off, and he was as cheerful as ever; but there was no doubt of our being in a very awkward position. as far as fighting went, we could hold our own till doomsday; but we were bound to eat, and food did not grow on the mountains. bolivar was working with all his fiery energy to hurry up reinforcements from colombia and chili, but until they arrived he could not send them on. then, too, the viceroy had gained over several indian tribes, and they had already cut one detachment to pieces. as far as i could judge, the royalists had the whip-hand, and unless they made a mistake we should very shortly be at their mercy. on the sixth of december we halted at a little village, and a thrill of joy went through the troops when it was rumoured that our leaders intended to attack the enemy at all risks. wearied men, who had thrown themselves exhausted on the ground, struggled to their feet; starving men forgot their pangs; the very invalids crawled into the ranks, some of them so weak that they could barely trail a musket. "stand by your horses!" said the colonel, as the enemy were only three miles off, and we might be required at any moment. an hour passed and we still waited; the morning wore away; afternoon merged into evening, and we were ordered to encamp. something, we knew not what, had gone wrong. "i don't know if there was a chance to-day," observed plaza, "but won't there be one to-morrow?" "why?" "because the royalists will block the road along which we must retreat. then we must either throw ourselves against a terribly strong position, or stay here and starve." events soon proved that he had not spoken at random. early next morning the enemy moved to an almost impregnable post. twice our number of strong men, flushed with victory and well equipped with guns, might well have hesitated to attack. as for us, it was sheer madness. things had come to the worst now. further retreat was barred; our provisions, even if we subsisted on the shortest of short rations, would not last five days, while to move against the foe was simply to commit suicide. "lucky barriero, sitting in his little hut!" said alzura; "no fighting, no starving! the next time we're taken prisoners we'll make the best of it, juan." "i doubt if the spaniards will make many prisoners--that is, among the officers," growled cordova. "the men will be spared, but we shall be put out of the way of doing mischief." i think myself cordova exaggerated the danger; but his opinion was shared by the great majority of the patriots, and it was this fear which made them resolve to fight to the bitter end rather than surrender. after breakfast we lounged about on the heights watching the royalists, who had encamped just without gunshot, wondering what our leaders would decide to do. chapter xxviii. the battle of the generals. "they're coming down!" cried alzura excitedly, rushing into our tent. it wanted two hours to sunset; we had done nothing all day, and tired of watching the enemy on the opposite heights, most of us had gone to sleep. alzura's announcement woke us up, and running forward, we glanced eagerly at the hill, which a battalion of infantry was descending. "skirmishers, nothing more," said plaza quietly. "they fancy we might attempt a night attack. take my word for it, they won't be foolish enough to meet us on the plain." "unless they try a rush in the dark." "that's just possible, but not probable; they're sure of us without that." "there goes a battalion of our light infantry in extended order," remarked cordova; "but there won't be any real fighting to-night. i'm going back to bed." "a very sensible proceeding, too," exclaimed a genial voice; and turning round we beheld general miller. "i should advise all of you not on duty to do the same," he added. "are we going to fight, general?" i asked eagerly. "hullo, crawford! i've been so busy that i've lost sight of you lately. well, i hardly know. perhaps the viceroy would be better able to tell you; he knows more about it than i do." "i don't think he'll abandon his strong position just to give us a better chance, sir," remarked plaza. "perhaps not," replied the general. "but you mustn't think he's in clover up yonder. his men are as hungry as ours, and that's saying much. if it is a fight, however, 'twill be a fight to the finish, and the hussars of junin won't be missing!" "take us with you, sir!" "that's just what i've come to see the colonel about. i intend to get all the regiment together and use it as a battering-ram." "he thinks the royalists will attack," said alzura, as the general passed on. "he has heard something important, you may depend. and why shouldn't they? they're two to one, and have no end of guns." "i like his idea of using all the regiment," laughed cordova. "nearly a half of the third squadron are mounted on baggage mules; their horses are all dead." "they must get fresh ones from the enemy," i suggested. "come," said plaza; "there's nothing more to see here." and we returned to the tent. anxious to have a good long night, cordova soon fell asleep; but alzura and i sat up chatting till within an hour or two of dawn. we could hear the hostile skirmishers peppering away at each other at intervals, and somehow the sounds seemed to be the prelude to a coming battle. fortunately the morning dawned fair, but there was a nip in the air which impelled us to move about smartly. then the sun rose gloriously over the eastern peaks, and its genial warmth raised our drooping spirits. i cannot account for the feeling, but somehow the whole army felt that a battle was imminent, and the faces of the troops wore a look of excited expectancy. directly after breakfast, or what we were pleased to call breakfast, the men began moving to their positions, each corps being formed in close column. for the better understanding of what happened, i must try to describe our position. we were drawn up on a nearly square tableland known as the plain of ayacucho, a league in circumference, and flanked right and left by rugged ravines. we had the village at our backs, and the only road by which we could retreat was effectually blocked. the royalist army was perched just below the summit of a gigantic ridge called condorcanqui, which formed the eastern boundary of the plain. at seven o'clock our regiment moved out, and the men of the third squadron, of whom cordova had spoken, provoked much humour and good-natured chaff as they rode past on their baggage mules. it was thought that they would help to make a show, but no one suspected that later on, when ordered to remain in the rear, they would answer firmly, "no, we will conquer or die with our comrades!" the cavalry, consisting of four regiments, was stationed in the centre, with an infantry division on either side, and a third in the rear as a reserve. about nine o'clock a great cheer rose from all parts of the plain: the royalists were descending the craggy side of condorcanqui. between the infantry of each division appeared the cavalry, the riders leading their horses and advancing with difficulty. it was an impressive scene, and we stood watching with breathless interest. then our fellows renewed their cheering as general sucre, riding along the line, addressed a few rousing words to each particular corps. "a tough nut to crack," remarked plaza, watching the royalists form, "but we'll get at the kernel before the day's over." "there's the beginning!" cried alzura, as the infantry on our right slowly advanced. "hurrah! we're to help!" for an aid-de-camp from general sucre had just dashed up to miller with orders. we waited eagerly for the word to mount, but our turn had not yet come. two cavalry regiments moved off with miller, and left us gazing at the drama being unfolded before our eyes. our infantry columns marched to the attack like so many automatic machines; the royalists waited firmly, as if confident of victory. we stood holding our horses, and quivering with excitement. much would depend upon the result of that first encounter. "they're stopping to fire," cried alzura. "now they're moving again. viva! they're going to charge. look at the sun on their bayonets." would the royalists give way? no; they stood firm as the rocky heights behind them--not a man moved. it seemed to me that there was not even a tremor in the whole mass. if our fellows charged and failed, they would be cut to pieces. we were like spectators in a theatre, only the drama was a real one. a mighty "viva!" floated back to us as our men broke into the charge. it was neck or nothing now--decisive victory or stern defeat. "the royalists will run," muttered plaza; "they must." but they did not, and the next instant bayonet crossed bayonet in desperate conflict. excitement drove us well-nigh crazy. we cheered and shouted and waved our sabres, as if by so doing we could help in the fight. our troops had met their match, and seemed to make no impression. unless they went forward shortly they must retreat. "if they're driven back," remarked plaza, "they are lost." how the struggle would have ended i cannot tell, but just then we broke into a cry of relief. the two cavalry regiments which had made a wide detour were seen bearing down on the royalists' flanks. they swept along at hurricane speed. nothing could stand against the shock of their long lances. a portion of the royalists, facing about, delivered a telling volley at short range. men and horses went down with a crash, but the survivors were not checked. a second volley crashed into them, making wide gaps, and then, with the force of a roaring torrent, they literally swept away the barrier of men and steel. "that settles it," said plaza, breathing deeply; "the bravest troops in the world couldn't recover from such a smashing blow. it's a case of complete rout, in that part of the field at all events." he was right too. the enemy would not, indeed could not rally. here and there small groups stood at bay, fighting desperately but vainly to stem the onset of their pursuers. all they could do was to die fighting, in the hope that the sacrifice might save their comrades. even those who reached the heights were not out of danger. whiz, whiz sped the bullets; and numbers of the fugitives rolled down the mountain side till their bodies were caught by crag or brushwood. so greatly was our attention absorbed by the scene that we had scarcely noticed what was happening on our left. suddenly, however, a heavy fire broke out, followed by the quick reports of hundreds of muskets. our colonel glanced in the direction uneasily. his orders were strict. he was on no account to move his regiment, and yet-"crawford," said he, looking round, "see what that firing means." i sprang to the saddle and galloped off. but for our success on the right, i should have felt inclined to take a gloomy view of things: our left had given way. two royalist battalions were advancing in pursuit, while still further on the left a cavalry regiment was swooping down on one of our reserve battalions sent in support. the crafty enemy had crossed a deep ravine, on the farther side of which a whole division was stationed. a mounted officer, with cap gone and cloak flying in the wind, pulled up on seeing me, and said rapidly, "where is your regiment? take me to your colonel quickly. we want cavalry; we must have cavalry, or our whole left will be rolled up!" "this way," i replied, and together we galloped towards the hussars of junin, reaching the colonel just as general miller dashed up from the right. "what is it?" he asked hastily. "we are overpowered, sir. the enemy have four field-guns across a ravine; our division has suffered terribly, and the troops are giving way. the general requires a regiment of cavalry immediately." "tell him it's coming," replied miller.--"now, colonel, here's a chance for your men to show their mettle. we've smashed the enemy on the right; let the 'hussars of junin' do the same on the left." how we did cheer as our colonel led us out! general miller's face wore an anxious expression as he glanced over the field. everywhere the victorious spaniards were driving back our left wing; we should only be just in time to repair the mischief. "push those two infantry battalions across the ravine while i rally the fugitives," said miller. but he had barely spoken when the royalist cavalry dashed down on the right flank. "here's crawford's friend again!" said plaza. "we might have guessed he had a hand in this business." santiago made a handsome picture as he tore along well in front of his regiment, and enemy though he was, i could not help feeling proud of him. we turned to meet this vigorous onslaught, and though santiago fought with all the traditional valour of his race, his men, already tired by their great exertions, could not stand against us. stopping their flight, our own infantry rallied, and advanced in support, while their loud cheers proclaimed the arrival of a second cavalry regiment. nothing daunted by his repulse, santiago led his troopers against the new enemy, while we bore down on the hostile infantry. "gallop!" cried our colonel; and neck by neck the horses flew over the ground, the men waving their sabres and cheering lustily. we could see the glittering steel of the bayonets now, could almost look down the barrels of the muskets, when there came a blinding flash, the thud of falling bodies, and hoarse shrieks of pain. "forward!" thundered the colonel, "forward; remember the 'hussars of junin!'" crash we went right into them before they could fire another volley, and then it was horseman against footman, sabre against bayonet. to and fro we surged, striking parrying, thrusting, till at last the brave enemy, unable to continue the struggle longer, fled to the ravine, hotly pursued by our victorious regiment. in a calmer moment we should have pulled up, but there was no stopping now. some one raised a warning cry: it came too late. down the ravine we went, the horses slipping and scrambling--some rolling over and crushing their riders; the majority, keeping their feet somehow, reached the opposite bank. a small detachment of the enemy halted to fire a scattering volley, which did some mischief. a man close to me fell forward on his horse's neck. "good-bye, crawford!" said he faintly; "i am done for." it was cordova; but there was no time to help him. on we dashed straight at the guns, which the gunners dared not fire, so mixed up were friend and foe. a cry of "viva el rey!" arose in our rear. santiago was galloping back. the royalists could not stand. miller had brought up three battalions in double-quick time; the guns were ours; horse and foot we swept over the plain, driving the enemy pell-mell in all directions. only the regiment led by the undaunted santiago endeavoured to cover the retreat, and at last it too fled. not so their brave leader; he remained on the field. i found him later, with a hole in his side and a nasty gash across the face. he was not dead, however, and with assistance i carried him to the village, where a surgeon dressed his wounds. then i returned to my regiment. "it's all over!" cried alzura exultantly. "the viceroy is taken prisoner, and canterac has come to sue for terms. he is with sucre now." "where is plaza?" "just gone to find poor cordova. it's hard lines to drop off in the moment of victory. and the war is over now; the royalists will never lift their heads again." this was not quite correct, as a few still held out in other parts of the country, but they were powerless to do any real mischief. this battle of ayacucho--or battle of the generals, as we called it--secured the independence of peru. fourteen spanish generals, some of them the most famous in south america, gave up their swords; nearly six hundred officers and most of the rank and file became prisoners of war. late that evening i went to see santiago. he lay on a bench in a miserable hut, where several wounded officers had been brought for shelter. two small earthen lamps gave a feeble light, barely sufficient for us to see each other's faces. i bent over him, and choked back the sob that would rise in my throat. we neither of us tried to gloze over the truth. he was dying, and we both knew it. "i am glad you have come," he whispered. "it will soon be over, and i am not sorry; i have tried to do my best." "indeed you have, old fellow; friend and foe alike are loud in your praise." "i have been loyal to my king; i have done my duty," he continued, not heeding the interruption. "life is precious, juan, but honour is the first thing. my name is unstained. i die as i have lived, a cavalier of spain!" that thought cheered him as he took his last and long journey. he was young and handsome and well beloved; he had fair estates and hosts of friends; he might have risen high in the councils of his nation; but death, stern and unyielding, claimed him, and he braced himself to meet it. "thank god!" he murmured; "i die with a clear conscience." i stayed with him till nearly midnight, when he became unconscious. then having work to do, i sorrowfully went away. next morning, on my way to the hut i met general miller. "poor fellow!" he said, when i told him of santiago's state. "i will come with you. i remember him well." just as we were moving on, we met general sucre accompanied by a spanish officer, who on seeing miller ran forward and embraced him. "i know you!" he cried. "i am valdés. you and i must be friends." then turning to general sucre, he added, "this miller has often kept us on the move. i am called active; but he was a regular wizard--here, there, everywhere, without giving a clue to his intentions until he dealt us some sly blow." i looked at this celebrated spanish general with a great deal of interest. he was a small, spare man, with keen eyes and rough, weather-beaten face. he wore a broad-brimmed beaver hat, a coarse gray surtout, and long brown worsted leggings. he stooped slightly, and to judge by appearances, one would never have thought he was perhaps the finest soldier in the spanish service. sucre left the two chatting, and presently miller said, "i was just going to visit one of your men, a colonel mariano. do you know him?" "mariano? he was my best cavalry officer. it was he who helped me to cut up your rearguard some time ago, and to drive back your left wing yesterday. i'll come with you." "he will be very pleased to see you, no doubt.--you go first and show us the way, crawford." santiago lay with closed eyes, breathing so faintly that at first we thought he was dead. "santiago," i softly whispered, "do you know me? i have brought you a visitor." his eyes opened slowly, and there was a fleeting smile in them, but he did not speak. "colonel!" said valdés, stepping to the side of the bench. the sound of that voice brought the poor fellow for a short time from the valley of the shadow. by some extraordinary means he managed to sit up without assistance, raised his hand to the salute, and in a clear, ringing voice exclaimed, "at your service, general!" it was the last act of his life. on placing my arm round him to prevent him from falling, i found he was dead. "a fine fellow," said general miller quietly. "a thorough soldier to the end!" cried the spanish general. i said nothing, but mourned none the less the true friend i had found in the ranks of our enemies. we were very quiet in camp that day. the excitement of battle had passed, and we were counting the cost of our triumph. many familiar faces were missing, and the death of cordova especially affected us. we had been through many perils together, had endured many hardships, and it seemed a pity that he should not have lived to taste the sweets of victory. shortly before sunset that same day i received a message from general miller asking me to go to his quarters. i found him expecting me, and he at once plunged into the subject upon which he wished to speak. "the war is now over, crawford," said he, "and general sucre is able to release a large part of his force. i am proceeding to cuzco, but there is no need for you to do so. you have done your share, and i intend sending you on special service to lima." "oh, thank you, general!" i answered, my eyes sparkling and my cheeks flushing with pleasure. "the regiment will return in a few weeks at the most," he continued. "be ready to start in the morning, and don't forget to remember me kindly to your parents. some day i hope to call upon them." "i am sure you will receive a very warm welcome when you come, general," i replied, taking the hand held out to me. "well, dear boy," said alzura, on my return to our quarters, "what is the news?" "good," said i, "though perhaps it's a bit selfish to say so. i start to-morrow for lima. the regiment proceeds to cuzco, but it will return to the capital in a few weeks." "all right, old fellow. i'm glad to hear of your good fortune, though i shall miss you awfully. mind you hunt up my people and tell them i'm all right and hoping to see them soon." of course i promised to do so, and then went to wish the others good-bye. "i hope you will find all your people well," exclaimed plaza on hearing the news. "after all, you're only a sort of advance courier, and we shall soon meet again." "we shall expect you to give a ball to the officers of the regiment, and a feast to the men, when we reach the capital," cried alzura merrily. "meanwhile," said plaza gravely, "take my advice, and have a good rest." chapter xxix. home again. home again! the weary journey was at an end. i had crossed the desolate mountains, and was riding into lima. the city was gay with flags and bunting; decorations abounded on all sides; joy-bells pealed, and the streets resounded with the merry laughter and chatter of the citizens. news of the brilliant victory at ayacucho had evidently preceded me. i longed to ride home at a gallop and throw myself into my mother's arms; i yearned eagerly for a glimpse of my father's face. i was (do not think the confession weak) utterly homesick. duty, however, claimed me a while longer, and i turned my horse's head toward the government house. it was not possible to move at more than a foot-pace. the crowd surged around me; little children, garlanded with flowers, ran close to my horse's hoofs. i was terribly afraid some of them would be trampled to death. many soldiers were there, too, their uniforms spick and span, and unspotted by the soil of the andes. mine was dirty, bloodstained, and not altogether free from rents. i rode carefully, but my eyes were heavy and my limbs ached with fatigue. darting suddenly from the throng, a man seized my bridle-rein and cried aloud, "a soldier from ayacucho! here is one of our brave deliverers!" [illustration: "a soldier from ayacucho! here is one of our brave deliverers!"] instantly i was surrounded by the crowd, which pressed me so closely that my horse could barely move. viva after viva rent the air; laughing girls and women half smothered me with flowers; men marched beside me or fell into line behind, forming a kind of triumphal procession. one would have thought i was the saviour of the country--a second bolivar! thus, laughing, cheering, and singing, they escorted me to the government house, where, leaving my astonished horse with the guards, i hurried inside. an official, in all the glory of a gorgeous uniform, demanded my business, and remarked haughtily that the president was engaged. "tell him," said i, "that a lieutenant of the hussars of junin is here with dispatches from general sucre." after waiting a few minutes, i was conducted through the spacious hall to a room guarded by a file of soldiers. my attendant knocked timidly at the door, which was immediately opened, and i entered the apartment. bolivar sat at a table dictating letters to his secretary and talking to several officers of high rank. his complexion seemed sallower than ever, his dark hair had more of gray in it, but his eyes had lost none of their penetrating keenness. i saluted and stood at attention, waiting for him to speak. "ah," exclaimed he, in his loud, rasping voice, and turning his eyes askance as he usually did in conversation, "you are lieutenant crawford! i have not forgotten you. how is it that you still have only two stripes?" pointing to the stripes of silver lace round my cuff, which denoted the rank of lieutenant. "i do not know, general," i replied. "your excellency!" corrected one of the officers standing near. "let him alone!" cried bolivar; "he is a soldier, and 'general' comes more naturally to his lips.--where are the dispatches?" i presented them. "humph! enough work here for the rest of the day," said he on glancing through them.--"garcia," turning to one of the officers, "countermand the reception; i shall be too busy.--ah, here is a letter from miller! i see he commends you very highly, young man, and desires to bring you to my notice. there is nothing i like so much as rewarding true merit.--garcia, make out lieutenant crawford's commission as captain in the hussars of junin, for bravery on the field.--i congratulate you, captain. i see by your face you are anxious to go." after thanking him for my promotion, i said, "yes, general; i have not seen my father and mother for a very long time." "your father--ah, now i remember. he is no friend to me--would be glad to see me out of peru, in fact, eh? well, i shall go some day. but he is a true man for all that, and an englishman. i love the english. perhaps it is as well for your father that i do. tell him, captain crawford, that bolivar has some good points." "he has already recognized them, general," i answered. "he conceals his discovery well, then. but i will not keep you longer. present yourself at my levee in the morning, and don't forget to wear that extra band of lace." "there is no fear of that, general," said i, with a smile; "i am too proud of the honour." apparently the remark pleased him, as he was very gracious when i took my leave, though the officers-in-waiting looked at me as if i had been overbold. out again into the street. the crowd had dispersed, and only a few people were about as i once more mounted my jaded animal. now for home! forward, good horse! my spirits rose with every step; the tired feeling left me; i could have sung aloud for very joy. the sight of the montilla hacienda sobered my happiness somewhat. the grounds were trim and well-kept, but the dwelling looked untenanted. what had become of rosa? perhaps--yes, that must be it--she was staying with my mother. i urged my horse into a spasmodic gallop, but the poor beast soon resumed his old pace. there was a horse behind me, though, that could gallop. i turned quickly to see who the rider was, and laughed gaily. "why, jack!" cried the faithful josé, his eyes brimful of pleasure. "captain crawford, if you please!" i interrupted with assumed dignity. "captain or general, it's all the same to me, as long as you're home again, jack, with no scratch on you! hurrah! won't there be a fuss in the house to-night!" and away he went at breakneck speed toward the gate. "better so," said i, jogging along. "he'll be able to prepare them a little.--come, old boy," to my horse, "can't you manage even a trot? well, never mind; we're nearly there." the gate of the park was wide open, and inside stood more than half of my father's servants. they could not wait for me to reach the courtyard. how they cheered, to be sure! it was a pleasant foretaste of the welcome that awaited me. good old antonio was at the little gate, so i dismounted and spoke a word with him, though my feet itched to be dashing along the courtyard. then i sent my horse to the stables, with strict orders that it should be carefully groomed and fed, and made comfortable. at last! my heart beat loudly; my head was dizzy; i could barely distinguish the figures in the hall. but my mother's arms were round me, her lips pressed close to mine, in a fond embrace. then came my father's welcome, and presently, in the brilliantly-lit drawing-room, a young girl came forward and placed her hand in mine. she was dressed in black, and looked somewhat sad and careworn, as if life had not been particularly pleasant of late. "welcome home, juan," said she softly; and i saw by her face she was thinking of the night when i had ridden hurriedly away in the vain endeavour to save her father's life. we did not speak of it then, and when, after changing my clothes, i returned to the drawing-room, rosa was not there. "she has gone to her own room," explained my mother, noticing my look of disappointment. "it would have been difficult for the poor child to stay with us this first evening." "she has heard of her father's death, then?" "yes," said my father, quickly and with a warning glance. "she knows that the indians shot him, thinking he had been in correspondence with the royalists." i understood at once that my father was aware of the truth, but that, with his usual kindly thought, he had kept it from both the bereaved girl and my mother. he never alluded to the miserable incident, nor did i; and rosa was left in ignorance of the real reason for her father's untimely end. of course, we sat late talking over my adventures in the mountains, and of the terrible battle which had secured the independence of peru. "yes," said my father confidently, "whatever else happens, the spaniards will never again rule over this country; their power is broken. but we are not yet out of the wood: as a peruvian, i still fear bolivar's ambition." "oh," i exclaimed gaily, "i had forgotten bolivar! he has made me a captain!" and i told them all about my interview with the celebrated general. "i admit his good points," laughed my father; "but i do not like to see one person invested with such tremendous power. still, there is no doubt we owe our liberty in great part to his wonderful energy, together with his determination never to acknowledge defeat. he has toiled day and night like a slave." "i shall be glad when your regiment returns, juan," said my mother. "i am longing to see your brave friends, and especially alzura. i seem to know him quite well already." "you are sure to like him, mother. he is a delightful companion, full of fun, and always laughing and joking. plaza is older and more of a soldier, but i owe a great deal to his kindness." "we will endeavour to repay it, my boy," said she brightly, kissing me good-night. "don't stay up too long. remember you have to attend the levee in the morning." when she had retired, i asked my father for news of raymon sorillo. "he is still serving against the royalists, but his band has sadly diminished. he came here secretly one night, and informed me of your attempt to rescue montilla. i think he was very angry; but he said it was a daring act, and almost successful. however, he bears no malice, and is as ready as ever to stand your friend." "ugh!" said i, getting up with a shiver; "i hope i shall not need his assistance." the next day, after attending the levee, where bolivar was particularly gracious, i obtained an indefinite leave of absence, and returned home. rosa was alone, and though rather dreading to be asked about the business of the silver key, i thought it best to get the interview over. as it happened, i need not have worried myself at all. "i wanted to see you, juan," she said, giving me her hand. "it seems ages ago when i sent you out on that terrible errand. i ought not to have done it; but my father's life was at stake, and i did not think of the danger to you." "think no more of it, rosa. after all, the danger was trifling; the indians would not have hurt me." "i don't quite understand the story," she said thoughtfully, "but i know you risked your life." "there was little risk. i had a slight chance to rescue your father from the indians, and seized it. unfortunately the attempt failed, and i was captured by the royalists. so in one way you did me a good turn; for while the other fellows were starving and fighting in the mountains, i was pretty comfortably off." "but you were in the great battle?" "yes, i was. i escaped from prison chiefly to please a mad-brained young lieutenant of my regiment. but it is all past now, rosa, and there will be no more fighting." "i am sorry for his majesty," she said simply, "and for the loyal gentlemen who have died for him." "there were some splendid fellows amongst the royalists," i said, and proceeded to tell her the story of the gallant santiago mariano. "he must have been a brave man, juan!" "he was, and he had equally brave comrades. now that the struggle is over, they will join us, and we shall all work together in peace for the prosperity of our common country. the war has been a terrible evil, but i am hoping that much good may come from it. i dream of a grand future for peru, and of a time when the land of the sun shall recover its ancient glory." "i hope your dream will come true, juan. i am sure you will try to make it do so," she said. "but you must not expect me to be pleased that we are no longer loyal subjects of the spanish king." * * * * * * here ends the story of my adventures during the war of independence. the spanish power was completely crushed; but, as my father had foretold, there were still many misfortunes in store for our unhappy country. the men who had fought so hard for liberty quarrelled among themselves. there were endless disputes and conspiracies, and many soldiers who had bravely faced death on the battlefield were executed by their fellow-countrymen. for two years bolivar ruled at lima. he was at the height of his glory. he had freed venezuela, new granada, and ecuador from the spaniards, and joined them into the one country of colombia. upper peru he had formed into another country called bolivia, and he was the real master of peru proper. his boundless ambition, however, overreached itself. enemies rose up against him on all sides. he was driven from power, and seven years after the battle of ayacucho died a broken-hearted man. after his departure from lima, my father's spanish friend, general la mar, who had once been governor of callao, was elected president, and the country settled down into a state of something like order. there still remain a few personal matters to be recorded before my pen is finally laid aside. among those who opposed bolivar's rule in peru, none was more bitter or reckless than the guerilla chief, raymon sorillo. unfortunately for him, the war had greatly weakened the society of the silver key. his bravest men and ablest lieutenants had died fighting, and he was left with only a shadow of his former power. undaunted by this, he openly defied bolivar's authority. for several months he held his own against the regular troops, but at last, being captured, was tried as a traitor, and condemned to death. my father made strenuous efforts to save him, and would have succeeded but for sorillo himself. "the man is a desperate ruffian," said bolivar, in answer to my father's appeal for mercy; "but i will pardon him on condition that he takes the oath of allegiance and swears to obey the laws." overjoyed by his success, my father hurried to the prison where sorillo was confined. the doughty mountaineer refused the offer with scorn. "i took up arms for the independence of peru," said he, "not to exchange the tyranny of the spaniards for that of a venezuelan adventurer. i thank you, señor, from my heart, but i prefer death to these conditions." my father stayed with him nearly the whole day, but could not shake his resolve. so in the early morning the redoubtable chief was led into the prison yard, and was placed near a wall. some of the soldiers wished to bandage his eyes, but he would not allow it. "no," said he; "i have looked in the face of death too closely and too often to fear it. fire! i shall not tremble." thus he died, and whatever else may be said, it cannot be denied that, in his own headstrong, obstinate way, he was faithful to the cause for which many better men had laid down their lives. of my friend plaza it is only necessary to say that, through general miller's influence as well as by his own merit, he rapidly advanced to high office, being made governor of one of the inland provinces. he has paid me several visits since he left the hussars, and his sole regret is that cordova did not live to share in the general good fortune. an old acquaintance, who has also since done well in the world, is barriero. when the victory at ayacucho became known, the prisoners on the island rose in revolt, and overpowered their guards. barriero placed himself at their head, seized all the arms and ammunition, and formed the patriots into a company. then, assisted by some indians, he crossed the morass and marched to cuzco, where, to his joy and astonishment, he heard that alzura and i had safely escaped across the dreaded swamp. alzura resigned his commission shortly after the regiment returned to lima. he succeeded to a fine estate near the capital, and is one of our most frequent visitors. my father is very fond of him, and as for my mother, i sometimes say she thinks more of him than of myself; indeed, the dear fellow has almost become like a second son to her. josé is still my father's right-hand man. he has long since amassed a snug fortune; but i expect he will die in the old home, where he is an esteemed and valued and trusty friend. felipe montilla's hacienda no longer stands desolate. rosa has again taken up her residence there, but under the name of crawford, and employs me, as my father jokingly says, to look after her estates. she is still a royalist at heart, but as the years pass she becomes more and more reconciled to the changes which have taken place since peru obtained its independence at the point of the sword. the end. +-------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's note: | | | |obvious typographic errors have been corrected. | | | +-------------------------------------------------+ [illustration: view of callao, and distant view of lima. _engraved for stevenson's narrative of south america._] a historical and descriptive narrative of twenty years' residence in south america, _in three volumes_; containing travels in arauco, chile, peru, and colombia; with an account of the revolution, its rise, progress, and results. by w. b. stevenson, formerly private secretary to the president and captain general of quito, colonel, and governor of esmeraldas, captain de fragata, and late secretary to the vice admiral of chile,--his excellency the right honourable lord cochrane, &c. vol. i. london: hurst, robinson, and co. constable & co. and oliver & boyd, edinburgh. mdcccxxv. to his excellency the right hon. thomas lord cochrane, marquis of maranham, as a testimony of respect for the important services rendered to south american emancipation, and to the commercial interests of great britain, this work is (by permission) humbly dedicated. preface. the interest which the late successful revolution in spanish america has awakened in europe renders any genuine account of the new world so highly acceptable to the british nation, that it has become an almost imperative duty in those who may possess original matter to communicate it to the public; for it may be said, without the least exaggeration, that although the countries thus emancipated were discovered in the sixteenth century, they have remained almost unknown till the beginning of the nineteenth. fully convinced of these facts, and being urged by my friends, when i was on the eve of again crossing the atlantic, to publish my collection of notes and memoranda--the gleanings of a twenty years' residence--in order to contribute my quota to the small stock of authentic matter already laid before an anxious public, i have been induced to postpone my voyage, and to embody my observations in the manner in which they now appear. it is undoubtedly of great importance to become acquainted with the features of a country which has undergone any remarkable change in its political, religious, or literary career, before that change took place; and it is equally important to know the cause of and the means by which the change was effected. i have therefore given a succinct history of the state of the colonies before their fortunate struggle began to germinate, by describing their political and ecclesiastical institutions; the character, genius, and education of the different classes of inhabitants; their peculiar customs and habits; their historical remains and antiquities; and lastly, the produce and manufactures of the country. my opportunities for obtaining materials for the formation of this work were such as few individuals even among the natives or spaniards could possess, and such as no _foreigner_ could possibly enjoy at the period of my residence. dr. robertson's celebrated history renders any account of the discovery and conquest of america unnecessary; but as the spanish authors from whom his work was collected always kept in view the necessity of lulling the anxiety of general curiosity with respect to the subsequent state of the countries under the spanish crown, that work cannot be supposed to be better than the materials from which it is formed would allow; to which i may add, that the different books published by the philosophic humboldt are too scientific, and enter into too few details, to become fit for general perusal. i am induced to believe, that my descriptions of tribunals, corporate bodies, the laws, and administration, the taxes and duties, will not be considered unimportant, because the newly-formed governments will follow in great measure the establishments of spain, modified by a few alterations, perhaps more nominal than real. indeed, the present authorities have already determined, that so far as the spanish codes do not interfere with the independence of the country, they are to be considered as the fundamental laws of the different tribunals. the plates are from original drawings taken by don jose carrillo, a native of quito, now in england. should the following pages merit the approbation of the british public, the author will feel highly gratified by having fulfilled his duty in both hemispheres; nor will this reward in the old world be accounted less honourable than that which he has already obtained in the new. contents of vol. i. page chap. i.--arrival at mocha....some account of mayo, one of the cape de verd islands touched at on our passage.... description of mocha, its productions, &c....leave mocha and land at tucapel viejo....description of the indians, their dress, &c....indians take me to their home.... description of the house, family, food, diversions.... appearance of the country....what trade might be introduced 1 chap. ii.--leave tucapel viejo, and arrive at tubul....description of our breakfast on the road....stay at the house of the cacique of tubul....some appearances of civilization....game of peuca, wrestling, &c....anchorage, trade, &c....face of the country....arrival at arauco....taken to the commandant interview described....town of arauco....indians who come to barter....weaving of fine _ponchos_....excursion to the water-mills on the carampangue river....entertainments, _mate_, &c....visit nacimiento, santa juana, and return to arauco....ordered to conception 20 chap. iii.--account of cultivation of farms, &c. in araucania.... thrashing, &c....produce....cattle....locality.... topographical divisions....government (indian).... laws and penalties....military system....arms, standards, &c....division of spoil....treaty of peace.... religion....marriages....funerals....spanish cities founded in araucania....ideas on new colonies....commerce 40 chap. iv.--valdivia....port....fortifications....river.... city-foundation....revolutions....inhabitants....garrison.... government....rents and resources....churches.... exiles....missions in the province of valdivia....war with the indians, and possession of osorno....extract from a letter in the araucanian tongue, and translation 67 chap. v.--city of conception de mocha....foundation.... situation....government....tribunals....bishop.... military....churches....houses....inhabitants and dress....provincial jurisdiction....produce....throwing the _laso_....fruit....timber trees....shrubs....mines.... birds....wild animals....lion hunt....shepherd dogs ....breeding capons....return to conception 82 chap. vi.--sent to talcahuano....description of the bay and anchorage....plain between conception and talcahuano.... prospectus of a soap manufactory here.... coal mine....town, custom-house, inhabitants, &c.... fish, &c. caught in the bay....colonial commerce.... prospectus of a sawing mill 118 chap. vii.--leave talcahuano in the dolores....passage to callao....arrival....taken to the castle....leave callao....road to lima....conveyed to prison 130 chap. viii.--lima, origin of its name....pachacamac.... foundation of lima....pizarro's palace....situation of the city....form of the valley rimac....river....climate.... temperature....mists and rain....soil....earthquakes....produce 143 chap. ix.--viceroys and archbishop of lima....viceroyalty, extent....viceroy's titles and privileges....royal audience.... cabildo....forms of law....military....religion.... inquisition....sessions and processes....archbishop.... royal patronage....ecclesiastical tribunals....chapter, _cabildo ecclesiastical_....curates....asylum of immunity ....minor tribunals...._consulado_....crusade....treasury ....accompts...._temporalidades_, _protomedicato_ 172 chap. x.--taxes, alcavala....indian tribute....fifths of the mines....lances....stamped paper....tobacco.... _media anata_...._aprovechamientos_...._composicion_ and _confirmacion_ of lands....royal ninths....venal offices.... estrays....confiscations....fines....vacant successions.... _almoxarifasgo_...._corso_...._armada_....consulate.... _cirquito_....vacant benefices...._mesada ecclesiastica_ ...._media anata ecclesiastica_....restitutions....bulls 195 chap. xi.--city of lima....figure and division....walls.... bridge....houses....churches....manner of building parishes....convents....nunneries....hospitals.... colleges...._plasa mayor_....market....interior of the viceroy's palace....ditto archbishop's ditto....ditto sagrario....ditto cathedral....ditto cavildo 210 chap. xii.--particular description of parish churches.... of santo domingo....altar of the rosary....st. rosa and other altars....cloisters....sanctuary of saint rosa....church of san francisco....chapels _del milagro_, _de dolores_, _de los terceros_....pantheon....cloisters, san diego....san agustin...._la merced_....profession of a nun, or taking the veil....hospitals of san andres, of san bartolome and others....colleges of santo toribio, san carlos, _del principe_....university....inquisition ....taken to it in 1806....visit to it in 1812, after the abolition....inquisitorial punishments....foundling hospital....lottery....mint....pantheon 237 chap. xiii.--the population of lima....remarks....table of castes....the qualifications of creoles....population and division....spaniards....creoles, white.... costume....indians....african negroes....their _cofradias_, and royal personages....queen rosa....creole negroes....mestisos....mulattos....zambos....chinos ...._quarterones and quinterones_....theatre....bull circus....royal cockpit....alamedas....bathing places ....piazzas...._amancaes_....elevation and oration bells.... processions of corpus christi, santa rosa, san francisco and santo domingo....publication of bulls....ceremonies on the arrival of a viceroy 283 chap. xiv.--fruits in the gardens of lima....flowers.... particular dishes, or cookery...._chuno_, dried potatoes ...._chochoca_, dried maize....sweetmeats....meals.... diseases....medical observations....on the commerce of lima....profitable speculations 330 chap. xv.--visit to pisco....town of pisco....bay of pisco ....curious production of salt...._huano_...._huanaes_ ....vineyards, brandy....vineyard _de las hoyas_.... fruits....chilca, village of indians....leave lima, road to chancay....pasamayo house...._niña de la huaca_....maize, cultivation....use of _huano_....hogs ....on the produce of maize....different kinds of.... time of harvesting....uses of....chicha of....sugar of.... town of chancay...._colcas_....town of huacho.... _chacras_ of the indians....on the character of the native indians....refutation of what some authors have said of ....manners and customs of....tradition of manco capac....ditto camaruru....ditto bochica....ditto quitzalcoatl....these traditions favourable to the spaniards.... government of manco capac....representation of the death of the inca....feast of corpus christi at huacho....indian dances....salinas 355 chap. xvi.--villa of huara....description....village of supe....ruins of an indian town...._huacas_, burying places....bodies preserved entire....village of barranca ....earthquake in 1806....barranca river....bridge of ropes....village of pativilca....sugar plantation.... produce and profit....cane cultivated....mills....sugar-house ....management of slaves....regulations &c. of slaves 410 chapter i. arrival at mocha....some account of mayo, one of the cape de verd islands touched at on our passage....description of mocha, its productions, &c....leave mocha, and land at tucapel viejo....description of the indians, their dress, &c....indians take me to their home....description of the house, family, food, diversions....appearance of the country....what trade might be introduced. on the 14th of february, 1804, i landed on the island of mocha, after a passage of upwards of five months from england, during which we passed between the cape de verd islands, and touched at one of them called mayo, for the purpose of procuring salt, which appears to be the only article of commerce. it is produced by admitting the sea water on flats, embanked next to the sea, during the spring tides, and allowing it to evaporate: the salt is then collected and carried off before the return of the high tides, when the water is again admitted, and the same process takes place. the sea water is here strongly impregnated with salt, owing probably to the great evaporation caused by the intense power of the heat, which also aids and hastens the process on shore. the inhabitants whom i saw were all blacks, with the solitary exception of a priest, and many of them in a state of nudity, even to an age at which decency if not modesty requires a covering. a small quantity of bananas, the only fruit we could procure, and some poultry, were brought from st. jago's, another of the islands, visible from mayo. the island of mocha, situate in 38° 21´ s. and that called santa maria, lying about 80 miles to the northward of it, were the patrimony of a family, now residing at conception, of the name of santa maria, who lived on the latter, and sent some people to reside at mocha, but after the commencement of the war between england and spain, in 1780, the family, as well as the whole of the inhabitants, were ordered by the government of chile to quit the islands, under the pretence that these were a resort for smugglers: a pretence derived from the common error, that privacy is preventive of contraband. during the time that mocha was in the possession of the santa marias a number of the original indian inhabitants, belonging to the tribe found on it when first visited by the spaniards in 1549, resided there, but they were also removed to conception. these two islands having been once inhabited, there are yet to be found some few remains of cattle, which have continued to procreate: on mocha are horses and pigs, and some barn door fowls. mocha is about fifteen miles in circumference, hilly in the centre, and sloping towards the coast, more so on the western side, where a tolerably good anchorage and a safe landing place, on a sandy beach, may be found. fresh water flows from several springs; wild turnips, mint and other herbs grow in abundance; the trees on the hilly part are principally the white cinnamon, named by the spaniards _canelo_, the magui, the luma, a tree called _espino_, and others. here are also apple, peach and cherry trees, with a variety of wild strawberries, and myrtle-berries. some solitary seals yet remain on the rocks on the south side of the island. i left mocha after remaining there alone thirty-two days, and landed from the brig polly at tucapel viejo, the residence of one of the caciques, or ulmenes, of the araucanian indians, by whom i was most hospitably treated. the male indians who appeared on the beach were of a reddish brown or copper colour, few of them reaching to the height of six feet. they were finely shaped and very muscular, having a round face, well formed forehead, small black eyes, flattish nose, moderately thick lips and good teeth, but no beard. the whole of the countenance is expressive of a certain portion of vivacity, and not uninteresting; the hair is black and strong, all of it being drawn behind the head and platted. the women are lower in stature than the men, their features similar, and some of the girls, if i be not allowed to call them handsome, i cannot abstain from saying are very pretty. the females wear their hair long, and platted behind their heads: it is afterwards wrapped round with a tape about an inch and a half broad, to one edge of which are attached a number of small hawks' bells: the plait is allowed to hang down the back, and not unfrequently reaches below their knees. the dress or costume of the indians at first appeared very singular to me. in the men it consisted of a flannel shirt, and a pair of loose drawers of the same material, generally white, reaching below the calves of the legs; a coarse species of rug about two yards wide and two and a half long, with a slit in the middle through which the head was passed: this garment, if so i may style it, hanging over the shoulders and reaching below the knees, is called a _poncho_. the common ones seemed to be made from a brownish sort of wool, but some were very fancifully woven in stripes of different colours and devices, such as animals, birds, flowers, &c. of the poncho i shall have occasion to speak again, as it is universally worn in all the provinces of south america which i visited; but i must say here, that i considered it as an excellent riding dress; for hanging loosely and covering the whole body, it leaves the arms quite at liberty to manage the whip and reins. the hat commonly worn is in the form of a cone, without any skirts; for shoes they substitute a piece of raw bull's hide cut to the shape of the sole of the foot, and tied on with slender thongs of leather. the females wear a long white flannel tunic, without sleeves, and an upper garment of black flannel, extending below their knees, the sides closed up to the waist, and the corners from the back brought over the shoulders and fastened to the corners of the piece in front with two large thorns, procured from a species of cactus, or with large silver brooches: it is afterwards closed round the waist with a girdle about three inches broad, generally woven in devices of different colours; very often, however, nothing but the white tunic is worn, with the girdle, and a small mantle or cloak called _ichella_. the favourite colour among the indians appeared to be a bluish green, though i saw few of their garments of this colour at tucapel, but remarked afterwards, at the town of arauco, that all those who came to sell or barter their fruit, &c. wore it. the females generally have nothing on their heads or feet, but have a profusion of silver rings on their fingers, and on their arms and necks an abundance of glass bead bracelets and necklaces. the occupation of the men, as in most unenlightened countries, appeared to be confined to riding out to see their cattle, their small portions of land, cultivated by the women, and to hunting. the females were employed spinning wool with a spindle about ten inches long, having a circular piece of burnt clay at the bottom, to assist and regulate the rotary motion given by twirling it with the finger and thumb at the upper end. they generally sit on the ground to spin, and draw a thread about a yard long, which they wind on the spindle, tie a knot on the upper end, and draw another thread: though this work is very tedious, compared to what may be done by our common spinning-wheels, yet their dexterity and constancy enable them to manufacture all their wearing apparel. weaving is conducted on a plan fully as simple as spinning. the frame-work for the loom is composed of eight slender poles, cut in the woods when wanted, and afterwards burnt; four of these are stuck in the ground at right angles, the other four are lashed with thongs at the top, forming a square, and the frame is complete. the treadles are then placed about a foot from the front, having a roller at the back of the frame for the yarn and another in front for the cloth, both tied fast with thongs; the sleys, made of worsted, doubled, have two knots tied in the middle of each pair of threads, leaving a small space between the knots through which to pass the warp. after all the yarns are passed through the sleys the ends are tied in small bunches to the roller, which is turned round by two females, one at each end, whilst another attends to the balls in front; the other ends of the yarn are then tied to the roller in front. the thongs connected with the treadle are fastened one to each of the sleys, and a thong being made fast to the upper part of one of them is thrown over a loose slender pole, placed on the top of the frame and then made fast to the other sley, so that when one treadle is pressed by the foot it draws down one of the sleys, holding every alternate thread, and the other rises, carrying with it the other half of the warp. instead of a shuttle the yarn is wound round a slender stick, of the necessary length, and passed through the opening formed by the rising of one of the sleys and the falling of the other; the contrary treadle is then pressed down, and a slender piece of hard heavy wood, longer than the breadth of the cloth, is passed across, and the weaver taking hold of both ends drags it towards her and compresses the thread. this piece of wood, shaped somewhat like a long sword, is called the _macana_, and has often been resorted to as a weapon in time of war. the same rude mode of weaving is common, though not universal, in south america. the manner of weaving ponchos i shall describe when treating of the town of arauco, for what i saw here did not deserve attention. besides the laborious occupation of spinning and weaving, and the usual household labour, each wife (for polygamy is allowed, every man marrying as many wives as he choose, or rather, as many as he can maintain) has to present to her husband daily a dish of her own cooking, and annually a _poncho_ of her own spinning and weaving, besides flannel for shirts and drawers. thus an indian's house generally contains as many fire places and looms as he has wives, and abbé molina says, that instead of asking a man how many wives he has, it is more polite to ask him how many fires he keeps. the females are cleanly in their houses and persons; dirt is never seen on their clothes, and they frequently bathe, or wash themselves three or four times a day. the men also pay great attention to the cleanliness of their persons. the females attend to the cultivation of their gardens, in which the men work but little, considering themselves absolute masters--the lords of the creation, born only to command, and the women, being the weaker, to obey: sentiments which polygamy supports; plurality of wives tending to destroy those tender feelings of attachment which we find in countries where the law allows only one wife. the principal part of the labour of their farms is performed by the women, who often plough, sow, reap and carry to the thrashing floor the wheat or barley, which, when trodden out by horses, is thrown into the air, that the wind may blow away the chaff. i saw no other grain at tucapel or its vicinity but wheat and barley, in small patches; but i was told that they produced a hundred fold. the care of the offspring is entirely committed to the women. a mother immediately on her delivery takes her child, and going down to the nearest stream of water, washes herself and it, and returns to the usual labours of her station. the children are never swaddled, nor their bodies confined by any tight clothing; they are wrapped in a piece of flannel, laid on a sheep skin, and put into a basket suspended from the roof, which occasionally receives a push from any one passing, and continues swinging for some minutes. they are allowed to crawl about nearly naked until they can walk; and afterwards, to the age of ten or twelve years, the boys wear a small poncho, and the girls a piece of flannel, wrapped round their waist, reaching down to the knees. the mother, after that age, abandons the boys to the care of the father, on whom they attend and wait as servants; and the daughters are instructed in the several works which it will ere long become their duty to fulfil. to the loose clothing which the children wear from their infancy may doubtless be attributed the total absence of deformity among the indians. perhaps some travellers might suggest, that confinement in any shape would be considered disgraceful to the haughty araucanians, who are pleased to call themselves, "the never vanquished, always victors." the house to which i was conveyed by the indians was about five leagues from the coast, situated in a ravine, towards the farther extremity of which the range of hills on each side appeared to unite. a stream of excellent water ran at the bottom of the small valley, winding its way to the sea, and fordable at this time of the year, but visibly much deeper at other times, from the marks of the surface water on the banks and on several large pieces of rock lying in the stream. the low part of the ravine (at first more than three miles wide, and gradually closing as we rode up towards the house) was cultivated in small patches; and among the brushwood were to be seen clusters of apple, pear and peach trees, some of them so laden with fruit that their branches were bent to the ground. the sides of the mountains displayed in gorgeous profusion the gifts of nature; the same kind of fruit trees, laden with their ripe produce, enlivened the view, and relieved the eye from the deep green of the woods which covered the landscape, save here and there the naked spire of a rock washed by the rains and whitened by the sunbeams. the situation of the house appeared to have been chosen not so much for its picturesque beauty, as for the facility of defending it: the only approach was the road which we took, it being impossible to descend the mountains on either side--an impossibility which appeared to increase as we drew nearer to the house. four or five of the young indians, or _mosotones_, rode forward to the house, and when it first opened to our view a crowd of women and children had ranged themselves in front, gaping in wild astonishment at my very unexpected appearance. we rode up to the house, which stood on a small plain, about thirty yards above the level of the stream, and alighted amid the din of questions and answers equally unintelligible to me. the wild stare of curiosity, sweetened with a compassionate expression of countenance, precluded all fear, and i could not avoid saying to myself, great author of nature, i now for the first time behold thy animated works, unadorned with the luxuries, and free, may i hope, from the concomitant vices, of civilization! the house was a thatched building, about sixty feet long, and twenty broad, with mud walls seven feet high, two doors in the front, opposite to two others at the back, and without windows. the back part on the inside was divided into births, the divisions being formed of canes thinly covered with clay, projecting about six feet from the wall, with a bed place three feet wide, raised two from the floor; the whole appearing somewhat like a range of stalls in a stable. opposite to these births, and running from one end to the other, excepting the spaces at the two doors, the floor was elevated about ten inches, and was six feet wide: this elevation was partly covered with small carpets and rugs, which with five or six low tables composed the whole of the household furniture. the two doors on the back side led to the kitchen, a range of building as long as the house, but entirely detached from it: here were several hearths, or fire-places, surrounded with small earthen pots, pans and some baskets made of split cane; and over each fire-place was suspended a flat kind of basket holding meat and fish, and answering the purpose of a safe: it is called by the indians a _chigua_. the horses were unsaddled, and the saddles placed on the floor at one end of the house. the family, or what i conceived to be the family, was composed of upwards of forty individuals. the father was between forty and fifty years old, and apparently enjoyed all the privileges of a patriarch. there were eight women, whom i considered to be his wives, though during my stay he appeared to associate with only one of them, if allowing her to wait upon him whilst eating and receiving from the others their respective dishes (which she placed successively on the small low table) can be called association. the young men eat the food brought to them at different tables, or in different parts of the house. the women and children adjourned to the kitchen, and there partook of what was left by the male part of the family. from the first day of my arrival to the last of my stay i always ate out of the same dish with the cacique, or ulmen, for his rank i did not exactly know. our fingers supplied the place of forks, and large muscle shells that of spoons: knives i never saw used at table. our food chiefly consisted of fresh mutton, jirked beef, fish, or poultry, cut into small pieces and stewed with potatoes or pompions, seasoned with onions, garlic and cayenne pepper, or capsicum. our breakfast, at about sunrise, was composed of some flour or toasted wheat, coarsely ground, or crushed, and mixed with water, either hot or cold, as it suited the palate of the eater. this flour is produced or manufactured by first roasting the wheat or barley in an earthen pan placed over a slow fire, until the grain takes a pale brown hue. when cold it is ground on a flat stone, about eight inches or a foot wide, and two feet or more in length, as they can best procure it. this is put on the ground, with the end next the female raised about four inches. she then takes another stone, which reaches nearly across the first, and weighs from six to ten pounds; this she presses with her hands, and bruises the grain, which is crushed to a state somewhat like coarsely ground coffee. at the lower end of the stone is generally placed a clean lamb skin, with the wool downwards, which receives the flour, called by the indians _machica_. our dinner (made up of the stews or messes which i have mentioned) was generally served at noon in calabashes, or gourds cut in two, being three inches deep, and some of them from twelve to twenty inches in diameter. our supper, which we took at eight o'clock, was milk, with _machica_, or potatoes. i cannot refrain from describing a favourite preparation of milk, called by the natives _milcow_. potatoes and a species of pompion, _zapallo_, were roasted, the insides of both taken out, and kneaded together with a small quantity of salt, and sometimes with eggs. this paste was made into little cakes, each about the size of a dollar, and a large quantity was put into a pot of milk, and allowed to boil for a quarter of an hour. i joined the indians in considering it an excellent dish. their poultry, fed on barley and potatoes, was fat and good; their fish, both from the sea and the river, capital; and their beef and mutton in fatness and flavour were far above mediocrity. the beverage at this time of the year, there being abundance of apples, was principally new cider, but it was sufficiently fermented to produce intoxication, which i had several opportunities of observing among the men: to the credit of the women, however, i must say, that i never saw one of them in a state of ebriety. i was informed that at other times of the year they fermented liquors from the maize, the process of which i shall afterwards describe. their cider is made in the following rude manner:--a quantity of apples is procured from the woods by the women; they are put into a species of trough, from eight to ten feet long, being the trunk of a large tree scooped into a shape somewhat similar to a canoe. a woman then takes a stick, or cane, nearly the length of the trough, and standing at one extremity, beats the apples to pieces. they are afterwards collected at one end, pressed with the hands, and the juice is received either in large calabashes (dried gourds) or in prepared goats' hides. it is now carried to the house, poured into an earthen jar, and left to ferment. the jars are made by the indians of baked clay:--some will hold upwards of a hundred gallons, which shews that these people have some skill in pottery. the only in-door diversion which i witnessed among the indians at tucapel was what they certainly considered a dance. about sixteen men and women intermixed stood up in a row, and following each other, trotted about the room to the sound of a small drum, which was made by drawing a piece of the fresh skin of a kid or lamb over an earthen pot used for cooking. this diversion i saw but twice, and in both instances after supper. indeed the indians are not calculated for this kind of amusement. they associate with each other but little. the females are considered inferior to the men, and consequently no harmony or conviviality appears to result from their company. the principal out-door diversion among the young men is the _palican_: this game is called by the spaniards _chueca_, and is similar to one i have seen in england called bandy. molina says it is like the _calcio_ of the florentines and the _orpasto_ of the greeks. the company divides into two sets. each person has a stick about four feet long, curved at the lower end. a small hard ball, sometimes of wood, is thrown on the ground: the parties separate; some advance towards the ball, and others stand aloof to prevent it when struck from going beyond the limits assigned, which would occasion the loss of the game. i was told that the most important matters have been adjusted in the different provinces of araucania by crooked sticks and a ball: the decision of the dispute is that of the game--the winner of the game being the winner of the dispute. at arauco i heard that the present bishop of conception, roa, having passed the territory belonging to the indians with their permission, (a formality never to be dispensed with) on his visitation to valdivia, was apprehended in returning for not having solicited and obtained a pass, or safe-conduct from the _uthalmapu_, or principal political chief of the country which he had to traverse, called by the indians, the _lauguen mapu_, or marine district. his lordship was not only made prisoner but despoiled of all his equipage; and it became a matter of dispute, which nothing but the _palican_ could decide, whether he should be put to death or allowed to proceed to conception. the game was played in the presence of the bishop: he had the satisfaction of seeing his party win, and his life was saved. the propriety, however, of keeping the booty taken from him was not questioned by any one. that part of the country which i had an opportunity of visiting with some of these kind indians was not extensive, but extremely beautiful. the soil was rich, every kind of vegetation luxuriant, and some of the trees were very large: the principal ones were the _espino_, the _luma_, the _maque_, and the _pehuen_. i was informed that the indians have both gold and silver mines, and that they are acquainted with the art of extracting the metal from the ores. one might presume that there was some foundation for this report from the ornaments made of the precious metals seen in their possession: they are of spanish manufacture, and perhaps either the spoils of war or the result of barter. a trade of no great importance might be established here. the wool, which is good, and timber, with some gold and silver, would be given in return for knives, axes, hatchets, white and greenish coarse flannel, ponchos, bridle bits, spurs, &c. chapter ii. leave tucapel viejo, and arrive at tubul....description of our breakfast on the road....stay at the house of the cacique of tubul....some appearances of civilization....game of pencs, wrestling, &c....anchorage, trade, &c....face of the country....arrival at arauco....taken to the commandant, interview described....town of arauco....indians who came to barter.... weaving of fine _ponchos_....excursion to the water-mills on the carampangue river....entertainments, _mate_, &c....visit nacimiento, santa juana, and return to arauco....ordered to conception. at about three o'clock, on a moonlight morning, in the month of april, i left the house of my kind toqui, with five indians. we were all on horseback, and travelled till after sunrise, when arriving at what appeared to me to be a common resting place, we alighted, and i witnessed a most romantic scene. the indians were habited in their rude costume, the poncho, the sugar-loaf hat, the hide sandals, and spurs with rowels at least three inches in diameter. their horses were as uncouthly caparisoned: a deep saddle was covered with three or four sheep skins, over which was spread a bluish rug of long shaggy wool, the crupper with a broad piece of leather hanging across the horse's rump, and a broader strap attached to each side of the saddle passing round the horse behind, about midway down the thighs, and fastened to the cross piece to prevent its slipping to the ground. these straps were fancifully stamped, and cut into various shapes and devices. the huge wooden box stirrups were large enough to hold the feet of the rider; and the heavy-bitted bridle had beautifully platted reins, terminating in a lash or whip of the same workmanship, divided at the end into eight or ten minor plaits, forming a tuft resembling a tassel. the spot at which we arrived was enchanting. the branches of a large carob tree extended themselves above our heads, while the beautifully green sward was spread under our feet. a small stream of water worked its way among the pebbles on one side, and in the distance on the other the pacific ocean, silvered with the rays of the newly risen sun, heightened in brilliancy by the intervening deep green of the woods, presented itself to our view. what an awfully grand collection of the works of nature! he who could behold them without feeling his bosom swell with such sensations of delight as tongue cannot utter nor pen describe, cannot be made by this faint description to partake of what i felt at that moment. after the indians had alighted, part of them ran to the brook and brought some water, in bullocks' horns, which they always carry with them for this purpose. they divided it among their comrades, each receiving about a pint. every one now took from his girdle a small leather bag, the skin of an animal of the size of a cat, and putting a handful of roasted flour into the horn with the water, stirred it about with a small stick and eat it. i followed their example, and this mixture constituted our breakfast. we then pursued our journey. about noon we arrived at tubul, and went to a large house belonging, as i supposed, to the toqui, or cacique. here are several other houses, forming a small hamlet, all of whose inhabitants are indians. we were regaled with the usual fare at dinner, with the addition of a lamb, which was killed after our arrival, cut into halves, and roasted over the embers. what may be considered as a certain portion of civilization made its appearance at tubul: the roasted lamb was laid on a large ill-fashioned silver dish, some silver spoons and forks were placed on the toqui's table: not a knife was to be seen, but the drinking horns had bottoms. besides the cider some strong ill tasted brandy and thick sweet wine crowned the board. my indian comrades or conductors occasioned much sport after dinner, by playing what they call the _peuca_, which molina says serves them as an image of war. fifteen _mosotones_, young indians, took hold of each other by the hands and formed a circle, in the centre of which a boy about ten years old was placed. an equal number of young men were then engaged in attempting to take the boy out of the ring, in which the victory consists. the indians forming the ring at first extended their arms as wide as they could, and paced gently round. the others rushed altogether on the ring, and tried to break it, but their opponents closed and the invaders were forced to desist. they then threw themselves into several groups of two or three in each, advanced and attacked at different points, but were again baffled in their efforts, and after many unsuccessful trials to break the ring, and take the boy, they were obliged through fatigue to abandon their enterprise. when the game, which lasted at least three hours, was finished, abundance of cider was brought, and the effects of drinking it were soon visible. wrestling parties commenced, in which great strength and agility were shown: the first throw decided each contest, and the horns of cider were freely circulated to cheer the drooping spirits of the youths. the females and children stood in groups to witness these sports, and interest and enthusiasm were strongly marked in their countenances. after a supper of _milcow_, roasted potatoes, milk, &c. we retired to our beds, which were formed of five or six clean white sheep skins, and some white flannel. we rose at an early hour the next morning; five more young indians were attached to my escort, and we proceeded on our way to arauco. there is a roadstead and good anchorage at tubul, and in any emergency ships may procure an abundance of bullocks, sheep, and excellent vegetables, in exchange for knives, axes, buttons, beads, &c. the water at the mouth of the river is salt, but good fresh water may be easily obtained a little way up on the north side, where a rivulet joins the tubul. having travelled about six miles, we descended to the beach of a very extensive bay, and saw the island of santa maria in the horizon. at the foot of the promontory which we had crossed was a small stream and three neat cottages with pretty gardens before them. my guides took me to the first of these cottages, where we were received by a white woman, the wife of a sergeant stationed here as at a kind of advanced post. the sergeant soon made his appearance, and although i had been so very kindly treated by the good indians, i felt a pleasure at finding myself once again among people of my own colour, similar to that experienced by a person who is relieved from an apprehension of danger, by being satisfied that it does not exist. some dispute arose respecting the indians leaving me and returning home; but it was adjusted by the sergeant sending two soldiers with us, with orders to present me to the commandant, at arauco. after breakfasting on roasted jerked beef and bread, we proceeded towards arauco, and arrived there at noon. the country over which we travelled was every where covered with vegetation, the valleys or bottoms of the ravines with grass and shrubs, and their hilly sides with wood. after descending to the beach, several small ravines opened to the right, containing a considerable number of neat thatched cottages. quantities of wild vines climbed from tree to tree, laden with grapes as yet green; and clusters of apple, pear, and peach trees adorned the sides of the hills, while the low land from their bases to the sea side was divided and fenced in with branches of trees--cattle, principally milch cows, feeding in the enclosures. on our arrival at arauco i was immediately taken to the house of the commandant, who ordered me into his presence, and the soldiers and indians to return. i was not a little surprised at the extravagant appearance of this military hero, who undoubtedly considered himself, in his present situation, equal to alexander or napoleon, and but for his figure i should have conceived him to be a second falstaff. he stood about five feet six inches high, was remarkably slender, and had a swarthy complexion, large roman nose, small black eyes, projecting chin, and toothless mouth. his hair was combed back from his forehead, abundantly powdered, and tied in a cue _a la_ frederick. he wore an old tarnished gold laced uniform of faded blue, with deepened red lappels, collar and cuffs, his waistcoat and breeches being of the latter colour; bluish stockings, brown shoes for lack of blacking, and large square brass buckles. a real toledo was fastened to his side with a broad black leather belt and a brass buckle in front: an equilateral triangular hat covered his head. such was the visible part of this soldier. his red cloak was on a chair near him, while his worship stood, bolt upright, in his vast importance _personale_! never did chivalrous knight listen with more gravity of countenance, measured demeanour or composed posture, to the cravings of a woe-begotten squire, than did my old commandant to my ill-digested narrative. but what a contrast presented itself in his goodly lady, the _comandanta_, whom i could compare to nothing better than a large lanthorn! she stood about four feet six inches high, and as nearly as i could conceive measured the same round the waist, which was encompassed by an enormous hoop, at least four feet in diameter, having a petticoat of scarlet flannel, sewed into small folds, the bottom of which was trimmed about a foot deep with something yellow. she wore a green bodice, and the sleeves of her undermost garment just covered her shoulders, and were edged with green ribbon and white fringe. her hair was all combed back from her forehead, and tied behind with a broad black ribbon. on the top of her head appeared a bunch of natural flowers. it might with propriety be said of this goodly dame, that it would be much easier to pass over than to go round her. there were also present the curate of the parish, two franciscan friars, and some of the inhabitants, one of whom, don nicolas del rio, compassionating the fate of a boy, (for i was then only seventeen) asked the commandant to allow me to be his guest. this request being granted, the chief put on his red cloak, walked with us to the house of don nicolas, and, not forgetting one iota of etiquette, presented me to the family, composed of the wife of don nicolas and three daughters; their only son being with an uncle, who was governor of angeles. during the time i remained at arauco i was treated in every respect as one of the family by these kind and hospitable people. visiting parties to their gardens, orchards, and vineyards, followed each other daily, and all possible care was taken to render me happy--and not in vain, for i was happy. arauco is situated at the foot of a rocky hill, accessible only by a winding path from the inside of the walls by which the town is surrounded. on the top of the hill were four brass guns of eighteen pounds calibre, with a breast-work of stone, a large house for the soldiers, forming their barracks or guard-house, and a small watch tower. the town is a square of about six hundred yards, and is surrounded by a wall of eighteen feet high on three of the sides, the hill forming the fourth; two small breast-works are raised at the corners. an arched gateway stands in the centre of the north side, with a massy wooden door, which is closed every night at eight o'clock, and opened at six in the morning. from the gateway is a street to the square, or market-place, where the church is erected. there is also a convent of franciscan friars, which was formerly a jesuits' college. the garrison consisted of thirty privates with the respective subalterns and officers. the whole population amounts to about four hundred souls. the town is well supplied by a spring in the rock with most excellent water, which falls into a large stone basin, and thence runs through the square, the principal street, and out at the gateway. fruit, fish, poultry, and cider called _chicha_, are brought in daily by the indian women, and sold or bartered principally for salt, which is the article most in demand, there being none but what is imported. the greater part used for culinary purposes is from peru, but a coarser kind is obtained from the coast of chile, near to valparaiso. the general salutation of the indians is _marry, marry_; and i was told, that when a cacique or any other chief sends to a spaniard his _marry, marry_, it is a sure sign that he is at peace with the spaniards, though other tribes may be at war with them. i had several opportunities at arauco of seeing the indians employed in weaving the fine _ponchos_, some of which, i learnt, were worth from a hundred to a hundred and fifty dollars. the wool is first washed and picked or combed, for they have no idea of carding. it is then spun with the spindle, as already described, and afterwards dyed the necessary colours, such as blue, green, yellow, red, &c., and if one be wanted which they have not the materials to produce, they purchase a piece of manchester flannel of the colour required, pick it to pieces, reduce it to wool, and spin it over again, the yarn being required to be much finer than that of the flannel, and always twisted of two or more threads. the _poncho_ is woven in stripes of one, two, or three inches broad, which are subsequently sewed together. sometimes, and for the finest _ponchos_, no loom whatever is used. the coloured threads or yarns are rolled on a round piece of wood; the weaver ties the other ends of them to her girdle, and lifts and depresses the threads with her fingers, passing the woof rolled on a cane instead of a shuttle, and beating it with the _macana_. this may undoubtedly be considered the lowest pitch of weaving, but the patterns on the stripes are very pretty and ingenious, and the repetitions of the devices are extremely exact. after a few days' rest, it was proposed by don nicolas that i should accompany his daughters on an excursion to some of the neighbouring towns and villages: a proposal highly gratifying to myself, and apparently not less so to my new acquaintance. a permission or passport was procured for me from the commandant, and i was ordered to present it at every military post we might arrive at. whether there were any necessity for this document i do not know; but i think it was provided to give me an idea of the authority of the military chief; for i was never asked for it, and when i presented it at any post it was never read; but a curl of the upper lip showed the contempt with which it was viewed by the subalterns of this great man! our cavalcade, on as delightful a morning as ever broke on joyous travellers, made a very gay appearance. the three daughters of don nicolas were mounted on good horses, with square side-saddles, the upper part of which had rather the shape of small chairs, having backs and arms covered with velvet, fastened with a profusion of brass-headed nails. a board about ten inches long and four broad, covered and nailed to match, was suspended on the far side of each horse; so that the rider sat with her left hand to the horse's head, contrary to the custom in england. the bridles, cruppers and appendages were of exquisite platted work, ornamented with a number of silver rings, buckles and small plates. i rode a horse belonging to my good host, with saddle and trappings decorated in the same manner. the saddle was raised about four inches before and behind, and some sheep skins were put on the seat, covered with a red rug of very long wool. four sumpter mules were laden with bedding and provender, two _mosotones_, young indians, were appointed to attend to them, and two females to wait on their young mistresses. we mounted, and at the gate were joined by the commandant's two daughters, who had two soldiers for their guard. never did i feel more delighted than when, having passed the gateway and advanced a few yards, i turned round to view this novel scene, to which, in my mind, a canterbury pilgrimage was far inferior. five young ladies in their rigid costume; their small but beautifully wrought _ponchos_; their black hats and feathers; their hoops, spreading out their fancifully coloured coats, ornamented with ribbons, fringes, and spangles; the gay trappings of their horses; the two soldiers in uniform; the indians; the servant girls, and the sumpter mules, which closed the procession; the merry countenances of all; the parents, relations and friends, waving their hats and handkerchiefs from the walls of the town; the sound of the church and convent bells, summoning the inhabitants to mass; the distant view of the sea on one side, and that of the enchanting plain and mountain scenery on the other--reminded me of fairy regions, and at times caused me almost to doubt the reality of what i beheld. it was predetermined that we should breakfast at a farm-house about two leagues from arauco. thither we rode, leaving the indians to follow with their charge. our arrival was anticipated, and a splendid breakfast had been prepared: roasted lamb, fowls, fried eggs and fish smoaked on the table; whilst chocolate and toasted bread, excellent butter and cheese finished the repast. we honoured our host by eating heartily, and waited the arrival of the indians: they were ordered to follow us to the mills. we shortly reached the bank of the river carampangue, and after riding about twelve miles came to the mills called _de carampangue_. the river is in some places from eighty to a hundred yards wide, and in others not above twenty; running slowly towards the sea, into which it empties itself about four miles from arauco. its origin is said to be in the cordilleras. where the mills are situated the river is twenty-two yards wide, with a considerable fall, and water is drawn from it for their service by channels. these mills are three in number, with vertical water-wheels and one pair of stones to each mill. i was informed that the stones are brought from a considerable distance, and that they cost about one hundred and fifty dollars the pair. they are black, with small white stains, resembling in size and shape the wings of flies, and hence are called _ala de mosca_. when by any accident they are broken, the only remedy is to procure new ones, the people being ignorant of any cement with which to unite the pieces; and probably the expense of iron work would amount to more than that of new stones; nay, i question whether they have a blacksmith in this part of the country who could forge hoops to brace them. the only precaution taken to prevent such accidents is the passing a number of thongs of raw hide, while fresh, round the stones, and when dry they are not perhaps very inferior to iron hoops. the wood-work is as rude, the miller being the carpenter, blacksmith, mason, &c. the flour is not bolted, but sifted by hand. this however is no part of the business or trade of the miller, who is only required to grind the corn; for the meal is carried home to its owner, and separated from the bran with large hair sieves made by the indians. we dined at one of the houses, partly on the fare presented to us, and partly on our own, brought by the sumpter mules. the afternoon was spent in rambling about the neighbouring country and picking myrtle berries, which are delicious, and called by the people _mutillas_. they are about the size of a large pea, of a deep red colour and of a peculiarly sweet and aromatic flavour. they are sometimes prepared by crushing them in water and allowing them to ferment for a few days, which produces a pleasant beverage called _chicha de mutilla_. we found abundance of wild grapes, (which though neither large nor sweet were very palatable) some few plums, and plenty of apples, pears and peaches. on our return to the miller's house we were presented with _mate_, which is a substitute for tea, and is used more or less in every part of south america, but since the present revolution it has become less prevalent, partly because the custom of drinking tea _a la inglesa_ is more fashionable, and partly because a regular supply of the herb cannot be procured from paraguay, where it grows, and from whence it derives its name. the _mate_ is prepared by putting into a silver or gold cup about a teaspoonful of the herb of paraguay, to which are added a bit of sugar, sometimes laid on the fire until the outside be a little burnt, a few drops of lemon juice, a piece of lemon peel and of cinnamon, or a clove. boiling water is poured in till the cup is full, and a silver tube, about the thickness of the stalk of a tobacco pipe, six inches long and perforated at the lower end with small holes, is introduced. through this the _mate_ is sucked, with the risk of scalding the mouth. a cup supported on a salver, most curiously chased, or filigreed, is commonly used: however a calabash, with a fillet of silver round the top, was used on this occasion. one tube serves the whole party, and the female who presides will not unfrequently give a hearty suck when the cup is returned to her, and take another after replenishing it, before it is handed to the company. a great deal of etiquette is observed with the _mate_. it is first offered to the person who is the greatest stranger, or most welcome visitor, a priest, if there happen to be one present, which is generally the case. nothing but the severe indisposition of friar vicente at arauco freed us from his presence: an event which was not regretted by the party until dancing was proposed in the evening, when his ghostly fathership was missed, as no one could play on the guitar so well as he: however one of the soldiers offered his services; the instrument was produced and tuned, the dance named, and the sparkling eyes of the whole company, which had greatly increased since our arrival, bespoke a wish to "trip it on the light fantastic toe;" but to my astonishment, a young man and woman stepped into the middle of the room, and began to jig to the sounds of the guitar, sounds not to be equalled except by the filing of a saw, or the boisterous singing of the performer. this i was told was a _bolero_. they danced about five minutes, and were relieved by two others. in this manner the diversion was kept up until after midnight, with the assistance of cider, _chicha de mansana_, _chicha de mutilla_, bad wine, and some brandy made from the wild grape of the country. a hot supper closed the scene, and we retired to the beds prepared for us at the different houses. the following morning after breakfast we mounted our horses, and having crossed the river at a ford, pursued our route to nacimiento, which is a small village surrounded by a wall with four brass guns. the greater part of the inhabitants are indians, and apparently very poor. we spent the night at the house of the curate, but not so agreeably as we passed the preceding one at the mills. on the next day we went on to santa juana, another frontier town, standing on an island formed by the river dividing itself into two branches for the space of about half a mile and again uniting. this river is the bio-bio, and may with propriety be called the northern boundary of chile. the towns on the south side of the bio-bio are under great risk of being sacked by the indians, and are merely kept as advanced posts by the spaniards. we rested one day at santa juana, and returned by a different road to nacimiento, from thence to the carampangue mills, and the day after to arauco, having spent seven days in this most agreeable excursion. i was exceedingly surprized at being informed that war had been declared between england and spain; and in a few days afterwards i received orders to proceed to conception. i remained at the house of my friend don nicolas del rio, until my departure, enjoying every day more and more the kind hospitality of this worthy south american and his excellent family, whom i left with the most sincere regret, impressed with the idea that i should never see any of them again. i was, however, deceived, for after a lapse of seventeen years we met under circumstances which enabled me to repay a part of their kindness. chapter iii. account of cultivation of farms, &c. in araucania....thrashing, &c....produce ....cattle....locality....topographical divisions....government (indian)....laws and penalties....military system....arms, standards, &c....division of spoil....treaty of peace....religion....marriages....funerals....spanish cities founded in araucania....ideas on new colonies....commerce. the plough used by the creoles and spaniards and adopted by the indians is a piece of crooked wood, generally part of the trunk and one of the principal branches of a tree. the portion which is intended to move the soil, for it cannot properly be called ploughing, is about five feet long and six inches broad. one end is pointed and sometimes charred; at the other a handle rises about three feet high, forming with the bottom piece an obtuse angle, greater or less according to the will of the maker, or the chance of finding a piece of wood suitable for the purpose. one end of the beam is inserted at the angle and is supported about the middle of the lower part of the plough by a piece of wood passing through it into a mortise made in the lower part, where it is secured, as well as in the beam, by small wedges. the removal of those in the beam serves to raise or depress it for the purpose of making the furrow deeper or shallower. the beam is from ten to twelve feet long, the one end fastened as already mentioned, and the other lashed to the yoke, which is tied with thongs just behind the horns of the bullock. instead of harrows they use a bunch of thorns, generally of the _espino_. one would imagine that this rude implement had been found in the hands of the indians at the time the country was discovered; but according to townsend's description of the plough used in some parts of spain, it was one of the improvements carried to america by the earliest settlers. indeed, rude as it is, it is seen in every part of south america which i visited, having in some places the addition of a piece of flat iron, about a foot long and pointed at one end, attached by thongs to that of the lower part of the plough, and called _reja_: probably from the verb _rajar_, to split or divide. when a farmer selects a piece of ground for cultivation he cuts down the trees, with which he makes a fence by laying them around the field. he then ploughs or breaks the ground, sows his wheat or barley, and harrows it in with a bunch of thorns: here the cares of husbandry cease until harvest. the corn is now cut, tied into sheaves, and carried to the thrashing floor, where it is trodden out by a drove of mares, which are driven round at a full gallop, till the straw becomes hard, when it is turned over, and the trampling repeated two or three times, so as to break the straw into pieces of two inches long. at this stage it is supposed that the grain is freed from the ears. the whole is shaken with large forks, made of wood or forked branches of trees; the chaff and grain fall to the ground, and are formed into a heap, which is thrown up into the air with shovels. the wind blows away the chaff, and the grain remains on the floor. it is now put into sacks made of bullocks' hides, placed on the backs of mules, and carried to the owner's house; but not before the tythe or _diesmo_ has been paid, and one bushel, _primicia_, to the parson. the straw is occasionally preserved for the horses in the rainy season; at other times it is burnt or left to rot. for a thrashing floor a piece of ground is selected, and having been swept and cleared, is enclosed with a few poles and canes. it is seldom used twice, and the size is proportioned to the quantity of corn to be trodden out. maize, sometimes called indian corn, is cultivated in great quantities in this as well as in every other part of south america. four varieties are to be found here, all of which are very productive and much appreciated. it is sown in lines or rows, two, three, or four plants standing together, at the distance of half a yard from the other clusters. each stem produces from two to four cobs, and some of them are twelve inches long. the indians prepare the maize for winter, whilst in the green state, by boiling the cobs, from the cores of which are taken the grain, which is dried in the sun and kept for use. it is called _chuchoca_, and when mixed with some of their hashes or stews is very palatable. another preparation is made by cutting the corn from the core of the green cobs, and bruising it between two stones until it assumes the consistency of paste, to which sugar, butter and spices, or only salt is added. it is then divided into small portions, which are enclosed separately within the inner leaf of the cob or ear and boiled. these cakes are called _umitas_. the dry boiled maize, _mote_, and the toasted, _cancha_, are used by the indians instead of bread. one kind of maize, _curugua_, is much softer when roasted, and furnishes a flour lighter, whiter, and in greater quantity than any other kind. this meal mixed with water and a little sugar is esteemed by all classes of people. if the water be hot the beverage is called _cherchan_, if cold _ulpo_. m. bomare considers the maize as indigenous to asia alone, and c. durante to turkey; but solis, zandoval, herrera and others prove that it was found at the discovery of the new world in the west indies, mexico, peru and chile. indeed i have opened many of the graves, _huacas_, of the indians, and observed maize in them, which was beyond all doubt buried before the conquest or discovery of this country. there are two kinds of _quinua_, a species of chenopodium. the seed of the one is reddish, bitter, and used only as a medicine. the other is white, and is frequently brought to table. when boiled it uncurls and has the appearance of fine vermicelli. it is sometimes boiled in soup, and is also made into a kind of pudding, seasoned with onions, garlic, pepper, &c. of the bean, _phaseolus_, they have several kinds, which are grown in abundance, constituting both in a green and dried state a great part of the support of the lower classes of creoles and indians. the bean is indigenous, and was cultivated before the arrival of the spaniards. seven or eight varieties of potatoe of an excellent quality are raised, and in some shape or other introduced to every table and almost at every meal. indeed chile is considered by many naturalists to be the native soil of this vegetable. the small potatoes are often preserved by boiling them and drying them in the sun, or among the cordilleras covering them with ice, until they assume a horny appearance. when used they are broken into small pieces, soaked in water, and added to many of their stews. a species called _pogny_ is very bitter, and is considered, with probability, to be poisonous. for use it is soaked in water till the bitterness is removed, then dried, and sometimes reduced to powder, called _chuno_. for food it is prepared like arrow root, which it resembles. they have the white and the yellow flowered gourd. of the former, generally called calabashes, there are about twenty varieties, but only two of them are sweet and eatable. however, the bitter kinds are remarkably serviceable, for when dried and cleaned their shells are substitutes for dishes, bowls, platters, bottles, tubs, or trays. the largest serve the purposes of barrels for water, cider, and other liquids, as well as baskets for fruit, butter and eggs. they are sometimes very curiously cut and stained, and for certain uses bound or tipped with silver. the yellow flowered, known to us by the name of pumpkin or pompion, and here called _zapallo_, are excellent food, whether cooked with meat as a vegetable, or made into custard with sugar and other ingredients. that the gourd is a native of south america seems to be supported by several striking circumstances. the seeds and shells are found in the graves, or _huacas_; the plant was universally met with among the different tribes of indians at the time of their discovery; almagro states that on his passage down the maranon some of the indians had calabashes to drink with; and lastly, those who bring their produce from the woods of maynas to cusco, quito and other places, always use gourd shells. the pimento, guinea, or cayenne pepper, _capsicum_, is much cultivated and valued by the natives, who season their food with it. although at first very pungent and disagreeable, strangers gradually habituate themselves to, and become fond of it. there are several varieties. i have been thus particular in mentioning these indigenous plants, because from the slender or exaggerated accounts given to the public no perfect idea can be formed of the native productions of this country. european vegetables prosper extremely well in araucania, and abundance of them are to be seen in every garden. in some parts of the araucanian territory there is a great stock of horned cattle, which is well grown, and often tolerably fat. the beef is savoury, owing perhaps to the prevalence of aromatic herbs, more particularly a species of venus' comb, called by the indians _loiqui lahuen_, by the spaniards _alfilerilla_; and trefoil, _gualputa_. there is no scarcity of sheep; but pigs are not much bred, as the indians are averse from eating their flesh: a prejudice which has supplied some fanatical priests with a reason for considering the natives of jewish extraction! turkeys, barn door fowls and ducks thrive extremely well. i never saw any geese here, and though they may be found in other parts, the indians have a dislike to them for food. the tract of country which may be properly called araucania extends from the river bio-bio in 36° 44´ south latitude, to valdivia in 39° 38´, the province of conception bounding it on the north, and the _llanos_ or plains of valdivia on the south. the cordillera forms the eastern limit, and the pacific the western. it is divided into four governments, or tetrachates, called _uthal mapus_:--1. _lauguen mapu_, the maritime country; 2, _lelbun mapu_, the plain country; 3, _mapire mapu_, the foot of the cordilleras; 4, _pire mapu_, the andes. each tetrachate is again divided into nine _allaregues_, or provinces, and these are subdivided into nine _regues_, or districts. this division existed prior to the arrival of the spaniards, but the date of its establishment is unknown. it evinces, however, more wisdom than civilized countries are willing to allow to what they term barbarous tribes, who no doubt return this compliment, by adjudging those nations to be barbarous who observe any rules or laws different from their own. such is the common characteristic of civilization and uncivilization! but can that country be called barbarous which, although its code of laws is not written on vellum, or bound in calf, has an established mode of government for the administration of justice and the protection of property? the araucanians have ever been a warlike race, and yet their government is aristocratical. they are prompt to resent an insult, but they possess virtues of a private and public nature, which deny to civilization its exclusive pretensions to patriotism, friendship or hospitality. the four _uthalmapus_ are governed by four _toquis_, or tetrachs, who are independent of each other in the civil administration of their respective territories, but confederated for the general good of the whole country. the apo-ulmenes are subordinate governors of provinces, under the respective toquis; and the ulmenes, the prefects of the counties, or districts, are dependent on the apo-ulmenes. all these dignities are hereditary in the male line, attending to primogeniture, but when there is no lineal male descendant of the person reigning, the vassals enjoy the privilege of electing a new governor from among themselves, and on reporting their choice to the toquis, they immediately order it to be acknowledged. the badge of a toqui is a battle-axe; that of an apo-ulmen a staff, or baton, with a ball of silver on the top, and a ring of the same metal round the middle: the ulmen has the baton without the ring. to the hypothetical historian this aristocracy in the most southern limits of the new, so similar to the military aristocracy of the dukes, the counts, and the marquises in the northern parts of the old world, would prove that the latter was peopled by migrations from the former, at a time beyond the reach of record, or even of oral tradition. the araucanian code of laws is traditionary, (composed of primordial usages, or tacit conventions, formed in such general councils as are yet assembled by the toquis in cases of emergency) and is called _aucacoyog_. molina, ulloa, and other writers are silent upon the curious fact of the possession by this people of the _quipus_, or peruvian mode of knotting coloured threads as a substitute for writing or hieroglyphics. that they do possess this art at the present day, the following narrative will testify. in 1792 a revolution took place near valdivia, and on the trial of several of the accomplices, marican,[1] one of them, declared, "that the signal sent by lepitrarn was a piece of wood, about a quarter of a yard long, and considerably thick; that it had been split, and was found to contain the finger of a spaniard; that it was wrapped round with thread, having a fringe at one end made of red, blue, black, and white worsted; that on the black were tied by lepitrarn, four knots, to intimate that it was the fourth day after the full moon when the bearer left paquipulli; that on the white were ten knots, indicating that ten days after that date the revolution would take place; that on the red was to be tied by the person who received it a knot, if he assisted in the revolt, but if he refused, he was to tie a knot on the blue and red joined together: so that according to the route determined on by lepitrarn he would be able to discover on the return of his _chasqui_, or herald, how many of his friends would join him; and if any dissented, he would know who it was, by the place where the knot uniting the two threads was tied." thus it is very probable, that the toquis of araucania preserve their records by means of the quipus, instead of relying on oral tradition. the principal crimes of this people are murder, adultery, robbery and witchcraft. if a murderer compound the matter with the nearest relations of the deceased, he escapes punishment. such is also the case in robbery and adultery; the composition in robbery being restitution of property stolen; in adultery, maintenance of the woman. witchcraft is always punished with death. in murder, however, retaliation is generally called in to decide; and in most instances the injured relatives collect their friends, enter and despoil the territory or premises of the aggressor. these _malocas_, as they are stiled, are sources of great confusion. when a general council has resolved to make war, one of the toquis is usually appointed by his brethren to take the command in chief; but should the four agree to nominate any other individual in the state, he becomes duly elected, and assumes the toquis' badge, a war axe--the four toquis laying down their insignia and authority during the war. the person thus elected is sole dictator. he appoints his subalterns, and is implicitly obeyed by all ranks. war being determined on, and the toqui chosen, he immediately sends his messengers, _werquenis_, with the signal; and as all araucanians are born soldiers of the state, the army is soon collected at the rendezvous assigned. the arms of the infantry are muskets, which from the spaniards they have learned to use with great dexterity, though bows and arrows, slings, clubs and pikes are their proper weapons. they have also their cavalry, in imitation of their conquerors; and, possessed of a good and ample breed of horses, are very excellent riders. the arms of this branch of their force are swords and lances, their system being to come to close quarters with the enemy as soon as possible. their standards have a fine pointed star in the centre, generally white, in a field of bluish green, which is their favourite colour. military uniforms are not used, but a species of leather dress is worn under their ordinary clothing, to defend the body from arrow, pike and sword wounds. this is doubtless of modern invention, for before the arrival of the spaniards they had no animal of sufficient size to afford hides large or thick enough for such a purpose. the whole of the provisions of an araucanian army consist of the _machica_, or meal of parched grain. each individual provides himself with a small bag full, which diluted with water furnishes him with sustenance until he can quarter on the enemy, an object of the last importance to the leaders. in the camp or resting-place every soldier lights a fire: a practice which during the first wars with the spaniards (so beautifully recorded by ercilla in his araucania) often deceived the enemy as to their numbers. what robertson says in praise of the chileans must be wholly ascribed to the araucanians, in order to avoid the confusion which would be created were we to consider the present inhabitants of chile as the persons spoken of by that author. after a general action or a skirmish the booty taken is equally divided among the individuals who were at the capture. they judiciously consider that rank and honours repay the leaders, and that a larger share of the booty would probably induce them to be more attentive to spoil than to conquest, to personal good than to national welfare: a policy worthy of the imitation of all nations. abbé molina, in his history of chile, speaks of sacrifices after an action; but although i inquired, when at arauco in the year 1803, and more particularly in the province of valdivia in 1820, i never could obtain any account from the natives which gave the least countenance to this assertion. it is possible, however, that during the first wars with the spaniards the barbarous proceedings of the latter to the captured indians gave rise to a retaliation which was confounded with sacrifice. among the religious ceremonies of araucania human sacrifices are decidedly not included. the independent spirit of the araucanians prevents their ever sueing for peace. the first overtures have always been made by the spaniards, who are the only nation with which they have contended; for although the inca yupanqui invaded chile about the year 1430, the northern limit of his acquired territory was, according to garcilaso, the river maule. when the proposals are accepted by the indians, or rather by the commanding toqui, he lays down his insignia, which the four toquis of the uthalmapus resume, and accompanied by the apo-ulmenes and principal officers of the army, they adjourn to some appointed plain, generally between the rivers bio-bio and duqueco. the two contending chiefs, with their respective interpreters, meet, and the araucanian claiming the precedence, speaks first, and is answered by the spaniard. if the terms offered to the indians meet their approbation, the baton of the spanish chief, and the war axe of the toqui are tied together, crowned with a bunch of _canelo_, and placed on the spot where the conference was held. the articles of the treaty are written, but agreed to rather than signed, and they generally state the quantity and quality of the presents which the indians are to receive. the negociation ends in eating, drinking, riot and confusion. raynal, treating of the araucanians, says--"as these araucanians are not embarrassed by making war, they are not apprehensive of its duration, and hold it as a principle never to sue for peace, the first overtures for which are always made by the spaniards." their religion is very simple. they have a supreme being, whom they call _pillian_, and who is at the head of a universal government, which is the prototype of their own. pillian is the great invisible toqui, and has his apo-ulmenes and his ulmenes, to whom he assigns different situations in the government, and entrusts the administration of certain affairs in this world. _meulen_, the genius of good and the friend of mankind, and wencuba that of evil, and the enemy of man, are the two principal subordinate deities. epunamun is their genius of war; but it appears that he is seldom invoked as a protector, being only the object by which they swear to fight, destroy, &c. these three may be considered their apo-ulmenes; and their ulmenes are a race of genii, who assist the good meulen in favour of mortals, and defend their interests against the enormous power of the wicked wencuba. the araucanians have no places of worship, no idols, no religious rites. they believe that as their god and his genii need not the worship of men, they do not require it; that they are not desirous of imposing a tribute or exacting a service, except for the good or interest of their servants; and that they thus resemble the toquis and ulmenes, who can call upon them to fight for their country and their liberties, but for no personal offices. they, nevertheless, invoke the aid of the good meulen, and attribute all their evils to the influence of the wicked wencuba. the spanish government has taken great pains to establish the christian religion among the different tribes of indians in south america, and for the education of missionaries for the conversion of the araucanians a convent of franciscan friars, called de propaganda fide, is established at chillan. these individuals, however, are chiefly natives of spain, and being ordained presbyters can easily obtain a mission; and as pecuniary emoluments are attached to the employment, the order has always endeavoured to preclude americans. there are also minor convents at arauco, los angeles and valdivia. as the missionaries only require the young indians to learn a few prayers, attend mass on particular days, and confess themselves once a year, they make some proselytes; but in the year 1820, when the spanish government was overthrown at valdivia, the indians immediately accused their missionaries of being enemies to the newly-established system, and requested their removal. another proof of dislike to the priests, if not to the religion, is, that they are generally massacred when any revolution takes place among the indians. such was the case in 1792 at rio-bueno.[2] according to the confessions of those who were taken and tried upon that occasion, their plan was to burn all the missions, and murder the missionaries. witchcraft and divination are firmly believed by the araucanians. any accident that occurs to an individual or family is attributed to the agency of the former, and for a due discovery they consult the latter. particular attention is paid to omens, such as the flight of birds, and dreams. these are either favourable or otherwise according to the bird seen, or the direction of its flight, &c. an araucanian who fears not his foe on the field of battle, nor the more dreadful hand of the executioner, will tremble at the sight of an owl. they have also their ghosts and hobgoblins: but is there any nation on earth so far removed from credulity as not to keep the araucanians in countenance in these matters? the belief of a future state and the immortality of the soul is universal among the indians of south america. the araucanians agree with the rest in expecting an eternal residence in a beautiful country, to which all will be transferred. pillian is too good to inflict any punishment after death for crimes committed during life. they believe that the soul will enjoy the same privileges in a separate state which it possessed whilst united to the body. thus the husband will have his wives, but without any spiritual progeny, for the new country must be peopled with the spirits of the dead. like the ancients, they have their ferryman, or rather ferrywoman, to transport them thither. she is called _tempulagy_, being an old woman who takes possession of the soul after the relations have mourned over the corpse, and who conveys it over the seas to the westward, where the land of expectation is supposed to exist. when an indian becomes enamoured of a female, or wishes to marry her, he informs her father of his intention, and if his proposals be accepted, the father at a time agreed upon sends his daughter on a pretended errand. the bridegroom with some of his friends is secreted on the route she has to take: he seizes the girl, and carries her to his house, where not unfrequently her father and his friends have already arrived to partake of the nuptial feast, and receive the stipulated presents, which consist of horses, horned cattle, maize, ponchos, &c. the ceremony is concluded by the whole party drinking to excess. on the death of an individual the relations and friends are summoned to attend, and weep or mourn. the deceased is laid on a table, and dressed in the best apparel he possessed when alive. the females walk round the body, chaunting in a doleful strain a recapitulation of the events of the life of the person whose death they lament; whilst the men employ themselves in drinking. on the second or third day the corpse is carried to the family burying place, which is at some distance from the house, and generally on an eminence. it is laid in a grave prepared for the purpose. if the deceased be a man, he is buried with his arms, and sometimes a horse, killed for the occasion: if a woman, she is interred with a quantity of household utensils. in both cases a portion of food is placed in the grave to support them and the _tempulagy_, or ferrywoman, on their journey to the other country. earth is thrown on the body, and afterwards stones are piled over it in a pyramidal form. a quantity of cider or other fermented liquor is poured upon the tomb; when, these solemn rites being terminated, the company return to the house of the deceased to feast and drink. black is here as in europe the colour used for mourning. the indians never believe that death is owing to natural causes, but that it is the effect of sorcery and witchcraft. thus on the death of an individual, one or more diviners are consulted, who generally name the enchanter, and are so implicitly believed, that the unfortunate object of their caprice or malice is certain to fall a sacrifice. the number of victims is far from being inconsiderable. in my description of araucania i have in some measure followed molina's ingenious work; but i have not ventured to state any thing which i did not see myself, or learn from the indians, or persons residing among them. the spaniards founded seven cities in araucania. the imperial, built in 1552 by don pedro valdivia, generally called the conqueror of chile, is situated at the confluence of the two rivers cantin and las damas, 12 miles from the sea, in an extremely rich and beautiful country, enjoying the best soil and climate in araucania. in 1564 pius iv. made it a bishop's see, which was removed to conception in 1620. in 1599 it was taken and destroyed by the indians, and has never been rebuilt. the site at present belongs to the _lauguen mapu_, or tetrachate of the coast. villarica was also founded by valdivia in 1552, on the shore of the great lake sauquen, 65 miles from the sea. it was destroyed by the toqui palliamachu, and its site forms part of the tetrachate of the _mapire mapu_. report speaks of rich gold mines in the environs of the ground where villarica stood and from which it took its name. the climate is cold, owing to the vicinity of the cordillera. valdivia bears the name of its founder. of this city i shall have occasion hereafter to give a circumstantial account. angol, or la frontera, was established by pedro valdivia in the year 1553. it was razed by the indians in 1601, and has since remained in ruins. it is now in reality the frontier, though valdivia little surmised that it would be so when he founded it. the river bio-bio bounded it on the south side, and a small rapid stream on the north. the soil and climate are excellent, and the situation was well chosen for a city. cañete was founded in 1557 by don garcia hurtado de mendosa, and destroyed during the first long-contested war with the araucanians, by the toqui antiguenu. it was built on the site where valdivia was defeated and slain, and now forms part of the _lelbum mapu_ tetrachate. osorno is the most southern city in south america, being in 40° 20´, at the distance of 24 miles from the sea, and 212 south of conception. it was founded in 1559 by don garcia hurtado de mendosa, and destroyed by the indians in 1599. it was again founded on the old site, on the banks of rio-bueno, by don ambrose higgins, who was afterwards president and captain general of chile, and promoted to the vice-royalty of peru. charles iv. conferred on higgins the title of marquis of osorno, as a reward for his services in araucania. the first supreme director of the chilean republic, don bernardo o'higgins, was the natural son of don ambrose. conception is the seventh city founded by the spaniards, but as it is not included in the araucanian territory i shall defer any description of it for the present. cesares is a place about which much has been said and written. i have in my possession original mss. relating to it, a translation of which will be published. in all the treaties between the spaniards and the indians one of the principal articles has been, that the latter were to oppose with force of arms the establishment of any foreign colony in their territory. this stipulation they obeyed in 1638, at the island of mocha, where they murdered the remains of a crew of dutchmen, who went to take possession of that island after their ship had been wrecked by bad weather; and also when the dutch admiral henry brun attempted in 1643 to form a settlement at valdivia, and met with the same fate: a fate, however, which might have been occasioned by the natural hatred entertained at that period by the natives against all foreigners who attempted to obtain possession of any part of their country. this jealousy and hatred of europeans has always been promoted by the spaniards, whom the indians stile _chiape_, vile soldier; but all other foreigners they call _moro winca_: winca signifying an assassin, and moro a moor. these epithets proceed from the same source; for the spaniards are in the habit of calling all who are not of their own religion either jews or moors, thus wishing to impress upon the minds of the indians that all foreigners are worse than themselves! notwithstanding the late wars, caused by the revolution of the colonies, have tended very materially to civilize the araucanians, the greater part of them joined the spaniards against the creoles, or patriot forces; but the ejection of the last remains of the spanish soldiers from araucania in 1822 has induced the indians to despise them for what they call their cowardice. the new government of chile have not availed themselves of this favourable opportunity to conciliate the indians, by soliciting their friendship, or, after the manner of the spaniards, acquiring it at the price of presents. thus the araucanians, having become accustomed to some species of luxuries, find themselves deprived of them by the fall of the spanish system in chile, and the nonconformity of the new institutions to the old practices; and thus a chasm has been formed that might be filled by a colony from some other nation, which by attention and courtesy to the indians might conciliate their good will and obtain from them whatever was solicited. kindness makes an indelible impression upon the minds of most uncivilized people, while ill-treatment exasperates and drives them to revengeful extremities. the existence of gold mines in araucania is undoubted, although they are not regularly wrought. i have seen fine specimens of ore, some of which were procured from the indians, and others found by accident in the ravines. the soil and climate are very good, and in some parts both are excellent for grain, pasturage and european fruits. in trade little could be done at present; but should the indians become acquainted with the use of those commodities which produce real comforts to society, i have no doubt that white and greenish blue flannels, salt, sugar, tobacco, bridle-bits, knives, axes, hatchets, nails, buttons, glass beads and other trinkets would be exchanged for hides, ponchos, and some gold. the ponchos, particularly those of good quality called _balandranes_, would find a ready market in peru or chile. this interesting part of south america is less known than any other accessible portion. others are less known, but they are interior countries, lying between the range of the andes and buenos ayres, paraguay, brazils and colombia--immense tracts of the earth kept in reserve for the speculations of coming ages! but araucania, from its locality, climate, and productions, appears destined to become one of the first and fairest portions of the new world; and should the eyes of philanthropical speculators be directed to its shores, their capitals would be more secure in the formation of new establishments than in loans to many of the old. footnotes: [1] original manuscript, in the possession of the author, found among the archives at valdivia. [2] original ms. from the archives at valdivia. chapter iv. valdivia....port....fortifications....river....city-foundation ....revolutions....inhabitants....garrison....government....rents and resources....churches....exiles....missions in the province of valdivi....war with the indians and possession of osorno....extract from a letter in the araucanian tongue, and translation. the following account of the city and province of valdivia is partly extracted from mss. in my possession, found in the archives of that city. valdivia, situated in 39° 50´ south latitude, and in longitude 73° 28´, is one of the best ports on the western shores of south america: it is also the strongest, both from its natural position and its fortifications. the mouth of the harbour is narrow, and the san carlos battery on the small promontory on the south, with that of niebla on the north side, commands the entrance, their balls crossing the passage. there are likewise on the south side the batteries amargos, the high and low chorocamayo, and at the bottom of the bay the castle corral, commanding the anchorage. in the small island of mansera is a battery for the protection of the mouth of the river leading to the city, besides an advanced post on the south side at aguada del ingles, and two, la avansada and el piojo, on the north. at the taking of valdivia by lord cochrane in 1820, one hundred and eighteen pieces of cannon, of eighteen and twenty-four pounds calibre, were found mounted. some of them were beautiful brass pieces, particularly two eighteens at mansera, which measured eleven feet in length, were handsomely carved and embossed, and bore the date of 1547. his lordship sent them to valparaiso, where i had the mortification to see them broken up and converted into grape shot, by the orders of governor crus; who thus deprived chile of a noble monument of her naval glory, and chilean posterity of the pleasure of viewing, as their property, part of those engines brought from the old, for the purpose of enslaving the new world! the anchorage is good, being most completely sheltered, and capable of holding a great number of ships. on the north side of the harbour is the river, which leads to the city. its banks are covered with trees, suitable for ship-building and many other purposes. among them are the white and red cedar, _alerces_; the _pellinos_, a species of oak, and the _luma_. the river abounds with fish, particularly the _pege rey_, the _lisa_, and the _bagre_. at its mouth are caught _robalo_, _corbina_, _choros_, _xaiba_ and _apancoras_. the city of valdivia stands on the south side of the river, and is sixteen miles from the port. on the left, ascending the river, are some few remains of the dutch settlements. the natives call them _hornos de los olandeses_; supposing that henry brun's vessels anchored here, and that these ruins are the wrecks of the ovens built by the dutch for the purpose of baking their bread. the tradition is quite incredible, for vessels cannot enter the river, there not being above four feet water in some places, and the channel being so extremely narrow, that a launch cannot pass. indeed at low water the large canoes of the inhabitants have to wait for the tide. the city was built in 1553, and bears the name of its founder. the indians took it from the spaniards in 1599, and destroyed it in 1603, when the inhabitants fled to the port, from whence some of them passed to chile. in 1642 the marquis of mansera, viceroy of peru, sent the colonel don alonzo de villanueva as governor, with orders to capture the city, which he effected by a singular ruse de guerre. landing to the southward of valdivia, he introduced himself alone among the indians, with whom he remained two years, and having gained the confidence and esteem of some of the caciques, he solicited them to appoint him their governor in valdivia; assuring them that such an election would produce a reconciliation with the spaniards, and insure the annual presents. this request was acceded to; and in 1645 the city was rebuilt and repeopled. some of the inhabitants are descendants of noble european families, but the greater part are those of officers and soldiers who have been sent at different times to garrison the place; some are indians, and a few slaves. the population amounted to 953 in 1765, and in 1820 to 741: a decrease attributable to the emigration to osorno, and to many being employed in the armies of the contending parties. this census does not include the garrison, which in 1765 consisted of 249 individuals, and in 1820, when taken by lord cochrane, of 829, besides a remainder of 780 of the royal army. under the spanish regime the government was administered by a military officer, dependent on the president and captain-general of chile; but in 1813 the inhabitants declared themselves independent of all spanish authority. they however restored the old government in the year following, and submitted to it until 1820, when valdivia was incorporated with the republic of chile. for the support of valdivia a _situado_ was annually sent from the royal treasuries of lima and santiago. in the year 1807 this remittance amounted to 159,439 dollars, and according to the original statement was distributed as follows:- staff expenses 10210 ecclesiastical state 10530 military expenses 89846 workmen 1512 presents to caciques 306 ----- 112404 ----- supernumeraries 3365 building and repairs of } fortifications, hospital, &c.} 18670 provisions for exiles, &c. 25000 ----- total 159439 ====== in 1765 the _situado_ was 50992 dollars, and in 1646 it was only 28280. whilst the spaniards held valdivia the resources of its government were very limited. being a close port all foreign commerce was prohibited, and the few taxes collected in the whole province, including the diesmo, never exceeded 500 dollars. in the city there is a parish church, another belonging to the franciscan convent of missionaries, formerly of the jesuits, and a chapel appertaining to the hospital of san juan de dios. the ecclesiastical department was dependent on the see of conception, but the conventual was a branch of the establishment at chillan, subject to the provincialate of santiago de chile. valdivia was a place of exile, _presidio_, to which convicts were sent from peru and chile. their number was but small, and they were employed in the public works. the province of valdivia extends from the river tolten in 38° to the bueno in 40° 37´ south, and from the andes to the pacific, being about 52 leagues long and 45 wide. the three principal rivers in this province are tolten, bueno and valdivia. their origin is in three separate lakes of the cordillera, from whence they run in a westerly direction, receiving in their progress several smaller streams and emptying themselves into the sea. valdivia river enters the harbour of the same name, which is the only one in the province. this river, after uniting its waters to those of san josef, cayumapu, ayenaguem, putabla, quaqua and angachi, besides a great number of rivulets and estuaries, becomes navigable for canoes of 200 quintals or 20 tons burthen. between the fort cruces and valdivia several small but beautiful islands are found: the principal are realexo, del almuerso, balensuela, el islote, de mota, san francisco, de ramon, de don jaime and del rey, which is the largest, being about seven leagues in circumference. there are besides a great number of smaller ones. in all the streams and ravines in the neighbourhood of the city and port are to be seen the vestiges of gold washings, _labaderos_, which are at present totally neglected. after heavy rains grains of gold as large as peas are often found, but there are no accounts in the treasury of the working of any mines since the year 1599, when the first revolution of the indians took place, and the city fell into their hands. at valdivia i saw two chalices made of the gold thus accidentally collected. "tolten el bajo is the northernmost mission. situated between the rivers tolten and chaqui, it extends about four miles along the sea coast, and is one of the largest missions, _reducciones_, in the province, containing about 800 indians. the tolten rises in the lake villarica. it has no port, but is navigable with canoes; being too deep to be fordable, it has a bridge, which gives the indians the command of the road between valdivia and conception. horned cattle and sheep are not scarce here; and maize, peas, beans, potatoes, barley, and a small quantity of wheat are cultivated; but in general the soil is not very fertile. though the indians are more submissive than those of some other missions, they are equally prone to the common vices of drunkenness and indolence. their commerce consists in bartering coarse ponchos for indigo, glass beads, and other trifles. at the annual visit of the _comisario_ a kind of market is held for such traffic: at this visit the indians renew the _parlamento_, or promise of fidelity to the king of spain. the comisario assures them, in a set speech, of the spiritual and temporal advantages which they will derive from remaining faithful to their king; and the cacique, having in a formal harangue acknowledged his conviction of the truth of this assurance, the indians, being on horseback, make a skirmish with their lances and wooden swords, _macanas_, and, riding up to the comisario, alight, and point their arms to the ground, in sign of peace, which is all they ever promise. they worship pillian, and their ceremonies are the same as those of the rest of the araucanian nation: for although they call themselves christians, their religion is reduced to the ceremony of attending at mass, &c. "querli extends from purulacu to the river meguin, being about 18 miles, and containing 70 indians. their commerce is an exchange of coarse ponchos, sheep and hogs, for indigo, beads, &c. "chanchan, which extends about 12 miles, contains 40 indians, produces maize, peas, beans, barley, and a little wheat. owing to the vicinity of the fort de cruces the indians are more docile and domesticated. "mariquina is about 54 miles in circumference, and contains 110 indians. the soil is good, and there is an abundance of apples, some pears and cherries. "chergue is 42 miles long and 4 broad. it contains 135 indians. its produce and commerce are similar to those of the places above mentioned. "huanigue is situated near the cordillera, on the banks of lake ranigue, the source of the river valdivia. this lake is about 20 miles in circumference, and is rich in fish, particularly _pege_, _reyes_, and a species of trout. in 1729 the indians of this mission revolted, and they have never been sufficiently reconciled to admit of a missionary to offer peace or fealty. the indians of huanigue wear nothing on their heads: for shirts they substitute a species of scapulary, made of raw bullock's hide, covering it with the poncho. they are expert fishers, and pay little attention to the cultivation of the soil, which is very fertile. "villarica. the ruins of this city are yet visible, particularly those of the walls of orchards and of a church. the town stood on the side of a lake, bearing the same name, about 25 miles in circumference, and abounding with fish. the soil is very fertile, and the indians raise maize, potatoes, _quinua_, peas, beans, barley and wheat. apple, pear, peach and cherry-trees are seen growing where they were planted by the spaniards before the destruction of the city. the indians neither admit missionaries nor comisario. they have all kinds of cattle and poultry, which they exchange with other tribes for ponchos, flannels, &c. being very averse to trade with the spaniards. "ketate and chadqui, containing about 280 indians, are at the distance of 34 leagues from valdivia. there is plenty of fruit, vegetables and cattle; the soil is good, and the inhabitants docile; subject to missionaries and comisario. "dongele, or tolten alto, is on the banks of a rapid river of the same name. it is distant from valdivia 120 miles, and possesses a rich soil, productive of maize, peas and other pulse, fruit and cattle: there are 80 indians of manageable habits. "calle-calle and chinchilca, 45 miles from valdivia, contain some small fertile vallies. the maize grown here is very large; indeed all the vegetable productions are good, and the meat from their cattle is fat and well-tasted. they have 70 peaceable indians, who receive missionaries and comisario. "llanos is the most fruitful part of the province of valdivia. it is about 48 miles long, from tunco to the lake rames, and on an average 15 broad. it produces wheat of an excellent quality, barley, all kinds of pulse, and fruit. the beef and mutton are very fat and savoury. the number of indians residing in the llanos is 430. they are docile, and not so drunken and indolent as other tribes. from a place called tenguelen to another, guequenua, there are many vestiges of gold mines, _labaderos_, where at some remote period a great number of persons must have been employed in mining, which is at present entirely neglected."[3] as any authentic accounts of this almost unknown but highly interesting country cannot fail to be acceptable, i shall here introduce some extracts from the journal kept by don tomas de figueroa y caravaca, during the revolution of the indians in the year 1792, figueroa being the person who commanded the spanish forces sent against the indians by the government of valdivia. "october 3d i left valdivia with an armed force of 140 men, and the necessary ammunition and stores. we ascended the river pichitengelen, and the following morning landed at an appointed place, where horses and mules were in readiness to convey us to dagllipulli; but the number of horses and mules not being sufficient, i left part of our baggage and provisions behind, under guard, and proceeded with the rest to tegue, about six leagues distant, where we arrived in the afternoon, and owing to the badness of the road did not reach dagllipulli before the 6th. i encamped; and being informed in the afternoon, that some of the rebels were in the neighbourhood, with a party of picked soldiers and horse i scoured the woods, and burned twelve indians' houses, filled with grain and pulse. after securing what i considered useful for ourselves, i followed the indians in the road they had apparently taken towards rio-bueno, but on my arrival i learnt that they had crossed the river in their canoes. i therefore immediately returned to dagllipulli. on the 10th the caciques calfunguir, auchanguir, manquepan, and pailapan came to our camp, and offered to assist me against the rebels cayumil, qudpal, tangol, trumau, and all those on the other side of rio-bueno.--13th. an indian who had been taken declared to me that the cacique manquepan was acting a double part, he having seen him go to the enemy at night with his _mosotones_.--16th. burnt twenty-four houses belonging to the indians, and seized thirty-two bullocks.--19th. i told the cacique calfunguir that i doubted the fidelity of manquepan, and that he had been playing the _chueca_ (a game already described); at night an indian came to my tent and told me that calfunguir had joined manquepan; that both had gone to the rebels, taking with them their mosotones, and that they would probably return immediately, in the hopes of surprising me. however this did not occur; and on the following morning i advanced with part of my force to rio-bueno, but did not arrive until the two caciques had taken to a small island in the river, leaving in my possession a number of horses and cattle. whilst stationed here two indian women were observed to ride full speed towards the river, apparently determined to pass over to the enemy, but some of the friendly indians took one of them, and brought her to me, having killed the other. i questioned her as to her motives for joining the rebels, but received no answer; when the indians observing her obstinacy, put her and a small child which she had in her arms to death. i retired to my camp, taking with me the cattle, &c. left by the enemy on the bank, of rio-bueno.--21st. the traitor manquepan came again to our camp, and having consulted the whole of the friendly caciques as to the punishment which he and his comrades deserved, it was unanimously determined, that he and all those who had come with him as spies should be put to death. i immediately ordered my soldiers to secure them, and having convinced them that i well knew their infamous intentions and conduct, i ordered that manquepan, and the eighteen mosotones who had come with him into our camp as spies, should be shot. this sentence was put in execution in the afternoon of the same day.--29th. we finished a stackade, and mounted four pedereroes at the angles, as a place of security in the event of any unexpected assault. i sent to valdivia forty women and children, captured at different times in the woods.--nov. 1st. three large canoes were brought to our camp, having ordered them to be made, for the purpose of crossing rio-bueno, should the rebels persist in remaining on the opposite banks, or on the islands in the river.--10th. after mass had been celebrated at three a. m. and my soldiers exhorted to do their duty in defence of their holy religion, their king and country, we marched down to the river side, and launched our three canoes, for the purpose of crossing over to one of those islands where the greater number of the rebels appeared to have been collected. i embarked with part of the troops, and arrived on the island without suffering any loss from the stones, lances and shot of the enemy. "having landed, i observed a party of about a hundred indians on mount copigue, apparently determined to attack the division i had left behind, which being observed, the division advanced and routed the rebels.--during the night the indians abandoned their entrenchments on the island, and we took possession of them.--on the 11th, in the morning, i immediately landed part of my force on the opposite shore and pursued the rebels. at eleven a. m. i came up with part of them, commanded by the cacique cayumil, who was killed in the skirmish. i ordered his head to be cut off and buried, being determined to take it on my return to valdivia. we continued to pursue the enemy, and in the course of the day killed twelve indians, one of whom was the wife of the rebel cacique quapul. as it was almost impossible for me to follow the enemy any further, our horses being tired, and it being insecure to remain here, we returned to our camp on the 13th, taking with us 170 head of horned cattle, 700 sheep and 27 horses, which had been abandoned by the fugitives. a female indian was found in the woods, on our return, with a murdered infant in her arms; she declared that her child was crying, and that being fearful of falling into our hands she had destroyed it.--21st. we marched to the banks of the ravé, where i had a _parlamento_ with the caciques catagnala and ignil, who, as a proof of their fidelity, offered to surrender the city and territory of osorno.--22nd. the caciques caril and pallamilla, with ignil and cataguala and all their mosotones, joined us, and we marched towards the ruined city of osorno, and having arrived at the square or _plasa_, i directed the spanish flag to be placed in the centre, and in the presence of all the indians i asked the caciques if they made cession of this city and its territories to his majesty the king: to which they answered they did. i immediately ordered the erection of an altar, and having placed the troops and indians in front, high mass was chaunted by the chaplain; after which i took the spanish flag in my hand, and placing myself between the altar and the troops, called attention, attention, attention, and proclaimed three times osorno, for our lord the king charles the fourth and his successors: to which the priest replied, amen, and the troops and indians gave repeated _vivas_. a discharge of our pedereroes and small arms then took place, and the caciques came forward, and pointing their arms to the ground in token of peace and fidelity, kissed the flag. the remainder of the day was spent in feasting and rejoicing." the above extract affords a fair specimen of the mode of warfare pursued by the spaniards and indians. the following is from a letter written in the araucanian tongue, as it is pronounced:- "ey appo tagni rey valdivia carapee wilmen lonco gneguly mappu ranco fringen. carah nichfringen, fenten tepanlew pepe le pally cerares fringuey caky mappuch hyly eluar rupo gne suniguam caaket pu winca; engu frula dios, gnegi toki el meu marry marry piami jesu cristo gne gi mew piami." translation. "the king's governor of valdivia, to any person who may be at the head of the people or congress of the spaniards supposed to be living at lonco:--assured that some of my dear countrymen are residing in the fear of god among the infidels of the country, i send you health in our lord jesus christ, who is the true health." footnote: [3] where the number of indians has been given it is to be understood as referring to such as are capable of managing a horse and lance and going to war. of these the province of valdivia contains about 2150, and the total indian population is estimated at 10500 souls. chapter v. city of conception de mocha....foundation....situation.... government....tribunals....bishop....military....churches....houses ....inhabitants and dress....provincial jurisdiction....produce ....throwing the _laso_....fruit....timber trees....shrubs....mines ....birds....wild animals....lion hunt....shepherd dogs....breeding capons....return to conception. i left arauco at seven a. m. with two soldiers as guides and guards, for the news having arrived of a declaration of war between england and spain, i was now considered a prisoner. we crossed the carampangy, and about noon reached the small village colcura. its situation is very romantic, being a high promontory, which commands an extensive prospect of the country and the sea, with a distant view of the island santa maria. we dined at the house of the _cura_, who treated me with the greatest attention. we afterwards rode about twelve miles to a large farm house, and became the guests of the family for the night, enjoying the good things provided by the hospitality of these kind people, who welcomed us as though we had conferred rather than received a favour by calling at their dwelling. the following morning, after taking _mate_, we proceeded to san pedro, on the banks of the bio-bio. this is one of the forts built by the spaniards on the frontiers of araucania. it was taken and destroyed by the indians in 1599, but rebuilt by the spaniards in 1622. it is garrisoned by a detachment of troops from conception. during the late troubles in chile it was alternately in the possession of the spanish and patriot forces; but from the year 1819 the latter have kept it in possession. commanding the river where it is most fordable, this fort served as a protection to conception against the combined fury of the spaniards and indians. in the afternoon we crossed the bio-bio, and arrived at conception. the river bio-bio, which is two miles in breadth at san pedro, rises in the cordillera, and enters the sea about five miles to the south of talcahuano, the port of conception, having two mountains at the mouth called _las tetas de bio-bio_, paps of bio-bio. it is navigable by canoes and flats to a considerable distance from the mouth. the finest timber grows on its banks, which the wars of conquest and emancipation have repeatedly deluged with blood! the city of conception de mocha, or penco, the original name of the country where it stands, was founded in the year 1550 by don pedro de valdivia; sacked and burnt by the toqui lautaro in 1553, and again destroyed in 1603. the indians were repulsed by don garcia hurtado de mendoza, and it was rebuilt; but a dreadful earthquake ruined it in 1730, when the sea was driven up to the city and inundated the surrounding country. conception is built on a sandy uneven soil, six miles east of talcahuana, its sea-port, and about one mile north of the bio-bio a small river called the andalien runs through the city, supplying a beautiful fountain in the principal square. according to ulloa its latitude is 36° 43´ 15´´ south, and its longitude 72° 54´. in 1803 the government of this city was in the hands of a governor, nominated by the king, and a _cabildo_, corporation, at the head of which were two alcaldes ordinarios or mayors. the cabildo is formed of eight regidors and four other officers, who are called, de officio, alferes real, royal ensign; alcalde de provincia, provincial alcalde; alguasil mayor, city sheriff; and fiel executor, examiner of weights and measures. each member has an elective vote and a sindico procurador, who has consulting powers.[4] the alcaldes are annually elected by the regidors (without any interference whatever of the governor) out of the resident citizens, with the exception of ecclesiastics, soldiers, and debtors to the crown. if one of the alcaldes die or be absent, the eldest regidor exercises his functions. a demand of justice may be made to the alcalde, but there is an appeal to the audience at santiago, the capital of chile. this court was first established at conception in 1567, but removed to santiago in 1574. for the military department an intendente, _maestre de campo_, and quarter master are provided. here is also a chamber of finances, with an accountant and treasurer. conception is the see of a bishop, that of imperial, as before stated, having been transferred to this city in 1620. it is a suffragan of lima, and its chapter consists of a dean, archdeacon, and four prebendaries. besides the armed militia of the place and province, a regular military force has always been kept up ready to repel any attempt of the araucanians on conception, the frontier towns or forts. since 1819 an army has been stationed here under the command of general freire, upon whom the indians have on one occasion made an attack. they were led by benavides, and passed to talcahuano, where they committed several murders. a new cathedral has been begun, but owing to the convulsed state of the country the work is suspended, and will probably never be resumed. the building is of brick and stone, and possesses some merit. the timber which had been collected for this edifice was applied to other purposes by the spanish general sanches. there are four conventual churches--the franciscan, dominican, agustinian, mercedarian; one nunnery with the avocation of our lady of conception, and the hospital of san juan de dios. the convents are attached to their respective provincialates of santiago. when general sanches retired from conception in 1819, he ordered several of the best houses in the city to be burnt, opened the nunnery, and took the nuns with him, but abandoned them at tucapel, where these victims of a barbarous chief yet remain among the indians, having been persuaded by sanches and some spanish priests, that to return to their home would be treason to their king, the lord's anointed, and subject them to all the miseries temporal and eternal of an excommunication _de ipso facto incurrenda_. the houses are commonly one story high, but some are two, built of _tapia_, mud walls; or _adoves_, large sun-dried bricks, and all of them are tiled. the largest have a court-yard in front, with an entrance through arched porches, and heavy folding doors, having a postern on one side. two small rooms usually complete the front view. the windows have iron gratings, with many parts of them gilt, and inside shutters, but no glass. this article has been too dear, and it is consequently only used in the windows of the principal dwelling apartments of the richer classes. on each side of the court, or _patio_, there are rooms for domestics, the younger branches of the family, and other purposes. in front of the entrance are the principal ones, generally three; a species of large hall, furnished with antique chairs, with leather backs and seats, and one or more clumsy couches to correspond in shape and hardness, a large table made of oak or some similar wood, and very often a few old full-length portraits of persons belonging to the family, hanging in gilt frames. the beams of the roof, which are visible, are not unfrequently ornamented with a profusion of carved work. two folding doors open into the parlour: the side next the front patio is raised about twelve inches above the floor, which is carpetted, and furnished with a row of low stools, covered with crimson velvet, with cushions to match at their feet, and a small table about eighteen inches high, as a work table, or for the convenience of making mate. this portion of the parlour is allotted to the ladies, who sit upon it cross-legged: a custom no doubt derived from the moors. if a gentleman be on familiar terms with the family, he will take a seat on one of the stools on the _estrado_, or cross his legs and sit among the ladies; more especially if he can play on the guitar, or sing, which are the favourite accomplishments. other male visitors, after bowing to the ladies, seat themselves on the opposite side, where chairs are placed to match the stools and cushions. facing the entrance to the parlour is the principal dormitory, with an alcove at the end of the estrado, where a state bed is displayed, ornamented with a profusion of gilt work, and fitted up with velvet, damask, or brocade curtains, and gold or silver lace and fringe. the sheets and pillow cases are of the finest linen, and trimmed with deep lace. not unfrequently one or more silver utensils peep from underneath. it appears as if the whole attention of the females were devoted to this useless pageant, which is only used on the occasion of a birth, when the lady receives the first visits of congratulation. behind this part of the building there is another court, or patio, where the kitchen and other appropriate apartments are situated, and behind the whole is the garden. thus it is not uncommon for a house to occupy fifty yards in front and eighty yards in depth, including the garden. the patios have corridors round them, the roofs of which are supported by wooden pillars. the dwellings of the lower classes are on the same plan, except that they have no courts or patios, the fronts being open to the street; but they have usually a garden at the back, where the kitchen is built separately from the house, as a precaution against fire. in the principal square stand the cathedral and bishop's palace on one side; the barracks with a corridor on another; the governor's palace and its offices on the third, and some of the larger houses on the fourth. the extent of the square is about one hundred yards on each side. the streets cross each other at right angles. the generality of the cities and large towns in south america are built according to this arrangement. among the inhabitants are to be found some families of ancient nobility. the present duke de san carlos, a grandee of the first class, and late spanish ambassador in england, is of the family of the caravajales, and a native of conception. the dress of the men is similar to the european, but either a long spanish cloak or a poncho is worn over it, the latter being generally preferred, particularly for riding--an exercise of which both the ladies and gentlemen are very fond, and in which they excel. the women wear a bodice fancifully ornamented, and over a large round hoop, a plaited petticoat of coloured flannel, black velvet or brocade. in the house they have no head dress, but in the streets, if going to church, the head is covered with a piece of brown flannel, about a yard broad, and two long; if on pleasure or a visit, a black hat similar to the men's is worn, under which a muslin shawl is thrown over the head. many of the young women prefer the _basquiña y manton_, a black silk or stuff petticoat without a hoop, and a black silk or lace veil; but others like the hoop, as it shews their slender waists to advantage. the hair is braided, or platted, hanging in loose tresses down their backs. the ladies are so fond of jewellery that necklaces, ear-rings, bracelets and finger-rings are never dispensed with; and some of the principal wear diamonds and other precious stones of great value. the rosary, too, is a necessary part of the dress of both old and young. during the summer, and in fine weather, the evening is dedicated to a promenade, generally on the banks of the bio-bio, and afterwards to friendly visits. the luxury of harmony and friendship is enjoyed in all its extent. the guitar, the song, the dance and refreshments are to be found in every street. conviviality takes the reins, whilst affection and esteem curb the grosser passions. the climate is similar to that of the southern provinces of france. the winter season is rainy, but not cold; and the heat of the summer sun is moderated by the winds from the south, which are cooled by travelling over the pacific; or by those from the east, which are refreshed by passing over the snowy tops of the cordillera. the jurisdiction of conception extends from the river maule in 34° 50´ to cape lavapies in 37° 10´. in it are the _correginientos_ or prefectures of puchacay and rere. its principal towns and villages are gualqui, san juan, quilpolemu, luanco, villavicencio, comicó, and chillan, which was ruined by the araucanians in 1599, and has not since been a place of much note. the inhabitants of this province consist of a few spaniards, some white creoles, mestizos, a few slaves of different colours, and fewer indians, the aboriginal tribe of promaucians being now extinct. the whites or creoles are a very fine race. the men are well formed, and have regular features and good complexions. the women are generally handsome and remarkably polite. the mestizos can scarcely be distinguished from the whites, and it is perhaps their situation in life, not the uncontroulable accident of birth which constitutes the difference. the greatest blessing to a stranger, hospitality, is the constant inmate, or rather ruler of every house, cottage or cabin; and, contrary to the rites of other hospitable people, who limit this virtue to a stated period, the longer a stranger remains the more kindly is he treated. those who come to visit are often tempted to establish a residence, and may positively call themselves strangers at home. nature has been extremely bountiful to this country. its equable and mild climate, and its rich soil produce every fruit, pulse and vegetable known in europe, if we except some exotics, which have been reared in the more southern latitudes: oranges, lemons, sugar-cane, bananas and sweet potatoes do not thrive here, owing perhaps more to the cold rains in the winter than to any other cause. horned cattle, and horses, of an excellent quality, are in great plenty. the vineyards are numerous and fertile. those near the river maule yield a grape of a very superior taste, from which a large supply of wine is produced for home consumption and for the lima market, where any quantity is acceptable and finds a ready sale. for want of proper vessels, however, a large portion is lost, and the quality of the whole much injured. light wines might be made equal to the best french, and generous ones equal to sherry and madeira. a sort of wine called muscadel far exceeds that of the same name in spain, and is quite as good as frontignac. the simple utensils used are made of baked clay, in which the juice is fermented and the wines preserved, having only a wooden cover. notwithstanding such disadvantages, some of the wines are of remarkably good strength and flavour. their brandy, from a want of proper vessels, is also greatly deteriorated. the vines mostly grow on espaliers, and are not detached stems as in the generality of the european vineyards. excellent wheat is produced in great abundance, the crops yielding from eighty to one hundred fold. very large quantities are annually sent to lima, guayaquil, panama, and chiloe. the average price at conception is ten reals for 216 pounds weight, about five shillings and sixpence; and at lima thirty reals, or sixteen shillings and sixpence. it may be considered the great staple commodity of the country.--barley, maize, _garbansos_, beans, _quinua_, and lentils are also cultivated for exportation, and yield heavy crops. potatoes, radishes and other esculents, as well as all kinds of culinary vegetables and useful herbs are raised in the gardens. the _zapallo_ is very much and justly esteemed, being, when green, equal to asparagus, and when ripe, similar to a good potatoe. it will keep in a dry place for six months. tobacco was formerly grown near the river maule, but the royal monopoly put an end to its cultivation, which on the emancipation of the country will probably again be attended to. the greater portion of these rich lands is appropriated to the breeding and fattening of horned cattle, goats and sheep, and the necessary attendance upon them forms the chief occupation of the lower classes. the generality of the cows are never milked, but are left to rear their calves in the plains. when the latter are a year old they are separated, branded, and put on another part of the farm, for enclosed fields or pastures are a refinement with which the graziers of south america are unacquainted. indeed the farms themselves are divided by such landmarks as a hill, a mountain, a river, the sea, &c. the price of land being low, disagreements respecting boundaries are very rare. land in the interior, of such quality as to produce every sort of grain, or to feed all kinds of cattle, is often sold for a dollar, or even much less, the _quadra_, one hundred square yards, being more than two acres. when the horned cattle are sufficiently fat, or rather at the killing season, which is about the months of february and march, from five hundred to a thousand, according to the size of the farm, are slaughtered. the whole of the fat is separated from the meat and melted, forming a kind of lard called _grasa_, which is employed in domestic purposes. the tallow is also kept separate, and the meat is jerked. this process is performed by cutting the fleshy substance into slices of about a quarter of an inch thick, leaving out all the bones. the natives are so dexterous at this work that they will cut the whole of a leg, or any other large part of a bullock into one uniformly thin piece. the meat thus cut is either dipped into a very strong solution of salt and water, or rubbed over with a small quantity of fine salt. whichever mode of curing is adopted, the whole of the jerked meat is put on the hide and rolled up for ten or twelve hours, or until the following morning. it is then hung on lines or poles, to dry in the sun, which being accomplished, it is made into bundles, lashed with thongs of fresh hide, forming a kind of network, and is ready for market. in this operation it loses about one third of its original weight. the dried meat, _charqui_, finds immediate sale at lima, arica, guayaquil, panama and other places. besides the large quantity consumed in chile, it furnishes a great part of the food of the lower classes, the slaves, and particularly the seamen, being the general substitute for salt beef and pork. the _grasa_ and tallow are also readily sold at the places above mentioned, and are of more value than the meat. the hides are generally consumed in making bags for grain, pulse, &c., thongs for the various purposes to which rope is applied in europe, or leather of a very good quality. the slaughtering season is as much a time of diversion for the inhabitants of this country as a sheep-shearing is in england. for two or three days the peasants, _huasos_, are busy collecting the cattle from the woods and mountains, and driving them into an enclosure made for the purpose. the fat and lean cattle being mixed together, the latter are separated from the former, and driven out; after which one fixed upon for slaughter is allowed to pass the gate, where a peasant stands armed with a sharp instrument in the shape of a crescent, having the points about a foot apart, and as the beast passes he first cuts the hamstring of one leg, and then of the other. should he miss his aim, a bystander follows the animal at full gallop, and throws the laso over its horns, by which it is caught and detained till another comes up, and either hamstrings or casts a second laso round its hind legs, when the two men, riding in different directions, throw the beast down, and immediately kill it. one of them now takes off the skin, collects into it the tallow and fat, which with the meat he carries to a shed, when the process of jerking, salting, &c. as already described, is immediately begun. the females in the mean time are all busy cutting up the fat, frying it for grasa, and selecting some of the finer meat for presents and home consumption. the tongues are the only part of the head that is eaten, the remainder being left to rot. in the above manner great numbers of cattle are annually killed, their bones being left to whiten on the ground where they fed. it is surprizing to europeans and other strangers to see with what dexterity the laso is thrown. made of platted or twisted raw hide, it is about one and a half inch in circumference, sometimes less, and being greased in the process of its manufacture, is extremely pliable, stronger than any other kind of rope of treble the thickness, and very durable. the length is from twenty to thirty feet, and at one end is a noose, through which a part of the thong being passed a running knot is formed. instead of the noose there are occasionally a button and loop. the _huaso_ (or laso thrower) extending the opening formed by passing the thong through the noose, lays hold of the laso, and begins to whirl it over his head, taking care that the opening does not close. having determined on his object the laso is thrown with unerring precision. a bullock is caught by the horns, and a horse or a sheep by the neck; and as this is often done at full speed, the peasant will wind the end of the laso which he holds round his body, and suddenly stopping his horse, the entangled animal receives such a check that it is frequently upset. one end of the laso is often made fast to the sursingle, or girth of the saddle, particularly when a bull or large bullock is to be caught. on such occasions the horse, as if aware of the resistance he will have to make, turns his side towards the object, and inclines his body in the opposite direction. i have seen him dragged along by the beast, his feet making furrows in the ground, for more than two yards. the people are so expert in this art and so attached to it, that it is deemed quite disgraceful to miss the object. several of the higher classes exercise it as an amusement, and not only in chile, but in almost every part of south america which i visited; all classes, when residing in the country, carry the laso behind the saddle. even the children are often seen throwing the laso, and catching the poultry, dogs and cats, in the houses, yards or streets. thus this necessary accomplishment grows up with these people. in the late wars it has not been uncommon for the militia to carry their lasos, with which great numbers of spanish soldiers have been caught and strangled. the rider being at full speed, the moment it was thrown, the unfortunate fellow who happened to be entangled could not extricate himself, and was dragged at the heels of his adversary's horse until he was killed. goats are fattened for their tallow and skins, which latter besides their application to the purposes of holding wine, spirits, cider, &c. are generally tanned with the bark of the _palque_ or the _peumo_, instead of that of oak, and for shoes and similar articles make an excellent leather, called _cordovan_. the goats are altogether productive of great profit. some of the horses in the province of conception are excellent, being similar in size and shape to the famous andalusian. they are much valued in all south america, and fetch very high prices in peru. i have seen them at quito, which, considering the difficulties of transport that are to be surmounted, is a very great distance; but although every effort has been used to preserve the breed out of the territory of chile, it has as yet been unavailing. all kinds of provisions are plentiful in this province; poultry is remarkably cheap, fat and well flavoured; ducks and geese breed twice every year; turkeys and barn door fowls during the whole year; and from the mildness of the climate the broods thrive with little loss. the prices are consequently low: a good fat turkey may be bought for about one shilling, and fowls for sixpence a couple. apples, pears, peaches, nectarines, plums and cherries, are produced in such profusion that they are considered of no value. figs are abundant and good; and the strawberry grows wild; i have seen some nearly as large as a hen's egg. the melons and _sandias_, water melons, are also very large, and are extremely nice, particularly the latter, to which the natives are partial. olives do not thrive here. near the river maule there are cocoa nut trees or palms, differing from the other species of the same genus in the size of the nut, which is usually about as big as a walnut. some of the trees are thirty feet high; the trunk is cylindrical, and free from leaves except at the top, where, similar to other palms, they form a circle, presenting a most beautiful appearance. the flowers are in four large clusters at the top of the tree, from whence the leaves spring. when in bud they are enclosed in a fibrous woody sheath, and when the fruit begins to form the spathe divides itself into two parts, each about three feet long and two broad. a bunch or cluster, often contains as many as a thousand nuts. nothing can be more striking than this tree under the burden of its fruit, over which the branches form a kind of dome, supported by the column-like stem. the fruit resembles in every respect the tropical cocoa nut; the kernel is globular, having a space in the centre, which, when the nut is green, is filled with an agreeable milky tasted liquor, but when dry is quite empty. a curious method is employed for divesting the nuts of their outer rind. they are given to the horned cattle, and being swallowed by them, the filaceous substance is digested, and the nuts voided quite clean. all those sent to market have previously undergone this process! if a bunch of flowers or green nuts be cut from the palm, a large quantity of thick sweet sap, similar to honey, is yielded, and on the stem of the tree being tapped the same liquor is produced; this operation however weakens it so much, that the palm either dies or gives no more fruit for a number of years. the greatest quantity of this sap is obtained by cutting down the tree, and lighting a fire at the end where the branches grow: as the tree burns, the sap is driven out at the root and collected in calabashes; fuel is gradually supplied, until the whole of the trunk is consumed, and all the sap extracted, which sometimes amounts to about forty gallons. this tree seldom bears fruit till it is one hundred years old. whether it be indigenous to chile, or the produce of the tropical cocoa nut planted here, i could never ascertain. the natives make baskets of the leaves, and sometimes thatch their cottages with them. walnuts are also grown, and together with cocoa nuts are exported to lima, guayaquil, &c. the _gevuin_ is another species of nut, called by the spaniards _avellano_, from its taste being like that of the hazel nut. this tree grows to the height of fifteen feet; the fruit is round, about three quarters of an inch in diameter, and covered with a coriaceous shell, which is at first green, afterwards of an orange colour, and when ripe of a dark brown; the kernel is divided into two lobes, and is generally toasted before being eaten. the _molle_ may be classed without impropriety among the fruit trees, because the indians prepare from its berries (which are black, the size of peas, and grow in small clusters round the slender branches of the tree) a kind of red and very palatable wine, called _chicha_ or _molle_. frazier says in his voyage, "it is as pleasant and as strong as wine, if not more so." the taste is really agreeable, and its flavour peculiarly aromatic. the _maqui_ is another tree, bearing a fruit like a _guind_, or wild cherry, from which a pleasant fermented beverage is made, called _theca_. the people are fond of the fruit, and parties go into the woods to gather it. a friend told me, that in one of these excursions, when a boy, he had wandered into a wood to gather maqui, and seeing a woman in a tree with her face of a purple colour, he supposed that she had been rubbing it with the fruit for the sake of frightening him; however, determined to shew his courage, he ascended the tree, when, to his great surprise and terror, he found that it was an idiot belonging to the village, who had hanged herself with her handkerchief tied to one of the uppermost branches! the peumo produces a fruit which is much liked, though i never could eat it on account of its strong oily and rather rancid smell. the tree is tall, and its fruit has the appearance of green olives; to prepare it for eating it is dipped in warm water, but not boiled, because that operation renders it bitter. the pulp is whitish and buttery, and i have no doubt that as large a quantity of oil might be obtained from it as from the olive. great quantities of _murtillas_, myrtle berries, are found in this province, and are very delicate. pernetty, who saw some in the falkland isles, or malvinas, says, "the fruit is of a beautiful appearance and very pleasant taste; by being put into brandy with a little sugar, it forms a delicious liquor, which has in a slight degree the smell of ambergris and of musk, by no means disagreeable even to persons who dislike those perfumes." from these berries the natives also make an agreeable fermented liquor, _chicha de murtilla_. the _arrayan_, a myrtle, grows to the height of seventy feet. the fruit, which is about the size of a large pea, is eaten, and has a pleasant taste. a delicate liquor is made from it, and the wood is very valuable. the principal trees found in the province of conception are the _canelo_, or _boghi_, which grows to the height of fifty feet, and produces good timber. it has two barks; the inner one is whitish, but when dried assumes the colour of cinnamon, and somewhat resembles that spice in taste. the araucanians entertain so much veneration for this tree, that a branch of it is always presented as a token of peace, and when a treaty is concluded it is tied to the top of the toqui's axe, and the president's _baton_. the luma grows from forty to fifty feet high; its wood is tough, and is used for small spars and oars, but it is too heavy for masts. large cargoes are sent to lima for coach making and rafters. on rich soils the _espino_ attains the size of an oak. its wood is very solid and of a dark brown, veined with black and yellow, and is capable of receiving an excellent polish. it is used for cart wheels, being very ponderous and durable, and makes excellent fuel, and the hardest and best charcoal. the flowers of the espino are flosculous, of a deep yellow colour, and so very fragrant that they are called _aromas_. a species cultivated in the gardens bears a larger flower, which having a long and slender footstalk, is often inserted by the ladies in the flower of the jessamine and placed in their hair. the joint scent of the two is delightful. the _pehuen_, or _pino de la tierra_, grows in the southern parts of this province, but it arrives at greater perfection in araucania. it is from seventy to eighty feet high, and eight in circumference. at the height of thirty feet it has generally four opposite horizontal branches, which gradually decrease in extent until they terminate in a point at the top, presenting the form of a quadrangular pyramid. the cone, or fruit, resembles that of the pine, and the seeds are considered a great delicacy. these _piñones_, as they are called, are sometimes boiled, and afterwards, by grinding them on a stone, converted into a kind of paste, from which very delicate pastry is made. the pino is cultivated in different parts of this province on account of its valuable wood and the piñones; it may be said, indeed, to be the only tree, except those which yield wine, to which the natives pay any attention. the resin exuding from it is called _incienso_, and is used by the chileans as incense. the banks of the bio-bio are thickly covered with both red and white cedar trees, some of which are seventy feet high, and twenty in circumference. they are split into slender planks, for slight work, but their exportation from this province is not great, because the deals can be purchased at a much lower price in chiloe, where, i have been informed by persons of veracity, there are cedars which yield from eight to nine hundred boards, twenty feet long, twelve inches broad and one thick. it is said that water keeps better at sea in casks made of the red cedar, than in those of any other wood. the _floripondio_ grows to the height of six feet, and has a profusion of delightfully fragrant pendant flowers, which are white, bell-shaped, and from eight to ten inches long, and three in diameter at the mouth. their odour partakes of that of the lily, and one tree, when in bloom, is sufficient to perfume a whole garden. the floripondio arrives at greater perfection on the coasts of peru, where it is seen in the hedgerows. a species of cactus, _quisco_, is very common in some parts of this province; it bears thorns from eight to nine inches long, of which the females make knitting needles. there are a great variety of shrubs in the forests of conception, and some of them are very aromatic. those which are particularly useful for dyeing are the _diu_, _thila_ and _uthin_, of which the bark and leaves dye black. the juice of the berries of the _tara_, and of the _mayu_ are used for writing ink, as well as for dyeing. the leaves of the _culen_, another shrub, have a taste somewhat similar to tea, for which they are often substituted. they are considered a vermifuge and a tonic. frazier says, that the culen produces a balsam, very efficacious in healing wounds; but i never witnessed this quality. senna grows luxuriantly near the maule, and is equally as good as that of the levant; an infusion of its leaves is often given, and i believe successfully, as a diuretic, particularly in calculous complaints. a shrub called here the _palqui_, and in peru the holy herb, _yerba santa_, is thought to be an antidote to inflammatory diseases; for this purpose the green leaves are soaked in water, then rubbed between the hands, and again soaked, until the water be quite green, in which state a copious draught is taken; and for external inflammation it is applied as a wash. there are several wild plants which yield bright and permanent colours for dyeing. red is obtained from the _relbun_, a species of madder; _contra yerba_, a kind of agrimony, furnishes yellow, as does another plant called _poquel_; a violet is procured from the _culli_ and the _rosoli_; and the _panqui_ yields a permanent black. this peculiar plant grows in moist swampy places; its height is from five to six feet, and the principal stem is sometimes six inches in diameter; the leaves are roundish, rough and thick, and at full growth are three feet in diameter. when the plant is in perfection, the natives cut it down, and split the stem, which contains a large portion of tanin. the black for dyeing is obtained from the expressed juice of the root. i scarcely ever met with any person in this province who did not assure me that gold mines were to be found in numberless places; i certainly never saw any worked, but the universal assurance of the inhabitants, and what has been written by molina, frazier, and other persons of veracity, leave me no room to doubt their existence. among the feathered tribe i observed a bird about the size of a pullet, having black and white feathers, a thick neck, rather large head, a strong bill a little curved, and on the fore part of the wings two reddish spurs, like those of a young dunghill cock. it is on the alert the moment it is alarmed, and rising from the ground, hovers over the object which has disturbed it. the noise which it makes when in this situation, and which is probably intended as a signal of danger to other birds; has induced some of the natives to call it _tero-tero_; but others name it _despertador_, awakener. finches, _gilgueros_, and the _thili_, a kind of thrush, are numerous, as are the grey and red partridge. both the latter birds are much esteemed, though i preferred the large wood pigeons, _torcasas_, some of which are the size of a small pullet. feeding entirely on herbage, they are particularly fond of the leaves of turnips, and they make their appearance in such numbers that they would destroy a whole field in one day. their flesh is of a dark colour, but juicy and savoury. of the larger species of herons i saw three different kinds, one as large as the european heron, and quite similar to it; one of a milk white colour, with a neck more than two feet long, and its red slender legs equally long; and another not quite so large, with a beautiful tuft of white feathers on its head. in several places near the coast i observed flamingoes, and was charmed with their delicate pink plumage; they are not eaten by the natives. i also remarked several species of wild ducks, and three of wild geese; one called of the cordillera is very good eating, the others i was told are strong and fishy. the wild swan is as large as the european swan, but is not so handsome. it has a black bill and feet, black and white plumage, and is in shape much like a goose, but is never eaten. i had in my possession a tame eagle, which measured ten feet from one tip of its wings to the other; its breast was white spotted with black, the neck and back also black, and the tail and wings of a brown tinge with transverse black stripes. i saw several of the same kind and others of a smaller species in the woods. parrots very much abound, but their plumage is not handsome, being of a dirty dead green. these birds are very destructive of the fruit and maize. at villavicencio i was highly entertained in hunting a _pagi_, or chilean lion. on our arrival the people were preparing to destroy this enemy to their cattle; several dogs were collected from the neighbouring farms, and some of the young men of the surrounding country were in great hopes of taking him alive with their lasos, and of afterwards baiting him in the village for the diversion of the ladies; whilst others were desirous of signalizing the prowess of their favourite dogs. all of them were determined to kill this ravenous brute, which had caused much damage, particularly among their horses. the hunt was the only subject of conversation on the sunday, which was the day fixed for its occurrence. at four o'clock we left the village, more than twenty in number, each leading a dog, and having a chosen laso on his arm, ready to throw at a moment's warning. about a mile from the village we separated, by different bye-roads, into five or six parties, the men taking the dogs on their horses, to prevent, as they said, the possibility of the scent being discovered by the pagi. all noise was avoided--even the smoking of segars was dispensed with, lest the smell should alarm their prey, and they should lose their sport. the party which i joined consisted of five individuals. after riding about four miles we arrived at a small rivulet, where a young colt was tied to a tree, having been taken for that purpose. we then retired about three hundred yards, and the colt being alone began to neigh, which had the desired effect, for before sunset one of our party, placed in advance, let go his dog and whistled, at which signal three other dogs were loosed and ran towards the place where the colt had been left. we immediately followed, and soon found the pagi with his back against a tree, defending himself against his adversaries. on our appearance he seemed inclined to make a start and attempt an escape. the lasos were immediately in motion, when four more dogs came up, and shortly afterwards their masters, who hearing the noise had ridden to the spot as fast as the woods would permit them. the poor brute seemed now to fear the increase of his enemies. however he maintained his post and killed three of our dogs; at which the owner of one of them became so enraged, that he threw his laso round the neck of the pagi, when the dogs, supposing the onset more secure, sprang on him, and he was soon overpowered, but so dreadfully wounded and torn that it became necessary to put an end to his life. the length of this animal from the nose to the root of the tail was five feet four inches, and from the bottom of the foot to the top of the shoulder thirty-one inches. its head was round, and much like that of a cat, the upper lip being entire, and supplied with whiskers; the nose flat, the eyes large, of a brownish hue, but very much suffused with blood; the ears short and pointed. it had no mane. the neck, back and sides were of a dusky ash colour, with some yellowish spots; the belly of a dirty white; the hair on its buttocks long and shaggy. each jaw was armed with four cutting, four canine, and sixteen grinding teeth; each of its fore paws and hind feet with five toes, and very strong talons. four lasos attached to the girths of the saddles of two horses were fastened to the pagi, which was thus dragged to the village, where we arrived about nine o'clock, and were received by the whole of the inhabitants with shouting and rejoicing. the remainder of the night was spent in dancing and carousing. the people informed me that the favourite food of the pagi is horse-flesh; that watching a good opportunity it jumps upon the back of its prey, which it worries, tearing the flesh with one paw whilst it secures its hold with the other; after sucking the blood it drags the carcase to some hiding place, covers it with leaves, and returns when hungry to devour it. if it enter a place where horned cattle are kept, the bulls and cows immediately form a circle, and place the calves and young cattle in the centre; they then face their enemy boldly, and not unfrequently oblige him to retreat, on which happening, the bulls follow him and often gore him to death. it would therefore appear to be more from fear than choice that he is attached to the flesh of horses. the animal was never known to attack a man; so timid is he of the human race, that he runs away at the appearance of a child, which may perhaps be accounted for from the abundance of cattle supplying him so easily with food that he is seldom in want of flesh. the _vicuña_ and _guanaco_ are known in chile; i shall however defer a description of them until i treat of the _llama_ and _alpaca_ of peru. the _chilihueque_, spoken of by several travellers, seems to be the same as the _llama_, but as i never saw it i am unable to determine this point. the description and properties of the two are very similar. the _culpen_ is a species of fox, and is very destructive to poultry and lambs. it is rather more foolish than daring, but not void of the latter quality. it will advance within eight or ten paces of a man, and after looking at him for some time, will retire carelessly, unless pursued, when it betakes itself to the bush. its colour is a dark reddish brown, with a long straight tail covered with shaggy hair; its height is about two feet. for the preservation of the lambs against this enemy the natives train their dogs to the care of the flock in a curious manner. a young puppy is taken, before its eyes are open, and an ewe is forced to suckle it every night and morning until it can follow the flock, when, either under the direction of a shepherd boy, or in company with an old trained dog, it is taught to keep the sheep together, to follow them in the morning to graze, and to drive them to the fold at night. it is never allowed to follow its master. no shepherd could be more faithful to his trust than one of these dogs; it leaves the fold with the flock in the morning, watches it carefully during the day, keeping off the foxes, eagles and other animals, and returns with it at sunset. it sleeps in the fold, and the sheep become so habituated to the society of their guardian that they allow him to wander among them without any alarm. at night, when the dog arrives with his charge, he first drives them into the fold; he then runs two or three times round it, as if to be certain of its safety against any lurking enemy, and afterwards goes to the house and barks, but immediately returns to the fold, where he waits for his supper. if it be brought he remains quiet, otherwise he again visits the house and barks until he is properly attended to, when he lays himself down among the sheep. some people have imagined that it is a peculiar breed of dogs that are so trained, but this is an error which experience enables me to contradict; for i have seen several different kinds in charge of different flocks, the whole of their sagacity being the effect of their training. whilst on the topic of the training of animals i cannot refrain from mentioning the ridiculous appearance of the capons, which are taught to rear broods of chickens. when one or more hens bring forth their young, these are taken from them, and a capon being caught, some of the feathers are plucked from its breast and the inner part of its thighs, and the animal is flogged with nettles, and is then put under a basket with the young chickens. this is generally done in the evening, and in the morning, after brooding the chickens all night, the old capon struts forth with its adopted family, clucking and searching for food with as much activity as the most motherly old hen! i was told that capons rear a brood much better than hens; and i have seen one of them with upwards of thirty chickens. the hen being thus freed from her brood soon begins to lay eggs again, which is a very great advantage. after an excursion of three weeks, i returned to conception with my friend, don santiago dias, to whom i brought letters of introduction from my good host at arauco, don nicolas del rio, which were most willingly attended to, and rendered my detention as a prisoner of war a delightful series of excursions into the country, and of parties of pleasure in the city. footnote: [4] i have made particular mention of the form of the cabildos, because they have been preserved since the revolution just as they existed before it. chapter vi. sent to talcahuano....description of the bay and anchorage....plain between conception and talcahuano....prospectus of a soap manufactory here....coal mine....town, custom-house, inhabitants, &c....fish, &c. caught in the bay....colonial commerce....prospectus of a sawing mill. after staying a few days at conception, i was sent for by the governor to talcahuano, a ship being there ready to sail for lima. i took with me a note to a resident in the port, and was received by him with the greatest possible kindness; he requested me to make his house my home until the ship should be ready to sail; a request with which i very willingly complied. the bay of talcahuano is one of the largest on the western shores of south america: from north to south its length is about ten miles, that is from the main land on one side to the main land on the other; from east to west it is seven miles. in the mouth of the bay lies the island quiriquina, forming two entrances; that on the east side is the safer, being two miles wide with thirty fathoms water, decreasing gradually towards the usual anchorage at talcahuano, where, about half a mile from the shore, there are ten fathoms water. it is well sheltered from the north wind; but the swell is so great during a norther (as the north winds are here called) that it is almost impossible to land, though at any other time the landing is good on any part of the beach. from conception to talcahuano, a distance of six miles, the surface of the ground is composed of loose sand intermixed with sea shells; about half a yard deep a continued stratum of marine shells is found, exactly similar to those shell-fish with which the sea abounds at this place: they are the _choro_, muscle, _pie de burra_, or ass's foot, the _bulgados_, a species of snail, and the _picos_, barnacles. this stratum is generally from twelve to fifteen feet thick; and a similar one is found in the hills, three hundred feet above the level of the sea; being, no doubt, the effect of some tremendous earthquake, which took place before this country was known to the old world; for it is certain, that what now constitutes the valley of penco or conception was at some remote period a part of the pacific ocean. from these shells all the lime used in building is procured. the land between talcahuano and conception is not fit for cultivation; it presents rather a dreary appearance; however, some cattle graze on the marshy or low parts, and their meat is considered very delicate. abundance of salsola grows in this neighbourhood, from which kali might be procured in great quantities for the purpose of manufacturing soap, which, as tallow and other fat can be bought here at a low rate, would be a very lucrative speculation. soap bears a high price in peru, and in almost every part of the country, being seldom under forty dollars the quintal or hundred pounds weight in lima, and higher in the interior. the facility of procuring good lime and plenty of fuel would be of importance to such an establishment, besides which, the cheapness of copper, from the mines of coquimbo and copiapo, for making the necessary utensils, is an advantage of some consideration. of all the spanish writers herrera alone makes mention of the existence of coal in the province of conception. in dec. 8, 1. 6, c. 11, he says, "there is a coal mine upon the beach near to the city of conception; it burns like charcoal;" and he was not mistaken, for the stratum does exist on the north side of the bay of talcahuano, near the anchorage on that side, and very near the ruins of penco viejo, which was destroyed by the earthquake in 1730, and not rebuilt, because the present anchorage was considered preferable. to what extent the coal reaches has never yet been ascertained; all that has been used has been obtained by throwing aside the mould which covers the surface. this coal is similar in appearance to the english cannel, but it is reasonable to suppose, that if the mine were dug to any considerable depth, the quality would be found to improve, and that the work might be productive of immense wealth to its possessor. there is a custom-house at talcahuano, and the necessary officers for collecting the importation and exportation duties; barracks for the garrison belonging to the small battery, a house for the residence of the commanding officer, a parish church, also about a hundred houses, with several large stores, _bodegas_, for corn, wine, and other goods. the population consists of about five hundred inhabitants, principally muleteers, porters, and fishermen. the bay abounds with excellent fish; the most esteemed are the _robalo_; this fish is from two to three feet long, nearly of a cylindrical form, having angular scales, which are of a gold colour on the back, declining to a very beautiful transparent white on the belly: it has a bluish stripe along the back, bordered on each side with a deep yellow; the flesh is delicately white, and has a delicious taste. the _corbina_ is generally about the size of the robalo, though sometimes much larger; its body is of an oval form, covered with broad semi-transparent white scales, on which are some opaque white spots; it is encircled obliquely with a number of brownish lines, the tail is forked, and the head small; its flesh is white and well tasted. the _lisa_ is a kind of mullet; it is found both in fresh and in salt water; the latter, however, is much better than the former: it is about a foot long, its back is of a dirty greenish colour, its sides and belly white, with large scales; its flesh is white, very fat, and is excellent. the _peje rey_ is very similar to a smelt, but when full-grown is of the size of a herring; it has not the same odour as the smelt, but is equally nice when cooked. in the vicinity of talcahuano is the gold fish, about ten inches long, flat and of an oval form, with small scales; it is of a bright gold colour, and has five zones or bands surrounding it. one round the neck is black, two others about the middle of the fish are grey, one near the tail is black, and the fifth, at the juncture of the tail with the body is grey; its flesh is very delicate. the _chalgua achagual_, called by the spaniards _peje gallo_, cock fish, is about three feet long; its body is round, rather thicker in the middle than at the neck or near the tail; it is covered with a whitish skin, but has no scales; on its head it has a cartilaginous crest about three quarters of an inch thick--its flesh is not good. the _tollo_, a species of dog-fish, is about three feet long; it has two triangular dorsal spines, remarkably hard, but no other bones; it is salted and dried, and sent to the lima market, being rarely eaten fresh, although it is then very good. on the coasts the natives catch a variety of species that are common to other seas, such as the skate, the dog-fish, saw-fish, old wife, conger eel, rock cod, whiting, turbot, plaice, bonito, mackerel, roach, mullet, pilchard, anchovy, &c. among the mollusca tribe the muscle is very fine; i have frequently seen them eight inches long, and their flavour is excellent. they are often salted and dried; after which they are strung on slender rushes, and in this manner large quantities are exported. the white urchin is of a globular form, about three inches in diameter, with a whitish shell and spines; the interior substance is yellow, but very good to eat. the _pico_ is a kind of barnacle, adhering to steep rocks at the water's edge: from ten to twenty of them inhabit as many separate cells of a pyramidal form, made of a cretaceous substance, with a little aperture at the top of each cell; they receive their food at this hole, where a kind of small bill protrudes, similar to that of a bird, and hence the animal receives its name of pico, a bill. they are very white, tender, and most delicate eating. the _loco_ is oval, and its shell is covered with small tuberosities: it is from four to five inches long, and the interior or edible substance is white, and very excellent. of the molluscas the _piuri_ is the most remarkable, in respect both to its shape and habitation; the latter is formed of a coriaceous matter, adhering to the rocks, and which is divided into separate cells, by means of strong membranes. in each of these, in a detached state, is formed the piuri; it is about the size of a large cherry, which it so much resembles in colour, that the following anecdote is related: a native of chiloe had never seen any cherries until he came to conception, and observing an abundance there he exclaimed, "what a charming country this is, why the piuries grow on the trees!" this animal, if it deserve to be so called, is eaten either roasted or boiled, and has a taste similar to that of the lobster: great quantities are annually dried for exportation. of the crustaceous fishes, the _xaiva_, crab, has a shell that is nearly spherical, about three inches in diameter, and two inches deep, furnished with spines upon the edges. the _apancora_, another of the crab species, has an oval shell, denticulated, and generally larger than the xaiva; both are red when boiled, and their flesh is well tasted. crawfish, _camarones_, are sometimes caught of the enormous weight of eight or nine pounds each, and are very good. the principal commerce between this port and some of the other spanish colonies consists in the exportation of wheat, with which article about six ships, of not less than four hundred tons burthen each, are annually laden, making an average of two thousand four hundred tons, which in an infant country, and for colonial consumption, may be considered very great. nearly the whole of this wheat is carried to lima. of jerked beef, charqui, about six thousand quintals, with a proportionate quantity of tallow and fat, grasa; and of wine, on an average, two thousand jars, containing eighteen gallons each, are annually exported. the minor articles are raw hides, wool, dried fruits, salt fish and pulse. the imports are a small quantity of european manufactured goods, sugar, salt and tobacco; the taxes on which produce from one hundred and two to one hundred and five thousand dollars per annum. i have already mentioned the benefit which would result from a soap manufactory being established at talcahuano; another establishment, however, of still greater importance, might be formed either on the banks of the bio-bio, or on those of the maule: i mean a sawing mill. both of these rivers have a sufficient current for the purpose, and an abundance of good timber in their vicinity. a dock yard on a trifling scale has been established and small craft have been built at maule; but guayaquil is the great dock yard on the western coast of south america, and vessels of eight hundred tons burthen have been built there; beside which the timber markets of peru have been almost exclusively supplied with wood from the forest of guayaquil: this article is becoming scarce in that district, and recourse must soon be had to some other parts, and there are none that present the same facilities as the two i have now mentioned. the forests of the province of conception are as yet untouched; the price of labour there does not exceed one-third of that at guayaquil; the hire of cattle for bringing the wood from any part of the forests to the river side bears the same proportion as the price of labour; the advantage of superiority of climate is also attached to this province, as well as that of the total absence of ravenous beasts and poisonous reptiles, which abound in the woods, rivers and estuaries of guayaquil. the conducting of timber to the port of talcahuano for embarkation, and its shipment in small vessels in the maule, are facilities of considerable importance; to which we may add the short passage from either of these two places to the principal established market of lima, the passage from guayaquil being of a treble duration. small vessels only can get out of the maule, because a bar at the entrance of the river would prevent the egress of large ships when deeply laden. another powerful reason why sawing mills might be established with greater ease on those rivers than at guayaquil is, that they would increase the means of subsistence among the labouring classes, and consequently would merit their protection; whereas at the latter place sawing is the occupation of a great portion of the inhabitants of the city, who make very high wages, in consequence of which any establishment detrimental to so numerous a body of artizans would be strenuously resisted, and probably attended with fatal results. it will no doubt appear surprizing to persons in england acquainted with this branch of the arts, that three quarters of a dollar, equal to about three shillings and two pence, should be paid at guayaquil for sawing a plank from a log of wood ten or twelve inches square by eighteen feet long, the timber not being harder than the english fir. the price for timber brought down to the port of talcahuano is very low. _liñe_, somewhat resembling ash, and applicable to the same uses, may be delivered in logs twenty feet long and twelve inches square, for about one dollar each, and all other kinds of wood at similar rates; while a single inch plank from the same tree would be worth nearly double the sum at lima. attached to an establishment of this kind, the carrying of fire wood to lima would be attended with considerable profit--a cargo of fire wood weighing fourteen quintals is sold here for only one dollar, while in lima it often sells for from one to one and a half dollar per quintal. the ship _dolores de la tierra_ being ready to sail for lima, i was ordered on board, and obliged to leave with regret an enchanting country, where i had been treated with unbounded hospitality by its inhabitants. my kind host, don manuel serrano, took care to recommend me to the captain, beside which he sent on board, for my use, more provisions than would have served me for three such voyages. the foregoing is a brief description of conception as i saw it in the year 1803. i visited it again in 1820, and in the course of my narrative i shall have occasion to mention it at my second visit, and to contrast its appearance at those two periods. if in my description of this part of south america i have sometimes touched on the changes that have happened or are likely to happen, it has been when speaking of places which i did not afterwards visit. chapter vii. leave talcahuano in the dolores....passage to callao....arrival ....taken to the castle....leave callao....road to lima....conveyed to prison. my present situation was very disagreeable. the government of conception had placed me on board a spanish vessel, and had given orders to the captain to deliver me up, the moment he should arrive at callao, to the governor of the fortress. at the same time he had been charged with letters, containing perhaps an account of my having landed on the araucanian coast; of having visited part of that almost unknown territory, as also part of the province of conception. such it was reasonable to expect would be the information conveyed, if either the reports prevailing at that time respecting the cruel system of spanish jealousy in their colonies were to be credited; or those which have been more recently circulated, that all foreigners would be incarcerated, sent to the mines or to places of exile, for having merely dared to tread the shores of this prohibited country. i should have desponded, had not practice taught me to regard those reports as exaggerated tales, the fictions or dreams of the biassed, and not worthy of the least belief. i was, at the time i landed, ignorant of the existence of any prohibitory laws; but i now reflected, that no doubt foreigners were not allowed to settle in a spanish colony without having obtained those permissions and passports which are considered equally as indispensable here as in the british colonies; documents which are as essentially necessary to englishmen as to foreigners; but i also recollected the kind treatment which i had received at conception, as much a spanish colony as the place of my destination; i had learned, too, that foreigners resided in this part of the country, some of whom were in the actual employ of the government; it had come to my knowledge that an irishman, don ambrose higgins, had filled the offices of captain-general of chile, and of viceroy of peru.--these reflections contributed to make me comparatively happy, and by adhering to a maxim which i had established, never to allow the shadow of future adversity to cloud the existence of present comfort, my life was always free from fear and disquietude. my stay among the pastoral indians of arauco, for barbarous i cannot call them, had been one continued scene of enjoyment, unalloyed with any apprehension of approaching evils, and this conduct had not contributed a little to make me so welcome a guest. i had followed the same principles whilst at conception with equal success. the ship in which i embarked had on board eight thousand fanegas of wheat, with some other chilean produce, and an abundance of poultry, for the lima market; she was built at ferrol in the year 1632, of spanish oak, and was the oldest vessel in the pacific; her high poop and clumsy shape forming a great contrast with some of the recently-built ships at guayaquil, or those from spain. the conduct of the captain, the officers and passengers, was marked with every kindness. i had a small cabin to myself, but i messed with the captain and passengers, and the eleven days which we were at sea were spent in mirth and gaiety, not a little heightened by the female part of a family going to settle in lima. the father kindly invited me, should an opportunity present itself, to reside at his house during my stay in that city, an invitation of which i should certainly have availed myself had not circumstances prevented it. we were all anxiety to arrive at callao, the sea-port of lima, and although i had fewer reasons to wish it than others, still the idea of seeing something new is always pleasing, particularly to a traveller in a foreign country; besides, i had been informed on my passage that war had not been declared between england and spain, and that the conduct of the government was to be attributed to their wish to prevent any english spies from residing at liberty in the country. on the eleventh day after our leaving talcahuano we made the island of san lorenzo, which forms one side of the bay of callao. it exhibits a dreary spectacle, not a tree, a shrub, nor even a blade of grass presents itself; it is one continued heap of sand and rock. having passed the head land, (where a signal post was erected and a look-out kept, which communicated with callao, through other signals stationed on the island) the vessels in the offing, the town and batteries at once opened on our view. the principal fortress, called the royal philip, _real felipe_, has a majestic appearance, although disadvantageously situated; it is on a level with the sea, and behind it the different ranges of hills rise in successive gradations until crowned with the distant prospect of the andes, which in some parts tower above the clouds. these clouds, resting on the tops of the lower ranges seemed to have yielded their places in the atmosphere to those enormous masses, and to have prostrated themselves at their feet. as we approached the anchorage the spires and domes of lima appeared to the left of the town of callao. at the moment of landing, which is the most pleasing to travellers by sea, the passengers were all in high spirits, expecting to embrace ere long those objects of tender affection, from whom they had been separated by chance, interest, or necessity. previous to our coming to an anchorage, the custom-house boat with some others visited our ship, and i was sent ashore in that from the captain of the port. i was immediately conveyed to the castle, and delivered to the governor. on my landing at callao, i observed a considerable bustle on what may be called the pier. this pier was made in 1779, during the viceroyalty of don antonio amat, by running an old king's ship on shore, filling her with stones, sand, and rubbish, and afterwards driving round the parts where the sea washes piles of mangroves, brought from guayaquil, and which appear to be almost imperishable in sea water. at the landing place i saw several boats employed in watering their ships, for which purpose pipes have been laid down, three feet under ground, to convey the water from a spring; hoses being attached to the spouts, the casks are filled either floating on the sea or in the boats. the houses make a very sorry appearance; they are generally about twenty feet high, with mud walls, flat roof, and divided into two stories; the under one forms a row of small shops open in front, and the upper one an uncouth corridor. about a quarter of a mile from the landing place is the draw-bridge, over a dry foss, and an entrance under an arched gateway to the castle, the real felipe. i was presented to the governor, a spanish colonel, who immediately ordered me to the _caloboso_, one of the prisoners' cells: this was a room about one hundred feet long and twenty wide, formed of stone, with a vaulted roof of the same materials, having two wooden benches, raised about three feet from the ground, for the prisoners to sleep on. a long chain ran along the bench for the purpose of being passed through the shackles of the unhappy occupants, whose miserable beds, formed of rush mats, were rolled up, and laid near the walls. i had an opportunity to make a survey of this place before the prisoners entered; until then i was left quite alone, pondering over my future lot, for this was the first time i could consider myself a prisoner; however, i consoled myself with the hope of release, or if not, a removal to some more comfortable situation. in this hope i was not mistaken, for before the prisoners, who were malefactors employed at the public works, arrived, a soldier came and ordered me to follow him. he took up my bed, while i took care of my trunk, and in this manner i left the abode of crime and misery in which i had been placed. i was conducted to the guard-house, where that part of the garrison on duty are usually stationed. i now found myself among such a curious mixture of soldiers as eyes never witnessed in any other part of the world; but i reconciled myself to my lot, especially as it was not the worst place in the castle. in a short time i was sent for to the officers' room. i there found several agreeable and some well-informed young men, with two very obstinate and testy old ones, who, though of superior rank, were heartily quizzed by their subalterns. such is the ease and frankness of the south americans in general, that before i had been an hour in the room, one of the officers, a young lieutenant, and his brother, a cadet, had become as familiar with me as if we had been old acquaintance. they were natives of lima, both had been educated at san carlos, the principal college, and both lamented that the most useful branches of science were not taught in the spanish colleges to that extent, and with that precision which they are in england. the lieutenant also observed, that as the rectors and heads of their colleges were churchmen, the studies were confined principally to theology, divinity and morality, which circumstance caused them to neglect the useful sciences; and this he ascribed as a reason why in those studies the students made little progress. but, continued he, our libraries are not destitute of good mathematical and philosophical books, which some of our young men study, and they are at all times willing to instruct their friends. i spent the time in a very agreeable chit chat with my new acquaintance till ten o'clock, when the lieutenant rose and requested me to wait his return, saying he was going to the governor for _el santo_, the watchword, and for the orders of the night. he returned in about half an hour, pulled off his uniform coat, put on a jacket, and then told me, in the most friendly manner, that the governor had given orders for my removal to lima on the following morning; on which he congratulated me, saying, that as that was a large city i should be more comfortable, although a prisoner, than at callao; he also informed me that, it being the first day of the month, september, 1803, part of the garrison would be relieved by detachments from the capital, and that he was included in that number, and would be happy in giving me a seat in the _valancin_, hackney coach, which he should hire. about twelve o'clock my bed and trunk were carried to his sleeping room, and i remained in conversation with him till day broke; we slept about an hour, and then arose to breakfast, which consisted of a cup of very good chocolate for each of us, some dry toast, and a glass of water. at eleven o'clock, the detachment having arrived, we left callao in a valancin, which is a kind of carriage, having the body of a coach on two wheels, drawn by two horses, one in the shafts and the postillion mounted on the other. the city of callao, which was destroyed by an earthquake in 1746 and swallowed up by the sea, was at a short distance to the southward of the present town. on a calm day the ruins may yet be seen under water at that part of the bay called the _mar braba_, rough sea, and on the beach a sentry is always placed for the purpose of taking charge of any treasure that may be washed ashore, which not unfrequently happens. by this terrible convulsion of nature upwards of three thousand people perished at callao alone. i afterwards became acquainted with an old mulatto, called eugenio, who was one of the three or four who were saved; he told me that he was sitting on some timber which had been landed from a ship in the bay, at the time that the great wave of the sea rolled in and buried the city, and that he was carried, clinging to the log, near to the chapel, a distance of three miles. from callao to lima it is six miles, with a good road, for which the country is indebted to don ambrose higgins; but he unfortunately died, after being viceroy three years, leaving this useful work incomplete. the finished part extends only about two miles from the gateway, at the entrance to the city, and has a double row of lofty willows on each side, shading the foot-walk. he also furnished it, at every hundred yards, with neat stone benches; and at about every mile a large circle with walls of brick and stone, four feet high, and stone seats are erected. these circles are formed for carriages to turn in with greater ease than on the road. on each side of the foot-walk runs a small stream of water, irrigating the willows in its course, and nourishing numberless luxuriant weeds and flowers. it was the intention of the viceroy to carry the road down to callao in the same style as it now exists near the city, but only the carriage road was finished. it has a parapet of brick raised two feet high on each side, to keep together the materials of the road. on the right hand side, going from the port, may be seen the ruins of an indian village, which was built before the discovery of south america. some of the old walls are left, formed of clay, about two feet thick and six feet high, and which perhaps owe their present existence to the total absence of rain in this country. to the right is the town of bellavista, to which parish callao is attached, being called its _anexo_. here is a hospital for seamen and the poorer class of the inhabitants. half way between the port and the city stands a very neatly built chapel, to which is connected a small cloister; it is dedicated to the virgin of mount carmel, and many visit it to fulfil some vow or other which they have made at sea to this madonna, she being the protectress of seamen. near the chapel is situated a house at which are sold good brandy and wine, and it may easily be guessed which establishment has the most customers! on approaching the city the quality of the soil appears to be very good; large gardens with luxuriant vegetables for the market, and fields of lucern and maize are here cultivated, and close to the city walls there are extensive orchards of tropical fruit trees, all irrigated with water drawn by canals from the river rimac. the gateway is of brick, covered with stucco, with cornices, mouldings, and pillars of stone: it has three arches; the centre one for carriages has folding doors, the two lateral posterns are for foot passengers. the mind of a traveller is naturally led to expect to find the inside of a city correspondent with the appearance of its entrance; but at lima he will be deceived. the distant views of the steeples and domes, the beautiful straight road, its shady avenue of lofty willows, and its handsome gateway, are contrasted, immediately on passing them, with a long street of low houses with their porches and patios; small shops with their goods placed on tables at the doors; no glass windows; no display of articles of commerce; numbers of people of all colours, from the black african to the white and rosy coloured biscayan, with all their intermediate shades, combined with the mixture of colour and features of the aborigines of america:--the mere observation of this variety of colours and features produces a "confusion beyond all confusions." as a prisoner of war, although the two nations were at peace, i was conducted by my kind friend to the city gaol, _carcel de la ciudad_, where i remained shut up for eight months with about a hundred criminals of the worst description. owing, however, to a recommendation and the promise of a remuneration from my good friend the lieutenant, the alcalde lodged me in a room at the entrance of the prison, allotted to persons of decent families, or to such as had the means of paying for this convenience. i was fortunate enough to find here a native of lima, an officer in the army, who was confined on suspicion of forgery. he was a very excellent man, and conducted himself towards me in a manner which contributed, not only to my comfort whilst i was a prisoner, but finally to my liberation. my first object in my confinement was to make myself perfectly master of the spanish tongue, and to obtain some knowledge of _quichua_, the court language of the incas, and used wherever their authority had been established. i was the more desirous of becoming acquainted with this language, because it is spoken in the interior of peru by all classes of people: the respectable inhabitants, however, also speak spanish. chapter viii. lima, origin of its name....pachacamac....foundation of lima....pizarro's palace....situation of the city....form of the valley rimac....river....climate....temperature....moists and rain....soil....earthquakes....produce. lima is the capital of peru, and derives its name from _rimac_, which original name its river still retains; but the valley was called by the indians _rimac malca_, or the place of witches; it being the custom among the aborigines, even before the establishment of the theocrasia of the incas, as well as during their domination, to banish to this valley those persons who were accused of witchcraft. its climate is very different from that of the interior, and having a great deal of marshy ground in its vicinity, intermittent fevers generally destroyed in a short time such individuals as were the objects of this superstitious persecution. it is recorded, that when manco capac and his sister mama ocollo were presented by their grandfather to the indians living at couzcou, and were informed by him that they were the children of the sun, their god, the fair complexion of these strangers, and their light coloured hair, induced the indians to consider them as rimacs, and they were in consequence exiled to rimac malca, the place of witches, now the valley of lima. in september, 1533, don francisco pizarro arrived at pachacamac, a large town belonging to the indians, where a magnificent temple had been built by pachacutec, the tenth inca of peru, for the worship of pachacamac, the creator and preserver of the world. this rich place of worship was plundered by pizarro, and the virgins destined to the service of the deity, though in every respect as sacred as the nuns of pizarro's religion, were violated by his soldiers; the altars were pillaged and destroyed, and the building was demolished. however, when i visited it in 1817, some of the walls still remained, as if to reproach the descendants of an inhuman monster with his wanton barbarity. i wandered among the remains of this temple, dedicated by a race of men in gratitude to their omnipotent creator and preserver: a house unstained with what bigots curse with the name of idolatry; unpolluted with the blood of sacrifice; uncontaminated with the chaunt of anthems, impiously sung to the deity after the destruction of a great number of his creatures; of prayers for success, or thanksgivings for victory; but hallowed with the innocent offerings of fruits and flowers, and sanctified with the incense breath of praise, and hymns of joyous gratitude. it is difficult to describe the feelings by which we are affected when we witness the ruins of an edifice destined by its founder to be a monument of national glory, or even of personal honor; but when we contemplate with unprejudiced eyes the remains of a building once sacred to a large portion of our fellow creatures, and raised by them in honour of the great father of the universe, wantonly destroyed by a being, in whose hands chance had placed more power than his vitiated mind knew how to apply to virtuous purposes--we cannot avoid cursing him, in the bitterness of our anguish. cold indeed must be the heart of that man who could view the ruins of pachacamac with less regret than those of babylon or jerusalem! pizarro having arrived at pachacamac, and being desirous of building a city near the sea coast, he sent some of his officers to search for a convenient harbour either to the north or to the south. they first visited the harbour of chilca, which, though a good one, and near pachacamac, was still defective; the coast was a sandy desert, and the poor indians who lived upon it for the purpose of fishing were often forced to abandon their houses, because their wells of brackish water became dry. the commissioners were obliged to look out for another situation, and having arrived at callao they found that its bay was very capacious, with the river rimac entering it on the north. they afterwards explored the delightful surrounding valley, and reported their success to pizarro, who immediately came from pachacamac, and approving of the situation, laid the foundation of lima, on the south side of the river, about two leagues from the sea. on the 8th day of january, 1534, he removed to it those spaniards whom he had left for the purpose of building a town at jauja. lima is called by the spaniards la ciudad de los reyes, from being founded on the day on which the roman church celebrates the epiphany, or the feast of the worshipping of the kings or magi of the east. its arms are a shield with three crowns, or, on an azure field, and the star of the east; for supporters the letters j. c. jane and charles, with the motto--_hoc signum vere regum est_. these arms and the title of royal city were granted to lima by the emperor charles v. in 1537. pizarro built a palace for himself, about two hundred yards from the river, on the contrary side of the great square, or _plasa mayor_, to that where the palace of the viceroy now stands; and the remains of it may yet be found in the _callejon de petateros_, mat maker's alley. he was murdered here on the 26th of june, 1541. according to several spanish authorities lima is situated in 12° 2´ 51´´ south latitude, and in 70° 50´ 51´´ longitude west of cadiz. to the northward and eastward of the city hills begin to rise, which ultimately compose a part of the great chain of the andes; or rather they are parts of the high mountains which run north and south about twenty leagues to the eastward of lima. these mountains gradually descend to the sea coast, producing between each row beautiful and fertile valleys, of which the rimac is one. the chain opening at the back of lima forms the valley lurigancho, which closes on its suburbs. that of the greatest height, bordering on the city, is called _san cristobal_, and the other _amancaes_; the former is 1302 feet above the level of the sea, and the latter 2652. the mountains slope towards the west, and when seen from the bridge appear to have reached the level about three miles from that station, which extremity, viewed from the same place, is the point where the sun disappears at the time of the winter solstice. to the south west is the island called _san lorenzo_; more to the south lies _morro solar_, about eight miles distant, where large hills of sand are observed, which, stretching to the eastward and gently rising, form with the amancaes a crescent, enclosing the picturesque valley rimac, through which the river of that name majestically flows, producing in its course or wherever its influence can be obtained all the beauties of flora and the gifts of ceres. the site of lima gradually inclines to the westward, the great square, plasa mayor, being 480 feet above the level of the sea. thus all the streets in this direction, with many of those intersecting them at right angles, have small streams of water running along them, which contribute very much to the cleanliness and salubrity of the city and its inhabitants. the water which runs through the streets, as well as that which feeds the fountains and the canals for the irrigation of gardens, orchards and plantations, which fill the whole valley, is drawn from the river rimac. this river has its origin in the province of huarochiri, and receives in its course several small streams, which descend the mountains, and are produced by the melting of the snow on the tops of the andes, as well as by the rains which fall in the interior, at which time the river swells very much, and covers the whole of its bed, which at other times is in many places almost dry. the water in lima is said to be crude, holding in solution a considerable quantity of selenite, besides being impregnated with abundance of fixed air; hence, indigestions and other affections of the stomach are attributed to it; but dr. unanue very justly asks, "may not these diseases be derived from cupid and ceres?" the water is certainly far from being pure; for the _artaxea_, which supplies the city fountains, and the _pugios_, which supply the suburbs, called san lazaro, are stagnant pools; both are often full of aquatic plants, which decay and rot in them; they moreover contain water that has been employed in the irrigation of the plantations and farms at the back of the city, and not unfrequently animals have been drowned in them. the climate of lima is extremely agreeable; the heat which would naturally be expected in so low a latitude is seldom felt, and those who have been accustomed to the scorching sun and suffocating heat of bahia, on the opposite side of the continent, or to those of carthagena, in the same latitude, are astonished at the mild and almost equable climate of lima. the following thermometrical observations, made in the years 1805 and 1810, will evince the truth of what has been asserted:-thermometrical observations, made at noon in the shade of an open room at lima. 1805. 1810. ____/\____ ____/\____ / \ / \ max. min. max. min. january 77 74¾ 76 73¾ february 79½ 76 77 74¾ march 78½ 74¾ 77 74¾ april 74¾ 72 74¾ 71¼ may 73¾ 67 71¼ 67 june 65¾ 65 66 64 july 65 63 64¾ 61 august 63½ 62¾ 63¾ 61 september 65 63½ 64¾ 64 october 65¾ 63½ 65¾ 63½ november 69½ 65¾ 69½ 65½ december 73¾ 69½ 71½ 70 ----- ----- ----- ----- mean height during} 79½ 62¾ 77 61 the year. } ====== ====== ====== ====== the coolness of the climate is occasioned by the wind and a peculiar state of the atmosphere. the wind generally blows from different points of the compass between the south west and the south east. when from the former direction, it crosses in its course a great portion of the pacific ocean, and when it comes from the eastward it has not to pass over sandy deserts or scorching plains, but to traverse first the immense tract of woodland countries lying between the brazils and peru, and afterwards the frozen tops of the cordillera, at a distance of twenty leagues from lima; so that, in both cases, it is equally cool and refreshing. a northerly wind is very seldom felt in lima; but when it blows, as if by accident, from that quarter, the heat is rather oppressive. on the 6th of march, 1811, the wind being from the north, i made the following observations with a farenheit's thermometer, at one o'clock, p. m. in the shade in an open room 80° in the air, five yards from the sun's rays 87° in the sun 106° water in the shade from sunrise 74° water in a well 20 yards below the} 70° surface of the earth } sea water at callao at 4 p. m. 64° heat of the body, perspiring 96° ------------------after cooling in the shade 94° the heat of the sun in summer is mitigated by a canopy of clouds, which constantly hang over lima, and although not perceptible from the city, yet when seen from an elevated situation in the mountains, they appear somewhat like the smoke floating in the atmosphere of large towns where coal is burnt; but as this material is not used in lima, the cause and effect must be different. if i may be allowed to give an opinion different from that of several eminent persons who have written on the climate of lima, it is, that the vapours which rise on the coast or from the sea are lifted to a sufficient height by the action of the sun's rays to be caught by the current of wind from the southward and westward, and carried by them into the interior; whilst the exhalations from the city and its suburbs only rise to a lower region, and are not acted upon by the wind, but remain in a quiescent state of perfect equilibrium, hanging over the city during the day, and becoming condensed by the coolness of the night, when they are precipitated in the form of dew, which is always observable in the morning on the herbage. lima may be justly said to enjoy one of the most delightful climates in the world; it is a succession of spring and summer, as free from the chills of winter as from the sultry heats of autumn. notwithstanding this almost constant equability, some writers have imagined that four seasons are distinguishable. such persons, however, must undoubtedly have either been endowed with peculiar sensibility, or have been gifted with an amazing philosophy. not content with the beauties of this climate, some have attached to it the properties which belong to the ultra-tropical countries--jealous perhaps of the theoretical comforts from which they are practically free, and in the full enjoyment of a climate the maximum heat of which seldom exceeds 78° of farenheit's thermometer, and the minimum of which is seldom below 62°, wishing to perfect it by having the maximum at 100°, and the minimum below zero! peralta, in his 8th canto, has very quaintly described the beautiful climate of this city:- "en su orisonte el sol todo es aurora eterna, el tiempo todo es primavera solo es risa del cielo cada hora cada mes solo es cuenta del esfera. son cada aliento, un halito de flora cada arroyo una musa lisongera; y los vergeles, que el confin le debé nubes fragantes con que el ciclo llueve." one of the peculiarities of this climate, as well as that of the coast of peru from arica to cape blanco, being a distance of about 16 degrees of latitude, is, that it can scarcely ever be said to rain. several theories have been advanced to account for this anomaly of nature. the following facts and explanations will, perhaps, tend to unravel the difficulty. in april or may the mists, called _garuas_, begin, and continue with little interruption till november, which period is usually termed the winter solstice. the gentle winds that blow in the morning from the westward, and in the afternoon from the southward, are those which fill the atmosphere with aqueous vapours, forming a very dense cloud or mist; and owing to the obliquity of the rays of the sun during this season the evaporation is not sufficiently rarified or attenuated to enable it to rise above the summits of the adjacent mountains; so that it is limited to the range of flat country lying between the mountains and the sea, which inclines towards the north west. thus the vapours brought by the general winds are collected over this range of coast, and from the cause above-mentioned cannot pass the tops of the mountains, but remain stationary until the sun returns to the south, when they are elevated by his vertical heat, and pass over the mountains into the interior, where they become condensed, and fall in copious rains. that rain is not formed on the coast from these mists is attributable, first, to a want of contrary winds to agitate and unite the particles, and, secondly, to their proximity to the earth, which they reach in their descent, before a sufficient number of them can coalesce, and form themselves into drops. the figure of the coast also contributes to the free access of the water that has been cooled at the south pole, on its return to the equatorial regions. from cape pilares to latitude 18° the direction of the coast is nearly n. and s.; and from 18° to 5° it runs out to the westward: thus the cold water dashes on the shores, and produces in the atmosphere a coolness that is not experienced in other parts, where the coasts are filled with projecting capes and deep bays; because the current, striking against those, sweeps from the coast, and the water in these becomes heated by the sun, and is deprived by the capes of the current of cold water, excepting what is necessary to maintain the equilibrium, which is diminished by absorption in the bays. the heat increases with astonishing rapidity from latitude 1° south to 10° north; the gulph of choco being deprived of the ingress of cooled water from the south by the cape san francisco, and from the north by cape blanco. the eastern shores of the south continent of america are much warmer than the western, owing to the great number of capes and bays. the atmosphere does not enjoy the cooling breezes from the pole, which are diverted from a direct course in the same manner as the currents of water, nor the refrigerated winds from the cordillera. the southern hemisphere is altogether much cooler than the northern: perhaps in the same ratio that the surface land of the northern hemisphere exceeds that of the southern. during the months of february and march it sometimes happens that large straggling drops of rain fall about five o'clock in the afternoon. this admits of an easy elucidation. the exhalations from the sea being elevated by the heat of a vertical sun, and impelled by the gentle winds during the day towards the interior and mountainous parts of the country, are sometimes arrested in their progress by a current of air from the eastward, which, having been cooled on its passage over the snow-topped andes, is colder than the air from the westward; and wherever these currents meet the aqueous particles are condensed, and uniting become too heavy to continue in the upper region of the atmosphere, when they begin to fall, and in their descent combine with those that fill the lower regions, and hence some large drops are formed. the following table of the weather will perhaps furnish a better idea of the climate of lima than any verbal description:- 1805. 1810. -------------------------------------- ------------------------- sun. cloudy. variable. sun. cloudy. variable. jan. 5 days 10 days 16 days 6 days 11 days 13 days. feb. 8 5 15 7 4 17 march 12 2 17 13 2 16 april 7 9 14 6 10 14 may .. 17 14 1 15 15 june .. 21 9 .. 24 6 july .. 28 3 .. 31 .. august .. 27 4 .. 30 1 sept. 3 20 7 2 21 7 october 2 21 8 2 19 10 nov. 4 16 10 5 15 10 dec. 4 18 19 4 7 20 --- --- --- --- --- --- during the } 45 184 136 46 189 129 year.... } ==== ==== ==== ==== ==== ==== _sun_ indicates those days in which the sun was never clouded; _cloudy_, those in which the sun was not visible; and _variable_, those in which the sun was generally clouded in the morning but afterwards became visible. from the foregoing explanations it must naturally be inferred, that the dry season in the interior occurs at the time that the mists or fogs predominate on the coast, and vice versa: this is what really takes place. the rivers on the coast are nearly dry during the misty weather, but during the summer heat they often become impassable, owing to their increase of water from the melting of the snow on the mountains and the fall of rain in the interior. the _chimbadores_, or _badeadores_, men who ford the larger rivers with goods and travellers, know from experience and minute observation, according to the hour at which the increase begins, at what place the rain has fallen. it may be well here to advert to a phenomenon which has as yet remained unnoticed. the heavy rains which fall on the cordillera of the andes are the effect of evaporation from the pacific ocean, and these rains feed the enormous streams which supply those rivers that empty themselves into the atlantic. it therefore follows, that the atlantic is furnished with water from the pacific; and if, as some have believed, the atlantida existed between the coasts of africa and america, its western shores being opposite to the mouth of the river amazon, its inundation may have been occasioned by the heavy rains in the andes. the vegetable mould in the valley of lima is about two feet deep, and is extremely rich, amply repaying the labour of cultivation. below the mould is a stratum of sand and pebbles, extending about three leagues from the sea-coast; and under this a stratum of indurated clay, apparently of alluvial depositions. the latter seems to have been once the bottom of the sea, and may have been raised above the level of the surface by some great convulsion; for i cannot suppose with moreno, unanue and others, that the water has retired from this coast so much as to occasion a fall of more than four hundred feet in perpendicular height, which the stratum of sand and pebbles holds above the level of the sea at its extreme distance from the coast. may not the same principles account for the general belief, that the surface of the atlantic on the eastern shores of the new world is above the level of the pacific on the western shores, notwithstanding the apparent contradiction of the currents running round cape horn into the atlantic? perhaps the asserted elevation, particularly in the gulph of mexico, is owing to the prevailing winds that drive the surface water into the gulf, its free egress by a sub-current being impeded by the range of the antilles, whose bases may occupy a greater space than their surfaces, and also to the existence of rocks under water. although lima is free from the terrifying effects of thunder and lightning, it is subject to dreadful convulsions which are far more frightful and destructive. earthquakes are felt every year, particularly after the mists disperse and the summer sun begins to heat the earth. they are more commonly felt at night, two or three hours after sunset, or in the morning about sunrise. the direction which they have been observed to keep has generally been from south to north, and experience has shewn, that from the equator to the tropic of capricorn the most violent concussions have taken place about once in every fifty years. since the conquest the following, which occurred at arequipa, lima and quito, have been the most violent:- arequipa. lima. quito. 1582 1586 1587 1604 1630 1645 1687 1687 1698 1715 1746 1757 1784 1806 1797 1819 it has been remarked, that the vegetable world suffers very much by a great shock, the country about lima, and all the range of coast were particularly affected by that which happened in 1678. the crops of wheat, maize, and other grain were entirely destroyed, and for several years afterwards the ground was totally unproductive. at that period wheat was first brought from chile, which country has ever since been considered the granary of lima, guayaquil, and panama. feijo, in his description of the province of truxillo, says, "that some of the valleys which produced two hundred fold of wheat before the earthquake in 1687 did not reproduce the seed after it for more than twenty years;" and according to the latest information from chile the crops have failed since the earthquake in 1822. the following shocks were felt in lima in the years 1805 and 1810:- 1805. 1810. ______/\______ _________/\__________ / \ / \ january 9, at 7½ p. m. january 7, at 9 a. m. ... 10, ... 5 a. m. ... 11, ... 5 p. m. ... 27, ... 9 p. m. may 3, ... 7½ a. m. february 17, ... 6 p. m. ... 15, ... 5 a. m. ... 21, ... 4½ p. m. ... 16, ... 7 p. m. march 1, ... 5 a. m. june 15, ... 5½ a. m. june 4, ... 4½ p. m. nov. 17, ... 5 a. m. july 1, ... 5 a. m. ... 21, ... 7½ a. m. nov. 7, ... 8 p. m. ... 24, ... 5 p. m. ... 9, ... 8½ p. m. ... 26, ... 5½ p. m. dec. 5, ... 7½ p. m. ... 14, ... 4½ p. m. when one or two faint shocks are felt in the moist weather, they are supposed to indicate a change, and the same is expected in the dry or hot weather. the principal produce of the valley of lima is sugar cane, lucern, _alfalfa_, maize, wheat, beans, with tropical and european fruit, as well as culinary vegetables. the sugar cane is almost exclusively of the creole kind: fine sugar is seldom made from it here, but a coarse sort, called _chancaca_, is extracted, the method of manufacturing which will hereafter be described. the principal part of the cane is employed in making _guarapo_; this is the expressed juice of the cane fermented, and constitutes the chief drink of the coloured people; it is intoxicating, and from its cheapness its effects are often visible, particularly among the indians who come from the interior, and can purchase this disgusting vice at a low rate. the liquor is believed to produce cutaneous eruptions if used by the white people, on which account, or more probably from the vulgarity implied in drinking it, they seldom taste it. i found it very agreeable, and when thirsty or over-heated preferred it to any other beverage. the manufacture of rum was expressly forbidden in peru both by the monarch and the pope; the former ordained very heavy penalties to be inflicted, the latter fulminated his anathemas on those who should violate the royal will. the whole of this strange colonial restriction had for its object the protection and exclusive privilege of the owners of vineyards in the making of spirits--a protection which cost the proprietors upwards of sixty thousand dollars. great quantities of lucern, alfalfa, are cultivated, for the purpose of supplying with provender the horses and mules of lima; and not less than twelve hundred asses are kept for the purpose of bringing it from the _chacras_, small farms in the valley. it generally grows to the height of three feet, and is cut down five times in the year; it prospers extremely well during the moist weather, but there is a great scarcity in the summer or hot season, because it cannot then be irrigated, for it has been observed, that if, after cutting, the roots are watered they rot; on this account fodder is not plentiful in summer, so that if a substitute for the lucern could be introduced it would prove a source of great wealth to its cultivator. i never saw dried lucern, and on inquiring why they did not dry and preserve it, was told, that the experiment had been tried, but that the green lucern when dried became so parched and tasteless that the horses would not eat it, and that the principal stems of the full-grown or ripe lucern very often contain a snuff-like powder, which is very injurious to the animals, producing a kind of madness, and frequently killing them. fat cattle brought to lima are generally kept a few days on lucern before they are slaughtered; the farmers are therefore very attentive to the cultivation of this useful and productive plant. guinea grass was planted near the city by don pedro abadia, but it did not prosper; whether the failure were occasioned by the climate, or by ignorance of management, i cannot say, but i am inclined to believe that the latter was the case. wheat is sown, but no reliance can be placed on a produce adequate to repay the farmer, although the quality in favourable seasons is very good. it often happens, that the vertical sun has great power before the grain is formed, at which time the small dew drops having arranged themselves on different parts of the ear into minute globules, these are forcibly acted on by the sun's rays before evaporation takes place, and operating as so many convex lenses, the grain is burnt, and the disappointed farmer finds nothing but a deep brown powder in its place. i have sometimes seen a field of wheat or other grain most luxuriantly green in the evening, and the day following it has been parched and dry; this transition the farmer says is the effect of frost; which will perhaps be admitted to be a correct explanation, if we consider that during the night the wind has come from the eastward, and has passed over a range of the andes at a short distance. it sometimes also happens that the moist season continues for a long period, or that after clear weather the mists return; now should the farmer irrigate his fields during this intermission, or should the mists continue, the plants shoot up to such a great height that straw alone is harvested; but in this case, aware of the result, he often cuts the green corn for fodder, or turns his cattle on it to feed. the growth of maize is much attended to, and very large quantities are annually consumed in lima by the lower classes, and as food for hogs, some of which animals become extremely fat with this grain, and in less time than if fed on any other kind. three sorts of maize are cultivated here, each of which has its peculiar properties and uses. it appears to have been in very extensive use among the indians before the arrival of the spaniards; for, on digging the _huacas_, or burying grounds, at the distance of forty leagues from lima, i have often found great quantities of it. a large deposit was discovered in square pits or cisterns, made of sun-dried bricks, on a farm called vinto, where no doubt there had either been a public granary, or, as some people imagine, a depôt formed by huaina capac, on leading his troops against the chimu, a king of the coasts, about the year 1420. the grain was quite entire when it was taken up, although, according to the above hypothesis, it had been under ground about four hundred years; owing its preservation perhaps to the dry sand in which it was buried. its depth beneath the surface was about four feet, on the ridge of a range of sand hills, where no moisture could reach it by absorption from below, its elevation being about 700 feet above the level of the sea, and 600 above that of the nearest river. i planted some of it, but it did not grow: however its fattening qualities were not destroyed, and the neighbouring farmers and inhabitants of the adjacent villages profited by the discovery. large quantities of beans are harvested in this valley for the support of the slaves on the estates and plantations, but the market of lima is principally supplied from _valles_, the valleys on the coast to the northward. although abundance of tropical and ultra-tropical fruit trees are cultivated in the gardens and orchards belonging to the farm houses, and _quintas_, seats, in the valley, i shall defer an account of them until i describe the gardens in and about the city. culinary vegetables are grown here in abundance, including a great part of those known in europe, as well as those peculiar to warm climates. the _yuca_, casava, merits particular attention, on account of its prolific produce, delicate taste, and nutritious qualities; it grows to about five feet high; its leaves are divided into seven finger-like lobes of a beautiful green, and each plant will generally yield about eight roots of the size of large carrots, of a white colour, under a kind of rough barky husk. in a raw state its taste is somewhat similar to that of the chesnut, and of a very agreeable flavour when roasted or boiled; the young buds and leaves are also cooked, and are as good as spinage. it is propagated by planting the stalks or stems of the old crop, cutting them close to the ground after about four inches are buried in the mould, which must be light and rather sandy. two species are known; the crop of the one arrives at full growth in three months, but this is not considered of so good a quality, nor is it so productive as the other, which is six months before it arrives at a state of perfection. they are distinguished by the yellowish colour of the latter, and the perfectly white colour of the former. the disadvantage attending these roots, is, that they cannot be kept above four or five days before they become very black, when they are considered unfit for use. starch is made from them in considerable quantities, by the usual method of bruising, and subjecting them to fermentation, in order to separate the farina. the mandioc, a variety of this genus, is unknown on the western side of the continent: thus all danger of injury from its poisonous qualities is precluded. several varieties of the potatoe are cultivated and yield very abundant crops. they appear to have been known in this part of the new world before it was visited by the spaniards, and not to have been confined to chile, their native country. i found this probability on their having a proper name in the quichua language, whilst those plants that have been brought into the country retain among the indians their spanish names alone. _camotes_, commonly called sweet potatoes, and by the spaniards _batatas_, are produced in great abundance, of both the yellow and purple kinds. i have seen them weighing ten pounds each; when roasted or boiled their taste is sweeter than that of the chesnut, and all classes of people eat them. they become much more farinaceous if exposed for some time to the sun after they are taken out of the ground; and if kept dry they will remain good for six months. they are propagated by setting pieces of the branches of old plants, to procure which the camote itself is sometimes planted. although the _arracacha_ which is grown in this valley is neither so large nor so well tasted as that which is produced in a cooler climate, it is nevertheless an exceedingly good esculent. it is cultivated in a rich, loose soil, and has generally five or six roots, something like parsnips, but of a different flavour; they are not very mealy, and require but little cooking; they are, however, very easy of digestion, on which account they are given to the sick and convalescent; the leaves bear a great resemblance to those of celery. the plantation is either from cuttings of the root, like potatoes, or from the seed; in the first case the roots are full grown in three months, but in the latter in not less than five. if allowed to remain in the ground double the time mentioned the roots continue to increase in size, without any detriment to their taste. starch is sometimes made from the roots, and used in the same manner as the arrow root is in other countries. only the white arracacha is here cultivated. the arracacha deserves the attention of europeans; it would, i am pretty certain, prosper in england, because its natural temperature, where it thrives best, is in about 60° of fahrenheit. the _tomate_, love apple, is very much cultivated, and is in frequent use both in the kitchen and for confectionary, and produces a very agreeable acid. capsicum, cayenne pepper, _aji_, is abundant; i have counted nine different sorts, the largest, _rocotos_, about the size of a turkey's egg, and the smallest, which is the most pungent, not thicker than the quill of a pigeon's feather; the quantity of this spice used in america is enormous; i have frequently seen a person, particularly among the indians, eat as a relish, twenty or thirty pods, with a little salt and a piece of bread. one kind called _pimiento dulce_ is made into a very delicate salad, by roasting the pods over hot embers, taking away the outer skin, and the seeds from the inside, and seasoning with salt, oil, and vinegar. it is rather a surprising fact, that manure is never used on the farms or plantations. the astonishing fertility of the soil, which has been under cultivation for upwards of three hundred years, and produced luxuriant annual crops, appears to be supported by the turbid water from the mountains, during the rainy season, with which it is irrigated. this water, like that of the nile, leaves on the ground a slimy film, which is said to contain a considerable quantity of animal matter. chapter ix. viceroys and archbishops of lima....viceroyalty, extent....viceroy's titles and privileges....royal audience....cabildo....forms of law....military.... religion....inquisition....sessions and processes....archbishop.... royal patronage....ecclesiastical tribunals....chapter, _cabildo ecclesiastico_....curates....asylum of immunity....minor tribunals...._consulado_....crusade....treasury, accompts...._temporalidades_, _protomedicato_. lima is the metropolitan, and the richest city of south america. under the spanish regime it has been the residence of forty-three viceroys, counting from don francisco pizarro to the present don jose de la serna, who abandoned the capital in 1821, when the patriot army entered. it also enumerates nineteen archbishops, from don fray geronimo de loaisa, who arrived in 1540, to don bartolome maria de las heras, who was compelled by general san martin to retire in 1821. in the list of viceroys we find four grandees of spain, two titled princes, one archbishop, one bishop, and three licentiates; the rest were military officers, but none of them americans. among the archbishops is saint thoribio de mogroviejo, who was presented in 1578, and in the exercise of his ecclesiastical duties was so unremitting, that he visited his extensive diocese three times, and confirmed upwards of a million of persons, one of whom was saint rose of lima. he died in 1606, and was canonized by benedict xiii. in 1727. the viceroyalty of peru formerly extended from the south confines of mexico to those of chile, including all the spanish possessions in south america, and what the spaniards call meridional america. the viceroyalty of santa fe de bogotá was separated from peru, and established in 1718; that of buenos ayres in 1777. the titles of the viceroy of peru were his excellency don ----, viceroy and captain-general of peru, president of the royal audience, superintendent subdelegate of the royal finances, posts and temporalities, director-general of the mining tribunal, governor of callao, royal vice-patron, &c. as viceroy he was the immediate representative of the king, and answerable to him alone as president of the council of indies, _consejo de indias_: to which tribunal all complaints and appeals were directed, as well as the residential reports. petitions of every description were presented directed or addressed to him, for the despatch of which he was assisted by a legal adviser, called _asesor general_, whose written report was generally confirmed by the sub-signature of the viceroy, but from these there was an appeal to the royal audience. it has been the custom of the viceroys to appoint an hour in the morning, and another in the afternoon, for receiving personally from the hands of the petitioners papers addressed to them; but the secretary's office was always open for such documents. in his quality of captain-general he was charged with all political affairs, those relating to fortification, and the defence of the country by land and sea, for which purpose the whole of the military and naval departments were subject to his immediate orders; but in cases of emergency he usually called a _junta de guerra_, council of war. all courts martial were held by his orders, and their sentences required his confirmation before they were put in execution, but if he chose he could refer the whole to the revision of the _consejo de guerra permanente_, in spain. in the capacity of president of the royal audience the viceroy assisted at the sittings whenever he pleased, and entered at any hour which he thought proper during a session. when he proposed to assist in state, he announced his intention, and a deputation of the judges attended him from his palace to the hall; on his arrival at the door the porter called aloud, the president! when all the attorneys, advocates and others met and conducted him to his chair; the judges continued standing until he was seated and nodded permission for them to resume their seats. the session being finished, all the members of the audience, regent, judges, _oidores_, and fiscal, accompanied him to the door of his apartment in the palace, the regent walking on his left, and the other members preceding him two and two. the presidency of the audience was merely honorary, as the president had neither a deliberative nor a consulting voice, but all sentences of the tribunal must have had his signature, which may be called the _veto_, before they could be put in execution. on the arrival of any new laws, royal ordinances, or schedules, the viceroy was summoned by the tribunal to the hall of accords, _sala de acuerda_, where they were presented to him, and the ceremony of obedience to them performed by his kissing the king's signature and then laying the paper on his head, which act was recorded by the _escribano de camara_. the viceroy, as president of the royal audience made a private report annually to the king, through the council of indies, of the public and even of the private characters of the members of the tribunal. he could also direct secret inquiries respecting any member whose conduct might have excited suspicion. all presidents of audiences, as well as the members, were forbidden to marry within the boundaries of their jurisdiction without the express permission of the king; they were likewise prohibited all commercial concerns, possession of personal property, becoming godfathers to infants, and even visiting any private family. the marquis of aviles, viceroy of lima, was, before his appointment, married to a native of lima, but he was never known to visit any of her relatives; however, abascal, marquis de la concordia, judging it to be a prudent and conciliatory measure to break through this restriction during the unquiet times of his government, visited different families, and attended at several public feasts, giving others in return. at the expiration of five years, the term for which viceroys, governors, &c. were appointed, and on the arrival of a successor, a commissioner, generally a judge, was nominated by the king, to take what was termed _la residencia_. six months were allowed for all persons who considered themselves aggrieved to lay before this commissioner a full statement of their case, and at the termination of the six months the whole of the papers which had been presented were forwarded to the council of indies for the inspection of that tribunal. as superintendent subdelegate merely placed the viceroy above all the tribunals, he had no other authority over them, except, indeed, the nomination of the higher officers, who had afterwards to obtain a confirmation from the king; or of confirming the lower officers nominated by their superior ones. it may be considered an honorary distinction, except that of royal financier, as such he presided quarterly at the general passing of accounts and inspection of treasures. as royal vice-patron all collated benefices required his confirmation. the archbishop proposed to him three individuals, and it generally happened that the first on the list received the confirmation; but this was optional in the vice-patron, who could confirm any one of those whom he chose. this prerogative was often the cause of serious disputes between the viceroy and the archbishop. as governor-general of callao, he visited its fortifications twice a year, for which he had an additional sum of five hundred dollars for each visit. his whole salary amounted to sixty-one thousand dollars. the royal audience of lima was established in 1541, and composed of a president, regent, eight oidores or members, two fiscals, (one civil, the other criminal) _relatores_, reporters, _escribanos_, scriveners or recorders, porters, and an _alguacil mayor_, also two _alcaldes de corte_. the official costume of the regent and members was a black under dress with white laced cuffs over those of the coat, a black robe or cloak with a cape about three quarters of a yard square, generally of velvet, called the toga; and a collar or ruff having two corners in front; this was black and covered with white lace or cambric: a small trencher cap, carried in their hands, completed their costume. when divested of their robes they bore a gold-headed cane or walking-stick with large black silk tassels and cord, which was the insignia of a magistrate, or of any one in command, and called the _baton_. the sessions of the audience were held every day, excepting holidays, from nine o'clock in the morning till twelve; and here all cases both civil and criminal were tried, either by the whole of the members or by committees, and there was no appeal, except in some few cases, to the consejo de indias. the audience was a court of appeal from any other authority, even from the ecclesiastical courts, by a _recurso de fuersa_; but all its sentences required the signature of the viceroy or president; for the obtaining of which, an escribano de camara waited on his excellency every day with all those papers that had received the signatures of the audience and required to be signed by him. papers addressed to the audience were headed with _mui poderoso señor_, most potent lord; and the title of the members in session was highness, _altesa_, individually that of lordship, _senoria_. the cabildo of lima had two _alcaldes ordinarios_, twelve _regidores_, a _sindico procurador_, a secretary, an _alguacil mayor_ and a legal advisor called the _asesor_. the cabildo appointed out of its own members a justice of police, _jues de policia_; a _jues de aguas_, who decided in all questions respecting the water-works belonging to the city and suburbs; also a _fiel egecutor_, for examining weights and measures. the royal ensign, _alferes real_ was another member _de oficio_, appointed by the king, who held in his possession the royal standard, (the same that was brought by pizarro) which was carried by the alferes real, accompanied by the viceroy, a deputation from the audience, another from the cabildo, including the two alcaldes, and others from the different corporate bodies, in solemn procession through some of the principal streets of the city, on the 8th of january, being the anniversary of the foundation of lima. the title of alferes real was hereditary in the family of the count of monte mar, y monte blanco. the viceroy was president of the cabildo. the alcaldes had cognizance in all causes cognizable by governors; their sentences had the same force, and were carried by appeal to the audience. the forms of law in the spanish tribunals were very complicated, tedious and expensive. the escribano wrote down all declarations, accusations, and confessions, and the courts decided on the merits of the case according to what was read to them by the _relator_ from the writings presented; the client, if in prison, not being admitted to hear his own cause. the tribunals, or judges very reluctantly deprived a man of his life, but they had no regard to his personal liberty; even a supposition of criminality was sufficient to incarcerate an individual, perhaps for years, during which he had not the power to prove himself innocent. from the facility of imprisonment it was not considered a disgrace, and a prisoner often received visits from his friends in a jail, which he returned as a matter of politeness when liberated. i saw prisoners here who had been incarcerated for twenty years, some for murder; their causes were not then and probably never would be finished till death stepped in. the viceroy visited all the prisons on the friday before easter, and two days before christmas, when he discharged some persons who were confined for petty crimes. a surgeon and one of the _alcaldes_ visited the prisons every day, which visits produced much good; the alcalde _de corte_ examined their food two or three times a week, and attended to any complaints respecting the internal arrangements made by the _alcaide_, jailor. of the military, not only those who were in actual service, but the militia, and persons who had held military rank, and had retired, were tried by their particular laws, or court martials. this exemption was called _fuero_, but its enjoyment was not equally extended. the private, the corporal, and the serjeant might be tried, condemned and executed, but the sentence of an officer required the confirmation of the captain-general, and in some cases the approbation of the king. the roman catholic religion was established here in the same manner as in all the spanish dominions, all sectaries being excluded. the inexorable tribunal for the protection of the former, and for the persecution of the latter, held its sessions in lima, and was one of the three instituted in south america, the other two being at mexico and carthagena. much has been written at different times respecting this _tribunal de la fe_, tribunal of faith, and much more has been said about it, in opposition to the old spanish adage, _de rey e inquisicion--chiton_, of the king and the inquisition--not a word. the primitive institution was entirely confined to adjudge matters strictly heretical, but it soon assumed cognizance of civil and political affairs, becoming at the same time the stay of the altar, and the prop of the throne. all the sessions of the inquisition being inaccessible, and the persons tried, consulted, or called in as evidence having been sworn to keep secret every thing which they should hear, see, or say, has, in a great measure, deprived the public of any knowledge respecting what transpired in its mysterious proceedings. this tribunal could condemn to fine, confiscation, banishment, or the flames. since its erection in 1570, not fewer than forty individuals have been sentenced to the latter punishment, from which one hundred and twenty have escaped by recantation. the last who suffered was a female of the name of castro, a native of toledo, in spain. she was burnt in the year 1761. formerly the portraits of those unfortunate individuals who had been burnt were hung up, with the names annexed, in the passage leading from the cathedral to the sagrario, where also the names of those who had recanted were exposed, having a large red cross on the pannel, but no portrait. in the year 1812, as one of the results of the promulgation of the constitution, this revolting exhibition was removed. the tribunal was composed of three inquisitors and two secretaries, called of despatch and of secret, _del despacho y del secreto_; _alguasiles_, or bailiffs, porters, brothers of punishment, being lay brothers of the order of dominicans, whose duty it was to attend when requested, and to inflict corporal punishment on the unhappy victims of persecution. there were also brothers of charity, of the hospitallery order of saint juan de dios, to whom the care of the sick was confided; and both were sworn not to divulge what they had done or seen. besides these, a great number of commissaries were appointed by the inquisitors, in the principal towns within their jurisdiction, for the purpose of furnishing them with information on every matter denounced; also of forwarding accusations, processes, and persons accused, to the tribunal. qualifiers were elected, whose duty it was to spy out whatever might appear to them offensive to religion, in books, prints or images; they likewise reported to the tribunal their opinion of new publications. these were wretches worse than slander, for not even the secrets of the grave could escape them! all books, before they were offered for sale, must have had a permit from the inquisition; and if they were contained in the published list of prohibited works, the possessor was obliged to go to a _calificador_, qualifier, and deliver them to him; and should a person have known that another had such books in his possession, it was his duty to denounce the individual, whose house, through this circumstance, was subject to a visit from those holy men. when such books were found, the owner became amenable to any punishment which these arbitrary priests might think proper to inflict. the punishment was generally a fine, which was of the greatest utility to the judges, because all the salaries were paid out of fines and confiscations, and a stipend arising from a canonry in each cathedral within their jurisdiction. it was often said by the people, that some books were prohibited because they were bad; others were bad, because they were prohibited. the inquisitors were secular priests, and distinguished from the others by wearing a pale blue silk cuff, buttoned over that of the coat. they were addressed as lords spiritual, and when speaking, although individually, used the plural pronoun _we_. the inquisitorial power was never exercised over the indians or negroes, who were considered in the class of neophytes; but every other individual, including the viceroy, archbishop, judges, prebends, &c. was subject to its almost omnipotent authority. lima was the see of a bishop from 1539 to 1541, when it was created an archbishopric by paul iv., being a suffragan to the mitre of seville till the year 1571. it was afterwards erected into a metropolitan, and has for suffragans the bishops of panamá erected in 1533 cuzco " 1534 quito " 1545 santiago de chile " 1561 conception de chile " 1564 truxillo " 1577 guamanga " 1611 arequipa " 1611 cuenca " 1786 maynas " 1806 the two bulls of alexander vi. of 1493 and 1501 gave to ferdinand and isabella the entire possession of those countries discovered, and that might from time to time be discovered by them and their successors, in america; and the pope, being _infallible_ in his decrees, these bulls deprived the see of rome of all direct influence in the spanish colonies, and gave to the kings of spain the right of repulsing any jurisdiction which the popes might attempt to exercise there. thus any decree, mandate, bull, or commission from the pope required the sanction of royal approbation before it was valid in this country; and even for the prevention of what were termed reserved cases, the kings took care to obtain extensive privileges for the archbishops and bishops. all briefs, bulls, dispensations, indulgences, and other pontifical acts were sent from rome to the king; and the council of indies had the exclusive examination, admission or rejection of them, as they might consider them advantageous or injurious to the royal prerogative in the colonies. the right of patronage belonged exclusively to the king; he had the presentation to all archbishoprics and bishoprics, and every other office even to the lowest was filled by the royal will. the presentation to vicarages, curacies, chaplainries, &c. was delegated to the viceroy, as vice-patron; and if any dispute should arise respecting the due exercise of this delegated authority, it was carried before the council of indies, which was authorized to regulate any such controversies. this entirely deprived the pope of all interfering power; indeed he enjoyed no other right than that of granting bulls, briefs, &c. when they were requested, and of deciding in cases of conscience, when they were submitted to him by the council of indies. all bishops and other beneficed priests rendered to the king, as patron, the entire rent of their benefice for one year; it was called the _annata_, and was paid in six annual instalments. the revenue of the mitres was derived from the tithes; two ninths of which belonged to the king, one fourth to the mitre and the remainder was applied to the other ministers of the gospel, both of the choir and collated benefices. for the security of the royal privileges, every bishop made oath, before he took possession of his see, that he would respect the royal patronage, and never oppose the exercise of its rights. the archbishop had his ecclesiastical tribunal, and so had all bishops in the spanish colonies. it was composed of himself, as president, the fiscal, and provisor vicar general. all ordinary sentences were given by the provisor, the president's signature being subjoined; but all important cases were judged by the archbishop. the jurisdiction of this tribunal embraced all causes spiritual, such as orders, marriages, divorces, legitimations, pious legacies, monastical portions or dowries, with the defence and preservation of the immunities of the church, and contentious disputes between the members of the church, as well as those preferred by laymen against priests. all who had received holy orders enjoyed the _fuero ecclesiastico_, and all criminal complaints against the clergy must be laid before the ecclesiastical tribunal, but there was an appeal to the royal audience, as has been mentioned, by a _recurso de fuersa_. suits instituted in an ecclesiastical court were equally as tedious and expensive as those of a secular one. five provincial councils have been held here for the regulation of church discipline. the two first were held in 1551 and 1567 by don fray geronimo de loaisa, and the other three in 1582, 1591, and 1601, by saint thoribio de mogroviejo. the provincial of each monastic order was the prelate, or head of the order; he judged, in the first instance, of any misdemeanour committed by the individuals wearing the habit; he also inflicted corporal as well as spiritual punishments; besides ordering temporal privations, on which account monasteries were not subject to the ordinary. the chapter, or _cabildo ecclesiastico_, of lima had a dean, a subdean, a magisterial canon, a doctoral, a penitentiary and a treasurer; six prebendaries, four canons, six demi-proporcionaries, _medio racioneros_, and for the service of the choir four royal chaplains, two choral chaplains, a master of ceremonies, besides chaunters, musicians, _monacillos_, who served at the altar; porters, beadles, &c. the prebendaries and canons were distinguished from other clergymen by wearing white lace or cambric cuffs. in the spanish colonies the care of souls was confided to rectoral curates, who officiated in parishes where the population was principally spanish or white creoles; they received a stipend out of the tithes, and from their parishioners they were entitled to the firstlings, _primicias_, which consisted of one bushel of grain of each description, harvested by each separate individual, if the quantity harvested exceeded seven bushels; but no more than one was exacted, however great the quantity of grain might be. for animals and fruits they generally compounded with their parishioners. they were also paid for baptisms, marriages and funerals; besides which they had perquisites arising from church feasts, masses, &c. the doctrinal curates were those destined to towns or parishes the population of which was composed chiefly of indians; they had fewer perquisites, and received nothing for baptisms, marriages, or funerals, but a sum established by the synod, which was very small. they had however a stipend assigned them by the king, which they got from the treasury: it seldom exceeded 500 dollars. the missionaries enjoyed curial and apostolical privileges in their villages, or reductions; they were of the order of franciscans, who at the extinction of the jesuits filled all the missions vacated by this death-blow to the advancement of christianity among the unchristianized tribes of indians in south america. the election of curates took place about every four years, and was called the _concurso_, at which time all those possessed of benefices, and who wished to be removed, presented themselves; having first obtained permission from the archbishop, and left another clergyman in charge of their parish. the archbishop and four _examinadores_ examined them in latin and theological points, and either approved or reproved them. if the former, an allegation of merits and services was presented, without any expression of inclination to any particular parish, and after all the examinations were ended the archbishop nominated three individuals to each of the third class or richest livings. these nominations were forwarded to the vice-patron, who confirmed one of each three, and presented him with the benefice, returning immediately the two remaining ones. out of these, other nominations were made for the second class, and then sent for confirmation. the returns furnished names for the first or lowest class. the archbishop could appoint, on the death of a curate, any priest to fill the vacancy pro tempore without the confirmation of the vice-patron. all persons who received holy orders must possess a sufficient _congrua_ to support them decently, if not, they were ordained by a title of adscription, by which the archbishop could attach them to any curacy as assistants or coadjutors. no curate or priest could enjoy two livings or benefices, nor absent himself under any pretence from the one he held without an express permission from the vicar-general; none could appear as evidence in cases where there was a possibility of the culprits being sentenced to death, and they were expressly prohibited from interfering, either directly or indirectly, as magistrates. it is certainly to be regretted, that in all parts of the world, i mean the christian world, the same laws are not established; for what ought to be more dear to a shepherd than his flock; but alas! many take charge of it for the sake of the fleece, and for that only. some of the popes, imagining in their ardour of usurpation, that they should increase the sanctity of the church by elevating it above the reach of the law, barred its doors against the civil magistracy, and made it the refuge of outlaws; thus mistaking pity for piety, christian forgiveness for religious protection: hence the temple was opened to the murderer, his hands still reeking with the blood of his fellow citizen, and closed against the minister of justice, whose duty it was to avenge the crime; as if god had established his church for the protection of vices in this world, which he has threatened with eternal punishment in the next. spain, either through fear or as the bigot of ancient customs, maintains her asylums on the plan to which charlemagne reduced them in france in the eighth century. by the request of the king a bull was issued, dated 12th sept. 1772, limiting the place of immunity throughout the spanish dominions to one church in each smaller town, and to two in large cities; the sagrario and san larazo enjoyed this privilege in lima. the immunity of the church protected a man who had killed another by chance or in his own defence; but if he had been guilty of murder, or had maliciously wounded a person so as to cause his death, it delivered him over to the civil authorities at their request. the commission of a crime in the church or its dependencies precluded immunity, which was also withheld from persons convicted of high treason, although they might take refuge in a privileged church; from those suspected of heresy; heretics; jews; forgers of royal or apostolic letters or patents; the defrauders of any bank or public treasury; false coiners of coin current in the country; violaters of churches, or destroyers of church property; persons who escaped from prison, from the officers of justice, from exile, public labours or the galleys; blasphemers; sorcerers; the excommunicated; debtors and thieves. thus it appears, that immunity was available only in cases of manslaughter; but if the person accused had been guilty of murder, before it could be proved against him, he generally took care to make his escape and elude the punishment. the same may be said of the greater number of the instances to which immunity was denied; for few suffered, like joab, after having taken hold of the horns of the altar. the other tribunals in lima were _el consulado_, or the board of commerce, founded in 1613. it had a prior and two consuls, who decided in all mercantile affairs; they had an _asesor_ or legal adviser, secretary, notary and porters; the tribunal of the holy crusade, founded in 1574, for the promulgation of the pope's bulls, and collection of this part of the royal revenue; the royal treasury, established in 1607, for the receipt of all treasure appertaining to the crown, and the payment of all persons in the employ of the government; the tribunal of general accompts; that of temporalities, for recovering the value or rents of the possessions and property of the ex jesuits; and, lastly, the tribunal of the _protomedicato_, for the examination of students in medicine and surgery: it was composed of a president, a fiscal and two examiners. chapter x. taxes, alcavala....indian tribute....fifths of the mines....lances ....stamped paper....tobacco...._media anata_...._aprovechamientos_ ...._composicion and confirmacion_ of lands....royal ninths.... venal offices....estrays....confiscations....fines....vacant successions...._almoxarifasgo_...._corso_...._armada_....consulate ...._cirquito_....vacant benefices...._mesada ecclesiastica_.... _media anata ecclesiastica_....restitutions....bulls. the system of taxation in the spanish colonies was as complicated as their law suits in the courts of justice, and the ingenuity of the theory practised in the exchequer can only be equalled by the resignation of the people to the practice. the _alcavala_ was the most ancient and most productive tax in the colonies; it was granted by the cortes to the king of spain, in 1342, to defray the expenses of the war against the moors. at that time it was rated at five per cent., but in the year 1366 it was increased to ten per cent. the order for the collection of this tax in peru was issued in 1591; it was first fixed here at two per cent., and afterwards increased, according to the exigences of the state, and the submission of the people, to six and a half per cent. this tax was levied on every sale and resale of moveable and immoveable property; all merchandize, manufactured produce, animals, buildings, in fine, all kinds of property were liable to this impost the moment they were brought into the market, and all contracts specified its payment. retail dealers generally compounded according to their stock and presumed sale, and were compelled to abide by the composition. those indians who became subject to the law of conquest, that is, all whose forefathers did not voluntarily resign themselves to the spanish authorities, and solicit a curate, without causing any expense to be incurred in their discovery or subjection, paid an annual tribute from the age of eighteen to fifty. this tribute varied very much in different provinces; some paying seven dollars and a half a year, others only two and a half. an indian might redeem his tribute by advancing a certain sum, proportionate to his age and the annual tribute. the tax was collected by the _subdelegados_, governors of districts, who were allowed six per cent. on the sum gathered, according to the tribute roll, which was renewed every five years by a commissioner called the _visitador_. this direct tax was more irksome to the people than any other, and caused much general discontent, although those who paid it enjoyed privileges more than equal to the impost. all metals paid to the king a fifth, for the collection of which proper officers and offices were established. gold in its native state was carried to the royal foundry, _casa real de fundicion_, where it was reduced to ingots, each of which was assayed and marked, its quality and weight being specified; after which the fifth was paid, and then it was offered for sale. silver was also taken in its pure state, called _piña_, and it was contraband to sell it until it had been melted, and each bar marked in the same manner as the gold. base metals were subject to a similar impost, but reduced to bars by the miners, who afterwards paid the fifth. titles paid an annual fine of five hundred dollars each to the king, unless the person in possession redeemed it by paying ten thousand dollars. this tax, although unproductive in some parts, was worthy of attention in lima, where there were sixty-three titled personages, marquises, counts and viscounts. all judicial proceedings in the different courts of justice, civil, criminal, military and ecclesiastical; all agreements, testimonies, and public acts, were required to be on stamped paper, according to a royal order dated in 1638. it was stamped in spain, bearing the date of the two years for which it was to serve, or was considered to be in force; after which term it was of no use. the surplus, if any, was cut through the stamp, and sold as waste paper, and the court took care to supply another stock for the two succeeding years. if the court neglected to do this, the old paper was restamped by order of the viceroy, bearing a fac simile of his signature. there were four sorts of this paper, or rather paper of four prices. that on which deeds and titles were written, or permissions and pardons granted, cost six dollars the sheet; that used for contracts, wills, conveyances and other deeds drawn up before a notary, one dollar and a half; that on which every thing concerning a course of law before the viceroy or audience was conducted, half a dollar; and for writings presented by soldiers, slaves, paupers and indians, the fourth class was used, and cost the sixteenth of a dollar each sheet. the first sheet of the class required in any memorial or document, according to the foregoing rules, was of that price, but the remainder, if more were wanted, might be of the fourth class or lowest price, or even of common writing paper. tobacco was a royal monopoly, a price being fixed by the government on the different qualities of this article, according to the province in which it was grown; at such price the whole was paid for; after which it was brought to lima, where it was sold at an established rate at the _estanco_, or general depôt. if any person either bought or sold tobacco without a license, confiscation of the article and a heavy fine were the result, and frequently the whole property of the offender became a forfeit. on an average, the king purchased it at three reals, three eighths of a dollar, per pound, and sold it again at two dollars; but such was the number of officers employed to prevent smuggling, collect the tobacco, and attend the estanco, that, on the whole, the revenue suffered very considerably, although the profit was so great. snuff was not allowed to be manufactured in peru; one kind called _polvillo_ was brought from seville, and rappee from the havanna; but both were included in the royal monopoly. to secure the tax imposed on tobacco, no one could cultivate it without express permission from the director; and, on delivery, the planter was obliged to make oath as to the number of plants which he had harvested; also that he had not reserved one leaf for his own use, nor for any other purpose. this tyrannical monopoly produced more hatred to the spanish government than all the other taxes. not only every tobacco planter, but every consumer joined in execrating so disagreeable an impost. the _media anata_, or moiety of the yearly product of all places or employments under government, was paid into the treasury, or rather reserved out of the stipend when the payment was made by the treasury. this moiety was deducted for the first year only, and if the individual were promoted to a more lucrative situation, he again paid the surplus of his appointment for one year. _aprovechamientos_, or profits, were, in seized goods, the excess of their valuation over their sale, which excess was paid into the treasury so that the king took the goods as they were appraised by _his officers_, and appropriated to himself the profit of the public sale. composition and confirmation of lands were the produce arising from the sale of lands belonging to the crown, and the duty paid by the purchaser for the original title deeds. the royal ninths, _novenos reales_, were the one ninth of all the tithes collected: the amount was paid into the treasury. tithes were established in america by an edict of charles v. dated the 5th of october, 1501. they were at first applied wholly to the support of the church; but in 1541 it was ordained that they should be divided into four parts; one to be given to the bishop of the diocese, one to the chapter, and out of the remainder two ninths should belong to the crown, three for the foundation of churches and hospitals, and four ninths for the support of curates and other officiating ecclesiastics. this distribution was afterwards altered, and the seven ninths of the moiety were applied to the latter purpose. the tithe on sugar, cocoa, coffee and other agricultural productions which required an expensive process before they were considered as articles of commerce paid only five per cent.; but ten per cent. was rigorously exacted on all produce and fruits which did not require such a process. tobacco, being a royal monopoly, paid no tithes. all offices in the _cabildos_, excepting those of the two _alcaldes_; those of notaries, _escribanos_, receivers and recorders of the audience, paid a fine to the king on his appointment, in proportion to the value of the office, but the incumbent was allowed to sell his appointment, on certain conditions established by law, which conditions, however, almost debarred any person from being a purchaser. all property found was to be delivered to the solicitor of the treasury; and if it remained one year unclaimed it was declared to belong to the crown. all contraband or confiscated property paid to the king the duties which would have been paid had the commodity been regularly imported or exported; after which the value produced by sale, the _aprovechamiento_ being deducted, was divided among the informer, the captors, the intendant, the council of indies and the king. fines imposed as penalties in the different courts of justice belonged to the crown, and were paid into the treasury. the property of any person dying intestate appertained to the king. the revenue arising from commerce was exacted under a great many heads, and was as complicated a system as the rest of the spanish proceedings, which appeared to be directed to the employment of a number of officers and the diminution of finance. the _almoxarifasgo_ was paid on whatever was either shipped or landed; on entering any spanish port five per cent. was paid, on going out, two per cent. the _corso_ was levied on entry as well as departure, being in both cases two per cent. the duty called _armada_ was a tax established for defraying the expenses incurred in the protection of vessels against pirates; that of _corso_ against enemies in time of war; but although the former might not exist, and the latter have ceased, the tax was still levied, in contradiction to the old rule, that the effect ceases with the cause. the armada was four per cent. on entry, and two on departure. the duty of the consulate was received at the maritime custom houses, and the product accounted for to the tribunal; it was one per cent. on entry, and one on departure. besides the foregoing taxes, the tariff taxes were paid, the list of which would be too long for insertion. in 1810 the viceroy abascal issued a decree, by which british manufactured goods were permitted to be brought across the isthmus of panama, and thence to callao, on condition of their paying a duty of thirty-seven and a half per cent., called _el derecho de cirquito_, circuit duty, in addition to all the other taxes. a merchant in lima assured me, that having remitted thirty thousand dollars to jamaica, to be employed in the purchase of cotton goods, the expenses of freight, the porterage, and the duties together amounted to forty-two thousand three hundred and seventy-five dollars by the time the goods were warehoused in lima. among the ecclesiastical contributions to the state were major and minor vacancies, which were the rents of vacant bishoprics, prebendaries and canonries; these rents were paid into the treasury until the new dignitary was appointed, and took possession of his benefice. the _mesada ecclesiastica_ was the amount of the first month, or the twelfth part of the annual income of each rector after his presentation to a new benefice. this was estimated by the solicitor of the treasury, and religiously exacted. the _media anata ecclesiastica_ was the proceeds of the first six months which the dignitaries and canons of the chapters paid out of the income of their benefices. restitution was the money which penitents delivered to their confessors, being the amount of what they believed they had defrauded the crown, by smuggling, or other unlawful practices. the name of the restitutionist was kept a profound secret; all that the confessor had to do was, to deliver the money he might receive to the collector at the treasury. this was giving to cæsar the things that are cæsar's. the greatest amount of revenue which the king received from the church arose from the sale of bulls; and of these there was a great variety. jovellanos says, in his description of the pope's bulls, "that they are a periodical publication of the highest price, least value, meanest type, and worst paper; all buy them, few read them, and none understand them." the bulls were first granted by the popes as a kind of passport to heaven to all those who died in the wars against infidels; they contained most extraordinary dispensations, both with respect to christian duties in this world and to the punishment due to crimes in the next; and although the crusades, and other wars that drove men to heaven, or to some other place, at the point of the lance, or sword, had ceased, yet the influence of the bulls in increasing the revenue was of too great importance to the king for him to allow them to die with the cause that gave them birth: their effects were too useful to be renounced. according to the original terms of the bulls, no person could reap the benefit unless he were actually serving in the war; afterwards he might procure a substitute and remain secure at home; but now he can enjoy the blessings of peace at a much cheaper rate. the bulls sold in south america were, the general bull for the living, or of the holy crusade; the bull of _lacticinios_, milk food; of _composicion_, accommodation; and the bull for the dead. the general bull for the living retained its virtue in the hands of its possessor for two years, at which period it expired, but the benefit might be renewed by purchasing another. the advantages derived from the possession of this bull included generally all those of the other three though not in so direct a manner; having this, no cases were reserved for papal absolution; all kinds of vows might be released, excepting those which would contribute more to the church by their fulfilment; blasphemy was forgiven; any thing except flesh meat might be eaten on fast days; and one day of fasting, one prayer repeated, or one good deed done, was equal to fifteen times fifteen forties of fast days, prayers, or good deeds done by the unlucky being who had not purchased this bull. nay more--the buying of two bulls conveyed to the purchaser a double portion of privileges. the price of this precious paper varied according to the rank of the sinful purchaser: a viceroy, captain-general of a province, lieutenant-general of the army and their wives paid fifteen dollars for each bull; archbishops, bishops, inquisitors, canons, dukes, marquises, and all noblemen, also magistrates and many others, five dollars each; every individual who was in possession of property to the amount of 6000 dollars, paid one dollar and a half for his bull; and all persons under this class enjoyed all the privileges conceded to the rich and powerful, for two and a half reals, or five sixteenths, of a dollar each. the bull of _lacticinios_, or milk food, was issued for the benefit of the clergy, they not being allowed by the general bull to eat such dainties on fast days; but as the result did not answer the expectations of the crown the commissary-general recommended the laity to purchase it for the prevention of conscientious scruples. archbishops, bishops, and conventual prelates paid six; canons, dignitaries and inquisitors, paid three; rectors and curates one and a half, and all other secular priests one dollar for each bull. a celebrated spanish writer, speaking of this bull, says, "the holy father has only allowed them these dainties when they can be procured, another bull is wanting to eat them at all events, but for this purpose the bull of _composicion_ may be made to answer." this bull of composition, or accommodation, is monstrous; for it gives to the possessor of stolen property a quiet conscience and absolute possession, on condition that he has stolen it evading the punishment applicable by law; that he knows not the person whom he has robbed or defrauded, and that the knowledge of this accommodating bull did not induce him to commit the theft. thus this papal pardon by accommodation or agreement insures to a lawless villain a quiet possession of property, the means of acquiring which ought to have been rewarded by the hangman! the possessor of the unlawfully acquired property fixed a value on it, and purchased bulls to the amount of six per cent. on the principal. only fifty bulls could be purchased in one year by one individual, but if he required more, he applied to the commissary-general, whose indulgence might be purchased. the bull for the dead was a kind of safe conduct to paradise--the masonic sign to saint peter for admission there, or a discharge from purgatory, if the soul of the deceased had reached this place before the bull was purchased, or if by some mishap the name of the individual had not been written on it, or had been wrongly spelled. how unfortunate must those pious christians have been who lived, or rather who died at a great distance from the bull vender, or who had not the means of purchasing this pontifical passport; for every person must have one, the article not being transferable, because this would injure the market; but any person was allowed to purchase more than one and at any period after the death of the person he wished to befriend, as its powerful influence might be extended to the general benefit and alleviation of souls in purgatory. thus it is that piety when accompanied with money has wonderful powers! all persons included among the first class of purchasers of the general bull paid six eighths of a dollar, six reals, for one for the dead, if he belonged to this class, but if he were of the fourth it only cost two reals, two eighths of a dollar. i shall not pretend to give an estimate of the sum produced by the taxes, the jealousy of the spaniards towards a foreigner being so great that it would have been dangerous for me even to have inquired. the two following items i obtained by chance: dollars. the custom house of lima received in 1805 1592837-2½ ditto in 1810 1640324-4 produce of bulls in the commissary's } office for the viceroyalty of peru } in 1805 91021 ditto in 1810 97340-2 chapter xi. city of lima....figure and division....walls....bridge....houses ....churches....manner of building....parishes....convents.... nunneries....hospitals....colleges...._plasa mayor_....market.... interior of the viceroy's palace....ditto archbishop's ditto.... ditto sagrario....ditto cathedral....ditto cavildo. the figure of the city of lima approaches to that of a semicircle, having the river rima for its diameter; it is two miles long from east to west, and one and a quarter broad from the bridge to the wall; it is chiefly divided into squares, the length of each side being 130 yards; but in some parts approaching to the wall this regularity is not preserved; all the streets are straight, and they are generally about 25 feet wide; the place contains 157 _quadras_, being either squares or parallelograms, with a few diagonal intersections towards the extremities of the city. the wall which encloses lima, except on the side bordering on the river, is built of _adobes_, sun-dried bricks, each brick being twenty inches long, fourteen broad and four thick; they are made of clay, and contain a very large quantity of chopped straw: these bricks are considered as better calculated than stone to resist the shocks of earthquakes, and from their elasticity they would probably be found pretty tough in resisting a cannonading; however, of this there is little risk. the walls are on an average twelve feet high, with a parapet three feet on the outer edge: they are about ten feet thick at the bottom, and eight at the top, forming a beautiful promenade round two-thirds of the city. the wall is flanked with thirty-four bastions, but without embrasures; it has seven gates and three posterns, which are closed every night at eleven o'clock, and opened again every morning at four. this wall of enclosure more than of defence was built by the viceroy duke de la palata, and finished in the year 1685; it was completely repaired by the viceroy marquis de la concordia, in the year 1808. all the gateways are of stone, and of different kinds of architecture; that called _de maravillas_, leading towards the pantheon, is very much ornamented with stucco work. at the south east extremity of the city is a small citadel called santa catalina; in it are the artillery barracks, the military depôt, and the armoury. it is walled round and defended by two bastions, having small pieces of artillery. the viceroy pezuela being an officer of artillery, and formerly commandant of the body guard at lima, paid great attention to the citadel, and expended considerable sums of money in altering and repairing it during the time of his viceroyalty. the bridge leading from the city to the suburb called san lazaro is of stone; it has five circular arches, and piers projecting on each side; those to the east are triangular next the stream, and those on the opposite side are circular; on the tops are stone seats, to which a number of fashionable people resort and chat away the summer evenings. from eight to eleven o'clock, or even later, it is remarkably pleasant, both on account of the quantity of people passing to and fro, and from the river being at this season full of water. on the east side the water falls from an elevated stone base about five feet high, and forms a species of cascade, the sound of the falling water adding much to the pleasure enjoyed during the cool evenings of a tropical climate. at the south end of the bridge is a stone arch, crowned with small turrets and stucco, having a clock and dial in the centre; the whole was built and finished by the order of the viceroy marquis of montes claros, in the year 1613. the general aspect of the houses in lima is novel to an englishman on his first arrival; those of the inferior classes have but one floor, and none exceed two; the low houses have a mean appearance, too, from their having no windows in front. if the front be on a line with the street they have only a door, and if they have a small court-yard, patio, a large heavy door opens into the street. some of the houses of the richer classes have simply the ground floor, but there is a patio before the house, and the entrance from the street is through a heavy-arched doorway, with a coach house on one side; over this is a small room with a balcony and trellis windows opening to the street. part of these houses have neat green balconies in front, but very few of the windows are glazed. having capacious patios, large doors and ornamented trellis windows, beside painted porticos and walls, with neat corridors, their appearance from the street is exceedingly handsome. in some there is a prospect of a garden through the small glazed folding doors of two or three apartments; this garden is either real or painted, and contributes very much to enliven the scenery. the patios, in summer, have large awnings drawn over them, which produce an agreeable shade; but the flat roofs, without any ornaments in front, present an appearance not at all pleasing; if to this we add the sameness of the many dead walls of the convents and nunneries, some of the streets must naturally look very gloomy. of the principal churches the fronts are elegant and the steeples more numerous and more elevated than might be expected in a country so subject to earthquakes as peru. the architecture displayed in the façades of these churches is more worthy of being called a peculiar composite than any regular order; but in a great many instances this peculiarity is pleasing: a particular description of them will be given in the course of this work. the outer walls of the houses are generally built of adobes as far as the first floor, and the division walls are always formed of canes, plastered over on each side; this is called _quincha_: the upper story is made first of a frame-work of wood; canes are afterwards nailed or lashed with leather thongs on each side the frame-work; they are then plastered over, and the walls are called _bajareque_. these additions so considerably increase their bulk, that they seem to be composed of very solid materials, both with respect to the thickness which they exhibit, and the cornices and other ornaments which adorn them. porticos, arches, mouldings, &c. at the doorways are generally formed of the same materials. canes bound together and covered with clay are substituted also for pillars, as well as other architectural ornaments, some of which being well executed, and coloured like stone, a stranger at first sight easily supposes them to be built of the materials they are intended to imitate. the roofs being flat are constructed of rafters laid across, and covered with cane, or cane mats, with a layer of clay sufficient to intercept the rays of the sun, and to guard against the fogs. many of the better sort of houses have the roofs covered with large thin baked bricks, on which the inhabitants can walk; these asoteas, as they are called, are very useful, and are often overspread with flowers and plants in pots; they also serve for drying clothes and other similar purposes. among the higher classes the ceilings are generally of pannel work, ornamented with a profusion of carving; but among the lower they are often of a coarse cotton cloth, nailed to the rafters and whitewashed, or painted in imitation of pannel work. in several of the meaner, however, the canes or cane mats are visible. some of the churches have their principal walls and pillars of stone; others of adobes and bajareque; the towers are generally of the latter work, bound together with large beams of guayaquil wood; the spires are commonly of wood work, cased over with planks, and painted in imitation of stone; with mouldings, cornices and other ornaments, either of wood or stucco. in large buildings of every description there is generally a great proportion of timber, keeping up a connection from the foundation to the roof; thus there is less danger from the shocks of earthquakes than if they were built of brick or more solid materials; for the whole building yields to the motion, and the foundation being combined with the roof and other parts, the whole moves at the same time, and is not so easily thrown down. i suggested to a friend in lima the idea of placing between every tenth layer of adobes one of long canes; this he put in practice, and afterwards informed me, that it was considered a great improvement, so much so, that he thought the plan would be generally adopted, especially as it produced a saving of timber, which is a dear article; had also the effect of preventing the walls from cracking by the shocks of earthquakes, and was equal to that of rafters of wood or frame-work and bajareque. the city is divided into four parishes, the sagrario, with three rectors; saint ann, two; saint sebastian, two; saint marcelo, one. here are two chapels of ease, that of saint salvador in the parish of saint ann, and that of the orphans in the parish of the sagrario. over the bridge are the suburbs of saint lazaro, with one rector, a curate at the cabesas and another at carabaillo, five leagues from the city, beside several chapels on the different plantations. in the cercado there is a parish of indians, founded by the jesuits, and formerly under their care. the convents are numerous. i shall first give a list of them, and afterwards mention those that are individually worthy of notice. { la casa grande. san francisco 3 { nuestra señora de guadalupe } in the suburbs. { recoleto de san diego } { la casa grande. { recoleta de la magdalena. santo domingo 4 { santo tomas, college for studies. { santa rosa, hermitage. { casa grande. { san ildefonso, college for studies. san augustin 4 { nuestra señora de guia, for novices. { cercado, college, formerly of the jesuits. { casa grande. la merced 3 { san pedro nolasco, college for studies. { recoleta de belen. { san pedro, formerly colegio maximo of the san pedro 1 { jesuits, now oratorio de san felipe neri. { nuestra señora de los desamparados, formerly desamparados 1 { belonging to the jesuits, now to the oratorio { de san felipe neri. { angonizantes, buena muerte. san camilo 2 { recoleta, in the suburbs of san lazaro. san francisco 2 { san francisco de paula, minims, new. de paula { do. old, both in the suburbs of san lazaro. { nuestra señora de montserrat, hospicio of the san benedicto 1 { benedictine monks. { convalecencia of san rafael. san juan de dios 2 { nuestra señora del carmen, on the road to callao. { casa grande, outside the walls, for convalescents. bethlemitas 2 { incurables, inside the walls. the nunneries in lima are la encarnacion, la concepcion, santa catalina, santa clara, las trinitarias, el carmen alto, santa teresa, or carmen baxo, descalsos de san jose, capuchinas de jesus maria, nasarenas, mercedarias, santa rosa, trinitarias descalsas. el praso, and nuestra señora de copacavana for indian ladies. the following are _beaterios_, houses of seclusians, which do not take the monastic vows: santa rosa de viterbo, nuestra señora del patrocinio, san jose for women divorced from their husbands, and the recogidas for poor women, somewhat similar to the magdalen hospital in london. each of these religious houses has a church or chapel, making in the whole as follows:- parish churches 6 semi-parochias, chapels of ease 2 conventual churches and chapels 44 - 52 -besides these each hospital has a chapel; many of the convents also have chapels attached to them: san francisco has that of los dolores and el milagro, and several of the principal inhabitants have private oratories, there being altogether upwards of one hundred places of worship, supporting more than eight hundred secular and regular priests, and about three hundred nuns, with a great number of lay brothers and sisters. lima has the following hospitals, each appropriated to some peculiar charity:-san andres, for spaniards and maniacs--santa ana, for indians--san bartolome, for negroes and african castes--san pedro, for poor ecclesiastics--el espiritu santo, for seamen--san pedro alcantara, for females--la caridad, for females--bethlemitas, for females, opposite the convent--san lazaro, for lepers; in addition to the three already mentioned. the colleges in lima are:--santo toribio, an ecclesiastical seminary--san martin, afterwards san carlos, now san martin again, for secular studies--colegio del principe, for latin grammar and the sons of indian caciques, besides the conventual colleges, where many of the lower classes are taught latin, and some branches of science, gratis, by the friars. the _plasa mayor_, principal square, stands nearly in the centre of the city (the suburbs of san lazaro being included) about 150 yards from the bridge; on the north side stands the viceroy's palace, having an ornamented gateway in the centre, where the horse guards are stationed; this front is 480 feet long: the lower part is divided into petty pedlars' shops, filled with all kinds of wares, open in front, the doors which enclose them being thrown back; so that those of one shop meet those of two neighbouring ones, and all of them are generally adorned with part of the stock in trade, hung on them for sale. over these runs a long gallery, with seats rising one above another, for the accommodation of the inhabitants when there is any féte in the square; on the top there is a railing, carved in imitation of balustrades. at the north-west corner is a gallery for the family of the viceroy, which on days of ceremony was fitted up with green velvet hangings, ornamented with gold lace and fringe; a state chair to correspond being placed for his excellency in the centre. it was here that the viceroy marquis de castel-forte presented himself to witness the death of the innocent fiscal antequera, in 1726; here lord cochrane stood, when the independence of lima was declared in 1821; and from hence the medals commemorative of that glorious day were distributed. on the east side is the cathedral, having a light ornamented façade, with large folding doors in the centre and smaller ones on each side, surmounted by a handsome balustrade and two steeples, each of which contains a peal of fine-toned bells, a clock and dials. the entrance to this rich building is by a flight of steps, the area being ten feet above the level of the plasa. on the north side of the cathedral is the sagrario, with a very beautiful façade; and adjoining stands the archbishop's palace, which surpasses in appearance every other building in the square. green balconies, glazed, run along the front, on each side of an arched gateway, which leads into the patio; but the lower part is disgraced with small shops, the nearest one to the sagrario being a _pulperia_, grog shop! under the area of the cathedral there is also a range of small shops, one of which formerly belonged to don ambrosio higgins, who was a pedlar and failed. he afterwards went to chile, entered the army, obtained promotion, discovered the city of osorno, and was honoured with the title of marquis of osorno. in 1786 he returned to lima in the high capacity of viceroy, and found his old friend and brother pedlar, la reguera, enjoying the archiepiscopal mitre: a coincidence of good fortune not often equalled. la reguera had some time before left lima for spain, his native country, and having been more fortunate in trade than higgins, had prosecuted his studies, and returned archbishop in 1781. on the south side is a row of private houses, having a balcony and trellis windows: over the piazza, which is ten feet broad, the pillars are of stone; a row of mercers' and drapers' shops occupies the piazza, and between the pillars are stationed a number of men, principally indians, employed in making fringe, silk buttons, epauletts, &c.; hence it is called, _el portal de botoneros_. in the middle of this piazza is _el callejon de petateros_, remarkable as being the site of pizarro's palace, and where he was murdered. the west side is similar to the south, and at the north end of it is the _casa consistorial_, corporation house; under it is the city gaol, in front of which is the council hall, which has on one side the door a canopy over the royal arms. under this the alcaldes formerly stood to administer justice. here it was that, some years ago, the young viscount de san donas sentenced the coachman of judge nuñes to receive a hundred lashes for carrying prohibited arms: the man was tied to an ass, and the hangman, having inflicted twenty-five stripes, was marching him to the next corner to administer the same number, when the judge, informed of the affair, left the audience chamber, and proceeded in his robes to the rescue of his servant; but in this he was prevented by the alcalde; the judge became boisterous,--the punishment was continued; at length his lordship insulted the alcalde, who immediately ordered his alguazils to seize him and conduct him to the court gaol, where san donas confined him in a dungeon, took the keys, went home, ordered his horse, and left the city. when he returned in the evening he waited on the viceroy, castel-forte, who urgently interceded for the judge; but the alcalde kept him in prison until he apologised for his improper attempt to prevent a magistrate from enforcing the execution of a lawful sentence. in the centre of the square is a beautiful brass fountain, erected by the viceroy count de salvatierra in 1653. the basin is very capacious: in the middle rises a brass column twenty two feet high, on the top of which is a small cupola supported by four pillars; the whole is surmounted by a figure of fame. through the trumpet water is ejected; but the greater portion rises within the dome, after which it falls into a large basin, from thence into another of greater dimensions, and from thence through four orifices into a basin which has an ornamented brass enclosure, surmounted by four treble lions, ejecting water from their mouths into the basin. there are also four smaller fountains at the angles of the central one, having each a brass pillar five feet high, with four orifices, whence water issues. the water is the best in lima, and at all hours of the day the carriers are busy in conveying it to different parts of the city. for this purpose they have a mule, with a pack-saddle and two hoops affixed to it, into which they put two barrels, each containing about ten gallons, behind which a man generally jumps up and rides. the carrier has a thick stick with an inverted iron hook near the top, with which he props one barrel when he takes out the other. if the water be for sale a small bell is attached to one of the hoops, which continues tinkling as the mule trots along. the price is one real for the two barrels. in this square the principal market is held, and one of the greatest luxuries which the eye can witness is enjoyed by visiting it about five or six o'clock in the morning, when the articles for sale are just brought in. it is divided into several compartments by rows of large pebbles, which are placed merely to limit the venders, and prevent their encroaching on the public walks. the butchers' market is generally well supplied with excellent beef and mutton; but calves and lambs are never killed, this being prohibited by an old law for the promotion of the breed of cattle. pork is sold in one part; in another all kinds of salted and dried meats, principally brought from the interior; these are _charque_, jerked beef; _sesina_, beef salted and smoked or dried in the sun: hams, bacon, and frozen kid from the mountains, which last is most delicate eating: there are likewise many kinds of sausages; salt fish, principally _bacalao_, from europe; _tollo_, _congrio_, and corbina. the fish market is in some seasons abundantly supplied from the neighbouring coasts with corbina, _jureles_, mackerel, _chita_, plaice, turbot, peje rey, lisa, anchovies, &c., and most excellent crayfish, _camarones_, from the rivers, some of which are six or seven inches long. fish is generally cheap; but during lent, and particularly in passion week, it is excessively dear; which arises from the indians enjoying the exclusive privilege of fishing, and being at that time of the year too much occupied with their religious duties to attend to their regular business. indeed no indian will fish on the thursday, friday, or saturday in passion week; and i have seen a fish sold on those days for twenty or twenty-five dollars, which at other times might have been bought for one, or even less. the poultry market is divided, one place being set apart for the live, and another for the dead. poultry is almost always dear; a turkey costs from three to five dollars; a fowl from one to two dollars; ducks, muscovy, the same price; pigeons half a dollar each; geese are seldom seen in the market, for as the natives never eat them, very few are bred. here is also a market for all kinds of pulse--beans of several descriptions, peas, lentils, maize of five or six kinds, _gurbansos_, quinua, &c. the vegetable market contains every description of horticultural produce known in england, as well as the _arracacha_, _yuca_, casava root, _camote_, sweet potatoe, yam, _oca_, &c. the vegetables are remarkably fine, in great abundance, and generally cheap. the fruit market is splendid, furnishing the most delicious fruits of europe--the grape of several varieties, the peach, apricot and nectarine, the apple, the pear, the pomegranate, the quince, the tomate, and the strawberry; and an abundance of luscious tropical fruits--the pine, the melon, badeas, granadillas, sapote, lucuma, nisperos, guavas, paltas, guanabanas, custard apples, the sweet and sour orange, lime, and lemon, the shaddock, the citron, the plantane, the banana, and above all the chirimoya, the queen of tropical fruits. the portion allotted to the flower sellers is appropriately called the _calle del peligro_, street of danger; for here the gentle fair resort, and their gallant swains watch the favourable opportunity of presenting to them the choicest gifts of flora. this corner of the market, at an early hour in the morning, is truly enchanting; the fragrance of the flowers, their beauty and quantity, and the concourse of lovely females--altogether would persuade a stranger that he had found the muses wandering in gardens of delight! in the vicinity stands a _fresquera_, vender of iced lemonade, pine-apple water, _orchata_, almond milk, pomegranate water, &c. which offer another opportunity for gallantry. it is no exaggeration in the citizens of lima when they assert, that they have one of the finest markets in the world, for every thing in art and nature contributes to its support: the beautiful climate near the coast, the vicinity of the mountains, where all climates may be found, from the ever-during snow to perpetual sunshine--send their abundant and rich produce to this cornucopia of ceres and pomona. the interior of the viceroy's palace is very mean; but it is said to have been a magnificent building before it was destroyed by an earthquake on the 20th october, 1687. its principal entrance is on the west side, in a narrow street leading to the bridge from the plasa; to the right of the entrance is the guard-room, where a company of infantry, a captain, lieutenant, and ensign are stationed: to the left there are four flights of steps leading to the _sala de los vireys_, at the door of which is a guard of halberdiers, dressed in blue coats with full trimming of broad gold lace, crimson waistcoat and breeches with gold lace, silk stockings, velvet shoes, a laced hat, and a halberd. these soldiers are generally of good families: they are twenty-five in number, and the captain, their only officer, was always a young nobleman, because the situation was considered as highly honourable. each viceroy nominated a captain on his arrival. don diego aliaga, son to the marquis de lurigancho, was captain to abascal and pezuela. the _sala de los vireys_, so called on account of its containing full-length portraits of all the viceroys from pizarro to pezuela,[5] was used only on days of ceremony, when the viceroy stood under a canopy of crimson velvet, trimmed with gold, and received in the name of the king the compliments addressed to him, which however were generally set speeches, studied for the occasion. the regent pronounced the first harangue, then followed the controller of the tribunal of accompts, the dean in the name of his chapter, the alcalde of the first vote, the prior of the consulate, the inquisitor mayor, the commissary of the crusade, the rector of the university, a senior collegian from each college, and a master friar from each community. these levees were called _dias de besa manos_, which ceremony was performed _de facto_ in madrid, the whole court kissing the king's hand, and this was almost the only ceremony which the royal representative in lima dispensed with. to the right of this hall there is a narrow corridor, looking into a small garden on the right, having a suite of rooms on the left, which on days of ceremony were used as assembly rooms; there are also some closets, which may serve as sleeping rooms or studies, each having a small glazed balcony next the street. two young british officers, belonging to the briton, were one night detected by the sentry attempting to pay a visit, at one of those commodious _ventanas_, to miss ramona abascal, the viceroy's daughter, and her female companion. the young ladies made fast the end of the sash belonging to mr. b., but an unfortunate laugh alarmed the intruding sentry. from the north-west corner another range of rooms extends along the north side, which leads to those of the pages and other domestics; on the east side of the garden there is a terrace forming a passage to a range of apartments, where the chaplain, surgeon and secretary usually resided. a private passage under the terrace leads to one of those rooms constructed by the viceroy amat, for the purpose of receiving the midnight visits of the famous perricholi. this name was given to the lady by her husband, an italian, who wishing to call her a _perra chola_, indian b----h, gave an italian termination to the words, and a name to his wife, by which she was ever afterwards known in lima. in 1810 she was living at the new mills, at the corner of the _alameda vieja_. this circumstance i take the liberty to mention, because persons going to lima will often hear on their arrival the name of this once handsome and generous woman, whose beauty had so far influenced her admirer, the viceroy, that she at one time persuaded him to feed her mules at midnight, _en camisa_; and at another obtained from him the reprieve of a criminal on the morning he was to have suffered. in her youth she was on the stage; but she spent her last days in seclusion, and her last dollars in works of charity. the dining room is on the east side of the garden, and has a staircase leading from the kitchen; it is low and dark, and has a dirty appearance. the rooms used on public occasions have each a crimson velvet canopy, under which were hung portraits of the reigning king and queen; beside some antique furniture which belonged to the palace, glass chandeliers, &c.; but the whole was a very mean display for a viceroy of peru. the palace also contained the royal treasury, the courts of the royal audience, the viceroy's chapel, the county gaol, the secretary's offices, and some others belonging to the attendants. each front of the palace was disgraced with mean pedlars' and shoemakers' shops, and close to the principal entrance was a pulperia, common grog shop, for the accommodation, i suppose, of the coachmen, footmen and soldiers on duty. the north and south sides of this building are four hundred and eighty feet long; the others four hundred and ten. the interior of the archbishop's palace is but small; a flight of steps opposite the entrance leads to a corridor that runs round the court-yard; on the north side are the dining and drawing rooms; on the west, fronting the plasa, are the principal levee rooms; on the south the secretary's offices; and on the east the apartments belonging to the domestics. the principal rooms are neatly fitted up; in some of them the walls are covered with crimson damask, having gilt cornices and mouldings. the interior of the sagrario, which may be called the principal parish church, or matrix, is more splendid than rich; the roof is beautifully pannelled, having a cupola in the centre, resting on the four corners formed by the intersection of the cross aisle; it is lofty, and the several altars are splendidly carved, varnished and gilt. great part of the high altar is cased with silver; the sacrarium is highly finished, and the custodium of gold, richly ornamented with diamonds and other precious stones. the whole service is costly, both in plate and robes. the baptismal font is in a small chapel on one side; it is large, and covered with a thick casing of pure silver. the cathedral, like all others, is spoiled by having the choir in the centre, blocking up the view of the high altar, which otherwise would present a most majestic appearance from the centre porch. the walls and floor are of good freestone, and the roof, which is divided into compartments, is most beautifully pannelled and carved; it is upheld by a double row of neat square pillars of stone work, supporting the arches, and corresponding with the buttresses in the walls; all these, on festivals, are covered with italian crimson velvet hangings, except in passion week, when they are clothed with purple ones of the same quality. both sets are edged with broad gold lace, with a deep gold fringe at the bottom, and festoons with lace and fringe at the top. the lateral altars are placed in niches between the buttresses, having ornamented gates before them, which, when opened inwards, form the presbytery. some of these altars are rich, but none of them handsome. at the back of the high altar is a chapel dedicated to saint francisco xavier, in which there are effigies of two archbishops, in white marble, kneeling before reclinatories. in this chapel was the archbishops' burying vault, which is now closed, and they, in common with all other people, are carried to the pantheon, where the first corpse interred was that of archbishop la reguera, being exhumed for the purpose. the throne, or high altar, has a most magnificent appearance; it is of the corinthian order, the columns, cornices, mouldings, pedestals, &c. being cased with pure silver; it is also surmounted with a celestial crown of gilt silver; in the centre is the sacrarium, richly ornamented with chased silver work. the custodium is of gold, delicately wrought, and enriched with a profusion of diamonds and other precious stones: from the pedestal to the points of the rays it measures seven feet, and is more than any moderate sized person can lift. the front of the altar table is of embossed silver, very beautiful. on each side of the altar is an ornamented reading desk, where the gospel and epistle are chaunted. from the foot of the presbytery runs on either side to the choir a railing, and the front of the choir is closed by tastefully wrought gilt iron palisades, having two large gates in the centre. the stalls are of carved cedar, and the state chair of curious workmanship; it is considered as a relic, because it was used by saint toribio de mogroviejo, archbishop of lima, from 1578 to 1606. the choral music is very select, and the two organs finely toned. the pulpit is in the modern taste, highly varnished and gilt. on grand festivals this church presents an imposing coup d'oeil; the high altar is illuminated with more than a thousand wax tapers; the large silver candelabra, each weighing upwards of a hundred pounds; the superb silver branches and lamps, and the splendid service of plate on the left of the altar, are indescribably striking. the archbishop in his costly pontifical robes is seen kneeling under a canopy of crimson velvet, with a reclinatory and cushions of the same material; a number of assisting priests in their robes of ceremony fill the presbytery; from which, leading towards the choir, are seats covered with velvet, on the left for the officers of state and the corporation, on the right for the judges, who attend in full costume. in the centre, in front of the altar, is a state chair covered with crimson velvet, with cushions, and a reclinatory to match, for the viceroy, when he attended in state, having on each side three halberdiers of his body guard; behind him stood his chaplain, chamberlain, groom, captain of the body guard, and four pages in waiting. if any ceremony can flatter the vanity of man, it must be that of offering incense to him in such a situation:--three times during mass one of the acolites came down from the presbytery with an incensary, and bowed to the viceroy, who stood up amid a cloud of smoke; the acolite bowed and retired, and the viceroy again knelt down. the gold and silver brocades, tissues and other stuffs, the laces and embroidery for robes, vestments and decorations, are of the most costly kind that can be procured. the sacred vessels, chalices, patenas, hostiarias, &c. are often of gold, enriched with a profusion of the rarest gems, so that nothing can display more grandeur than is beheld here on great festivals, when divine service is performed with a pomp scarcely to be imagined. at the east end are two doors, corresponding with the two lateral doors in the front, and producing a fine effect. the area is spacious, and paved with freestone on the west, south, and east sides of this building, and the surrounding wall is surmounted by an ornamental palisade. the corporation hall, sala consistorial, on the north-west side of the plasa, or square, offers nothing worthy of notice; it is a large room, containing benches for the members of the cavildo, a state chair and canopy for the president, some plans of the city hanging on the walls, and a closet for the archives. footnote: [5] it is a curious circumstance, that the hall was exactly filled with portraits when the liberating forces entered lima, there not being one spare pannel, nor room to place another painting, without removing some of the old ones. chapter xii. particular description of parish churches....of santo domingo....altar of the rosary, st. rosa and other altars....cloisters....sanctuary of saint rosa....church of san francisco....chapels _del milagro_, _de dolores_, de los terceros....pantheon....cloisters....san diego....san agustin ...._la merced_....profession of a nun, or taking the veil....hospitals of san andres, of san bartolome and others....colleges of santo toribio, san carlos, _del principe_....university....inquisition....taken to it in 1806....visit to it in 1812, after the abolition....inquisitorial punishments....foundling hospital....lottery....mint....pantheon. the parish churches of lima have nothing to recommend them particularly to the notice of a stranger. st. lazaro has an elegant façade, and presents a good appearance from the bridge; the interior is tastefully ornamented; the ceiling is of pannel work, and the several altars highly varnished and gilt. the living is said to produce about thirty thousand dollars annually, and is often called the little bishopric. of the conventual churches, only those belonging to the principal houses are remarkably rich. st. dominic, santo domingo, about a hundred yards from the plasa mayor, is truly magnificent; the tower is the loftiest in the city, being sixty-one yards high, built chiefly of bajareque; the bells are good, especially the great one, which was cast in 1807: none of the large bells are rung as in england; having no swing wheels, the clappers are merely dragged backwards and forwards till they strike the sides of the bells. the roof of the church is supported by a double row of light pillars, painted and gilt; the ceiling is divided into pannels by gilt mouldings, and the large central pannels exhibit some good scriptural paintings in fresco. the high altar, as usual, is on an elevated presbytery: it is of modern architecture, of the ionic order; the columns are varnished in imitation of marble, with gilt mouldings, cornices and capitals. at the foot of the presbytery, on the right, stands the beautifully rich chased and embossed silver cased altar of our lady of the rosary. this altar exceeds any other in lima both in richness and effect; it is entirely covered with pure silver; its elegant fluted columns, highly finished embossed pedestals, capitals, cornices, &c., some of which are doubly gilt, are magnificently superb. in the centre of the altar is the niche of the madonna, of exquisite workmanship; the interior contains a transparent painting of a temple, the light being admitted to it by a window at the back of the altar. the effigy is gorgeously dressed--the crown is a cluster of diamonds and other precious gems; and the drapery of the richest brocades, laces and embroidery; the rosary is a string of large pearls of the finest orient. such is the abundance, or rather profusion, of drapery, that the same dress is never continued two days together, throughout the year. before the niche fifteen large wax tapers are continually burning in silver sockets; and in a semicircle before the altar are suspended, by massy silver chains, curiously wrought, fourteen large heavy silver lamps, kept constantly lighted with olive oil. besides these are, similarly suspended, eight fancifully wrought silver bird cages, whose inmates, in thrilling notes, join the pealing tones of the organ and the sacred chaunt of divine worship. four splendid silver chandeliers hang opposite the altar, each containing fifteen wax tapers; below are ranged six heavy silver candelabra, six feet high, and six tables cased in silver, each supporting a large silver branch with seven tapers; also four urns of the same precious metal, filled with perfumed spirits, which are always burning on festivals, and emit scents from the most costly drugs and spices; the whole being surrounded by fuming pastillas, held by silver cherubim. on those days when the festivals of the virgin mary are celebrated, and particularly at the feast of the rosary and octavo, the sumptuous appearance of this altar exceeds all description: at that time, during nine days, more than a thousand tapers blaze, and the chaunting and music of the choir are uninterrupted. at the celebration of these feasts many miracles are pretended to be wrought by this madonna; and many absurd legends are related from the pulpit, tending more to inculcate superstition than religion--more to increase pious frauds, than to enforce sound morality. it was for speaking thus irreverently of these ceremonies, to one of the double-hooded brethren, that i was brought before the holy inquisition, of which i shall say more when i conduct my readers to that now-deserted mansion. on the left of the high altar stands one dedicated to saint rose; it is richly ornamented, and has a large urn, containing an effigy of the saint, in a reclining posture, of white marble, and good sculpture. on each side of the church are six altars, coloured and varnished in imitation of different marbles, lapis lazuli, &c. with gilt mouldings, cornices, and other embellishments. the choir is over the entrance at the principal porch; it is capacious, and has two good organs. the music belonging to this church is all painted on vellum by a lay brother of the order, and some of the books are ably done. three of the cloisters are very good; the principal one is elegant; it has two ranges of cells, and the pillars and arches are of stone, of fine workmanship. the lower part of the walls is covered with dutch tiles, exhibiting sketches from the life of st. dominick, &c. above are large indifferently executed paintings of the life and miracles of the tutelary saints: they are generally concealed by panelled shutters, which are opened on holidays and festivals. at the angles of this cloister are small altars, with busts and effigies, most of them in bad style. the lower cloisters are paved with freestone flags--the upper ones with bricks. some of the cells are richly furnished, and display more delicate attention to luxury than rigid observance of monastic austerity. the library contains a great number of books on theology and morality. on the wall of the stairs leading from the cloister to the choir is a fine painting of christ in the sepulchre. the rents of this convent amount to about eighty thousand dollars annually, and the number of friars belonging to the order is one hundred and forty. the provincial prelates are elected by the chapter every year, being a spaniard and a creole alternately, and the contests run so high, that a military force has sometimes been found necessary to prevent bloodshed. belonging to this order is the sanctuary of saint rose, she having been a _beata_, a devotee of the order, wearing the dominican habit. in the small chapel are several relics or remains of the saint, as bones, hair, &c., but more particularly a pair of dice, with which, it is pretended, when rose was exhausted by prayers and penance, christ often entertained her with a game. shame having become paramount to deceit, the pious brethren have lately been loath to expose these dice, which, however, were shewn to me in 1805, and i kissed them with as much pious devotion as i would have done any other pair. the church, chapels and convents of san francisco, belonging to the casa grande, about 200 yards from the great square, plasa mayor, are the largest and most elegant in lima. the church does not possess the riches of st. dominick's, but its appearance is more solemn; the porch is filled with statues and other ornaments, and the two steeples are lofty and somewhat elegant. the roof is supported by two rows of stone pillars, and is of panel work of the gothic order: some of the altars are curiously carved and gilt, and the pillars, moulding, &c. of the sacrariums are cased with silver: the service of plate is rich, and the robes of the priests are splendid. like the cathedral, this church has a complete set of crimson velvet hangings, laced and fringed with gold. the chapel called _del milagro_ is most tastefully ornamented; some of the paintings executed by don matias maestre are good: the high altar is cased with silver, and the niche of the madonna is beautifully wrought of the same material. mass is celebrated here every half-hour, from five in the morning till noon. in the vestry of this chapel are paintings of the heads of the apostles, by reubens, or, as some assert, by morillo; however this may be, they are undoubtedly very fine. the following story is related of this madonna. on the 27th of november, 1630, a very severe shock of an earthquake was felt; the effigy was then standing over the porch of the church, fronting the street; but at the time of the shock she turned round, they say, and facing the high altar, lifted up her hands in a supplicating posture, and thus, according to many pious believers, preserved the city from destruction! from this act she is called _del milagro_, of the miracle. [illustration: females of lima. _engraved for stevenson's narrative of south america._] another chapel, elegantly ornamented, is of nuestra señora de los dolores; and one in the interior of the convent is dedicated to the fraternity of terceros of the order, and the religious exercises of st. ignacio de loyola, with a cloister of small cells for _exercitantes_. the chapel contains five beautiful paintings from the passion of christ, by titian; they belong to the count of lurigancho, and are only lent to the chapel. inside the convent is a pantheon or mausoleum for the order and some of the principal benefactors; but it is at present closed, all the dead being now interred at the pantheon on the outside the city walls. the principal cloister is very handsome: the lower part of the walls is covered with blue and white dutch tiles, above which is a range of paintings, neatly executed, taken from the life of st. francis. the pillars are of stone; the mouldings, cornices, &c. of stucco. the roof is of panel work, which with the beams is most laboriously carved: at the angles are small altars of carved wood. in the middle of this cloister there is a garden and an arbour of jessamine on trellis work, crossing it at right angles: in the centre is a beautiful brass fountain; and in the middle of each square, formed by the intersection of the arbour, is a smaller one, throwing the water twenty feet high. the minor squares are filled with pots of choice flowers, and a number of birds in cages hang among the jessamines. two large folding gates lead from the church to the cloister, and whether the garden be viewed from the former, or the music of the choir be heard from the latter, the effect is equally fascinating. the stairs from the lower cloister to the upper, as well as the church choir, are beautifully finished. there are two flights of steps to the first landing place, and one from thence to the top; the centre flight is supported by a light groined arch; over the whole is a dome of wood-work, elegantly carved, and producing a most noble effect. this convent has nine cloisters, including the noviciate, and belonging to it there are about three hundred friars. the provincial prelate is elected by the chapter, a spaniard and a creole alternately; the order is of mendicants, and consequently possesses no property; it is supported by charity, and having the exclusive privilege of selling shrouds, it acquires a very large income, as no one wishes that a corpse should be buried without the sacred habit of st. francis. the shroud is in fact exactly the same as the habit of the friar, which gave rise to the curious remark of a foreigner, "that he had observed none but friars died in this place." the library is rich in theological works. belonging to st. francis is the recluse of st. diego. the friars in this small convent wear the coarse grey habit, and are barefooted. they lead a most exemplary life, seldom leave their cloisters except on the duty of their profession, and even then one never goes alone; if a young friar be sent for, an old friar accompanies him, and vice versa: to the intent that the young friar may profit by the sage deportment of the old. at this convent, as well as at every other of the order of st. francis, food is daily distributed to the poor at twelve o'clock, at the postern, and many demi-paupers dine with the community in the refectory. the gardens of st. diego are extensive, and contain a large stock of good fruit trees, as well as medicinal plants. the solemn silence which reigns in the small but particularly clean cloisters of this convent seem to invite a visitor to religious seclusion; for, as it is often said, the very walls breathe sanctity. here is also a cloister of small cells, and a chapel for religious exercises, where any man may retire for a week from the hurry and bustle of the town, and dedicate a portion of his life to religious meditation. during lent the number of those who thus retire is very great; their principal object is to prepare themselves to receive the communion; and they have every assistance with which either precept or example can furnish them. the church of san agustin is small, light, and ornamented with sculpture and gilding. the convent is of the second class, but the order is rich, and their college of san ildefonso is considered the best conventual college in lima. the church of nuestra señora de la merced is large, but not rich. this order, as well as that of san agustin, elect their provincial prelates every year; they are always natives, no spaniard being allowed to become a prelate; even the habit is denied them, so that few spaniards of either of the two orders are to be found in lima, and these few belong to other convents. the duty of the order, which is denominated a military one, is to collect alms for the redemption of captive christians. in the churches belonging to the nunneries there is a great quantity of tasteful ornaments, but nothing very costly, although the income of one, the concepcion, exceeds a hundred thousand dollars annually. it is said, that the four best situations in lima are the mother abbess of concepcion, the provincialate of santo domingo, the archbishopric, and the viceroyalty. the enormous sums of money which the nunneries have received at different times almost exceed belief; for independently of gifts and other pious donations, the dowry of each nun, when she takes the veil, amounts to three thousand dollars; and many females who have been possessed of large sums have declared their whole property to have been their dowry--thus preventing the possibility of a law-suit, and often depriving, by this subterfuge, poor relatives from enjoying what they had long hoped for at the death of the possessor. nuns, as well as friars, have one year of probation, as novices, before they can profess or take the veil, which seals their doom for life. when a female chooses to become a nun she is usually dressed in her best attire, and attended by a chosen company of friends, whom she regales at her own house, or at that of some acquaintance; in the evening she goes to the church of the nunnery, and is admitted into the lower choir by a postern in the double gratings; she retires, but soon re-appears dispossessed of her gay attire, and clothed in the religious habit of the order, without either scapulary or veil, and then bids adieu to her friends, who immediately return to their houses, whilst the nuns are chaunting a welcome to their new sister. at the expiration of a year, the novice is questioned as to the purity of her intentions, by the mother abbess, or prioress; and if she express a desire to profess, a report is made to the prelate of the order, who is the bishop, or his delegate, or the provincial prelate of the monastic order; for some nunneries are under the jurisdiction of the ordinary, or bishop, and others under that of the regulars of their own order. the evening before the day appointed for the solemn ceremony of taking the veil, the prelate, accompanied by the chaplain of the nunnery, and the parents and friends of the nun, goes to the gate or locutory of the nunnery, and the novice is delivered to him by the mother abbess and community, in their full habits of ceremony; she is then led to the church, when the prelate seating himself, the chaplain reads to her the institute or laws and regulations of the order; he questions her as to her own will, explains to her the duty of the profession she is going to embrace, and warns her not to be intimidated by threats, nor hallucinated by promises, but to say whether by her own consent, free will, and choice she have determined to become a sister of the order, and a professed spouse of christ, according to the spirit of the church. if she answer in the affirmative, she is re-conducted to the locutory, where she spends the evening with her friends, or, if she desire it, she can go to the house of her parents, or visit other religious houses. early the next morning the novice makes her private vows of chastity, poverty, obedience and monastic seclusion, in the hands of the mother abbess, the whole sisterhood being present. at a later hour the prelate and the officiating priests attend the church, and high mass is celebrated; the novice is now presented at the communion grating, where she receives the sacrament from the prelate; she then retires, and the rules of the order are again read to her, and if she still give her assent to them, she kisses the rules and the missal. a funeral pall is spread on the floor of the choir, on which the novice lies down, and is covered with another; the knell for the dead is tolled by the nunnery bells, the nuns holding funeral tapers in their hands, with their veils down, chaunting a mournful dirge, after which a solemn requiem is performed by the priests and the choir. the novice rises, assisted by the nuns, and the prelate, going to the communion table, takes a small veil in his hands, and chaunts the anthem, "veni sponsa christi." the novice approaches the table, the veil is laid on her head, and a lighted taper put into her hand, ornamented as a palm, after which she is crowned with flowers. the mother abbess next presents her to each nun, whom she salutes, and lastly the abbess. she then bows to the prelate, priests, and her friends, and retires in solemn procession, the whole community chaunting the psalm, "laudate domini." much has been said and written respecting nuns and nunneries, and most unfeeling assertions have been made both with regard to the cause and effect of taking the veil; but, from what i have heard and seen, these assertions are generally as false as they are uncharitable; they are too often the effusions of bigots, who endeavour to load with the vilest epithets as well the cloistered nun, the devout catholic, and the pious protestant, as the immoral libertine. they apply to themselves the text, "he that is not for me, is against me," and every thing that militates against their own peculiar doctrines must be wrong. i never knew a nun who repented of her vows, and i have conversed with hundreds: many have said that they doubted not but that happiness was to be found without the walls, and discontent within, but that neither could be attributed exclusively to their being found in or out of a nunnery. let those who would revile the conduct of their fellow creatures look to their own; let those who pity, search at home for objects: they who would amend others, should set the example. if we suppose that some of the inmates of cloisters are the victims of tyranny, we should recollect how many others are sacrificed at the shrine of avarice to the bond of matrimony! for the vows at the altar are alike indissoluble, and their effects are often far more distressing. the vows of a friar are similar to those of the nuns; but owing perhaps to the door of the convent being as open as that of the choir, they are not so religiously fulfilled. the friars may indeed be considered as a nuisance, for they are generally formed of the dregs of society. when a father knows not what to do with a profligate son, he will send him to a convent, where having passed his year in the noviciate, he professes, and relying on his convent as a home, he becomes a drone to society, a burden to his order, and a disgrace to his own character. it was well said, by jovellanos, that "friars enter their convent without knowing each other, live without loving one another, and die without bewailing one another." i have nevertheless known many virtuous and learned men among the hooded brethren, but rarely have i heard any one state, that he did not regret having taken the solemn oath that bound him to the cloister, and made him one of a fraternity which he could not avoid disliking. it generally happens, that the respectable individuals who assume a religious habit apply themselves to study, and by becoming lecturers, or getting a degree of d. d. in the university, they escape the drudgery of a hebdomadary, and take a seat in the chapter of the order. the hospital of san andres is appropriated to white people; it has several large neat wards, with clean beds; these are placed in small alcoves on each side the ward, and are so constructed, that in case of necessity, another row of beds can be formed along the top of the alcoves; it contains about six hundred beds, a number which can be doubled. the wards are well ventilated from the roof, and are kept wholesome. when a patient enters, he has a bed assigned him; his clothes are taken away, deposited in a general wardrobe, and not returned to him until orders are given by the physician or surgeon. the sick are not allowed to have any money in their possession, nor are visitors permitted to give them any thing, without the consent of one of the major domos, or overseers. a good garden, called a botanic garden, belongs to the hospital; also an amphitheatre, or dissecting room. the college of san fernando, built by the viceroy abascal, for the study of medicine and surgery, adjoins this hospital, and here the students practise. it has also a department for drugs, where all the prescriptions are attended to by regular professors. the druggists, as well as the physicians and surgeons, are subject to examination in the university, and cannot practise without permission from the college of physicians, to whose annual visits they are liable, for the purpose of examining their drugs. no physician or surgeon is allowed to have drugs at his own house, or to make up his own prescriptions: even the barbers, who are phlebotomists, are examined by the board of surgeons. the hospital of san bartolome is for negroes and other people of colour; if they are free, they are received gratis, but if slaves, their owners pay half a dollar a day for the time they remain. st. ana is for indians, and was founded by an indian lady, called catalina huanca. this casica was very rich, and besides this pious establishment she left large sums of money for other charitable uses; but her most extraordinary bequest was a sum for forming and paying the body guard of the viceroy, both the halberdiers and the cavalry, consisting of a hundred men. the hospital del espiritu santo is for sailors, and a portion of the wages is deducted, called hospital money, from the pay of every sailor who enters the port of callao. san pedro is part of the convent bearing the same name, formerly belonging to the jesuits, and now occupied by the congregation of san felipe neri. this hospital is for poor clergymen. san pedro de alcantara, and la caridad, are both for females, and san lazaro for lepers. particular care is taken in the different hospitals, as well to the administration of medicine and surgical operations, as to the diet, cleanliness, ventilation, and comfort of the sick. besides these hospitals, there are the convalescencies of belen and san juan de dios, under the management of the friars of the two orders. more particular attention is paid here to the sick than in the hospitals; any individual is received on paying half a dollar a day, or through the recommendation of one of the benefactors. i was twice in san juan de dios, and received every assistance and indulgence that i had a right to expect. the college of santo toribio is a tridentine seminary, where young gentlemen are educated principally for the church; four collegians attend mass at the cathedral every morning, for the purpose of being initiated into the ceremonies of their future professions. their habit is an almond coloured gown, very wide at the bottom, and buttoned round the neck; when spread open its form is completely circular, having a hole with a collar in the centre; this is called the _opa_. a piece of pale blue cloth, about eight inches broad, is passed over one shoulder, then folded on the breast, and the end thrown across the opposite shoulder, the two ends hanging down behind the bottom of the opa. on the left side of this cloth, called the beca, the royal arms are embroidered. a square clerical cap or bonnet of black cloth is worn on the head. this college bears the name of its founder, and is supported by rents appertaining to it; there is also a subsidy paid annually by each beneficed curate in the archbishopric, and a certain sum by each collegian. the college of san carlos is called the royal college; it was founded by the jesuits, under the title of san martin, but after the extinction of that order it was changed to san carlos. the principal studies in this college are a course of arts and law; but theology is also taught. the dress is a full suit of black, a cocked hat, dress sword of gold or gilt, and formerly the royal arms suspended at a button-hole on the left side by a light blue ribbon. the college is capacious, having a chapel, refectory, garden, baths, different disputing rooms, and a good library, containing many prohibited french and other authors. san carlos is supported by a yearly stipend from the treasury, assisted by what the collegians pay for their education. lectures are delivered by _pasantes_, or the head collegians, to the lower classes; for which they receive a pecuniary reward, and wear as a distinguishing badge, a light blue ribbon or scarf, crossing from the left shoulder to the right side, to which the arms are suspended instead of the button-hole. in the college del principe, young noble indian caciques are educated for the church; their dress is a full suit of green, a crimson shoulder ribbon and cocked hat. that of san fernando, for medicine, has for dress a full suit of blue, yellow buttons, the collar trimmed with gold lace, and a cocked hat. all the secular colleges have a rector and vice-rector, who are secular clergymen; some of the lecturers are also clergymen, but more commonly collegians pasantes. there is a proviso in the synodal laws for collegians from santo toribio and san carlos; among those who receive holy orders benefices are insured to a certain number. in what was the palace of the viceroy, is a nautical academy, where several young men study astronomy, navigation, &c.: it has a good stock of instruments, maps, and charts. many of the maps are original, from surveys made at different times, and which have not been published. the university stands in the _plasa de la inquisicion_. it is a handsome building, containing several good halls, beside the public disputing room, which is fitted up with desks and benches, tribunes, galleries, &c.; a neat chapel, a small cloister, and an extensive library. the rector enjoys a good salary, and has many perquisites; one is elected by the professors every three years, and the one chosen is alternately a secular priest and a layman. the professors' chairs are sinecures, for the professors never lecture, and only attend on days of public disputation, or when degrees are conferred. degrees of bachelor and master are granted by the rector, on paying the fees. that of doctor in any faculty requires a public examination, and plurality of votes of the examiners and professors in the faculty of the degree solicited. previous to the examination the rector holds a table of the points of controversy; the candidate pricks into one of them, and is obliged to defend this point on the following day, at the same hour. the discussion is opened by the candidate with an harangue in latin, which lasts an hour, after which the point is discussed in forma scholastica by the candidate and the examiners; this lasts another hour, when the rector and professors retire, and vote the degree. on the following day the candidate presents a thesis to the rector, who reads it, and challenges the students who are present to dispute it. this act is generally opened by the candidate with an elegant speech in latin; after which he supports his argument against the wranglers who may present themselves. if the degree be voted him, he goes up to the rector, who places on his head the bonnet, which bears in deep silk fringe from the centre the distinguishing colour of the faculty, blue and white for divinity, red for canons, green for jurisprudence or law, and yellow for medicine. the young doctor takes his place on his proper bench, and is complimented by the senior professors of the faculty; when the whole company adjourns to a splendid collation prepared by the new brother of the bonnet and fringe. this university, now under the title of san marcos, was founded in 1549 by a bull of pius v. with the same privileges as those enjoyed by that of salamanca in spain; it was, till 1576, in the hands of the dominican friars; but by an edict of felipe iii. it was placed under the royal patronage, and built where it at present stands. it has produced many great scientific characters, the portraits of several of whom adorn the walls of the principal hall. among the faculty, those whose talents are most conspicuous are, in theology, rodrigues, rector of san carlos; in law, vivar, rector of the college of advocates; unanue, president of the college of physicians, _protomedico_, and director of san fernando; valdes, president of the board of surgeons: (he is a man of colour, the first who has taken the degree of doctor in the university); parades, professor of mathematics; and many others, who are famous in the pulpit, the forum or the hospitals. in the same square are the holy tribunal, whence the plasa derives its name, and the hospital of la caridad: it is often called the plasa of the three cardinal virtues--faith, the inquisition; hope, the university; and charity, the hospital. i shall now describe the inquisition as it was, "_bearing its blushing honours thick upon it_," or rather, what i saw of it when summoned to appear before that dread tribunal; and also what i saw of it after its abolition by the cortes. having one day engaged in a dispute with father bustamante, a dominican friar, respecting the image of the madonna of the rosary, he finished abruptly, by assuring me that i should hear of it again. on the same evening i went to a billiard-room, where the count de montes de oro was playing. i observed him look at me, and then speak to some friends on the opposite side of the table. i immediately recollected the threat of father bustamante--i knew, too, that the count was alguazil mayor of the inquisition. i passed him and nodded, when he immediately followed me into the street. i told him that i supposed he had some message for me; he asked my name, and then said that he had. i said i was aware of it, and ready to attend at any moment. considering for a short time, he observed, "this is a matter of too serious a nature to be spoken of in the street," and he went with me to my rooms. after some hesitation, his lordship informed me that i must accompany him on the next morning to the holy tribunal of the faith; i answered that i was ready at any moment; and i would have told him the whole affair, but, clapping his hands to his ears, he exclaimed "no! for the love of god, not a word; i am not an inquisitor; it does not become me to know the secrets of the holy house," adding the old adage, "_del rey y la inquisicion, chiton_,--of the king and the inquisition, hush. i can only hope and pray that you be as rancid a christian as myself." he most solemnly advised me to remain in my room, and neither see nor speak to any one--to betake myself to prayer, and on no account whatever to let any one know that he had anticipated the summons, because, said he, "that is certainly contrary to the laws of the holy house." i relieved him from his fears on this point, and assured him, that i should return with him to the coffee-house, and that i would remain at home for him on the following morning at nine o'clock. at the appointed hour, an under alguazil came to my room, and told me that the alguazil mayor waited for me at the corner of the next street. on meeting him there, he ordered me not to speak to him, but to accompany him to the inquisition. i did so, and saw the messenger and another person following us at a distance. i appeared unconcerned until i had entered the porch after the count, and the two followers had passed. the count now spoke to me, and asked me if i were prepared; i told him i was: he then knocked at the inner door, which was opened by the porter. not a word was uttered. we sat down on a bench for a few minutes, till the domiciliary returned with the answer, that i must wait. the old count now retired, and looked, as he thought, a long adieu; but said nothing. in a few minutes a beadle beckoned me to follow him. i passed the first and second folding doors, and arrived at the tribunal: it was small, but lofty, a scanty light forcing its way through the grated windows near the roof. as i entered, five franciscan friars left the hall by the same door--their hoods were hung over their faces--their arms folded--their hands hid in their sleeves--and their cords round their necks. they appeared by their gait to be young, and marched solemnly after their conductor, a grave old friar, who had his hood over his face, but his cord round his waist, indicating that he was not doing penance. i felt i know not how--i looked upon them with pity, but could not help smiling, as the idea rushed across my mind, that such a procession at midnight would have disturbed a whole town in england, and raised the posse comitatus to lay them. i turned my eyes to the dire triumvirate, seated on an elevated part of the hall, under a canopy of green velvet edged with pale blue, a crucifix of a natural size hanging behind them; a large table was placed before them, covered and trimmed to match the canopy, and bearing two green burning tapers, an inkstand, some books, and papers. jovellanos described the inquisition by saying it was composed of _un santo cristo, dos candileros, y tres majderos_--one crucifix, two candlesticks, and three blockheads. i knew the inquisitors--but how changed from what at other times i had seen them! the puny, swarthy abarca, in the centre, scarcely half filling his chair of state--the fat monster zalduegui on his left, his corpulent paunch being oppressed by the arms of his chair, and blowing through his nostrils like an over-fed porpoise--the fiscal, sobrino, on his right, knitting his black eyebrows, and striving to produce in his unmeaning face a semblance of wisdom. a secretary stood at each end of the table; one of them bad me to approach, which i did, by ascending three steps, which brought me on a level with the above-described trinity of harpies. a small wooden stool was placed for me, and they nodded to me to sit down; i nodded in return, and complied. the fiscal now asked me, in a solemn tone, if i knew why i had been summoned to attend at this holy tribunal? i answered that i did, and was going to proceed, when he hissed for me to be silent. he informed me, that i must swear to the truth of what i should relate. i told him that i would _not_ swear; for, as i was a foreigner, he was not sure that i was a catholic; it was therefore unnecessary for me to take that oath which, perhaps, would not bind me to speak the truth. at this time a few mysterious nods passed between the fiscal and the chief inquisitor, and i was again asked, whether i would speak the truth: i answered, yes. the matter at last was broached; i was asked if i knew the reverend father bustamante? i replied, "i know _friar_ bustamante, i have often met him in coffee houses; but i suppose the reverend father you mean is some grave personage, who would not enter such places." "had you any conversation with father bustamante, touching matters of religion?" "no, but touching matters of superstition, i had." "such things are not to be spoken of in coffee houses," said zalduegui. "no," i rejoined, "i told father bustamante the same thing." "but you ought to have been silent," replied he. "yes," said i, "and be barked at by a _friar_." zalduegui coloured, and asked me what i meant by laying such a stress on the word friar. "any thing," said i, "just as you choose to take it." after questions and answers of this kind, for more than an hour, abarca rang a small bell; the beadle entered, and i was ordered to retire. in a short time i was again called in, and directed to wait on sobrino the following morning at eight o'clock, at his house: i did so, and breakfasted with him.[6] he advised me in future to avoid all religious disputes, and particularly with persons i did not know, adding, "i requested an interview, because on the seat of judgment i could not speak in this manner. you must know," said he, "that you are here subject to the tribunal of the faith, you, as well as all men who live in the dominions of his catholic majesty; you must, therefore, shape your course accordingly." saying this he retired, and left me alone to find my way out of the house, which i immediately did. in the evening i went to a coffee house, where i saw my friend, friar bustamante; he blushed, but with double civility nodded, and pointed to a seat at the table at which he was sitting. i shrugged my shoulders, and nodded significantly, perhaps sneeringly; he took the hint, and left the room. soon afterwards i met the old count de montes de oro, who looked, hesitated, and in a short time passed me, caught my hand, which he squeezed, but spoke not a word. the act of the cortes of spain which abolished the inquisition, and which, during its discussion, produced many excellent though over-heated speeches, was published in lima just after the above occurrence. the señora doña gregoria gainsa, lady of colonel gainsa, informed me that she and some friends had obtained permission of the viceroy abascal to visit the ex-tribunal; and she invited me to accompany them on the following day, after dinner. i attended, and we went to visit the monster, as they now dared to call it. the doors of the hall being opened, many entered who were not invited, and seeing nothing in a posture of defence, the first victims to our fury were the table and chairs: these were soon demolished; after which some persons laid hold of the velvet curtains of the canopy, and dragged them so forcibly, that canopy and crucifix came down with a horrid crash. the crucifix was rescued from the ruins of inquisitorial state, and its head discovered to be moveable. a ladder was found to have been secreted behind the canopy, and thus the whole mystery of this miraculous image became explainable and explained:--a man was concealed on the ladder, by the curtains of the canopy, and by introducing his hand through a hole, he moved the head, so as to make it nod consent, or shake dissent. in how many instances may appeal to this imposture have caused an innocent man to own himself guilty of crimes he never dreamt of! overawed by fear, and condemned, as was believed, by a miracle, falsehood would supply the place of truth, and innocence, if timid, confess itself sinful. every one was now exasperated with rage, and "there are yet victims in the cells," was universally murmured. "a search! a search!" was the cry, and the door leading to the interior was quickly broken through. the next we found was called _del secreto_; the word secret stimulated curiosity, and the door was instantly burst open. it led to the archives. here were heaped, upon shelves, papers, containing the written cases of those who had been accused or tried; and here i read the name of many a friend, who little imagined that his conduct had been scrutinized by the holy tribunal, or that his name had been recorded in so awful a place. some who were present discovered their own names on the rack, and pocketed the papers. i put aside fifteen cases, and took them home with me; but they were not of great importance. four for blasphemy bore a sentence, which was three months' seclusion in a convent, a general confession, and different penances--all secret. the others were accusations of friars, _solicitantes in confesione_, two of whom i knew, and though some danger attended the disclosure, i told them afterwards what i had seen. prohibited books in abundance were in the room, and many found future owners. to our great surprise we here met with a quantity of printed cotton handkerchiefs. these alas! had incurred the displeasure of the inquisition, because a figure of religion, holding a chalice in one hand and a cross in the other was stamped in the centre: placed there perhaps by some unwary manufacturer, who thought such devout insignia would insure purchasers, but who forgot the heinousness of blowing the nose or spitting upon the cross. to prevent such a crime this religious tribunal had taken the wares by wholesale, omitting to pay their value to the owner, who might consider himself fortunate in not having his shop removed to the sacred house. leaving this room we forced our way into another, which to our astonishment and indignation was that of torture! in the centre stood a strong table, about eight feet long and seven feet broad; at one end of which was an iron collar, opening in the middle horizontally, for the reception of the neck of the victim; on each side of the collar were also thick straps with buckles, for enclosing the arms near to the body; and on the sides of the table were leather straps with buckles for the wrists, connected with cords under the table, made fast to the axle of an horizontal wheel; at the other end were two more straps for the ancles with ropes similarly fixed to the wheel. thus it was obvious, that a human being might be extended on the table, and, by turning the wheel, might be stretched in both directions at the same time, without any risk of hanging, for that effect was prevented by the two straps under his arms, close to the body; but almost every joint might be dislocated. after we had discovered the diabolical use of this piece of machinery, every one shuddered, and involuntarily looked towards the door, as if apprehensive that it would close upon him. at first curses were muttered, but they were soon changed into loud imprecations against the inventors and practisers of such torments; and blessings were showered on the cortes for having abolished this tribunal of arch tyranny. we next examined a vertical pillory, placed against the wall; it had one large and two smaller holes; on opening it, by lifting up the one half, we perceived apertures in the wall, and the purpose of the machine was soon ascertained. an offender having his neck and wrists secured in the holes of the pillory, and his head and hands hidden in the wall, could be flogged by the lay brothers of st. dominick without being known by them; and thus any accidental discovery was avoided. scourges of different materials were hanging on the wall; some of knotted cord, not a few of which were hardened with blood; others were of wire chain, with points and rowels, like those of spurs; these too were clotted with blood. we also found tormentors, made of netted wire, the points of every mesh projecting about one-eighth of an inch inward, the outside being covered with leather, and having strings to tie them on. some of these tormentors were of a sufficient size for the waist, others for the thighs, the legs and arms. the walls were likewise adorned with shirts of horse hair, which could not be considered as a very comfortable habit after a severe flagellation; with human bones, having a string at each end, to gag those who made too free a use of their tongues; and with nippers, made of cane, for the same purpose. these nippers consisted of two slips of cane, tied at the ends; by opening in the middle when they were put into the mouth, and fastened behind the head, in the same manner as the bones, they pressed forcibly upon the tongue. in a drawer were a great many finger screws; they were small semicircular pieces of iron, in the form of crescents, having a screw at one end, so that they could be fixed on the fingers, and screwed to any degree, even till the nails were crushed and the bones broken. on viewing these implements of torture, who could find an excuse for the monsters who would use them to establish the faith which was taught, by precept and example, by the mild, the meek, the holy jesus! may he who would not curse them in the bitterness of wrath fall into their merciless hands! the rack and the pillory were soon demolished; for such was the fury of more than a hundred persons who had gained admittance, that had they been constructed of iron they could not have resisted the violence and determination of their assailants. in one corner stood a wooden horse, painted white: it was conceived to be another instrument of torture, and instantly broken to pieces; but i was afterwards informed, that a victim of the inquisition, who had been burnt at the stake, was subsequently declared innocent of the charges preferred against him, and as an atonement for his death, his innocence was publicly announced, and his effigy, dressed in white, and mounted on this horse, was paraded about the streets of lima. some said that the individual suffered in lima, others, that he suffered in spain, and that by a decree of the inquisitor-general this farce was performed in every part of the spanish dominions where a tribunal existed. we proceeded to the cells, but found them all open and empty: they were small, but not uncomfortable as places of confinement. some had a small yard attached; others, more solitary, had none. the last person known to have been confined was a naval officer, an andalusian, who was exiled in 1812 to boca chica. having examined every corner of this mysterious prison-house, we retired in the evening, taking with us books, papers, scourges, tormentors, &c., many of which were distributed at the door, particularly several pieces of the irreligious handkerchiefs. the following morning the archbishop went to the cathedral, and declared all those persons excommunicated, _vel participantes_, who had taken and should retain in their possession any thing that had belonged to, or had been found in the ex-tribunal of the inquisition. in consequence of this declaration, many delivered up what they had taken; but with me the case was different--i kept what i had got, in defiance of _flamines infernorum_ denounced by his grace against the _renitentes_ and _retinentes_. it is said, that when castel-forte was viceroy in lima, he was summoned by the inquisition, and attended accordingly. taking with him to the door his body-guard, a company of infantry, and two pieces of artillery, he entered, and laying his watch on the table, told the inquisitors, that if their business were not despatched in one hour, the house would be battered down about their ears, for such were the orders he had left with the commanding officer at the gate. this was quite sufficient; the inquisitors rose, and accompanied him to the door, too happy when they beheld the backs of his excellency and his escort. during my residence in lima, i saw two men publicly disgraced by the inquisition; the one for having celebrated mass without having been ordained, and the other for soothsaying and witchcraft. they were placed in the chapel of the tribunal at an early hour in the morning, each dressed in a _sambenito_, a short loose tunic, covered with ridiculous paintings of snakes, bats, toads, flames, &c. the pseudo priest had a mitre of feathers placed on his head, the other a crown of the same. they stood in the centre of the chapel, each holding a green taper in his hand. at nine o'clock one of the secretaries ascended the pulpit, and read the cause for which they were punished. the poor mass-sayer appeared very penitent, but the old fortune-teller, when some of his tricks were related, burst into a loud laugh, in which he was joined by most of the people present. two mules were brought to the door, and the two culprits were tied on their backs, having their faces towards the tails. the procession then began to move: first several alguazils, with the count de montes de oro at their head; next the mules, led by the common hangman; while the inquisitors, in their state coaches, brought up the rear. two friars of the order of st. dominick carried on each side the coaches large branches of palm. in this order they marched to st. dominick's church, and were received at the door by the provincial prelate and community: the culprits were placed in the centre of the church, and the same papers read from the pulpit, after which the men were sentenced to serve in the hospitals during the will of the inquisitors. to those who visit lima, it may perhaps be interesting to know, that the stake at which the unfortunate victims of inquisitorial tyranny were burnt was near the ground on which the _plasa de toros_, bull circus, now stands; and that at the foot of the bridge, at the door of the church, _de los desamparados_, of the abandoned, they were delivered to the ordinary ministers of justice for execution. it is well known, that many exaggerated accounts have been given of the inquisition, tending more to create doubts, than to establish the truth of the inhuman proceedings of that tribunal. i have stated this fact elsewhere, not with the view of palliating the proceedings, but to put readers on their guard, neither to believe nor disbelieve all that is written. that enough may be said to make humanity shudder, and still more remain untold, is proved by what i saw in the pandemonium of lima. but the inquisitors knew too well, that those who had undergone the pains and torments which they inflicted would be apt to divulge them, so that it was their interest either to be sparing of torture, or to prevent a discovery by sacrificing the victim. when the beloved ferdinand abolished the cortes and the constitution in 1812 he restored the inquisition, and often in madrid personally presided at its sessions. this was not however sufficient to encourage its ministers to proceed with that rigour they had been wont to exercise; they had been once dethroned, and were not certain of their own stability. in lima the monsters were tame, nay harmless; but this proceeded from fear. no doubt ferdinand, like his predecessor, pedro, and the inquisitors, like their founder, st. dominick, wished for the arrival of a time when they could repeat, "nothing rejoices my soul so much as to hear the bones of heretics crackling at the stake." to the credit of the new governments in south america, the inquisition has been every where abolished, and all spiritual jurisdiction re-invested in the bishops. the _casa de los huerfanos_, foundling hospital, is an establishment that does honour to its founder, who was an apothecary. all white children are received by tapping at a small revolving window, and placing the child on it when it turns. they are brought up and educated, the males to the age of fourteen, when they are apprenticed to some trade, and according to the rules of the college of medicine, two are received there every two years. the females have a dowry of one thousand dollars each on their marriage, and if they become nuns, there is another charitable institution, founded by the same individual, to which they apply, and the annual dowries, being five of one thousand dollars each, are decided by chance, the names of the solicitors being put into a vase, and drawn in a manner similar to a lottery. charles iv. declared all foundlings to be noble, for the purpose of their being eligible to any situation. before the establishment of the foundling hospital, many children were laid at the doors of the wealthy inhabitants, and they were always taken care of. in small towns this practice still occurs, but they are more frequently exposed near the huts of the indians, or slaves; and as the exposed are generally, or i may say always white, they are received, and their foster-parents often treat them with greater kindness than their own children, shewing a kind of predilection for the foundlings. civilized whites may vaunt of their pious establishments, but let them turn their eyes to the rude hut of an indian, robbed of his country and of his native privileges; or to that of a negro, deprived of the blessings of liberty by the overwhelming power of white men, and behold a female mingling her tears with those of a white child, because she is unable to provide for it what by whites she herself has lost--food, clothing and education! but human nature, not civilized humanity, is the temple of piety. the weekly lottery in lima is an excellent establishment; the tickets cost one real one-eighth of a dollar each; the prizes are, one of a thousand dollars, two of five hundred, and the remainder is divided into smaller sums. there are but few individuals, however poor they may be, who cannot purchase one or two tickets weekly, and many slaves have procured their manumission by means of this lottery. i was passing the fountain belonging to the convent of san juan de dios, when two negroes were disagreeing about the water; an old friar persuaded them to be quiet and friendly; a seller of lottery tickets happened to pass at the time, and the two negroes joined in buying a ticket, which an hour afterwards was drawn a prize of a thousand dollars. in the afternoon the negroes were free, having purchased their liberty; for which piece of good fortune the old friar put in his claim, as being the principal mover. according to the spanish laws, a master is obliged to sign the deed of manumission, if the slave can emancipate himself at a fair valuation; and if the master refuse, the slave may deposit the sum in the public treasury, and the receipt is a sufficient voucher for his liberty. the mint was established in lima in 1565; in 1570 it was removed to potosi, but re-established in lima in 1603. it is a large building, containing all the necessary offices. the machinery was formerly worked by mules, eighty being daily employed, till the year 1817, when don pedro abadia being the contractor for the coinage, mr. trevethick directed the erection of a water wheel, which caused a great saving of expense. the assaying, melting, rolling, cutting, weighing, stamping and milling, are all carried on in different apartments by black men, principally slaves; but the different offices of superintendance are filled by white men. the whole is under the direction of an intendant, and subaltern officers. the coinage is contracted for, and sold to the highest bidder, who is allowed a per centage on all the gold and silver that is coined, which in the year 1805 was as follows:- gold 501,287 value in dollars. silver 8,047,623 do. do. lima owes to the viceroy abascal, marquis de la concordia, the erection of a place for the interment of all those who die in the city and suburbs; it is called the pantheon. situated on the outside of the walls, it is sufficiently large to contain all the dead bodies for six years, without removal; when this becomes necessary, the bones are taken out of the niches, and placed in the osariums. many of the rich families have purchased allotments for family vaults, having their names inscribed above. the building is a square enclosure, divided into several sections; in the wall are niches, each sufficient to hold a corpse, and the divisions are also formed by double rows of niches built one above another, some of them eight stories high, the fronts being open. the walks are planted with many aromatics and evergreens. in the centre is a small chapel, or rather altar, with a roof: its form is octagonal, so that eight priests can celebrate mass at the same time. the corpse is put into the niche with the feet foremost, if in a coffin, which seldom happens, except among the richer classes, the lid is removed, and a quantity of unslaked lime being thrown on each body, its decay is very rapid. for the conveyance of the dead several hearses of different descriptions are provided, belonging to the pantheon, and they are not permitted to traverse the streets after twelve o'clock in the day. before the establishment of this cemetery, all the dead were buried in the churches, or rather, placed in vaults, many of which had wooden trap-doors, opening in the floors; and notwithstanding the plentiful use of lime, the stench and other disgusting effects were sometimes almost insufferable. when the first nun was to be carried to the pantheon, great opposition was made by the sisterhood; but the viceroy sent a file of soldiers, and enforced the interment of the corpse in the general cemetery. footnote: [6] the lenity shown in this case, by the inquisition, might probably be owing to the expectation that the tribunal would shortly be abolished by the cortes. chapter xiii. the population of lima....remarks....table of castes....the qualifications of creoles....population and division....spaniards ....creoles, white....costume....indians....african negroes.... their cofradias, and royal personages....queen rosa....creole negroes....mestiso....mulattos....zambos....chinos...._quarterones and quinterones_....theatre....bull circus....royal cockpit.... alamedas....bathing places....piazzas _amancaes_....elevation and oration bells....processions of corpus christi, santa rosa, san francisco, and santo domingo....publication of bulls....ceremonies on the arrival of a viceroy. there are few cities in the world whose population exhibits a greater variety of shade or tint of countenance than lima, or, perhaps, a greater contrast of intellectual faculty, if the rules established by physiognomists may be relied on. but these arbiters of physiognomy have been white men, and there appears to be a considerable portion of egotism attached to their opinions. they have not only erected their own tribunal, and instituted their own code of laws, but they have presided, judged, and sentenced in favour of themselves. by giving to the facial line or indicator of talent and genius a particular direction, the european white has been able to place himself at the head, and to degrade the black, or negro of africa, by placing him at the bottom of the list. probably the success of the europeans in their wars and conquests, and in their advancement in the arts and sciences, may give considerable support to this classification. by drawing an horizontal line that shall touch the base of the cranium, and intersecting it by another drawn from the forehead and touching the extremity of the upper lip, the statuaries have found the supposed angle of human perfection. the greeks fixed this angle at 100°; the romans at 95°; and according to this rule, the european face varies between 80° and 90°; the asiatic between 75° and 80°; the american, having the forehead more flattened, between 70° and 75°; and, lastly, the negro between 60° and 70°. by this mode of judging, we find the european at the head, and the rude semi-brutal negro at the bottom. but how disconcerted the lovers of this criterion must feel, if any credit can be given to what has been asserted of the egyptians, the founders and promoters of the arts and sciences. colonies from egypt and the east, led by pelasgus, cecrops, cadmus, &c., were the tutors of the greeks, whom they found on their arrival more ignorant than columbus, cortes and pizarro found the americans, at the discovery and conquest of their country. yet herodotus, l. 11, p. 150, says, that the egyptians were black, with woolly, curled black hair; and blumenbach asserts, that having dissected several egyptian mummies, he observed that they belonged to the negro race, from their elevated pomulos, thick lips, and large flat noses. the copts also, who are descendants of the egyptians, have the aspect of mulattos, and appear to belong to the negro race. i have repeatedly observed, that a negro born in peru of african parents shews a greater development of the human faculties than is exhibited by either of his parents; nay, even his corporeal agility appears to have increased, and certainly his share of civilized vices is augmented; yet i cannot suppose that these proceed from any other source than an imitation of examples placed before him, without any change in the facial angle! for an examination of the influence of the configuration of the human face, or of its colour, on the intellectual faculties, no place is more _à propos_ than lima; and perhaps a few remarks upon this subject will be acceptable to those who feel themselves interested in such speculations. the annexed table shews the mixture of the different castes, under their common or distinguishing names. ---------+-----------+-------------+-----------------------------------father. | mother. | children. | colour. ---------+-----------+-------------+-----------------------------------european | european | creole | white. creole | creole | creole | white. white | indian | mestiso | 6/8 white, 2/8 indian--fair. indian | white | mestiso | 4/8 white, 4/8 indian. white | mestiso | creole | white--often very fair. mestiso | white | creole | white--but rather sallow. mestiso | mestiso | creole | sallow--often light hair. white | negro | mulatto | 7/8 white, 1/8 negro--often fair. negro | white | zambo | 4/8 white, 4/8 negro--dark copper. white | mulatto | quarteron | 6/8 white, 2/8 negro--fair. mulatto | white | mulatto | 5/8 white, 3/8 negro--tawny. white | quarteron| quinteron | 7/8 white, 1/8 negro--very fair. quarteron| white | quarteron | 6/8 white, 2/8 negro--tawny. white | quinteron| creole | white--light eyes, fair hair. negro | indian | chino | 4/8 negro, 4/8 indian. indian | negro | chino | 2/8 negro, 6/8 indian. negro | mulatto | zambo | 5/8 negro, 3/8 white. mulatto | negro | zambo | 4/8 negro, 4/8 white. negro | zambo | zambo | 15/16 negro, 1/16 white--dark. zambo | negro | zambo | 7/8 negro, 1/8 white. negro | chino | zambo-chino| 15/16 negro, 1/16 indian. chino | negro | zambo-chino| 7/8 negro, 1/8 indian. negro | negro | negro | this table, which i have endeavoured to make as correct as possible, from personal observation, must be considered as general, and not including particular cases. i have classed the colours according to their appearance, not according to the mixture of the castes, because i have always remarked, that a child receives more of the colour of the father than of the mother. it may be correct to state, that the creoles from either european or creole parents, are endowed with more open generosity than the spaniards, and that they are of a more active and penetrating genius, but not so constant in their pursuits. much has been said against the creoles, or natives of the colonies by those of the parent states; their descriptions, however, are rather accordant with their wishes than the real character of the people whom they undertake to pourtray. writers ought not to sully their pages either by affirming untruths or uttering biassed opinions. de pauw says, "that all the american races are of a degenerated and inferior order;" this is undoubtedly false, for i have known several individuals who have borne down the restrictions of colonial law, and become eminent both in the arts and sciences: mexia eclipsed many of the most famous spanish orators in the late cortes; and morales was elected president of the regency. it is well known also, that the contest in the colonies, where the natives have fought for and gained their independence, brought to light the talent and genius of many both in the cabinet and in the field, whose names would have remained unknown, had not their abilities been thus called into action. the coarse and foul caricature of de pauw, may be contrasted with the over-coloured picture of m. de bercey, and a medium i think would form a correct outline. "those whom we are accustomed to call barbarians and savages are infinitely less entitled to these epithets than ourselves, notwithstanding the refinement and civilization we boast. equally, if not more exempted from prejudice, the americans neither create factitious wants, nor seek imaginary sources of happiness." i have observed the young men in the colleges of lima, as well as in other cities of south america, and i must affirm, that their minds are stored with both just and clear ideas; and surely these are the principal indications of good taste, and the characteristics of true genius. but several causes have contributed to damp the career of literature; among others we may reckon a scanty supply of books, a total want of philosophical instruments, the restrictions of the inquisition, and the prohibitory laws. learning has indeed hitherto been discountenanced, for when some of the collegians of san carlos harangued the viceroy gil de lemos, he inquired of the rector, what sciences were taught in the college, and being briefly informed, he returned "tu, tu, tu, let them learn to read, write, and say their prayers, for this is as much as any american ought to know!" the college _del principe_ has produced many indians who have shone both in the pulpit and at the bar; and among the negroes and the mixed castes, several individuals of merit, both in medicine and surgery, have been distinguished. many also exist who, if they have not been conspicuous in any department of the sciences, undoubtedly owe their failure to the spanish colonial laws, which have shut all preferments against them. yet who can read the harangues of colocolo to the araucanian senate, without declaring them to be as worthy of the poetical pen of ercilla, as those of nestor were of the pen of homer? robertson states the population of lima in 1764 at 54,000; but in 1810 it was estimated at 87,000, at which time the deputies of the cortes were elected. of this number about 20,000 are whites, the remainder negroes, indians, and mixed breeds, or castes. i shall briefly particularize the most striking features in the population, according to my own observations. among the inhabitants of this city, there are sixty-three noblemen, who enjoy titles either of count or marquis, the greater part of whom are natives of america, and about forty noblemen, or _mayorasgos_, without titles; a number of knights of the different spanish orders of catalrava, alcantara, santiago, malta, and charles iii. many of the nobility are descendants of the conquerors. the most ancient families are those of villafuerte (marquis), lurigancho (count), and montemira (marquis). one of the families in lima traces its descent with undeniable certainty from the incas. ampuero the founder married at the time of the conquest a _coya_, or princess, sister to atabalipa, and the kings of spain granted at different times many distinguishing prerogatives and honours to this family, from which the marquis of montemira is now the lineal descendant. the manners of the nobility are courteous in the extreme, and their complaisance and affability to strangers know no limits; their general conduct also seems to be as free from haughtiness as from flattery, and their politeness, candour and magnificence must charm every stranger who visits them. these qualities were particularly shewn to the officers of several of h. b. m. ships of war who were at lima during the time i resided there. lima is the birth-place of the only person in the spanish colonies who has been canonized by the roman church: santa rosa de santa maria; she is the patroness of peru, and her festival is celebrated with great solemnity. it is said by some that she foretold the independence of her country, asserting, that after the domination of the kings of spain had lasted as long as that of the incas, the sceptre would drop from their hands. this prophecy was printed in the first edition of her life in 1662, but was expunged from all the succeeding ones. saint thoribius de mogroviejo, archbishop, and st. francis solano, of the order of franciscans, flourished here, but both were natives of spain. this city has also produced many other persons of virtuous and literary fame: the most conspicuous among whom are- the venerable father francisco del castillo the venerable fray martin de porras } the venerable fray juan masias } dominicans the venerable fray vicente vernedo } the venerable fray pedro urraca } the venerable fray gonsalo dias } mercedarias the venerable fray juan de zalasar } the venerable fray juan de vargas } martyred in paraguay the venerable fray juan de albarran } don pedro de la reyna maldonado, a celebrated author don martin del barco zentenera, historian don pedro peralta bernueva, mathematician don jose, marquis of vallumbrosa, a very learned man don diego baños y sotomayor, chaplain of honour to the king don alonzo, count of san donas, ambassador of spain to the french court, in the reign of felipe iv. don fernando, marquis of surco, lieutenant-general, chamberlain and tutor to don felipe, duke of parma don miguel nuñes de roxas, of the council of orders, private judge of confiscations, in the war of succession don jose baquijano, of the council of indies, in the reign of charles iv. and fernando vii. don tomas de salasar, author of "interpretaciones de las leyes de indias." don lope de armendaris, marquis of cadreita, viceroy of nueva españa. besides these and several other eminent persons, lima has given birth to six archbishops, three of whom were conventual priests; and to fifty-two bishops, twenty-five of whom were regulars of the different conventual orders. the spaniard who arrived at lima brought with him either some commission from the government of spain, or an intention of residing in the country for the purpose of gain. of the first class, however low the appointment might be, the individual conducted himself towards the natives with a haughty superiority, which to an impartial spectator was truly disgusting; he assumed the don if he excused the señor, and was never addressed without one or both of these appendages to his name; indeed _el señor don_ was more common in the streets of lima, than at the court of madrid. the second class often consisted of sailors, who ran away from their ships at callao, and got places as servants in a _pulperia_ (a shop where spirits, wines, spices, sugar, and all common place articles are sold), a bakehouse, or a farm. if industrious, they soon obtained as much as was necessary to establish themselves, and many amassed considerable fortunes, married advantageously, and remained in the country; knowing full well, that in their own they would neither be admitted into such society as they enjoyed here, nor be treated with that deference to which they had become habituated. all this would be excusable enough, if the beauty, riches, and comforts of spain--its learned societies, noble families, and enlightened population, were not the universal topic of their conversation and their universal song of praise. i have seen many of this class who, having been taught to read and write in america, and acquired riches, have purchased an order of knighthood! for although it was pretended, that nobility of descent must be proved before any of the military orders could be obtained, yet a _spaniard_ has purchased dispensation, and thus laid the foundation of a _noble_ family. all spaniards in america fancied themselves to belong to a race of beings far superior to those among whom they resided. i have frequently heard them say, that they should love their children with greater ardour if they had been born in europe; and during the struggle in different parts of the colonies between the royalists and the patriots, i have known more than one spaniard assert, that if he thought his children would be insurgents he would murder them in their beds. a spaniard would solicit countrymen of his own to marry his daughters, preferring these without any trade or fortune, to a creole possessed of both; indeed they had one powerful inducement to make this election; the spaniard would be more likely to procure riches; and, generally speaking, they considered nothing else worthy their attention, thus in cases of matrimony, the inclinations of the daughters were not often consulted. the spaniards appeared to form a separate society, not only in their own houses and in the public walks, but even in the coffee houses, where the creoles were seldom seen at the same table. this visible antipathy was carried to such an extent, after the beginning of the dissensions, that several spaniards, although some of them had children born in lima of creole mothers, formed an agreement, and bound themselves by an oath and fine, not to take any native of the country into their employ. this determination became public in the city, and, after the patriot troops entered, was the cause of the most severe insults to its authors. it is well known, however, that in a reverse of fortune, no man is more docile or more servile than a spaniard, who will, according to his own adage, _besar la mano que quisiera ver cortada_--kiss the hand he would wish to see cut off. a creole of lima in many respects partakes of the character of an andalusian; he is lively, generous, and careless of to-morrow; fond of dress and variety, slow to revenge injuries, and willing to forget them. of all his vices, dissipation is certainly the greatest: his conversation is quick and pointed--that of the fair sex is extremely gay and witty, giving them an open frankness, which some foreigners have been pleased to term levity, or something a little more dishonourable, attaching the epithet immoral to their general character--an imputation they may deserve, if prudery and hypocrisy be the necessary companions of virtue; but they certainly deserve it not, if benevolence, confidence, unsuspecting conviviality, and honest intention, be the true characteristics of morality. the creoles are generally kind and good parents, very affectionate and indulgent to their families; and this conduct, with few exceptions, insures the love, respect, and gratitude of their children. i have often heard a creole ask his son, "who am i?" and receive the endearing answer, "my _father_ and my _friend_." it frequently happens, through vanity or weakness, that a creole mother teaches her daughters to call her sister, which may be construed into the desire of not wishing to be considered old; but if this really be a crime, in what part of the world are females innocent? i have no hesitation in asserting, that any impartial person who shall reside long enough among south americans to become acquainted with their domestic manners, will declare, that conjugal and paternal affection, filial piety, beneficence, generosity, good nature and hospitality, are the inmates of almost every house. i have no doubt, too, that these virtues will continue here, until civilization and refinement shall drive them from their abode in the new world, to make room for etiquette, formality, becoming pride, prudery and hypocrisy from the old. then, the children of the first families in lima (whom i have often seen rise from the table, and carry a plateful of food to a poor protegée beggar, seated in the patio or under the corridor, wait and chat with the little miserable till it had finished, and return to the table) will look on such objects with disdain, because mamma has subscribed a competent sum to a charitable institution, and made that sum known to the world through the medium of the newspapers!--i cannot avoid fearing that this modern improvement will supersede their own pure, but almost antiquated customs. this picture may appear to some highly coloured; but i speak from experience, and could relate innumerable instances of the practice of all the social virtues which i have mentioned: sufficient, i am sure, to convince the most hardened sceptic. i arrived at lima a prisoner, pennyless, and, as i thought, friendless; but in this i was deceived; i owe to persons whom i had never seen, and of whose existence i was then ignorant, such friendship, kindness, and pecuniary relief while in prison, and generous and kind protection afterwards, as i hope will never be eradicated from my bosom; and yet i trust, that i neither do, nor ever can, attribute to the creoles virtues which they do not possess: it is my duty, as an author, to speak the truth, however my gratitude and affection might incline me to conceal their failings. gambling is carried on to a great extent in lima, but much more in the higher circles than in the lower. no public gaming houses are permitted by the government, and the police officers are on the alert wherever a house is suspected; but private parties are very common, particularly at the country houses of the nobility, and at the bathing places of miraflores, chorrillos and lurin. the tables, although in the houses of noblemen, are free to all--the master and the slave, the marquis, the count, the mechanic, and the pedlar, mix indiscriminately. this vice is generally confined to the men; but some females now and then join in these fashionable amusements. having observed, that the female creoles are kind mothers, it is scarcely necessary to say, that adultery is rare. one would think that the exclamation of the elder cato to some young romans was here observed: "courage, my friends, go and see the girls, but do not corrupt the married women." concubinage is common, or perhaps only more public than in europe, where civilization appears to have established the law, that to sin in secret is not to sin at all. it is true, that scandal often aggravates the crime, which is certainly mollified by the sincere regard which the father generally entertains for his natural children; making their happiness a principal object of his attention, and frequently at last legitimating them either by marriage or by will. the creoles are careful of the education of their children, and will strain every nerve to support them at college until they have finished their studies, and are thus able to enter the church, to follow the profession of the law, or to practise in medicine. the education of the daughters generally devolves on the mother: proper schools for their instruction are very rare; so that, excepting a little drawing, dancing, and music, for which purposes good masters are scarce, the needle claims the greater portion of their time; and from the highest to the lowest ranks they are continually employed in embroidery or other kinds of needlework, at which they are very dexterous. the necessary accomplishments of reading and writing are, however, never dispensed with among the higher and middle orders. the white inhabitants of lima have sallow complexions, having very little colour on their cheeks; but, to the credit of the ladies, they are not in the habit of using an artificial substitute; their hair and eyes are black, the latter full and penetrating, which, with good teeth, form very interesting countenances. the profusion of beautiful black ringlets over their foreheads appears as if formed to prevent a stranger from being over-dazzled by those sparkling eyes they are intended, but in vain, to hide. their figures are extremely genteel, though rather small and slender. their feet are remarkably diminutive, and the ease and elegance of their gait is not to be surpassed. when i arrived in lima, in 1804, the long spanish cloak was worn by all classes of men; but in 1810 it was so little used as a dress, that it was rarely seen. when used, it was put on merely to supply the place of a great coat, or confined to a few of the old spaniards, who are as great enemies to innovation as the chinese. the english costume is now quite prevalent, and as many dandies crowd the streets of lima as those of london. the walking dress of the females of all descriptions is the _saya y manto_, which is a petticoat of velvet, satin, or stuff, generally black or of a cinnamon colour, plaited in very small folds, and rather elastic; it sits close to the body, and shews its shape to the utmost possible advantage. at the bottom it is too narrow to allow the wearer to step forward freely, but the short step rather adds to than deprives her of a graceful air. this part of the dress is often tastefully ornamented round the bottom with lace, fringe, spangles, pearls, artificial flowers, or whatever may be considered fashionable. among ladies of the higher order the saya is of different colours--purple, pale blue, lead colour, or striped. the manto is a hood of thin black silk, drawn round the waist, and then carried over the head: by closing it before, they can hide the whole of the face, one eye alone being visible; sometimes they show half the face, but this depends on the choice of the wearer. a fine shawl or handkerchief hanging down before, a rosary in the hand, silk stockings and satin shoes, complete the costume. the hood is undoubtedly derived from the moors, and to a stranger it has a very curious appearance; however, i confess that i became so reconciled to the sight, that i thought and still think it both handsome and genteel. this dress is peculiar to lima; indeed i never saw it worn any where else in south america. it is certainly very convenient, for at a moment's notice a lady can, without the necessity of changing her under dress, put on her _saya y manto_, and go out; and no female will walk in the street in any other in the day time. for the evening promenade an english dress is often adopted, but in general a large shawl is thrown over the head, and a hat is worn over all; between the folds of the shawl it is not uncommon to perceive a lighted cegar; for although several of the fair sex are addicted to smoking, none of them choose to practise it openly. when the ladies appear on public occasions, at the theatre, bull circus, and _pascos_, promenades, they are dressed in the english or french costume, but they are always very anxious to exhibit a profusion of jewellery, to which they are particularly partial. a lady in lima would much rather possess an extensive collection of precious gems than a gay equipage. they are immoderately fond of perfumes, and spare no expense in procuring them: it is a well known fact, that many poor females attend at the archbishop's gate, and after receiving a pittance, immediately purchase with the money _agua rica_, or some other scented water. even the ladies, not content with the natural fragrance of flowers, add to it, and spoil it by sprinkling them with lavender water, spirit of musk, or ambergris, and often by fumigating them with gum benzoin, musk and amber, particularly the _mistura_, which is a compound of jessamine, wall flowers, orange flowers and others, picked from the stalks. small apples and green limes are also filled with slices of cinnamon and cloves. the mixture is generally to be found on a salver at a lady's toilette; they will distribute it among their friends by asking for a pocket handkerchief, tying up a small quantity in the corner, and sprinkling it with some perfume, expecting the compliment, "that it is most delicately seasoned." the indians who reside in lima have become such exact imitators of the creoles, in dress and manners, that were it not for their copper-coloured faces it would be difficult to distinguish them. i shall at present, however, defer any particular description of this part of the inhabitants of south america. the principal occupation of the indians who reside in lima is the making of fringes, gold and silver lace, epaulettes, and embroidery; some are tailors, others attend the business of the market, but very few are servants or mechanics. the african negroes, owing to the kind treatment they receive, appear to be completely happy. on their arrival they used to be exposed for sale in some large house, and the first attention of their purchasers was to have them taught the necessary prayers and rudiments of the christian religion, a task which generally fell to the lot of the younger branches of the family. i have often seen the children of noblemen, as well as those of the wealthy inhabitants, instructing their african slaves in the christian duties; for it is here considered quite disgraceful to have a negro in the house for any length of time without being baptized; and this ceremony cannot be performed until they are first prepared for it by being taught their prayers and the catechism. they are then taken to the parish church, and examined by the priest, and if he find that they are sufficiently instructed, he christens them, some of the oldest and most steady of the slaves belonging to the family standing as sponsors, on whom the duty of teaching them afterwards devolves. it very seldom happens that, after a year's residence in a christian family, an african is not fully prepared to receive the communion. in the suburbs of san lazaro are _cofradias_ or clubs belonging to the different castes or nations of the africans, where they hold their meetings in a very orderly manner, generally on a sunday afternoon; and if any one of the royal family belonging to the respective nations is to be found in the city, he or she is called the king or queen of the cofradia, and treated with every mark of respect. i was well acquainted with a family in lima, in which there was an old female slave, who had lived with them for upwards of fifty years, and who was the acknowledged queen of the mandingos, she being, according to their statement, a princess. on particular days she was conducted from the house of her master, by a number of black people, to the cofradia, dressed as gaudily as possible; for this purpose her young mistresses would lend her jewels to a considerable amount, besides which the poor old woman was bedizened with a profusion of artificial flowers, feathers, and other ornaments. her master had presented her with a silver sceptre, and this necessary appendage of royalty was on such occasions always carried by her. it has often gratified my best feelings, when _mama rosa_ was seated in the porch of her master's house, to see her subjects come and kneel before her, ask her blessing, and kiss her hand. i have followed them to the cofradia, and seen her majesty seated on her throne, and go through the ceremony of royalty without a _blush_. on her arrival, and at her departure, the poor creatures would sing to their music, which consisted of a large drum, formed of a piece of hollow wood, one end being covered with the skin of a kid, put on while fresh, and braced by placing it near some lighted charcoal; and a string of catgut, fastened to a bow, which was struck with a small cane; to these they added a rattle, made of the jaw-bone of an ass or a mule, having the teeth loose, so that by striking it with one hand they would rattle in their sockets. for a full chorus, they sometimes hold a short bone in their hand, and draw it briskly backward and forward over the teeth: it does not produce much harmony, it is true; but if david found harmony in his harp, pan in his pipes, and apollo in his lyre; if a shepherd find music in his reed, and a mandarin in the gong, why should not the queen of mandingo find it in the jaw-bone of an ass or a mule! the walls of the cofradias are ornamented with likenesses in fresco of the different royal personages who have belonged to them. the purpose of the institution is to help those to good masters, who have been so unfortunate as to meet with bad ones; but as a master can object to selling his slave, unless he prove by law that he has been cruelly treated, which is very difficult, or next to impossible, the cofradias raise a fund by contributions, and free the slave, to which the master cannot object; but this slave now becomes tacitly the slave of the cofradia, and must return by instalments the money paid for his manumission. i shall not attempt to defend all the actions of the africans in a state of slavery; but i must say, that when they are treated with compassionate kindness, they are generally faithful and honest; frequently become personally attached to their master, and though they may be sometimes loath to exert themselves in laborious tasks to serve him, yet in an emergency of danger they would often die for him. on the contrary, when harshly and unjustly treated they become stubborn in the greatest degree, and the master is only secure from personal violence through the irresolute temper of the slave and his fear of punishment. but place a white man in the same situation, and what, let me ask, would be the line of conduct he would pursue? the negro creole is generally more athletic and robust than his african parents; he has no more virtues than they have, but he has commonly more vices; he seems to be more awake to revenge, and less timid of the consequences; he considers himself as better than the _bozales_, the name given to african slaves, and will rarely intermarry with them. the mestiso is generally very strong, of a swarthy complexion, and but little beard; he is kind, affable and generous, and particularly inclined to mix in the society of white people; very serviceable, and something like the gallegos in spain. in some parts of the interior of the country there are great numbers of mestisos; here their colour is whiter, and they have blue eyes and fair hair during childhood, but both become darker as they advance in years. the mulatto is seldom so robust as his parents; he appears of a delicate constitution, and in his mental capacities is far superior to the negro; indeed when assisted by education he is not inferior to a white man. fond of dress and parade, of a fiery imagination and inclined to talk, he is often eloquent, and very partial to poetry. many mulattos in lima obtain a good education by accompanying their young masters to school while children, and afterwards attending on them at college. it is very common at a public disputation in the university, to hear a mulatto in the gallery help a wrangler out with a syllogism: they are generally called _palanganos_, which is a local term, signifying a chatterer. many of the surgeons here are mulattos, and frequently do great honour to themselves, and credit to their profession. some of the females have agreeable countenances, and fine figures; they are witty and generous, and remarkably faithful in their connexions; they are very fond of dress, dancing, and public amusements, where they generally appear with their curly hair scarcely reaching to their shoulders, adorned with jessamine and other flowers. in the evening they will sometimes fill their hair with jessamine buds, which in the course of an hour will open, and present the appearance of a bushy powdered wig. they are often the confidential servants in rich families, and have the direction of all domestic concerns. occasionally they are the duennas of the young ladies, and not unfrequently sisters to them; but a very just law decrees manumission to a female slave, if she can only prove that she has had a criminal connexion with her master. the zambos are more robust than the mulattos, they are morose and stubborn, partaking very much of the character of the african negro, but prone to more vices. a greater number of robberies and murders are committed by this caste than by all the rest, except the chino, the worst mixed breed in existence:--he is cruel, revengeful, and unforgiving; very ugly, as if his soul were expressed in his features; lazy, stupid, and provoking. he is low in stature, and like the indian has little or no beard, but very harsh black hair, which is inclined to curl. the quarteron and quinteron are often handsome, have good figures, a fair complexion, with blue eyes and light coloured hair; they are mild and obliging, but have not the intrepidity nor lively imagination of the mulatto. i have not attributed drunkenness to any of the castes, for excepting that of the african negro it is not common: perhaps the example of the abstemious spaniards is the cause of this sobriety. the principal place of public amusement in lima is the theatre, which is a small but commodious building; its figure is nearly a semicircle, having the stage for its diameter. the boxes, of which there are two rows, are all private, being separated from one another by slight partitions: they will each hold eight persons very comfortably. the pit is filled with benches, which have backs, and are most conveniently divided into seats by low arms. this part of the theatre exclusively belongs to the men; but no soldiers, sailors, or people of colour, without they be genteelly dressed, are admitted. behind the pit and under the lower tier of boxes is an area for the lower classes of men; the gallery is the part appropriated to women of the lowest order. the viceroy's box was on the left side of the stage, and the nearest to it: thus his excellency gave his right side to no one; it was neatly fitted up, with a crimson velvet canopy over it, and hangings of the same colour on the outside, with a state chair, and others for his family, gentlemen in waiting, and pages. the box for the cabildo is in the centre, in the front of the stage. a guard of soldiers always attends on the nights of performance, which are thursdays and sundays, and every great festival, except during lent, when the theatre is closed. the scenery is not despicable, and i have seen some good performers, both comic and tragic; but these are principally spaniards. the bull circus is a capacious building; with rooms in the lower parts, having a sufficient open space to witness the fight; over these are eight rows of seats, rising one above another; and behind them are the boxes, or rather galleries, where the principal spectators take their stations, and to which all the youth and beauty of lima, in their richest attire, resort. the gallery for the viceroy is opposite to the door where the bulls enter: it is large and handsome. the area is eighty yards in diameter, and in the centre is a safety station, formed by driving poles into the ground, at a sufficient distance from each other to allow a man to pass when he is closely pursued by a bull. scarcely any person speaks of the spanish diversion of bull-fighting without pretending to be shocked; but the same person will dilate on a boxing-match with every symptom of delight. i have seen englishmen shudder and sympathize with a horse wounded by a bull, who would have been delighted to have seen spring "darken one of langan's peepers." when we have nothing to correct at home let us find fault with our neighbours; for my own part, i am a friend to bull-fights, but an enemy to pugilistic homicide. if the amateurs of this "manly exercise" assert, that it teaches a man how to defend himself against another, i reply, that bull-fighting teaches him how to defend himself against a furious animal. i shall not give a precise detail of this spectacle; but merely notice a few circumstances connected with it. at three o'clock, the circus, which holds nearly twenty thousand persons, is generally full. the spectators are of every colour--we have the european white, the american indian, and the african negro, with all the shades produced by their mixture, and all are dressed in as fine attire as they can afford. one or two companies of soldiers attend, and after performing some fanciful evolutions in the arena, they take their stations, the band of military music being placed in front of the viceroy's gallery. on the arrival of his excellency the trumpets sounded, the fighters, on foot and on horseback, handsomely dressed in pink and pale blue satin, with cloaks of the same stuff, began to parade the area; the first bull immediately entered, often very gaily caparisoned--his horns sheathed in silver, the body covered with a loose cloth of tissue, brocade, or satin, having on his back a silver filigree basket filled with artificial flowers or fireworks. he is at first baited by holding a cloak to him, at which he butts, when the baiter, drawing himself on one side, shakes it over his head as he passes: at a signal from one of the regidores, who presides as umpire, the man appointed kills the bull, either by running him through with a sword, receiving him on the point of a strong lance, or, crossing him when at full speed at a cloak presented to him, he stabs him behind the horns, and the ferocious animal experiences so sudden a check, that he frequently falls dead at the feet of the matador. six horses drawing a small car immediately enter, and the horns of the dead bull being secured by hooks and a chain, he is dragged out, and another brought in. the annual fightings are on the eight mondays next after christmas, and the number of bulls killed each afternoon, from three to six o'clock, is generally sixteen or eighteen. the royal cockpit is a daily resort, excepting sundays. many good mains of cocks are fought, and an afternoon seldom passes without four or five pair being matched. the pit is surrounded with ranges of seats, above and behind which is a range of galleries. every cock has one large lancet-shaped spur fastened to his leg, his own spur being first cut off: for this operation, as well as for placing the game within the ring, several fancy men attend, and one of the regidores always acts as umpire, and is paid for performing this judicial duty. the cockpit, as well as the theatre, belongs to the hospital of san andres. there are several places in the suburbs for skittles and bowls; but they are more frequented by spaniards, particularly biscayans, than by creoles. the public walks, _paseos_, are part of the callao road, as far as the willows extend. the new _alameda_, which has a double row of high willows, a coachway between them, and foot walks on each side, with two ranges of seats built of brick, is about a mile in length along the river side, having a very commodious cold bath at the farther end, formed by a spring of beautiful limpid water. one large bath is walled round, with a covering of vines over a trellis roof. there are also twenty small private baths, to which a great number of people resort during the summer. the water after supplying the baths is employed in turning a corn-mill, and then in the irrigation of several gardens. the old alameda is also in the suburbs of san lazaro: it is about half a mile long, has a double row of willows and orange trees on each side, enclosing shady foot walks with stone benches, and a carriage-way in the middle. there are three old fountains in the carriage-way, and a beautiful view of the convent and church of san diego at the northern extremity, having the _beaterio_, house of female seclusion, called the patrocinio, with a neat chapel, on one side, and the small chapel and convent of the _recoleta de los agonizantes_, on the other. on one side of this alameda the viceroy amat had built a large shallow reservoir or basin, with some beautiful lofty arches, like a portico, in the grecian order, at one end; also the necessary pipes were laid for conveying water to the top of the central arch, from whence it was to have fallen into the basin, forming a most beautiful cascade; but he was superseded before the work was finished; and, as one viceroy has seldom attended to any thing left unfinished by his predecessor, this work, like the road to callao begun by the viceroy higgins, remains unfinished. to these public paseos such numbers of the fashionable inhabitants resort on sundays and other holidays, particularly in the afternoons, that as many as three hundred carriages may sometimes be counted: the richer tradesman in his calesa, drawn by one mule; the nobleman in his coach and two; the titled of castile in a coach and four; and formerly, the viceroy in his coach and six; he being the only person in lima, excepting the archbishop, who enjoyed this distinction. gentlemen seldom go in the coaches, so that the beauty of lima have the temporary privilege of riding alone, and nodding without reserve to their amorous _galanes_, who parade the side walks. the _paseo de los alcaldes_, the procession of new mayors, is in the old alameda, and is always an occasion of great bustle, being on new year's day. the viceroy never attended, because his dignity would have been eclipsed by the brilliant liveries and gay appearance of the alcaldes. the principal bathing places are miraflores, one league from the city: it is a pretty village, with several handsome _ranchos_, or cottages. chorrillos, two leagues from lima; a large village, with a very neat church, being a parish of indians. here the descent to the sea is very commodious, and those who prefer bathing to gaming generally visit this place; but there is nevertheless a considerable portion of the latter fashionable amusement here. lurin is about seven leagues from the capital, it is also a parish of indians, and a place of great resort for the higher classes of gamesters:--the distance precludes a too numerous concourse of the lower orders of society. the piazzas of the plasa mayor are crowded every night from seven o'clock till ten with the frail part of the female sex. a range of tables with ices, lemonade, and other refreshments stand on the outside of the piazzas, with benches for the weary and thirsty to rest upon. at eight o'clock the _retreta_, the different bands of military music, leave the palace door: this is a great attraction, and forms an excuse for many a fair visitor to attend the piazza. the bridge, as has been already mentioned, is another place for evening chit chat. the piazzas are the genteel lounge on a sunday and the morning of a holiday, when they are generally much crowded. the _paseo de las lomas_, or _de los amancaes_, as it is called, is a visit to the hills on the north side of lima on the days of st. john and st. peter. the _amancaes_, yellow daffodils, being then in flower, the hills are covered with them. at this time of the year the cattle are driven from the farms to the mountains to feed; for as soon as the _garuas_, fogs, begin, they are covered with verdure, so that the principal incitement is to drink milk, eat custards, rice-milk, &c. in the evening it is very amusing to see thousands of people in coaches, on horseback, and on foot, returning to the city, almost covered with daffodils, of which each endeavours to collect the largest quantity. one of the peculiarities which excites the attention of a stranger in lima is the tolling of the great bell of the cathedral at about half-past nine in the morning: at this time the host at high mass is elevated; the oracion bell is rung at sunset. in the morning the bustle and noise in the market may be loud enough to astound an unaccustomed observer, but the bell tolls, and instantaneously all is silent as the tomb--not a whisper, not a footstep is heard; as if by enchantment all in a moment becomes motionless; every one takes off his hat, many kneel till the third knell is heard, when the bustle, noise, and confusion again commence. in the evening the scene is repeated, the oracion bell tolls, and motion ceases in every direction; the buyer and the seller stand like statues, and the half spoken word hangs on the lips until the third knell is heard, when crossing themselves devoutly, they bow to each other, and a general "good night," _buena noche_, sets them at liberty again to follow their avocations. i never could help admiring this method of reminding every individual to thank his creator for blessings received during the day, and to crave his kind protection during the night. i have often been pleased with the solemnity produced, for, without entering any particular place of worship, a place perhaps where the tenets are contrary to the religious creeds of many individuals, all "to thee whose temple is all space, whose altar, earth, sea, skies," may pray and praise in the manner their inclination or fancy may direct them. if the curfew of england were tolled for the same purpose it would perhaps be more consonant to the use of bells placed in a building dedicated to god, than to the now obsolete order for extinguishing fires, of which not one in a hundred knows the origin. respecting the feasts of the church, that of corpus christi is very splendid. the procession leaves the cathedral attended by all the civil and military authorities holding large wax tapers, the different orders of friars, the dean and chapter, and the archbishop, under a splendid canopy, supported by twelve priests in their robes of ceremony, his grace bearing the host or consecrated wafer, which is deposited in a superbly rich hostiarium. the military force is drawn up in the square, or plasa mayor, and after kneeling and pointing their bayonets to the ground, the banners and flags being prostrated as the sacrament passes, they all join in the procession, falling in at its rear; and when the archbishop turns round at the principal porch and blesses the people, the artillery and musquetry fire a salute. the most particular feature in this procession is the assistance of all the clubs or cofradias of the africans: each separate company has its appropriate national music and songs, some of them carrying wooden idols on their heads, and dancing about with them among those who belong to their confraternity. santa rosa, being a native of lima, and patroness of america, has a solemn feast and procession from the church of santo domingo to the cathedral on the last day of august. it is generally attended by a great number of ladies, wearing wreaths of red and white artificial roses round their waists and the bottom of their _sayas_. the viceroy and the tribunals also attended in this procession. there are many other processions which it would be useless and unentertaining to mention. those of san francisco and santo domingo present the peculiarity of having the two effigies carried from their respective churches, so as to meet in the plasa mayor, where they salute each other by bows, &c., and are then carried to the church where the feast is celebrated. the host gives his right side to the guest, and after the feast is concluded he accompanies him home to his own church. on the day of san francisco the friars of the order regale all the prisoners in the different gaols with a good dinner; and those of santo domingo do the same on the day of their patriarch. the publication of the bulls, once in two years, happened on the day of st. thomas the apostle. the commissary-general was received at the door of the cathedral under a pall or canopy: he carried a bull of the crusade hung round his neck, and proceeded to the high altar, where he delivered it to the notary-public of the crusade, who, although a civilian, ascended the pulpit, and read the address of the commissary-general to the congregation. after this high mass was celebrated, and an appropriate sermon preached, setting forth the virtue of the bulls, and the great benefit derived from their purchase. this discourse in the year 1804 was rather ridiculous, because the king had raised the price of the bull of the crusade, and the good priest had not only to exhort the faithful to continue the holy practice of purchasing the bull, but to reconcile them to the additional tax imposed. this, he said, was to supply his catholic majesty with money for the purpose of carrying on the war against the english and other heretics. such is the belief in the efficacy of these bulls, and so great is the revenue derived from the sale of them, that the new governments of chile, buenos ayres, and, i was told, of mexico and colombia, re-printed them, and for some time continued the hoax. a priest in chile, of whom i inquired whether the new government had a right to profit by a papal dispensation granted to the king of spain, their enemy, answered me very archly, that a bull of the patria was as good as a bull of the pope; and that if the viceroy pesuela had a right to take the money from the treasury of the crusade at lima, for the purpose of paying the expedition sent against chile, the government of chile had only followed the christian-like example of their forefathers, who came to america for the purpose of preaching the gospel, and thus saving from the power of satan the souls of millions of infidels; but, continued he, laughing most heartily, if they try it again, i dare say they will find themselves like the man who went for wool and returned shorn: _que fue por lana, y volvio trasquilado_. i was at lima when the viceroy abascal made his public entrance, and also when the viceroy pesuela entered, who was probably the last that ever will enter, (la serna, the nominal viceroy, being no better than a traitor to spain, having assumed the authority after he deposed pesuela) i shall therefore give a short description of this formal ceremony. on the arrival of the new viceroy at mansanilla, about four miles from lima, he sent an officer, with the title of ambassador, to inform his predecessor, that it being the will and pleasure of his majesty that he should take upon himself the government of the kingdom of peru, he should enter the capital the day following; a circumstance of which he begged leave to apprize his excellency, that he might be prepared to resign the command, because his authority would cease: such being the orders of the sovereign. the viceroy immediately sent a messenger to his successor, to compliment him on his safe arrival. the two persons chosen by the chiefs for this ceremony were rewarded by them respectively with minor governments in peru, this being the general custom; so that the first and the last act of a viceroy was to confer a favour on some protegée. on the following morning the viceroy marquis de aviles had an interview with his successor abascal, but he returned to dinner at the palace, while his successor partook of a splendid dinner at mansanilla, to which the principal nobility were invited. in the afternoon the viceroy aviles went in state to meet abascal; they met on the road, and each alighted from his carriage: aviles here presented abascal with a gold headed cane or bâton, the insignia of the government of the kingdom; they then stepped into each other's coach, and entered the city, which on this occasion was splendidly adorned, all the streets through which the cavalcade passed being hung with tapestry, silk curtains, and other gay hangings. the steeples of the churches were ornamented with flags, and every bell was ringing. when the viceroy marquis de la palata entered lima in 1682, the streets through which the procession passed were all paved with bars of silver. the new viceroy proceeded to his palace, where one of the alcaldes, deputed for the purpose, waited his arrival, and received and acknowledged him on the part of the city. on the following day all the courts, civil and ecclesiastical, bodies corporate, and communities waited on him, and at ten o'clock accompanied him to the cathedral, where te deum was chaunted. on his return to the palace the archbishop called on the viceroy, who immediately afterwards returned the compliment; this is the only visit which a viceroy paid. at twelve o'clock the new viceroy went in state to the chamber of the audience, and took the oath of administration. the viceroy abascal dispensed with many ceremonies which pesuela did not; i shall therefore subjoin them. a few days after the arrival of pesuela in lima, a day was fixed for his entrance in state; the streets and steeples were ornamented as on the public entrance, with the addition of several triumphal arches, one with a gate was placed close to the church of montserrat, near to the city wall. the viceroy left the city early in the morning for callao, and visited the fortifications; at nine o'clock he returned, and having arrived at the gate, which was shut, the captain of the escort alighted and knocked; the captain of the guard at the gate opened the postern, and asked who was there? being answered, the viceroy and captain-general of the kingdom, he closed the postern. the principal alcalde now advanced and passed the postern, and the viceroy alighted from his horse, and the gate was thrown open: the alcalde then presented a golden key to the viceroy, who, and his retinue of chamberlain, groom, chaplain, physician and pages, mounted their gaily caparisoned horses, prepared by the city, and the procession began in the following order:-the cavalry then in the city; four pieces of artillery and the necessary artillery-men; the city militia; the troops of the line; the colleges, the university, the professors being dressed in the habits of their respective professions; the chamber of accompts; all the members of the audience, with their togas and golas, mounted on horses covered with black velvet embroidered trappings; the magistracy in crimson velvet robes, lined with crimson brocade, and small black caps on their heads. eight members of the corporation, regidores, walked supporting an elegant crimson and gold canopy over the head of the viceroy on horseback, and the two alcaldes in their magisterial robes, acted as equerries to his excellency, holding the reins of his horse. the whole cavalcade was closed by the body guard of halberdiers and that of cavalry. it passed through several of the principal streets, and halted in the plasa mayor, in front of the cathedral, where the archbishop and chapter received the viceroy as vice-patron, and one of the minor canons offered incense to him at the door. being seated, te deum was chaunted, after which the viceroy mounted his horse and proceeded to his palace, where a splendid dinner was provided for him by the city. on the evening of this and the two following days grand balls and routs were given at the palace to the nobility, and free admittance to the _tapadas_ was granted to the galleries, corridors, and gardens. the tapadas are females who are either not invited, or their rank does not allow them to attend in public, but who come to the fête covered, so as to prevent their being known; a great deal of vivacity and spirited wit is often heard among them. this manner of being present at any public entertainment is general in south america, and it is almost impossible to prevent it. three days of bull fighting followed in honour of the viceroy, and two in honour of the ambassador who brought the news of his arrival; all at the expence of the cabildo. these were held in the plasa mayor, which was converted into a temporary circus on the occasion; there were also performances at the theatre on the evenings of the same days. the university prepared for pesuela a poetical wrangle, adapted to display the ingenuity and learning of the professors and members. the rector published the themes, and an account of the different prizes, which consisted of pieces of plate. on the day appointed, the cloister and courts of the university were adorned with splendid magnificence; the pillars and walls were hung with emblematical devices, and with shields containing poetical inscriptions in latin and spanish. on the entrance of the viceroy, he was conducted to the rectoral chair, ornamented for the occasion, which with the canopy, cushions, and table cover, had a most magnificent appearance. the rector took his seat opposite to his excellency, and in a formal manner expressed the happiness which the university enjoyed in the presence of its vice-patron, with more flattery and more adulation than ever were uttered by any other man. several of the professors next addressed him, in speeches as fulsome as need be; after which the rector rose, and presented to pesuela, on a silver salver of great value, four nominations to the degree of doctor, which he had the privilege to give to any of his protegées, certain that in their examination they would not only pass for the nominations, but be excused the payment of the honorarium, which is about a thousand dollars for each diploma. the viceroy was then conducted to the library, where a grand collation was set out for himself and suite, after partaking of which he retired to his palace. in the evening there was a splendid assembly, and _refresco_, a cold collation, prepared for those who had the honour of an invitation, as well as the tapadas, who attend uninvited. on the following day the salver, which cost two thousand dollars, was presented to the viceroy, with the nominations, by two deputies from the university. a few days afterward the rector waited on the viceroy and presented him with a printed copy of the speeches, poetry, &c. elegantly bound, and covered with crimson velvet, with gold clasps and other ornaments. the colleges and convents had similar days of poetical contest, and each of them presented his excellency with an ornamented copy of their effusions. flattery in these cases knows no limits. all the prize productions were signed with the names of the different individuals belonging to the family of the viceroy; so that all the prizes, being as i have said pieces of plate, valuable both for the metal and workmanship, go to the palace. chapter xiv. fruits in the gardens of lima....flowers....particular dishes, or cookery...._chuno_, dried potatoes...._chochoca_, dried maize....sweetmeats....meals....diseases....medical observations....on the commerce of lima....profitable speculations. the south and east sides of lima are covered with gardens and orchards of the most delicious fruits, both tropical and equinoctial; towards the east there are several gardens within the walls; but the greater number are on the outside. among the fruits known in european gardens, and produced in great perfection at lima, are several varieties of the grape; for the colonial laws of spain have not prohibited the cultivation of the vine in peru and chile, as they have done in mexico and new grenada. olives grow in great abundance and of an excellent quality; they are not preserved here, as in france, while small and green, but are left on the trees till they are ripe, and are then pickled in salt and water; others are pressed and dried, when they take the appearance of prunes. oil is made in considerable quantities, but it is not so fine nor so good as the french or italian oils. the first olive was brought to peru in 1560 by don antonio de ribera, a native of lima. apples and pears prosper extremely well, though but few varieties are cultivated. peaches and apricots do well; of the former here are many varieties; some called _aurimelos_ and _priscos_ are very delicate. nectarines, plums and cherries are scarce, and only to be found in a few places; i have seen them in the gardens of don pedro de la presa, who laid out a most magnificent garden and orchard in the suburbs of san lazaro; besides which he built a stately house, and expended on both more than two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. one of the gardens is called de don jaime, the other is at miraflores. gooseberries or currants i never saw in any part of south america, excepting some small plants brought to chile for lord cochrane, which, owing to inattention, died. a wild species of currant, however, is common in some parts both of peru and chile, but the fruit is small and bitter, perhaps through want of cultivation. several kinds of melons are produced in great abundance and of fine flavour; the _sandias_, water melons, are large and good. figs are most plentiful, and well flavoured. the pomegranates are fine and full of juice; the quinces also grow very large. among the tropical and equinoctial fruits, the plantain and banana ornament the orchards with their large green leaves, being the emblem of luxuriant fertility: this luscious and wholesome fruit ministers to the appetite of the rich, and satisfies the hunger of the poor. no native will drink water immediately after eating the plantain, nor any thing but water after the banana. much has been said respecting the banana by several writers. forster and other naturalists pretend that it did not exist in america before the conquest; but i consider the existence of it in the river ucayale, where it was found cultivated by the first missionaries, as well as in some of the more internal parts of maynas, and by count ruis in the valley of st. ana, to the eastward of cusco, when first explored, and by myself in archidona and napo, to the eastward of quito, at cocaniguas and pite to the westward--i look upon these facts as sufficient proofs to the contrary; but what will place beyond a doubt, that the banana and plantain are indigenous, is, that i have found beds of leaves of both these plants in the huacas at paramongo. four varieties of the musa are known in lima, the _platano arton_ (musa paradisiaca), the _camburi_ or _largo_ (musa sapientum), the _dominico_ or _guinea_ (musa regia), and the _maiga_ of the sea, called _de la isla_, the first plants being brought from otaheite, in the frigate aguila, in 1769. garcilaso de la vega, and father acosta, also assert, that the banana was cultivated before the conquest. the former says, that in the warm and temperate regions it constituted one of the principal sources of nourishment of the natives; and the latter speaks of its being grown in the mountains of las emeraldas, where i have seen it myself, and particularly in some old plantations, now uncultivated, called by the natives _incas vicuri_, bananas of the incas. the sour and the sweet oranges, lemons, limes, citrons, and shaddocks, grow in all the gardens, and contribute greatly to their beauty. the trees at the same time are loaded with delicious and beautiful fruit, both ripe and green; their delicate white flowers, in clusters, shedding their perfume around: indeed, nothing can exceed the beauty and fragrance of these trees during the greater part of the year. i have seen orange trees, from forty to fifty feet high, covered with large bunches of ripe oranges; but the gardeners generally keep them at from ten to twenty feet high, because they then bear more fruit, and also of a better quality. the lucuma is a large tree: the fruit is round, and about the size of an orange; it has a green skin or rind, and contains three large kidney shaped kernels covered with a very hard shell: the eatable part is of a deep yellow colour, in substance and appearance not unlike the yolk of a hard boiled egg: it is dry, and to my taste not very palatable; but it is esteemed by many. the _palta_, alligator pear or vegetable marrow, is sometimes round, and sometimes pear shaped: the tree is large and handsome, the fruit is contained in a coriaceous rind, having in the centre a large kernel, of a brown colour and very harsh taste. it is often used as a dye, when it gives a nankeen colour. it is also used for marking linen; this is effected by spreading the linen over the kernel, and with a pin pricking through it into the kernel an indelible mark is obtained. the eatable part of the fruit is delicious; it is seasoned with salt, pepper, &c. according to the palate, and its taste is similar to marrow: few persons approve of this fruit at first, but almost all become passionately fond of it afterwards. the _pacay_ is a moderately sized tree; its fruit is contained in a large green pod--there are several varieties--the pod of one is sometimes more than a yard long and three inches broad. the eatable part is a soft, cotton-like substance, which is sweet and juicy. it envelops a black bean, and these frequently germinate in the pods, and have a very curious appearance. the _guayaba_, guaba, grows in great abundance, and here there are several varieties, some of which are very good. the _granadilla_ is a creeping plant, one of the varieties of the passion flower; the fruit is of the shape and size of a duck's egg; the shell is rather hard, of a brown hue, and contains a very delicate substance full of small black seeds, in taste not unlike that of a ripe gooseberry. another variety of this fruit has a thick rind, the interior being much like the common granadilla: it is called _de quixos_, because, very probably, the first seed was brought from the woods in the province of quixos. the _tumbo_ or _badea_ is another variety, but the fruit is as large as a moderate sized melon, which it nearly resembles when cut, except that the seeds are of a brownish colour. it is commonly prepared for the table by cutting the fleshy substance or outside into small slices, and mixing them with the juicy inside and seeds, adding to it sugar, wine, and spices; and in this state it is really delicious. the _palillo_ is the delicate custard-apple, which is very sweet and fragrant. the females of lima often dry the rind or skin, and burn it with other perfumes. the _capuli_ is the cape gooseberry; it grows on a small bush, and when ripe has an agreeable acid taste. the _chirimoya_ is often called the queen of fruits, and it undoubtedly deserves that name. the tree is low and bushy; the flower is composed of three triangular fleshy leaves; the appearance is mean, but its fragrance surpasses that of any other flower which could be mentioned; however, it only continues in perfection for one evening--indeed the fragrance is so great, that one flower will scent a large room, and particularly if it be warmed by enclosing it in the hand. the fruit has somewhat the shape of a heart--the exterior is green, with a reticulated appearance, occasioned more by brownish lines on the fruit than by any indented marks, like the pine-apple: it contains several blackish seeds, about the size of horse beans; but the larger the fruit the fewer are the seeds. the eatable part is extremely delicate; it resembles a custard in substance, and is generally eaten with a spoon. on the arrival of the first spaniards in peru, the description they sent of this fruit to spain was, that it was a net filled with honey; for they knew of nothing else to which they could compare it. their weight in lima is from one to three pounds each; but in the woods of huanuco and loxa they are often found to weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds each and even more. the _guanabana_, or sour sop, has greatly the appearance of the chirimoya; but the fruit is generally larger as well as the flower, which is also quite different. the fruit of the guanabana often grows on the main trunk of the tree and on the largest branches, whilst the other grows on the branches when they are two years old. the guanabana has a grateful acid taste, and is often dissolved in water, which is afterwards strained and sugar added to it, forming an agreeable beverage: a very good jelly is also made from it as a preserve, which is most delicately transparent. the _pepino_ is an egg-shaped fruit, and smells like a cucumber. here are several varieties, and when ripe they have a sweet but peculiar taste, between the raw vegetable and fruit: they are considered unwholesome, and often called _mata serranos_, mountaineer killers; because these people when they come down to the coast eat large quantities of them, on account, perhaps, of their cheapness: they bring on intermittent fevers, dysentery, &c. the _piña_, pine-apple, is not cultivated in lima, but brought from the neighbouring valleys, where the climate is hotter. it does not thrive well, but it certainly would if a little care were taken of the plants during the season when the easterly winds blow; for these winds are often very sharp after passing over the cordilleras. the date does not flourish in lima, owing to the same cause. the orchards here, unlike those of europe, are always beautiful; excepting the foreign fruit trees, which give a wintry appearance when their branches become naked by the falling of the leaves, all the others are evergreens, and appear in the pompous garb of spring during the whole year. the new leaves take possession of their inheritance before the death of their predecessors; and the inflorescence and fructification in many trees follow the example of the leaf. the highly rich green of the banana and plantain, their enormous leaves rustling with every breeze, and discovering their pendent bunches of fruit; the orange tree enamelled with green and white and gold; the pomegranate with its crimson bell; the shady chirimoya breathing aromas to the evening breeze; the tripping granadilla stretching from tree to tree, and begging support for its laden slender branches; the luxuriant vine creeping over trellises, and hiding under its cooling leaves the luscious grape--are beauties certainly not to be surpassed; but these, and all these, are found in every garden in the valley through which the rimac meanders. the flower gardens here contain most of the varieties seen in our gardens in england, excepting the family of ranunculuses and tulips, neither of which did i ever see in south america; indeed, the climate is so favourable to all kinds of vegetation, where water can be procured for irrigation, that little care is required; but less than what is necessary is usually bestowed. the ladies are passionately fond of flowers, and will give very high prices for them. i have known a white lily, a little out of season, sold for eight dollars; and good hyacinths for two or three dollars each; and i am certain that a clever gardener and florist, who would take to lima a stock of seeds and roots, would very soon amass a considerable fortune. i have observed that the generality of the flowers of indigenous plants are yellow; and it is a common saying, _oro en la costa, plata en la sierra_, gold on the coast, silver in the mountains, where the general colour of wild flowers is white. the _floripondio_ is very much admired by many for its fragrance: it partakes of that of the lily; the tree is bushy, and grows about ten feet high. the flowers are white, each about eight inches long, bell shaped, and hang in clusters: one tree will scent a large garden; but if there are more the smell is overpowering, and produces headache. the _suche_ is a great spreading tree, and is filled with clusters of flowers, each about two inches in diameter, which are the largest kind, and others about an inch: they are bell-shaped, and of a fleshy substance; some are white, others yellow, and others of a pink colour; all are very fragrant. the _aroma_ bears a number of round yellow flosculous flowers, deserving their name, for they are most delicately fragrant. the inhabitants of lima have many dishes peculiar to the place. the spanish _olla podrida_, called _puchero_, is found almost on every table: it is composed of beef, mutton, fowl, ham, sausage, and smoked meats, mixed with casava root, sweet potatoe, cabbage, turnips and almost any vegetables, a few peas, and a little rice--these are all well boiled together, and form the standing family dish: bread or vermicelli soup is made from the broth. _lahua_ is a thick porridge from the flour of maize boiled with meat, particularly fresh pork or turkey, and highly seasoned with the husks of the ripe capsicum. _carapulca_ consists of dried potatoes, nuts, or garbansas, parched and bruised, and afterwards boiled to a thick consistency with meat, like the lahua. _pepian_ is made from rice flour, and partakes of the ingredients of the lahua and the pepian; it is a very favourite dish, and the natives say, that on being presented to the pope by an american cook, he exclaimed, _felice indiani, qui manducat pepiani_! _chupi_, which is made by cooking potatoes, cheese and eggs together, and afterwards adding fried fish, is a favourite dish, not only on days of abstinence, but during the whole year. guinea pigs, _cuis_, make a very delicate dish; they are roasted, and afterwards stewed with a great quantity of capsicum pods, pounded to the consistency of paste: sometimes potatoes, bruised nuts, and other ingredients are added. this is the favourite _picante_, and to my taste is extremely delicate. many more dishes, peculiar to the country, are seen on the tables, all of which are seasoned with a profusion of lard, and not a small quantity of garlic and capsicum. i have mentioned dried potatoes--they are thus prepared: small potatoes are boiled, peeled, and then dried in the sun, but the best are those dried by the severe frosts on the mountains; they will keep for any length of time, and when used require to be bruised and soaked. if introduced as a vegetable substance in long sea voyages, i think the potatoe thus prepared would be found wholesome and nourishing. the dried potatoe is sometimes ground into flour; this is called chuno, and is used to make a kind of porridge, either with or without meat. the maize, whilst green, is prepared in the same manner, by boiling the cobs, cutting off the grains and drying them; this is called chochoca, and is cooked like the chuno. great quantities of pumpkins and gourds are eaten, and form the principal part of the vegetable food of the poor classes; they are large, plentiful and cheap, and will keep nearly the whole year if placed in a dry room. maize and beans, _frijoles_, are in general use among the lower classes, indeed i may say among all classes, but they are the common food of the slaves: the bean is considered very nutritious, and those who have been accustomed to eat it prefer it to any other vegetable, and use it as an equivalent for animal food. an abundance of sweetmeats is eaten in south america, more, i believe, than in any other country, and particularly in lima, where there is such a variety of fruit, and such plenty of sugar; but there is a great defect in the preserves, which are always too sweet, either from a superabundance of sugar, or by destroying the flavour of the fruit before it is preserved; the citron and shaddock, which have a taste so agreeable and even powerful, always lose it when preserved. a paste is made by pounding together equal weights of blanched almonds and sugar; it is then packed in chip boxes, and will keep for a long time; by dissolving a small quantity in water, an excellent substitute for milk is formed, which is very palatable with tea, and would be found useful in long voyages. the usual breakfast hour at lima is eight o'clock; they seldom take more than a cup of thick chocolate with toast, and a glass of cold water afterwards; or sometimes a little boiled mutton, fried eggs, ham, or sausage. the dinner hour is one o'clock. it is a very plentiful meal, and may indeed be considered the only one during the day; soup and _puchero_ are generally the first dishes, the rest come to table indiscriminately, and fish is not unfrequently the last, excepting sweetmeats, after which a glass of cold water is always drunk. coffee is often brought in immediately after dinner; but in the higher classes the company rise from table and adjourn to another room, where coffee and liquors are placed. fruit is commonly introduced between the services, as it is considered more wholesome to eat it then than afterwards. in the evening a cup of coffee or chocolate is taken, or a glass of lemonade, pine-apple water, almond milk, or some other refreshing drink, and among the higher circles chocolate and ices are served up. the following account of the diseases prevalent in lima is from dr. unanue:-"heat and humidity are the two great causes of disease in this climate; the first predisposes and the second excites it. the suavity of the climate promotes the pleasures of venus, and produces those of ceres, and both contribute to enervate and relax the tone of the human frame. the first symptoms of debility present themselves in the digestive organs, and many infants, constitutionally weak, die of convulsions produced by indigestion: epileptic affections are very common when children begin to eat ordinary food. young people suffer much from cholics, particularly in autumn, owing to the debility of the stomach, caused by excessive transpiration; indeed the inhabitants of lima are so well aware of the weakness of their digestive organs, that they attribute every indisposition to _empacho_, indigestion. owing to the same constitutional weakness of the stomach, youth are very apt to become afflicted with phthisis and asthma, and many who escape from these affections, if they indulge their passions, are afterwards borne down by obstructions of the abdominal viscera and dropsies, which, owing to the dampness of the climate, are incurable. the functions of the internal and external vessels becoming inverted, those being surrounded by a body of water, these augment it incessantly by absorbing an abundance from the humid atmosphere. lima is often called _el pais de los viejos_, the country of old people, because they generally live abstemiously, and instances of extreme longevity are not uncommon." an extract from medical observations made by dr. unanue, in the year 1799, may serve to convey an idea of the particular diseases prevalent during the different seasons, beginning with the month of january, at which time the summer solstice commences. "in january the small pox made its appearance, hemorrhages and bilious diarrhoeas were common; these were followed by eruptive fevers in february. during this and the succeeding month violent catarrhs and coughs were prevalent, particularly among children, and those adults who were affected with asthma suffered very much. in some years, when the summers have been oppressively warm, copious perspirations and _lipirias_ (cholera morbus) have been known to afflict many persons, but they were not observed in 1799. "during march, april, and the beginning of autumn, intermittent fevers were very common, particularly the tertian, often accompanied with dysentery; in may and the beginning of june dry and violent coughs were observed, that produced an irritation of the throat and sometimes small ulcers. "during july quinsies afflicted several people, and cutaneous eruptions (exanthemata milliaria) were frequent, intestinal inflammations and dysentery were also prevalent; and during the months of august and september pulmonic inflammations and pleurisies were frequent. "inflammations of the lungs were common during the month of october, as also bilious diarrhoea; during this month the autumnal tertian began to disappear; in november many died of the dysentery, and cutaneous eruptions were very common. out of 4229 patients received into the hospital of san andres this year 317 died." i have observed that syphilis is never very virulent in lima and on the coasts of peru, but in the interior, particularly in cold situations, it is more prevalent and more severe. _berrugas_, warts of a peculiar kind, are common in some of the valleys of the coast. they are supposed to be caused either by drinking or being washed by the waters of certain rivers. the first symptoms are most excruciating pains in the legs, thighs and arms (the parts where the warts generally make their appearance), which frequently last for one or even several months. when the warts begin to appear the pain is relieved, and when they burst a large quantity of blood is discharged, the pain ceases, and the patient recovers. no medicines are ever administered for this disease, the natives believing that patience is the only remedy. they carefully keep themselves warm, and avoid wetting themselves, because it often produces spasms, and sometimes death. in 1803 a new disease made its appearance during the summer in the valley of huaura, and proved mortal to many individuals, particularly indians and negroes, to whom it seemed to be almost confined; for few or no white people were infected by it. the first appearance was a small pustule, the centre depressed, bearing a small purple spot; as it extended, several other small pustules arose on the edges of the original one, filled with a limpid fluid; these pustules increased to a large size, having the resemblance of blisters raised by burning. if an incision were made in the part affected, no blood flowed, nor did the patient feel the operation; the flesh had a spongy appearance, and a very pale red colour. if not relieved, the patient usually died between the fifth and tenth day, and sometimes earlier. the method of cure adopted was the total extraction of the diseased part, and the application of a poultice. this disease was called by the natives _grano de la peste_, pest pimple. the _uta_ is another disease known in some of the valleys of peru. it is supposed to proceed from the sting of a small insect; however the fact has never been ascertained. the first appearance is a small, hard, red tumour; this bursts, and the fluid it contains produces an incurable sore, which gradually extends, and at last occasions the most aggravated sufferings, till death brings relief to the afflicted patient. i shall conclude my account of lima with some observations on its commerce, particularly that part which is interesting to british manufacturers. callao being the principal port of peru, and the only one denominated _abilitado general_, or free for the ingress and egress of vessels to and from every part of the spanish dominions, lima was consequently the general market for all foreign as well as home commerce, and here the traders from the provinces repaired with such productions as were destined for exportation, as well as to purchase a stock of manufactured goods, either foreign or from other parts of the country, besides such raw materials as were necessary for mining tools and those of husbandry. owing to the diversity of the climates in the vice-royalty of peru, all kinds of european manufactured goods find a ready sale; those from england are mostly preferred to any other: indeed many can only be procured from that country; and the supplying of those by great britain to a population of a million and a half of people must be considered as a means of extending her commerce, and the decided preference given to them must be highly flattering as well as beneficial to the british nation. on entering a house in lima, or in any other part of peru that i visited, almost every object reminded me of england; the windows were glazed with english glass--the brass furniture and ornaments on the commodes, tables, chairs, &c. were english--the chintz or dimity hangings, the linen and cotton dresses of the females, and the cloth coats, cloaks, &c. of the men were all english:--the tables were covered either with plate or english earthenware, and english glass, knives, forks, &c.; and even the kitchen utensils, if of iron, were english; in fine, with very few exceptions, all was either of english or south american manufacture. coarse cottons, nankeens, and a few other articles were supplied by the philippine company. spain sent some iron, broad cloth, barcelona prints, linen, writing paper, silks, and ordinary earthenware. from the italians they had silks and velvets; from the french, linens, lace, silks and broad cloth; from germany, linens (platillas), common cutlery and glass; every thing else was either english or of home manufacture. i do not hesitate to assert, that goods of a superior quality always meet with early purchasers, because those who can afford to buy foreign goods always inquire for the best; and the more modern and fashionable the goods are, the better and the quicker is the sale. thick broad cloths, in imitation of the spanish san fernando cloth, are best for the interior; and thin fine cloth, in imitation of the french sedan cloth, is most suitable for lima. the manchester broad flannels, either twilled or plain, with a long nap, dark and light blue, crimson and pink, bright green, pale yellow, brown, white, and any shades or half colours, are very saleable commodities, either on the coast or in the interior. kerseymeres, cords, and velveteens; irish linens and common lawns cut into pieces of eight yards each, in imitation of the french bretagnes and estopillas; coarse linen in pieces of about thirty yards, imitating the german platillas; and fine scotch cambrics, as well as table linen, sheeting, &c., meet a great demand. all kinds of cotton goods, particularly stockings, muslins, and fashionable prints of delicate colours; also dark blue prints with small white sprigs, &c., which are used for mourning by every class, are in common use among the poor; besides dimities, jeans, and white quilts (marseilles), which are all very saleable articles. silks, damask (crimson), ribbons, particularly narrow, and good velvets (black), are in great demand. glass and earthenware, all kinds of hardware and cutlery (few forks), mechanics' tools, large hammers and wedges for the miners, spades, shovels, pickaxes, &c.; quicksilver, in the mining districts, also iron and steel, are saleable articles. trinkets are not in much estimation, because the inhabitants seldom wear any that are not of gold and precious gems. hats are well made in lima, and the materials are of the best quality. shoes and boots are another manufacture in which the natives excel, and their materials are tolerably good. the cordovans from lambayeque are excellent. drugs are extremely dear, for even those produced in different parts of the spanish colonies are generally first sent to europe, and thence back again, except, in lima, the chinchona bark, sarsaparilla, copaiva balsam, guaiacum, and some others, the produce of peru. i shall have occasion to mention, at different places, the utility that would result from the introduction of machinery, not only as it was evinced at the date of my narrative, but as rendered more apparent by the subsequent political changes of the country. in lima, an intelligent spaniard, don matias de la reta, established looms and other machinery for weaving cotton sail-cloth, and some coarse articles of the same material. at his death the manufactory was abandoned; but there is no doubt that the plan would have answered well had the projector lived. at present (1824) a pottery or manufactory of common earthenware would be a very lucrative establishment; as also, a work for ordinary glass ware; because the materials for both may be had conveniently, and of good qualities: the consumption of both is very great, and their prices comparatively high. indeed, if the introduction of either will pay the freight and other indispensable charges, it is evident that a speculation of this kind could not fail. all the earthenware for ordinary purposes is manufactured here; but it is heavy, and very clumsy: however, as it is, large quantities are sent to different parts of the country. good steady mechanics--carpenters, cabinet makers, millwrights, blacksmiths, whitesmiths, silversmiths, watchmakers or repairers, shoemakers, and tailors, would meet with constant work and good wages; but it would be advisable for each artificer to take a supply of tools with him. i mention this on account of the changes that have occurred in the governments; because during the colonial system, a foreigner was liable to be ordered to leave the country at a very short notice; but, notwithstanding that risk, several were established in lima in 1808 and the succeeding years, and were never interrupted. the subjoined is an account of the prices of some articles, which will convey an idea of the profits derived by the merchants, principally old spaniards, before the revolutions in america affected this market. good broad cloth, per yard, from 18 to 20 dollars.--kerseymeres from 7 to 10--broad coloured flannels from 3 to 4--fine irish linen from 3 to 4--fine german platillas from 1½ to 3--ordinary german platillas from 1 to 2--fine french lawn from 3 to 4--fine french cambric from 10 to 12--printed calicoes 2 to 3½--fine printed calicoes from 3 to 4½--fine muslins from 3 to 5--fine cambric muslins from 3 to 5--silk velvet from 10 to 12--fine velveteens 2½ to 4. blue and white earthenware plates, per dozen, from 12 to 18 dollars--common german half-pint glasses from 8 to 12--common knives with bone handles from 10 to 12--common knives with wood handles from 6 to 8. much has been said by every writer on south america respecting the spanish colonial restrictions. they certainly were, like all others, most severe, until experience proved to the government of the parent state, that it was not the welfare of the individuals or of particular companies or corporations employed in commerce, that could enrich the government. the conde de aranda, when prime minister in spain, was well apprized of this truth, and what was really sound policy in him was called liberality. however, as peru was at so great a distance from europe, she never was so much oppressed as those colonies on the opposite side of the new world. the returns from this market have been gold, silver, and tin; bark, cocoa, cotton, vicuña wool, sheep wool, and some drugs. chapter xv. visit to pisco....town of pisco....bay of pisco....curious production of salt...._huano_...._huanaes_....vineyards, brandy....vineyards _de las hoyas_....fruits....chilca, village of indians....leave lima, road to chancay....pasamayo house...._nina de la huaca_....maize, cultivation use of _huano_....hogs....on the produce of maize....different kinds of....time of harvesting.... uses of....chicha of....sugar of....town of chancay...._colcas_ ....town of huacho...._chacras_ of the indians....on the character of the native indians....refutation of what some authors have said of....manners and customs of....tradition of manco capac....ditto camaruru....ditto bochica....ditto quitzalcoatl....these traditions favourable to the spaniards....government of manco capac.... representation of the death of the inca....feast of corpus christi at huacho....indian dances....salinas. during my residence in lima, i availed myself of an invitation to visit the city of pisco, about fifty leagues to the southward. this place, although it bears the name of a city, is only a miserable village. the present town is situated about two leagues to the northward of the old one. it was sacked in 1624 by the dutch pirate, james hermit clark--in 1686 by edward david--and in 1687 it was entirely demolished by an earthquake; after which, the new town was begun to be built, about a league from the shore. the bay is very large, and the anchorage good, but the landing is difficult near the small battery, erected for the purpose of protecting the landing place; it is better however at _las palmas_, about two leagues higher up the bay, called _la paraca_, and fresh water, which is very difficult to procure near the fort, may be had here. at the southern extremity of the bay, beneath a bed of broken indurated clay and sand stones, a stratum of salt is found, extending from fifty to one hundred yards from the sea, and sometimes more. on removing the upper covering of sand, the broken stones and the clay, the salt is discovered, forming a kind of small white columns, about three or four inches long, the upper part curling, as it were, and hanging downwards again, the whole appearing somewhat like a cauliflower. it is extremely white, and composed of transparent filaments not so large as a human hair. i examined these slender bodies with a good lens; they all appeared perfectly cylindrical and hollow, closely placed together, but not attached to each other, for by a slight pressure they separated, assuming the appearance of asbestos. the salt is as palatable as the common culinary salt, dissolves slowly in a large quantity of cold water, and is not at all deliquescent from absorption. it is seldom used by the inhabitants, except when there is a scarcity of salt from huacho. some small islands at the entrance to the bay of pisco are famous for the manure which they produce, and which is embarked and carried to different parts of the coast, and often into the interior on the backs of mules and llamas. the quantity of this manure is enormous, and its qualities are truly astonishing; of this i shall have occasion to speak when treating of the cultivation of maize at chancay. several small vessels are constantly employed to carry it off; some of the cuts, where embarkation is convenient, are from forty to fifty feet deep, and their bottom is yet considerably above the level of the sea. this valuable production appears to be the excrement of sea birds, immense numbers of which frequent and breed on the islands; and the accumulation is doubtless owing to the total absence of rain. it is of a pale brown colour when dry, and easily reducible to powder; when fresh it has rather a reddish appearance; the surface stratum for a foot deep is whitish, and contains feathers, bones of birds, and shells of eggs. it is asserted, that the _huano_, the name by which this production is known, is certainly fossil earth; but the quality of the upper stratum, which although at first white, gradually inclines to yellow, being incontestibly the excrement of birds, and equal to the other, the subject seems to demand a stricter scrutiny. a species of birds frequenting these islands in great abundance is called _huanay_: hence the original name of the matter now used as manure. the bird is of black plumage, is as large as the seagull, and breeds during the whole year, with this peculiarity, that each nest, being only a hole in the huano, contains a fledged bird, an unfledged one, and one egg; whence it appears, that there is a constant succession, without the old birds undergoing the confinement of brooding their eggs. the indians take many of the young birds, salt them, and consider them a great delicacy; however they have a strong fishy taste. the principal produce of the neighbourhood of pisco, including the valleys of chincha and cañete, is vines, from which about one hundred and fifty thousand gallons of brandy are annually made. the brandy is kept in earthen jars, each holding about eighteen gallons. the vessels are made in the neighbourhood; their shape is that of an inverted cone, and the inside is coated with a species of naptha. the brandy, generally called pisco, from the name of the place where it is made, is of a good flavour, and is not coloured, like the french brandy. one kind, made from the muscadine grape, and called _aguardiente de italia_, is very delicate, possessing the flavour of frontignac wine, and is much esteemed. little wine is made, and that little is of a very inferior quality; it is generally thick and sweet, owing perhaps to the juice of the grape being boiled for a considerable time before it is fermented. near to pisco is a vineyard called _de las hoyas_, of the pits, or holes; these are excavations made originally by the indians, or aborigines, who being well versed in agriculture, cleared away the sand, and opened a species of pits, in search of humidity. this immense labour was occasioned by the difficulty or impossibility of procuring water from the river cañete for irrigation. the original use of the hoyas was perhaps the growth of maize or camotes; but vines are now planted in them, which produce most abundantly, requiring no other cultivation or care than merely pruning, for the branches are allowed to stretch along the sands. the vine planters monopolized the making of spirituous liquors in peru. they procured from the king of spain, carlos iii., a royal order, prohibiting the manufacture of any ardent spirit in peru, except from the grape; and the importation of spirits subjected the importers to very severe penalties; for having also represented to the pope, clement xiv., the destructive qualities of any other spirituous liquors in peru, the royal order was backed by a papal excommunication, fulminated against all contrafactors and contraventors. dates abound, and when properly dried are superior to those of the coasts of barbary. here are many prolific plantations of olives; the figs are also very good, and pine-apples prosper well. in the valley of chincha are several large sugar plantations; two belong to the count de montemar y monteblanco, and one near the coast, called caucato, to don fernando maso, where there is an extensive manufactory of soap. the number of slaves on the plantations of chincha, pisco, and cañete is estimated at about eight thousand. between pisco and lima there is an indian village, called chilca; it is on a sandy plain, devoid of water as well as vegetation; the natives often procure water by digging pits in the sand, but these sometimes fail them, and they are then obliged to fetch this indispensably necessary article from the cañete river, a distance of five leagues. the principal occupation of the inhabitants is fishing; they are very averse to the society of the whites, so much so that they allow none to reside in their village; even their parish priest is an indian cacique, a native of the village, whose education, and the expences of his ordination were paid by a subscription raised by them for the purpose. five leagues to the northward of lima is the small port of ancon, the residence of a few indian fishermen; the anchorage is good, and the landing is excellent. a few large fig trees grow on the sand, near the beach, the fruit of which is extremely delicate. the road leading from ancon to chancay is over very deep sand; some parts of the road are level, while others lead over hills of sand, quite bare in summer or during the dry season: but scarcely do the _garuas_, fogs, make their appearance, when the whole is covered with the most luxuriant vegetation; at which time the cattle is driven on them from the neighbouring farms. near to chancay, before crossing the small river, stands the old family residence of the marquis of villafuerte, almost in ruins; this is the case with many of the country seats belonging to the nobility of lima, who have no idea of country pleasures, nor of rural beauties. many of the principal country houses are built on the ruins of some ancient building of the indians: these people never encroached on cultivated lands, but fixed their residence either on the declivities where they could not procure water for irrigation, or on the tops of the hills; which is a convincing proof of their great economy, and leads us to surmise that the population of this country was very extensive before the conquest. this estate, called pasamayo, is principally destined to the breeding of hogs for the lima market. pasamayo house, standing on the top of a hill, commands a noble prospect of the sea, as well as of the valley of chancay, in which there is a small parish of indians, called aucayama, most delightfully situated: in 1690 the tribute roll contained three thousand seven hundred indians, but it is at present (1805) composed of only one hundred and seventy. of this decrease in the indian population i shall have occasion to speak afterwards, when at huacho. the valley of chancay contains some fine plantations of cane, and sugar manufactories; as also extensive pastures of lucern for cattle; and very large quantities of maize and beans are grown in the neighbourhood. this valley is the birth place of the celebrated _niña de la huaca_, young lady of the huaca, taking her name from the huaca, the farm where she was born. she stood six feet high, which was a very extraordinary stature, as the peruvian females are generally low. extremely fond of masculine exercises, nothing was more agreeable to her than to assist in apprehending runaway slaves, or in taking the robbers who sometimes haunt the road between this place and lima. she would mount a spirited horse, _al uso del pais_, astride, arm herself with a brace of pistols, and a _hasta de rejon_, a lance, and with three or four men she would scour the environs of the valley and the road to lima, where she became more dreaded than a company of _encapados_, or mounted police officers. i visited her at her residence, and found her better instructed in literature than the generality of the native females; she was frank, obliging, and courteous, managing her own estate, a sugar plantation, to the best advantage, superintending the whole of the business herself. the quantity of maize cultivated in the ravine, _quebrada_, and on the plains of chancay, is very great; but the cultivators are indebted to the huano from the islands of pisco and chincha for their abundant harvest. i have seen the fields quite yellow, from the parched state of the plants, when they were about a foot high, having four or five leaves each, at which time they are manured, by opening a hole at the root of every three or four plants, for they grow in clusters of this number, and putting into it, with the fingers, about half an ounce of huano, which is covered with a little earth, thrown on by the foot. the field is then irrigated as soon as possible; and in the course of ten or twelve days the plants will be more than a yard high, of a most luxuriant green colour, and the stalks pregnant with the cobs of corn. a second quantity of huano is now applied in the same manner, and the ground again irrigated; and thus the most abundant crops are produced, yielding from one thousand to twelve hundred fold. the cobs are frequently fourteen and even sixteen inches long, well set with grain, and the grain very large. beans are often planted with the maize, by which means a double crop is produced; but in this case the maize is not so prolific, nor are the beans so good, because the best quality of the bean is grown without irrigation, being sown long before the _garuas_ disappear, and being ripe earlier than the maize. chancay is famous for the breeding and feeding of hogs for the lima market: the hogs are all black, with little or almost no hair, short snouts, small pointed ears, and of a low stature; but they become so amazingly fat, that they can scarcely walk; and as their value depends on the quantity of fat which they yield, it is the principal object of the feeder to bring them to this state as soon as possible. when killed, the whole of the body is fried, and the fat is sold as lard for culinary purposes. the consumption of lard in every part of peru is enormous, and it is principally owing to the abundance of maize that the _hacendados_, farmers, enjoy this lucrative trade. maize grows on the ridges of the cordilleras where the mean temperature is about 48° of fahrenheit, and on the plains or in the valleys where it is 80°,--where the climate is adverse to rye and barley, and where wheat cannot be produced, either owing to the heat or the cold, this grain, whose farinaceous property has the greatest volume, produces its seed from 150 to 1200 fold. thus it may be said to be the most useful grain to man; and it is peculiarly adapted to the country in which it was planted by the provident hand of nature. on this account, the maize occupies in the scale of the various kinds of cultivation a much greater extent on the new continent than that of wheat does on the old. it has been erroneously stated, that maize was the only species of grain known to the americans before the conquest. in chile, according to molina, the _mager_, a species of rye, and the _tuca_, a species of barley, were both common before the fifteenth century; and as there was neither rye nor barley, it is evident that if they were common even after the conquest, and not european grain, that they were indigenous. in peru the bean and quinua were common before the conquest, for i have frequently found them in the huacas, preserved in vases of red earthenware. some writers have pretended that the maize, which is also a native of asia, was brought over by the spaniards to their colonies in the new world. this is so evidently false, that it does not deserve contradiction: indeed, if the aborigines were destitute of maize, beans, plantains, and all those articles of food which have been said to be introduced by the europeans, a new query would arise--on what did the numerous population of indians feed? for what purpose did they cultivate such large tracts of land, and why procure water for irrigation on the coasts of peru with such immense labour, and such extraordinary ingenuity? why did the peruvians always build their houses in such sterile situations as labour could never have made fertile? i have enumerated five varieties of maize in peru; one is known by the name of _chancayano_, which has a large semi-transparent yellow grain; another is called _morocho_, and has a small yellow grain of a horny appearance; _amarillo_, or the yellow, has a large yellow opaque grain, and is more farinaceous than the two former varieties: _blanco_, white; this is the colour of the grain, which is large, and contains more farina than the former; and _cancha_, or sweet maize. the last is only cultivated in the colder climates of the _sierra_, mountains; it grows about two feet high, the cob is short, and the grains large and white: when green it is very bitter; but when ripe and roasted it is particularly sweet, and so tender, that it may be reduced to flour between the fingers. in this roasted state it constitutes the principal food of the _serranos_, mountaineers, of several provinces. it is considered a delicacy at lima and all along the coast, and without a bag full of this roasted maize a serrano never undertakes a journey. it is sometimes roasted, and reduced to coarse flour, like the ulpa in chile, and is then called _machica_. according to the climate, and the kind of maize, its state of perfection or ripeness varies very much--from fifty days to five months. the morocho is ripe within sixty days in climates that are very hot and humid, as for instance at guayaquil, and on the coast of choco: the blanco within three months, in the vicinity of lima and on the peruvian coast, _valles_: and the chancayano in about five months. the last is the most productive, and the best food for cattle, poultry, &c. although wheat and barley are cultivated in different parts of peru, maize is generally considered the principal harvest; and where barley is even commoner than maize, (as in some of the more elevated provinces of the interior, and where it constitutes the principal article of food for the indians) they all greatly prefer the maize, if attainable, and will always exert themselves to cultivate a small patch of ground for this grain. thus, where it is not used for daily food, or calculated upon as an article of trade, it is considered as a species of luxury. among the indians and poor people on the coast it supplies the place of bread; for which purpose it is merely boiled in water, and is then called _mote_. puddings are also made of it, by first taking off the husk. this operation is performed by putting a quantity of wood ashes into water with the maize, exposing it to a boiling heat, and washing the grain in running water, when the husks immediately separate themselves from the grain, which is afterwards boiled in water, and reduced to a paste by bruising it on a large stone, somewhat hollowed in the middle, called a _batan_. the bruiser, or _mano_, handle, is curved on one side, and is moved by pressing the ends alternately. i have been the more particular in describing this rude mill, because it was undoubtedly used by the ancient peruvians, having been found buried with them in their huacas; and because it may serve some curious investigator in comparing the manners of these people with those of other nations. by the same implements they pulverized their ores for the extraction of gold and silver; and to this day many of their batanes of obsidian and porphyry remain near to the mountain in the neighbourhood of cochas; but the bruisers have never been discovered. that these stones were used for the purpose just mentioned is obvious, from the relics of a gold mine being here visible; besides, i have several times found fragments of gold ore in this place. after the paste is made from the boiled maize it is seasoned with salt and an abundance of capsicum, and a portion of lard is added: a quantity of this paste is then laid on a piece of plantain leaf, and some meat is put among it, after which it is rolled up in the leaf, and boiled for several hours. this kind of pudding is called _tamal_, a _quichua_ word, which inclines me to believe, that it is a dish known to the ancient inhabitants of the country. sweet puddings are made from the green corn, by cutting the grains from the cob, bruising them, and adding sugar and spices, after which they are boiled or baked. _choclo_, being the quichua name for the green cobs, these puddings, if boiled in the leaves that envelop the cob, are called _choclo tandas_, bread of green maize, and also _umitas_. this useful grain is prepared for the table in many different ways, and excellent cakes and rusks are made from the flour, procured from the grain by various means. a thick kind of porridge, called _sango_, is made by boiling the flour in water, which constitutes the principal food of the slaves on the farms and plantations. another sort, similar to hasty-pudding, is common in many places, but particularly in lima; it is called _masamorra_, and the people of lima are often ironically denominated _masamorerros_, eaters of masamorra. the grain is bruised and mixed with water; it is thus allowed to ferment until it become acid, when it is boiled, and sweetened with sugar. it resembles scotch sowins. a great quantity of maize is also made into a fermented beverage, called _chicha_. the grain is allowed to germinate, and is completely malted; it is then boiled with water, and the liquor ferments like ale or porter; but no other ingredients are added to it. chicha is the favourite drink of all the indians, and when well made it is very intoxicating. in some parts of peru the natives believe that fermentation will not take place if the malted grain be not previously subjected to mastication; from this circumstance many old men and women assemble at the house where chicha is to be made, and are employed in chewing the _jora_, or malt. having masticated a sufficient quantity they lay the chewed substance in small balls, mouthfuls, on a calabash; these are suffered to dry a little, after which they are mixed with some newly made chicha while it is warm. when travelling i always inquired if the chicha was _mascada_, chewed, and if it were i declined taking any;--however, as the question seemed to express a dislike, i was often assured it was not mascada when it probably was. no spirituous liquor is extracted from it, on account of the prohibition. two kinds of chicha are usually made from the same grain--the first, called claro, is the water in which the malt has been infused; this is drawn off, and afterwards boiled. in taste it has some resemblance to cider. the second kind is made by boiling the grain with the water for several hours, it is then strained and fermented, and is called neto; the residue or sediment found in the bottom of the jars is used in fermenting the dough for bread, which when made of maize is called _arepa_; and that of wheat, in the quichua language, _tanda_. this beverage was well known to the ancient inhabitants before the conquest; for i have drunk, at patavilca and cajamarca, chicha that had been found interred in jars in the huacas, or burying places, where it must have remained upwards of three centuries. garcilaso de la vega relates, that the manufacture of intoxicating liquors, particularly the _vinapu_ and _sora_, was prohibited by the incas; and this part of peru was annexed to their government in the time of pachacutec, the tenth inca of peru. the peruvians, as well as the mexicans, made sugar from the green stalks of the maize plant, and sold it in their markets--cortes, in one of his letters to the emperor charles v., speaks of it. at quito, i have seen the green canes brought to market, and have frequently observed the indians sucking them as the negroes do the sugar cane. the town villa de chancay stands about a league and a half from the pasamayo river, and fifteen leagues from lima. it was founded in 1563 by the viceroy conde de nieva, who intended to form a college and a university here, but this intention was never fulfilled. it has a large parish church, a convent of franciscans, dedicated to san diego, and a hospital, managed by friars of san juan de dios. the town contains about three hundred families, some of which are descendants of noblemen, although perhaps by african favourites. chancay is pleasantly situated, about a league from the sea; its port is small, the anchorage bad, and the landing difficult. its market is abundant in fish, flesh-meat, vegetables, and fruit: of the latter considerable quantities are carried to lima; it is also famous for delicate sweet cakes, called _biscochos_. this is the capital of a district, which contains thirty-seven settlements, of different climates, because part of it is mountainous. the subdelegado, or political governor of the district, generally resides at chancay, besides whom there are two alcaldes or mayors annually elected in the town. at a short distance is torre blanca, the seat of the conde de torre blanca, marquis of lara; and an excellent farm-house at chancaillo; not far from which, and near the sea, are the _colcas_, deep pits dug in the sand. these pits have been surrounded with adobes, sun-dried bricks; and they are reported to have been granaries belonging to the army of pachacutec, when this inca was engaged in the conquest of the chimu of mansichi. fourteen leagues from chancay stands the indian village huacho; it is situated in a delightful valley, watered by the huaura, which rises in the province of cajatambo, and in its course to the sea irrigates more than thirty thousand acres of land. the village contains about four thousand inhabitants, all indians; it has a large parish church and three small chapels, besides a chapel of ease at lauriama, where mass is celebrated on sundays and festivals. the principal employment of the natives is the cultivation of their _chacras_, small farms, cutting salt at the salinas, fishing, and making straw hats, at which they are very dexterous. the hats are not made of plat: they begin at the centre of the crown, and continue the work by alternately raising one straw and depressing another, inserting or taking out straws, as the shape requires it, till the hat is finished. these hats are generally made either of fine rushes which grow on swampy ground, or of _mocora_, the produce of a palm tree, in the province of lambayeque. the _chacras_, plots of ground distributed to the indians by the government, and held during life, are supposed to be an equivalent for the tribute; and indeed they are an excellent compensation, for the produce is usually worth six times more than the sum paid, leaving at least five-sixths for the expences or trouble of cultivation. to the great credit of the indians no land is any where kept in better condition, nor more attention paid to the crops, which generally consist of wheat, maize, beans, camotes, yucas, pumpkins, potatoes, and many kinds of vegetables. there is an abundance of fruit trees, the produce of which is often carried to lima. the hedges are almost entirely composed of those trees, such as the orange, lime, guava, pacay, palta, &c. in some places the vine and the granadilla are seen creeping about, craving support for their slender branches, as if unable to sustain the burthen of fruit they are destined to bear. the maguey is much cultivated in the hedges; besides this destination it produces cordage for general uses, and the flower stems growing twenty feet high serve as beams for the houses, and other similar purposes; being, if kept dry, of almost everlasting duration. i had an excellent opportunity here of observing the character, manners, and customs of the indians, with whom i was very much pleased. they are kind and hospitable, but timidity and diffidence make them appear reserved and somewhat sullen. their maxims are founded on their own adage--convince me that you are really my friend, and rest secure: _has ver que eres mi amigo, y hechate a dormir_. whether this distrust be a natural characteristic trait, or whether it be the result of the privations they have suffered since the spaniards became their masters, it is difficult to decide; but at all events it surely cannot be called a crime. the indians on the coast of peru are of a copper colour, with a small forehead, the hair growing on each side from the extremities of the eyebrows; they have small black eyes; small nose, the nostrils not protruding like those of the african; a moderately sized mouth, with beautiful teeth; beardless chin (except in old age) and a round face. their hair is black, coarse, and sleek, without any inclination to curl; the body is well proportioned, and the limbs well turned, and they have small feet. their stature is rather diminutive, but they are inclined to corpulency, when they become inactive, and it is a common saying, that a jolly person is _tan gordo como un cacique_, as fat as a cacique. the perspiration from their bodies is acetous, which some have supposed to be caused by a vegetable diet. in the colder climates, although in the same latitude, the complexion of the indians is lighter, owing perhaps to the cold; however, the araucanians, who enjoy a much colder climate, are of a dark copper colour. i shall here endeavour to refute some of the aspersions thrown by several writers upon the character of the peruvian indians, whom i hope to place, in the estimation of unbiassed men, in a situation more honourable to human nature than they have yet enjoyed; and thus one of my principal objects for publishing this narrative will be obtained. m. bouguer says, that "they are all extremely indolent, they are stupid, they pass whole days sitting in the same place, without moving, or speaking a single word." i believe i may state, that in all hot climates an inclination to indolence is common, nay even natural; a hot climate precludes bodily exertion, unless the cravings of nature are satisfied with difficulty, and as this is not the case in peru, half the vice, if it be a vice, disappears at once; add to this, that they have no motive to exertion above supplying the wants of nature--no stimulus--no market for an excess of produce, or the supplying of artificial wants--and the cause for indolence exists as necessarily as a cause for industry is found where the contrary happens. if a climate demand only a shade from the sun or a shelter from the rain, why should men build themselves stately or close habitations? where nature spontaneously produces the requisite articles of food, competent to the consumption of the inhabitants, why should they exert themselves to procure a superfluous stock? and particularly where an introduction of new articles in succession is entirely unknown. what to m. bouguer and others has appeared stupidity, perhaps deserves the name of indifference, the natural result of possessing all the means for satisfying real wants, and an ignorance of artificial ones. but if real stupidity be meant, i must aver that i never observed it either among the wild tribes of arauco on the river napo, or in those of the coasts of choco. i recollect very well an indian, called _bravo_, who was accused at pomasqui of having stolen the mule which he had brought from the valleys to the eastward of quito, laden with fruit. at the moment the accusation was laid before the alcalde, the indian threw his poncho or mantle over the head of the mule, and then desired the challenger to say of which eye his mule was blind? he answered, of the left. then, said the indian, taking off the poncho, this mule cannot be yours, because it is blind of neither. that any beings endowed with speech should "sit whole days without speaking a word," is indeed the acme of taciturnity; but as m. bouguer was perhaps ignorant of the language of the people he describes, he may probably deserve the same compliment from them. i found the araucanians prone to talk; indeed eloquence is considered an accomplishment among them, and extremely necessary among the _mapus_, or chiefs. the peruvians are neither silent in their meetings nor when travelling; however, they have little inquisitiveness, nor do they break out into soliloquys on the beauties of the surrounding scenery; but they converse freely on common place topics, particularly with a white man, if they find that he deigns to enter into conversation with them. several of the tribes in archidona and napo, who are in their free state, certainly did not merit the accusation of dumb stupidity; for although unacquainted with their languages, i tried to converse with them in quichua, aided by signs, and i really discovered more intelligence among them than i had a right to expect. what is often considered a step towards civilization or to social life, is a pastoral one; but if we search for it in a country where animals capable of domestication do not exist, we have no right to consider the inhabitants as barbarous, because they are not possessed of flocks and herds; nor do human beings deserve that epithet, who will share what they are possessed of with a stranger; and such hospitality i have frequently experienced. the kindness which these men show to the dog is no small proof of their sensibility; they will take long journeys to procure one, and value it as much as a lady esteems her lap dog. the utility of the animal may perhaps be said to be the chief motive of the indian's attachment; and what other motive has the shepherd or the herdsman? m. bouguer continues, "they are totally indifferent to wealth and all its advantages. one does not know what to offer them to procure their services; it is in vain to offer money, they answer, that they are not hungry." wealth, in the general acceptation of the word, can procure no advantages to men who have no means of disposing of it. where there is no market, money can purchase nothing; and where the natural wants are abundantly supplied, and men's desires have not created artificial ones, a market is superfluous and useless; but wherever the indians can exchange the produce of the country they inhabit for whatever pleases them, they are always anxious to do it. the logroño indians trade with the city of cuenca; the yumbos, colorados, and malabas with quito; the chunchos, pehuenches, huilliches, and other tribes with conception; the orejones with huanuco; and numerous other tribes frequent the settlements nearest to them, for the purpose of bartering their commodities for others which are either useful or ornamental. had m. bouguer offered them beads, hawks' bells, _machetes_, large knives, bows, arrows, or poison for their darts, he would have obtained their services. dr. robertson considers the indians to have been, at the time of the conquest by the spaniards, less improved and more savage than the inhabitants of any part of the globe; but he afterwards limits this charge to the rudest tribes; a limitation which was very necessary, for the purpose of palliating what i cannot help believing to be a false accusation. he could not mean the tribe of the muysca indians, who have left the fewest remains of their ingenuity, much less the peruvians; and in mexico, some of their cities were equal to the finest in spain, according to the accounts given by cortes, in his reports to the emperor charles v. these reports, and the yet existing monuments of labour and ingenuity, speak strongly in opposition to robertson's statement. ulloa says, "one can hardly form an idea of them different from what one has of the brutes." paul iii. thought differently, when, by his celebrated bull, he declared them worthy of being considered as human beings. ulloa might have said, with more truth, one can hardly form an idea of treatment more brutal than that which many of them receive. in the interior of peru, as ulloa speaks of the peruvians, they were degraded by the _mita_, a scion of the law of _repartirnientos_, distribution of indians at the time of the conquest. by this law, the men were forced from their homes and their families to serve for a limited time an imperious master, who, if he approved of their labour, took care to advance them a little money or some equivalent above what their wages amounted to, and then obliged them to serve him until the debt was liquidated. by this time another debt was contracted; and thus it was that they became worse than slaves, except in the name. i have been on several estates in different parts of peru and quito where the annual stipend of an indian was no more than eighteen or twenty dollars; with which pittance he had probably to maintain a wife and family, besides paying his annual tribute of five or seven dollars and a half to the king. the result was generally this:--the father died indebted to his master, and his children were attached to the estate for the payment. i would now ask don antonio ulloa, who are the brutes? the hut of one of these miserable indians consists of a few stones laid one upon another, without any cement or mortar, thatched over with some long grass or straw, which neither defends the unhappy inmates from the wind nor the rain; and such is the case on the _paramos_, or bleak mountains. one small room contains the whole family; their bed, a sheep skin or two, their covering, the few clothes which they wear during the day, for they have no others; their furniture, one or two earthen pots; and their food, a scanty provision of barley. who that is possessed of christian charity could witness this, and, instead of pitying their miserable condition, call them brutes? if of these ulloa says, "nothing disturbs the tranquillity of their souls--equally insensible to disasters and to prosperity," his observation is just. born under the lash of an imperious master, subject to the cruelty of an unfeeling mayordomo, they had no disasters to fear, because their condition could not possibly be rendered worse: with prosperity they had been totally unacquainted, it was a blessing which had fled the land they were born to tread, or rather it had been transferred to usurpers. ulloa continues, "though half naked, they are as contented as a monarch in his most splendid array." and does the spaniard imagine, that these miserable men are destitute of corporal feeling as well as of intellectual sensibility? does neither the bleak wind nor the cold rain make any impression on them? can content be the companion of the half-naked, half-starved slave? it may be the gloom of despair that hangs on their countenances; but it is certainly not the smile of content. "fear makes no impression on them, and respect as little." this rhapsody is taken from the mouth of some spanish master, as a palliative of his own cruel conduct. "their disposition is so singular, that there are no means of influencing them, nor of rousing them from that indifference, which is proof against all the endeavours of the wisest persons. no expedient which can induce them to abandon that gross ignorance, or lay aside that careless negligence which disconcert the prudent, and disappoint the care of such as are attentive to their welfare." if a man be so oppressed by a tyrannical and proud master, that he finds himself lower in his estimation than the cattle which he tends--so worn down with hunger, cold, and fatigue that he is only anxious for the approach of night or of the grave,--what can rouse him from that indifference or despondency which señor ulloa describes? now this has been the state of the south american indian on the large farms, and in the _obrages_, manufactories. he dreads to finish his task early, fearful of an increase of labour; he dares not appear cheerful, because it might be called impudence by his overseer; he dares not be cleanly or well clothed, because the first condition would be considered a negligence of his duty to his master, or an attention to his own comforts, and the second the result of theft. then, what, let me ask, is left, but misery in appearance, and wretchedness in reality? i well remember what the pious dr. rodrigues said to me at quito:--"not half the saints of the romish church, whose penitent lives placed them in the calendar and on our altars, suffered greater privations, in the hopes of enjoying everlasting glory, than one of these indians does through fear of offending a cruel master, or for the purpose of increasing his wealth." "how dear," added he, "has the religion of christ cost these once happy innocent creatures, and at what an usurious price it has been sold to them by the proud pedlars who imported it. oh! heaven," exclaimed he, "till when! till when! hasta quando! hasta quando!" well too do i remember, when passing, with the conde ruis de castilla, by the cloth manufactory of san juan, near riobamba, an old indian woman, who was tending a flock of sheep, and spinning with her distaff and spindle, her head uncovered, her grey locks waving wildly in the wind, and her nakedness not half concealed by an old coarse _anaco_, running to his excellency, and on her knees exclaiming, with sobs and tears, "bless your worship, i have seen seven viracochas who came to govern us, but my poor children are still as naked and as hungry as i was when i saw the first; but you will tell the king of this, and he will make me happy before i die; he will let us leave san juan; oh! taita ya, taita ya--oh! my father, my father." "no expedient can induce them to lay aside their gross ignorance," says el señor ulloa. what expedients have been tried? no schools have been established for them; no persons employed to teach them, except an old man or a friar, who once a week teaches them their prayers; and i can safely aver, that thousands of indians employed by white people live and die in their service without ever seeing any other book than the missal on the altar, or their master's account book on his table. but let us turn from this loathing sight, and look to indians where they are blessed with a greater portion of rational liberty, where they are considered more on a level with their white neighbours, and have more opportunities of evincing that they are not a disgrace to human nature, nor beneath the merited name of men. the towns of huacho and eten, inhabited almost exclusively by indians, may serve to pourtray the character of these people when in society. i have already mentioned their employment at huacho; to which may be added the manufacture of many articles of cotton at eten, such as napkins, tablecloths, and counterpanes, some of which are remarkably fine, and ornamented with curious figures interwoven, somewhat like damask. i have seen their felt or frieze counterpanes sell for twenty or twenty five dollars each. they also make large floor mats of _junco_, a species of fine rush, and they manufacture hats. these are sufficient proofs, that when an indian reaps the benefit of his labour he is not averse from work. ulloa has also mistated the character of the american indian, in asserting, "that he will receive with the same indifference the office of an alcalde or judge, as that of a hangman." an indian alcalde is as proud of his _vara_, insignia of office, as any mayor of england is of his gown, and always takes care to carry it along with him, and to exact that respect which he considers due to him in his official capacity. when the oidor abendaño passed through the indian town of sechura, in 1807, he had neglected to take the necessary passport from the governador of paita; the indian alcalde requested to see it; the oidor informed him that he had not one; adding, that he was one of the ministers of the royal audience of lima; and i, said the indian, am the minister of justice of sechura, and here my vara is of more importance than your lordship's. i shall therefore insist on your returning to paita for your passport, or else of sending some one for it: two of my bailiffs will wait on you, my lord, till it is procured, as well as for the purpose of preventing you from pursuing your journey without it. the number of indians who receive holy orders, natives of the coast as well as the interior, is a convincing proof that they are not destitute of understanding, nor incapable of at least becoming literary characters, if not learned men. some have also shone at the bar, in the audiences of lima, cusco, chuquisaca, and quito; among these was manco yupanqui, of lima, protector-general of indians, whom i knew. he was a good latin scholar, was well versed in the english and french languages, and considered the only good greek scholar in the city. i knew also don jose huapayo, vice-rector of the college del principe, a pasante of san carlos, a young man of natural talents, which were well cultivated. extreme cowardice has also been attributed to the indians; but this imputation very indifferently accords with the tribes of araucania, darien, &c. during the present contest in south america the indians have sustained more than their share of fighting; and had the unfortunate pumacagua of cusco, or pucatoro of huamanga, been supplied with arms and ammunition, they would not have been subdued by ramires and maroto. the indians who reside among the creoles and spaniards on the coasts of peru and in the province of guayaquil are docile, obliging, and rather timid. their timidity has been the cause of their being supposed totally indifferent to what passes; indeed, as i have before said, there does not appear to be any eager curiosity about them, they have little to satisfy; but at its lowest ebb, this disposition surely can only be termed apathy. they are industrious in the cultivation of their farms and gardens; attentive to their other occupations, and faithful in their engagements; they know the value of riches, strive to obtain them, and are fond of being considered rich, although they never boast of being so. infidelity between man and wife is very rare; they are kind parents, which generally makes their children grateful as well as dutiful. robertson says, that "chastity is an idea too refined for a savage." i must beg leave to state, that his compilation, founded on spanish writings, is not always deserving of credit. had dr. robertson travelled over half the countries he describes, or observed the native character of the people which he has depicted, he would have expressed himself in very different terms. chastity is more common, and infidelity more uncommon, among the peruvians than in most countries of the old world. the same author remarks, "in america, even among the rudest tribes, a regular union between husband and wife was universal, and the rights of marriage were understood and recognized." this surely is a proof that chastity was known among these _savages_; and i cannot conceive that polygamy, when sanctioned by law or custom, is any objection to chastity. they are cleanly in their persons, and particularly so in their food; abstemious in general, but at their feasts inclined to gluttony and drunkenness; although disposed to the latter vice in a considerable degree, they are not habitual drunkards, and the females are so averse from it, that i never saw one of them intoxicated. i often observed, when living among the indians, that they slept very little; they will converse till late at night, and always rise early in the morning, especially if they have any work that requires their attention; such as irrigating their fields, when water can only be obtained at night, or tending their mules on a journey. in such cases they will abstain from sleep for three or four nights successively, without any apparent inconvenience, and they seldom or never sleep during the day. both males and females adhere to one kind of dress, which varies little either in towns or villages. the men of huacho wear long blue woollen trowsers, waistcoat, and sometimes a jacket; a light poncho, and a straw hat, but they are without either shoes or stockings, except some of the old men who have been alcaldes, and who afterwards wear shoes adorned with large square silver buckles when they go to church or to lima. the alcaldes also usually wear a long blue spanish cloak. the dress of the females is a blue flannel petticoat, plaited in folds about half an inch broad, a white shirt, and a piece of flannel, red, green, or yellow, about two yards long and three quarters of a yard broad; this they put over their shoulders like a shawl, and then throw the right end over the left shoulder, crossing the breast. they wear ear-rings formed like a rose or a button, the shank being passed through the aperture made in the ear, and secured by a small peg passed through the eye of the shank; they have also one or more rosaries, which like the ear-rings are of gold, and hang round their necks with large crosses, medals, &c. they seldom wear shoes, except when they go to church, and then often only put them on at the door; stockings they never wear. the hair both of the men and women is generally long; the former have one plat formed with the hair of the forehead, at the top of the head, and another with the rest behind, and both are fastened together at the ends; the women plat their hair in a number of very small tresses, but comb the whole from the forehead backwards. there is a considerable portion of superstition among them; old women are always afraid of being considered witches, and when a person dies his death is generally attributed to witchcraft. a widow will often, while lamenting the death of her husband, throw out a volume of abuse against some female who, as she imagines, had cast an evil eye on him. when a person praises a child or even a young animal, a by-stander will exclaim, god protect it! _dios lo guarda!_ to avert its being withered by an evil eye. they are considered as neophytes, and the inquisition has no power over them, nor are they included among the bull buyers. as to their religion, they are particularly attentive to all the outward forms, and strict in their attendance at church; but an instance of cunning in evading a reprimand from the rector happened at this town. an indian being questioned by the _cura_, rector, why he did not attend mass on a day of precept, to hear _mass_ and _work_, replied, "that he had fulfilled the commandment of the church, for as he did not intend to work, mass was undoubtedly excused by the precept." i observed at huacho one of the ancient rites of the peruvians; it was the ñaca feast. a child never has its hair cut till it is a year old, or thereabouts; the friends then assemble, and one by one take a small lock and cut it off, at the same time presenting something to the child. this ceremony among the ancient peruvians was practised at the naming of the child, and the name was generally appropriate to some particular circumstance which occurred to the child on that day. the seventh inca was called yahuar huacar, weeper of blood, because on that day drops of blood were observed falling from his eyes; and huascar, the fourteenth inca, was so named because the nobles on this day presented him with a golden chain called a _huasca_, after the ceremony of cutting the ñacas. at this village i heard for the first time the oral tradition of the first inca, manco capac; it was afterwards repeated to me by indians in various parts of the country, and they assured me that it was true, and that they believed it. a white man, they say, was found on the coast, by a certain cacique, or head of a tribe, whose name was cocapac; by signs he asked the white man who he was, and received for answer, an englishman. he took him to his home, where he had a daughter; the stranger lived with him till the daughter of the cacique bore him a son and a daughter, and then died. the old man called the boy ingasman cocapac, and the girl mama oclle; they were of a fair complexion and had light hair, and were dressed in a different manner from the indians. from accounts given by this stranger of the manner in which other people lived, and how they were governed, cocapac determined on exalting his family; and having instructed the boy and girl in what he proposed to do, he took them first to the plain of cusco, where one of the largest tribes of indians then resided, and informed them that their god, the sun, had sent them two of his children to make them happy, and to govern them; he requested them to go to a certain mountain on the following morning at sunrise, and search for them; he moreover told them that the _viracochas_, children of the sun, had hair like the rays of the sun, and that their faces were of the colour of the sun. in the morning the indians went to the mountain, _condor urco_, and found the young man and woman, but surprised at their colour and features, they declared that the couple were a wizard and a witch. they now sent them to rimac malca, the plain on which lima stands, but the old man followed them, and next took them to the neighbourhood of the lake of titicaca, where another powerful tribe resided; cocapac told these indians the same tale, but requested them to search for the viracochas on the edge of the lake at sunrise; they did so, and found them there, and immediately declared them to be the children of their god, and their supreme governors. elated with his success, cocapac was determined to be revenged on the indians of cusco; for this purpose he privately instructed his grandchildren in what he intended to do, and then informed the tribe that the _viracocha_, ingasman cocapac, had determined to search for the place where he was to reside; he requested they would take their arms and follow him, saying, that wherever he struck his golden rod or sceptre into the ground, that was the spot where he chose to remain. the young man and woman directed their course to the plain of cusco, where having arrived, the signal was given, and the indians here, surprised by the re-appearance of the viracochas, and overawed by the number of indians that accompanied them, acknowledged them as their lord, and the children of their god. thus, say the indians, was the power of the incas established, and many of them have said, that as i was an englishman, i was of their family. when h. b. m. ship breton was at callao, some of the officers accompanied me one sunday afternoon to the alameda at lima; on our way we were saluted by several indians from the mountains, calling us their countrymen, and their relations, begging at the same time that we would drink some chicha with them. there is a curious analogy between this tradition and one that i had from the mouth of don santos pires, at rio de janeiro, in 1823. he told me, that before the discovery of the brazils, an englishman had been shipwrecked, and fell into the hands of the coboculo indians; he had preserved or obtained from the wreck a musket and some ammunition, with which he both terrified and pleased the indians, who called him _camaruru_, the man of fire, and elected him their king. he taught them several things of which they were before ignorant (as did manco capac and mama oclle the peruvians); he was alive at the conquest of the country, and was carried to portugal, when emanuel granted him a valley near to bahia, independent of the crown. don santos is the brother of the baron da torre, both lineal descendants of camaruru, of which he boasted not a little, adding, that to the present time none of the lineal descendants had ever married a portuguese. the muysca indians of the plains of cundinamarca have a white man with a beard, called bochica, nemquetheba, or suhé, for under these different names he is spoken of, as their legislator. this old man, like manco capac, taught them to build huts and live in communities, to till the ground, and to harvest the produce; as also to clothe themselves, with other comforts; but his wife, chia, yubecayguaya, or huythaca, for she is also known by three different names, was not like mama oclle, who taught the females to spin, to weave, and to dye the cloths. chia, on the contrary, opposed and thwarted every enterprize for the public good adopted by bochica, who, like manco capac, was the child of the sun, dried the soil, promoted agriculture, and established wise laws. the inca did not separate the ecclesiastical authority from the political, as bochica did, but established a theocracia. the first opened an outlet to the lake titicaca, for the benefit of his subjects, at a place now called _desaguadero_, the outlet; while the latter, for the same purpose, opened the lake of bogotá, at tequendama. the inca bequeathed his sovereign authority to his son, while bochica named two chiefs for the government, and retired to _tunja_, holy valley, where he lived two thousand years, or, as other traditions state, where his descendants governed the muysca tribe for two thousand years. the first of these successors was called huncahua, and the rest huncas, which was the name of the holy city; but the spaniards have changed the name to tunja. the mexicans have likewise a bearded white man as a legislator, called quatzalcoatl; he was the high priest of cholula, chief of a religious sect, and a legislator; he preached peace to men, and prohibited all sacrifices to the deity, excepting the first fruits. we have here the tradition of four white men distinguished by the people of the new world, as having beards, a circumstance as remarkable to them, as it was visible, for they being beardless, would consequently be surprised at seeing men whose faces bore what they would be led to consider a feature so distinguishing. two of these are said to have been englishmen. of the laws established by camaruru i have no information, but those established by manco capac i know have no analogy, nor do they bear any resemblance to those of any of the northern governments, except, setting aside lineal descent, the papal, where the spiritual authority is exercised by the king of rome. this coincidence of four men, bearing the same mark of a beard, three of whom were priests and legislators, occurred at places the most distant from each other, the one at rio de janeiro, in latitude 22° 54´ 10´´ s., longitude 42° 43´ 45´´ w.; one at cusco in lat. 13° s., long. 81° w.; one at cundinamarca in latitude 4° 35´ n., long. 74° 8´; and the other at cholula in latitude 19° 4´ n., longitude 98° 14´ w. the traditions of manco capac, bochica, and quatzalcoatl agree in predicting the arrival of bearded men at some future period, and the conquest of the different countries by them; which predictions operated strongly in favour of pizarro, benalcazar, and cortes, and produced that submission of the peruvians, muyscas, and mexicans, which finally laid the foundation of the degraded state of their descendants. from some accounts of the government of the incas of peru, it is easy to observe how well acquainted they were with the natural character of the people whom they had to govern. the whole empire was modelled like a large monastic establishment, in which each individual had his place and his duty assigned to him, without being permitted to inquire into the conduct of his superiors, much less to question the authority of the high priest, or to doubt the justness of his mandates. passive obedience to the decrees of their master could not but crush the germ of enterprize and ambition. thus it is that the peruvian indians are destitute of an active love for their country, and incapable of any exertion, unless roused by the orders of a superior. patient in adversity, and not elated with prosperity, their most indifferent actions are regulated by almost superstitious precision. their veneration for the memory of their incas is beyond description, particularly in some of the interior districts, where his decollation by pizarro is annually represented. in this performance their grief is so natural, though excessive, their songs so plaintive, and the whole is such a scene of distress, that i never witnessed it without mingling my tears with theirs. the spanish authorities have endeavoured to prevent this exhibition, but without effect, although several royal orders have been issued for the purpose. the indians in the territory of quito wear black clothes, and affirm that it is mourning for their incas, of whom they never speak but in a doleful tone. i cannot quit this subject without again saying, that from the unconquered tribes to the east and the west of quito, both from those who were subject to the laws of the conquerors, as well as the warlike tribes of arauco, i received the kindest treatment, and a degree of respect to which i was in no way entitled; and i hope i shall never permit ingratitude to guide either my pen or my tongue when their character is discussed. among the feasts which the indians of huacho celebrate, that of corpus christi deserves to be spoken of. besides the splendid decorations of the church, at the gratuitous expence of the indians, there are at the houses of the mayordomos, alfereces, and mayorales sumptuous dinners, from the feast to the octave, provided for all persons who choose to partake of them. they consume an enormous quantity of their favourite beverage, chicha, of which i have been assured, that a thousand jars, each containing eighteen gallons, have been drunk at one feast; and i do not doubt it, for besides the natives, numbers of people flock to the feast from the surrounding villages, and many come from lima. at these dinners there are always several dishes of guinea pigs, stewed, and seasoned with an abundance of capsicum. indeed, an indian of the coast of peru never dispenses with this picante at a feast; and i must acknowledge that i became almost as partial to it as any indian. during the week the village is enlivened with different companies of dancers: one called huancos is composed of eight or ten men; they have large crowns of ostrich feathers (from the plains of buenos ayres) on their heads; the quills are fastened in a roll of red cloth, which contains not less than five hundred long feathers dyed of various colours, but particularly red. they have small ponchos of brocade, tissue, or satin; on their legs they wear leather buskins, loaded with hawks' bells; their faces are partly covered by a handkerchief tied high above their mouths; and they carry as arms a cudgel, and bear on the left arm a small wooden buckler. they dance along the streets to the sound of a pipe and tabor, keeping pace to the tune, that the bells on their legs may beat time to the pipe and tabor. when two companies of these dancers meet, neither will give way for the other to pass, and the result is, the cudgels are applied to open it. some of their skirmishes produce broken heads and arms, although they are very dexterous in guarding off the blows with their small bucklers; but no intreaties nor threats from magistrates, who have sometimes interfered, can appease or separate them, until the criollaos appear, when, as if by magic, each party dances along quite unconcerned. the criollaos go by pairs, accompanied by a pipe and tabor. they have small helmets on their heads, a poncho like the huancos, and a short petticoat; they carry in their right hands a small wooden sword, in their left a bunch of flowers, and they dance to a melancholy tune, while that of the huancos is very lively. they are the peace makers, and such respect is paid to their interference, that not a blow is struck after their arrival; but neither threats nor intreaties will hurry them on to the place of action. the chimbos are very gaily dressed: they have crowns ornamented with all the jewellery which they can borrow; necklaces, ear-rings, bracelets, and rosaries are fastened on them in abundance, and when these cannot be procured, they have holes drilled in doubloons and new dollars, with which they load them. i have seen fifty of each on one crown. their dress is a gay poncho, with wide moorish trowsers; and their music consists of one or more harps or guitars. for the purpose of dancing along the streets, two boys support the bottom of the harp, whilst the top is fastened with a handkerchief tied round the neck of the player. all these dance before the procession, which, considering the smallness of the town, is very splendid. a double row of indians, the men on one side and the women on the other, with large lighted wax tapers, often as many as two thousand, go before; in the centre are indian boys and girls, burning perfumes in small incense burners, and strewing flowers. a rich pall with six silver cased poles is carried over the priest bearing the host, by the mayordomos, alfereces, and mayorales; and the procession is closed with all the music they can muster. in the course of the procession, as well as every night during the octave, great quantities of fireworks are burnt. longevity is common among the peruvian indians. i witnessed the burial of two, in a small village, one of whom had attained the age of 127, and the other of 109; yet both enjoyed unimpaired health to a few days within their decease. on examining the parish books of barranca, i found, that in seven years, eleven indians had been buried, whose joint ages amounted to 1207. the diseases most incidental to the indians, both along the coast of peru and in the interior, are of an inflammatory nature--consumptions in puberty, and pleuritic affections in old age. with what certainty the origin of syphilis has been traced to america, i know not; but the wild tribes of arauco, archidona, napo, in the vicinity of darien, and several others, as well as those that live in small settlements among the spaniards, are totally unacquainted with it; and although i have been particularly inquisitive on this head, i never could hear of one solitary instance of the disease, except in large towns and cities, and then it was limited to a certain class, where it was likely to be most prevalent. the great decrease of indian population in peru may almost be called alarming; many theories have been published respecting it, but in my opinion none have given the true cause. some have attributed it to the introduction of the small pox; but the virulence of this disease was mitigated, as in europe, by inoculation, and latterly by the introduction of vaccination, which at a great expence was carried from spain in 1805, by the order of charles iv. not less than eighty boys were sent over in a vessel of war, for the purpose of preserving the fluid by transferring it from one to the other; and a tribunal was formed in lima, of which the viceroy was the president, having professors with competent salaries, for the preservation of this _magnum dei donum_, as it was justly called in the royal order. on examining some church books, i found that the number of deaths was not uncommonly augmented when the small pox was prevalent, although undoubtedly for several years after the conquest many people died of it through ignorance of the method of treatment. perhaps, too, superstition and fear made the healthy abandon the sick, to avoid the contagious effects of what appeared to them to be a disease brought by the spaniards for their destruction. of this idea they were doubtlessly possessed, for while valdivia was at talcahuano, several indians took up their residence in the town with the spaniards, until on the arrival of a vessel from peru with provisions, a barrel of lentils fell on the ground and burst; the grains appeared to the terrified indians to be a new importation of the small pox, on which account they all immediately fled, and carried the appalling news to their countrymen. others have attributed this decrease to the number of indians who died in the mines, being driven there by the laws of _repartimiento_, distribution, and _mita_, temporal labour: these also belong to the first years after the conquest. some have fancied that a social life does not agree with their nature; but this is equally trifling, because the comforts, conveniency, and regularity of such a life cannot be detrimental to human nature; besides, those who were latterly subject to the spanish domination in peru, were formerly subject to that of the incas, and the decrease was as visible on the coast, where the indians may be said to be their own masters, as in the interior, where many are not. perhaps the introduction of spirituous liquors may have tended to diminish the population; if so, this is almost an incurable evil; and certainly the division of the country, or the cultivated lands into large estates, as they were granted to many of the conquerors and first settlers, was a pernicious error, the fatal effects of which are often felt, and are inimical to the increase of population. about three leagues to the south of huacho are the salinas, or plains of salt. this natural production is covered with sand, in some places thicker than in others; under this is a stratum of solid salt, from eight to twelve inches thick. for the purpose of taking it up, it is marked out into square pieces, by chopping it gently with an axe; a bar of iron is then introduced underneath the salt, and the squares are turned over to dry; beneath the solid salt the ground is quite soft and rather watery, which allows the salt to separate from the bed with much facility. after three years have expired, the salt is again in a state to be cut; and from this small plain, which is not more than five miles square, salt enough is extracted for the consumption of the greater part of peru and chile. it is carried into the interior on the backs of mules, and to different places on the coast by shipping, for which there is an excellent port called _de las salinas_, though some go to that of huacho, which is not so commodious. chapter xvi. villa of huaura....description....village of supe....ruins of an indian town...._huacas_, burying places....bodies preserved entire....village of barranca....earthquake in 1806....barranca river....bridge of ropes....village of pativilca....sugar plantation....produce and profit....cane cultivated....mills.... sugar-house....management of slaves....regulations, &c. of slaves. two leagues to the northward of huacho is the villa or town of huaura; it consists of one long street and about two thousand inhabitants, some of whom are respectable creole families; it has a parish church, a convent of franciscan friars, and a hospital. owing to the situation of this town, having a range of high hills between it and the sea, and which keep off the sea breeze, it is very sultry; to this circumstance a cutaneous disease is attributed, which leaves a bluish mark on the skin. it is most prevalent among the mulattos; and on those negroes who are affected by it a stain is left which is almost white, and is called by the natives _carati_. near to huaura is a plantation, the _ingenio_, formerly belonging to the jesuits; here the cane is crushed by cylinders put in motion by a water wheel, which is said to be the first ever constructed in peru. a very handsome brick bridge of one arch, the centre of which was forty-seven yards above the bed of the river, and the span twenty-six yards wide, was erected at the entrance of the town; it was thrown down by an earthquake on the 1st of december, 1806, and the old wooden bridge, which had formerly a redoubt to guard it, has been repaired. the english pirate edward david took huaura and sacked it in 1685, putting to death the _alcalde de la hermandad_, don bias carrera, whom he had made his prisoner; this so terrified the inhabitants that they immediately abandoned the town, nor could they be persuaded to avail themselves of the drunken state of the sailors during the night to revenge the injuries they had suffered; they were fearful of being captured and treated in the same manner as their alcalde. the charter of villa was taken from the town by the king, but afterwards restored. the valley of huaura extends about twelve leagues to the eastward, and contains many excellent farms, plantations of sugar cane, and about three thousand slaves. seven leagues from huaura is the village of supe, with a parish church and eight hundred inhabitants, the greater part of whom are indians. between these towns there is a large plain, called _pampa de medio mundo_, which before the conquest was under irrigation; the vestiges of the old canals, _asequias_, are still visible, and bear witness of the enormous labour of the ancient peruvians, as well as of their uncommon skill in conveying water for the purpose of watering their fields to immense distances, without the aid of engines; the principal asequia here took its water from the huaura river, and winding round the foot of the mountains conveyed it to the distance of ten leagues, irrigating in its course some very beautiful plains, which are now only deserts of sand. near to supe are the remains of a large indian town, built on the side of a rock, galleries being dug out of it, one above another, for the purpose of making room for their small houses; many remains of these are still visible, and also of small parapets of stone raised before them, so that the hill has the appearance of a fortified place. at a short distance are the ruins of another town, on an elevated plain, where water doubtless could not be procured for irrigation; for, as i have already observed, the indians never built on land that could be cultivated. i was fully convinced here that the indians buried their dead in the houses where they had resided, as i dug up many of them. they appear to have been buried with whatever belonged to them at the time of their death; i have found women with their pots, pans, and jars of earthenware, some of which are very curious. one kind is composed of two hollow spheres, each about three inches in diameter; they are connected by a small tube placed in the centre, and a hollow arched handle to hold it by, having a hole on the upper side; if water be poured into this hole till the jar is about half full, and the jar be then inclined first to one side and then to the other, a whistling noise is produced. sometimes a figure of a man stands on each jar, and the water is poured down an opening in his head, and by the same means the noise is occasioned. i saw one of these at the carmelite nunnery at quito, having two indians upon it carrying a corpse on their shoulders, laid on a hollow bier resembling a butcher's tray; when the jar was inclined backwards and forwards a plaintive cry was heard, resembling that made by the indians at a funeral. the jars and other utensils were of good clay, and well baked, which, with the ingenious construction just alluded to, prove that the indians were acquainted with the art of pottery. i have also found in these huacas long pieces of cotton cloth, similar to that which is made by the indians at the present time, called tocuyo; many calabashes, quantities of indian corn or maize, quinua, beans, and the leaves of plantains; feathers of the ostrich from the plains of buenos ayres, and different dresses; some spades of palm wood, similar to the _chonta_ of guayaquil, and of which none grow near to supe; lances and clubs of the same wood; jars filled with chicha, which was quite sweet when discovered, but became sour after being exposed to the air for a short time. i have also found small dolls made of cotton, their dress similar to that worn at present by the females of cajatambo and huarochiri: it consists of a white petticoat, _anaco_, a piece of coloured flannel, two corners of which are fastened on the left shoulder by a cactus thorn, the middle being passed under the right arm, girt round the waist with a coloured fillet, and open on the left side down to the bottom; this part of the dress was called the _chaupe anaco_; a piece of flannel, of another colour, of about two feet square, was brought over the shoulders and fastened on the breast with two large pins of silver or gold, called _topas_: this part of the dress is called the _yiglla_. the hair is divided into two side tresses, and these are fastened behind, at the extremity, with a coloured fillet. the principal motive for digging the huacas is to search for treasure; i have found rings and small cups of gold; they are beat out very thin, and their size is that of half a hen's egg-shell; it is supposed that they were worn in the ears, for a small shank is attached to them, like the buttons worn by the indian females at present. slips of silver, about two inches broad and ten long, as thin as paper, are also frequently dug up. any small piece of gold which was buried with them is generally found in their mouths. owing to the nitrous quality of the sand, and to its almost perfect dryness, the bodies are quite entire, and not the least defaced, although many of them have been buried at least three centuries: the clothes are also in the same state of preservation, but both soon decay after being exposed to the sun and air. i dug up one man whose hair grew from his eyebrows, covering his forehead, or rather he had no visible forehead; a great quantity of dried herbs had been buried with him, some small pots, and several dolls: the indians who saw him assured me, that he had been a _brujo_, a wizard or diviner; but i was inclined to believe him to have been a physician: however, the two sciences might be considered by them as somewhat similar. many persons are persuaded that these huacas were only burying grounds, and not places of residence for the living: if so, it shews the respect which the people had for their dead; but as some of the tribes of wild indians bury their dead in the house where they lived, and then abandon it, building for themselves another, this appears to be a sufficient reason for suspecting that such was the practice with the ancient peruvians. i resided several months at the small village of la barranca, and i here witnessed the great earthquake that happened on the 1st of december, 1806, supposed to be one of the periodical shocks felt in lima and its vicinity; they have occurred in the following years:--1586, 1609, 1655, 1690, 1716, 1746, and 1806. this earthquake, however, did not extend its desolating effects to the capital; these appear to have been limited by the rivers of barranca and huaura, an extent of about ten leagues; but the shock was felt at ica, a hundred leagues to the southward, although it was not perceived at huaras, thirty leagues to the eastward. no hollow sound was observed to precede this shock, a circumstance particularly remarked by several of the old people, who said, that it came on so suddenly, that the dogs did not hear it, nor the pigs smell it, before every one felt the shock. i inquired their reason for thus expressing themselves, and was informed, that it had always been found when the shocks were severe, that they were announced by the howling of the dogs and the squealing of the pigs. this effect, i think, can only be accounted for by the dogs lying on the ground, and either hearing the noise or feeling the motion before either become perceptible to the people; and probably if any gaseous vapour be ejected the olfactory nerves of the pigs may be affected by it. immediately after the earthquake many people saw red flames rising out of the sea, and others burning over a low piece of ground on the shore called the totoral. the cattle which were feeding here at the time, died shortly afterwards from the effect produced on the grass by this burning vapour. the motion of the earth during the shock was oscillatory, resembling the waves of the sea; and the sensation which i experienced was similar to that which is felt in a boat when approaching the land. the motion was so great, that some bottles of wine and brandy, placed on a shelf about two yards high and three from the door, were thrown from a shop into the street to a distance of more than two feet from the door; if, therefore, they fell from the shelf without any projecting impulse to impel them forward, the wall must have inclined so as to form with its natural base an angle of 25 degrees. the ground was rent in several places, and quantities of sand and a species of mud were thrown into the air. trees were torn up by the roots; the church and several of the houses, both here and at supe, were destroyed; while pativilca, a town at only two leagues distance, on the opposite side of the river, suffered very trivially. the undulations of the earth lasted twenty-one minutes; but there was no repetition of shocks, nor was any subterraneous noise heard. the perpendicular height of the land on the sea side is fifty-three yards, notwithstanding which several canoes and boats were thrown by the waves nearly to the top, and left among the trees, and for more than two months afterwards enormous quantities of fish drifted daily on the beach. perhaps the effect produced on the grass at the totoral, and this on the fish, may throw some light on the problem of the sterility occasioned by earthquakes, which i have already noticed--in particular, as the gaseous matter having become condensed was left on the surface to produce its effect on the ground, where it could not be washed off by the rains. an old mulatto, one of the four men who escaped at callao in 1746, when that city was submersed in the sea, assured me, that the convulsion there did not appear to him so terrible as the one i have just mentioned. near to this village is a convenient port and landing place, called de la barranca, and about a mile to the northward of the village is the river de la barranca. during the rainy months, in the mountainous districts of the interior, it is so filled with water, that its passage is attended with considerable danger without the assistance of the _chimbadoros_, ferrymen. the bottom is very stony, which also occasions much danger, if the horses are not sure-footed and accustomed to ford rivers. the rapidity of the current precludes the use of boats or canoes, and its width would render the construction of a bridge extremely expensive. i have often crossed it when the water covered the space of half a mile, and was divided into thirteen or fourteen branches, through some of which the horse on which i was mounted had to swim. about six leagues from the main coast road, and the usual fording place of the river, there is a bridge of ropes, made from the fibres of the maguey leaves. these are first crushed between two stones, immersed in water till the vegetable matter easily separates from the fibres, when they are taken out, beat with a stick, washed, and dried; the ropes are then twisted by hand, without the assistance of any machinery, the fibrous parts of the leaves being inserted when the diminished strength of the rope requires them. this bridge is called _de cochas_, from the small village which stands near to it: it is thirty-eight yards across. on one side, the principal ropes, five in number, each about twelve inches in circumference, are fastened to a large beam laid on the ground, secured by two strong posts buried nearly to their tops: on the opposite side the beam is secured by being placed behind two small rocks. across these five ropes a number of the flower stalks of the maguey are laid, and upon them a quantity of old ropes and the fibrous parts of leaves are strewed, to preserve the stalks and the principal ropes. a net-work, instead of railings, is placed on each side, to prevent the passengers from falling into the river. although the whole construction appears so flimsy, the breadth being only five feet, i have seen droves of laden mules, as well as horned cattle, cross it; and i have repeatedly done so myself, on horseback, after i had reconciled myself to its tremulous motion. these swing bridges, which are common in south america, are called _puentes de maroma_, or _de amaca_; and by the indians, _cimpachaca_, bridge of ropes, or rather, of tresses--as cimpa signifies a platted tress. some persons, however, call them _huascachaca_, huasca being more properly a twisted rope; but i apprehend that they were originally made from platted ropes, in which the insertion of leaves is more easy. bridges of this description were general in peru before the conquest, and they are unquestionably the best calculated for a mountainous country, where some of the ravines requiring them are very steep, and the currents impetuous. bridges were likewise formed by the indians by laying large beams across stone piers; but these were not so common nor so appropriate as the rope bridges. the largest of them was over the river apurimac, which runs between lima and cusco, and is crossed by travellers who frequent this road to and from the ancient and modern capitals of peru. the bridge was two hundred and forty feet long, and nine feet broad; the ends of the principal ropes were fastened on one side the river to rings of stone, cut in the solid rock: one of these was broken in 1819, when the stream rose so high that it caught the bridge, and dragged it away. two leagues to the northward of barranca is the neat village of pativilca, without any indian population: it was formerly a country covered with wood, and a place of retreat for malefactors; but the viceroy castel-forte sent people to form a village, and ordered a church to be built, offering an indult to all persons who should leave the bush, and build themselves houses in the town. by this wise policy he accomplished his end--reclaiming many outcasts, and rendering the road secure to travellers. while residing at barranca i had an excellent opportunity of judging of the condition of the slaves on the plantations; and i shall here give a brief account of one of the best regulated that i visited, which was huaito, the property of doña josefa salasar de monteblanco. this plantation is principally dedicated to the cultivation of cane and the elaboration of sugar; but a part is destined to ordinary agricultural pursuits, such as the growth of maize, beans, camotes, pumpkins, &c., beside some pasture land for cattle. the number of slaves employed on it, including all descriptions, is six hundred and seventy-two; and the weight of sugar produced annually, according to the statement given to me by don manuel sotil, who superintended the manufactory, is as follows:- loaves of clayed sugar 9555, each weighing } on an average 50 lbs. at 10 dollars per } 47770 dollars. quintal } chancaca, or coarse brown sugar in cakes 6000 coarse sugar made from the refuse 1500 molasses sold on the estate 600 ---- value of produce of sugar 55870 ---- expences:--clothing of slaves at 10 dollars each 3720 chaplain 200 surgeon 300 overseer 500 sugar boiler 800 premium to slaves 600 drugs 200 --- 6320 ==== the result of this statement is, that after defraying all the expences of the cultivation of the cane, and the elaboration of the sugar, the profit amounted to 49550 dollars. besides this profit, another of considerable importance was derived from the feeding of cattle on extensive fields of lucern, and the breeding of hogs. there was also generally, a surplus of maize and beans beyond the consumption of the estate; but without this, according to the valuation made of the whole estate, including buildings, slaves and utensils, which amounted to 962000, the clear profit on this capital exceeded five per cent.; which, with the assistance of the requisite machinery for cultivating and harvesting the cane, and manufacturing the sugar, might be doubled. i have made no deductions for the food of the slaves, because they were maintained by the produce of the estate, leaving a great surplus for sale; probably as much in value as would defray the expences of their clothing. the cane usually cultivated in peru is the creole; but in the year 1802 plants of the otaheitean cane were first introduced at guayaquil, by don jose merino, who procured them from jamaica, whence in 1806 they were brought to some of the plantations of peru, and from the advantageous result which has been experienced in the growth of this cane, it would follow that the creole will soon be exploded, notwithstanding the assertion, that the sugar obtained from the cane of otaheite abounds more in mucilage than in essential salt, and that it is susceptible of but a feeble consistency, which exposes it to decomposition on long voyages, or if it be warehoused any considerable length of time. but the peruvian cultivator has neither of these drawbacks to fear, because there is always an immediate demand for it at home, or the longest voyage to which it is subjected is to chile. the otaheitean cane, on the same land, and with equal labour with the creole, grows to the height of nine or ten feet in eighteen or twenty months, while the creole only grows six in thirty-five or thirty-six months, at which times they are respectively in a state of maturity. the large canes of the former are from seven to eight inches in diameter, but those of the latter seldom exceed three and a half, and the same measure of juice produces nearly the same weight of sugar: besides this, the saving of labour at the mills and manufactory is very great. the cane of otaheite is more tenacious, and comes from the cylinders whole, while the creole is frequently completely crushed, and incapable of being returned to the operation of the cylinders, on which account a considerable portion of the juice is lost; the pressed cane of otaheite is also conveyed to the furnace with much more facility than the other. the cane is usually planted in the foggy season, that it may have taken root before the dry weather commences; the land is prepared by repeated ploughings, and by breaking the lumps of earth with clubs, harrows and rollers for this purpose being unknown. the ploughs are similar to those used in chile, and which i have already described. if suitable ploughs and other utensils were introduced, it is easy to conceive what great relief would be given to manual labour; and if the horse or mule were substituted for the drowsy, slow-paced bullock, the result would be much more favourable. the canes are planted in drills made with hoes, so formed, that when the water for irrigation enters the upper end of a field it can flow without any hinderance to the lower; but before this operation of watering takes place the earth is hilled up to the plants. according to the dryness of the season, and the quality of the land, irrigation is repeated three or four times during the summer, and owing to the disposal of the furrows it is neither laborious nor troublesome. the water is generally allowed to remain on the ground twenty-four hours. when the cane is ripe it is cut close to the ground, and all the leaves are stript off, which with the rubbish are left until the whole field be cut, when they are burnt; and immediately afterwards the roots are irrigated. the cane is carried to the mill on the backs of asses; but for this purpose carts might be used with much saving of labour. in some parts of the province of guayaquil and on the coast of choco the natives, who cultivate the cane for their household consumption of molasses, guarapo, and rum, cut all that is ripe, leaving that which is green; they next bare the roots, mix the soil so obtained with the soil in the furrow, by digging and turning them over, and then hill up the cane again. by repeating this operation every time they cut their cane, they have a constant succession of crops, and the plantation never fails; while in peru a plantation only yields two crops, for the third is often scarcely sufficient to plant the ground for the ensuing harvest. the general method of pressing the cane is by means of three vertical grooved brass cylinders, which are put in motion by two pairs of oxen, yoked to two opposite points of a large wooden wheel, placed above the cylinders, and attached at its centre to the axle of the central cylinder, the cogs or teeth of which communicate the rotatory motion to the other two. this tardy method of pressing is used on many plantations; but on the one i am now speaking of vertical water-wheels supply the place of the bullocks, one wheel being attached to each mill. there is however great room for improvement, particularly in the adoption of iron cog and lantern wheels, or at least of metal cogs to the large wheels, iron axletrees, &c.; but rude as the present plan is, the expence of keeping a considerable number of oxen is avoided. the juice of the cane is received in the boiling house, in a large bell-metal pan, a small quantity of lime being first thrown into it; from this receiver it is carried in large calabashes to a pan ten feet deep, where it is evaporated to a proper consistency, and at intervals caustic ley is added to it, prepared at a considerable expence from the ashes of the _espino_, or _huarango_. after throwing into the pan about half a pint of this ley, a considerable quantity of fecula rises to the top, which is immediately taken off with a skimmer made of a large calabash, bored full of holes. when the syrup has become cool it is put into another pan, and evaporated to a proper consistency for crystallization; it is then poured into the moulds, made of common baked clay, in which it is repeatedly stirred, and on the following day it is transferred to the purging house, where the plug is taken from the bottom of the mould, and the coarse molasses run from the sugar. it is next removed to the claying house; each mould, like an inverted cone, is placed on a jar, and soft clay of the consistency of batter poured on the sugar. this operation is repeated three or four times, or till the loaf is purged from the molasses it contained, when it is taken out of the mould and carried into the store to dry. the whole process requires a month or five weeks, according to the season, for it is much sooner ready for the store house in damp weather than in dry. unlike other countries, where the cane is only cut during a certain season, on the plantations on the coast of peru it is cut and sugar is made from it during the whole year. the pans for boiling the juice are of brass, being a mixture of copper and tin; the lower pan is generally three feet in diameter at the bottom, five feet at the top, and five feet deep; the rim which is placed above this is three feet deep, and above that the brick and wood work commences, making the whole boiler ten feet deep. the pans, cylinders, and receivers are cast on the estate by the slaves, and by them also all the carpentery and blacksmith work are performed. i have been rather more particular on this subject than some persons may think necessary; but it has been with the view of opening another outlet to british manufactures, namely, that of iron machinery and implements of agriculture. if the evaporation of the cane juice were effected by heat communicated by steam, or by preventing atmospheric pressure on the surface of the liquid while boiling, a considerable quantity of sugar which is burnt by the present method, and which constitutes the molasses, would be saved: it would be an advantage of at least thirty per cent. at the same time that i advert to iron machinery for the mills, as an article worthy the attention of mercantile speculators, i would also recommend some stills on an improved principle, for the brandy distilleries at pisco, ica, cañete, and other vine countries, as well as those of rum; because the political change in south america will annul the prohibitory colonial law, and because the sugar manufacturer would be glad to convert to his advantage that refuse from which the rum is distilled; at present it is a nuisance to him, or if applied to any use, it is thrown to the oxen and asses, and they eat it with great avidity. the management of the slaves here is worthy of the imitation of every planter, both with regard to the comfort of the negroes, and the profitable result to the owner. i shall describe the laws established, and mention some other regulations which i suggested to doña josefa, which she approved, and put in practice: she afterwards frequently told me, that they deserved to be generally adopted, because they would eventually tend to ameliorate the condition of the slave and benefit the proprietor. a slave was never flogged at huaito without the consent of the mistress, who, having heard the complaint made by the overseer or other task-master, adjudged the number of lashes to be inflicted, or else determined on some other means of punishment, which she thought more proper. her motive for this regulation was, to prevent their being improperly chastised by any one during the heat of passion, or perhaps under the influence of revenge. the slave was never questioned as to the imputed delinquency, because, as she observed, it would only induce them to disregard the overseer, if he were not implicitly believed, or the slave were allowed to contradict him. when any doubt presented itself, she would sometimes send for some other slave, who had either been present or was near at the time, and make the necessary inquiry; but she would often say, that she trusted very little to what they said about each other, quoting the old spanish proverb as a reason, _la peor cuña, is del mismo palo_, the worst wedge is from the same block. no slave was punished privately; those at least were present who were acquainted with the crime which had been committed. if a slave absented himself, and were afterwards caught, he was sentenced for the first offence to carry a chain at his leg as many weeks as he had been absent days; for a repetition, he was sentenced to the mill, where the most laborious work is to be done; it is also esteemed the most degrading situation, very few except delinquents being employed at it. if a recurrence took place, the slave was kept at the mill during the day with a chain to his leg, and slept in the gaol during the night. if the fugitive returned home and presented himself to his mistress, he was pardoned for the first offence; the penalty of the first was inflicted if it were the second; and that of the second if it were the third; after which, if the slave persevered in running away he was sold. to promote marriages, all children born out of wedlock were sold while young; and as the slaves, except some few domestic servants, were all negroes, if a tawny child made its appearance it was also sold: this mode was adopted to prevent the negresses from having any intercourse with the people of the neighbouring villages. the negresses from the age of eleven or twelve years were kept separate from the men, and slept within the walls of the house, under the care of a _duenna_, until they were married. the greatest care was taken of child-bearing women, both with regard to relief from work and the administration of proper food; a separate building, called the lying-in hospital, was furnished with beds and other comforts for them; and if a slave reared six children so that they could walk, she obtained her liberty, or a release from work for herself and husband for three days in each week; when, if they worked on the estate, they were regularly paid for their labour. as an improvement of this regulation, i proposed the allowing one day of rest weekly either to the father or the mother for each child; and doña josefa acknowledged the propriety of it, for, said she, the manumission of a slave is his ruin if young, and the origin of his distress if old. she assured me that, at different times, she had given freedom to fifty slaves, out of whom, she was sorry to say, she could not find one useful member of society; much less one that was grateful to herself, although all of them were young at the time they were manumitted, and some had been put to different trades at her expence. i have frequently observed, that nine-tenths of the convicts for different crimes at lima were freed slaves, generally zambos. i am convinced from experience, that if proper magistrates were appointed in all districts where there is a number of slaves, each having a competent salary for his subsistence, but removeable every year, to prevent private connexions with the planters, that the state of slavery would be freed from its greatest evil, that of a human creature being subjected to the whip of an offended, irritable, or unjust master; for how can justice prevail where the plaintiff is the judge, and the defendant the criminal? or when _a prima instantia_ the accused is brought to receive his sentence, or suffer the infliction of an arbitrary punishment. if proprietors were prohibited from using the whip, or any other cruel chastisements, without the concurrence of an order from the magistrate, who should inquire summarily into the circumstances, under the penalty of a heavy fine, the odious epithet of slave-driver would lose its stigma, at the same time that the slave would reverence the law that protected as well as punished him, instead of hating his arbitrary master, and lurking for an opportunity of revenge. it is the interest as well as the duty of a master to preserve the health and life of his slave, and the slave has only to dread the presence of his master under the influence of passion or misinformation: let this occasion for the exercise of cruelty be avoided, by transferring the authority to punish from the interested master to an unbiassed person, and the hand of justice would fall like the invigorating dew of heaven, while that of passion often rages like the destructive tornado. the principal food of the slaves at huaito was the flour of maize boiled with water to the consistency of a hardish paste, to this was added a quantity of molasses; and beans boiled in the same manner. they had meat once or twice a week, either fresh or jerked beef. the quantity allowed was quite sufficient; and i have frequently seen them feeding their poultry with what they could not eat. each married man and each widow or widower was presented annually with a small pig, which they reared with the refuse of the cane, and some pumpkins which they cultivated: it was afterwards fattened with maize from their own small plots of ground. this was an inducement to the slaves to marry, and it kept them from strolling abroad on sundays and holidays. indeed, all the married had small portions of land allotted to them, and were allowed the use of the oxen and ploughs belonging to the estate. on an average two hundred fat pigs were sold annually by the slaves at huaito, and these generally produced twelve dollars each; so that two thousand four hundred dollars were distributed yearly among the slaves for this article alone; but several of the more industrious fed two, three, or four pigs, by purchasing maize for them. a convincing proof of their comfortable life was afforded on a sunday afternoon; many of the negresses, dressed in white muslins or gaudily printed calicoes, gold ear-rings, rosaries and necklaces, stockings and coloured shoes, and a profusion of handkerchiefs, might be seen dancing with the negro youths to the sound of their large drums and unharmonious songs: this exhibition certainly evinced that their minds were uncankered with care. each slave had two working dresses given to him yearly; the men a flannel shirt and woollen trowsers--the women a flannel petticoat and a cotton shirt with long sleeves; they had also an allowance of blankets and ponchos, but whatever other clothes they possessed were purchased by themselves. weekly premiums and a small quantity of tobacco were given according to the class of work in which they were individually employed; they were also permitted to have the skimmings and other refuse from the sugar-house for their _guarapo_ or fermented drink. the _galpon_, where the slaves lived, on this as on every other plantation, was a large square enclosure, walled round about twelve feet high; it was divided into streets, having an open square in the centre for dancing and their other amusements; the small houses were uniform, and whitewashed, which with the clean streets made a very neat appearance. the slaves slept in the galpon, by which means they were kept from visiting the neighbouring villages or plantations and from committing depredations. mass was celebrated every morning at six o'clock, and those who chose to hear it had sufficient time, as the field labourers never went to work till seven; their tasks were light, they had two hours' rest at noon, and always returned at six in the evening, and many at four in the afternoon; after which they attended to their own little farms. i am certain that a labourer in england does more work in _one_ day than any slave i ever saw in the spanish colonies performs in _three_. those employed at the mills are more hours at work; but this is considered a punishment: those employed in the sugar-house have also more hours to attend; but they have always sufficient rest between the time of emptying one pan and waiting till it boils again, and this leisure some occupy in making baskets or in knitting stockings for their own profit. the slaves are mustered at mass on sundays and holidays, and are required to confess, and receive the communion once a year. the chaplain teaches the boys and girls the necessary prayers and catechisms, and superintends the moral conduct of the slaves, being allowed to order them for punishment in cases of misbehaviour, on reporting them to their mistress. i am ignorant of the treatment which the slaves may receive in the british colonies; but i feel loath to believe that that mercy which i have observed to guide the actions of a spaniard or a spanish creole should be a stranger in the breast of an englishman or an english creole. if the lot of english slaves be not worse than that of spanish slaves, they are more fortunate and more happy than the labouring classes at home. i have no doubt, but that if a slave were brought to england, and subjected to the half-starved and hard-worked state of a day-labourer--to experience all his penury and all his privations--he would lift up his hands, and request that he might return to his master, who fed him when hungry, clothed him when naked, and attended to his wants when sick. if any thing be really wanting to ameliorate the condition of the english slave, let a wise legislature enact such regulations as will secure it to him; not place in his hand a weapon wherewith to sacrifice his master in a fit of frantic exasperation; let english slaves enjoy the blessings of the english poor, the boast of every englishman--an impartial distribution of justice--an equality in the administration of the law. it is as preposterous to suppose that the same law should not govern the master and the slave, as that a judge should not be amenable to the law by which he judges others: and i sincerely hope, for the honour of my country and countrymen, that they all feel as did my uncle toby: "'tis the fortune of war that has put the whip into our hands now, where it will be afterwards heaven only knows; but be it where it will, the brave, trim, will never use it unkindly." end of volume i. _printed by harris and co. liverpool._ manco, the peruvian chief, an englishman's adventures in the country of the incas, by w.h.g. kingston. ________________________________________________________________________ here is another kingston novel about south america. as usual he makes the point that the spaniards were very cruel, especially in the way they oppressed the indian tribes. the family in the story are english, and they get pulled into helping an inca chieftain, manco, in his flight from the spaniards. this seems to mirror several other books by kingston. there is always a long trek overland, the point of which usually eludes me, but which gives rise to all sorts of difficult situations, with spaniards, with serpents, with dangerous bridges, with rafts on rivers and so forth. dated 1853 this must be one of kingston's earliest books, and certainly one of the earliest with this theme: the style is impeccable. this edition is probably some years later, since there is an inscription in the version i used dated 1900, and it might have been tidied up if it needed it. it makes a good audiobook, though not a very long one, at 11 hours 30 minutes. enjoy reading the book or listening to it. ________________________________________________________________________ manco, the peruvian chief, an englishman's adventures in the country of the incas, by w.h.g. kingston. chapter one. my family and home--we conceal a fugitive indian. it was evening. the sun had just set beneath the waters of the pacific, which could be distinguished in the far distance; and the whole western sky, undimmed by a cloud, was burning with a radiant glow of splendour such as to the eyes of the untutored peruvians might well appear an emanation from the deity they worshipped. i was looking out, with others of my family, from the windows of the country house we inhabited, on the glorious spectacle. we were residing in peru, that romantic region with which the name of the conqueror pizarro must be for ever associated--the kingdom of the once powerful and enlightened incas, on the western shore of south america. at the time of which i speak, however, its greatness, its prosperity and happiness, had passed away; it was a mere province of old spain, and governed by a viceroy sent from that country, while the race of its ancient sovereigns, though still existing, was humbled and disregarded, and almost unknown. my parents were english, and england was my native land. my father, mr henry rexton, had been a soldier in his youth; but when he married my mother, who was the daughter of an eminent british merchant, he quitted the army; and my grandfather induced him, by advantageous offers, to take a share in his house of business. the firm traded with peru; and certain mercantile transactions of importance requiring for a time the superintendence of a partner, my father and mother went out there, taking with them me and a younger sister, their only children then born. year after year unexpected circumstances occurred which compelled them, much against their wish, to remain in the country; and well do i remember how frequently in our family circle the subject of conversation was the happiness we expected to enjoy on returning home. on first going to peru, we resided in lima, the modern capital; but at length the heat of the climate affecting my mother's health, in the hopes of it being restored by a cooler atmosphere, my father engaged a house in the country, at a considerable distance from the city. it was situated among the lower ranges of the lofty cordilleras, one of those mighty ranges of mountains which stretches from one end to the other of the south american continent, the eastern portion of them being more properly known by the name of the andes. our house stood on a level spot on the summit of a spur of the main chain. to the east behind it rose range above range of mountains, the more distant towering to the sky, and covered with eternal snows. on either side other spurs stretched out far towards the west, forming deep gorges below us; while along the side of the ridge on which the house was situated ran a narrow road, one of the few paths in that neighbourhood, penetrating among the mountains into the regions on the eastern side. from our windows westward, over a wide extent of broken ground among the mounds, many of which might in other countries be called mountains, would be seen the fertile plains of peru stretching away to the ocean, distinguished on clear days by a silvery line in the horizon. the house was of one floor only, and built of brick and tiled. the rooms were large and numerous, and it was surrounded by a court-yard. it was of ancient construction, indeed it appeared to have been built originally for a fortification to command the pass through the mountains; but the outer walls had fallen into decay or been pulled down, though it still retained enough of its former character to enable it to be speedily prepared to resist any sudden attack by undisciplined forces destitute of artillery. around it were plantations of olive and orange trees, on the slopes near it were vineyards, and on the level spaces fields of maize or indian corn, and many trees and plants of a temperate clime. at the bottom of the ravine rushed a broad and powerful stream, fed by the snows of the neighbouring mountains; and on its banks, in a wider part, some little way to the west, was a large village inhabited chiefly by indians, the descendants of the hapless race conquered by the spaniards. in the neighbourhood, on the other side of the river, was a silver mine, in working which many of the inhabitants of the village were employed. my father's house had, i believe, advanced money to the owners; and this was one of the reasons which made him select the locality for his temporary residence, besides its peculiar healthiness and beauty. he was a firm friend to the indians, for he pitied their hard fate; and he endeavoured by every means in his power to mitigate their sufferings under the cruel tyranny to which, even at that time, they were subjected. as he did not own the mine, he could not prevent their strength from being often overtaxed; but having some knowledge of medicine, he used to prescribe for them when they were sick, and he to the best of his means relieved them when overtaken by poverty, so that they all learned to love and reverence the english stranger who had come among them. his conduct was uninfluenced by any expectation of a return, but he afterwards had reason to know that the despised indians were not ungrateful for his kindness. my father was a true christian, who looked upon all men helpless or suffering, whatever their hue, or race, or religion, as brothers, whom it was his duty to aid and protect. he received his reward; and my belief is, that no person ever performs a good disinterested action without being rewarded for it even in this world. i, at all events, have met with numerous instances which tend to show that such is the case. the means of crossing the river to the mines was by a large hanging bridge, called by the spaniards "_puente de soga_," which could be seen from the windows of our house. on either side of the river, some fifty feet above the water, stout posts were driven into the steep bank, to which four ropes, formed of twisted cow-hides the thickness of a man's arm, were fastened. these ropes were laid parallel to each other, a few feet apart; and were again fastened by thinner ropes laid transversely, and forming a sort of network. on this foundation were spread roots of the agave tree, branches of trees, straw, and earth, so that even beasts of burden could walk across. on either side of the bridge, and about three feet above it, two other ropes were carried across to serve as a balustrade; but as it had sunk in the middle, and the ropes were very slack, it frequently swung from side to side as passengers went across, in a most terrific way. it formed a very picturesque object in the landscape. i have now given a sufficiently full description of our house and the scenery surrounding it, to enable my readers to form a tolerably correct idea of the picture i wish to present to them. at the time when the adventures i have resolved to narrate commenced, i had just attained my fifteenth year. i looked older, for i had grown rapidly in that warm climate; and, accustomed to exercise and athletic sports, i was of a well-knit strong frame, and had a very manly appearance, though possessed of the light hair and complexion of the saxon race, somewhat tanned, however, by constant exposure to the sun. my brothers and sisters, for i had several, all bore the same marked characteristics of our northern ancestors, contrasting strongly with the swarthy hue on the countenances of the people among whom we lived. they used to call us the fair-haired children of the north; and from the love and respect with which they regarded us, i believe they associated us in their minds with the revered race whom their traditions told them once ruled the country with paternal sway--the family of the fallen incas. i shall have to tell more fully, in the course of my narrative, the beautiful legend, for so i may call it, regarding the origin of the incas; how they appeared suddenly among the ignorant inhabitants of peru, claiming to be the children of the sun, and, gathering their scattered tribes together, formed them into one people, and gave them laws and institutions, and brought peace and prosperity to the land, which continued till the spaniards arrived, and, with unexampled treachery and cruelty, overthrew their monarchy and reduced the people to abject slavery and misery. the indians around us were nominally roman catholics; but though they conformed openly to the ordinances of that church, and partly believed in the power assumed by its priests, they pertinaciously retained many of the superstitions of their ancestors, and practised their rites in secret. having given a brief account of my family, and their position in the country, i must begin to unwind the thread of my tale. we were seated, as i have said, in our sitting-room, gazing on one of the most magnificent of nature's spectacles--the setting sun. the younger children were playing about the room, while my sister lilly and i, with our father and mother, were seated near the open window. we were talking, i well remember, about our distant home, when our conversation was interrupted by seeing a man leap over the wall of the court-yard, and rapidly approach the house. "who can he be? what brings him here?" exclaimed my mother, while my father rose to make inquiries on the subject. scarcely had she spoken, when the door was thrown open, and the person we had seen rushed into the room. he was a tall man, of well-knit, active frame, and though he looked travel-stained and weary, there was something in his appearance and manner which betokened that he was not an ordinary being. his complexion was dark, though scarcely darker than that of a spaniard; but the contour of his features and the expression of his countenance showed that he belonged to the indian race. his dress was simple, consisting of a pair of trowsers, and a shirt of the cotton cloth of the country, of a dark blue colour; a poncho of alpaca wool covered his shoulders, while a sash was fastened round his waist, and his feet were protected by sandals, fastened on by leather thongs. he threw himself on the ground before my father, who went to meet him, and taking his hand, he looked up imploringly in his face. "save me, senor!" he exclaimed in spanish, "you have the power if you will venture to do it. i am flying from what they call justice--the tyranny of our cruel task-masters. if i am captured, my death is certain. you are noble and generous, and i throw myself on your mercy." the appeal thus made, with all the energy of despair, was difficult to resist. my father's feelings were enlisted on the side of the fugitive; but he looked round at my mother and us, who now stood grouped about him, and remembered the difficulties to which we might be exposed, should he yield to the promptings of his heart, from the anger of the spanish authorities. the indian divined his thoughts. "you run no danger," he continued. "far be it from me to cause you to suffer for your charity. no one saw me approach your house; neither did your servants observe me enter it. i was on my way through the mountains to the far interior, but not daring to enter any house for food and rest, i felt that my strength was forsaking me, and that i could not hope to combat with the difficulties of the road. if you cannot shelter me, noble senor, either i must die from fatigue, or be captured by my enemies." "of what crime have you been guilty, that you thus seek to fly from justice?" asked my father. "of no crime, senor, believe me," replied the indian in a proud tone, rising to his feet as he spoke. "of no crime in the sight of heaven, or even of men, if they had regard to justice. i was selected for the hated _meta_, i, a descendant of the great incas, was ordered to work as a slave--a _pongo_ in the house of a sub-delegado, a man noted for his crimes and cruelty. i refused to perform the disgraceful office--i was dragged there by force--with a thong he endeavoured to frighten me into performing the work he ordered. his rage surpassed all bounds; he struck me again and again. was i tamely to submit? my dormant spirit was aroused. i at length struck him again; and when he rushed at me in his fury, i felled him to the ground. i attempted to fly, but i was captured ere i could do so, and was borne off to prison, there to await my doom, which would have been death. my name was unknown. they thought i was an humble indian; but some of my race were at hand, and, aided by them, i effected my escape from prison. my friends could not conceal me, and my only course was instant flight into the mountains." "let us shelter him, henry," exclaimed my mother, in english; "heaven surely will not allow us to suffer injury from doing what is right." the indian at once comprehended by her looks that she was pleading his cause. "may the blessing of the god of my fathers light on you and yours!" he cried, kneeling at her feet. my father thought as she did; but he had learned not to give way on a sudden to the impulse of his feelings, and he wished to ascertain that the indian was not deceiving him before he promised his protection. "who are you?" he asked; "though your tale, alas! is too probable to be doubted." "i am one who would not be guilty of a falsehood to save my life," answered the indian proudly; "i am the cousin of the cacique tupac amaru, the rightful heir of the last inca of peru. you see in me one of the children of the sun; and though the blood of the conquerors of my country is mixed in my veins, i feel that of my fathers still burning strongly within me. i had heard of your charity and kindness to my people; and for long i have known you, hoping some day to repay you; but i see that you fear my presence might risk the safety of your family, and i will not trespass on you. give me but some food to sustain my wearied body, and i will depart." my father took the stranger's hand. "you shall not go," he said. "i will trust you, and at all hazards i will endeavour to conceal you till your strength is recruited. david," he continued, speaking to me, "see that the servants do not come into this part of the house till i have concealed this poor fellow; and remember, children, do none of you on any account speak of what has occurred. now, my friend," he added, turning to the indian, "follow me; i trust in the truth of your story, and will endeavour to preserve you from injury." while i went out to the end of the passage to send any of the domestics back who might by chance have been coming to that part of the house, my father led the indian to a large unfurnished room, which the children used as a play-room in rainy weather. at one end was a deep recess in the wall, with a door to it, and from the recess a narrow flight of steps led to a vault of considerable depth, from whence there was a passage to the side of the mountains. in the roof of the chamber there was a small trap-door, through which a thin ladder conducted to the roof of the house. it had evidently been constructed when the building was used as a fortification, and was probably intended to enable the garrison to make a sudden sortie on the enemy at an unexpected point. the outside entrance was blocked up by rubbish overgrown with vegetation; and my father had caused a strong door to be placed to the vault, to prevent any intruder, who might by chance have found his way through it, from entering the house. he always kept the keys himself; and as no one ever thought of wishing to enter the recess, a securer place for the concealment of the fugitive could not have been found. our evening meal was, fortunately, spread in the parlour, so that we were able to supply our guest with the refreshment he so much required, without exciting the suspicion of the servants. i must remark that several of them, of the higher class, were spanish, though the rest were indians; and though we believed them to be honest and faithful, my father did not consider it right to trust them with a secret which might compromise them as well as himself and all his family. he was very sensible, even as it was, of the risk that he was running; but he had resolved, at all hazards, to preserve the unfortunate man who had thrown himself on his protection. while i kept watch, my mother collected some bedding, and took it into the closet; so that in a few minutes our guest was made as comfortable as circumstances could allow. he ate sparingly of the food placed before him, and then, expressing his deep gratitude for the protection afforded him, he threw himself on his couch, and sought the repose he so much needed. my father having secured the door, called me to him, and we all again assembled in the sitting-room as if nothing had occurred, till summoned by the servant to our evening meal. the arrival of the stranger had, however, an influence on my future fortunes. while our servant jose, who was a spanish creole, was waiting at table, i could not help looking into his face to try and discover if he suspected anything; but the look of perfect unconsciousness which his countenance bore reassured me. i was afraid also that the children might betray it to their nurses; but our mother had kept them carefully shut up in the sitting-room while our father was concealing the stranger, so that they were under the impression that he had gone away. lilly and i were therefore the only ones in the secret. chapter two. unwelcome visitors. when we retired to rest, all night long i dreamed of the unhappy descendant of the inca who was beneath our roof. some of the incidents of which i had read in peruvian history were strongly mixed up in my mind with the reality, with the indistinctness which generally occurs in dreams. i thought our guest was the mild and unfortunate huascar, the rightful inca of peru, who was a prisoner in the hands of his fierce brother atahualpa when the spaniards attacked peru with their small but determined band of robber-warriors. i thought i was aiding huascar to escape from among his brother's army. we had passed the guards, who were fast asleep, when we came to a broad river. we attempted to swim across, when i felt my strength failing me. huascar was bravely buffeting the stream by my side. suddenly the bank was lined with troops. they shouted to us, and let fly a cloud of arrows at the inca. he stopped swimming. i endeavoured to drag him on; but as i grasped at him he sank below the water. the shouts grew louder. i awoke. the noise was real, for i heard the voices of some men calling in spanish at the court-yard gate, and desiring to be let in. i trembled with alarm; for i at once suspected that the strangers must be the emissaries of government come in search of our guest. i jumped up and began to dress myself, intending to go out to inquire who they were; but before i had left my room i heard jose, the servant, hold a parley with them at the gate. "who are you," he asked, "who come at this unreasonable hour to disturb a quiet family?" "open in the king's name, and we will let you know," was the answer he received. "i must get my master's leave first, and he is fast asleep," he replied. "we are government officers in search of a fugitive malefactor, and are benighted on our road; so you must awake your master whoever he is, and he will not refuse to give us shelter," they exclaimed. i now went out to join jose. he was afraid they were robbers; and i suspected that they by some means knew that the fugitive was harboured in the house, and only made this a pretext to gain an entrance. fortunately my father was not awakened by the noise, or he might have had more difficulty than had the servant in answering the questions put by the officers of justice. opening a slide in the gate through which he could look out, jose let the light of the lantern fall on the strangers, and the inspection convinced him that they were what they represented themselves to be. "be quick there," said the strangers, "for we have but a short time to rest, and we must speedily be again on our road." "what shall i do, master david?" said jose. "if we do not let them in they will batter down the door; but still i do not like to disturb the senor rexton. they do not look like robbers, so it is all right." with the knowledge that the indian concealed in the house was in all probability the fugitive the officers were seeking, i felt that it was all wrong, and would have given much to have kept them out; but still i saw that it would be equally dangerous to attempt to do so. my heart all the time was beating audibly with agitation; and i was afraid that even jose would suspect the secret. however, i replied, "let them in, jose, by all means, and do you attend to what they require." he accordingly withdrew the bolts and bars of the gate, and two chief officers--alguazils they are called--and four subordinates made their appearance. two of them remained without to take care of their horses. they were all fierce, rough-looking fellows, armed with muskets, pistols in their belts, and swords by their sides. the officers of justice (though i do not think the name is a proper one) were often pardoned banditti, cut-throats and robbers of the blackest dye, who were glad to accept the office as an alternative for the garotte; and i believe our visitors were of that description. the inferiors were mestizos, half indian and half spaniards by descent, with dark brown complexions and savage countenances--altogether gentlemen of a very unprepossessing appearance. they were accompanied by a dog, a huge, savage-looking hound, whom they called by the very ugly name of demonio. if he was a bloodhound, as at first i thought he was, i felt that the detection of the indian would be certain. "you were a long time opening the gate, friend," observed, one of them as they strode into the house. "you took us for robbers, i suppose?" "o no, senor, not at all," said jose; "but a servant should not let strangers into the house without his master's leave." "is that young senor your master then?" inquired the alguazil. "he is my master's son; my master is senor rexton, an englishman, and he is fast asleep," said jose. "well, you need not disturb him then; all we want is food and shelter for the night," replied the alguazil. "be quick with the former, some straw and blankets will serve us for beds. while, hark you, do you send some one to show the way to the stables, that our beasts may be looked after; they require food as much as we do." "all shall be done you request, senores; in the mean time, follow me," said jose; and what was my dismay to see him lead the way to the large empty room i have spoken of, close to which the indian was concealed! i dared not interfere, lest i might excite their suspicions; so i thought it best to let jose follow his own course. having dragged in a table from one of the other rooms, he placed a lighted candle on it, and then hurried off to call up some of the other servants to help him, leaving me alone with the officers. i was afraid of speaking to them, lest they should ask me questions; so i made signs that the servant would quickly return with what they required. i dared not even look towards the door of the secret passage, to which every instant i expected to see some of them go for the purpose of examining it. however, somewhat to my relief, they seemed not to notice the door, but throwing themselves on the ground, stretched out their limbs to rest themselves, while their hound demonio crouched down at their feet with his head between his fore-paws, ready to spring up in a moment. i saw by the glare of his half-closed eyes that he was all the time wide awake, and eager to spring upon any one who might molest him or his masters. my anxiety made me fancy that jose was a long time absent, but he had really been away only a few minutes, when he returned with another servant, bringing a supply of bread and meat, and wine. some chairs were carried into the room; and the officers being joined by their companions, they attacked the viands with a good will. had jose been in the secret, he might have betrayed it, but his perfectly collected manner gave no cause for suspicion. "you do not chance to have seen or heard anything of an indian, an atrocious villain who has escaped from justice, and is supposed to have taken the path by this up the mountains?" asked one of the officers. o how my heart did beat as i heard this! jose assured them with an air of perfect disembarrassment that he knew nothing of any indian fugitive. his answers seemed to satisfy them. he next brought in some bundles of straw and blankets to serve as bedding. "there, senores, i hope that you will make yourselves at home, and sleep soundly after your supper," he observed, as he deposited them in different parts of the room. "no fear of it, friend; we will not forget your hospitality," said the chief alguazil, as he helped himself to a large tumbler of wine. i was glad to see them apparently so well satisfied; but at the same time i thought i detected a sinister expression in the eye of the speaker, with which i was not altogether satisfied. the hound demonio, too, gave me some uneasiness; for though he came back to catch the pieces of meat thrown to him by the officers, he employed himself meanwhile in snuffing round the room in a very suspicious manner. jose stood quietly by to attend to their wants. "can i do anything more for you, senores!" he asked. "another flask of this wine will not be objectionable, and a bundle of cigars would be welcome," answered the chief alguazil, laughing at the thought of the comfortable quarters into which he had fallen, and determined to make the most of them. "certainly, senores; i am sure my master would not object to afford all you require," said jose, going out to fetch what was asked for. while he was absent, what was my horror to see the dog, who had now finished his meal, begin to snuff vehemently under the door of the secret passage, and then to work away with his paws, as if to try and open it! i turned pale with alarm, for i knew that all must be discovered; but still i thought it best to take no notice of the circumstance. "what does the dog want there?" said one of the men. "rats are there, i suppose," remarked another, whose wits the wine had somewhat dulled. "demonio has a strange fancy for rats," said a third. "rats or not, i should like to have a look behind the door," observed the chief alguazil, as the dog's excitement increased. i said nothing, and the officers seemed to fancy that i could not understand spanish, so they did not trouble me with questions. just then jose returned. "what is inside that door?" asked the chief alguazil abruptly. "nothing that i know of but an empty cupboard," he answered quietly. "the room is little used, so that i never saw it opened." "bring the key, and let us see," said the alguazil. "i have not the key; and if there is one, my master must have it, and i cannot disturb him for such a fancy," replied jose. "the dog smells a rat; there are many in the house, and he will soon be quiet." but the dog would not be quiet, neither was the alguazil satisfied; and at last jose was obliged to say that he would go and ask my father for the key. i followed him out of the room. "jose, i will go to my father and get the key, while you stay with the strangers," i said to him. "give them plenty of wine, and amuse them as long as you can." i hurried to my father's room to consult what was to be done; though i intended not to mention that the key had been asked for till he had come into the passage, as of course my mother would be very much alarmed at hearing of it. i had got him out into the passage, and was mentioning the unwelcome arrival of the spaniards in as calm a tone as i could command, when it struck me that i might prevent his being implicated in the secretion of the fugitive if i took the whole blame upon myself. i at last told him of the suspicions the behaviour of the horrid dog had aroused in the minds of the officers; and entreated him, by every argument i could think of, to let me manage the affair as best i could. "they can scarcely inflict any severe punishment on me," i observed, "while they might drag you off to prison, and leave my mother and brother and sisters without a protector." "i must take the consequences of what i have done," he returned. "at the same time i do not repent having endeavoured to save the poor fellow. the act was right, and that must be my consolation." but i was not so easily to be turned aside from my purpose; and at last he consented to let me take the key, and to use it if driven so to do, while he remained in his room. i returned, as may be supposed, in no great hurry to the hall; and as i got close to it i heard, amid the loud talking of the spaniards and jose, who was doing his best to amuse them, the scratching and snarling of the savage brute at the door. "my master is incapable of breaking the laws; that i can assure your excellencies," i heard jose say. "if the man you seek is inside there, he did not put him in, you may depend on it. if you find anything, it will be a rat or a little mouse, perhaps, for which all this fuss is to be made." "what you say may be true, friend; but if the key is not brought we must break open the door," observed one of the spaniards. "the dog is not a pure bloodhound; but he has enough of the race in him to know the difference between an indian and a rat." at last i thought it better to go in with the key. when i reached the door of the passage, the brute snarled at me savagely, and i fully believe would have sprung upon me and torn me limb from limb, had not his masters called him off. i trembled so with agitation that i could scarcely apply the key to the keyhole. luckily the light did not fall on me, or it would have been perceived. "come, young senor, be quick about it; somebody is in there--of that i can be sworn," exclaimed the alguazil. "there, take the key yourself, and try and open it," i answered, hoping that as he did so the indian would rush out and make his escape, though his chance was a forlorn one. the officer took the key; some of his men approached with lights, while others held their swords and pistols ready for use. jose looked very much astonished, though in no way alarmed at the proceedings; but i knew too well what was about to be revealed. the door flew open, and the men and their hateful dog rushed in. the fate of the poor indian was sealed, i thought. i followed, expecting to see them tearing him to pieces. what, then, was my astonishment and satisfaction to find not a trace of him remaining! the bedding, and even the dishes in which his food had been carried to him, were nowhere to be seen. "there, i told you so," exclaimed jose triumphantly, "there were nothing but rats." but the dog was not so easily satisfied; and to my horror he rushed down the narrow flight of steps leading to the secret outlet. the door at the bottom i knew was locked, and i too justly feared that the indian would be found there. the officers hesitated about descending; for as only one could go at a time, they saw that a determined man might kill them in detail, if so inclined; so they sent their inferiors forward to make the experiment. i stood by, waiting the result with increased anxiety; for i felt that if the indian should kill some of the officers, the difficulties of our position would be still more increased. the dog led the way, and i hoped would be the only victim; the others followed very reluctantly. some time passed; but still there was no sign of their having discovered the fugitive. "have you found the rat?" shouted jose, laughingly, from above. "bring the key of the other door," thundered the alguazil in return from below. i had got it, but i did not say so. "of what door do you speak?" asked jose, in real ignorance of the fact that there was a door. i was anxious to gain all the time possible, believing that the indian must have made his escape through the passage; so i let them talk on till the alguazil peremptorily ordered me to open the door, threatening me with all sorts of pains and penalties if i refused to obey. "i have heard that there is a long passage leading no one knows where," exclaimed jose; "so, senores, if you are going to explore it, you had better take some torches, or you may chance lose your way." "bring them here instantly," shouted the alguazil. "if you are wise men you will amuse yourselves with the wine flasks while i go to prepare them," said jose. the advice was too agreeable to be neglected, and i was very glad to see the men return and again seat themselves at the table. while they were drinking and jose was absent, the dog however continued running up and down the steps, and smelling in every direction. the officers seemed to enjoy their wine so much that i was in hopes that their suspicions were lulled, and at all events i rejoiced that the indian would have more time afforded him for making his escape. jose at last returned with the torches, which were composed of twisted straw dipped in pitch; and the chief officer descending with less caution than before, led the way, the rest following. at the bottom of the steps was a tolerably broad space, which enabled me to pass the men so as to reach the door, where the hound, snarling at me as i approached, stood ready to rush through at his prey as i supposed. how the indian could have escaped, still, however, remained a mystery to me. after several attempts i succeeded in turning the rusty lock, and a dark passage cut through the solid rock opened before us. the wet dropped from the roof as we proceeded, and, combined with the noxious exhalations which proceeded from the farther end, almost extinguished the torches. "it is folly in me accompanying these men," i thought to myself; and just then a recess appearing in the rock, i stepped into it and let the rest pass me. jose was the last; i touched him as he reached me, and whispered to him to return. he either did not hear me, or wished to watch the proceedings of the alguazil and his subordinates. as i had no torch, i groped my way with no little difficulty to the foot of the stairs, thinking jose was following me. to my horror, just as i was about to ascend, i heard the low-muttered growl of the savage hound, and the next instant i found my leg seized in his jaws. "help, jose, help!" i cried out, but not loud, lest the officers should hear me; "the brute will kill me else." but jose was not, as i supposed, at hand. i felt the dog moving his jaws higher up my leg, as if he evidently was about to pull me to the ground, while the pain he inflicted almost paralysed me. i certainly was no coward, but i shrieked in my agony. in another moment he would have mastered me, when, by the faint light which came through the door of the room above, i saw a dark figure spring down the steps. the dog let go his hold of me to fly at the new-comer but was met by the point of a sharp dagger, which pierced his breast, and uttering a low yell of pain and rage, the brute fell dead at my feet. the indian--for my preserver was the fugitive--without speaking, assisted me in dragging the dog out of sight under the steps, and then whispering, "say not a word about the dog, he will not be discovered," again sprung up the steps. i followed him, fearing that the men in the room above would discover him. i caught sight of him as he ascended to the roof of the alcove, by means of a single rope which hung to the ground. in the roof was a trap-door, through which he disappeared, and closed it silently after him, having first drawn up the rope. again going below, i met jose, and told him that the dog was dead, charging him to ask no questions, and to say nothing about it. i was much afraid lest the men should discover the dog; for the fact of his remaining near the stairs might make them suspect that the indian was concealed near at hand. my trousers were fortunately only a little torn, though, as the brute's teeth had met in the calf of my leg, i felt a considerable amount of pain; but i did my best to conceal it, lest the men should accuse me of killing the dog. i might with truth have replied that i had not killed him, but they would then have asked who did, to which question i could not have replied. as the life of a fellow-being was at stake, i felt the importance of being very circumspect in everything i did. when we returned to the room, the two men who had been left there inquired what had become of their comrades. "hunting rats or spirits, for they will find nothing else down there i am sure," answered jose, unconcernedly. "they will be back soon, i warrant, after their fool's chase, begging your pardon, senores." his words were verified more speedily than he expected, for at that moment cries and shouts were heard, and the officers came tumbling up the steps as fast as their legs could carry them, with their hair almost standing on end, and their eye-balls starting from their heads. one had lost his cap, another his sword, and all their torches; they were also wet and dirty from scraping against the sides of the cavern. they declared that they had been set upon by a whole legion of demons, who had blown out their torches and attacked them with teeth and claws, so that they were glad to escape with their lives. "for the love of heaven shut the door, or they will be up here after us!" shouted the last of the men, as he rushed into the room. i, as may be supposed, hurried down with joyful alacrity to obey the order, and coming back without encountering any of the demons, closed the upper door after me. "i said you were going on a fool's errand," said jose; "your pardon for the remark, senores. but let me fill up your glasses, the wine will soon make you forget your mishaps." the men were easily induced to apply the proposed remedy. "but what has become of the dog?" asked the chief. "carried off by the demons," observed jose. "let him go," growled one who was the most bruised and dirty. "he led us into the scrape, and deserves his fate; if it had not been for him, we should not have known of that horrid vault." the chief, notwithstanding these remarks, ordered his men to go and look for the dog; but as he showed no readiness to set the example, none of the others would obey him, declaring that they would rather be shot at once than venture again among such horrors. i felt very much relieved at the turn events had taken. the indian had escaped, the means of the bloodhound's death was not suspected, and the officers would probably at early dawn continue their search after the fugitive. "ask them if they wish to return to the vault; for if not, i will take the keys up to my father," i whispered to jose. "no, no," answered the men. "we have had enough of the vault, and demons, and monsters, and spirits it contains. tell your master all we want is plenty of this good wine to keep them away." telling jose to give them as much as they required and to keep a careful watch over them, i hurried back to my father to inform him that the danger was over. "i never fear the consequence of having performed a good action, my boy," he replied; "yet we should be grateful to providence for having preserved us from much suffering, both of mind and body. the poor indian is for the present safe. i can guess the way he escaped; but we will talk on the matter more to-morrow. now, david, go to your room and rest, for you look pale and fatigued." i did not tell my father that the dog had bit me, though i should have been wiser had i done so, as he would have had proper remedies applied, had the wounds required them. jose, however, soon after came into my room and fomented my leg with a mixture which he said was very efficacious in preventing inflammation from the bite of an animal. it at all events relieved me from the pain i was suffering; and when jose left me to keep watch with the other servants on the officers, i threw myself on my bed in the hopes of obtaining some sleep. whenever i dropped off, my mind recurred to the unfortunate descendant of the incas, and the scenes i had just witnessed; and every instant i was jumping up, fancying i heard the shout of the officers as they discovered his place of concealment. chapter three. a journey and the adventures we met with. i awoke to perfect consciousness (for i could scarcely be said to have been asleep all night) just as the first faint streaks of dawn were appearing in the sky; and hearing the voices of men, and the stamping of horses in the court-yard, i looked out of the window to learn what was occurring. at first my mind misgave me that the alguazil and his myrmidons had by some means seized the indian; but as i scrutinised the dark forms which appeared in the cold grey light of the morning, i could not distinguish his among them. the men mounted one after the other apparently in good humour, for jose was there among the other servants with a huge flagon of wine to serve out to them the stirrup-cup at parting, a custom observed in most countries. it was a great relief to my mind when the gates were opened and i saw them fairly outside the walls. as the light increased, i watched them slowly winding along the steep path which led up the mountain, till they disappeared in a dark gorge which opened before them. "you will have a long ride if you do not intend to halt till you have caught the fugitive in that direction," said i to myself, just as jose entered. "i have sent the rogues off in good humour," he observed. "wine is a fine thing to raise the spirits, though to my mind last night they took enough to raise more than they expected--ha, ha, ha! they thought they were attacked by ghosts and goblins, when in reality only a number of bats flew out against them after the foul air had already damped their ardour. the place swarms with the vermin. by the by, if the senor, my master, will give me the key of the vault, i will get up that beast of a dog, and bury him or hang him up to feed the condors." i thought jose suspected something, and said this to learn the truth. i was inclined to confide the secret to him, but i felt that i ought not to do so without my father's permission; so i answered that my father would give him the keys when he required them. when i met my father, he told me that i was right in not telling jose, both for our sake as well as his own, though he was doubtless trustworthy. i then asked him what had become of the indian. "he is safe on the roof," he replied. "i have just seen him; he tells me that he heard the alguazils arrive, and that at first he thought he was betrayed, especially when the dog began to snuff under the door. he soon, however, learned from their conversation that his presence was not suspected; but still, to make sure, he descended the stairs in the hopes of discovering a means of escape,--finding none, he ascended the ladder, and forcing open the trap-door, he got through to the roof. he then returned, when hearing the key asked for, he knew that his bedding would betray his having been there, so he carried everything up to the roof, lifting the ladder up after him. his doing so puzzled the dog, and saved him his life probably, and us from very considerable annoyance." we afterwards met at breakfast, when jose gave my father and mother a full account of all that occurred. my father having given the indian notice to retire to the roof, the body of the hound was removed and buried, and the family resumed their usual routine of life. either i or lilly twice a day, when no one was observing us, carried food to the indian. upwards of a week had passed since his arrival, when he expressed a strong desire to resume his journey, saying that he thought by this time the search for him must be over. my father was very unwilling to let him go; but he assured us, that now his health and strength were completely restored, he had not the slightest fear of again falling into the hands of the spaniards. all the provision he would accept was a little maize, and sufficient cacao to replenish his pouch. the cacao has been in use among the peruvians from the earliest times. its peculiar qualities enable those who take it to undergo great and continuous exertion, without any other food. it is a plant somewhat like the vine, and grows to about seven or eight feet in height. the leaves have a bitter flavour, and are aromatic. among other qualities, they act as a sudorific, preserve the teeth, and prevent sleep. on first awaking in the morning, an indian will put a quid of his favourite leaf into his mouth, and he performs the same operation three or four times in the day. to give it a relish he mixes a little pulverised unslacked lime, which he carries in a gourd for that purpose. he takes the lime out the gourd with a thin slip of damped wood, and conveys what adheres to it to his mouth. the operation of chewing is called _chakchar_. many even of the whites indulge in it in secret, though it would be considered derogatory to chew in public, because the despised indian does so. the peruvians, in their love and admiration for this plant, used to pay it a religious respect, and considered it the most grateful offering to the spirits they might wish to propitiate. it has certainly a most wonderful effect in sustaining nature; and i have known people undergoing great fatigue, exist four or five days, without tasting any other food, or suffering the slightest inconvenience. the ignorant conquerors, from observing the reverence paid by the indians to cacao, fancied that it must possess some demoniacal properties, and not only refused to use it themselves, but endeavoured to prevent it being used by the natives; and a royal decree was actually issued, declaring that the idea entertained by the indians that cacao gave them strength, is an "illusion of the devil." the mine-owners, however, perceived its importance in enabling the slaves to undergo fatigue; and its use, therefore, rather increased than diminished. it, however, excites the brain, somewhat as does opium, and thus its intemperate use for any length of time would probably wear out mental vigour and activity. having procured a supply of this valuable leaf for the indian, he filled his pouch with it, while the maize he fastened up in a corner of his poncho. "i am ready to depart," he said, "though my heart yet lingers with you; and believe, o children of a northern land, that, though fallen and despised his race, manco tupac amaru is truly grateful for your generous hospitality, and more for preserving his life. the time may come, and shortly too, when he may have the opportunity of proving his gratitude-till then, farewell!" taking my father's hand and mine, he pressed his lips to them, and burst into tears. his words made an impression on me, though at the time i did not comprehend their meaning. i afterwards had good reason to do so. it was again evening, the hour at which he had arrived; and when it was perfectly dark, i went out to see that none of the servants were near. he then let himself drop from the window, and crossing the court-yard, scaled the wall, and took his way up the mountain. i had reason to believe that none of the servants suspected that he had been with us. this was the first of the many adventures in which, at that period of my life, i was engaged. we often talked of the indian manco, and were anxious to know his fate; but for long heard no more of him. some time after this, my father invited me to attend him on a journey, which business required him to perform, to cuzco, lima, and other parts of the country; and, as may be supposed, with no little alacrity i set to work to make the necessary preparations. we are fond of boasting of the civilisation of europeans of the present day; but, however humiliating to our pride, it must be owned that in many important respects peru has retrograded since the time that the christian spaniard took possession of the country, and superseded the mild though despotic sway of the glorious incas. under her ancient sovereigns, magnificent roads traversed the kingdom from north to south, and from the sea-coast into the distant interior, across the mighty andes. inns for the accommodation of travellers were built at convenient distances on the roads, and stored abundantly with provisions, while at each relays of couriers were stationed, who with wonderful celerity could carry messages or small parcels through the country. it is said that the tables of the incas, when at cuzco, or still farther in the interior, were supplied regularly with fish fresh caught from the sea, and other quickly perishable luxuries, in a mode which has only been accomplished in england since the introduction of railroads, or perhaps in the latter days of quick coach travelling. i mention this to show the contrast to the means we possessed for performing our journey. at last the day arrived for our departure. my father rode a steady mule, but i preferred a horse, though not so safe an animal for the narrow tracks, up and down steep mountains, on the summit of terrific precipices, and across rickety bridges which we were about to traverse. they were caparisoned much in the same way. our saddles were huge and deep, covered with red woolly rugs; our stirrups were of moorish shape, large wooden boxes strapped with iron; the girths were broad; and belts fastened to the saddle, passed round the breast and haunches of the animals, prevented it from slipping off when going up or down the almost precipitous declivities in our way. our luggage was carried in huge trunks, made of untanned bullocks' hides, fastened with thongs of the same material, each mule carrying two slung on either side of his back. in some our clothes were packed, in others our mattresses and bedding, and in others our mess utensils and provisions; for as there were no inns, it was necessary to take everything which would be required. we rode ahead, our peons or muleteers following the beasts of burden. before the introduction of horses and mules, the indians employed the delicate llama to carry goods through the country. we had heavy spurs, and sharp bits to our bridles, and wore broad-brimmed hats and ponchos. the last named garment may be described as a large piece of cloth of wool or cotton, of a round form, with a hole in the centre. through this hole the head is put, while the cloth falls over the shoulders, and forms a very effectual protection from the weather. it was used by the indians before the conquest. my mother and lilly assisted in preparing and packing our provisions and clothes; and with prayers for our safety, at an early hour one morning they saw us mount and commence our journey. "good-bye, mother; good-bye, lilly," i exclaimed, as i seated myself in my saddle. "i will bring you back, like the princes in the arabian nights, all the most wonderful things i can collect." their hearts were too full to answer, and their eyes were moist with tears; for they could not conceal from themselves that there were many very considerable dangers which we must encounter on the road. they stood watching us while we wound our way down the steep path, and crossed the bridge which spanned the river at the bottom of the ravine. i propose giving a very brief sketch of our journey, and shall dwell only on the more interesting incidents; or i might otherwise fill my book with an account of what we saw in the course of a few weeks. we arrived one evening at a _tambo_, or post-house, which, from its appearance and position on a portion of the great high road of the incas, we judged had been erected before the conquest. the walls were very thick, and composed of large blocks of stone. it was divided into two compartments; one had formerly been the storehouse and granary, the other the common hall and kitchen. the roof was thatched, as it had been originally. at a little distance off was a village of indian huts, mostly small; but some were of larger size, in which the cacique and some of the chief men resided. the _tambo_ stood in a beautiful valley, through which ran a clear and rapid stream among meadows of ever verdant tints. the mountains which rose on either side were to their very summit cut into terraces. these terraces, or hanging gardens, as they are sometimes called, were of no great width, but the walls which faced them were built of large blocks of stone; and though in some places they were crumbling into decay, in general they were in a perfect state, bearing witness to the industry and intelligence of the ancient inhabitants of the soil. these terraces are called _andenes_, and from thence the conquerors derived the name andes, which they bestowed on the whole vast range of mountains. our peons having taken charge of our mules and horses, and led them to a shed adjoining the grey and moss-grown _tambo_, we entered the building. the interior was sombre in the extreme; everybody and everything wore a subdued look; and even the dogs slunk about as if their spirits were depressed. the smoke of ages was on the walls and roof, and the tables and benches at one side had a sadly dilapidated appearance. the master was an indian of lightish hue, his long, lank hair already turning grey with age, and perhaps with care. several indian women were moving about round a fire at the farther end of the room, preparing a meal for a somewhat numerous company assembled there. the women about the house were all dressed in loose garments of dark coarse woollen cloth, which extended from the neck to the ankles, and were secured round the waist by a broad belt of some gay colour. they wore, folded up on the crown of the head, a small cloth mantle, a part of which drooped down to the shoulders behind. each woman wore over her right shoulder a black scarf, which i understood was a sign of mourning, not for any relation lately dead, but for their inca, long ago murdered by their conquerors. the dress of most of the men was a dark woollen jacket, with breeches open at the knees, a gaily embroidered woollen cap, a broad cotton belt, woollen stockings without feet, and sandals of goatskin. a broad-brimmed hat, and a small poncho thrown over the shoulders, completed their attire. our host soon placed before us a large deep silver dish, containing some delicious mountain mutton, and a fat fowl, cooked in the ashes, and garnished with small but very good potatoes. there were neither knives nor forks in the dish, but one large wooden spoon, with which it was intended all guests should help themselves. we had _chicha_, the beverage of the country, offered us in silver goblets; but for a good reason neither my father nor i felt inclined to partake of it, though our servants did most willingly. to the taste of englishmen nothing can be more disagreeable than the mode in which _chicha_ is prepared. a quantity of indian corn is pounded into a fine powder, round which a number of old men and women sit and masticate it into a paste. they then roll it into balls, which are dried; and afterwards water being thrown on them, they are allowed to ferment. a number of indians were sitting apart in a corner of the room. one of them was a tall, thin, emaciated man, of a yellowish copper hue. his only garment was a pair of dark trousers; and his long, lank, black hair hung down over his bare shoulders, giving him a very wild and haggard appearance. i saw him swallow a large cupful of a mixture which i thought was _chicha_; but soon afterwards he seemed to fall into a deep stupor, and i fancied he was going into a fit. his eyes were fixed on the ground, his mouth closed convulsively, and his nostrils dilated. as i watched him, his eyes began to roll most horribly, foam issued from his half-opened lips, and every limb and his whole body became distorted in the most frightful manner. "the man will die!" i exclaimed, springing forward to assist him, and disgusted with the apathy of his companions. "no fear, my son," answered an old indian, making a sign which checked me; "our brother has but drunk the tonga; his spirit has departed for a season to hold communication with the spirits of our ancestors, and when it returns he will be able to tell us things of wonder, and perchance they may show him the treasures which lie hid in their _huacas_--their graves." i afterwards found that the indian had been drinking a powerful narcotic, prepared from the thorn-apple, and which is called _huacacachu_, or grave-plant, from the power it is supposed to possess of enabling those who drink it to see the inhabitants of the graves. after the indian had been some time convulsed he fell into a profound slumber, when his friends covered him up carefully with their mantles and left him. our meal was scarcely over when the clattering of horses' feet was heard on the road, and by the sound i judged that a band of horsemen had ridden up to the _tambo_. our indian host rushed out with dismay on his countenance. i followed him to learn what was the matter; and by the light of the moon, just then risen over the mountains, i saw about as ugly a set of fellows as i ever encountered. their countenances were of every hue--black, yellow, and olive, disfigured by scars and savage passions. their garments, i cannot call them uniforms, of many a shape and colour, were in rags and tatters. the horses were weary, ill-conditioned and ill-groomed, and as miserably accoutred as their riders, with a look in the eye full of vicious meaning. they were armed with short carbines and long swords, and some had pistols and daggers in their belts. "los montoneros, los montoneros!" exclaimed several of the people behind me, and rushed back into the _tambo_, the women trying to hide themselves from the new-comers. the horsemen threw themselves from their jaded hacks, and calling to the indians to take charge of them, with scant ceremony entered the building. they regarded, as they did so, my father and me, and our servants, with no favourable eye; but after a moment's hesitation, they threw themselves on the benches before the table at which we were seated, crying loudly for food and liquor. it was speedily placed before them by the trembling hands of the host; and in silence they addressed themselves to the tearing the meat with their fingers, as if they had not eaten anything for a week. after imbibing quantities of _chicha_, they lighted their cigars; and then their tongues broke loose in a style which made us anxious to escape their neighbourhood. some were spaniards, or spanish creoles, and others were negroes; but most of them were of a variety of mixed races. the montoneros are notoriously robbers in time of peace, and soldiers in war; but from the expressions they let fall, we judged that these fellows were employed exclusively in plundering all they met not likely to offer resistance. my father told the servant to keep a sharp look-out on our horses and mules, which the gentlemen would with little ceremony have appropriated. to avoid them we walked over to where the group of indians were collected round the tonga-drinker, who was now awaking from his sleep, and sitting up, though apparently very much exhausted. his companions were listening attentively to the mysterious revelations which fell from his mouth, the result of his spiritual communications with his ancestors. he spoke of a day of regeneration for the indians; of liberty and happiness not far distant, when the yoke of the spaniard would be thrown off their necks, and the race of their inca should again wear the crimson _borla_ of their monarchy. there was an air of earnestness and sincerity in his manner which convinced me that he at all events was deceiving himself as well as his hearers. in his dreams he had truly seen what he hoped would come to pass. i afterwards had good reason to know that he had strong foundation for his prophecies. he was still uttering his awful communications to his wondering and credulous hearers; the montoneros were still drinking, smoking, and feasting; and some other travellers (spanish, negro, and native, among whom was a spanish priest, a landowner near cuzco, and a shopkeeper) were either taking their suppers or seeking repose, when we retired to the deserted granary. we were actually provided with bedsteads of a rude construction, on which we spread our bedding. the noise made by the montoneros prevented me from sleeping for some time; till they themselves sought for rest, on and under the table and benches where they had been sitting. i was awakened in the middle of the night by a scratching and hissing and struggling noise under my bed, as if two animals were fighting. i sprung to my feet, and by the light of the full moon, which streamed in through a hole in the wall, i saw a large tabby cat engaged in a fierce combat with a glittering snake. at first i thought it would prove a hopeless one for poor pussy; but i soon saw by her manoeuvres, that she had at all events an equal chance of victory. now the venomous monster would dart out its forked tongue and try to spring at her; when she, with equal agility, would leap aside and would sit watching her antagonist with careful eye, endeavouring to find an opportunity of catching it by the neck, while she avoided its deadly fangs. the snake seemed aware of its danger, and was not the less cautious. indeed puss had already given it an ugly bite on the neck, which had somewhat crippled its movements--probably catching it asleep. the snake kept turning round and round its baneful head, the cat always keeping beyond the distance she knew it could spring. at last she saw her opportunity, and rushing in upon it, she seized it by the neck, so that it could not bite her. the snake wriggled violently, but all in vain; after a few convulsive struggles even the tail ceased to move, and i left the eat crunching the bones of her defeated antagonist. i was glad to find that i had so good a guardian as puss had proved. i turned into bed again and went to sleep. in the morning i discovered that the snake was a very venomous adder, but that the cat was not a bit the worse for eating it. i afterwards learned that there are certain sorts of poison which may be swallowed without danger, yet if it should touch the slightest scratch or excoriation of the skin, would prove fatal. at daybreak the montoneros were on foot; and to the satisfaction of all the occupants of the _tambo_, they took their departure up the valley. it was the direction in which we were going, but we hoped not again to fall in with them. as we were mounting to proceed on our journey, the indian soothsayer (for so i may call him) approached my father, and whispered earnestly in his ear for some minutes. my father looked surprised and somewhat anxious, and told him he thanked him for his advice. the indian retired into the _tambo_ apparently satisfied. we had begun to move on, when we were called back; and, turning our heads, we saw the padre and the other spaniards mounting their mules. "stay, senors, for the love of charity," cried the padre; "we are going your way, and if we go alone and meet with those villains, the montoneros, we shall all be robbed and murdered to a certainty. now you englishmen are known to fight bravely, so the rogues may not think it worth while to attack us." "we shall be happy to have your company, senor padre," said my father, smiling; "but i hope our valour may not be put to the proof." "i am sure i hope not either," ejaculated the padre, crossing himself. "may the holy saints protect us; for those fellows care not for the anathemas of the church, the laws of the realm, or the bullets of the soldiers." the other spaniards seemed to partake of the alarm of the padre; and as we rode along, i saw them casting anxious glances around, as if they expected every moment to see the robbers start out from behind the rocks which skirted the road. after we had proceeded some distance, my father called a halt, and summoning the guides, he inquired whether they were acquainted with a road to the right, which he described. they replied that they were, but that it was longer and more difficult. "never mind," he replied; "it is the road i intend to pursue. i shall be glad of the company of those who wish to journey with me." though he did not give his reasons, the spaniards saw that he had good cause for his change of route, and agreed to accompany us. they probably, however, attributed it to the montoneros; as i observed that the expression of apprehension on their countenances gradually wore off, and they no longer cast the same furtive glances at every bush and rock as before. we travelled along the valley for many miles, sometimes passing over a high ridge, and then again descending to follow up the course of some stream which had its birth among the snowy ranges above us. my father had formed the party into military order. four armed men took the lead, then came the baggage mules, while the main body of those on horseback brought up the rear. for three or four days we travelled on, each night sleeping at one of the wretched _tambos_ kept by indians, similar to that i have before described. every day we mounted higher and higher, the scenery becoming more wild, barren, and desolate. we were now traversing that part of the cordilleras called the puna, a region of level heights, some fourteen thousand feet above the sea; nearly the only vegetation being a short, dark yellow grass, scarcely a tree or a shrub to be seen, except cacti, gentiana, and a few other flowering plants. there were animals, however, in abundance--vicunas, huanacus, stags, and rock-rabbits; while condors and other birds of prey hovered aloft, ready to pounce down on any carcase they might scent from afar. we next entered the region of the sierra, the name given to the extensive valleys which either intersect the puna, or lie between the cordilleras and the andes. these valleys are generally some thousand feet below the puna, and the climate is very pure and healthy. the soil is also very fertile, so that they were in the days of the incas, and still are, more densely inhabited by indians than any other portion of peru. these valleys contain many towns, villages, and hamlets; but as they are surrounded on all sides by mountains, only to be crossed by dangerous and circuitous routes, their trade is but limited, and they are seldom visited by the inhabitants of other parts of peru. among them are a few white people, but a considerable number of mestizos live in the towns. there is very little money in circulation among them, and in some parts hens' eggs are used instead of small coin, about fifty being counted for a dollar. the indians are the sole cultivators of the soil, which produces wheat, maize, and barley in abundance, as well as potatoes and other tuberous plants, and most of the vegetables and fruits of europe. it must be understood that many of the scenes i have to describe took place in this favoured region; while others, again, were among the mountains and valleys to the east of the vast range of the andes. people when reading of mountains are so apt to picture to themselves the molehills of europe, which can mostly be crossed on foot in a day or so, that i must remind them that the cordilleras and andes which i am describing are an extensive region, the passage over which requires not only days, but in some places even weeks to accomplish. we had traversed several of these valleys, and were now about to cross over the highest ridge of the andes. having travelled so far without encountering the montoneros, even the most timid of our party had lost all apprehension on that score. one afternoon we found ourselves ascending through a narrow and wild gorge in the mountains. for three hours we had been mounting higher and higher, till our beasts began to show great signs of weariness. at last we saw before us a huge rock which, projecting from the side of the mountain, completely overhung the road, and looked as if it would overwhelm all who attempted to pass under it; while on the other side was a precipice three or four hundred feet in perpendicular height, at the bottom of which appeared a dark chasm with a wild roaring torrent running through it. the road, if so the mountain track could be called, was barely wide enough to allow a loaded mule to proceed along it; and it was next to impossible for two animals to pass one another, or for a person to dismount without great risk of falling over the precipice. we had been scrambling up for a long way over places which it appeared scarcely possible even goats would surmount, when one of the baggage mules stopped short and refused to proceed. several others followed his example, and the whole cavalcade in the rear was brought to a stand-still. blows could not be administered, for the muleteers could not get up to the beasts; and entreaties, coaxings, and persuasions were all in vain. i could not help laughing at the variety of expressions the men made use of to induce the animals to move. first they addressed them by every endearing epithet they could think of, then they appealed to their courage, their magnanimity, their perseverance--the deeds of their ancestors. "have not i always treated you well?" exclaimed our muleteer juan to his beast. "have not i always seen you housed and fed before i thought of caring for myself? have not i slept by your side and watched over you as a father his son? ungrateful as you are thus to behave at this pinch! if we meet another party, we shall be all hurled headlong over the rocks, or we shall have to fight desperately and have to hurl them over, and all for your obstinacy, sons of donkeys that you are!"--and he broke forth in a torrent of vituperation and abuse which it is not necessary for me here to repeat. "if the montoneros should meet us now, what will become of us?" cried the padre. "it is the last place they would think of attacking us in," observed my father. "their object is to get possession of our purses and our beasts; now if they attacked us here, the greater number of us would be tumbled over into the torrent below, so they would lose their booty." "that's a satisfaction truly," observed the padre; "but i wish the beasts would move." the beasts, however, seemed not a bit inclined to stir, and we had no remedy for it but to wait patiently, or throw them and our luggage over the precipice. as i looked up and saw the huge boulders of rock which hung above our heads, appearing as if the touch of a vicuna's hoof would send them rushing down to overwhelm us in their fall, i certainly did feel anxious to get out of their way. at last the leading mule, somewhat rested, began to move, the others followed him for a few minutes, and they all stopped again. the same process of entreating, coaxing, and abusing was gone over again; when the refractory cavalcade moved on once more for a few paces, but only in like manner to try our patience and our nerves by stopping at a worse spot than before. after resting a few minutes, the leading mule, which kept the others back, appeared to gain strength, and his stoppages each time being of shorter duration, he at length began to climb up the steep ascent before him, the rest readily following. the cold, at this great height we had now attained, was excessive to our feelings, accustomed to the warmth of the lower country. great, however, as was the elevation, the peaks which rose above us on every side appeared not to have lessened in the least in height. snow of brilliant whiteness was around us, some of which in the more lofty spots had perhaps not melted since the days of the flood. mists were floating about, and below our feet was collected a dense mass, which obscured the view beyond. a few flakes of snow began to fall, which every instant increased in number. "forward, forward, senores!" shouted our chief peon, who acted as guide. "if a cordillera storm catches us before we get under shelter, the days of some of us may be numbered." we did not neglect the warning. the animals even seemed to perceive the necessity of pushing on; and away we all went, tumbling, sliding, and leaping over the rough track which led down the mountain. the snow increased in density, so that we could scarcely see the person immediately preceding us; and the chilling wind blew stronger and stronger from off the icy peaks above. not a moment was to be lost--the guides shouted, "on, on, on!" and we whipped and spurred, and urged on our weary beasts by word and bridle. still the ground was far too rough to enable us to get them into a trot, far less to gallop; and besides, a tumble would in many places have proved fatal both to horse and rider. the descent was very rapid, for we were scarcely ever on a level. "i'll will it fare with any unfortunate fellow in the rear who falls," said my father. "remain close to me, david; i am afraid of your horse stumbling." "no fear," i answered, "i keep a tight rein on him, and he knows well that he must not be careless." there was little time to contemplate the scene as we rode along, but still i could not help being struck by the solemn stillness, and the wildness of the desolation around. the voices of the men, as they shouted out, appeared strange and unnatural from their very distinctness, as did the tramp of the animals; while not another sound was heard from any direction. "on, on, senores!" were the only words we could hear. the snow had ceased; but dark clouds seemed gathering around us, when, without warning, a flash of forked lightning darted across our path, ploughing up the ground before us, and followed by a peal of thunder which seemed to rend the mountain tops. flash succeeded flash in every direction, the very atmosphere quivering with the uninterrupted peals repeated a thousand-fold by the mountain echoes; while cataracts of fire appeared to be rushing down the rocks on either side. our trembling animals refused to move; the spaniards crossed themselves, and shrieking, as they slid off the backs of the animals they rode, they called on their saints for protection. we dismounted and endeavoured to lead our horses under an overhanging rock. at last we succeeded in obtaining some shelter; and there we stood, every instant expecting to be struck by the electric fluid, which rushed zigzagging before us. feelings such i had never before experienced came over me. i was at the same time inspired rather with awe than with terror. it was as if the heavens were pouring out their full wrath on man--as if the foundations of the world were about to be uprooted, and the mighty mountains hurled over on the plains below. rocks and earth came hurtling down from the lofty peaks above us; crash succeeded crash, and flashes of the most intensely vivid lightning dashed before us without intermission, till the air itself seemed on fire, and the faculties of sight and hearing both failed from over-exhaustion of their energies. it appeared as if the dreadful strife of the elements would never end; but as we were despairing of reaching a resting-place before night should set in, the thunder rolled away, the lightning ceased, and our party emerging from the caves and crevices where they had taken shelter, we found that providentially all had escaped injury. we mounted once more. as we proceeded, the rays of the setting sun came streaming along a beautiful valley which opened on our right. descending rapidly, in little more than an hour we found ourselves before a _tambo_. it was wretched enough in appearance, and neither food nor beds did it afford. as, however, we had with us a supply of provisions, and our cloaks and saddle-cloths spread on the floor, with our saddles for pillows, served us for couches, we were not worse off than we frequently had been; and i know that i slept soundly till morning. chapter four. attacked by robbers--a merciful deed returned with interest. the scenery we passed the next day was very similar to what i have already described; but the valley, which, on being contrasted with the snowy region we had just left, appeared so attractive, was, i found, when seen by the morning light, owing to its high elevation, a very barren and desolate place. we rode on for some hours through scenery such as i have before described, when in the afternoon, as we were beginning to fancy that we were near the termination of our day's journey, we entered a deep gorge, with the dark rocks towering up, wild and rugged, on either side of us. it was just such a place as one might have expected an ambush to have been placed in; as a few resolute men might have held the road, aided by others sheltered by the rocks, against a whole army attempting to pass. an oppressive gloom invaded the spot, and the air seemed damp and heavy, as if the warming rays of the sun had never penetrated below the tops of the cliffs. i was riding on in advance of the main body, when, on reaching the spot where the gorge opened somewhat, i saw at a considerable distance before me what i took to be a mark on the cliff in the shape of a horse with a rider. as i advanced, however, i perceived that it was a lonely man on horseback. he was too far off, standing as he was in shade, for me to distinguish his dress or appearance. he seemed to be stationary, as if watching our approach. a sharp turn in the road shut out the view beyond him. had i been an old soldier, i should have fallen back on my companions and reported what i had seen; but i fancied that the horseman was a traveller like ourselves, and so i continued to ride carelessly on. i was very nearly falling a victim to my neglect. i had advanced some two hundred yards farther, when my friends reached the spot from which i had first caught sight of the horseman. he was still there, but no sooner did he see them than he wheeled round his horse and disappeared behind the cliffs. this i thought suspicious. my first impulse was to gallop on to overtake the man; but fortunately the chief guide had just then come up with me, and urged me not to go on. i therefore shouted out to my friends to let them know what i had seen, and reined in my steed till they came up. the information did not hasten the advance of any of the party; indeed some of them were evidently anxious to cede the post of honour in the van to their friends. the cry of "the montoneros, the montoneros!" arose from every mouth. some tumbled off their horses, as if to shelter themselves behind them from the expected volleys of the dreaded banditti; others sat still and began to count their beads; and not a few turned their horses' heads preparatory to running away. i must do the padre the justice to say that he looked as brave as any of them, except a few who advanced to the front. "where are the enemy, david?" asked my father, who led them on. "i only saw one man, whom our friends here have multiplied into a band of montoneros," i replied. "come on, my friends, then!" exclaimed my father. "if the man my boy saw is a robber, he and his companions are more likely to run away than to attack us, if we show a bold front." his words and tone of confidence restored the fast evaporating courage of the party; and having halted to get them into something like order, with the armed men in front and the baggage mules and their drivers in the rear, we again moved forward. we had not, however, advanced far, when the man i had before seen again appeared; and directly afterwards a troop of horsemen wheeled round the sharp angle of the rock, and with loud cries galloped rapidly towards us. "steady, steady, for your lives!" shouted my father, as he saw in many of our companions strong evidence of a disposition to turn round and fly. "if we break our ranks, we are lost." that the horsemen now approaching were banditti, i had no doubt, from their varied and fantastic dresses, the different hues of their faces, and their wild appearance. we could not escape them, even had we been better mounted than they were, as the baggage mules in the rear would have prevented us. this they probably calculated on, or perhaps they would rather we had escaped and left them our baggage, which was what they most wanted, with the exception, perhaps, of our horses. they invariably appropriate the best horses they can find, as it is important for them to be well mounted. my father and i, two spaniards, a mestizo, and our chief indian guide, formed the first rank. when we saw the montoneros, and could no longer doubt their intentions, we halted and presented our firearms. these were of various lengths and calibres, and some were better fitted to frighten an enemy than to do harm. when the montoneros saw the determined front we presented, they checked their speed, but it was only for an instant. "do not fire until they get close to us," cried my father. on came the banditti, their horses' hoofs clattering over the hard road, while uttering loud and discordant yells, they waved their swords above their heads. they made their intentions very manifest of cutting us to pieces if they could; so we felt perfectly justified in trying to knock them out of their saddles. many of our party gave themselves up for lost; and certainly the appearance of the banditti was enough to make a stout heart uncomfortable, to say the least of it. their untrimmed moustaches and long hair escaping from under their broad-brimmed hats, their fierce countenances and dark flashing eyes, the many hues of their skins, and their motley costume, gave them altogether a very savage look, which was increased by the fiery bloodshot eyes of their horses, whose shaggy manes and the fringe of their housing streamed in the wind, while their riders shook their weapons, and shrieked out threats of destruction on our heads. "steady, my men, and fire when i do," cried my father, levelling his rifle; in which i, jose, and the rest, followed his example. the montoneros had got within a dozen paces of us, when we gave the word. we fired together, our friends behind handing us their still loaded weapons. two of the robbers rolled in the dust, and the horse of a third was shot dead, and fell across the road, so as somewhat to impede the progress of those behind. on they came, however, and were up to us as we fired our second round, and received a discharge of their carbines in return. some of the shot took effect on our companions in the rear, who, instead of reloading the firearms, threw them down and endeavoured to escape. in an instant the banditti were upon us. my father's horse was shot under him. i saw jose knocked over; and then i recollect nothing that happened for some minutes, except a confusion of sounds, shouts, and shrieks and groans. when i returned to consciousness, my first thought was for my father. he was not near me, but i saw jose at no great distance, leaning on his arm, as if unable to move, and looking along the road the way we had come. i turned my eyes in the same direction, towards which the tide of the fight had gone. a few of our companions were still contending against a greatly superior number of the banditti, most of whom, however, were engaged in a work more congenial to their taste, that of plundering our baggage. i could not doubt that my father was among the combatants; for without his example i did not think the others would have fought, and i trembled for his fate. i tried to rise, to rush to his assistance, or to die with him; but i found i was too weak to stand, much less to use a weapon. i gave up all for lost, for i perceived that the resistance of the gallant little band of my friends was every instant growing weaker; while the robbers were quitting their plunder to join their assailants. meantime some of the baggage mules were trotting off in the direction where jose and i lay; seeing which, some of the banditti came in pursuit of them. on seeing that i was alive, a savage-looking fellow lifted his carbine, and was about to give me a quietus on my head with the butt of it, while another threatened to perform the same office for jose, when a shout, different from any i had before heard, reached my ears. "los indios, los indios!--the indians, the indians!" cried the brigands; "fly, fly, or we are lost!" i looked up; for when i thought my brains were about to be dashed out, i had instinctively shut my eyes. what was my surprise to see the cliffs on either side of the road, and which i had thought inaccessible, swarming with indians, mostly dressed in their ancient costume, and armed with bows and slings, with which they sent a shower of arrows and stones among our enemies! several of them were wounded; and the suddenness of the attack threw them into confusion. before they could recover from it, the indians came leaping down the cliffs, and threw themselves between the three parties of the robbers, while others advanced along either end of the road, so as completely to hem them in. with the wildest fury, animated apparently by the most deadly hatred, the indians rushed on our assailants, who, though they fought for their lives, could not withstand the onset. i mentioned that at some distance from me i had observed a few of my friends, among whom i had no doubt was my father, hard pressed by a number of the robbers, who seemed intent on their destruction. the latter had now to defend themselves from the indians; and my father and his party attacking them in return, they were either cut down at once, or attempted to escape by flight. a few of the more determined had fought their way back to where i lay, and i fully expected to receive my death-wound from some of them, as the fight passed over me, when i felt myself lifted in the arms of an indian who i saw was dressed in the costume of a peruvian chief; and just as the combatants reached me, he carried me out of the _melee_, and bore me up the cliff to a spot which none were likely to reach. as he placed me on the ground, i caught a sight of his countenance, and recognised the fugitive whom we had protected, the indian, manco tupac amaru. before i had time to utter a word of thanks, he had again leaped down the cliff and joined in the combat. some ten or a dozen of the robbers, who were still on horseback, and had kept together, were attempting to cut their way along the road among the mass of indians who opposed them. being well mounted, and with superior weapons, they had a great advantage; but the indians were inspired with a courage i little expected to witness. they rushed in upon them, cut their bridles, and dashed their spears in their faces; and seizing them by their clothes, hung on them, in spite of the cuts and thrusts of their swords, till they dragged them from their saddles. no quarter was given; the instant a robber was unhorsed he was speared; and before the tide of the fight had rolled on many yards, not one was left alive. many of our party had fallen. indeed i was surprised to observe, nor could i account for it, that the indians took no pains to preserve the lives of the spanish travellers, though they did their utmost to protect the indian guides. the padre and two or three others alone escaped. the road below me indeed presented a sad spectacle; for, as far as i could see, it appeared strewed with the corpses of my late companions--of robbers and indians, many of whom had fallen in the last desperate struggle. i looked anxiously for my father, and my heart beat with joy as i saw him coming along the road, and evidently looking for me. my preserver, manco, had observed him; the recognition was mutual, and they soon approached the spot where i lay. i need not describe my father's feelings at finding that i was alive. i endeavoured at first to conceal the pain i suffered, and which made me fancy that my thigh must have been broken. at length, however, i could not help giving expression to the anguish i experienced. "wait a few minutes," said the indian chief, "and when i have performed some duties which are urgently required, i will cause my people to form a litter to transport you to a place of safety. what has occurred must remain secret for a time. i can trust you; but some of the people in your company who have escaped, might betray our proceedings to the authorities. their lives are safe, but we must keep them prisoners till they can no longer injure us by being at liberty." neither my father nor i could understand what he meant, and before we could ask an explanation, he had left us. we watched his movements, and saw him place each of the survivors of our party between a guard of four armed indians. some of his followers took charge of the baggage mules; others lifted up the dead bodies of their friends; while the rest were busily employed in collecting the arrows and the other indian missiles and weapons; and they then again formed in marching order. a few had constructed a litter, and brought it to the foot of the cliff, down which manco, with my father's aid, now conveyed me. "i wish to have no sign of our having taken share in the fray," observed the indian. "the lions and condors will take good care that none shall discover how those men died." as he spoke, i looked up, and observed several of those mighty monsters of the air hovering above our heads, ready to pounce down on their prey as soon as we should have left them to enjoy their banquet undisturbed. at a sign from manco, whom the indians seemed to obey with the greatest zeal and respect, they lifted up my litter, and bore it along at a rapid rate. my father mounted a horse which was brought him, manco rode another, and the priest was accommodated with a mule; but the rest of the spaniards were compelled to walk, except poor jose, who was carried, as was i, on the shoulders of some indians; but they did not seem at all to like the office, nor to regard the rest of their prisoners with any feeling of good-will. every arrangement was made with great promptitude; and as i watched from my litter the indian warriors filing before me, i could scarcely help thinking that i saw a portion of the very army which the great incas were accustomed to lead to victory. we proceeded along what might be called the high road for some miles, when we struck off across the mountains to the left, the latter part of the time being guided by torches, for it had become too dark otherwise to see our way. at last we arrived at a small hut, built on the side of a rugged mountain. it afforded shelter from the cold night-wind; and as many as it could hold took up their quarters within it, while the remainder bivouacked without. fortunately for me, the padre was something of a surgeon, and on examining my leg, he assured me that my leg was not broken, but only severely bruised, and that perfect rest with fomentations would recover it. it was impossible, however, to obtain that rest, as we journeyed on without stopping, except for our meals and a few hours' rest at night, for several days; and though i was carried all the time, the jolting of my litter, as we ascended or descended the steep hills, was very inconvenient. but the indians collected a variety of herbs, and making a decoction of them, fomented my leg whenever we stopped, so that the swelling gradually subsided, and the pain diminished. at length we reached a collection of deserted huts, among rugged and inaccessible crags, with the snowy peaks of the andes towering high above us. the lower parts of the mountains were clothed with pine trees; and long grass grew on the borders of several streams which run through the neighbouring valley. with the pine trees the indians formed rafters to the cottages, and thatches with the long grass and reeds. in a short time they thus rendered them in some degree habitable. i observed that though my father was allowed to go where he liked, the rest of the party were narrowly watched, so that they could not attempt to make their escape. when he spoke to manco on the subject, and expostulated with him on detaining the rest of the travellers, the indian chiefs reply was short but firm. "it is necessary for the sake of peru that they should be kept prisoners," he observed; "had it not been for you and the padre, they would probably have lost their lives. i can trust you if you will give me your oath not to betray what has occurred or what you suspect, but i cannot trust them. when your son is able to move, you shall proceed on your journey; but they must remain here till it is safe to set them at liberty." "i do not seek to pry into your secrets, and should be guilty of the greatest ingratitude by saying a word even to injure you or your people," said my father. "i am doubly anxious to reach cuzco, lest my family not hearing of me from thence, should become alarmed." "write a few lines to assure your family of your safety, and it shall reach them long before they could hear from you were you to write from our ancient capital. trust that to me," answered manco, and he was afterwards found as good as his word. the observations which the indian chief let fall made me suspect that some plan was forming among the indians to emancipate themselves from the spanish yoke; and when i mentioned my surmises to my father, i found that he was of the same opinion, but he warned me not to mention my thoughts to any one. "the less we know on the subject the better for us," he observed. "living under the protection of the spanish government, it might be our duty to warn them of danger, while it is equally our duty not to betray those who have trusted us." "a curious sort of protection they afford us, when they allow bands of robbers, who were near cutting our throats, to scour the country unmolested," i answered. "for my part, i think the indians would be perfectly right to emancipate themselves from the galling chains which enthral them." "but were they to make the attempt, they could not do so," said my father. "the discipline and gold of a civilised people will always in the end prevail over a half savage one, in spite of their bravery and resolution." our conversation was interrupted by the entrance of manco. no longer a hunted fugitive, he now walked with the air of a chieftain, his costume also being that of an inca noble of old. although the dress had long been disused, except on festive occasions, he had now assumed it to give him greater authority among his countrymen. we found at the huts a considerable number of women and children, some of them belonging to the indians who were with us, and some, i concluded, related to others who were absent. they were evidently collected here to be beyond the reach of the spaniards, and to avoid the flagitious repartimiento and meta, the more rigid imposition of which was about that time, i knew, causing great discontent among the people. the spaniards, long accustomed to treat the peruvians as inferior beings, destitute alike of feeling and courage, forgot that even a worm will at times turn and attempt to bite the foot that presses it. i had observed at times a larger number of persons than had accompanied us to the village; and i remarked several strangers, dressed in skins and feathers, who came and went, and again speedily returned, as if they had gone only to a short distance. i told our host that i had observed this, and inquired where the people came from. "from a place where the foot of a white man has never trod," he replied. "if you were strong and well. i might take you to it, and might show you wonders you little expect to behold, so fully do i trust; but the time may come when, free of danger, i may gratify your curiosity." i expected that he alluded to one of those ancient villages which i had heard of as existing in the heart of the mountains, and never discovered by the spaniards; where the inhabitants had continued in the enjoyment of liberty, and the laws and customs of their ancestors. i had often wished to visit one of those remnants of antiquity, and i became doubly eager to do so, on finding myself in the proximity of one of them; but manco assured me that it would be utterly impossible to conduct me there for a long time to come. we had now spent a week at the huts, and i was so far recovered as to be able to mount a horse and move about on foot with the aid of a stick; and as my father was very anxious to proceed on his journey, we agreed to start the following day. on hearing that we were about to depart, the other travellers wished to accompany us; but the indians would not hear of it, and, i observed, kept a stricter watch than usual over them. manco showed great unwillingness to part with us. "go as you desire it, my friends," he said. "you are at liberty to do as you judge best; but for your own sake, as well as mine, i would have had you remain. however, as go you must, i will send some of my people to escort you on your way; and one of them shall follow you as your servant till you return home. he will obey you in all things, but you must not blame him if he is absent during a few hours at times from you. you must pay him no wages, but you must not send him from you; and if you are asked where you found him, say in a mountain village, and that he wished to come with you to see the world." the next morning our new attendant made his appearance. he was a small, active-looking man, of a lightish rusty-red colour. his dress was much as is usually worn at the present day, consisting of loose trousers of coarse brown cloth, fastened round the waist by a girdle, and a woollen shirt of a dark blue colour. his poncho, which served as his outer garment, was of alpaca wool of the same hue as his shirt; and on his head he wore a broad-brimmed hat, while his sandals were of untanned leather, just covering his toes, and secured by a thong round the ankle. he took charge of a mule laden with our clothes and a supply of provisions. manco took an affectionate farewell of us as we were mounting our horses at the door of the hut. he pressed our hands as he said-"we may meet again, dear friends, at some future time, when the children of the sun may dare to lift up their heads in the land where their fathers ruled. till then, farewell." we found, a little farther on, a band of a hundred men, well armed with muskets and rifles, ready to escort us; and a young man of the inca family, their leader, told us that they were to accompany us to help us to cross the difficult barriers which surrounded the spot we were in, and to watch us till we reached the neighbourhood of cuzco. accustomed as i was to mountain scenery, i should not before have thought it possible for any four-footed animals to climb up the rugged precipices, over which the indians led and pushed our horses and mules. in some places they were literally hauled up with ropes, and let down again on the other side. my kind guides assisted me up and down also, though i had nearly recovered my usual strength. a number of streams crossed our path, adding not a little to its difficulties. our animals were generally driven into the water and compelled to swim across, being then hauled up on the other side. we passed by means of a curious kind of bridge called a huano. it was formed of a thick rope, which is carried by means of a lighter line across the chasm. the lighter line was carried across by some powerful swimmer, or by a man holding on to the mane of one of the horses or mules. on the rope ran a roller, to which was fastened a piece of wood, and to the wood the passenger was secured; the transit was made more easy by two light lines, by which the piece of wood was drawn from side to side. several of the indians went first across. i watched them in their dizzy transit, and i thought, if the rope breaks, what will become of them? when it came to my turn to cross, i held my head as high as i could, and crossed my legs over the thick rope, which i grasped with my hands. i did not dare to turn to look into the deep gulf below; for strong as my nerves were, i felt that if i did, i should have let go my hold. i was not sorry to find my head knocking against the shrubs and rocks on the opposite side. my father followed me; and then the whole body, one by one, passed over. having got into rather less intricate country, the captain of our escort told us that from this place forward we must no longer remain in company, though he had orders from his chief to watch us till all probability of danger was past. accordingly, my father and i, and our new indian servant, prepared to proceed alone. we were still several days' journey from cuzco. we slept as before at those most wretched of all inns the indian tambos, though wherever we stopped we could not help remarking that we were treated with more than usual kindness and respect, which we suspected was owing to our being under the special protection of their chief. that also we were not deserted by our guardians, we had reason to know. on more than one occasion i had observed one or two figures hovering on the brow of some hill, or appearing from behind trees, bushes, or rocks. i perceived once one of them started up close to us. i pointed him out to our attendant, who had likewise seen him. with a significant look he answered, "fear not them--they will not injure us." we encountered but few travellers, and i do not recollect any other occurrence worthy of being narrated daring our journey. chapter five. cuzco described--we are made prisoners--anxiety for those at home. "behold cuzco!" exclaimed our indian guide, as, throwing himself from his horse, he knelt in adoration of the glorious luminary, whose rays were just then throwing a mantle of gold over the crumbling walls of a mighty fortress, which protected the holy city of his ancestors, the capital of the incas. we had just reached the brow of an elevated ridge which forms one side of the fertile and extensive valley in which cuzco stands, built, like ancient rome, on a number of hills or slight rises. to the north of the city, on the summit of a lofty eminence, appeared the still dark and frowning fortress of cyclopean architecture, composed of stones of vast magnitude. when i afterwards visited it, i was surprised to find the extraordinary nicety with which, without any cement, they were joined together; and i cannot tell with what machinery the peruvians could have raised blocks so enormous to such heights, or how they could have fitted them, shaped as they are in so many various forms, with exactness so remarkable. had i believed in the existence of giants, i should have supposed that they alone could have lifted such vast masses into the positions they hold. many of the modern residences of the conquerors stand on the foundations of the ancient buildings of the peruvians, and from among them we saw towering upwards the spires and towers of the magnificent cathedral, of the convents of saint augustine and la merced, and of a number of other fine churches. we had not long to contemplate this scene of the ruins of the past and of modern splendour, as it was necessary to reach the city before dark; and the setting sun warned us that we had not much time to lose. we were questioned, when we entered, whence we had come; but before we could speak, our indian attendant stepped forward and gave an answer that satisfied the guard, and we passed on. the inn we went to was the best in the city, but it could boast of affording us little comfort, though, as we were accustomed to rough fare, that mattered little. at daybreak i was on foot, as i was anxious to see the city; and with our indian attendant as my guide, i wandered through the larger portion of it before breakfast. we reached a collection of ruined walls, composed of huge masses of rock. "on this spot," said the indian, bending reverentially towards the sun, just then rising over the walls of the city, "stood the great temple where our fathers worshipped the god in whom they trusted; away to the right, where now those convent walls appear, were the residences of the beautiful virgins of the sun; and in these fields of corn and lucerne which surround us were once laid out the magnificent gardens of the temple, filled with menageries of all the animals of our country, with aviaries of birds of many-coloured plumage, with fountains, and trees, and flowers, and ornaments of vast size, of gold and silver and precious stones, many in the form of the shrubs and plants among which they stood, and of workmanship so admirable that they seemed to vie with them in elegance and beauty. but the greedy spoiler came, and behold, stranger, what he made it! alas! this garden is but an example of the condition to which our unhappy country has been reduced." the indian was silent, and seemed lost in gloomy reflection. i, too, thought of the past; and as i did so, the magnificent temple of the sun appeared before me, with its walls resplendent with the golden ornaments which surrounded them, and its wide courts crowded with votaries in their many-coloured costumes and head-dresses and robes of feathers, eagerly watching for the rising of the luminary they worshipped. i fancied i could hear their voices, and could see the mighty mass below me, their plumes waving in the breeze as they joined the joyous shout raised by their friends above them. "yes, a day of bitter retribution will ere long arrive," exclaimed my companion. the deep, low, and concentrated tone of his voice roused me from my reveries, he appeared unconscious that he had spoken. "come, sir," he said, "we will proceed." as i walked through the streets of cuzco. i was struck with the air of antiquity which many of the buildings wore; and i could not help regretting the worse than gothic cruelty and ignorance of the spaniards, which had destroyed the numberless magnificent edifices of its former inhabitants. we spent three days in the city, and on the fourth took our departure, accompanied by ithulpo. i learned that twenty leagues only from the city commence the territories of the unsubdued indians, who will allow no stranger to enter their country. as i looked towards the distant mountains which form their bulwarks, i fancied that it must be a land full of romance and interest, and i longed to penetrate into it. i was before long to have my wish gratified, through means i little contemplated. our course was, however, now in a contrary direction, north and west, towards the sea. we had proceeded two days' journey, when, at the urgent request of ithulpo, we turned aside to rest at a town among the mountains. "it is inhabited chiefly by my people," he observed. "to-morrow they perform a ceremony, at which i wish to assist, and which you will like to behold." we ascended by a narrow and winding path among the mountains to the town, where we were lodged in the best house it possessed, and where the inhabitants vied with each other in paying us attention. the next morning, when i went out, i was surprised to see the place crowded with indians dressed in the ancient costume of the country, of which certainly the pictures i have since seen in england and france do not give at all a correct idea. they wore feather head-dresses, and their cloaks and trains were likewise trimmed with feathers; and if not quite so picturesque, were more suited to their convenience than the scanty feather kilts in which they are made to appear. having breakfasted, my father and i followed the crowd at a little distance to see what was going to occur. among them we observed, raised above their heads, a gaily ornamented litter or covered palanquin, in which sat a person richly dressed with the regal border or red fringe of the incas on his head. we learnt that he was intended to represent atahualpa. on pressed the crowd with shouts and songs towards a large square before us; there they halted, when from some buildings in which they had been concealed, appeared another party dressed in armour with guns in their hands, and one or two small pieces of cannon following them. they all wore masks, and were intended to represent spaniards. one more hideous than the rest was evidently pizarro, and by his side stood the priest vicente de yalverde. they approached the litter, and the monk addressed the inca in a long harangue. atahualpa replied, when a terrific shriek was heard; the litter was overthrown, and the inca was dragged among the spaniards. a mock combat took place, but the indians were driven back; and then arose the most melancholy cries and groans ever heard. it was no imitated grief, for to such a pitch had they worked up their imaginations, that they really fancied that their inca was again torn from them. at last they retired, and a new scene in the drama commenced. a number of spaniards came forth from the building to which they had carried off the inca, and seated themselves as if holding a council. atahualpa was next brought out. he stood, with downcast looks and hands bound, before his judges, waiting his doom. one man only pleaded his cause, the others brought forth numberless arguments for his condemnation--a good satire on those by which the real inca was judged to be worthy of death. at length one standing up, pronounced the representative atahualpa guilty, ordering him to immediate execution. no sooner were the words uttered, than there arose from the crowd such shrieks and cries, that i could scarcely believe them to be feigned. amid them the inca was led to the place of execution, already prepared, where stood a man with ferocious aspect with an axe uplifted in his hands. the axe fell, and while the cries and groans increased, as i saw a bloody head lifted up before me, i thought for an instant that the man had really been killed. i soon, however, saw that the bloody head was merely a block of wood, while a piece of cloth was thrown over the person who had represented the inca to conceal him from view. the indians, however, appeared to be as deeply affected with grief as if they had really just seen their beloved monarch slaughtered before their eyes, to such a pitch were their imaginations worked up by the scene which had been acted. had i not witnessed what i describe, i could scarcely have believed it possible; and as the cholas sang their songs of mourning, the tears streamed down their cheeks, the groans seemed to come from the hearts of the men, and every countenance wore an expression of the most profound sorrow. just at that moment i saw a man hurrying up the path which led into the village from the valley below. almost breathless with exertion, he uttered a few words to the first he met. his communication flew like lightning among the crowd. they scattered in every direction, as if a thunderbolt had fallen among them. masks were torn off and hastily concealed, dresses were changed, and the block and axe, and all the things connected with the representation, were carried away, while the people ran along the streets, and shut themselves up in their houses in evident fright. we were not long in ascertaining the cause of the commotion. as i watched the approach to the town, i caught sight of the bayonet and shako of a soldier rising above the brow of a hill. another and another followed, till about twenty men and two spanish officers formed in the square of the town. that they had come for no good purpose, was soon made manifest by their charging a small party of the indians who had neglected to escape from the square. so unexpected was the attack, that some were captured, while others were cruelly wounded before they could conceal themselves. the soldiers having thus whetted their thirst for blood, hurried from cottage to cottage, breaking open the doors and dragging out the terrified inmates. those who were found with a mask, or any portion of the ancient indian costume about them, proving that they had taken part in the forbidden representation, were without mercy shot, in spite of the entreaties and cries of their wives and children. a considerable number were also dragged from their huts and bound together with ropes, preparatory to being carried off as prisoners. we had hitherto remained concealed in the house where we had rested for the night, and which had been unvisited by the soldiers. had we been able to leave the village unobserved, we would gladly have done so to avoid contact with the troops, though we had no reason to apprehend ill-treatment from them. my father had desired ithulpo to have our horses and baggage ready to start at a moment's notice. while we remained shut up in the house, we could only judge of what was going on by the sounds we heard. the shots and cries had grown fainter, and thinking that the soldiers must have got to a distance, we considered this a good opportunity to set out. ithulpo had been watching them through a hole in the wall of an enclosure, at a little distance from the cottage within which our animals were to be kept ready. i looked cautiously out of the door of the cottage, and seeing no one near, i ran round to where ithulpo was posted. i told him that we were ready to start. "i was coming to tell you that now is our time to start," he replied. "i wish that i was certain that all the soldiers are together, for i am afraid that some may be left to guard the outlet to the village; but we must run the risk." we accordingly brought the horses round. our baggage was soon strapped on, and mounting immediately, we set off at a brisk pace, followed by the well-wishes of our host, towards the only outlet to the village. several houses were in flames, and more than one apparently dead indian met our view. a short hour had made a sad change in the peaceful village, which now looked as if it had been stormed and sacked by a cruel enemy. we had no time to stop to examine whether any of the prostrate forms we saw were still alive, so we pushed on. just, however, as we reached the top of the pathway down the mountain, a party of soldiers, with an officer at their head, appeared suddenly before us. it was impossible to escape notice, so we attempted to pass them. "stop!" cried the officer, presenting a pistol. "who are you?" "english travellers, on the road to lima," answered my father. "say rather english abettors of rebels," exclaimed the officer fiercely. "we find you in a village encouraging the ignorant people by your presence to break the law. you are our prisoners." my father pleaded in vain that we had no intention of breaking the law, or encouraging others to do so. "you may make your excuse to the government of lima," answered the officer; and he ordered us to remain where we were on pain of being shot. a number of prisoners were collected together, and we had no doubt that he had heard from one of them of our being present at the forbidden ceremony we had witnessed. the bugle now sounded the recall, and soon afterwards the rest of the soldiers returned, dragging after them a number more of wretched prisoners. they appeared to be the principal people in the village; and whether guilty or not of the crimes charged against them, they were dragged away from their homes, to undergo more suffering on their road to their place of trial than they would deserve even if proved guilty. the unhappy men were lashed together by the wrists two and two, all being likewise joined by a single stout rope; while blows and curses urged them on if they did not move fast enough to please their tyrants. had the inhabitants of the village united bravely, they might have overpowered the soldiers and rescued their friends; but terror-stricken, they were afraid to show themselves. neither my father nor i were in any way molested, but a soldier was placed on each side of us and our indian attendant, with orders to shoot us if we attempted to escape, a command they seemed very ready to obey. the word was then given to move on, and we commenced our descent of the mountain, a body of eight soldiers bringing up the rear. we addressed the officers several times to learn why we were thus treated, but the only answer the one in command deigned to make was-"you are found in communication with rebel indians, and there are suspicions against you." i thought of our having aided the escape of the indian chief manco, and feared that by some means the circumstance might have become known. if such were the case, i trembled for the safety of my dear mother and brothers and sisters. i thought of all the insults and annoyance to which they must have been subjected while our house was being searched, and my father's papers and books being examined, which i knew they would be, by the officers of justice. i did not, however, communicate my thoughts to my father, as i felt that if it suggested the same idea to him, it would cause him much pain and anxiety. i endeavoured therefore, as we rode on, to amuse him by conversation; but i am afraid i succeeded very ill. ithulpo was very gloomy and silent, evidently brooding over the wrongs his countrymen had so long endured, and were still receiving, from their oppressors. at the foot of the mountain we found another party of soldiers concealed in a wood, and guarding the horses of our escort. the whole then mounted; and as we proceeded at a more rapid rate, the captive indians were goaded on more cruelly to keep up with us. ithulpo still said not a word; but as his eyes were now and then turned towards his countrymen, i observed that looks of intelligence were exchanged between them. some shrieked with pain; others returned glances of rage at their tormentors; a few almost fainted, till stirred up again to proceed; and two, who had been wounded, actually dropped down, and as they were left in the rear, the report of musketry told what had been their fate. the fear of a similar catastrophe deterred others from giving in while they had any strength remaining to drag onwards their weary limbs. my father's kind heart was bursting with indignation and grief; but from the surly answers he received, he saw that it would be hopeless to plead for the unhappy beings. "a day of bitter retribution will come, ere long, for this tyranny," he observed. "such conduct must arouse even the most long-enduring from their apathy. even as it is, how entirely has spain failed to reap any benefit from her apparently glorious conquest of this new world! or rather, i may say, from the mode in which that conquest was conducted, it has brought on her a heavy curse instead of a blessing. since she gained america, she has gradually declined in wealth, intelligence, and power; and if i mistake not the signs of the times, these beautiful provinces will soon be wrested from her, though, alas, the seeds of misgovernment and bigotry which she planted, will take ages more to eradicate." subsequent events, as my readers know, proved the correctness of my father's observations. spain no longer holds sway over any part of the american continent; and the colonies she has planted, ever since constantly plunged in civil war and anarchy, have been far outstripped in civilisation by those peopled by the anglo-saxon race. chapter six. attempt to cross a desert--the disasters we encountered. our journey was irksome and disagreeable in the extreme. we marched on each day as long as the horses and men could move; and we rested at night, sometimes in farm-houses, or in the public _tambos_; but frequently we took shelter within the ruins of forts or other buildings, and often we were obliged to sleep on the hard ground, with our saddles for our pillows and the starlit sky above our heads. as it was the height of summer, this mattered little. we suffered, however, much from the heat in the day-time, and we were compelled frequently to dismount to lead our horses over the rugged places we had to pass. day after day the poor captives dropped through fatigue, till their numbers were much thinned; but still we pushed on. we passed through a number of indian villages, the inhabitants of which looked out from their mat doors with sad eyes on their unhappy countrymen; and we now discovered that the object of the spaniards in carrying them on was to strike terror into the hearts of the people. when governors cannot manage a people so as to gain their love, they attempt to rule them through their fears; but such a government is never of long duration, and must ultimately bring destruction on itself. we had marched for three days without finding any habitations, when i saw the officers holding consultation together, and evidently much perplexed. a halt was ordered, and inquiries made if anybody knew the road. we had lost our way. the indians had no knowledge of that part of the country, nor had any of the soldiers. i detected a gleam of intelligence in the countenance of ithulpo, which made me suspect that he could give the desired information if he chose; but when asked, he denied all knowledge of the way. we took shelter that night within the walls of a ruined village, which, from its appearance, i judged had not been inhabited since the time of the conquest, except as a temporary abode in the same manner as we used it. it must have been a place of some extent, but the greater part was concealed by trees and shrubs, and creeping plants, which had grown up among the walls. most of the buildings were of sun-dried bricks; but others, within one of which we were placed, were of masses of stone, like the fortress of cuzco. it had probably been the residence of a chief or noble. it seemed strange that the spaniards should not have known so remarkable a spot; but though they did not, i was certain that the indians were well acquainted with it. the prisoners were all driven together like a flock of sheep within one of the enclosures, and a sentry was placed over them, with orders to shoot any who might attempt to escape. after the horses had been picketed in a grassy spot close to the ruins, the soldiers lighted their fires to dress their evening meal, while the two officers sat themselves down on a fragment of stone and smoked their cigars, taking no notice of us. our horses and luggage mule had been placed with the others under a guard; so they thought, i suppose, that we should not attempt to escape. meantime my father and i sat at a little distance, watching the proceedings of our very unwelcome companions, while ithulpo stood near, casting every now and then towards them glances expressive of the most intense hatred, and a desire of vengeance. the sun was still low, but his rays yet tinged the topmost branches of the trees and the lofty ranges of mountains in the distance. the soldiers had brought skins of wine and plenty of good cheer with them; and when they had eaten, they passed the wine-skins round right merrily, the officers joining in the carouse. instead of pouring the wine into cups, they lifted the skins high above their heads, and without touching the vessel to their lips, allowed the wine to run down their throat in a gentle stream. as we were close enough to them to be easily watched, the officers, i suppose, thought that we should not attempt to move away. ithulpo had stowed a sort of knapsack he carried with some dried meat and bread, which he now produced, and it served to satisfy our appetites; but we had no wine, and our surly guards did not deign to offer us any. "do not repine, sirs, at the want," he observed. "i will show you a pure stream, the water of which, ere to-morrow's sun has set, those soldiers will value more than the finest wine their country can produce." the sun went down, and the shades of night came rapidly on, but still the spaniards continued their debauch. they had apparently forgotten us and their other prisoners; for though by the light of their fires we could clearly see them, sitting as we were under the shadow of a wall, we were no longer visible to them. ithulpo came and sat himself down beside me. "could we not manage to get away from these people?" i asked in a whisper. "not now," he answered. "the sentries would give the alarm if we attempted to take the horses, and without them we cannot move. to-morrow we shall have a better opportunity, and we may help some of my poor countrymen to escape at the same time." "why do you expect that a good opportunity to escape will occur?" i inquired. "i cannot at present reply to your question," he said. "those who now guard us will no longer be able to do so. trust to me. you will enter lima as free men, and no one will appear as a witness against you, to support the false accusation these people have made." i forbore to question him further, but there was something very mysterious in his look and manner; and at first the horrid idea occurred to me that he had by some means contrived to poison the spaniards, for otherwise i could not account for the confidence with which he pronounced his prediction. however, i endeavoured to banish the suspicion as too dreadful to be entertained. at length the commanding officer seemed to recollect that he had duties to attend to. fresh guards were set over the prisoners and the horses, wood was collected and the fires were made up, and a sentinel was posted near the spot, under shelter of a wall, which we had selected for our place of rest. ithulpo got leave to bring us our saddles and horse-trappings to serve us for beds, and he likewise brought us our portmanteaus and saddle-bags, which he placed near us. the soldiers threw themselves on the ground, and were very soon fast asleep. our sentry also, from the manner his head every now and then gave a sharp nod, was evidently very drowsy. the heat of the weather, the exertion he had undergone, and the wine he had drunk, were quite enough to account for this. i also at last fell asleep. my eyes had been closed for about a couple of hours, when i was awakened by ithulpo touching my shoulder. i sat up, and observed that he had the wine-skins emptied by the soldiers hanging on his arm. "follow me," he whispered. "we are not going to escape; but you are thirsty, and i will show you a pure spring, where you may drink your fill, and you will be better able to endure the heat of to-morrow's sun." silently following him, as he led the way among the ruins, i found that we had reached a thick and apparently impenetrable wood. without stopping, however, he went direct to a spot where the branches yielded easily to his hand. a winding path appeared before us, proceeding along which, we arrived in an open forest glade. on one side rose a high rock, which seemed part of a range of cliffs forming the side of a mountain. the murmuring sound of water met my ear, and by the faint starlight i discovered a stream gushing forth from the rock, and finding its way in a narrow rivulet through the glade. "the white man thinks that the discovery of a gold mine will bring him all the wealth he can desire; but the time has come when he would gladly exchange all the gold and silver hidden within yon mountains for one draught of that pure stream," muttered ithulpo, as i stooped my head to drink at the fountain. "drink--drink while you can," he continued in the same low tone. "it is more than wealth, it is life itself; it fertilises, it invigorates, it cleanses, it blesses. without it the world would be but a sterile desert, unfit for the habitation of man; while gold, which the white men value so much, has ever proved the curse of our country. they value it because they think it scarce, while we, who know the deep mines where in vast heaps it lies hid from their sight, place it at its true worth, below iron and copper, or even silver or tin." while ithulpo was thus speaking, he was employed in washing out and filling the skins he had brought with water. i also filled a couple of flasks with the pure fluid. we then retraced our steps by the way we had come, i assisting him in carrying the somewhat heavy burden. we reached the camp unobserved by the drowsy sentries. i was wondering what the indian intended doing with the skins, when, begging me to lie down and rest, he took up two of the skins, and crept cautiously away towards the enclosure where his countrymen were confined. after a little time he returned, and again took the path to the fountain to replenish the skins. i was afraid he would have been discovered, but he went about the work so cautiously and silently, that he altogether escaped the observation of the sentries. after he had given the prisoners all the water they required, he came back to where we were lying, and threw himself on the ground near us. the rest of the night passed quietly away; and notwithstanding the painful position in which we were placed, i slept soundly. i was aroused by the sound of a bugle, and found the soldiers getting under arms and preparing to march. our baggage was replaced by ithulpo, who i saw watched it carefully. the men mounted, the prisoners were dragged out from their resting-place, and we commenced our day's journey. an extensive plain was before us, with a few rugged and barren heights scattered over it. as we proceeded vegetation grew more and more scanty, till after we had marched scarcely half a mile, it ceased altogether. we had slept, we found, on the borders of a desert. the ground was at first composed of a mixture of rock and clay, over which the sea had evidently rolled in former ages; but as we proceeded it became more loose and broken, till it changed into a soft shifting sand, into which our horses' feet sank deep at every step they made. the poor prisoners, already worn out with their long journey, appeared scarcely able to drag on their weary limbs through it. of its extent we were unable to judge, but the commander seemed to fancy that in a short time we should reach firmer and more fertile ground, where we should find water and halt to breakfast. the sun, which rose in a cloudless sky on our right, showed that we were proceeding in the direction we wished to follow--towards the north. "forward, my men," shouted the officer. "in an hour or two we shall be out of this ill-conditioned spot, and find rest and refreshment." the soldiers lighted their cigars and urged on their horses, while they dealt their blows freely on the backs of the indians to quicken their speed. i observed a peculiar smile on the countenance of ithulpo, as the officer spoke of soon reaching a place of rest. our attendant had, i found, managed to distribute a supply of the highly prized cacao among his countrymen; and while their features wore a look of sullen indifference as they received the ill-merited blows, i remarked that they seemed to bear up against the fatigue better than they had before done. as the sun rose higher the heat increased, till it became almost insupportable. the officers spoke earnestly together for some time, and were evidently growing anxious as to the road we were taking. at length their voices grew louder and louder, as if disputing on the point, for there was very little semblance of discipline among them. then they called up several of their men one after the other, but could not gain the information they required. some of the prisoners were next brought up, but they either could not or would not say whether we were pursuing the proper course, their countenances assuming an expression of the most perfect ignorance and apathy. still we pushed on, the spaniards trying to urge their horses still faster through the heavy sand. before us rose a bright glittering haze, through which objects every now and then appeared seemingly in the far distance--hills, and trees, and rocks, and lakes, and streams of pure water; but as we advanced they vanished, and a few barren mounds and loose stones alone were found, while the supposed water was altogether a mocking deception. to the right hand and to the left, the same inhospitable desert seemed to stretch out far away; and we had already advanced so deeply into it, that the officers probably supposed that there would be as much risk in returning as in going on. on therefore we went, the soldiers having no mercy on the prisoners, whom they urged forward, whenever they attempted to slacken their pace, with the points of their swords, till the blood trickled in streams down the backs of these miserable beings. we were riding just behind the main body of the soldiers, followed by ithulpo and the baggage mules. the generous, kind heart of my father was almost bursting with indignation, as he saw this piece of cruelty. at last, as an indian more weary than the rest sunk to the ground, and a soldier was about to plunge his sword into his body, he could restrain himself no longer. "hold, wretch!" he exclaimed. "add not murder to your cruelty." the soldier, taken by surprise, did not strike the fatal blow till his horse had carried him past the fainting indian; but, balked of his prey, his anger was kindled against my father, and turning round, he made a cut at him with his sword. fortunately i carried a heavy riding-whip, with which i was able to parry the blow. the man did not attempt to repeat it, for the junior officer turning round, observed the act, and called him to order; but it showed us what we were to expect if we excited the anger of our captors. i could not withstand the despairing look the poor wretch cast on us as he thought we were about to pass him and to leave him to his fate; so throwing myself from my horse, i lifted his head from the ground. my father stopped also, and so did ithulpo. "on, on!" shouted the rear-guard of the spaniards. "on, or we will fire at you." "we will follow immediately," replied my father. "on my word of honour--on the word of an englishman." the spaniards had never known that word broken, so they allowed us to stop to help the indian. one of our baggage mules was lightly laden, and in spite of the threats of the soldiers we lifted him upon it. i had, as i mentioned, filled a small spirit-flask with water, and unseen i poured a few drops down his parched throat. this much revived him, and by urging on our animals, we were soon able to overtake the already weary horses of the spaniards. the time for breakfast had long since passed, but still no signs of a resting-place appeared. on the contrary, the sand became finer and deeper, and the dreary expanse before us seemed to lengthen out to the horizon. as the sun also rose higher in the sky, his unobstructed rays darted down with greater force upon our heads. there had been a slight breeze in the morning, blowing fresh from over the snowy summits of the cordilleras; but that had now died entirely away, and not a breath of air stirred the stagnant atmosphere. the heat at length became almost insupportable, while our eyes could scarcely bear the glare of the sun on the white glittering sand. to do the spaniards credit, they bore up bravely for a long time against the heat and thirst and fatigue which assailed them. the horses, however, which had only been scantily supplied with water the night before, began to knock up--their ears dropped, their heads hung down, and their respiration became thick and fast. ithulpo had supplied my father and me with cacao, by chewing a piece of which occasionally, we avoided any feeling of hunger; and as we also wetted our lips, when they became parched, with the water from our flasks, we did not suffer much from thirst. still the sensation of oppression and fatigue was very painful. we received too, ere long, a warning of what might be our fate, in the spectacle which met our sight. the sun had reached his meridian height, and was descending towards the waters of the pacific, and still it appeared that we had made no more progress than in the morning, when we came upon the bleached bones of several mules and horses, and by their side appeared, just rising above the sand, the skeletons of three human beings. it appeared as if they had all been struck down together by the same fiery blast. the soldiers, as we passed, turned their looks aside, without uttering a word, each one feeling that he might shortly become like those ghastly remnants of mortality. i observed that the heads of the animals were all turned towards the south, by which i judged that thus they had probably travelled over a greater distance of the burning desert than we had yet passed, so that we were yet not half over our difficulties. "those skeletons show that we are on the high road across the desert," i remarked to my father. "i am afraid not, david," he answered. "they may have lost their way, and we have stumbled on them by chance." such, i at once saw, was too likely to be the case. the gauze-like mist of which i had before spoken, now appeared to grow more dense, and to lose its transparent appearance; at the same time that the rays of the sun struck down with fiercer heat, and the atmosphere grew more stagnant and oppressive. some of the soldiers had lighted their cigars, in the hope that the fumes of tobacco would alleviate their thirst; and as the tiny jets of smoke left their mouths, they went straight up towards the sky, not a breath existing to blow them aside. suddenly, as i turned my head to the left, i saw what appeared to be a dark cloud rising from the earth. i pointed it out to my father. ithulpo had at the same time observed it. "muffle up your heads in your ponchos, and push on for the love of life," he exclaimed. "it is the sand-drift swept before a whirlwind. on! on! or it will overwhelm us!" it was indeed an object to appal the stoutest heart. on it came, like a black wall, rising higher and higher, and curling over our heads, till the sky and the sun himself were obscured. the soldiers saw it and trembled, for they knew its deadly power; whole regiments had before been buried beneath that heavy canopy. their only chance of safety, they fancied, was to gallop through it. with frantic energy they dug their spurs into the sides of their panting steeds. they no longer thought of their miserable prisoners. without a sensation of commiseration, they left them to the dreadful fate they themselves strove to escape. neither could we do anything for them: if we stopped, we also should lose our lives. as we followed the soldiers, we found the indians all huddled together, with looks of despair on their countenances, watching the approach of the sand-drift. they had no prospect of extricating themselves either; for the spaniards had not even cut the cords which bound them all together. i glanced at the black wall of sand; it was still some way off. could i leave my fellow-creatures thus to perish horribly, without an attempt to save them? no burning thirst, thanks to ithulpo's precautions, had yet dried up the sympathies of my heart. "what are you going to do, david?" asked my father, as he saw me throw myself from my horse. "to give these poor fellows a chance of life," i answered, drawing out my knife, and cutting away at their cords. "your mother and sisters, my lad, must not be forgotten," he muttered; "but stay, i will help you." as he said this he set to work to release the indians, in which we were directly joined by ithulpo; the rear-guard, as they passed by, bestowing many curses and threats of vengeance on our heads for our interference; but they were too anxious to save their own lives to prevent us. scarcely a minute was lost. "mount! mount! and ride on!" cried ithulpo. throwing our knives to the indians, we leaped on our horses, and again followed the direction we supposed the soldiers had taken. we had not proceeded many yards when the wall of sand seemed to wheel round like an extended line of infantry, and then to advance at double speed. to escape it by galloping from it was now hopeless; so we turned our horses' heads to face it. as we did so, a clear break appeared in one part. "let us make for yonder lighter spot," shouted my father. we did so. on came the dark wall; the sand swept by us, whirling round and round our heads, blinding our eyes, and filling our ears and nostrils. it was with difficulty even that we could breathe, as with each respiration our mouths became choked with the sand. i endeavoured, as well as i was able, to keep close to my father, though for a time it was only by our voices, as we shouted to each other, that we were aware of each other's position. we did our utmost to keep our horses' heads in the direction the sand-storm came from, that we might the more speedily pass through it. they breasted it bravely, though their thick-drawn breath showed the pain they suffered; but they seemed to be as well aware as ourselves of the necessity of exertion. it was with difficulty, however, that we could even keep our seats, as, with our hats pressed over our eyes, our ponchos drawn tight around us, and our bodies bent down over their necks, we encouraged them to proceed with bit and rein. we were making all the time, in reality, but little real progress, as i soon discovered; their utmost exertion being required to lift their legs out of the sand, which was rapidly collecting round us. on a sudden, a dark mass swept towards us. i know not how it was,--i believe i must have turned to my right,--i kept calling to my father as before; but oh, what horror--what agony seized my soul when he did not answer! and as i endeavoured to pierce the thick mass of sand which surrounded me, i could nowhere see him. i could not tell which way to turn. i felt lost and bewildered, and i believed that my last moment had arrived--a dreadful death was to be my lot. i did not regard myself; it was for my noble father i felt. "o that i could have died with him!" i thought. my brave horse, however, still exerted himself to save his own life and mine, when i had ceased to care what became of me, by continuing to lift his feet above the overwhelming sand-drifts. my only wish was to find my father; but so completely was i bewildered that i knew not whether to turn to the right hand or to the left. his horse might have sunk down, i thought, and then in a few moments he would for ever have been covered up from mortal sight; or, overcome with fatigue and the suffocating atmosphere, he might have fallen, and been unable to regain his steed. or happily he might have passed through the sand-drift in safety, and have been all the time suffering with anxiety for my sake. but this hope was very transient; the predominant feeling was that my father was lost, and that i was about to share his fate. i was thus giving way to despair, when i was aware of a considerable decrease in the density of the sand-laden atmosphere; the last breath of the fierce whirlwind passed by; the sun shone forth bright and clear, and i stood alone amid a sea of glittering sand. oh, with what an aching anxious heart i looked around, to see if the one object i sought was visible on that dreary white expanse! before me, there was nothing; a few mounds and rocks alone were to be seen between me and the horizon; but as i turned round just as the column of sand swept on, not thirty paces behind me, with joy such as i cannot describe, i saw my father stooping down and endeavouring to extricate his horse from the sand, which had partially covered him. i hurried towards him, and leaping to the ground, threw myself into his arms. for the moment all sensations of fatigue or thirst were forgotten in the joy of recovering him. knowing that my horse was strong, he had felt less anxiety on my account than i had on his. with some exertion we cleared away the sand, and once more got his horse upon his feet, though the poor animal appeared scarcely able to move, much less to bear a man of my father's weight. we had still one flask of water untouched. we drank a little, and with a portion of the remainder washed the mouths and nostrils of our horses, and poured a few drops down their throats, still keeping a little for any further emergency. this very much revived them; and once more mounting, we endeavoured to find our way across the desert. since the sand-drift first overtook us, scarcely as much time had elapsed as it has occupied to read the account i have given; but so dreadful were the sensations i experienced, and so intense my anxiety, that to me it appeared an age. the heat soon became almost as great as before the storm, and the atmosphere as oppressive, warning us that, though thus far preserved, we were still placed in a position of great peril. it was now that i felt the benefit of the firm reliance in the goodness of providence, which my father had ever inculcated, and which at this juncture supported him. "courage, my dear boy," he exclaimed. "god has thus far preserved us. he will still find the means of rescuing us." as he spoke, the dark wall of sand, which had been receding from us, after whirling in various directions, seemed to settle down in a line of undulating mounds in the distance; and on every side the horizon once more became entirely clear. we naturally first tried to discover any traces of the spanish cavalry; and after straining my eyes for some time, i perceived a few dark objects which seemed to be moving on towards the point which, from the position of the sun, we judged to be the north. some other objects beyond them afforded us a fair hope of being able to find our way out of this dreadful desert. i could not doubt that what i saw were the tops of some tall trees, though at such a distance that their base was not visible; indeed my father, who agreed with me that they were trees, was of opinion that they grew on ground somewhat elevated above the sandy plain. towards them, therefore, we steered our course, as the spaniards were also probably doing. our horses, we fancied, must have seen them likewise, or their instinct told them that water was to be found in the neighbourhood. we looked round in vain for ithulpo and the indians. not a sign of them could we perceive, and it would have been madness to have attempted to search for them. indeed, had we found them, we could have rendered them no assistance. i was in hopes, indeed, that ithulpo, whose horse was strong, and who i suspected knew the country better than he pretended to the spaniards, would have found some means of escaping, and of aiding his countrymen. we had, in truth, still too much to do in attempting to preserve our own lives, to allow us to think much of others. it would be assuming to be above humanity, did i not confess this. the sun was already sinking low; and should we be unable to reach the trees before dark, and be compelled to rest on the plain or wander about it all night, we could scarcely hope to survive. the ground we passed over was as smooth as if the receding tide had just left it. not the sign of a footstep of man or beast was to be seen, though here and there a slight rise showed that some harder substance had offered an impediment to the drifting sand. after toiling onwards for half an hour at a very slow pace, we came upon a horse's head just rising from the sand. he had died probably in attempting to extricate himself. several heaps showed that others--human beings, too probably--also lay beneath. they, at all events, were beyond all help. the horse i recognised, from the head-trappings, as belonging to the officer commanding the party. we were passing on, when we observed, a little on the right, a man extended on his back. a movement of his arm showed me that he was not dead, and that probably he was endeavouring to call our attention to himself. "though he is one of those who showed no pity to the poor indians, we must try what we can do for him," said my father; and we turned our horses towards him. as he saw us approach, he mustered all his strength and tried to rise. "water, water!" he muttered. "in mercy give me a drop of water!" it was the cruel officer himself. still he was a fellow-creature. we had a small portion of water in the flask. we might want it ourselves, but still we could not leave him thus to die. so i dismounted, and approached him with the flask, while my father held my horse, who showed signs of an eagerness to rush on to the oasis we had discovered. the officer, when he saw the flask, would have seized it, and drained off the whole of its contents; but i held it back, and pouring out a few drops in the cover, let them trickle down his throat. i thought of what ithulpo had said of water being of more value often than gold. truly those drops were more precious to the dying man; they had the effect of instantly reviving him. brightness came back to his glazed eyes, his voice returned, and he was able to sit up, and even to make an attempt to rise on his feet; but to do so was more than his strength would allow. "give me more water or i shall die," he said as he saw me replacing the flask in my pocket. "my rascally troopers have deserted me, to try and save their own worthless lives, and i have only you foreigners to depend on." "i cannot give you more water," i answered. "i have but a few drops left to moisten my father's and my own lips." "o leave them for me. i will give you your liberty, i will give you all i possess in the world, for that small flask of water," he exclaimed. "you will not require it, for beneath yonder trees, in the distance, you will find a fountain where you may drink your fill. have mercy, stranger, have mercy!" it was difficult to withstand the poor wretch's earnest appeal. i poured out a little more water, which he drank off at once. i then gave him a small lump of cocoa; and scraping up a heap of sand, i placed him leaning against it, so that he might feel any breath of air which might blow; promising faithfully to return to bring him to the oasis, if we were fortunate enough to reach it in safety. "but the voracious condors and the lions will come and destroy me, if i remain here during the night alone," he shrieked out. "o take me with you, generous englishman, take me with you!" to do this was utterly impossible. my horse could scarcely carry me, much less another person in addition. "come, david," said my father; "you have done your utmost for this miserable man. we risk our own lives by further delay." in spite, therefore, of the entreaties of the spaniard, i again mounted my horse. it just then occurred to me that if he had his pistols, he might defend himself against any wild beasts. on my offering to load them for him, he told me that he had thrown them away. so i gave him one of my own, with a little ammunition, that he might reload it, if required. he seized the weapon eagerly as i presented it. "then you will not stay to help me, or carry me with you!" he exclaimed fiercely as i rode off. "you will not!--then take that;" and levelling at me the pistol which i had just given, he fired. the ball just grazed my side, but did no further mischief. "the poor wretch is delirious with fear," observed my father, when he found that i was uninjured. "let us ride on." on we rode, but though we made some progress, the oasis was still in appearance as far off as when first seen. the sun was sinking rapidly-it reached the horizon--it disappeared; the short twilight changed into the obscurity of night; and the beacon by which we had hitherto directed our course was no longer to be seen. the stars, however, shone brightly forth; and i had marked one which appeared just above the clump of trees. by that we now steered, though, i had too soon strong proof, the instinct of our horses would have led them towards the oasis without our guidance. although it was night, the heat was intense; our throats were dry, our lips were parched, and we were experiencing all the terrible sensations of intolerable thirst. we had kept the remnant of the water for a last resource, in case we should not reach the fountain. i think that for nearly another hour we had ridden on, my father not having spoken a word all that time, when to my horror, without any warning, he fell heavily from his horse. his hands had let go the reins, and the animal, relieved of his burden, set off towards the oasis. i threw myself from my horse. to lift him up and to pour some water down his throat was the work of a moment. it instantly restored him to consciousness. he appeared to have suffered no injury from his fall. while i was thus engaged, my horse escaped from me and set off after his companion. so engrossed, however, was i in tending my father, that i scarcely noticed the occurrence. it was, of course, utterly hopeless to attempt to recover the animals, and thus were we two left in the middle of the desert without a prospect of escaping. o the horrors of that night! they can never be obliterated from my memory. at first i thought of attempting to reach the oasis by walking; but my father, though having sufficient strength to sit up, and, had he not lost his horse, to ride, felt himself utterly unable to accomplish the distance on foot. i had bitterly, indeed, to regret my momentary carelessness in allowing my horse to escape from me. it might have been the cause of my father's and my destruction. i have often since thought, from being for one instant only off our guard, how much misery and ruin may occur--how much wickedness and suffering may be the result! the air was still very sultry, and even the sand, on which we rested, was very hot. our last drop of water was consumed. my father did not know it, but i had given it to him. i had begun to suffer dreadfully from thirst. my throat seemed lined with a coating like the face of a file, and my lips were hard and cracked; while the skin, from the drying effects of the sun, the wind, and the sand, was peeling off my face. my father did not feel so much pain as i did; but my strength, i fancied, had in no way failed me, and i thought that, if i had kept my horse, i could easily have walked by his side till we reached the fountain we expected to find. we sat for some time without speaking. the stars were shining in undimmed brilliancy above our heads from the dark blue sky; not a breath of air was stirring, not a sound was heard. i never endured a silence so profound, so solemn, and so painful. for a time i almost fancied that i had become deaf. at length my father's voice, which sounded deep and hollow, convinced me of the contrary. "david," he said, "i must not let you, my boy, remain here to die. you may still be able during the night to reach the oasis, and the cool of the morning will bring you renewed strength. if you reach it in safety, you are certain to find our horses there, and you can return with them and the flasks full of water to me. i feel quite certain that i can hold out till then." i scarcely knew what to answer my father. though i thought that i might possibly reach the oasis, i saw the great difficulty there would be in again finding him, without any means in that vast plain of marking his position; and i felt far from confident that his strength would endure till my return. "no, father," i answered; "i cannot leave you now. i should not find you again, so that my going would not preserve you; and i will therefore stay and share your fate." i need not mention all the arguments my father used to persuade me to leave him, and how i entreated him to allow me to remain. at last he consented that i should stay with him till just before daybreak, which is in that, as in most climates, the coolest time generally of the twenty-four hours. he then proposed that i should plant my whip, with a piece of handkerchief tied to the end of it, on the top of the highest rock or piece of ground i should find near, to serve as a mark for his position, should he not by that time have sufficiently recovered his strength to set out with me. "perhaps i may be able to accompany you part of the way, and then you will have a less distance to return to look for me," he observed. as he spoke, however, i could not help remarking, with grief, that there was a hollow tone in his voice which betokened failing strength, while his words were uttered with pain and difficulty. i could too well judge of his sensations by my own; and gladly would i have given the room full of gold which the unfortunate inca, atahualpa, promised to the greedy spaniards, for a flask of water to quench the burning thirst which was consuming us. hour after hour passed away, as we sat side by side on the sand. we spoke but little; indeed i soon fell into a state of dreamy unconsciousness, which was not sleep, though at the same time i could not be said to be awake. all sorts of strange sights passed before me, and strange noises sounded in my ears, though i was sensible that they were not realities. i saw horses galloping before me, some with riders, and others wild steeds with flowing manes. troops of indians came by in their feathers and gay dresses, and soldiers marched past with colours flying and bands playing; and hunters, and dogs, and animals of every description. indeed there appeared no end to the phantom shapes which met my sight. in vain i endeavoured to arouse myself. a weight i could not throw off pressed me to the ground. i cannot more particularly describe my sensations; i only know that they were very dreadful. i was aware that my father was near me, and that i wished to preserve him from some danger; but i thought sometimes that we were at sea on a raft; at others, that we were sliding down a snowy mountain, and that, though i tried to catch some of the snow in my hand to cool my tongue, it vanished before it reached my mouth; and then i felt that we were sinking into the earth, which, as we sunk, grew hotter and hotter, till it scorched my skin, and i shrieked out with the pain. i started and lifted up my head; a pair of fierce glowing eyes met my view--a huge jaguar or tiger stood before me! we eyed each other for a moment with a fixed gaze. i was more astonished than alarmed; for owing to the state of stupor from which i had been aroused, i had not time to be aware of the peril in which we were placed. fortunately, when i lay down, i had taken my pistol from my belt, and placed it by my side, ready to grasp it at a moment's warning. my first impulse was to seize it; and while the jaguar still stood apparently considering whether he should spring upon me and carry me off to the mountains to serve him as a banquet, i lifted the weapon and fired it directly in his face. startled by so unexpected a reception, instead of springing forward, he turned round with a roar of rage and pain, and galloped off across the desert. the report of the pistol aroused my father, who could scarcely believe what had occurred. i regretted not having been able to kill the brute; for, driven to extremity as we were, we should eagerly have drunk his blood to attempt to quench our thirst. i reloaded my pistol in the expectation of his return; and grown desperate as i was, i almost hoped that he would do so, that i might have another chance of shooting him. the possibility of this served effectually to prevent me from again falling into a drowsy state, and i believe it was of essential service to me. another risk now occurred to me. though at present perfectly calm, the wind might suddenly arise, and should we fall asleep, the sand might be drifted over us, and we should certainly be suffocated. no mariner, whose ship is drifting on an unknown lee-shore, ever more earnestly wished-for daylight than i did for the appearance of dawn, though i was afraid it could but little avail my poor father. at length a faint streak appeared in the sky. it was a sign that we must attempt to proceed on our way or abandon all hope of escape. i called to my father, whose eyes were closed. "yes, my boy," he answered, "i will come;" but when he attempted to rise, i saw that his strength was not equal to the exertion. i felt also, when i tried, but little able to walk even by myself, much less to help him onward. still the effort must be made. i got myself on my feet, and raised him also. we staggered onward in the direction, i supposed, of the oasis. with a melancholy foreboding, however, i felt that at the pace we were going we should never be able to reach it. still i resolved not to give in. onward we went like two drunken men. every instant i thought we should fall to rise no more. i was certain that if i quitted my father, it would only be to die apart from him, when death would be doubly bitter. i could no longer see the star which had before guided us. either clouds had obscured it, or a mist had arisen, or my eyes were growing dim. my father was pressing more heavily on my arm. i tried to support him, but my strength was insufficient. in the attempt we both fell together. all hope abandoned me. "o god, protect my wife and children!" murmured my father. i also tried to pray, but with difficulty i could collect my thoughts for a few moments together. i lifted myself on my knees by my father's side, and raised his head from the sand. daylight was now coming on, and with anguish i saw by the expression of his features that if aid was not speedily afforded, it would be too late to preserve his life. chapter seven. hope revives--lima and its scenes and characters. as a shipwrecked seaman, on the wild rock in the middle of the ocean, anxiously scans the horizon to search for a sail in sight, so did i cast my eager gaze over the barren sandy waste, to discover if providentially any succour was at hand. the shades of night melting away before the rays of the sun, the wished-for oasis appeared in the distance; and by the marks on the sand, i could not doubt that we had been wandering away instead of approaching it. how eagerly i looked towards the spot where i believed the means of reviving our fast-failing strength could be found! as i gazed at it, it seemed to approach nearer, and tantalised me the more that i knew that i could not reach it. the sun rose slowly and majestically in the sky, and his burning rays began again to strike down upon our heads. still i kept my senses; but i felt that death must soon terminate my dear father's sufferings, and mine as well. once more i cast my glance round the horizon. i gazed steadily--i saw a dark object moving in the distance. o how earnestly i watched it! i could not be mistaken--it was approaching us. as it came on, i discerned the figure of a man on horseback. he was leading another animal with a load on his back. now he seemed to be verging off to the right hand. he might pass and not observe us. i shouted; but it was folly to fancy that my feeble voice could reach him. again he turned. i saw him dismount and stoop down on the sand. he stopped, however, but a minute, perhaps not so much, though to me it seemed an age, and he again mounted and came on. he was directing his course, i judged, for the oasis. as he came still nearer, i recognised ithulpo, and he was leading our baggage mule. i could not doubt, also, but that he was searching for us. again i tried to shout, but my voice failed me. i lifted up my hand and waved it above my head; but i could no longer stand upright, or i should have attracted his attention. he rode on. he had already passed, when he turned his head and caught sight of the handkerchief i was waving in my hand. he spurred on towards us. to spring from his horse, and to take one of the saddle-bags from the back of the mule, was the work of a moment. from the saddlebag he produced a skin of water. without speaking, he poured out a cup, from which he allowed a few drops to fall into my father's mouth. when once i felt it to my lips, i could not withdraw it till i had drained it to the bottom. the pure draught so much revived me that i could sit up and help ithulpo to tend my father. this he did with the greatest care; but human care, alas! seemed to be of little avail. he loosened his dress to admit of perfectly free circulation; he then washed his mouth, and after bathing his temples, he allowed a few more drops to trickle down his throat. this judicious treatment had, after a time, the most beneficial effect. my father languidly opened his eyes, and attempted to sit up; and i saw that his first act of consciousness was to turn them towards me with an inquiring glance. finding that i was alive, his countenance brightened; and after slowly drinking some more water, in the course of three or four minutes he revived sufficiently to propose proceeding on our way. "wait a little longer, senor," said ithulpo. "water has restored you to life, but you require food to give you strength; see, i have brought some." as he spoke, he opened a basket full of bread and dried meat, and several sorts of the most delicious and cooling fruit. there were figs and grapes and pomegranates, fragrant chirimoyas, yellow bananas, and several pine-apples; indeed many others too numerous to name. never shall i forget the exquisite delight with which i ate the first fig ithulpo handed to me. it cooled my burning thirst more than all the water i had swallowed, and served both for meat and drink. it was a large soft fig with a white pulp. i instantly put out my hand for another, and he gave me a black fig with a red pulp, which vied with the first in excellence. then he handed me a bunch of juicy grapes, but i still asked for more figs; and when i had finished as many as he thought were good for me, he tore open a chirimoya, and let me eat its snow-white juicy fruit. outside it did not look tempting, for the skin, though green, was tough and hard, and covered with black spots. the platanos or bananas were cooked; and though i could not have swallowed a piece of dry bread, i was enabled to eat some of them with much relish. altogether, never was a repast eaten with greater appetite, or, i may add, with more gratitude; for it certainly was the means of preserving my father's life as well as mine. ithulpo had taken the precaution to tether the animals, so that they could not escape; and as he sat by us, distributing the food, he informed us of what he had done after we had lost sight of him in the sand-storm. "you must know, senores," he began, "i was so busy in liberating my poor countrymen from the ropes which bound them, that i did not observe which way you were taking. i shouted after you to turn back, but you did not hear me; and then the dreadful sand-cloud came on, and it was too late. i am well acquainted with this dreadful desert, and i was aware that we were out of the right path; but i also knew where that path was; so, as soon as all the poor fellows were free, we set off towards it. they were all well able to run without the ropes, and out of sight of our tyrants. fortunately the sand-cloud wheeled round before it reached us, and we were safe. "you must know that on the previous night i had stowed away the wine-skins full of water in your portmanteaus, and i thus had enough to give a good draught to each of the men, and to my beasts also. our first care was then to get out of the desert. i knew where the ground was hard, so i led them to it, and we then could travel at a fast rate. about a league beyond where we were, there is a fountain of pure water gushing up out of a hard black rock. here we were all able to refresh ourselves; and still a little farther on, marks are to be seen, by which i could direct my companions how to escape from the desert. they quickly availed themselves of my advice, and are now on their way to hide themselves among the mountains, where there is no fear of the spaniards searching for them." "but what did you do, my friend?" i asked, stretching out my hand for another bunch of tempting grapes. "just as i was parting from them i saw a party of fruit-sellers crossing the desert, with several mules laden with fruit. i purchased some, as also some bread and baked platanos, and then set off to search for you. i knew, by the feel of the atmosphere, that there would be no more sand-storms; and hoped, it you had escaped that of yesterday, to find you. i know my way across any part of the desert blindfold, for i can tell by the smell of the sand alone where animals have before passed. as soon as it was daylight i returned to where i last had seen you. i saw where the sand-cloud had settled down, forming huge mounds, beneath which many of the spaniards, i found, lay overwhelmed. at last i fell in with the tracks of your two horses. i guessed they were yours, for i thought the spaniards would have kept together. i followed them up steadily. i came to where you had found the spanish officer, and given him a pistol with which to defend himself." "what, did he tell you so?" i asked, interrupting ithulpo. "oh no; his voice has ceased for ever," he replied, with a dark smile. "he had been dead some time, and the fowls of the air were feeding on him; but i knew him by his dress, and i recognised your pistol, which he had fired. here it is. i next reached the spot where you dismounted, and your horses had run away. i began to fear that i was too late to save you; and when following up the track of your footsteps, i saw that a number of the spanish cavalry had escaped, and had gone towards yonder clump of trees. several have fallen in the way, as the wings of the condors i could see flapping above the ground, one beyond the other, told me plainly. and now, senores, it is time to mount and proceed. two hours' riding beyond those trees will carry us free of the desert; and may you never again enter it without a proper guide." my father rode ithulpo's horse; and while i clambered upon the back of the baggage mule, he walked. it was almost as hot as on the previous day; but i kept my mouth cool by occasionally eating a grape, and sometimes one of my favourite figs; and with little suffering we drew near the oasis. "are you not afraid of falling into the hands of the spaniards, and of being accused of liberating their prisoners?" i asked. he looked up, and, smiling significantly, answered. "i tell you, senor, not one of our enemies live to bear false witness against us. i have marked among yonder trees signs not to be mistaken of their fate." i asked no further questions. we passed, as we rode along, several bodies of horses and men; and as we approached the trees, ithulpo shouting with all his might, several condors rose slowly on the wing, and a huge tiger stalked slowly away, looking round every now and then at us with an angry glance, for having disturbed him at his repast. i thought i recognised him as the monster who had paid us a visit during the night; and i have no doubt that he was the same. i can scarcely describe the dreadful scene which met our sight as we at length reached the longed-for oasis. in the centre existed a small shallow pool, filled by a stream which bubbled up through the earth. it would allow scarcely more than a dozen horses to drink therein at a time. we at once perceived what had occurred. the survivors of the cavalry had reached it in a body. some of the front ranks, both horses and men, overcome by weakness, had, in their attempt to drink, fallen in, and prevented the others from getting their mouths to it. the first lay trampled on and drowned, making the once clear pool a mass of mud and filth. the rear ranks, rushing over them, had died of raging thirst, in sight of the water which might have saved them. both men and horses were mingled in a dreadful heap, torn and mangled by the birds and beasts of prey. we crossed as rapidly as we could to the other side of the oasis, where ithulpo produced a skin full of clear water from one of the saddle-bags. "we must not disappoint our poor beasts," he observed, as he gave them to drink. just then the horse my father rode gave a neigh. it was answered from a distance; and to our no little satisfaction and astonishment, our two horses were seen trotting up towards the oasis. they had evidently been prevented taking shelter in the oasis by the presence of the tiger, but had kept in the neighbourhood, in the hopes of his taking his departure. ithulpo at once enticed them to him by the offer of water, which they drank eagerly; and having secured them, after allowing them to crop a little of the grass which grew beneath the shade of the trees, we mounted, and prepared to recommence our journey. as we left the now polluted oasis, ithulpo looked carefully round to examine the traces on the sand, and declared that of all those who had reached the spot, not one had left it. "a just vengeance has overtaken the tyrants who yesterday so cruelly ill-treated us, senores," he remarked. "i knew it would be so. we may now, without fear, proceed to lima." in two hours we reached the confines of the desert, and once more got among streams, and trees, and cultivated fields. we slept that night at an indian village, where ithulpo's influence procured us a warm reception; and after a rest of two days, we proceeded on our journey to lima. as we rode along a fine straight road, shaded by an avenue of lofty willows, peculiarly grateful in a hot climate, we at length came in sight of the steeples and domes of the far-famed city of lima, with the blue ocean on one side of us, and the interminable ranges of the snowy cordilleras reaching to the sky on the other. "what a magnificent city!" i exclaimed. "well worthy, indeed, does it appear of its great founder, the conqueror pizarro." "wait till we get within the walls before you pronounce an opinion," remarked my father. "like the deeds of the founder, it gains more admiration when observed at a distance than when examined closely. we admire pizarro when we regard alone the wonderful conquest he achieved; but when we learn the wrongs, the injustice, the misery he inflicted, the blood he spilled, and the ruin he caused, he and his companions appear monsters of iniquity, worthy of detestation rather than admiration." we entered the city by a handsome gateway, and immediately found ourselves in a long street, with low, mean, ruinous houses on either side. the houses had porches in front, and _patios_ or court-yards. the shops were small, with their goods placed on tables at the doors; there was no glass to the windows, and no display of articles of commerce. the street was badly paved, though there was a rough footway on each side. the walls of many of the houses were composed of double rows of bamboo, but some were of brick; the roofs were flat, and very few of the houses had two stories. as we rode on, however, the appearance of the place improved; and in and near the principal square i observed some fine buildings, with handsomely ornamented _facades_, and many fine churches and convents; but altogether i had to own that the outside beauty was sadly deceptive. the streets were crowded with persons of every variety of costume, and every hue of skin; from the people of northern europe, and the bright-complexioned native of biscay, to the red indian and the jet-black african. some were on horseback, and others in carriages of very clumsy and antique construction; and of the lower order, some were riding on mules and donkeys, and others were driving animals laden with ice from the mountains, skins of brandy, and fruits and provisions of every description. among this motley crowd we forced our way, till we reached the house of my father's agent, a spanish merchant, don jose torres de santillan by name, a very honest and good man. as the plan of his house was similar to that of most of the larger dwellings in lima, i will describe it. in what may be called the front of the house were two doors; one, the _azaguan_, was the chief entrance, and the other led to the coach-house. by the side of the _azaguan_ was a small room with a grated window, where the ladies of the family were fond of sitting to observe the passers-by. this building formed the street side of a spacious court-yard or _patio_, on either side of which were a number of small rooms, and on the farther side was the dwelling-house, round which ran a balcony. in it were numerous doors; the largest opened into the _sala_ or hall, which was furnished with several net hammocks, a row of chairs, and two sofas; while straw-matting covered the floor. inside of it was a smaller well-furnished room, called the _quadro_, which was the usual reception-room; and beyond it were the dining and sleeping rooms, and the nursery. they all opened into an inner court-yard, the walls of which were ornamented with fresco paintings; and part of it was laid out as a flower-garden, with a fountain in the centre. from it one door led to the kitchen, and another to the stable. the windows were mostly in the roof, as were those in pompeii and many ancient cities; indeed it was very similar to the plan of building followed in the south of spain. on hearing of our arrival, don jose hurried out and received us with the greatest attention. our animals were led off to the stables by a number of servants, and we were conducted to the _quadro_, where he instantly ordered refreshments to be brought. we begged leave in the mean time to be allowed to change our dusty dresses. on our return we found hammocks slung, in which our host invited us to rest ourselves. in a hot climate there cannot be a more luxurious couch than a net hammock, as it allows the air to circulate freely round the body in the coolest part of the room. the softly-stuffed sofa of an english or french drawing-room would be insufferable. a young negress slave then brought in a tray with cups, into which she poured out some chocolate, making it froth up till they overflowed, and then handed them round to us. cigars were next offered to us, and we smoked them till suppertime. for this meal we adjourned to the dining-room, where our host insisted on waiting on us. it was a repetition of dinner, which the family had taken according to custom at two o'clock. the wife of don jose, and her maiden sister and three daughters, pretty, palefaced, black-eyed girls, with hair like the raven's wing, were present, as were the family priest and two gentlemen, cousins of our host. we first had an insipid kind of soup, and then their principal dish, called _puchero_. it contained all sorts of meats and vegetables mixed up together--beef, pork, ham, bacon, sausage, poultry, cabbage, _yuccas camotes_ (a sort of potato), potatoes, rice, peas, _chochitas_ (grains of maize), quince, and banana. the meat was brought in on one dish and the vegetables on another, and they were afterwards mixed to suit our individual tastes. at the same time a dish of _picante_ was served. it was composed of dried meat and some pounded roots, highly seasoned with cayenne pepper, and coloured with grains of the _achote_, which gave it a brilliant vermilion tint. after the meat, a sort of pudding was brought in, consisting of a great variety of fruits stewed in water,--a dish i cannot praise; and then followed a dessert of delicious fresh fruits and sweet cakes, which were washed down by a tumbler of fresh water. such is the usual dinner of a gentleman's family in lima. a little light sweet wine was the only liquor drunk, though in compliment to the supposed taste of our countrymen, strong wine, brandy, and other spirits were placed before us. after dinner the servant brought in a piece of lighted charcoal and a tray of cigars, which the men and the elder ladies smoked with much apparent relish; but my three fair friends declined using them. i soon became perfectly intimate with these young ladies. they were troubled with no tiresome bashfulness to keep them silent, and they were full of life and spirits; so we rattled away in conversation in the most agreeable manner, till it was announced that some guests had arrived, and were waiting in the _sala_ to commence dancing. musicians appeared, and, with much spirit, boleros, fandangos, and cachuchas, and other dances, well-known in old spain, were commenced and kept up for some hours. as we were in the height of the amusement, the cathedral bell struck three slow measured sounds, the signal of the _oration_. it was repeated by the belfries of all the churches in the city. instantly, as if by magic, every movement was suspended. each one said the evening prayer in a low whisper, and then made the sign of the cross; those of most consequence turning to the persons near them, uttering the words _buenas noches_ (good night), which was repeated by all present. it is a simple but beautiful custom, and is intended to remind people of their duty to god in whatever occupation they may be engaged. it may often do good; but unless people are possessed of the true spirit of piety, custom will make them callous, and it will fail to have any beneficial effect. i have observed this custom in many other roman catholic countries. in a public place full of people of different ranks, the effect is still more curious. the lively conversation of the smart lady and the gallant cavalier is cut short, the donkey-driver with uplifted arm ceases to belabour his beast, the oath dies on the lips of the rough seaman or uncouth black, the workman drops his tool, the shopman lays down his measure, children refrain from their play, men quarrelling suspend their dispute, lazy monks engaged in their constant game of draughts neglect to make the intended move, vendors of fruit no longer utter their cries, and one and all engage in silent prayer till the bell has ceased to toll, and then in a moment the noise and bustle of active life once more goes on. when i retired to my room for the night, not a little tired with my exertion, ithulpo made his appearance. "how long, senor, may i ask, does your father purpose remaining here?" "some short time; a week or two perhaps," i replied, rather surprised at his question. he went to the door and looked cautiously out, and then, speaking almost in a whisper, as if he were afraid the walls might convey the intelligence, he said-"you have a mother and sisters and young brothers at your home in the mountains. as you love them, press your father not to remain here longer than you can help. two or three days at furthest is all you should take, and then by travelling fast we may arrive in time. my orders are to accompany you to your home; but i tell you that it shortly will no longer be a place of safety for you or those you love. more i may not say." "you have already been of infinite service to us, ithulpo; and i know that you would not, without good reason, alarm us; but cannot you tell me more particularly what sort of danger we have to apprehend?" i asked. he shook his head as he answered-"indeed, senor, i cannot; and you must caution your father not to give a hint to any one of what i have said, or the worst consequences may follow. i rely on your discretion." i promised to be cautious, and ithulpo, saying that he would call me at an early hour as i desired, left me. tired as i was, i could not for a long time go to sleep, but continued thinking of what ithulpo had told me, and trying to discover to what he alluded. i heard my father enter his room, which was next to mine, but i would not run the risk of depriving him of his night's rest by telling him of what i had heard. as my object is not only to describe my own personal adventures, but to present my readers with a picture of peru as it was at the time i speak of, i will now give a short description of lima, the capital. lima stands on the river _rimac_, from a corruption of which word its name is derived. the valley through which the river runs is called by the indians _rimac malca_, or the place of witches; from the custom they had formerly of banishing there persons accused of witchcraft. the city was founded by pizarro soon after the conquest. he there built a palace for himself, in which he was assassinated by almagro. he called his beloved lima, la ciudad de los reyes, from its being founded on the day of the epiphany. i always think of pizarro with much more satisfaction when i contemplate him engaged in the peaceful occupation of laying out the city, and superintending the labours of the workmen, than when i regard him as the blood-stained conqueror of a race who had given him no cause of offence. he laid the foundation of the city on the 8th of january 1534, and was murdered on the 26th of june 1541. besides the river rimac, which runs through the city, there are a number of small streams, which add much to the cleanliness of the streets, and serve to irrigate the gardens, and to feed the fountains and canals which adorn them. the ground on which it stands slopes towards the sea; the great square, or _plaza mayor_, near the centre, being about four hundred and eighty feet above its level. the climate is agreeable, as the heat is seldom very excessive; but as there are several marshes and swampy places in the vicinity, fevers and agues are common. in summer a canopy of clouds hangs over it, which mitigates the heat of the sun; but rain very seldom falls throughout the year. earthquakes occur nearly every year, and some have caused most devastating effects. lima is about two miles long from east to west, and a mile and a quarter broad. the streets are all straight, and about twenty-five feet wide, and there are no less than one hundred and fifty-seven _quadras_ or open spaces. it is enclosed by walls built of _adobes_, sun-dried bricks made of clay and chopped straw. these bricks are considered better calculated than stone to resist the shocks of earthquakes. the walls are about twelve feet high and ten thick at the bottom, narrowing to eight at the top, with a parapet of three feet on the outer edge. it is flanked by thirty-four bastions, and has seven gates and three posterns. on the south-east is the citadel of santa catalina, with small guns mounted on it. across the rimac is a bridge of stone with fine arches, leading to the suburb of san lazaro. this bridge is the favourite evening resort of the citizens. there are a number of churches, with handsome fronts of stone, and lofty steeples, which must be strongly built not to be overthrown by the earthquakes. lima contained about 80,000 inhabitants, of whom 20,000 were whites, and the rest negroes, indians, and various half-castes. there were sixty-three noblemen who enjoyed the title of count or marquis, and about forty who were noble without titles. the spaniards considered themselves belonging to a race of beings far above the native indians, or even the creoles; and would much more readily give their daughters in marriage to a poor countryman of their own than to a rich american-born person. the people of lima are much addicted to gambling, especially the higher orders; but public gambling-houses are not allowed. the white inhabitants have sallow complexions, with little or no colour on their cheeks. the ladies have generally interesting countenances, with good eyes and teeth, and a profusion of black hair. the walking-dress of females of all ranks is the _saya y manto_. the _saya_ consists of a petticoat of velvet, satin, or stuff, generally black or of a cinnamon tint, plaited in very small folds. it sits close to the body, and shows the shape to advantage. at the bottom it is so narrow that the wearer can only make very short steps. the skirt is ornamented with lace, fringe, spangles, or artificial flowers. the ladies of higher rank wear it of various colours, purple, pale blue, lead colour, or striped. the _manto_ is a hood of thin black silk, drawn round the waist and then carried over the head. by closing it before, they can hide the face, one eye alone being visible, or sometimes they show only half the face. a gay shawl thrown over the shoulders and appearing in front, a rosary in the hand, silk stockings, and satin shoes, complete the costume. it seems intended to serve the purpose of a domino, as the wearer can thus completely conceal her features. at the present day, however, the european costume has been generally adopted. they delight in possessing a quantity of jewellery; but they appear to be still fonder of perfumes and sweet-scented flowers, and spare no expense in procuring them. the indians who reside in lima endeavour to imitate the spanish creoles in dress and manners. they are chiefly engaged in making gold and silver lace, and other delicate gold work; while some are tailors and vendors of fruit, flowers, and vegetables. the african negroes are numerous, and, though slaves, are well treated by their masters. those of the same tribe or nation find each other out, and form a sort of club or association, called a _confradia_. they generally hold their meetings in the suburbs on a sunday afternoon. at the time i speak of, there was an old slave-woman who had lived in a family for nearly fifty years, and who was the acknowledged queen of the mandingoes. she was called mama rosa; and i remember seeing her seated at the porch of her master's house, when a number of her black subjects who were passing knelt before her, and kissing her hand in a true loyal fashion, asked her blessing. her mistress had given her a silver sceptre, and the young ladies of the family would lend her jewels, artificial flowers, and other ornaments; bedecked in which, on certain days, she would be carried off by her subjects in great state, her sceptre borne before her, to the house of the confradia, where a throne was prepared to receive her. here she held a regular court, when as much respect was shown her as to any sovereign in europe. i shall have to speak of her again. the next morning at an early hour ithulpo called me, and accompanied me through the city. on my return i took an opportunity of telling my father what i had heard. he treated the subject lightly, observing that the indians were very fanciful; at the same time, that he was anxious to return home as soon as he could arrange the affairs for which he had visited lima. however i observed the following day, either from some information he had received, or from something ithulpo had said to him, that he had begun to think more seriously of the matter, and he desired me to make preparations for our departure. while strolling out in the afternoon, i happened to pass the abode of mama rosa, the black queen of the mandingoes. a large crowd of negroes were assembled before the door, decked in all the finery they could command. they wore garments of all fashions and of every gay-coloured hue imaginable--the women with wreaths of flowers round their heads, and necklaces of coral and beads on their necks and arms. there were silk coats a century old, and round jackets, and shirts, blue, red, yellow, and white; and naval and military uniforms curiously altered to suit the taste of the wearer--not an uncommon mode of wearing trousers being round the neck instead of on the legs, with the upper part hanging down the back, and the lower on either side in front like a shawl. some acted the part of guards of honour, and others appeared as ministers of state. a select body bore a sort of _palanquin_ or litter, which they placed before the door till mama rosa descended into the street, when she was conducted with great ceremony to her seat in it. she was very old and ugly; but her subjects did not love her the less for that. her dress was resplendent with flowers and jewels, and all the ornaments she could hang about herself. a band was in attendance, the instruments of which were somewhat curious. the most important was a drum, made of a section of the trunk of a tree, with the skin of a kid drawn over one end. another was a bow, the string being of catgut, which was struck with a small cane. a third was the jaw-bone of an ass with the teeth loose in the socket, and which, when struck by the hand, made a capital rattle. if there was not much harmony in the music, there was plenty of noise, which was not a little increased by the voices of a party of singers, who frisked about before the sovereign's state carriage as she advanced. the sceptre-bearer stepped out with her majesty's insignia of office in his arms, looking back as he did so to ascertain that the queen was following. her people shouted, the palanquin-bearers moved on, the band struck up a negro sort of "god save the queen," and away they all went towards the quarters of the confradia. i followed to see the end of the ceremony. after passing through a number of narrow and somewhat dirty streets, with the houses built of bamboo and mud, we reached the palace, for so i may call it. the hall was of good size, and the walls were ornamented with what i suppose were intended for likenesses of other sable monarchs. if they were correct, i am compelled to own that the royal rosa's predecessors, both ladies and gentlemen, were a very ugly set of personages. the band played louder, and the people shouted more vehemently, as her majesty ascended the throne at the end of the hall. she seemed perfectly at home, and sat down with right royal dignity. the sceptre-bearer presented the sceptre. she seized--it in her right hand and waved it around to command silence. her ministers of state formed on either side of the throne, and doffed their cocked hats, or straw hats, or hats with three corners, or their red caps, or whatever covering adorned their heads. she then made them a speech, which i have no doubt was much more original than the queen's speech in england, but as i did not know a word of the mandingo language, i was not much the wiser for it. when it was concluded, her chancellor of the exchequer made a report of the financial condition of her kingdom, while her home secretary described the good behaviour of her subjects, and her minister for foreign affairs assured her that she was on good terms with all her neighbours. this part of the business being concluded, they squatted down about the throne, and filling their pipes with tobacco, began to smoke; while her other subjects, one by one, stepped forward, and dropping on both knees, each one gave her hand a kiss, not bashfully as if they were afraid of it, but with a hearty smack, which sounded through the hall. her ancient majesty in return bestowed a blessing on them, and told them all to behave well; and especially to be contented with their lot, if their masters and mistresses treated them kindly. after the speech, all the people shouted, and the musicians struck up a magnificent flourish with the drums, and the bows, and the jaw-bones of the asses; and if there was not much harmony, there was a great deal of enthusiasm. several slaves then stepped forward, and preferred complaints against their masters for ill-treatment. the queen listened to them attentively, and i thought seemed to judge their cases very judiciously. to some she replied, that it was through their own neglect of their duty that they had been punished. others she advised to bear their ill-treatment patiently, and to endeavour, by zeal and attention to the wishes of their masters, to soften their tempers, and to gain their good-will; but there were two or three who had been treated so barbarously and unjustly, that she promised them that the _confradia_ should make every effort to purchase their freedom. "you shall be freed," she observed; "but remember you will have to work as hard as you have ever before done, to repay the _confradia_ the money they have advanced for your emancipation." these were not exactly her words, but what she said was to this effect. the serious business of the day being over, the negroes and negresses set to work to dance; and though i cannot speak much of the grace they exhibited, i never saw any human beings frisk and jump about with so much agility. who would have thought they were for the most part slaves, groaning under their chains? never did dancers enter more thoroughly into the spirit of dancing. the black beaus did not waste their time in talking or doing the amiable to their sable partners; nor did the latter seem to expect any such attention--they came to dance, and their great aim seemed to be to get through as much of it as the time would allow. as i looked on i could scarcely refrain from rushing into the sable throng, and joining them in their frisks and jumps; though i dare say, had i done so they would have considered me a very contemptible performer. at length the queen's chamberlain clapped his hands, and gave notice that the court must break up, as her majesty was desirous of retiring to attend to her duties in putting to bed the children of her mistress to whom she was nurse. the bearers of her palanquin came forward, the queen stepped into it, the sceptre-bearer marched before it, the band struck up their loudest tune, the people shouted till they were hoarse, and the procession returned in due state to old mama rosa's abode; where, like cinderella when the clock had struck twelve, she was again converted into the old negro nurse. i give but a very brief account of our return journey, which commenced the next day, just in time to avoid the ill effects of an earthquake which gave lima a fearful shaking, we being, when it took place, in the open country. for the latter part of our journey we rode on in perfect silence. ithulpo seemed as well acquainted with the road as i was. by degrees the valley opened out, and the white walls of our house became visible. with beating hearts we ascended the mountain. we reached the court-yard and leaped from our horses. well-known voices greeted us. my mother rushed out, my brothers and sisters followed. all, though becoming very anxious for our return, were well and in safety. jose had returned just before, but nothing would induce him to say what had occurred to him. he asserted that he had been left behind by us from his own wish, through illness, and that he was only just sufficiently recovered to perform the journey home. ithulpo declared his intention of remaining three or four days, till he could hear from his chief what he was to do; and of course, after the service he had rendered us, my father allowed him to act as he thought fit. i have now to describe some of the more eventful portions of my narrative. chapter eight. our house attacked and defended. my readers must endeavour to remember the description i gave of the situation of our house, at the commencement of my work. we were all seated in the same room in which the fugitive manco first appeared to us. our early dinner was just over; and though we did not indulge in the spanish custom of the _siesta_, it was a time that we generally refrained from active exertion, and employed it in reading or some sedentary occupation. i had just laid down my book, and was looking out of the window down the valley, when on the lower country beyond, an unusual glitter of something which seemed to be moving along the road attracted my eye. i watched it attentively. now the glittering object, which appeared in a long thin line, rose, and now it fell, as it wound its way over the uneven ground. at length i called my father's attention to it. as soon as he saw it, his more practised eye knew what it was. "a body of troops!" he exclaimed. "they are marching in this direction, and are probably bound across the mountain." we all now engaged in watching the advance of the soldiers, on whose bayonets the sun shining had first drawn my attention; and many were the surmises as to the reason of their coming to our remote locality. on they came, growing more and more distinct. first a dark mass appeared below the shining steel; then we perceived that it was composed of human beings, though still mingled together in a dense body. next their banners and several officers on horseback were seen; and soon we could distinguish the hats and cross belts, and the colour of the uniform of the advanced guard. they were marching as rapidly as the nature of the ground would allow. my father's military ardour was aroused at the sight. he seized his hat and rushed out to a spot beyond the walls, whence he could command a clear view both up and down the valley. i followed him, and we stood together on the knoll watching the advancing troops. what was our surprise, however, to find, that instead of proceeding along the road over the mountains, the advanced guard began to mount the path leading to the height on which our house stood! at the same instant, happening to turn my head towards the mountain, i saw descending it, at a rapid pace, a person whom i recognised as ithulpo. he rushed on, leaping from rock to rock at the risk of instant destruction. nothing served to impede his course. life and death depended on him. he had discovered the soldiers. for an instant he stopped, as if to consider whether he could reach us before they did. then on again he came as fast as before. he was almost breathless when he arrived. "call in all the people, and shut the gates and doors!" he exclaimed, panting as he spoke. "the soldiers will destroy you all without mercy if they once gain an entrance. hold out but a short hour or less, and a force will be here which will drive back our enemies to the sea." my father, astounded at what he heard, considered what was best to be done. the advanced guard was already nearly half way up the hill. if we attempted to block out the spaniards, it would at once be acknowledging ourselves guilty of some crime; but if we let them in, unless ithulpo deceived us, we might be subjected to ill-treatment. at the utmost, with the few servants and some indians who happened to be in the house, we could not hope to hold out many minutes against the formidable force now approaching. "do you hesitate?" exclaimed ithulpo vehemently. "i tell you, senor, i speak the truth. ah, there comes the army of the inca! death to the tyrants of peru." as he spoke, he pointed up the mountain, when i saw, winding among the rocks, a large body of indians. every instant others appeared, till the surrounding heights and the whole gorge, through which the road wound, was covered with them. they rushed impetuously down the mountain side, a strong body making evidently for our house. the spaniards, who had also discovered them, redoubled their efforts to climb the mountain, for the purpose, it was also very clear, of occupying the house before the indians could reach it. the indians were armed with firelocks of every sort and size, and of curious antique forms, hoarded up with jealous care by father and son for many a long year, to be ready for the days of retribution, which they hoped had now arrived. a large proportion, however, had only clubs and spears, and bows and arrows, and slings of the same description as those used by their ancestors when they first encountered the spaniards. to counterbalance in a degree their deficiency, they had a few light mountain guns, carried on the backs of mules, engines of warfare which their enemies did not suspect them of possessing. their costume also was equally a mixture of the ancient and modern. some were dressed in skins, with their hair long, and the upper part of their bodies painted in many colours. these were some of the wild tribes from a distance, who had never been subdued. others wore a sort of armour of leather or cotton, thickly padded, with shields of hides, and a profusion of feather ornaments; while most of those who carried firearms, and were from the more civilised districts, were clothed in garments of various coloured cottons, or had retained the ordinary dress of the present day. it must be understood that i learned most of these particulars afterwards, for they were still too far off for me to observe either their arms or dress. on they came with the most terrific shouts, such as i did not think them capable of uttering. it appeared as if they were giving vent to their feelings of hatred and revenge, pent up for centuries. my father stood for an instant watching the two advancing forces, and considering what course to pursue to preserve his family from the dangers of the conflict which it was evident would soon be raging around us. "into the house, david," he exclaimed; "ithulpo's advice must be followed. we will keep both parties out as long as we can." we were quickly inside the gates, and lost not a moment in calling the servants together, and in bolting and barring all the doors, and in putting up shutters to the windows. we found ithulpo in the house. he said he had been ordered by his chief to remain with as till we were in safety. my mother, whom he had warned of what was about to occur, though alarmed for the safety of her children, did not lose her presence of mind, but went round encouraging the servants to remain firm and obey their orders. ithulpo hurried here and there, directing and aiding the other men in preparing for a defence should the house be attacked. in a few minutes all the arrangements which with the means at our disposal we could hope to make, were concluded; and i had time to look out from a loophole in the side of the roof, to see how near the two parties had approached. i first turned my eyes to the eastward towards the mountains, where, to my surprise, i found that the indians, instead of rushing on at once to meet their enemies, had drawn up in battle array, quietly watching their advance. had they come on at once, their numbers alone, it appeared to me, would have overwhelmed the spaniards. they held a position, however, from which it would, i saw, be impossible to dislodge them, and effectually blocked up the passage across the mountain. their appearance was very picturesque, from the variety of their costumes, and the numberless banners under which each cacique had mustered his followers. conspicuous among them was one which i recognised as that of the incas, once more raised to meet the hereditary foes of their race. i next looked down the valley. the advanced guard of the spaniards had just reached the brow of the hill, and would, i calculated, in three or four minutes be close to our gates. under these circumstances, an attempt to prevent them from entering the house would, of course, be considered an act of open defiance of the authority of the spanish government, which it would, i felt, be next to madness to make; and i therefore hurried down from my post to tell my father how matters stood. "we have but one course to pursue," he replied, when i told him what i had observed. "i will trust to your courage and judgment, david; i will stay to open our gates to the spaniards, while you take charge of your mother and the children, and conduct them down by the secret passage which leads out at the side of the mountain. she has already packed up her jewels and the most portable valuables we possess. go and prepare her to set out the moment the soldiers reach the gate. collect some torches. tell ithulpo. he will accompany you, and protect you should you fall in with any straggling parties of indians. i will endeavour to join you as soon as i can escape without being observed, which i very soon, i doubt not, shall have an opportunity of doing." "no, no, father, i will obey you in everything but that," i replied. "let me remain to receive the soldiers, while you escort my mother and brothers and sisters to a place of safety." i so earnestly argued the point, that at length my father saw that i was right; besides, as i observed, if the spaniards accused us of siding with the rebels, i was much less likely, on account of my youth, to be ill-treated by them than he would be. scarcely had he agreed to my wishes, than a loud knocking was heard at the gates. "heaven protect you, my boy!" he exclaimed, as he hurried off to conduct my mother with the children and the females of the family down the secret passage. so unexpectedly had the events i have described occurred, and so occupied had we been, that there was no time for leave-taking, scarcely even to comprehend the full extent of the danger to which we were exposed. there had been no weeping or lamentation, or any other sign of alarm; for the women, all looking up to my mother, and seeing her so fearless, seemed only anxious to follow her directions. i watched them crowding after her to the door of the passage. some carried the children, and others baskets of provisions, and light articles of value which she wished to preserve. my father led the way, and ithulpo and jose brought up the rear with a bundle of torches. as soon as they had disappeared, i ran towards the gates, calling on some of the remaining servants to assist me in opening them. before, however, i had reached the gateway, the most terrific shouts and shrieks i had ever heard assailed my ears. i at once divined the cause. the indians had at length understood the purpose of the spaniards, and had made an advance to intercept them. the soldiers were now thundering at the gates, in an attempt to force them open, with the butt-ends of their muskets. on finding this, i naturally became alarmed, lest, as i withdrew the bars while they rushed in, they would trample me down, and perhaps kill me; yet i felt that it would be cowardly to expose others to a danger i was ready to avoid if i could. i therefore called on the servants to aid me in removing some of the stout bars and withdrawing the bolts, knowing that the people outside would quickly force open the rest. "we are opening the gates, my friends," i shouted. "quick, quick!" scarcely had the bars been removed than the gates began to give way. we leaped aside into a recess of the hall, and the soldiers rushed in, uttering loud imprecations on us for having so long delayed them. had they seen us, i believe they would have knocked us on the head; but fortunately they were in too great a hurry to take possession of the house to look for us. there were in all not more than a hundred men; a small garrison for so extensive a range of buildings. the rest of the troops had, i found, advanced up the mountain, in an attempt to force the passage across it. from the strong array of indians i had seen posted there, i considered that in this they would be disappointed. the first thing the soldiers did on entering the house, was to find their way to that side facing the mountains. some stationed themselves at the windows, through the shutters of which they forced holes to admit the muzzles of their muskets; while others took up a strong position in the court-yard, whence they could annoy the advancing enemy. their hurried arrangements had scarcely been concluded, when the indians in strong force rushed to the walls, uttering the most dreadful shouts of defiance and hatred. the spaniards reserved their fire till they came close upon them. the word was given by the officer in command, and a volley was poured in upon them which proved fatal to many; yet the rest came on undauntedly to the attack. i had intended to have followed my family into the vaults, and i should have been wiser had i done so; but a strong desire to see the fight, not unnatural to one of my age and temper, kept me back; and having escaped the observation of the soldiers, i had clambered up to the roof, where, through a small window, i could see all that was going forward. it was a post i very soon found of considerable danger, for, when the indians began to fire, the bullets came rattling about my head very thick. what had become of the indian servants i could not tell; but i concluded that they had wisely betaken themselves to the vaults, or to some other place of safety. i must observe that on either side the walls of the outbuildings and gardens extended across the hill to the summit of precipitous cliffs, so that the indians could not get round to attack the house in the rear without clambering over these impediments. as, however, the line was very extended, it required great activity and vigilance on the part of the spaniards to defend it. several parties, of ten or fifteen men each, were employed in continually moving about from place to place whenever any of the enemy showed a disposition to scale the walls. the main attack of the indians was, however, directed against the house itself; indeed it was only subsequently that any attempts were made at other points. the indian chiefs showed the most undaunted bravery; and, though singled out by the spaniards for destruction, they were always in the thickest of the fight, and exposed to the hottest fire. i looked in vain for my friend manco; and at first i was afraid that he might have been killed, till it occurred to me that he was probably with the main body of the army defending the mountain pass. i must now more particularly describe the scene as i beheld it from my lofty post. i could tolerably well tell what was going on inside, from the sounds which reached my ears. there was a gate in the east wall about the centre of the house, to force which the indians in the first place directed their efforts, undaunted by the fire of the spaniards, they brought up a sort of battering-ram, composed of the roughly-shaped trunk of a newly-felled tree, slung by ropes to men's shoulders. they were led by a chief in the full war costume of the time of the incas. notwithstanding the showers of bullets flying round him, he remained unharmed, encouraging his followers by word and action to the assault. if one fell, his place was instantly supplied by another, till the battering-ram reached the gate. several thundering blows were heard above the rattle of musketry, the shouts of the assailants, and the cries of the wounded, as the engine was set to work. the gate yielded to the blows, for it was old and decayed; and the indians rushed in. several fell pierced by the pikes of the spaniards who guarded it, but many others pressed on, and the soldiers were driven back. the court-yard was soon filled, and at length the peruvians met the hereditary enemies of their race, face to face, in a struggle for life and death. the spaniards who had been left to guard the walls of the garden rallied, and attempted in a compact body to enter the house by one of the side doors; but the indians threw themselves in their way, and attacked them with a courage i scarcely expected to see exercised. they rushed in upon them, some seizing the muzzles of their muskets, while others cut at them with their axes, or pierced them with their spears. the spaniards endeavoured to preserve their discipline; but they were at length broken and separated into parties of twos and threes, surrounded by indians, who filled the entire court-yard, so that the combatants were now engaged in hand-to-hand fights, when it was evident that numbers would gain the day. i had a strange longing, as i witnessed the dreadful scene, to rush down and join the fight. my sympathies were, i own, with the indians; but still i felt if i had thrown myself among them, i might have sided with the weaker party. i did not, however, attempt to move. the very action would have called me to my senses, and reminded me of the folly of interference. a number of the spaniards had fallen, and were instantly despatched and trampled on by the infuriated indians. at last a few, by desperate efforts, again united, and fought their way up to the house; when some of the garrison, who had been anxiously watching them, made a sortie by a side door, and succeeded in keeping the enemy at bay, while the greater number, desperately wounded, retired inside. for a minute, from the rush the indians made towards the door, i thought that they had succeeded in entering at the same time, and i expected to hear the sounds of strife below me; but the soldiers drove them back, and once more shut themselves in. meantime the assault on the front of the house was going on vigorously. an attempt was made to bring the battering-ram into play; but so many of the people working it were shot, that it was allowed to drop close to the wall. it served, however, as a sort of platform, from whence some of the indians could throw their spears into the crevices of the windows, while others attempted to force them open with their clubs, and those armed with muskets continued a hot fire from the walls, and from every spot where they could find shelter. from the groans i heard from below, it was evident that many of the shots had pierced the shutters and wounded the defenders of the house. while the scenes i have described were going on in my immediate vicinity, i observed that in the distance the main body of the indians were engaged in a hot engagement with the troops who had marched towards the pass. the light artillery of the former, though of no use for distant firing, had been judiciously placed in commanding positions, and masked with breastworks of stone and earth hastily thrown up. their fire was reserved till the spaniards got close to them; then from each battery the iron shower went forth, sweeping through the ranks of the spanish troops. i could see them waver and attempt to turn back; but urged on by their officers, they again advanced. a portion attempted to storm the heights on which the cannon were posted; but thousands of indians were behind the batteries, and they were driven back with great slaughter. still the rest marched on. sometimes they were concealed from my sight, and i could only judge by the movements of the indians on the higher ground that the fight was continuing; then again a turn of the path brought them once more in view. their numbers were fast diminishing; but pride, and contempt for a race they had for so long been taught to despise, urged them forward. they fancied probably that they must prove victorious as soon as they could come into actual contact with their foes. they were now also fighting for life as well as honour; for if driven back, few would expect to escape after the reception they had already met with. every instant, however, fresh bodies of indians sprung up above and around them. on every height warriors were posted, every rock concealed an enemy. my attention was now drawn off from the more distant scene by what was going on below me. the indians having penetrated through the gardens, now entirely surrounded the house; and it required all the vigilance of those within to repel them. i could hear those below rushing about to each assailable point as their presence was most required; the officers shouted their orders, bullets rattled through the house, and the heavy blows of clubs and axes sounded on every side, while the whole house was filled with the smoke of the firearms. when, however, after some time, the indian? found that they could not gain an entrance in this manner without great loss, they retired behind the outer walls of the garden, and a comparative silence succeeded to the previous din of warfare. it was but preparatory to another more desperate attempt. from the mountain side i saw a fresh body of men advancing, who bore among them ladders roughly formed out of young fir-trees. it was evident that they intended to climb to the roof for the purpose of making an entrance through it, and dropping down upon the garrison. i foresaw that if they did so, the sacrifice of life must be very great, though they would ultimately succeed; for the spaniards could scarcely defend themselves if attacked from above as well as on every side. i now began to repent of my folly in having remained behind; but as i had hitherto been unhurt by the bullets, which were striking the roof and walls on every side of me, i fancied that i should yet escape. i tried to consider what i had best do, and came to the conclusion that it would be wiser to remain where i was. if i should be recognised by any of the indians, i had no fear of their injuring me; but in the confusion and heat of the fight i could scarcely expect to be so, and i felt that i must run all the risks of the assault if they should succeed in their object. i almost hoped that they would give up the attempt, and allow the spaniards to escape. the success, however, of the main body of their army encouraged them to persevere. as far as i could judge at that distance, the troops were completely hemmed in, and were fighting for their lives, not to advance, but to return down the mountain. should the house be taken, all hopes of their so doing would be lost, as it would leave the besiegers at liberty to descend by the path leading to it, and to cut off all those who might escape. i was not left long in doubt. by making a circuit to the left, the ladders were brought to a gable end of the house where there were no windows. the spaniards must have seen the ladders, but they had no means of attacking those destined to mount them unless by making a _sortie_; and this, with their diminished numbers, they were probably afraid of attempting. the tramp of some men on the steps leading to the roof, showed me that they were aware of what was about to take place, but they were too late. the indians had already begun to tear off the tiles, and the soldiers who appeared were received with the discharge of a dozen muskets close to their faces. many fell; the rest attempted to retreat, and were precipitated to the floor below. the indians swarmed up in numbers, and filled the whole upper story. i stood concealed in a small closet which had not been entered. just then i perceived, besides the smoke of gunpowder, a cloud of greater density ascending through the floor, and a strong smell of burning wood. "merciful heaven!" i exclaimed, "the house is on fire!" the indians discovered what was the case at the same time, and rushed down the steps. i followed the last of them. i thought if i attempted to escape by the ladders, i might be mistaken for a spaniard, and shot. the scene of fighting, bloodshed, and confusion, which met my sight below, passes all description. the combat was carried on by both sides with desperation, the chief aim of the indians being to open the gates to their friends without, and that of the spaniards to prevent them. in the confined space of the passages, the indians had somewhat the advantage with their daggers or short swords, and their axes; and they continued fighting for a minute or more, but had, notwithstanding, made little progress, when, from the secret passage i have so often described, a band of half-naked warriors burst into the house, and uttering loud yells, set upon the spaniards with the utmost fury. several of the officers had been killed or severely wounded. terror-stricken at these new opponents, the men gave way; some attempted to gain the roof, others to burst their way through the doors, though they must then have fallen into the hands of their enemies; but they had a new foe to contend with, as relentless as the former. the fire, which had been smouldering in one of the rooms, burst forth as the doors were thrown open, and, fanned by the breeze, the fierce flames crept across the walls and along the rafters and ceiling. as the impending danger was perceived, many of the combatants ceased their strife, and victors and vanquished endeavoured to preserve their lives by flight; but some, worked up to fury, fought desperately on till the flames actually caught them in their toils, and claimed them for their victims. others, with their clothes on fire, spaniards and indians mingled together, were seen rushing forth and calling on their friends for aid--on their foes for mercy. mercy the indians had never received, nor were they in a temper to grant it. as each spaniard appeared he was cut down, or was else driven back into the flames, till, as i afterwards heard, not one remained alive of all those who had lately garrisoned the house. in the meantime i had been watching an opportunity to escape. the fighting was still continuing with the greatest fury, the combatants passing before me, as alternately the spaniards forced their way forward, or were again driven back by the indians who poured into the building, while the raging flames gained possession of it; when, as the heat became so intense that i could no longer hold my post, and a space for an instant appearing clear before me, i darted forward amid the fire, the whistling bullets and the weapons of the combatants. i ran on in the hopes of reaching one of the doors at the west side of the house; but i was so blinded and stifled by the smoke, that i could scarcely see my way, or know what i was about. i fancied that i perceived before me a number of indians. they were driving at the point of their spears several soldiers back into the fire that had reached that part of the house. with fierce gestures some of them advanced towards me. i tried to cry out and explain who i was, when, before the words were spoken, i was sensible of a sharp blow, it seemed on my side. the next instant i saw axes and swords glittering above my head. i sunk to the ground, and all consciousness passed from me. chapter nine. the indian's hut--alarming news. when consciousness at length returned, a very different scene met my sight. i had an idea that something dreadful had occurred, but what it was i could not tell. my belief was, that i had been dreaming that i had witnessed a battle, that i had fallen from my horse and hurt myself, and that i had been lifted up and carried along on men's shoulders to some distant place. i had an indistinct recollection of a face full of tenderness often bending over me; but whether it were white or red i could not tell, the expression only had made any impression on me. there was, however, so great a want of clearness and reality in what i have described, that when i once more began to collect my thoughts, i was unable to determine whether or not i had been dreaming all the time, and was still half asleep. at length i opened my eyes, and discovered that i was lying under the shade of a small hut or wigwam, composed of the boughs of trees, and thatched carefully over with straw. my couch was on the ground; but it was a very soft one, for the bed was stuffed with a quantity of the fine wool of the vicunas, and covered with a delicately woven woollen stuff. the hut stood in an open space amid a forest of gigantic trees, such as a tropical clime can alone produce. beyond were dark and frowning rocks, above which rose ridges of lofty mountains, one overtopping the other, till the more distant, covered with a mantle of everlasting snow, seemed lost in the clouds. the sky overhead was of intense blue; and through it sailed, with outstretched wings, a mighty condor, carrying in his talons a kid he had snatched from the valley below to his eyrie on the summit of the rugged cliffs in the distance. i watched the majestic bird as it sailed along, forgetful of my own condition, and wondering whether any one would be able to rescue the poor animal from its impending fate. on it went, growing smaller and smaller, till it became a mere speck in the sky, and then disappeared altogether. this trifling circumstance served to arouse me, and i began to look about me with some attention. i discovered, at length, that the forest glade was not tenantless, for the part farthest removed from me was crowded with dense masses of indians, who were collected round one who, by his height, his rich dress, and noble bearing, i conjectured to be a chief, though i never recollected to have seen him before. other indians kept arriving from all sides through the forest. he stood elevated above the rest on a mound of earth under a canopy of cloth of many colours; and i observed that the _borla_, the red fringe worn only in ancient days by the proud incas, bound his brow. from this sign i could have no doubt that he was the well-known chieftain, tupac amaru, the lineal descendant of the incas, and the elder uncle of my friend manco. by the indians he had been known usually by the name of condorcanqui, and by the spanish as don jose gabriel, marquis de alcalises, a title which had been given to one of his ancestors by the king of spain. he was addressing the multitude in a harangue which, from the distance he was from me, i could not hear. the people listened with deep earnestness and silence, till some expression aroused their passions, when brandishing their weapons, their bows, their clubs and spears, they uttered shouts of approval, or wild cries of defiance and hatred to their foe. i had no doubt that i was in one of the strongholds of the indians, among the mountains on the eastern side of the andes. the inca, for so i may call him, continued speaking for an hour or more, when i again fell off into a sleep or stupor. i had discovered that i was wounded both in the head and side; and i felt dreadfully weak and ill. the sun was just gliding behind the mountains when i again opened my eyes. by my side sat a young and very beautiful woman, her large black eyes and the tinge of copper in her complexion showing that she was of indian birth. in front of the hut stood a man whose figure i thought i knew. an exclamation of surprise escaped my lips. he turned his head at the sound of my voice, and i recognised, to my joy, the chief manco. he knelt down by my side. "ah! my young friend, i rejoice to hear you speak once again," he said. "my wife and i have watched over you anxiously, for we thought with sorrow that you would never recover." i did not before know that manco had a wife. "you have been very good to me; and had it not been for her care, i must have died," i replied. "i dare say i shall now soon get well; but can you tell me anything of my parents and my brothers and sisters? is ithulpo with you?" "i can give you no tidings of them," he replied, turning away his head. "ithulpo has not come back to us, and i know not where he is." "my poor father and mother! they will think i have been killed," i ejaculated. "it will make them grieve very much." "they will trust in god and hope for the best, as you must, my friend," he observed. "but i must not let you talk, or it will bring back the fever which has been on you. nita will watch over you, for i have matters which call me away." as he spoke, his young wife handed me a cup filled with a cooling draught distilled from herbs, which i drank eagerly off. "that will do you good," he remarked. "to-morrow, if you are stronger, i will answer the questions i see you are eager to put. now, farewell!" he shook his head when he saw that i was about again to speak, and went off across the glade. i next tried to interrogate nita, speaking in the quichua language, supposing she did not understand spanish; but with a smile she signed to me not to talk. "sleep, stranger, sleep," she said in a sweet musical voice in her native tongue; "it will strengthen you to undergo the toils which are in store for you. my husband has promised to tell you more to-morrow. i must quit you if you persist in talking." seeing that she was determined not to answer any of the questions i longed to ask, i felt that it would be ungrateful not to do as she desired me, and i once more resigned myself to sleep. the next day i felt better and stronger, and my wounds were healing rapidly; but manco did not return, and nita told me that he was engaged in mustering and arming his followers. she would, however, give me no other information. i felt very sad and solitary, notwithstanding her kindness; for, whenever i could collect my thoughts, i could not help fearing that some misfortune had befallen those i best loved on earth. fortunately i slept or dozed away the greater part of the day, and this, i suspect, contributed to the rapidity of my recovery, aided by my good constitution and the pure air i breathed. at night nita sent an old woman to sit by me, who was relieved by a young lad of my own age. i expected to gain some information from the latter, for he looked very intelligent; but when i spoke to him he shook his head, and i afterwards discovered that the poor fellow was deaf and dumb. there were several huts near mine, one of which i found was occupied by nita and her husband. three days passed away, and at last, to my great joy, manco came back. he seemed in high spirits when he spoke of the prospects of his people. he told me that the indians throughout the whole of the mountain districts of peru were up in arms, and that whenever they had encountered the spaniards the latter had been defeated; though he confessed, with regret, that many atrocities had been committed by the enraged natives, and that the white inhabitants of whole villages and districts, including women and children, had been cruelly massacred, as had also the negroes and those with any white blood in their veins. i may as well here pause in my personal narrative to give a short account of the cause of the disastrous revolt of the indians of peru, from which so many thousand lives were sacrificed. i have already spoken of the systematic cruelty practised by the spaniards from their first occupation of the country, and of the dreadful effects of the _mita_ (as the parcelling out of the people among the conquerors as slaves was called, under the pretence of enabling them to learn trades and to become domestic servants, as also to make them work in the mines); but another injustice was the immediate cause of the outbreak. this was the _repartimiento_. it was a law originally made by the spanish government, authorising the _corregidores_ to distribute among the natives goods imported from europe at fixed prices, and which they were compelled to purchase whether they required them or not. consequently, all sorts of things damaged and useless were sent out from spain to peru, where they were certain of realising a profit to be obtained nowhere else. among them might be found silk stockings, satins, and velvets--razors for men who never shaved, and spectacles for those whose eyesight was excellent. i remember especially a consignment of spectacles arriving to a merchant at lima. he could nowhere dispose of them, till he bethought himself of applying to a _corregidor_ of a neighbouring district, who was his friend, to help him. the latter threw no difficulty in the way. "your goods shall be sold immediately, my friend," he replied; and forthwith he issued an order that no indian should appear at church or at festivals unless adorned with a pair of spectacles, intimating the place where they were to be sold. the poor people had to come and buy the spectacles, and to pay a very high price for them into the bargain. the spanish government, when they framed the law, had doubtless no idea that it would be thus abused; their intention being to civilise the people by the introduction of european clothing and luxuries, and in that manner to create a good market for the product of the industry of the mother country. it is one of the many examples of the folly of attempting to force the interests of commerce by unjust laws. for a time a few merchants sold their goods; but the ultimate result, independent of the bloodshed which it caused, was that the indians took a dislike to spanish manufactures, and the peruvian market was ultimately lost for ever to spain. the _repartimiento_ had lately been put in force by the _corregidores_ with even more than the usual injustice. the _corregidores_ were, i must explain, spanish municipal officers, who had very great authority in the districts they governed; and as they were the receivers of all taxes, tributes, and customs, they were able to ensure it with unsparing rapacity, which they did not fail to do in most instances. at length, after years of suffering, the indian population were thoroughly aroused, and determined to throw off the hated yoke of the tyrants. condorcanqui placed himself at their head; and before the spaniards were aware of the storm which was gathering, he had collected a large but undisciplined army. he had two sons, called andres and mariano, and a brother named diogo, all of whom assumed the title of tupac amaru, which means in the quichua language, _the highly endowed_. several others of his relations also assumed the same title, and took command of the patriots' forces in other parts of the country. the spaniards, despising the indians, and regardless of any warnings they might have received, were completely taken by surprise, and defeated in all directions. the villages in whole districts were totally destroyed, and several large towns were besieged, many of which were captured and the inhabitants put to the sword. of their first victory i had been a witness. condorcanqui had been _cacique_ of the province of tungasuca, the _corregidor_ of which was among the most exacting and rapacious of his class. for a long time the indian chief had brooded over the sufferings of his countrymen, till he resolved to avenge them. he confided his plans to a few other _caciques_ only, and to his own relatives. they prepared the people by means of faithful emissaries throughout the country; and arms and munitions of war were collected with the greatest secrecy and expedition. at an appointed day the signal of revolt was given; and the _corregidores_ in many of the provinces, whom they looked upon as their principal oppressors, were seized and executed. the _corregidor_ of tungasuca had been entertaining a party of friends and some travellers at his house. the feast was over; they had taken their _siesta_; and other guests had assembled to pass the evening with music and dancing. his wife and daughters were there, and several ladies young and lovely. the gay guitar was sounding in the hall, and happy hearts and light feet were keeping time to the music. the _corregidor_ was standing apart from the rest in earnest conversation with a stranger. "this is my farewell assembly," he observed. "i have now, thank providence, amassed a fortune sufficient for my wants; and in a few weeks' time i shall sail for my beloved spain. this country is a good one for making money, but for nothing else." "it is a fine country, though; and history tells us was once a perfect paradise," remarked the stranger. "a paradise it might have been when the fields were better cultivated and more mines were worked; but the people have chosen to die off, and those who remain are idle and lazy, and will not work," answered the _corregidor_, with a scornful laugh. "they have lately taken to care very little for religion either," observed padre diogo, the family chaplain, who now joined the speakers. "when we go among them with the saints to collect offerings, our boxes come back not a quarter full." just then a servant, pale with terror, rushed up to his master. "what is the matter?" asked the _corregidor_. "speak, fool, speak!" for the man could only utter some unintelligible sounds. "the indians! the indians!" cried the man, at length finding his voice. "the house is surrounded by thousands of them!" "impossible!" exclaimed the _corregidor_. "the slaves would not dare--" just then an unearthly cry rent the air. the music ceased, and the strangers hurried to go--the ladies clasping their partners' arms, and the children clinging to their mothers. some of the men went to the windows. what the servant had reported was too true. on each side were seen, by the beams of the pale moon, dense masses of armed savages, forming an impenetrable barrier round the house; while others kept arriving from every direction. "what means all this?" exclaimed the _corregidor_. "i will go out and order the slaves to disperse." "o stay, stay!" cried his wife, clinging to him with an air of despair, which showed her too true forebodings of evil. "they are exasperated against you, and may do you harm. let padre diogo go; he has influence with the people, and may persuade them to depart." the _corregidor_ was easily persuaded to follow his wife's counsel, for his conscience told him that the indians had just cause to hate him. one of the strangers suggested that efforts should instantly be made to barricade the house, and prepare for defending it, should the indians be assembled with any hostile intention. the _corregidor_ was about to give orders to that effect, when another loud unearthly shriek paralysed the nerves of all the inmates. "oh, go, senor padre, go! save my husband and children!" cried the terrified wife. "save us! save us!" cried the guests, now fully aware of the horrible danger that threatened them. thus urged, padre diogo prepared, with many misgivings, to go forth and appeal to the people. he looked round with a sad countenance on those he had lately seen so full of life and gaiety. "may heaven and the saints protect you, my children," he said solemnly. then taking in his hand a crucifix which hung in a little oratory near the hall, he opened the front door of the house and stepped out among the crowd. he held the sacred symbol of his faith aloft in his hand. it served as his safeguard. no one attempted to injure him; but before he could utter a word, he was surrounded and hurried away from the house. no one would listen to his prayers and entreaties. "mercy, mercy, for the unfortunates in yonder mansion!" he cried. "mercy, mercy, senor padre! did they ever show mercy to us?" exclaimed a voice from the crowd. he looked back; the indians were pouring into the house. loud agonised shrieks of women and children reached his ears. a few shots were heard, followed by the triumphant shouts of the indians. flames were seen bursting forth from the house. they burned up bright and clear in the night air. by their light he observed a man dragged along among a crowd of indians. they stopped and appeared to be busily at work. in a short time a gibbet was erected near the burning building. "you are required to shrive a dying man, senor padre," said an indian who approached him. he was led towards the engine of death. there, beneath it, he found, pale with terror, and trembling in every limb, the _corregidor_, his patron. "they tell me, my son, that i am to perform the last offices of religion for the dying," said padre diogo. "for me, padre, for me!" exclaimed the _corregidor_ in a voice of agony. "alas! it is cruel mockery. they have murdered my wife and children, my guests and servants--all, all are dead! and now they will murder me." "i will plead for you; i will try to save your life," said the padre. "but they cannot have been so cruel--they cannot have murdered those innocents!" "alas! i speak true. before my eyes they slew all i love on earth, and they only preserved me to make me endure longer suffering," said the wretched man. "you are delaying to perform your duty," cried a voice from among the crowd of indians. "mercy, mercy, for him, my children!" ejaculated the padre. "he showed us none," answered a hundred voices in return. "proceed, proceed, or he must die without shrift." the padre felt there was no hope; but he attempted to make another appeal. he was answered in the same strain. "my son, you must prepare your soul for another world," he whispered into the ear of the _corregidor_. the unhappy man saw that indeed there was no hope for him, but still he clung to life. he dared not die. at that moment all his deeds of cruelty, all his tyranny, came crowding to his memory in a light they had never before worn. of what use now was to him the wealth he had thus unjustly acquired? oh! if men would at all times and seasons remember that they must one day die, and give an account of their deeds on earth, would it not restrain them from committing acts of injustice and wrong? the _corregidor_ attempted to enumerate his misdeeds. they were too many for him to recollect. "i have offended--i have miserably offended!" he exclaimed in his agony. "god is full of mercy. he rejoices in pardoning the repentant sinner," answered the padre. but his words brought no hope to a doubting mind. he felt that his crimes were too great for pardon; though till that moment he had not considered them as crimes. the priest then proceeded to administer to him the last sacrament of the roman catholic church. he had scarcely concluded, when the indians, who had stood around in reverential silence, raised a loud clamour for the instant execution of the culprit; but padre diogo was a brave man. "my children," he cried, "you have already committed a great sin in murdering the innocents who this night have fallen by your hands. their blood will cry to heaven for vengeance. preserve this man's life, repent, and pray for mercy." a _cacique_ now stepped forward from among the crowd. "senor padre," he said, "we listen to your words with reverence, for you are a priest, and have ever proved our friend; but this man was placed in authority over us, and most cruelly did he abuse that authority. he has been tried and found guilty. as his ancestors murdered our last inca, the great atahualpa, so he must die. he has but one minute more to live. we have already shown him more mercy than he deserves." the tone, as much as the words of the speaker, convinced the padre that his penitent must die. to the last he stood by his side, whispering such words of consolation as he could offer. several indians, appointed as executioners, advanced; and in an instant the miserable man was hurried into eternity. "for this man's death, the vengeance of his countrymen will fall terribly on your heads, my children," exclaimed the padre; for the proud spirit of the spaniard was aroused within his bosom, and he did not fear what they might do to him. too truly were his words afterwards verified. no one seemed to heed what he said; and he was led away from the spot by a party of indians, in whose charge he was given by the chief tupac amaru. to his horror, he found that every man, woman, and child among the white inhabitants of the village had fallen victims to the exasperated fury of the indians. this account was given me some time afterwards by padre diogo himself; though i thought the present a proper opportunity of introducing it. i will now return to my own narrative. i rapidly recovered my strength, and in a few more days was able to leave the hut and walk about without assistance; but my anxiety for the fate of my family was in no way relieved; and though manco made all the inquiries in his power, he could afford me no consolation. i was sitting one evening in front of the hut, meditating what course to pursue, when manco came and threw himself on the ground by my side. he took my hand and looked kindly in my face; but i saw that his countenance wore an expression of deep melancholy. with a trembling voice i asked him what news he had to communicate. "bad news, bad news, my young friend," he said; and then stopped, as if afraid of proceeding. "of my parents?" i inquired, for i could not bear the agony of suspense. "speak, manco; has ithulpo not arrived?" "alas! no," he answered, sorrowfully shaking his head. "i have too certain evidence of ithulpo's death; and, faithful as he was, he would never have deserted your parents. his body has been discovered near a village which has been attacked and burned by my countrymen. there can be no doubt that they had taken refuge within it. alas that i should say it, who have received such benefits from them! the indians put to the sword every inhabitant they found there, and among them your parents must have perished." at first i was stunned with what he said, though i could not bring myself to believe the horrid tale. "i will go in search of them," i at length exclaimed. "i will find them if they are alive; or i must see their bodies, if, as you say, they have been murdered, before i can believe you. the indians, whom they always loved and pitied, could not have been guilty of such barbarity. if your countrymen have murdered their benefactors, i tell you that they are miserable worthless wretches; and the spaniards will be justified in sweeping them from the face of the earth." as i gave utterance to these exclamations, i felt my spirit maddening within me. i cared not what i said; i felt no fear for the consequences. at first, after i had spoken, a cloud came over manco's brow; but it quickly cleared away, and he regarded me with looks of deep commiseration. "should i not feel as he does, if all those i loved best on earth had been slaughtered?" he muttered to himself. "i feel for you, my friend, and most deeply grieve," he said aloud, taking my hand, which i had withdrawn, and watering it with his tears. "yet you are unjust in thus speaking of my people. they did not kill your parents knowingly. the sin rests with the spaniards, whom they desired to punish; and the innocent have perished with the guilty. sure i am that not an indian would have injured them; and had they been able to come into our camp, they would have been received with honour and reverence." i hung down my head, and my bursting heart at length found relief in tears. i was still very weak, or i believe that my feelings would have assumed a fiercer character. "i have been unjust to you, manco," i said, when i could once more give utterance to my thoughts. "i will try not to blame your countrymen for your sake; but i must leave you, to discover whether your dreadful report is true or false." he took my hand again, and pressed it within his own. it was night before i was tolerably composed; and as i threw myself on my couch within the hut, i wept bitterly as a child, till sleep came to relieve my misery. i must not dwell on the anguish i felt on waking--the utter wretchedness of the next day. i was too ill to move, though i prayed for strength to enable me to prosecute my search. strength and health came again at last; and in four days after i had heard the account given by manco, i insisted that i was able to undergo the fatigue to which i must be exposed. nothing that manco or his wife could say had power to deter me. "you will be taken by the cruel spaniards, and executed as a spy," said nita, the tears dropping from her eyes as she spoke. "no indian on whom you can rely will be able to accompany you, and you cannot find your way alone," observed manco. "besides, in these unhappy times robbers and desperadoes of every sort are ranging through the country; and if you escape other dangers, they will murder you." "my kind friends," i answered, taking both their hands, "i feel your regard for me; but i fear neither spaniards nor indians, nor robbers nor wild beasts, nor deserts nor storms, nor heat nor cold, nor hunger nor thirst. i have a holy duty to perform, and i should be unworthy of the name i bear if i shrunk from encountering the danger which may be before me." "if go you must, and i see that there is no use in attempting to dissuade you, i will give you every assistance in my power," said manco. and thus it was arranged that i was to set out on my perilous undertaking the next day but one, by which time he would be able to accompany me to the foot of the mountains, though he would not be absent long from his important duty in the patriots' army. chapter ten. my wanderings with manco--how a padre told his beads, but his beads told him nothing. the morning i was to set out arrived at last, and i bid farewell to nita and her little infant, which i kissed over and over again for its mother's sake; for my heart was full of gratitude for her kindness and compassion. manco had procured a mule for me--a small but strong animal, with great sagacity. it was very sure-footed, and could climb up the most rugged rocks, and slip down mountain precipices like a goat. it was of the greatest value to me; for, weak as i was, i could not possibly have walked a mile of my journey. we had to descend some way, and then to travel along the side of the mountain range, in order to gain the road which led across the cordilleras. i speak of the path as a road; but in many spots it was so narrow and difficult that i thought it would be impossible for any mule to get along. here and there large blocks of stone had been placed, with the intention of facilitating the ascent. my mule sprung up them with such violent jerks that i was at first almost thrown over his head; but when we had to descend, he picked his way with great caution. manco went before me with a long pole in his hand, ready to assist me if i required it. after proceeding some way, i observed a large valley spread out at our feet. it was full of people and numerous tents and huts. manco pointed to it with an expression of pride in his countenance. "there," said he, "you see the headquarters of the army which is to liberate our country from the power of the conqueror. the inca tupac amaru himself, and his two young and noble sons, are there. in a few days the whole army will be assembled, when we march upon cuzco, once more to reinstate our sovereign in the capital of his ancestors." manco's dark eyes flashed proudly as he spoke; for after the recent success of the indian arms he had no doubt of victory. i thought differently. hitherto the indians had fought among mountains, where discipline was of little avail, and their bows and slings could send their missiles with effect; or they had attacked unfortified and unprepared villages; but in the neighbourhood of cuzco they would be in an open valley, where the cavalry and artillery of the spaniards could be brought into play, and i trembled for the consequences. i was unwilling to damp manco's ardour; but i endeavoured to point out the dangers i foresaw, and urged him to persuade the chiefs not to be over-confident. we kept along the ridge of the height forming the side of the valley without descending, and i was thus able to obtain a full view of the indian army. i was surprised not only at the vast number of people collected, but at the apparent order which prevailed, and at the great state which the inca and his chief officers maintained. in the centre of the camp, amid a number of banners fluttering in the breeze, was erected a large canopy of gay-coloured cloth, beneath which was a throne, richly ornamented with gold and silver. a flight of steps led to it, along which were ranged a body of guards armed with battle-axes and spears. the inca sat on his throne, dressed in the ancient costume of his ancestors, which i have before described; and officers of various ranks kept continually coming up to receive orders. as they approached, they bowed reverentially before him, and knelt at his feet while he addressed them. i could scarcely believe that what i saw was a reality, and that i was not dreaming of the accounts i had read of the early history of the country. it did not then occur to me that much valuable time was thus lost to the indian cause in idle ceremony; and that tupac amaru would have had a better chance of success had he at once swept the country from north to south with his forces, before the spaniards had recovered from their terror and dismay at their first defeat. after stopping for a few minutes to gaze at the novel and interesting scene, we turned up a path through a ravine, and were quickly again in the solitude of the mountains. we travelled upwards for three days, sleeping at nights at the huts of indians, where we received a warm welcome from their wives, but the men were in all cases absent. we were now crossing the puna heights, as the table-lands on the upper part of the cordilleras are called. we were some fourteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. on either side arose the lofty summits of the cordilleras, covered with the ice of centuries. before us stretched out to a great extent the level heights, covered with the dull yellow puna grass, blending its tint with the greenish hue of the glaciers. it was truly a wild and desolate scene. herds of vicunas approached to gaze with wonder at us, and then turning affrighted, fled away with the swiftness of the wind. the puna stag, with stately step, advanced from his lair in the recesses of the mountains, and gazed on us with his large wondering eyes. farther off were groups of huancas, looking cautiously at us as we passed, while the rock-rabbits disported nimbly around us. i begged manco not to shoot them, for we did not require food, and i never liked killing an animal for sport. the mountain air and exercise had completely restored my strength, when on a sudden an indescribable oppression overcame me. my heart throbbed audibly, and my breathing became short and interrupted, while a weight as if of lead lay on my chest. my lips swelled and burst, blood flowed from my eyelids, and i began to lose my senses. i should have fallen from my mule had not manco lifted me off. a grey mist floated before my eyes, and i could neither see, hear, nor feel distinctly. manco sat down, and took my head in his lap; when after a time i began to recover, and i saw that he was anxiously looking at a dense mass of clouds gathering above us. "up, up, my friend, and mount if you value your life!" he said. "you are better now. a storm is about to burst, and we must face it boldly." scarcely had he spoken, when, loud peals of thunder were heard, and lightning darted from the skies. down, too, came the snow in flakes, so heavy that it was impossible to see many yards before us. "we must push on," observed manco. "we have lost much time already, and night will overtake us before we can reach the nearest village." the snow, however, fell faster, and completely concealed all signs of the path. "when the snow-storm has ceased, i shall easily find the way by the flight of the birds we are certain to see," he continued. "so, fear not. you are suffering from the keen air of the mountains, and you will quickly recover when we begin to descend to lower ground." even his sagacity was at fault, and we soon found that we had wandered from the right path. as i did not grow worse, i kept up my spirits. two or three hours passed away, and the snow ceased. it had scarcely done so, when the clouds opened, and the bright glance of the burning sun burst forth dazzlingly on the white expanse of snow before me. in a moment i felt my eyes stricken with almost total blindness. a cry of horror escaped me. i fancied that i should not recover. manco tried to console me, assuring me that i was merely suffering from the _surumpe_, a common complaint in those regions. "i ought to have guarded you against it," he said. "strangers unaccustomed to the sight of the glittering snow constantly suffer from it; but it will soon pass away." i, however, thought differently, though i was unwilling to complain to him. we went on as fast as we could; but the sun set when we were still a long way from the edge of the plain. we had with difficulty avoided several swamps, in which he had told me animals and men were sometimes lost. they are the chief dangers of that region. fortunately, he recognised a range of lofty rocks near us. "there is a cavern within them not far off, where we must rest for the night," he said. "we might have a worse lodging, for we shall there, at all events, be sheltered from the snow and wind." it was now perfectly dark; but after searching for some time, we succeeded in discovering the cavern. while he tethered my male outside, i staggered in, and, overcome with fatigue and the pain i was suffering, sunk upon the ground, a stone which lay near me serving for a pillow. i begged him to let me remain where i was, while he refreshed himself with some of the provisions we had brought with us. we had no means of striking a light: and as he could afford me no assistance beyond throwing a poncho over me, he did not interfere; but soon afterwards, stretching himself out near me, he fell asleep. having been on foot all day, he required rest as much as i did. as soon as i fell into a slumber, the smarting pain of the _surumpe_ awoke me, and i was obliged to give up all hope of sleep. how long the night seemed! my thoughts all the time were active, and i need scarcely say that they were fixed on my expedition, and means of accomplishing my object. it was towards the morning, when a dreadful turn was given to them. happening to stretch out my hand, it came in contact with a cold clammy substance. i drew it back, and an indescribable horror crept over me; but influenced by an impulse i could not control, i again put it out towards the object. it rested on the face of a human being. i was certain that i could not be mistaken. i felt the mouth, and nose, and hair; but the features were rigid and immoveable. it was that of a corpse. constitutionally fearless, under other circumstances i should have got up and removed myself from the disagreeable neighbourhood, supposing that some unfortunate traveller had like us taken shelter there, and died from cold or hunger; but weak with mental and bodily suffering, i had now no power over myself, and lay trembling with horror, not even venturing to call out to manco to break the dreadful spell which was upon me. it is impossible to describe my feelings, or the ideas which took possession of my mind. whose corpse could it be? might there not be others in the cave? i thought, if i could be said to be thinking. at last, i believe i swooned away, for most certainly i did not sleep. an exclamation from manco aroused me. daylight was streaming into the cavern, and he was sitting up and gazing towards me. in another instant he was by my side, and, with careful forethought, was endeavouring to keep my attention fixed on himself, so as to prevent me from seeing the dreadful objects in the inner part of the cavern. "manco," i said, "i have had a horrid dream. i fancied that the cavern was full of corpses." as i spoke i really thought i had been dreaming. without answering me, he lifted me up, and led me towards the open air. an impulse i could not restrain made me turn my head; and on the ground, close to where i had rested, i saw the corpse of a man. trembling in every limb, i stopped to look at it. it was that of a white man. several ghastly wounds were seen on the broad chest, and another on the head. the dress and the full black beard and moustache showed me that he was a spaniard. there were no other corpses to be seen; and as i looked at the object in the broad daylight, with the fresh breeze blowing in my face, the undefined horror i had before felt completely vanished. i felt ashamed of my previous fears, and releasing myself from his support, assured him that i had recovered my strength. the effort itself assisted to restore my nerves to their usual tension; and i was able to turn back and examine the corpse. "who can have murdered the man and placed him here?" i asked. manco shook his head. "it is a bad thing--a very bad thing!" he replied, as he examined the wounds of the man. "i fear my countrymen have done it. he must have been taken prisoner, for i find the marks of cords round his wrists, and he attempted to escape, and thus was killed; but ask no further questions. come, it is time to proceed." the little mule was safe outside, so i mounted and hastened from the spot. as i rode on, my spirits returned with the air and exercise, and my mind no longer dwelt on the events of the previous night; and the effects of the _surumpe_ also began to wear off. several rock-rabbits crossed our path, two of which manco shot; and when we came to a height which sheltered us from the wind, we halted for breakfast. having tethered the mule, we set to work to collect the dry grass and the stems of creepers growing from the clefts of the rocks for fuel. manco had with him the means of striking a light, and a fire was soon kindled, over which we cooked the rabbits and boiled some cocoa in a tin pannikin, by the aid of which, with some indian corn bread, we made a very fair meal. in an hour more we reached the edge of the _alto_, or high plain, over which we had been travelling. before us lay, deep and deeper, the dark valleys of the lower mountain regions, among which, scarcely discernible, were scattered numerous indian villages. far beyond a more level country stretched out, till it was lost in the distant line of the horizon. for several hours we descended, till we began to experience a very great change of temperature. we rested that night at a village inhabited entirely by indians. it was situated among such inaccessible rocks that they had no fear of being surprised by the spaniards. to my great grief, manco told me that he must quit me by dawn on the morrow. i of course could not be so selfish as to wish to detain him. "i have been, fortunately, able to find a trustworthy guide for you," he said. "he is a lad a year or so younger than you are, but very quick and intelligent. he is of a white complexion, though he has an indian heart, for he has been among us from his childhood. when an infant he was discovered by some of our people in a wood near a spanish village, and was brought hither by them. their idea is, that either he had been deserted by his mother, or that his parents had been murdered by robbers, who, for some reason or other, saved his life. he is called pedro. he speaks spanish well; and should you fall among the spaniards, he will be supposed to belong to their people. should you discover your parents, of which i have no hopes, give him his liberty, and he will return to us; and if you abandon the attempt, he will lead you back to us. but i will bring him to you, and he will speak for himself." on this manco left the hut where we were lodging, and soon returned, accompanied by a youth, whose clear complexion and full black eyes showed that he was descended from the race who had conquered peru. "are you willing to accompany me, pedro?" i asked in spanish. "you will probably have many dangers to encounter." he looked at me attentively for some time, as if examining my countenance to judge if he could trust me, before he answered. "yes," he at length said. "i will aid you gladly in the work you are about. i care not for dangers. god will protect me, as he has before done." i was much struck with his words and manner, and gladly accepted his services. "but i have no means of rewarding you, pedro," i remarked. "some day i may have, but the time is probably far distant." "a good action is its own reward," he answered, in an unaffected tone. "i require no reward. my chief and benefactor wishes me to go; and i desire to obey him." pedro was an unusual character. he possessed all the genius and fire of his spanish fathers, with the simple education of an indian uncontaminated by mixing with the world. the next morning he appeared habited in the dress of a spanish farmer's son, which was the character he was to assume should he be interrogated. he rode a mule similar to mine. he and i set forward together towards the west at the same time that manco started to return to the indian camp. i found that manco had supplied him amply with money to pay our expenses, when we should reach the territory inhabited by spaniards; but he told me that we should require none while we wandered among the indian villages. "i thought that all the indians were poor, and that even a chief like manco would have little or no money," i remarked. he smiled as he answered, "when men are slaves, if they are wise they conceal their wealth, lest their masters should take it from them. these mountains are full of rich mines of gold and silver, with which none but the indians are acquainted. many such exist, known only to particular families, to whom the knowledge has been handed down from father to son. perhaps manco has such a mine; but he is too wise to speak of it." i did not think it right to inquire further about the source of manco's wealth; but i was satisfied that he could spare what he had provided for me. my young guide, however, was inclined to be communicative, and he beguiled the way by a number of interesting anecdotes. "o yes," he continued; "the indians are wise to conceal their riches; for if the spaniards discovered them, they would no longer be theirs. not far from this, there lives a good padre, the curate of the parish. he is very much liked by all the indians, though he has his faults like other men. he is very kind-hearted and generous, and is ready to administer to the sick in body as well as in mind; but he is sadly addicted to gambling. he will play all day and night with anybody who will play with him, till he has lost his last real, and has often, i know, to go supperless to bed. when the indians know by his looks and his staying at home that he is in poverty, they will send him fowls and eggs, and bread and provisions of all sorts. one day he had just received his yearly stipend, when the evil spirit came upon him, and he went away to the nearest town and lost it all. he came home very miserable, and could scarcely attend to his duties. fortunately for him, an indian, whose sick child he had attended, had compassion on his grief, and told him to be comforted. the next day, as soon as it was dark, the indian came to his house, bringing a bag full of rich silver ore. the padre was very grateful; but instead of spending it wisely to supply his wants, he took it into the town, and it went the way of his stipend--into the pockets of his gambling companions. again he returned home as full of grief as before. the indian soon heard of what had happened, for he loved the padre very much; so he brought him another bag of silver. the padre's propensity was incurable, and he lost that as he had done the first. the indian's generosity was not yet worn out, and he brought him a third bag full of ore. when the padre saw it, he could scarcely believe his own senses. "`i fear that i am robbing you, my kind friend,' he said. `i shall bring you into the poverty to which i have foolishly reduced myself.' "`o no, senor padre; there is plenty more where this comes from,' returned the indian. `what i have given you is but like a drop of water in the ocean to the abundance of rich ore which there lies concealed.' "`if that be the case, my kind friend, why not show it to me?' exclaimed the padre. `i shall soon become a rich man, and will no longer think of gambling.' "after much persuasion, the indian agreed to lead the padre to the mine, on condition that he would consent to be blindfolded both going and returning. the next night they accordingly set out, the indian leading the padre by the hand. after walking for some hours, the bandage was taken from the padre's eyes, and he found himself in a spot he had never before visited. the indian set to work, and clearing away a quantity of earth and bushes, exposed to the delighted eyes of the padre a cave full of glittering masses of pure silver. "`there, senor padre, is the mine i spoke of. take as much as you can carry, and we will return speedily home,' said the indian. "the padre filled a number of bags he had brought with him under his cloak, till he could scarcely stagger onwards with the weight. while also he was collecting the treasure, avarice seized his soul, and he forgot the dictates of honour. he was then again blindfolded; and he set forward on his return in the same manner as he had come. but though he had got as much silver as would have supplied him with food and clothing for many years, he wanted more. he contrived, therefore, as he thought unperceived, to break the string of his rosary, and as he returned he dropped one bead, then another, hoping thus to trace his way by means of them back to the mine. at last he reached home, congratulating himself on his cleverness. of what use, he thought, is all that silver to the indians? they are not the better for it, but i shall know how to spend it. he was eager to set out the next morning, when just as he was leaving his house, the indian stepped in at his door. "`ah, senor padre, i am come to see how you are after your long walk,' said the indian, smiling. "`very well, my son--very well, thank the saints,' answered the padre. `i am just going out to take another.' "`i hope it may be a pleasant one, senor padre,' observed the indian. `but i forgot--i came to return you your rosary, which you dropped last night.' "and to the dismay of the padre, the indian gave him all the beads which he had carefully collected. the padre had nothing to say for himself; but the indian did not utter any other rebuke, though he never again offered to bring him any more silver ore." "i think the indian behaved very well; but i can find no excuse for the padre," i remarked. with similar stories, which he told with far more spirit than i have at this distance of time been able to give to them, pedro endeavoured to divert my mind from dwelling on the thoughts which he saw oppressed it. he certainly succeeded better than i could have expected. our road led us over a lofty height, at the summit of which we halted to rest ourselves and our mules. as we were sitting on the ground, and employed in eating our dinner, we observed a large condor high above us in the air. he approached us with outstretched wings, and at first i thought that he had been attracted by the provisions we carried, and that he was about to attack us. i cocked a gun manco had given me, and prepared to shoot him should he come near us; but he passed beyond us, and presently he pounced down on the ground at some distance off. instead, however, of his rising again with his prey in his talons as we expected, we saw him violently flapping his wings; and, to our great surprise, directly afterwards he was surrounded by a number of indians, who began to strike him about the head with sticks to keep him quiet. our curiosity induced us to run as fast as we could towards the spot, when we found that the condor had been caught in a trap laid on purpose for him. a hole had been dug in the ground, over which had been spread a fresh cowhide, with parts of the flesh still adhering to it. underneath this an indian had concealed himself with a rope in his hand. the condor, attracted by the smell of the flesh, had darted down on the hide, when the indian below had firmly bound his claws together, and held on with all his might, the cowhide protecting him from the attacks of the bird's beak. the other indians had been concealed near the spot to help their companion. they quickly secured the monster bird, and prepared to carry him off in triumph to their village. at first when we appeared, they looked suspiciously at us; but after pedro had spoken to them, their looks brightened up, and they invited us to accompany them to their dwellings, which were on the other side of the height. we gladly accepted their invitations, for they lived near the road we wished to pursue. i have so often spoken of the wretchedness of indian huts, and of the coarseness of the food, that i need not describe them. they were no exceptions to the general rule. the scene before them was wild and dreary. at some distance off appeared a mass of long rushes, beyond which extended a sheet of water, the opposite shore of which was scarcely visible. numerous flocks of waterfowl were hovering over the marshy banks of this lake, which i found was of very considerable extent, though inferior to that of titicaca, the largest in south america. pedro and i were sitting round a fire in the hut with our indian hosts, before retiring to rest, when a loud moaning noise was heard in the distance. the indians regarded each other with terrified looks. "what can cause that noise?" i inquired of pedro. he shook his head, and turned to one of the indians. "it forebodes evil to the herdsmen," answered the man. "in yonder lake, which is so profound that no plummet has ever reached the bottom, there dwell huge monsters, neither beasts nor fish. no man has ever seen one near; but at night, when the moon is shining, they have been descried at a distance, prowling about in search of prey. when that noise is heard, which has just sounded in our ears, it is a sign that they have attacked some of the cattle feeding in the surrounding pastures; and to-morrow morning there is no doubt several will be found missing." "but cannot the monsters be caught or killed?" i asked. "surely it is foolish in the herdsmen to allow the cattle to be killed with impunity." "who would venture to do it?" exclaimed the indian with a look of horror. "besides, i told you, senor, that no one has seen them near enough to observe their form; and sure i am that neither stones cast from slings, nor arrows shot from bows, nor bullets from guns, would pierce their hides." "i should like to encounter one of these monsters," i replied. "a ball from a good rifle would soon enable me to judge what they are like." "may heaven protect you from such an adventure!" answered the indian. "if i ever return here, we will see." i said this because i very much doubted the existence of the monsters he spoke of, and suspected that the moanings we heard arose most probably from some of the cattle which had sunk into the marshes near the lake, and were unable to extricate themselves. in every part of the world where i have since been, i have heard similar legends, and have in most instances been able to discover a very probable explanation of the mystery. the rays of the sun were shining on the waters of the lake as we passed one end of it the next morning, and it now wore a far more cheerful aspect than it had done on the previous evening. the two next days of our journey were one continual descent, and we were now approaching the ruined village, near which the body of the faithful ithulpo was said to have been discovered, and in which i supposed my parents had taken refuge. i could no longer attend to any of pedro's remarks, but rode on sadly and moodily, dreading to find the truth of the dreadful report i had heard, confirmed, yet not daring to believe in its possibility. it was now necessary to proceed with great caution, for we were in a part of the country which had been inhabited chiefly by spaniards; but we found that they had all fled or been destroyed, and the blackened ruins of farm-houses and hamlets met our sight every league we proceeded. here and there we encountered an indian, of whom pedro made inquiries; but from no one could we obtain information to guide us. chapter eleven. dreadful surmises--taken prisoners by indians. we were passing over a somewhat level country, when pedro pointed to a line of blackened walls and charred timbers in the distance. "yonder is the place you seek, senor," he said, in a tone of commiseration which touched my heart. "you are seeking for parents whom you have known, and their memory is dear to you. i, alas! have never known any parents to love, and my heart is vacant." i knew he wished to utter words of consolation, but i have no recollection of what more he said. my mind was too full of the work before me. i urged on my mule, for i felt an eager desire to search through the village; yet what information could i expect to find in those deserted ruins? as we approached, we saw a wretched half-starved dog skulking among the walls. he looked at us to see if we were friends whom he knew, and then fled away. not a human being was to be seen. we passed through the desolate streets. some of the walls had been cast down, and the roofs of all the houses had been burned and fallen in. the church only was standing; but the doors were open, and the interior presented a scene of horror which baffles description. numbers of the unfortunate inhabitants had fled there as their last place of refuge, but it had proved no sanctuary to them. in every part of the building, on the steps of the altar, and by the altar itself, were seen heaped together the mangled remnants of the forms of human beings. their dresses showed that they were those of men, women, and children; but weeks had now passed since they were slain, and their bones alone remained. the beasts and even the birds of prey had been there, or it would have been impossible to enter into that charnel-house. pale and trembling i wandered through it, scarcely able to draw breath from the foul air which filled the place; but no sign of those i sought could i find. at length i staggered out again into the open air, where pedro, who was holding our mules, waited for me. i determined next to search each of the houses separately. as we were wandering through one of them, an object met my sight which riveted my attention. it was a silk handkerchief. with a trembling hand i picked it up. it was exactly such a one as i remembered to have seen my sister lilly wear round her neck. it was of an ordinary sort; a little three-cornered handkerchief with a pink fringe. there might be many such in the country. this might have been the property of some spanish girl or young chola, for there was no mark on it to distinguish it; but still, as i looked at it, i felt almost confident that it had been my sister's. how it had escaped being burned or trampled on i could not tell. perhaps it had been dropped near one of the outside walls, which the fire did not reach, and had been blown by the wind into the corner of the room, where i found it. pedro was of the same opinion. i placed it carefully in my bosom, though how it could prove of use i could not tell. we searched and searched in vain through every other house in the village; but no other trace or sign which i could recognise could we find. the whole day was thus spent, and night almost surprised us while we were still in the ruins. near the village was a meadow, where pedro had led our mules to feed; and we had, besides, found some indian corn, which we had given them; so they were in good condition to proceed. but after the example of the state of the country we had seen, it was impossible to say where we could hope to find shelter for ourselves. i asked pedro if he would object to remain in the ruins all night. "oh, may the good saints defend us from such a thing!" he answered with a look of dismay. "after the sights we have seen, how can you think of doing so, senor?" "the dead cannot hurt us, you know; and we can easily fortify ourselves against any attack of wild beasts," i answered. "we will shut our mules up in a room of one of the houses where no people have been killed; and we can sleep in a room next to them. we shall find plenty of timber to barricade ourselves in, and they will give us good warning if any wild beast comes near to attempt an entrance." for a long time pedro was not convinced of the wisdom of my proposal; or rather, his dislike to the idea of remaining prevented him from being so. his objections were very natural; and i own that had i not been desirous of making a further search in the neighbourhood the following morning, i would myself have much rather proceeded, if there had been sufficient daylight to enable us to find another resting-place. this was, however, now totally out of the question; so pedro was obliged to accede to my wishes. i fixed upon a house on the outskirts of the village, which had, it appeared, been the residence of a person of superior wealth and rank. some of the rooms had been but little injured. one of them i selected as our abode for the night, and an adjoining one as a stable for our mules. having collected some food for our trusty little animals, we brought them inside the house. we first cleared away the rubbish out of the rooms, and then placed against the doorway some timbers and planks, which we tore up from the floors, so as effectually to prevent the ingress of any wild beasts. by the time we had thus fortified ourselves it had become perfectly dark; and i must own that a feeling such as i had never before experienced, crept over me, as i thus found myself shut up with my young companion in that abode of the dead. i knew that i must arouse myself, or it would master me completely. "come, pedro," said i, "we must now light a fire. it will serve to cheer our spirits, and to keep us warm, for i feel the evening chilly." the floor of the room we were in was composed of bricks, so that we could make our fire in the middle of it; and as there was no roof, we had no fear of being incommoded by the smoke. from among the rubbish i managed to pick out several smaller bits of timber, which had escaped being totally consumed, and some of the dry grass we had collected for our mules served as lighter fuel to kindle a flame. having thus collected sufficient materials, we piled some of them up in the middle of the room, and kept the rest in a corner, to feed our fire as it required. a flame was soon kindled; and as it burned up brightly, it contributed very much to banish the feelings which had before oppressed me, aided, i suspect, by the exertions which it had been necessary to make to collect the fuel. i have always found that exertion both of mind and body is the best, i may say the only, remedy for melancholy and foreboding thoughts. the light enabled us to find more fuel, which we agreed it would be requisite to husband with care, so as to make it last till sunrise. we had no wish to be again left in darkness. the light, however, served to show us more clearly the desolation of the place. the walls were bare, and not a particle of furniture had been left; for the indians had carried off from the village everything that had escaped the flames. above our heads a few charred timbers only remained of the roof, beyond which the stars were seen shining from out of the dark sky. "we might have been very much worse off," i observed to pedro, as we sat by the fire eating the provisions which we had brought with us. after supper we lay down in the cleanest spot we could find, and tried to recruit our strength by sleep. i was awoke by pedro's hand touching my shoulder. i looked up, at first scarcely able to remember where i was. he had just before thrown some chips on the fire, which made it blaze brightly. i saw that he had his fingers on his lips to enforce silence, so i did not speak; but his looks showed that something had alarmed him. i soon discovered the cause, from hearing the footsteps of several persons in the neighbourhood. i was about to inquire, in a whisper, who they could be, when i observed him glance up at the top of the wall above us. i turned my eyes in the same direction, and then i saw, by the light of the fire, the elf-like locks and red-coloured countenance of a wild indian, who was gazing down upon us. he looked as much surprised to find us there as we were to see him. "pray, friend, who are you, and what do you seek here?" asked pedro, in the quichua language. the stranger made no answer, and presently afterwards a dozen other indians sprung up to the top of the wall. they were dressed and painted as the warriors of a distant tribe, dwelling in the northern part of the country. after looking at us for an instant, they fixed their arrows in their bows, and were drawing the strings when pedro shouted out to them:-"stay your hands. we are friends of the indians, and under the protection of the inca tupac amaru." at the same time he held up a gold ring with which manco had provided him. the indians evidently supposed we were spaniards, and were accordingly about to put us to death. they did not seem inclined to alter their purpose, for they drew their arrows to the heads; and i believed that our last moments had arrived, when the name of the inca restrained them. "we will hear what account you have to give of yourselves," said the man who had at first appeared, letting himself down from the top of the wall. he was followed by the rest, and others who had climbed up; and we were soon surrounded by a large body of indians. i endeavoured to look as unconcerned and as little alarmed as possible, so i re-seated myself on the block of wood which i had before occupied. one who seemed to have authority over the rest, took a seat opposite to me, while they stood round the room pedro forthwith began to give a history of our proceedings, and the cause of our present wanderings. the chief, after some time, appeared satisfied. "we have vowed to destroy all the white men we meet," he exclaimed; "but though your skins are white, your hearts are with the indians, and we will not injure you." on hearing these words, i breathed more freely; for i had my misgivings that the indians would not believe pedro, and would torture us before they put us to death, as they had lately too often treated their white captives. we soon became on very friendly terms. the chief told pedro that he and his followers belonged to the very war party which had destroyed the village; that they had swept the country for some way farther to the north, burning all the houses, and murdering all the white inhabitants they encountered; and that now, laden with booty, they were returning to their own homes in the far distant interior. the army now lay encamped at a little distance from the village, in a strong position, where they could not be surprised by any spanish force which might be near them. he and his band had, he said, come to the place for the purpose of carrying off some of the spoil which they had concealed when last there. they had found it undisturbed, and were consequently in a very good humour. i told pedro to endeavour to learn from them, whether they had heard of any english people being in the village when they attacked it. pedro put the questions i desired. "if any english people were there, or other strangers, they shared the fate of the rest," answered the chief with a look of fierceness. i shuddered as he spoke. "it was not a time for us to distinguish people. we had years and years of bitter cruelty and wrong to revenge on the heads of the spaniards. no one escaped. we came upon them in the night, suddenly and without warning. we surrounded the village, and then burst in upon them while they slept in fancied security, despising the poor indians whom they so long had trampled on. as they rose from their beds and attempted to fly, we cut them down at the doors of their houses. we threw burning brands upon the roofs, and closed them in till the fire had destroyed them. we drove them shrieking through the streets, and shot them down with our arrows. some took refuge in the church; but it did not save them. when the morning broke, not a soul remained alive. but we were not content. we had begun to taste the sweets of vengeance, and we rushed on through the country, burning and destroying in our course. we have still more work to perform. our swords must not be sheathed till the inca sits once more on the throne of his ancestors, and till not a spaniard remains alive to boast that his people once held sway in the land." as i watched the countenance of the speaker, it wore an almost terrific expression, full of an intense hatred, and a desire for vengeance; yet, before the outbreak, he had probably been like most other indians, a mild, peaceable, and patiently suffering man. the account he had given of the destruction of the place almost banished the hope which still existed within my breast. yet i resolved to persevere in my search. my dismay was very great, when i learned from pedro that the old chief intended to remain in the village with his followers till the morning, and then to carry us along with him as prisoners. "he believes our story," said pedro; "but still he thinks that if we continue our journey, we may give information to the spaniards of the road the army is taking. he will, i dare say, treat us well, and release us when he fancies we can run no chance of injuring his people." the news caused me great vexation, for, though i had no fear that the indians would injure us, i was afraid that we should be led a long way out of the road in which we could hope to make any effectual inquiries, if, indeed, further search was of any avail. i was anxious also to examine the country surrounding the place where the body of ithulpo was said to have been discovered; and i told pedro to entreat the chief, before he commenced his march, to allow us to go out for a few hours as soon as it was light, promising faithfully to return. pedro made the request, but the old chief, when he understood the object, said it would be useless to grant it. "your friends were all killed," he said, "you search for those who are not to be found." "then we must appeal to the head chief commanding the army," i said to pedro in spanish. "try and learn who he is." after making inquiries, pedro told me that he was a powerful _cacique_, who had assumed the title of tupac catari; and though he was, as most of the _caciques_ were, descended from an inca noble, he was only in a remote degree connected with tupac amain. he did not consider himself in any way under the orders of the inca, and was inclined, it appeared, to set up as the inca himself. it argued ill for the indian cause, that there should be this division in their forces. from what i heard of him, i was afraid that there was very little probability of his granting the request which had been denied by his inferior, the old chief. "if, then, we are to be treated as prisoners, we must endeavour to make our escape should any opportunity present itself," i whispered to pedro, whom i had drawn aside. not to excite the suspicions of our captors, i pretended to be contented with the arrangement, when i found that there was no chance of altering the old chief's determination; and returning to the fire, i sat down, desiring pedro to say that i was very tired, and wished to be allowed to sleep till daylight. the indians apparently finding themselves in tolerably comfortable quarters, wrapped their ponchos round them, and lay down on the ground round the fire, to follow my example. i was, however, too much excited to sleep, and had lost myself in forgetfulness but a very short time when daylight appeared, and the whole party sprung to their feet. pedro and i were allowed to mount our mules, and accompanied by the indians, who bore the spoils they had collected, set out to join the main body, which was already on its march to the northward. we came in sight of them about three miles to the west of the village, as they were passing over a wide sandy plain, bordered by a range of thickly wooded hills. there appeared to be about thirty thousand of them,--a body, as far as numbers were concerned, fully able to compete with any spanish force which could be sent against them; but they were in a very undisciplined and disorganised state, and were, from what i heard, more intent on obtaining plunder, and on destroying the defenceless whites, than on pushing their first successes with vigour against the common enemy. there were some four or five hundred horsemen among them armed with spears; the rest were infantry, who carried slings, and bows, and axes, and heavy wooden clubs. the cavalry guarded the flanks, and the footmen marched in separate bodies under their respective chiefs, with banners at their head; but there were a great number of stragglers, and, as far as my eye could reach, i observed small bodies who appeared to be scouring the country in search of plunder or provisions. the booty was distributed among the soldiers, each of whom bore a load on his back, consisting of woollen and other goods, household utensils, furniture, and clothing of every description. the chief, tupac catari, rode at the head of his forces, surrounded with banner-bearers. he was a fierce, wild-looking indian, with a forbidding expression of countenance; and his dignity was not increased by his having dressed himself in the uniform of a spanish officer, whose cocked hat he wore with the points resting on his shoulders. the lower parts of his legs were bare, except that he had sandals on the soles of his feet, fastened with leather thongs, and a huge pair of silver spurs to his heels. his wife came behind him in a sort of litter, covered with coloured cotton, and supported on men's shoulders. his followers were habited in every variety of costume, which they had picked up in their expedition; a few of the better organised bodies only retaining their national costume. is this, i thought, the sort of character who is to aid in the liberation of his native land? a force like his may, as it has proved, have the power to lay desolate a country, and to murder the defenceless inhabitants; but will they be able to sustain an attack from disciplined troops, when such are sent against them? the general--for so i may call him--halted when we appeared, and made inquiries of the old chief about us. a long conversation then ensued, the result of which was that we were ordered to accompany him. he wanted a secretary, we were told, to write despatches to the other chiefs, and to communicate with the spaniards; and he thought that either pedro or i should be able to answer his purpose. in vain we pleaded the necessity of proceeding as we had intended. he refused to listen to any appeal we could make. "you may consider yourselves fortunate in not losing your lives," he at last answered. "we have sworn to kill every white man we meet; and you have to thank your friend manco, on account of the love all the indians bear him, that we have not killed you; so be content and say no more." the old chief who had first taken us prisoners, finding himself thus unceremoniously deprived of our company, left us to our fate, and for some time we rode on in silence among the general's body-guard. every man in the army seemed to be talking at the same time. they were, i found, boasting to each other of the deeds of valour they had performed, of the enemies they had slain, and of the booty they had collected. the general after some time called us to his side, and asked us if we could inform him what the spaniards were about, and whether they were likely to attack the indian armies. "tell him," i said to pedro, "that the spaniards will never consent to yield up the country to the natives. they are only waiting to assemble their forces, to endeavour to regain the places they have lost. if they have not men enough here, they will send to spain for more, and for guns and artillery, and all the munitions of war. they will soon appear, well armed and disciplined; and a hundred of their troops will be a match for a thousand or even two thousand indians. the only chance of success the indians have is to be united, to act under one chief, and to follow up each advantage, till they have driven the spaniards from their shores." "very good," said the general. "i will be that chief, and will follow the advice of the english stranger." and he drew himself up proudly in his saddle, as if he was about to become inca of peru. i saw after this, that any advice i could offer to him would be thrown away; besides, i doubted much whether i was justified in offering encouragement to the indians. i felt that they had been most unjustly and cruelly treated, and certainly desired to see them obtain their emancipation; but at the same time, i saw that there was little or no hope of their ever regaining their country, or restoring the ancient dynasty of the incas; and that the attempt would only cause a vast amount of bloodshed, and too probably end in their total destruction. as an englishman, too. i regretted that i had no business to interfere in a cause which, just as it certainly was, if maintained properly, was not my own; and i resolved, therefore, to be silent for the future. the dreadful cruelties committed by the indians had horrified me; and the romance with which i had at first invested their brave attempt at emancipation, had vanished on a nearer inspection of the means by which they were carrying it out. i never did and never can believe that the end justifies the means. god's righteous laws must be implicitly obeyed; and no reasons which we may offer can excuse us for neglecting them. yet we may be allowed to believe that he weighs our actions of good or evil by the knowledge we possess through the light of his word; and acts which, committed by us, might be unpardonable, may, when perpetrated by ignorant savages, be overlooked through his mercy in the day of judgment. from the time that the christian and the civilised europeans first landed in peru, they treated the ignorant and heathen natives with the greatest cruelty; and thus taught by their task-masters, they, on the first opportunity, showed that they had not forgotten the lessons they had received, but treated them as they themselves had been treated. had the spaniards taught the peruvians mercy, justice, and piety, by their own example, this terrible outbreak would never have occurred, and the weaker race would have become willing servants to the stronger. we ought always to bear in mind that it is by the just administration of good laws, and by the conduct of the rich, the educated, and the powerful, that the lower orders are educated, as much, or even more, than by the lessons given them by their nominal instructors. ministers of religion will preach in vain from the pulpit, and schoolmasters will find their efforts useless, unless the upper orders set a good example. i entreat my young friends to recollect that they belong to the educated classes, whose behaviour is sure to be imitated by those below them. if their conduct is unchristian, irreligious, or immoral, they will not only have their own sins to answer for at the day of judgment, but the sins of those whom they by their example have led astray. the dreadful excesses committed by the lower orders during the french revolution were the results of the irreligious and immoral conduct and teaching of the upper classes in france. the peruvian indians, who were guilty of the terrible atrocities i have mentioned, were mostly, in name at least, christians, and had christian priests ministering to them; but their teaching appears to have had no effect in restraining them from acts totally at variance with all the principles of christianity. how could they, indeed, have faith in a creed professed by men who, from the time of their first appearance in their country, had not scrupled to murder, to plunder, to ill-treat, and to enslave them? it is worthy of remark, that when the indians destroyed every other human being in the places they attacked, they in many instances saved the lives of the priests. i suspect, however, that they did so, not so much that they respected their sacred character, but because in their superstition they fancied they were possessed of supernatural powers, which might be exercised for their punishment if they ventured to injure them. there were many enlightened and patriotic men among the indians; and from all i heard of tupac amaru and his family, they were worthy of a happier fate than befell them. i shall have to describe their subsequent history as i proceed in my narrative. chapter twelve. another battle--we are captured by spaniards. it must be remembered that the war party whom pedro and i were now so unwillingly compelled to accompany, was but an irregular portion of the indian army, and that the chief commanding it was in every respect inferior to tupac amaru, and his brave sons andres and mariano, or his brother diogo. i mention this, because otherwise i might give my reader a very unjust and incorrect history of the principal men engaged in the attempt i am describing to regain the long-lost liberties of the peruvian nation. the forces of tupac catari had crossed the sandy plain, and ascended the woody height i have mentioned, when we reached a rocky defile, through which lay the road we were to pursue. instead of sending on an advanced guard to feel the way, as a more experienced general would have done, the chief rode carelessly on at the head of his followers. pedro and i were allowed to keep together, and to converse in spanish; for i suppose that catari thought that we should not dream of attempting to escape from among his numerous army. he was wrong, however; for the idea of doing so was never absent from my mind. "pedro," said i, "you have been so true and faithful, and have shown so much regard for me, that i know you would not willingly desert me, and yet i do not like to lead you into danger unnecessarily; but tell me, do you think we could manage to get away from these people?" "o senor, do not suppose i would hesitate a moment to serve you on account of the danger," he answered, in a tone of much feeling. "what have i, without kindred or friends, to live for, that i should be afraid of risking my life? yet at present i do not see what chance we have of escaping; though an opportunity may occur when we least expect it." "thanks, pedro, thanks, my friend," i replied. "i was certain that you would be ready to aid me; and i hope some day to show my gratitude to you, little as i am now able to do so. but do not say that you have no friends. surely manco is your friend, and the indians among whom you have lived, and the good priest who educated you." "the good priest is dead. manco is my friend, and so are the kind indians; but i am the child of another race, and though i love the indians, my heart yearns for the sympathy and affection of the people from whom i am sprung. when i was a child i cared not for it; but since i learned to read the history of my father's country, and more than all, since i met you, senor, new feelings and aspirations have sprung up within my bosom. i cannot be content unless i am in the company of those who can converse, like you, on things beyond the narrow circle of the life i have hitherto led." "i understand you, pedro; and i think that i should feel as you do," i said. "if we can make our escape, you shall accompany me to other lands--we will go forth together to see the great world which lies beyond these lofty mountains." "o senor, your words have given me a new life," he exclaimed enthusiastically. "i will follow you anywhere you may lead, and serve you faithfully. and yet," he added in a tone of feeling, "i must not leave the generous manco without again seeing him; i must bid farewell to my foster father and mother, and the indians who protected me in my youth; i must return to them once more before i go." "i would on no account induce you to be ungrateful, and i should myself be very unwilling to leave the country, even should i discover my family, without returning to bid farewell to manco," i said in return. "then we will go back to manco as soon as we can escape from these people; and we may thus with more speed be able to begin our travels," exclaimed pedro. we were both very young, and ignorant of the great world we talked of exploring; and we little knew all the difficulties we might be destined to encounter. the subject, once commenced, was a continual source of interest to us, and we were never tired of talking about it. it served also to prevent my mind from dwelling on my loss, the probability of which i could scarcely conceal from myself. i have mentioned but a few of pedro's observations, for the sake of showing his character. he had benefited to the utmost from the little education which had been given him by the priest of whom he spoke. his disposition was ardent and romantic, and full of generous sympathies; and possessing a clear perception of right and wrong, he was always anxious to do right. he had been made acquainted at an early age with his own history; and though he loved the indians, he was proud of belonging to a superior race, among whom his great desire was to mix as an equal. he was tall and well formed, with very handsome features, to which his amiable disposition had given a most pleasing expression; so that, whether or not his parents were of good birth, he looked, at all events, in every respect the gentleman. in early youth, when people are thrown together under difficult circumstances, friendships calculated to endure to the end of life are quickly formed; and thus, during the short time we had been together, we had become mutually much attached; indeed, i fancied that no one could have been many days in the society of pedro without feeling a sincere regard for him. so much were we absorbed in conversation, that we scarcely noticed how the time flew by. the leading parties of the indians had now passed through a considerable portion of the defile, and the rear were about to enter it when we reached a spot more difficult and narrow than any we had yet arrived at. "if any of the spanish troops were on the watch to intercept the indian forces, this is the very spot they should select," i observed to pedro. "may the saints forbid!" he answered. "the poor people would be cut to pieces, and we should suffer with them." "i certainly do not wish it," i said; "though i think we might manage to escape in the confusion; but i thought of it, as it was exactly in such a spot as this that some months ago we were attacked by the montoneros, when we were rescued by manco and his followers." "oh, the spaniards are too much disheartened and terrified by their late disasters to think of attacking the indians," said pedro. "but suppose they were to attack our captors, do not you think that we could manage to climb up the cliffs, and hide ourselves among the rocks till the fighting is over?" i asked, without at all expecting that such a thing was likely to happen. i had scarcely made the observation, when our ears were assailed by the loud rattle of musketry, and a shower of bullets flew about our heads, killing and wounding many of the indians near us. in an instant they were thrown into the most terrible confusion, and the shouts and cries of fear rent the air. catari, and some of the chiefs about him, in vain endeavoured to lead them on to meet their concealed enemies. so completely were they taken by surprise, that all their courage deserted them. they gave way to their first impulse, which was to fly from the danger. the rear ranks turned, and the rest followed, and fled as fast as they could, with the intention of getting into the more open country they had left. the spaniards, a strong body of whose troops had been lying in ambush, on this showed themselves, and, with their swords in their hands, rushed down upon the confused bands of the indians. catari, and those immediately about him, fought bravely, for they had not a hope of escaping. his people threw themselves before him, and allowed the spaniards to cut them to pieces in their attempt to preserve the life of their chief. pedro and i were fortunately at the time a little in the rear of the advanced guard; and we had escaped the bullets which had laid low many of those near us. the indians, however, were so completely blocking up the narrow defile in their eagerness to escape, that we saw it would be impossible to fly in that direction. our only chance of saving our lives was to put in execution the plan i had just before been proposing. "let us throw ourselves from our mules, and try to climb up the cliffs," i exclaimed to pedro. just then a bullet struck catari. i saw him reel in his saddle, when one of his companions seized his horse's bridle, and attempted to lead him out of the fray towards the rear. but he was mortally wounded; and before he could be got from among the combatants, he fell to the ground. his death was the signal for the rest to fly; but they attempted to do so in vain. the spanish soldiers pressed in upon them, and cutting them down without mercy, forced them back in confusion. a few of the indians, driven to despair, still fought fiercely, and for a time impeded their progress, thus leaving a clear space near where pedro and i stood. "now, now!" i exclaimed to pedro. "we have not a moment to lose. if the spaniards reach us before we have time for explanation, they will kill us. jump from your mule and follow me." i had observed that on one side the cliff was considerably broken, and that a number of jutting rocks would enable us to climb up to the summit, and afford us some sort of shelter in the meantime. i threw myself out of my saddle as i spoke, and pedro following my example, we ran as fast as we could towards the rocks. it was the work of a moment to spring up them; there was an abundance of shrubs and creeping plants to help us. by laying hold of them, we drew ourselves from rock to rock. our lives we felt depended on our activity; and under ordinary circumstances i do not think we could have accomplished the task. we had thus climbed up some forty feet or so in a shorter time than i have taken to describe it, when we reached a platform, above which, as we looked upwards, it seemed impossible that we could ascend. there was, however, the branch of a tree, which grew in a cleft of the rock. "take me on your shoulders, and i think i can reach it," i cried to pedro. he stooped down, and, as i sprung on his shoulders, he lifted me up till i caught hold of the branch. i drew myself up, and succeeded in throwing my body over the bough. i then, holding on tight with one hand, gave him the other, and lifted him up till he could catch hold of it also. the branch cracked and bent with our united weight; but we were anxious enough had it not done so, for we were now fully exposed to the sight of the combatants below. they were, however, too much engaged to observe us. when pedro no longer required my assistance, i lifted myself till i could reach the branch of another tree still higher up, and from thence sprung on to the rock we wished to gain. pedro kept close behind me, and imitating my example, we in a short time found ourselves behind a rock overshadowed by trees, where, from among the branches which hung down close to it, we could command a view of the greater part of the ravine without being seen, though we were not high enough to escape any stray shots fired in our direction. by the time we got there, the last of the indians who had stood their ground, were either killed or wounded; and the spanish troops swept along the defile like a mountain torrent, overthrowing all they encountered in their course. their shouts of triumph, and the shrieks of the indians, reached our ears with terrible distinctness where we stood. during our ascent we had heard nothing; even the rattle of the musketry was unheeded. now and then the spaniards halted to load, and they again sent forth a volley, which in that narrow space took terrible effect; and once more they advanced to the charge. the indians did not once attempt to rally, but fled like a flock of sheep chased by dogs; those in the rear falling the first victims, and the conquerors passing over their prostrate bodies. the rout was most complete; and over the distance which we could see from where we stood, it appeared that many thousands had been killed. every foot of the ground was covered with them, and the conquerors had literally to wade through their blood as they rushed to the work of destruction. it was a dreadful sight; but still we could not withdraw our eyes from it. we were considering what we should next do; and in order to obtain a better view of the country beyond the defile, to judge whether we should proceed in that direction, i climbed up to a higher part of the rock, supposing that all the spaniards had passed by; when, to my dismay, i saw some fifty men or so drawn up across the road. they were posted there evidently to guard the entrance of the defile, and to prevent their companions from being attacked in the rear by any fresh body of indians. though i was only exposed for a moment, they saw me; and as i jumped down several shots rattled against the rock. their voices shouting to us, and ordering us to come to them, warned us that we could hope no longer to remain concealed. we, however, were in a very secure position; and we judged, from the difficulty we had in getting there, that they were not at all likely to be able to climb up to us. "what is to be done now, pedro?" i asked. "do you think we could manage to scramble up among the trees, and so escape over the top of the cliffs?" "perhaps we might," he answered, looking up to examine the trees above us. "but what should we do when we got there? we should be without our mules or provisions or arms, and a long way from any habitation where we might obtain shelter. we should also very likely fall into the power of some of the broken parties of catari's army, dispersed by the spaniards; and they, enraged by the disaster which has befallen them, would, seeing that we were whites, kill us without asking us any questions." pedro's arguments were very strong; but still i thought we should be only falling from the frying-pan into the fire, if we put ourselves into the power of the spaniards. while we were still discussing what we should do, we heard them again calling to us. "come down, you indian thieves, come down and be shot, or we must climb up after you," they shouted. "more easily said than done," observed pedro; "but do not let us show ourselves, or they are very likely to shoot us without further questioning. if we could make them hear us from where we are, we might tell them that we are whites, who had been taken prisoners by the indians." "stay then," said i, going to the side of the rock nearest to where the spaniards stood, keeping my body carefully sheltered behind it, i put my head among the leaves, so that they could not see me, and shouted out-"we are friends! we are friends!--whites, escaped from the indians. we were afraid you would mistake us for enemies, so we hid ourselves." "if that is the case," said an officer, stepping forward, "come down, we will not hurt you." "what shall we do?" said i to pedro. "we are safe where we are for the present, for their bullets cannot reach us; and i am certain no spanish soldier will be able to climb up in the way we did to this spot." "we shall get very hungry though, if they try to starve us out," he answered; "besides, it will look as if we were guilty of some crime if we appear afraid of coming down." "there is no help for it, i see," was my reply. "we must put a good face upon the matter. senor officer," i shouted, "your men have already shown that they can aim very correctly, and we would rather not run the risk of another peppering; may i beg that you will take care that they do not fire at us by mistake. if we have your word for it, we will descend, as you desire." "i pledge you the word of a castilian that they shall not fire at you," answered the officer. "that satisfies us; we will descend," i shouted back. "come, pedro, we must take care not to break our necks though, which we shall do if we slip," i said, as i swung myself on to a bough of the nearest tree below the rock. it is nearly always more difficult to descend a cliff than to climb up; as in the former case one cannot see where one's feet are to rest; and one may chance to find one's self on a jutting ledge, from whence the height is too great to leap off to the next standing-place below, and one has to climb up again to search for another way down. we had the advantage of knowing the rocks on which we were to rest; yet our descent took much more time than had our ascent. at one place pedro had to hold fast by a tree while he let me down; and i, in return, had to grasp firmly a jutting rock, and to catch him as he dropped down to me. at length, with no slight exertion and risk, we reached the bottom, where we found the spanish officer and several of his men, who had been watching us with some admiration, and wondering, as they told us, how we had contrived not to break our necks. they would scarcely believe that we had got up by the same way. "i thought none but monkeys could climb such a place," observed the officer. "we english have a way of doing extraordinary things when we try," i replied, trying to look as unconcerned as possible. "english, are you indeed? i thought you must be so." "yes, senor, i am an englishman at your service," i said; for i had agreed with pedro that it would be better to give a correct account of ourselves, than to attempt any deception. there is an old saying--"tell the truth and shame the devil." now, although there can be no doubt that there are occasions when concealment is excusable, yet these are very rare exceptions, which occur but seldom in most men's lives; and as a general rule a strict adherence to the truth is the only just and safe course, even though it may apparently lead one into a difficulty. there is something degrading in a falsehood or prevarication, which must injure the self-respect of a man of proper feeling. it is a sin! there is no disguising it. people often tell falsehoods to conceal what they have done wrong, but that does not make the sin less; it is only adding one sin to another. i say--and i know that am right--tell truth, and stand the consequences. i therefore told the officer my true history. how my father's house had been taken possession of by the spanish troops; how the indians had attacked and burned it; and how they had carried me off desperately wounded. then i described how i had been nursed by an indian and his wife among the mountains till i had recovered, when the dreadful report reached me of the destruction of my family; and how the indian had allowed me to set out for the purpose of discovering what had really been their fate, when, in the course of my search, we had been captured by catari and his followers. the officer seemed much interested by the account i gave him, and to feel real compassion for my loss. "and the youth with you, who is he?" he asked. i told him, a spaniard, who in his childhood had been carried off by the indians, and educated by the good priest of their village. "it is a very strange story you tell me," he remarked. "however, i believe you, for your face assures me that you speak the truth. you both must now accompany me to the place where i am ordered to wait with my men for the return of the rest of the troops. i hear the bugles sounding the recall, and they probably have by this time completely dispersed all the indians who remained together; but their orders were not to venture beyond the defile, lest the brigands should reassemble and cut them off. we must march at once, for the colonel commanding our force will soon be there." i was very well satisfied with his manner of speaking, and felt certain that we should be kindly treated. fortunately for us, our mules had managed to get out of the way of the troops as they passed by. with much sagacity they had, when we jumped off their backs, crept into a wide crevice in the cliffs, and we found them close to the spot feeding on the leaves of some shrubs which grew among the rocks. on our claiming them as our property, the officer allowed us to mount them; and he invited us to ride by his side at the head of his men. his questions were sometimes very puzzling, for i resolved not to give him any information which might prove injurious to the indians. i could not, however, deny that i had seen a large indian force collected very different to that of catari; and i warned him, that should the spaniards ever meet it, they would find a victory far more difficult than the one they had just achieved. "do you think you could lead us to the place where this army you speak of is encamped?" he asked suddenly, after a considerable silence. "senor," i replied, with a look of indignation, "has anything i have said induced you to believe that i could be capable of so dishonourable and ungrateful an action! the indians treated me with mercy and kindness. is such the return you would expect an honest man to make?" he shrugged his shoulders. "why, no," he replied; "to confess the truth, i should not expect you to do so willingly, and i would myself rather not be asked to do such a thing; but i am sorry to tell you that there are others, my superiors, who are not so likely to pay respect to your scruples; and i am afraid that they will insist on your acting as our guide if it is thought expedient to march against the new made inca." "but surely i have the power to refuse to do any such thing," i exclaimed indignantly. "but you might be compelled to do it," he urged. "it would be dangerous for you to refuse. our generals are not in a mood to be trifled with." "i trust that no power could compel me to act so treacherous a part," i replied calmly. "you, senor, i am sure, would not so advise me." he seemed to be a man imbued with the old chivalrous spirit of the castilians; and my appeal to his honourable sentiments pleased him. "you are a brave youth, and i will do my best to serve you," he replied. "i am in duty bound to tell my colonel what i know, but you can assure him that you could not find your way back, which i think you probably would not be able to do." this conversation caused me much anxiety, though i resolved at all hazards not to betray my friends. i could not also but regret that i had been so incautious as to have allowed myself to confess that i had seen the army of the inca. i should have been more on my guard; and, without departing from the truth, i might have declined answering any questions which could draw the information from me. the frankness and kind manner of the officer threw me off it, however; and i found myself placed in a position i had not at all contemplated. i received a lesson which i hope may be useful to any of my readers who may be placed in similar circumstances. the officer, whose name i found was don eduardo da vila, and a captain of the regiment with which he was serving, was only doing his duty in cross-questioning me; and i believe that he was very sorry that the information he had obtained was likely to prove injurious to me. we soon reached the spot he had spoken of, where we were to wait for his colonel. it was a rocky height with precipitous sides, of which a portion of only one was accessible, so that it was a complete natural fortress. it commanded the entrance to the ravine; and had the indians possessed any knowledge of warfare, they would have taken another route, however circuitous, rather than have attempted to pass so formidable a position without first ascertaining that it was not occupied by an enemy. it was nearly dusk, and the chief body of the spanish troops had not yet returned from their work of bloodshed. don eduardo began to be uneasy. "can the rebels have rallied and attacked them?" i heard him say to one of his inferiors. "i thought i heard the bugles sounding as we left the ravine." "there can be no doubt about it. if they had been attacked, the sound of the firing would have reached us," was the answer. "they have probably pursued the enemy further than they intended," said don eduardo, walking a short distance off from where we stood. he was evidently becoming anxious on the subject. "what do you think about it?" i asked pedro, who had overheard what had been said. "it is possible that the indians may have rallied and cut off the spaniards," he answered. "yet i do not think that they will have had the courage to do so. at first i was almost hoping it, as i thought we might have a better chance of escaping, but then i remembered that though many of the indians might have been my friends, the spaniards are my countrymen. i trust no disaster has befallen them." don eduardo and his lieutenant returned after the consultation; and the latter, with a sergeant's party, was ordered to proceed along the ravine, to ascertain what had become of the main body. we watched the lieutenant and his men enter the ravine and advance, till they were hid by a turn of the cliffs. don eduardo then called us to him, and asked us our opinion as to what was likely to have occurred. we both assured him that we did not think the indians would have rallied. what we said appeared somewhat to relieve his mind, and sitting down on a rock, he lighted a cigar, and offered some to us, which we declined, as neither pedro nor i smoked. the men meantime had piled their arms, and lighted fires to boil their cocoa and to cook their provisions. some were thus employed, others were smoking, and others had thrown themselves on the ground to rest after the fatigues of the day. we learned that they had received notice of the march of catari's army from an indian spy, many of whom were in the pay of the spaniards. they had watched for them for several days, and at last the colonel commanding the force had resolved to occupy the post where he attacked them, till they should attempt to pass. the view around the spot we occupied was very picturesque. it was also a very strong natural position, while its picturesqueness was increased by the horses and baggage mules picqueted under the trees, the gay costumes of their drivers, the camp-fires, the piles of arms, and the groups of soldiers, in varied attitudes, scattered here and there. the sun had set and the short twilight had come to an end, when the tramp of men's feet at a distance reached our ears. we listened anxiously. it was that of trained soldiers; and in a short time we saw them looming through the gloom of the evening. as they drew near, the advanced guard uttered a shout to warn us of their approach, which was responded to by the party on the hill. soon afterwards they appeared on the summit, and as they marched into the centre of the space, they piled their arms, and joined their comrades round the fires. each man came laden with the spoils they had retaken from the indians. after a portion of the troops had filed by, there came, with two soldiers guarding each of them, some fifty indians who had been taken prisoners, and preserved to grace their triumph. poor wretches, we found that though their lives were for the present spared, their fate was sealed, and that it was intended by a public execution to strike terror into the hearts of their countrymen. those who could not move fast enough were dragged forward by ropes fastened to their wrists, or urged on at the point of the sword. when they halted, they were all huddled together like sheep in a pen, and a strong guard placed over them to prevent their escape. from the words we overheard, the soldiers appeared to be recounting eagerly, to those who had been left as a reserve, the adventures of the day. pedro and i were shortly summoned by don eduardo to attend the colonel; but fortunately he was too tired and hungry to interrogate us closely, and after a few questions he dismissed us, with permission to join several of his officers round their watch-fires. we were surprised at seeing only three or four wounded men; and we learned that, with the exception of one killed, they were the only sufferers among the troops. they were in high spirits, as this was the first success the spanish forces had met with since the commencement of the outbreak. they boasted that they had killed several thousands of the indians, though their own loss had been so small. they had followed them beyond the defile, where the remainder, entirely broken and dispersed, had saved themselves in the recesses of the forest. the officers civilly invited us to partake of their supper, don eduardo having recommended us to their notice; and afterwards, the picquets having been placed, we all wrapped ourselves in our cloaks and lay down to sleep. chapter thirteen. a battlefield at night--our experiences of a peruvian prison. i am not fond of dwelling on horrors; but i should fail to give a true picture of warfare and its effects, were i to neglect to describe those scenes which are its never-failing accompaniments. i tried to sleep; but at first the blaze of the fire, the voices of those around me, and the din of the camp, kept me awake; and when that had ceased, all the soldiers except the sentries, and even the indian prisoners, having dropped off asleep, there came up from the depths of the mountain gorge a sound which, as i suspected its cause, effectually banished repose. though rendered faint by distance, it came through the quiet night air with a distinctness which was truly terrible. i listened with painful attention. there were the shrieks and groans of human beings in their mortal agony, and the suppressed roar and hissing snarl of the fierce puma and the sanguinary ounce, as they disputed over their prey. many indians, i guessed too surely, had crawled, desperately wounded, into the crevices of the rocks, where they lay concealed as the spanish troops passed by, and escaped instant death to suffer a lingering and more terrible fate at the last. all night long those melancholy sounds continued, and though they might have been heard by my companions, they did not appear to disturb their repose. i scarcely knew whether to envy or commiserate their apathy. the night at last passed away. the soldiers started to their feet at the sound of the bugle's call, a hasty meal was taken, baggage mules were laden, the men fell into their ranks, and the order to march was given. pedro and i mounted our faithful little beasts, and rode by the side of don eduardo, who, after he had got the troops into order, called us to him. we descended the side of the hill, and took a direction towards the west, very much to my satisfaction, for i was afraid that we should have again to pass through the gorge; and my heart sickened at the thought of the sad spectacle we should there have to witness. there was no road, and the ground was very uneven; but the men and animals seemed accustomed to it, and managed to scramble along at the rate of about two miles-an-hour. we marched for about five hours, when we reached the bank of a river, where a halt was called, and the men were ordered to pile arms and cook their dinners, scouts being sent out to give notice of the approach of any indians. the river ran through a broad valley, having on either side high cliffs, and below them grassy land sprinkled with trees. on the top of the cliffs was a wide belt of forest, beyond which, stretched out to the south, a vast extent of sandy desert. as we passed over it, i observed the remains of numerous small canals, which pedro informed me served in the days of the incas to irrigate it, when what was now a barren plain was covered with fertile fields. the spot where we had approached the river was at the mouth of a narrow stream, which wound its way down from the mountains, its course marked by a line of trees, which it served to nourish. while the troops were resting, the colonel summoned pedro and me into his presence, to make more inquiries about us. i mentioned that he was a very different sort of person to don eduardo. he was a stern, morose man, none of the kindlier sympathies of human nature finding a place in his bosom. he was sitting on a rock, under the shade of a tree, with his secretary, with paper and a pen in his hand, kneeling by his side, and making a table of the rock, ready to take notes of what we might say. he questioned us narrowly, and all we said was put down. i gave him the same account that i had to don eduardo. "and so you have been living among the indians, and encouraging them in their rebellion against their rightful sovereign, i doubt not," he observed, fixing his piercing eyes on us. "young man, your name is not unfamiliar to me." i felt no little alarm on hearing these words, which was increased when he desired his secretary to turn to some notes he had in his portfolio. "i thought so," he exclaimed. "you are the son of an englishman who is accused of conspiring with the indians to overthrow the government of the country. your father has met with his deserts, for i see that he and all his family were murdered by the wretched people he had encouraged to revolt; but you, let me assure you, will not escape the punishment which is your due. you have been treated with too much leniency by us; you and your companion are now prisoners. guard lead them off, and take care that they do not escape." the information so brutally given me, confirmatory of my worst fears, almost overcame me, and i believe that i should have sunk to the ground, had not the soldiers who were ordered to take charge of us supported me as they led me away. i was far too much absorbed by the dreadful news, the truth of which i could not doubt, to be able to contemplate the very dangerous position in which i was placed. i did not attempt to answer the colonel, nor to exculpate myself; indeed, any appeal to him would have been of no avail. pedro and i were marched off, and placed by ourselves under the shade of a rock, where several men were stationed as sentries over us. the officers with whom we had before been associating on friendly terms seemed to regard us with looks of pity, but they dared not speak to us. when the troops again marched we were guarded by two soldiers, who rode by our sides with drawn swords, while we were not allowed to address each other. the time occupied by that journey was the most miserable portion of my life. hope had almost deserted me. all those i loved best on earth were gone; and at the end of it i had nothing to expect but a long imprisonment in a loathsome dungeon, or perhaps death. the next evening, when the soldiers halted to bivouac for the night, as pedro and i were sitting disconsolately on the ground at a short distance from each other, with our guards between us, i saw don eduardo approaching. he told the soldiers to withdraw, and sat down by my side. i saw by his manner that he had undertaken a task which was not altogether to his taste. "i have got permission from the colonel to speak to you," he began. "he considers himself authorised not to act very rigorously with you if you will accede to his proposals." "what are they, don eduardo?" i asked, at once guessing their tenor. "why, he understands you have seen the army of the rebel chief, tupac amaru, and are acquainted with their intentions," he answered. "i own that i have seen large numbers of indians collected together, but i am entirely ignorant of what they were about to do," i said. "but pray go on, don eduardo." "the proposal is similar to what i made you when we first met," he replied, the colour rising to his cheeks. "if you can conduct a spanish force to where they are to be found, or can contrive to put some of their chiefs into our power, you and your friend shall forthwith be set at liberty." "you, i am sure, don eduardo, can expect but one reply from me to such a question, and you know that it is the only one which, while i remain an honourable man, i can give." "i am afraid so," he answered, looking down much grieved. "i am to add, that if you refuse, as soon as we arrive at the town of san pablo, you will be tried and shot as a rebel." "before i have been found guilty?" i asked. "i fear your guilt in our eyes has been too well established by your own confession," he observed. "let me advise you to think over the subject well. it is hard for a youth like you to die." "tell me, don eduardo, do you believe me guilty?" i asked. "you have been in communication with the indians and you wish them well," he said, avoiding an answer to my question. "i wish the spaniards well, and have never instigated the indians to rebel by word or deed," said i. "but you have not told me if you think me guilty." "i do not. from what i have seen of you i think you incapable of doing so wrong a thing," he replied, kindly taking my hand. "i wish to save your life." "i warmly thank you for what you say, don eduardo," i exclaimed; "but i cannot do what is proposed. if i am not guilty it will be more easy to die; but i trust that, as an englishman, the government will not venture to put me to death unless my guilt is clearly proved." "in these times no respect is paid to persons," he said. "you must not trust to such a hope; yet i would take a more satisfactory answer back to my colonel." "i can send no other answer than what i have given," i replied; "you would from your heart despise me if i did." at this he looked very melancholy. "well, i fear it must be so, yet i will do all i can for you," he said, as again pressing my hand in token of his good-will, he rose to leave me. having ordered the sentries to return to their posts, he went to where my companion in misfortune was sitting. he conversed with him for some time; and though i had great confidence in pedro, i was afraid that he might ultimately be tempted or threatened into compliance with the colonel's demands. i wronged him; for i afterwards learned that he remained firm to his honour. the night passed away without any adventure; and wearied out by bodily fatigue and mental anxiety, though the hard ground was my couch, i slept till daylight. my conscience was, at all events, clear of wrong, and i never recollect to have slept so soundly. i awoke more refreshed than i had been for some time, and with a lighter heart in my bosom. even hope revived, though i had little enough to ground it on. the air was pure and bracing, my nerves felt well strung, and the face of nature itself wore to my eyes a more cheerful aspect than it had done for many days. the troops advanced more rapidly than they had before done, and towards evening the spires of several churches rising from the plain, the rays of the sun lighting them brilliantly up, came in sight. they were in the town of san pablo, the houses in which soon after appeared. as we approached, a number of the spanish inhabitants came out to hear the news, and seemed highly gratified at the result of the expedition. the unfortunate indians who were brought in as prisoners, chiefly attracted their attention; and i was shocked to hear the abuse they heaped on them. the miserable beings walked on with sullen and downcast looks, without deigning to reply. they had no hope--they had lost the day, and they knew the fate which awaited them. as we marched through the unpaved, dirty streets, the inhabitants came out of their houses to look at us, and to offer the troops refreshments and congratulations. we found the town full of people of all colours, of whom a large number were indians who had refused to join the revolt. in the centre of the town was the usual large plaza or square; and on one side of it was a building which we were told was the prison. towards it we were at once conducted. one side of the square was without buildings, a broad stream running past it, beyond which were cultivated fields, and gardens divided by walls. in the centre was a fountain, continually throwing up a jet of crystal water--a refreshing sight in that climate. the prison fronted the river. on one side was a church, and on the other the residence of the governor of the town, or of some other civil functionary. on either side of the buildings i have mentioned, were long rows of houses of various heights, though mostly of one story, very similar to those i have already described. three streets, running at right angles to each other, led into the square. i have not without reason been thus particular in my description. the soldiers who had us in charge, led us across the square, amid the shouts and jeers of the people. even the blacks, the half-castes, and the indians, came to stare at us with stupid wonder, calling us rebels, traitors, and robbers. the unfortunate indians who had been made prisoners, went before us. the massive gates of the prison were thrown open, and they were forced within. we came last. my heart sunk within me as we entered those gloomy walls. the interior was already crowded with human beings, many of them indians, found with arms in their hands, or suspected of an intention of joining the rebels. we advanced along a low, arched gallery, intersected by several gates; and having passed two of them, we turned to the left, along a narrower passage, at the end of which we reached a small door. the gaoler, who showed the way with a torch, opened it; and, to my dismay, i saw that a steep flight of steps led down from it to some chambers below the ground. "we are to be shut up in a dungeon, i fear," i whispered to pedro. "so that i am with you, i care not where i am," he answered. four of the soldiers followed us, to prevent our running away, i suppose; though we should have had but a poor chance of escaping even had we tried. the rest faced about, and marched back through the passage. i hesitated on the top of the steps, so narrow and broken and dark did they look. "come along, senores, come along!" said the gaoler; "but take care how you tread, for the steps are somewhat worn, and you may chance to break your necks some days before their time." though inclined to make merry at our expense, he held his torch so as to afford sufficient light for us to see our way. the soldiers laughed gruffly at his joke, bad as it was; and this made him attempt one or two others of a similar character. "the gentlemen have not perhaps been accustomed to live in a palace, but they will find one here, with plenty of servants to attend on them; so i must beg to congratulate them," he said, chuckling as he spoke. "they will have plenty of playmates, though some of them will not remain very long, i suspect. they have a way here of making a speedy clearance at times." we had now reached the bottom of the steps, and another small door, plated with iron and secured with two stout iron bars, appeared before us. the gaoler removed the bars, and taking a key from his girdle, opened the door. "go in there, senores," he said. "it is somewhat dark at present, but you will get accustomed to it by-and-by." saying this, he forced us into the dungeon. i went in first, and stumbled down a couple of steps, nearly falling on my face. while i was holding out my hand to save pedro from doing the same, the door was shut behind us, and barred and bolted as before. we found ourselves in almost total darkness, a small aperture near the ceiling alone affording a dim gleam of light, which served to show us the gloomy horrors of the place. two massive pillars supported the low arched roof, which seemed covered with moisture. the size of the place we could not tell, as the darkness prevented our seeing the walls at either side. the floor was unpaved, and composed of damp earth strewed with filth. we stood for some minutes holding each other's hands, without speaking, and without moving. we felt bewildered and stupified with the calamity which had befallen us. pedro was the first to recover himself. "they cannot keep us here for ever," he said, breaking the long silence. "others have been in worse places, and have escaped. let us hope, senor, for the best." he spoke in a cheerful tone, which had a reviving effect upon me. "we will hope for the best, pedro," i exclaimed. "something may occur to deliver us. we must consider, however, what we have to do. i propose that we first make a tour of inspection round our dominions. it will give us some occupation, though idleness seems rather encouraged here." "i would rather find the way out of our dominions, as you call them, than become better acquainted with them," said pedro. "however, i am ready to set out whenever you please." "we may possibly find the way out during our inspection," i remarked, as we began slowly and cautiously to move round the walls of the cell. it was narrow but long, and extended, as i concluded, along part of one side of the inner court. we found two other pillars towards the further end, and we felt several rings secured in the walls, with heavy chains attached to them. of their use there could be no doubt; and we congratulated ourselves that we were still allowed to have our limbs at liberty. in our walk we stumbled over an iron bar, and our feet knocked against some other rings attached to stones sunk in the floor. "so some of the inmates of the mansion have been chained down like maniacs to the ground," pedro observed. "we are indeed fortunate in escaping such treatment." though we searched most minutely, we could discover nothing which might suggest any means of escaping. we had just concluded an examination, and had returned to our seats, when the door of the dungeon was opened, and the gaoler appeared, bringing a jar of water and two loaves of brown bread. pedro examined his countenance. "stop," he exclaimed, as the man was going away; "sancho lopez, i do believe you are an old friend of mine." "in truth yes, and you saved my life," answered the gaoler. "but i must not stop--but i must not stop. be at rest, i do not forget the matter." pedro afterwards told me how he had saved the spanish gaoler's life in a snow-storm in the mountains, and we agreed that it was a great thing to have him as our friend. we had been in the dungeon about a fortnight, and though it was damp and unwholesome in the extreme, we did not appear to have suffered in health. one morning sancho entered our cell with a cheerful countenance. "i bring you good news, senores," he said. "i have just received a visit from a young officer, who has, it appears, been making interest in your favour; and he has gained permission for your removal to a more airy abode. he seemed very anxious about you, and said he pitied you very much, though he was unable to obtain your liberty, which he wished to do. i hurried here to tell you this, as i thought it would give you pleasure. i must now go back to get the chambers ready for you, and will return with two of the under gaolers to conduct you to it. one caution i have to give you. do not mind what i say to you before others, and never answer any of my remarks." without waiting for our reply and thanks, sancho closed the prison door, and left us to ourselves. "we have to thank don eduardo for this. i am sure he is the officer sancho spoke of," i remarked. "i think so also," answered pedro. "i am glad that he has not asked us to pass our word not to escape." "so am i," i observed. "while we were on our road here, i often contemplated the possibility of getting out of prison; but then i did not expect to be put into a dungeon like this." for some time we could talk of nothing else but the prospect of making our escape. two hours or more had passed away, and sancho had not returned. we knew that he would not willingly have deceived us, but we began to be afraid that the governor had rescinded his permission for our occupying a room open to the air, and that we might be doomed to remain in our dungeon for weeks or months longer. at last we heard footsteps approaching the cell; the door was opened, and sancho and his two assistants appeared. "you are to accompany me, senores," he said, in the gruff tone he had used at our entrance. "you are fortunate in coming out of that place alive; though some i have known would rather have had to remain there than be obliged to march out into the square yonder." the assistants laughed as he said this, and we soon had too great a reason to know to what he alluded. sancho led the way with a torch in his hand; and his assistants followed, holding us tightly by the arms, as if we would have tried to escape from them. i certainly could not have done so had i tried, for when i came to mount the steps, i found my knees trembling under me from weakness, arising from being shut up so long in the damp dungeon, though i had till then thought myself as strong as ever. we traversed a number of passages, and mounted a second flight of steps, when we reached a small door plated with iron. sancho opened it, and exhibited a room about six feet broad and eight feet long, with a window strongly barred at the further end. there were two chairs and a bedstead, with a straw mattress on it. "put the youngsters in there," he said gruffly to his assistants. "it is a room fit for an hidalgo of the first order. they may see and be seen if they choose to put their noses through the gratings." on this the gaolers very unceremoniously thrust us in, and sancho, without saying a word more, closed the door upon us. it appeared such an age since we had beheld the blue sky and the smiling face of nature, that we eagerly rushed to the window to discover what view could be obtained from it. we found, to our no small satisfaction, that it was not more than twelve or fifteen feet from the ground, and that it looked out on the great square i have before described. i have never forgotten the sensations of delight with which i inhaled the fresh air as it came through the open bars, and gazed once more on the bright sky, and the clear water of the river, the fields, and the trees beyond, and the human beings who were thronging the open space below us. they all appeared so full of life and activity, and the murmur of their voices seemed like music to my ears, so long accustomed to the silence of the dungeon. the bars of the window were very strong, and placed very close together, so that, as sancho had observed, we could only just get our noses through them. we were, however, glad to get them out as far as we could, and every moment i found the breeze restoring to my limbs their accustomed strength. my first impulse was to shake the bars to try and find whether any of them could be moved; but i restrained myself, lest some one from below should observe us and suspect that we were thinking of escaping. as we stood there, we heard several voices in piteous tones asking for alms; and by pressing our faces close to the bars, we discovered that some of the prisoners in the neighbouring rooms were letting down hats and baskets by lines at the ends of poles, like fishing rods, to collect food and money from the passers-by. we were still eagerly watching the scene, when i felt a hand laid on my shoulder. i started back, and saw sancho. we had been so interested that we had not heard him enter. he placed his finger on his lips to impose silence. "i have been so occupied that i could not come before," he whispered. "i have brought you some white bread, and some meat, and fruit, and fresh water, and a little brandy to mix with it, which have been ordered by the friend who has obtained for you the indulgence of this room. here are the provisions." he put down in the chair a basket covered with a cloth. "i cannot remain, for a fresh set of prisoners have lately arrived, and i am employed in looking after them." "who are they?" i asked. "more indians, i fear." "yes, senor; there are a hundred of them. poor fellows, i pity them, for they will certainly be shot in the great square out there before many days are over. there is a young chief among them. i grieve for him most, for he is a very fine fellow. he walked along as he came to prison like a prince, and heeded not the shouts and revilings of the mob who followed him and his companions. their misery will soon be over, for they are to be tried to-morrow, and they have not a chance of escape." "can you tell me his name!" i asked anxiously; for i instantly thought of manco. "no, i cannot," he answered. "i only know that he was taken a few clays ago in a skirmish with the enemy, who are not many leagues off. it is feared even that they may attack the town, though we have too many soldiers here to give them much chance of success." "i trust they will not," i exclaimed, thinking of the dreadful scenes which had before occurred. "but can you learn the name of this young chief? i fear he is a friend of ours." "oh, do not acknowledge him, then," said the gaoler, "as you value your lives. you cannot benefit him, and may run the risk of sharing his fate." i saw the mistake i had committed; but still i pressed sancho to learn who he was, and he undertook to comply with my wish, provided i followed his advice. i again asked him to inform us who was the friend who had interested himself in our favour; but he replied that he was not at liberty to say, and he then hurried from the room. the news he had brought made us very sad, for we could not help contemplating the scene of bloodshed which was about to occur, which was of itself sufficiently horrible, even should my suspicions that manco was a prisoner not prove correct. we were doomed not to have our anxiety relieved, for sancho did not again make his appearance during the day. he was probably afraid of being observed if he visited us too frequently. we ate the food sancho had brought us most thankfully, and it much contributed to restore our strength; but we had lost all pleasure in looking out of the window on the square, which was so soon to be the scene of the slaughter of so many of our fellow-creatures. we found a bundle of blankets and some clean linen hid away under the bedding; for the latter, which to us was a great luxury, we had no doubt we were indebted to don eduardo. at night we threw ourselves on the bed, and tried to sleep; but my rest was very disturbed, and i constantly dreamed that i heard firing, and saw the unhappy indians being shot down before the windows. towards morning, however, i fell into a deep slumber; and, probably owing to the change of air and the improvement in our food, we both slept to a much later hour than usual. we were awakened by the confused sound of the voices of a concourse of people, and jumping up, we hurried to the window. from thence we saw a large crowd collected in the square, who seemed to be eagerly watching the doors of the prison. we could distinguish the tones of those nearest to us; and from the words which reached us, we learned that a sort of trial had taken place the previous evening of the prisoners lately captured, as well as of those in tupac catari's army, and that they were all condemned to be shot. no one seemed to pity them; but, on the contrary, all appeared to exult at the prospect of the slaughter which was about to commence. "the pretended inca, tupac amaru, has been taken," said one man. "no; that is a mistake," was the answer. "but another chief has, though he fought like a lion, it is said." "who is he?" asked another. "a relation of the inca's: one of the viper's brood," replied the first. "they say two strangers were made prisoners leading on the rebels," observed a third. "they are to be shot also, i hope." "no doubt of it; but the viceroy has thought it necessary to send to explain the matter to the english consul at lima; and his answer has not arrived," remarked a fourth. "it is known that it cannot arrive for three or four more days; and care will be taken to shoot them before that time," said the former speaker. "can they allude to us?" i asked of pedro, feeling my heart sink within me. "there is no doubt about it," he replied. "we must be prepared for the worst; but i do not think they will dare to kill one of your great nation. they will shoot me though, as i have no friends to help me." "nor have i, pedro; but i would rather say, let us hope for the best," i answered. "they would gain nothing by killing either of us, and it would be very unjust to kill you and let me escape." "it would be very unjust to kill either of us; but they care little for justice, and they wish to strike terror into the hearts of their enemies," he remarked calmly. "such cruelty as they are about to perpetrate will only exasperate the indians the more," said i. "if they were to treat them well, and let them go, they would be more likely to put down the rebellion." the crowd was every moment increasing, as people were coming in from all directions. among them were a large number of indians, mestizos, and other half-castes, who seemed to look on with the same unconcern as the spaniards. my eye had been attracted by a man whose florid complexion and dress showed that he was a seaman of some northern nation, and i hoped an englishman. he shouldered his way through the crowd with a confident, independent air, as if he felt himself superior to any about him. at length he came close under our window, and caught my eye watching him. he stared at me fixedly for some time, and i thought recognised me to be a countryman by my light hair and fair complexion. once he put his hand up to his mouth, as if he was going to hail me, as he would a man at the masthead; but he again let it drop, having apparently changed his mind, and, returning his hands to his trousers pockets, he rolled away with the unmistakeable air of a british seaman. i longed to call after him to tell who i was; but, afraid of being heard by others, i restrained myself. "is that man a friend of yours?" asked pedro. "i never saw him that i know of before," i answered. "well, i thought that he recognised you," he observed. "i marked the expression of his eye, and i should say that he knew you, or mistook you for some one else." i eagerly watched the sailor, afraid that he would go away, and that we should see him no more. i observed, however, that though he dodged about among the crowd with a careless air, he never got to any great distance from our window. this circumstance kept alive my hope that he had come for the purpose of bringing us information, or of helping us to escape. the crowd had now begun to grow as impatient at the non-appearance of the prisoners as they would at a bull-fight, had there been a delay in turning the bull into the circus, when three bodies of troops were seen marching up from the several streets leading into the square. they formed on either side of it, making a lane from the prison gates to the river; while the crowd fell back behind them. i had observed a number of indians collecting on the opposite bank of the river, who now came down close to its edge, watching anxiously the proceedings of the soldiers. they appeared, however, not to be remarked by the people in the town. as they were partly concealed by the trees and the walls dividing the fields, their numbers might not have been perceived by the people in the square. the bell of the nearest church began to toll; the crowd looked eagerly towards the prison; the massive gates were thrown open, and we saw issuing forth a posse of priests and monks, bearing crucifixes and lighted tapers, who were followed by the unhappy indians intended for execution, chained two and two, and each couple guarded by a soldier with his musket presented at their heads. i watched them file out with aching eyes, for every moment i expected to see manco led forth. i had a painful presentiment that he was among the victims. the last of the indians had passed on, and i began to breathe more freely; but still the crowd began to look towards the gates of the prison. alas! i was not mistaken. the mob raised a shout of exultation, and i saw a man i could too clearly recognise, between two soldiers, with a priest advancing before him, and reciting the prayers for the dead. it was the kind, the brave manco himself. he walked on with a proud and dignified air, undaunted by the revengeful shouts of his enemies, thirsting for his blood. his step was firm, and his brow was unclouded, and his lips were firmly set; but i observed that his bright dark eyes were every now and then ranging anxiously among the crowd, as if in search of a friendly glance. his fellow-beings who formed the mob, looked at him with eager and savage curiosity; but no one appeared to offer him any sign of recognition. he was closely followed by a company of soldiers, with arms presented. they formed, i discovered, the fatal firing party. as they advanced, the other soldiers formed in the rear, and the mob followed close behind. the sailor, i observed, went with the rest for a short distance, but when he found that their attention was entirely occupied with the prisoners, he disengaged himself from among them, and rolled back with his unconcerned air towards our window. "shipmate, ahoy," he exclaimed in a suppressed tone as he passed. "who are you?" i asked eagerly. "a friend in need," he answered, in the same low tone. "keep a stout heart in your body, and if you can manage to rig a line of some sort, let it down out of your window soon after dark. if it's just strong enough to haul up another it will do. i'll bring a stout one with me." "we'll do as you say, friend, and many thanks," i answered. "that's all right then," said the seaman. "when you hear a cat mew under your window, let down the line. i shan't be far off. i must now go along with the crowd to see what's going on. i wish that i could lend a helping hand to some of those poor fellows; but it won't do, i must look after you, you know. a countryman in distress has the first right to my services." i longed to learn who he was; but before i could ask him, he had sauntered away among the crowd. meantime the soldiers had formed three sides of a hollow square, the river forming the fourth. close to the bank there stood a large group of human beings--the victims destined for execution. their arms and legs were secured with cords, so that they could not escape. they uttered no cries or lamentations, but appeared ready to meet their fate with stoical indifference. the priests, with their crucifixes and candles, collected round them, exhorting them to repentance, and uttering prayers which none of them could understand. i looked anxiously for manco, but he was not among them, and at last i discovered him standing apart, under charge of a file of soldiers. with a refinement of cruelty, it was intended that he should witness the execution of his friends and countrymen, before he himself was led forth to be shot. a priest stood by his side, endeavouring to make him listen to the words of exhortation he was pouring into his ears; but, i judged, with no effect. his arms were folded, and his eyes were turned towards the group in the centre. several officers were riding about the square. at a signal from one of them (the colonel who had sent us to prison), the priests retired; and the firing party, consisting of a hundred men, fell back to the distance of about twenty paces. there was a death-like silence; even the savage crowd were awed. i could scarcely breathe, and a mist came before my eyes. there was a pause of a minute. perhaps, i thought, the commanding officer himself hesitates to give the word which must send so many of his fellow-creatures to eternity. i was mistaken. "fire," he shouted, in a sharp loud voice. a rapid discharge of musketry was heard, and as the smoke cleared off, a number of the prisoners were seen struggling and writhing in agony on the ground. some of them lay still enough, for they, more fortunate, were shot dead; while the wounded uttered the most fearful shrieks and cries for mercy. more than two-thirds stood erect, unharmed by the bullets. the soldiers, loaded as fast as they could, and again sent forth a deadly fire from their muskets. the number of prisoners was fearfully thinned. the soldiers fired again and again, and each time fewer remained alive. at last but two indians continued standing side by side, unscathed by the fire. i was in hopes that they might have been pardoned; but no, the soldiers advancing, presented their pieces at their breasts and shot them dead, while those who lay wounded on the ground were likewise put out of their misery. all eyes were now turned towards the chief manco. i know not on what account his limbs were allowed to remain unfettered. perhaps they thought that among such a crowd a single man could do no one an injury. he walked along towards the spot where his murdered countrymen lay in heaps, with his head erect, and a firm, unfaltering step. the priest followed him; but he waved him off, as if his services were of no further avail. even the officers seemed to feel some respect for him; and i saw one of them give him a handkerchief, with which to give the signal for the soldiers to fire. he stood boldly facing them, with his eye firmly fixed on his executioners, a little way on one side of the heap of dead men. my heart felt ready to burst; yet painful as it was, i could not withdraw my sight from him. i anxiously watched for the fatal moment. he gave a leap upwards it appeared, and threw the handkerchief in the air. the soldiers fired; but when the smoke cleared we could not distinguish his body on the ground. the head and shoulders of a man were, however, seen in the waters of the river, and he was striking out with powerful strokes towards the opposite shore, where at the same instant a number of indians were observed plunging in to meet him. "see, pedro, he has escaped--he has escaped!" i exclaimed. "it is manco i am certain; how bravely he swims. they will not be so cruel as to kill him now. he will reach the opposite shore. ah! alas, he sinks. no, he has only dived; see, he comes up some way down the stream." the firing party advanced to the banks; but they had expended all their cartridges, i suppose, for they stood watching him in stupid astonishment; and no one, for a minute or more, thought of ordering any of the other soldiers to advance and fire. this gave the swimmer a great advantage; and as the current was strong, he had soon glided some way down below the square. at last some hundred men advanced to the edge of the river, and opened a rapid fire on him; but still he continued his course undaunted. the indians on the banks set up loud shouts, as did those who had swam out to meet him. he was quickly among them, when it became impossible to distinguish him from the rest. many, i suspected, lost their lives in their attempt to save their chief. a number of soldiers jumped into the canoes on the banks of the river, and attempted to pursue the fugitive; but long before they could have reached him, the swimmers had landed, and were seen rushing up among the trees. whether or not he was among them i could not tell; for the bodies of those who were killed floated down the stream out of sight. a rapid fire was kept up at the opposite bank, which the indians, as they landed, had to pass through; but they were soon sheltered from its effects by the trees, and in a few moments not one of them was to be seen. carts came to convey the dead away; sand was strewed over the spot; the crowd, murmuring at the escape of the principal victim, dispersed; and the square in a short time resumed its usual appearance. chapter fourteen. a friend in need--our escape. pedro and i turned from the window, and sitting down, with our hands before our faces, endeavoured to shut out the dreadful sights we had witnessed. it was satisfactory, however, to believe that manco had escaped; and i trusted that he would not fall again into the power of his enemies. when sancho entered with a supply of provisions, he found us so employed. i do not know whether he suspected that we had some hopes of making our escape, and wished to warn us of the danger. his manner, i remarked, was more cordial than usual; and perhaps he did not expect to see us again. as soon as he had left us, we consulted how we should form a line to let down out of the window, as our sailor friend had advised. we hunted about, but could not find even the smallest piece of rope. at last i suggested that we might tear up one of our shirts, and by twisting the bits and tying them together, we might make a line long enough to reach the ground, and strong enough to haul up a thick rope. we forthwith, therefore, set to work; and having tried each bit as we fastened it on, we were satisfied that our line would answer our purpose. it was nearly dusk by the time we had finished it; and lest some one should by chance come in and see what we had been about, we hid it away under the mattress. it was fortunate that we took this precaution, for just as we had done so the door opened, and a gaoler, accompanied by our kind friend, don eduardo, and another person, entered the room. don eduardo bowed to us, and as he took a seat which sancho offered him, he looked at us rather sternly, as much as to signify that we must not appear on familiar terms. "i have brought this gentleman to prepare your defence for you, senores, as i hear that you are to be tried to-morrow," he said, in a kind tone. "i am sorry to tell you that it will go hard with you if you cannot establish your innocence." "i have to thank you very much, don eduardo," i answered; "but all we can do is to protest our innocence--we have no witnesses. the indians, who might have proved that we were ourselves taken prisoners by their chief, have this morning been shot." "it is indeed a difficult case," remarked the advocate. "i will do my best, don eduardo; and we must hope that something will appear in their favour." i need not repeat all that took place. the advocate asked us a variety of questions, and made a number of notes; and then rising, followed don eduardo, who stiffly bowed to us as before, out of the room. sancho, who went last, turned his head over his shoulder, and shook his head, with a grave expression on his face, which showed us that he thought our case was desperate. this circumstance made us more anxious than ever to effect our escape; and we waited anxiously for the signal the english sailor had promised us. by degrees the noises inside and outside the prison died away. people, fatigued with the excitement of the morning, had retired earlier than usual to their homes, and the square was totally deserted. it was very dark, for there was no moon, and a thick mist rising from the river, hung over the town; and what was of more use to us, there was a strong wind, which howled and moaned among the buildings, and rattled about the tiles. the time seemed to pass very slowly; and we began to fancy that the seaman might have been prevented from fulfilling his intention. "perhaps he was watched speaking to us, and has been taken up by the officers of justice," i remarked. "perhaps he was found coming here with a rope in his possession," said pedro; "or perhaps he was deceiving us." "no, i will not believe that," i answered indignantly. "i am sure he is honest. he is an englishman and a sailor, there is no mistaking that; and he did not look or speak like a rogue. let us hope for the best." just as i made this observation, we heard what sounded like the mew of a kitten, just under the window. we instantly jumped up, and i let down our line. i felt it gently tugged. "haul up," said a voice; and as we got to the end, we found a rope sufficiently strong to bear a man's weight attached to the end. "fasten that to a strong bar; and look out not to make a lubber's knot," added the voice. we did as we were bid; and soon after a strong tug had been given to the rope, a man's head and shoulders appeared at the window. he looked in to discover who was in the room. "all friends here?" he asked. "yes, to a friend in need," i replied. "all right then," he said; and, apparently satisfied, he climbed up farther, and sat himself down securely on the window-ledge. "now my lads, you'd like to get out of this, i suppose," he said, in a careless tone, which showed that he was in no way agitated by the risk he was running. "well, there isn't a moment to be lost; and so i've brought three files, that we may all work away at the bars together." pedro and i took the files he offered us, and waited till he had examined the bars. "here are two together, which seem loosened in their sockets," he observed. "now it seems to me, mates, if we were to file away at the upper part, just below the lowest cross bar, and could wrench out those two bars, as you are not very stout, there would be room for you two to slip through." "i feel sure that we could easily get through," i answered; "but what are we to do, friend, when we are outside?" "never you trouble your head about that, youngster," he replied. "i've planned it all, and it can't fail; so do you just take the file and work away." thus admonished, pedro and i began to file away at one bar, while the sailor attacked the other. "don't stop," he whispered; "the noise is much less likely to be noticed if you go on regularly with it, than it breaks off every now and then." we filed away accordingly with all our might; but i could not help trembling at times with alarm lest we should be heard; for though the wind howled and whistled in a most satisfactory manner, yet there is something so peculiar in the sound of filing, that i was afraid the sharp ears of the gaoler or guards might hear it. pedro and i had got through more than two-thirds of our bar, and we agreed that we might easily wrench it out of its place, when our arms began to ache, and as we rested for a minute, we heard a footstep approaching the room. in great alarm, we told the sailor. "never mind," he answered, quite calmly. "stow the files away, and lie down on the bed, and pretend to be fast asleep. i've got a lump of pitch in my pocket, and i'll just fill up the grooves we've made in the bars, so that they'll not be observed. there, that will do. now i'll just wait down below till your visitor has gone." we threw ourselves on the bed, as he advised, and listened with intense anxiety. the footsteps passed by, and we heard doors opening near us. all was again silent for some time; and we had just sprung up, and were about to call the sailor, when we heard the footsteps returning. we threw ourselves down once more on the bed. just as we had done so, the door opened, and sancho, holding a lantern in his hand, put his head into the room. his two assistants appeared behind him. as the light flashed on my eyes, i closed them fast. "all right here, the lads are fast asleep," he said, turning to the men. "hillo! senores, wake up, will you. the governor has received notice that some stranger was seen this morning, wandering about outside the prison; and he has sent us round to see that all our inmates were safe. just remember, then, that we paid you a visit, that's all. now go to sleep again, for you won't have many more nights to rest here. ha! ha! ha!" the men laughed as he said this, as if they thought it a very good joke; and pedro and i sat up and rubbed our eyes. "_buenos noches_, good night, senores," he repeated; and to our infinite satisfaction, without approaching the window, he and his assistants retired, and closed the door behind them. we listened till their footsteps had died away in the distance; and then jumping up, we went to the window, where i gave a low mew, which was answered by the sailor, who quickly climbed back again to his former post. i told him in hurried accents what had occurred. "never mind," he answered coolly. "more reason for haste. another half-hour's work will set you free. bear a hand about it, then." his calmness reassured us; and having carefully cleared away the pitch, we went on filing at the bar as fast as we could. my heart certainly did beat more rapidly than it had ever done before; for i expected every moment to be interrupted by the entrance of the gaolers. fortunately the wind blew, and the tiles rattled more loudly than ever. at last, to our great satisfaction, both the bars were almost filed through. the sailor seized the one he had been working at, and with a powerful wrench, tore it from the stone window-frame. "there," he said, giving me the piece of bar. "put it carefully down. we will leave it as a legacy behind us." pedro and i grasped the other, and with all our strength tore it away. "hurra! all right now, mates," said the the sailor, scarcely refraining from giving a cheer. "bear a hand, and squeeze through. i'll help you." "you go first," said pedro. "i'll follow you." i could just manage to squeeze my head and shoulders between the bars; and with the assistance of the sailor, who hauled away by my collar, i found myself standing outside them on the window-ledge. "there won't be room for all of us outside, so do you, mate, just get hold of the rope and slide down to the ground," observed the sailor. "where is it?" i asked, for i could neither see nor feel it. "get hold of the bars with your hands, and lower yourself till you get your feet round the rope. don't let go with one hand till you've a firm hold with the other. i'll guide you." following his instructions, i lowered my body over the window-sill till i could grasp the rope with my hands, when without much difficulty i slid down to the ground. for an instant my satisfaction at being once more outside the prison walls made me forget the risk we ran of being recaptured, and the difficulties we had still to undergo. i stood anxiously watching for the appearance of my companions; for it was so dark that i could not distinguish them even at the short distance between the ground and the window. in moments such as those, each one appears an age, and i trembled for our safety. at last i saw a figure gliding down the rope. it was pedro. scarcely had he reached the ground when the sailor was by my side. "now, mates," he whispered, "let's hold on to each other, and put our best legs foremost. i've a canoe ready on the banks of the river, and we may be far away before our flight is discovered." we lost no time in words, but taking each other's hands that we might not be separated, we ran as fast as we could across the square, guided by the sailor, who had taken the bearings of some lights he told us to steer by. owing to the stormy weather and the late hour, no one was crossing the square; indeed, even the most callous were probably inclined to avoid the spot where the indians had been executed in the morning. we must have passed close to it. at last we reached the side of the river, but had not hit the place where the sailor had left the canoe. here was another difficulty. could any one have removed it? we groped about for some time in vain. "can you both swim?" asked the sailor. "yes; but it's a long way across, and there are perhaps crocodiles in the water," i answered. "better be drowned or swallowed up by a crocodile, my lads, than retaken by those land-sharks," he observed. "it must come to that if we cannot find the canoe." pedro and i agreed to this; and, though we had not our full strength, we prepared to take the swim, trusting to the brave fellow's assistance. "well, i see there's some risk, so we'll have another hunt for the canoe first," he observed. "stay, i think it's lower down the stream." he was right. directly afterwards, to our great satisfaction, we stumbled upon the canoe. to launch it was the work of a moment; but though we hunted in every direction, we could only find one paddle. "one must do," said the sailor. "i can manage. no time to be lost, though." saying this, he stepped in first, and seated himself in the stern, with the paddle in his hand. he then turned the head of the canoe to the bank, and told pedro and me to creep in carefully over the bow. we did so, and placed ourselves by his direction along the bottom. a stroke of his paddle then turned the canoe round, and we floated rapidly down the stream. i listened for any sound to indicate that we were followed, but nothing could be heard above the howling of the wind in the trees. neither of us uttered a word, not that there was much chance of being heard by any one on shore. the water bubbled and hissed round us, and the wind threw it in sheets of spray over our heads. at times it came rippling over the sides of the canoe, and there seemed a prospect of its being filled; but the seaman held on his course without hesitation. we had shot quickly by the few lights which here and there twinkled from the houses, and were beginning to breathe more freely, thinking that we had altogether got clear of the town, when i fancied i heard the splash of oars behind us. i could not tell if the sailor had heard the sound, but he seemed to ply his paddle with even greater vigour than before. once or twice he turned his head for an instant, which confirmed me in the idea that we were followed; but even his practised eye could not pierce the darkness which shrouded us. at last i saw that he had relaxed in his efforts, and that he kept his paddle moving sufficiently only to guide the canoe as it dropped down with the current. we had been a couple of hours in the canoe, or perhaps not quite so long, though the anxiety we felt made the time pass slowly. "well, i believe it was only a cayman or an alligator, or one of those sort of brutes, after all," he exclaimed, drawing a deep breath, like a man relieved from a heavy care. "i have not been able yet to thank you, friend, for what you have already done for us; but i should like to know what you propose doing next," said i, as soon as i found we might venture to speak. "well, that's just what i was thinking of, mate, myself," he answered. "but you needn't thank me, for to my mind, i haven't done much for you yet. all i have had time for was to get you out of limbo, and afloat on this here river. we must now hold a council of war, to know what's to be done." as he said this, he made the canoe glide in towards the nearest bank. we quickly found ourselves in a quiet bay, overhung with trees, into which we had by chance entered. the sailor held on by the bough of a tree, which served to keep the canoe from floating out again. the wind had much abated, and the sky had become much clearer, so that there was sufficient light to enable us to steer free of any dangers in the middle of the stream; though where we now were we should have been completely concealed from the sight of persons on board any boat which might have been passing, or even of one sent in search of us. "well," said the sailor, "what do you propose, mate?" "i must first ask you whereabouts we are," i answered. "i promised an indian who preserved my life, to return to him before i left the country, but i cannot tell where he is now to be found. our wisest plan would be to try and reach the sea, so as to get on board some english ship. i do not think we shall be safe till then." "what has your friend, then, to say to the matter?" said the sailor. "he does not understand english, but i will ask him." pedro replied that he thought we should be guided by the sailor, who had already helped us so much. the sailor seemed pleased with the answer. "why, then, i'll try and do my best for you, mates," he said. "you see we are about ten miles away from your prison, and somewhere close upon two hundred miles from the nearest port where we are likely to fall in with any english ship. the spaniards don't encourage them to come openly into their ports with the high duties they clap on, though there's a good deal of smuggling on the coast; and more than half the british manufactures used in the country are landed without paying a farthing of duty. i would rather stick to the river as long as we could; but then, you see, it's the very place the spaniards are likely to send to look for us. so i propose that we pull down some five or six miles further, where there are some rapids which we cannot pass, and then we will land on the south bank, and make our way over towards the country they call chili, though it's hot enough, to my mind, at times. we might manage, to be sure, to get across the mountains, and launch a canoe upon one of the streams which run into the river of the amazons. it's a long way, to be sure, but others have gone down the river; and i don't see, if we can keep stout hearts in our bodies, why we shouldn't. when one man has done a thing, i always think another may, if he set the right way about it." "a voyage down the river of the amazons!" i exclaimed. "the very thing i should be delighted to accomplish. i do not care for the dangers or hardships we shall have to encounter. i say, let us try it by all means. i am sure pedro will agree. we must first try and find my friend manco, the indian chief, if he should have escaped from his enemies." i then explained to the sailor who manco was. "that's the spirit i like to see," he answered. "we shall do, depend upon it. i've no great fancy for being caught by the spaniards and clapped into prison; and they are certain to be looking for us all along the western coast. we shall have to go rather a roundabout way, but that can't be helped. now, from what i hear, the indians have pretty well cleared the country of the white men to the south of this, so we shall have little to fear from the spaniards; and as you say the indians are your friends, if we fall in with them, it is to be hoped they will treat us well. we can't expect, you know, to get through the world without running through a little danger now and then." i told the sailor i agreed with him. "and now, my friend," i said, "i have some more questions to ask you. i do not know your name, and i cannot guess how you came to find us out." "what does that matter, mate? i do not know yours; and to say the truth, i never heard of you till a few days ago, when i heard the people talking--for i know something of their lingo--of a young englishman who was to be shot for siding with the indians. now, thinks i to myself, that is a very bad thing for the lad, and if i can lend him a hand, we'll disappoint the dons. it's my belief, a seaman--as far as that matters, anybody--ought always to help a countryman in distress, or he's not worth his salt." "then i ought first to tell you who i am," i replied; and i gave him a short account of myself, and my late adventures, and how i came to meet with pedro. "that's very strange," he muttered; "very strange. i'm more than ever glad to be of use to you. now for my name. it's not a long one. i'm called ned gale. i was born at sea and bred at sea; and it isn't often i set foot on shore, so that what good there is in me i picked up afloat." "then how comes it, ned gale, that you got so far inland as this?" i asked. "why, you see the ship i sailed in was seized by the spanish authorities, in the port of callao, where we had been driven by stress of weather. it was alleged that we had been smuggling on the coast, which was neither here nor there, as there was no one to prove it. at last the master was advised to appeal to the viceroy, and so he set off to lima to see him, taking me in his company. when we got to lima, we found that the viceroy had gone up the country; so away we went after him. we travelled over mountains, and across sandy plains, and rivers and torrents, day after day, but he always kept ahead of us. you see that he had gone out to fight the indians; and when at last we came up with him, we found him in a very bad humour, for his troops had been beaten in every direction. so he would not listen to a word my captain had to say. the fact was, the bribe captain hindson had been advised to offer him was not large enough. my poor captain had before been very ill, and as the ship was, his own property, and all he possessed in the world, his loss ruined him. from the day he got the viceroy's answer, he never again lifted up his head; and in a week he died in my arms. it was of a broken heart, i suppose; for there was nothing the matter with him that i could see. poor fellow, i have seen many a shipmate struck down by the shot of the enemy, or sinking under the foaming waves, when there was no help at hand; but i never mourned for one as i did for him, for he was a right honest and kind man. the dons did not show much christian charity towards him after he was dead either, for they said he was a heretic; so they would not bury him in the churchyard, but carried him away to a field, where they dug a hole and covered him up like a dog. i didn't think that mattered at all, however; so i owed them no grudge for it. i never could see the use of praying for a man after he was dead. he did not mind where he lay, and god will know where to look for him at the last day, when he has to stand his trial like all of us. at first i felt a wish to die too; but i soon got over that, and taking the money and the few things the captain had given me (i've got his note about that matter--his will he called it), i started off for the coast to look out for another ship. as i have been often in the country, i have picked up some of their lingo, so got on well enough among the dons; but i found i couldn't very well travel alone, and often had to wait till i found some one going my road. it was in this way, while i was looking out for companions, that i happened to fall in with you. and now you know something of my history, are you willing to trust me?" "had i known nothing about it, after the essential service you have rendered us, i would confidently have trusted you," i answered. "avast now then, mate," exclaimed ned gale; "don't give me any soft sawder; i'm not fond of it. i like the cut of your jib, and you like the cut of mine; so we shall sail very well in company. by-and-by we shall know more of each other. and the young don there, i like his looks too, though i'm not over partial to the natives. howsomdever, we've had talking enough, and as my arms are rested, and there don't appear to be any enemy abroad looking for us, we may as well get under weigh again." i agreed with him; and pedro and i sinking down into our former position, we again glided out into the stream. the river was in places very shallow, and more than once we touched the bottom, and the water began to foam over the stern; but gale lifted her clear with his paddle, without our being obliged to jump out, and away we went again as rapidly as before. pedro was very silent--he felt confused and astonished at all that had occurred; neither did ned gale nor i exchange many words, for we could not tell at what moment we might come upon any of the villages which are to be found on the banks of the river. now and then we heard a dog bark, and the crowing of some cocks in the distance gave signs of the approach of morning; but no habitations were visible, and no human voices gave us cause for alarm. several of the villages on the south bank, ned gale had learned, had been destroyed by the indians; but they had not attempted to cross to the north side. after about an hour's paddling, we reached a spot similar to the one where we had before taken shelter. we paddled along the shore of the little bay for some way, trying to find a place hard enough to bear our feet, for the bank was generally soft and muddy fringed by a broad belt of reeds, which the alligators must have found convenient for tickling their snouts with. "step out," said gale, "and learn if we are likely to make our way inland from this. i will wait for you and look after the canoe." doing as he desired, pedro and i felt our way along with cautious steps, for under the trees it was so dark that we could scarcely see our hands held up before us. we found that the ground rose a little way beyond, and appeared quite hard. satisfied with our discovery, after about a quarter of an hour's absence, we commenced our return to the boat. we walked on slowly, every instant expecting to fall into some hole; and at last we agreed that we ought to have reached the canoe. we hunted about to the right and to the left, but we could not even see the river. we called out as loud as we dared, but gale did not answer. "there is the river; i see it shining through the trees," said pedro. very soon we got up to it; and pedro, who was a little in advance, was very nearly falling in. i dragged him back, and we began to hunt for the canoe. it was nowhere to be seen. again we shouted louder than before, but ned gale did not answer. could he have deserted us? such a thing seemed impossible, yet we began almost to despair. "could an alligator have picked him off?" i asked pedro, shuddering as i thought of our friend's probable fate. we had kept along the bank of the river for some way. just then gale's voice sounded close to us. we were soon up with him, and had told him of the result of our expedition, and of our alarm. "it was my fault, i suppose," he answered, laughing. "i found a tree to which i could make the canoe fast, so i thought i might as well take a little sleep while you were away. i heard you call, and dreamed that i answered you. the honest truth is, i spent all last night looking about the prison to find you out, so i haven't closed my eyes for many an hour. you'll pardon me, mates, i hope; nature's nature, and will have its way." i assured him, now that we had found him, we did not mind the fright; and asked him what he proposed doing next. "why, the first thing, you see, is to send the canoe out into the stream, so that our enemies may not discover where we have landed," he answered. "it will float away over the falls; so they may be looking for us miles below them perhaps." according to ned gale's suggestion, we towed the canoe to the end of the point which formed one side of the bay, and he then throwing the paddle into it, we gave it a shove, which sent it out into the middle of the stream, down which we could distinguish it gliding rapidly away, till it was lost to sight. "we must lose no more time now, mates," said ned gale, as we climbed up the bank. "we must get some way inland before daylight, and then stow ourselves away in a wood till we have time to look about us. we must keep clear of all cottages, for the white-brown fellows hereabouts would make no bones of selling us to the dons, if they thought they could get anything for us. you see i've brought prog enough to last all hands for three days or more, on somewhat short commons; and mayhap we may snare some game to eke it out much longer." this was good news, for, by taking proper precautions, i thought we might at all events avoid falling into the hands of the spaniards; and of the indians i had no fear. the ground over which we were passing, was very rough and uncultivated, and we could discover no beaten path. after some time we came to a mud wall; and on the other side we found a field full of maize, just fit for cutting. this gave us a very welcome supply of food, and we filled our pockets and caps, and a bag ned gale had brought with him, for that very purpose. it was necessary, however, to get away from the farm before daylight; so we skirted along the wall, and once more found ourselves on wild ground. the whole eastern sky was covered with a mass of flame, a sign that the sun himself was about to appear, when we caught sight of a forest spreading out before us. we pushed on much faster than we had been able to do during the darkness, and had just concealed ourselves among the trees, as the sun, rushing from among the mountains, cast a bright glow of light over the plains we had just passed. the first thing ned gale did, was to climb up one of the tallest trees on the outskirts of the forest, to take a look round and see what was in sight, as, he observed, a good seaman always does the first thing in the morning. when he came down, he reported that he had observed in the far distance some smoke, which he supposed arose from the farmhouse we had passed in the night; but that he had discovered no other human habitation while as far as the eye could discern there appeared to be only an uncultivated plain. having eaten nothing since our last meal in the prison, pedro and i were very glad when ned gale opened his wallet, and produced some dried meat and bread and cheese, and what was almost of greater value, a good supply of cocoa. he had a flint and steel with him, and a tin cup for boiling water; so we collected some sticks and lighted a small fire, sufficient to cook our cocoa and to parch some peas. on looking over our provisions, we found that we had already ample to last us a week, so that we might venture to push across the mountains towards cuzco, where, manco had told me, he expected about this time the indians would be collected in great force. we had, however, more than a day's journey before we could reach the foot of the mountains, which were upwards of thirty miles off. on hunting about, we discovered a spring of bright water bubbling up close to the roots of an enormous tree, which it evidently very much assisted to nourish. we ate a good meal, and then gale insisted that pedro and i should lie down and rest, while he watched. as we both of us very much required sleep, we were not sorry to follow his advice; and in about two hours we awoke much refreshed. i have not yet described ned gale. he was about five feet six in height, and very strongly built, with rather a large head, covered with a profusion of light hair. he wore a full bushy beard and large whiskers. his eyes were full and round, and of the brightest blue i have ever seen in those of a man. his month was large, and filled with strong white teeth, and his nose, though rather thick and prominent, was otherwise well cut. indeed he came up fully to the description of a fine-looking fellow without being handsome. his dress was that of an ordinary seaman of those days. he wore a belt with a brace of pistols stuck in it, which were partly concealed by his loose cloth jacket. his head was covered by a small low-crowned straw hat; and the puzzle seemed to be how he could manage to keep it on. altogether he presented a figure very seldom seen so far inland as we then were. "come, mates," he exclaimed, "it's time to be making headway again." we jumped up, and having divided our stores into three equal parts, and cut some thick walking-sticks, we shouldered our bundles, and recommenced our journey. chapter fifteen. our flight with ned gale, and the adventures we met with. we travelled all day through the forest, the glimpses we every now and then obtained of the mountains serving to guide our steps. on emerging from the forest we arrived at a rapid stream. "how are we to cross this?" i exclaimed. "we shall spoil all our provisions, and have our clothes wet for the night, if we are obliged to swim across." "oh, i think we may be able to ford it," said ned gale. "here, mates, let's catch hold of each other's hands, that if one falls the rest can pick him up. i'll lead across, and sound with my stick. to my mind, that's the way people should help each other through the world." after hunting about for some time, we found a broad place, where, from the appearance of the bank on either side, we fancied there might be a ford. so we took off our lower garments, and fastening our loads high up on our shoulders, we commenced the passage. for some way the water was shallow, and rose but little above our knees; but we went on slowly, ned carefully sounding with his stick in advance. it was fortunate that we did so, for on a sudden ned sung out that he could find no bottom; and scarcely had he spoken, when he sunk up to his armpits, and had not we not hauled him back with all our might, the current would have carried him down the stream. we tried several other places, but everywhere found the water too deep to ford. "it won't do," observed ned. "we must stand back to the shore, and try to find another way of crossing. here, mates, let's set to work and collect as many dry rushes as we can pull. i've seen the indians cross much broader and more rapid rivers than this on a few bundles of rushes." i told him, so had i; and i did not know how it was that i did not think of it before. ned had a large clasp knife, with which he cut away the rushes at a great rate, while, as pedro and i had had ours taken from us in the prison, we were obliged to tear them up by the roots, or to break off the dry ones. when we had made a large heap of them, ned gave me his knife. "there," he said, "you go on cutting, while i begin to build our craft." there were some young trees growing near, one of which about ten feet long he had cut down. this he said was to serve as a keel, to make the craft somewhat ship-shape. he first fastened the rushes together in small bundles, and these he secured along the pole on either side, one outside the other. he placed smaller bundles at the ends, and fastened them together; thus forming in a few minutes a very respectable-looking canoe, which, though not water-tight, would have enabled us to perform a much longer voyage than we had to undertake. by placing some bundles at intervals across the canoe, we hoped to be able to keep ourselves dry, having our feet only in the water. our next care was to cut some long poles, by which we proposed to pole ourselves across. ned gale said a couple would be sufficient, one for him and another for me. having cut them, we launched our canoe into shallow water, so that we could step easily into it; and then, seizing our poles, we shoved out into the stream. our canoe kept us well out of the water, though it had a tendency to turn over, which we were well able to counteract with our poles as long as we could reach the bottom. we had got more than half way across, when the water deepened so much that we were obliged to use them as oars, or rather paddles, to get across; and we had floated some way down the stream before we again could find the bottom. at last we landed, and drew up our canoe. i proposed leaving it, to make the natives wonder at the strange contrivance. "no, no," said gale. "never mind what the natives may think about it. i say, let us stop and pull it to pieces, or some of the spaniards may chance to see it, and it will show them which way we are gone. it is a foolish notion people have of caring what those they may never see or hear of again, think of something they have made or done. nothing good or useful, i mean, but some folly or other. it's what makes people carve their names on the top of a rock, or some out-of-the-way place, that somebody else, about as wise as themselves, may know that they have been there." it was the work of two or three minutes only to pull the raft to pieces, and to send the bundles of reeds which composed it floating down the stream. before leaving the river, we sat down and took the meal which we called our dinner; and having drunk as much water as we required, we filled up the skin ned had provided, as we could not tell when we might again meet with water. very fortunate it was that we did so. having packed up our traps, we trudged onwards. we had walked about a couple of miles over a country thinly sprinkled with trees, and naturally fertile, though now without a human habitation, when, on looking ahead, instead of the green colour of the grass, and the varied foliage of the trees, we observed, as far as the eye could reach, one unvaried mass of reddish brown. "that's a wild heath ahead of us, which we shall have to pass," observed ned. "i never saw the like of it." "see, see," exclaimed pedro, pointing rather more to the right than we had been looking. "what is that?" at first we could not guess what was happening. it appeared as if at a little distance off there was a heavy snow-storm falling, the whole air being full of large white flakes, so dense as almost to conceal the fierce rays of the sun. "no, it can't be snow--that's certain," said ned. "but what it is, i can't say." the seeming snow-drift swept on as we advanced towards the brown heath. pedro ran on a little ahead, and stooping down, soon returned with a large insect in his hand, which i recognised as a locust. it was fully three inches in length, of a reddish brown colour, and with very long and powerful hind-legs, with which, when pedro opened his hand, it sprung off to a great distance. the appearance we had seen was that of a flight of locusts, or rather a small division of their army, which was about to settle directly in our course. we were soon among their outposts, where they lay pretty thick; but beyond, as far as we could see, the ground was completely covered with them. pedro, who had often seen them before, declared that, like ants and bees, they have peculiar laws and regulations; and that those we first came upon were, like the sentinels of an army, placed to give warning of coming danger. if such is the case at times, they gave no notice of our approach, but merely skipped and jumped about, and knocked against our legs as we walked by. "it's a good job these beasts have no fancy for eating meat as well as vegetables," observed ned. "if they once began upon us, there wouldn't be much of us left in the course of an hour." as, however, they neither sting nor bite, they did us no harm, though they skipped about us in millions as we advanced, while numbers were crushed every time we put our feet to the ground. we proceeded for upwards of an hour through this moving mass of life, till we stood literally in the centre of a sea of locusts. it was necessary to push on to get from among them before dark, as we had no fancy to attempt to rest among such unquiet companions. it took us more than another half-hour to get clear of them; and we calculated that they covered a space four to five miles broad at the place we found them. we then came upon the ground which they had occupied, and the most ruthless of invaders could not have destroyed a country more completely than they had done. not a blade of grass remained; every tree and shrub was leafless, and their branches were stripped of their bark. we could not help looking with painful amazement on the scene of desolation which those small animals had caused. not only would they, as ned gale said, have eaten us up had they been carnivorous, but they might have devoured pizarro and the army with which he conquered peru in the course of a night. for miles in advance they had left traces of their visit. we congratulated ourselves on having brought water with us, as we could find none in the neighbourhood. what became of this vast flight of locusts i could not tell. i only hope they flew into the sea, or died from repletion; for had they gone on consuming as much daily as we saw them destroy, they might lay a whole province desolate in the course of a few weeks. we walked on till it was quite dark before we could find a sheltered spot in which to bivouac. at last we reached a deep hollow, which at one period of the world's history had been probably part of a watercourse, but owing to some convulsion of nature, it was now perfectly dry. trees grew on the upper edges, and the sides were covered with brushwood. it appeared, as far as we could judge in the uncertain light of the evening, to be a place well suited for our purpose; and we accordingly hunted about till we found a spot where we could light a fire and lie down to rest. this was not very easy, but at length we discovered a small open space covered with grass. gale cut away the bushes round it, and piling up some in the centre, we lighted a fire. the flames, as they burned up, showed us the wild character of the place we were in. dark rocks appeared here and there among the brushwood, and tall trees towered above our heads, effectually screening the light of our fire from any persons who might by chance have been in our neighbourhood. we boiled our cocoa, and parched our heads of indian corn, and then prepared to rest. "we might be worse off; and so, mates, i don't think we've any cause to complain," observed ned gale as he surveyed our abode. this was a favourite expression of his; and he was always contented, whatever happened. i felt grateful; for though our prospects for the future were uncertain, we were at all events at liberty, with a fair chance of escaping our enemies. ned gale had a little black pipe which he prized much, and a small supply of tobacco, which he husbanded with the greatest care. he lighted his pipe, and sat over the fire enjoying his smoke in silence. as usual, we took it by turns to watch and to keep our fire alight. pedro and ned gale had been sleeping for some time, when, finding that the fire required feeding, i rose to put some more sticks upon it. as the flames burst forth more brightly than before, their light shone on the high branches of the trees, when, happening to look up, i saw just above as a face peering down from among the foliage. it seemed to be watching us very attentively; the owner fancying, probably, from his position, that he was unobserved. as he put his head more forward to get a better sight of us, i saw that he was an old black man with a white head; and immediately it struck me that he was employed as a scout to watch us by the spaniards. my first impulse was to rouse my companions. "ned gale, ned gale," i sung out, "the spaniards are after us i am afraid." he sprung to his feet, and looking anxiously around, grasped one of his pistols, like a man ever ready to encounter danger. "where are they?" he asked. "i don't see them." "there, there," i answered, pointing at the trees. he and pedro turned their eyes in the direction i indicated. there was now not only one negro looking at us, but several black faces, encircled with white hair, appeared among the branches. instead of flying from our supposed enemies, they both burst into fits of laughter. "those spaniards? why, they are monkeys," exclaimed ned. "ha, ha, ha! now, if i could bring one of them down, he might serve us for dinner to-morrow." i could not help joining in his laughter, though i had no fancy for eating a monkey. he threw up a piece of stick with all his force. it missed its aim, and served to send the whole troop scampering away, uttering mournful howls, to a distance, where they for some time kept up a concert, which effectually banished sleep. when the monkeys had ceased howling, pedro began his watch, and i tried to obtain some rest. ned gale, with his sailor habits, very quickly was lost in the land of dreams; but i was not so fortunate. i saw that pedro was reading, and i did not wish to interrupt him. he every now and then shut his book and looked about him. he appeared to me to be on the watch in expectation of some threatened danger. at last i gave up the attempt to sleep as hopeless. there was something in the air of the place, i believe, which affected me. my young companion had been sitting for some minutes lost in meditation. "what are you thinking about, pedro?" i asked. "of my father and mother," he answered, with a sigh. "why, i thought you never knew them," i observed. "i have often dreamed of them though," he said. "do you know, senor david, that i sometimes fancy i may some day discover them. had i the means of becoming educated as you are, and of obtaining a fortune, i would employ it in searching for them." "if we succeed in getting to england, i am sure my friends, in gratitude to you, will put you in the way of making your fortune," i replied. "but i own i cannot see how this will enable you to find your parents, without any clue to guide you." "god, if he thinks fit, will point out the way," he answered. "i put my trust in him." i could say no more. this idea had, i found, become the absorbing one of his mind. "if my parents live, he too will show me the means through which i may discover them," i thought. i had never yet been thoroughly convinced of their loss. i was perfectly helpless i knew, and i felt forcibly that on him alone could i place my trust. the feeling brought comfort and consolation; and lying down again, a soothing sleep soon stole over me. i was aroused by a shout from ned gale, who had taken pedro's place. i started up, and found the sailor with his pistol in one hand and his long stick in the other, about to spring into the thicket beyond us. the fire was almost extinguished, and daylight was appearing. i looked round for pedro. to my horror he was nowhere to be seen. "where is the young spaniard?" i exclaimed. "follow me," answered ned, rushing forward. i seized a lighted branch, and with my stick in the other hand, i leaped after him. a shriek of terror and agony, which i could not doubt proceeded from pedro, served to guide us. it was followed by a savage roar. "save me! save me!" he shrieked. a movement in the bushes showed us more certainly where he was. "a wild beast has got hold of the poor fellow!" shouted ned, bending the bushes before him as he hurried on. the branch i held in my hand was of a resinous nature, and burned brightly. it light showed us in a clear space, under a wide spreading shrub, poor pedro on the ground, with a large jaguar standing over him. the attention of the savage animal had been attracted by our approach, and he stood glaring fiercely, uncertain whether to carry off his prey or spring at us. ned was afraid of firing, lest we should miss the jaguar and hit pedro. my torch was of more service than his pistol. i saw in a moment that the only chance of saving my friend was to frighten the beast, so, thoughtless of the clanger to myself, i sprung towards him, and dashed the burning brand in his face. i believe i almost blinded him. with a roar, denoting pain and terror, he sprang on one side, when ned rushed in, and dragged pedro away from him. "fire--now fire," i shouted to ned, thinking the jaguar was about to close with us. he lifted his pistol and fired. he was so close that the ball entered the beast's head, and, giving a bound forward, he fell to the ground struggling in mortal agonies. once again he rose to his feet and attempted to seize me; but my torch turned him aside, and before he could reach me he rolled over, and in another instant he was dead. i looked anxiously to see if pedro was much hurt, or rather i scarcely expected to find him alive. at that moment a bright light burst forth, and i saw to my dismay that the bushes round us were in a fierce blaze. ned was carrying pedro in his arms, and dashing through the bushes towards the place where we had rested. "after me, mate, after me," he cried. i did require to be told to hurry, for the flames were leaping up from all the surrounding shrubs, and climbing many of the higher trees. i overtook him before we reached our encampment. "pick up our traps and come along," shouted ned, as he made his way towards the path by which we entered the glen. i stopped at our bivouac and collected our packages of provisions, and our other property. just as i was coming away, my eye fell on ned's knife. i put it in my pocket, and was looking to see if i could find any other article, when the flames caught hold of the surrounding bushes, and warned me to beat a retreat. they crackled and hissed and roared in my rear as i ran on. a light breeze had sprung up, and blew them towards us. fortunately the bright light they caused enabled us to see our way, or we should have had great difficulty in escaping from the glen. heavy as pedro was, ned bore him like a child up the rough ascent. the fire flew from shrub to shrub, and extended in every direction; the smoke, too, increased in denseness, and almost stifled us. i could scarcely breathe, and expected every moment to sink from exhaustion; but the brave sailor was not to be daunted. crying out to me to follow, he pushed on over all impediments. i kept close to him, and in a few minutes, which seemed an age, we reached the more level ground above the dell. ned stopped for an instant to gather breath, but before i had time to discover more than that pedro still breathed, we were compelled to continue our flight, not only by the approach of the smoke and flames, but by a new danger. the jaguar we had killed was not the only inhabitant of the glen of his species, and as the path we had taken was the chief outlet in that direction, a number of animals of all descriptions came rushing out close to us. i had turned my head to look at the blazing furnace below us, when, to my dismay, i saw close behind me a huge animal, which i at once guessed was a female jaguar, followed by several cubs. i cried out to ned to hurry on with his burden, and swinging my stick about me, i dealt her a heavy blow on the head, which appeared somewhat to astonish her. at any other time she would probably quickly have avenged the insult; but, frightened by the flames, she merely uttered a growl of anger and turned on one side, followed by her hopeful progeny. we did not halt again till we reached a rocky mound, free from grass or shrubs, to which we had hopes the fire would not approach. it was now almost daylight, though the blazing dell afforded us ample light to see our way. ned laid pedro down, and we anxiously examined his wounds. his side and one of his arms, by which the jaguar had lifted him, were dreadfully torn, but we could discover no marks of the brute's teeth. he was senseless, but this we hoped was caused more by terror and pain than from any mortal injury. we neither of us possessed any knowledge of surgery, so we had only our own sense to point out what was best to be done; and in truth we had but little time for consideration, for the flames were already spreading beyond the glen, and might soon approach our retreat. "we must wash the poor fellow's hurts, and bind them up to stop the bleeding," said ned. "where's the water, mate?" we had a little left in our skin bottle, and pouring out some of it on my handkerchief, i wiped away the blood. my shirt, i remembered, was fortunately of linen. "here," i exclaimed to gale, "just tear off the sleeves for me; they will serve for bandages." with a seaman's promptness he did as i proposed, and we bound up the places where he was hurt, in a fashion which perhaps might not quite have satisfied a surgeon, though we performed the operation as well as time would allow. our patient had now began to recover, and after drinking a little water, he sat up and looked around with a gaze of amazement on the strange scene below us. the fire in the glen was raging furiously, and sending up dark columns of smoke to the sky. animals of all descriptions were rushing forth from the conflagration, too terrified to take any notice of us. three or four fierce jaguars, with terrible howlings, dashed by, followed by several huge serpents, who crawled, hissing, along over the ground, disturbed from their abodes among the roots of the trees. a troop of monkeys ran chattering away; and parrots and birds innumerable flew over our heads, driven from their long accustomed homes. "it won't do for us to remain here much longer," observed ned. "ask the young spaniard how he feels, and whether he thinks he can get along." in reply pedro answered me that he was able to walk, though it was not without difficulty that he lifted himself from the ground. however, as it was absolutely necessary for us to proceed on our journey, ned and i, supporting him between us, began to descend the rock. there was, fortunately, a sandy track, free from grass, of considerable extent, on one side, across which we proposed to proceed. ned had loaded his pistols, and we each of us kept our sticks in our hands, ready to defend ourselves from any of the wild beasts which might venture to attack us. the fire continued raging fiercely on our right as we hurried on, and we watched it with intense anxiety, to see whether it was advancing towards us. had it taken place on the open prairies, which cover many portions of the continent, our escape would have been impossible. as it was, our chance was at times doubtful. by ourselves we might have run for our lives; but our wounded companion impeded us, and i would have sacrificed myself sooner than have quitted him. the ground which we were then traversing was composed chiefly of rock and sand, but there was enough dry grass growing on it, should it catch fire, to scorch us very much, if not to destroy us; and ahead, for some distance, it grew much thicker; while beyond again there appeared a wide extent of sandy soil, which, if we could once reach, we should probably be in safety. as the sun rose, the wind shifted to a quarter which blew the flames more rapidly than heretofore towards us. ned and i exerted ourselves to the utmost to drag on poor pedro, who was not so well aware of our danger. onward, in the shape of a wedge, advanced the devouring flames with the sharp point first. this gradually thickened, spreading out on either side. now a rock or a sandy patch intervened, but they leaped over all impediments, the long dry grass catching fire from the sparks which, like a vast courier of destruction, were borne forward by the breeze. i looked at ned to learn from his looks what chance he thought we had of escaping, but his countenance did not betray the slightest sign of fear or doubt. the fire, it must be understood, had, in consequence of the direction the wind had before blown in our rear, been driven in a straight line on our right a considerable distance in advance of us; and now, from the wind blowing from our right, it was taking a course directly across the path we were anxious to pursue. on our left the ground was covered with dry grass and underwood, so that we dared not to venture across it. the only course left us was, therefore, directly ahead. "i am sorry we left the rock," said i, as we hurried on. "we should have been fried brown by this time, if we had remained on it," answered ned, giving a glance over his shoulder. "why, mate, the flames are dancing round it as merrily as waves in a storm. cheer up: we shall do well yet." taking courage from him, i pushed on with renewed hope. but this did not last long. every moment the fire got nearer and nearer; and already it seemed to me that the path before us was cut off. by running very fast we might perhaps get across; but with pedro to help along, i thought we could not do it. i felt that i could not leave the poor fellow, and resolved to remain by him, and perish with him if so it must be; but i saw no reason why the brave seaman should share our fate, when he might easily save himself. "ned," i cried, when we had reached a spot somewhat more free from grass than the surrounding ground, "run for it, my good fellow, and save yourself. i cannot leave my friend, for i owe him much; but he has no claim whatever upon you. fly! fly!" "what, mate? i should be a pretty sort of a seaman if i was to do as you say," he exclaimed, stopping for a moment to address me. "he's a fellow-creature in distress, and that's enough for ned gale, i hope. run--ha! ha! here, just lift him up on my back, and we'll see what can be done." it was the work of a moment to do as he bid me; and throwing me his knapsack, ned, with pedro on his shoulders, set off running, and i after him, as fast as our legs would carry us. i had before remarked the great strength ned possessed when he chose to exert it. he now bore pedro along as if he had been a child. away we dashed right into the belt of tall grass, one end of which, not many hundred yards' distant, was already burning. the fire came hissing along towards us like a fiery serpent. ned glanced at it over his shoulder, and increased his exertions. he saw that not a moment could be spared. as i saw it coming on, i almost shrieked with a terror i had never before felt; and had i been alone i think i should have fallen. the fire was close upon us. there was a slight rise in the ground. we rushed up it. i thought that our doom was sealed, when, to my joy, i discovered that i had been deceived by the rise as to the width of the belt of grass. a few yards only of grass had to be passed, when beyond appeared the sandy plain, without a particle of herbage on it. we felt the heat of the fire--the flames were upon us. we dashed through the intervening space of grass, and ran on for a hundred yards before ned thought of stopping. "here, mate!" he said at last. "help the poor fellow down, and hand me a drop of water. it's hot work, but we have escaped a frying this time at all events." we put pedro on the ground, and then, as he insisted on walking, we moved on a little further, and sat down by him to watch the progress of the conflagration. it quickly worked its way across the belt we had passed across; and then the scrub beyond towards the mountain caught fire and blazed up furiously, extending far away to the east, till the whole country before us seemed one mass of flame. had it been night it would have been magnificent, but we were truly glad that it was day, that we might more easily see our road. "well, i hope there are no poor people's farms in that direction, or any indians hiding away, for the fire doesn't seem inclined to spare them," said ned. "and now, mates, let's have some prog; we've a long day's journey before us, and have had a sharp morning's work." we took our frugal meal, and then seeing that pedro required some rest, we made him lie down for half an hour before we recommenced our journey. "i'm thinking, mate, that this fire will be bringing some indians down to look at it," observed ned, as we walked on. "if they are friends they will be welcome, as they will help to carry our poor friend here. howsomdever, `it's an ill wind that blows no one good,' and, to my mind, if any spaniards are on our track they won't much like crossing that little bit of blaze astern, till we are pretty well out of their reach." i agreed with him that i should much like to meet any friendly indians. we had another reason for being anxious to do so, as our provisions were running short, and, at the slower rate we were now compelled to travel, would scarcely last us till we could reach that part of the country where i expected to find some of manco's followers. with regard to the spaniards harming us, i did not think they would venture so far; but should they have done so, the fire would afford us a better chance of escape, and prevent their dreadful bloodhounds from scenting out our track. pedro bore up manfully in spite of the pain he suffered from his hurts. from the very temperate life he had led, his blood was cool and healthy, and no inflammation set in; which i was afraid would have been the case. if people would but remember the great importance of temperance, and would avoid strong drinks, and take only a moderate portion of meat, they would escape much suffering from wounds and injuries to which all are liable, and which in so many cases prove fatal, although no vital part has been touched. i have seen the strongest men die from a slight scratch; and the weakest apparently recover from the most terrible hurts. the strong men have eaten and drunk to gratify their palates; the weak have eaten food to live. chapter sixteen. fall in with the army of the inca--manco again. we had for two days been travelling through a wild and mountainous country, skirting the base of the cordilleras, which served as our guide, and looking out for a pass known to pedro, by which we might cross them. our provisions were expended, though we had frequent opportunities of replenishing our water-skins, which enabled us the better to support our fatigue. for some distance we passed over a portion of the great high road of the incas, which led from cuzco to quito; and as it was no longer used by the spaniards, we had no fear of encountering them. it was far superior to any of the modern roads, and showed the high state of civilisation to which the peruvians had arrived in those days. it was from about twenty-five to thirty feet broad, and paved with large flat stones. at intervals of about twelve paces i observed rows of smaller stones, laid horizontally and slightly elevated thus making the road ascend gradually by a succession of terraces or steps. on each side of the road there was a low parapet wall of small stones. when i remembered that this gigantic and finished piece of work extended for many hundred miles, from one end of the dominions of the incas to the other, i felt greater regret than ever that the country had been wrested from them by a people who had so cruelly neglected its many advantages. by the side of the road, situated on hillocks within sight of each other, were small edifices, where the messengers who promulgated the commands of the incas throughout the country were stationed. a signal was made whenever a messenger left one of the stations, and one from the next met him half way and received the despatch, which was then forwarded from successive stations till it reached its destination. we arrived towards the evening at one of these station-houses (many of which still remain in tolerable repair); and, as a storm was threatening, we resolved to make it our abode for the night. it was a small, low, round tower, but the roof was wanting, which was our first care to supply. for this purpose ned and i tore off and cut down a number of branches from the trees which grew near; and finding, in a hollow some way down the hill, a pool with rushes growing round it, we collected a sufficient supply to aid materially in forming a thatch. we left pedro meantime to clean the floor, and to light a fire, though we only had some cocoa and a little indian corn to cook by it. returning with our materials, we placed the boughs across the top of the walls, with the rushes in the form of a rude cone verging from the centre above them. i then collected a number of stones, with which the road supplied us, and handing them up to ned, he put them on the thatch to prevent its being blown away. our work being speedily concluded, for ned had a very systematic way of doing everything, i bethought me of collecting some more rushes to form a bed for pedro. i was hurrying down for the purpose, when on my way i observed between the trees the walls of a building, standing on a level plot of ground. i called to ned, and we set off together to examine it, for it struck me it was a small farm belonging to _mestizos_ or indians. we soon reached it, and i found i was not mistaken. the inhabitants had lately fled, the roof was off the hut, and the maize crop had been reaped. we were at first without hopes of benefiting by our discovery; but as i was looking about, i observed a fig-tree with some ripe figs on it, which i at once collected; and on further search, ned espied a herd of guinea-pigs nestling under the walls. to knock some of the little animals on the head, was the work of a minute. we would gladly have exchanged some of them for corn, but just as we were about to return to our tower, i discovered a few ears of maize still standing close to a wall. with much satisfaction i gathered all i could find. we had still more good fortune in store. close to the front i caught sight of a she-goat with a young kid by her side. she had been a pet of the family, i suppose, for she did not run away from us. ned at once caught the kid, and carrying it in his arms, the mother came after it to our hut. "i haven't the heart to kill the little animal," he observed; "but i'll tell you what, mate, the mother shall give the young don a bowl of milk. it will do him more good than all the doctor's stuff in the world." pedro could scarcely believe his senses when he saw us returning with our valuable prizes. we had now a supply of food to last us for many days, and we might, if we thought fit, remain and rest till pedro was better able to proceed. we soon had a guinea-pig skinned and roasting before the fire; and then ned caught the goat, and, acting the part of a milk-maid, filled a tin jug with milk, which he insisted on pedro swallowing. the figs were very fine, and after the coarse food on which we had so long lived, we found them most grateful to our palates. as we sat round our fire, in spite of the smoke, we felt ourselves in the enjoyment of abundance of luxury. our fire-place was composed of a few stones; some others served us for seats. our meat was somewhat tough, and we were without salt. parched maize served us for bread, and our beverage was cold water, while our beds were composed of rushes and leaves sprinkled on the bare ground; but this was more than we had enjoyed for some time, and we had walls to protect us from the night breeze, and a roof to keep out the rain. pedro and i were not merry, for we had too much cause for painful reflection. but we were contented, and ned gale declared that he was as happy as a prince--that he had weathered on the dons, and had the prospect of a long cruise on shore. he fastened the kid up within our tower, but the old she-goat was turned out, as we knew that she would not stray far from her young one. it had not long been dark when the storm we had observed broke over our heads. the thunder rattled, the lightning flashed, and the rain came down in torrents; but though a good deal found its way through the roof, we were able to pick out dry spots for our beds, and we had cause to be thankful that we were under shelter of any sort. as our abode also had stood for so many centuries, we had no fear of being washed away. we had collected a supply of stones to block up the lower part of the entrance; and with some boughs in addition we constructed a door, which was sufficient, we thought, to keep out any wild beasts or other intruders. before turning in, we cut the flesh off the other guinea-pigs, and smoked it over the fire; and we also parched a supply of maize, in case we should be unable to prepare it on any future occasion. notwithstanding the tempest which was raging outside, we slept very soundly, ned and i keeping alternate watches, for we were anxious to give pedro as much rest as possible. ned insisted on taking the first watch; and when he awoke me, i found that the greater part of the night had passed away. i expostulated with him on making me take less than my share of watching. "never mind, mate," he replied; "you are young, and want sleep. i'm accustomed to do with very little, do you see. often's the time, for a month on a stretch, i've not had more than three or four hours out of the four-and-twenty, and have been roused up to shorten sail two or three times between them." the storm had passed away, and when i put my head out through the branches which formed the door of our abode, i saw that the stars were shining brightly in the deep blue sky. as i stood there inhaling the fresh breeze, that i might the more easily keep myself awake, i saw a dark object emerge from among the trees, and stop, as if looking cautiously around. it was standing in the shade, and at first i thought it was an indian, though what his intention could be i could not divine. presently he came more into the road, and advanced towards the tower, when i saw, to my no little dismay, that he was an enormous black bear. he had probably, i thought, scented us out; and i fully expected a visit from him. i did not like to arouse ned; but i took up one of his pistols which lay on his knapsack, and held it in my hand ready to give the gentleman a warm reception, should he venture to put his snout into the tower. on he came, waddling at a great rate down the road. "he is certainly coming," i thought. "now, if i miss him, he will give me a hug i shall not like." i cocked my pistol, and kept my stick ready to give him a poke in the eye, which would keep him at bay till ned could jump up to my assistance. he stopped for an instant, and gave a low growl: his instinct probably told him that some enemies were near. i drew back a little, lest he should catch the glimmer of my eye. then he again advanced quicker than before. he soon came so close to me that i felt almost certain that i could hit him; but still as i thought i might only wound him and make him savage, i did not like to fire. i scarcely dared to breathe or move. he passed on down the hill, and i again breathed freely. presently i heard him give another growl, and directly afterwards i saw him waddling back again at a leisurely pace with something in his paws. as he went by the tower, i perceived that it was the unfortunate she-goat, whose kid we had fastened within. i was determined, if i could not save the poor goat's life, at all events to deprive master bruin of his supper, and calling out to ned, i dashed through the boughs in pursuit of him. it was hazardous work i own, but i had not a moment for thought. had i, probably i should have acted more wisely. ned was on his feet in a moment, and with his pistol in his hand in pursuit of the bear. bruin saw us coming, but showed no inclination to relinquish his prey. he ran on at a great rate, and it was some time before we overtook him. even when we were close to him, he continued his flight, apparently taking no notice of us. "whatever you do, don't fire, mate, before he shows his face!" exclaimed ned. "give him a poke in the neck; it will make him turn perhaps." i accordingly gave him a plunge with my stick, keeping, however, beyond the reach of his paws should he turn suddenly round. even this did not make him stop, so i gave him another dig, which at last brought him to bay, though he still kept hold of the goat. immediately he faced about. ned fired his pistol, aiming at his eye. the ball took effect, and, with a growl of fury, the beast rushed at us, at the same time dropping the goat. on this we retreated down the road, repenting not a little of our folly in having attacked him. seeing that the bear had received no mortal injury, ned snatched the other pistol from my hand, and waited steadily till the bear got within arm's length of him. i trembled for his safety, but resolved not to let him stand the brunt of the combat alone. i made a desperate charge with my stick. this distracted the attention of bruin, who seized hold of my stick, and at the same moment ned fired. the ball hit him, i saw, but was afraid had not mortally wounded him, for, with a loud growl, he sprung upon my companion. ned, however, was on the alert, and leaped nimbly on one side, as i did on the other, and the brute fell headlong over on his snout. we could not help giving a shout of triumph at our victory, which made pedro, who had been awakened by the shots, hurry up to us, wondering what was the matter. we were not quite certain that our foe was really dead; but a few pokes with our sticks at length convinced us that he was so, and we therefore ventured to examine him. the ball from the last shot had hit him in the eye, and entered his brain. "some bear steaks won't be bad things," observed ned. "now mates, let's look after the goat. i had made sure of a cup of milk for pedro this morning." we found the goat a little way off, but bruin had hugged the breath out of its body, and it was dead. pedro and i thereon dragged the goat close to the hut, while ned was employed in cutting the proposed steaks out of the bear. "you see, mates, it won't do to leave the work for the morning, for before that time the condors, the jaguars, and the pumas will be down upon him, and tear every scrap of meat from his bones," he remarked. "i wish he had been rather farther off, for the beasts will keep up such a concert that we shan't be able to sleep much more to-night." when he had finished operating on the bear, he began on his victim, observing that though goats' flesh was somewhat strong, it would serve to make a variety in our provisions. we had now more meat than we could well carry, in addition to which, as the kid could not live without its mother, we were obliged to sacrifice that also. on re-entering our abode, pedro and i employed ourselves in cutting the meat into slips and drying it before the fire, while ned again laid down to obtain his share of rest. pedro told me that the species of hear we had killed lived chiefly on fruits and vegetables, and that he often commits great ravages in the maize-fields of the indians, by breaking off the green tops and carrying them away to his hole in the mountains; but when he cannot obtain that sort of food, he will catch deer and wild boars, and will even attack the oxen employed in the sugar-mills on the plantations. he has also been known, when pressed by hunger, to assail solitary travellers in the mountains. in the morning, when we went out of our tower, we saw that several condors had been attracted by the carcase of the bear, and were tearing it to pieces. they flapped their huge wings, and glared fiercely at us with their red eyes as we watched them; but did not quit their banquet, from which we had no wish to disturb them. after a hearty breakfast, with renewed spirits and confidence we proceeded on our way. i have not space to recount all our adventures, and must for the future describe only those which were the most interesting. we climbed mountains, and traversed glens, and crossed torrents by the bridges i have often mentioned; and yet, day after day, not a human being did we meet. of course we kept as much as possible at a distance from their habitations; but the few farms we passed were deserted, and we had no doubt that the women and children had been removed to more secluded spots, while the men had gone to join the army of tupac amaru. a week had passed, and we were resting to take our midday meal, in a sheltered glen, under the shade of some lofty trees. pedro, notwithstanding the exertions he had undergone, had almost recovered from his hurts; and i never felt myself in better health and strength, while ned scarcely knew what fatigue or illness meant. our provisions had again run short, though we had collected a little indian corn at some of the deserted farms we had passed. "well," said ned, who had lighted his pipe and stretched himself out on his back, "i shan't be sorry when we get to the big river you speak of. walking is very pleasant exercise, especially when one hasn't half a hundredweight of traps and provisions to carry; but it's very slow work you'll allow. i like to spank along with a ten-knot breeze across the open ocean, with studden-sails alow and aloft; or to glide down a river with a strong current and fair breeze. ah, mate, if you ever come to sea with me in a smart craft, you'll know what moving fast means." i told him that i should like nothing better, and that i longed to begin our voyage down the amazon; but that i must first communicate with my indian friends, to learn if they had gained any tidings of my parents; for still i clung to the hope that they might have escaped destruction. pedro also was unwilling to leave the country without again seeing his friends. we were all talking very eagerly about our proposed plans, when a loud yell made us start to our feet, and, looking up, we saw a number of indians posted on the heights above us. some had bows, with their arrows ready drawn to shoot us; and others had slings in their hands, which they were whirling round with heavy stones, prepared to hurl at our heads. in another moment we should have had a shower of deadly missiles rattling about us, when pedro, rushing towards them, shouted out, in the quichua language, that we were friends of the inca. in an instant the arrows were withdrawn and the slings ceased to whirl, and the indians came hurrying down the sides of the mountain. in another minute we found ourselves surrounded by a large band of warriors. they examined us attentively, not being able to make out who we could be, though the words spoken by pedro proved that we were not enemies. ned gale, especially, caused them much surprise, for they certainly had never seen a human being like him before. when their chief arrived, he listened to the account pedro gave him, and replied that though he had no doubt it was correct, we must accompany him to the presence of the inca and his chiefs, who were encamped at the distance of some days' journey. "i suppose it's all right, mates," observed ned, when i told him what had been said. "for my part, i'm ready to go and see this new king of the injuns, as they call him; and if he's an honest chap, and wants a helping hand, why i'm ready to give it him. just you tell them that." i did not exactly translate ned's message; but i told the indians that we were anxious to see the inca, and would be happy to be of any service to him in our power. the indians were, i found, on their way to join the army; and as they wished to continue their march, they desired us to pack up our traps and accompany them. they looked upon us, i found, somewhat in the light of prisoners; though of this we had no reason to complain, as they were naturally suspicious of strangers, who might act as spies on their movements. we were treated kindly, but were narrowly watched whenever the party halted to rest. though not better equipped, they were far more civilised than most of the tribes who composed the army of tupac catari; and they marched with some regularity, and took all necessary precautions to guard against surprise. we learned from them that the spaniards, having recovered from the alarm into which they had been thrown at the commencement of the outbreak, were collecting in considerable force in the neighbourhood of cuzco, to defend that city from an attack which tupac amaru was threatening to make on it. "it matters not," observed the cacique, who was my informant. "the more who collect, the greater number of our foes shall we overwhelm with one blow." i ventured to doubt this; but he replied-"stay till you see the army of the inca, and try to number our standards; then tell me if you think the white faces can withstand them." i thought it better not to dwell on the subject, for fear of irritating the chief; but i recalled to my memory the handful of spaniards who conquered the well-trained armies of the inca atahualpa, and had little hope for the success of his descendant, tupac amaru, with his host of undisciplined levies; though doubtlessly their opponents had greatly degenerated from the hardy warriors who fought under pizarro. as it was necessary to supply food for the army, and we were passing through a part of the country where the vicunas abounded, the party halted to engage in a grand hunt, which is termed a _chacu_. about two hundred men were told off for this purpose; some remaining encamped, and others being sent as scouts, to the rear, to ascertain that no spaniards were following us. pedro, ned, and i were invited by the cacique to accompany him. half the party were supplied with weapons called _bolas_. these _bolas_ were composed of three balls of lead or stone, at one end of as many long lines, formed of the twisted sinews of the vicuna, the opposite ends being fastened together. one ball is rather lighter than the others, and when used, this is held in the hand, while the heavier ones are swung in a circle round the head. when the indian is about twenty paces from the object he wishes to strike, he lets go the lighter ball, and the weapon flies off, and the strings encircle in many folds the neck or legs of the animal. besides the _bolas_, the party had procured from the neighbouring villages a quantity of rope and a number of stakes, and with them we repaired to an extensive, elevated plain, where many herds of vicunas were observed feeding. having selected a spacious level spot, the stakes were planted in the ground, at a distance of fifteen feet apart, and were connected together by the ropes about two feet and a half from the ground. a circular space was thus formed, of perhaps a mile and a half in circumference, an opening of about two hundred paces being left to serve as an entrance. along the rope were fastened bits of coloured rags, which blew about in the breeze, and were intended to frighten the animals, and prevent them from leaping over the barrier. this enclosure is properly called a _chacu_. it being arranged, we withdrew, and breaking into a number of small parties, we formed a circle at a little distance apart from each other, and several miles across. we then began to close, driving before us, with loud shouts, all the herds of vicunas we met with. the men opposite the entrance advanced more slowly than the rest; and the timid animals, seeing the fluttering bits of cloth, ran before us with affright, till they reached the open space, when they darted into the _chacu_. some fifty vicunas were thus in a very short time collected, when the indians, running among them, began throwing their _bolas_ with the greatest dexterity, never failing to entangle the legs of the game, which they speedily killed with their clubs or knives. sometimes the indians use the _bola_ on horseback; and i must remark that it requires great dexterity to do so with effect, as a clumsy person is very likely to twist the cords round his own neck or that of his steed, instead of the animal he is hunting. as soon as the vicunas were killed, they were carried off to the camp to be skinned and cut up; and we then moved to a distance, to form a new _chacu_. during three days, which we passed in the neighbourhood, we killed two hundred vicunas; and then, laden with their flesh, we continued our journey. the vicuna is a more beautiful animal than either the llama or the alpaca. it is between them in size, measuring four feet from the ground to the top of the head, and two and a half feet from the ground to the shoulders. the neck is longer and more slender; and the wool is finer, short, and curly. the top of the head, neck, and back, and the thighs, are of a peculiar reddish hue; and the inner part of the limbs and the lower part of the neck are of a bright ochre colour; and the breast and lower part of the body is white. each herd consists of from six to fifteen females and one male, who, standing at a distance, acts the part of guardian, while the rest are grazing, and when danger approaches, gives a peculiar whistle and stamp of the foot. the herd look, with outstretched necks, in the direction of the danger, and then take to flight, the male stopping every now and then to cover their retreat, and watch the movements of the enemy. should he be killed or wounded, the indians declare that the females will gather round him in a circle, and uttering shrill cries of lamentation, will suffer themselves to be destroyed rather than desert him. as we proceeded on our march, we fell in with many other parties of indians, advancing in the same direction; some of whom were of the savage tribes from the far interior, summoned to swell the host of the inca. many of them were accompanied by troops of llamas, carrying provisions. some of these had bells hung round their necks, and were adorned with bows of ribbons at their ears. they proceeded at a slow pace, carrying their long, graceful necks something like the camel, and gazing anxiously around on either side with their wild prominent eyes, to watch the movements of their guides, or to observe the appearance of the country. they were of a variety of colours; brown, black, white, and pie-bald. i may here remark that the extreme height of the animal, from the sole of the foot to the top of the head, is not more than four feet and from six to eight inches; and from the sole of the foot to the shoulder, rather under three feet. their frames are so slight that they will not carry a load of more than about seventy pounds weight; but they have the valuable qualification of being able to live many days, find even months, without drinking, owing to their power of generating saliva in their mouths. other parties had mules for the same purpose. some were on horseback, and formed an irregular and very scythian-like looking cavalry. several bands of those on foot were followed by their wives and children; showing that they felt confident of victory, and came prepared to take possession of the territories they hoped to conquer. at length, after passing through a dark gorge, and climbing a steep acclivity, we once more began to descend; when, from the height on which we stood, we looked down upon the vast army of the inca, collected on a plain, or rather wide valley, between ranges of lofty mountains. "what say you now?" exclaimed the cacique, with a look of triumph. "do the white faces dream of the mighty host collected to liberate for ever the kingdom of the incas from their cruel hands?" "i have heard that it was prophesied that the kingdom of the incas should be restored by the people of my country. there are none of them there," i replied. "it is true," said the cacique. "but if you and your bold friend were to fight by the side of the inca, might not the prophecy be thus fulfilled?" i at once saw the mistake i had made in thus speaking; for i felt that i might be compelled, contrary to the advice my father had given me, to engage actively in a contest in which i had no personal interest. before i had time to reply, the signal of advance was given, and the party hurried down the steep to join their comrades in the valley. far as the eye could reach in either direction, and even up the mountains sides, were extended the vast host of the inca, drawn up in battle array. from among their dusky lines arose a forest of waving banners, long lances, and battle-axes, tossing to and fro, and glittering in the rays of the noonday sun which shone down upon their heads. at intervals might be seen rich panoplies of feather work and lofty plumes, marking the post of some leading cacique, or inca noble. some way to the right, on a rising ground, rose the magnificent canopy under which the inca tupac amaru was to be found, surrounded by his generals and nobles. as the march was about to commence, our conductors hurried us down the hill past the crowded ranks of the army, towards the spot where the inca was stationed. when a little distance off, he went forward alone, and prostrating himself before the monarch, announced the arrival of some captives. the inca immediately ordered us to be brought before him. he was seated under the canopy on a cushioned throne, richly ornamented with gold; and on either side of him were ranged a dense mass of his chiefs and councillors, all dressed in garments similar to those worn by their ancestors. tupac amaru himself was habited as tradition has described atahualpa; and he wore as a crown the crimson _borla_, or fringe, which hung down as low as the eye-brow, and gave a very peculiar expression to his grave and handsome countenance. i have before mentioned that he was a tall and dignified person; and he looked well worthy in every respect to be the sovereign of the assembled multitude. when he saw us he beckoned us to approach, and made inquiries of our conductor respecting us, not knowing that pedro and i understood the quichua language. the cacique simply stated where he had found us, and replied that we could answer for ourselves. i begged pedro to act as spokesman, and he gave a short account of our adventures, as well as of my history. the inca seemed much interested, and assured us of his protection; at the same time inviting us to accompany him in his march to lay siege to cuzco. pedro in reply, having expressed our gratitude to the inca, entreated to be allowed to remain behind, assuring the inca that he was ready to lay down his life for the benefit of the indians, but that the spaniards were his countrymen and he could not fight against them. the nobles who stood round seemed very much offended at this; but the inca observing that he should consider the subject, turned to ned and asked him what he would do. i put the question to him in english. "tell his majesty, if it's to fight the dons, i'll help him with all my heart," he at once replied. "it comes natural like, and it won't be the first time i've been at blows with them. i owe them a grudge, too, for killing as honest a fellow as ever stepped, and that was my late skipper. tell him all that, mate, and say i'm his man whenever he wants me." the inca appeared much pleased at ned's reply, which i interpreted; but he seemed less inclined to treat pedro and me with favour. my turn came next. i own that i felt great reluctance to refuse fighting, and having no sufficient excuse to offer, was about to answer that i was ready to serve in any capacity the inca might desire, when a loud shout was raised, and a fresh body of indians was seen hurrying down the mountain's side. a chief came at their head, and i looked towards him as the loud shouts of those around me gave him welcome. i could scarcely believe my eyes. it was my friend manco! i was certain of it; and forgetting the presence of the inca and his nobles, i rushed forward to meet him. it was manco in reality. we clasped each other's hands, and for a time could scarcely speak. he had thought me dead, or lingering in a spanish prison, while i till now had been uncertain of his fate. he told me that when he was led out to be shot, it had occurred to him that by keeping his eye on the soldiers he might drop as they fired, and allow the balls to fly over him; and that as he knew a number of indians were collected on the other side of the river, by swimming across, they might assist him to escape. he never lost his presence of mind, and watching for the moment the soldiers drew their triggers, he fell to the ground, instantly again springing up and flying to the river. before the smoke from the muskets had cleared away, he had plunged in and was swimming across. several bullets struck the water close to him, but landing uninjured, he and his friends set off towards the mountains as rapidly as they could proceed. they were pursued by a strong body of spanish soldiers, who followed them to their retreat. it was several days before they could elude their enemies, and they had then marched through a number of indian villages to collect recruits, before joining the army. after he had paid his respects to the inca, he introduced pedro and me as his friends, and we at once perceived that we were regarded in a more favourable light than before. we accordingly obtained permission to remain with him; but as the inca was desirous of having ned to assist in working his artillery, several pieces of which were with their army, we very unwillingly were compelled to part from him. manco having performed his public duties, now set out in search of his wife and child, whom he heard were with the women in the camp. notice had been given to nita of his escape from death and safe return, and she with her infant was ready to receive him. this meeting was very affecting; and as the brave warrior once more took his child in his arms, he wept over it for joy. he could not, however, remain with her long, for his duties called him back to the army. "pedro, my friend," he said, "i know you would not fight against your countrymen; to your charge, therefore, i commit my wife; watch over her, and guard her from danger. if i fall, carry her and my child to a place of safety, and restore her, when times of peace again return, to her father and her people." pedro with tears promised to obey his wishes. "and you, david, what will you do?" he asked. "i will accompany you," i replied, forgetting my former resolutions, and inspired with admiration for the gallant chieftain. "i will fight by your side, and help to restore peace and prosperity to peru." chapter seventeen. siege of sarata--capture of tupac amaru. we found the head quarters of the inca established in an ancient castle, built of large hewn stones on the side of a mountain, and which, from its size and mode of construction, is still one of the wonders of peru. here he held his court, and was treated with all the honours due to a sovereign prince. i was particularly struck with the amount of etiquette which was maintained, when i recollected that the inca himself had, but a few months before, been living the life of a simple farmer, as had his chiefs and councillors, and that many of them had indeed been little better than slaves to the spaniards. manco informed me that it had been resolved to despatch him with a force of ten thousand men to join a body of the same number under the command of andres tupac amaru, the young son of the inca, who was laying siege to sarata, a large town not far from the lake of titicaca; and he begged me to accompany him. i was sorry to be separated from ned gale, but he said that the inca had put the guns under his charge, and as they were not to go, he would stick by them. i was furnished with a very good horse, and took my place by the side of manco. the men being amply supplied with cacao every day, without apparent fatigue performed forced marches which would have completely knocked up any european troops. as we advanced, we found that all the white inhabitants had fled and taken refuge in the town, where it was said twenty thousand people were collected. my readers may be assured that my great object was, if possible, to mitigate the horrors which i dreaded would take place should my indian friends prove successful. on our arrival we found the young andres closely investing the town, the inhabitants of which were already suffering from famine, though they had sternly refused to listen to a summons which had been sent in to them to surrender. they had just before made a sortie, when the indians had lost a number of men; but they were, after much desperate fighting, again compelled to retire within their trenches. the indians had taken several prisoners, among whom was a priest; and as soon as we arrived he was sent in with a second summons, containing offers of peace on such conditions as might be agreed on between commissioners to be appointed on both sides. the young general, with manco and other chiefs, were standing on a hill overlooking the town when the priest proceeded on his mission. "what is proposed to be done if the inhabitants refuse your terms?" i asked. "look there," he replied. "you see that from the river which passes at a short distance from us, there is a deep ravine leading to the town, and somewhat lower than its banks. by blocking up the course of the river, we propose to turn its waters into the ravine, when they will rush down and speedily flood the ramparts, and wash them away." i doubted the power of the indians to perform this. "think you not the descendants of those men who formed these great roads, and built the castles and palaces which still endure, can perform so small a task as that?" he replied. "wait, my friend, till you see." after a considerable delay the priest returned, and acknowledging that the inhabitants were reduced to feed upon mules, dogs, cats, and rats, said that they agreed to the proposed terms, with a truce of two days. during this time numbers of half-famished wretches were allowed freely to wander out and collect all the food they could from the indians. at the end of the time two officers of the garrison came out, and sent a message by the priest, stating that they were deputed to act as commissioners, and proposed that the enemy should retire to a distance, while the chiefs should meet them midway between the troops and the town. no objection was made, and young andres, manco, and other chiefs, with about twenty followers, repaired to the proposed spot. scarcely had they arrived there than some of their sentinels, posted on a neighbouring hill overlooking the town, gave notice that the spaniards were collecting in great force at the gates, and were evidently meditating a sortie to capture the chiefs. on this the two spaniards who were approaching the place of meeting, attempted to escape into the town; but the indians intercepting them, cut them down as a strong party of the garrison rushed from the gates. the chiefs, vowing vengeance for the meditated treachery, had barely time to retreat; their forces came hurrying up for their protection; and the siege once more commenced with greater activity than before. the indians mustered nearly a thousand muskets, with which they kept up a hot fire on the trenches: besides which, they assailed the town with flights of arrows, showers of stones and burning darts, which set fire to many of the houses where they fell. still the town held out, and the leaders, anxious to proceed to other conquests, sent in a third summons to the garrison to surrender. another priest was the bearer. i waited with much anxiety for his return, as the indians had vowed to destroy all the inhabitants, should the town be taken after their offer had a third time been refused. i was not, indeed, quite certain that, in case of a surrender, some of the chiefs and their followers did not meditate treachery. they were, it must be remembered, ignorant savages, and on too many occasions the spaniards had set them an example they were likely to imitate. i took my food each day with manco on a hill overlooking the town, from whence a perfect view could be obtained of the whole scene of operations. during the absence of the envoy hostilities had ceased, and the indians had withdrawn to a distance from the trenches. they now formed a circle round the town, their cavalry occupying every level space, and the infantry covering the surrounding hills with dense masses. the river flowed calmly by; the valleys looked bright and smiling; and the town itself seemed wrapped in perfect repose. alas! it was the repose which precedes dissolution. at length the priest was seen issuing from the gates, and taking his way with a sorrowful countenance towards the quarters of the young indian general. we immediately repaired there. the inhabitants, mistrusting the indians, as i concluded, refused to surrender. "then their doom is sealed," said andres; and forthwith gave orders to block up the course of the river, so as to direct it into the ravine communicating with the town. several thousand men were employed day and night at this work, while the rest kept the besieged in play. after two weeks' incessant labour, the works were declared complete, and the whole army prepared for a general assault. i took up my usual post to watch the result, hoping for the sake of humanity that it might fail, but induce the inhabitants to submit. at a given signal the embankments were knocked down, and the water in a vast torrent rushed towards the town, flooding the entrenchments and shaking the walls. they, however, withstood the shock, and the brave defenders again returned to the shattered works from which they had been driven. once more the sluices were shut, and the inhabitants were left to fancy that the threatened danger had passed by. the next morning, however, the indians again surrounded the devoted town; in an increased volume the water was made to pass through the ravine, and sweeping onward in a terrific torrent, it rushed down upon the trenches and ramparts, carrying all before it. the defenders fled in dismay from their posts; the signal for advance was given, and the indians, led on by their fiercest chiefs, dashed through the newly-formed breach and entered the town. i would willingly draw a veil over the scene of horror which ensued. little or no opposition was offered; but the spirit of vengeance was aroused, and not a man they encountered escaped. prayers and entreaties were disregarded--death was dealt on every side. those who attempted to fly were driven back; and of the twenty thousand persons who in the morning walked alive through the streets, women only and a few priests, and one or two laymen, who had taken refuge within the church, were spared. i had earnestly entreated manco to do his utmost to save the lives of those who offered no resistance, pointing out to him the policy of so doing; and through his means chiefly those few persons were preserved from destruction. he had claimed some of them as his own property; and for their better protection they were brought to the hut he and i inhabited, on a hill a short distance from the town. among them was a man whose deep dejection, and countenance and manners, deeply interested me. though his dress was soiled and bloody, i at once perceived that he was a gentleman. "alas!" he said, "i have been the child of misfortune from my earliest clays. whenever any bright prospect has appeared before me, it has vanished ere i could enjoy it. i married a wife; she was young and beautiful; but poverty oppressed us, and she had been accustomed to wealth and luxury. a child was born to us, and i trusted it would reconcile her to our lot; but as we were travelling through the country, we were attacked by the montoneros, and the infant, and the nurse who had charge of him, were carried away to the mountains and slain, for we could never again hear tidings of either of them. for years i toiled on till i amassed a handsome fortune; but scarcely was it obtained, when death deprived me of my wife. i had laid out my money in the purchase of an estate, in the cultivation of which i had resolved to employ myself till heaven should allow me to join my wife and child in another world, when this dreadful outbreak commenced, and reduced me to beggary. by a strange fate, though all my companions have been destroyed, i still am bound to life, which i would gladly have quitted." don gomez de castro, i learned, was the prisoner's name. our conversation, which had been prolonged till a late hour, for it was now night, was interrupted by a blaze of light, which illuminated the whole sky. hurrying to the door of the hut, the cause became apparent. the unfortunate town of sarata was on fire. in every direction the flames were bursting furiously forth, till the entire place became one burning mass. don gomez, as he looked at the scene, wrung his hands, and wept bitterly. the fire raged all night; and next morning nothing remained of sarata but a heap of smouldering ashes. the indians triumphed, as savages alone may be excused in triumphing, over their fallen enemies. the priests who had been rescued, were, however, treated with respect; which showed the extraordinary influence they had obtained over the minds of the people. had it been more beneficially exerted, by teaching them the simple truths of pure christianity, it would assuredly have prevented the horrors of the outbreak; but i fear their aim had rather been to establish their power, for their own selfish advantage, than for the sake of religion. "by their fruits ye shall know them." a council of war was now held; when the young general andres resolved to advance upon the town of la paz; while manco, with five thousand men, was to keep the communication open with the north, where he was to rejoin tupac amaru. i rejoiced at this, for i was anxious to see pedro and ned gale again; and i own, from the scenes i had witnessed, i longed to quit the indian army, and to commence our proposed journey towards europe. we marched as rapidly as before; the cavalry scouring the country in every direction, and now and then reporting that they had met and destroyed a few of the enemy; but no prisoners were brought in. i had often expostulated with manco in vain, on the wanton destruction of human life. his answer was, "we treat the spaniards as they treated us. i cannot prevent my people from taking vengeance." yet, strange to say, every chief made a point of attaching to himself, as a christian chaplain, one of the priests who had been saved from the captured towns and villages. as we approached the neighbourhood of cuzco, intelligence was brought us that the spaniards had collected in great force in that city; and that having been joined by a number of indian tribes from chili, and further to the south, they were well prepared to give battle to tupac amaru. on hearing this, we redoubled our efforts to join the main army. we found them drawn up in the neighbourhood of tungasuca, in an extensive flat, with a hill on one side, and a river in their rear, prepared to receive the enemy, who were advancing along a valley in their front. a strong body was posted on the hill, where the artillery was likewise stationed. i at once repaired there, in the hopes of finding ned; but the cacique who had command of it received me very coldly, and informed me that the services of my countryman were no longer required, and that he could not tell where he was. this chief went by the name of quizquiz, after a famous general of the inca atahualpa. i had met him before. i did not like either his countenance or his manners; but the inca had confidence in him, and listened to his advice. he had become, i suspected, jealous of ned, and did not like his interference. after wandering about for some time among the motley assemblage of dusky warriors, i found my old friend in the rear, sitting on the ground, and quietly smoking his pipe. as soon as he saw me, he jumped up and wrung my hand heartily. "i'm glad to see you, mate, that i am," he exclaimed. "i've been waiting for you, to be off; for the sooner we are out of this, the better, i'm thinking. a set of lubbers there have got hold of the guns, which they don't know how to work; and they'll do themselves no good, and the enemy no harm, when they begin to fight, i warrant. the inca is as fine a fellow as ever stepped; but for that senor quizquiz, or whatever they call him, he'll play him some trick, or my name's not ned gale; mark that, mate." ned having thus vented his spleen, as many another man would have done at having been deprived of his command, told me that pedro was at a village among the hills in the neighbourhood, anxiously waiting my return. he informed me also that the wife of the inca, nita, and a large number of other women were collected there. accompanied by ned, i returned to where manco with his men was encamped; and obtaining permission from him to carry off don gomez, we set out to look for pedro. i was mounted, and i had likewise obtained horses for my companions. beyond the river i have spoken of there was a succession of lofty hills, among which was situated the village now inhabited by the wives of the chiefs and other women. we were obliged to ride along the banks of the river some way, till we found a ford, which we crossed. as we ascended the first eminence, and looked back upon the scene we had left, it presented a very beautiful appearance. the long lines of warriors, their shining arms, the innumerable banners, and the variety of costumes, from the half-naked savages of the interior, with their skin mantles and feather crowns, to the well-clothed inhabitants of the mountains and western plains, and the rich dresses of the chiefs embroidered with gold and ornamented with precious stones. then the extraordinary mixture of weapons--the artillery and muskets of modern warfare, with the bows, the slings, the clubs, and darts of ancient times. each man had come provided with such arms as he could procure; and for years before every indian who could obtain a musket had carefully concealed it for the moment when he hoped to use it for the liberation of his country. tupac amaru had acted the part of a good general, by providing an ample commissariat, and several mills for the manufacture of gunpowder. had he at once followed up the successes with which the outbreak commenced, instead of wasting his time in preparing the pageants of mock royalty, i see no reason to doubt that he might really have re-established the dynasty of the incas in peru. if we look at the way in which the circassians, a mere handful of men, have for so many years defended against the arms of the russians, a country more difficult to protect, we cannot but believe that the peruvians might have successfully held the passes of the andes against any force spain could have sent against them. in the case of the circassians, however, it is the superior race, few in number, and unaccustomed to what is called civilisation, but defending their mountains against the inferior, though armed and disciplined by service; whereas the peruvians were decidedly far lower in the scale of human beings than the spaniards, and for long ages had been unacquainted with war, and had yielded submission to those against whom they had now risen. there were many noble spirits among them; but others had the faults which years of slavery will ever leave behind, and treachery and deceit were among them. such reflections as these passed through my mind as i watched the embattled host. just as we gained the brow of the hill, the loud roar of cannon sounded in our ears, and turning our horses' heads, we saw a large body of spanish cavalry galloping towards the peruvian army. the artillery of the latter had opened on them at too great a distance to harm them. they halted for a time to allow the infantry to advance with several light field pieces, which at once commenced a very effectual fire on the crowded ranks of the indians. several large bodies of the peruvians rushed gallantly on to meet them; when the spanish cavalry charged in among their somewhat disordered ranks, and drove them back with great loss. quizquiz finding, it appeared, that his guns did little execution from whence he was posted, dragged them on more in advance. ned watched him anxiously. "there," he exclaimed, "i thought it would be so. does the lubber think the dons will let him stay there quietly to fire at them?" quizquiz, however, seemed to think differently, and began firing away with great animation, his shot telling with some effect on the spanish ranks. no sooner was this perceived, than a strong body was despatched to attack him. some peruvian troops were also marching to his support; but his danger had not been seen in time, and the spaniards charging them with great spirit, the general took to flight, and left his guns in the possession of the enemy. i had before suspected him of intending treachery, and i was now certain of it. he, with a number of his men on horseback, rode off, and did not stop till he had crossed the river below us. the action now became general. the whole indian line advanced, led on by tupac amaru and his bravest chiefs. both sides fought with the greatest bravery; but the spanish infantry, trusting in the superiority of their firearms, kept at a distance from the indians, the cavalry only charging every now and then as the broken ranks of their opponents offered them an opportunity of success. so vastly superior, however, were the indians in numbers, that the wings being moved forward were on the point of completely encircling the spaniards, when the whole force of the latter, advancing at a quick march, made a desperate attack on the peruvian centre, the cavalry meantime charging the wings. the indians, already shaken, could not withstand the shock. the chiefs urged them on. many fought with the most desperate bravery. it had now become a hand-to-hand combat, the spaniards like a wedge forcing their way onward. the great aim seemed to be to seize the inca. several of his chiefs perceiving this, seized his horse's bridle, and endeavoured to drag him out of the fight. his followers, believing that it was the signal of defeat, gave way, and fled in all directions. the chiefs in vain attempted to stop them. some fled across the plain, others climbed up the neighbouring heights, and many attempted to cross the river. among the latter was the inca, with the chiefs who had surrounded him for his protection. the spanish cavalry followed close upon their heels. the inca plunged in with his horse, which boldly stemmed the torrent; while his gallant followers turned and bravely attempted to oppose the passage of the spaniards, till he had crossed safely over. the latter, flushed with victory, charged them fiercely, and cutting at them with their swords, scarcely a man remained alive. the inca, with his son and brother, and other relatives, had reached the opposite bank, and was galloping towards the mountains, where he might have found a safe retreat; when the traitor quizquiz, who, with his followers, had been lying in ambush, rushed out and surrounded him. so completely taken by surprise was he, that neither he nor any of his companions attempted to defend themselves. of those who did, one man only escaped from among them, and we saw them galloping with desperate speed towards us. meantime the spanish cavalry had crossed the stream, and the traitor advancing to meet them, in a few minutes the unfortunate inca was in their power. we had been so intently watching these events, that we had not observed what was taking place in another direction. when the chief who had made his escape was perceived by the spaniards, several horsemen were sent in pursuit of him. he urged on his horse with desperate speed over the rocky and broken ground, at the foot of the sierra on which we stood, the soldiers every now and then discharging their pieces at him. my interest increased as he approached, for i fancied that i recognised my friend manco. his pursuers got nearer to him, and fired more frequently. i dreaded lest their shot should take effect. they were close upon his heels; for his horse, wearied with his long journey and constant exertion during the day, could scarcely bear him on. just at that moment a shout reached my ears, and looking up in the direction whence it came, i saw pedro running along the ridge of the hill towards us. i waved to him as a signal that i had recognised him, and then once more turned to watch manco's progress. tired as was his steed, it was more accustomed to the rough ground than were those of the spaniards, with their heavy arms and accoutrements. the noble animal exerted all its energies, well aware, it seemed, that a life depended on its speed. chapter eighteen. pedro finds his father--murder of the inca. i have said that don gomez was at my side. as he saw the spaniards drawing near, he turned to me. "senor david," he said, "these are my countrymen. the indians have lost the day." "you would wish to join them. is it so?" i asked. "i would. have i your permission?" he said. "you were committed to my charge by yonder chief, who, i trust, will be with us soon. if he gives you your liberty, your word will not be broken, though i shall be sorry to part from you," i replied. "but the indians are defeated," urged don gomez. "am i to remain a prisoner for ever?" "till he who received your word restores it to you," i again answered; and while i was speaking, pedro reached us. for a moment he was too breathless to speak; and during this interval i observed that manco had so far got ahead of his pursuers, that their shot began to fall short. they halted; for just then they perceived us on the hills, probably supposing us enemies; and at the same moment a party of indians, who lay concealed in some brushwood below us, sprang upon them. had the indians waited till the soldiers had advanced a little further, every man of the latter might have been killed or captured. as it was, they had time to turn their horses, and gallop off the way they had come, followed by a shower of arrows, which killed one and wounded another of them. manco, without stopping, made his horse breast the hill. he had got up some way, when we saw the noble animal stagger and fall, and both horse and rider lay motionless on the ground. ned and i galloped down the hill towards him; for don gomez had, in the moment before, thrown himself from his horse, and was standing grasping pedro's hand, and looking earnestly in his face. we reached manco. we found that his horse was dead, and that he had received a severe wound in his side. while we were stooping over him, the indians came up, and, not knowing who we were, were on the point of knocking us on the head with their clubs, when he recovered his senses, and exclaimed that we were friends. we were once more aroused to action by pedro's voice; and lifting manco on my horse, which was fresh and strong, i rode up the hill, accompanied by ned, and followed by the indians. "fly, fly!" exclaimed pedro. "i came to warn you of the danger you are in. look there, look there!" we looked in the direction he pointed; and i now perceived that while we had been watching the flight and capture of the inca, and manco's subsequent escape, which had occupied a considerable time, a strong body of troops had crossed the ford higher up the river, and were advancing rapidly along the path which led to the village where the wives of the chiefs had been left. in a few hurried words, pedro told me that on hearing the firing, he had come out to see what was taking place, and that, like ourselves, he had been watching the battle from another height. to my deep regret, i found that, from the character of the ground, the troops were already much nearer the village than we were, and already occupied the only approach to it, so that the indian women must inevitably fall into their power. i endeavoured to conceal this information from manco; for, heart-broken and wounded as he was, i thought it would kill him outright. those only, however, for whom i felt a personal interest, were nita and her child; and i would have run every risk to save them. we were at the time posted in a dip in the hill, and while ned and i bound up manco's wound, i sent pedro to a height above us, to report the movements of the troops. in a short time he gave notice that a party of them had been detached from the main body, and were advancing in our direction. i concluded that as we climbed the hill, followed by the indians, we had been perceived, and that, unless we were prepared to run the risk of falling into the hands of the spaniards, we must make our escape. manco was sufficiently recovered to sit on horseback, and i proposed giving him my horse and following on foot. as we were about to move off, i recollected don gomez's request. "he is at liberty to go," answered manco. "perhaps he may recollect how he has been treated, and intercede for some of the unfortunate indians who have fallen into the hands of his countrymen." to my surprise, don gomez refused the offer. "i will remain some time longer with you, unless that, youth (pointing to pedro) may accompany me. i would ask him some further questions; for his countenance has strangely agitated my mind." i had no opportunity of inquiring what he meant, when pedro exclaimed that he saw an indian woman, with a child in her arms, on the ridge of the hill, at some distance; and that the party of soldiers he had seen detached from the main body, were evidently in pursuit of her. manco hearing these words, seemed to surmise what had occurred, and, in spite of his wound, throwing himself on my horse and calling on the indians to follow, he galloped along the rocky height. the eye of love at once recognised the person of the fugitive. it was his own nita. we all hurried after him, and even don gomez seemed anxious for his success. ned, who was the only other person on horseback, and who, though he rode like a seaman, always managed to make his steed cross places few people would have ventured over, was soon by his side, and together the two galloped on towards the indian woman. "hurra," shouted ned, "hurra! mr indian, hurra! we'll manage to diddle the dons." the spanish soldiers had begun firing; but as they had at the same time to climb the hill, and were at a considerable distance, their aim was not good. their bullets, notwithstanding, as we got nearer, came whizzing by our heads; but still we pushed on. they were evidently, however, gaining on the poor girl; and should she fall, or her strength fail her, they would be up to her before her husband could arrive to her rescue. i have often had to undergo moments of great excitement, but never have i felt such intense anxiety as i did for nita's rescue. on galloped manco and ned. the soldiers saw them coming, and fired a volley. i saw manco reel for an instant, but still he sat his horse. in another minute ned had lifted nita on his horse, and placed her before him, and handing the child to manco, the two returned at the same rapid rate towards us. the spaniards, disappointed of their prey, halted, and fired again; and then seeing only a small body of indians, continued their advance. as we had nothing to gain by fighting, i called out to manco, as he came up, to order the indians to retreat. we managed to do so in very good order, and at so rapid a rate that we soon distanced the spaniards. they were, however, continuing the pursuit, when the sound of a bugle from the main body called them back. halting as they heard it, they fired a parting volley after us. it was well aimed; several of the indians were struck, as was also the unfortunate don gomez. i ran to his assistance; but he still sat his horse. "it is nothing," he said; "a mere flesh wound, which i shall soon recover from." i beckoned pedro, who went up to him and walked by his side. i was afraid lest a sudden faintness should make him fall from his horse. "what do you propose doing?" i asked of manco as soon as, having got beyond range of the spaniards' muskets, we came to a halt. "proscribed and hunted, we must henceforth, like beasts of prey, seek for safety in the caves and recesses of the mountains," he answered gloomily. "you say well we must settle what is to be done. there is a cavern high up the mountains some way from this, where some hundred men may take shelter. few know of it, and if any traitors were to lead the spaniards to it, they would find it cost them dear to attack us there. i will show the way. on, on, my friends, on!" i saw that the chief was in no mood for conversation. that day all his brightest hopes had faded away for ever. the liberty of peru was lost; his friends had been slaughtered round him; and his inca was a prisoner in the hands of his bitterest foes. we pushed on as fast as the rugged nature of the country would allow us to move; crossing valleys and streams, and climbing mountains, till we arrived at the foot of a lofty and perfectly perpendicular precipice, along the foot of which we moved for some distance. as i looked up, i saw that stones hurled from the summit would completely have annihilated us. almost at right angles from the cliff arose another hill, up which we now began to climb. on reaching the summit, we turned once more in the direction of the cliffs, which we found were connected with the hill by a natural bridge of rock thrown across a dark and frightful gorge. ordering the horses to be turned adrift on the hill, manco, with his child in his arms, led the way across the bridge, and along a narrow ledge, which now appeared as if cut by natural labour in the side of the cliff. i kept close to him to assist him if required; ned followed, supporting nita; pedro, leading don gomez, went next; and the indians in single file after us. a couple of hundred yards along a ledge, where a single false step would have proved certain death, brought us to a hollow in the face of the rock, entering which, we found ourselves in a cavern of very extensive dimensions. the ground was perfectly level, and the roof dry; and from the appearance i judged that art had been employed to render it habitable. near the mouth were several pieces of wood which served for torches; and fire being produced by some of the indians, the cavern was soon sufficiently lit up to show us its extent. on one side, a fountain of pure water spouted from the rock; on the other, a quantity of wood was piled up; and in some oven-shaped buildings, i found was stored a quantity of corn. it is impossible to conceive a place more impregnable by nature. the summit of the cliffs, i afterwards found, was perfectly inaccessible; while below they extended in a perpendicular wall to a depth of four hundred feet at least. in front the valley widened out to a considerable extent, the opposite cliff being also almost inaccessible, so that the only possible approach was by the narrow ledge along which we had come. indeed it seemed capable of holding out against any besiegers, as long as the provisions within might last. as soon as we entered, ned placed nita on the ground, and manco, faint with loss of blood, as well as with fatigue and agitation, sunk down by her side. taking the infant from him, she handed it to ned, whose honest countenance had won her confidence. she then placed her husband's head in her lap, and bent over him in silence, expressing her grief neither in tears nor cries. "come, don't be cast down, missus," said ned, his kind heart moved by her sorrow. "better times may come, and your good man isn't going to slip his cable, i hope. i say, mate, she don't understand my lingo," he continued, turning to me; "just you tell her what i say. it'll cheer her up a bit." i saw that words could bring no comfort to the poor creature, but that our attention might be more effectually employed in binding up manco's wounds. telling ned this, we set to work in as scientific a way as we were able. some of the indians brought us water, and nita, when she saw what we were about, aroused herself to help us. we had scarcely finished the operation, when a cry from pedro called us to the assistance of don gomez, who had likewise fainted from the pain of his wound and loss of blood. my attention had, indeed, been so completely occupied with my indian friend, that i had forgotten that the spaniard had been hurt. pedro was kneeling by his side, and supporting him with a look of interest and anxiety, which i at first was at a loss to understand. "o come, my friend, come and help him, or he will die!" he exclaimed. ned, who had seen many a gun-shot wound, and had often assisted the surgeons to doctor his shipmates, examined the spaniard's hurts. "it's a bad job, mate, i'm afraid," he observed, pointing to his side. "the ball is in him somewhere, for there's the place it entered, and i can find no hole where it could have got out again. i've been feeling for it all round his back, but there's no sign of it. how he came on so far as this without dropping, i don't know. it was his spirit kept him up, i suppose." finding that we could do nothing else to relieve the unfortunate don gomez, we washed and bound up his wound, and then laid him on a bed of some straw and skins, which we found in the cavern. the same care had been taken of manco. the indians, meantime, had lighted a fire in the mouth of the cavern, and were seated round it in moody silence, brooding over their defeat and the death of many of their comrades and friends. we found some brandy among the stores, and after don gomez had swallowed a little of it, which we gave him with some water, he revived, and beckoned pedro to him. "you were telling me, as we came along, a strange tale of your life, young man," he said, in a feeble voice. "it served to sustain me, when otherwise i should have sunk with pain. can i believe you?" "indeed, senor, i have only told the truth," replied pedro. "i was found by the indians, when an infant, alone in a wood. my complexion shows that i am spanish; and see, the crucifix and chain which were around my neck when i was discovered, i have ever since worn." "merciful providence, what do i behold?" exclaimed the wounded man, starting up and gazing eagerly at the ornament pedro exhibited. "it is--it is! come to my arms, my son, my son! i have found you, alas! but to quit you too soon again." pedro had thrown himself upon his father's neck, for such there could be no doubt don gomez was. "oh, do not say so, my father, whom i have so long sought. do not say that you must quit me!" he cried, in an agony of tears. "alas! it is the climax of my destiny," answered the spaniard. "i have longed to discover you, and now that my wishes are fulfilled, death claims me as his own. such has been my fate through life. i cannot even leave you the wealth i have amassed, for of that also i have been deprived." "o do not think of that!" exclaimed pedro. "it is sufficient for me to know that you are my father; and do but recover and i will learn to work for you and support you. say that you will not die, and i shall be happy." i need not further describe the scene. pedro sat by his father's side, and deep and earnest was their conversation. ned and i left them alone and joined the indians at their fire, for we saw that we could render no further assistance to our patients. the indians had brought food with them, and as there was a supply of maize and dried meat and cocoa in the cavern, we had no reason to complain of hunger. manco had given orders that one of the indians should at all times be stationed at the bridge i spoke of, leading to the ledge, to give notice of danger; and they regularly relieved each other at the post, though few would have ventured to cross that rocky ledge even in broad daylight, much less at night, uncertain what reception they might meet with at its termination. the night passed slowly, though i managed at intervals, as did ned, to obtain some sleep. i after a time got up and stood at the mouth of the cave, looking up at the dark sky studded with thousands of stars, and then glancing down into the obscure depths below my feet. the air was perfectly still, and i fancied that i could hear the roar of cannon and the rattle of musketry echoing among the mountains. at length i perceived a ruddy glare extending over the sky. i thought at first that it must be a sign of the rising sun, but, as i watched, it grew brighter and brighter, but did not increase in extent, and then by degrees it faded away before the genial glow of the coming day appeared. i guessed, too truly, that it arose from the burning of the village, which the spaniards had attacked. i did not, however, inform my companions, for i felt that i should only add to their grief by so doing. the indians continued sleeping till a late hour. they seemed to have the power of thus steeping their misery in oblivion. a night's rest had somewhat restored manco, but he was evidently fretting at the thought of the inactivity to which his wound would consign him. "but what would you do if you were able to move about," i asked. "the inca is a prisoner, and will, i fear, suffer death, for you cannot hope to rescue him." "the inca never dies," he answered, lifting himself up on his arm, and looking me earnestly in the face. "the young andres is still in arms in the south, and may yet be victorious. should the spaniards add a deeper dye to the crimes they have committed, by the destruction of the inca, he will succeed; and should he too be cut off, i and that infant sleeping by my side must succeed to the title. little did the spanish soldiers dream whom they were yesterday pursuing, when nita fled from them with our babe in her arms." hope still i saw supported my friend, and i would not deprive him of it, little as i entertained it myself. don gomez had not improved. he was feverish and weak, and i fancied that i saw death on his countenance; but he was happy at having his son by his side, and i was unwilling to warn pedro of his danger. several days passed away without the appearance of an enemy in the neighbourhood; and at length the indians began to grow uneasy at confinement. we also were anxious to obtain information as to the state of affairs. it was just possible that, as manco hoped, the spaniards might have been driven back. and that we were shutting ourselves up for no object. the difficulty was to decide who was the most proper person to go in search of information. an indian would, to a certainty, have been kept prisoner and publicly executed; pedro could not leave his father; and when i proposed going, ned declared that i should be either recognised as having escaped from prison, or treated as a spy. "for my part i don't mind going myself," he observed. "i've no fancy for being cooped up here any longer; and if i'm asked any questions, all i shall say is, that i've got away from the injuns, and want to get back to my own country." very unwillingly i at last yielded to all the arguments he used to let him go instead of me. i was also afraid that it might have been suspected that he had assisted us to escape from prison; but he overruled that objection by saying that it was a very long time ago, and that it was not likely any of those who had seen him should be at cuzco, or remember the circumstance. to prevent the risk of his falling into the hands of any indians, manco ordered one of those with us to accompany him to the neighbourhood of the capital, where he was to be hid till his return, and then to bring him back safe. it was with a heavy heart that i saw ned set out. still i was very anxious to commence our journey eastward, and without knowing the state of affairs, i could not quit my friend manco, nor could we venture to move don gomez into the city. i watched ned as he passed under the cliff, and saw him wave his hat as a sign that he, at all events, feared none of the dangers of his expedition. meantime the indians ventured out a short distance across the mountains to hunt for game. several of them were always stationed on the surrounding pinnacles of rocks, whence they could watch for the approach of danger. now and then they killed with their arrows a _tarush_, an active and timid little roe which frequents the higher forests which skirt the andes. at night they used to set snares made of horse hair, at the mouths of holes inhabited by little animals like rabbits. these were called _viscachas_ and _chinchillas_. the skin of the latter supplies the beautiful fur so much prized in europe. their colour and form resembles the rabbit, but they have shorter ears and long, rough tails. as, however, we had an abundant supply of _charqui_, which is the name given to dried beef in the andes, we were not dependent on the success of our huntsmen for food. pedro employed all his time in reading to and conversing with his father; and i observed that a very satisfactory change had taken place with regard to his state of mind. he had now learned to bow to the decrees of providence without repining, and to acknowledge that whatever the great ruler of the universe orders, is for the good of his creatures. the event i had foreseen was fast approaching. every day don gomez had grown weaker and weaker, and he could no longer raise himself on his bed of straw. one evening he called manco and me to his side after he had made pedro aware that his speedy death was inevitable. "you have both been friends of my son," he said. "most deeply do i thank you, though i have no means of showing my gratitude; indeed, i must call on you still further to befriend him. i found him poor, and may leave him so, unless the power of spain is re-established in peru. in either case, you can serve him. in the one, still support and protect him; and in the other, witness that i have acknowledged him as my son, and enable him to regain the property which was mine. there is a certain father manuel in cuzco, who knows my signature, and is cognisant of all the particulars of my history. let him see the papers i have left, should he have escaped the death which has overtaken so many of my countrymen, and he will assist him to the utmost of his means in his object. may heaven help him to obtain what by right is his!" we promised the dying man to obey his wishes to the best of our ability, though, as we could not venture to present ourselves in any city of peru as witnesses, i had very little expectation that pedro would ever recover his property. that night don gomez breathed his last. i will not speak of the bitter anguish poor pedro suffered, at the death of a parent so lately found and so soon lost. the indians made a grave in a green mound on the neighbouring mountain; and there we buried the unfortunate man. several days more passed away; and at last one of our scouts came hurrying in, to give notice that he had seen some persons approaching along the valley, in the far distance. on the edge of the ledge, and at the mouth of the cavern, stones had been piled up, to hurl down on the heads of any who might appear in the guise of enemies. i looked eagerly out, for i hoped they might prove to be ned and his guide; for i had begun to be very anxious for my friend's safety. as the persons drew near, to my great satisfaction, i recognised ned and his guide. they appeared footsore and weary, and came on very slowly. i went out to meet him at the bridge. "i can't say a word, mate, till i've had some food and rest," he answered. "and this poor fellow here, he's worse off than i am." after ned and the indian had eaten, they lay down to sleep, and it was four hours before the former awoke and gave me an account of his adventures, which i translated to manco and pedro. "well, mates," he began, "i'm glad to get back with a whole skin on my body; and never may i have to see again the sights i've witnessed since i've left this place. the sooner, for my part, we get out of the country, the better. it was all very well when we had to climb up and down the mountains; i didn't mind that; but as soon as we got down into the plains, we couldn't go a hundred yards without meeting with the dead bodies of our fellow-creatures--red-skin or white-skin, it's all the same to me. i can't bear to see men, women, and young children murdered like sheep and lambs. the spaniards had cleared out and burnt every indian village on the road. we had to pass near the place where the battle was fought, and there were thousands and thousands of bodies of indians. the birds and beasts of prey could scarcely consume them. at last we got near the city, and my red-skin mate there stowed himself away under a rock in a thick wood; and taking the bearings of the place, i went on by myself. i met no one till i got to the walls, for the dons still kept inside, afraid of the injuns, though they'd killed so many of them. when the guards at the gates asked me what i wanted, i said i'd come from the mountains, where i'd been hiding away during the row, and that i was looking out for a night's rest in a civilised place, before i set out back to my own country; which was true enough, you know. they then took me to the governor of the city, and he questioned me right and left; but i stuck to my story. so when he found he could get nothing out of me, he let me go, telling me to come and see him in a couple of days or so. i found there were to be great doings the next day, and what do you think they were? why, these christians were going to burn the inca and his whole family, because they tried to get back their rights. it wasn't a sight i wished to see, you may depend on it; but i couldn't help myself. well, in the morning there was a large crowd in the great square; and in the middle there was a quantity of stakes and wood piled up, and near them a high platform. presently a number of indian people were brought out of the prison--men, women, and children-and were marched up to the stakes, and bound to them with cords. last of all came a man, whom i soon saw was the inca, for he was dressed as he was on the day of the battle, and looked a real king, every inch of him. they made him stand up on the platform, and look down on what was going on below. "they first shot all the children, and then they set fire to the wood, and burnt the women, and then the men; and, would you believe it, among them was the wife of the inca, and his children, and his brothers, and nephews and nieces. he didn't utter a cry or a groan, but kept looking on as if his eyes would start out of his head; but they, poor creatures, shrieked out for mercy from men who hadn't got any in their natures. "when the rest were dead, they put some faggots under the platform, and burnt the brave fellow where he stood. the people shouted and rejoiced as if they had done something to be proud of. i couldn't stand it any longer, so i hurried away from the place; for i heard that all the indian prisoners in the city were next to be shot, and that there were some hundreds of them. i got into talk with a number of people. from some i heard one thing, and from some another; but what i made out was, that young andres, the inca's son, with several other chiefs, were still in arms in the south; but that the spaniards had sent for troops from all parts of america; and that, by fair means or foul, they were resolved to destroy every indian, till the war was finished. when i found that i could learn nothing more, i waited till night, and climbed over the walls. i then ran on as fast as my legs could carry me, till i got back to the wood, where i found my guide. thinking i might be pursued, as i have no doubt i was, we made a very roundabout course, and kept a bright look-out for enemies on every side. we managed to keep clear of them, however, but were very hard up for food; and i'm not sorry, let me tell you, mate, to find myself safe back again here." such was the substance of ned's account. prepared, as in a great degree manco had been, he was dreadfully affected by it, and for some time could come to no resolution what course to take. had he been alone, he would at once have decided to join andres, and endeavour still to make head against the spaniards; but nita and his child were in the other scale. at last he announced his resolution of quitting that part of peru, and taking refuge far beyond the borders of civilisation among some of the wild tribes of the interior, in regions where the foot of the white man had not yet penetrated. "there i will remain," he said, "till a more favourable opportunity occurs for rescuing my country from the oppression of the stranger. be assured that time will come. my boy may have grown to manhood, and my hair may have turned grey, or we may both have passed away; but spain cannot for ever keep her iron yoke on the necks of our people. in the meantime we shall have collected arms, and have learned the art of war from our conquerors; and avoiding the errors which have now overcome us, we shall be able to cope with them successfully." he promised, moreover, to accompany us till we should be fairly embarked on the great river of the south. i then asked pedro what he proposed doing. "i will go with you, my friend," he answered at once. "i have no hopes of obtaining my father's property, and i cannot quit you; i will share your dangers, and accompany you to your native land." i rather doubted whether it would not be wiser for him to try and reach cuzco, and put himself in communication with the father manuel, to whom his father had referred him; but he adhered to his resolution of accompanying me. "i have no friends among my countrymen; i care not for wealth; and i long to obtain that knowledge which here i cannot hope to find. i wish also to see the world, and more than all, david, i would not be parted from you." so it was arranged; and manco having sent out the indians as scouts in all directions to ascertain whether any spaniards were in the neighbourhood, we made instant preparations for our departure. chapter nineteen. our wonderful adventures and escapes. during our long stay in the cave, my mind often turned to the future, and i was sorely puzzled to know by what means, without funds of any sort, we should find our way to england. ned, as a sailor, would have no difficulty; but pedro and i, from our ignorance of nautical affairs, would be totally unable to work our way. one day manco asked me what i was thinking about. i told him. "let not that distress you, my friend," he answered. "if gold could restore happiness to our country, i could fill this cavern with it. i will show you where you may supply yourself with all you can require; you will spend it well, and therefore i do not hesitate to confide to you the secret of our hidden wealth." two nights after this, as i was about to throw myself on my bed of leaves to sleep, manco came to me. "we will at once set forth to obtain the gold i promised," he said. "pedro and your countryman may accompany us to carry what we find. we must return before the morning, lest we encounter any of the spanish forces, who are ravaging the country on every side." a few words served to let pedro and ned understand what was to be done, and providing themselves with two bags, they instantly declared themselves ready to proceed. manco had provided torches, one of which we each of us bore; but he told us not to light them till we should reach the spot to which he was about to conduct us. as we were setting out, he also distributed among us two spades and crowbars, and a pickaxe. he led the way along the ledge and across the bridge; we following in silence. he then descended the mountain, and proceeded down the valley for some distance, when he once more began to ascend. the ground was rugged and difficult in the extreme, and path there was none, so that, had we desired it, we could not again have found our way. for two hours we toiled on, up and down hill, following close upon the heels of manco, who seemed to know the road by instinct. at length we reached a valley, the hill on one side of which was covered completely with buildings, one rising above the other, and some apparently hewn out of the solid rock. the moon, which had lately risen, lighted up the scene, and increased its wild and mysterious appearance. not a sound was heard, not a human being appeared from this city of the dead. manco stopped and gazed up at the city. "two centuries ago, thousands of human beings, full of life and activity, thronged those walls," he remarked. "all are gone, and of descendants they have left none. all, all have been victims to spanish cruelty. follow me." he moved on, and led us into several. some had two and even three stories, and the floors of slabs of stone or slate still remained. we at last reached a house larger than the rest, with a number of windows. manco stopped in the centre of the chief hall, and said, stamping his foot, "dig there." lighting our torches, we stuck them in the ground, and set to work. after digging about two feet, we came to a mass which proved to be the body of a human being, swaddled up in bandages of cloth, and in good preservation. it was in a sitting posture, with the knees drawn up to the chin. placing it on one side, we dug on. clearing away another stratum of earth, we reached a collection of household utensils, which at first i thought were of copper and clay; but as ned was examining them, he exclaimed-"they are gold, every one of them!" "dig, dig," said manco; "you have more to find." a third layer of earth was now removed, and we came upon a number of idols, all of gold or silver, and surrounding them a quantity of bars of pure gold. none of us had ever seen so much wealth in one mass. "there, take what you can carry, and cover up the rest," exclaimed manco. "you call that wealth," he continued, as if divining our thoughts; "yet of what use is it to mankind thus locked up from sight? now hasten, or daylight will surprise us before we can reach the cave." following his direction, we loaded ourselves with as much of the pure gold as we could carry; and then replacing the body as we found it, we again covered up the grave. then extinguishing our torches, we set out to return to our cavern, which we reached in safety. it was with very great satisfaction that i bade adieu to the cavern which had for so long a time been our home. we had three horses, on one of which nita was mounted, and the other two were loaded with a supply of provisions; each of the indians, besides, carrying enough for his own wants, till a part of the country should be reached where more could be procured. manco took every precaution for our safety which prudence could suggest. he sent the indians on ahead as scouts to inspect the country before we advanced, and to bring us timely notice of the approach of an enemy. at that time it was difficult to know who were friends and who were not, for many of the indians had gone over to the spaniards, in the hopes of saving their lives and property; and others, still worse, we had too good reason to know, were ready to act the part of traitors, and to deliver up their countrymen for the sake of the reward they expected to receive. we proceeded for some way along a series of wooded ridges, called by the spaniards _ceja de la montana_ (the mists of the mountains), on account of the thick mists which, rising from the rivers in the valleys below, are attracted by the trees, and hang over them in dense clouds. in summer these mists are absorbed by the sun's rays; but in winter they discharge themselves in endless torrents of rain. at night we took up our abode in some deserted hut; but never, if we could avoid it, did we rest in the abode of man, and whenever we did, manco kept three or four of our allies watching at a distance outside; and we always again started at early dawn. as we reached the extreme eastern edge of the _ceja_, we looked down on an interminable extent of forest, composed of trees of a height with which few in other parts of the world can vie. these wooded plains are called montanas, which is the name given to the whole of the country eastward of the andes. as we advanced, our ears were saluted by the cries of numerous birds and animals. sometimes i thought i heard the roaring of a bull at a distance, when i found it to proceed from the black ox-bird; and at others the grunting of a hog sounded close to us; and a beautiful bird called the _tunqui_, like a cock with a tuft of red feathers, and an orange bill, started up and astonished us with the contrast between his gruff note and gay plumage. in the evenings, groups of the pheasant-like _hachahuallpa_ summoned their distant companions with the cry of _ven aca, ven aca_--come here, come here; and owls and bats flew out with noiseless wings to pounce on their unwary prey. bears and ounces, pumas and tiger-cats crossed our path; and stags started from their thickets, where they had sought shelter from some of those above-named enemies. monkeys chattered at us, and squirrels leaped among the trees; rats and mice were found in the huts, and _argutis_ in the maize-fields; snakes crawled along the ground, and birds of prey circled high above our heads. but in truth it would be impossible to describe one-tenth of the beasts, the birds, and reptiles we encountered in our journey; though i shall mention those i had opportunities of examining. we approached one evening the farm of a cacique, who, with most of the men of his village, had marched to join the army of tupac amaru. the women only, and some of the old men and children, remained. it was on the extreme borders of the country inhabited by christian indians. beyond all was totally unknown to the white men, and but seldom visited by the civilised natives. manco sent on a messenger to give notice of our approach, and to crave the hospitality of the cacique and his family. he returned shortly, saying that the females only were at home, and that as yet they had received no account of the result of the expedition; but that they bade the strangers welcome. "alas!" said manco, "we are, i fear, the bearers of evil tidings. had the cacique escaped, he would have returned ere this." we proceeded on, and in a space cleared of trees, we found a collection of low buildings. the walls were constructed of reeds, the interstices being filled up with loam; and the roofs were covered with palm leaves. on one side of the house was a coffee plantation, and on the other some fields of maize, with fruit-trees growing round them. at a little distance, on some marshy ground, was a field of sugar-canes; and by the side of a brook a row of the useful banana. the poor woman came out to receive us as we approached. her first inquiries were for her husband. manco had seen him and all his people cut to pieces. she did not faint or shriek out, but retired into an inner room, sat herself down on the ground, surrounded by her women, and groaned bitterly all the night long. we did not see her again; but after a time one of her females came out and set food before us. our indian companions found shelter in some of the huts of the village; and one belonging to the farm was given up to ned, pedro, and me. we had indian corn bread, and cakes made of the juice of the sugar-cane, called _chancacas_; potatoes, bananas, oranges, and pine-apples, and several varieties of dried meat; with a liquor also made from the sugar-cane, called _guarapo_: indeed we had no cause to complain of any want of provisions. as we were safe here from all risk of pursuit, manco proposed to remain for some days, that we might recruit our strength before prosecuting our journey. the cacique had been accustomed to increase his wealth by buying from the wilder tribes the celebrated peruvian bark. in the month of may, a number of indians set out together, some of whom, of greatest experience, who are called _cateadores_, or searchers, climb the highest trees to spy out the _manchas_, or spots where the _chinchona_ groups are growing, distinguishing them merely by a slight difference in the tints from the dark-green of the surrounding foliage. when the _cateador_ has discovered a group, he leads his companions to it with wonderful precision through the almost impenetrable forest; a hut is built, the trees are felled, and incisions are made in the bark, and after a few days, as it dries, it is stripped off and placed in the huts to dry still more. it is then packed in bundles, and sent to market. a party of indians came one day to the village, on their way across the andes, from the more distant forests to the east, laden with balsams and odoriferous gums, which they had collected from a variety of resinous plants. they were ignorant that the war had broken out, and when they heard of it, they were unwilling to venture further, and returned, to their own country. the men who carried the loads had on merely a piece of cloth round the waist; but the women who accompanied them wore a loose tunic without sleeves. their legs were bare, but painted with the juice of the huito, which made it appear that they had on half-boots. the object was to protect their legs from the stings of insects. i found that they professed christianity. they were regular medical pedlars; for they had powders, salves, plasters, seeds, and roots of every description; claws of the tapir, as a remedy against the falling-sickness; and the teeth of poisonous snakes, carefully stuck into rushes, as specifics against head-ache and blindness. manco had purchased a sufficient number of horses to mount all our party, and to carry such provisions as we required; though, from the abundance of game to be procured in the forests, we had no fear of being in want of fresh meat. still, however, as there was no notice of the approach of the spaniards, he thought it better to remain a few clays longer, to recruit our strength, before we recommenced our journey. three of the indians only had remained with us, the rest having departed to their homes in the south. pedro, ned, and i employed our time in wandering about the neighbouring country, under the guidance of one of the indians; but we were charged by manco not to go far from the village. i can scarcely venture to describe the magnificence of the vegetation of that region. there were numerous ferns and nettles growing in the form of large shrubs; wonderful bignonias and gigantic orchids drawing their nourishment from the air; with every variety of climbing plants, throwing their thousand tendrils round the trees which gave them support. i could not but admire the various forms of the stately palm, the thickly-leaved balsam-yielding leguminosae, the luxuriant laurels, and the solaneae, with their numberless flowers of vast size. further on, again, on the flat lands towards the east, the mighty trees rise to an immense height from the humid soil, without a flowering plant or shrub below their branches, forming a canopy almost impervious to the light of day. one day we had gone farther than usual from home, when we reached a narrow lagune, overspread by the boughs of the gigantic trees which grew on either side of it. the air and earth were teeming with animal life. birds of beautiful plumage, and every variety of note, were perched on the branches, or flying above our heads; butterflies of many hues were flitting about in all directions; and reptiles and insects innumerable were crawling along the ground. more beautiful than all were the humming-birds, which, like flashes of coloured light, appeared and disappeared as they flew by us; and surpassing his brethren in gorgeousness of hues, was the golden-tailed humming or fly bird, numbers of which haunted every glade we passed. from many of the shady branches hung nests built by the pouched starlings, four or five feet long, and swinging to and fro with every breath of wind. flocks of green parrots were chattering on the higher boughs, and preparing to seek their night--quarters in the higher parts. our guide called them _jornaleros_ (day-labourers), and told me that the name was given them because, on the return of every day, they come back at the same hour from the mountains, where they sleep, to gather their food in the lower forests. i had shot several birds, and was aiming at one, when he seized my arm, and implored me not to fire. "do you not hear its note, senor?" he exclaimed. "if you were to kill that bird, heaven would afflict you with some dreadful disaster. listen: does it not say, _dios te de_ (may god give it thee)?" the bird, as he rested on a branch before me, threw back his head and rocked his body, and certainly uttered a note which might easily be thus translated. i had got close to the lagune, and was watching a bird which, with fluttering wings, was hovering in the air a short distance from me, when our guide forcibly drew me back, whispering, with a look of terror, "did you not see the _yacumaman_? would you venture within the mighty coils of the mother of waters?" at first i did not know what he could mean, till, creeping back, i saw what i had at first taken for the root of a tree, but which i now perceived to be an enormous serpent. its body was wound in several huge coils round the stem of a decayed tree, while it bathed its tail in the waters of the lagune. its head was now thrust forward, as with glittering eyes it watched an opening in the forest. presently a slight rustling was heard, and a beautiful stag came to quench its thirst after the heat of the day. it came up fearlessly, and dipped its head to drink. again it lifted it up, and looked around. on a sudden it caught sight of those beautiful eyes. instantly its limbs began to tremble. it seemed to have no power to fly, but stood looking with mute wonder at the object which fascinated it. the monster uncoiled itself, and glided from the tree. still the stag did not attempt to fly, yet in fleetness it could have outstripped the wind. there it stood, a willing victim. in another moment the serpent had sprung upon it, and encircled it in its monstrous folds. as we could not rescue the stag, and had no wish to interfere with the serpent, we hurried from the spot. we were already later than it was wise to remain from the village, but we could not help stopping to listen to the delicious notes of a cinnamon-brown bird, with head and neck of dark olive, which was perched on a bough overhanging our path. never from a feathered songster had i heard notes more sweet or harmonious. "it is the _organista_," said our guide. "hurry on, senores, hurry on, his note forebodes a coming storm; and, from the glimpses i have caught of the sky between the trees, i fear that we shall have one before we reach the village." we took the indian's advice, for a storm in that wooded region was an event to be avoided, and walked as fast as we could over the soft ground towards home. we had not got far, when a cry from pedro, who was a little in our rear, made us stop. as we hurried back to him, we saw that he was limping along as if in great pain, and trying to overtake us; and at the same time i observed a snake winding its way along among the trees at a rapid rate from us. it was about two feet long, and covered with the most brilliant stripes of deep red, yellow, and black. the indian caught sight of the reptile at the same time. "ah! mercy, heaven, mercy!" cried poor pedro. "i have been bitten by that deadly snake, and in a few minutes must die. farewell, my friends, farewell!" "courage, senor, courage!" exclaimed the indian; "i have some huaco cake with me. eat, eat, and you may yet live." saying this, he produced from his pocket some cake of the huaco leaves, a piece of which he put into pedro's mouth, and spreading some more on the wound, pressed it with all his force.--a litter was soon formed, on which we placed him and carried him along, for the pain was too great to allow him to walk. after a time, however, he declared that the pain was gone, but that he felt as if his leg was made of lead. we hurried on, for we had no time to lose. thunder was heard rolling through the sky; and distant flashes, seen through the trees, showed that the storm was approaching. suddenly a tremendous crash was heard close to us; and, looking back, a tall tree, one of the giants of the forest, appeared riven from the crown to its roots, and a vast branch lay across the path we had just passed. nothing now was required to expedite our steps. the wind roared, the mighty trees rocked to and fro as if they had been reeds, the thunder rattled in deafening peals, and the lightning, in zigzag form, rushed down the stems of the trees, running like serpents along the ground, and flashed vividly in every direction. the storm i had witnessed in the cordilleras was grander, but it was scarcely so terrific in its effects. we got under shelter in the cottage before the tempest had reached its height. pedro was instantly placed in bed, when, after a time, a profuse perspiration came on. some cooling drink was given to her, and a pumpkin poultice was applied to the wound. the huaco plant grows in the woods. the leaves am half an inch long and half an inch broad, of a solid texture, the upper surface being of a dark-green, with purple veins running through it. the stem is slender, hard, ribbed, and of a bluish colour; and the leaves grow singly, two being placed opposite to each other. it is said that the natives discovered its qualities by observing that a bird called the huaco, which feeds on snakes, whenever it was bitten flew off and ate some of this plant. i have heard that the harmless snakes are great enemies to the poisonous ones, and will attack those much larger than themselves. it took two or three days before pedro had completely recovered from the effects of the bite. chapter twenty. spaniards pursue us--attacked by wild indians. "up, up, my friends!" exclaimed manco, rushing into our hut one morning, just before daybreak. "the spaniards are traversing the mountains with fire and sword, and we must haste away from this." we all instantly sprung to our feet, and without exchanging many words, packed up our goods. by the time we were ready, the horses were caught and saddled, and we were soon mounted and ready to proceed. our party consisted of ned, pedro, and i; manco, nita, and their child; and three indians, of a tribe with whom the latter were going to take up their residence. we had, besides, two other horses laden with clothing and provisions. bidding adieu to our unhappy hostess and the villagers, our cavalcade was put in motion, and we plunged into the interminable forest. without the assistance of our indian guides, we could not possibly have found our way among the gigantic trees which shot up like tall masts from the level soil, often branchless till near the summit, where their boughs intertwined, and formed a canopy which the rays of the sun could scarcely penetrate. "on, on, my friends!" cried manco; "the enemy may be on us before we are aware of their approach. they have traitors with them, and will certainly despatch a force to search us out." this was sufficient to make us urge our horses to their utmost speed; and all day we rode on, halting only now and then for a very short time, to rest our animals or to take food. at night we encamped in the forest. for our shelter we cut a number of canes which grew near a stream, and with them formed some huts, which we thatched with palm leaves. we had supplied ourselves with grass hammocks and indian mosquito curtains, and by hanging them up in our huts we obtained very comfortable quarters. we frequently had streams to pass, which feed the great arteries running into the amazon. they were in most instances too deep to be forded, so we had to wait till we could construct rafts to convey ourselves and our luggage, our horses swimming alongside. we took care to make a great noise to keep the caymans at a distance, lest any of them should think fit to grab at our animals' legs. we had the satisfaction of feeling sure that, should we be pursued, our enemies would take much longer time to cross than we did. still, however, we pushed on as fast as the nature of the ground would allow. we were now approaching the river ucayali, at a spot not far from the banks of which manco intended to make his abode. he might, of course, have found numberless places among the andes, where the spaniards could not have discovered him; but so many of his brother chieftains had already been betrayed by their own countrymen, that he had resolved to remove himself far beyond the reach of treachery, among savages who, if they had not the virtues, were free from the vices of civilisation, and were too independent to be tempted by a bribe to deliver him into the hands of his enemies. though in general the country was level, here and there mountains and rocky ledges crossed our path, the far-stretching spurs of the andes. we found the country very thinly populated, though we occasionally fell in with small parties on their hunting expeditions. the first infidel indians we met somewhat raised our curiosity. they were short in stature, and had swarthy complexions and long black hair, without any beard on their chins. they wore a long frock without sleeves, and when we first saw them we took them for women. they were armed with bows and arrows. they had never seen any white men before, and were at first very much frightened and inclined to run away; but our indians, who spoke their language, that of the panos, assured them that we would not injure them, and they became very communicative. when they heard where we were going, they entreated us not to proceed, assuring us that we should encounter numbers of cannibal cashibos, who would to a certainty kill and eat us. "tell them that we fear not the cashibos nor any other wild men," said manco. "if they molest us, we will treat them as the beasts of the forest, though we would willingly pass them peaceably." as we rode along after we had parted from our little friends, i asked manco who were the dreaded cashibos; and he told me that they were the most savage and warlike of all the wild tribes in the pampa del sacramento, between the rivers ucayali and hualtaga. "we must be on our guard against them, for they are equally cunning as fierce, and i truly believe that they really do eat those they can take prisoners." our own indians were evidently very much afraid of these cashibos, and kept a much more watchful guard than heretofore, both as we rode along and after we encamped for the night. several days after this we were approaching that part of the ucayali, where we proposed to embark. i longed to reach it almost as much as did ned. "ah, mate," he exclaimed, when i told him that we had little more than one day's journey more on horseback to perform; "let us once get our craft built and afloat, and we may snap our fingers at the cashibos, and any other enemies to boot." it was necessary, before embarking, to lay in a supply of provision, that we might not be impeded in our passage down the river; and as our indians observed signs of an abundance of game, we halted much earlier than usual to hunt. ned remained with pedro and nita to build the huts and look after the horses; while manco and i, with our three indians, set out for the chase. at some distance off, between us and the river, was a lofty, rocky hill, which served as our land-mark; and by taking the bearings of it with two other heights still farther off, i hoped to be able easily to find my way back to the camp. manco and i had the rifles, the indians their bows and arrows. while wandering among the trees, which were here more than usually interspersed with shrubs and creepers, i very soon got separated from my companions. this did not alarm me, as i was certain that i could without difficulty find my way back to the encampment. i soon fell in with a pathway, which i recognised as one formed by the peccary or wild hog, which traverses the forests in droves consisting of two or three hundred. i stopped and listened, for i thought i heard a grunting sound, which showed that some were not far off. i was not mistaken, for the noise increased in loudness, and i satisfied myself of the direction from which it was coming. hiding behind a tree, i stood ready to fire, in the hopes of killing one of the leaders, and having time to load and take a second shot before the herd passed by. as soon as they appeared along the path, i singled out one and let fly; but my aim was not steady, and i only wounded the beast. at the same time i had, i suppose, exposed myself to view; for the whole herd, led by their wounded companion, came rushing towards me with furious grunts of rage, evidently with the intention of destroying me. to hope to escape by flight was out of the question, for they would soon have overtaken me. fortunately i had observed a tree, with branches which i could reach; and retreating to it, i had climbed up a few feet from the ground before the furious herd reached me. when they found themselves disappointed of their prey, they dashed their snouts into the ground round the tree as if they would tear it up by the roots, and thus get at me. they worked so perseveringly, that at first i had some little apprehension that they would succeed, and i began to consider how, if the tree fell, i should manage to escape my assailants. on climbing higher, i saw that the boughs of the tree i was on interlaced with another, and that i might, by catching hold of the latter, save myself, should the peccaries succeed in their attempts. the peccaries grunted and dug away below, and i climbed up higher and higher. at last i reached a branch on which i could conveniently sit and load my gun. "stop," i thought to myself; "before i take more trouble, i may as well shoot some of these gentlemen. they cannot carry off their dead, and when they go away, as i suppose they will do some time or other, they will leave them behind for me." the execution followed the thought. i tumbled one of my enemies over, and his companions finding that he was dead, set off to escape from a similar fate. i had, however, time to load and fire again, and killed another hog. as the one i had at the first wounded was by this time dead, to my great satisfaction, the herd scampered off, leaving three of their number behind. i fired a fourth time, but missed, and then descended from the tree. how to get the peccaries to the camp was now my puzzle, for one of them was rather too heavy a load for me to carry, and i had no knife with me to cut them up. if i left them where they were, in all probability they would be eaten up by some beasts or birds of prey before i could return to them. to save them from the former, it occurred to me that i might hang them up on the branches of the tree which had enabled me to escape from becoming their food, instead of their becoming mine. there were a variety of creepers, out of which i could form ropes; and selecting some of the toughest and most pliant, i secured them to the peccaries, which i dragged under the tree. having, with no little satisfaction, hoisted up my spoils, i set out to return to the camp. on my way i stopped to look at a tree which seemed to bear a great variety of leaves. on examination, i discovered it to be a _mora_, round the stem of which climbed a number of creepers. on the summit grew a fig-tree, fully as large as a common english apple-tree; and from its branches again hung pendant a number of vines, both fig-tree and vines bearing a quantity of fruit; but the parent _mora_, from the undue exhaustion of its sap, was already giving signs of decay, and in a short time both fig-tree and vine, i saw, would inevitably follow its fate. a little farther on, a couple of sloths were making their progress through the woods. i watched them passing from one tree to the other, as the branches met, stirred by the breeze; and having hitherto seen them hanging lazily by their claws to boughs, i was surprised at the rapidity of their movements. i have often heard people assert that the sloth spends his torpid existence in a perpetual state of pain, from the peculiar sighing noise he makes, and the slowness of his movements when placed on the ground. in the first place, i cannot believe that god has created any animal to pass an existence of pain. the fact is, that the sloth is formed to live in trees, to climb, and to feed on leaves, and not to walk on the ground. though he cannot be called a frisky animal, he certainly does not deserve the name given to him, as, when he chooses, he can move, as i now had proof, at a great rate. dogs bark, donkeys bray, and cocks crow, and the sloth sighs, when he wishes to speak; while, from his long arms and short legs, with his sharp claws, he by nature is intended either to be climbing, or, if asleep, hanging, with his back perpendicular to the ground. i shot one of my friends, and hanging him over my shoulder, carried him towards the camp. scarcely had i resumed my walk, when i saw a large grasshopper, as i thought, playing about a bush, and on the point of settling. as i was passing near it, i was about to put out my hand to catch it, to examine it more minutely, when, just in time, i sprang back; for there i beheld, to my horror, the head and crest of an enormous rattlesnake. in another instant i should have been his victim. i did not stop to see what way he went, but hurried on as fast as my legs would carry me. i listened, as i advanced, to the notes of the various birds which filled the forest, and sometimes to the cries of beasts; and i fancied that i heard others answering them from a distance. by some means or other i missed the path i intended to follow, and found myself in a thick mass of trees. in trying to get out of it, i entirely lost the line i was pursuing; and at length finding a tree i could climb, i mounted to the top of it, to look out for my land-mark. while i sat on a bough, concealed by the thick foliage, i found that i had a view of an open space at some little distance off, a mass of low trees only intervening. i was about to descend, when my eye caught sight of a figure moving through the glade. presently another, and then another, followed. the stopped and listened attentively, as if they had heard something to interest them. they were tall men, dressed in long tunics, and had beards and lank black hair. each man carried a club by his side, and a long spear in one hand, and a bow, with an arrow ready for use, in the other. as one of them turned his face, i saw that he was a red indian; and by the peculiar expression of his countenance, i felt certain that they must belong to the dreaded _cashibos_. i trembled for the safety of nita and my two friends, for i could not doubt that many others were in the neighbourhood; and i could scarcely dare to hope that they could fail to discover our camp, or to fall in with manco and the indians. they were evidently intent on taking game, for they sounded the notes of several birds in succession, to try if any were in the neighbourhood. two or three answered, and shortly making their appearance, fell, pierced by the indians' unerring arrows. again they sounded their notes, which were answered from a distance, but no game appeared. i must own that i was far from comfortable all the time, and afraid to move or almost to breathe. every moment i expected to see them turn their heads, and to be discovered by their sharp eyes; and from the account i had heard of them, i could hope for nothing better than to be shot, and cooked forthwith for their suppers. after waiting, however, a short time, i saw them dart among the trees, and, to my great relief, in an opposite direction to the camp. instantly i hurried down from my lofty perch, and made the best of my way towards the camp, keeping a bright look-out, lest any of their friends should catch me unawares. i ran in breathless haste, anxious to warn my friends in the camp. twice, in my hurry, i missed my way, and found myself going in the very direction the cashibos had taken. at length i saw a column of smoke curling up among the trees. i felt certain that it must proceed from the camp; yet, as i got nearer, a horrid idea seized me, and i fancied that i must be mistaken, and that i might find instead, the cannibals seated round one of their dreadful banquets. still i went on, advancing as cautiously as i could, and taking care to leave as little trace of my course behind me as possible. after going on in this way for some time, my ear caught the sound of singing; and looking between the bushes, i saw a fire burning with a spit before it, and on the spit there was roasting what i might have mistaken for a small baby, had not my friend ned been officiating as cook; and i guessed that it was a monkey which had been prying too near the camp, and had been shot either by him or pedro. the scene i looked on was one of perfect quiet and repose. the three huts were finished; nita was concluding some arrangements in the interior of hers, and her infant lay in a basket at the entrance. ned, as i said, was acting as cook, and pedro was attending to the horses which were picqueted around. i was very unwilling to be the bearer of bad news to my friends; but there was no time to be lost, so i walked in among them. "ned," i said, "we must be on our guard, there are indians in the neighbourhood; they are fellows who would eat us if they could." "they must catch us first," said ned coolly. "if they do, they'll find some of us tough morsels, i calculate." on seeing me, nita rushed out and inquired for her husband, being alarmed at my having returned alone. i somewhat tranquillised her by explaining that i had been separated from the rest; but still she saw that all was not right. though i was anxious to bring in the peccaries, ned agreed with me that it would be imprudent to leave the camp, for we could not escape being discovered before long by the cashibos. after a time i told nita quietly that i had seen some strange indians, and that i thought it wise to be on our guard against them; indeed, as we might possibly find a large party of them, and be obliged to retreat in a hurry, it would be better to pack up and be prepared for a start, as we were not in a spot where we could well defend ourselves if attacked. nita agreed with me in the wisdom of this proceeding, and accordingly we packed up our goods, and saddled and loaded our horses. i loaded my rifle, and ned his pistols and musket; and pedro and nita got the bows and arrows and spears ready. i expressed a hope that all this preparation would not be required. "so do i," answered ned; "but you see, mate, a good seaman always gets his ship snug at night if he thinks a storm is brewing, because he can't see exactly the time when it may come. so i think we are right to get ready, for the savages, who may pay us a visit when we least expect them; and as just now, you see, if the rest don't come back, and we've only got you and i, and the young don and the woman and the child, who won't be much help, the odds will be rather against us. looking at these things, i think if we were to build up a bit of a fortification like, it would be some aid to us in case of need." ned's advice was too good to be neglected, and accordingly we set to work and cut down some young trees and branches; and taking the huts as a centre, we threw up a sort of breast-work, sufficient to assist in protecting us while we knelt down to fire. we had by this time become very anxious at the prolonged absence of manco and the indians; and i greatly feared that they might have been surprised by the cashibos, and murdered. the sun was casting the tall shadows of the trees across the forest glades, and still they did not come. at length i determined to mount one of the horses and go in quest of them. just, however, as i was putting my foot in the stirrup, a shot was heard close to us, and then another, and several arrows came glancing between the trees, but falling short of the camp. directly afterwards one of our indians burst through the brushwood, an arrow sticking in his side. with a look of terror, he pointed towards the point from which he had come, uttering the words "cashibos--cashibos." having broken off the head of the arrow, and drawn out the shaft, i told the poor fellow to run into the camp; i sprung on my horse, and dashing forward with my rifle in my hand, i saw manco and the two other indians contending with a dozen or more cashibos. manco had shot two of them; but the rest, undaunted by the unexpected effect of the new instrument of death he held in his hand, were on the point of rushing in upon him with their clubs. i saw there was not a moment to be lost, and forcing my way through the tangled mass of creepers and shrubs which lay between us, i reined up for an instant, and took a steady aim at the leading savage. he fell to the ground with a yell of rage, and i then, without stopping to load again, dashed on towards the next. "well done, mate, well done," i heard ned shouting behind me. "knock the rascals on the head; that's the way to settle them." so astonished were the savages with the sudden apparition of me and my horse, that i had struck one fellow to the ground before he had time to defend himself. ned took aim at a third, and wounded him; but the savages, rendered more furious, still came on with menacing gestures. manco had during the interval reloaded his rifle, and singling out another savage, brought him to the ground. this made the rest once more halt, and seeing me loading, they were on the point of taking flight, when some loud cries resounded through the woods, and gave them notice of the approach of some more of their companions. "to the camp, to the camp, my friends!" exclaimed manco, when he was aware of this; and obeying his order, we all retreated at once towards the huts. the cashibos had received too strong a taste of our quality to follow at that instant, and allowed us to reach the camp unmolested. we instantly held a council of war, and at first manco, when he saw the fortification we had thrown up, proposed waiting where we were to receive the attack of our enemies; but he soon agreed with me and ned, that it would be wiser to escape while we could, on horseback. we could not tell how many cashibos there might be, and they would probably collect ultimately in such numbers as to overwhelm us, even should we at first succeed in beating them off. our indians, i found, were fully expecting to see their companion drop down dead, from the effects of the poison they supposed to have been on the arrow; but either it had not been poisoned at all, or the poison had dried and peeled off, for the man did not seem to suffer more than from an ordinary wound. the advantage of our having made our preparations for moving beforehand was now apparent, and to it we probably owed our safety; for, without the loss of a moment, as soon as our plan of proceeding was settled, we mounted and rode off at a rapid rate through the woods. the cashibos caught sight of us, and saluted us with loud shouts and war-whoops, and a flight of arrows came whistling after us; but we were already beyond their reach, and it only made us gallop the faster. "sing away, old fellows!" shouted ned; "though you've lost your supper, we've saved ours," and he held out the monkey at the end of the spit which he had snatched from the fire as we were mounting, and brought along with him. fortunately the country before us was tolerably free of trees, and the rock i have mentioned served to guide us; but the sun soon sunk below the horizon, and left as for a time in darkness. the sky was clear, and a bright star soon came out, by which we steered our course towards the river. the chief danger now to be apprehended, was from the fallen trunks of trees, or any soft bogs into which our horses might sink. after a time the moon got up, and showed us more clearly our way. on we pushed, therefore, for though the indians might not follow us in the dark, we were very certain that they would directly it was day; and our great aim was to get to some rocky spot by the bank of the river, where we might, by having the stream on our side, the more easily defend ourselves. vampire bats and owls, and other night-birds flew by; and snakes and noxious reptiles crossed our path as we rode on; but nothing stopped us. we pulled up when we reached the rock which had at first guided our course, and consulted whether we should take up our position there for the night, and prepare to defend it against the savages; but it was finally agreed that we would travel on till we reached the river. the journey would knock up our horses, but as we should have no further need of them, that could not be taken into consideration. nita bore up very well; indeed she seemed to suffer from fatigue as little us any of us. sometimes her husband carried her child, and sometimes ned took charge of it. about midnight a halt was called, on an elevated spot, whence we could command a tolerably clear view on all sides. we required to rest and feed our horses as well as ourselves, though we could not venture to light a fire, which would have betrayed our position to our pursuers. while we rested and ate, we kept a vigilant watch; for though it was not probable that the indians would have followed close to our heels, it was just possible that they might have done so, as in consequence of the numerous impediments in our way, a quick-footed man might have gone almost as fast as we did. while i was gnawing away at the leg of the monkey, and looking out at the same time into the darkness below, i saw something move across an open glade. it came nearer, and stopped at a spot where the moonbeams streamed full upon it, when i saw that it was a large jaguar. he sat upon his hind-legs and looked at us very wistfully, as if he should like to secure one of us for supper. presently he moved again and came a little nearer, when he sat down to look at us as before. i was going to have a shot at him, but manco restrained me, observed that it might be heard by the cashibos, and lead them to us. still the jaguar crept nearer, and once more stopped to watch us. if he was hungry, we must have been very tempting to him. our indians at last thought it was no joke, for in another moment the jaguar might have picked one of us off; so they set up so loud a scream that they made him turn about in a fright, and scamper off into the forest. as this would to a certainty have led the cashibos to us, if they were in the neighbourhood, we once more mounted and continued our journey. sometimes i thought i heard the savages behind us; but the sound proved to be the cry of some bird or beast of prey. no other adventure occurred, and, as day dawned, the calm waters of the river appeared shining brightly through the trees. a little further on rose close to the stream a high rock, the river face of which was almost a perpendicular precipice, while that inland was steep and rugged in the extreme. the top was of sufficient extent, it appeared, to enable us to pitch our huts on it, and to keep our horses there, it necessary. having surveyed it, we discovered a path by which we could hope to lead up our horses, every other side being too difficult for men, even unencumbered with burdens, to climb up. after some trouble, we reached the top, whence we found a fine view up and down the river, and over a wide extent of forest on either side. "the sooner we turn this place into a castle, the better for us, mate," observed ned. "what say you? we must get some trees down first, though." i told manco what the sailor said, and he instantly agreeing, we set to work forthwith to cut down all the trees which grew around, and which might serve as a covert to the enemy, and would form palisades for us. we set to work with a will with hatchets and knives, and in an hour had cut stakes enough to fence in the whole rock. where the soil was of sufficient depth we drove them into it; and at the other places we piled up stones, which we brought up from the margin of the river. we gave ourselves not a moment's rest; even while we were eating we were sharpening the stakes. ned set the example, and we all imitated him. in more important points, as a leader. manco showed himself fit to be a chief; but the british seaman, where manual work was concerned, was his superior. by noon we had a very respectable stockade run up, such as might withstand an attack for a short time from any ordinary enemy not possessed of firearms. all the trees and shrubs on the sides of the rock had been cut away, and stones had been piled up near all the more accessible points, to serve as a rampart, or to be used as weapons of defence. "now, mates," exclaimed ned, after he had walked with an air of satisfaction round our fortifications, "the work is done, so let's pipe to dinner." to dinner, accordingly, we went; and one of our dishes was the sloth i had shot, and we had some more monkeys, and several birds, which we had brought hung on to our saddles. we were obliged to light a fire, and we did not fear to do so, as we knew that in daylight the indians would just as easily track us without its guidance as with it. after dinner we began to construct our huts in a more substantial way than usual, as we should be compelled, we knew, to live here some time to build our canoe. everything depended on the rapidity with which we could work, so as to be in perfect readiness to receive an attack from the cannibals, should they have ventured to follow us. it was night before all our arrangements were concluded; and as during the whole time we had not given ourselves a moment's rest, we were well nigh worn out. it was necessary, however, to keep a watchful guard during the night, for which purpose we divided ourselves into three watches. we slept with our weapons by our sides, ready for instant use. when it came to my turn to watch, i walked round the ramparts to keep myself awake, for i was well aware of the cunning of the cashibos, and that they always make their attacks at night. as i stopped for a moment, a long, shrill plaintive cry came through the night air, followed by three others of the same length, gradually deepening in tone, and which had a peculiarly melancholy expression. at first i thought the cry must have arisen from some human being in distress. i remarked it to the indian who was watching with me. "ah, that sound comes from a little bird," he answered. "we call it the _alma perdida_. it is bewailing the dead, and good cause has it now to sound its notes--_aye de me_!" the night passed on, and though on several occasions i fancied that i could distinguish the forms of the savage cashibos skulking round us, none appeared, and daylight once more returned. chapter twenty one. conclusion. voyage on the amazon--para--sail for rio de janeiro--all's well that ends well. our first care in the morning was to search for a tree which might serve us to scoop into a canoe, till lower down the amazon we might fall in with one large enough to convey us to para. fortunately we discovered one to suit our purpose close to the rock, and we instantly set to work to bring it to the ground. thanks to manco's forethought in providing us with good hatchets, in the course of three hours it lay prostrate on the ground, a piece of about thirty-five feet long being marked off to form the canoe. all day we worked at it, one man at a time being stationed on the highest point of the rock to give notice of the approach of an enemy. before night we had made some progress in fashioning the bow, and in scooping out the inside. the night passed off as before, and we began to hope that the cashibos had had a sufficient taste of our quality, and did not intend to attack us. ned expressed his opinion that it would be necessary to build up some sides to our canoe; and as we had no means of sawing planks, we looked out for some tough smooth bark to answer the purpose. the indians sewed the pieces we stripped from the trees neatly together; and afterwards they collected a quantity of black bees' wax, with which to cover the seams. an indian occupies the greater part of a year in making his canoe: we calculated that we could do the work, with the aid of our iron tools, in ten days or a fortnight. three days had passed away, and still no cashibos had appeared. "they will, i suspect, not come at all," i remarked to manco. "do not be sure of that," he answered. "you do not know their savage and revengeful natures. they will lie in wait often for weeks or months together, to destroy an enemy. i'm afraid that they have only gone to collect their friends, and will be down on us in greater numbers." the fifth night passed away, and the sixth night came. our canoe, though far from complete, was sufficiently hollowed out to form a boat, and ned had that day shaped some paddles; but we had still to build up the sides, and to pay over the whole with wax, to make it water-tight; also to put in seats, and half-decks to the bow and stern, as well as to provision her, to make her fit for our voyage down the river. it was my watch, and pedro and one of the indians were with me. "hist, senor!" said the latter. "i hear an enemy's footsteps on the ground. the sound comes down upon the wind. they think we are asleep, or they would be more cautious. lie down, and we will not undeceive them till they are close to us." "you are right," i answered; and i crept silently to where pedro was standing, and told him what the indian had said, desiring him also to rouse up the rest to be ready for action. in another minute all hands were at their posts. we were only just in time; for presently we could distinguish through the stockades a number of tall savage-looking figures collected among the trees; and an arrow, with a burning head, was sent flying into the centre of our fort. it stuck in the ground, and did no damage. instantly it was followed by a whole flight, and the most terrific yells and cries rent the air, as some hundreds of the fiercest-looking savages were now rushing on towards the fort. "now, be steady, and fire," cried manco. we did, and each of us hit his man; our indians at the same time sending their arrows from their bows as fast as they could draw the string, returning those which the _cashibos_ had sent. several of our enemies had fallen by the time they had reached the foot of the hill. still they came on, and began to climb the rocks. if they succeeded in getting up, and climbing over the stockades, we saw we should to a certainty be overwhelmed. on they came with terrific cries and yells. again and again we fired, and rarely missed; but their numbers were so great, that little impression was made on them. they found, however, as they got higher up, their difficulties increased. our indians plied them rapidly with arrows, and at intervals tumbled down the stones on their heads, and we continued loading and firing without cessation. we could almost reach them with our spears; and so crowded together were they, that they impeded each other's movements. this gave us a great advantage, of which we did not fail to profit; and seizing the largest stones at hand, we dashed them down on their faces, and knocked them off the cliff. their places were, however, speedily supplied by others, and at length some of them succeeded in reaching the stockades. now came the tug of war; for the fighting was hand to hand, where numbers would have the advantage. just then i recollected the effect our horses had had on them before; and calling manco, we mounted two which stood behind the hill, ready saddled, and dashed forward at the enemy with our spears in our hands, uttering loud shouts. the apparition so startled the foremost ranks, that they turned round to fly, hurrying those behind them back also. seeing the success of our manoeuvre, we told the rest to follow our example. nita, who had been by the side of manco, leaped on a horse. ned took hold of her baby; and the indians, leading the baggage-horses, we prepared to gallop down the rock, and to charge the main body of the _cashibos_. it seemed an act of desperation, but it was our only chance. our arrows and stones were exhausted, and our ammunition would not have held out much longer. our enemies, seeing us coming on with so bold a front, were seized with a panic; and, with loud cries, they all turned round and fled into the woods, leaving some dozen or more of their number dead on the field. "we may now rest where we are, i suppose," i observed to manco. "no, no!" he answered. "they will go away, and hold a war council, and return again before long. we must get away from hence, and put the river between us before daylight, or we shall suffer from it." accordingly we descended from our rock, and security the horses to the trees, we united our strength, and launched our unfinished canoe into the water. the wood of which she was composed was so light that she floated high; but to give her greater buoyancy, we secured a quantity of dry rushes round the gunnel; and we found that when our stores were in her, there was room for all the party. "come, mates, it's time to be under weigh, if we are not to wait till the injuns are back upon us," shouted ned. but one of our indians was missing. while i was looking round for him, a bright light shone from the top of the rock, and soon afterwards he made his appearance. i found that he had gone back to light a fire, to make the _cashibos_ suppose we were still on the rock. ned's voice again summoning is, we embarked in the canoe; and the horses being fastened to their halters, plunged into the water after us, encouraged by the voices of the indians. ned, manco, pedro, and i seized the paddles, and away we went down the stream, gradually edging over to the opposite side. the horses, having been accustomed to cross rivers, swam well; and for half an hour we continued our course, till we reached a convenient landing place. our poor horses were very much exhausted; but we reflected that had we left them on the other side, they would have fallen into the hands of the _cashibos_. our intention had been to have sent them back with the indians; but the men had petitioned so hard to be allowed to accompany manco, that he could not refuse them; and we, therefore, were compelled to turn our animals loose, with a hope that they might escape being devoured by jaguars or shot by indians. we had landed in a little bay, the entrance of which was concealed, from the opposite shore. by aid of our horses, we dragged up our canoe, which already had begun to leak from want of caulking. close to us was a rock, very similar to the one we had left, and to this we resolved to fly if we were again attacked; but manco and the indians expressed an opinion that the _cashibos_ would not attempt to follow us across the stream. as soon as daylight returned, all hands set to work to finish the canoe. some went to collect more bees' wax and bark, others fastened the bark to the part scooped out, and others put in the seats and decks, ned acting the part of master-shipwright, and directing the whole, being actively employed with his own fingers at the same time. three more days were occupied in finishing the canoe. at night we were afraid of lighting a fire, lest we should show the cashibos our position, or we should have worked even then. we slept as before, with our arms ready for instant action. our indians shot some monkeys and three peccaries, with some birds, which served us for provision for some days; but we had no fear of being in want of food, as we were certain of finding an abundance of turtle on the banks of the river, and further down, of being able to purchase from friendly indians, plantains, bananas, guavas, granadillas, pine-apples, water-melons, and many other fruits and vegetables. we waited till morning, and having bade farewell to our poor horses, we launched our canoe, and stepping into her, pushed off into the stream. we were but just in time to escape our enemies, for as we passed down we saw the shore lined with the cashibos, who were launching a number of balsas and rafts with the evident intention of crossing to destroy us. they sent a flight of arrows after us, but as the river was here though somewhat shallow, yet very broad, by keeping over to the opposite bank, we escaped them. we had now paddles for all hands, and we plied them vigorously. pedro and i found it at first very tiring work; but manco, ned, and the indians were accustomed to it. the scenery we passed was often very fine, when the river ran between high rocks and ranges of hills. from the character of the country we felt sure that we should far outstrip any pursuers. to make certain, however, we paddled on the greater part of the night, the sharpest-eyed of the indians being stationed at the bow to warn us of any danger we were approaching. towards the morning we pulled into a little sandy bay, where we landed, and threw ourselves down wrapped in our cloaks, to obtain some rest. scarcely was i asleep when i felt something pitch down upon my nose. i looked up, but no one was near me. i went to sleep again, when my head got a disagreeable thump, and so it went on. at last i shifted my position, but still the knocks continued, though i was too sleepy to heed them. awaking at daylight i looked up, and in the trees overhead i discovered a large family of monkeys, who had, i doubt not, thus been amusing themselves at my expense. we were speedily again under weigh, and the stream running rapidly, we made, i dare say, from forty to fifty miles a day. we passed two or three rapids, down which we had to lower our canoe, and to carry her cargo by land. one was so dangerous that we judged it safer to haul her on shore, and to drag her over the ground to the lower side. this we did by means of rollers placed under her bottom, but the operation occupied us a whole day, and so weary were we, that we were very thankful the indians did not think of attacking us that night. after this, the river became deep and free from obstructions of all kinds, so that we were able to allow the canoe to drop down the stream at night, two at a time only paddling, while the others slept. in this manner we made rapid progress. sometimes, when there were no signs of natives, we landed, and built huts to rest in at night. we generally took these occasions to catch turtle, while our indians went to hunt in the neighbourhood, and never failed to bring us back a supply of game. in about ten days after our escape from the cashibos, we sighted a village built close to the banks of the river. it consisted of only eight or ten houses, but then each house was of great extent, with many divisions, and was the habitation of a considerable number of families. the sides were of cane, without any cement between the interstices, and the roofs were neatly formed of palm leaves. a turn of the river brought us upon it before we had time to pull to the opposite side, when a number of the inhabitants came forth with _pacunas_, their deadly blow-pipes, in their hands, prepared to shoot at us. our indians instantly hailed them, and informed them that a great chief was in the canoe, and entreated their hospitality. after a short consultation a friendly reply was given, and we pulled to the shore. as soon as we landed they came down and led us up to their houses. there was something agreeable in their countenances, though their flowing hair and painted faces and legs and bodies gave them an extravagantly savage appearance, increased by their teeth being blackened, and by the bead ornaments which they wore round their necks, ankles, and wrists. the men wore a long loose robe, and the women one of shorter dimensions. there was little neatness in the internal economy of their dwellings. at the end farthest from the door was the fire-place, surrounded with pots and jars of many sizes. on each side were raised platforms for bed-places, and pieces of beaten bark for bedding, covered with musquito curtains. bows, arrows, lances, _pacunas_ or blow-pipes, were hung to the posts or rafters, an axe and a knife in some cases: bowls made from calabashes, earthen jars to hold chica, water and young turtles; a few blocks of wood for seats, a few baskets, a ladder to reach to the roof, a wooden trough in which _masata_ is made, and a rude sort of loom, complete the furniture; from which list must not be omitted the lady's dressing box which contains her paints and brushes, as well as her trinkets. the centre of the house is always left unoccupied, as beneath it are buried the members of the family who die, the living thus becoming the guardians of the dead. they gave us an abundant repast off _vaca marina_ or _manatee_, called in english a sea-cow (a curious fish which i must describe), turtle, monkeys, and a variety of vegetables and fruits. our friends were great fishermen as well as sportsmen. the next morning i accompanied some of them in their canoes to catch a _vaca marina_. they watched for the animal till his snout appeared above water, when they killed it with their spears. in appearance it was something like a huge seal; but it has no power to leave the water. it was about twelve feet long, with a large muzzle armed with short bristles, and small eyes and ears. it had two thick fins and a longish thick tail; was very fat, and of a dark blue colour. to bring it home a canoe was sunk under its body; and when bailed out, it floated it up with perfect ease. the meat was in taste something between pork and beef. a large quantity of oil was extracted from the blubber. turtle flesh forms one of the principal articles of food of the people living on the banks of the rivers; and a very valuable oil is also extracted from the eggs, of which one female lays a hundred and fifty in a season. it is used instead of butter. the fiercest inhabitants of the amazon, and of its large and numerous tributaries, are the _lagartos, caimanes_, or alligators. in some parts they are seen basking in the sun, like logs of wood thrown up by the tide, with their enormous mouths kept open ready to catch the flies which settle on their lower jaw. alligators lay eggs, and it is said that as soon as they are hatched the young ones try to run on to their mother's back, and that the male alligator, who has come for no other purpose, eats all which fail to take refuge there, aided by the gallinasos and other birds of prey. their natural food appears to be fish; and the indians say that they will make a party of twelve or more, and that while one division blockades the entrance of a creek, the other will swim down, flapping their tails, and drive the fish into the jaws of their devourers. when they cannot procure fish, they will land and destroy calves and young foals, dragging them to the water's edge to eat them. when once they have tasted human flesh, it is asserted that they will take great pains to obtain it, upsetting canoes, and seizing people asleep near the banks, or floating on their balsas. i have seen an indian attack and kill an alligator in the water with a sharp knife. the indian in one hand took a a fowl, and in the other his knife. he swam till it got opposite the alligator, when it made a spring at the fowl. on this he left the fowl floating, and diving below the surface, cut the belly of the monster open with his knife. i have seen one twenty feet long; and what with his enormous head, and horrid eyes almost projecting out of his head, the impenetrable armour which covers his body, the red colour of his jaws, his sharp teeth, and his huge paws and tail, make him certainly a very hideous monster. the most deadly weapon the indian of the pampas uses is his _pacuna_ or blow-pipe, out of which he sends his arrows, dipped in the fatal _wourali_ poison. the poison takes its name from the wourali vine, the scraped wood of which, and some bitter roots, form the chief ingredients, boiled together. the rites and incantations employed, and the numerous other articles added to the poisonous cauldron, may remind one of the weird sisters' concoction in macbeth. the _pacuna_ is composed of a very delicate thin reed, perfectly smooth inside and out, which is encased in a stouter one. the arrows are from nine to ten inches long, formed of the leaf of a species of palm, hard and brittle, and pointed as sharp as a needle. at the butt-end some wild cotton is twisted round, to fit the tube. about an inch of the pointed end is poisoned. quivers are made to hold five or six hundred of these darts. the slightest wound causes certain death within a few minutes, as the poison mixes with the blood, and completely paralyses the system, causing, probably, little or no pain. the _pacuna_ is very similar to the _sumpitan_, used by the inhabitants of borneo and other people in the eastern archipelago, though the latter are not acquainted with the wourali poison. i must hurry on, i find, with my adventures. for several days we proceeded down the ucayali, till we arrived at a point where a small river, called the shaunga, falls into it. the stream was broad and tranquil, and vast trees grew down to the water's edge; while in the far distance, to the south and east, rose ranges of lofty mountains, reminding us of the distant andes in miniature. manco pointed them out to nita. "there," he said, "is our future home, till the spaniards have learned not to despise the indian race. then we will return, and once more endeavour to regain liberty for peru, and to restore the dominion of the incas." we here landed, and built some huts to last us a few days, while manco sent one of our indians as an ambassador to the chiefs of the villages, to crave the hospitality of the tribe. we employed the time till the return of the messenger in fishing and shooting, and in preparing the canoe for a longer voyage; for which purpose we fitted her with a mast and sail, a very patch-work affair, made out of our saddle-cloths and some bits of cotton stuff, which manco had brought with him. one day about noon, the sound of an indian trumpet was heard; and soon afterwards, a dozen warriors appeared, their faces and bodies highly painted, and adorned with a profusion of beads. they were clothed in the usual loose tunics, and armed with shields and clubs, ornamented with the antlers of a stag and richly tinted feathers, one end being sharp, to use as a spear; as also with bows and arrows, and lances. they were, i found, of the sencis tribe. these people live in good houses, cultivate the ground, and use canoes, and are a very intelligent and warlike people. the present party came to welcome manco to their country, and to express their willingness to afford him an asylum as long as he chose to remain among them, it was with deep regret that we parted from him and nita and their child. he was too sensible to ask me to remain with him, feeling that, as a civilised man, i had my vocation elsewhere. "i hope to be of some use to these poor people in improving their condition," he observed with a sigh. "the employment will serve to soothe my weary exile." manco, and nita with her child in her arms, stood on the shore, as, hoisting our sail, we steered our course down the river. i watched them with aching eyes and a sad heart, till they faded from my sight. many years since then have passed away, but i have never received any account of my brave and noble friend. he may have returned to peru, when the war of independence broke out, and the creoles threw off the yoke of spain. at that time a large number of indians joined the liberal party, under the idea that if the spaniards were driven out, their freedom and ancient institutions would be restored; but they found that under the new republic their condition was but little if at all improved. many, i am told, however, still look forward to the time when manco or his son shall appear, and the inca and his race shall rule the land. i wish that i had space to describe our very interesting voyage down the amazon. i saw enough to convince me of the fertility of the soil, and the vast number of productions to be found in its neighbourhood, and on the banks of the many rivers which run into it. after some weeks we reached the station of a portuguese missionary priest, who received us most hospitably; and finding that he was about to despatch a vessel to para, we were glad to abandon our canoe, and to embark in her. she was about thirty feet long and eight broad, the after part being decked with a house thatched with palm leaves, which served as the cabin for the passengers. in the fore part was a frame-work, covered also with palm leaves, under which the crew stood to paddle. in the centre was a mast, with a large square sail set on it. we had received as gifts several monkeys and parrots, and other birds and beasts, which now served to amuse us, as our own toils were over. some parts of the amazon, down which we sailed, were three miles wide, and appeared like large lakes. for many hundreds of miles steamboats might penetrate into the interior of that magnificent region; and i hope that the enterprise which is every day making new fields for its employment, may be directed ere long to that direction, to carry the advantages of civilisation among the numerous interesting tribes who inhabit its shores. it was with much satisfaction that we reached the portuguese city of para, situated on the river of that name. from the sandy nature of the soil, and the steady trade-winds which blow from the east, the city, though but little above the level of the sea at high water, is perfectly healthy. there are a good many public buildings, and several largos or open spaces in the city; but the private residences have little pretension to beauty, though they are constructed with a due regard to afford as much shade and coolness as possible. we remained here but two days; for, finding a schooner sailing for rio de janeiro, and there being no chance of a vessel direct to england for many months, we resolved to go in her. i shall never forget the intense delight with which ned walked the deck as he once more found himself afloat on the open ocean. "this is what i call life, mate--true life," he exclaimed; "and it will be a long time before you find me out of sight of blue water again." our schooner, the "felicidade," had a rapid passage to rio de janeiro. i cannot stop to describe that city, which has now become the capital of an empire. indeed i saw very little of it. nor can i picture its magnificent harbour, large enough to hold all the navies in the world. my first care, on going on shore, was to learn what ships were about to start for europe. i found that one was sailing the very next morning. ned, on hearing this, said he would go on board and look at the craft, while pedro and i waited for him on the quay. he soon came back, and said that the "susan" was a fine large brig; that he liked her appearance, and as she was short of hands he had engaged for the passage home at good wages. there was, he understood, an english family going home in her; but as she would have room for two more passengers, he advised me to return with him to secure berths for pedro and myself. we, accordingly, forthwith went on board. "your name, sir," said the master, when i told him my object. "david rexton," i replied. "rexton! that is very extraordinary," he replied. "why, that is the name of my other passengers." oh! how my heart beat with strange, wild, fearful, yet hopeful emotions at these words. i should have fallen on the deck, had not the kind-hearted man supported me. "where are they?" i at length found words to say. "in the cabin at this moment," he replied. "but stay, i have heard much about them, and suspect who you are. do you go forward with my mate there, and stay quiet for a little time; while i go and prepare them for your appearance. by-and-by we will introduce your friend here, and he can tell them he has seen you alive and well." i put myself under the good master's directions; and i need scarcely say that heaven had mercifully preserved my beloved parents, and thought fit to re-unite me to them. the very night the village, where they had taken refuge, was attacked, the faithful ithulpo had warned them in time to enable them to fly to the mountains, where they had concealed themselves in the hut of an aged indian. ithulpo had, unfortunately, quitted them, to look for some of their horses; and they had seen no more of him. from the hut of the indian, after a detention of some weeks, they succeeded in reaching the coast, and getting on board a merchantman, engaged in smuggling. she directly afterwards sailed; and rounding cape horn, they put into the magnificent harbour of rio de janeiro, for water and provisions. here my father found that the affairs of a branch of their house would much benefit by his presence. he accordingly had remained, till i so fortunately arrived. we finally reached england in safety. ned refused to touch any of the gold given to us by manco; and i, feeling that i could do no less than follow the noble fellow's generous example, devoted it to the service of pedro, who was thus enabled to obtain the best education england could afford. some years afterwards he went to peru, and succeeded in recovering the larger portion of his father's property. he fought in the war of independence, when his native country threw off the yoke of spain; but deeply disappointed in the result of that struggle, he lived in retirement on his estate, devoting himself to doing good to the surrounding population. he wrote me word that he had made every inquiry for manco, but could hear nothing of him. the inca noble probably perceived that the war of independence could do little to ameliorate the condition of his people, and refused to leave his retreat. my tale is ended. since the period of my adventures in peru i have visited many countries, and witnessed many strange scenes; and this i can assert, that every event of my life has tended to confirm the lessons given me by my father, to increase my reliance on god, and to convince me more and more that he orders all things for the best; and that when he thinks fit to afflict his creatures, he has some wise object in view, even though we may not be able to discover it. therefore, i say to my young friends, learn what is right to be done, and do it, fearless of consequences, and trusting in heaven. seek not for the reward of man, and be assured that god will care for you here, and more than amply repay you hereafter. the myths of mexico & peru by lewis spence author of "the mythologies of ancient mexico and peru" "the popol vuh" "the civilization of ancient mexico" "a dictionary of mythology" etc. etc. with sixty full-page illustrations mainly by gilbert james and william sewell and other drawings and maps new york thomas y. crowell company publishers printed by ballantyne and company ltd tavistock street covent garden london england preface in recent years a reawakening has taken place in the study of american archæology and antiquities, owing chiefly to the labours of a band of scholars in the united states and a few enthusiasts in the continent of europe. for the greater part of the nineteenth century it appeared as if the last word had been written upon mexican archæology. the lack of excavations and exploration had cramped the outlook of scholars, and there was nothing for them to work upon save what had been done in this respect before their own time. the writers on central america who lived in the third quarter of the last century relied on the travels of stephens and norman, and never appeared to consider it essential that the country or the antiquities in which they specialised should be examined anew, or that fresh expeditions should be equipped to discover whether still further monuments existed relating to the ancient peoples who raised the teocallis of mexico and the huacas of peru. true, the middle of the century was not altogether without its americanist explorers, but the researches of these were performed in a manner so perfunctory that but few additions to the science resulted from their labours. modern americanist archæology may be said to have been the creation of a brilliant band of scholars who, working far apart and without any attempt at co-operation, yet succeeded in accomplishing much. among these may be mentioned the frenchmen charnay and de rosny, and the americans brinton, h. h. bancroft, and squier. to these succeeded the german scholars seler, schellhas, and förstemann, the americans winsor, starr, savile, and cyrus thomas, and the englishmen payne and sir clements markham. these men, splendidly equipped for the work they had taken in hand, were yet hampered by the lack of reliable data--a want later supplied partly by their own excavations and partly by the painstaking labours of professor maudslay, now the principal of the international college of antiquities at mexico, who, with his wife, is responsible for the exact pictorial reproductions of many of the ancient edifices in central america and mexico. writers in the sphere of mexican and peruvian myth have been few. the first to attack the subject in the light of the modern science of comparative religion was daniel garrison brinton, professor of american languages and archæology in the university of philadelphia. he has been followed by payne, schellhas, seler, and förstemann, all of whom, however, have confined the publication of their researches to isolated articles in various geographical and scientific journals. the remarks of mythologists who are not also americanists upon the subject of american myth must be accepted with caution. the question of the alphabets of ancient america is perhaps the most acute in present-day pre-columbian archæology. but progress is being made in this branch of the subject, and several german scholars are working in whole-hearted co-operation to secure final results. what has great britain accomplished in this new and fascinating field of science? if the lifelong and valuable labours of the venerable sir clements markham be excepted, almost nothing. it is earnestly hoped that the publication of this volume may prove the means of leading many english students to the study and consideration of american archæology. there remains the romance of old america. the real interest of american mediæval history must ever circle around mexico and peru--her golden empires, her sole exemplars of civilisation; and it is to the books upon the character of these two nations that we must turn for a romantic interest as curious and as absorbing as that bound up in the history of egypt or assyria. if human interest is craved for by any man, let him turn to the narratives of garcilasso el inca de la vega and ixtlilxochitl, representatives and last descendants of the peruvian and tezcucan monarchies, and read there the frightful story of the path to fortune of red-heeled pizarro and cruel cortés, of the horrible cruelties committed upon the red man, whose colour was "that of the devil," of the awful pageant of gold-sated pirates laden with the treasures of palaces, of the stripping of temples whose very bricks were of gold, whose very drain-pipes were of silver, of rapine and the sacrilege of high places, of porphyry gods dashed down the pyramidal sides of lofty teocallis, of princesses torn from the very steps of the throne--ay, read these for the most wondrous tales ever writ by the hand of man, tales by the side of which the fables of araby seem dim--the story of a clash of worlds, the conquest of a new, of an isolated hemisphere. it is usual to speak of america as "a continent without a history." the folly of such a statement is extreme. for centuries prior to european occupation central america was the seat of civilisations boasting a history and a semi-historical mythology second to none in richness and interest. it is only because the sources of that history are unknown to the general reader that such assurance upon the lack of it exists. let us hope that this book may assist in attracting many to the head-fountain of a river whose affluents water many a plain of beauty not the less lovely because bizarre, not the less fascinating because somewhat remote from modern thought. in conclusion i have to acknowledge the courtesy of the bureau of american ethnology, which placed in my hands a valuable collection of illustrations and allowed me to select from these at my discretion. the pictures chosen include the drawings used as tailpieces to chapters; others, usually half-tones, are duly acknowledged where they occur. lewis spence edinburgh: july 1913 contents chapter page i. the civilisation of mexico 1 ii. mexican mythology 54 iii. myths and legends of the ancient mexicans 118 iv. the maya race and mythology 143 v. myths of the maya 207 vi. the civilisation of old peru 248 vii. the mythology of peru 291 bibliography 335 glossary and index 341 list of illustrations page the princess is given a vision frontispiece the descent of quetzalcoatl xiv toveyo and the magic drum 16 the altar of skulls 26 the guardian of the sacred fire 30 pyramid of the moon: pyramid of the sun 32 ruins of the pyramid of xochicalco 34 the spirit of the dead aztec is attacked by an evil spirit who scatters clouds of ashes 38 the demon izpuzteque 40 the aztec calendar stone 44 a prisoner fighting for his life 48 combat between mexican and bilimec warriors 53 priest making an incantation over an aztec lady 54 the princess sees a strange man before the palace 62 tezcatlipoca, lord of the night winds 66 the infant war-god drives his brethren into a lake and slays them 70 statue of tlaloc, the rain-god 76 the aged quetzalcoatl leaves mexico on a raft of serpents 80 ritual masks of quetzalcoatl and tezcatlipoca; and sacrificial knife 84 the so-called teoyaominqui 88 statue of a male divinity 90 xolotl 94 the quauhxicalli, or solar altar of sacrifice 98 macuilxochitl 102 the penitent addressing the fire 106 cloud serpent, the hunter-god 110 mexican goddess 114 tezcatlipoca 117 "place where the heavens stood" 120 a flood-myth of the nahua 122 the prince who fled for his life 126 the princess and the statues 130 the king's sister is shown the valley of dry bones 140 mexican deity 142 the prince who went to found a city 156 "the tablet of the cross" 160 design on a vase from chamá representing maya deities 166 the house of bats 172 part of the palace and tower, palenque 182 the king who loved a princess 186 teocalli or pyramid of papantla: the nunnery, chichen-itza 188 details of the nunnery at chichen-itza 190 the old woman who took an egg home 192 great palace of mitla: interior of an apartment in the palace of mitla 198 hall of the columns, palace of mitla 202 the twins make an imitation crab 214 the princess and the gourds 220 the princess who made friends of the owls 222 in the house of bats 226 how the sun appeared like the moon 230 queen móo has her destiny foretold 240 the rejected suitor 242 piece of pottery representing a tapir 247 doorway of tiahuanaco 248 fortress at ollantay-tampu 250 "mother and child are united" 252 the inca fortress of pissac 254 "making one of each nation out of the clay of the earth" 258 painted and black terra-cotta vases 280 conducting the white llama to the sacrifice 312 "the birdlike beings were in reality women" 318 "a beautiful youth appeared to thonapa" 320 "he sang the song of chamayhuarisca" 322 "the younger one flew away" 324 "his wife at first indignantly denied the accusation" 326 "he saw a very beautiful girl crying bitterly" 328 maps the valley of mexico 330 distribution of the races in ancient mexico 331 distribution of the races under the empire of the incas 333 chapter i: the civilisation of mexico the civilisations of the new world there is now no question as to the indigenous origin of the civilisations of mexico, central america, and peru. upon few subjects, however, has so much mistaken erudition been lavished. the beginnings of the races who inhabited these regions, and the cultures which they severally created, have been referred to nearly every civilised or semi-civilised nation of antiquity, and wild if fascinating theories have been advanced with the intention of showing that civilisation was initiated upon american soil by asiatic or european influence. these speculations were for the most part put forward by persons who possessed but a merely general acquaintance with the circumstances of american aboriginal civilisation, and who were struck by the superficial resemblances which undoubtedly exist between american and asiatic peoples, customs, and art-forms, but which cease to be apparent to the americanist, who perceives in them only such likenesses as inevitably occur in the work of men situated in similar environments and surrounded by similar social and religious conditions. the maya of yucatan may be regarded as the most highly civilised of the peoples who occupied the american continent before the advent of europeans, and it is usually their culture which we are asked to believe had its seat of origin in asia. it is unnecessary to refute this theory in detail, as that has already been ably accomplished. [1] but it may be remarked that the surest proof of the purely native origin of american civilisation is to be found in the unique nature of american art, the undoubted result of countless centuries of isolation. american language, arithmetic, and methods of time-reckoning, too, bear no resemblance to other systems, european or asiatic, and we may be certain that had a civilising race entered america from asia it would have left its indelible impress upon things so intensely associated with the life of a people as well as upon the art and architecture of the country, for they are as much the product of culture as is the ability to raise temples. evidence of animal and plant life it is impossible in this connection to ignore the evidence in favour of native advancement which can be adduced from the artificial production of food in america. nearly all the domesticated animals and cultivated food-plants found on the continent at the period of the discovery were totally different from those known to the old world. maize, cocoa, tobacco, and the potato, with a host of useful plants, were new to the european conquerors, and the absence of such familiar animals as the horse, cow, and sheep, besides a score of lesser animals, is eloquent proof of the prolonged isolation which the american continent underwent subsequent to its original settlement by man. origin of american man an asiatic origin is, of course, admitted for the aborigines of america, but it undoubtedly stretched back into that dim tertiary era when man was little more than beast, and language as yet was not, or at the best was only half formed. later immigrants there certainly were, but these probably arrived by way of behring strait, and not by the land-bridge connecting asia and america by which the first-comers found entrance. at a later geological period the general level of the north american continent was higher than at present, and a broad isthmus connected it with asia. during this prolonged elevation vast littoral plains, now submerged, extended continuously from the american to the asiatic shore, affording an easy route of migration to a type of man from whom both the mongolian branches may have sprung. but this type, little removed from the animal as it undoubtedly was, carried with it none of the refinements of art or civilisation; and if any resemblances occur between the art-forms or polity of its equal descendants in asia and america, they are due to the influence of a remote common ancestry, and not to any later influx of asiatic civilisation to american shores. traditions of intercourse with asia the few traditions of asiatic intercourse with america are, alas! easily dissipated. it is a dismal business to be compelled to refute the dreams of others. how much more fascinating would american history have been had asia sowed the seeds of her own peculiar civilisation in the western continent, which would then have become a newer and further east, a more glowing and golden orient! but america possesses a fascination almost as intense when there falls to be considered the marvel of the evolution of her wondrous civilisations--the flowers of progress of a new, of an isolated world. the idea that the "fu-sang" of the chinese annals alluded to america was rendered illusory by klaproth, who showed its identity with a japanese island. it is not impossible that chinese and japanese vessels may have drifted on to the american coasts, but that they sailed thither of set purpose is highly improbable. gomara, the mexican historian, states that those who served with coronado's expedition in 1542 saw off the pacific coast certain ships having their prows decorated with gold and silver, and laden with merchandise, and these they supposed to be of cathay or china, "because they intimated by signs that they had been thirty days on their voyage." like most of these interesting stories, however, the tale has no foundation in fact, as the incident cannot be discovered in the original account of the expedition, published in 1838 in the travel-collection of ternaux-compans. legends of european intercourse we shall find the traditions, one might almost call them legends, of early european intercourse with america little more satisfactory than those which recount its ancient connection with asia. we may dismiss the sagas of the discovery of america by the norsemen, which are by no means mere tradition, and pass on to those in which the basis of fact is weaker and the legendary interest more strong. we are told that when the norsemen drove forth those irish monks who had settled in iceland, the fugitives voyaged to "great ireland," by which many antiquarians of the older school imagine the author of the myth to have meant america. the irish book of lismore recounts the voyage of st. brandan, abbot of cluainfert, in ireland, to an island in the ocean which providence had intended as the abode of saints. it gives a glowing account of his seven years' cruise in western waters, and tells of numerous discoveries, among them a hill of fire and an endless island, which he quitted after an unavailing journey of forty days, loading his ships with its fruits, and returning home. many norse legends exist regarding this "greater ireland," or "huitramanna land" (white man's land), among them one concerning a norseman who was cast away on its shores, and who found there a race of white men who went to worship their gods bearing banners, and "shouting with a loud voice." there is, of course, the bare possibility that the roving norsemen may have on occasions drifted or have been cast away as far south as mexico, and such an occurrence becomes the more easy of belief when we remember that they certainly reached the shores of north america. the legend of madoc a much more interesting because more probable story is that which tells of the discovery of distant lands across the western ocean by madoc, a princeling of north wales, in the year 1170. it is recorded in hakluyt's english voyages and powel's history of wales. madoc, the son of owen gwyneth, disgusted by the strife of his brothers for the principality of their dead father, resolved to quit such an uncongenial atmosphere, and, fitting out ships with men and munition, sought adventure by sea, sailing west, and leaving the coast of ireland so far north that he came to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things. "this land," says hakluyt, "must needs be some part of that country of which the spaniards affirme themselves to be the first finders since hanno's time," and through this allusion we are enabled to see how these legends relating to mythical lands came to be associated with the american continent. concerning the land discovered by madoc many tales were current in wales in mediæval times. madoc on his return declared that it was pleasant and fruitful, but uninhabited. he succeeded in persuading a large number of people to accompany him to this delectable region, and, as he never returned, hakluyt concludes that the descendants of the folk he took with him composed the greater part of the population of the america of the seventeenth century, a conclusion in which he has been supported by more than one modern antiquarian. indeed, the wildest fancies have been based upon this legend, and stories of welsh-speaking indians who were able to converse with cymric immigrants to the american colonies have been received with complacency by the older school of american historians as the strongest confirmation of the saga. it is notable, however, that henry vii of england, the son of a welshman, may have been influenced in his patronage of the early american explorers by this legend of madoc, as it is known that he employed one guttyn owen, a welsh historiographer, to draw up his paternal pedigree, and that this same guttyn included the story in his works. such legends as those relating to atlantis and antilia scarcely fall within the scope of american myth, as they undoubtedly relate to early communication with the canaries and azores. american myths of the discovery but what were the speculations of the red men on the other side of the atlantic? were there no rumours there, no legends of an eastern world? immediately prior to the discovery there was in america a widely disseminated belief that at a relatively remote period strangers from the east had visited american soil, eventually returning to their own abodes in the land of sunrise. such, for example, was the mexican legend of quetzalcoatl, to which we shall revert later in its more essentially mythical connection. he landed with several companions at vera cruz, and speedily brought to bear the power of a civilising agency upon native opinion. in the ancient mexican pinturas, or paintings, he is represented as being habited in a long black gown, fringed with white crosses. after sojourning with the mexicans for a number of years, during which time he initiated them into the arts of life and civilisation, he departed from their land on a magic raft, promising, however, to return. his second advent was anxiously looked for, and when cortés and his companions arrived at vera cruz, the identical spot at which quetzalcoatl was supposed to have set out on his homeward journey, the mexicans fully believed him to be the returned hero. of course montezuma, their monarch, was not altogether taken by surprise at the coming of the white man, as he had been informed of the arrival of mysterious strangers in yucatan and elsewhere in central america; but in the eyes of the commonalty the spanish leader was a "hero-god" indeed. in this interesting figure several of the monkish chroniclers of new spain saw the apostle st. thomas, who had journeyed to the american continent to effect its conversion to christianity. a peruvian prophecy the mexicans were by no means singular in their presentiments. when hernando de soto, on landing in peru, first met the inca huascar, the latter related an ancient prophecy which his father, huaina ccapac, had repeated on his death-bed, that in the reign of the thirteenth inca white men of surpassing strength and valour would come from their father the sun, and subject the peruvians to their rule. "i command you," said the dying king, "to yield them homage and obedience, for they will be of a nature superior to ours." [2] but the most interesting of american legends connected with the discovery is that in which the prophecy of the maya priest chilan balam is described. father lizana, a venerable spanish author, records the prophecy, which he states was very well known throughout yucatan, as does villagutierre, who quotes it. the prophecy of chilan balam part of this strange prophecy runs as follows: "at the end of the thirteenth age, when itza is at the height of its power, as also the city called tancah, the signal of god will appear on the heights, and the cross with which the world was enlightened will be manifested. there will be variance of men's will in future times, when this signal shall be brought.... receive your barbarous bearded guests from the east, who bring the signal of god, who comes to us in mercy and pity. the time of our life is coming...." it would seem from the perusal of this prophecy that a genuine substratum of native tradition has been over-laid and coloured by the influence of the early spanish missionaries. the terms of the announcement are much too exact, and the language employed is obviously scriptural. but the native books of chilan balam, whence the prophecy is taken, are much less explicit, and the genuineness of their character is evinced by the idiomatic use of the maya tongue, which, in the form they present it in, could have been written by none save those who had habitually employed it from infancy. as regards the prophetic nature of these deliverances it is known that the chilan, or priest, was wont to utter publicly at the end of certain prolonged periods a prophecy forecasting the character of the similar period to come, and there is reason to believe that some distant rumours of the coming of the white man had reached the ears of several of the seers. these vague intimations that the seas separated them from a great continent where dwelt beings like themselves seem to have been common to white and red men alike. and who shall say by what strange magic of telepathy they were inspired in the minds of the daring explorers and the ascetic priests who gave expression to them in act and utterance? the discovery of america was much more than a mere scientific process, and romance rather than the cold speculations of mediæval geography urged men to tempt the dim seas of the west in quest of golden islands seen in dreams. the type of mexican civilisation the first civilised american people with whom the discoverers came into contact were those of the nahua or ancient mexican race. we use the term "civilised" advisedly, for although several authorities of standing have refused to regard the mexicans as a people who had achieved such a state of culture as would entitle them to be classed among civilised communities, there is no doubt that they had advanced nearly as far as it was possible for them to proceed when their environment and the nature of the circumstances which handicapped them are taken into consideration. in architecture they had evolved a type of building, solid yet wonderfully graceful, which, if not so massive as the egyptian and assyrian, was yet more highly decorative. their artistic outlook as expressed in their painting and pottery was more versatile and less conventional than that of the ancient people of the orient, their social system was of a more advanced type, and a less rigorous attitude was evinced by the ruling caste toward the subject classes. yet, on the other hand, the picture is darkened by the terrible if picturesque rites which attended their religious ceremonies, and the dread shadow of human sacrifice which eternally overhung their teeming populations. nevertheless, the standard of morality was high, justice was even-handed, the forms of government were comparatively mild, and but for the fanaticism which demanded such troops of victims, we might justly compare the civilisation of ancient mexico with that of the peoples of old china or india, if the literary activity of the oriental states be discounted. the mexican race the race which was responsible for this varied and highly coloured civilisation was that known as the nahua (those who live by rule), a title adopted by them to distinguish them from those tribes who still roamed in an unsettled condition over the contiguous plains of new mexico and the more northerly tracts. this term was employed by them to designate the race as a whole, but it was composed of many diverse elements, the characteristics of which were rendered still more various by the adoption into one or other of the tribes which composed it of surrounding aboriginal peoples. much controversy has raged round the question regarding the original home of the nahua, but their migration legends consistently point to a northern origin; and when the close affinity between the art-forms and mythology of the present-day natives of british columbia and those of the nahua comes to be considered along with the very persistent legends of a prolonged pilgrimage from the north, where they dwelt in a place "by the water," the conclusion that the nahua emanated from the region indicated is well-nigh irresistible. [3] in nahua tradition the name of the locality whence the race commenced its wanderings is called aztlan (the place of reeds), but this place-name is of little or no value as a guide to any given region, though probably every spot betwixt behring strait and mexico has been identified with it by zealous antiquarians. other names discovered in the migration legends are tlapallan (the country of bright colours) and chicomoztoc (the seven caves), and these may perhaps be identified with new mexico or arizona. legends of mexican migration all early writers on the history of mexico agree that the toltecs were the first of the several swarms of nahua who streamed upon the mexican plateau in ever-widening waves. concerning the reality of this people so little is known that many authorities of standing have regarded them as wholly mythical, while others profess to see in them a veritable race, the founders of mexican civilisation. the author has already elaborated his theory of this difficult question elsewhere, [4] but will briefly refer to it when he comes to deal with the subject of the toltec civilisation and the legends concerning it. for the present we must regard the toltecs merely as a race alluded to in a migration myth as the first nahua immigrants to the region of mexico. ixtlilxochitl, a native chronicler who flourished shortly after the spanish conquest of mexico, gives two separate accounts of the early toltec migrations, the first of which goes back to the period of their arrival in the fabled land of tlapallan, alluded to above. in this account tlapallan is described as a region near the sea, which the toltecs reached by voyaging southward, skirting the coasts of california. this account must be received with the greatest caution. but we know that the natives of british columbia have been expert in the use of the canoe from an early period, and that the mexican god quetzalcoatl, who is probably originally derived from a common source with their deity yetl, is represented as being skilled in the management of the craft. it is, therefore, not outside the bounds of possibility that the early swarms of nahua immigrants made their way to mexico by sea, but it is much more probable that their migrations took place by land, following the level country at the base of the rocky mountains. the toltec upheaval like nearly all legendary immigrants, the toltecs did not set out to colonise distant countries from any impulse of their own, but were the victims of internecine dissension in the homeland, and were expelled from the community to seek their fortunes elsewhere. thus thrust forth, they set their faces southward, and reached tlapallan in the year 1 tecpatl (a.d. 387). passing the country of xalisco, they effected a landing at huatulco, and journeyed down the coast until they reached tochtepec, whence they pushed inland to tollantzinco. to enable them to make this journey they required no less than 104 years. ixtlilxochitl furnishes another account of the toltec migration in his relaciones, a work dealing with the early history of the mexican races. in this he recounts how the chiefs of tlapallan, who had revolted against the royal power, were banished from that region in a.d. 439. lingering near their ancient territory for the space of eight years, they then journeyed to tlapallantzinco, where they halted for three years before setting out on a prolonged pilgrimage, which occupied the tribe for over a century, and in the course of which it halted at no less than thirteen different resting-places, six of which can be traced to stations on the pacific coast, and the remainder to localities in the north of mexico. artificial nature of the migration myths it is plain from internal evidence that these two legends of the toltec migrations present an artificial aspect. but if we cannot credit them in detail, that is not to say that they do not describe in part an actual pilgrimage. they are specimens of numerous migration myths which are related concerning the various branches of the mexican races. few features of interest are presented in them, and they are chiefly remarkable for wearisome repetition and divergence in essential details. myths of the toltecs but we enter a much more fascinating domain when we come to peruse the myths regarding the toltec kingdom and civilisation, for, before entering upon the origin or veritable history of the toltec race, it will be better to consider the native legends concerning them. these exhibit an almost oriental exuberance of imagination and colouring, and forcibly remind the reader of the gorgeous architectural and scenic descriptions in the arabian nights. the principal sources of these legends are the histories of zumarraga and ixtlilxochitl. the latter is by no means a satisfactory authority, but he has succeeded in investing the traditions of his native land with no inconsiderable degree of charm. the toltecs, he says, founded the magnificent city of tollan in the year 566 of the incarnation. this city, the site of which is now occupied by the modern town of tula, was situated north-west of the mountains which bound the mexican valley. thither were the toltecs guided by the powerful necromancer hueymatzin (great hand), and under his direction they decided to build a city upon the site of what had been their place of bivouac. for six years they toiled at the building of tollan, and magnificent edifices, palaces, and temples arose, the whole forming a capital of a splendour unparalleled in the new world. the valley wherein it stood was known as the "place of fruits," in allusion to its great fertility. the surrounding rivers teemed with fish, and the hills which encircled this delectable site sheltered large herds of game. but as yet the toltecs were without a ruler, and in the seventh year of their occupation of the city the assembled chieftains took counsel together, and resolved to surrender their power into the hands of a monarch whom the people might elect. the choice fell upon chalchiuh tlatonac (shining precious stone), who reigned for fifty-two years. legends of toltec artistry happily settled in their new country, and ruled over by a king whom they could regard with reverence, the toltecs made rapid progress in the various arts, and their city began to be celebrated far and wide for the excellence of its craftsmen and the beauty of its architecture and pottery. the name of "toltec," in fact, came to be regarded by the surrounding peoples as synonymous with "artist," and as a kind of hall-mark which guaranteed the superiority of any article of toltec workmanship. everything in and about the city was eloquent of the taste and artistry of its founders. the very walls were encrusted with rare stones, and their masonry was so beautifully chiselled and laid as to resemble the choicest mosaic. one of the edifices of which the inhabitants of tollan were most justly proud was the temple wherein their high-priest officiated. this building was a very gem of architectural art and mural decoration. it contained four apartments. the walls of the first were inlaid with gold, the second with precious stones of every description, the third with beautiful sea-shells of all conceivable hues and of the most brilliant and tender shades encrusted in bricks of silver, which sparkled in the sun in such a manner as to dazzle the eyes of beholders. the fourth apartment was formed of a brilliant red stone, ornamented with shells. the house of feathers still more fantastic and weirdly beautiful was another edifice, "the house of feathers." this also possessed four apartments, one decorated with feathers of a brilliant yellow, another with the radiant and sparkling hues of the blue bird. these were woven into a kind of tapestry, and placed against the walls in graceful hangings and festoons. an apartment described as of entrancing beauty was that in which the decorative scheme consisted of plumage of the purest and most dazzling white. the remaining chamber was hung with feathers of a brilliant red, plucked from the most beautiful birds. huemac the wicked a succession of more or less able kings succeeded the founder of the toltec monarchy, until in a.d. 994 huemac ii ascended the throne of tollan. he ruled first with wisdom, and paid great attention to the duties of the state and religion. but later he fell from the high place he had made for himself in the regard of the people by his faithless deception of them and his intemperate and licentious habits. the provinces rose in revolt, and many signs and gloomy omens foretold the downfall of the city. toveyo, a cunning sorcerer, collected a great concourse of people near tollan, and by dint of beating upon a magic drum until the darkest hours of the night, forced them to dance to its sound until, exhausted by their efforts, they fell headlong over a dizzy precipice into a deep ravine, where they were turned into stone. toveyo also maliciously destroyed a stone bridge, so that thousands of people fell into the river beneath and were drowned. the neighbouring volcanoes burst into eruption, presenting a frightful aspect, and grisly apparitions could be seen among the flames threatening the city with terrible gestures of menace. the rulers of tollan resolved to lose no time in placating the gods, whom they decided from the portents must have conceived the most violent wrath against their capital. they therefore ordained a great sacrifice of war-captives. but upon the first of the victims being placed upon the altar a still more terrible catastrophe occurred. in the method of sacrifice common to the nahua race the breast of a youth was opened for the purpose of extracting the heart, but no such organ could the officiating priest perceive. moreover the veins of the victim were bloodless. such a deadly odour was exhaled from the corpse that a terrible pestilence arose, which caused the death of thousands of toltecs. huemac, the unrighteous monarch who had brought all this suffering upon his folk, was confronted in the forest by the tlalocs, or gods of moisture, and humbly petitioned these deities to spare him, and not to take from him his wealth and rank. but the gods were disgusted at the callous selfishness displayed in his desires, and departed, threatening the toltec race with six years of plagues. the plagues of the toltecs in the next winter such a severe frost visited the land that all crops and plants were killed. a summer of torrid heat followed, so intense in its suffocating fierceness that the streams were dried up and the very rocks were melted. then heavy rain-storms descended, which flooded the streets and ways, and terrible tempests swept through the land. vast numbers of loathsome toads invaded the valley, consuming the refuse left by the destructive frost and heat, and entering the very houses of the people. in the following year a terrible drought caused the death of thousands from starvation, and the ensuing winter was again a marvel of severity. locusts descended in cloud-like swarms, and hailand thunder-storms completed the wreck. during these visitations nine-tenths of the people perished, and all artistic endeavour ceased because of the awful struggle for food. king acxitl with the cessation of these inflictions the wicked huemac resolved upon a more upright course of life, and became most assiduous for the welfare and proper government of his people. but he had announced that acxitl, his illegitimate son, should succeed him, and had further resolved to abdicate at once in favour of this youth. with the toltecs, as with most primitive peoples, the early kings were regarded as divine, and the attempt to place on the throne one who was not of the royal blood was looked upon as a serious offence against the gods. a revolt ensued, but its two principal leaders were bought over by promises of preferment. acxitl ascended the throne, and for a time ruled wisely. but he soon, like his father, gave way to a life of dissipation, and succeeded in setting a bad example to the members of his court and to the priesthood, the vicious spirit communicating itself to all classes of his subjects and permeating every rank of society. the iniquities of the people of the capital and the enormities practised by the royal favourites caused such scandal in the outlying provinces that at length they broke into open revolt, and huehuetzin, chief of an eastern viceroyalty, joined to himself two other malcontent lords and marched upon the city of tollan at the head of a strong force. acxitl could not muster an army sufficiently powerful to repel the rebels, and was forced to resort to the expedient of buying them off with rich presents, thus patching up a truce. but the fate of tollan was in the balance. hordes of rude chichimec savages, profiting by the civil broils in the toltec state, invaded the lake region of anahuac, or mexico, and settled upon its fruitful soil. the end was in sight! a terrible visitation the wrath of the gods increased instead of diminishing, and in order to appease them a great convention of the wise men of the realm met at teotihuacan, the sacred city of the toltecs. but during their deliberations a giant of immense proportions rushed into their midst, and, seizing upon them by scores with his bony hands, hurled them to the ground, dashing their brains out. in this manner he slew great numbers, and when the panic-stricken folk imagined themselves delivered from him he returned in a different guise and slew many more. again the grisly monster appeared, this time taking the form of a beautiful child. the people, fascinated by its loveliness, ran to observe it more closely, only to discover that its head was a mass of corruption, the stench from which was so fatal that many were killed outright. the fiend who had thus plagued the toltecs at length deigned to inform them that the gods would listen no longer to their prayers, but had fully resolved to destroy them root and branch, and he further counselled them to seek safety in flight. fall of the toltec state by this time the principal families of tollan had deserted the country, taking refuge in neighbouring states. once more huehuetzin menaced tollan, and by dint of almost superhuman efforts old king huemac, who had left his retirement, raised a force sufficient to face the enemy. acxitl's mother enlisted the services of the women of the city, and formed them into a regiment of amazons. at the head of all was acxitl, who divided his forces, despatching one portion to the front under his commander-in-chief, and forming the other into a reserve under his own leadership. during three years the king defended tollan against the combined forces of the rebels and the semi-savage chichimecs. at length the toltecs, almost decimated, fled after a final desperate battle into the marshes of lake tezcuco and the fastnesses of the mountains. their other cities were given over to destruction, and the toltec empire was at an end. the chichimec exodus meanwhile the rude chichimecs of the north, who had for many years carried on a constant warfare with the toltecs, were surprised that their enemies sought their borders no more, a practice which they had engaged in principally for the purpose of obtaining captives for sacrifice. in order to discover the reason for this suspicious quiet they sent out spies into toltec territory, who returned with the amazing news that the toltec domain for a distance of six hundred miles from the chichimec frontier was a desert, the towns ruined and empty and their inhabitants scattered. xolotl, the chichimec king, summoned his chieftains to his capital, and, acquainting them with what the spies had said, proposed an expedition for the purpose of annexing the abandoned land. no less than 3,202,000 people composed this migration, and only 1,600,000 remained in the chichimec territory. the chichimecs occupied most of the ruined cities, many of which they rebuilt. those toltecs who remained became peaceful subjects, and through their knowledge of commerce and handicrafts amassed considerable wealth. a tribute was, however, demanded from them, which was peremptorily refused by nauhyotl, the toltec ruler of colhuacan; but he was defeated and slain, and the chichimec rule was at last supreme. the disappearance of the toltecs the transmitters of this legendary account give it as their belief, which is shared by some authorities of standing, that the toltecs, fleeing from the civil broils of their city and the inroads of the chichimecs, passed into central america, where they became the founders of the civilisation of that country, and the architects of the many wonderful cities the ruins of which now litter its plains and are encountered in its forests. but it is time that we examined the claims put forward on behalf of toltec civilisation and culture by the aid of more scientific methods. did the toltecs exist? some authorities have questioned the existence of the toltecs, and have professed to see in them a race which had merely a mythical significance. they base this theory upon the circumstance that the duration of the reigns of the several toltec monarchs is very frequently stated to have lasted for exactly fifty-two years, the duration of the great mexican cycle of years which had been adopted so that the ritual calendar might coincide with the solar year. the circumstance is certainly suspicious, as is the fact that many of the names of the toltec monarchs are also those of the principal nahua deities, and this renders the whole dynastic list of very doubtful value. dr. brinton recognised in the toltecs those children of the sun who, like their brethren in peruvian mythology, were sent from heaven to civilise the human race, and his theory is by no means weakened by the circumstance that quetzalcoatl, a deity of solar significance, is alluded to in nahua myth as king of the toltecs. recent considerations and discoveries, however, have virtually forced students of the subject to admit the existence of the toltecs as a race. the author has dealt with the question at some length elsewhere, [5] and is not of those who are free to admit the definite existence of the toltecs from a historical point of view. the late mr. payne of oxford, an authority entitled to every respect, gave it as his opinion that "the accounts of toltec history current at the conquest contain a nucleus of substantial truth," and he writes convincingly: "to doubt that there once existed in tollan an advancement superior to that which prevailed among the nahuatlaca generally at the conquest, and that its people spread their advancement throughout anahuac, and into the districts eastward and southward, would be to reject a belief universally entertained, and confirmed rather than shaken by the efforts made in later times to construct for the pueblo something in the nature of a history." [6] a persistent tradition the theory of the present author concerning toltec historical existence is rather more non-committal. he admits that a most persistent body of tradition as to their existence gained general credence among the nahua, and that the date (1055) of their alleged dispersal admits of the approximate exactness and probability of this body of tradition at the time of the conquest. he also admits that the site of tollan contains ruins which are undoubtedly of a date earlier than that of the architecture of the nahua as known at the conquest, and that numerous evidences of an older civilisation exist. he also believes that the early nahua having within their racial recollection existed as savages, the time which elapsed between their barbarian condition and the more advanced state which they achieved was too brief to admit of evolution from savagery to culture. hence they must have adopted an older civilisation, especially as through the veneer of civilisation possessed by them they exhibited every sign of gross barbarism. a nameless people if this be true it would go to show that a people of comparatively high culture existed at a not very remote period on the mexican tableland. but what their name was or their racial affinity the writer does not profess to know. many modern american scholars of note have conferred upon them the name of "toltecs," and speak freely of the "toltec period" and of "toltec art." it may appear pedantic to refuse to recognise that the cultured people who dwelt in mexico in pre-nahua times were "the toltecs." but in the face of the absence of genuine and authoritative native written records dealing with the question, the author finds himself compelled to remain unconvinced as to the exact designation of the mysterious older race which preceded the nahua. there are not wanting authorities who appear to regard the pictorial chronicles of the nahua as quite as worthy of credence as written records, but it must be clear that tradition or even history set down in pictorial form can never possess that degree of definiteness contained in a written account. toltec art as has been stated above, the toltecs of tradition were chiefly remarkable for their intense love of art and their productions in its various branches. ixtlilxochitl says that they worked in gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead, and as masons employed flint, porphyry, basalt, and obsidian. in the manufacture of jewellery and objets d'art they excelled, and the pottery of cholula, of which specimens are frequently recovered, was of a high standard. other aboriginal peoples mexico contained other aboriginal races besides the toltecs. of these many and diverse peoples the most remarkable were the otomi, who still occupy guanajuato and queretaro, and who, before the coming of the nahua, probably spread over the entire valley of mexico. in the south we find the huasteca, a people speaking the same language as the maya of central america, and on the mexican gulf the totonacs and chontals. on the pacific side of the country the mixteca and zapoteca were responsible for a flourishing civilisation which exhibited many original characteristics, and which in some degree was a link between the cultures of mexico and central america. traces of a still older population than any of these are still to be found in the more remote parts of mexico, and the mixe, zaque, kuicatec, and popolcan are probably the remnants of prehistoric races of vast antiquity. the cliff-dwellers it is probable that a race known as "the cliff-dwellers," occupying the plateau country of arizona, new mexico, colorado, and utah, and even extending in its ramifications to mexico itself, was related ethnologically to the nahua. the present-day pueblo indians dwelling to the north of mexico most probably possess a leaven of nahua blood. ere the tribes who communicated this leaven to the whole had intermingled with others of various origin, it would appear that they occupied with others those tracts of country now inhabited by the pueblo indians, and in the natural recesses and shallow caverns found in the faces of the cliffs erected dwellings and fortifications, displaying an architectural ability of no mean order. these communities extended as far south as the gila river, the most southern affluent of the colorado, and the remains they have left there appear to be of a later date architecturally than those situated farther north. these were found in ruins by the first spanish explorers, and it is thought that their builders were eventually driven back to rejoin their kindred in the north. farther to the south in the cañons of the piedras verdes river in chihuahua, mexico, are cliff-dwellings corresponding in many respects with those of the pueblo region, and dr. hrdlicka has examined others so far south as the state of jalisco, in central mexico. these may be the ruins of dwellings erected either by the early nahua or by some of the peoples relatively aboriginal to them, and may display the architectural features general among the nahua prior to their adoption of other alien forms. or else they may be the remains of dwellings similar to those of the tarahumare, a still existing tribe of mexico, who, according to lumholtz, [7] inhabit similar structures at the present day. it is clear from the architectural development of the cliff-dwellers that their civilisation developed generally from south to north, that this race was cognate to the early nahua, and that it later withdrew to the north, or became fused with the general body of the nahua peoples. it must not be understood, however, that the race arrived in the mexican plateau before the nahua, and the ruins of jalisco and other mid-mexican districts may merely be the remains of comparatively modern cliff-dwellings, an adaptation by mid-mexican communities of the "cliff-dweller" architecture, or a local development of it owing to the exigencies of early life in the district. the nahua race the nahua peoples included all those tribes speaking the nahuatlatolli (nahua tongue), and occupied a sphere extending from the southern borders of new mexico to the isthmus of tehuantepec on the south, or very much within the limits of the modern republic of mexico. but this people must not be regarded as one race of homogeneous origin. a very brief account of their racial affinities must be sufficient here. the chichimecs were probably related to the otomi, whom we have alluded to as among the first-comers to the mexican valley. they were traditionally supposed to have entered it at a period subsequent to the toltec occupation. their chief towns were tezcuco and tenayucan, but they later allied themselves with the nahua in a great confederacy, and adopted the nahua language. there are circumstances which justify the assumption that on their entrance to the mexican valley they consisted of a number of tribes loosely united, presenting in their general organisation a close resemblance to some of the composite tribes of modern american indians. the aculhuaque next to them in point of order of tribal arrival were the aculhuaque, or acolhuans. the name means "tall" or "strong" men, literally "people of the broad shoulder," or "pushers," who made a way for themselves. gomara states in his conquista de mexico that they arrived in the valley from acolhuacan about a.d. 780, and founded the towns of tollan, colhuacan, and mexico itself. the acolhuans were pure nahua, and may well have been the much-disputed toltecs, for the nahua people always insisted on the fact that the toltecs were of the same stock as themselves, and spoke an older and purer form of the nahua tongue. from the acolhuans sprang the tlascalans, the inveterate enemies of the aztecs, who so heartily assisted cortés in his invasion of the aztec capital, tenochtitlan, or mexico. the tecpanecs the tecpanecs were a confederacy of purely nahua tribes dwelling in towns situated upon the lake of tezcuco, the principal of which were tlacopan and azcapozalco. the name tecpanec signifies that each settlement possessed its own chief's house, or tecpan. this tribe were almost certainly later nahua immigrants who arrived in mexico after the acolhuans, and were great rivals to the chichimec branch of the race. the aztecs the aztecâ, or aztecs, were a nomad tribe of doubtful origin, but probably of nahua blood. wandering over the mexican plateau for generations, they at length settled in the marshlands near the lake of tezcuco, hard by tlacopan. the name aztecâ means "crane people," and was bestowed upon the tribe by the tecpanecs, probably because of the fact that, like cranes, they dwelt in a marshy neighbourhood. they founded the town of tenochtitlan, or mexico, and for a while paid tribute to the tecpanecs. but later they became the most powerful allies of that people, whom they finally surpassed entirely in power and splendour. the aztec character the features of the aztecs as represented in the various mexican paintings are typically indian, and argue a northern origin. the race was, and is, of average height, and the skin is of a dark brown hue. the mexican is grave, taciturn, and melancholic, with a deeply rooted love of the mysterious, slow to anger, yet almost inhuman in the violence of his passions when aroused. he is usually gifted with a logical mind, quickness of apprehension, and an ability to regard the subtle side of things with great nicety. patient and imitative, the ancient mexican excelled in those arts which demanded such qualities in their execution. he had a real affection for the beautiful in nature and a passion for flowers, but the aztec music lacked gaiety, and the national amusements were too often of a gloomy and ferocious character. the women are more vivacious than the men, but were in the days before the conquest very subservient to the wills of their husbands. we have already very briefly outlined the trend of nahua civilisation, but it will be advisable to examine it a little more closely, for if the myths of this people are to be understood some knowledge of its life and general culture is essential. legends of the foundation of mexico at the period of the conquest of mexico by cortés the city presented an imposing appearance. led to its neighbourhood by huitzilopochtli, a traditional chief, afterwards deified as the god of war, there are several legends which account for the choice of its site by the mexicans. the most popular of these relates how the nomadic nahua beheld perched upon a cactus plant an eagle of great size and majesty, grasping in its talons a huge serpent, and spreading its wings to catch the rays of the rising sun. the soothsayers or medicine-men of the tribe, reading a good omen in the spectacle, advised the leaders of the people to settle on the spot, and, hearkening to the voice of what they considered divine authority, they proceeded to drive piles into the marshy ground, and thus laid the foundation of the great city of mexico. an elaboration of this legend tells how the aztecs had about the year 1325 sought refuge upon the western shore of the lake of tezcuco, in an island among the marshes on which they found a stone on which forty years before one of their priests had sacrificed a prince of the name of copal, whom they had made prisoner. a nopal plant had sprung from an earth-filled crevice in this rude altar, and upon this the royal eagle alluded to in the former account had alighted, grasping the serpent in his talons. beholding in this a good omen, and urged by a supernatural impulse which he could not explain, a priest of high rank dived into a pool close at hand, where he found himself face to face with tlaloc, the god of waters. after an interview with the deity the priest obtained permission from him to found a city on the site, from the humble beginnings of which arose the metropolis of mexico-tenochtitlan. mexico at the conquest at the period of the conquest the city of mexico had a circumference of no less than twelve miles, or nearly that of modern berlin without its suburbs. it contained 60,000 houses, and its inhabitants were computed to number 300,000. many other towns, most of them nearly half as large, were grouped on the islands or on the margin of lake tezcuco, so that the population of what might almost be called "greater mexico" must have amounted to several millions. the city was intersected by four great roadways or avenues built at right angles to one another, and laid four-square with the cardinal points. situated as it was in the midst of a lake, it was traversed by numerous canals, which were used as thoroughfares for traffic. the four principal ways described above were extended across the lake as dykes or viaducts until they met its shores. the dwellings of the poorer classes were chiefly composed of adobes, but those of the nobility were built of a red porous stone quarried close by. they were usually of one story only, but occupied a goodly piece of ground and had flat roofs, many of which were covered with flowers. in general they were coated with a hard, white cement, which gave them an added resemblance to the oriental type of building. towering high among these, and a little apart from the vast squares and market-places, were the teocallis, or temples. these were in reality not temples or covered-in buildings, but "high places," great pyramids of stone, built platform on platform, around which a staircase led to the summit, on which was usually erected a small shrine containing the tutelar deity to whom the teocalli had been raised. the great temple of huitzilopochtli, the war-god, built by king ahuizotl, was, besides being typical of all, by far the greatest of these votive piles. the enclosing walls of the building were 4800 feet in circumference, and strikingly decorated by carvings representing festoons of intertwined reptiles, from which circumstance they were called coetpantli (walls of serpents). a kind of gate-house on each side gave access to the enclosure. the teocalli, or great temple, inside the court was in the shape of a parallelogram, measuring 375 feet by 300 feet, and was built in six platforms, growing smaller in area as they descended. the mass of this structure was composed of a mixture of rubble, clay, and earth, covered with carefully worked stone slabs, cemented together with infinite care, and coated with a hard gypsum. a flight of 340 steps circled round the terraces and led to the upper platform, on which were raised two three-storied towers 56 feet in height, in which stood the great statues of the tutelar deities and the jasper stones of sacrifice. these sanctuaries, say the old conquistadores who entered them, had the appearance and odour of shambles, and human blood was bespattered everywhere. in this weird chapel of horrors burned a fire, the extinction of which it was supposed would have brought about the end of the nahua power. it was tended with a care as scrupulous as that with which the roman vestals guarded their sacred flame. no less than 600 of these sacred braziers were kept alight in the city of mexico alone. a pyramid of skulls the principal fane of huitzilopochtli was surrounded by upwards of forty inferior teocallis and shrines. in the tzompantli (pyramid of skulls) were collected the grisly relics of the countless victims to the implacable war-god of the aztecs, and in this horrid structure the spanish conquerors counted no less than 136,000 human skulls. in the court or teopan which surrounded the temple were the dwellings of thousands of priests, whose duties included the scrupulous care of the temple precincts, and whose labours were minutely apportioned. nahua architecture and ruins as we shall see later, mexico is by no means so rich in architectural antiquities as guatemala or yucatan, the reason being that the growth of tropical forests has to a great extent protected ancient stone edifices in the latter countries from destruction. the ruins discovered in the northern regions of the republic are of a ruder type than those which approach more nearly to the sphere of maya influence, as, for example, those of mitla, built by the zapotecs, which exhibit such unmistakable signs of maya influence that we prefer to describe them when dealing with the antiquities of that people. cyclopean remains in the mountains of chihuahua, one of the most northerly provinces, is a celebrated group called the casas grandes (large houses), the walls of which are still about 30 feet in height. these approximate in general appearance to the buildings of more modern tribes in new mexico and arizona, and may be referred to such peoples rather than to the nahua. at quemada, in zacatecas, massive ruins of cyclopean appearance have been discovered. these consist of extensive terraces and broad stone causeways, teocallis which have weathered many centuries, and gigantic pillars, 18 feet in height and 17 feet in circumference. walls 12 feet in thickness rise above the heaps of rubbish which litter the ground. these remains exhibit little connection with nahua architecture to the north or south of them. they are more massive than either, and must have been constructed by some race which had made considerable strides in the art of building. teotihuacan in the district of the totonacs, to the north of vera cruz, we find many architectural remains of a highly interesting character. here the teocalli or pyramidal type of building is occasionally crowned by a covered-in temple with the massive roof characteristic of maya architecture. the most striking examples found in this region are the remains of teotihuacan and xochicalco. the former was the religious mecca of the nahua races, and in its proximity are still to be seen the teocallis of the sun and moon, surrounded by extensive burying-grounds where the devout of anahuac were laid in the sure hope that if interred they would find entrance into the paradise of the sun. the teocalli of the moon has a base covering 426 feet and a height of 137 feet. that of the sun is of greater dimensions, with a base of 735 feet and a height of 203 feet. these pyramids were divided into four stories, three of which remain. on the summit of that of the sun stood a temple containing a great image of that luminary carved from a rough block of stone. in the breast was inlaid a star of the purest gold, seized afterwards as loot by the insatiable followers of cortés. from the teocalli of the moon a path runs to where a little rivulet flanks the "citadel." this path is known as "the path of the dead," from the circumstance that it is surrounded by some nine square miles of tombs and tumuli, and, indeed, forms a road through the great cemetery. the citadel, thinks charnay, was a vast tennis or tlachtli court, where thousands flocked to gaze at the national sport of the nahua with a zest equal to that of the modern devotees of football. teotihuacan was a flourishing centre contemporary with tollan. it was destroyed, but was rebuilt by the chichimec king xolotl, and preserved thenceforth its traditional sway as the focus of the nahua national religion. charnay identifies the architectural types discovered there with those of tollan. the result of his labours in the vicinity included the unearthing of richly decorated pottery, vases, masks, and terra-cotta figures. he also excavated several large houses or palaces, some with chambers more than 730 feet in circumference, with walls over 7-1/2 feet thick, into which were built rings and slabs to support torches and candles. the floors were tessellated in various rich designs, "like an aubusson carpet." charnay concluded that the monuments of teotihuacan were partly standing at the time of the conquest. the hill of flowers near tezcuco is xochicalco (the hill of flowers), a teocalli the sculpture of which is both beautiful and luxuriant in design. the porphyry quarries from which the great blocks, 12 feet in length, were cut lie many miles away. as late as 1755 the structure towered to a height of five stories, but the vandal has done his work only too well, and a few fragmentary carvings of exquisite design are all that to-day remain of one of mexico's most magnificent pyramids. tollan we have already indicated that on the site of the "toltec" city of tollan ruins have been discovered which prove that it was the centre of a civilisation of a type distinctly advanced. charnay unearthed there gigantic fragments of caryatides, each some 7 feet high. he also found columns of two pieces, which were fitted together by means of mortise and tenon, bas-reliefs of archaic figures of undoubted nahua type, and many fragments of great antiquity. on the hill of palpan, above tollan, he found the ground-plans of several houses with numerous apartments, frescoed, columned, and having benches and cisterns recalling the impluvium of a roman villa. water-pipes were also actually unearthed, and a wealth of pottery, many pieces of which were like old japanese china. the ground-plan or foundations of the houses unearthed at palpan showed that they had been designed by practical architects, and had not been built in any merely haphazard fashion. the cement which covered the walls and floors was of excellent quality, and recalled that discovered in ancient italian excavations. the roofs had been of wood, supported by pillars. picture-writing the aztecs, and indeed the entire nahua race, employed a system of writing of the type scientifically described as "pictographic," in which events, persons, and ideas were recorded by means of drawings and coloured sketches. these were executed on paper made from the agave plant, or were painted on the skins of animals. by these means not only history and the principles of the nahua mythology were communicated from generation to generation, but the transactions of daily life, the accountings of merchants, and the purchase and ownership of land were placed on record. that a phonetic system was rapidly being approached is manifest from the method by which the nahua scribes depicted the names of individuals or cities. these were represented by means of several objects, the names of which resembled that of the person for which they stood. the name of king ixcoatl, for example, is represented by the drawing of a serpent (coatl) pierced by flint knives (iztli), and that of motequauhzoma (montezuma) by a mouse-trap (montli), an eagle (quauhtli), a lancet (zo), and a hand (maitl). the phonetic values employed by the scribes varied exceedingly, so that at times an entire syllable would be expressed by the painting of an object the name of which commenced with it. at other times only a letter would be represented by the same drawing. but the general intention of the scribes was undoubtedly more ideographic than phonetic; that is, they desired to convey their thoughts more by sketch than by sound. interpretation of the hieroglyphs these pinturas, as the spanish conquerors designated them, offer no very great difficulty in their elucidation to modern experts, at least so far as the general trend of their contents is concerned. in this they are unlike the manuscripts of the maya of central america with which we shall make acquaintance further on. their interpretation was largely traditional, and was learned by rote, being passed on by one generation of amamatini (readers) to another, and was by no means capable of elucidation by all and sundry. native manuscripts the pinturas or native manuscripts which remain to us are but few in number. priestly fanaticism, which ordained their wholesale destruction, and the still more potent passage of time have so reduced them that each separate example is known to bibliophiles and americanists the world over. in such as still exist we can observe great fullness of detail, representing for the most part festivals, sacrifices, tributes, and natural phenomena, such as eclipses and floods, and the death and accession of monarchs. these events, and the supernatural beings who were supposed to control them, were depicted in brilliant colours, executed by means of a brush of feathers. the interpretative codices luckily for future students of mexican history, the blind zeal which destroyed the majority of the mexican manuscripts was frustrated by the enlightenment of certain european scholars, who regarded the wholesale destruction of the native records as little short of a calamity, and who took steps to seek out the few remaining native artists, from whom they procured copies of the more important paintings, the details of which were, of course, quite familiar to them. to those were added interpretations taken down from the lips of the native scribes themselves, so that no doubt might remain regarding the contents of the manuscripts. these are known as the "interpretative codices," and are of considerable assistance to the student of mexican history and customs. three only are in existence. the oxford codex, treasured in the bodleian library, is of a historical nature, and contains a full list of the lesser cities which were subservient to mexico in its palmy days. the paris or tellerio-remensis codex, so called from having once been the property of le tellier, archbishop of rheims, embodies many facts concerning the early settlement of the various nahua city-states. the vatican mss. deal chiefly with mythology and the intricacies of the mexican calendar system. such mexican paintings as were unassisted by an interpretation are naturally of less value to present-day students of the lore of the nahua. they are principally concerned with calendric matter, ritualistic data, and astrological computations or horoscopes. the mexican "book of the dead" perhaps the most remarkable and interesting manuscript in the vatican collection is one the last pages of which represent the journey of the soul after death through the gloomy dangers of the other-world. this has been called the mexican "book of the dead." the corpse is depicted dressed for burial, the soul escaping from its earthly tenement by way of the mouth. the spirit is ushered into the presence of tezcatlipoca, the jupiter of the aztec pantheon, by an attendant dressed in an ocelot skin, and stands naked with a wooden yoke round the neck before the deity, to receive sentence. the dead person is given over to the tests which precede entrance to the abode of the dead, the realm of mictlan, and so that he may not have to meet the perils of the journey in a defenceless condition a sheaf of javelins is bestowed upon him. he first passes between two lofty peaks, which may fall and crush him if he cannot skilfully escape them. a terrible serpent then intercepts his path, and, if he succeeds in defeating this monster, the fierce alligator xochitonal awaits him. eight deserts and a corresponding number of mountains have then to be negotiated by the hapless spirit, and a whirlwind sharp as a sword, which cuts even through solid rocks, must be withstood. accompanied by the shade of his favourite dog, the harassed ghost at length encounters the fierce izpuzteque, a demon with the backward-bent legs of a cock, the evil nextepehua, the fiend who scatters clouds of ashes, and many another grisly foe, until at last he wins to the gates of the lord of hell, before whom he does reverence, after which he is free to greet his friends who have gone before. the calendar system as has been said, the calendar system was the source of all mexican science, and regulated the recurrence of all religious rites and festivals. in fact, the entire mechanism of nahua life was resident in its provisions. the type of time-division and computation exemplified in the nahua calendar was also found among the maya peoples of yucatan and guatemala and the zapotec people of the boundary between the nahua and maya races. by which of these races it was first employed is unknown. but the zapotec calendar exhibits signs of both nahua and maya influence, and from this it has been inferred that the calendar systems of these races have been evolved from it. it might with equal probability be argued that both nahua and maya art were offshoots of zapotec art, because the characteristics of both are discovered in it, whereas the circumstance merely illustrates the very natural acceptance by a border people, who settled down to civilisation at a relatively later date, of the artistic tenets of the two greater peoples who environed them. the nahua and maya calendars were in all likelihood evolved from the calendar system of that civilised race which undoubtedly existed on the mexican plateau prior to the coming of the later nahua swarms, and which in general is loosely alluded to as the "toltec." the mexican year the mexican year was a cycle of 365 days, without any intercalary addition or other correction. in course of time it almost lost its seasonal significance because of the omission of the extra hours included in the solar year, and furthermore many of its festivals and occasions were altered by high-priests and rulers to suit their convenience. the mexican nexiuhilpililztli (binding of years) contained fifty-two years, and ran in two separate cycles--one of fifty-two years of 365 days each, and another of seventy-three groups of 260 days each. the first was of course the solar year, and embraced eighteen periods of twenty days each, called "months" by the old spanish chroniclers, with five nemontemi (unlucky days) over and above. these days were not intercalated, but were included in the year, and merely overflowed the division of the year into periods of twenty days. the cycle of seventy-three groups of 260 days, subdivided into groups of thirteen days, was called the "birth-cycle." lunar reckoning people in a barbarous condition almost invariably reckon time by the period between the waxing and waning of the moon as distinct from the entire passage of a lunar revolution, and this period of twenty days will be found to be the basis in the time-reckoning of the mexicans, who designated it cempohualli. each day included in it was denoted by a sign, as "house," "snake," "wind," and so forth. each cempohualli was subdivided into four periods of five days each, sometimes alluded to as "weeks" by the early spanish writers, and these were known by the sign of their middle or third day. these day-names ran on without reference to the length of the year. the year itself was designated by the name of the middle day of the week in which it began. out of twenty day-names in the mexican "month" it was inevitable that the four calli (house), tochtli (rabbit), acatl (reed), and tecpatl (flint) should always recur in sequence because of the incidence of these days in the mexican solar year. four years made up a year of the sun. during the nemontemi (unlucky days) no work was done, as they were regarded as ominous and unwholesome. we have seen that the civil year permitted the day-names to run on continuously from one year to another. the ecclesiastical authorities, however, had a reckoning of their own, and made the year begin always on the first day of their calendar, no matter what sign denominated that day in the civil system. groups of years as has been indicated, the years were formed into groups. thirteen years constituted a xiumalpilli (bundle), and four of these a nexiuhilpilitztli (complete binding of the years). each year had thus a double aspect, first as an individual period of time, and secondly as a portion of the "year of the sun," and these were so numbered and named that each year in the series of fifty-two possessed a different description. the dread of the last day with the conclusion of each period of fifty-two years a terrible dread came upon the mexicans that the world would come to an end. a stated period of time had expired, a period which was regarded as fixed by divine command, and it had been ordained that on the completion of one of those series of fifty-two years earthly time would cease and the universe be demolished. for some time before the ceremony of toxilmolpilia (the binding up of the years) the mexicans abandoned themselves to the utmost prostration, and the wicked went about in terrible fear. as the first day of the fifty-third year dawned the people narrowly observed the pleiades, for if they passed the zenith time would proceed and the world would be respited. the gods were placated or refreshed by the slaughter of the human victim, on whose still living breast a fire of wood was kindled by friction, the heart and body being consumed by the flames so lighted. as the planets of hope crossed the zenith loud acclamations resounded from the people, and the domestic hearths, which had been left cold and dead, were rekindled from the sacred fire which had consumed the sacrifice. mankind was safe for another period. the birth-cycle the birth-cycle, as we have said, consisted of 260 days. it had originally been a lunar cycle of thirteen days, and once bore the names of thirteen moons. it formed part of the civil calendar, with which, however, it had nothing in common, as it was used for ecclesiastical purposes only. the lunar names were abandoned later, and the numbers one to thirteen adopted in their places. language of the nahua the nahua language represented a very low state of culture. speech is the general measure of the standard of thought of a people, and if we judged the civilisation of the nahua by theirs, we should be justified in concluding that they had not yet emerged from barbarism. but we must recollect that the nahua of the conquest period had speedily adopted the older civilisation which they had found awaiting them on their entrance to mexico, and had retained their own primitive tongue. the older and more cultured people who had preceded them probably spoke a more polished dialect of the same language, but its influence had evidently but little effect upon the rude chichimecs and aztecs. the mexican tongue, like most american languages, belongs to the "incorporative" type, the genius of which is to unite all the related words in a sentence into one conglomerate term or word, merging the separate words of which it is composed one into another by altering their forms, and so welding them together as to express the whole in one word. it will be at once apparent that such a system was clumsy in the extreme, and led to the creation of words and names of the most barbarous appearance and sound. in a narrative of the spanish discovery written by chimalpahin, the native chronicler of chalco, born in 1579, we have, for example, such a passage as the following: oc chiucnauhxihuitl inic onen quilantimanca españa camo niman ic yuh ca omacoc ihuelitiliztli inic niman ye chiuhcnauhxiuhtica, in oncan ohualla. this passage is chosen quite at random, and is an average specimen of literary mexican of the sixteenth century. its purport is, freely translated: "for nine years he [columbus] remained in vain in spain. yea, for nine years there he waited for influence." the clumsy and cumbrous nature of the language could scarcely be better illustrated than by pointing out that chiucnauhxihuitl signifies "nine years"; quilantimanca, "he below remained"; and omacoc ihuelitiliztli, "he has got his powerfulness." it must be recollected that this specimen of mexican was composed by a person who had had the benefit of a spanish education, and is cast in literary form. what the spoken mexican of pre-conquest times was like can be contemplated with misgiving in the grammars of the old spanish missionaries, whose greatest glory is that they mastered such a language in the interests of their faith. aztec science the science of the aztecs was, perhaps, one of the most picturesque sides of their civilisation. as with all peoples in a semi-barbarous state, it consisted chiefly in astrology and divination. of the former the wonderful calendar system was the basis, and by its aid the priests, or those of them who were set apart for the study of the heavenly bodies, pretended to be able to tell the future of new-born infants and the progress of the dead in the other world. this they accomplished by weighing the influence of the planets and other luminaries one against another, and extracting the net result. their art of divination consisted in drawing omens from the song and flight of birds, the appearance of grains of seed, feathers, and the entrails of animals, by which means they confidently predicted both public and private events. nahua government the limits of the aztec empire may be defined, if its tributary states are included, as extending over the territory comprised in the modern states of mexico, southern vera cruz, and guerrero. among the civilised peoples of this extensive tract the prevailing form of government was an absolute monarchy, although several of the smaller communities were republics. the law of succession, as with the celts of scotland, prescribed that the eldest surviving brother of the deceased monarch should be elected to his throne, and, failing him, the eldest nephew. but incompetent persons were almost invariably ignored by the elective body, although the choice was limited to one family. the ruler was generally selected both because of his military prowess and his ecclesiastical and political knowledge. indeed, a mexican monarch was nearly always a man of the highest culture and artistic refinement, and the ill-fated montezuma was an example of the true type of nahua sovereign. the council of the monarch was composed of the electors and other personages of importance in the realm. it undertook the government of the provinces, the financial affairs of the country, and other matters of national import. the nobility held all the highest military, judicial, and ecclesiastical offices. to each city and province judges were delegated who exercised criminal and civil jurisdiction, and whose opinion superseded even that of the crown itself. petty cases were settled by lesser officials, and a still inferior grade of officers acted as a species of police in the supervision of families. domestic life the domestic life of the nahua was a peculiar admixture of simplicity and display. the mass of the people led a life of strenuous labour in the fields, and in the cities they wrought hard at many trades, among which may be specified building, metal-working, making robes and other articles of bright featherwork and quilted suits of armour, jewellery, and small wares. vendors of flowers, fruit, fish, and vegetables swarmed in the markets. the use of tobacco was general among the men of all classes. at banquets the women attended, although they were seated at separate tables. the entertainments of the upper class were marked by much magnificence, and the variety of dishes was considerable, including venison, turkey, many smaller birds, fish, a profusion of vegetables, and pastry, accompanied by sauces of delicate flavour. these were served in dishes of gold and silver. pulque, a fermented drink brewed from the agave, was the universal beverage. cannibalism was indulged in usually on ceremonial occasions, and was surrounded by such refinements of the table as served only to render it the more repulsive in the eyes of europeans. it has been stated that this revolting practice was engaged in owing solely to the tenets of the nahua religion, which enjoined the slaughter of slaves or captives in the name of a deity, and their consumption with the idea that the consumers attained unity with that deity in the flesh. but there is good reason to suspect that the nahua, deprived of the flesh of the larger domestic animals, practised deliberate cannibalism. it would appear that the older race which preceded them in the country were innocent of these horrible repasts. a mysterious toltec book a piece of nahua literature, the disappearance of which is surrounded by circumstances of the deepest mystery, is the teo-amoxtli (divine book), which is alleged by certain chroniclers to have been the work of the ancient toltecs. ixtlilxochitl, a native mexican author, states that it was written by a tezcucan wise man, one huematzin, about the end of the seventh century, and that it described the pilgrimage of the nahua from asia, their laws, manners, and customs, and their religious tenets, science, and arts. in 1838 the baron de waldeck stated in his voyage pittoresque that he had it in his possession, and the abbé brasseur de bourbourg identified it with the maya dresden codex and other native manuscripts. bustamante also states that the amamatini (chroniclers) of tezcuco had a copy in their possession at the time of the taking of their city. but these appear to be mere surmises, and if the teo-amoxtli ever existed, which on the whole is not unlikely, it has probably never been seen by a european. a native historian one of the most interesting of the mexican historians is don fernando de alva ixtlilxochitl, a half-breed of royal tezcucan descent. he was responsible for two notable works, entitled historia chichimeca (the history of the chichimecs) and the relaciones, a compilation of historical and semi-historical incidents. he was cursed, or blessed, however, by a strong leaning toward the marvellous, and has coloured his narratives so highly that he would have us regard the toltec or ancient nahua civilisations as by far the most splendid and magnificent that ever existed. his descriptions of tezcuco, if picturesque in the extreme, are manifestly the outpourings of a romantic and idealistic mind, which in its patriotic enthusiasm desired to vindicate the country of his birth from the stigma of savagery and to prove its equality with the great nations of antiquity. for this we have not the heart to quarrel with him. but we must be on our guard against accepting any of his statements unless we find strong corroboration of it in the pages of a more trustworthy and less biased author. nahua topography the geography of mexico is by no means as familiar to europeans as is that of the various countries of our own continent, and it is extremely easy for the reader who is unacquainted with mexico and the puzzling orthography of its place-names to flounder among them, and during the perusal of such a volume as this to find himself in a hopeless maze of surmise as to the exact locality of the more famous centres of mexican history. a few moments' study of this paragraph will enlighten him in this respect, and will save him much confusion further on. he will see from the map (p. 330) that the city of mexico, or tenochtitlan, its native name, was situated upon an island in the lake of tezcuco. this lake has now partially dried up, and the modern city of mexico is situated at a considerable distance from it. tezcuco, the city second in importance, lies to the north-east of the lake, and is somewhat more isolated, the other pueblos (towns) clustering round the southern or western shores. to the north of tezcuco is teotihuacan, the sacred city of the gods. to the south-east of mexico is tlaxcallan, or tlascala, the city which assisted cortés against the mexicans, and the inhabitants of which were the deadliest foes of the central nahua power. to the north lie the sacred city of cholula and tula, or tollan. distribution of the nahua tribes having become acquainted with the relative position of the nahua cities, we may now consult for a moment the map which exhibits the geographical distribution of the various nahua tribes, and which is self-explanatory (p. 331). nahua history a brief historical sketch or epitome of what is known of nahua history as apart from mere tradition will further assist the reader in the comprehension of mexican mythology. from the period of the settlement of the nahua on an agricultural basis a system of feudal government had evolved, and at various epochs in the history of the country certain cities or groups of cities held a paramount sway. subsequent to the "toltec" period, which we have already described and discussed, we find the acolhuans in supreme power, and ruling from their cities of tollantzinco and cholula a considerable tract of country. later cholula maintained an alliance with tlascala and huexotzinco. bloodless battles the maxim "other climes, other manners" is nowhere better exemplified than by the curious annual strife betwixt the warriors of mexico and tlascala. once a year they met on a prearranged battle-ground and engaged in combat, not with the intention of killing one another, but with the object of taking prisoners for sacrifice on the altars of their respective war-gods. the warrior seized his opponent and attempted to bear him off, the various groups pulling and tugging desperately at each other in the endeavour to seize the limbs of the unfortunate who had been first struck down, with the object of dragging him into durance or effecting his rescue. once secured, the tlascaltec warrior was brought to mexico in a cage, and first placed upon a stone slab, to which one of his feet was secured by a chain or thong. he was then given light weapons, more like playthings than warrior's gear, and confronted by one of the most celebrated mexican warriors. should he succeed in defeating six of these formidable antagonists, he was set free. but no sooner was he wounded than he was hurried to the altar of sacrifice, and his heart was torn out and offered to huitzilopochtli, the implacable god of war. the tlascaltecs, having finally secured their position by a defeat of the tecpanecs of huexotzinco about a.d. 1384, sank into comparative obscurity save for their annual bout with the mexicans. the lake cities the communities grouped round the various lakes in the valley of mexico now command our attention. more than two score of these thriving communities flourished at the time of the conquest of mexico, the most notable being those which occupied the borders of the lake of tezcuco. these cities grouped themselves round two nuclei, azcapozalco and tezcuco, between whom a fierce rivalry sprang up, which finally ended in the entire discomfiture or azcapozalco. from this event the real history of mexico may be said to commence. those cities which had allied themselves to tezcuco finally overran the entire territory of mexico from the mexican gulf to the pacific. tezcuco if, as some authorities declare, tezcuco was originally otomi in affinity, it was in later years the most typically nahuan of all the lacustrine powers. but several other communities, the power of which was very nearly as great as that of tezcuco, had assisted that city to supremacy. among these was xaltocan, a city-state of unquestionable otomi origin, situated at the northern extremity of the lake. as we have seen from the statements of ixtlilxochitl, a tezcucan writer, his native city was in the forefront of nahua civilisation at the time of the coming of the spaniards, and if it was practically subservient to mexico (tenochtitlan) at that period it was by no means its inferior in the arts. the tecpanecs the tecpanecs, who dwelt in tlacopan, coyohuacan, and huitzilopocho, were also typical nahua. the name, as we have already explained, indicates that each settlement possessed its own tecpan (chief's house), and has no racial significance. their state was probably founded about the twelfth century, although a chronology of no less than fifteen hundred years was claimed for it. this people composed a sort of buffer-state betwixt the otomi on the north and other nahua on the south. the aztecs the menace of these northern otomi had become acute when the tecpanecs received reinforcements in the shape of the aztecâ, or aztecs, a people of nahua blood, who came, according to their own accounts, from aztlan (crane land). the name aztecâ signifies "crane people," and this has led to the assumption that they came from chihuahua, where cranes abound. doubts have been cast upon the nahua origin of the aztecâ. but these are by no means well founded, as the names of the early aztec chieftains and kings are unquestionably nahuan. this people on their arrival in mexico were in a very inferior state of culture, and were probably little better than savages. we have already outlined some of the legends concerning the coming of the aztecs to the land of anahuac, or the valley of mexico, but their true origin is uncertain, and it is likely that they wandered down from the north as other nahua immigrants did before them, and as the apache indians still do to this day. by their own showing they had sojourned at several points en route, and were reduced to slavery by the chiefs of colhuacan. they proved so truculent in their bondage, however, that they were released, and journeyed to chapoultepec, which they quitted because of their dissensions with the xaltocanecs. on their arrival in the district inhabited by the tecpanecs a tribute was levied upon them, but nevertheless they flourished so exceedingly that the swamp villages which the tecpanecs had permitted them to raise on the borders of the lake soon grew into thriving communities, and chiefs were provided for them from among the nobility of the tecpanecs. the aztecs as allies by the aid of the aztecs the tecpanecs greatly extended their territorial possessions. city after city was added to their empire, and the allies finally invaded the otomi country, which they speedily subdued. those cities which had been founded by the acolhuans on the fringes of tezcuco also allied themselves with the tecpanecs with the intention of freeing themselves from the yoke of the chichimecs, whose hand was heavy upon them. the chichimecs or tezcucans made a stern resistance, and for a time the sovereignty of the tecpanecs hung in the balance. but eventually they conquered, and tezcuco was overthrown and given as a spoil to the aztecs. new powers up to this time the aztecs had paid a tribute to azcapozalco, but now, strengthened by the successes of the late conflict, they withheld it, and requested permission to build an aqueduct from the shore for the purpose of carrying a supply of water into their city. this was refused by the tecpanecs, and a policy of isolation was brought to bear upon mexico, an embargo being placed upon its goods and intercourse with its people being forbidden. war followed, in which the tecpanecs were defeated with great slaughter. after this event, which may be placed about the year 1428, the aztecs gained ground rapidly, and their march to the supremacy of the entire mexican valley was almost undisputed. allying themselves with tezcuco and tlacopan, the mexicans overran many states far beyond the confines of the valley, and by the time of montezuma i had extended their boundaries almost to the limits of the present republic. the mexican merchant followed in the footsteps of the mexican warrior, and the commercial expansion of the aztecs rivalled their military fame. clever traders, they were merciless in their exactions of tribute from the states they conquered, manufacturing the raw material paid to them by the subject cities into goods which they afterwards sold again to the tribes under their sway. mexico became the chief market of the empire, as well as its political nucleus. such was the condition of affairs when the spaniards arrived in anahuac. their coming has been deplored by certain historians as hastening the destruction of a western eden. but bad as was their rule, it was probably mild when compared with the cruel and insatiable sway of the aztecs over their unhappy dependents. the spaniards found a tyrannical despotism in the conquered provinces, and a faith the accessories of which were so fiendish that it cast a gloom over the entire national life. these they replaced by a milder vassalage and the earnest ministrations of a more enlightened priesthood. chapter ii: mexican mythology nahua religion the religion of the ancient mexicans was a polytheism or worship of a pantheon of deities, the general aspect of which presented similarities to the systems of greece and egypt. original influences, however, were strong, and they are especially discernible in the institutions of ritualistic cannibalism and human sacrifice. strange resemblances to christian practice were observed in the aztec mythology by the spanish conquistadores, who piously condemned the native customs of baptism, consubstantiation, and confession as frauds founded and perpetuated by diabolic agency. a superficial examination of the nahua religion might lead to the inference that within its scope and system no definite theological views were embraced and no ethical principles propounded, and that the entire mythology presents only the fantastic attitude of the barbarian mind toward the eternal verities. such a conclusion would be both erroneous and unjust to a human intelligence of a type by no means debased. as a matter of fact, the nahua displayed a theological advancement greatly superior to that of the greeks or romans, and quite on a level with that expressed by the egyptians and assyrians. toward the period of the spanish occupation the mexican priesthood was undoubtedly advancing to the contemplation of the exaltation of one god, whose worship was fast excluding that of similar deities, and if our data are too imperfect to allow us to speak very fully in regard to this phase of religious advancement, we know at least that much of the nahua ritual and many of the prayers preserved by the labours of the spanish fathers are unquestionably genuine, and display the attainment of a high religious level. cosmology aztec theology postulated an eternity which, however, was not without its epochs. it was thought to be broken up into a number of æons, each of which depended upon the period of duration of a separate "sun." no agreement is noticeable among authorities on mexican mythology as to the number of these "suns," but it would appear as probable that the favourite tradition stipulated for four "suns" or epochs, each of which concluded with a national disaster--flood, famine, tempest, or fire. the present æon, they feared, might conclude upon the completion of every "sheaf" of fifty-two years, the "sheaf" being a merely arbitrary portion of an æon. the period of time from the first creation to the current æon was variously computed as 15,228, 2386, or 1404 solar years, the discrepancy and doubt arising because of the equivocal nature of the numeral signs expressing the period in the pinturas or native paintings. as regards the sequence of "suns" there is no more agreement than there is regarding their number. the codex vaticanus states it to have been water, wind, fire, and famine. humboldt gives it as hunger, fire, wind, and water; boturini as water, famine, wind, and fire; and gama as hunger, wind, fire, and water. in all likelihood the adoption of four ages arose from the sacred nature of that number. the myth doubtless shaped itself upon the tonalamatl (mexican native calendar), the great repository of the wisdom of the nahua race, which the priestly class regarded as its vade mecum, and which was closely consulted by it on every occasion, civil or religious. the sources of mexican mythology our knowledge of the mythology of the mexicans is chiefly gained through the works of those spaniards, lay and cleric, who entered the country along with or immediately subsequent to the spanish conquistadores. from several of these we have what might be called first-hand accounts of the theogony and ritual of the nahua people. the most valuable compendium is that of father bernardino sahagun, entitled a general history of the affairs of new spain, which was published from manuscript only in the middle of last century, though written in the first half of the sixteenth century. sahagun arrived in mexico eight years after the country had been reduced by the spaniards to a condition of servitude. he obtained a thorough mastery of the nahuatl tongue, and conceived a warm admiration for the native mind and a deep interest in the antiquities of the conquered people. his method of collecting facts concerning their mythology and history was as effective as it was ingenious. he held daily conferences with reliable indians, and placed questions before them, to which they replied by symbolical paintings detailing the answers which he required. these he submitted to scholars who had been trained under his own supervision, and who, after consultation among themselves, rendered him a criticism in nahuatl of the hieroglyphical paintings he had placed at their disposal. not content with this process, he subjected these replies to the criticism of a third body, after which the matter was included in his work. but ecclesiastical intolerance was destined to keep the work from publication for a couple of centuries. afraid that such a volume would be successful in keeping alight the fires of paganism in mexico, sahagun's brethren refused him the assistance he required for its publication. but on his appealing to the council of the indies in spain he was met with encouragement, and was ordered to translate his great work into spanish, a task he undertook when over eighty years of age. he transmitted the work to spain, and for three hundred years nothing more was heard of it. the romance of the lost "sahagun" for generations antiquarians interested in the lore of ancient mexico bemoaned its loss, until at length one muñoz, more indefatigable than the rest, chanced to visit the crumbling library of the ancient convent of tolosi, in navarre. there, among time-worn manuscripts and tomes relating to the early fathers and the intricacies of canon law, he discovered the lost sahagun! it was printed separately by bustamante at mexico and by lord kingsborough in his collection in 1830, and has been translated into french by m. jourdanet. thus the manuscript commenced in or after 1530 was given to the public after a lapse of no less than three hundred years! torquemada father torquemada arrived in the new world about the middle of the sixteenth century, at which period he was still enabled to take from the lips of such of the conquistadores as remained much curious information regarding the circumstances of their advent. his monarchia indiana was first published at seville in 1615, and in it he made much use of the manuscript of sahagun, not then published. at the same time his observations upon matters pertaining to the native religion are often illuminating and exhaustive. in his storia antica del messico the abbé clavigero, who published his work in 1780, did much to disperse the clouds of tradition which hung over mexican history and mythology. the clarity of his style and the exactness of his information render his work exceedingly useful. antonio gama, in his descripcion historica y cronologica de las dos piedras, poured a flood of light on mexican antiquities. his work was published in 1832. with him may be said to have ceased the line of mexican archæologists of the older school. others worthy of being mentioned among the older writers on mexican mythology (we are not here concerned with history) are boturini, who, in his idea de una nueva historia general de la america septentrional, gives a vivid picture of native life and tradition, culled from first-hand communication with the people; ixtlilxochitl, a half-breed, whose mendacious works, the relaciones and historia chichimeca, are yet valuable repositories of tradition; josé de acosta, whose historia natural y moral de las yndias was published at seville in 1580; and gomara, who, in his historia general de las indias (madrid, 1749), rested upon the authority of the conquistadores. tezozomoc's chronica mexicana, reproduced in lord kingsborough's great work, is valuable as giving unique facts regarding the aztec mythology, as is the teatro mexicana of vetancurt, published at mexico in 1697-98. the worship of one god the ritual of this dead faith of another hemisphere abounds in expressions concerning the unity of the deity approaching very nearly to many of those we ourselves employ regarding god's attributes. the various classes of the priesthood were in the habit of addressing the several gods to whom they ministered as "omnipotent," "endless," "invisible," "the one god complete in perfection and unity," and "the maker and moulder of all." these appellations they applied not to one supreme being, but to the individual deities to whose service they were attached. it may be thought that such a practice would be fatal to the evolution of a single and universal god. but there is every reason to believe that tezcatlipoca, the great god of the air, like the hebrew jahveh, also an air-god, was fast gaining precedence of all other deities, when the coming of the white man put an end to his chances of sovereignty. tezcatlipoca tezcatlipoca (fiery mirror) was undoubtedly the jupiter of the nahua pantheon. he carried a mirror or shield, from which he took his name, and in which he was supposed to see reflected the actions and deeds of mankind. the evolution of this god from the status of a spirit of wind or air to that of the supreme deity of the aztec people presents many points of deep interest to students of mythology. originally the personification of the air, the source both of the breath of life and of the tempest, tezcatlipoca possessed all the attributes of a god who presided over these phenomena. as the tribal god of the tezcucans who had led them into the land of promise, and had been instrumental in the defeat of both the gods and men of the elder race they dispossessed, tezcatlipoca naturally advanced so speedily in popularity and public honour that it was little wonder that within a comparatively short space of time he came to be regarded as a god of fate and fortune, and as inseparably connected with the national destinies. thus, from being the peculiar deity of a small band of nahua immigrants, the prestige accruing from the rapid conquest made under his tutelary direction and the speedily disseminated tales of the prowess of those who worshipped him seemed to render him at once the most popular and the best feared god in anahuac, therefore the one whose cult quickly overshadowed that of other and similar gods. tezcatlipoca, overthrower of the toltecs we find tezcatlipoca intimately associated with the legends which recount the overthrow of tollan, the capital of the toltecs. his chief adversary on the toltec side is the god-king quetzalcoatl, whose nature and reign we will consider later, but whom we will now merely regard as the enemy of tezcatlipoca. the rivalry between these gods symbolises that which existed between the civilised toltecs and the barbarian nahua, and is well exemplified in the following myths. myths of quetzalcoatl and tezcatlipoca in the days of quetzalcoatl there was abundance of everything necessary for subsistence. the maize was plentiful, the calabashes were as thick as one's arm, and cotton grew in all colours without having to be dyed. a variety of birds of rich plumage filled the air with their songs, and gold, silver, and precious stones were abundant. in the reign of quetzalcoatl there was peace and plenty for all men. but this blissful state was too fortunate, too happy to endure. envious of the calm enjoyment of the god and his people the toltecs, three wicked "necromancers" plotted their downfall. the reference is of course to the gods of the invading nahua tribes, the deities huitzilopochtli, titlacahuan or tezcatlipoca, and tlacahuepan. these laid evil enchantments upon the city of tollan, and tezcatlipoca in particular took the lead in these envious conspiracies. disguised as an aged man with white hair, he presented himself at the palace of quetzalcoatl, where he said to the pages-in-waiting: "pray present me to your master the king. i desire to speak with him." the pages advised him to retire, as quetzalcoatl was indisposed and could see no one. he requested them, however, to tell the god that he was waiting outside. they did so, and procured his admittance. on entering the chamber of quetzalcoatl the wily tezcatlipoca simulated much sympathy with the suffering god-king. "how are you, my son?" he asked. "i have brought you a drug which you should drink, and which will put an end to the course of your malady." "you are welcome, old man," replied quetzalcoatl. "i have known for many days that you would come. i am exceedingly indisposed. the malady affects my entire system, and i can use neither my hands nor feet." tezcatlipoca assured him that if he partook of the medicine which he had brought him he would immediately experience a great improvement in health. quetzalcoatl drank the potion, and at once felt much revived. the cunning tezcatlipoca pressed another and still another cup of the potion upon him, and as it was nothing but pulque, the wine of the country, he speedily became intoxicated, and was as wax in the hands of his adversary. tezcatlipoca and the toltecs tezcatlipoca, in pursuance of his policy inimical to the toltec state, took the form of an indian of the name of toueyo (toveyo), and bent his steps to the palace of uemac, chief of the toltecs in temporal matters. this worthy had a daughter so fair that she was desired in marriage by many of the toltecs, but all to no purpose, as her father refused her hand to one and all. the princess, beholding the false toueyo passing her father's palace, fell deeply in love with him, and so tumultuous was her passion that she became seriously ill because of her longing for him. uemac, hearing of her indisposition, bent his steps to her apartments, and inquired of her women the cause of her illness. they told him that it was occasioned by the sudden passion which had seized her for the indian who had recently come that way. uemac at once gave orders for the arrest of toueyo, and he was haled before the temporal chief of tollan. "whence come you?" inquired uemac of his prisoner, who was very scantily attired. "lord, i am a stranger, and i have come to these parts to sell green paint," replied tezcatlipoca. "why are you dressed in this fashion? why do you not wear a cloak?" asked the chief. "my lord, i follow the custom of my country," replied tezcatlipoca. "you have inspired a passion in the breast of my daughter," said uemac. "what should be done to you for thus disgracing me?" "slay me; i care not," said the cunning tezcatlipoca. "nay," replied uemac, "for if i slay you my daughter will perish. go to her and say that she may wed you and be happy." now the marriage of toueyo to the daughter of uemac aroused much discontent among the toltecs; and they murmured among themselves, and said: "wherefore did uemac give his daughter to this toueyo?" uemac, having got wind of these murmurings, resolved to distract the attention of the toltecs by making war upon the neighbouring state of coatepec. the toltecs assembled armed for the fray, and having arrived at the country of the men of coatepec they placed toueyo in ambush with his body-servants, hoping that he would be slain by their adversaries. but toueyo and his men killed a large number of the enemy and put them to flight. his triumph was celebrated by uemac with much pomp. the knightly plumes were placed upon his head, and his body was painted with red and yellow--an honour reserved for those who distinguished themselves in battle. tezcatlipoca's next step was to announce a great feast in tollan, to which all the people for miles around were invited. great crowds assembled, and danced and sang in the city to the sound of the drum. tezcatlipoca sang to them and forced them to accompany the rhythm of his song with their feet. faster and faster the people danced, until the pace became so furious that they were driven to madness, lost their footing, and tumbled pell-mell down a deep ravine, where they were changed into rocks. others in attempting to cross a stone bridge precipitated themselves into the water below, and were changed into stones. on another occasion tezcatlipoca presented himself as a valiant warrior named tequiua, and invited all the inhabitants of tollan and its environs to come to the flower-garden called xochitla. when assembled there he attacked them with a hoe, and slew a great number, and others in panic crushed their comrades to death. tezcatlipoca and tlacahuepan on another occasion repaired to the market-place of tollan, the former displaying upon the palm of his hand a small infant whom he caused to dance and to cut the most amusing capers. this infant was in reality huitzilopochtli, the nahua god of war. at this sight the toltecs crowded upon one another for the purpose of getting a better view, and their eagerness resulted in many being crushed to death. so enraged were the toltecs at this that upon the advice of tlacahuepan they slew both tezcatlipoca and huitzilopochtli. when this had been done the bodies of the slain gods gave forth such a pernicious effluvia that thousands of the toltecs died of the pestilence. the god tlacahuepan then advised them to cast out the bodies lest worse befell them, but on their attempting to do so they discovered their weight to be so great that they could not move them. hundreds wound cords round the corpses, but the strands broke, and those who pulled upon them fell and died suddenly, tumbling one upon the other, and suffocating those upon whom they collapsed. the departure of quetzalcoatl the toltecs were so tormented by the enchantments of tezcatlipoca that it was soon apparent to them that their fortunes were on the wane and that the end of their empire was at hand. quetzalcoatl, chagrined at the turn things had taken, resolved to quit tollan and go to the country of tlapallan, whence he had come on his civilising mission to mexico. he burned all the houses which he had built, and buried his treasure of gold and precious stones in the deep valleys between the mountains. he changed the cacao-trees into mezquites, and he ordered all the birds of rich plumage and song to quit the valley of anahuac and to follow him to a distance of more than a hundred leagues. on the road from tollan he discovered a great tree at a point called quauhtitlan. there he rested, and requested his pages to hand him a mirror. regarding himself in the polished surface, he exclaimed, "i am old," and from that circumstance the spot was named huehuequauhtitlan (old quauhtitlan). proceeding on his way accompanied by musicians who played the flute, he walked until fatigue arrested his steps, and he seated himself upon a stone, on which he left the imprint of his hands. this place is called temacpalco (the impress of the hands). at coaapan he was met by the nahua gods, who were inimical to him and to the toltecs. "where do you go?" they asked him. "why do you leave your capital?" "i go to tlapallan," replied quetzalcoatl, "whence i came." "for what reason?" persisted the enchanters. "my father the sun has called me thence," replied quetzalcoatl. "go, then, happily," they said, "but leave us the secret of your art, the secret of founding in silver, of working in precious stones and woods, of painting, and of feather-working, and other matters." but quetzalcoatl refused, and cast all his treasures into the fountain of cozcaapa (water of precious stones). at cochtan he was met by another enchanter, who asked him whither he was bound, and on learning his destination proffered him a draught of wine. on tasting the vintage quetzalcoatl was overcome with sleep. continuing his journey in the morning, the god passed between a volcano and the sierra nevada (mountain of snow), where all the pages who accompanied him died of cold. he regretted this misfortune exceedingly, and wept, lamenting their fate with most bitter tears and mournful songs. on reaching the summit of mount poyauhtecatl he slid to the base. arriving at the sea-shore, he embarked upon a raft of serpents, and was wafted away toward the land of tlapallan. it is obvious that these legends bear some resemblance to those of ixtlilxochitl which recount the fall of the toltecs. they are taken from sahagun's work, historia general de nueva españa, and are included as well for the sake of comparison as for their own intrinsic value. tezcatlipoca as doomster tezcatlipoca was much more than a mere personification of wind, and if he was regarded as a life-giver he had also the power of destroying existence. in fact on occasion he appears as an inexorable death-dealer, and as such was styled nezahualpilli (the hungry chief) and yaotzin (the enemy). perhaps one of the names by which he was best known was telpochtli (the youthful warrior), from the fact that his reserve of strength, his vital force, never diminished, and that his youthful and boisterous vigour was apparent in the tempest. tezcatlipoca was usually depicted as holding in his right hand a dart placed in an atlatl (spear-thrower), and his mirror-shield with four spare darts in his left. this shield is the symbol of his power as judge of mankind and upholder of human justice. the aztecs pictured tezcatlipoca as rioting along the highways in search of persons on whom to wreak his vengeance, as the wind of night rushes along the deserted roads with more seeming violence than it does by day. indeed one of his names, yoalli ehecatl, signifies "night wind." benches of stone, shaped like those made for the dignitaries of the mexican towns, were distributed along the highways for his especial use, that on these he might rest after his boisterous journeyings. these seats were concealed by green boughs, beneath which the god was supposed to lurk in wait for his victims. but if one of the persons he seized overcame him in the struggle he might ask whatever boon he desired, secure in the promise of the deity that it should be granted forthwith. it was supposed that tezcatlipoca had guided the nahua, and especially the people of tezcuco, from a more northerly clime to the valley of mexico. but he was not a mere local deity of tezcuco, his worship being widely celebrated throughout the country. his exalted position in the mexican pantheon seems to have won for him especial reverence as a god of fate and fortune. the place he took as the head of the nahua pantheon brought him many attributes which were quite foreign to his original character. fear and a desire to exalt their tutelar deity will impel the devotees of a powerful god to credit him with any or every quality, so that there is nothing remarkable in the spectacle of the heaping of every possible attribute, human or divine, upon tezcatlipoca when we recall the supreme position he occupied in mexican mythology. his priestly caste far surpassed in power and in the breadth and activity of its propaganda the priesthoods of the other mexican deities. to it is credited the invention of many of the usages of civilisation, and that it all but succeeded in making his worship universal is pretty clear, as has been shown. the other gods were worshipped for some special purpose, but the worship of tezcatlipoca was regarded as compulsory, and to some extent as a safeguard against the destruction of the universe, a calamity the nahua had been led to believe might occur through his agency. he was known as moneneque (the claimer of prayer), and in some of the representations of him an ear of gold was shown suspended from his hair, toward which small tongues of gold strained upward in appeal of prayer. in times of national danger, plague, or famine universal prayer was made to tezcatlipoca. the heads of the community repaired to his teocalli (temple) accompanied by the people en masse, and all prayed earnestly together for his speedy intervention. the prayers to tezcatlipoca still extant prove that the ancient mexicans fully believed that he possessed the power of life and death, and many of them are couched in the most piteous terms. the teotleco festival the supreme position occupied by tezcatlipoca in the mexican religion is well exemplified in the festival of the teotleco (coming of the gods), which is fully described in sahagun's account of the mexican festivals. another peculiarity connected with his worship was that he was one of the few mexican deities who had any relation to the expiation of sin. sin was symbolised by the nahua as excrement, and in various manuscripts tezcatlipoca is represented as a turkey-cock to which ordure is being offered up. of the festival of the teotleco sahagun says: "in the twelfth month a festival was celebrated in honour of all the gods, who were said to have gone to some country i know not where. on the last day of the month a greater one was held, because the gods had returned. on the fifteenth day of this month the young boys and the servitors decked all the altars or oratories of the gods with boughs, as well as those which were in the houses, and the images which were set up by the wayside and at the cross-roads. this work was paid for in maize. some received a basketful, and others only a few ears. on the eighteenth day the ever-youthful god tlamatzincatl or titlacahuan arrived. it was said that he marched better and arrived the first because he was strong and young. food was offered him in his temple on that night. every one drank, ate, and made merry. the old people especially celebrated the arrival of the god by drinking wine, and it was alleged that his feet were washed by these rejoicings. the last day of the month was marked by a great festival, on account of the belief that the whole of the gods arrived at that time. on the preceding night a quantity of flour was kneaded on a carpet into the shape of a cheese, it being supposed that the gods would leave a footprint thereon as a sign of their return. the chief attendant watched all night, going to and fro to see if the impression appeared. when he at last saw it he called out, 'the master has arrived,' and at once the priests of the temple began to sound the horns, trumpets, and other musical instruments used by them. upon hearing this noise every one set forth to offer food in all the temples." the next day the aged gods were supposed to arrive, and young men disguised as monsters hurled victims into a huge sacrificial fire. the toxcatl festival the most remarkable festival in connection with tezcatlipoca was the toxcatl, held in the fifth month. on the day of this festival a youth was slain who for an entire year previously had been carefully instructed in the rôle of victim. he was selected from among the best war captives of the year, and must be without spot or blemish. he assumed the name, garb, and attributes of tezcatlipoca himself, and was regarded with awe by the entire populace, who imagined him to be the earthly representative of the deity. he rested during the day, and ventured forth at night only, armed with the dart and shield of the god, to scour the roads. this practice was, of course, symbolical of the wind-god's progress over the night-bound highways. he carried also the whistle symbolical of the deity, and made with it a noise such as the weird wind of night makes when it hurries through the streets. to his arms and legs small bells were attached. he was followed by a retinue of pages, and at intervals rested upon the stone seats which were placed upon the highways for the convenience of tezcatlipoca. later in the year he was mated to four beautiful maidens of high birth, with whom he passed the time in amusement of every description. he was entertained at the tables of the nobility as the earthly representative of tezcatlipoca, and his latter days were one constant round of feasting and excitement. at last the fatal day upon which he must be sacrificed arrived. he took a tearful farewell of the maidens whom he had espoused, and was carried to the teocalli of sacrifice, upon the sides of which he broke the musical instruments with which he had beguiled the time of his captivity. when he reached the summit he was received by the high-priest, who speedily made him one with the god whom he represented by tearing his heart out on the stone of sacrifice. huitzilopochtli, the war-god huitzilopochtli occupied in the aztec pantheon a place similar to that of mars in the roman. his origin is obscure, but the myth relating to it is distinctly original in character. it recounts how, under the shadow of the mountain of coatepec, near the toltec city of tollan, there dwelt a pious widow called coatlicue, the mother of a tribe of indians called centzonuitznaua, who had a daughter called coyolxauhqui, and who daily repaired to a small hill with the intention of offering up prayers to the gods in a penitent spirit of piety. whilst occupied in her devotions one day she was surprised by a small ball of brilliantly coloured feathers falling upon her from on high. she was pleased by the bright variety of its hues, and placed it in her bosom, intending to offer it up to the sun-god. some time afterwards she learnt that she was to become the mother of another child. her sons, hearing of this, rained abuse upon her, being incited to humiliate her in every possible way by their sister coyolxauhqui. coatlicue went about in fear and anxiety; but the spirit of her unborn infant came and spoke to her and gave her words of encouragement, soothing her troubled heart. her sons, however, were resolved to wipe out what they considered an insult to their race by the death of their mother, and took counsel with one another to slay her. they attired themselves in their war-gear, and arranged their hair after the manner of warriors going to battle. but one of their number, quauitlicac, relented, and confessed the perfidy of his brothers to the still unborn huitzilopochtli, who replied to him: "o brother, hearken attentively to what i have to say to you. i am fully informed of what is about to happen." with the intention of slaying their mother, the indians went in search of her. at their head marched their sister, coyolxauhqui. they were armed to the teeth, and carried bundles of darts with which they intended to kill the luckless coatlicue. quauitlicac climbed the mountain to acquaint huitzilopochtli with the news that his brothers were approaching to kill their mother. "mark well where they are at," replied the infant god. "to what place have they advanced?" "to tzompantitlan," responded quauitlicac. later on huitzilopochtli asked: "where may they be now?" "at coaxalco," was the reply. once more huitzilopochtli asked to what point his enemies had advanced. "they are now at petlac," quauitlicac replied. after a little while quauitlicac informed huitzilopochtli that the centzonuitznaua were at hand under the leadership of coyolxauhqui. at the moment of the enemy's arrival huitzilopochtli was born, flourishing a shield and spear of a blue colour. he was painted, his head was surmounted by a panache, and his left leg was covered with feathers. he shattered coyolxauhqui with a flash of serpentine lightning, and then gave chase to the centzonuitznaua, whom he pursued four times round the mountain. they did not attempt to defend themselves, but fled incontinently. many perished in the waters of the adjoining lake, to which they had rushed in their despair. all were slain save a few who escaped to a place called uitzlampa, where they surrendered to huitzilopochtli and gave up their arms. the name huitzilopochtli signifies "humming-bird to the left," from the circumstance that the god wore the feathers of the humming-bird, or colibri, on his left leg. from this it has been inferred that he was a humming-bird totem. the explanation of huitzilopochtli's origin is a little deeper than this, however. among the american tribes, especially those of the northern continent, the serpent is regarded with the deepest veneration as the symbol of wisdom and magic. from these sources come success in war. the serpent also typifies the lightning, the symbol of the divine spear, the apotheosis of warlike might. fragments of serpents are regarded as powerful war-physic among many tribes. atatarho, a mythical wizard-king of the iroquois, was clothed with living serpents as with a robe, and his myth throws light on one of the names of huitzilopochtli's mother, coatlantona (robe of serpents). huitzilopochtli's image was surrounded by serpents, and rested on serpent-shaped supporters. his sceptre was a single snake, and his great drum was of serpent-skin. in american mythology the serpent is closely associated with the bird. thus the name of the god quetzalcoatl is translatable as "feathered serpent," and many similar cases where the conception of bird and serpent have been unified could be adduced. huitzilopochtli is undoubtedly one of these. we may regard him as a god the primary conception of whom arose from the idea of the serpent, the symbol of warlike wisdom and might, the symbol of the warrior's dart or spear, and the humming-bird, the harbinger of summer, type of the season when the snake or lightning god has power over the crops. huitzilopochtli was usually represented as wearing on his head a waving panache or plume of humming-birds' feathers. his face and limbs were striped with bars of blue, and in his right hand he carried four spears. his left hand bore his shield, on the surface of which were displayed five tufts of down, arranged in the form of a quincunx. the shield was made with reeds, covered with eagle's down. the spear he brandished was also tipped with tufts of down instead of flint. these weapons were placed in the hands of those who as captives engaged in the sacrificial fight, for in the aztec mind huitzilopochtli symbolised the warrior's death on the gladiatorial stone of combat. as has been said, huitzilopochtli was war-god of the aztecs, and was supposed to have led them to the site of mexico from their original home in the north. the city of mexico took its name from one of its districts, which was designated by a title of huitzilopochtli's, mexitli (hare of the aloes). the war-god as fertiliser but huitzilopochtli was not a war-god alone. as the serpent-god of lightning he had a connection with summer, the season of lightning, and therefore had dominion to some extent over the crops and fruits of the earth. the algonquian indians of north america believed that the rattlesnake could raise ruinous storms or grant favourable breezes. they alluded to it also as the symbol of life, for the serpent has a phallic significance because of its similarity to the symbol of generation and fructification. with some american tribes also, notably the pueblo indians of arizona, the serpent has a solar significance, and with tail in mouth symbolises the annual round of the sun. the nahua believed that huitzilopochtli could grant them fair weather for the fructification of their crops, and they placed an image of tlaloc, the rain-god, near him, so that, if necessary, the war-god could compel the rain-maker to exert his pluvial powers or to abstain from the creation of floods. we must, in considering the nature of this deity, bear well in mind the connection in the nahua consciousness between the pantheon, war, and the food-supply. if war was not waged annually the gods must go without flesh food and perish, and if the gods succumbed the crops would fail, and famine would destroy the race. so it was small wonder that huitzilopochtli was one of the chief gods of mexico. huitzilopochtli's principal festival was the toxcatl, celebrated immediately after the toxcatl festival of tezcatlipoca, to which it bore a strong resemblance. festivals of the god were held in may and december, at the latter of which an image of him, moulded in dough kneaded with the blood of sacrificed children, was pierced by the presiding priest with an arrow--an act significant of the death of huitzilopochtli until his resurrection in the next year. strangely enough, when the absolute supremacy of tezcatlipoca is remembered, the high-priest of huitzilopochtli, the mexicatl teohuatzin, was considered to be the religious head of the mexican priesthood. the priests of huitzilopochtli held office by right of descent, and their primate exacted absolute obedience from the priesthoods of all the other deities, being regarded as next to the monarch himself in power and dominion. tlaloc, the rain-god tlaloc was the god of rain and moisture. in a country such as mexico, where the success or failure of the crops depends entirely upon the plentiful nature or otherwise of the rainfall, he was, it will be readily granted, a deity of high importance. it was believed that he made his home in the mountains which surround the valley of mexico, as these were the source of the local rainfall, and his popularity is vouched for by the fact that sculptured representations of him occur more often than those of any other of the mexican deities. he is generally represented in a semi-recumbent attitude, with the upper part of the body raised upon the elbows, and the knees half drawn up, probably to represent the mountainous character of the country whence comes the rain. he was espoused to chalchihuitlicue (emerald lady), who bore him a numerous progeny, the tlalocs (clouds). many of the figures which represented him were carved from the green stone called chalchiuitl (jadeite), to typify the colour of water, and in some of these he was shown holding a serpent of gold to typify the lightning, for water-gods are often closely identified with the thunder, which hangs over the hills and accompanies heavy rains. tlaloc, like his prototype, the kiche god hurakan, manifested himself in three forms, as the lightning-flash, the thunderbolt, and the thunder. although his image faced the east, where he was supposed to have originated, he was worshipped as inhabiting the four cardinal points and every mountain-top. the colours of the four points of the compass, yellow, green, red, and blue, whence came the rain-bearing winds, entered into the composition of his costume, which was further crossed with streaks of silver, typifying the mountain torrents. a vase containing every description of grain was usually placed before his idol, an offering of the growth which it was hoped he would fructify. he dwelt in a many-watered paradise called tlalocan (the country of tlaloc), a place of plenty and fruitfulness, where those who had been drowned or struck by lightning or had died from dropsical diseases enjoyed eternal bliss. those of the common people who did not die such deaths went to the dark abode of mictlan, the all-devouring and gloomy lord of death. in the native manuscripts tlaloc is usually portrayed as having a dark complexion, a large round eye, a row of tusks, and over the lips an angular blue stripe curved downward and rolled up at the ends. the latter character is supposed to have been evolved originally from the coils of two snakes, their mouths with long fangs in the upper jaw meeting in the middle of the upper lip. the snake, besides being symbolised by lightning in many american mythologies, is also symbolical of water, which is well typified in its sinuous movements. many maidens and children were annually sacrificed to tlaloc. if the children wept it was regarded as a happy omen for a rainy season. the etzalqualiztli (when they eat bean food) was his chief festival, and was held on a day approximating to may 13, about which date the rainy season usually commenced. another festival in his honour, the quauitleua, commenced the mexican year on february 2. at the former festival the priests of tlaloc plunged into a lake, imitating the sounds and movements of frogs, which, as denizens of water, were under the special protection of the god. chalchihuitlicue, his wife, was often symbolised by the small image of a frog. sacrifices to tlaloc human sacrifices also took place at certain points in the mountains where artificial ponds were consecrated to tlaloc. cemeteries were situated in their vicinity, and offerings to the god interred near the burial-place of the bodies of the victims slain in his service. his statue was placed on the highest mountain of tezcuco, and an old writer mentions that five or six young children were annually offered to the god at various points, their hearts torn out, and their remains interred. the mountains popocatepetl and teocuinani were regarded as his special high places, and on the heights of the latter was built his temple, in which stood his image carved in green stone. the nahua believed that the constant production of food and rain induced a condition of senility in those deities whose duty it was to provide them. this they attempted to stave off, fearing that if they failed in so doing the gods would perish. they afforded them, accordingly, a period of rest and recuperation, and once in eight years a festival called the atamalqualiztli (fast of porridge-balls and water) was held, during which every one in the nahua community returned for the time being to the conditions of savage life. dressed in costumes representing all forms of animal and bird life, and mimicking the sounds made by the various creatures they typified, the people danced round the teocalli of tlaloc for the purpose of diverting and entertaining him after his labours in producing the fertilising rains of the past eight years. a lake was filled with water-snakes and frogs, and into this the people plunged, catching the reptiles in their mouths and devouring them alive. the only grain food which might be partaken during this season of rest was thin water-porridge of maize. should one of the more prosperous peasants or yeomen deem a rainfall necessary to the growth of his crops, or should he fear a drought, he sought out one of the professional makers of dough or paste idols, whom he desired to mould one of tlaloc. to this image offerings of maize-porridge and pulque were made. throughout the night the farmer and his neighbours danced, shrieking and howling round the figure for the purpose of rousing tlaloc from his drought-bringing slumbers. next day was spent in quaffing huge libations of pulque, and in much-needed rest from the exertions of the previous night. in tlaloc it is easy to trace resemblances to a mythological conception widely prevalent among the indigenous american peoples. he is similar to such deities as the hurakan of the kiche of guatemala, the pillan of the aborigines of chile, and con, the thunder-god of the collao of peru. only his thunderous powers are not so apparent as his rain-making abilities, and in this he differs somewhat from the gods alluded to. quetzalcoatl it is highly probable that quetzalcoatl was a deity of the pre-nahua people of mexico. he was regarded by the aztec race as a god of somewhat alien character, and had but a limited following in mexico, the city of huitzilopochtli. in cholula, however, and others of the older towns his worship flourished exceedingly. he was regarded as "the father of the toltecs," and, legend says, was the seventh and youngest son of the toltec abraham, iztacmixcohuatl. quetzalcoatl (whose name means "feathered serpent" or "feathered staff") became, at a relatively early period, ruler of tollan, and by his enlightened sway and his encouragement of the liberal arts did much to further the advancement of his people. his reign had lasted for a period sufficient to permit of his placing the cultivated arts upon a satisfactory basis when the country was visited by the cunning magicians tezcatlipoca and coyotlinaual, god of the amantecas. disentangled from its terms of myth, this statement may be taken to imply that bands of invading nahua first began to appear within the toltec territories. tezcatlipoca, descending from the sky in the shape of a spider by way of a fine web, proffered him a draught of pulque, which so intoxicated him that the curse of lust descended upon him, and he forgot his chastity with quetzalpetlatl. the doom pronounced upon him was the hard one of banishment, and he was compelled to forsake anahuac. his exile wrought peculiar changes upon the face of the country. he secreted his treasures of gold and silver, burned his palaces, transformed the cacao-trees into mezquites, and banished all the birds from the neighbourhood of tollan. the magicians, nonplussed at these unexpected happenings, begged him to return, but he refused on the ground that the sun required his presence. he proceeded to tabasco, the fabled land of tlapallan, and, embarking upon a raft made of serpents, floated away to the east. a slightly different version of this myth has already been given. other accounts state that the king cast himself upon a funeral pyre and was consumed, and that the ashes arising from the conflagration flew upward, and were changed into birds of brilliant plumage. his heart also soared into the sky, and became the morning star. the mexicans averred that quetzalcoatl died when the star became visible, and thus they bestowed upon him the title "lord of the dawn." they further said that when he died he was invisible for four days, and that for eight days he wandered in the underworld, after which time the morning star appeared, when he achieved resurrection, and ascended his throne as a god. it is the contention of some authorities that the myth of quetzalcoatl points to his status as god of the sun. that luminary, they say, begins his diurnal journey in the east, whence quetzalcoatl returned as to his native home. it will be recalled that montezuma and his subjects imagined that cortés was no other than quetzalcoatl, returned to his dominions, as an old prophecy declared he would do. but that he stood for the sun itself is highly improbable, as will be shown. first of all, however, it will be well to pay some attention to other theories concerning his origin. perhaps the most important of these is that which regards quetzalcoatl as a god of the air. he is connected, say some, with the cardinal points, and wears the insignia of the cross, which symbolises them. dr. seler says of him: "he has a protruding, trumpet-like mouth, for the wind-god blows.... his figure suggests whirls and circles. hence his temples were built in circular form.... the head of the wind-god stands for the second of the twenty day signs, which was called ehecatl (wind)." the same authority, however, in his essay on mexican chronology, gives to quetzalcoatl a dual nature, "the dual nature which seems to belong to the wind-god quetzalcoatl, who now appears simply a wind-god, and again seems to show the true characters of the old god of fire and light." [8] dr. brinton perceived in quetzalcoatl a similar dual nature. "he is both lord of the eastern light and of the winds," he writes (myths of the new world, p. 214). "like all the dawn heroes, he too was represented as of white complexion, clothed in long, white robes, and, as many of the aztec gods, with a full and flowing beard.... he had been overcome by tezcatlipoca, the wind or spirit of night, who had descended from heaven by a spider's web, and presented his rival with a draught supposed to confer immortality, but in fact producing an intolerable longing for home. for the wind and the light both depart when the gloaming draws near, or when the clouds spread their dark and shadowy webs along the mountains, and pour the vivifying rain upon the fields." the theory which derives quetzalcoatl from a "culture-hero" who once actually existed is scarcely reconcilable with probability. it is more than likely that, as in the case of other mythical paladins, the legend of a mighty hero arose from the somewhat weakened idea of a great deity. some of the early spanish missionaries professed to see in quetzalcoatl the apostle st. thomas, who had journeyed to america to effect its conversion! the man of the sun a more probable explanation of the origin of quetzalcoatl and a more likely elucidation of his nature is that which would regard him as the man of the sun, who has quitted his abode for a season for the purpose of inculcating in mankind those arts which represent the first steps in civilisation, who fulfils his mission, and who, at a late period, is displaced by the deities of an invading race. quetzalcoatl was represented as a traveller with staff in hand, and this is proof of his solar character, as is the statement that under his rule the fruits of the earth flourished more abundantly than at any subsequent period. the abundance of gold said to have been accumulated in his reign assists the theory, the precious metal being invariably associated with the sun by most barbarous peoples. in the native pinturas it is noticeable that the solar disc and semi-disc are almost invariably found in connection with the feathered serpent as the symbolical attributes of quetzalcoatl. the hopi indians of mexico at the present day symbolise the sun as a serpent, tail in mouth, and the ancient mexicans introduced the solar disc in connection with small images of quetzalcoatl, which they attached to the head-dress. in still other examples quetzalcoatl is pictured as if emerging or stepping from the luminary, which is represented as his dwelling-place. several tribes tributary to the aztecs were in the habit of imploring quetzalcoatl in prayer to return and free them from the intolerable bondage of the conqueror. notable among them were the totonacs, who passionately believed that the sun, their father, would send a god who would free them from the aztec yoke. on the coming of the spaniards the european conquerors were hailed as the servants of quetzalcoatl, thus in the eyes of the natives fulfilling the tradition that he would return. various forms of quetzalcoatl various conceptions of quetzalcoatl are noticeable in the mythology of the territories which extended from the north of mexico to the marshes of nicaragua. in guatemala the kiches recognised him as gucumatz, and in yucatan proper he was worshipped as kukulcan, both of which names are but literal translations of his mexican title of "feathered serpent" into kiche and mayan. that the three deities are one and the same there can be no shadow of doubt. several authorities have seen in kukulcan a "serpent-and-rain god." he can only be such in so far as he is a solar god also. the cult of the feathered snake in yucatan was unquestionably a branch of sun-worship. in tropical latitudes the sun draws the clouds round him at noon. the rain falls from the clouds accompanied by thunder and lightning--the symbols of the divine serpent. therefore the manifestations of the heavenly serpent were directly associated with the sun, and no statement that kukulcan is a mere serpent-and-water god satisfactorily elucidates his characteristics. quetzalcoatl's northern origin it is by no means improbable that quetzalcoatl was of northern origin, and that on his adoption by southern peoples and tribes dwelling in tropical countries his characteristics were gradually and unconsciously altered in order to meet the exigencies of his environment. the mythology of the indians of british columbia, whence in all likelihood the nahua originally came, is possessed of a central figure bearing a strong resemblance to quetzalcoatl. thus the thlingit tribe worship yetl; the quaquiutl indians, kanikilak; the salish people of the coast, kumsnöotl, quäaqua, or släalekam. it is noticeable that these divine beings are worshipped as the man of the sun, and totally apart from the luminary himself, as was quetzalcoatl in mexico. the quaquiutl believe that before his settlement among them for the purpose of inculcating in the tribe the arts of life, the sun descended as a bird, and assumed a human shape. kanikilak is his son, who, as his emissary, spreads the arts of civilisation over the world. so the mexicans believed that quetzalcoatl descended first of all in the form of a bird, and was ensnared in the fowler's net of the toltec hero hueymatzin. the titles bestowed upon quetzalcoatl by the nahua show that in his solar significance he was god of the vault of the heavens, as well as merely son of the sun. he was alluded to as ehecatl (the air), yolcuat (the rattlesnake), tohil (the rumbler), nanihehecatl (lord of the four winds), tlauizcalpantecutli (lord of the light of the dawn). the whole heavenly vault was his, together with all its phenomena. this would seem to be in direct opposition to the theory that tezcatlipoca was the supreme god of the mexicans. but it must be borne in mind that tezcatlipoca was the god of a later age, and of a fresh body of nahua immigrants, and as such inimical to quetzalcoatl, who was probably in a similar state of opposition to itzamna, a maya deity of yucatan. the worship of quetzalcoatl the worship of quetzalcoatl was in some degree antipathetic to that of the other mexican deities, and his priests were a separate caste. although human sacrifice was by no means so prevalent among his devotees, it is a mistake to aver, as some authorities have done, that it did not exist in connection with his worship. a more acceptable sacrifice to quetzalcoatl appears to have been the blood of the celebrant or worshipper, shed by himself. when we come to consider the mythology of the zapotecs, a people whose customs and beliefs appear to have formed a species of link between the mexican and mayan civilisations, we shall find that their high-priests occasionally enacted the legend of quetzalcoatl in their own persons, and that their worship, which appears to have been based upon that of quetzalcoatl, had as one of its most pronounced characteristics the shedding of blood. the celebrant or devotee drew blood from the vessels lying under the tongue or behind the ear by drawing across those tender parts a cord made from the thorn-covered fibres of the agave. the blood was smeared over the mouths of the idols. in this practice we can perceive an act analogous to the sacrificial substitution of the part for the whole, as obtaining in early palestine and many other countries--a certain sign that tribal or racial opinion has contracted a disgust for human sacrifice, and has sought to evade the anger of the gods by yielding to them a portion of the blood of each worshipper, instead of sacrificing the life of one for the general weal. the maize-gods of mexico a special group of deities called centeotl presided over the agriculture of mexico, each of whom personified one or other of the various aspects of the maize-plant. the chief goddess of maize, however, was chicomecohuatl (seven-serpent), her name being an allusion to the fertilising power of water, which element the mexicans symbolised by the serpent. as xilonen she typified the xilote, or green ear of the maize. but it is probable that chicomecohuatl was the creation of an older race, and that the nahua new-comers adopted or brought with them another growth-spirit, the "earth-mother," teteoinnan (mother of the gods), or tocitzin (our grandmother). this goddess had a son, centeotl, a male maize-spirit. sometimes the mother was also known as centeotl, the generic name for the entire group, and this fact has led to some confusion in the minds of americanists. but this does not mean that chicomecohuatl was by any means neglected. her spring festival, held on april 5, was known as hueytozoztli (the great watch), and was accompanied by a general fast, when the dwellings of the mexicans were decorated with bulrushes which had been sprinkled with blood drawn from the extremities of the inmates. the statues of the little tepitoton (household gods) were also decorated. the worshippers then proceeded to the maize-fields, where they pulled the tender stalks of the growing maize, and, having decorated them with flowers, placed them in the calpulli (the common house of the village). a mock combat then took place before the altar of chicomecohuatl. the girls of the village presented the goddess with bundles of maize of the previous season's harvesting, later restoring them to the granaries in order that they might be utilised for seed for the coming year. chicomecohuatl was always represented among the household deities of the mexicans, and on the occasion of her festival the family placed before the image a basket of provisions surmounted by a cooked frog, bearing on its back a piece of cornstalk stuffed with pounded maize and vegetables. this frog was symbolic of chalchihuitlicue, wife of tlaloc, the rain-god, who assisted chicomecohuatl in providing a bountiful harvest. in order that the soil might further benefit, a frog, the symbol of water, was sacrificed, so that its vitality should recuperate that of the weary and much-burdened earth. the sacrifice of the dancer a more important festival of chicomecohuatl, however, was the xalaquia, which lasted from june 28 to july 14, commencing when the maize plant had attained its full growth. the women of the pueblo (village) wore their hair unbound, and shook and tossed it so that by sympathetic magic the maize might take the hint and grow correspondingly long. chian pinolli was consumed in immense quantities, and maize-porridge was eaten. hilarious dances were nightly performed in the teopan (temple), the central figure in which was the xalaquia, a female captive or slave, with face painted red and yellow to represent the colours of the maize-plant. she had previously undergone a long course of training in the dancing-school, and now, all unaware of the horrible fate awaiting her, she danced and pirouetted gaily among the rest. throughout the duration of the festival she danced, and on its expiring night she was accompanied in the dance by the women of the community, who circled round her, chanting the deeds of chicomecohuatl. when daybreak appeared the company was joined by the chiefs and headmen, who, along with the exhausted and half-fainting victim, danced the solemn death-dance. the entire community then approached the teocalli (pyramid of sacrifice), and, its summit reached, the victim was stripped to a nude condition, the priest plunged a knife of flint into her bosom, and, tearing out the still palpitating heart, offered it up to chicomecohuatl. in this manner the venerable goddess, weary with the labours of inducing growth in the maize-plant, was supposed to be revivified and refreshed. hence the name xalaquia, which signifies "she who is clothed with the sand." until the death of the victim it was not lawful to partake of the new corn. the general appearance of chicomecohuatl was none too pleasing. her image rests in the national museum in mexico, and is girdled with snakes. on the underside the symbolic frog is carved. the americanists of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were unequal to the task of elucidating the origin of the figure, which they designated teoyaominqui. the first to point out the error was payne, in his history of the new world called america, vol. i. p. 424. the passage in which he announces his discovery is of such real interest that it is worth transcribing fully. an antiquarian mare's-nest "all the great idols of mexico were thought to have been destroyed until this was disinterred among other relics in the course of making new drains in the plaza mayor of mexico in august 1790. the discovery produced an immense sensation. the idol was dragged to the court of the university, and there set up; the indians began to worship it and deck it with flowers; the antiquaries, with about the same degree of intelligence, to speculate about it. what most puzzled them was that the face and some other parts of the goddess are found in duplicate at the back of the figure; hence they concluded it to represent two gods in one, the principal of whom they further concluded to be a female, the other, indicated by the back, a male. the standard author on mexican antiquities at that time was the italian dilettante boturini, of whom it may be said that he is better, but not much better, than nothing at all. from page 27 of his work the antiquaries learned that huitzilopochtli was accompanied by the goddess teoyaominqui, who was charged with collecting the souls of those slain in war and sacrifice. this was enough. the figure was at once named teoyaominqui or huitzilopochtli (the one plus the other), and has been so called ever since. the antiquaries next elevated this imaginary goddess to the rank of the war-god's wife. 'a soldier,' says bardolph, 'is better accommodated than with a wife': a fortiori, so is a war-god. besides, as torquemada (vol. ii. p. 47) says with perfect truth, the mexicans did not think so grossly of the divinity as to have married gods or goddesses at all. the figure is undoubtedly a female. it has no vestige of any weapon about it, nor has it any limbs. it differs in every particular from the war-god huitzilopochtli, every detail of which is perfectly well known. there never was any goddess called teoyaominqui. this may be plausibly inferred from the fact that such a goddess is unknown not merely to sahagun, torquemada, acosta, tezozomoc, duran, and clavigero, but to all other writers except boturini. the blunder of the last-named writer is easily explained. antonio leon y gama, a mexican astronomer, wrote an account of the discoveries of 1790, in which, evidently puzzled by the name of teoyaominqui, he quotes a manuscript in mexican, said to have been written by an indian of tezcuco, who was born in 1528, to the effect that teoyaotlatohua and teoyaominqui were spirits who presided over the fifteenth of the twenty signs of the fortune-tellers' calendar, and that those born in this sign would be brave warriors, but would soon die. (as the fifteenth sign was quauhtli, this is likely enough.) when their hour had come the former spirit scented them out, the latter killed them. the rubbish printed about huitzilopochtli, teoyaominqui, and mictlantecutli in connection with this statue would fill a respectable volume. the reason why the features were duplicated is obvious. the figure was carried in the midst of a large crowd. probably it was considered to be an evil omen if the idol turned away its face from its worshippers; this the duplicate obviated. so when the dance was performed round the figure (cf. janus). this duplication of the features, a characteristic of the very oldest gods, appears to be indicated when the numeral ome (two) is prefixed to the title of the deity. thus the two ancestors and preservers of the race were called ometecuhtli and omecihuatl (two-chief, two-woman), ancient toltec gods, who at the conquest become less prominent in the theology of mexico, and who are best represented in that of the mexican colony of nicaragua." the offering to centeotl during her last hours the victim sacrificed at the xalaquia wore a ritual dress made from the fibres of the aloe, and with this garment the maize-god centeotl was clothed. robed in this he temporarily represented the earth-goddess, so that he might receive her sacrifice. the blood of victims was offered up to him in a vessel decorated with that brilliant and artistic feather-work which excited such admiration in the breasts of the connoisseurs and æsthetes of the europe of the sixteenth century. upon partaking of this blood-offering the deity emitted a groan so intense and terrifying that it has been left on record that such spaniards as were present became panic-stricken. this ceremony was followed by another, the nitiçapoloa (tasting of the soil), which consisted in raising a little earth on one finger to the mouth and eating it. as has been said, centeotl the son has been confounded with centeotl the mother, who is in reality the earth-mother teteoinnan. each of these deities had a teopan (temple) of his or her own, but they were closely allied as parent and child. but of the two, centeotl the son was the more important. on the death of the sacrificed victim her skin was conveyed to the temple of centeotl the son, and worn there in the succeeding ritual by the officiating priests. this gruesome dress is frequently depicted in the aztec pinturas, where the skin of the hands, and in some instances the feet, of the victims can be seen dangling from the wrists and ankles of the priest. importance of the food-gods to the mexicans the deities of most importance to the community as a whole were undoubtedly the food-gods. in their emergence from the hunting to the agricultural state of life, when they began to exist almost solely upon the fruits of the earth, the mexicans were quick to recognise that the old deities of the chase, such as mixcoatl, could not now avail them or succour them in the same manner as the guardians of the crops and fertilisers of the soil. gradually we see these gods, then, advance in power and influence until at the time of the spanish invasion we find them paramount. even the terrible war-god himself had an agricultural significance, as we have pointed out. a distinct bargain with the food-gods can be clearly traced, and is none the less obvious because it was never written or codified. the covenant was as binding to the native mind as any made betwixt god and man in ancient palestine, and included mutual assistance as well as provision for mere alimentary supply. in no mythology is the understanding between god and man so clearly defined as in the nahuan, and in none is its operation better exemplified. xipe xipe (the flayed) was widely worshipped throughout mexico, and is usually depicted in the pinturas as being attired in a flayed human skin. at his special festival, the "man-flaying," the skins were removed from the victims and worn by the devotees of the god for the succeeding twenty days. he is usually represented as of a red colour. in the later days of the aztec monarchy the kings and leaders of mexico assumed the dress or classical garments of xipe. this dress consisted of a crown made of feathers of the roseate spoonbill, the gilt timbrel, the jacket of spoonbill feathers, and an apron of green feathers lapping over one another in a tile-like pattern. in the cozcatzin codex we see a picture of king axayacatl dressed as xipe in a feather skirt, and having a tiger-skin scabbard to his sword. the hands of a flayed human skin also dangle over the monarch's wrists, and the feet fall over his feet like gaiters. xipe's shield is a round target covered with the rose-coloured feathers of the spoonbill, with concentric circles of a darker hue on the surface. there are examples of it divided into an upper and lower part, the former showing an emerald on a blue field, and the latter a tiger-skin design. xipe was imagined as possessing three forms, the first that of the roseate spoonbill, the second that of the blue cotinga, and the last that of a tiger, the three shapes perhaps corresponding to the regions of heaven, earth, and hell, or to the three elements, fire, earth, and water. the deities of many north american indian tribes show similar variations in form and colour, which are supposed to follow as the divinity changes his dwelling to north, south, east, or west. but xipe is seldom depicted in the pinturas in any other form but that of the red god, the form in which the mexicans adopted him from the yopi tribe of the pacific slope. he is the god of human sacrifice par excellence, and may be regarded as a yopi equivalent of tezcatlipoca. nanahuatl, or nanauatzin nanahuatl (poor leper) presided over skin diseases, such as leprosy. it was thought that persons afflicted with these complaints were set apart by the moon for his service. in the nahua tongue the words for "leprous" and "eczematous" also mean "divine." the myth of nanahuatl tells how before the sun was created humanity dwelt in sable and horrid gloom. only a human sacrifice could hasten the appearance of the luminary. metztli (the moon) led forth nanahuatl as a sacrifice, and he was cast upon a funeral pyre, in the flames of which he was consumed. metztli also cast herself upon the mass of flame, and with her death the sun rose above the horizon. there can be no doubt that the myth refers to the consuming of the starry or spotted night, and incidentally to the nightly death of the moon at the flaming hour of dawn. xolotl xolotl is of southern, possibly zapotec, origin. he represents either fire rushing down from the heavens or light flaming upward. it is noticeable that in the pinturas the picture of the setting sun being devoured by the earth is nearly always placed opposite his image. he is probably identical with nanahuatl, and appears as the representative of human sacrifice. he has also affinities with xipe. on the whole xolotl may be best described as a sun-god of the more southerly tribes. his head (quaxolotl) was one of the most famous devices for warriors' use, as sacrifice among the nahua was, as we have seen, closely associated with warfare. xolotl was a mythical figure quite foreign to the peoples of anahuac or mexico, who regarded him as something strange and monstrous. he is alluded to as the "god of monstrosities," and, thinks dr. seler, the word "monstrosity" may suitably translate his name. he is depicted with empty eye-sockets, which circumstance is explained by the myth that when the gods determined to sacrifice themselves in order to give life and strength to the newly created sun, xolotl withdrew, and wept so much that his eyes fell out of their sockets. this was the mexican explanation of a zapotec attribute. xolotl was originally the "lightning beast" of the maya or some other southern folk, and was represented by them as a dog, since that animal appeared to them to be the creature which he most resembled. but he was by no means a "natural" dog, hence their conception of him as unnatural. dr. seler is inclined to identify him with the tapir, and indeed sahagun speaks of a strange animal-being, tlaca-xolotl, which has "a large snout, large teeth, hoofs like an ox, a thick hide, and reddish hair"--not a bad description of the tapir of central america. of course to the mexicans the god xolotl was no longer an animal, although he had evolved from one, and was imagined by them to have the form shown in the accompanying illustration. the fire-god this deity was known in mexico under various names, notably tata (our father), huehueteotl (oldest of gods), and xiuhtecutli (lord of the year). he was represented as of the colour of fire, with a black face, a headdress of green feathers, and bearing on his back a yellow serpent, to typify the serpentine nature of fire. he also bore a mirror of gold to show his connection with the sun, from which all heat emanates. on rising in the morning all mexican families made xiuhtecutli an offering of a piece of bread and a drink. he was thus not only, like vulcan, the god of thunderbolts and conflagrations, but also the milder deity of the domestic hearth. once a year the fire in every mexican house was extinguished, and rekindled by friction before the idol of xiuhtecutli. when a mexican baby was born it passed through a baptism of fire on the fourth day, up to which time a fire, lighted at the time of its birth, was kept burning in order to nourish its existence. mictlan mictlantecutli (lord of hades) was god of the dead and of the grim and shadowy realm to which the souls of men repair after their mortal sojourn. he is represented in the pinturas as a grisly monster with capacious mouth, into which fall the spirits of the dead. his terrible abode was sometimes alluded to as tlalxicco (navel of the earth), but the mexicans in general seem to have thought that it was situated in the far north, which they regarded as a place of famine, desolation, and death. here those who by the circumstances of their demise were unfitted to enter the paradise of tlaloc--namely, those who had not been drowned or had not died a warrior's death, or, in the case of women, had not died in childbed--passed a dreary and meaningless existence. mictlan was surrounded by a species of demons called tzitzimimes, and had a spouse, mictecaciuatl. when we come to discuss the analogous deity of the maya we shall see that in all probability mictlan was represented by the bat, the animal typical of the underworld. in a preceding paragraph dealing with the funerary customs we have described the journey of the soul to the abode of mictlan, and the ordeals through which the spirit of the defunct had to pass ere entering his realm (see p. 37). worship of the planet venus the mexicans designated the planet venus citlalpol (the great star) and tlauizcalpantecutli (lord of the dawn). it seems to have been the only star worshipped by them, and was regarded with considerable veneration. upon its rising they stopped up the chimneys of their houses, so that no harm of any kind might enter with its light. a column called ilhuicatlan, meaning "in the sky," stood in the court of the great temple of mexico, and upon this a symbol of the planet was painted. on its reappearance during its usual circuit, captives were taken before this representation and sacrificed to it. it will be remembered that the myth of quetzalcoatl states that the heart of that deity flew upward from the funeral pyre on which he was consumed and became the planet venus. it is not easy to say whether or not this myth is anterior to the adoption of the worship of the planet by the nahua, for it may be a tale of preor post-nahuan growth. in the tonalamatl tlauizcalpantecutli is represented as lord of the ninth division of thirteen days, beginning with ce coatl (the sign of "one serpent"). in several of the pinturas he is represented as having a white body with long red stripes, while round his eyes is a deep black painting like a domino mask, bordered with small white circles. his lips are a bright vermilion. the red stripes are probably introduced to accentuate the whiteness of his body, which is understood to symbolise the peculiar half-light which emanates from the planet. the black paint on the face, surrounding the eye, typifies the dark sky of night. in mexican and central american symbolism the eye often represents light, and here, surrounded by blackness as it is, it is perhaps almost hieroglyphic. as the star of evening, tlauizcalpantecutli is sometimes shown with the face of a skull, to signify his descent into the underworld, whither he follows the sun. that the mexicans and maya carefully and accurately observed his periods of revolution is witnessed by the pinturas. sun-worship the sun was regarded by the nahua, and indeed by all the mexican and central american peoples, as the supreme deity, or rather the principal source of subsistence and life. he was always alluded to as the teotl, the god, and his worship formed as it were a background to that of all the other gods. his mexican name, ipalnemohuani (he by whom men live) shows that the mexicans regarded him as the primal source of being, and the heart, the symbol of life, was looked upon as his special sacrifice. those who rose at sunrise to prepare food for the day held up to him on his appearance the hearts of animals they had slain for cooking, and even the hearts of the victims to tezcatlipoca and huitzilopochtli were first held up to the sun, as if he had a primary right to the sacrifice, before being cast into the bowl of copal which lay at the feet of the idol. it was supposed that the luminary rejoiced in offerings of blood, and that it constituted the only food which would render him sufficiently vigorous to undertake his daily journey through the heavens. he is often depicted in the pinturas as licking up the gore of the sacrificial victims with his long tongue-like rays. the sun must fare well if he was to continue to give life, light, and heat to mankind. the mexicans, as we have already seen, believed that the luminary they knew had been preceded by others, each of which had been quenched by some awful cataclysm of nature. eternity had, in fact, been broken up into epochs, marked by the destruction of successive suns. in the period preceding that in which they lived, a mighty deluge had deprived the sun of life, and some such catastrophe was apprehended at the end of every "sheaf" of fifty-two years. the old suns were dead, and the current sun was no more immortal than they. at the end of one of the "sheaves" he too would succumb. sustaining the sun it was therefore necessary to sustain the sun by the daily food of human sacrifice, for by a tithe of human life alone would he be satisfied. naturally a people holding such a belief would look elsewhere than within their own borders for the material wherewith to placate their deity. this could be most suitably found among the inhabitants of a neighbouring state. it thus became the business of the warrior class in the aztec state to furnish forth the altars of the gods with human victims. the most suitable district of supply was the pueblo of tlaxcallan, or tlascala, the people of which were of cognate origin to the aztecs. the communities had, although related, been separated for so many generations that they had begun to regard each other as traditional enemies, and on a given day in the year their forces met at an appointed spot for the purpose of engaging in a strife which should furnish one side or the other with a sufficiency of victims for the purpose of sacrifice. the warrior who captured the largest number of opponents alive was regarded as the champion of the day, and was awarded the chief honours of the combat. the sun was therefore the god of warriors, as he would give them victory in battle in order that they might supply him with food. the rites of this military worship of the luminary were held in the quauhquauhtinchan (house of the eagles), an armoury set apart for the regiment of that name. on march 17 and december 1 and 2, at the ceremonies known as nauhollin (the four motions--alluding to the quivering appearance of the sun's rays), the warriors gathered in this hall for the purpose of despatching a messenger to their lord the sun. high up on the wall of the principal court was a great symbolic representation of the orb, painted upon a brightly coloured cotton hanging. before this copal and other fragrant gums and spices were burned four times a day. the victim, a war-captive, was placed at the foot of a long staircase leading up to the quauhxicalli (cup of the eagles), the name of the stone on which he was to be sacrificed. he was clothed in red striped with white and wore white plumes in his hair--colours symbolical of the sun--while he bore a staff decorated with feathers and a shield covered with tufts of cotton. he also carried a bundle of eagle's feathers and some paint on his shoulders, to enable the sun, to whom he was the emissary, to paint his face. he was then addressed by the officiating priest in the following terms: "sir, we pray you go to our god the sun, and greet him on our behalf; tell him that his sons and warriors and chiefs and those who remain here beg of him to remember them and to favour them from that place where he is, and to receive this small offering which we send him. give him this staff to help him on his journey, and this shield for his defence, and all the rest that you have in this bundle." the victim, having undertaken to carry the message to the sun-god, was then despatched upon his long journey. a quauhxicalli is preserved in the national museum of mexico. it consists of a basaltic mass, circular in form, on which are shown in sculpture a series of groups representing mexican warriors receiving the submission of war-captives. the prisoner tenders a flower to his captor, symbolical of the life he is about to offer up, for lives were the "flowers" offered to the gods, and the campaign in which these "blossoms" were captured was called xochiyayotl (the war of flowers). the warriors who receive the submission of the captives are represented in the act of tearing the plumes from their heads. these bas-reliefs occupy the sides of the stone. the face of it is covered by a great solar disc having eight rays, and the surface is hollowed out in the middle to form a receptacle for blood--the "cup" alluded to in the name of the stone. the quauhxicalli must not be confounded with the temalacatl (spindle stone), to which the alien warrior who received a chance of life was secured. the gladiatorial combat gave the war-captive an opportunity to escape through superior address in arms. the temalacatl was somewhat higher than a man, and was provided with a platform at the top, in the middle of which was placed a great stone with a hole in it through which a rope was passed. to this the war-captive was secured, and if he could vanquish seven of his captors he was released. if he failed to do so he was at once sacrificed. a mexican valhalla the mexican warriors believed that they continued in the service of the sun after death, and, like the scandinavian heroes in valhalla, that they were admitted to the dwelling of the god, where they shared all the delights of his diurnal round. the mexican warrior dreaded to die in his bed, and craved an end on the field of battle. this explains the desperate nature of their resistance to the spaniards under cortés, whose officers stated that the mexicans seemed to desire to die fighting. after death they believed that they would partake of the cannibal feasts offered up to the sun and imbibe the juice of flowers. the feast of totec the chief of the festivals to the sun was that held in spring at the vernal equinox, before the representation of a deity known as totec (our great chief). although totec was a solar deity he had been adopted from the people of an alien state, the zapotecs of zalisco, and is therefore scarcely to be regarded as the principal sun-god. his festival was celebrated by the symbolical slaughter of all the other gods for the purpose of providing sustenance to the sun, each of the gods being figuratively slain in the person of a victim. totec was attired in the same manner as the warrior despatched twice a year to assure the sun of the loyalty of the mexicans. the festival appears to have been primarily a seasonal one, as bunches of dried maize were offered to totec. but its larger meaning is obvious. it was, indeed, a commemoration of the creation of the sun. this is proved by the description of the image of totec, which was robed and equipped as the solar traveller, by the solar disc and tables of the sun's progress carved on the altar employed in the ceremony, and by the robes of the victims, who were dressed to represent dwellers in the sun-god's halls. perhaps totec, although of alien origin, was the only deity possessed by the mexicans who directly represented the sun. as a borrowed god he would have but a minor position in the mexican pantheon, but again as the only sun-god whom it was necessary to bring into prominence during a strictly solar festival he would be for the time, of course, a very important deity indeed. tepeyollotl tepeyollotl means heart of the mountain, and evidently alludes to a deity whom the nahua connected with seismic disturbances and earthquakes. by the interpreter of the codex telleriano-remensis he is called tepeolotlec, an obvious distortion of his real name. the interpreter of the codex states that his name "refers to the condition of the earth after the flood. the sacrifices of these thirteen days were not good, and the literal translation of their name is 'dirt sacrifices.' they caused palsy and bad humours.... this tepeolotlec was lord of these thirteen days. in them were celebrated the feast to the jaguar, and the last four preceding days were days of fasting.... tepeolotlec means the 'lord of beasts.' the four feast days were in honour of the suchiquezal, who was the man that remained behind on the earth upon which we now live. this tepeolotlec was the same as the echo of the voice when it re-echoes in a valley from one mountain to another. this name 'jaguar' is given to the earth because the jaguar is the boldest animal, and the echo which the voice awakens in the mountains is a survival of the flood, it is said." from this we can see that tepeyollotl is a deity of the earth pure and simple, a god of desert places. it is certain that he was not a mexican god, or at least was not of nahua origin, as he is mentioned by none of those writers who deal with nahua traditions, and we must look for him among the mixtecs and zapotecs. macuilxochitl, or xochipilli this deity, whose names mean five-flower and source of flowers, was regarded as the patron of luck in gaming. he may have been adopted by the nahua from the zapotecs, but the converse may be equally true. the zapotecs represented him with a design resembling a butterfly about the mouth, and a many-coloured face which looks out of the open jaws of a bird with a tall and erect crest. the worship of this god appears to have been very widespread. sahagun says of him that a fête was held in his honour, which was preceded by a rigorous fast. the people covered themselves with ornaments and jewels symbolic of the deity, as if they desired to represent him, and dancing and singing proceeded gaily to the sound of the drum. offerings of the blood of various animals followed, and specially prepared cakes were submitted to the god. this simple fare, however, was later followed by human sacrifices, rendered by the notables, who brought certain of their slaves for immolation. this completed the festival. father and mother gods the nahua believed that ometecutli and omeciuatl were the father and mother of the human species. the names signify lords of duality or lords of the two sexes. they were also called tonacatecutli and tonacaciuatl (lord and lady of our flesh, or of subsistence). they were in fact regarded as the sexual essence of the creative deity, or perhaps more correctly of deity in general. they occupied the first place in the nahua calendar, to signify that they had existed from the beginning, and they are usually represented as being clothed in rich attire. ometecutli (a literal translation of his name is two-lord) is sometimes identified with the sky and the fire-god, the female deity representing the earth or water--conceptions similar to those respecting kronos and gæa. we refer again to these supreme divinities in the following chapter (see p. 118). the pulque-gods when a man was intoxicated with the native mexican drink of pulque, a liquor made from the juice of the agave americana, he was believed to be under the influence of a god or spirit. the commonest form under which the drink-god was worshipped was the rabbit, that animal being considered to be utterly devoid of sense. this particular divinity was known as ometochtli. the scale of debauchery which it was desired to reach was indicated by the number of rabbits worshipped, the highest number, four hundred, representing the most extreme degree of intoxication. the chief pulque-gods apart from these were patecatl and tequechmecauiani. if the drunkard desired to escape the perils of accidental hanging during intoxication, it was necessary to sacrifice to the latter, but if death by drowning was apprehended teatlahuiani, the deity who harried drunkards to a watery grave, was placated. if the debauchee wished his punishment not to exceed a headache, quatlapanqui (the head-splitter) was sacrificed to, or else papaztac (the nerveless). each trade or profession had its own ometochtli, but for the aristocracy there was only one of these gods, cohuatzincatl, a name signifying "he who has grandparents." several of these drink-gods had names which connected them with various localities; for example, tepoxtecatl was the pulque-god of tepoztlan. the calendar day ometochtli, which means "two-rabbit," because of the symbol which accompanied it, was under the special protection of these gods, and the mexicans believed that any one born on that day was almost inevitably doomed to become a drunkard. all the pulque-gods were closely associated with the soil, and with the earth-goddess. they wore the golden huaxtec nose-ornament, the yaca-metztli, of crescent shape, which characterised the latter, and indeed this ornament was inscribed upon all articles sacred to the pulque-gods. their faces were painted red and black, as were objects consecrated to them, their blankets and shields. after the indians had harvested their maize they drank to intoxication, and invoked one or other of these gods. on the whole it is safe to infer that they were originally deities of local husbandry who imparted virtue to the soil as pulque imparted strength and courage to the warrior. the accompanying sketch of the god tepoxtecatl (see p. 117) well illustrates the distinguishing characteristics of the pulque-god class. here we can observe the face painted in two colours, the crescent-shaped nose-ornament, the bicoloured shield, the long necklace made from the malinalli herb, and the ear-pendants. it is of course clear that the drink-gods were of the same class as the food-gods--patrons of the fruitful soil--but it is strange that they should be male whilst the food-gods are mostly female. the goddesses of mexico: metztli metztli, or yohualticitl (the lady of night), was the mexican goddess of the moon. she had in reality two phases, one that of a beneficent protectress of harvests and promoter of growth in general, and the other that of a bringer of dampness, cold, and miasmic airs, ghosts, mysterious shapes of the dim half-light of night and its oppressive silence. to a people in the agricultural stage of civilisation the moon appears as the great recorder of harvests. but she has also supremacy over water, which is always connected by primitive peoples with the moon. citatli (moon) and atl (water) are constantly confounded in nahua myth, and in many ways their characteristics were blended. it was metztli who led forth nanahuatl the leprous to the pyre whereon he perished--a reference to the dawn, in which the starry sky of night is consumed in the fires of the rising sun. tlazolteotl tlazolteotl (god of ordure), or tlaelquani (filth-eater), was called by the mexicans the earth-goddess because she was the eradicator of sins, to whose priests the people went to make confession so that they might be absolved from their misdeeds. sin was symbolised by the mexicans as excrement. confession covered only the sins of immorality. but if tlazolteotl was the goddess of confession, she was also the patroness of desire and luxury. it was, however, as a deity whose chief office was the eradication of human sin that she was pre-eminent. the process by which this was supposed to be effected is quaintly described by sahagun in the twelfth chapter of his first book. the penitent addressed the confessor as follows: "sir, i desire to approach that most powerful god, the protector of all, that is to say, tezcatlipoca. i desire to tell him my sins in secret." the confessor replied: "be happy, my son: that which thou wishest to do will be to thy good and advantage." the confessor then opened the divinatory book known as the tonalamatl (that is, the book of the calendar) and acquainted the applicant with the day which appeared the most suitable for his confession. the day having arrived, the penitent provided himself with a mat, copal gum to burn as incense, and wood whereon to burn it. if he was a person high in office the priest repaired to his house, but in the case of lesser people the confession took place in the dwelling of the priest. having lighted the fire and burned the incense, the penitent addressed the fire in the following terms: "thou, lord, who art the father and mother of the gods, and the most ancient of them all, thy servant, thy slave bows before thee. weeping, he approaches thee in great distress. he comes plunged in grief, because he has been buried in sin, having backslidden, and partaken of those vices and evil delights which merit death. o master most compassionate, who art the upholder and defence of all, receive the penitence and anguish of thy slave and vassal." this prayer having concluded, the confessor then turned to the penitent and thus addressed him: "my son, thou art come into the presence of that god who is the protector and upholder of all; thou art come to him to confess thy evil vices and thy hidden uncleannesses; thou art come to him to unbosom the secrets of thy heart. take care that thou omit nothing from the catalogue of thy sins in the presence of our lord who is called tezcatlipoca. it is certain that thou art before him who is invisible and impalpable, thou who art not worthy to be seen before him, or to speak with him...." the allusions to tezcatlipoca are, of course, to him in the shape of tlazolteotl. having listened to a sermon by the confessor, the penitent then confessed his misdeeds, after which the confessor said: "my son, thou hast before our lord god confessed in his presence thy evil actions. i wish to say in his name that thou hast an obligation to make. at the time when the goddesses called ciuapipiltin descend to earth during the celebration of the feast of the goddesses of carnal things, whom they name ixcuiname, thou shalt fast during four days, punishing thy stomach and thy mouth. when the day of the feast of the ixcuiname arrives thou shalt scarify thy tongue with the small thorns of the osier [called teocalcacatl or tlazotl], and if that is not sufficient thou shalt do likewise to thine ears, the whole for penitence, for the remission of thy sin, and as a meritorious act. thou wilt apply to thy tongue the middle of a spine of maguey, and thou wilt scarify thy shoulders.... that done, thy sins will be pardoned." if the sins of the penitent were not very grave the priest would enjoin upon him a fast of a more or less prolonged nature. only old men confessed crimes in veneribus, as the punishment for such was death, and younger men had no desire to risk the penalty involved, although the priests were enjoined to strict secrecy. father burgoa describes very fully a ceremony of this kind which came under his notice in 1652 in the zapotec village of san francisco de cajonos. he encountered on a tour of inspection an old native cacique, or chief, of great refinement of manners and of a stately presence, who dressed in costly garments after the spanish fashion, and who was regarded by the indians with much veneration. this man came to the priest for the purpose of reporting upon the progress in things spiritual and temporal in his village. burgoa recognised his urbanity and wonderful command of the spanish language, but perceived by certain signs that he had been taught to look for by long experience that the man was a pagan. he communicated his suspicions to the vicar of the village, but met with such assurances of the cacique's soundness of faith that he believed himself to be in error for once. shortly afterwards, however, a wandering spaniard perceived the chief in a retired place in the mountains performing idolatrous ceremonies, and aroused the monks, two of whom accompanied him to the spot where the cacique had been seen indulging in his heathenish practices. they found on the altar "feathers of many colours, sprinkled with blood which the indians had drawn from the veins under their tongues and behind their ears, incense spoons and remains of copal, and in the middle a horrible stone figure, which was the god to whom they had offered this sacrifice in expiation of their sins, while they made their confessions to the blasphemous priests, and cast off their sins in the following manner: they had woven a kind of dish out of a strong herb, specially gathered for this purpose, and casting this before the priest, said to him that they came to beg mercy of their god, and pardon for their sins that they had committed during that year, and that they brought them all carefully enumerated. they then drew out of a cloth pairs of thin threads made of dry maize husks, that they had tied two by two in the middle with a knot, by which they represented their sins. they laid these threads on the dishes of grass, and over them pierced their veins, and let the blood trickle upon them, and the priest took these offerings to the idol, and in a long speech he begged the god to forgive these, his sons, their sins which were brought to him, and to permit them to be joyful and hold feasts to him as their god and lord. then the priest came back to those who had confessed, delivered a long discourse on the ceremonies they had still to perform, and told them that the god had pardoned them and that they might be glad again and sin anew." chalchihuitlicue this goddess was the wife of tlaloc, the god of rain and moisture. the name means lady of the emerald robe, in allusion to the colour of the element over which the deity partly presided. she was specially worshipped by the water-carriers of mexico, and all those whose avocation brought them into contact with water. her costume was peculiar and interesting. round her neck she wore a wonderful collar of precious stones, from which hung a gold pendant. she was crowned with a coronet of blue paper, decorated with green feathers. her eyebrows were of turquoise, set in as mosaic, and her garment was a nebulous blue-green in hue, recalling the tint of sea-water in the tropics. the resemblance was heightened by a border of sea-flowers or water-plants, one of which she also carried in her left hand, whilst in her right she bore a vase surmounted by a cross, emblematic of the four points of the compass whence comes the rain. mixcoatl mixcoatl was the aztec god of the chase, and was probably a deity of the otomi aborigines of mexico. the name means cloud serpent, and this originated the idea that mixcoatl was a representation of the tropical whirlwind. this is scarcely correct, however, as the hunter-god is identified with the tempest and thunder-cloud, and the lightning is supposed to represent his arrows. like many other gods of the chase, he is figured as having the characteristics of a deer or rabbit. he is usually depicted as carrying a sheaf of arrows, to typify thunderbolts. it may be that mixcoatl was an air and thunder deity of the otomi, older in origin than either quetzalcoatl or tezcatlipoca, and that his inclusion in the nahua pantheon becoming necessary in order to quieten nahua susceptibilities, he received the status of god of the chase. but, on the other hand, the mexicans, unlike the peruvians, who adopted many foreign gods for political purposes, had little regard for the feelings of other races, and only accepted an alien deity into the native circle for some good reason, most probably because they noted the omission of the figure in their own divine system. or, again, dread of a certain foreign god might force them to adopt him as their own in the hope of placating him. their worship of quetzalcoatl is perhaps an instance of this. camaxtli this deity was the war-god of the tlascalans, who were constantly in opposition to the aztecs of mexico. he was to the warriors of tlascala practically what huitzilopochtli was to those of mexico. he was closely identified with mixcoatl, and with the god of the morning star, whose colours are depicted on his face and body. but in all probability camaxtli was a god of the chase, who in later times was adopted as a god of war because of his possession of the lightning dart, the symbol of divine warlike prowess. in the mythologies of north america we find similar hunter-gods, who sometimes evolve into gods of war for a like reason, and again gods of the chase who have all the appearance and attributes of the creatures hunted. iztlilton ixtlilton (the little black one) was the mexican god of medicine and healing, and therefore was often alluded to as the brother of macuilxochitl, the god of well-being or good luck. from the account of the general appearance of his temple--an edifice of painted boards--it would seem to have evolved from the primitive tent or lodge of the medicine-man, or shaman. it contained several water-jars called tlilatl (black water), the contents of which were administered to children in bad health. the parents of children who benefited from the treatment bestowed a feast on the deity, whose idol was carried to the residence of the grateful father, where ceremonial dances and oblations were made before it. it was then thought that ixtlilton descended to the courtyard to open fresh jars of pulque liquor provided for the feasters, and the entertainment concluded by an examination by the aztec æsculapius of such of the pulque jars dedicated to his service as stood in the courtyard for everyday use. should these be found in an unclean condition, it was understood that the master of the house was a man of evil life, and he was presented by the priest with a mask to hide his face from his scoffing friends. omacatl omacatl was the mexican god of festivity and joy. the name signifies two reeds. he was worshipped chiefly by bon-vivants and the rich, who celebrated him in splendid feasts and orgies. the idol of the deity was invariably placed in the chamber where these functions were to take place, and the aztecs were known to regard it as a heinous offence if anything derogatory to the god were performed during the convivial ceremony, or if any omission were made from the prescribed form which these gatherings usually took. it was thought that if the host had been in any way remiss omacatl would appear to the startled guests, and in tones of great severity upbraid him who had given the feast, intimating that he would regard him no longer as a worshipper and would henceforth abandon him. a terrible malady, the symptoms of which were akin to those of falling-sickness, would shortly afterwards seize the guests; but as such symptoms are not unlike those connected with acute indigestion and other gastric troubles, it is probable that the gourmets who paid homage to the god of good cheer may have been suffering from a too strenuous instead of a lukewarm worship of him. but the idea of communion which underlay so many of the mexican rites undoubtedly entered into the worship of omacatl, for prior to a banquet in his honour those who took part in it formed a great bone out of maize paste, pretending that it was one of the bones of the deity whose merry rites they were about to engage in. this they devoured, washing it down with great draughts of pulque. the idol of omacatl was provided with a recess in the region of the stomach, and into this provisions were stuffed. he was represented as a squatting figure, painted black and white, crowned with a paper coronet, and hung with coloured paper. a flower-fringed cloak and sceptre were the other symbols of royalty worn by this mexican dionysus. opochtli opochtli (the left-handed) was the god sacred to fishers and bird-catchers. at one period of aztec history he must have been a deity of considerable consequence, since for generations the aztecs were marsh-dwellers and depended for their daily food on the fish netted in the lakes and the birds snared in the reeds. they credited the god with the invention of the harpoon or trident for spearing fish and the fishing-rod and bird-net. the fishermen and bird-catchers of mexico held on occasion a special feast in honour of opochtli, at which a certain liquor called octli was consumed. a procession was afterwards formed, in which marched old people who had dedicated themselves to the worship of the god, probably because they could obtain no other means of subsistence than that afforded by the vocation of which he was tutelar and patron. he was represented as a man painted black, his head decorated with the plumes of native wild birds, and crowned by a paper coronet in the shape of a rose. he was clad in green paper which fell to the knee, and was shod with white sandals. in his left hand he held a shield painted red, having in the centre a white flower with four petals placed crosswise, and in his right hand he held a sceptre in the form of a cup. yacatecutli yacatecutli was the patron of travellers of the merchant class, who worshipped him by piling their staves together and sprinkling on the heap blood from their noses and ears. the staff of the traveller was his symbol, to which prayer was made and offerings of flowers and incense tendered. the aztec priesthood the aztec priesthood was a hierarchy in whose hands resided a goodly portion of the power of the upper classes, especially that connected with education and endowment. the mere fact that its members possessed the power of selecting victims for sacrifice must have been sufficient to place them in an almost unassailable position, and their prophetic utterances, founded upon the art of divination--so great a feature in the life of the aztec people, who depended upon it from the cradle to the grave--probably assisted them in maintaining their hold upon the popular imagination. but withal the evidence of unbiased spanish ecclesiastics, such as sahagun, tends to show that they utilised their influence for good, and soundly instructed the people under their charge in the cardinal virtues; "in short," says the venerable friar, "to perform the duties plainly pointed out by natural religion." priestly revenues the establishment of the national religion was, as in the case of the mediæval church in europe, based upon a land tenure from which the priestly class derived a substantial though, considering their numbers, by no means inordinate revenue. the principal temples possessed lands which sufficed for the maintenance of the priests attached to them. there was, besides, a system of first-fruits fixed by law for the priesthood, the surplusage therefrom being distributed among the poor. education education was entirely conducted by the priesthood, which undertook the task in a manner highly creditable to it, when consideration is given to surrounding conditions. education was, indeed, highly organised. it was divided into primary and secondary grades. boys were instructed by priests, girls by holy women or "nuns." the secondary schools were called calmecac, and were devoted to the higher branches of education, the curriculum including the deciphering of the pinturas, or manuscripts, astrology and divination, with a wealth of religious instruction. orders of the priesthood at the head of the aztec priesthood stood the mexicatl teohuatzin (mexican lord of divine matters). he had a seat on the emperor's council, and possessed power which was second only to the royal authority. next in rank to him was the high-priest of quetzalcoatl, who dwelt in almost entire seclusion, and who had authority over his own caste only. this office was in all probability a relic from "toltec" times. the priests of quetzalcoatl were called by name after their tutelar deity. the lesser grades included the tlenamacac (ordinary priests), who were habited in black, and wore their hair long, covering it with a kind of mantilla. the lowest order was that of the lamacazton (little priests), youths who were graduating in the priestly office. an exacting ritual the priesthood enjoyed no easy existence, but led an austere life of fasting, penance, and prayer, with constant observance of an arduous and exacting ritual, which embraced sacrifice, the upkeep of perpetual fires, the chanting of holy songs to the gods, dances, and the superintendence of the ever-recurring festivals. they were required to rise during the night to render praise, and to maintain themselves in a condition of absolute cleanliness by means of constant ablutions. we have seen that blood-offering--the substitution of the part for the whole--was a common method of sacrifice, and in this the priests engaged personally on frequent occasions. if the caste did not spare the people it certainly did not spare itself, and its outlook was perhaps only a shade more gloomy and fanatical than that of the spanish hierarchy which succeeded it in the land. chapter iii: myths and legends of the ancient mexicans the mexican idea of the creation "in the year and in the day of the clouds," writes garcia in his origin de los indias, professing to furnish the reader with a translation of an original mixtec picture-manuscript, "before ever were years or days, the world lay in darkness. all things were orderless, and a water covered the slime and ooze that the earth then was." this picture is common to almost all american creation-stories. [9] the red man in general believed the habitable globe to have been created from the slime which arose above the primeval waters, and there can be no doubt that the nahua shared this belief. we encounter in nahua myth two beings of a bisexual nature, known to the aztecs as ometecutli-omeciuatl (lords of duality), who were represented as the deities dominating the genesis of things, the beginning of the world. we have already become acquainted with them in chapter ii (see p. 104), but we may recapitulate. these beings, whose individual names were tonacatecutli and tonacaciuatl (lord and lady of our flesh), occupy the first place in the calendar, a circumstance which makes it plain that they were regarded as responsible for the origin of all created things. they were invariably represented as being clothed in rich, variegated garments, symbolical of light. tonacatecutli, the male principle of creation or world-generation, is often identified with the sunor fire-god, but there is no reason to consider him as symbolical of anything but the sky. the firmament is almost universally regarded by american aboriginal peoples as the male principle of the cosmos, in contradistinction to the earth, which they think of as possessing feminine attributes, and which is undoubtedly personified in this instance by tonacaciuatl. in north american indian myths we find the father sky brooding upon the mother earth, just as in early greek creation-story we see the elements uniting, the firmament impregnating the soil and rendering it fruitful. to the savage mind the growth of crops and vegetation proceeds as much from the sky as from the earth. untutored man beholds the fecundation of the soil by rain, and, seeing in everything the expression of an individual and personal impulse, regards the genesis of vegetable growth as analogous to human origin. to him, then, the sky is the life-giving male principle, the fertilising seed of which descends in rain. the earth is the receptive element which hatches that with which the sky has impregnated her. ixtlilxochitl's legend of the creation one of the most complete creation-stories in mexican mythology is that given by the half-blood indian author ixtlilxochitl, who, we cannot doubt, received it directly from native sources. he states that the toltecs credited a certain tloque nahuaque (lord of all existence) with the creation of the universe, the stars, mountains, and animals. at the same time he made the first man and woman, from whom all the inhabitants of the earth are descended. this "first earth" was destroyed by the "water-sun." at the commencement of the next epoch the toltecs appeared, and after many wanderings settled in huehue tlapallan (very old tlapallan). then followed the second catastrophe, that of the "wind-sun." the remainder of the legend recounts how mighty earthquakes shook the world and destroyed the earth-giants. these earth-giants (quinames) were analogous to the greek titans, and were a source of great uneasiness to the toltecs. in the opinion of the old historians they were descended from the races who inhabited the more northerly portion of mexico. creation-story of the mixtecs it will be well to return for a moment to the creation-story of the mixtecs, which, if emanating from a somewhat isolated people in the extreme south of the mexican empire, at least affords us a vivid picture of what a folk closely related to the nahua race regarded as a veritable account of the creative process. when the earth had arisen from the primeval waters, one day the deer-god, who bore the surname puma-snake, and the beautiful deer-goddess, or jaguar-snake, appeared. they had human form, and with their great knowledge (that is, with their magic) they raised a high cliff over the water, and built on it fine palaces for their dwelling. on the summit of this cliff they laid a copper axe with the edge upward, and on this edge the heavens rested. the palaces stood in upper mixteca, close to apoala, and the cliff was called place where the heavens stood. the gods lived happily together for many centuries, when it chanced that two little boys were born to them, beautiful of form and skilled and experienced in the arts. from the days of their birth they were named wind-nine-snake (viento de neuve culebras) and wind-nine-cave (viento de neuve cavernas). much care was given to their education, and they possessed the knowledge of how to change themselves into an eagle or a snake, to make themselves invisible, and even to pass through solid bodies. after a time these youthful gods decided to make an offering and a sacrifice to their ancestors. taking incense vessels made of clay, they filled them with tobacco, to which they set fire, allowing it to smoulder. the smoke rose heavenward, and that was the first offering (to the gods). then they made a garden with shrubs and flowers, trees and fruit-bearing plants, and sweet-scented herbs. adjoining this they made a grass-grown level place (un prado), and equipped it with everything necessary for sacrifice. the pious brothers lived contentedly on this piece of ground, tilled it, burned tobacco, and with prayers, vows, and promises they supplicated their ancestors to let the light appear, to let the water collect in certain places and the earth be freed from its covering (water), for they had no more than that little garden for their subsistence. in order to strengthen their prayer they pierced their ears and their tongues with pointed knives of flint, and sprinkled the blood on the trees and plants with a brush of willow twigs. the deer-gods had more sons and daughters, but there came a flood in which many of these perished. after the catastrophe was over the god who is called the creator of all things formed the heavens and the earth, and restored the human race. zapotec creation-myth among the zapotecs, a people related to the mixtecs, we find a similar conception of the creative process. cozaana is mentioned as the creator and maker of all beasts in the valuable zapotec dictionary of father juan de cordova, and huichaana as the creator of men and fishes. thus we have two separate creations for men and animals. cozaana would appear to apply to the sun as the creator of all beasts, but, strangely enough, is alluded to in cordova's dictionary as "procreatrix," whilst he is undoubtedly a male deity. huichaana, the creator of men and fishes, is, on the other hand, alluded to as "water," or "the element of water," and "goddess of generation." she is certainly the zapotec female part of the creative agency. in the mixtec creation-myth we can see the actual creator and the first pair of tribal gods, who were also considered the progenitors of animals--to the savage equal inhabitants of the world with himself. the names of the brothers nine-snake and nine-cave undoubtedly allude to light and darkness, day and night. it may be that these deities are the same as quetzalcoatl and xolotl (the latter a zapotec deity), who were regarded as twins. in some ways quetzalcoatl was looked upon as a creator, and in the mexican calendar followed the father and mother, or original sexual deities, being placed in the second section as the creator of the world and man. the mexican noah flood-myths, curiously enough, are of more common occurrence among the nahua and kindred peoples than creation-myths. the abbé brasseur de bourbourg has translated one from the codex chimalpopoca, a work in nahuatl dating from the latter part of the sixteenth century. it recounts the doings of the mexican noah and his wife as follows: "and this year was that of ce-calli, and on the first day all was lost. the mountain itself was submerged in the water, and the water remained tranquil for fifty-two springs. "now toward the close of the year titlacahuan had forewarned the man named nata and his wife nena, saying, 'make no more pulque, but straightway hollow out a large cypress, and enter it when in the month tozoztli the water shall approach the sky.' they entered it, and when titlacahuan had closed the door he said, 'thou shalt eat but a single ear of maize, and thy wife but one also.' "as soon as they had finished eating, they went forth, and the water was tranquil; for the log did not move any more; and opening it they saw many fish. "then they built a fire, rubbing together pieces of wood, and they roasted fish. the gods citallinicue and citallatonac, looking below, exclaimed, 'divine lord, what means that fire below? why do they thus smoke the heavens?' "straightway descended titlacahuan-tezcatlipoca, and commenced to scold, saying, 'what is this fire doing here?' and seizing the fishes he moulded their hinder parts and changed their heads, and they were at once transformed into dogs." the myth of the seven caverns but other legends apart from the creation-stories of the world pure and simple deal with the origin of mankind. the aztecs believed that the first men emerged from a place known as chicomoztoc (the seven caverns), located north of mexico. various writers have seen in these mythic recesses the fabulous "seven cities of cibola" and the casas grandes, ruins of extensive character in the valley of the river gila, and so forth. but the allusion to the magical number seven in the myth demonstrates that the entire story is purely imaginary and possesses no basis of fact. a similar story occurs among the myths of the kiche of guatemala and the peruvians. the sacrificed princess coming to semi-historical times, we find a variety of legends connected with the early story of the city of mexico. these for the most part are of a weird and gloomy character, and throw much light on the dark fanaticism of a people which could immolate its children on the altars of implacable gods. it is told how after the aztecs had built the city of mexico they raised an altar to their war-god huitzilopochtli. in general the lives rendered to this most sanguinary of deities were those of prisoners of war, but in times of public calamity he demanded the sacrifice of the noblest in the land. on one occasion his oracle required that a royal princess should be offered on the high altar. the aztec king, either possessing no daughters of his own or hesitating to sacrifice them, sent an embassy to the monarch of colhuacan to ask for one of his daughters to become the symbolical mother of huitzilopochtli. the king of colhuacan, suspecting nothing amiss, and highly flattered at the distinction, delivered up the girl, who was escorted to mexico, where she was sacrificed with much pomp, her skin being flayed off to clothe the priest who represented the deity in the festival. the unhappy father was invited to this hideous orgy, ostensibly to witness his daughter's deification. in the gloomy chambers of the war-god's temple he was at first unable to mark the trend of the horrid ritual. but, given a torch of copal-gum, he saw the officiating priest clothed in his daughter's skin, receiving the homage of the worshippers. recognising her features, and demented with grief and horror, he fled from the temple, a broken man, to spend the remainder of his days in mourning for his murdered child. the fugitive prince one turns with relief from such a sanguinary tale to the consideration of the pleasing semi-legendary accounts of ixtlilxochitl regarding the civilisation of tezcuco, mexico's neighbour and ally. we have seen in the sketch of nahua history which has been given how the tecpanecs overcame the acolhuans of tezcuco and slew their king about the year 1418. nezahualcoyotl (fasting coyote), the heir to the tezcucan throne, beheld the butchery of his royal father from the shelter of a tree close by, and succeeded in making his escape from the invaders. his subsequent thrilling adventures have been compared with those of the young pretender after the collapse of the "forty-five" resistance. he had not enjoyed many days of freedom when he was captured by those who had set out in pursuit of him, and, being haled back to his native city, was cast into prison. he found a friend in the governor of the place, who owed his position to the prince's late father, and by means of his assistance he succeeded in once more escaping from the hostile tecpanecs. for aiding nezahualcoyotl, however, the governor promptly paid the penalty of death. the royal family of mexico interceded for the hunted youth, and he was permitted to find an asylum at the aztec court, whence he later proceeded to his own city of tezcuco, occupying apartments in the palace where his father had once dwelt. for eight years he remained there, existing unnoticed on the bounty of the tecpanec chief who had usurped the throne of his ancestors. maxtla the fierce in course of time the original tecpanec conqueror was gathered to his fathers, and was succeeded by his son maxtla, a ruler who could ill brook the studious prince, who had journeyed to the capital of the tecpanecs to do him homage. he refused nezahualcoyotl's advances of friendship, and the latter was warned by a favourably disposed courtier to take refuge in flight. this advice he adopted, and returned to tezcuco, where, however, maxtla set a snare for his life. a function which took place in the evening afforded the tyrant his chance. but the prince's preceptor frustrated the conspiracy, by means of substituting for his charge a youth who strikingly resembled him. this second failure exasperated maxtla so much that he sent a military force to tezcuco, with orders to despatch nezahualcoyotl without delay. but the same vigilant person who had guarded the prince so well before became apprised of his danger and advised him to fly. to this advice, however, nezahualcoyotl refused to listen, and resolved to await the approach of his enemies. a romantic escape when they arrived he was engaged in the mexican ball-game of tlachtli. with great politeness he requested them to enter and to partake of food. whilst they refreshed themselves he betook himself to another room, but his action excited no surprise, as he could be seen through the open doorway by which the apartments communicated with each other. a huge censer, however, stood in the vestibule, and the clouds of incense which arose from it hid his movements from those who had been sent to slay him. thus obscured, he succeeded in entering a subterranean passage which led to a large disused water-pipe, through which he crawled and made his escape. a thrilling pursuit for a season nezahualcoyotl evaded capture by hiding in the hut of a zealous adherent. the hut was searched, but the pursuers neglected to look below a heap of maguey fibre used for making cloth, under which he lay concealed. furious at his enemy's escape, maxtla now ordered a rigorous search, and a regular battue of the country round tezcuco was arranged. a large reward was offered for the capture of nezahualcoyotl dead or alive, along with a fair estate and the hand of a noble lady, and the unhappy prince was forced to seek safety in the mountainous country between tezcuco and tlascala. he became a wretched outcast, a pariah lurking in caves and woods, prowling about after nightfall in order to satisfy his hunger, and seldom having a whole night's rest, because of the vigilance of his enemies. hotly pursued by them, he was compelled to seek some curious places of concealment in order to save himself. on one occasion he was hidden by some friendly soldiers inside a large drum, and on another he was concealed beneath some chia stalks by a girl who was engaged in reaping them. the loyalty of the tezcucan peasantry to their hunted prince was extraordinary, and rather than betray his whereabouts to the creatures of maxtla they on many occasions suffered torture, and even death itself. at a time when his affairs appeared most gloomy, however, nezahualcoyotl experienced a change of fortune. the tyrannous maxtla had rendered himself highly unpopular by his many oppressions, and the people in the territories he had annexed were by no means contented under his rule. the defeat of maxtla these malcontents decided to band themselves together to defy the tyrant, and offered the command of the force thus raised to nezahualcoyotl. this he accepted, and the tecpanec usurper was totally defeated in a general engagement. restored to the throne of his fathers, nezahualcoyotl allied himself with mexico, and with the assistance of its monarch completely routed the remaining force of maxtla, who was seized in the baths of azcapozalco, haled forth and sacrificed, and his city destroyed. the solon of anahuac nezahualcoyotl profited by the hard experiences he had undergone, and proved a wise and just ruler. the code of laws framed by him was an exceedingly drastic one, but so wise and enlightened was his rule that on the whole he deserves the title which has been conferred upon him of "the solon of anahuac." he generously encouraged the arts, and established a council of music, the purpose of which was to supervise artistic endeavour of every description. in nezahualcoyotl mexico found, in all probability, her greatest native poet. an ode of his on the mutability of life displays much nobility of thought, and strikingly recalls the sentiments expressed in the verses of omar khayyám. nezahualcoyotl's theology nezahualcoyotl is said to have erected a temple to the unknown god, and to have shown a marked preference for the worship of one deity. in one of his poems he is credited with expressing the following exalted sentiments: "let us aspire to that heaven where all is eternal, and corruption cannot come. the horrors of the tomb are the cradle of the sun, and the dark shadows of death are brilliant lights for the stars." unfortunately these ideas cannot be verified as the undoubted sentiments of the royal bard of tezcuco, and we are regretfully forced to regard the attribution as spurious. we must come to such a conclusion with very real disappointment, as to discover an untutored and spontaneous belief in one god in the midst of surroundings so little congenial to its growth would have been exceedingly valuable from several points of view. the poet prince we find nezahualcoyotl's later days stained by an act which was unworthy of such a great monarch and wise man. his eldest son, the heir to the crown, entered into an intrigue with one of his father's wives, and dedicated many passionate poems to her, to which she replied with equal ardour. the poetical correspondence was brought before the king, who prized the lady highly because of her beauty. outraged in his most sacred feelings, nezahualcoyotl had the youth arraigned before the high court, which passed sentence of death upon him--a sentence which his father permitted to be carried out. after his son's execution he shut himself up in his palace for some months, and gave orders that the doors and windows of the unhappy young man's residence should be built up so that never again might its walls echo to the sound of a human voice. the queen with a hundred lovers in his history of the chichimeca ixtlilxochitl tells the following gruesome tale regarding the dreadful fate of a favourite wife of nezahualpilli, the son of nezahualcoyotl: when axaiacatzin, king of mexico, and other lords sent their daughters to king nezahualpilli, for him to choose one to be his queen and lawful wife, whose son might succeed to the inheritance, she who had the highest claims among them, for nobility of birth and rank, was chachiuhnenetzin, the young daughter of the mexican king. she had been brought up by the monarch in a separate palace, with great pomp, and with numerous attendants, as became the daughter of so great a monarch. the number of servants attached to her household exceeded two thousand. young as she was, she was exceedingly artful and vicious; so that, finding herself alone, and seeing that her people feared her on account of her rank and importance, she began to give way to an unlimited indulgence of her power. whenever she saw a young man who pleased her fancy she gave secret orders that he should be brought to her, and shortly afterwards he would be put to death. she would then order a statue or effigy of his person to be made, and, adorning it with rich clothing, gold, and jewellery, place it in the apartment in which she lived. the number of statues of those whom she thus sacrificed was so great as to almost fill the room. when the king came to visit her, and inquired respecting these statues, she answered that they were her gods; and he, knowing how strict the mexicans were in the worship of their false deities, believed her. but, as no iniquity can be long committed with entire secrecy, she was finally found out in this manner: three of the young men, for some reason or other, she had left alive. their names were chicuhcoatl, huitzilimitzin, and maxtla, one of whom was lord of tesoyucan and one of the grandees of the kingdom, and the other two nobles of high rank. it happened that one day the king recognised on the apparel of one of these a very precious jewel which he had given to the queen; and although he had no fear of treason on her part it gave him some uneasiness. proceeding to visit her that night, her attendants told him she was asleep, supposing that the king would then return, as he had done at other times. but the affair of the jewel made him insist on entering the chamber in which she slept; and, going to wake her, he found only a statue in the bed, adorned with her hair, and closely resembling her. seeing this, and noticing that the attendants around were in much trepidation and alarm, the king called his guards, and, assembling all the people of the house, made a general search for the queen, who was shortly found at an entertainment with the three young lords, who were arrested with her. the king referred the case to the judges of his court, in order that they might make an inquiry into the matter and examine the parties implicated. these discovered many individuals, servants of the queen, who had in some way or other been accessory to her crimes--workmen who had been engaged in making and adorning the statues, others who had aided in introducing the young men into the palace, and others, again, who had put them to death and concealed their bodies. the case having been sufficiently investigated, the king despatched ambassadors to the rulers of mexico and tlacopan, giving them information of the event, and signifying the day on which the punishment of the queen and her accomplices was to take place; and he likewise sent through the empire to summon all the lords to bring their wives and their daughters, however young they might be, to be witnesses of a punishment which he designed for a great example. he also made a truce with all the enemies of the empire, in order that they might come freely to see it. the time having arrived, the number of people gathered together was so great that, large as was the city of tezcuco, they could scarcely all find room in it. the execution took place publicly, in sight of the whole city. the queen was put to the garrotte (a method of strangling by means of a rope twisted round a stick), as well as her three gallants; and, from their being persons of high birth, their bodies were burned, together with the effigies before mentioned. the other parties who had been accessory to the crimes, who numbered more than two thousand persons, were also put to the garrotte, and burned in a pit made for the purpose in a ravine near a temple of the idol of adulterers. all applauded so severe and exemplary a punishment, except the mexican lords, the relatives of the queen, who were much incensed at so public an example, and, although for the time they concealed their resentment, meditated future revenge. it was not without reason, says the chronicler, that the king experienced this disgrace in his household, since he was thus punished for an unworthy subterfuge made use of by his father to obtain his mother as a wife! this nezahualpilli, the successor of nezahualcoyotl, was a monarch of scientific tastes, and, as torquemada states, had a primitive observatory erected in his palace. the golden age of tezcuco the period embraced by the life of this monarch and his predecessor may be regarded as the golden age of tezcuco, and as semi-mythical. the palace of nezahualcoyotl, according to the account of ixtlilxochitl, extended east and west for 1234 yards, and for 978 yards from north to south. enclosed by a high wall, it contained two large courts, one used as the municipal market-place, whilst the other was surrounded by administrative offices. a great hall was set apart for the special use of poets and men of talent, who held symposiums under its classic roof, or engaged in controversy in the surrounding corridors. the chronicles of the kingdom were also kept in this portion of the palace. the private apartments of the monarch adjoined this college of bards. they were gorgeous in the extreme, and their description rivals that of the fabled toltec city of tollan. rare stones and beautifully coloured plaster mouldings alternated with wonderful tapestries of splendid feather-work to make an enchanting display of florid decoration, and the gardens which surrounded this marvellous edifice were delightful retreats, where the lofty cedar and cypress overhung sparkling fountains and luxurious baths. fish darted hither and thither in the ponds, and the aviaries echoed to the songs of birds of wonderful plumage. a fairy villa according to ixtlilxochitl, the king's villa of tezcotzinco was a residence which for sheer beauty had no equal in persian romance, or in those dream-tales of araby which in childhood we feel to be true, and in later life regretfully admit can only be known again by sailing the sea of poesy or penetrating the mist-locked continent of dream. the account of it which we have from the garrulous half-blood reminds us of the stately pleasure-dome decreed by kubla khan on the turbulent banks of the sacred alph. a conical eminence was laid out in hanging gardens reached by an airy flight of five hundred and twenty marble steps. gigantic walls contained an immense reservoir of water, in the midst of which was islanded a great rock carved with hieroglyphs describing the principal events in the reign of nezahualcoyotl. in each of three other reservoirs stood a marble statue of a woman, symbolical of one of the three provinces of tezcuco. these great basins supplied the gardens beneath with a perennial flow of water, so directed as to leap in cascades over artificial rockeries or meander among mossy retreats with refreshing whisper, watering the roots of odoriferous shrubs and flowers and winding in and out of the shadow of the cypress woods. here and there pavilions of marble arose over porphyry baths, the highly polished stone of which reflected the bodies of the bathers. the villa itself stood amidst a wilderness of stately cedars, which shielded it from the torrid heat of the mexican sun. the architectural design of this delightful edifice was light and airy in the extreme, and the perfume of the surrounding gardens filled the spacious apartments with the delicious incense of nature. in this paradise the tezcucan monarch sought in the company of his wives repose from the oppression of rule, and passed the lazy hours in gamesome sport and dance. the surrounding woods afforded him the pleasures of the chase, and art and nature combined to render his rural retreat a centre of pleasant recreation as well as of repose and refreshment. disillusionment that some such palace existed on the spot in question it would be absurd to deny, as its stupendous pillars and remains still litter the terraces of tezcotzinco. but, alas! we must not listen to the vapourings of the untrustworthy ixtlilxochitl, who claims to have seen the place. it will be better to turn to a more modern authority, who visited the site about seventy-five years ago, and who has given perhaps the best account of it. he says: "fragments of pottery, broken pieces of obsidian knives and arrows, pieces of stucco, shattered terraces, and old walls were thickly dispersed over its whole surface. we soon found further advance on horseback impracticable, and, attaching our patient steeds to the nopal bushes, we followed our indian guide on foot, scrambling upwards over rock and through tangled brushwood. on gaining the narrow ridge which connects the conical hill with one at the rear, we found the remains of a wall and causeway; and, a little higher, reached a recess, where, at the foot of a small precipice, overhung with indian fig and grass, the rock had been wrought by hand into a flat surface of large dimensions. in this perpendicular wall of rock a carved toltec calendar existed formerly; but the indians, finding the place visited occasionally by foreigners from the capital, took it into their heads that there must be a silver vein there, and straightway set to work to find it, obliterating the sculpture, and driving a level beyond it into the hard rock for several yards. from this recess a few minutes' climb brought us to the summit of the hill. the sun was on the point of setting over the mountains on the other side of the valley, and the view spread beneath our feet was most glorious. the whole of the lake of tezcuco, and the country and mountains on both sides, lay stretched before us. "but, however disposed, we dare not stop long to gaze and admire, but, descending a little obliquely, soon came to the so-called bath, two singular basins, of perhaps two feet and a half diameter, cut into a bastion-like solid rock, projecting from the general outline of the hill, and surrounded by smooth carved seats and grooves, as we supposed--for i own the whole appearance of the locality was perfectly inexplicable to me. i have a suspicion that many of these horizontal planes and grooves were contrivances to aid their astronomical observations, one like that i have mentioned having been discovered by de gama at chapultepec. "as to montezuma's bath, it might be his foot-bath if you will, but it would be a moral impossibility for any monarch of larger dimensions than oberon to take a duck in it. "the mountain bears the marks of human industry to its very apex, many of the blocks of porphyry of which it is composed being quarried into smooth horizontal planes. it is impossible to say at present what portion of the surface is artificial or not, such is the state of confusion observable in every part. "by what means nations unacquainted with the use of iron constructed works of such a smooth polish, in rocks of such hardness, it is extremely difficult to say. many think tools of mixed tin and copper were employed; others, that patient friction was one of the main means resorted to. whatever may have been the real appropriation of these inexplicable ruins, or the epoch of their construction, there can be no doubt but the whole of this hill, which i should suppose rises five or six hundred feet above the level of the plain, was covered with artificial works of one kind or another. they are doubtless rather of toltec than of aztec origin, and perhaps with still more probability attributable to a people of an age yet more remote." the noble tlascalan as may be imagined regarding a community where human sacrifice was rife, tales concerning those who were consigned to this dreadful fate were abundant. perhaps the most striking of these is that relating to the noble tlascalan warrior tlalhuicole, who was captured in combat by the troops of montezuma. less than a year before the spaniards arrived in mexico war broke out between the huexotzincans and the tlascalans, to the former of whom the aztecs acted as allies. on the battlefield there was captured by guile a very valiant tlascalan leader called tlalhuicole, so renowned for his prowess that the mere mention of his name was generally sufficient to deter any mexican hero from attempting his capture. he was brought to mexico in a cage, and presented to the emperor montezuma, who, on learning of his name and renown, gave him his liberty and overwhelmed him with honours. he further granted him permission to return to his own country, a boon he had never before extended to any captive. but tlalhuicole refused his freedom, and replied that he would prefer to be sacrificed to the gods, according to the usual custom. montezuma, who had the highest regard for him, and prized his life more than any sacrifice, would not consent to his immolation. at this juncture war broke out between mexico and the tarascans, and montezuma announced the appointment of tlalhuicole as chief of the expeditionary force. he accepted the command, marched against the tarascans, and, having totally defeated them, returned to mexico laden with an enormous booty and crowds of slaves. the city rang with his triumph. the emperor begged him to become a mexican citizen, but he replied that on no account would he prove a traitor to his country. montezuma then once more offered him his liberty, but he strenuously refused to return to tlascala, having undergone the disgrace of defeat and capture. he begged montezuma to terminate his unhappy existence by sacrificing him to the gods, thus ending the dishonour he felt in living on after having undergone defeat, and at the same time fulfilling the highest aspiration of his life--to die the death of a warrior on the stone of combat. montezuma, himself the noblest pattern of aztec chivalry, touched at his request, could not but agree with him that he had chosen the most fitting fate for a hero, and ordered him to be chained to the stone of combat, the blood-stained temalacatl. the most renowned of the aztec warriors were pitted against him, and the emperor himself graced the sanguinary tournament with his presence. tlalhuicole bore himself in the combat like a lion, slew eight warriors of renown, and wounded more than twenty. but at last he fell, covered with wounds, and was haled by the exulting priests to the altar of the terrible war-god huitzilopochtli, to whom his heart was offered up. the haunting mothers it is only occasionally that we encounter either the gods or supernatural beings of any description in mexican myth. but occasionally we catch sight of such beings as the ciuapipiltin (honoured women), the spirits of those women who had died in childbed, a death highly venerated by the mexicans, who regarded the woman who perished thus as the equal of a warrior who met his fate in battle. strangely enough, these spirits were actively malevolent, probably because the moon-goddess (who was also the deity of evil exhalations) was evil in her tendencies, and they were regarded as possessing an affinity to her. it was supposed that they afflicted infants with various diseases, and mexican parents took every precaution not to permit their offspring out of doors on the days when their influence was believed to be strong. they were said to haunt the cross-roads, and even to enter the bodies of weakly people, the better to work their evil will. the insane were supposed to be under their especial visitation. temples were raised at the cross-roads in order to placate them, and loaves of bread, shaped like butterflies, were dedicated to them. they were represented as having faces of a dead white, and as blanching their arms and hands with a white powder known as tisatl. their eyebrows were of a golden hue, and their raiment was that of mexican ladies of the ruling class. the return of papantzin [10] one of the weirdest legends in mexican tradition recounts how papantzin, the sister of montezuma ii, returned from her tomb to prophesy to her royal brother concerning his doom and the fall of his empire at the hands of the spaniards. on taking up the reins of government montezuma had married this lady to one of his most illustrious servants, the governor of tlatelulco, and after his death it would appear that she continued to exercise his almost viceregal functions and to reside in his palace. in course of time she died, and her obsequies were attended by the emperor in person, accompanied by the greatest personages of his court and kingdom. the body was interred in a subterranean vault of his own palace, in close proximity to the royal baths, which stood in a sequestered part of the extensive grounds surrounding the royal residence. the entrance to the vault was secured by a stone slab of moderate weight, and when the numerous ceremonies prescribed for the interment of a royal personage had been completed the emperor and his suite retired. at daylight next morning one of the royal children, a little girl of some six years of age, having gone into the garden to seek her governess, espied the princess papan standing near the baths. the princess, who was her aunt, called to her, and requested her to bring her governess to her. the child did as she was bid, but her governess, thinking that imagination had played her a trick, paid little attention to what she said. as the child persisted in her statement, the governess at last followed her into the garden, where she saw papan sitting on one of the steps of the baths. the sight of the supposed dead princess filled the woman with such terror that she fell down in a swoon. the child then went to her mother's apartment, and detailed to her what had happened. she at once proceeded to the baths with two of her attendants, and at sight of papan was also seized with affright. but the princess reassured her, and asked to be allowed to accompany her to her apartments, and that the entire affair should for the present be kept absolutely secret. later in the day she sent for tiçotzicatzin, her major-domo, and requested him to inform the emperor that she desired to speak with him immediately on matters of the greatest importance. the man, terrified, begged to be excused from the mission, and papan then gave orders that her uncle nezahualpilli, king of tezcuco, should be communicated with. that monarch, on receiving her request that he should come to her, hastened to the palace. the princess begged him to see the emperor without loss of time and to entreat him to come to her at once. montezuma heard his story with surprise mingled with doubt. hastening to his sister, he cried as he approached her: "is it indeed you, my sister, or some evil demon who has taken your likeness?" "it is i indeed, your majesty," she replied. montezuma and the exalted personages who accompanied him then seated themselves, and a hush of expectation fell upon all as they were addressed by the princess in the following words: "listen attentively to what i am about to relate to you. you have seen me dead, buried, and now behold me alive again. by the authority of our ancestors, my brother, i am returned from the dwellings of the dead to prophesy to you certain things of prime importance. papantzin's story "at the moment after death i found myself in a spacious valley, which appeared to have neither commencement nor end, and was surrounded by lofty mountains. near the middle i came upon a road with many branching paths. by the side of the valley there flowed a river of considerable size, the waters of which ran with a loud noise. by the borders of this i saw a young man clothed in a long robe, fastened with a diamond, and shining like the sun, his visage bright as a star. on his forehead was a sign in the figure of a cross. he had wings, the feathers of which gave forth the most wonderful and glowing reflections and colours. his eyes were as emeralds, and his glance was modest. he was fair, of beautiful aspect and imposing presence. he took me by the hand and said: 'come hither. it is not yet time for you to cross the river. you possess the love of god, which is greater than you know or can comprehend.' he then conducted me through the valley, where i espied many heads and bones of dead men. i then beheld a number of black folk, horned, and with the feet of deer. they were engaged in building a house, which was nearly completed. turning toward the east for a space, i beheld on the waters of the river a vast number of ships manned by a great host of men dressed differently from ourselves. their eyes were of a clear grey, their complexions ruddy, they carried banners and ensigns in their hands and wore helmets on their heads. they called themselves 'sons of the sun.' the youth who conducted me and caused me to see all these things said that it was not yet the will of the gods that i should cross the river, but that i was to be reserved to behold the future with my own eyes, and to enjoy the benefits of the faith which these strangers brought with them; that the bones i beheld on the plain were those of my countrymen who had died in ignorance of that faith, and had consequently suffered great torments; that the house being builded by the black folk was an edifice prepared for those who would fall in battle with the seafaring strangers whom i had seen; and that i was destined to return to my compatriots to tell them of the true faith, and to announce to them what i had seen that they might profit thereby." montezuma hearkened to these matters in silence, and felt greatly troubled. he left his sister's presence without a word, and, regaining his own apartments, plunged into melancholy thoughts. papantzin's resurrection is one of the best authenticated incidents in mexican history, and it is a curious fact that on the arrival of the spanish conquistadores one of the first persons to embrace christianity and receive baptism at their hands was the princess papan. chapter iv: the maya race and mythology the maya it was to the maya--the people who occupied the territory between the isthmus of tehuantepec and nicaragua--that the civilisation of central america owed most. the language they spoke was quite distinct from the nahuatl spoken by the nahua of mexico, and in many respects their customs and habits were widely different from those of the people of anahuac. it will be remembered that the latter were the heirs of an older civilisation, that, indeed, they had entered the valley of mexico as savages, and that practically all they knew of the arts of culture was taught them by the remnants of the people whom they dispossessed. it was not thus with the maya. their arts and industries were of their own invention, and bore the stamp of an origin of considerable antiquity. they were, indeed, the supreme intellectual race of america, and on their coming into contact with the nahua that people assimilated sufficient of their culture to raise them several grades in the scale of civilisation. were the maya toltecs? it has already been stated that many antiquarians see in the maya those toltecs who because of the inroads of barbarous tribes quitted their native land of anahuac and journeyed southward to seek a new home in chiapas and yucatan. it would be idle to attempt to uphold or refute such a theory in the absolute dearth of positive evidence for or against it. the architectural remains of the older race of anahuac do not bear any striking likeness to maya forms, and if the mythologies of the two peoples are in some particulars alike, that may well be accounted for by their mutual adoption of deities and religious customs. on the other hand, it is distinctly noteworthy that the cult of the god quetzalcoatl, which was regarded in mexico as of alien origin, had a considerable vogue among the maya and their allied races. the maya kingdom on the arrival of the spaniards (after the celebrated march of cortés from mexico to central america) the maya were divided into a number of subsidiary states which remind us somewhat of the numerous little kingdoms of palestine. that these had hived off from an original and considerably greater state there is good evidence to show, but internal dissension had played havoc with the polity of the central government of this empire, the disintegration of which had occurred at a remote period. in the semi-historical legends of this people we catch glimpses of a great kingdom, occasionally alluded to as the "kingdom of the great snake," or the empire of xibalba, realms which have been identified with the ruined city-centres of palenque and mitla. these identifications must be regarded with caution, but the work of excavation will doubtless sooner or later assist theorists in coming to conclusions which will admit of no doubt. the sphere of maya civilisation and influence is pretty well marked, and embraces the peninsula of yucatan, chiapas, to the isthmus of tehuantepec on the north, and the whole of guatemala to the boundaries of the present republic of san salvador. the true nucleus of maya civilisation, however, must be looked for in that part of chiapas which skirts the banks of the usumacinta river and in the valleys of its tributaries. here maya art and architecture reached a height of splendour unknown elsewhere, and in this district, too, the strange maya system of writing had its most skilful exponents. although the arts and industries of the several districts inhabited by people of maya race exhibited many superficial differences, these are so small as to make us certain of the fact that the various areas inhabited by maya stock had all drawn their inspiration toward civilisation from one common nucleus, and had equally passed through a uniform civilisation and drawn sap from an original culture-centre. the maya dialects perhaps the most effectual method of distinguishing the various branches of the maya people from one another consists in dividing them into linguistic groups. the various dialects spoken by the folk of maya origin, although they exhibit some considerable difference, yet display strongly that affinity of construction and resemblance in root which go to prove that they all emanate from one common mother-tongue. in chiapas the maya tongue itself is the current dialect, whilst in guatemala no less than twenty-four dialects are in use, the principal of which are the quiche, or kiche, the kakchiquel, the zutugil, coxoh chol, and pipil. these dialects and the folk who speak them are sufficient to engage our attention, as in them are enshrined the most remarkable myths and legends of the race, and by the men who used them were the greatest acts in maya history achieved. whence came the maya? whence came these folk, then, who raised a civilisation by no means inferior to that of ancient egypt, which, if it had had scope, would have rivalled in its achievements the glory of old assyria? we cannot tell. the mystery of its entrance into the land is as deep as the mystery of the ancient forests which now bury the remnants of its mighty monuments and enclose its temples in impenetrable gloom. generations of antiquarians have attempted to trace the origin of this race to egypt, phoenicia, china, burma. but the manifest traces of indigenous american origin are present in all its works, and the writers who have beheld in these likenesses to the art of asiatic or african peoples have been grievously misled by superficial resemblances which could not have betrayed any one who had studied maya affinities deeply. civilisation of the maya at the risk of repetition it is essential to point out that civilisation, which was a newly acquired thing with the nahua peoples, was not so with the maya. they were indisputably an older race, possessing institutions which bore the marks of generations of use, whereas the nahua had only too obviously just entered into their heritage of law and order. when we first catch sight of the maya kingdoms they are in the process of disintegration. such strong young blood as the virile folk of anahuac possessed did not flow in the veins of the people of yucatan and guatemala. they were to the nahua much as the ancient assyrians were to the hosts of israel at the entrance of the latter into national existence. that there was a substratum of ethnical and cultural relationship, however, it would be impossible to deny. the institutions, architecture, habits, even the racial cast of thought of the two peoples, bore such a general resemblance as to show that many affinities of blood and cultural relationship existed between them. but it will not do to insist too strongly upon these. it may be argued with great probability that these relationships and likenesses exist because of the influence of maya civilisation upon mexican alone, or from the inheritance by both mexican and maya people of a still older culture of which we are ignorant, and the proofs of which lie buried below the forests of guatemala or the sands of yucatan. the zapotecs the influence of the maya upon the nahua was a process of exceeding slowness. the peoples who divided them one from another were themselves benefited by carrying maya culture into anahuac, or rather it might be said that they constituted a sort of filter through which the southern civilisation reached the northern. these peoples were the zapotecs, the mixtecs, and the kuikatecs, by far the most important of whom were the first-mentioned. they partook of the nature and civilisation of both races, and were in effect a border people who took from and gave to both maya and nahua, much as the jews absorbed and disseminated the cultures of egypt and assyria. they were, however, of nahua race, but their speech bears the strongest marks of having borrowed extensively from the maya vocabulary. for many generations these people wandered in a nomadic condition from maya to nahua territory, thus absorbing the customs, speech, and mythology of each. the huasteca but we should be wrong if we thought that the maya had never attempted to expand, and had never sought new homes for their surplus population. that they had is proved by an outlying tribe of maya, the huasteca, having settled at the mouth of the panuco river, on the north coast of mexico. the presence of this curious ethnological island has of course given rise to all sorts of queer theories concerning toltec relationship, whereas it simply intimates that before the era of nahua expansion the maya had attempted to colonise the country to the north of their territories, but that their efforts in this direction had been cut short by the influx of savage nahua, against whom they found themselves unable to contend. the type of maya civilisation did the civilisation of the maya differ, then, in type from that of the nahua, or was it merely a larger expression of that in vogue in anahuac? we may take it that the nahua civilisation characterised the culture of central america in its youth, whilst that of the maya displayed it in its bloom, and perhaps in its senility. the difference was neither essential nor radical, but may be said to have arisen for the most part from climatic and kindred causes. the climate of anahuac is dry and temperate, that of yucatan and guatemala is tropical, and we shall find even such religious conceptions of the two peoples as were drawn from a common source varying from this very cause, and coloured by differences in temperature and rainfall. maya history before entering upon a consideration of the art, architecture, or mythology of this strange and highly interesting people it will be necessary to provide the reader with a brief sketch of their history. such notices of this as exist in english are few, and their value doubtful. for the earlier history of the people of maya stock we depend almost wholly upon tradition and architectural remains. the net result of the evidence wrung from these is that the maya civilisation was one and homogeneous, and that all the separate states must have at one period passed through a uniform condition of culture, to which they were all equally debtors, and that this is sufficient ground for the belief that all were at one time beneath the sway of one central power. for the later history we possess the writings of the spanish fathers, but not in such profusion as in the case of mexico. in fact the trustworthy original authors who deal with maya history can almost be counted on the fingers of one hand. we are further confused in perusing these, and, indeed, throughout the study of maya history, by discovering that many of the sites of maya cities are designated by nahua names. this is due to the fact that the spanish conquerors were guided in their conquest of the maya territories by nahua, who naturally applied nahuatlac designations to those sites of which the spaniards asked the names. these appellations clung to the places in question; hence the confusion, and the blundering theories which would read in these place-names relics of aztec conquest. the nucleus of maya power as has been said, the nucleus of maya power and culture is probably to be found in that part of chiapas which slopes down from the steep cordilleras. here the ruined sites of palenque, piedras negras, and ocosingo are eloquent of that opulence of imagination and loftiness of conception which go hand in hand with an advanced culture. the temples and palaces of this region bear the stamp of a dignity and consciousness of metropolitan power which are scarcely to be mistaken, so broad, so free is their architectural conception, so full to overflowing the display of the desire to surpass. but upon the necessities of religion and central organisation alone was this architectural artistry lavished. its dignities were not profaned by its application to mere domestic uses, for, unless what were obviously palaces are excepted, not a single example of maya domestic building has survived. this is of course accounted for by the circumstance that the people were sharply divided into the aristocratic and labouring classes, the first of which was closely identified with religion or kingship, and was housed in the ecclesiastical or royal buildings, whilst those of less exalted rank were perforce content with the shelter afforded by a hut built of perishable materials, the traces of which have long since passed away. the temples were, in fact, the nuclei of the towns, the centres round which the maya communities were grouped, much in the same manner as the cities of europe in the middle ages clustered and grew around the shadow of some vast cathedral or sheltering stronghold. early race movements we shall leave the consideration of maya tradition until we come to speak of maya myth proper, and attempt to glean from the chaos of legend some veritable facts connected with maya history. according to a manuscript of kuikatec origin recently discovered, it is probable that a nahua invasion of the maya states of chiapas and tabasco took place about the ninth century of our era, and we must for the present regard that as the starting-point of maya history. the south-western portions of the maya territory were agitated about the same time by race movements, which turned northward toward tehuantepec, and, flowing through guatemala, came to rest in acalan, on the borders of yucatan, retarded, probably, by the inhospitable and waterless condition of that country. this nahua invasion probably had the effect of driving the more peaceful maya from their northerly settlements and forcing them farther south. indeed, evidence is not wanting to show that the warlike nahua pursued the pacific maya into their new retreats, and for a space left them but little peace. this struggle it was which finally resulted in the breaking up of the maya civilisation, which even at that relatively remote period had reached its apogee, its several races separating into numerous city-states, which bore a close political resemblance to those of italy on the downfall of rome. at this period, probably, began the cleavage between the maya of yucatan and those of guatemala, which finally resolved itself into such differences of speech, faith, and architecture as almost to constitute them different peoples. the settlement of yucatan as the celts of wales and scotland were driven into the less hospitable regions of their respective countries by the inroads of the saxons, so was one branch of the maya forced to seek shelter in the almost desert wastes of yucatan. there can be no doubt that the maya did not take to this barren and waterless land of their own accord. thrifty and possessed of high agricultural attainments, this people would view with concern a removal to a sphere so forbidding after the rich and easily developed country they had inhabited for generations. but the inexorable nahua were behind, and they were a peaceful folk, unused to the horrors of savage warfare. so, taking their courage in both hands, they wandered into the desert. everything points to a late occupation of yucatan by the maya, and architectural effort exhibits deterioration, evidenced in a high conventionality of design and excess of ornamentation. evidences of nahua influence also are not wanting, a fact which is eloquent of the later period of contact which is known to have occurred between the peoples, and which alone is almost sufficient to fix the date of the settlement of the maya in yucatan. it must not be thought that the maya in yucatan formed one homogeneous state recognising a central authority. on the contrary, as is often the case with colonists, the several maya bands of immigrants formed themselves into different states or kingdoms, each having its own separate traditions. it is thus a matter of the highest difficulty to so collate and criticise these traditions as to construct a history of the maya race in yucatan. as may be supposed, we find the various city-sites founded by divine beings who play a more or less important part in the maya pantheon. kukulcan, for example, is the first king of mayapan, whilst itzamna figures as the founder of the state of itzamal. the gods were the spiritual leaders of these bands of maya, just as jehovah was the spiritual leader and guide of the israelites in the desert. one is therefore not surprised to find in the popol vuh, the saga of the kiche-maya of guatemala, that the god tohil (the rumbler) guided them to the site of the first kiche city. some writers on the subject appear to think that the incidents in such migration myths, especially the tutelage and guidance of the tribes by gods and the descriptions of desert scenery which they contain, suffice to stamp them as mere native versions of the book of exodus, or at the best myths sophisticated by missionary influence. the truth is that the conditions of migration undergone by the maya were similar to those described in the scriptures, and by no means merely reflect the bible story, as short-sighted collators of both aver. the septs of yucatan the priest-kings of mayapan, who claimed descent from kukulcan or quetzalcoatl, soon raised their state into a position of prominence among the surrounding cities. those who had founded chichen-itza, and who were known as itzaes, were, on the other hand, a caste of warriors who do not appear to have cherished the priestly function with such assiduity. the rulers of the itzaes, who were known as the tutul xius, seem to have come, according to their traditions, from the western maya states, perhaps from nonohualco in tabasco. arriving from thence at the southern extremity of yucatan, they founded the city of ziyan caan, on lake bacalar, which had a period of prosperity for at least a couple of generations. at the expiry of that period for some unaccountable reason they migrated northward, perhaps because at that particular time the incidence of power was shifting toward northern yucatan, and took up their abode in chichen-itza, eventually the sacred city of the maya, which they founded. the cocomes but they were not destined to remain undisturbed in their new sphere. the cocomes of mayapan, when at the height of their power, viewed with disfavour the settlement of the tutul xius. after it had flourished for a period of about 120 years it was overthrown by the cocomes, who resolved it into a dependency, permitting the governors and a certain number of the people to depart elsewhere. flight of the tutul xius thus expelled, the tutul xius fled southward, whence they had originally come, and settled in potonchan or champoton, where they reigned for nearly 300 years. from this new centre, with the aid of nahua mercenaries, they commenced an extension of territory northward, and entered into diplomatic relations with the heads of the other maya states. it was at this time that they built uxmal, and their power became so extensive that they reconquered the territory they had lost to the cocomes. this on the whole appears to have been a period when the arts flourished under an enlightened policy, which knew how to make and keep friendly relations with surrounding states, and the splendid network of roads with which the country was covered and the many evidences of architectural excellence go to prove that the race had had leisure to achieve much in art and works of utility. thus the city of chichen-itza was linked up with the island of cozumel by a highway whereon thousands of pilgrims plodded to the temples of the gods of wind and moisture. from itzamal, too, roads branched in every direction, in order that the people should have every facility for reaching the chief shrine of the country situated there. but the hand of the cocomes was heavy upon the other maya states which were tributary to them. as in the yucatan of to-day, where the wretched henequen-picker leads the life of a veritable slave, a crushing system of helotage obtained. the cocomes made heavy demands upon the tutul xius, who in their turn sweated the hapless folk under their sway past the bounds of human endurance. as in all tottering civilisations, the feeling of responsibility among the upper classes became dormant, and they abandoned themselves to the pleasures of life without thought of the morrow. morality ceased to be regarded as a virtue, and rottenness was at the core of maya life. discontent quickly spread on every hand. the revolution in mayapan the sequel was, naturally, revolution. ground down by the tyranny of a dissolute oligarchy, the subject states rose in revolt. the cocomes surrounded themselves by nahua mercenaries, who succeeded in beating off the first wave of revolt, led by the king or regulus of uxmal, who was defeated, and whose people in their turn rose against him, a circumstance which ended in the abandonment of the city of uxmal. once more were the tutul xius forced to go on pilgrimage, and this time they founded the city of mani, a mere shadow of the splendour of uxmal and chichen. hunac eel if the aristocracy of the cocomes was composed of weaklings, its ruler was made of sterner stuff. hunac eel, who exercised royal sway over this people, and held in subjection the lesser principalities of yucatan, was not only a tyrant of harsh and vindictive temperament, but a statesman of judgment and experience, who courted the assistance of the neighbouring nahua, whom he employed in his campaign against the new assailant of his absolutism, the ruler of chichen-itza. mustering a mighty host of his vassals, hunac eel marched against the devoted city whose prince had dared to challenge his supremacy, and succeeded in inflicting a crushing defeat upon its inhabitants. but apparently the state was permitted to remain under the sovereignty of its native princes. the revolt, however, merely smouldered, and in the kingdom of mayapan itself, the territory of the cocomes, the fires of revolution began to blaze. this state of things continued for nearly a century. then the crash came. the enemies of the cocomes effected a junction. the people of chichen-itza joined hands with the tutul xius, who had sought refuge in the central highlands of yucatan and those city-states which clustered around the mother-city of mayapan. a fierce concerted attack was made, beneath which the power of the cocomes crumpled up completely. not one stone was left standing upon another by the exasperated allies, who thus avenged the helotage of nearly 300 years. to this event the date 1436 is assigned, but, like most dates in maya history, considerable uncertainty must be attached to it. the last of the cocomes only a remnant of the cocomes survived. they had been absent in nahua territory, attempting to raise fresh troops for the defence of mayapan. these the victors spared, and they finally settled in zotuta, in the centre of yucatan, a region of almost impenetrable forest. it would not appear that the city of chichen-itza, the prince of which was ever the head and front of the rebellion against the cocomes, profited in any way from the fall of the suzerain power. on the contrary, tradition has it that the town was abandoned by its inhabitants, and left to crumble into the ruinous state in which the spaniards found it on their entrance into the country. the probability is that its people quitted it because of the repeated attacks made upon it by the cocomes, who saw in it the chief obstacle to their universal sway; and this is supported by tradition, which tells that a prince of chichen-itza, worn out with conflict and internecine strife, left it to seek the cradle of the maya race in the land of the setting sun. indeed, it is further stated that this prince founded the city of peten-itza, on the lake of peten, in guatemala. the maya peoples of guatemala when the maya peoples of guatemala, the kiches and the kakchiquels, first made their way into that territory, they probably found there a race of maya origin of a type more advanced and possessed of more ancient traditions than themselves. by their connection with this folk they greatly benefited in the direction of artistic achievement as well as in the industrial arts. concerning these people we have a large body of tradition in the popol vuh, a native chronicle, the contents of which will be fully dealt with in the chapter relating to the maya myths and legendary matter. we cannot deal with it as a veritable historical document, but there is little doubt that a basis of fact exists behind the tradition it contains. the difference between the language of these people and that of their brethren in yucatan was, as has been said, one of dialect only, and a like slight distinction is found in their mythology, caused, doubtless, by the incidence of local conditions, and resulting in part from the difference between a level and comparatively waterless land and one of a semi-mountainous character covered with thick forests. we shall note further differences when we come to examine the art and architecture of the maya race, and to compare those of its two most distinctive branches. the maya tulan it was to the city of tulan, probably in tabasco, that the maya of guatemala referred as being the starting-point of all their migrations. we must not confound this place with the tollan of the mexican traditions. it is possible that the name may in both cases be derived from a root meaning a place from which a tribe set forth, a starting-place, but geographical connection there is none. from here nima-kiche, the great kiche, started on his migration to the mountains, accompanied by his three brothers. tulan, says the popol vuh, had been a place of misfortune to man, for he had suffered much from cold and hunger, and, as at the building of babel, his speech was so confounded that the first four kiches and their wives were unable to comprehend one another. of course this is a native myth created to account for the difference in dialect between the various branches of the maya folk, and can scarcely have any foundation in fact, as the change in dialect would be a very gradual process. the brothers, we are told, divided the land so that one received the districts of mames and pocomams, another verapaz, and the third chiapas, while nima-kiche obtained the country of the kiches, kakchiquels, and tzutuhils. it would be extremely difficult to say whether or not this tradition rests on any veritable historical basis. if so, it refers to a period anterior to the nahua irruption, for the districts alluded to as occupied by these tribes were not so divided among them at the coming of the spaniards. doubtful dynasties as with the earlier dynasties of egypt, considerable doubt surrounds the history of the early kiche monarchs. indeed, a period of such uncertainty occurs that even the number of kings who reigned is lost in the hopeless confusion of varying estimates. from this chaos emerge the facts that the kiche monarchs held the supreme power among the peoples of guatemala, that they were the contemporaries of the rulers of mexico city, and that they were often elected from among the princes of the subject states. acxopil, the successor of nima-kiche, invested his second son with the government of the kakchiquels, and placed his youngest son over the tzutuhils, whilst to his eldest son he left the throne of the kiches. icutemal, his eldest son, on succeeding his father, gifted the kingdom of kakchiquel to his eldest son, displacing his own brother and thus mortally affronting him. the struggle which ensued lasted for generations, embittered the relations between these two branches of the maya in guatemala, and undermined their joint strength. nahua mercenaries were employed in the struggle on both sides, and these introduced many of the uglinesses of nahua life into maya existence. the coming of the spaniards this condition of things lasted up to the time of the coming of the spaniards. the kakchiquels dated the commencement of a new chronology from the episode of the defeat of cay hun-apu by them in 1492. they may have saved themselves the trouble; for the time was at hand when the calendars of their race were to be closed, and its records written in another script by another people. one by one, and chiefly by reason of their insane policy of allying themselves with the invader against their own kin, the old kingdoms of guatemala fell as spoil to the daring conquistadores, and their people passed beneath the yoke of spain--bondsmen who were to beget countless generations of slaves. the riddle of ancient maya writing what may possibly be the most valuable sources of maya history are, alas! sealed to us at present. we allude to the native maya manuscripts and inscriptions, the writing of which cannot be deciphered by present-day scholars. some of the old spanish friars who lived in the times which directly succeeded the settlement of the country by the white man were able to read and even to write this script, but unfortunately they regarded it either as an invention of the father of evil or, as it was a native system, as a thing of no value. in a few generations all knowledge of how to decipher it was totally lost, and it remains to the modern world almost as a sealed book, although science has lavished all its wonderful machinery of logic and deduction upon it, and men of unquestioned ability have dedicated their lives to the problem of unravelling what must be regarded as one of the greatest and most mysterious riddles of which mankind ever attempted the solution. the romance of the discovery of the key to the egyptian hieroglyphic system of writing is well known. for centuries the symbols displayed upon the temples and monuments of the nile country were so many meaningless pictures and signs to the learned folk of europe, until the discovery of the rosetta stone a hundred years ago made their elucidation possible. this stone bore the same inscription in greek, demotic, and hieroglyphics, and so the discovery of the "alphabet" of the hidden script became a comparatively easy task. but central america has no rosetta stone, nor is it possible that such an aid to research can ever be found. indeed, such "keys" as have been discovered or brought forward by scientists have proved for the most part unavailing. the maya manuscripts the principal maya manuscripts which have escaped the ravages of time are the codices in the libraries of dresden, paris, and madrid. these are known as the codex perezianus, preserved in the bibliothèque nationale at paris, the dresden codex, long regarded as an aztec manuscript, and the troano codex, so called from one of its owners, señor tro y ortolano, found at madrid in 1865. these manuscripts deal principally with maya mythology, but as they cannot be deciphered with any degree of accuracy they do not greatly assist our knowledge of the subject. the system of the writing the "tablet of the cross" gives a good idea of the general appearance of the writing system of the ancient peoples of central america. the style varies somewhat in most of the manuscripts and inscriptions, but it is generally admitted that all of the systems employed sprang originally from one common source. the square figures which appear as a tangle of faces and objects are said to be "calculiform," or pebble-shaped, a not inappropriate description, and it is known from ancient spanish manuscripts that they were read from top to bottom, and two columns at a time. the maya tongue, like all native american languages, was one which, in order to express an idea, gathered a whole phrase into a single word, and it has been thought that the several symbols or parts in each square or sketch go to make up such a compound expression. the first key (so called) to the hieroglyphs of central america was that of bishop landa, who about 1575 attempted to set down the maya alphabet from native sources. he was highly unpopular with the natives, whose literary treasures he had almost completely destroyed, and who in revenge deliberately misled him as to the true significance of the various symbols. the first real step toward reading the maya writing was made in 1876 by léon de rosny, a french student of american antiquities, who succeeded in interpreting the signs which denote the four cardinal points. as has been the case in so many discoveries of importance, the significance of these signs was simultaneously discovered by professor cyrus thomas in america. in two of these four signs was found the symbol which meant "sun," almost, as de rosny acknowledged, as a matter of course. however, the maya word for "sun" (kin) also denotes "day," and it was later proved that this sign was also used with the latter meaning. the discovery of the sign stimulated further research to a great degree, and from the material now at their disposal drs. förstemann and schellhas of berlin were successful in discovering the sign for the moon and that for the maya month of twenty days. clever elucidations in 1887 dr. seler discovered the sign for night (akbal), and in 1894 förstemann unriddled the symbols for "beginning" and "end." these are two heads, the first of which has the sign akbal, just mentioned, for an eye. now akbal means, as well as "night," "the beginning of the month," and below the face which contains it can be seen footsteps, or spots which resemble their outline, signifying a forward movement. the sign in the second head means "seventh," which in maya also signifies "the end." from the frequent contrast of these terms there can be little doubt that their meaning is as stated. "union" is denoted by the sting of a rattlesnake, the coils of that reptile signifying to the maya the idea of tying together. in contrast to this sign is the figure next to it, which represents a knife, and means "division" or "cutting." an important "letter" is the hand, which often occurs in both manuscripts and inscriptions. it is drawn sometimes in the act of grasping, with the thumb bent forward, and sometimes as pointing in a certain direction. the first seems to denote a tying together or joining, like the rattlesnake symbol, and the second förstemann believes to represent a lapse of time. that it may represent futurity occurs as a more likely conjecture to the present writer. the figure denoting the spring equinox was traced because of its obvious representation of a cloud from which three streams of water are falling upon the earth. the square at the top represents heaven. the obsidian knife underneath denotes a division or period of time cut off, as it were, from other periods of the year. that the sign means "spring" is verified by its position among the other signs of the seasons. the sign for "week" was discovered by reason of its almost constant accompaniment of the sign for the number thirteen, the number of days in the maya sacred week. the symbol of the bird's feather indicates the plural, and when affixed to certain signs signifies that the object indicated is multiplied. a bird's feather, when one thinks of it, is one of the most fitting symbols provided by nature to designate the plural, if the number of shoots on both sides of the stem are taken as meaning "many" or "two." water is depicted by the figure of a serpent, which reptile typifies the undulating nature of the element. the sign entitled "the sacrificial victim" is of deep human interest. the first portion of the symbol is the death-bird, and the second shows a crouching and beaten captive, ready to be immolated to one of the terrible maya deities whose sanguinary religion demanded human sacrifice. the drawing which means "the day of the new year," in the month ceh, was unriddled by the following means: the sign in the upper left-hand corner denotes the word "sun" or "day," that in the upper right-hand corner is the sign for "year." in the lower right-hand corner is the sign for "division," and in the lower left-hand the sign for the maya month ceh, already known from the native calendars. from its accompaniment of a figure known to be a deity of the four cardinal points, whence all american tribes believed the wind to come, the symbol entitled "wind" has been determined. methods of study the method employed by those engaged in the elucidation of these hieroglyphs is typical of modern science. the various signs and symbols are literally "worn out" by a process of indefatigable examination. for hours the student sits staring at a symbol, drinking in every detail, however infinitesimal, until the drawing and all its parts are wholly and separately photographed upon the tablets of his memory. he then compares the several portions of the symbol with similar portions in other signs the value of which is known. from these he may obtain a clue to the meaning of the whole. thus proceeding from the known to the unknown, he advances logically toward a complete elucidation of all the hieroglyphs depicted in the various manuscripts and inscriptions. the method by which dr. seler discovered the hieroglyphs or symbols relating to the various gods of the maya was both simple and ingenious. he says: "the way in which this was accomplished is strikingly simple. it amounts essentially to that which in ordinary life we call 'memory of persons,' and follows almost naturally from a careful study of the manuscripts. for, by frequently looking tentatively at the representations, one learns by degrees to recognise promptly similar and familiar figures of gods by the characteristic impression they make as a whole or by certain details, and the same is true of the accompanying hieroglyphs." the maya numeral system if bishop landa was badly hoaxed regarding the alphabet of the maya, he was successful in discovering and handing down their numeral system, which was on a very much higher basis than that of many civilised peoples, being, for example, more practical and more fully evolved than that of ancient rome. this system employed four signs altogether, the point for unity, a horizontal stroke for the number 5, and two signs for 20 and 0. yet from these simple elements the maya produced a method of computation which is perhaps as ingenious as anything which has ever been accomplished in the history of mathematics. in the maya arithmetical system, as in ours, it is the position of the sign that gives it its value. the figures were placed in a vertical line, and one of them was employed as a decimal multiplier. the lowest figure of the column had the arithmetical value which it represented. the figures which appeared in the second, fourth, and each following place had twenty times the value of the preceding figures, while figures in the third place had eighteen times the value of those in the second place. this system admits of computation up to millions, and is one of the surest signs of maya culture. much controversy has raged round the exact nature of the maya hieroglyphs. were they understood by the indians themselves as representing ideas or merely pictures, or did they convey a given sound to the reader, as does our alphabet? to some extent controversy upon the point is futile, as those of the spanish clergy who were able to learn the writing from the native maya have confirmed its phonetic character, so that in reality each symbol must have conveyed a sound or sounds to the reader, not merely an idea or a picture. recent research has amply proved this, so that the full elucidation of the long and painful puzzle on which so much learning and patience have been lavished may perhaps be at hand. mythology of the maya the maya pantheon, although it bears a strong resemblance to that of the nahua, differs from it in so many respects that it is easy to observe that at one period it must have been absolutely free from all nahua influence. we may, then, provisionally accept the theory that at some relatively distant period the mythologies of the nahua and maya were influenced from one common centre, if they were not originally identical, but that later the inclusion in the cognate but divided systems of local deities and the superimposition of the deities and rites of immigrant peoples had caused such differentiation as to render somewhat vague the original likeness between them. in the mexican mythology we have as a key-note the custom of human sacrifice. it has often been stated as exhibiting the superior status in civilisation of the maya that their religion was free from the revolting practices which characterised the nahua faith. this, however, is totally erroneous. although the maya were not nearly so prone to the practice of human sacrifice as were the nahua, they frequently engaged in it, and the pictures which have been drawn of their bloodless offerings must not lead us to believe that they never indulged in this rite. it is known, for example, that they sacrificed maidens to the water-god at the period of the spring florescence, by casting them into a deep pool, where they were drowned. quetzalcoatl among the maya one of the most obvious of the mythological relationships between the maya and nahua is exhibited in the maya cult of the god quetzalcoatl. it seems to have been a general belief in mexico that quetzalcoatl was a god foreign to the soil; or at least relatively aboriginal to his rival tezcatlipoca, if not to the nahua themselves. it is amusing to see it stated by authorities of the highest standing that his worship was free from bloodshed. but it does not appear whether the sanguinary rites connected with the name of quetzalcoatl in mexico were undertaken by his priests of their own accord or at the instigation and pressure of the pontiff of huitzilopochtli, under whose jurisdiction they were. the designation by which quetzalcoatl was known to the maya was kukulcan, which signifies "feathered serpent," and is exactly translated by his mexican name. in guatemala he was called gucumatz, which word is also identical in kiche with his other native appellations. but the kukulcan of the maya appears to be dissimilar from quetzalcoatl in several of his attributes. the difference in climate would probably account for most of these. in mexico quetzalcoatl, as we have seen, was not only the man of the sun, but the original wind-god of the country. the kukulcan of the maya has more the attributes of a thunder-god. in the tropical climate of yucatan and guatemala the sun at midday appears to draw the clouds around it in serpentine shapes. from these emanate thunder and lightning and the fertilising rain, so that kukulcan would appear to have appealed to the maya more as a god of the sky who wielded the thunderbolts than a god of the atmosphere proper like quetzalcoatl, though several of the stelæ in yucatan represent kukulcan as he is portrayed in mexico, with wind issuing from his mouth. an alphabet of gods the principal sources of our knowledge of the maya deities are the dresden, madrid, and paris codices alluded to previously, all of which contain many pictorial representations of the various members of the maya pantheon. of the very names of some of these gods we are so ignorant, and so difficult is the process of affixing to them the traditional names which are left to us as those of the maya gods, that dr. paul schellhas, a german student of maya antiquities, has proposed that the figures of deities appearing in the maya codices or manuscripts should be provisionally indicated by the letters of the alphabet. the figures of gods which thus occur are fifteen in number, and therefore take the letters of the alphabet from a to p, the letter j being omitted. difficulties of comparison unluckily the accounts of spanish authors concerning maya mythology do not agree with the representations of the gods delineated in the codices. that the three codices have a mythology in common is certain. again, great difficulty is found in comparing the deities of the codices with those represented by the carved and stucco bas-reliefs of the maya region. it will thus be seen that very considerable difficulties beset the student in this mythological sphere. so few data have yet been collected regarding the maya mythology that to dogmatise upon any subject connected with it would indeed be rash. but much has been accomplished in the past few decades, and evidence is slowly but surely accumulating from which sound conclusions can be drawn. the conflict between light and darkness we witness in the maya mythology a dualism almost as complete as that of ancient persia--the conflict between light and darkness. opposing each other we behold on the one hand the deities of the sun, the gods of warmth and light, of civilisation and the joy of life, and on the other the deities of darksome death, of night, gloom, and fear. from these primal conceptions of light and darkness all the mythologic forms of the maya are evolved. when we catch the first recorded glimpses of maya belief we recognise that at the period when it came under the purview of europeans the gods of darkness were in the ascendant and a deep pessimism had spread over maya thought and theology. its joyful side was subordinated to the worship of gloomy beings, the deities of death and hell, and if the cult of light was attended with such touching fidelity it was because the benign agencies who were worshipped in connection with it had promised not to desert mankind altogether, but to return at some future indefinite period and resume their sway of radiance and peace. the calendar like that of the nahua, the maya mythology was based almost entirely upon the calendar, which in its astronomic significance and duration was identical with that of the mexicans. the ritual year of twenty "weeks" of thirteen days each was divided into four quarters, each of these being under the auspices of a different quarter of the heavens. each "week" was under the supervision of a particular deity, as will be seen when we come to deal separately with the various gods. traditional knowledge of the gods the heavenly bodies had important representation in the maya pantheon. in yucatan the sun-god was known as kinich-ahau (lord of the face of the sun). he was identified with the fire-bird, or arara, and was thus called kinich-kakmo (fire-bird; lit. sun-bird). he was also the presiding genius of the north. itzamna, one of the most important of the maya deities, was a moon-god, the father of gods and men. in him was typified the decay and recurrence of life in nature. his name was derived from the words he was supposed to have given to men regarding himself: "itz en caan, itz en muyal" ("i am the dew of the heaven, i am the dew of the clouds"). he was tutelar deity of the west. chac, the rain-god, is the possessor of an elongated nose, not unlike the proboscis of a tapir, which of course is the spout whence comes the rain which he blows over the earth. he is one of the best represented gods on both manuscripts and monuments, and presides over the east. the black god ekchuah was the god of merchants and cacao-planters. he is represented in the manuscripts several times. ix ch'el was the goddess of medicine, and ix chebel yax was identified by the priest hernandez with the virgin mary. there were also several deities, or rather genii, called bacabs, who were the upholders of the heavens in the four quarters of the sky. the names of these were kan, muluc, ix, and cauac, representing the east, north, west, and south. their symbolic colours were yellow, white, black, and red respectively. they corresponded in some degree to the four variants of the mexican rain-god tlaloc, for many of the american races believed that rain, the fertiliser of the soil, emanated from the four points of the compass. we shall find still other deities when we come to discuss the popol vuh, the saga-book of the kiche, but it is difficult to say how far these were connected with the deities of the maya of yucatan, concerning whom we have little traditional knowledge, and it is better to deal with them separately, pointing out resemblances where these appear to exist. maya polytheism on the whole the maya do not seem to have been burdened with an extensive pantheon, as were the nahua, and their polytheism appears to have been of a limited character. although they possessed a number of divinities, these were in a great measure only different forms of one and the same divine power--probably localised forms of it. the various maya tribes worshipped similar gods under different names. they recognised divine unity in the god hunabku, who was invisible and supreme, but he does not bulk largely in their mythology, any more than does the universal all-father in other early faiths. the sun is the great deity in maya religion, and the myths which tell of the origin of the maya people are purely solar. as the sun comes from the east, so the hero-gods who bring with them culture and enlightenment have an oriental origin. as votan, as kabil, the "red hand" who initiates the people into the arts of writing and architecture, these gods are civilising men of the sun as surely as is quetzalcoatl. the bat-god a sinister figure, the prince of the maya legions of darkness, is the bat-god, zotzilaha chimalman, who dwelt in the "house of bats," a gruesome cavern on the way to the abodes of darkness and death. he is undoubtedly a relic of cave-worship pure and simple. "the maya," says an old chronicler, "have an immoderate fear of death, and they seem to have given it a figure peculiarly repulsive." we shall find this deity alluded to in the popol vuh, under the name camazotz, in close proximity to the lords of death and hell, attempting to bar the journey of the hero-gods across these dreary realms. he is frequently met with on the copan reliefs, and a maya clan, the ah-zotzils, were called by his name. they were of kakchiquel origin, and he was probably their totem. modern research we must now turn to the question of what modern research has done to elucidate the character of the various maya deities. we have already seen that they have been provisionally named by the letters of the alphabet until such proof is forthcoming as will identify them with the traditional gods of the maya, and we will now briefly examine what is known concerning them under their temporary designations. god a in the dresden and other codices god a is represented as a figure with exposed vertebræ and skull-like countenance, with the marks of corruption on his body, and displaying every sign of mortality. on his head he wears a snail-symbol, the aztec sign of birth, perhaps to typify the connection between birth and death. he also wears a pair of cross-bones. the hieroglyph which accompanies his figure represents a corpse's head with closed eyes, a skull, and a sacrificial knife. his symbol is that for the calendar day cimi, which means death. he presides over the west, the home of the dead, the region toward which they invariably depart with the setting sun. that he is a death-god there can be no doubt, but of his name we are ignorant. he is probably identical with the aztec god of death and hell, mictlan, and is perhaps one of those lords of death and hell who invite the heroes to the celebrated game of ball in the kiche popol vuh, and hold them prisoners in their gloomy realm. god b is the deity who appears most frequently in the manuscripts. he has a long, truncated nose, like that of a tapir, and we find in him every sign of a god of the elements. he walks the waters, wields fiery torches, and seats himself on the cruciform tree of the four winds which appears so frequently in american myth. he is evidently a culture-god or hero, as he is seen planting maize, carrying tools, and going on a journey, a fact which establishes his solar connection. he is, in fact, kukulcan or quetzalcoatl, and on examining him we feel that at least there can be no doubt concerning his identity. concerning god c matter is lacking, but he is evidently a god of the pole-star, as in one of the codices he is surrounded by planetary signs and wears a nimbus of rays. god d is almost certainly a moon-god. he is represented as an aged man, with sunken cheeks and wrinkled forehead on which hangs the sign for night. his hieroglyph is surrounded by dots, to represent a starry sky, and is followed by the number 20, to show the duration of the moon. like most moon deities he is connected with birth, for occasionally he wears the snail, symbol of parturition, on his head. it is probable that he is itzamna, one of the greatest of maya gods, who was regarded as the universal life-giver, and was probably of very ancient origin. the maize-god god e is another deity whom we have no difficulty in identifying. he wears the leafed ear of maize as his head-dress. in fact, his head has been evolved out of the conventional drawings of the ear of maize, so we may say at once without any difficulty that he is a maize-god pure and simple, and a parallel with the aztec maize-god centeotl. brinton calls this god ghanan, and schellhas thinks he may be identical with a deity yum kaax, whose name means "lord of the harvest fields." a close resemblance can be noticed between gods f and a, and it is thought that the latter resembles the aztec xipe, the god of human sacrifice. he is adorned with the same black lines running over the face and body, typifying gaping death-wounds. the sun-god in g we may be sure that we have found a sun-god par excellence. his hieroglyph is the sun-sign, kin. but we must be careful not to confound him with deities like quetzalcoatl or kukulcan. he is, like the mexican totec, the sun itself, and not the man of the sun, the civilising agent, who leaves his bright abode to dwell with man and introduce him to the arts of cultured existence. he is the luminary himself, whose only acceptable food is human blood, and who must be fed full with this terrible fare or perish, dragging the world of men with him into a fathomless abyss of gloom. we need not be surprised, therefore, to see god g occasionally wearing the symbols of death. god h would seem to have some relationship to the serpent, but what it may be is obscure, and no certain identification can be made. i is a water-goddess, an old woman with wrinkled brown body and claw-like feet, wearing on her head a grisly snake twisted into a knot, to typify the serpent-like nature of water. she holds in her hands an earthenware pot from which water flows. we cannot say that she resembles the mexican water-goddess, chalchihuitlicue, wife of tlaloc, who was in most respects a deity of a beneficent character. i seems a personification of water in its more dreadful aspect of floods and water-spouts, as it must inevitably have appeared to the people of the more torrid regions of central america, and that she was regarded as an agent of death is shown from her occasionally wearing the cross-bones of the death-god. "the god with the ornamented nose" god k is scientifically known as "the god with the ornamented nose," and is probably closely related to god b. concerning him no two authorities are at one, some regarding him as a storm-god, whose proboscis, like that of kukulcan, is intended to represent the blast of the tempest. but we observe certain stellar signs in connection with k which would go to prove that he is, indeed, one of the quetzalcoatl group. his features are constantly to be met with on the gateways and corners of the ruined shrines of central america, and have led many "antiquarians" to believe in the existence of an elephant-headed god, whereas his trunk-like snout is merely a funnel through which he emitted the gales over which he had dominion, as a careful study of the pinturas shows, the wind being depicted issuing from the snout in question. at the same time, the snout may have been modelled on that of the tapir. "if the rain-god chac is distinguished in the maya manuscript by a peculiarly long nose curving over the mouth, and if in the other forms of the rain-god, to which, as it seems, the name of balon zacab belongs, the nose widens out and sends out shoots, i believe that the tapir which was employed identically with chac, the maya rain-god, furnished the model," says dr. seler. is k, then, the same as chac? chac bears every sign of affinity with the mexican rain-god tlaloc, whose face was evolved from the coils of two snakes, and also some resemblance to the snouted features of b and k. but, again, the mexican pictures of quetzalcoatl are not at all like those of tlaloc, so that there can be no affinity between tlaloc and k. therefore if the mexican tlaloc and the maya chac be identical, and tlaloc differs from quetzalcoatl, who in turn is identical with b and k, it is clear that chac has nothing to do with k. the old black god god l dr. schellhas has designated "the old black god," from the circumstance that he is depicted as an old man with sunken face and toothless gums, the upper, or sometimes the lower, part of his features being covered with black paint. he is represented in the dresden ms. only. professor cyrus thomas, of new york, thinks that he is the god ekchuah, who is traditionally described as black, but schellhas fits this designation to god m. the more probable theory is that of förstemann, who sees in l the god votan, who is identical with the aztec earth-god, tepeyollotl. both deities have similar face markings, and their dark hue is perhaps symbolical of the subterranean places where they were supposed to dwell. the travellers' god god m is a veritable black god, with reddish lips. on his head he bears a roped package resembling the loads carried by the maya porter class, and he is found in violent opposition with f, the enemy of all who wander into the unknown wastes. a god of this description has been handed down by tradition under the name of ekchuah, and his blackness is probably symbolical of the black or deeply bronzed skin of the porter class among the natives of central america, who are constantly exposed to the sun. he would appear to be a parallel to the aztec yacatecutli, god of travelling merchants or chapmen. the god of unlucky days god n is identified by schellhas with the demon uayayab, who presided over the five unlucky days which it will be recollected came at the end of the mexican and maya year. he was known to the maya as "he by whom the year is poisoned." after modelling his image in clay they carried it out of their villages, so that his baneful influence might not dwell therein. goddess o is represented as an old woman engaged in the avocation of spinning, and is probably a goddess of the domestic virtues, the tutelar of married females. the frog-god god p is shown with the body and fins of a frog on a blue background, evidently intended to represent water. like all other frog-gods he is, of course, a deity of water, probably in its agricultural significance. we find him sowing seed and making furrows, and when we remember the important part played by frog deities in the agriculture of anahuac we should have no difficulty in classing him with these. seler asserts his identity with kukulcan, but no reason except the circumstance of his being a rain-god can be advanced to establish the identity. he wears the year-sign on his head, probably with a seasonal reference. maya architecture it was in the wonderful architectural system which it developed without outside aid that the maya people most individually expressed itself. as has been said, those buildings which still remain, and which have excited the admiration of generations of archæologists, are principally confined to examples of ecclesiastical and governmental architecture, the dwellings of the common people consisting merely of the flimsiest of wattle-and-daub structures, which would fall to pieces shortly after they were abandoned. buried in dense forests or mouldering on the sun-exposed plains of yucatan, honduras, and guatemala, the cities which boasted these edifices are for the most part situated away from modern trade routes, and are not a little difficult to come at. it is in yucatan, the old home of the cocomes and tutul xius, that the most perfect specimens of maya architecture are to be found, especially as regards its later development, and here, too, it may be witnessed in its decadent phase. methods of building the maya buildings were almost always erected upon a mound or ku, either natural or artificial, generally the latter. in this we discover affinities with the mexican teocalli type. often these kus stood alone, without any superincumbent building save a small altar to prove their relation to the temple type of anahuac. the typical maya temple was built on a series of earth terraces arranged in exact parallel order, the buildings themselves forming the sides of a square. the mounds are generally concealed by plaster or faced with stone, the variety employed being usually a hard sandstone, of which the maya had a good supply in the quarries of chiapas and honduras. moderate in weight, the difficulty of transport was easily overcome, whilst large blocks could be readily quarried. it will thus be seen that the maya had no substantial difficulties to surmount in connection with building the large edifices and temples they raised, except, perhaps, the lack of metal tools to shape and carve and quarry the stone which they used. and although they exhibit considerable ingenuity in such architectural methods as they employed, they were still surprisingly ignorant of some of the first essentials and principles of the art. no knowledge of the arch for example, they were totally ignorant of the principles upon which the arch is constructed. this difficulty they overcame by making each course of masonry overhang the one beneath it, after the method employed by a boy with a box of bricks, who finds that he can only make "doorways" by this means, or by the simple expedient--also employed by the maya--of placing a slab horizontally upon two upright pillars. in consequence it will readily be seen that the superimposition of a second story upon such an insecure foundation was scarcely to be thought of, and that such support for the roof as towered above the doorway would necessarily require to be of the most substantial description. indeed, this portion of the building often appears to be more than half the size of the rest of the edifice. this space gave the maya builders a splendid chance for mural decoration, and it must be said they readily seized it and made the most of it, ornamental façades being perhaps the most typical features in the relics of maya architecture. pyramidal structures but the maya possessed another type of building which permitted of their raising more than one story. this was the pyramidal type, of which many examples remain. the first story was built in the usual manner, and the second was raised by increasing the height of the mound at the back of the building until it was upon a level with the roof--another device well known to the boy with the box of bricks. in the centre of the space thus made another story could be erected, which was entered by a staircase outside the building. hampered by their inability to build to any appreciable height, the maya architects made up for the deficiency by constructing edifices of considerable length and breadth, the squat appearance of which is counterbalanced by the beautiful mural decoration of the sides and façade. definiteness of design he would be a merely superficial observer who would form the conclusion that these specimens of an architecture spontaneously evolved were put together without survey, design, or previous calculation. that as much thought entered into their construction as is lavished upon his work by a modern architect is proved by the manner in which the carved stones fit into one another. it would be absurd to suppose that these tremendous façades bristling with scores of intricate designs could have been first placed in position and subsequently laden with the bas-reliefs they exhibit. it is plain that they were previously worked apart and separately from one entire design. thus we see that the highest capabilities of the architect were essential in a measure to the erection of these imposing structures. architectural districts although the mason-craft of the maya peoples was essentially similar in all the regions populated by its various tribes and offshoots, there existed in the several localities occupied by them certain differences in construction and ornamentation which would almost justify us in dividing them into separate architectural spheres. in chiapas, for example, we find the bas-relief predominant, whether in stone or stucco. in honduras we find a stiffness of design which implies an older type of architecture, along with caryatides and memorial pillars of human shape. in guatemala, again, we find traces of the employment of wood. as the civilisation of the maya cannot be well comprehended without some knowledge of their architecture, and as that art was unquestionably their national forte and the thing which most sharply distinguished them from the semi-savage peoples that surrounded them, it will be well to consider it for a space as regards its better-known individual examples. fascination of the subject he would indeed be dull of imagination and of spirit who could enter into the consideration of such a subject as this without experiencing some thrill from the mystery which surrounds it. although familiarised with the study of the maya antiquities by reason of many years of close acquaintance with it, the author cannot approach the theme without a feeling of the most intense awe. we are considering the memorials of a race isolated for countless thousands of years from the rest of humanity--a race which by itself evolved a civilisation in every respect capable of comparison with those of ancient egypt or assyria. in these impenetrable forests and sun-baked plains mighty works were raised which tell of a culture of a lofty type. we are aware that the people who reared them entered into religious and perhaps philosophical considerations their interpretations of which place them upon a level with the most enlightened races of antiquity; but we have only stepped upon the margin of maya history. what dread secrets, what scenes of orgic splendour have those carven walls witnessed? what solemn priestly conclave, what magnificence of rite, what marvels of initiation, have these forest temples known? these things we shall never learn. they are hidden from us in a gloom as palpable as that of the tree-encircled depths in which we find these shattered works of a once powerful hierarchy. mysterious palenque one of the most famous of these ancient centres of priestly domination is palenque, situated in the modern state of chiapas. this city was first brought into notice by don josé calderon in 1774, when he discovered no less than eighteen palaces, twenty great buildings, and a hundred and sixty houses, which proves that in his day the primeval forest had not made such inroads upon the remaining buildings as it has during the past few generations. there is good evidence besides this that palenque was standing at the time of cortés' conquest of yucatan. and here it will be well at once to dispel any conception the reader may have formed concerning the vast antiquity of these cities and the structures they contain. the very oldest of them cannot be of a date anterior to the thirteenth century, and few americanists of repute would admit such an antiquity for them. there may be remains of a fragmentary nature here and there in central america which are relatively more ancient. but no temple or edifice which remains standing can claim a greater antiquity. palenque is built in the form of an amphitheatre, and nestles on the lowest slopes of the cordilleras. standing on the central pyramid, the eye is met by a ring of ruined palaces and temples raised upon artificial terraces. of these the principal and most imposing is the palace, a pile reared upon a single platform, forming an irregular quadrilateral, with a double gallery on the east, north, and west sides, surrounding an inner structure with a similar gallery and two courtyards. it is evident that there was little system or plan observed in the construction of this edifice, an unusual circumstance in maya architecture. the dwelling apartments were situated on the southern side of the structure, and here there is absolute confusion, for buildings of all sorts and sizes jostle each other, and are reared on different levels. our interest is perhaps at first excited by three subterraneous apartments down a flight of gloomy steps. here are to be found three great stone tables, the edges of which are fretted with sculptured symbols. that these were altars admits of little doubt, although some visitors have not hesitated to call them dining-tables! these constitute only one of the many puzzles in this building of 228 feet frontage, with a depth of 180 feet, which at the same time is only about 25 feet high! on the north side of the palace pyramid the façade of the palace has crumbled into complete ruin, but some evidences of an entrance are still noticeable. there were probably fourteen doorways in all in the frontage, with a width of about 9 feet each, the piers of which were covered with figures in bas-relief. the inside of the galleries is also covered at intervals with similar designs, or medallions, many of which are probably representations of priests or priestesses who once dwelt within the classic shades and practised strange rites in the worship of gods long since forgotten. one of these is of a woman with delicate features and high-bred countenance, and the frame or rim surrounding it is decorated in a manner recalling the louis xv style. the east gallery is 114 feet long, the north 185 feet, and the west 102 feet, so that, as remarked above, a lack of symmetry is apparent. the great court is reached by a mayan arch which leads on to a staircase, on each side of which grotesque human figures of the maya type are sculptured. whom they are intended to portray or what rite they are engaged in it would indeed be difficult to say. that they are priests may be hazarded, for they appear to be dressed in the ecclesiastical maxtli (girdle), and one seems to be decorated with the beads seen in the pictures of the death-god. moreover, they are mitred. the courtyard is exceedingly irregular in shape. to the south side is a small building which has assisted our knowledge of maya mural decoration; especially valuable is the handsome frieze with which it is adorned, on which we observe the rather familiar feathered serpent (kukulcan or quetzalcoatl). everywhere we notice the flat maya head--a racial type, perhaps brought about by deformation of the cranium in youth. one of the most important parts of the palace from an architectural point of view is the east front of the inner wing, which is perhaps the best preserved, and exhibits the most luxurious ornamentation. two roofed galleries supported by six pillars covered with bas-reliefs are reached by a staircase on which hieroglyphic signs still remain. the reliefs in cement are still faintly to be discerned on the pillars, and must have been of great beauty. they represent mythological characters in various attitudes. above, seven enormous heads frown on the explorer in grim menace. the effect of the entire façade is rich in the extreme, even in ruin, and from it we can obtain a faint idea of the splendours of this wonderful civilisation. an architectural curiosity one of the few towers to be seen among the ruins of maya architecture stands at palenque. it is square in shape and three stories in height, with sloping roof, and is not unlike the belfry of some little english village church. the building we have been describing, although traditionally known as a "palace," was undoubtedly a great monastery or ecclesiastical habitation. indeed, the entire city of palenque was solely a priestly centre, a place of pilgrimage. the bas-reliefs with their representations of priests and acolytes prove this, as does the absence of warlike or monarchical subjects. the temple of inscriptions the temple of inscriptions, perched on an eminence some 40 feet high, is the largest edifice in palenque. it has a façade 74 feet long by 25 feet deep, composed of a great gallery which runs along the entire front of the fane. the building has been named from the inscriptions with which certain flagstones in the central apartment are covered. three other temples occupy a piece of rising ground close by. these are the temple of the sun, closely akin in type to many japanese temple buildings; the temple of the cross, in which a wonderful altar-piece was discovered; and the temple of the cross no. ii. in the temple of the cross the inscribed altar gave its name to the building. in the central slab is a cross of the american pattern, its roots springing from the hideous head of the goddess chicomecohuatl, the earth-mother, or her maya equivalent. its branches stretch to where on the right and left stand two figures, evidently those of a priest and acolyte, performing some mysterious rite. on the apex of the tree is placed the sacred turkey, or "emerald fowl," to which offerings of maize paste are made. the whole is surrounded by inscriptions. (see illustration facing p. 160.) aké and itzamal thirty miles east of merida lies aké, the colossal and primeval ruins of which speak of early maya occupation. here are pyramids, tennis-courts, and gigantic pillars which once supported immense galleries, all in a state of advanced ruin. chief among these is the great pyramid and gallery, a mighty staircase rising toward lofty pillars, and somewhat reminiscent of stonehenge. for what purpose it was constructed is quite unknown. the house of darkness one ruin, tradition calls "the house of darkness." here no light enters save that which filters in by the open doorway. the vaulted roof is lost in a lofty gloom. so truly have the huge blocks of which the building is composed been laid that not even a needle could be inserted between them. the whole is coated with a hard plaster or cement. the palace of owls the knuc (palace of owls), where a beautiful frieze of diamond-shaped stones intermingling with spheres may be observed, is noteworthy. all here is undoubtedly of the first yucatec era, the time when the maya first overran the country. at itzamal the chief object of interest is the great pyramid of kinich-kakmo (the sun's face with fiery rays), the base of which covers an area of nearly 650 square feet. to this shrine thousands were wont to come in times of panic or famine, and from the summit, where was housed the glittering idol, the smoke of sacrifice ascended to the cloudless sky, whilst a multitude of white-robed priests and augurs chanted and prophesied. to the south of this mighty pile stand the ruins of the ppapp-hol-chac (the house of heads and lightnings), the abode of the chief priest. itzamna's fane at itzamal, too, stood one of the chief temples of the great god itzamna, the legendary founder of the maya empire. standing on a lofty pyramid, four roads radiated from it, leading to tabasco, guatemala, and chiapas; and here they brought the halt, the maimed, and the blind, aye, even the dead, for succour and resurrection, such faith had they in the mighty power of kab-ul (the miraculous hand), as they designated the deity. the fourth road ran to the sacred isle of cozumel, where first the men of spain found the maya cross, and supposed it to prove that st. thomas had discovered the american continent in early times, and had converted the natives to a christianity which had become debased. bearded gods to the west arose another pyramid, on the summit of which was built the palace of hunpictok (the commander-in-chief of eight thousand flints), in allusion, probably, to the god of lightning, hurakan, whose gigantic face, once dominating the basement wall, has now disappeared. this face possessed huge mustachios, appendages unknown to the maya race; and, indeed, we are struck with the frequency with which mexican and mayan gods and heroes are adorned with beards and other hirsute ornaments both on the monuments and in the manuscripts. was the original governing class a bearded race? it is scarcely probable. whence, then, the ever-recurring beard and moustache? these may have been developed in the priestly class by constant ceremonial shaving, which often produces a thin beard in the mongolians--as witness the modern japanese, who in imitating a custom of the west often succeed in producing quite respectable beards. a colossal head not far away is to be found a gigantic head, probably that of the god itzamna. it is 13 feet in height, and the features were formed by first roughly tracing them in rubble, and afterwards coating the whole with plaster. the figure is surrounded by spirals, symbols of wind or speech. on the opposite side of the pyramid alluded to above is found a wonderful bas-relief representing a tiger couchant, with a human head of the maya type, probably depicting one of the early ancestors of the maya, balam-quitze (tiger with the sweet smile), of whom we read in the popol vuh. chichen-itza at chichen-itza, in yucatan, the chief wonder is the gigantic pyramid-temple known as el castillo. it is reached by a steep flight of steps, and from it the vast ruins of chichen radiate in a circular manner. to the east is the market-place, to the north a mighty temple, and a tennis-court, perhaps the best example of its kind in yucatan, whilst to the west stand the nunnery and the chichan-chob, or prison. concerning chichen-itza cogolludo tells the following story: "a king of chichen called canek fell desperately in love with a young princess, who, whether she did not return his affection or whether she was compelled to obey a parental mandate, married a more powerful yucatec cacique. the discarded lover, unable to bear his loss, and moved by love and despair, armed his dependents and suddenly fell upon his successful rival. then the gaiety of the feast was exchanged for the din of war, and amidst the confusion the chichen prince disappeared, carrying off the beautiful bride. but conscious that his power was less than his rival's, and fearing his vengeance, he fled the country with most of his vassals." it is a historical fact that the inhabitants of chichen abandoned their city, but whether for the reason given in this story or not cannot be discovered. the nunnery the nunnery at chichen is a building of great beauty of outline and decoration, the frieze above the doorway and the fretted ornamentation of the upper story exciting the admiration of most writers on the subject. here dwelt the sacred women, the chief of whom, like their male prototypes, were dedicated to kukulcan and regarded with much reverence. the base of the building is occupied by eight large figures, and over the door is the representation of a priest with a panache, whilst a row of gigantic heads crowns the north façade. here, too, are figures of the wind-god, with projecting lips, which many generations of antiquarians took for heads of elephants with waving trunks! the entire building is one of the gems of central american architecture, and delights the eye of archæologist and artist alike. in el castillo are found wonderful bas-reliefs depicting bearded men, evidently the priests of quetzalcoatl, himself bearded, and to the practised eye one of these would appear to be wearing a false hirsute appendage, as kings were wont to do in ancient egypt. were these beards artificial and symbolical? the "writing in the dark" the akab-sib (writing in the dark) is a bas-relief found on the lintel of an inner door at the extremity of the building. it represents a figure seated before a vase, with outstretched forefinger, and whence it got its traditional appellation it would be hard to say, unless the person represented is supposed to be in the act of writing. the figure is surrounded by inscriptions. at chichen were found a statue of tlaloc, the god of rain or moisture, and immense torsos representing kukulcan. there also was a terrible well into which men were cast in time of drought as a propitiation to the rain-god. kabah at kabah there is a marvellous frontage which strikingly recalls that of a north american indian totem-house in its fantastic wealth of detail. the ruins are scattered over a large area, and must all have been at one time painted in brilliant colours. here two horses' heads in stone were unearthed, showing that the natives had copied faithfully the steeds of the conquering spaniards. nothing is known of the history of kabah, but its neighbour, uxmal, fifteen miles distant, is much more famous. uxmal the imposing pile of the casa del gobernador (governor's palace, so called) at uxmal is perhaps the best known and described of all the aboriginal buildings of central america. it occupies three successive colossal terraces, and its frieze runs in a line of 325 feet, and is divided into panels, each of which frames a gigantic head of priest or deity. the striking thing concerning this edifice is that although it has been abandoned for over three hundred years it is still almost as fresh architecturally as when it left the builder's hands. here and there a lintel has fallen, or stones have been removed in a spirit of vandalism to assist in the erection of a neighbouring hacienda, but on the whole we possess in it the most unspoiled piece of yucatec building in existence. on the side of the palace where stands the main entrance, directly over the gateway, is the most wonderful fretwork and ornamentation, carried out in high relief, above which soar three eagles in hewn stone, surmounted by a plumed human head. in the plinth are three heads, which in type recall the roman, surrounded by inscriptions. a clear proof of the comparative lateness of the period in which uxmal was built is found in the circumstance that all the lintels over the doorways are of wood, of which much still exists in a good state of preservation. many of the joists of the roofs were also of timber, and were fitted into the stonework by means of specially carved ends. the dwarf's house there is also a nunnery which forcibly recalls that at chichen, and is quite as elaborate and flamboyant in its architectural design. but the real mystery at uxmal is the casa del adivino (the prophet's house), also locally known as "the dwarf's house." it consists of two portions, one of which is on the summit of an artificial pyramid, whilst the other, a small but beautifully finished chapel, is situated lower down facing the town. the loftier building is reached by an exceedingly steep staircase, and bears every evidence of having been used as a sanctuary, for here were discovered cacao and copal, recently burnt, by cogolludo as late as 1656, which is good evidence that the yucatecs did not all at once abandon their ancient faith at the promptings of the spanish fathers. the legend of the dwarf in his travels in yucatan stephens has a legend relating to this house which may well be given in his own words: "an old woman," he says, "lived alone in her hut, rarely leaving her chimney-corner. she was much distressed at having no children, and in her grief one day took an egg, wrapped it up carefully in cotton cloth, and put it in a corner of her hut. she looked every day in great anxiety, but no change in the egg was observable. one morning, however, she found the shell broken, and a lovely tiny creature was stretching out its arms to her. the old woman was in raptures. she took it to her heart, gave it a nurse, and was so careful of it that at the end of a year the baby walked and talked as well as a grown-up man. but he stopped growing. the good old woman in her joy and delight exclaimed that the baby should be a great chief. one day she told him to go to the king's palace and engage him in a trial of strength. the dwarf begged hard not to be sent on such an enterprise. but the old woman insisted on his going, and he was obliged to obey. when ushered into the presence of the sovereign he threw down his gauntlet. the latter smiled, and asked him to lift a stone of three arobes (75 lb.). the child returned crying to his mother, who sent him back, saying, 'if the king can lift the stone, you can lift it too.' the king did take it up, but so did the dwarf. his strength was tried in many other ways, but all the king did was as easily done by the dwarf. wroth at being outdone by so puny a creature, the prince told the dwarf that unless he built a palace loftier than any in the city he should die. the affrighted dwarf returned to the old woman, who bade him not to despair, and the next morning they both awoke in the palace which is still standing. the king saw the palace with amazement. he instantly sent for the dwarf, and desired him to collect two bundles of cogoiol (a kind of hard wood), with one of which he would strike the dwarf on the head, and consent to be struck in return by his tiny adversary. the latter again returned to his mother moaning and lamenting. but the old woman cheered him up, and, placing a tortilla on his head, sent him back to the king. the trial took place in the presence of all the state grandees. the king broke the whole of his bundle on the dwarf's head without hurting him in the least, seeing which he wished to save his own head from the impending ordeal; but his word had been passed before his assembled court, and he could not well refuse. the dwarf struck, and at the second blow the king's skull was broken to pieces. the spectators immediately proclaimed the victorious dwarf their sovereign. after this the old woman disappeared. but in the village of mani, fifty miles distant, is a deep well leading to a subterraneous passage which extends as far as merida. in this passage is an old woman sitting on the bank of a river shaded by a great tree, having a serpent by her side. she sells water in small quantities, accepting no money, for she must have human beings, innocent babies, which are devoured by the serpent. this old woman is the dwarf's mother." the interpretation of this myth is by no means difficult. the old woman is undoubtedly the rain-goddess, the dwarf the man of the sun who emerges from the cosmic egg. in yucatan dwarfs were sacred to the sun-god, and were occasionally sacrificed to him, for reasons which appear obscure. the mound of sacrifice another building at uxmal the associations of which render it of more than passing interest is the pyramid of sacrifice, an edifice built on the plan of the mexican teocalli. indeed, it is probably of aztec origin, and may even have been erected by the mercenaries who during the fifteenth century swarmed from mexico into yucatan and guatemala to take service with the rival chieftains who carried on civil war in those states. beside this is another mound which was crowned by a very beautiful temple, now in an advanced state of ruin. the "pigeon house" is an ornate pile with pinnacles pierced by large openings which probably served as dovecotes. the entire architecture of uxmal displays a type more primitive than that met elsewhere in yucatan. there is documentary evidence to prove that so late as 1673 the indians still worshipped in the ruins of uxmal, where they burnt copal, and performed "other detestable sacrifices." so that even a hundred and fifty years of spanish rule had not sufficed to wean the natives from the worship of the older gods to whom their fathers had for generations bowed down. this would also seem conclusive evidence that the ruins of uxmal at least were the work of the existing race. the phantom city in his travels in central america stephens recounts a fascinating story told him by a priest of santa cruz del quiche, to the effect that four days' journey from that place a great indian city was to be seen, densely populated, and preserving the ancient civilisation of the natives. he had, indeed, beheld it from the summit of a cliff, shining in glorious whiteness many leagues away. this was perhaps lorillard city, discovered by suarez, and afterwards by charnay. in general type lorillard closely resembles palenque. here was found a wonderfully executed stone idol, which charnay thought represented a different racial type from that seen in the other central american cities. the chief finds of interest in this ancient city were the intricate bas-reliefs, one over the central door of a temple, probably a symbolic representation of quetzalcoatl, who holds the rain-cross, in both hands, and is seen vis-à-vis with an acolyte, also holding the symbol, though it is possible that the individual represented may have been the high-priest of quetzalcoatl or kukulcan. another bas-relief represents a priest sacrificing to kukulcan by passing a rope of maguey fibre over his tongue for the purpose of drawing blood--an instance of the substitution in sacrifice of the part for the whole. the horse-god at peten-itza, cortés left his horse, which had fallen sick, to the care of the indians. the animal died under their mismanagement and because of the food offered it, and the terrified natives, fancying it a divine being, raised an image of it, and called it izimin chac (thunder and lightning), because they had seen its rider discharge a firearm, and they imagined that the flash and the report had proceeded from the creature. the sight of the idol aroused such wrath in the zealous bosom of a certain spanish monk that he broke it with a huge stone--and, but for the interference of the cacique, would have suffered death for his temerity. peten was a city "filled with idols," as was tayasal, close at hand, where in the seventeenth century no less than nine new temples were built, which goes to prove that the native religion was by no means extinct. one of these new temples, according to villagutierre, had a spanish balcony of hewn stone! in the temple of the sun at tikal, an adjoining city, is a wonderful altar panel, representing an unknown deity, and here also are many of those marvellously carved idols of which stephens gives such capital illustrations in his fascinating book. copan copan, one of the most interesting of these wondrous city-centres, the name of which has, indeed, become almost a household word, is in the same district as the towns just described, and abounds chiefly in monolithic images. it yielded after a desperate struggle to hernandez de chaves, one of alvarado's lieutenants, in 1530. the monolithic images so abundantly represented here are evolved from the stelæ and the bas-relief, and are not statues in the proper sense of the term, as they are not completely cut away from the stone background out of which they were carved. an altar found at copan exhibits real skill in sculpture, the head-dresses, ornaments, and expressions of the eight figures carved on its sides being elaborate in the extreme and exceedingly lifelike. here again we notice a fresh racial type, which goes to prove that one race alone cannot have been responsible for these marvellous ruined cities and all that they contain and signify. we have to imagine a shifting of races and a fluctuation of peoples in central america such as we know took place in europe and asia before we can rightly understand the ethnological problems of the civilised sphere of the new world, and any theory which does not take due account of such conditions is doomed to failure. mitla we now come to the last of these stupendous remnants of a vanished civilisation--mitla, by no means the least of the works of civilised man in central america. at the period of the conquest the city occupied a wide area, but at the present time only six palaces and three ruined pyramids are left standing. the great palace is a vast edifice in the shape of the letter t, and measures 130 feet in its greater dimension, with an apartment of a like size. six monolithic columns which supported the roof still stand in gigantic isolation, but the roof itself has long fallen in. a dark passage leads to the inner court, and the walls of this are covered with mosaic work in panels which recalls somewhat the pattern known as the "greek fret." the lintels over the doorways are of huge blocks of stone nearly eighteen feet long. of this building viollet-le-duc says: "the monuments of greece and rome in their best time can alone compare with the splendour of this great edifice." a place of sepulture the ruins at mitla bear no resemblance to those of mexico or yucatan, either as regards architecture or ornamentation, for whereas the yucatec buildings possess overlapping walls, the palaces of mitla consist of perpendicular walls intended to support flat roofs. of these structures the second and fourth palaces alone are in such a state of preservation as to permit of general description. the second palace shows by its sculptured lintel and two inner columns that the same arrangement was observed in its construction as in the great palace just described. the fourth palace has on its southern façade oblong panels and interesting caryatides or pillars in the shape of human figures. these palaces consisted of four upper apartments, finely sculptured, and a like number of rooms on the lower story, which was occupied by the high-priest, and to which the king came to mourn on the demise of a relative. here, too, the priests were entombed, and in an adjoining room the idols were kept. into a huge underground chamber the bodies of eminent warriors and sacrificial victims were cast. attempts have been made to identify mitla with mictlan, the mexican hades, and there is every reason to suppose that the identification is correct. it must be borne in mind that mictlan was as much a place of the dead as a place of punishment, as was the greek hades, and therefore might reasonably signify a place of sepulture, such as mitla undoubtedly was. the following passages from the old historians of mitla, torquemada and burgoa, throw much light on this aspect of the city, and besides are full of the most intense interest and curious information, so that they may be given in extenso. but before passing on to them we should for a moment glance at seler's suggestion that the american race imagined that their ancestors had originally issued from the underworld through certain caverns into the light of day, and that this was the reason why mitla was not only a burial-place but a sanctuary. an old description of mitla of mitla father torquemada writes: "when some monks of my order, the franciscan, passed, preaching and shriving, through the province of zapoteca, whose capital city is tehuantepec, they came to a village which was called mictlan, that is, underworld [hell]. besides mentioning the large number of people in the village they told of buildings which were prouder and more magnificent than any which they had hitherto seen in new spain. among them was a temple of the evil spirit and living-rooms for his demoniacal servants, and among other fine things there was a hall with ornamented panels, which were constructed of stone in a variety of arabesques and other very remarkable designs. there were doorways there, each one of which was built of but three stones, two upright at the sides and one across them, in such a manner that, although these doorways were very high and broad, the stones sufficed for their entire construction. they were so thick and broad that we were assured there were few like them. there was another hall in these buildings, or rectangular temples, which was erected entirely on round stone pillars, very high and very thick, so thick that two grown men could scarcely encircle them with their arms, nor could one of them reach the finger-tips of the other. these pillars were all in one piece, and, it was said, the whole shaft of a pillar measured 5 ells from top to bottom, and they were very much like those of the church of santa maria maggiore in rome, very skilfully made and polished." father burgoa gives a more exact description. he says: "the palace of the living and of the dead was built for the use of this person [the high-priest of the zapotecs].... they built this magnificent house or pantheon in the shape of a rectangle, with portions rising above the earth and portions built down into the earth, the latter in the hole or cavity which was found below the surface of the earth, and ingeniously made the chambers of equal size by the manner of joining them, leaving a spacious court in the middle; and in order to secure four equal chambers they accomplished what barbarian heathen (as they were) could only achieve by the powers and skill of an architect. it is not known in what stone-pit they quarried the pillars, which are so thick that two men can scarcely encircle them with their arms. these are, to be sure, mere shafts without capital or pedestal, but they are wonderfully regular and smooth, and they are about 5 ells high and in one piece. these served to support the roof, which consists of stone slabs instead of beams. the slabs are about 2 ells long, 1 ell broad, and half an ell thick, extending from pillar to pillar. the pillars stand in a row, one behind the other, in order to receive the weight. the stone slabs are so regular and so exactly fitted that, without any mortar or cement, at the joints they resemble mortised beams. the four rooms, which are very spacious, are arranged in exactly the same way and covered with the same kind of roofing. but in the construction of the walls the greatest architects of the earth have been surpassed, as i have not found this kind of architecture described either among the egyptians or among the greeks, for they begin at the base with a narrow outline and, as the structure rises in height, spread out in wide copings at the top, so that the upper part exceeds the base in breadth and looks as if it would fall over. the inner side of the walls consists of a mortar or stucco of such hardness that no one knows with what kind of liquid it could have been mixed. the outside is of such extraordinary workmanship that on a masonry wall about an ell in height there are placed stone slabs with a projecting edge, which form the support for an endless number of small white stones, the smallest of which are a sixth of an ell long, half as broad, and a quarter as thick, and which are as smooth and regular as if they had all come from one mould. they had so many of these stones that, setting them in, one beside the other, they formed with them a large number of different beautiful geometric designs, each an ell broad and running the whole length of the wall, each varying in pattern up to the crowning piece, which was the finest of all. and what has always seemed inexplicable to the greatest architects is the adjustment of these little stones without a single handful of mortar, and the fact that without tools, with nothing but hard stones and sand, they could achieve such solid work that, though the whole structure is very old and no one knows who made it, it has been preserved until the present day. human sacrifice at mitla "i carefully examined these monuments some thirty years ago in the chambers above ground, which are constructed of the same size and in the same way as those below ground, and, though single pieces were in ruins because some stones had become loosened, there was still much to admire. the doorways were very large, the sides of each being of single stones of the same thickness as the wall, and the lintel was made out of another stone which held the two lower ones together at the top. there were four chambers above ground and four below. the latter were arranged according to their purpose in such a way that one front chamber served as chapel and sanctuary for the idols, which were placed on a great stone which served as an altar. and for the more important feasts which they celebrated with sacrifices, or at the burial of a king or great lord, the high-priest instructed the lesser priests or the subordinate temple officials who served him to prepare the chapel and his vestments and a large quantity of the incense used by them. and then he descended with a great retinue, while none of the common people saw him or dared to look in his face, convinced that if they did so they would fall dead to the earth as a punishment for their boldness. and when he entered the chapel they put on him a long white cotton garment made like an alb, and over that a garment shaped like a dalmatic, which was embroidered with pictures of wild beasts and birds; and they put a cap on his head, and on his feet a kind of shoe woven of many coloured feathers. and when he had put on these garments he walked with solemn mien and measured step to the altar, bowed low before the idols, renewed the incense, and then in quite unintelligible murmurs he began to converse with these images, these depositories of infernal spirits, and continued in this sort of prayer with hideous grimaces and writhings, uttering inarticulate sounds, which filled all present with fear and terror, till he came out of that diabolical trance and told those standing around the lies and fabrications which the spirit had imparted to him or which he had invented himself. when human beings were sacrificed the ceremonies were multiplied, and the assistants of the high-priest stretched the victim out upon a large stone, baring his breast, which they tore open with a great stone knife, while the body writhed in fearful convulsions, and they laid the heart bare, ripping it out, and with it the soul, which the devil took, while they carried the heart to the high-priest that he might offer it to the idols by holding it to their mouths, among other ceremonies; and the body was thrown into the burial-place of their 'blessed,' as they called them. and if after the sacrifice he felt inclined to detain those who begged any favour he sent them word by the subordinate priests not to leave their houses till their gods were appeased, and he commanded them to do penance meanwhile, to fast and to speak with no woman, so that, until this father of sin had interceded for the absolution of the penitents and had declared the gods appeased, they did not dare to cross their thresholds. "the second (underground) chamber was the burial-place of these high-priests, the third that of the kings of theozapotlan, whom they brought hither richly dressed in their best attire, feathers, jewels, golden necklaces, and precious stones, placing a shield in the left hand and a javelin in the right, just as they used them in war. and at their burial rites great mourning prevailed; the instruments which were played made mournful sounds; and with loud wailing and continuous sobbing they chanted the life and exploits of their lord until they laid him on the structure which they had prepared for this purpose. living sacrifices "the last (underground) chamber had a second door at the rear, which led to a dark and gruesome room. this was closed with a stone slab, which occupied the whole entrance. through this door they threw the bodies of the victims and of the great lords and chieftains who had fallen in battle, and they brought them from the spot where they fell, even when it was very far off, to this burial-place; and so great was the barbarous infatuation of those indians that, in the belief of the happy life which awaited them, many who were oppressed by diseases or hardships begged this infamous priest to accept them as living sacrifices and allow them to enter through that portal and roam about in the dark interior of the mountain, to seek the feasting-places of their forefathers. and when any one obtained this favour the servants of the high-priest led him thither with special ceremonies, and after they allowed him to enter through the small door they rolled the stone before it again and took leave of him, and the unhappy man, wandering in that abyss of darkness, died of hunger and thirst, beginning already in life the pain of his damnation, and on account of this horrible abyss they called this village liyobaa. the cavern of death "when later there fell upon these people the light of the gospel, its servants took much trouble to instruct them, and to find out whether this error, common to all these nations, still prevailed; and they learned from the stories which had been handed down that all were convinced that this damp cavern extended more than thirty leagues underground, and that its roof was supported by pillars. and there were people, zealous prelates anxious for knowledge, who, in order to convince these ignorant people of their error, went into this cave accompanied by a large number of people bearing lighted torches and firebrands, and descended several large steps. and they soon came upon many great buttresses which formed a kind of street. they had prudently brought a quantity of rope with them to use as guiding-lines, that they might not lose themselves in this confusing labyrinth. and the putrefaction and the bad odour and the dampness of the earth were very great, and there was also a cold wind which blew out their torches. and after they had gone a short distance, fearing to be overpowered by the stench, or to step on poisonous reptiles, of which some had been seen, they resolved to go out again, and to completely wall up this back door of hell. the four buildings above ground were the only ones which still remained open, and they had a court and chambers like those underground; and the ruins of these have lasted even to the present day. palace of the high-priest "one of the rooms above ground was the palace of the high-priest, where he sat and slept, for the apartment offered room and opportunity for everything. the throne was like a high cushion, with a high back to lean against, all of tiger-skin, stuffed entirely with delicate feathers, or with fine grass which was used for this purpose. the other seats were smaller, even when the king came to visit him. the authority of this devilish priest was so great that there was no one who dared to cross the court, and to avoid this the other three chambers had doors in the rear, through which even the kings entered. for this purpose they had alleys and passage-ways on the outside above and below, by which people could enter and go out when they came to see the high-priest.... "the second chamber above ground was that of the priests and the assistants of the high-priest. the third was that of the king when he came. the fourth was that of the other chieftains and captains, and though the space was small for so great a number, and for so many different families, yet they accommodated themselves to each other out of respect for the place, and avoided dissensions and factions. furthermore, there was no other administration of justice in this place than that of the high-priest, to whose unlimited power all bowed. furniture of the temples "all the rooms were clean, and well furnished with mats. it was not the custom to sleep on bedsteads, however great a lord might be. they used very tastefully braided mats, which were spread on the floor, and soft skins of animals and delicate fabrics for coverings. their food consisted usually of animals killed in the hunt--deer, rabbits, armadillos, &c., and also birds, which they killed with snares or arrows. the bread, made of their maize, was white and well kneaded. their drinks were always cold, made of ground chocolate, which was mixed with water and pounded maize. other drinks were made of pulpy and of crushed fruits, which were then mixed with the intoxicating drink prepared from the agave; for since the common people were forbidden the use of intoxicating drinks, there was always an abundance of these on hand." chapter v: myths of the maya mythology of the maya our knowledge of the mythology of the maya is by no means so full and comprehensive as in the case of mexican mythology. traditions are few and obscure, and the hieroglyphic matter is closed to us. but one great mine of maya-kiche mythology exists which furnishes us with much information regarding kiche cosmogony and pseudo-history, with here and there an interesting allusion to the various deities of the kiche pantheon. this is the popol vuh, a volume in which a little real history is mingled with much mythology. it was composed in the form in which we now possess it by a christianised native of guatemala in the seventeenth century, and copied in kiche, in which it was originally written, by one francisco ximenes, a monk, who also added to it a spanish translation. the lost "popol vuh" for generations antiquarians interested in this wonderful compilation were aware that it existed somewhere in guatemala, and many were the regrets expressed regarding their inability to unearth it. a certain don felix cabrera had made use of it early in the nineteenth century, but the whereabouts of the copy he had seen could not be discovered. a dr. c. scherzer, of austria, resolved, if possible, to discover it, and paid a visit to guatemala in 1854 for that purpose. after a diligent search he succeeded in finding the lost manuscript in the university of san carlos in the city of guatemala. ximenes, the copyist, had placed it in the library of the convent of chichicastenango, whence it passed to the san carlos library in 1830. genuine character of the work much doubt has been cast upon the genuine character of the popol vuh, principally by persons who were almost if not entirely ignorant of the problems of pre-columbian history in america. its genuine character, however, is by no means difficult to prove. it has been stated that it is a mere réchauffé of the known facts of maya history coloured by biblical knowledge, a native version of the christian bible. but such a theory will not stand when it is shown that the matter it contains squares with the accepted facts of mexican mythology, upon which the popol vuh throws considerable light. moreover, the entire work bears the stamp of being a purely native compilation, and has a flavour of great antiquity. our knowledge of the general principles of mythology, too, prepares us for the unqualified acceptance of the material of the popol vuh, for we find there the stories and tales, the conceptions and ideas connected with early religion which are the property of no one people, but of all peoples and races in an early social state. likeness to other pseudo-histories we find in this interesting book a likeness to many other works of early times. the popol vuh is, indeed, of the same genre and class as the heimskringla of snorre, the history of saxo grammaticus, the chinese history in the five books, the japanese nihongi, and many other similar compilations. but it surpasses all these in pure interest because it is the only native american work that has come down to us from pre-columbian times. the name "popol vuh" means "the collection of written leaves," which proves that the book must have contained traditional matter reduced to writing at a very early period. it is, indeed, a compilation of mythological character, interspersed with pseudo-history, which, as the account reaches modern times, shades off into pure history and tells the deeds of authentic personages. the language in which it was written, the kiche, was a dialect of the maya-kiche tongue spoken at the time of the conquest in guatemala, honduras, and san salvador, and still the tongue of the native populations in these districts. the creation-story the beginning of this interesting book is taken up with the kiche story of the creation, and what occurred directly subsequent to that event. we are told that the god hurakan, the mighty wind, a deity in whom we can discern a kiche equivalent to tezcatlipoca, passed over the universe, still wrapped in gloom. he called out "earth," and the solid land appeared. then the chief gods took counsel among themselves as to what should next be made. these were hurakan, gucumatz or quetzalcoatl, and xpiyacoc and xmucane, the mother and father gods. they agreed that animals should be created. this was accomplished, and they next turned their attention to the framing of man. they made a number of mannikins carved out of wood. but these were irreverent and angered the gods, who resolved to bring about their downfall. then hurakan (the heart of heaven) caused the waters to be swollen, and a mighty flood came upon the mannikins. also a thick resinous rain descended upon them. the bird xecotcovach tore out their eyes, the bird camulatz cut off their heads, the bird cotzbalam devoured their flesh, the bird tecumbalam broke their bones and sinews and ground them into powder. then all sorts of beings, great and small, abused the mannikins. the household utensils and domestic animals jeered at them, and made game of them in their plight. the dogs and hens said: "very badly have you treated us and you have bitten us. now we bite you in turn." the millstones said: "very much were we tormented by you, and daily, daily, night and day, it was squeak, screech, screech, holi, holi, huqi, huqi, [11] for your sake. now you shall feel our strength, and we shall grind your flesh and make meal of your bodies." and the dogs growled at the unhappy images because they had not been fed, and tore them with their teeth. the cups and platters said: "pain and misery you gave us, smoking our tops and sides, cooking us over the fire, burning and hurting us as if we had no feeling. now it is your turn, and you shall burn." the unfortunate mannikins ran hither and thither in their despair. they mounted upon the roofs of the houses, but the houses crumbled beneath their feet; they tried to climb to the tops of the trees, but the trees hurled them down; they were even repulsed by the caves, which closed before them. thus this ill-starred race was finally destroyed and overthrown, and the only vestiges of them which remain are certain of their progeny, the little monkeys which dwell in the woods. vukub-cakix, the great macaw ere the earth was quite recovered from the wrathful flood which had descended upon it there lived a being orgulous and full of pride, called vukub-cakix (seven-times-the-colour-of-fire--the kiche name for the great macaw bird). his teeth were of emerald, and other parts of him shone with the brilliance of gold and silver. in short, it is evident that he was a sun-and-moon god of prehistoric times. he boasted dreadfully, and his conduct so irritated the other gods that they resolved upon his destruction. his two sons, zipacna and cabrakan (cockspur or earth-heaper, and earthquake), were earthquake-gods of the type of the jötuns of scandinavian myth or the titans of greek legend. these also were prideful and arrogant, and to cause their downfall the gods despatched the heavenly twins hun-apu and xbalanque to earth, with instructions to chastise the trio. vukub-cakix prided himself upon his possession of the wonderful nanze-tree, the tapal, bearing a fruit round, yellow, and aromatic, upon which he breakfasted every morning. one morning he mounted to its summit, whence he could best espy the choicest fruits, when he was surprised and infuriated to observe that two strangers had arrived there before him, and had almost denuded the tree of its produce. on seeing vukub, hun-apu raised a blow-pipe to his mouth and blew a dart at the giant. it struck him on the mouth, and he fell from the top of the tree to the ground. hun-apu leapt down upon vukub and grappled with him, but the giant in terrible anger seized the god by the arm and wrenched it from the body. he then returned to his house, where he was met by his wife, chimalmat, who inquired for what reason he roared with pain. in reply he pointed to his mouth, and so full of anger was he against hun-apu that he took the arm he had wrenched from him and hung it over a blazing fire. he then threw himself down to bemoan his injuries, consoling himself, however, with the idea that he had avenged himself upon the disturbers of his peace. whilst vukub-cakix moaned and howled with the dreadful pain which he felt in his jaw and teeth (for the dart which had pierced him was probably poisoned) the arm of hun-apu hung over the fire, and was turned round and round and basted by vukub's spouse, chimalmat. the sun-god rained bitter imprecations upon the interlopers who had penetrated to his paradise and had caused him such woe, and he gave vent to dire threats of what would happen if he succeeded in getting them into his power. but hun-apu and xbalanque were not minded that vukub-cakix should escape so easily, and the recovery of hun-apu's arm must be made at all hazards. so they went to consult two great and wise magicians, xpiyacoc and xmucane, in whom we see two of the original kiche creative deities, who advised them to proceed with them in disguise to the dwelling of vukub, if they wished to recover the lost arm. the old magicians resolved to disguise themselves as doctors, and dressed hun-apu and xbalanque in other garments to represent their sons. shortly they arrived at the mansion of vukub, and while still some way off they could hear his groans and cries. presenting themselves at the door, they accosted him. they told him that they had heard some one crying out in pain, and that as famous doctors they considered it their duty to ask who was suffering. vukub appeared quite satisfied, but closely questioned the old wizards concerning the two young men who accompanied them. "they are our sons," they replied. "good," said vukub. "do you think you will be able to cure me?" "we have no doubt whatever upon that head," answered xpiyacoc. "you have sustained very bad injuries to your mouth and eyes." "the demons who shot me with an arrow from their blow-pipe are the cause of my sufferings," said vukub. "if you are able to cure me i shall reward you richly." "your highness has many bad teeth, which must be removed," said the wily old magician. "also the balls of your eyes appear to me to be diseased." vukub appeared highly alarmed, but the magicians speedily reassured him. "it is necessary," said xpiyacoc, "that we remove your teeth, but we will take care to replace them with grains of maize, which you will find much more agreeable in every way." the unsuspicious giant agreed to the operation, and very quickly xpiyacoc, with the help of xmucane, removed his teeth of emerald, and replaced them by grains of white maize. a change quickly came over the titan. his brilliancy speedily vanished, and when they removed the balls of his eyes he sank into insensibility and died. all this time the wife of vukub was turning hun-apu's arm over the fire, but hun-apu snatched the limb from above the brazier, and with the help of the magicians replaced it upon his shoulder. the discomfiture of vukub was then complete. the party left his dwelling feeling that their mission had been accomplished. the earth-giants but in reality it was only partially accomplished, because vukub's two sons, zipacna and cabrakan, still remained to be dealt with. zipacna was daily employed in heaping up mountains, while cabrakan, his brother, shook them in earthquake. the vengeance of hun-apu and xbalanque was first directed against zipacna, and they conspired with a band of young men to bring about his death. the young men, four hundred in number, pretended to be engaged in building a house. they cut down a large tree, which they made believe was to be the roof-tree of their dwelling, and waited in a part of the forest through which they knew zipacna must pass. after a while they could hear the giant crashing through the trees. he came into sight, and when he saw them standing round the giant tree-trunk, which they could not lift, he seemed very much amused. "what have you there, o little ones?" he said laughing. "only a tree, your highness, which we have felled for the roof-tree of a new house we are building." "cannot you carry it?" asked the giant disdainfully. "no, your highness," they made answer; "it is much too heavy to be lifted even by our united efforts." with a good-natured laugh the titan stooped and lifted the great trunk upon his shoulder. then, bidding them lead the way, he trudged through the forest, evidently not disconcerted in the least by his great burden. now the young men, incited by hun-apu and xbalanque, had dug a great ditch, which they pretended was to serve for the foundation of their new house. into this they requested zipacna to descend, and, scenting no mischief, the giant readily complied. on his reaching the bottom his treacherous acquaintances cast huge trunks of trees upon him, but on hearing them coming down he quickly took refuge in a small side tunnel which the youths had constructed to serve as a cellar beneath their house. imagining the giant to be killed, they began at once to express their delight by singing and dancing, and to lend colour to his stratagem zipacna despatched several friendly ants to the surface with strands of hair, which the young men concluded had been taken from his dead body. assured by the seeming proof of his death, the youths proceeded to build their house upon the tree-trunks which they imagined covered zipacna's body, and, producing a quantity of pulque, they began to make merry over the end of their enemy. for some hours their new dwelling rang with revelry. all this time zipacna, quietly hidden below, was listening to the hubbub and waiting his chance to revenge himself upon those who had entrapped him. suddenly arising in his giant might, he cast the house and all its inmates high in the air. the dwelling was utterly demolished, and the band of youths were hurled with such force into the sky that they remained there, and in the stars we call the pleiades we can still discern them wearily waiting an opportunity to return to earth. the undoing of zipacna but hun-apu and xbalanque, grieved that their comrades had so perished, resolved that zipacna must not be permitted to escape so easily. he, carrying the mountains by night, sought his food by day on the shore of the river, where he wandered catching fish and crabs. the brothers made a large artificial crab, which they placed in a cavern at the bottom of a ravine. they then cunningly undermined a huge mountain, and awaited events. very soon they saw zipacna wandering along the side of the river, and asked him where he was going. "oh, i am only seeking my daily food," replied the giant. "and what may that consist of?" asked the brothers. "only of fish and crabs," replied zipacna. "oh, there is a crab down yonder," said the crafty brothers, pointing to the bottom of the ravine. "we espied it as we came along. truly, it is a great crab, and will furnish you with a capital breakfast." "splendid!" cried zipacna, with glistening eyes. "i must have it at once," and with one bound he leapt down to where the cunningly contrived crab lay in the cavern. no sooner had he reached it than hun-apu and xbalanque cast the mountain upon him; but so desperate were his efforts to get free that the brothers feared he might rid himself of the immense weight of earth under which he was buried, and to make sure of his fate they turned him into stone. thus at the foot of mount meahuan, near vera paz, perished the proud mountain-maker. the discomfiture of cabrakan now only the third of this family of boasters remained, and he was the most proud of any. "i am the overturner of mountains!" said he. but hun-apu and xbalanque had made up their minds that not one of the race of vukub should be left alive. at the moment when they were plotting the overthrow of cabrakan he was occupied in moving mountains. he seized the mountains by their bases and, exerting his mighty strength, cast them into the air; and of the smaller mountains he took no account at all. while he was so employed he met the brothers, who greeted him cordially. "good day, cabrakan," said they. "what may you be doing?" "bah! nothing at all," replied the giant. "cannot you see that i am throwing the mountains about, which is my usual occupation? and who may you be that ask such stupid questions? what are your names?" "we have no names," replied they. "we are only hunters, and here we have our blow-pipes, with which we shoot the birds that live in these mountains. so you see that we do not require names, as we meet no one." cabrakan looked at the brothers disdainfully, and was about to depart when they said to him: "stay; we should like to behold these mountain-throwing feats of yours." this aroused the pride of cabrakan. "well, since you wish it," said he, "i will show you how i can move a really great mountain. now, choose the one you would like to see me destroy, and before you are aware of it i shall have reduced it to dust." hun-apu looked around him, and espying a great peak pointed toward it. "do you think you could overthrow that mountain?" he asked. "without the least difficulty," replied cabrakan, with a great laugh. "let us go toward it." "but first you must eat," said hun-apu. "you have had no food since morning, and so great a feat can hardly be accomplished fasting." the giant smacked his lips. "you are right," he said, with a hungry look. cabrakan was one of those people who are always hungry. "but what have you to give me?" "we have nothing with us," said hun-apu. "umph!" growled cabrakan, "you are a pretty fellow. you ask me what i will have to eat, and then tell me you have nothing," and in his anger he seized one of the smaller mountains and threw it into the sea, so that the waves splashed up to the sky. "come," said hun-apu, "don't get angry. we have our blow-pipes with us, and will shoot a bird for your dinner." on hearing this cabrakan grew somewhat quieter. "why did you not say so at first?" he growled. "but be quick, because i am hungry." just at that moment a large bird passed overhead, and hun-apu and xbalanque raised their blow-pipes to their mouths. the darts sped swiftly upward, and both of them struck the bird, which came tumbling down through the air, falling at the feet of cabrakan. "wonderful, wonderful!" cried the giant. "you are clever fellows indeed," and, seizing the dead bird, he was going to eat it raw when hun-apu stopped him. "wait a moment," said he. "it will be much nicer when cooked," and, rubbing two sticks together, he ordered xbalanque to gather some dry wood, so that a fire was soon blazing. the bird was then suspended over the fire, and in a short time a savoury odour mounted to the nostrils of the giant, who stood watching the cooking with hungry eyes and watering lips. before placing the bird over the fire to cook, however, hun-apu had smeared its feathers with a thick coating of mud. the indians in some parts of central america still do this, so that when the mud dries with the heat of the fire the feathers will come off with it, leaving the flesh of the bird quite ready to eat. but hun-apu had done this with a purpose. the mud that he spread on the feathers was that of a poisoned earth, called tizate, the elements of which sank deeply into the flesh of the bird. when the savoury mess was cooked, he handed it to cabrakan, who speedily devoured it. "now," said hun-apu, "let us go toward that great mountain and see if you can lift it as you boast." but already cabrakan began to feel strange pangs. "what is this?" said he, passing his hand across his brow. "i do not seem to see the mountain you mean." "nonsense," said hun-apu. "yonder it is, see, to the east there." "my eyes seem dim this morning," replied the giant. "no, it is not that," said hun-apu. "you have boasted that you could lift this mountain, and now you are afraid to try." "i tell you," said cabrakan, "that i have difficulty in seeing. will you lead me to the mountain?" "certainly," said hun-apu, giving him his hand, and with several strides they were at the foot of the eminence. "now," said hun-apu, "see what you can do, boaster." cabrakan gazed stupidly at the great mass in front of him. his knees shook together so that the sound was like the beating of a war-drum, and the sweat poured from his forehead and ran in a little stream down the side of the mountain. "come," cried hun-apu derisively, "are you going to lift the mountain or not?" "he cannot," sneered xbalanque. "i knew he could not." cabrakan shook himself into a final effort to regain his senses, but all to no purpose. the poison rushed through his blood, and with a groan he fell dead before the brothers. thus perished the last of the earth-giants of guatemala, whom hun-apu and xbalanque had been sent to destroy. the second book the second book of the popol vuh outlines the history of the hero-gods hun-apu and xbalanque. we are told that xpiyacoc and xmucane, the father and mother gods, had two sons, hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu, the first of whom had by his wife xbakiyalo two sons, hunbatz and hunchouen. the weakness of the whole family was the native game of ball, possibly the mexican-mayan game of tlachtli, a sort of hockey. to this pastime the natives of central america were greatly addicted, and numerous remains of tlachtli courts are to be found in the ruined cities of yucatan and guatemala. the object of the game was to "putt" the ball through a small hole in a circular stone or goal, and the player who succeeded in doing this might demand from the audience all their clothes and jewels. the game, as we have said, was exceedingly popular in ancient central america, and there is good reason to believe that inter-city matches took place between the various city-states, and were accompanied by a partisanship and rivalry as keen as that which finds expression among the crowd at our principal football matches to-day. a challenge from hades on one occasion hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu played a game of ball which in its progress took them into the vicinity of the realm of xibalba (the kiche hades). the rulers of that drear abode, imagining that they had a chance of capturing the brothers, extended a challenge to them to play them at ball, and this challenge hun-came and vukub-came, the sovereigns of the kiche hell, despatched by four messengers in the shape of owls. the brothers accepted the challenge, and, bidding farewell to their mother xmucane and their respective sons and nephews, followed the feathered messengers down the long hill which led to the underworld. the fooling of the brethren the american indian is grave and taciturn. if there is one thing he fears and dislikes more than another it is ridicule. to his austere and haughty spirit it appears as something derogatory to his dignity, a slur upon his manhood. the hero-brothers had not been long in xibalba when they discovered that it was the intention of the lords of hades to fool them and subject them to every species of indignity. after crossing a river of blood, they came to the palace of the lords of xibalba, where they espied two seated figures in front of them. thinking that they recognised in them hun-came and vukub-came, they saluted them in a becoming manner, only to discover to their mortification that they were addressing figures of wood. this incident excited the ribald jeers of the xibalbans, who scoffed at the brothers. next they were invited to sit on the seat of honour, which they found to their dismay to be a red-hot stone, a circumstance which caused unbounded amusement to the inhabitants of the underworld. then they were imprisoned in the house of gloom, where they were sacrificed and buried. the head of hunhun-apu was, however, suspended from a tree, upon the branches of which grew a crop of gourds so like the dreadful trophy as to be indistinguishable from it. the fiat went forth that no one in xibalba must eat of the fruit of that tree. but the lords of xibalba had reckoned without feminine curiosity and its unconquerable love of the forbidden. the princess xquiq one day--if day ever penetrated to that gloomy and unwholesome place--a princess of xibalba called xquiq (blood), daughter of cuchumaquiq, a notability of xibalba, passed under the tree, and, observing the desirable fruit with which it was covered, stretched out her hand to pluck one of the gourds. into the outstretched palm the head of hunhun-apu spat, and told xquiq that she would become a mother. before she returned home, however, the hero-god assured her that no harm would come to her, and that she must not be afraid. in a few months' time the princess's father heard of her adventure, and she was doomed to be slain, the royal messengers of xibalba, the owls, receiving commands to despatch her and to bring back her heart in a vase. but on the way she overcame the scruples of the owls by splendid promises, and they substituted for her heart the coagulated sap of the bloodwort plant. the birth of hun-apu and xbalanque xmucane, left at home, looked after the welfare of the young hunbatz and hunchouen, and thither, at the instigation of the head of hunhun-apu, went xquiq for protection. at first xmucane would not credit her story, but upon xquiq appealing to the gods a miracle was performed on her behalf, and she was permitted to gather a basket of maize where no maize grew to prove the authenticity of her claim. as a princess of the underworld, it is not surprising that she should be connected with such a phenomenon, as it is from deities of that region that we usually expect the phenomena of growth to proceed. shortly afterwards, when she had won the good graces of the aged xmucane, her twin sons were born, the hun-apu and xbalanque whom we have already met as the central figures of the first book. the divine children but the divine children were both noisy and mischievous. they tormented their venerable grandmother with their shrill uproar and tricky behaviour. at last xmucane, unable to put up with their habits, turned them out of doors. they took to an outdoor life with surprising ease, and soon became expert hunters and skilful in the use of the serbatana (blow-pipe), with which they shot birds and small animals. they were badly treated by their half-brothers hunbatz and hunchouen, who, jealous of their fame as hunters, annoyed them in every possible manner. but the divine children retaliated by turning their tormentors into hideous apes. the sudden change in the appearance of her grandsons caused xmucane the most profound grief and dismay, and she begged that they who had brightened her home with their singing and flute-playing might not be condemned to such a dreadful fate. she was informed by the divine brothers that if she could behold their antics unmoved by mirth her wish would be granted. but the capers they cut and their grimaces caused her such merriment that on three separate occasions she was unable to restrain her laughter, and the men-monkeys took their leave. the magic tools the childhood of hun-apu and xbalanque was full of such episodes as might be expected from these beings. we find, for example, that on attempting to clear a milpa (maize plantation) they employed magic tools which could be trusted to undertake a good day's work whilst they were absent at the chase. returning at night, they smeared soil over their hands and faces, for the purpose of deluding xmucane into the belief that they had been toiling all day in the fields. but the wild beasts met in conclave during the night, and replaced all the roots and shrubs which the magic tools had cleared away. the twins recognised the work of the various animals, and placed a large net on the ground, so that if the creatures came to the spot on the following night they might be caught in its folds. they did come, but all made good their escape save the rat. the rabbit and deer lost their tails, however, and that is why these animals possess no caudal appendages! the rat, in gratitude for their sparing its life, told the brothers the history of their father and uncle, of their heroic efforts against the powers of xibalba, and of the existence of a set of clubs and balls with which they might play tlachtli on the ball-ground at ninxor-carchah, where hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu had played before them. the second challenge but the watchful hun-came and vukub-came soon heard that the sons and nephews of their first victims had adopted the game which had led these last into the clutches of the cunning xibalbans, and they resolved to send a similar challenge to hun-apu and xbalanque, thinking that the twins were unaware of the fate of hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu. they therefore despatched messengers to the home of xmucane with a challenge to play them at the ball-game, and xmucane, alarmed by the nature of the message, sent a louse to warn her grandsons. the louse, unable to proceed as quickly as he wished, permitted himself to be swallowed by a toad, the toad by a serpent, and the serpent by the bird voc, the messenger of hurakan. at the end of the journey the other animals duly liberated each other, but the toad could not rid himself of the louse, who had in reality hidden himself in the toad's gums, and had not been swallowed at all. at last the message was delivered, and the twins returned to the abode of xmucane, to bid farewell to their grandmother and mother. before leaving they each planted a cane in the midst of the hut, saying that it would wither if any fatal accident befell them. the tricksters tricked they then proceeded to xibalba, on the road trodden by hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu, and passed the river of blood as the others had done. but they adopted the precaution of despatching ahead an animal called xan as a sort of spy or scout. they commanded this animal to prick all the xibalbans with a hair from hun-apu's leg, in order that they might discover which of them were made of wood, and incidentally learn the names of the others as they addressed one another when pricked by the hair. they were thus enabled to ignore the wooden images on their arrival at xibalba, and they carefully avoided the red-hot stone. nor did the ordeal of the house of gloom affright them, and they passed through it scatheless. the inhabitants of the underworld were both amazed and furious with disappointment. to add to their annoyance, they were badly beaten in the game of ball which followed. the lords of hell then requested the twins to bring them four bouquets of flowers from the royal garden of xibalba, at the same time commanding the gardeners to keep good watch over the flowers so that none of them might be removed. but the brothers called to their aid a swarm of ants, who succeeded in returning with the flowers. the anger of the xibalbans increased to a white fury, and they incarcerated hun-apu and xbalanque in the house of lances, a dread abode where demons armed with sharp spears thrust at them fiercely. but they bribed the lancers and escaped. the xibalbans slit the beaks of the owls who guarded the royal gardens, and howled in fury. the houses of the ordeals they were next thrust into the house of cold. here they escaped a dreadful death from freezing by warming themselves with burning pine-cones. into the house of tigers and the house of fire they were thrown for a night each, but escaped from both. but they were not so lucky in the house of bats. as they threaded this place of terror, camazotz, ruler of the bats, descended upon them with a whirring of leathern wings, and with one sweep of his sword-like claws cut off hun-apu's head. (see mictlan, pp. 95, 96.) but a tortoise which chanced to pass the severed neck of the hero's prostrate body and came into contact with it was immediately turned into a head, and hun-apu arose from his terrible experience not a whit the worse. these various houses in which the brothers were forced to pass a certain time forcibly recall to our minds the several circles of dante's hell. xibalba was to the kiche not a place of punishment, but a dark place of horror and myriad dangers. no wonder the maya had what landa calls "an immoderate fear of death" if they believed that after it they would be transported to such a dread abode! with the object of proving their immortal nature to their adversaries, hun-apu and xbalanque, first arranging for their resurrection with two sorcerers, xulu and pacaw, stretched themselves upon a bier and died. their bones were ground to powder and thrown into the river. they then went through a kind of evolutionary process, appearing on the fifth day after their deaths as men-fishes and on the sixth as old men, ragged and tatterdemalion in appearance, killing and restoring each other to life. at the request of the princes of xibalba, they burned the royal palace and restored it to its pristine splendour, killed and resuscitated the king's dog, and cut a man in pieces, bringing him to life again. the lords of hell were curious about the sensation of death, and asked to be killed and resuscitated. the first portion of their request the hero-brothers speedily granted, but did not deem it necessary to pay any regard to the second. throwing off all disguise, the brothers assembled the now thoroughly cowed princes of xibalba, and announced their intention of punishing them for their animosity against themselves, their father and uncle. they were forbidden to partake in the noble and classic game of ball--a great indignity in the eyes of maya of the higher caste--they were condemned to menial tasks, and they were to have sway over the beasts of the forest alone. after this their power rapidly waned. these princes of the underworld are described as being owl-like, with faces painted black and white, as symbolical of their duplicity and faithless disposition. as some reward for the dreadful indignities they had undergone, the souls of hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu, the first adventurers into the darksome region of xibalba, were translated to the skies, and became the sun and moon, and with this apotheosis the second book ends. we can have no difficulty, in the light of comparative mythology, in seeing in the matter of this book a version of "the harrying of hell" common to many mythologies. in many primitive faiths a hero or heroes dares the countless dangers of hades in order to prove to the savage mind that the terrors of death can be overcome. in algonquian mythology blue-jay makes game of the dead folk whom his sister ioi has married, and balder passes through the scandinavian helheim. the god must first descend into the abyss and must emerge triumphant if humble folk are to possess assurance of immortality. the reality of myth it is from such matter as that found in the second book of the popol vuh that we are enabled to discern how real myth can be on occasion. it is obvious, as has been pointed out, that the dread of death in the savage mind may give rise to such a conception of its vanquishment as appears in the popol vuh. but there is reason to suspect that other elements have also entered into the composition of the myth. it is well known that an invading race, driving before them the remnants of a conquered people, are prone to regard these in the course of a few generations as almost supernatural and as denizens of a sphere more or less infernal. their reasons for this are not difficult of comprehension. to begin with, a difference in ceremonial ritual gives rise to the belief that the inimical race practises magic. the enemy is seldom seen, and, if perceived, quickly takes cover or "vanishes." the majority of aboriginal races were often earthor cave-dwellers, like the picts of scotland, and such the originals of the xibalbans probably were. the invading maya-kiche, encountering such a folk in the cavernous recesses of the hill-slopes of guatemala, would naturally refer them to the underworld. the cliff-dwellings of mexico and colorado exhibit manifest signs of the existence of such a cave-dwelling race. in the latter state is the cliff palace cañon, a huge natural recess, within which a small city was actually built, which still remains in excellent preservation. in some such semi-subterranean recess, then, may the city of "xibalba" have stood. the xibalbans we can see, too, that the xibalbans were not merely a plutonic race. xibalba is not a hell, a place of punishment for sin, but a place of the dead, and its inhabitants were scarcely "devils," nor evil gods. the transcriber of the popol vuh says of them: "in the old times they did not have much power. they were but annoyers and opposers of men, and, in truth, they were not regarded as gods." the word xibalba is derived from a root meaning "to fear," from which comes the name for a ghost or phantom. xibalba was thus the "place of phantoms." the third book the opening of the third book finds the gods once more deliberating as to the creation of man. four men are evolved as the result of these deliberations. these beings were moulded from a paste of yellow and white maize, and were named balam-quitze (tiger with the sweet smile), balam-agab (tiger of the night), mahacutah (the distinguished name), and iqi-balam (tiger of the moon). but the god hurakan who had formed them was not overpleased with his handiwork, for these beings were too much like the gods themselves. the gods once more took counsel, and agreed that man must be less perfect and possess less knowledge than this new race. he must not become as a god. so hurakan breathed a cloud over their eyes in order that they might only see a portion of the earth, whereas before they had been able to see the whole round sphere of the world. after this the four men were plunged into a deep sleep, and four women were created, who were given them as wives. these were caha-paluma (falling water), choima (beautiful water), tzununiha (house of the water), and cakixa (water of parrots, or brilliant water), who were espoused to the men in the respective order given above. these eight persons were the ancestors of the kiche only, after which were created the forerunners of the other peoples. at this time there was no sun, and comparative darkness lay over the face of the earth. men knew not the art of worship, but blindly lifted their eyes to heaven and prayed the creator to send them quiet lives and the light of day. but no sun came, and dispeace entered their hearts. so they journeyed to a place called tulan-zuiva (the seven caves)--practically the same as chicomoztoc in the aztec myth--and there gods were vouchsafed to them. the names of these were tohil, whom balam-quitze received; avilix, whom balam-agab received; and hacavitz, granted to mahacutah. iqi-balam received a god, but as he had no family his worship and knowledge died out. the granting of fire grievously did the kiche feel the want of fire in the sunless world they inhabited, but this the god tohil (the rumbler, the fire-god) quickly provided them with. however, a mighty rain descended and extinguished all the fires in the land. these, however, were always supplied again by tohil, who had only to strike his feet together to produce fire. in this figure there is no difficulty in seeing a fully developed thunder-god. the kiche babel tulan-zuiva was a place of great misfortune to the kiche, for here the race suffered alienation in its different branches by reason of a confounding of their speech, which recalls the story of babel. owing to this the first four men were no longer able to comprehend each other, and determined to leave the place of their mischance and to seek the leadership of the god tohil into another and more fortunate sphere. in this journey they met with innumerable hardships. they had to cross many lofty mountains, and on one occasion had to make a long détour across the bed of the ocean, the waters of which were miraculously divided to permit of their passage. at last they arrived at a mountain which they called hacavitz, after one of their deities, and here they remained, for it had been foretold that here they should see the sun. at last the luminary appeared. men and beasts went wild with delight, although his beams were by no means strong, and he appeared more like a reflection in a mirror than the strong sun of later days whose fiery beams speedily sucked up the blood of victims on the altar. as he showed his face the three tribal gods of the kiche were turned into stone, as were the gods or totems connected with the wild animals. then arose the first kiche town, or permanent dwelling-place. the last days of the first men time passed, and the first men of the kiche race grew old. visions came to them, in which they were exhorted by the gods to render human sacrifices, and in order to obey the divine injunctions they raided the neighbouring lands, the folk of which made a spirited resistance. but in a great battle the kiche were miraculously assisted by a horde of wasps and hornets, which flew in the faces of their foes, stinging and blinding them, so that they could not wield weapon nor see to make any effective resistance. after this battle the surrounding races became tributary to them. death of the first men now the first men felt that their death-day was nigh, and they called their kin and dependents around them to hear their dying words. in the grief of their souls they chanted the song "kamucu," the song "we see," that they had sung so joyfully when they had first seen the light of day. then they parted from their wives and sons one by one. and of a sudden they were not, and in their place was a great bundle, which was never opened. it was called the "majesty enveloped." so died the first men of the kiche. in this book it is clear that we have to deal with the problem which the origin and creation of man presented to the maya-kiche mind. the several myths connected with it bear a close resemblance to those of other american peoples. in the mythology of the american indian it is rare to find an adam, a single figure set solitary in a world without companionship of some sort. man is almost invariably the child of mother earth, and emerges from some cavern or subterranean country fully grown and fully equipped for the upper earth-life. we find this type of myth in the mythologies of the aztecs, peruvians, choctaws, blackfeet indians, and those of many other american tribes. american migrations we also find in the story of the kiche migration a striking similarity to the migration myths of other american races. but in the kiche myth we can trace a definite racial movement from the cold north to the warm south. the sun is not at first born. there is darkness. when he does appear he is weak and his beams are dull and watery like those of the luminary in a northern clime. again, there are allusions to the crossing of rivers by means of "shining sand" which covered them, which might reasonably be held to imply the presence upon them of ice. in this connection we may quote from an aztec migration myth which appears almost a parallel to the kiche story. "this is the beginning of the record of the coming of the mexicans from the place called aztlan. it is by means of the water that they came this way, being four tribes, and in coming they rowed in boats. they built their huts on piles at the place called the grotto of quineveyan. it is there from which the eight tribes issued. the first tribe is that of the huexotzincos, the second the chalcas, the third the xochimilcos, the fourth the cuitlavacas, the fifth the mallinalcas, the sixth the chichimecas, the seventh the tepanecas, the eighth the matlatzincas. it is there where they were founded in colhuacan. they were the colonists of it since they landed there, coming from aztlan.... it is there that they soon afterwards went away from, carrying with them their god vitzillopochtli.... there the eight tribes opened up our road by water." the "wallum olum," or painted calendar records, of the leni-lenape indians contain a similar myth. "after the flood," says the story, "the lenape with the manly turtle beings dwelt close together at the cave house and dwelling of talli.... they saw that the snake-land was bright and wealthy. having all agreed, they went over the water of the frozen sea to possess the land. it was wonderful when they all went over the smooth deep water of the frozen sea at the gap of the snake sea in the great ocean." do these myths contain any essence of the truth? do they refer to an actual migration when the ancestors of certain american tribes crossed the frozen ocean of the kamchatka strait and descended from the sunless north and the boreal night of these sub-arctic regions to a more genial clime? can such a tradition have been preserved throughout the countless ages which must have passed between the arrival of proto-mongolian man in america and the writing or composition of the several legends cited? surely not. but may there not have been later migrations from the north? may not hordes of folk distantly akin to the first americans have swept across the frozen strait, and within a few generations have made their way into the warmer regions, as we know the nahua did? the scandinavian vikings who reached north-eastern america in the tenth century found there a race totally distinct from the red man, and more approaching the esquimaux, whom they designated skrellingr, or "chips," so small and misshapen were they. such a description could hardly have been applied to the north american indian as we know him. from the legends of the red race of north america we may infer that they remained for a number of generations in the far west of the north american continent before they migrated eastward. and a guess might be hazarded to the effect that, arriving in america somewhere about the dawn of the christian era, they spread slowly in a south-easterly direction, arriving in the eastern parts of north america about the end of the eleventh century, or even a little later. this would mean that such a legend as that which we have just perused would only require to have survived a thousand years, provided the popol vuh was first composed about the eleventh century, as appears probable. but such speculations are somewhat dangerous in the face of an almost complete lack of evidence, and must be met with the utmost caution and treated as surmises only. cosmogony of the "popol vuh" we have now completed our brief survey of the mythological portion of the popol vuh, and it will be well at this point to make some inquiries into the origin and nature of the various gods, heroes, and similar personages who fill its pages. before doing so, however, let us glance at the creation-myth which we find detailed in the first book. we can see by internal evidence that this must be the result of the fusion of more than one creation-story. we find in the myth that mention is made of a number of beings each of whom appears to exercise in some manner the functions of a creator or "moulder." these beings also appear to have similar attributes. there is evidently here the reconciliation of early rival faiths. we know that this occurred in peruvian cosmogony, which is notoriously composite, and many another mythology, european and asiatic, exhibits a like phenomenon. even in the creation-story as given in genesis we can discover the fusion of two separate accounts from the allusion to the creative power as both "jahveh" and "elohim," the plural ending of the second name proving the presence of polytheistic as well as monotheistic conceptions. antiquity of the "popol vuh" these considerations lead to the assumption that the popol vuh is a mythological collection of very considerable antiquity, as the fusion of religious beliefs is a comparatively slow process. it is, of course, in the absence of other data, impossible to fix the date of its origin, even approximately. we possess only the one version of this interesting work, so that we are compelled to confine ourselves to the consideration of that alone, and are without the assistance which philology would lend us by a comparison of two versions of different dates. the father-mother gods we discover a pair of dual beings concerned in the kiche creation. these are xpiyacoc and xmucane, the father-mother deities, and are obviously kiche equivalents to the mexican ometecutli-omeciuatl, whom we have already noticed (pp. 103-4). the former is the male fructifier, whilst the name of the latter signifies "female vigour." these deities were probably regarded as hermaphroditic, as numerous north american indian gods appear to be, and may be analogous to the "father sky" and "mother earth" of so many mythologies. gucumatz we also find gucumatz concerned in the kiche scheme of creation. he was a maya-kiche form of the mexican quetzalcoatl, or perhaps the converse was the case. the name signifies, like its nahua equivalent, "serpent with green feathers." hurakan hurakan, the wind-god, "he who hurls below," whose name perhaps signifies "the one-legged," is probably the same as the nahua tezcatlipoca. it has been suggested that the word "hurricane" has been evolved from the name of this god, but the derivation seems rather too fortuitous to be real. hurakan had the assistance of three sub-gods, cakulha-hurakan (lightning), chipi-cakulha (lightning-flash), and raxa-cakulha (track of the lightning). hun-apu and xbalanque hun-apu and xbalanque, the hero-gods, appear to have the attributes of demi-gods in general. the name hun-apu means "master" or "magician," and xbalanque "little tiger." we find many such figures in american myth, which is rich in hero-gods. vukub-cakix and his sons vukub-cakix and his progeny are, of course, earth-giants like the titans of greek mythology or the jötuns of scandinavian story. the removal of the emerald teeth of vukub-cakix and their replacement by grains of maize would seem to be a mythical interpretation or allegory of the removal of the virgin turf of the earth and its replacement by maize-seed. therefore it is possible that vukub-cakix is an earth-god, and not a prehistoric sun-and-moon god, as stated by dr. seler. [12] metrical origin of the "popol vuh" there is reason to believe that the popol vuh was originally a metrical composition. this would assist the hypothesis of its antiquity, on the ground that it was for generations recited before being reduced to writing. passages here and there exhibit a decided metrical tendency, and one undoubtedly applies to a descriptive dance symbolical of sunrise. it is as follows: "'ama x-u ch'ux ri vuch?' 've,' x-cha ri mama. ta chi xaquinic. quate ta chi gecumarchic. cahmul xaquin ri mama. 'ca xaquin-vuch,' ca cha vinak vacamic." this may be rendered freely: "'is the dawn about to be?' 'yes,' answered the old man. then he spread apart his legs. again the darkness appeared. four times the old man spread his legs. 'now the opossum spreads his legs,' say the people." it is obvious that many of these lines possess the well-known quality of savage dance-poetry, which displays itself in a rhythm of one long foot followed by two short ones. we know that the kiche were very fond of ceremonial dances, and of repeating long chants which they called nugum tzih, or "garlands of words," and the popol vuh, along with other matter, probably contained many of these. pseudo-history of the kiche the fourth book of the popol vuh contains the pseudo-history of the kiche kings. it is obviously greatly confused, and it would be difficult to say how much of it originally belonged to the popol vuh and how much had been added or invented by its latest compiler. one cannot discriminate between saga and history, or between monarchs and gods, the real and the fabulous. interminable conflicts are the theme of most of the book, and many migrations are recounted. queen móo whilst dealing with maya pseudo-history it will be well to glance for a moment at the theories of the late augustus le plongeon, who lived and carried on excavations in yucatan for many years. dr. le plongeon was obsessed with the idea that the ancient maya spread their civilisation all over the habitable globe, and that they were the originators of the egyptian, palestinian, and hindu civilisations, besides many others. he furthermore believed himself to be the true elucidator of the maya system of hieroglyphs, which in his estimation were practically identical with the egyptian. we will not attempt to refute his theories, as they are based on ignorance of the laws which govern philology, anthropology, and mythology. but he possessed a thorough knowledge of the maya tongue, and his acquaintance with maya customs was extensive and peculiar. one of his ideas was that a certain hall among the ruins of chichen-itza had been built by a queen móo, a maya princess who after the tragic fate of her brother-husband and the catastrophe which ended in the sinking of the continent of atlantis fled to egypt, where she founded the ancient egyptian civilisation. it would be easy to refute this theory. but the tale as told by dr. le plongeon possesses a sufficiency of romantic interest to warrant its being rescued from the little-known volume in which he published it. [13] we do not learn from dr. le plongeon's book by what course of reasoning he came to discover that the name of his heroine was the rather uneuphonious one of móo. probably he arrived at it by the same process as that by which he discovered that certain mayan architectural ornaments were in reality egyptian letters. but it will be better to let him tell his story in his own words. it is as follows: the funeral chamber "as we are about to enter the funeral chamber hallowed by the love of the sister-wife, queen móo, the beauty of the carvings on the zapote beam that forms the lintel of the doorway calls our attention. here is represented the antagonism of the brothers aac and coh, that led to the murder of the latter by the former. carved on the lintel are the names of these personages, represented by their totems--a leopard head for coh, and a boar head as well as a turtle for aac, this word meaning both boar and turtle in maya. aac is pictured within the disk of the sun, his protective deity which he worshipped, according to mural inscriptions at uxmal. full of anger he faces his brother. in his right hand there is a badge ornamented with feathers and flowers. the threatening way in which this is held suggests a concealed weapon.... the face of coh also expresses anger. with him is the feathered serpent, emblematic of royalty, thence of the country, more often represented as a winged serpent protecting coh. in his left hand he holds his weapon down, whilst his right hand clasps his badge of authority, with which he covers his breasts as for protection, and demanding the respect due to his rank.... "passing between the figures of armed chieftains sculptured on the jambs of the doorway, and seeming like sentinels guarding the entrance of the funeral chamber, we notice one wearing a headdress similar to the crown of lower egypt, which formed part of the pshent of the egyptian monarchs. the frescoes "the frescoes in the funeral chamber of prince coh's memorial hall, painted in water-colours taken from the vegetable kingdom, are divided into a series of tableaux separated by blue lines. the plinths, the angles of the room, and the edges of the ceiling, being likewise painted blue, indicate that this was intended for a funeral chamber.... the first scene represents queen móo while yet a child. she is seated on the back of a peccary, or american wild boar, under the royal umbrella of feathers, emblem of royalty in mayach, as it was in india, chaldea, and other places. she is consulting a h-men, or wise man; listening with profound attention to the decrees of fate as revealed by the cracking of the shell of an armadillo exposed to a slow fire on a brazier, the condensing on it of the vapour, and the various tints it assumes. this mode of divination is one of the customs of the mayas.... the soothsayers "in front of the young queen móo, and facing her, is seated the soothsayer, evidently a priest of high rank, judging from the colours, blue and yellow, of the feathers of his ceremonial mantle. he reads the decrees of fate on the shell of the armadillo, and the scroll issuing from his throat says what they are. by him stands the winged serpent, emblem and protective genius of the maya empire. his head is turned towards the royal banner, which he seems to caress. his satisfaction is reflected in the mild and pleased expression of his face. behind the priest, the position of whose hand is the same as that of catholic priests in blessing their congregation, and the significance of which is well known to occultists, are the ladies-in-waiting of the young queen. the royal bride "in another tableau we again see queen móo, no longer a child, but a comely young woman. she is not seated under the royal umbrella or banner, but she is once more in the presence of the h-men, whose face is concealed by a mask representing an owl's head. she, pretty and coquettish, has many admirers, who vie with each other for the honour of her hand. in company with one of her wooers she comes to consult the priest, accompanied by an old lady, her grandmother probably, and her female attendants. according to custom the old lady is the spokeswoman. she states to the priest that the young man, he who sits on a low stool between two female attendants, desires to marry the queen. the priest's attendant, seated also on a stool, back of all, acts as crier, and repeats in a loud voice the speech of the old lady. móo's refusal "the young queen refuses the offer. the refusal is indicated by the direction of the scroll issuing from her mouth. it is turned backward, instead of forward towards the priest, as would be the case if she assented to the marriage. the h-men explains that móo, being a daughter of the royal family, by law and custom must marry one of her brothers. the youth listens to the decision with due respect to the priest, as shown by his arm being placed across his breast, the left hand resting on the right shoulder. he does not accept the refusal in a meek spirit, however. his clenched fist, his foot raised as in the act of stamping, betoken anger and disappointment, while the attendant behind him expostulates, counselling patience and resignation, judging by the position and expression of her left-hand palm upward. the rejected suitor "in another tableau we see the same individual whose offer of marriage was rejected by the young queen in consultation with a nubchi, or prophet, a priest whose exalted rank is indicated by his headdress, and the triple breastplate he wears over his mantle of feathers. the consulter, evidently a person of importance, has come attended by his hachetail, or confidential friend, who sits behind him on a cushion. the expression on the face of the said consulter shows that he does not accept patiently the decrees of fate, although conveyed by the interpreter in as conciliatory a manner as possible. the adverse decision of the gods is manifested by the sharp projecting centre part of the scroll, but it is wrapped in words as persuasive and consoling, preceded by as smooth a preamble as the rich and beautiful maya language permits and makes easy. his friend is addressing the prophet's assistant. reflecting the thoughts of his lord, he declares that the nubchi's fine discourse and his pretended reading of the will of the gods are all nonsense, and exclaims 'pshaw!' which contemptuous exclamation is pictured by the yellow scroll, pointed at both ends, escaping from his nose like a sneeze. the answer of the priest's assistant, evidenced by the gravity of his features, the assertive position of his hand, and the bluntness of his speech, is evidently 'it is so!' aac's fierce wooing "her brother aac is madly in love with móo. he is portrayed approaching the interpreter of the will of the gods, divested of his garments in token of humility in presence of their majesty and of submission to their decrees. he comes full of arrogance, arrayed in gorgeous attire, and with regal pomp. he comes not as a suppliant to ask and accept counsel, but haughty, he makes bold to dictate. he is angered at the refusal of the priest to accede to his demand for his sister móo's hand, to whose totem, an armadillo on this occasion, he points imperiously. it was on an armadillo's shell that the fates wrote her destiny when consulted by the performance of the pou ceremony. the yellow flames of wrath darting from all over his person, the sharp yellow scroll issuing from his mouth, symbolise aac's feelings. the pontiff, however, is unmoved by them. in the name of the gods with serene mien he denies the request of the proud nobleman, as his speech indicates. the winged serpent, genius of the country, that stands erect and ireful by aac, is also wroth at his pretensions, and shows in its features and by sending its dart through aac's royal banner a decided opposition to them, expressed by the ends of his speech being turned backwards, some of them terminating abruptly, others in sharp points. prince coh "prince coh sits behind the priest as one of his attendants. he witnesses the scene, hears the calm negative answer, sees the anger of his brother and rival, smiles at his impotence, is happy at his discomfiture. behind him, however, sits a spy who will repeat his words, report his actions to his enemy. he listens, he watches. the high-priest himself, cay, their elder brother, sees the storm that is brewing behind the dissensions of coh and aac. he trembles at the thought of the misfortunes that will surely befall the dynasty of the cans, of the ruin and misery of the country that will certainly follow. divested of his priestly raiment, he comes nude and humble as it is proper for men in the presence of the gods, to ask their advice how best to avoid the impending calamities. the chief of the auspices is in the act of reading their decrees on the palpitating entrails of a fish. the sad expression on his face, that of humble resignation on that of the pontiff, of deferential astonishment on that of the assistant, speak of the inevitable misfortunes which are to come in the near future. "we pass over interesting battle scenes ... in which the defenders have been defeated by the mayas. coh will return to his queen loaded with spoils that he will lay at her feet with his glory, which is also hers. the murder of coh "we next see him in a terrible altercation with his brother aac. the figures in that scene are nearly life-size, but so much disfigured and broken as to make it impossible to obtain good tracings. coh is portrayed without weapons, his fists clenched, looking menacingly at his foe, who holds three spears, typical of the three wounds he inflicted in his brother's back when he killed him treacherously. coh is now laid out, being prepared for cremation. his body has been opened at the ribs to extract the viscera and heart, which, after being charred, are to be preserved in a stone urn with cinnabar, where the writer found them in 1875. his sister-wife, queen móo, in sad contemplation of the remains of the beloved, ... kneels at his feet.... the winged serpent, protective genius of the country, is pictured without a head. the ruler of the country has been slain. he is dead. the people are without a chief." the widowhood of móo the widowhood of móo is then said to be portrayed in subsequent pictures. other suitors, among them aac, make their proposals to her, but she refuses them all. "aac's pride being humiliated, his love turned to hatred. his only wish henceforth was to usurp the supreme power, to wage war against the friend of his childhood. he made religious disagreement the pretext. he proclaimed that the worship of the sun was to be superior to that of the winged serpent, the genius of the country; also to that of the worship of ancestors, typified by the feathered serpent, with horns and a flame or halo on the head.... prompted by such evil passions, he put himself at the head of his own vassals, and attacked those who had remained faithful to queen móo and to prince coh's memory. at first móo's adherents successfully opposed her foes. the contending parties, forgetting in the strife that they were children of the same soil, blinded by their prejudices, let their passions have the better of their reason. at last queen móo fell a prisoner in the hands of her enemy." the manuscript troano dr. le plongeon here assumes that the story is taken up by the manuscript troano. as no one is able to decipher this manuscript completely, he is pretty safe in his assertion. here is what the pintura alluded to says regarding queen móo, according to our author: "the people of mayach having been whipped into submission and cowed, no longer opposing much resistance, the lord seized her by the hair, and, in common with others, caused her to suffer from blows. this happened on the ninth day of the tenth month of the year kan. being completely routed, she passed to the opposite sea-coast in the southern parts of the country, which had already suffered much injury." here we shall leave the queen, and those who have been sufficiently credulous to create and believe in her and her companions. we do not aver that the illustrations on the walls of the temple at chichen do not allude to some such incident, or series of incidents, as dr. le plongeon describes, but to bestow names upon the dramatis personæ in the face of almost complete inability to read the maya script and a total dearth of accompanying historical manuscripts is merely futile, and we must regard dr. le plongeon's narrative as a quite fanciful rendering of probability. at the same time, the light which he throws--if some obviously unscientific remarks be deducted--on the customs of the maya renders his account of considerable interest, and that must be our excuse for presenting it here at some length. chapter vi: the civilisation of old peru old peru if the civilisation of ancient peru did not achieve the standard of general culture reached by the mexicans and maya, it did not fall far short of the attainment of these peoples. but the degrading despotism under which the peasantry groaned in inca times, and the brutal and sanguinary tyranny of the apu-ccapac incas, make the rulers of mexico at their worst appear as enlightened when compared with the peruvian governing classes. the quichua-aymara race which inhabited peru was inferior to the mexican in general mental culture, if not in mental capacity, as is proved by its inability to invent any method of written communication or any adequate time-reckoning. in imitative art, too, the peruvians were weak, save in pottery and rude modelling, and their religion savoured much more of the materialistic, and was altogether of a lower cultus. the country the country in which the interesting civilisation of the inca race was evolved presents physical features which profoundly affected the history of the race. in fact, it is probable that in no country in the world has the configuration of the land so modified the events in the life of the people dwelling within its borders. the chain of the andes divides into two branches near the boundary between bolivia and chili, and, with the cordillera de la costa, encloses at a height of over 3000 feet the desaguadero, a vast tableland with an area equal to france. to the north of this is cuzco, the ancient capital of the incas, to the south potosi, the most elevated town in the world, whilst between them lies lake titicaca, the largest body of fresh water in south america. the whole country is dreary and desolate in the extreme. cereals cannot ripen, and animals are rare. yet it was in these desolate regions that the powerful and highly organised empire of peru arose--an empire extending over an area 3000 miles long by 400 broad. the andeans the prehistoric natives of the andean region had evolved a civilisation long before the days of the inca dynasties, and the cyclopean ruins of their edifices are to be found at intervals scattered over a wide field on the slopes of the range under the shadow of which they dwelt. their most extraordinary achievement was probably the city of tiahuanaco, on the southern shore of lake titicaca, built at a level 13,000 feet above the sea, occupying nearly half an acre in extent, and constructed of enormous megalithic blocks of trachytic rock. the great doorway, carved out of a single block of rock, is 7 feet in height by 13-1/2 feet wide, and 1-1/2 feet thick. the upper portion of this massive portal is carved with symbolic figures. in the centre is a figure in high relief, the head surrounded by solar rays, and in each hand a sceptre, the end of which terminates in the head of a condor. this figure is flanked on either side by three tiers of kneeling suppliants, each of whom is winged and bears a sceptre similar in design to the central ones. elsewhere are mighty blocks of stone, some 36 feet long, remains of enormous walls, standing monoliths, and in earlier times colossal statues were seen on the site. when the spanish conquerors arrived no tradition remained regarding the founders of these structures, and their origin still remains a mystery; but that they represent the remains of the capital of some mighty prehistoric kingdom is practically admitted. a strange site the greatest mystery of all regarding the ruins at tiahuanaco is the selection of the site. for what reason did the prehistoric rulers of peru build here? the surroundings are totally unsuitable for the raising of such edifices, and the tableland upon which they are placed is at once desolate and difficult of access. the snow-line is contiguous, and breathing at such a height is no easy matter. there is no reason to suppose that climatic conditions in the day of these colossal builders were different from those which obtain at the present time. in face of these facts the position of tiahuanaco remains an insoluble riddle. sacsahuaman and ollantay other remains of these prehistoric people are found in various parts of peru. at sacsahuaman, perched on a hill above the city of cuzco, is an immense fortified work six hundred yards long, built in three lines of wall consisting of enormous stones, some of which are twenty-seven feet in length. pissac is also the site of wonderful ruined masonry and an ancient observatory. at ollantay-tampu, forty-five miles to the north of cuzco, is another of these gigantic fortresses, built to defend the valley of the yucay. this stronghold is constructed for the most part of red porphyry, and its walls average twenty-five feet in height. the great cliff on which ollantay is perched is covered from end to end with stupendous walls which zigzag from point to point of it like the salient angles of some modern fortalice. at intervals are placed round towers of stone provided with loopholes, from which doubtless arrows were discharged at the enemy. this outwork embraces a series of terraces, world-famous because of their gigantic outline and the problem of the use to which they were put. it is now practically agreed that these terraces were employed for the production of maize, in order that during a prolonged investment the beleaguered troops and country-folk might not want for a sufficiency of provender. the stone of which this fortress was built was quarried at a distance of seven miles, in a spot upwards of three thousand feet above the valley, and was dragged up the steep declivity of ollantay by sheer human strength. the nicety with which the stones were fitted is marvellous. the drama-legend of ollantay among the dramatic works with which the ancient incas were credited is that of apu-ollanta, which may recount the veritable story of a chieftain after whom the great stronghold was named. it was probably divided into scenes and supplied with stage directions at a later period, but the dialogue and songs are truly aboriginal. the period is that of the reign of the inca yupanqui pachacutic, one of the most celebrated of the peruvian monarchs. the central figure of the drama is a chieftain named ollanta, who conceived a violent passion for a daughter of the inca named curi-coyllur (joyful star). this passion was deemed unlawful, as no mere subject who was not of the blood-royal might aspire to the hand of a daughter of the inca. as the play opens we overhear a dialogue between ollanta and his man-servant piqui-chaqui (flea-footed), who supplies what modern stage-managers would designate the "comic relief." they are talking of ollanta's love for the princess, when they are confronted by the high-priest of the sun, who tries to dissuade the rash chieftain from the dangerous course he is taking by means of a miracle. in the next scene curi-coyllur is seen in company with her mother, sorrowing over the absence of her lover. a harvest song is here followed by a love ditty of undoubtedly ancient origin. the third scene represents ollanta's interview with the inca in which he pleads his suit and is slighted by the scornful monarch. ollanta defies the king in a resounding speech, with which the first act concludes. in the first scene of the second act we are informed that the disappointed chieftain has raised the standard of rebellion, and the second scene is taken up with the military preparations consequent upon the announcement of a general rising. in the third scene rumi-ñaui as general of the royal forces admits defeat by the rebels. the love-story of curi-coyllur curi-coyllur gives birth to a daughter, and is imprisoned in the darksome convent of virgins. her child, yma sumac (how beautiful), is brought up in the same building, but is ignorant of the near presence of her mother. the little girl tells her guardian of groans and lamentations which she has heard in the convent garden, and of the tumultuous emotions with which these sad sounds fill her heart. the inca pachacutic's death is announced, and the accession of his son, yupanqui. rebellion breaks out once more, and the suppression of the malcontents is again entrusted to rumi-ñaui. that leader, having tasted defeat already, resorts to cunning. he conceals his men in a valley close by, and presents himself covered with blood before ollanta, who is at the head of the rebels. he states that he has been barbarously used by the royal troops, and that he desires to join the rebels. he takes part with ollanta and his men in a drunken frolic, in which he incites them to drink heavily, and when they are overcome with liquor he brings up his troops and makes them prisoners. mother and child yma sumac, the beautiful little daughter of curi-coyllur, requests her guardian, pitu salla, so pitifully to be allowed to visit her mother in her dungeon that the woman consents, and mother and child are united. ollanta is brought as a prisoner before the new inca, who pardons him. at that juncture yma sumac enters hurriedly, and begs the monarch to free her mother, curi-coyllur. the inca proceeds to the prison, restores the princess to her lover, and the drama concludes with the inca bestowing his blessing upon the pair. the play was first put into written form in the seventeenth century, has often been printed, and is now recognised as a genuine aboriginal production. the races of peru many races went to make up the peruvian people as they existed when first discovered by the conquering spaniards. from the south came a civilising race which probably found a number of allied tribes, each existing separately in its own little valley, speaking a different dialect, or even language, from its neighbours, and in many instances employing different customs. although tradition alleged that these invaders came from the north by sea within historical times, the more probable theory of their origin is one which states that they had followed the course of the affluents of the amazon to the valleys where they dwelt when the more enlightened folk from the south came upon them. the remains of this aboriginal people--for, though they spoke diverse languages, the probability is that they were of one or not more than two stocks--are still found scattered over the coastal valleys in pyramidal mounds and adobe-built dwellings. the coming of the incas the arrival of the dominant race rudely broke in upon the peaceful existence of the aboriginal folk. this race, the quichua-aymara, probably had its place of origin in the altaplanicie highlands of bolivia, the eastern cordillera of the andes. this they designated tucuman (world's end), just as the kiche of guatemala were wont to describe the land of their origin as ki pixab (corner of the earth). the present republic of argentina was at a remote period covered by a vast, partially land-locked sea, and beside the shores of this the ancestors of the quichua-aymara race may have settled as fishers and fowlers. they found a more permanent settlement on the shores of lake titicaca, where their traditions state that they made considerable advances in the arts of civilisation. it was, indeed, from titicaca that the sun emerged from the sacred rock where he had erstwhile hidden himself. here, too, the llama and paco were domesticated and agricultural life initiated, or perfected. the arts of irrigation and terrace-building--so marked as features of peruvian civilisation--were also invented in this region, and the basis of a composite advancement laid. the quichua-aymara this people consisted of two groups, the quichua and aymara, so called from the two kindred tongues spoken by each respectively. these possess a common grammatical structure, and a great number of words are common to both. they are in reality varying forms of one speech. from the valley of titicaca the aymara spread from the source of the amazon river to the higher parts of the andes range, so that in course of time they exhibited those qualities which stamp the mountaineer in every age and clime. the quichua, on the other hand, occupied the warm valleys beyond the river apurimac, to the north-west of the aymara-speaking people--a tract equal to the central portion of the modern republic of peru. the name "quichua" implies a warm valley or sphere, in contradistinction to the "yunca," or tropical districts of the coast and lowlands. the four peoples the metropolitan folk of cuzco considered peru to be divided into four sections--that of the colla-suyu, with the valley of titicaca as its centre, and stretching from the bolivian highlands to cuzco; the conti-suyu, between the colla-suyu and the ocean; the quichua chinchay-suyu, of the north-west; and the anti-suyu, of the montaña region. the inca people, coming suddenly into these lands, annexed them with surprising rapidity, and, making the aboriginal tribes dependent upon their rule, spread themselves over the face of the country. thus the ancient chroniclers. but it is obvious that such rapid conquest was a practical impossibility, and it is now understood that the inca power was consolidated only some hundred years before the coming of pizarro. the coming of manco ccapac peruvian myth has its quetzalcoatl in manco ccapac, a veritable son of the sun. the life-giver, observing the deplorable condition of mankind, who seemed to exist for war and feasting alone, despatched his son, manco ccapac, and his sister-wife, mama oullo huaca, to earth for the purpose of instructing the degraded peoples in the arts of civilised life. the heavenly pair came to earth in the neighbourhood of lake titicaca, and were provided with a golden wedge which they were assured would sink into the earth at the precise spot on which they should commence their missionary labours. this phenomenon occurred at cuzco, where the wedge disappeared. the derivation of the name cuzco, which means "navel," or, in more modern terms, "hub of the universe," proves that it was regarded as a great culture-centre. on this spot the civilising agents pitched their camp, gathering the uncultured folk of the country around them. whilst manco taught the men the arts of agriculture, mama oullo instructed the women in those of weaving and spinning. great numbers gathered in the vicinity of cuzco, and the foundations of a city were laid. under the mild rule of the heavenly pair the land of peru abounded in every desirable thing, like the eden of genesis. the legend of manco ccapac as we have it from an old spanish source is worth giving. it is as follows: "there [in tiahuanaco] the creator began to raise up the people and nations that are in that region, making one of each nation in clay, and painting the dresses that each one was to wear; those that were to wear their hair, with hair, and those that were to be shorn, with hair cut. and to each nation was given the language that was to be spoken, and the songs to be sung, and the seeds and food that they were to sow. when the creator had finished painting and making the said nations and figures of clay, he gave life and soul to each one, as well man as woman, and ordered that they should pass under the earth. thence each nation came up in the places to which he ordered them to go. thus they say that some came out of caves, others issued from hills, others from fountains, others from the trunks of trees. from this cause and others, and owing to having come forth and multiplied from those places, and to having had the beginning of their lineage in them, they made huacas [14] and places of worship of them, in memory of the origin of their lineage. thus each nation uses the dress with which they invest their huaca; and they say that the first that was born in that place was there turned into stone. others say that they were turned into falcons, condors, and other animals and birds. hence the huacas they use are in different shapes." the peruvian creation-story the incan peruvians believed that all things emanated from pachacamac, the all-pervading spirit, who provided the plants and animals (which they believed to be produced from the earth) with "souls." the earth itself they designated pachacamama (earth-mother). here we observe that pachacamac was more the maker and moulder than the originator of matter, a view common to many american mythologies. pachacamac it was who breathed the breath of life into man, but the peruvian conception of him was only evolved in later inca times, and by no means existed in the early days of inca rule, although he was probably worshipped before this under another and less exalted shape. the mere exercise of will or thought was sufficient, according to the peruvians, to accomplish the creative act. in the prayers to the creator, and in other portions of inca rite, we read such expressions as "let a man be," "let a woman be," and "the creative word," which go to prove that the peruvian consciousness had fully grasped the idea of a creator capable of evolving matter out of nothingness. occasionally we find the sun acting as a kind of demiurge or sub-creator. he it is who in later legend founds the city of cuzco, and sends thither three eggs composed of gold, silver, and copper, from which spring the three classes of peruvians, kings, priests, and slaves. the inevitable deluge occurs, after which we find the prehistoric town of tiahuanaco regarded as the theatre of a new creation of man. here the creator made man, and separated him into nations, making one of each nation out of the clay of the earth, painting the dresses that each was to wear, and endowing them with national songs, languages, seeds to sow suitable to the environment of each, and food such as they would require. then he gave the peoples life and soul, and commanded them to enter the bowels of the earth, whence they came upward in the places where he ordered them to go. perhaps this is one of the most complete ("wholesale" would be a better word) creation-myths in existence, and we can glean from its very completeness that it is by no means of simple origin, but of great complexity. it is obviously an attempt to harmonise several conflicting creation-stories, notably those in which the people are spoken of as emanating from caves, and the later one of the creation of men at tiahuanaco, probably suggested to the incas by the immense ruins at that place, for which they could not otherwise account. local creation-myths in some of the more isolated valleys of peru we discover local creation-myths. for example, in the coastal valley of irma pachacamac was not considered to be the creator of the sun, but to be himself a descendant of it. the first human beings created by him were speedily separated, as the man died of hunger, but the woman supported herself by living on roots. the sun took compassion upon her and gave her a son, whom pachacamac slew and buried. but from his teeth there grew maize, from his ribs the long white roots of the manioc plant, and from his flesh various esculent plants. the character of inca civilisation apart from the treatment which they meted out to the subject races under their sway, the rule of the inca monarchs was enlightened and contained the elements of high civilisation. it is scarcely clear whether the inca race arrived in the country at such a date as would have permitted them to profit by adopting the arts and sciences of the andean people who preceded them. but it may be affirmed that their arrival considerably post-dated the fall of the megalithic empire of the andeans, so that in reality their civilisation was of their own manufacture. as architects they were by no means the inferiors of the prehistoric race, if the examples of their art did not bulk so massively, and the engineering skill with which they pushed long, straight tunnels through vast mountains and bridged seemingly impassable gorges still excites the wonder of modern experts. they also made long, straight roads after the most improved macadamised model. their temples and palaces were adorned with gold and silver images and ornaments; sumptuous baths supplied with hot and cold water by means of pipes laid in the earth were to be found in the mansions of the nobility, and much luxury and real comfort prevailed. an absolute theocracy the empire of peru was the most absolute theocracy the world has ever seen. the inca was the direct representative of the sun upon earth, the head of a socio-religious edifice intricate and highly organised. this colossal bureaucracy had ramifications into the very homes of the people. the inca was represented in the provinces by governors of the blood-royal. officials were placed above ten thousand families, a thousand families, and even ten families, upon the principle that the rays of the sun enter everywhere, and that therefore the light of the inca must penetrate to every corner of the empire. there was no such thing as personal freedom. every man, woman, and child was numbered, branded, and under surveillance as much as were the llamas in the royal herds. individual effort or enterprise was unheard of. some writers have stated that a system of state socialism obtained in peru. if so, then state surveillance in central russia might also be branded as socialism. a man's life was planned for him by the authorities from the age of five years, and even the woman whom he was to marry was selected for him by the government officials. the age at which the people should marry was fixed at not earlier than twenty-four years for a man and eighteen for a woman. coloured ribbons worn round the head indicated the place of a person's birth or the province to which he belonged. a golden temple one of the most remarkable monuments of the peruvian civilisation was the coricancha (town of gold) at cuzco, the principal fane of the sun-god. its inner and outer walls were covered with plates of pure gold. situated upon an eminence eighty feet high, the temple looked down upon gardens filled, according to the conquering spaniards, with treasures of gold and silver. the animals, insects, the very trees, say the chroniclers, were of the precious metals, as were the spades, hoes, and other implements employed for keeping the ground in cultivation. through the pleasances rippled the river huatenay. such was the glittering intipampa (field of the sun). that the story is true, at least in part, is proved by the traveller squier, who speaks of having seen in several houses in cuzco sheets of gold preserved as relics which came from the temple of the sun. these, he says, were scarcely as thick as paper, and were stripped off the walls of the coricancha by the exultant spanish soldiery. the great altar but this house of gold had but a roof of thatch! the peruvians were ignorant of the principle of the arch, or else considered the feature unsuitable, for some reason best known to their architects. the doorways were formed of huge monoliths, and the entire aspect of the building was cyclopean. the interior displayed an ornate richness which impressed even the spaniards, who had seen the wealth of many lands and oriental kingdoms, and the gold-lust must have swelled within their hearts at sight of the great altar, behind which was a huge plate of the shining metal engraved with the features of the sun-god. the surface of this plate was enriched by a thousand gems, the scintillation of which was, according to eye-witnesses, almost insupportable. around this dazzling sphere were seated the mummified corpses of the inca kings, each on his throne, with sceptre in hand. planetary temples surrounding the coricancha several lesser temples clustered, all of them dedicated to one or other of the planetary bodies--to the moon, to cuycha, the rainbow, to chasca, the planet venus. in the temple of the moon, the mythic mother of the inca dynasty, a great plate of silver, like the golden one which represented the face of the sun-god, depicted the features of the moon-goddess, and around this the mummies of the inca queens sat in a semicircle, like their spouses in the greater neighbouring fane. in the rainbow temple of cuycha the seven-hued arch of heaven was depicted by a great arc of gold skilfully tempered or painted in suitable colours. all the utensils in these temples were of gold or silver. in the principal building twelve large jars of silver held the sacred grain, and even the pipes which conducted the water-supply through the earth to the sanctuary were of silver. pedro pizarro himself, besides other credible eye-witnesses, vouched for these facts. the colossal representation of the sun became the property of a certain mancio serra de leguicano, a reckless cavalier and noted gambler, who lost it on a single throw of the dice! such was the spirit of the adventurers who conquered this golden realm for the crown of spain. the walls of the coricancha are still standing, and this marvellous shrine of the chief luminary of heaven, the great god of the peruvians, is now a christian church. the mummies of peru the fact that the ancient peruvians had a method of mummification has tempted many "antiquarians" to infer therefrom that they had some connection with ancient egypt. these theories are so numerous as to give the unsophisticated reader the idea that a regular system of immigration was carried on between egypt and america. as a matter of fact the method of mummification in vogue in peru was entirely different from that employed by the ancient egyptians. peruvian mummies are met with at apparently all stages of the history of the native races. megalithic tombs and monuments contain them in the doubled-up posture so common among early peoples all over the world. these megalithic tombs, or chulpas, as they are termed, are composed of a mass of rough stones and clay, faced with huge blocks of trachyte or basalt, so put together as to form a cist, in which the mummy was placed. the door invariably faces the east, so that it may catch the gleams of the rising sun--a proof of the prevalence of sun-worship. squier alludes to one more than 24 feet high. an opening 18 inches square gave access to the sepulchral chamber, which was 11 feet square by 13 feet high. but the tomb had been entered before, and after getting in with much difficulty the explorer was forced to retreat empty-handed. many of these chulpas are circular, and painted in gay primary colours. they are very numerous in bolivia, an old peruvian province, and in the basin of lake titicaca they abound. the dead were wrapped in llama-skins, on which the outlines of the eyes and mouth were carefully marked. the corpse was then arrayed in other garments, and the door of the tomb walled up. in some parts of peru the dead were mummified and placed in the dwelling-houses beside the living. in the rarefied air of the plateaus the bodies rapidly became innocuous, and the custom was not the insanitary one we might imagine it to be. on the pacific coast the method of mummification was somewhat different. the body was reduced to a complete state of desiccation, and was deposited in a tomb constructed of stone or adobe. vases intended to hold maize or chicha liquor were placed beside the corpse, and copper hatchets, mirrors of polished stone, earrings, and bracelets have been discovered in these burial-places. some of the remains are wrapped in rich cloth, and vases of gold and silver were placed beside them. golden plaques are often discovered in the mouths, probably symbolic of the sun. the bodies exhibit no traces of embalming, and are usually in a sitting posture. some of them have evidently been dried before inhumation, whilst others are covered with a resinous substance. they are generally accompanied by the various articles used during life; the men have their weapons and ornaments, women their household implements, and children their toys. the dryness of the climate, as in egypt, keeps these relics in a wonderful state of preservation. in the grave of a woman were found not only vases of every shape, but also some cloth she had commenced to weave, which her death had perhaps prevented her from completing. her light brown hair was carefully combed and plaited, and the legs from the ankle to the knee were painted red, after the fashion in vogue among peruvian beauties, while little bladders of toilet-powder and gums were thoughtfully placed beside her for her use in the life to come. laws and customs the legal code of the incas was severe in the extreme. murderers and adulterers were punished by death, and the unpardonable sin appears to have been blasphemy against the sun, or his earthly representative, the inca. the virgin of the sun (or nun) who broke her vow was buried alive, and the village from whence she came was razed to the ground. flogging was administered for minor offences. a peculiar and very trying punishment must have been that of carrying a heavy stone for a certain time. on marriage a home was apportioned to each couple, and land assigned to them sufficient for their support. when a child was born a separate allowance was given it--one fanega for a boy, and half that amount for a girl, the fanega being equal to the area which could be sown with a hundred pounds of maize. there is something repulsive in the inca code, with its grandmotherly legislation; and if this tyranny was beneficent, it was devised merely to serve its own ends and hound on the unhappy people under its control like dumb, driven cattle. the outlook of the average native was limited in the extreme. the inca class of priests and warriors retained every vestige of authority; and that they employed their power unmercifully to grind down the millions beneath them was a sufficient excuse for the spanish conquistadores in dispossessing them of the empire they had so harshly administered. the public ground was divided afresh every year according to the number of the members of each family, and agrarian laws were strictly fixed. private property did not exist among the people of the lower classes, who merely farmed the lot which each year was placed at their disposal. besides this, the people had perforce to cultivate the lands sacred to the inca, and only the aged and the sick could evade this duty. the peruvian calendar the standard chronology known to the peru of the incas was a simple lunar reckoning. but the four principal points in the sun's course were denoted by means of the intihuatana, a device consisting of a large rock surmounted by a small cone, the shadow of which, falling on certain notches on the stone below, marked the date of the great sun-festivals. the peruvians, however, had no definite calendar. at cuzco, the capital, the solstices were gauged by pillars called pachacta unanchac, or indicators of time, which were placed in four groups (two pillars to a group) on promontories, two in the direction of sunrise and two in that of sunset, to mark the extreme points of the sun's rising and setting. by this means they were enabled to distinguish the arrival and departure of the solstices, during which the sun never went beyond the middle pair of pillars. the inca astronomer's approximation to the year was 360 days, which were divided into twelve moons of thirty days each. these moons were not calendar months in the correct sense, but simply a succession of lunations, which commenced with the winter solstice. this method, which must ultimately have proved confusing, does not seem to have been altered to co-ordinate with the reckoning of the succession of years. the names of the twelve moons, which had some reference to the daily life of the peruvian, were as follows: huchuy pucuy quilla (small growing moon), approximately january. hatun pucuy quilla (great growing moon), approximately february. pancar pucuy quilla (flower-growing moon), approximately march. ayrihua quilla (twin ears moon), approximately april. aymuray quilla (harvest moon), approximately may. auray cusqui quilla (breaking soil), approximately june. chahua huarqui quilla (irrigation moon), approximately july. tarpuy quilla (sowing moon), approximately august. ccoya raymi quilla (moon of the moon feast), approximately september. uma raymi quilla (moon of the feast of the province of uma), approximately october. ayamarca raymi quilla (moon of the feast of the province of ayamarca), approximately november. ccapac raymi quilla (moon of the great feast of the sun), approximately december. the festivals that the peruvian standard of time, as with all american people, was taken from the natural course of the moon is known chiefly from the fact that the principal religious festivals began on the new moon following a solstice or equinox. the ceremonies connected with the greatest festival, the ccapac raymi, were made to date near the lunar phases, the two stages commencing with the ninth day of the december moon and twenty-first day, or last quarter. but while these lunar phases indicated certain festivals, it very often happened that the civil authorities followed a reckoning of their own, in preference to accepting ecclesiastical rule. considerable significance was attached to each month by the peruvians regarding the nature of their festivals. the solstices and equinoxes were the occasions of established ceremonies. the arrival of the winter solstice, which in peru occurs in june, was celebrated by the intip raymi (great feast of the sun). the principal peruvian feast, which took place at the summer solstice, when the new year was supposed to begin, was the national feast of the great god pachacamac, and was called ccapac raymi. molina, fernandez, and garcilasso, however, date the new year from the winter solstice. the third festival of the inca year, the ccapac situa, or ccoya raymi (moon feast), which is signalled by the beginning of the rainy season, occurred in september. in general character these festivals appear to have been simple, and even childlike. the sacrifice of animals taken from sacred herds of llamas was doubtless a principal feature of the ceremony, accompanied by the offering up of maguey, or maize spirit, and followed by the performance of symbolic dances. the llama the llama was the chief domestic animal of peru. all llamas were the property of the inca. like the camel, its distant relative, this creature can subsist for long periods upon little nourishment, and it is suitable for the carriage of moderate loads. each year a certain amount of llama wool was given to the peruvian family, according to the number of women it contained, and these wove it into garments, whatever was over being stored away in the public cloth-magazines for the general use. the large flocks of llamas and alpacas also afforded a supply of meat for the people such as the mexicans never possessed. naturally much attention was given to the breeding of these animals, and the alpaca was as carefully regarded by the peruvian as the sheep by the farmer of to-day. the guanacos and vicuñas, wild animals of the llama or auchenia family, were also sources of foodand wool-supply. architecture of the incas the art in which the incan peruvians displayed the greatest advance was that of architecture. the earlier style of inca building shows that it was closely modelled, as has already been pointed out, on that of the megalithic masons of the tiahuanaco district, but the later style shows stones laid in regular courses, varying in length. no cement or mortar of any kind was employed, the structure depending for stability upon the accuracy with which the stones were fitted to each other. an enormous amount of labour must have been expended upon this part of the work, for in the monuments of peruvian architecture which still exist it is impossible to insert even a needle between the stones of which they are composed. the palaces and temples were built around a courtyard, and most of the principal buildings had a hall of considerable dimensions attached to them, which, like the baronial halls of the england of the middle ages, served for feasting or ceremony. in this style is built the front of the palace on the colcampata, overlooking the city of cuzco, under the fortress which is supposed to have been the dwelling of manco ccapac, the first inca. palaces at yucay and chinchero are also of this type. unsurpassed workmanship in an illuminating passage upon inca architecture sir clements markham, the greatest living authority upon matters peruvian, says: "in cuzco the stone used is a dark trachyte, and the coarse grain secured greater adhesion between the blocks. the workmanship is unsurpassed, and the world has nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to equal the skill and accuracy displayed in the ynca structures of cuzco. no cement is used, and the larger stones are in the lowest row, each ascending course being narrower, which presents a most pleasing effect. the edifices were built round a court, upon which the rooms opened, and some of the great halls were 200 paces long by 60 wide, the height being 35 to 40 feet, besides the spring of the roof. the roofs were thatch; and we are able to form an idea of their construction from one which is still preserved, after a lapse of three centuries. this is on a circular building called the sondor-huasi, at azangaro, and it shows that even thatch in the hands of tasteful builders will make a sightly roof for imposing edifices, and that the interior ornament of such a roof may be exceedingly beautiful." the temple of viracocha the temple of viracocha, at cacha, in the valley of the vilcamayu, is built on a plan different from that of any other sacred building in peru. its ruins consist of a wall of adobe or clay 40 feet high and 330 long, built on stone foundations 8 feet in height. the roof was supported on twenty-five columns, and the width of the structure was 87 feet. it was a place of pilgrimage, and the caravanserais where the faithful were wont to be housed still stand around the ruined fane. titicaca the most sacred of the peruvian shrines, however, was titicaca, an island on the lake of that name. the island of coati, hard by, enjoyed an equal reverence. terraced platforms on the former, reached by flights of steps, support two buildings provided for the use of pilgrims about to proceed to coati. on titicaca there are the ruins of an extensive palace which commands a splendid view of the surrounding barren country. a great bath or tank is situated half-way down a long range of terraces supported by cut stone masonry, and the pool, 40 feet long by 10, and 5 feet deep, has similar walls on three sides. below this tank the water is made to irrigate terrace after terrace until it falls into the lake. coati the island of coati is about six miles distant. the principal building is on one of the loftiest of seven terraces, once radiant with flowers and shrubs, and filled with rich loam transported from a more fertile region. it is placed on three sides of a square, 183 feet long by 80, and is of stone laid in clay and coated with plaster. "it has," says markham, "thirty-five chambers, only one of which is faced with hewn stones. the ornament on the façade consists of elaborate niches, which agreeably break the monotony of the wall, and above them runs a projecting cornice. the walls were painted yellow, and the niches red; and there was a high-pitched roof, broken here and there by gables. the two largest chambers are 20 long by 12, and loftier than the rest, each with a great niche in the wall facing the entrance. these were probably the holy places or shrines of the temple. the beautiful series of terraces falls off from the esplanade of the temple to the shores of the lake." mysterious chimu the coast folk, of a different race from the incas, had their centre of civilisation near the city of truxillo, on the plain of chimu. here the ruins of a great city litter the plain for many acres. arising from the mass of ruin, at intervals stand huacas, or artificial hills. the city was supplied with water by means of small canals, which also served to irrigate the gardens. the mounds alluded to were used for sepulture, and the largest, at moche, is 800 feet long by 470 feet in breadth, and 200 feet in height. it is constructed of adobes. besides serving the purpose of a cemetery, this mound probably supported a large temple on its summit. the palace a vast palace occupied a commanding position. its great hall was 100 feet long by 52 broad, and its walls were covered with a highly ornate series of arabesques in relief done in stucco, like the fretwork on the walls of palenque. another hall close at hand is ornamented in coloured stucco, and from it branch off many small rooms, which were evidently dormitories. from the first hall a long corridor leads to secret storehouses, where many vessels of gold and silver have been discovered hidden away, as if to secure them either from marauding bands or the gaze of the vulgar. all of these structures are hollowed out of a vast mound covering several acres, so that the entire building may be said to be partially subterranean in character. "about a hundred yards to the westward of this palace there was a sepulchral mound where many relics were discovered. the bodies were wrapped in cloths, woven in ornamental figures and patterns of different colours. on some of the cloths were sewn plates of silver, and they were edged with borders of feathers, the silver being occasionally cut in the shape of fishes. among the ruins of the city there are great rectangular areas enclosed by massive walls, and containing courts, streets, dwellings, and reservoirs for water. the largest is about a mile south of the mound-palace, and is 550 yards long by 400. the outer wall is about 30 feet high, 10 feet thick at the base, with sides inclining toward each other. some of the interior walls are highly ornamented in stuccoed patterns; and in one part there is an edifice containing forty-five chambers or cells, in five rows of nine each, which is supposed to have been a prison. the enclosure also contained a reservoir 450 feet long by 195 broad, and 60 feet deep." the civilisation of chimu the ruins of chimu are undoubtedly the outcome of a superior standard of civilisation. the buildings are elaborate, as are their internal arrangements. the extent of the city is great, and the art displayed in the manufacture of the utensils discovered within it and the taste evinced in the numerous wall-patterns show that a people of advanced culture inhabited it. the jeweller's work is in high relief, and the pottery and plaques found exhibit much artistic excellence. pachacamac the famous ruins of the temple and city of pachacamac, near the valley of lurin, to the south of lima, overlook the pacific ocean from a height of 500 feet. four vast terraces still bear mighty perpendicular walls, at one time painted red. here was found the only perfect peruvian arch, built of large adobe bricks--a proof that the peruvian mind did not stand still in matters architectural at least. irrigation works it was in works of irrigation, however, that the race exhibited its greatest engineering genius. in the valley of nasca the incas cut deep trenches to reinforce the irrigating power of a small river, and carried the system high up into the mountains, in order that the rainfall coming therefrom might be conducted into the needful channel. lower down the valley the main watercourse is deflected into many branches, which irrigate each estate by feeding the small surface streams. this system adequately serves the fifteen estates of nasca to-day! another high-level canal for the irrigation of pasture-lands was led for more than a hundred and fifty miles along the eastern slope of the central cordillera. a singular discovery in peru, as in mexico, it is probable that the cross was employed as a symbol of the four winds. an account of the expedition of fuentes to the valley of chichas recounts the discovery of a wooden cross as follows: [15] "when the settlers who accompanied fuentes in his glorious expedition approached the valley they found a wooden cross, hidden, as if purposely, in the most intricate part of the mountains. as there is not anything more flattering to the vanity of a credulous man than to be enabled to bring forward his testimony in the relation of a prodigy, the devotion of these good conquerors was kindled to such a degree by the discovery of this sacred memorial that they instantly hailed it as miraculous and divine. they accordingly carried it in procession to the town, and placed it in the church belonging to the convent of san francisco, where it is still worshipped. it appears next to impossible that there should not, at that time, have been any individual among them sufficiently enlightened to combat such a persuasion, since, in reality, there was nothing miraculous in the finding of this cross, there having been other christian settlers, before the arrival of fuentes, in the same valley. the opinion, notwithstanding, that the discovery was altogether miraculous, instead of having been abandoned at the commencement, was confirmed still more and more with the progress of time. the jesuits antonio ruiz and pedro lozano, in their respective histories of the missions of paraguay, &c., undertook to demonstrate that the apostle st. thomas had been in america. this thesis, which was so novel, and so well calculated to draw the public attention, required, more than any other, the aid of the most powerful reasons, and of the most irrefragable documents, to be able to maintain itself, even in an hypothetical sense; but nothing of all this was brought forward. certain miserable conjectures, prepossession, and personal interest, supplied the place of truth and criticism. the form of a human foot, which they fancied they saw imprinted on the rock, and the different fables of this description invented by ignorance at every step, were the sole foundations on which all the relations on this subject were made to repose. the one touching the peregrinations of st. thomas from brazil to quito must be deemed apocryphal, when it is considered that the above reverend fathers describe the apostle with the staff in the hand, the black cassock girt about the waist, and all the other trappings which distinguish the missionaries of the society. the credit which these histories obtained at the commencement was equal to that bestowed on the cross of tarija, which remained in the predicament of being the one st. thomas had planted in person, in the continent of america." the chibchas a people called the chibchas dwelt at a very high point of the andes range. they were brave and industrious, and possessed a culture of their own. they defended themselves against much stronger native races, but after the spanish conquest their country was included in new granada, and is now part of the united states of colombia. less experienced than the peruvians or aztecs, they could, however, weave and dye, carve and engrave, make roads, build temples, and work in stone, wood, and metals. they also worked in pottery and jewellery, making silver pendants and collars of shells and collars of precious stones. they were a wealthy folk, and their spanish conquerors obtained much spoil. little is known concerning them or their language, and there is not much of interest in the traditions relating to them. their mythology was simple. they believed the moon was the wife of bochica, who represented the sun, and as she tried to destroy men bochica only allowed her to give light during the night. when the aborigines were in a condition of barbarism bochica taught them and civilised them. the legends about bochica resemble in many points those about quetzalcoatl or manco ccapac, as well as those relating to the founder of buddhism and the first inca of peru. the chibchas offered human sacrifices to their gods at certain intervals, and kept the wretched victim for some years in preparation for his doom. they venerated greatly the lake of quatavita, and are supposed to have flung their treasures into it when they were conquered. although many attempts have been made to recover these, little of value has been found. the chibchas appear to have given allegiance to two leaders, one the zippa, who lived at bogota, the other the zoque, who lived at hunsa, now tunja. these chiefs ruled supreme. like the incas, they could only have one lawful wife, and their sons did not succeed them--their power passed, as in some central african tribes, to the eldest son of the sister. when the zippa died, sweet-smelling resin took the place of his internal parts, and the body was put in a wooden coffin, with sheets of gold for ornamentation. the coffin was hidden in an unknown sepulchre, and these tombs have never been discovered--at least, so say the spaniards. their weapons, garments, objects of daily use, even jars of chicha, were buried with these chiefs. it is very likely that a cave where rows of mummies richly dressed were found, and many jewels, was the secret burying-place of the zippas and the zoques. to these folk death meant only a continuation of the life on earth. a severe legal code the laws of the chibchas were severe--death was meted out to the murderer, and bodily punishment for stealing. a coward was made to look like a woman and do her work, while to an unfaithful wife was administered a dose of red pepper, which, if swallowed, released the culprit from the penalty of death and entitled her to an apology from her husband. the chibchas made no use of cattle, and lived on honey. their houses were built of clay, and were set in the midst of an enclosure guarded by watch-towers. the roofs were of a conical shape, covered with reed mats, and skilfully interlaced rushes were used to close the openings. the chibchas were skilful in working bronze, lead, copper, tin, gold, and silver, but not iron. the saint-germain museum has many specimens of gold and silver articles made by these people. m. uricaechea has still more uncommon specimens in his collection, such as two golden masks of the human face larger than life, and a great number of statuettes of men, and images of monkeys and frogs. the chibchas traded with what they made, exporting the rock salt they found in their own country and receiving in exchange cereals with which to cultivate their own poor soil. they also made curious little ornaments which might have passed for money, but they are not supposed to have understood coinage. they had few stone columns--only large granite rocks covered with huge figures of tigers and crocodiles. humboldt mentions these, and two very high columns, covered with sculpture, at the junction of the carare and magdalena, greatly revered by the natives, were raised probably by the chibchas. a strange mnemonic system on the arrival of the spaniards the peruvians were unacquainted with any system of writing or numeration. the only means of recording events they possessed was that provided by quipos, knotted pieces of string or hide of varying length and colour. according to the length or colour of these cords the significance of the record varied; it was sometimes historical and sometimes mathematical. quipos relating to the history of the incas were carefully preserved by an officer called quipo camayol--literally, "the guardian of the quipos." the greater number were destroyed as monuments of idolatry by the fanatical spanish monks who came over with the conquistadores, but their loss is by no means important, as no study, however profound, could possibly unriddle the system upon which they were based. the peruvians, however, long continued to use them in secret. practical use of the quipos the marquis de nadaillac has placed on record a use to which the quipos were put in more modern times. he says: "a great revolt against the spaniards was organised in 1792. as was found out later, the revolt had been organised by means of messengers carrying a piece of wood in which were enclosed threads the ends of which were formed of red, black, blue, or white fringes. the black thread had four knots, which signified that the messenger had started from vladura, the residence of the chief of the conspiracy, four days after full moon. the white thread had ten knots, which signified that the revolt would break out ten days after the arrival of the messenger. the person to whom the keeper was sent had in his turn to make a knot in the red thread if he agreed to join the confederates; in the red and blue threads, on the contrary, if he refused." it was by means of these quipos that the incas transmitted their instructions. on all the roads starting from the capital, at distances rarely exceeding five miles, rose tambos, or stations for the chasquis or couriers, who went from one post to another. the orders of the inca thus became disseminated with great rapidity. orders which emanated directly from the sovereign were marked with a red thread of the royal llantu (mantle), and nothing, as historians assure us, could equal the respect with which these messages were received. the incas as craftsmen the incan peruvians had made some progress in the metallurgic, ceramic, and textile arts. by washing the sands of the rivers of caravaya they obtained large quantities of gold, and they extracted silver from the ore by means of blast-furnaces. copper also was abundant, and was employed to manufacture bronze, of which most of their implements were made. although it is difficult to know at what period their mining operations were carried on, it is evident that they could only have learned the art through long experience. many proofs are to be found of their skill in jewellery, and amongst these are wonderful statuettes which they made from an amalgam of gold and mercury, afterwards exposed to great heat. a number of curious little ornaments made of various substances, with a little hole bored through them, were frequently found under the huacas--probably talismans. the finest handiwork of the incas was undoubtedly in jewellery; but unfortunately most of the examples of their work in this craft were melted down to assuage the insatiable avarice of the spanish conquerors, and are therefore for ever lost to us. the spade and chisel employed in olden times by the peruvians are much the same as the people use now, but some of their tools were clumsy. their javelins, tomahawks, and other military arms were very futile weapons. some found near the mines of pasco were made of stone. the spinning, weaving, and dyeing of the peruvians were unequalled in aboriginal america, their cloths and tapestries being both graceful in design and strong in texture. stamps of bark or earthenware were employed to fix designs upon their woollen stuffs, and feathers were added to the garments made from these, the combination producing a gay effect much admired by the spaniards. the british museum possesses some good specimens of these manufactures. pottery the peruvians excelled in the potter's art. the pottery was baked in a kiln, and was varied in colour, red, black, and grey being the favourite shades. it was varnished outside, and the vases were moulded in two pieces and joined before heating. much of the work is of great grace and elegance, and the shapes of animals were very skilfully imitated. many drinking-cups of elegant design have been discovered, and some vases are of considerable size, measuring over three feet in height. a simple geometric pattern is usually employed for decoration, but sometimes rows of birds and insects figure in the ceramics. the pottery of the coast people is more rich and varied than that of the inca race proper, and among its types we find vases moulded in the form of human faces, many of them exhibiting so much character that we are forced to conclude that they are veritable portraits. fine stone dishes are often found, as well as platters of wood, and these frequently bear as ornament tasteful carvings representing serpents. on several cups and vases are painted representations of battles between the inca forces and the savages of the eastern forests using bows and arrows; below wander the animals of the forest region, a brightly painted group. the archæological museum of madrid gives a representation of very varied kinds of peruvian pottery, including some specimens modelled upon a series of plants, interesting to botanists. the louvre collections have one or two interesting examples of earthenware, as well as the ethnographical museum of st. petersburg, and in all these collections there are types which are believed to be peculiar to the old world. the trocadero museum has a very curious specimen with two necks called the "salvador." a drawing on the vase represents a man with a tomahawk. the peruvians, like the mexicans, also made musical instruments out of earthenware, and heavy ornaments, principally for the ear. historical sketch of the incan peruvians the inca dominion, as the spaniards found it, was instituted only about a century before the coming of the white man. before that time inca sway held good over scattered portions of the country, but had not extended over the entire territory which in later times was connected with the inca name. that it was founded on the wreck of a more ancient power which once existed in the district of chinchay-suyu there can be little doubt. this power was wielded over a space bounded by the lake of chinchay-cocha on the north and abancay on the south, and extended to the pacific at the valley of chincha. it was constituted by an alliance of tribes under the leadership of the chief of pucara, in the huanca country. a branch of this confederacy, the chanca, pushing southward in a general movement, encountered the inca people of colla-suyu, who, under their leader, pachacutic, a young but determined chieftain, defeated the invaders in a decisive battle near cuzco. in consequence of this defeat the chanca deserted their former allies and made common cause with their victors. together the armies made a determined attack on the huanca alliance, which they broke up, and conquered the northern districts of the chinchay-suyu. thus central peru fell to the inca arms. the inca monarchs inca history, or rather tradition, as we must call it in the light of an unparalleled lack of original documentary evidence, spoke of a series of eleven monarchs from manco ccapac to huaina ccapac, who died shortly before the spanish conquest. these had reigned for a collective period of nearly 350 years. the evidence that these chiefs had reigned was of the best, for their mummified bodies were preserved in the great temple of the sun at cuzco, already described. there they received the same daily service as when in the flesh. their private herds of llamas and slaves were still understood to belong to them, and food and drink were placed before them at stated intervals. clothes were made for them, and they were carried about in palanquins as if for daily exercise. the descendants of each at periodical intervals feasted on the produce of their ancestor's private estate, and his mummy was set in the centre of the diners and treated as the principal guest. the first incas after manco ccapac and his immediate successor, sinchi roca (wise chief), lloque yupanqui comes third in the series. he died while his son was still a child. concerning mayta ccapac, who commenced his reign while yet a minor, but little is known. he was followed by ccapac yupanqui, who defeated the conti-suyu, who had grown alarmed at the great power recently attained by cuzco. the inca and his men were attacked whilst about to offer sacrifice. a second attempt to sack cuzco and divide its spoil and the women attached to the great temple of the sun likewise ended in the total discomfiture of the jealous invaders. with inca roca, the next inca, a new dynasty commences, but it is well-nigh impossible to trace the connection between it and the preceding one. of the origin of inca roca nothing is related save that he claimed descent from manco ccapac. roca, instead of waiting to be attacked in his own dominions, boldly confronted the conti-suyu in their own territory, defeated them decisively at pumatampu, and compelled them to yield him tribute. his successor, yahuarhuaccac, initiated a similar campaign against the colla-suyu people, against whom he had the assistance of the conquered conti-suyu. but at a feast which he held in cuzco before setting out he was attacked by his allies, and fled to the coricancha, or golden temple of the sun, for refuge, along with his wives. resistance was unavailing, and the inca and many of his favourites were slaughtered. the allied tribes which had overrun central peru now threatened cuzco, and had they advanced with promptitude the inca dynasty would have been wiped out and the city reduced to ruins. a strong man was at hand, however, who was capable of dealing with the extremely dangerous situation which had arisen. this was viracocha, a chieftain chosen by the vote of the assembled warriors of cuzco. by a prudent conciliation of the conti-suyu and colla-suyu he established a confederation which not only put an end to all threats of invasion, but so menaced the invaders that they were glad to return to their own territory and place it in a suitable state of defence. viracocha the great with viracocha the great, or "godlike," the period of true inca ascendancy commences. he was the real founder of the enlarged inca dominion. he was elected inca on his personal merits, and during a vigorous reign succeeded in making the influence of cuzco felt in the contiguous southern regions. in his old age he retired to his country seats at yucay and xaquixahuana, and left the conduct of the realm to his son and successor, urco-inca, a weak-minded voluptuary, who neglected his royal duties, and was superseded by his younger brother, pachacutic, a famous character in inca history. the plain of blood the commencement of pachacutic's reign witnessed one of the most sanguinary battles in the history of peru. hastu-huaraca, chief of the antahuayllas, in the chanca country, invaded the inca territory, and encamped on the hills of carmenca, which overlooks cuzco. pachacutic held a parley with him, but all to no purpose, for the powerful invader was determined to humble the inca dynasty to the dust. battle was speedily joined. the first day's fight was indecisive, but on the succeeding day pachacutic won a great victory, the larger part of the invading force being left dead on the field of battle, and hastu-huaraca retreating with five hundred followers only. the battle of yahuar-pampa (plain of blood) was the turning-point in peruvian history. the young inca, formerly known as yupanqui, was now called pachacutic (he who changes the world). the warriors of the south made full submission to him, and came in crowds to offer him their services and seek his alliance and friendship, and he shortly found himself supreme in the territories over which his predecessors had exercised merely a nominal control. the conquest of middle peru hastu-huaraca, who had been commissioned by the allied tribesmen of chinchay-suyu to reduce the incas, now threw in his lot with them, and together conqueror and conquered proceeded to the liberation of the district of chinchay-suyu from the tyranny of the huanca alliance. the reduction of the southern portion of that territory was speedily accomplished. in the valley of xauxa the invaders came upon the army of the huanca, on which they inflicted a final defeat. the inca spared and liberated the prisoners of war, who were numerous. once more, at tarma, were the huanca beaten, after which all resistance appears to have been overcome. the city-state of cuzco was now the dominant power throughout the whole of central peru, a territory 300 miles in length, whilst it exercised a kind of suzerainty over a district of equal extent toward the south-east, which it shortly converted into actual dominion. fusion of races this conquest of central peru led to the fusing of the quichua-speaking tribes on the left bank of the apurimac with the aymara-speaking folk on the right bank, with the result that the more numerous quichua speedily gained linguistic ascendancy over their brethren the aymara. subsequently to this the peoples of southern and central peru, led by inca headmen, swept in a great wave of migration over cerro de pasco, where they met with little or no resistance, and pachacutic lived to be lord over a dominion extending for a thousand miles to the northward, and founder of a great inca colony south of the equator almost identical in outline with the republic of ecuador. two branches of the incas these conquests, or rather race-movements, split up the inca people into two separate portions, the respective centres of which were well-nigh a thousand miles apart. the centre of the northern district was at tumipampa, riopampa, and quito at different periods. the political separation of these areas was only a question of time. geographical conditions almost totally divided the two portions of the empire, a sparsely populated stretch of country 400 miles in extent lying between them (see map, p. 333.) the laws of pachacutic pachacutic united to his fame as a warrior the reputation of a wise and liberal ruler. he built the great temple of the sun at cuzco, probably on the site of a still older building, and established in its walls the convent in which five hundred maidens were set apart for the service of the god. he also, it is said, instituted the great rite of the ccapac-cocha, at which maize, cloth, llamas, and children were sacrificed in honour of the sun-god. he devised a kind of census, by which governors were compelled periodically to render an account of the population under their rule. this statement was made by means of quipos. agriculture was his peculiar care, and he was stringent in the enforcement of laws regarding the tilling of the soil, the foundation and upkeep of stores and granaries, and the regulation of labour in general. as an architect he took upon himself the task of personally designing the principal buildings of the city of cuzco, which were rebuilt under his instructions and in accordance with models moulded from clay by his own hands. he appears to have had a passion for order, and to him we may be justified in tracing the rigorous and almost grandmotherly system under which the peruvians were living at the time of the arrival of their spanish conquerors. to pachacutic, too, is assigned the raising of the immense fortress of sacsahuaman, already described. he further instituted the order of knighthood known as auqui, or "warrior," entrance to which was granted to suitable applicants at the great feast of ccapac raymi, or festival of the sun. he also named the succession of moons, and erected the pillars on the hill of carmenca by which the season of solstice was found. in short, all law and order which had a place in the peruvian social economy were attributed to him, and we may designate him the alfred of his race. tupac-yupanqui pachacutic's son, tupac-yupanqui, for some time before his father's death acted as his lieutenant. his name signifies "bright" or "shining." his activity extended to every portion of the inca dominion, the borders of which he enlarged, suppressing revolts, subjugating tribes not wholly brought within the pale of inca influence, and generally completing the work so ably begun by his father. "the gibbet" a spirit of cruelty and excess such as was unknown to pachacutic marked the military exploits of tupac. in the valley of huarco, near the pacific coast, for example, he was repulsed by the natives, who were well supplied with food and stores of all sorts, and whose town was well fortified and very strongly situated. tupac constructed an immense camp, or rather town, the outlines of which recalled those of his capital of cuzco, on a hill opposite the city, and here he calmly sat down to watch the gradual starvation of the enemy. this siege continued for three years, until the wretched defenders, driven to despair through want of food, capitulated, relying on the assurance of their conqueror that they should become a part of the inca nation and that their daughters should become the wives of inca youths. the submission of their chiefs having been made, tupac ordered a general massacre of the warriors and principal civilians. at the conquest the spaniards could still see the immense heaps of bones which littered the spot where this heartless holocaust took place, and the name huarco (the gibbet) became indissolubly associated with the district. huaina ccapac tupac died in 1493, and was succeeded by his son huaina ccapac (the young chief). huaina was about twenty-two years of age at the time of his father's death, and although the late inca had named ccapac-huari, his son by another wife, as his successor, the claims of huaina were recognised. his reign was peaceful, and was marked by wise administrative improvements and engineering effort. at the same time he was busily employed in holding the savage peoples who surrounded his empire in check. he favoured the northern colony, and rebuilt tumipampa, but resided at quito. here he dwelt for some years with a favourite son by a wife of the lower class, named tupac-atau-huallpa (the sun makes good fortune). huaina was the victim of an epidemic raging in peru at the time. he was greatly feared by his subjects, and was the last inca who held undisputed sway over the entire dominion. like nezahualcoyotl in mexico, he attempted to set up the worship of one god in peru, to the detriment of all other huacas, or sacred beings. the inca civil war on the death of huaina his two sons, huascar and atauhuallpa, [16] strove for the crown. before his demise huaina had divided his dominion between his two sons, but it was said that he had wrested quito from a certain chieftain whose daughter he had married, and by whom he had atauhuallpa, who was therefore rightful heir to that province. the other son, huascar, or tupac-cusi-huallpa (the sun makes joy), was born to his principal sister-wife--for, according to inca custom, the monarchs of peru, like those of certain egyptian dynasties, filled with pride of race, and unwilling to mingle their blood with that of plebeians, took spouses from among their sisters. this is the story as given by many spanish chroniclers, but it has no foundation in fact. atauhuallpa was in reality the son of a woman of the people, and huascar was not the son of huaina's sister-wife, but of a wife of less intimate relationship. therefore both sons were on an equality as regards descent. huascar, however, was nearer the throne by virtue of his mother's status, which was that of a royal princess, whereas the mother of atauhuallpa was not officially recognised. huascar by his excesses and his outrages on religion and public decency aroused the people to revolt against his power, and atauhuallpa, discerning his opportunity in this émeute, made a determined attack on the royal forces, and succeeded in driving them slowly back, until at last tumipampa was razed to the ground, and shortly afterwards the important southerly fortress of caxamarca fell into the hands of the rebels. a dramatic situation atauhuallpa remained at caxamarca, and despatched the bulk of his forces into the enemy's country. these drove the warriors of huascar back until the upper courses of the apurimac were reached. huascar fled from cuzco, but was captured, and carried a prisoner with his mother, wife, and children to atauhuallpa. not many days afterwards news of the landing of the spaniards was received by the rebel inca. the downfall of the peruvian empire was at hand. a worthless despotism if the blessings of a well-regulated government were dispensed by the incas, these benefits were assuredly counterbalanced by the degrading despotism which accompanied them. the political organisation of the peruvian empire was in every sense more complete than that of mexico. but in a state where individual effort and liberty are entirely crushed even such an effective organisation as the peruvian can avail the people little, and is merely a device for the support of a calculated tyranny. chapter vii: the mythology of peru the religion of ancient peru the religion of the ancient peruvians had obviously developed in a much shorter time than that of the mexicans. the more ancient character inherent in it was displayed in the presence of deities many of which were little better than mere totems, and although a definite monotheism or worship of one god appears to have been reached, it was not by the efforts of the priestly caste that this was achieved, but rather by the will of the inca pachacutic, who seems to have been a monarch gifted with rare insight and ability--a man much after the type of the mexican nezahualcoyotl. in inca times the religion of the people was solely directed by the state, and regulated in such a manner that independent theological thought was permitted no outlet. but it must not be inferred from this that no change had ever come over the spirit of peruvian religion. as a matter of fact sweeping changes had been effected, but these had been solely the work of the inca race, the leaders of which had amalgamated the various faiths of the peoples whom they had conquered into one official belief. totemism garcilasso el inca de la vega, an early spanish writer on matters peruvian, states that tradition ran that in ante-inca times every district, family, and village possessed its own god, each different from the others. these gods were usually such objects as trees, mountains, flowers, herbs, caves, large stones, pieces of jasper, and animals. the jaguar, puma, and bear were worshipped for their strength and fierceness, the monkey and fox for their cunning, the condor for its size and because several tribes believed themselves to be descended from it. the screech-owl was worshipped for its beauty, and the common owl for its power of seeing in the dark. serpents, particularly the larger and more dangerous varieties, were especially regarded with reverence. although payne classes all these gods together as totems, it is plain that those of the first class--the flowers, herbs, caves, and pieces of jasper--are merely fetishes. a fetish is an object in which the savage believes to be resident a spirit which, by its magic, will assist him in his undertakings. a totem is an object or an animal, usually the latter, with which the people of a tribe believe themselves to be connected by ties of blood and from which they are descended. it later becomes the type or symbol of the tribe. paccariscas lakes, springs, rocks, mountains, precipices, and caves were all regarded by the various peruvian tribes as paccariscas--places whence their ancestors had originally issued to the upper world. the paccarisca was usually saluted with the cry, "thou art my birthplace, thou art my life-spring. guard me from evil, o paccarisca!" in the holy spot a spirit was supposed to dwell which served the tribe as a kind of oracle. naturally the paccarisca was looked upon with extreme reverence. it became, indeed, a sort of life-centre for the tribe, from which they were very unwilling to be separated. worship of stones the worship of stones appears to have been almost as universal in ancient peru as it was in ancient palestine. man in his primitive state believes stones to be the framework of the earth, its bony structure. he considers himself to have emerged from some cave--in fact, from the entrails of the earth. nearly all american creation-myths regard man as thus emanating from the bowels of the great terrestrial mother. rocks which were thus chosen as paccariscas are found, among many other places, at callca, in the valley of the yucay, and at titicaca there is a great mass of red sandstone on the top of a high ridge with almost inaccessible slopes and dark, gloomy recesses where the sun was thought to have hidden himself at the time of the great deluge which covered all the earth. the rock of titicaca was, in fact, the great paccarisca of the sun itself. we are thus not surprised to find that many standing stones were worshipped in peru in aboriginal times. thus arriaga states that rocks of great size which bore some resemblance to the human figure were imagined to have been at one time gigantic men or spirits who, because they disobeyed the creative power, were turned into stone. according to another account they were said to have suffered this punishment for refusing to listen to the words of thonapa, the son of the creator, who, like quetzalcoatl or manco ccapac, had taken upon himself the guise of a wandering indian, so that he might have an opportunity of bringing the arts of civilisation to the aborigines. at tiahuanaco a certain group of stones was said to represent all that remained of the villagers of that place, who, instead of paying fitting attention to the wise counsel which thonapa the civiliser bestowed upon them, continued to dance and drink in scorn of the teachings he had brought to them. again, some stones were said to have become men, as in the old greek creation-legend of deucalion and pyrrha. in the legend of ccapac inca pachacutic, when cuzco was attacked in force by the chancas an indian erected stones to which he attached shields and weapons so that they should appear to represent so many warriors in hiding. pachacutic, in great need of assistance, cried to them with such vehemence to come to his help that they became men, and rendered him splendid service. huacas whatever was sacred, of sacred origin, or of the nature of a relic the peruvians designated a huaca, from the root huacan, to howl, native worship invariably taking the form of a kind of howl, or weird, dirge-like wailing. all objects of reverence were known as huacas, although those of a higher class were also alluded to as viracochas. the peruvians had, naturally, many forms of huaca, the most popular of which were those of the fetish class which could be carried about by the individual. these were usually stones or pebbles, many of which were carved and painted, and some made to represent human beings. the llama and the ear of maize were perhaps the most usual forms of these sacred objects. some of them had an agricultural significance. in order that irrigation might proceed favourably a huaca was placed at intervals in proximity to the acequias, or irrigation canals, which was supposed to prevent them leaking or otherwise failing to supply a sufficiency of moisture to the parched maize-fields. huacas of this sort were known as ccompas, and were regarded as deities of great importance, as the food-supply of the community was thought to be wholly dependent upon their assistance. other huacas of a similar kind were called chichics and huancas, and these presided over the fortunes of the maize, and ensured that a sufficient supply of rain should be forthcoming. great numbers of these agricultural fetishes were destroyed by the zealous commissary hernandez de avendaño. the mamas spirits which were supposed to be instrumental in forcing the growth of the maize or other plants were the mamas. we find a similar conception among many brazilian tribes to-day, so that the idea appears to have been a widely accepted one in south american countries. the peruvians called such agencies "mothers," adding to the generic name that of the plant or herb with which they were specially associated. thus acsumama was the potato-mother, quinuamama the quinua-mother, saramama the maize-mother, and cocamama the mother of the coca-shrub. of these the saramama was naturally the most important, governing as it did the principal source of the food-supply of the community. sometimes an image of the saramama was carved in stone, in the shape of an ear of maize. the saramama was also worshipped in the form of a doll, or huantaysara, made out of stalks of maize, renewed at each harvest, much as the idols of the great corn-mother of mexico were manufactured at each harvest-season. after having been made, the image was watched over for three nights, and then sacrifice was done to it. the priest or medicine-man of the tribe would then inquire of it whether or not it was capable of existing until that time in the next year. if its spirit replied in the affirmative it was permitted to remain where it was until the following harvest. if not it was removed, burnt, and another figure took its place, to which similar questions were put. the huamantantac connected with agriculture in some degree was the huamantantac (he who causes the cormorants to gather themselves together). this was the agency responsible for the gathering of sea-birds, resulting in the deposits of guano to be found along the peruvian coast which are so valuable in the cultivation of the maize-plant. he was regarded as a most beneficent spirit, and was sacrificed to with exceeding fervour. huaris the huaris, or "great ones," were the ancestors of the aristocrats of a tribe, and were regarded as specially favourable toward agricultural effort, possibly because the land had at one time belonged to them personally. they were sometimes alluded to as the "gods of strength," and were sacrificed to by libations of chicha. ancestors in general were deeply revered, and had an agricultural significance, in that considerable tracts of land were tilled in order that they might be supplied with suitable food and drink offerings. as the number of ancestors increased more and more land was brought into cultivation, and the hapless people had their toil added to immeasurably by these constant demands upon them. huillcas the huillcas were huacas which partook of the nature of oracles. many of these were serpents, trees, and rivers, the noises made by which appeared to the primitive peruvians--as, indeed, they do to primitive folk all over the world--to be of the quality of articulate speech. both the huillcamayu and the apurimac rivers at cuzco were huillca oracles of this kind, as their names, "huillca-river" and "great speaker," denote. these oracles often set the mandate of the inca himself at defiance, occasionally supporting popular opinion against his policy. the oracles of the andes the peruvian indians of the andes range within recent generations continued to adhere to the superstitions they had inherited from their fathers. a rare and interesting account of these says that they "admit an evil being, the inhabitant of the centre of the earth, whom they consider as the author of their misfortunes, and at the mention of whose name they tremble. the most shrewd among them take advantage of this belief to obtain respect, and represent themselves as his delegates. under the denomination of mohanes, or agoreros, they are consulted even on the most trivial occasions. they preside over the intrigues of love, the health of the community, and the taking of the field. whatever repeatedly occurs to defeat their prognostics, falls on themselves; and they are wont to pay for their deceptions very dearly. they chew a species of vegetable called piripiri, and throw it into the air, accompanying this act by certain recitals and incantations, to injure some, to benefit others, to procure rain and the inundation of the rivers, or, on the other hand, to occasion settled weather, and a plentiful store of agricultural productions. any such result, having been casually verified on a single occasion, suffices to confirm the indians in their faith, although they may have been cheated a thousand times. fully persuaded that they cannot resist the influence of the piripiri, as soon as they know that they have been solicited in love by its means, they fix their eyes on the impassioned object, and discover a thousand amiable traits, either real or fanciful, which indifference had before concealed from their view. but the principal power, efficacy, and it may be said misfortune of the mohanes consist in the cure of the sick. every malady is ascribed to their enchantments, and means are instantly taken to ascertain by whom the mischief may have been wrought. for this purpose, the nearest relative takes a quantity of the juice of floripondium, and suddenly falls intoxicated by the violence of the plant. he is placed in a fit posture to prevent suffocation, and on his coming to himself, at the end of three days, the mohane who has the greatest resemblance to the sorcerer he saw in his visions is to undertake the cure, or if, in the interim, the sick man has perished, it is customary to subject him to the same fate. when not any sorcerer occurs in the visions, the first mohane they encounter has the misfortune to represent his image." [17] lake-worship in peru at lake titicaca the peruvians believed the inhabitants of the earth, animals as well as men, to have been fashioned by the creator, and the district was thus sacrosanct in their eyes. the people of the collao called it mamacota (mother-water), because it furnished them with supplies of food. two great idols were connected with this worship. one called copacahuana was made of a bluish-green stone shaped like a fish with a human head, and was placed in a commanding position on the shores of the lake. on the arrival of the spaniards so deeply rooted was the worship of this goddess that they could only suppress it by raising an image of the virgin in place of the idol. the christian emblem remains to this day. mamacota was venerated as the giver of fish, with which the lake abounded. the other image, copacati (serpent-stone), represented the element of water as embodied in the lake itself in the form of an image wreathed in serpents, which in america are nearly always symbolical of water. the lost island a strange legend is recounted of this lake-goddess. she was chiefly worshipped as the giver of rain, but huaina ccapac, who had modern ideas and journeyed through the country casting down huacas, had determined to raise on an island of lake titicaca a temple to yatiri (the ruler), the aymara name of the god pachacamac in his form of pachayachachic. he commenced by raising the new shrine on the island of titicaca itself. but the deity when called upon refused to vouchsafe any reply to his worshippers or priests. huaina then commanded that the shrine should be transferred to the island of apinguela. but the same thing happened there. he then inaugurated a temple on the island of paapiti, and lavished upon it many sacrifices of llamas, children, and precious metals. but the offended tutelary goddess of the lake, irritated beyond endurance by this invasion of her ancient domain, lashed the watery waste into such a frenzy of storm that the island and the shrine which covered it disappeared beneath the waves and were never thereafter beheld by mortal eye. the thunder-god of peru the rain-and-thunder god of peru was worshipped in various parts of the country under various names. among the collao he was known as con, and in that part of the inca dominions now known as bolivia he was called churoquella. near the cordilleras of the coast he was probably known as pariacaca, who expelled the huaca of the district by dreadful tempests, hurling rain and hail at him for three days and nights in such quantities as to form the great lake of pariacaca. burnt llamas were offered to him. but the incas, discontented with this local worship, which by no means suited their system of central government, determined to create one thunder-deity to whom all the tribes in the empire must bow as the only god of his class. we are not aware what his name was, but we know from mythological evidence that he was a mixture of all the other gods of thunder in the peruvian empire, first because he invariably occupied the third place in the triad of greater deities, the creator, sun, and thunder, all of whom were more or less amalgamations of provincial and metropolitan gods, and secondly because a great image of him was erected in the coricancha at cuzco, in which he was represented in human form, wearing a headdress which concealed his face, symbolic of the clouds, which ever veil the thunder-god's head. he had a special temple of his own, moreover, and was assigned a share in the sacred lands by the inca pachacutic. he was accompanied by a figure of his sister, who carried jars of water. an unknown quichuan poet composed on the myth the following graceful little poem, which was translated by the late daniel garrison brinton, an enthusiastic americanist and professor of american archæology in the university of pennsylvania: bounteous princess, lo, thy brother breaks thy vessel now in fragments. from the blow come thunder, lightning, strokes of lightning; and thou, princess, tak'st the water, with it rainest, and the hail or snow dispensest, viracocha, world-constructor. it will be observed that the translator here employs the name viracocha as if it were that of the deity. but it was merely a general expression in use for a more than usually sacred being. brinton, commenting upon the legend, says: "in this pretty waif that has floated down to us from the wreck of a literature now for ever lost there is more than one point to attract the notice of the antiquary. he may find in it a hint to decipher those names of divinities so common in peruvian legends, contici and illatici. both mean 'the thunder vase,' and both doubtless refer to the conception here displayed of the phenomena of the thunderstorm." alluding to peruvian thunder-myth elsewhere, he says in an illuminating passage: "throughout the realms of the incas the peruvians venerated as maker of all things and ruler of the firmament the god ataguju. the legend was that from him proceeded the first of mortals, the man guamansuri, who descended to the earth and there wedded the sister of certain guachimines, rayless ones or darklings, who then possessed it. they destroyed him, but their sister gave birth to twin sons, apocatequil and piguerao. the former was the more powerful. by touching the corpse of his mother he brought her to life, he drove off and slew the guachimines, and, directed by ataguju, released the race of indians from the soil by turning it up with a spade of gold. for this reason they adored him as their maker. he it was, they thought, who produced the thunder and the lightning by hurling stones with his sling. and the thunderbolts that fall, said they, are his children. few villages were willing to be without one or more of these. they were in appearance small, round stones, but had the admirable properties of securing fertility to the fields, protecting from lightning, and, by a transition easy to understand, were also adored as gods of fire as well material as of the passions, and were capable of kindling the dangerous flames of desire in the most frigid bosoms. therefore they were in great esteem as love-charms. apocatequil's statue was erected on the mountains, with that of his mother on one hand and his brother on the other. 'he was prince of evil, and the most respected god of the peruvians. from quito to cuzco not an indian but would give all he possessed to conciliate him. five priests, two stewards, and a crowd of slaves served his image. and his chief temple was surrounded by a very considerable village, whose inhabitants had no other occupation but to wait on him.'" in memory of these brothers twins in peru were always deemed sacred to the lightning. there is an instance on record of how the huillca could refuse on occasion to recognise even royalty itself. manco, the inca who had been given the kingly power by pizarro, offered a sacrifice to one of these oracular shrines. the oracle refused to recognise him, through the medium of its guardian priest, stating that manco was not the rightful inca. manco therefore caused the oracle, which was in the shape of a rock, to be thrown down, whereupon its guardian spirit emerged in the form of a parrot and flew away. it is probable that the bird thus liberated had been taught by the priests to answer to the questions of those who came to consult the shrine. but we learn that on manco commanding that the parrot should be pursued it sought another rock, which opened to receive it, and the spirit of the huillca was transferred to this new abode. the great god pachacamac later peruvian mythology recognised only three gods of the first rank, the earth, the thunder, and the creative agency. pachacamac, the great spirit of earth, derived his name from a word pacha, which may be best translated as "things." in its sense of visible things it is equivalent to "world," applied to things which happen in succession it denotes "time," and to things connected with persons "property," especially clothes. the world of visible things is thus mamapacha (earth-mother), under which name the ancient peruvians worshipped the earth. pachacamac, on the other hand, is not the earth itself, the soil, but the spirit which animates all things that emerge therefrom. from him proceed the spirits of the plants and animals which come from the earth. pachamama is the mother-spirit of the mountains, rocks, and plains, pachacamac the father-spirit of the grain-bearing plants, animals, birds, and man. in some localities pachacamac and pachamama were worshipped as divine mates. possibly this practice was universal in early times, gradually lapsing into desuetude in later days. pachamama was in another phase intended to denote the land immediately contiguous to a settlement, on which the inhabitants depended for their food-supply. peruvian creation-stories it is easy to see how such a conception as pachacamac, the spirit of animated nature, would become one with the idea of a universal or even a partial creator. that there was a pre-existing conception of a creative agency can be proved from the existence of the peruvian name conticsi-viracocha (he who gives origin, or beginning). this conception and that of pachacamac must at some comparatively early period have clashed, and been amalgamated probably with ease when it was seen how nearly akin were the two ideas. indeed, pachacamac was alternatively known as pacharurac, the "maker" of all things--sure proof of his amalgamation with the conception of the creative agency. as such he had his symbol in the great coricancha at cuzco, an oval plate of gold, suspended between those of the sun and the moon, and placed vertically, it may be hazarded with some probability, to represent in symbol that universal matrix from which emanated all things. elsewhere in cuzco the creator was represented by a stone statue in human form. pachayachachic in later inca days this idea of a creator assumed that of a direct ruler of the universe, known as pachayachachic. this change was probably due to the influence of the inca pachacutic, who is known to have made several other doctrinal innovations in peruvian theology. he commanded a great new temple to the creator-god to be built at the north angle of the city of cuzco, in which he placed a statue of pure gold, of the size of a boy of ten years of age. the small size was to facilitate its removal, as peruvian worship was nearly always carried out in the open air. in form it represented a man with his right arm elevated, the hand partially closed and the forefinger and thumb raised, as if in the act of uttering the creative word. to this god large possessions and revenues were assigned, for previously service rendered to him had been voluntary only. ideas of creation it is from aboriginal sources as preserved by the first spanish colonists that we glean our knowledge of what the incas believed the creative process to consist. by means of his word (ñisca) the creator, a spirit, powerful and opulent, made all things. we are provided with the formulæ of his very words by the peruvian prayers still extant: "let earth and heaven be," "let a man be; let a woman be," "let there be day," "let there be night," "let the light shine." the sun is here regarded as the creative agency, and the ruling caste as the objects of a special act of creation. pacari tampu pacari tampu (house of the dawn) was the place of origin, according to the later inca theology, of four brothers and sisters who initiated the four peruvian systems of worship. the eldest climbed a neighbouring mountain, and cast stones to the four points of the compass, thus indicating that he claimed all the land within sight. but his youngest brother succeeded in enticing him into a cave, which he sealed up with a great stone, thus imprisoning him for ever. he next persuaded his second brother to ascend a lofty mountain, from which he cast him, changing him into a stone in his descent. on beholding the fate of his brethren the third member of the quartette fled. it is obvious that we have here a legend concocted by the later inca priesthood to account for the evolution of peruvian religion in its different stages. the first brother would appear to represent the oldest religion in peru, that of the paccariscas, the second that of a fetishistic stone-worship, the third perhaps that of viracocha, and the last sun-worship pure and simple. there was, however, an "official" legend, which stated that the sun had three sons, viracocha, pachacamac, and manco ccapac. to the last the dominion of mankind was given, whilst the others were concerned with the workings of the universe. this politic arrangement placed all the power, temporal and spiritual, in the hands of the reputed descendants of manco ccapac--the incas. worship of the sea the ancient peruvians worshipped the sea as well as the earth, the folk inland regarding it as a menacing deity, whilst the people of the coast reverenced it as a god of benevolence, calling it mama-cocha, or mother-sea, as it yielded them subsistence in the form of fish, on which they chiefly lived. they worshipped the whale, fairly common on that coast, because of its enormous size, and various districts regarded with adoration the species of fish most abundant there. this worship can have partaken in no sense of the nature of totemism, as the system forbade that the totem animal should be eaten. it was imagined that the prototype of each variety of fish dwelt in the upper world, just as many tribes of north american indians believe that the eponymous ancestors of certain animals dwell at the four points of the compass or in the sky above them. this great fish-god engendered the others of his species, and sent them into the waters of the deep that they might exist there until taken for the use of man. birds, too, had their eponymous counterparts among the stars, as had animals. indeed, among many of the south american races, ancient and modern, the constellations were called after certain beasts and birds. viracocha the aymara-quichua race worshipped viracocha as a great culture hero. they did not offer him sacrifices or tribute, as they thought that he, being creator and possessor of all things, needed nothing from men, so they only gave him worship. after him they idolised the sun. they believed, indeed, that viracocha had made both sun and moon, after emerging from lake titicaca, and that then he made the earth and peopled it. on his travels westward from the lake he was sometimes assailed by men, but he revenged himself by sending terrible storms upon them and destroying their property, so they humbled themselves and acknowledged him as their lord. he forgave them and taught them everything, obtaining from them the name of pachayachachic. in the end he disappeared in the western ocean. he either created or there were born with him four beings who, according to mythical beliefs, civilised peru. to them he assigned the four quarters of the earth, and they are thus known as the four winds, north, south, east, and west. one legend avers they came from the cave pacari, the lodging of the dawn. sun-worship in peru the name "inca" means "people of the sun," which luminary the incas regarded as their creator. but they did not worship him totemically--that is, they did not claim him as a progenitor, although they regarded him as possessing the attributes of a man. and here we may observe a difference between mexican and peruvian sun-worship. for whereas the nahua primarily regarded the orb as the abode of the man of the sun, who came to earth in the shape of quetzalcoatl, the peruvians looked upon the sun itself as the deity. the inca race did not identify their ancestors as children of the sun until a comparatively late date. sun-worship was introduced by the inca pachacutic, who averred that the sun appeared to him in a dream and addressed him as his child. until that time the worship of the sun had always been strictly subordinated to that of the creator, and the deity appeared only as second in the trinity of creator, sun, and thunder. but permanent provision was made for sacrifices to the sun before the other deities were so recognised, and as the conquests of the incas grew wider and that provision extended to the new territories they came to be known as "the lands of the sun," the natives observing the dedication of a part of the country to the luminary, and concluding therefrom that it applied to the whole. the material reality of the sun would enormously assist his cult among a people who were too barbarous to appreciate an unseen god, and this colonial conception reacting upon the mother-land would undoubtedly inspire the military class with a resolve to strengthen a worship so popular in the conquered provinces, and of which they were in great measure the protagonists and missionaries. the sun's possessions in every peruvian village the sun had considerable possessions. his estates resembled those of a territorial chieftain, and consisted of a dwelling-house, a chacra, or portion of land, flocks of llamas and pacos, and a number of women dedicated to his service. the cultivation of the soil within the solar enclosure devolved upon the inhabitants of the neighbouring village, the produce of their toil being stored in the inti-huasi, or sun's house. the women of the sun prepared the daily food and drink of the luminary, which consisted of maize and chicha. they also spun wool and wove it into fine stuff, which was burned in order that it might ascend to the celestial regions, where the deity could make use of it. each village reserved a portion of its solar produce for the great festival at cuzco, and it was carried thither on the backs of llamas which were destined for sacrifice. inca occupation of titicaca the rock of titicaca, the renowned place of the sun's origin, naturally became an important centre of his worship. the date at which the worship of the sun originated at this famous rock is extremely remote, but we may safely assume that it was long before the conquest of the collao by the apu-ccapac-inca pachacutic, and that reverence for the luminary as a war-god by the colla chiefs was noticed by tupac, who in suppressing the revolt concluded that the local observance at the rock had some relationship to the disturbance. it is, however, certain that tupac proceeded after the reconquest to establish at this natural centre of sun-worship solar rites on a new basis, with the evident intention of securing on behalf of the incas of cuzco such exclusive benefit as might accrue from the complete possession of the sun's paccarisca. according to a native account, a venerable colla (or hermit), consecrated to the service of the sun, had proceeded on foot from titicaca to cuzco for the purpose of commending this ancient seat of sun-worship to the notice of tupac. the consequence was that apu-ccapac-inca, after visiting the island and inquiring into the ancient local customs, re-established them in a more regular form. his accounts can hardly be accepted in face of the facts which have been gathered. rather did it naturally follow that titicaca became subservient to tupac after the revolt of the collao had been quelled. henceforth the worship of the sun at the place of his origin was entrusted to incas resident in the place, and was celebrated with inca rites. the island was converted into a solar estate and the aboriginal inhabitants removed. the land was cultivated and the slopes of the hills levelled, maize was sown and the soil consecrated, the grain being regarded as the gift of the sun. this work produced considerable change in the island. where once was waste and idleness there was now fertility and industry. the harvests were skilfully apportioned, so much being reserved for sacrificial purposes, the remainder being sent to cuzco, partly to be sown in the chacras, or estates of the sun, throughout peru, partly to be preserved in the granary of the inca and the huacas as a symbol that there would be abundant crops in the future and that the grain already stored would be preserved. a building of the women of the sun was erected about a mile from the rock, so that the produce might be available for sacrifices. for their maintenance, tribute of potatoes, ocas, and quinua was levied upon the inhabitants of the villages on the shores of the lake, and of maize upon the people of the neighbouring valleys. pilgrimages to titicaca titicaca at the time of the conquest was probably more frequented than pachacamac itself. these two places were held to be the cardinal shrines of the two great huacas, the creator and the sun respectively. a special reason for pilgrimage to titicaca was to sacrifice to the sun, as the source of physical energy and the giver of long life; and he was especially worshipped by the aged, who believed he had preserved their lives, then followed the migration of pilgrims to titicaca, for whose shelter houses were built at capacahuana, and large stores of maize were provided for their use. the ceremonial connected with the sacred rites of the rock was rigorously observed. the pilgrim ere embarking on the raft which conveyed him to the island must first confess his sins to a huillac (a speaker to an object of worship); then further confessions were required at each of the three sculptured doors which had successively to be passed before reaching the sacred rock. the first door (puma-puncu) was surmounted by the figure of a puma; the others (quenti-puncu and pillco-puncu) were ornamented with feathers of the different species of birds commonly sacrificed to the sun. having passed the last portal, the traveller beheld at a distance of two hundred paces the sacred rock itself, the summit glittering with gold-leaf. he was permitted to proceed no further, for only the officials were allowed entry into it. the pilgrim on departing received a few grains of the sacred maize grown on the island. these he kept with care and placed with his own store, believing they would preserve his stock, the confidence the indian placed in the virtue of the titicaca maize may be judged from the prevalent belief that the possessor of a single grain would not suffer from starvation during the whole of his life. sacrifices to the new sun the intip-raymi, or great festival of the sun, was celebrated by the incas at cuzco at the winter solstice. in connection with it the tarpuntaita-cuma, or sacrificing incas, were charged with a remarkable duty, the worshippers journeying eastward to meet one of these functionaries on his way. on the principal hill-tops between cuzco and huillcanuta, on the road to the rock of titicaca, burnt offerings of llamas, coca, and maize were made at the feast to greet the arrival of the young sun from his ancient birthplace. molina has enumerated more than twenty of these places of sacrifice. the striking picture of the celebration of the solar sacrifice on these bleak mountains in the depth of the peruvian winter has, it seems, no parallel in the religious rites of the ancient americans. quitting their thatched houses at early dawn, the worshippers left the valley below, carrying the sacrificial knife and brazier, and conducting the white llama, heavily laden with fuel, maize, and coca leaves, wrapped in fine cloth, to the spot where the sacrifice was to be made. when sunrise appeared the pile was lighted. the victim was slain and thrown upon it. the scene then presented a striking contrast to the bleak surrounding wilderness. as the flames grew in strength and the smoke rose higher and thicker the clear atmosphere was gradually illuminated from the east. when the sun advanced above the horizon the sacrifice was at its height. but for the crackling of the flames and the murmur of a babbling stream on its way down the hill to join the river below, the silence had hitherto been unbroken. as the sun rose the incas marched slowly round the burning mass, plucking the wool from the scorched carcase, and chanting monotonously: "o creator, sun and thunder, be for ever young! multiply the people; let them ever be in peace!" the citoc raymi the most picturesque if not the most important solar festival was that of the citoc raymi (gradually increasing sun), held in june, when nine days were given up to the ceremonial. a rigorous fast was observed for three days previous to the event, during which no fire must be kindled. on the fourth day the inca, accompanied by the people en masse, proceeded to the great square of cuzco to hail the rising sun, which they awaited in silence. on its appearance they greeted it with a joyous tumult, and, joining in procession, marched to the golden temple of the sun, where llamas were sacrificed, and a new fire was kindled by means of an arched mirror, followed by sacrificial offerings of grain, flowers, animals, and aromatic gums. this festival may be taken as typical of all the seasonal celebrations. the inca calendar was purely agricultural in its basis, and marked in its great festivals the renewal or abandonment of the labours of the field. its astronomical observations were not more advanced than those of the calendars of many american races otherwise inferior in civilisation. human sacrifice in peru writers ignorant of their subject have often dwelt upon the absence of human sacrifice in ancient peru, and have not hesitated to draw comparisons between mexico and the empire of the incas in this respect, usually not complimentary to the former. such statements are contradicted by the clearest evidence. human sacrifice was certainly not nearly so prevalent in peru, but that it was regular and by no means rare is well authenticated. female victims to the sun were taken from the great class of acllacuna (selected ones), a general tribute of female children regularly levied throughout the inca empire. beautiful girls were taken from their parents at the age of eight by the inca officials, and were handed over to certain female trainers called mamacuna (mothers). these matrons systematically trained their protégées in housewifery and ritual. residences or convents called aclla-huasi (houses of the selected) were provided for them in the principal cities. methods of medicine-men a quaint account of the methods of the medicine-men of the indians of the peruvian andes probably illustrates the manner in which the superstitions of a barbarian people evolve into a more stately ritual. "it cannot be denied," it states, "that the mohanes [priests] have, by practice and tradition, acquired a knowledge of many plants and poisons, with which they effect surprising cures on the one hand, and do much mischief on the other, but the mania of ascribing the whole to a preternatural virtue occasions them to blend with their practice a thousand charms and superstitions. the most customary method of cure is to place two hammocks close to each other, either in the dwelling, or in the open air: in one of them the patient lies extended, and in the other the mohane, or agorero. the latter, in contact with the sick man, begins by rocking himself, and then proceeds, by a strain in falsetto, to call on the birds, quadrupeds, and fishes to give health to the patient. from time to time he rises on his seat, and makes a thousand extravagant gestures over the sick man, to whom he applies his powders and herbs, or sucks the wounded or diseased parts. if the malady augments, the agorero, having been joined by many of the people, chants a short hymn, addressed to the soul of the patient, with this burden: 'thou must not go, thou must not go.' in repeating this he is joined by the people, until at length a terrible clamour is raised, and augmented in proportion as the sick man becomes still fainter and fainter, to the end that it may reach his ears. when all the charms are unavailing, and death approaches, the mohane leaps from his hammock, and betakes himself to flight, amid the multitude of sticks, stones, and clods of earth which are showered on him. successively all those who belong to the nation assemble, and, dividing themselves into bands, each of them (if he who is in his last agonies is a warrior) approaches him, saying: 'whither goest thou? why dost thou leave us? with whom shall we proceed to the aucas [the enemies]?' they then relate to him the heroical deeds he has performed, the number of those he has slain, and the pleasures he leaves behind him. this is practised in different tones: while some raise the voice, it is lowered by others; and the poor sick man is obliged to support these importunities without a murmur, until the first symptoms of approaching dissolution manifest themselves. then it is that he is surrounded by a multitude of females, some of whom forcibly close the mouth and eyes, others envelop him in the hammock, oppressing him with the whole of their weight, and causing him to expire before his time, and others, lastly, run to extinguish the candle, and dissipate the smoke, that the soul, not being able to perceive the hole through which it may escape, may remain entangled in the structure of the roof. that this may be speedily effected, and to prevent its return to the interior of the dwelling, they surround the entrances with filth, by the stench of which it may be expelled. death by suffocation "as soon as the dying man is suffocated by the closing of the mouth, nostrils, &c., and wrapt up in the covering of his bed, the most circumspect indian, whether male or female, takes him in the arms in the best manner possible, and gives a gentle shriek, which echoes to the bitter lamentations of the immediate relatives, and to the cries of a thousand old women collected for the occasion. as long as this dismal howl subsists, the latter are subjected to a constant fatigue, raising the palm of the hand to wipe away the tears, and lowering it to dry it on the ground. the result of this alternate action is, that a circle of earth, which gives them a most hideous appearance, is collected about the eyelids and brows, and they do not wash themselves until the mourning is over. these first clamours conclude by several good pots of masato, to assuage the thirst of sorrow, and the company next proceed to make a great clatter among the utensils of the deceased: some break the kettles, and others the earthen pots, while others, again, burn the apparel, to the end that his memory may be the sooner forgotten. if the defunct has been a cacique, or powerful warrior, his exequies are performed after the manner of the romans: they last for many days, all the people weeping in concert for a considerable space of time, at daybreak, at noon, in the evening, and at midnight. when the appointed hour arrives, the mournful music begins in front of the house of the wife and relatives, the heroical deeds of the deceased being chanted to the sound of instruments. all the inhabitants of the vicinity unite in chorus from within their houses, some chirping like birds, others howling like tigers, and the greater part of them chattering like monkeys, or croaking like frogs. they constantly leave off by having recourse to the masato, and by the destruction of whatever the deceased may have left behind him, the burning of his dwelling being that which concludes the ceremonies. among some of the indians, the nearest relatives cut off their hair as a token of their grief, agreeably to the practice of the moabites, and other nations.... the obsequies of a chief "on the day of decease, they put the body, with its insignia, into a large earthen vessel, or painted jar, which they bury in one of the angles of the quarter, laying over it a covering of potter's clay, and throwing in earth until the grave is on a level with the surface of the ground. when the obsequies are over, they forbear to pay a visit to it, and lose every recollection of the name of the warrior. the roamaynas disenterre their dead, as soon as they think that the fleshy parts have been consumed, and having washed the bones from the skeleton, which they place in a coffin of potter's clay, adorned with various symbols of death, like the hieroglyphics on the wrappers of the egyptian mummies. in this state the skeleton is carried home, to the end that the survivors may bear the deceased in respectful memory, and not in imitation of those extraordinary voluptuaries of antiquity, who introduced into their most splendid festivals a spectacle of this nature, which, by reminding them of their dissolution, might stimulate them to taste, before it should overtake them, all the impure pleasures the human passions could afford them. a space of time of about a year being elapsed, the bones are once more inhumed, and the individual to whom they belonged forgotten for ever." [18] peruvian myths peru is not so rich in myths as mexico, but the following legends well illustrate the mythological ideas of the inca race: the vision of yupanqui the inca yupanqui before he succeeded to the sovereignty is said to have gone to visit his father, viracocha inca. on his way he arrived at a fountain called susur-pugaio. there he saw a piece of crystal fall into the fountain, and in this crystal he saw the figure of an indian, with three bright rays as of the sun coming from the back of his head. he wore a hautu, or royal fringe, across the forehead like the inca. serpents wound round his arms and over his shoulders. he had ear-pieces in his ears like the incas, and was also dressed like them. there was the head of a lion between his legs, and another lion was about his shoulders. inca yupanqui took fright at this strange figure, and was running away when a voice called to him by name telling him not to be afraid, because it was his father, the sun, whom he beheld, and that he would conquer many nations, but he must remember his father in his sacrifices and raise revenues for him, and pay him great reverence. then the figure vanished, but the crystal remained, and the inca afterwards saw all he wished in it. when he became king he had a statue of the sun made, resembling the figure as closely as possible, and ordered all the tribes he had conquered to build splendid temples and worship the new deity instead of the creator. the bird bride the canaris indians are named from the province of canaribamba, in quito, and they have several myths regarding their origin. one recounts that at the deluge two brothers fled to a very high mountain called huacaquan, and as the waters rose the hill ascended simultaneously, so that they escaped drowning. when the flood was over they had to find food in the valleys, and they built a tiny house and lived on herbs and roots. they were surprised one day when they went home to find food already prepared for them and chicha to drink. this continued for ten days. then the elder brother decided to hide himself and discover who brought the food. very soon two birds, one aqua, the other torito (otherwise quacamayo birds), appeared dressed as canaris, and wearing their hair fastened in the same way. the larger bird removed the llicella, or mantle the indians wear, and the man saw that they had beautiful faces and discovered that the bird-like beings were in reality women. when he came out the bird-women were very angry and flew away. when the younger brother came home and found no food he was annoyed, and determined to hide until the bird-women returned. after ten days the quacamayos appeared again on their old mission, and while they were busy the watcher contrived to close the door, and so prevented the younger bird from escaping. she lived with the brothers for a long time, and became the mother of six sons and daughters, from whom all the canaris proceed. hence the tribe look upon the quacamayo birds with reverence, and use their feathers at their festivals. thonapa some myths tell of a divine personage called thonapa, who appears to have been a hero-god or civilising agent like quetzalcoatl. he seems to have devoted his life to preaching to the people in the various villages, beginning in the provinces of colla-suya. when he came to yamquisupa he was treated so badly that he would not remain there. he slept in the open air, clad only in a long shirt and a mantle, and carried a book. he cursed the village. it was soon immersed in water, and is now a lake. there was an idol in the form of a woman to which the people offered sacrifice at the top of a high hill, cachapucara. this idol thonapa detested, so he burnt it, and also destroyed the hill. on another occasion thonapa cursed a large assembly of people who were holding a great banquet to celebrate a wedding, because they refused to listen to his preaching. they were all changed into stones, which are visible to this day. wandering through peru, thonapa came to the mountain of caravaya, and after raising a very large cross he put it on his shoulders and took it to the hill carapucu, where he preached so fervently that he shed tears. a chief's daughter got some of the water on her head, and the indians, imagining that he was washing his head (a ritual offence), took him prisoner near the lake of carapucu. very early the next morning a beautiful youth appeared to thonapa, and told him not to fear, for he was sent from the divine guardian who watched over him. he released thonapa, who escaped, though he was well guarded. he went down into the lake, his mantle keeping him above the water as a boat would have done. after thonapa had escaped from the barbarians he remained on the rock of titicaca, afterwards going to the town of tiya-manacu, where again he cursed the people and turned them into stones. they were too bent upon amusement to listen to his preaching. he then followed the river chacamarca till it reached the sea, and, like quetzalcoatl, disappeared. this is good evidence that he was a solar deity, or "man of the sun," who, his civilising labours completed, betook himself to the house of his father. a myth of manco ccapac inca when manco ccapac inca was born a staff which had been given to his father turned into gold. he had seven brothers and sisters, and at his father's death he assembled all his people in order to see how much he could venture in making fresh conquests. he and his brothers supplied themselves with rich clothing, new arms, and the golden staff called tapac-yauri (royal sceptre). he had also two cups of gold from which thonapa had drunk, called tapacusi. they proceeded to the highest point in the country, a mountain where the sun rose, and manco ccapac saw several rainbows, which he interpreted as a sign of good fortune. delighted with the favouring symbols, he sang the song of chamayhuarisca (the song of joy). manco ccapac wondered why a brother who had accompanied him did not return, and sent one of his sisters in search of him, but she also did not come back, so he went himself, and found both nearly dead beside a huaca. they said they could not move, as the huaca, a stone, retarded them. in a great rage manco struck this stone with his tapac-yauri. it spoke, and said that had it not been for his wonderful golden staff he would have had no power over it. it added that his brother and sister had sinned, and therefore must remain with it (the huaca) in the lower regions, but that manco was to be "greatly honoured." the sad fate of his brother and sister troubled manco exceedingly, but on going back to the place where he first saw the rainbows he got comfort from them and strength to bear his grief. coniraya viracocha coniraya viracocha was a tricky nature spirit who declared he was the creator, but who frequently appeared attired as a poor ragged indian. he was an adept at deceiving people. a beautiful woman, cavillaca, who was greatly admired, was one day weaving a mantle at the foot of a lucma tree. coniraya, changing himself into a beautiful bird, climbed the tree, took some of his generative seed, made it into a ripe lucma, and dropped it near the beautiful virgin, who saw and ate the fruit. some time afterwards a son was born to cavillaca. when the child was older she wished that the huacas and gods should meet and declare who was the father of the boy. all dressed as finely as possible, hoping to be chosen as her husband. coniraya was there, dressed like a beggar, and cavillaca never even looked at him. the maiden addressed the assembly, but as no one immediately answered her speech she let the child go, saying he would be sure to crawl to his father. the infant went straight up to coniraya, sitting in his rags, and laughed up to him. cavillaca, extremely angry at the idea of being associated with such a poor, dirty creature, fled to the sea-shore. coniraya then put on magnificent attire and followed her to show her how handsome he was, but still thinking of him in his ragged condition she would not look back. she went into the sea at pachacamac and was changed into a rock. coniraya, still following her, met a condor, and asked if it had seen a woman. on the condor replying that it had seen her quite near, coniraya blessed it, and said whoever killed it would be killed himself. he then met a fox, who said he would never meet cavillaca, so coniraya told him he would always retain his disagreeable odour, and on account of it he would never be able to go abroad except at night, and that he would be hated by every one. next came a lion, who told coniraya he was very near cavillaca, so the lover said he should have the power of punishing wrongdoers, and that whoever killed him would wear the skin without cutting off the head, and by preserving the teeth and eyes would make him appear still alive; his skin would be worn at festivals, and thus he would be honoured after death. then another fox who gave bad news was cursed, and a falcon who said cavillaca was near was told he would be highly esteemed, and that whoever killed him would also wear his skin at festivals. the parrots, giving bad news, were to cry so loud that they would be heard far away, and their cries would betray them to enemies. thus coniraya blessed the animals which gave him news he liked, and cursed those which gave the opposite. when at last he came to the sea he found cavillaca and the child turned into stone, and there he encountered two beautiful young daughters of pachacamac, who guarded a great serpent. he made love to the elder sister, but the younger one flew away in the form of a wild pigeon. at that time there were no fishes in the sea, but a certain goddess had reared a few in a small pond, and coniraya emptied these into the ocean and thus peopled it. the angry deity tried to outwit coniraya and kill him, but he was too wise and escaped. he returned to huarochiri, and played tricks as before on the villagers. coniraya slightly approximates to the jurupari of the uapès indians of brazil, especially as regards his impish qualities. [19] the llama's warning an old peruvian myth relates how the world was nearly left without an inhabitant. a man took his llama to a fine place for feeding, but the beast moaned and would not eat, and on its master questioning it, it said there was little wonder it was sad, because in five days the sea would rise and engulf the earth. the man, alarmed, asked if there was no way of escape, and the llama advised him to go to the top of a high mountain, villa-coto, taking food for five days. when they reached the summit of the hill all kinds of birds and animals were already there. when the sea rose the water came so near that it washed the tail of a fox, and that is why foxes' tails are black! after five days the water fell, leaving only this one man alive, and from him the peruvians believed the present human race to be descended. the myth of huathiacuri after the deluge the indians chose the bravest and richest man as leader. this period they called purunpacha (the time without a king). on a high mountain-top appeared five large eggs, from one of which paricaca, father of huathiacuri, later emerged. huathiacuri, who was so poor that he had not means to cook his food properly, learned much wisdom from his father, and the following story shows how this assisted him. a certain man had built a most curious house, the roof being made of yellow and red birds' feathers. he was very rich, possessing many llamas, and was greatly esteemed on account of his wealth. so proud did he become that he aspired to be the creator himself; but when he became very ill and could not cure himself his divinity seemed doubtful. just at this time huathiacuri was travelling about, and one day he saw two foxes meet and listened to their conversation. from this he heard about the rich man and learned the cause of his illness, and forthwith he determined to go on to find him. on arriving at the curious house he met a lovely young girl, one of the rich man's daughters. she told him about her father's illness, and huathiacuri, charmed with her, said he would cure her father if she would only give him her love. he looked so ragged and dirty that she refused, but she took him to her father and informed him that huathiacuri said he could cure him. her father consented to give him an opportunity to do so. huathiacuri began his cure by telling the sick man that his wife had been unfaithful, and that there were two serpents hovering above his house to devour it, and a toad with two heads under his grinding-stone. his wife at first indignantly denied the accusation, but on huathiacuri reminding her of some details, and the serpents and toad being discovered, she confessed her guilt. the reptiles were killed, the man recovered, and the daughter was married to huathiacuri. huathiacuri's poverty and raggedness displeased the girl's brother-in-law, who suggested to the bridegroom a contest in dancing and drinking. huathiacuri went to seek his father's advice, and the old man told him to accept the challenge and return to him. paricaca then sent him to a mountain, where he was changed into a dead llama. next morning a fox and its vixen carrying a jar of chicha came, the fox having a flute of many pipes. when they saw the dead llama they laid down their things and went toward it to have a feast, but huathiacuri then resumed his human form and gave a loud cry that frightened away the foxes, whereupon he took possession of the jar and flute. by the aid of these, which were magically endowed, he beat his brother-in-law in dancing and drinking. then the brother-in-law proposed a contest to prove who was the handsomer when dressed in festal attire. by the aid of paricaca huathiacuri found a red lion-skin, which gave him the appearance of having a rainbow round his head, and he again won. the next trial was to see who could build a house the quickest and best. the brother-in-law got all his men to help, and had his house nearly finished before the other had his foundation laid. but here again paricaca's wisdom proved of service, for huathiacuri got animals and birds of all kinds to help him during the night, and by morning the building was finished except the roof. his brother-in-law got many llamas to come with straw for his roof, but huathiacuri ordered an animal to stand where its loud screams frightened the llamas away, and the straw was lost. once more huathiacuri won the day. at last paricaca advised huathiacuri to end this conflict, and he asked his brother-in-law to see who could dance best in a blue shirt with white cotton round the loins. the rich man as usual appeared first, but when huathiacuri came in he made a very loud noise and frightened him, and he began to run away. as he ran huathiacuri turned him into a deer. his wife, who had followed him, was turned into a stone, with her head on the ground and her feet in the air, because she had given her husband such bad advice. the four remaining eggs on the mountain-top then opened, and four falcons issued, which turned into four great warriors. these warriors performed many miracles, one of which consisted in raising a storm which swept away the rich indian's house in a flood to the sea. paricaca having assisted in the performance of several miracles, paricaca set out determined to do great deeds. he went to find caruyuchu huayallo, to whom children were sacrificed. he came one day to a village where a festival was being celebrated, and as he was in very poor clothes no one took any notice of him or offered him anything, till a young girl, taking pity on him, brought him chicha to drink. in gratitude paricaca told her to seek a place of safety for herself, as the village would be destroyed after five days, but she was to tell no one of this. annoyed at the inhospitality of the people, paricaca then went to a hill-top and sent down a fearful storm and flood, and the whole village was destroyed. then he came to another village, now san lorenzo. he saw a very beautiful girl, choque suso, crying bitterly. asking her why she wept, she said the maize crop was dying for want of water. paricaca at once fell in love with this girl, and after first damming up the little water there was, and thus leaving none for the crop, he told her he would give her plenty of water if she would only return his love. she said he must get water not only for her own crop but for all the other farms before she could consent. he noticed a small rill, from which, by opening a dam, he thought he might get a sufficient supply of water for the farms. he then got the assistance of the birds in the hills, and animals such as snakes, lizards, and so on, in removing any obstacles in the way, and they widened the channel so that the water irrigated all the land. the fox with his usual cunning managed to obtain the post of engineer, and carried the canal to near the site of the church of san lorenzo. paricaca, having accomplished what he had promised, begged choque suso to keep her word, which she willingly did, but she proposed living at the summit of some rocks called yanacaca. there the lovers stayed very happily, at the head of the channel called cocochallo, the making of which had united them; and as choque suso wished to remain there always, paricaca eventually turned her into a stone. in all likelihood this myth was intended to account for the invention of irrigation among the early peruvians, and from being a local legend probably spread over the length and breadth of the country. conclusion the advance in civilisation attained by the peoples of america must be regarded as among the most striking phenomena in the history of mankind, especially if it be viewed as an example of what can be achieved by isolated races occupying a peculiar environment. it cannot be too strongly emphasised that the cultures and mythologies of old mexico and peru were evolved without foreign assistance or intervention, that, in fact, they were distinctively and solely the fruit of american aboriginal thought evolved upon american soil. an absorbing chapter in the story of human advancement is provided by these peoples, whose architecture, arts, graphic and plastic, laws and religions prove them to have been the equals of most of the asiatic nations of antiquity, and the superiors of the primitive races of europe, who entered into the heritage of civilisation through the gateway of the east. the aborigines of ancient america had evolved for themselves a system of writing which at the period of their discovery was approaching the alphabetic type, a mathematical system unique and by no means despicable, and an architectural science in some respects superior to any of which the old world could boast. their legal codes were reasonable and founded upon justice; and if their religions were tainted with cruelty, it was a cruelty which they regarded as inevitable, and as the doom placed upon them by sanguinary and insatiable deities and not by any human agency. in comparing the myths of the american races with the deathless stories of olympus or the scarcely less classic tales of india, frequent resemblances and analogies cannot fail to present themselves, and these are of value as illustrating the circumstance that in every quarter of the globe the mind of man has shaped for itself a system of faith based upon similar principles. but in the perusal of the myths and beliefs of mexico and peru we are also struck with the strangeness and remoteness alike of their subject-matter and the type of thought which they present. the result of centuries of isolation is evident in a profound contrast of "atmosphere." it seems almost as if we stood for a space upon the dim shores of another planet, spectators of the doings of a race of whose modes of thought and feeling we were entirely ignorant. for generations these stories have been hidden, along with the memory of the gods and folk of whom they tell, beneath a thick dust of neglect, displaced here and there only by the efforts of antiquarians working singly and unaided. nowadays many well-equipped students are striving to add to our knowledge of the civilisations of mexico and peru. to the mythical stories of these peoples, alas! we cannot add. the greater part of them perished in the flames of the spanish autos-de-fé. but for those which have survived we must be grateful, as affording so many casements through which we may catch the glitter and gleam of civilisations more remote and bizarre than those of the orient, shapes dim yet gigantic, misty yet many-coloured, the ghosts of peoples and beliefs not the least splendid and solemn in the roll of dead nations and vanished faiths. bibliography the following bibliography is not intended to be exhaustive, but merely to indicate to those who desire to follow up the matter provided in the preceding pages such works as will best repay their attention. mexico acosta, josé de: historia natural y moral de las yndias. seville, 1580. alzate y ramirez: descripcion de las antiguedades de xochicalco. 1791. bancroft, h. h.: native races of the pacific states of america. 1875. a compilation of historical matter relating to aboriginal america, given almost without comment. useful to beginners. boturini benaduci, l.: idea de una nueva historia general de la america septentrional. madrid, 1746. contains a number of valuable original manuscripts. bourbourg, abbé brasseur de: histoire des nations civilisées du mexique et de l'amérique centrale. paris, 1857-59. the abbé possessed much knowledge of the peoples of central america and their ancient history, but had a leaning toward the marvellous which renders his works of doubtful value. charnay, désiré: ancient cities of the new world. london, 1887. this translation from the french is readable and interesting, and is of assistance to beginners. it is, however, of little avail as a serious work of reference, and has been superseded. chevalier, m.: le mexique ancien et moderne. paris, 1886. clavigero, abbé: storia antica del messico. cesena, 1780. english translation, london, 1787. described in text. diaz, bernal: historia verdadera de la conquista de nueva españa. 1837. an eye-witness's account of the conquest of mexico. enock, c. reginald: mexico, its ancient and modern civilisation, &c. london, 1909. gomara, f. l. de: historia general de las yndias. madrid, 1749. herrera, antonio de: historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar oceano. 4 vols. madrid, 1601. humboldt, alex. von: vues des cordillères. paris, 1816. english translation by mrs. williams. ixtlilxochitl, f. de alva: historia chichimeca; relaciones. edited by a. chavero. mexico, 1891-92. kingsborough, lord: antiquities of mexico. london, 1830. lumholtz, c.: unknown mexico. 1903. macnutt, f. c.: letters of cortés to charles v. london, 1908. nadaillac, marquis de: prehistoric america. translation. london, 1885. noll, a. h.: a short history of mexico. chicago, 1903. nuttall, zelia: the fundamental principles of old and new world civilisations. 1901. payne, e. j.: history of the new world called america. london, 1892-99. by far the best and most exhaustive work in english upon the subject. it is, however, unfinished. peñafiel, f.: monumentos del arte mexicano antiguo. berlin, 1890. prescott, w. h.: history of the conquest of mexico. of romantic interest only. prescott did not study mexican history for more than two years, and his work is now quite superseded from a historical point of view. its narrative charm, however, is unassailable. sahagun, bernardino de: historia general de las cosas de nueva españa. mexico, 1829. seler, e.: mexico and guatemala. berlin, 1896. serra, justo (editor): mexico, its social evolution, &c. 2 vols. mexico, 1904. spence, lewis: the civilization of ancient mexico. a digest of the strictly verifiable matter of mexican history and antiquities. all tradition is eliminated, the author's aim being to present the beginner and the serious student with a series of unembellished facts. starr, f.: the indians of southern mexico. 1899. thomas, cyrus, and magee, w. j.: the history of north america. 1908. torquemada, juan de: monarquia indiana. madrid, 1723. bulletin 28 of the bureau of american ethnology contains translations of valuable essays by the german scholars seler, schellhas, förstemann, &c. many of the above works deal with central america as well as with mexico proper. central america cogolludo, d. lopez: historia de yucathan. 1688. very scarce. diego de landa: relacion de cosas de yucatan. paris, 1836. translation by brasseur. dupaix, colonel: antiquités mexicaines. paris, 1834-36. maudslay, a. p.: biologia centrali-americana. publication proceeding. contains many excellent sketches of ruins, &c. spence, lewis: the popol vuh. london, 1908. peru enock, c. r.: peru: its former and present civilisation, &c. london, 1908. markham, sir clements r.: history of peru. chicago, 1892. prescott, w. h.: history of the conquest of peru. 3 vols. philadelphia, 1868. squier, e. g.: peru: incidents of travel and exploration in the land of the incas. london, 1877. tschudi, j. j. von: reisen durch südamerika. 5 vols. leipsic, 1866-68. travels in peru. london, 1847. vega, garcilasso el inca de la: royal commentaries of the incas, 1609. hakluyt society's publications. in seeking the original sources of peruvian history we must refer to the early spanish historians who visited the country, either at the period of the conquest or immediately subsequent to it. from those spaniards who wrote at a time not far distant from that event we have gained much valuable knowledge concerning the contemporary condition of peru, and a description of the principal works of these pioneers will materially assist the reader who is bent on pursuing the study of peruvian antiquities. pedro de cieza de leon composed a geographical account of peru in 1554, devoting the latter part of his chronicle to the subject of the inca civilisation. this work has been translated into english by sir clements r. markham, and published by the hakluyt society. juan josé de betanzos, who was well acquainted with the quichua language, and who married an inca princess, wrote an account of the incas in 1551, which was edited and printed by señor jimenes de la espada in 1880. polo de ondegardo, a lawyer and politician, wrote his two relaciones in 1561 and 1571, making valuable reports on the laws and system of administration of the incas. one of these works has been translated by sir clements r. markham, and printed by the hakluyt society. augustin de zarate, accountant, who arrived in peru with blasco nuñez vela, the first viceroy, is the author of the provincia del peru, which was published at antwerp in 1555. fernando de santillan, judge of the linia audience, contributed an interesting relacion in 1550, edited and printed in 1879 by señor jimenes de la espada. juan de matienzo, a lawyer contemporary with ondegardo, was the author of the valuable work gobierno de el peru, not yet translated. christoval de molina, priest of cuzco, wrote an interesting story of inca ceremonial and religion between 1570 and 1584, which has been published by the hakluyt society. the translator is sir c. r. markham. miguel cavello balboa, of quito, gives us the only particulars we possess of indian coast history, and the most valuable information on the war between huascar and atauhuallpa, in his splendid miscellanea austral, 1576, translated into french in 1840 by ternaux-compans. a jesuit priest, josé de acosta, compiled a natural history of the indies, which was published for the first time in 1588. an english translation of the work is provided by the hakluyt society. fernando montesinos in his memorias antiguas historiales del peru and anales memorias nuevas del peru quotes a long line of sovereigns who preceded the incas. these works were translated into french in 1840. relacion de los costombras antiguas de los naturales del peru, written by an anonymous jesuit, records an account of inca civilisation. the work was published in spain in 1879. another jesuit, francisco de avila, wrote on the superstitions of the indians of huarochiri and their gods. his work was translated into english and published by the hakluyt society. pablo josé de arriaga, a priest who policed the country, destroying the false gods, compiled in 1621 extirpacion de la idolatria del peru, describing the downfall of the ancient inca religion. antonio de la calancha compiled an interesting history of the incas in his work on the order of st. augustine in peru (1638-1653). in his historia de copacabana y de su milagrosa imagen (1620) alonzo ramos gavilan disclosed much information concerning the colonists during the time of the inca rule. a valuable history of the incas is provided by garcilasso el inca de la vega in his commentarios reales. the works of previous authors are reviewed, and extracts are given from the compilations of the jesuit blas valera, whose writings are lost. the english translation is published by the hakluyt society. relacion de antiguedades deste reyno del peru, by pachacuti yamqui salcamayhua, an indian of the collao, was translated into english by sir c. r. markham, and published by the hakluyt society. the historia del reino del quinto, compiled by juan de velasco, was translated into french by ternaux-compans in 1840. antonio de herrera gives a brief account of the history and civilisation of the inca people in his general history of the indies. in his history of america robertson was the first to compile a thorough account of the incas. prescott, however, in 1848 eclipsed his work by his own fascinating account. sir arthur helps has also given a résumé of inca progress in his spanish conquest (1855). the peruvian sebastian lorente published in 1860 a history of ancient peru, which presents the subject more broadly than the narratives of the american and english authors, and as the result of many years of further research he contributed a series of essays to the revista peruana. one of the best works dealing with the antiquities of the inca period is antiguedades peruanas, by don mariano rivero (english translation by dr. hawkes, 1853). the compilation on peru by e. g. squier (1877), and a similar narrative by c. weiner (paris, 1880), both of which stand in accuracy above the others, are also worthy of mention. the work of reiss and stubel, narrating their excavations at ancon, is richly presented in three volumes, with 119 plates. the works of sir clements markham are the best guide to english scholars on the subject. index and glossary note on the pronunciation of the mexican, mayan, and peruvian languages mexican as the spanish alphabet was that first employed to represent mexican or nahuatl phonology, so mexican words and names must be pronounced, for the most part, according to the castilian system. an exception is the letter x, which in spanish is sometimes written as j and pronounced as h aspirate; and in nahuatl sometimes as in english, at other times as sh or s. thus the word "mexico" is pronounced by the aboriginal mexican with the hard x, but by the spaniard as "may-hee-co." the name of the native author ixtlilxochitl is pronounced "ishtlilshotshitl," the ch being articulated as tsh, for euphony. xochicalco is "so-chi-cal-co." the vowel sounds are pronounced as in french or italian. the tl sound is pronounced with almost a click of the tongue. mayan the maya alphabet consists of twenty-two letters, of which c, ch, k, pp, th, tz are peculiar to the language, and cannot be properly pronounced by europeans. it is deficient in the letters d, f, g, j, q, r, s. the remaining letters are sounded as in spanish. the letter x occurring at the beginning of a word is pronounced ex. for example, xbalanque is pronounced "exbalanke." the frequent occurrence of elisions in spoken maya renders its pronunciation a matter of great difficulty, and the few grammars on the language agree as to the hopelessness of conveying any true idea of the exact articulation of the language by means of written directions. norman in his work entitled rambles in yucatan remarks: "this perhaps accounts for the disappearance of all grammars and vocabularies of the maya tongue from the peninsula of yucatan, the priests finding it much easier to learn the language directly from the indian than to acquire it from books." peruvian the two languages spoken in peru in ancient times were the quichua, or inca, and the aymara. these still survive. the former was the language of the inca rulers of the country, but both sprang from one common linguistic stock. as these languages were first reduced to writing by means of a european alphabet, their pronunciation presents but little difficulty, the words practically begin pronounced as they are written, having regard to the "continental" pronunciation of the vowels. in quichua the same sound is give to the intermediate c before a consonant and to the final c, as in "chacra" and "pachacamac." the general accent is most frequently on the penultimate syllable. index and glossary a aac, prince. in the story of queen móo, 240, 244-245, 246 acalan. district in guatemala; race-movements and, 150 acllacuna (selected ones). body of maidens from whom victims for sacrifice were taken in peru, 313 aclla-huasi. houses in which the acllacuna lived, 313 acolhuacan. district in mexico, 26 acolhuans (or acolhuaque) (people of the broad shoulder). mexican race, 26; said to have founded mexico, 26; a pure nahua race, perhaps the toltecs, 26; their supremacy, 48 acolhuaque. see acolhuans acosta, josé de. work on mexican lore, 58 acsumama. guardian spirit of the potato plant in peru, 295 acxitl. toltec king, son of huemac ii, 17, 19 acxopil. ruler of the kiche, 158-159 agoreros (or mohanes). members of peruvian tribes who claimed power as oracles, 297-298, 314 ahuizotl. mexican king, 30 ah-zotzils. a maya tribe, 172 akab-sib (writing in the dark). a bas-relief at el castillo, chichen-itza, 190 aké. maya ruins at, 186-187 america. superficial resemblance between peoples, customs, and art-forms of asia and, 1; civilisation, native origin of, 1-2, 3, 328; animal and plant life peculiar to, 2; man, origin of, in, 2; geographical connection between asia and, 3; traditions of intercourse between asia and, 3; chinese fu-sang and, 3; possible chinese and japanese visits to, 3-4; coronado's expedition to, 4; legends of intercourse between europe and, 4; "great ireland" probably the same as, 4; st. brandan's voyage and, 4; reached by early norsemen, 5; the legend of madoc and, 5-6; early belief in, respecting incursions from the east, 6; prophecy of chilan balam re coming of white men to, 8 america, central. indigenous origin of civilisation of, 1; legend of toltec migration to, 20 anahuac (by the water). native name of the mexican plateau, 18. see mexico ancestor-worship in peru, 296 andeans. the prehistoric civilisation of, 249-250; architectural remains of, 250 antahuayllas. peruvian tribe, 284 antilia. legends of, have no connection with american myth, 6 anti-suyu. one of the four racial divisions of ancient peru, 255 apinguela. island on lake titicaca; huaina ccapac and the lake-goddess and, 299 apocatequil. peruvian thunder-god, the "prince of evil"; in a creation-myth, 301-302 apu-ccapac (sovereign chief). title of the inca rulers, 248 "apu-ollanta." a drama-legend of the incas, 251-253 apurimac (great speaker). river in peru; regarded as an oracle, 296 aqua. a bird-maiden; in the myth of origin of the canaris, 319 arara (fire-bird). same as kinich-ahau, which see architecture. i. of the nahua, 31-34. ii. of the maya, 149-150, 178-198; the most individual expression of the people, 178; yucatan exhibits the most perfect specimens, and the decadent phase, 178; methods of building, 178-179; ignorance of some first principles, 179; mural decoration, 179; pyramidal buildings, 180; definiteness of design, 180; architectural districts, 181; not of great antiquity, 182; father burgoa on the palace at mitla, 199-201. iii. of the incas, 268-269; the art in which the race showed greatest advance, 268; sir clements markham on, 269 arriaga, p. j. de. on stone-worship in peru, 293 art. early american, superficial resemblance to that of asia, 1; native origin and unique character of american, 1-2; toltec, 23; peruvians weak in, 248 asia. origin of early american culture erroneously attributed to, 1; man originally came to america from, 2; former land-connection between america and, 3; traditions of intercourse between america and, 3 ataguju. supreme divinity of the peruvians; in a creation-myth, 301 atamalqualiztli (fast of porridge-balls and water). nahua festival, 77 atatarho. mythical wizard-king of the iroquois, 72 atauhuallpa. son of the inca huaina ccapac; strives for the crown with huascar, 289-290 atl (water). mexican deity; often confounded with the moon-goddess, 106 atlantis. legends of, have no connection with american myth, 6 auqui (warrior). peruvian order of knighthood; instituted by pachacutic, 287 avendaño, hernandez de. and peruvian fetishes, 295 avilix. the god assigned to balam-agab in the kiche story of the creation, 230; turned into stone, 231 axaiacatzin, king. father of chachiuhnenetzin, the vicious wife of nezahualpilli, 129 axayacatl. mexican king, 92 aymara. peruvian race, 254-255; fusion with quichua, 285-286 azangaro. the sondor-huasi at, 269 azcapozalco. mexican town, 26; rivalry with tezcuco, 49; aztecs and, 52 aztecs (or aztecâ) (crane people). a nomad mexican tribe, 27, 50-51; racial affinities, 27; character, 27-28; tlascalans and, 26; founders of tenochtitlan (mexico), 27; their science, 43; in bondage to colhuacan, 51; allied with tecpanecs, 51; war with tecpanecs, 52; development of the empire, 52; commercial expansion, 52; their tyranny, 52-53; their conception of eternity, 55; the priesthood, 114-117; idea of the origin of mankind, 123; a migration myth of, 233 aztlan (crane land). traditional place of origin of nahua, 11; aztecs and, 50, 233 b bacabs. genii in maya mythology, 170 balam-agab (tiger of the night). one of the first men of the popol vuh myth, 229, 230 balam-quitze (tiger with the sweet smile). an ancestor of the maya, 188; one of the first men of the popol vuh myth, 229, 230 balon zacab. form of the maya rain-god, 176 bat. typical of the underworld, 96 bat-god. maya deity, known also as camazotz, 171-172 birth-cycle. in mexican calendar, 39, 41 bochica. sun-god of the chibchas, 276 bogota. city at which the zippa of the chibchas lived, 276 boturini benaduci, l. his work on mexican lore, 58 bourbourg, the abbé brasseur de. version of nahua flood-myth, 122-123 brandan, st. probable voyage to america, 4 brinton, d. g. theory as to the toltecs, 21; on quetzalcoatl, 81; translation of a poem on the peruvian thunder-god myth, and comments on the myth, 300-301 burgoa, father. account of a confession ceremony, 108-110; description of mitla, 199-206 c cabrakan (earthquake). son of vukub-cakix; in a kiche myth in the popol vuh, 211, 213, 216-219 cabrera, don felix. and the popol vuh, 207 cachapucara. hill; thonapa and, 319-320 caha-paluma (falling water). one of the first women of the popol vuh myth, 230 cakixa (water of parrots). one of the first women of the popol vuh myth, 230 cakulha-hurakan (lightning). a sub-god of hurakan, 237 calderon, don josé. and palenque, 182 calendar. i. the mexican, 38-41; an essential feature in the national life, 38; resemblance to maya and zapotec calendric systems, 38, 169; possible toltec origin, 39; the year, 39; the "binding of years," 39, 40; the solar year, 39; the nemontemi, 39; the "birth-cycle," 39, 41; the cempohualli, or "months," 39-40; the ecclesiastical system, 40; the xiumalpilli, 40; the ceremony of toxilmolpilia, 41. ii. the maya; similarities to calendar of the nahua, 38, 169. iii. the peruvian, 265-266, 313 callca. place in peru; sacred rocks found at, 293 camaxtli. war-god of the tlascalans, 111 camazotz. the bat-god, called also zotzilaha chimalman, 171-172, 226; a totem of the ahzotzils, a maya tribe, 172 camulatz. bird in the kiche story of the creation, 209 canaris. indian tribe; the myth of their origin, 318-319 canek. king of chichen-itza; the story of, 189 cannibalism. among the mexicans, 45 capacahuana. houses for pilgrims to titicaca at, 311 carapucu. i. hill; in myth of thonapa, 320. ii. lake; in myth of thonapa, 320 caravaya. mountain; in myth of thonapa, 320 carmenca. the hill of, at cuzco; pillars on, for determining the solstices, 265-266, 287 caruyuchu huayallo. peruvian deity to whom children were sacrificed; in a myth of paricaca, 326 casa del adivino (the prophet's house). ruin at uxmal, called also "the dwarf's house," 192; the legend relating to, 192-194 casa del gobernador (governor's palace). ruin at uxmal, 191 casas grandes (large houses). mexican ruin, 32 castillo, el. ruined pyramid-temple at chichen-itza, 188, 190 cauac. a minor maya deity, 170 cavillaca. a maiden; the myth of coniraya viracocha and, 321-323 caxamarca. inca fortress, 290 cay hun-apu (royal hunter). the kakchiquels and the defeat of, 159 ccapac-cocha. sacrificial rite, instituted by pachacutic, 286 ccapac-huari. eleventh inca, 288, 289 ccapac raymi. the chief peruvian festival, 267; auqui, order of knighthood, conferred at, 287 ccapac situa (or ccoya raymi) (moon feast). peruvian festival, 267 ccapac yupanqui. fifth inca, 283 ccompas. agricultural fetishes of the peruvians, 294 cempohualli. the mexican month, 40 centeotl. i. group of maize-gods, 85. ii. a male maize-spirit, 85, 90; god e similar to, 174. iii. mother of ii, known also as teteoinnan and tocitzin, 85, 90 centzonuitznaua. mythical indian tribe; in myth of huitzilopochtli's origin, 70-72 chac. maya rain-god, tutelar of the cast, 170; has affinities with tlaloc, 176; god k not identical with, 176 chacamarca. river in peru; thonapa and, 320 chachiuhnenetzin. wife of nezahualpilli, 129-132 chacras. estates dedicated to the sun by the peruvians, 310 chalcas. aztec tribe, 233 chalchihuitlicue (lady of the emerald robe). wife of tlaloc, 75, 77, 110; assists the maize-goddess, 86 chalchiuh tlatonac (shining precious stone). first king of the toltecs, 14 "chamayhuarisca" (the song of joy). manco ccapac sings, 321 chanca. a peruvian people; and the incas, 282 charnay, d. excavations on the site of teotihuacan, 33; excavations at tollan, 34; and lorillard, 195 chasca. the peruvian name for the planet venus; the temple of, at cuzco, 262 chiapas. mexican province; the nucleus of maya civilisation lay in, 144, 149 chibchas. a peruvian race, 275-277 chichan-chob. ruin at chichen-itza, 189 chichen-itza. sacred city of the maya; founded by itzaes, 153; overthrown by cocomes, 153, 155; assists in conquering cocomes, 156; abandoned, 156; ruins at, 188-190; and the story of canek, 189 chichicastenango. the convent of; and the popol vuh, 207 chichics. agricultural fetishes of the peruvians, 294 chichimecs. aztec tribe; invade toltec territory, 18; the great migration, 20; supreme in toltec country, 20; probably related to otomi, 25; allied with nahua and adopt nahua language, 26; conquered by tecpanecs, 51 chicomecohuatl (seven-serpent). chief maize-goddess of mexico, 85-88; image of, erroneously called teoyaominqui by early americanists, 88-90 chicomoztoc (the seven caverns). nahua said to have originated at, 11; and aztec idea of origin of mankind, 123; identified with "seven cities of cibola" and the casas grandes, 123; parallel with the kiche tulan-zuiva, 230 chicuhcoatl. in the story of the vicious princess, 130 chihuahua. mexican province, 31 chilan balam. maya priest; the prophecy of, 8 chimalmat. wife of vukub-cakix; in a kiche myth, 211-213 chimalpahin. mexican chronicler, 42 chimu. the plain of; ruined city on, 271; the palace, 271-272; the ruins display an advanced civilisation, 272-273 chinchero. inca ruins at, 269 chipi-cakulha (lightning-flash). a sub-god of hurakan, 237 choima (beautiful water). one of the first women of the popol vuh myth, 230 cholula. sacred city inhabited by acolhuans, 47, 48; the pottery of, 23 chontals. aboriginal mexican race, 23 choque suso. maiden; the myth of paricaca and, 327 chulpas. megalithic mummy tombs of peru, 263 churoquella. a name of the peruvian thunder-god, 299 "citadel," the, at teotihuacan, 33 citallatonac. mexican deity; in a flood-myth, 123 citallinicue. mexican deity; in a flood-myth, 123 citatli (moon). a form of the mexican moon-goddess, 106 citlalpol (the great star). mexican name of the planet venus, 96 citoc raymi (gradually increasing sun). peruvian festival, 312-313 ciuapipiltin (honoured women). spirits of women who had died in childbed, 108, 138 civilisation. i. of mexico, 1-53; indigenous origin of, 1; type of, 9. ii. of peru, 248-290; indigenous origin of, 1, 259; inferior to the mexican and mayan, 248. iii. of the andeans, 249 clavigero, the abbé. his work on mexican lore, 57-58 "cliff-dwellers." mexican race related to the nahua, 24, 25 cliff palace cañon, colorado, 229 coaapan. place in mexico, 65 coatepec. i. mexican province, 62, 63. ii. mountain, 70 coati. an island on lake titicaca; ruined temple on, 270-271 coatlantona (robe of serpents). a name of coatlicue, huitzilopochtli's mother, 73 coatlicue. mother of huitzilopochtli, 70-71; as coatlantona, 73 cocamama. guardian spirit of the coca-shrub in peru, 295 cochtan. place in mexico, 65 cocochallo. an irrigation channel; in a myth of paricaca, 327 cocomes. a tribe inhabiting mayapan; overthrow chichen-itza, 153; their tyranny and sway, 154-155; conquered by allies, 156; remnant found zotuta, 156 codex perezianus. maya manuscript, 160 cogolludo, d. lopez. and the story of canek, 189 coh, prince. in the story of queen móo, 240, 244, 246 cohuatzincatl (he who has grandparents). a pulque-god, 105 colcampata, the, at cuzco. the palace on, 269 colhuacan. i. mexican city, 20, 26, 233. ii. king of; father of the sacrificed princess, 124 colla-suyu. one of the four racial divisions of ancient peru, 255 con. thunder-god of collao of peru, 78, 299 confession among the mexicans, 106, 108; tlazolteotl the goddess of, 106; accounts of the ceremony, 106-110 coniraya viracocha. a peruvian nature-spirit; the myth of cavillaca and, 321-323 contici (the thunder vase). peruvian deity representing the thunderstorm, 301 conticsi-viracocha (he who gives origin). peruvian conception of the creative agency, 304 conti-suyu. one of the four racial divisions of ancient peru, 255 copacahuana. idol associated with the worship of lake titicaca, 298 copacati. idol associated with the worship of lake titicaca, 298 copal. prince; in legend of foundation of mexico, 28 copan. maya city; sculptural remains at, 196; evidence at, of a new racial type, 196-197 coricancha (town of gold). temple of the sun at cuzco, 260-262; built by pachacutic, 286; image of the thunder-god in, 300 cortés. lands at vera cruz, 7; mistaken for quetzalcoatl, 7, 80; the incident of the death of his horse at peten-itza, 195 cotzbalam. bird in the kiche story of the creation, 209 coxoh chol dialect, 145 coyohuacan. mexican city, 50 coyolxauhqui. daughter of coatlicue, 70-72 coyotl inaual. a god of the amantecas; and quetzalcoatl, 79 cozaana. a zapotec deity; in creation-myth, 121 cozcaapa (water of precious stones). a fountain; in a quetzalcoatl myth, 65 cozcatzin codex, 92 cozumel. the island of, 154 creation. mexican conceptions of, 118-120; the legend given by ixtlilxochitl, 119-120; the mixtec legend of, 120-121; the zapotec legend of, 121-122; the kiche story of, in the popol vuh, 209; of man, the popol vuh myth of, 229-230; of man, a peruvian myth of, 256; the inca conception of, 257-258, 305; local peruvian myths, 258-259 cross, the. a symbol of the four winds in mexico and peru, 273; account of the discovery of a wooden, 274-275 cuchumaquiq. father of xquiq; in popol vuh myth, 222 cuitlavacas. aztec tribe, 233 curi-coyllur (joyful star). daughter of yupanqui pachacutic; in the drama apu-ollanta, 251-253 cuycha. peruvian name for the rainbow; temple of, at cuzco, 262 cuzco (navel of the universe). the ancient capital of the incas, 248; and the racial division of peru, 255; in the legend of manco ccapac, 256; a great culture-centre, 256; founded by the sun-god, 258; the coricancha at, 260-262; power under pachacutic, 285 d discovery. american myths relating to the, 6 dresden codex. maya manuscript, 160 drink-gods, mexican, 104-105 "dwarf's house, the." ruin at uxmal, 192; legend relating to, 192-194 e earth-mother. see teteoinnan education. in mexico, 115-116 ehecatl (the air). form of quetzalcoatl, 84 ekchuah. maya god of merchants and cacao-planters, 170, 177; god l thought to be, 176; probably parallel to yacatecutli, 177 "emerald fowl," the, 186 etzalqualiztli (when they eat bean food). festival of tlaloc, 77 f father and mother gods, mexican, 103-104 fire-god, mexican, 95 fish-gods, peruvian, 306 flood-myths, 122-123, 323-324 food-gods, mexican, 91 förstemann, dr. and the maya writing, 162, 163; on god l, 176 fu sang and america, 3 g gama, antonio. his work on mexican lore and antiquities, 58 ghanan. name given to god e by brinton, 174 god a of dr. schellhas' system; a death-god, 172-173; thought to resemble the aztec xipe, 174 god b. doubtless quetzalcoatl, 173 god c. a god of the pole-star, 173 god d. a moon-god, probably itzamna, 173 god e. a maize-god, similar to centeotl, 174 god f. resembles god a, 174 god g. a sun-god, 174 god h. 174 god k. probably a god of the quetzalcoatl group, 175-176 god l. probably an earth-god, 176 god m. probably a god of travelling merchants, 176-177 god n. probably god of the "unlucky days," 177 god p. a frog-god, 177 goddess i. a water-goddess, 175 goddess o. probably tutelar of married women, 177 gods. connection of, with war and the food-supply, 74; nahua conception of the limited productivity of food and rain deities, 77; american myth rich in hero-gods, 237 gomara, f. l. de. work on mexican lore, 58 guachimines (darklings). inhabitants of the primeval earth in peruvian myth, 301 guamansuri. the first of mortals in peruvian myth, 301 guatemala. i. the state; the maya of, 157-159. ii. the city; the lost popol vuh found in, 207 gucumatz (serpent with green feathers). kiche form of quetzalcoatl, worshipped in guatemala, 83, 167, 236; in the kiche story of the creation, 209 gwyneth, owen, father of madoc, 5 h hacavitz. i. the god assigned to mahacutah in the kiche story of the creation, 230; turned into stone, 231. ii. mountain at which the kiche first saw the sun, 231 hakluyt. his english voyages, cited, 5 hastu-huaraca. chieftain of the antahuayllas; defeated by pachacutic, 284-285; joins with pachacutic, 285 henry vii. his patronage of early american explorers, 6 hernandez, father. and the goddess ix chebel yax, 170 house of bats. abode of the bat-god, 171; mentioned in popol vuh myth, 226 house of cold. in the kiche hades, 226 house of darkness. ruin at aké, 186 house of feathers. toltec edifice, 15 house of fire. in the kiche hades, 226 house of gloom. in the kiche hades, 221, 225 house of lances. in the kiche hades, 226 house of tigers. in the kiche hades, 226 hrdlicka, dr. and mexican cliff-dwellings, 24 huacaquan. mountain; in the myth of origin of the canaris, 318 huacas. sacred objects of the peruvians, 294 huaina ccapac (the young chief). eleventh inca, 7, 288-289; and the lake-goddess of titicaca, 299 huamantantac. peruvian deity responsible for the gathering of sea-birds, 296 huanca. peruvian race; allied against the incas, 282, 285 huancas. agricultural fetishes of the peruvians, 294 huantay-sara. idol representing the tutelary spirit of the maize plant, 295 huarcans. the inca tupac and, 288 huarco (the gibbet). the valley of; the inca tupac and the natives of, 288 huaris (great ones). ancestors of the aristocrats of a tribe in peru; reverence paid to, 296 huarochiri. village; in coniraya myth, 323 huascar, or tupac-cusi-huallpa (the sun makes joy). son of the inca huaina ccapac, 7; strives for the crown with atauhuallpa, 289-290 huasteca. aboriginal mexican race of maya stock, 23, 147-148; probably represent early maya efforts at colonisation, 147 huatenay. river in peru; runs through the intipampa at cuzco, 261 huathiacuri. a hero, son of paricaca; a myth of, 324-326 huatulco. place in mexico; toltecs at, 12 huehuequauhtitlan. place in mexico; quetzalcoatl at, 64 huehueteotl (oldest of gods). a name of the mexican fire-god, 95 huehue tlapallan (very old tlapallan). in toltec creation-myth, 119 huehuetzin. toltec chieftain; rebels against acxitl, 18, 19 huemac ii. toltec king, 15, 16; abdicates, 17; opposes huehuetzin, 19 huexotzinco. mexican city, 48, 49 huexotzincos. aztec tribe, 233 hueymatzin (great hand). toltec necromancer and sage, 14; reputed author of the teo-amoxtli, 46; and quetzalcoatl, 84 hueytozoztli (the great watch). festival of chicomecohuatl, 86 huichaana. zapotec deity; in creation-myth, 121, 122 huillcamayu (huillca-river). river in peru; regarded as an oracle, 296 huillcanuta. place in peru, 311 huillcas. sacred objects of the nature of oracles, in peru, 296 huitzilimitzin. in the story of the vicious princess, 130 huitzilopocho. mexican city, 50 huitzilopochtli (humming-bird to the left). aztec god of war, originally a chieftain, 28, 70; and the foundation of mexico, 28; the great temple of, at mexico, 30, 31; plots against the toltecs and quetzalcoatl, 60; and the legend of the amusing infant and the pestilence, 63-64; myth of the origin of, 70-72; associated with the serpent and the humming-bird, 72-73; as usually represented, 73; associated with the gladiatorial stone, 73; as mexitli, 74; as serpent-god of lightning, associated with the summer, 74; in connection with tlaloc, 74; the toxcatl festival of, 74; the priesthood of, 75; in connection with the legend of the sacrificed princess, 124 hun-apu (master, or magician). a hero-god, twin with xbalanque; in a kiche myth, 211-219; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220, 223-227; mentioned, 237 hun-came. one of the rulers of xibalba, the kiche hades, 220, 221, 224 hunabku. god of the maya, representing divine unity, 171 hunac eel. ruler of the cocomes, 155 hunbatz. son of hunhun-apu, 220, 222, 223 hunchouen. son of hunhun-apu, 220, 222, 223 hunhun-apu. son of xpiyacoc and xmucane; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220-222, 224, 225, 227 hunpictok (commander-in-chief of eight thousand flints). the palace of, at itzamal, 187-188 hunsa. city at which the zoque of the chibchas lived, 276 hurakan (the one-legged). maya god of lightning; prototype of tlaloc, 76, 78; the mustachioed image of, at itzamal, 188; = the mighty wind, in the kiche story of the creation, 209; and the creation of man in the second book of the popol vuh, 229-230; probably same as nahua tezcatlipoca, 237; his sub-gods, 237 i icutemal. ruler of the kiche, 159 ilhuicatlan (in the sky). column in temple at mexico, connected with the worship of the planet venus, 96 illatici (the thunder vase). peruvian deity representing the thunderstorm, 301 inca roca. sixth inca, 283 incas (people of the sun). the peruvian ruling race; a composite people, 254; place of origin, 254; inferior to the mexicans in general culture, 248; mythology of, 255-258, 317-327; character of their civilisation, 259; no personal freedom, 260; age of marriage, 260; their system of mummification, 262-264; severity of their legal code, 264; social system, 264-265; calendar, 265-266; religious festivals, 267; architecture, 268-269; architectural remains, 270-273; irrigation works, 273; possessed no system of writing, 278; the quipos, 278-279; as craftsmen, 279-281; the pottery of, 280-281; period and extent of their dominion, 281-282; fusion of the constituent peoples, 285-286; splitting of the race, 286; their despotism, 290; religion of, 291; sun-worship of, 307-313 incas. the rulers of peru, 282-290; the inca the representative of the sun, 260; unlimited power of, 260; the moon the mythic mother of the dynasty, 262 inti-huasi. building sacred to the sun in peruvian villages, 308 intihuatana. inca device for marking the date of the sun-festivals, 265 intip raymi (great feast of the sun). peruvian festival, 267, 311-312 intipampa (field of the sun). garden in which the coricancha of cuzco stood, 260-261 ipalnemohuani (he by whom men live). mexican name of the sun-god, 97 iqi-balam (tiger of the moon). one of the first men of the popol vuh myth, 229, 230 irma. district in peru; local creation-myth of, 258-259 itzaes. a warlike race, founders of chichen-itza, 153 itzamal. maya city-state in yucatan, 8, 152, 154; ruins at, 187-188 itzamna. maya moon-god, father of gods and men, tutelar of the west, 170; founder of the state of itzamal, 152; god d probably is, 173; the temple of, at itzamal, 187; called also kab-ul (the miraculous hand), 187; the gigantic image of, at itzamal, 188 ix. a minor maya deity, 170 ix chebel yax. maya goddess; identified with virgin mary by hernandez, 170 ix ch'el. maya goddess of medicine, 170 ixcoatl. mexican king, 35 ixcuiname. mexican goddesses of carnal things, 108 ixtlilton (the little black one). mexican god of medicine and healing, 112; called brother of macuilxochitl, 112 ixtlilxochitl, don fernando de alva. mexican chronicler, 11, 46; account of the early toltec migrations, 11, 12; and myths of the toltecs, 13; reference to the teo-amoxtli, 45; his historia chichimeca and relaciones, 46, 58; his value as historian, 46; legend of the creation related by, 119-120 izimin chac. the image of cortés' horse, 195 izpuzteque. demon in the mexican other-world, 38 iztacmixcohuatl. father of quetzalcoatl, 79 j jaguar-snake. mixtec deer-goddess; in creation-myth, 120 jalisco. mexican province; cliff-dwellings in, 24, 25 k kabah. maya city; ruins at, 190-191 kab-ul (the miraculous hand). name given to itzamna, 187 kakchiquel dialect, 145 kakchiquels. a maya people of guatemala, 157-159; and the episode of the defeat of cay hun-apu, 159 "kamucu" (we see). the song of the kiche at the first appearance of the sun, and at death of the first men, 232 kan. a minor maya deity, 170 kanikilak. indian deity, 83, 84 ki pixab (corner of the earth). name given by the kiche to their land of origin, 254 kiche. a maya people of guatemala, 157-159; their rulers supreme in guatemala, 158; their story of the creation as related in the popol vuh, 209; origin of, as related in the popol vuh, 229-230; fond of ceremonial dances and chants, 238 kiche (or quiche) dialect, 145, 209; the popol vuh originally written in, 207, 209 "kingdom of the great snake." semi-historical maya empire, 144 kinich-ahau (lord of the face of the sun). same as arara and kinich-kakmo. sun-god of the maya of yucatan, tutelar of the north, 170 kinich-kakmo (sun-bird). i. same as kinich-ahau, which see. ii. the pyramid of, ruin at itzamal, 187 klaproth, h. j. von. and the fu sang fallacy, 3 knuc (palace of owls). ruin at aké, 186 kuicatecs. aboriginal mexican race, 24; a medium through which maya civilisation filtered to the north, 147 kukulcan. maya form of quetzalcoatl, 83, 167; regarded as king of mayapan, 152 kumsnöotl. god of the salish indians, 83 l lamacazton (little priests). lowest order of the aztec priesthood, 116 landa, bishop. and the maya alphabet, 161; discovers the maya numeral system, 165 "lands of the sun." name given to inca territories, 308 language. mexican or nahuan, 42-43, 342; mayan, 161, 342; peruvian, 342 le plongeon, dr. augustus. his theories as to the maya, 239; and the maya hieroglyphs, 239; his story of queen móo, 239-247 leguicano, mancio serra de. and the golden plate from the coricancha, 262 liyobaa. village near mitla; mentioned by father burgoa, 204 lizana, father. and the prophecy of chilan balam, 8 llama. importance of, among the incas, 268 lloque yupanqui. the third inca, 283 lorillard. maya city; architectural remains found at, 195 m macuilxochitl (or xochipilli) (five-flower, source of flowers). god of luck in gaming, 103; ixtlilton called brother of, 112 madoc. the legend of, 5, 6 mahacutah (the distinguished name). one of the first men of the popol vuh myth, 229, 230 maize-gods. mexican, 85-91; peruvian, 295 mallinalcas. aztec tribe, 233 mama oullo huaca. wife of manco ccapac, 256 mama-cocha (mother-sea). conception under which the peruvians worshipped the sea, 306 mamacota. name given to lake titicaca by people of the collao, 298 mamacuna. matrons who had charge of the acllacuna, in peru, 313 mamapacha (or pachamama). the peruvian earth-goddess, 303 mamas (mothers). tutelary spirits of the maize and other plants in peru, 295 mames. district in guatemala, 158 man of the sun. quetzalcoatl as, 81; other conceptions of, 83 manco. the inca appointed by pizarro; and an oracle, 302-303 manco ccapac. i. divine being, son of the life-giver; sent to instruct the primitive peruvians, 255-256; a legend in connection with, 256. ii. the first inca, identical with the foregoing, 282, 283; regarded as son of the sun, 306; a myth of, 320-321 mani. mexican city, founded by the tutul xius, 155 mannikins. in the kiche story of the creation related in the popol vuh, 209-210 markham, sir clements. on inca architecture, 269 matlatzincas. aztec tribe, 233 maxtla. i. king of the tecpanecs; and nezahualcoyotl, 125-128. ii. a noble; in the story of the vicious princess, 130 maya. the most highly civilised of ancient american peoples, 1, 143; their culture erroneously stated to be of asiatic origin, 1; theory as to toltec relationship, 143; sphere of the civilisation, 144; the nucleus of the civilisation, 144-145, 149; the dialects, 145; origin of the race, 145; their civilisation self-developed, 143, 146; blood and cultural relationships with nahua, 146-147; efforts at expansion, 147-148; climatic influence on the civilisation and religion, 148; sources of their history, 148-149; division of the aristocratic and labouring classes, 150; influence of the nahua invasions, 151; cleavage between yucatan and guatemala peoples, 151; the yucatec race, 151-152; incidents in migration myths represent genuine experience, 152; the race in guatemala, 157; the writing system, 159-166; the manuscripts, 160-161; the numeral system, 165; the mythology, 166-169, 207-247; the calendar, 38, 39, 169; the pantheon, 168, 170-177; architecture, 178-198; relationship of the mythology to that of the nahua, 166; dr. le plongeon's theories as to, 239 mayapan. city-state in yucatan, 152; rises into prominence, 153, 155; overthrown by allies, 156 mayta ccapac. the fourth inca, 283 meahuan, mount. in the kiche myth of vukub-cakix, 216 medicine-men. account of the methods of, among peruvians, 314-315 metztli (or yohualticitl) (the lady of night). mexican goddess of the moon, 106; in myth of nanahuatl, 93, 106 mexicatl teohuatzin (mexican lord of divine matters). head of the aztec priesthood, 116 mexico. i. the city; capital of the aztecs, native name tenochtitlan, 26, 47; origin of the name, 73; said to have been founded by acolhuans, 26; huitzilopochtli and, 28, 73; legends of the foundation of, 28-29; at the period of the conquest, 29-30; the annual "bloodless battle" with tlascala, 48. ii. the state; the civilisation of, 1, 9; possibly reached by early norsemen, 5 mexico-tenochtitlan. native name of city of mexico, 29 mexitli (hare of the aloes). a name of huitzilopochtli, 74 mictecaciuatl. wife of mictlan, 96 mictlan (or mictlantecutli) (lord of hades). i. mexican god of the dead and the underworld, 37, 76, 95-96; god a probably identical with, 173. ii. the abode of the god mictlan; mitla identified with, 198. iii. village mentioned by torquemada, 199 migration myths. probably reflect actual migrations, 234-235 mitla. maya city, 31, 144; ruins at, 197-198; identified with mictlan, the mexican hades, 198; description of, by father torquemada, 199; description of, by father burgoa, 199-206 mixcoatl (cloud serpent). aztec god of the chase, 110-111; camaxtli identified with, 111 mixe. aboriginal mexican race, 24 mixteca. aboriginal mexican race, 23; creation-myth of, 120-121; a medium through which maya civilisation passed north, 147 moche. place in peru; sepulchral mound at, 271 mohanes (or agoreros). members of peruvian tribes who claimed power as oracles, 297-298, 314 moneneque (the claimer of prayer). a name of tezcatlipoca, 67 montezuma ii. mexican emperor, native name motequauhzoma; mentioned, 35, 44; and the coming of cortés, 7; in the story of tlalhuicole, 136-137; in the story of princess papan, 139-142 móo, queen. the story of, 239-247 moon, the. mythic mother of the inca dynasty, 262; temple of, at cuzco, 261-262; wife of the sun, in the mythology of the chibchas, 276 muluc. a minor maya deity, 170 mummification. among the peruvians, 262-264 n nadaillac, marquis de. account of the use of quipos, 278-279 nahua (those who live by rule). ancient mexican race, 9; civilisation, features in, and character of, 9, 146, 148; compared with oriental peoples, 10; meaning of the name, 10; place of origin, 10-11; route of migrations to mexico, 12; theory of toltec influence upon, 22; and cliff-dwellers, 24-25; territories occupied by, 25; writing system of, 34-35; calendric system of, 38-41; language of, 42-43; science of, 43; form of government, 43-44; domestic life of, 44-45; distribution of the component tribes, 47; authentic history of the nation, 48-53; religion, 54; tezcatlipoca and, 67; influence of the maya civilisation upon, 147; culture and religion influenced by climatic conditions, 148; invade maya territory, 150-151; influence maya cleavage, 151; in the maya conflict in guatemala, 159; the relationship of the mythology of, to that of the maya, 166; difference in sun-worship of, from peruvian, 307-308 nahuatlatolli. the nahua tongue, 25 nanahuatl (poor leper) (or nanauatzin). mexican god of skin diseases, 93; the myth of, 93; xolotl probably identical with, 93 nanauatzin. same as nanahuatl, which see nanihehecatl. form of quetzalcoatl, 84 nata. the mexican noah, 122-123 nauhollin (the four motions). mexican sacrificial ceremonies, 99 nauhyotl. toltec ruler of colhuacan, 20 nemontemi (unlucky days). in mexican calendar, 39, 40 nena. wife of nata, the mexican noah, 122-123 nexiuhilpilitztli (binding of years). in mexican calendar, 39, 40 nextepehua. fiend in the mexican other-world, 38 nezahualcoyotl (fasting coyote). king of tezcuco; the story of, 125-128; his enlightened rule, 128; as a poet, 128; his theology, 128; and his son's offence, 129; his palace, 132; his villa of tezcotzinco, 133-136 nezahualpilli (the hungry chief). i. a manifestation of tezcatlipoca, 66. ii. son of nezahualcoyotl; story of his wife's crime, 129-132; in the story of princess papan, 140 nima-kiche. the ancestor of the kiche race; the legend of, 158 ninxor-carchah. place in guatemala; mentioned in popol vuh myth, 224 nitiçapoloa. ceremony connected with worship of centeotl the son, 90 nonohualco. place in mexico; tutul xius may have come from, 153 norsemen. voyages of the, to america, 5 nunnery. the ruin at chichen-itza, 189-190 o obsequies. in peru; a description of, 316-317 ocosingo. ruined maya city, 149 ollanta. inca chieftain; in the drama apu-ollanta, 251-253 ollantay-tampu. prehistoric ruins at, 250-251; apu-ollanta, the drama legend of, 251-253 omacatl (two reeds). mexican god of festivity, 112-113 omeciuatl. mexican mother god of the human species, associated with ometecutli, 103-104, 118; xmucane the kiche equivalent of, 236 ometecutli (two-lord). father god of the human species, associated with omeciuatl, 103-104, 118; xpiyacoc the kiche equivalent of, 236 ometochtli. i. a pulque-god, 104. ii. a day in the mexican calendar, 105 opochtli (the left-handed). mexican god of fishers and bird-catchers, 113-114 oracles in peru, 296-297; a legend connected with an oracle, 302-303 otomi. aboriginal mexican race, 23, 25, 50 owen, guttyn. mentioned, 6 oxford codex, 37 p paapiti. island on lake titicaca; huaina ccapac and the lake-goddess and, 299 pacari tampu (house of the dawn). place of origin of four brothers and sisters who initiated the systems of worship and civilised peru, 305, 307 pacaw. a sorcerer mentioned in popol vuh myth, 227 paccariscas. holy places of origin of the peruvian tribes, 292, 293, 305 pachacamac. i. the supreme divinity of the incas, known also as pacharurac, 257, 303-304; not a primitive conception, 257; in the local creation-myth of irma, 258-259; the ccapac raymi the national festival of, 267; yatiri the aymara name for, 299; symbol of, in the coricancha, 304; regarded as son of the sun, 306; daughters of, in the coniraya myth, 323. ii. sacred city of the incas, 310; ruins of, 273; in the coniraya myth, 322 pachacamama (earth-mother). name given by the incas to their conception of the earth, 257 pachacta unanchac. inca device for determining the solstices, 265-266 pachacutic (or yupanqui pachacutic) (he who changes the world). ninth inca; in the drama apu-ollanta, 251-252; defeats hastu-huaraca, 282, 284-285; formerly known as yupanqui, 285; his extensive dominion, 286; his achievements as ruler, 286-287; a man like the mexican nezahualcoyotl, 291; and the legend of the stones that turned into warriors, 294; and the thunder-god, 300; and the conception of the creator, 304; introduces sun-worship, 308; the vision of, 317-318 pachamama (or mamapacha) (earth-mother). the peruvian earth-goddess, 303 pacharurac. a name of pachacamac, which see pachayachachic. a form of pachacamac, regarded as direct ruler of the universe, 299, 304; viracocha called, 307 "palace of owls." ruin at aké, 186 palace, the, at palenque, 183-185 palenque. maya city, 144, 149, 182-186; the palace at, 183-185; temple of inscriptions at, 185; temple of the sun, 185; temple of the cross, 185; temple of the cross no. ii, 186; "tablet of the cross" at, 161, 185-186 palpan. hill near tollan; excavations at, 34 papantzin. sister of montezuma ii; the story of her return from the tomb, 139-142 papaztac (the nerveless). a pulque-god, 104 pariacaca. i. a name of the peruvian thunder-god, 299-300; and the lake of pariacaca, 300. ii. the lake of, 300 paricaca. a hero, father of huathiacuri; in the huathiacuri myth, 324-326; in a flood-myth, 326-327; and the choque suso myth, 327 paris (or tellerio-remensis) codex, 37 patecatl. a pulque-god, 104 "path of the dead, the," at teotihuacan, 33 payne, e. j. on the origin of the maya culture, 1; on the origin of the nahua, 10; on the toltecs, 21; on the teoyaominqui fallacy, 88-90 peru. the civilisation of, 1, 248-290; the country, 248-249; the people, 253-255; the mythology, 255-259, 291-327; government, 259-260, 290; laws and customs, 264-265; the calendar, 265-266; the festivals, 267; architecture and architectural remains, 259, 268-273; irrigation works, 273; no writing or numeral system, 278; craftsmanship, 259, 279-281; history, 281-290; religion, 291-313; human sacrifice, 313 peten-itza. maya city, founded by a prince of chichen-itza, 156; the incident of cortés and his horse at, 195-196; a city "filled with idols," 196 petlac. place mentioned in myth of huitzilopochtli's origin, 72 piedras negras. ruined maya city, 149 "pigeon house." ruin at uxmal, 194 piguerao. peruvian deity, brother of apocatequil; in a creation-myth, 301 pillan. thunder-god of aborigines of chile, analogous to tlaloc, 78 pillco-puncu. door to be passed before reaching rock of titicaca, 311 pinturas. mexican hieroglyphs, or picture-writing, 7, 34-37 pipil dialect, 145 piqui-chaqui (flea-footed). servant of ollanta, 251 pissac. ruined inca fortress at, 250 pitu salla. guardian of yma sumac, 253 pizarro, francisco. conqueror of peru, 255 pizarro, pedro. cousin of francisco pizarro, 262 "place of fruits." valley in which tollan stood, 14 pleiades. kiche myth of the origin of, 215 pocomams. district in guatemala, 158 popocatepetl. the mountain; sacred to tlaloc, 77 popolcan. aboriginal mexican race, 24 "popol vuh" (the collection of written leaves). a volume of maya-kiche mythology and history, 152, 157, 158; description, 207-209; genuine character, 208; probable date of composition, 235; antiquity, 236, 238; the gods and others mentioned in, 236-237; probably a metrical composition originally, 237-238. the first book: the creation, 209; the downfall of man, 209-210; story of vukub-cakix, 210-213; the undoing of zipacna, 213-216; the overthrow of cabrakan, 216-219; the creation-story probably the result of the fusion of several myths, 235. the second book: hunhun-apu and vukub-hunapu descend to the underworld, 220-221; hunhun-apu and xquiq, 222; birth and exploits of hun-apu and xbalanque, 223-224; the hero-brothers in xibalba, and the discomfiture of the lords of hell, 225-227; the conception in this book common to other mythologies, 228; the savage dread of death probably responsible for the conception of its vanquishment, 228; other sources of the myth, 228. the third book: man is created, 229; woman is created, 230; gods are vouchsafed to man, 230; tohil provides fire, 230-231; the race is confounded in speech and migrates, 231; the sun appears, 231; death of the first men, 232; resemblance of the myth to those of other american peoples, 232; similarity of the migration-story to others, 233-234; probable origin of the migration-myth, 234-235. the fourth book, 238-239 potosi. peruvian city, 248 powel. history of wales, cited, 5 poyauhtecatl, mount. in quetzalcoatl myth, 65 ppapp-hol-chac (the house of heads and lightnings). ruin at itzamal, 187 priesthood, mexican, 114-117; power of, 114; beneficent ministrations of, 115; revenues of, 115; education conducted by, 115-116; orders of, 116; rigorous existence of, 116-117 pucara. peruvian fortress-city; leader in the huanca alliance, 282 pueblo indians. probably related to nahua, 24 pulque. the universal mexican beverage, 45 pulque-gods, 104-105 puma-puncu. door to be passed before reaching rock of titicaca, 311 puma-snake. mixtec deer-god; in creation-myth, 120 pumatampu. place in peru; inca roca defeats the conti-suyu at, 283 purunpacha. the period after the deluge when there was no king, in peru, 324 pyramid of sacrifice. ruin at uxmal, 194 q quäaqua. sun-god of the salish indians, 83 quacamayo birds. in a myth of the canaris indians, 319 quaquiutl. indian tribe, 83 quatlapanqui (the head-splitter). a pulque-god, 104 quatavita, the lake of. the chibchas and, 276 quauhquauhtinchan (house of the eagles). sacrifice to the sun in, 99 quauhtitlan. place mentioned in legend of quetzalcoatl's journey from tollan, 64 quauhxicalli (cup of the eagles). mexican sacrificial stone, 99, 100 quauitleua. festival of tlaloc, 77 quauitlicac. in myth of huitzilopochtli's origin, 71, 72 quemada. place in mexico; cyclopean ruins at, 32 quenti-puncu. door to be passed before reaching rock of titicaca, 311 quetzalcoatl ("feathered serpent" or "feathered staff"). the kukulcan of the maya, god of the sun, the wind, and thunder, common to mexican and maya mythologies; mexican legend of, 6-7; probably cognate with yetl, 12; king of the toltecs in nahua myth, 21; tezcatlipoca and, 60, 79; huitzilopochtli, tezcatlipoca, and tlacahuepan plot against, 60; quits tollan and proceeds to tlapallan, 64-65, 79; probably a god of pre-nahua people, 78; "father of the toltecs," 79; enlightened sway as ruler of tollan, 79; consequences of his exile, 79; legend of, in connection with the morning star, 80, 96; whether rightly considered god of the sun, 80; conception of, as god of the air, 80; as wind-god and god of fire and light, 80-81; whether originating from a "culture-hero," 81; the "st. thomas" idea, 81; as man of the sun, 81-82; as usually represented, 82; regarded as a liberator, 82; various conceptions of, 82-84, 167; probable northern origin, 83; hueymatzin and, 84; the worship of, 84-85; the priesthood of, 116; place in the mexican calendar, 122; vogue among maya, 144, 167; regarded as foreign to the soil in mexico, 167; differences in the maya and nahua conceptions of, 167; called kukulcan by the maya, 167; called gucumatz in guatemala, 167, 236; god b probably is, 173 quetzalpetlatl. female counterpart of quetzalcoatl, 79 quiche. same as kiche, which see quichua. peruvian race, 254-255; fusion of, with aymara, 285-286 quichua-aymara. the inca race. see incas quichua chinchay-suyu. one of the four racial divisions of ancient peru, 255 quinames. earth-giants; in toltec creation-myth, 120 quineveyan. grotto, mentioned in aztec migration-myth, 233 quinuamama. guardian spirit of the quinua plant, in peru, 295 quipos. cords used by the incas for records and communications, 278-279; account of the use of, by the marquis de nadaillac, 278-279 quito. sometime centre of the northern district of peru, 286, 289 r raxa-cakulha. a sub-god of hurakan, 237 religion. i. of the nahua, 54-55; the worship of one god, 58-59. ii. of the peruvians, 291; inferior to the mexican, 248; the legend relating to the evolution of, 305-306 riopampa. sometime centre of the northern district of peru, 286 rosny, léon de. research on the maya writing by, 161-162 rumi-ñaui. inca general; in the drama apu-ollanta, 252-253 s sacrifice, human. in connection with teotleco festival, 69; with toxcatl festival, 69-70; with tlaloc, 76-77; displaced by "substitution of part for whole," 85, 116; in the xalaquia festival, 87; in connection with xipe, 92; xolotl the representative of, 93; in worship of the planet venus, 96; in sun-worship, 98-100, 101; the keynote of nahua mythology, 166; among the maya, 166; at mitla, described by father burgoa, 202-203; among the chibchas, 276; in peru, 313 sacrificed princess, the legend of the, 123-124 sacsahuaman. inca fortress; the ruins of, 250; built by pachacutic, 287 sahagun, father bernardino. his work on mexican lore, 56-57; account of the teotleco festival, 68-69; account of a confession ceremony, 106-108 salish indians, 83 "salvador," the. a curious inca vase, 281 san carlos. the university of, in guatemala; the lost popol vuh found in, 207 san lorenzo. village; in a myth of paricaca, 327 saramama. guardian spirit of the maize plant, in peru, 295 schellhas, dr. and the maya writing, 162; and names of the maya deities, 168 scherzer, dr. c. finds the lost popol vuh, 207 sea. worshipped by the peruvians as mama-cocha, 306 seler, dr. on quetzalcoatl, 80-81; on xolotl, 93-94; and the maya writing, 162, 164; on god k, 175-176; on god p, 177; on mitla and the origin of the american race, 198 serpent. varied significance of the, 72, 74, 76; association of huitzilopochtli with, 72-73; associated with the bird, 73 seven caverns. myth of the, 123 sierra nevada (mountain of snow). in legend of quetzalcoatl's migration, 65 sinchi roca (wise chief). the second inca, 283 skinner, j. account of the discovery of a wooden cross, 274-275; on mohanes, 297-298; account of the methods of medicine men in peru, 314-315; account of obsequies among a peruvian tribe, 315-317 släalekam. sun-god of the salish indians, 83 sondor-huasi. an inca building bearing a thatched roof, 269 soto, hernando de. mentioned, 7 squier, e. g. on the coricancha, 261 stephens, j. l. legend of the dwarf related by, 192-194; story of the unknown city, 195 stones, worship of, in peru, 292-293 suarez. lorillard city discovered by, 195 sun. prophecy as to coming of white men from, 7; symbolised as a serpent by hopi indians, 82; pictured as abode of quetzalcoatl, 82; "father" of totonacs, 82; quaquiutl myth respecting, 83-84; worship of the, in mexico, 97-102; the supreme mexican deity, 97; the heart his special sacrifice, 97; blood his especial food, 98; destruction of successive suns, 98; human sacrifice to, in mexico, 98-100; as god of warriors, 99; conception of the warrior's after-life with, 101; the feast of totec, the chief mexican festival of, 101-102; the supreme maya deity, 171; in inca creation-myth, 258, 305; in the mythology of the chibchas, 276; worship of, in peru, 306, 307-313; the possessions of, and service rendered to, 308-309; and the rock of titicaca, 309-311; especially worshipped by the aged, 310; the intip-raymi festival of, 311-312; the citoc-raymi festival, 312-313; human sacrifice to, in peru, 313 sunrise, land of. in early american belief, 6 "suns," the four. in aztec theology, 55 susur-pugaio. a fountain; and the vision of yupanqui, 318 t tabasco. same as tlapallan, which see "tablet of the cross," 161, 185-186 tancah. maya city, 8 tapac-yauri. the royal sceptre of the incas, 321 tarahumare. mexican tribe; and cliff-dwellings, 25 tarma. place in peru; huanca defeated at, 285 tarpuntaita-cuma. incas who conducted sacrifice, 311 tata (our father). a name of the mexican fire-god, 95 tayasal. maya city, 196 teatlahuiani. a pulque-god, 104 tecpanecs. confederacy of nahua tribes, 26, 50; significance of the name, 26, 50; rivals of the chichimecs, 27; of huexotzinco, defeated by tlascaltecs, 49; aztecs allies of, 51; growth of their empire, 51; conquer tezcuco and chichimecs, 51 tecumbalam. bird in the kiche story of the creation, 209 telpochtli (the youthful warrior). a name of tezcatlipoca, 66 temacpalco. place mentioned in the myth of quetzalcoatl's journey to tlapallan, 65 temalacatl. the mexican gladiatorial stone of combat, 100 temple of the cross no. i, the, at palenque, 185, 186; no. ii, 186 temple of inscriptions, the, at palenque, 185 temple of the sun, the. i. at palenque, 185. ii. at tikal, 196 tenayucan. chichimec city, 26 tenochtitlan. same as mexico, which see teo-amoxtli (divine book). a nahua native chronicle, 45-46 teocalli. the mexican temple, 30 teocuinani. mountain; sacred to tlaloc, 77 teohuatzin. high-priest of huitzilopochtli, 75 teotihuacan. sacred city of the toltecs, 18, 47; the fiend at the convention at, 18; the mecca of the nahua races, 32; architectural remains at, 32, 33; rebuilt by xolotl, chichimec king, 33; charnay's excavations at, 33 teotleco (coming of the gods). mexican festival, 68-69 teoyaominqui. name given to the image of chicomecohuatl by early investigators, 88; payne on the error, 88-90 tepeolotlec. a distortion of the name of tepeyollotl, 102 tepeyollotl (heart of the mountain). a god of desert places, 102-103; called tepeolotlec, 102 tepoxtecatl. the pulque-god of tepoztlan, 105, 117 tepoztlan. mexican city, 105 tequechmecauiani. a pulque-god, 104 tequiua. disguise of tezcatlipoca, 63 ternaux-compans, h. cited, 4 teteoinnan (mother of the gods). mexican maize-goddess, known also as tocitzin, and identical with centeotl the mother, 85, 90 tezcatlipoca (fiery mirror). same as titlacahuan and tlamatzincatl. the mexican god of the air, the jupiter of the nahua pantheon, 37, 59, 67; tribal god of the tezcucans, 59; development of the conception, 59-60; in legends of the overthrow of tollan, 60; adversary of quetzalcoatl, 60, 79; plots against quetzalcoatl, and overcomes him, 60-61; as toueyo, and the daughter of uemac, 61-62; and the dance at the feast in tollan, 63; as tequiua, and the garden of xochitla, 63; and the legend of the amusing infant and the pestilence, 63-64; as nezahualpilli, 66; as yaotzin, 66; as telpochtli, 66; as usually depicted, 66; aztec conception of, as wind-god, 66; as yoalli ehecatl, 66; extent and development of the cult of, 67-68; as moneneque, 67; and the teotleco festival, 68-69; the toxcatl festival of, 69-70, 74; in the character of tlazolteotl, 107, 108 tezcotzinco. the villa of nezahualcoyotl, 133-136 tezcuco. i. chichimec city, 26, 47; rivalry with azcapozalco, 49; its hegemony, 49; conquered by tecpanecs, 51; allied with aztecs, 52; tezcatlipoca the tribal god, 59; the story of nezahualcoyotl, the prince of, 125-128. ii. lake, 26; in legend of the foundation of mexico, 28; the cities upon, 47, 49-50 tezozomoc, f. de a. on mexican mythology, 58 theozapotlan. mexican city, 203 thlingit. indian tribe, 83 thomas, professor c. research on maya writing, 162; on god l, 176 thomas, st. the apostle; cortés believed to be, 7; associated with the maya cross, 187, 275; and the wooden cross found in the valley of the chichas, 274 thonapa. son of the creator in peruvian myth; in connection with stone-worship, 293; myths of, 319-320 thunder-god, peruvian, 299-302 tiahuanaco. prehistoric city of the andeans, 249-250; the great doorway at, 249; in a legend of manco ccapac, 256; in inca creation-myth, 258; and legend of thonapa the civiliser, 293 tiçotzicatzin. in the story of princess papan, 140 tikal. maya city; architectural remains at, 196 titicaca. i. lake, 249; settlements of the quichua-aymara on the shores of, 254; manco ccapac and mama oullo huaca descend to earth near, 256; regarded by peruvians as place where men and animals were created, 298; called mamacota by people of the collao, 298; idols connected with, 298-299. ii. island on lake titicaca; the most sacred of the peruvian shrines, 270; ruined palace on, 270; sacred rock on, the paccarisca of the sun, 293, 309; sun-worship and the rock of titicaca, 309-311; the inca tupac and the rock, 309-310; effect on the island of the inca worship of the rock, 310; pilgrimage to, 310-311; thonapa on, 320 titlacahuan. same as tezcatlipoca, which see titlacahuan-tezcatlipoca, 123 tiya-manacu. town in peru; thonapa at, 320 tlacahuepan. mexican deity; plots against quetzalcoatl, 60; and the legend of the amusing infant and the pestilence, 63-64 tlachtli. national ball-game of the nahua and maya, 33, 220, 224, 227 tlacopan. mexican city, 26, 50; aztecs allied with, 52 tlaelquani (filth-eater). a name of tlazolteotl, which see tlalhuicole. tlascalan warrior; the story of, 136-138 tlaloc. the mexican rain-god,or god of waters, 29, 75; and the foundation of mexico, 29; in association with huitzilopochtli, 74; as usually represented, 75-76; espoused to chalchihuitlicue, 75; tlalocs his offspring, 75; kiche god hurakan his prototype, 76; manifestations of, 76; festivals of, 77; human sacrifice in connection with, 76-77; and atamalqualiztli festival, 77-78; similarities to, in other mythologies, 78 tlalocan (the country of tlaloc). abode of tlaloc, 76 tlalocs. gods of moisture; and huemac ii, 16; offspring of tlaloc, 75 tlalxicco (navel of the earth). name of the abode of mictlan, 95 tlamatzincatl. same as tezcatlipoca, which see tlapallan (the country of bright colours). legendary region, 11; nahua said to have originated at, 11; the toltecs and, 11; quetzalcoatl proceeds to, from tollan, 64-65, 79 tlapallan, huehue (very old tlapallan). in toltec creation-myth, 119 tlapallantzinco. place in mexico; toltecs at, 12 tlascala (or tlaxcallan). mexican city, 47, 48; and the "bloodless battle" with mexico, 48, 98, 99; decline, 49 tlascalans. mexican race, offshoot of the acolhuans, 26; helped cortés against aztecs, 26, 47 tlauizcalpantecutli (lord of the dawn). name of the planet venus; myth of quetzalcoatl and, 80, 96; quetzalcoatl called, 84; worship of, 96; in the mexican calendar, 96 tlaxcallan. same as tlascala, which see tlazolteotl (god of ordure) (or tlaelquani). mexican goddess of confession, 106-108 tlenamacac (ordinary priests). lesser order of the mexican priesthood, 116 tloque nahuaque (lord of all existence). toltec deity, 119 tobacco. use of, among the nahua, 45 tochtepec. place in mexico; toltecs at, 12 tocitzin (our grandmother). see teteoinnan tohil (the rumbler). form of quetzalcoatl, 84; guides the kiche-maya to their first city, 152; the god assigned to balam-quitze in the kiche myth of the creation, 230; gives fire to the kiche, 230-231; turned into stone, 231 tollan. toltec city, modern tula; founded, 13, 26; its magnificence, 14; afflicted by the gods, 16-17; huehuetzin's rebellions, 18, 19; overthrown, 19; charnay's excavations at, 34; tezcatlipoca and the overthrow of, 60; quetzalcoatl leaves, 64, 79 tollantzinco. city of the acolhuans, 48; toltecs at, 12 toltecs. first nahua immigrants to mexico, 11; whether a real or a mythical race, 11, 20-22; at tlapallan, 11, 12; migration route, 12; their migration a forced one, 12; imaginative quality of their myths, 13; elect a king, 14; progress in arts and crafts, 14, 23; under plagues, 17; their empire destroyed, 19, 20; and the civilisation of central america, 20; dr. brinton's theory, 21; quetzalcoatl king of, 21; possible influence upon nahua civilisation, 22; acolhuans may have been, 26; tezcatlipoca opposes, and plots against, 60-65; and creation-myth recounted by ixtlilxochitl, 119; theory that the maya were, 143 tonacaciuatl (lady of our flesh). a name of omeciuatl, which see tonacatecutli (lord of our flesh). a name of ometecutli, which see tonalamatl (book of the calendar), 107 torito. a bird-maiden; in the myth of origin of the canaris, 319 torquemada, father. his work on mexican lore, 57; on mitla, 199 totec (our great chief). a sun-god, 101-102; his feast, the chief solar festival, 101-102 totemism. among the primitive peruvians, 291-292 totonacs. aboriginal mexican race, 23; and the sun, 82 toueyo. tezcatlipoca's disguise, 61-63 toveyo. toltec sorcerer; and the magic drum, 16 toxcatl. festival; of tezcatlipoca, 69-70; of huitzilopochtli, 74 toxilmolpilia. mexican calendar ceremony; and the native dread of the last day, 41 troano codex. maya manuscript, 160; dr. le plongeon and the reference to queen móo in, 246 tucuman (world's end). name given by the quichua-aymara to their land of origin, 254 tulan (or tulan-zuiva). city; the starting-point of the kiche migrations, 157-158, 231; the kiche arrive at, and receive their gods, 230; parallel with the mexican chicomoztoc, 230; the kiche confounded in their speech at, 231 tumipampa. sometime centre of the northern district of peru, 286, 289, 290 tupac-atau-huallpa (the sun makes good fortune). son of huaina ccapac, 289 tupac-yupanqui (bright). tenth inca, son of pachacutic, 252-253, 287-288; achievements as ruler, 287; and the huarcans, 288; and the rock of titicaca, 309-310 tutul xius. ruling caste among the itzaes; found ziyan caan and chichen-itza, 153; expelled from chichen-itza by cocomes, 153; settle in potonchan, build uxmal, and regain power, 154; again overthrown, and found mani, 155; finally assist in conquering the cocomes, 156 tzitzimimes. demons attendant on mictlan, 96 tzompantitlan. place mentioned in the myth of huitzilopochtli's origin, 71 tzompantli (pyramid of skulls). minor temple of huitzilopochtli, 31 tzununiha (house of the water). one of the first women of the popol vuh myth, 230 tzutuhils. a maya people of guatemala, 158, 159 u uayayab. demon who presided over the nemontemi (unlucky days), 177; god n identified with, 177 uemac. tezcatlipoca and the daughter of, 61-63 uitzlampa. place in mexico; in myth of huitzilopochtli's origin, 72 urco-inca. inca superseded by pachacutic, 284 uricaechea, m. his collection of chibcha antiquities, 277 uxmal. mexican city, founded by tutul xius, 154; abandoned, 155; ruins at, 191-194; primitive type of its architecture, 194 v vatican mss., 37; description of the journey of the soul in, 37-38 vega, garcilasso el inca de la. hist. des incas, cited, 7; on the gods of the early peruvians, 291 venus. the planet; worship of, 96-97; the only star worshipped by mexicans, 96; camaxtli identified with, 111; temple of, at cuzco, 262 vera cruz. quetzalcoatl lands at, 6 verapaz. district in guatemala, 158 vetancurt, a. de. on mexican mythology, 58 villa-coto. mountain; in a peruvian flood-myth, 323-324 villagutierre, j. de soto-mayor. and the prophecy of chilan balam, 8 viollet-le-duc, e. on the ruined palace at mitla, 197 viracocha. i. eighth inca, 284, 318. ii. peruvian deity; temple of, at cacha, 270; regarded as son of the sun, 306; worshipped by quichua-aymara as a culture hero, and called pachayachachic, 307. iii. a higher class of sacred objects of the peruvians, 294. iv. name given to any more than usually sacred being, 301 vitzillopochtli. same as huitzilopochtli; in an aztec migration-myth, 233 voc. a bird, the messenger of hurakan; in popol vuh myth, 225 votan. maya god, identical with tepeyollotl; god l probably is, 176 vukub-cakix (seven-times-the-colour-of-fire). a sun-and-moon god (dr. seler); in a kiche myth recounted in the popol vuh, 210-213; possibly an earth-god, 237 vukub-came. one of the rulers of xibalba, the kiche hades, 220, 221, 224 vukub-hunapu. son of xpiyacoc and xmucane; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220-221, 224, 225, 227 w "wallum olum." records of the leni-lenape indians; a migration-myth in, resembles kiche and aztec myths, 233-234 wind-nine-cave. mixtec deity; in creation-myth, 120-121, 122 wind-nine-snake. mixtec deity; in creation-myth, 120-121, 122 women of the sun. women dedicated to the service of the sun in peru, 308 writing. of the nahua, 34-35; of the maya, 159-166; dr. le plongeon and the maya hieroglyphs, 239 x xalaquia. i. festival of chicomecohuatl, 86-87. ii. the victim sacrificed at the xalaquia festival, 87, 90 xalisco. district in mexico toltecs in, 12 xaltocan. mexican city, 50 xan. an animal mentioned in popol vuh myth, 225 xaquixahuana. place in peru, 284 xauxa. place in peru, 285 xbakiyalo. wife of hunhun-apu, 220 xbalanque (little tiger). a hero-god, twin with hun-apu; in a kiche myth, 211-219; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220, 223-227; mentioned, 237 xecotcovach. bird in the kiche story of the creation, 209 xibalba. i. a semi-legendary empire of the maya, 144. ii. the kiche hades, "place of phantoms"; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220-222, 225-227; possible origin of the conception, 229; properly a "place of the dead," 229; origin of the name, 229 xibalbans. in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 221, 225-227; the originals of, 228-229; nature of, 229 xilonen. form of chicomecohuatl, 85 ximenes, francisco. copied and translated the popol vuh, 207 xipe (the flayed). mexican god, 91-92; his dress assumed by aztec monarchs and leaders, 91-92; xolotl has affinities with, 95; god a thought to resemble, 174 xiuhtecutli (lord of the year). a name of the mexican fire-god, 95 xiumalpilli. in mexican calendar, 40 xiyan caan. city in yucatan, 153 xmucane (female vigour). the mother-god in the kiche story of the creation in the popol vuh, 209; in the vukub-cakix myth, 212-213; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220-225; equivalent to the mexican omeciuatl, 236 xochicalco (the hill of flowers). a teocalli near tezcuco, 33-34 xochimilcos. aztec tribe, 233 xochipilli. a name of macuilxochitl, which see xochitla. a flower-garden near tollan; the legend of tezcatlipoca and, 63 xochitonal. monster in the mexican other-world, 38 xochiyayotl (the war of flowers). campaign for the capture of victims for sacrifice, 98-99, 100 xolotl. i. king of the chichimecs, 20; teotihuacan rebuilt by, 33. ii. a sun-god, 93-94; of southern origin and foreign to mexico, 93; probably identical with nanahuatl, 93; representative of human sacrifice, 93; has affinities with xipe, 93; representations of, 94 xpiyacoc. the father god in the popol vuh story of the creation, 209; in the vukub-cakix myth, 212-213; in the myth in the second book of the popol vuh, 220; equivalent to the mexican ometecutli, 236 xquiq (blood). a princess of xibalba, daughter of cuchumaquiq; in popol vuh myth, 222 xulu. a sorcerer mentioned in popol vuh myth, 227 y yacatecutli. tutelar god of travellers of the merchant class in mexico, 114; the maya ekchuah probably parallel with, 177 yahuarhuaccac. seventh inca, 283 yahuar-pampa (plain of blood). battle of, 285 yamquisupa. village; thonapa and, 319 yanacaca. rocks; in a myth of paricaca, 327 yaotzin (the enemy). a manifestation of tezcatlipoca, 66 yatiri (the ruler). aymara name of pachacamac in his form of pachayachachic; huaina ccapac and, 299 year. the mexican, 39, 40 yetl. god of natives of british columbia, 12; probably cognate with quetzalcoatl, 12, 83 yma sumac (how beautiful). daughter of curi-coyllur; in the drama apu-ollanta, 252-253 yoalli ehecatl (the night wind). a manifestation of tezcatlipoca, 66 yohualticitl. a name of metztli, which see yolcuat. form of quetzalcoatl, 84 yopi. indian tribe; xipe adopted from, 92 yucatan. settlement of the maya in, 151-152; architectural remains in, 178 yucay. inca ruins at, 269 yum kaax (lord of the harvest fields). maya deity; god e probably identical with, 174 yunca. name given to the tropical and lowland districts of peru, 255 yupanqui pachacutic. ninth inca, known also as pachacutic. see pachacutic z zacatecas. mexican province, 32 zapoteca. aboriginal mexican race, 23; builders of mitla, 31; their calendric system, 38; and quetzalcoatl, 84-85; creation-myth of, 121-122; maya influences transmitted to the nahua through, 147; in effect a border people, influenced by and influencing maya and nahua, 147; of nahua stock, 147 zaque. aboriginal mexican race, 24 zipacna (cockspur or earth-heaper). son of vukub-cakix; in a kiche myth in the popol vuh, 211-213, 216 zippa. a chieftain of the chibchas, 276 zoque. a chieftain of the chibchas, 276 zotuta. region in yucatan inhabited by remnant of cocomes, 156 zotzilaha chimalman. the maya bat-god, called also camazotz, 171-172 zumarraga. mexican chronicler, 13 zutugil dialect, 145 notes [1] by payne in the new world called america, london, 1892-99. [2] garcilasso el inca de la vega, hist. des incas, lib. ix. cap. 15. [3] see payne, history of the new world called america, vol. ii. pp. 373 et seq. [4] see spence, civilisation of ancient mexico, chap. ii. [5] see civilisation of ancient mexico, chap. ii. [6] payne, hist. new world, vol. ii. p. 430. [7] unknown mexico, vol. i., 1902; also see bulletin 30, bureau of american ethnology, p. 309. [8] bulletin 28 of the u.s. bureau of ethnology. [9] see the author's article on "american creation-myths" in the encyclopædia of religion and ethics, vol. iv. [10] the suffix tzin after a mexican name denotes either "lord" or "lady," according to the sex of the person alluded to. [11] these words are obviously onomatopoetic, and are evidently intended to imitate the sound made by a millstone. [12] see my remarks on this subject in the popol vuh, pp. 41, 52 (london, 1908). [13] queen móo and the egyptian sphinx (london, 1896). [14] sacred things. [15] skinner's state of peru, p. 313 (1805). [16] this is the name by which he is generally alluded to in peruvian history. [17] skinner, state of peru, p. 275. [18] skinner, state of peru, pp. 271 et seq. [19] see spence, article "brazil" in encyclopædia of religion and ethics, vol. ii. the treasure of the incas a story of adventure in peru by g. a. henty [illustration: it did not take long to transfer the sacks into the boat _page 339_] preface to the original edition the mysterious loss of a large portion of the treasure of the incas has never been completely cleared up. by torturing the natives to whom the secret had been entrusted, the spaniards made two or three discoveries, but there can be little doubt that these finds were only a small proportion of the total amount of the missing hoards, although for years after their occupation of the country the spaniards spared no pains and hesitated at no cruelty to bring to light the hidden wealth. the story of the boat which put to sea laden with treasure is historical, and it was generally supposed that she was lost in a storm that took place soon after she sailed. it was also morally certain that the peruvians who left the country when the spaniards became masters carried off with them a very large amount of treasure into that part of south america lying east of peru. legends are current that they founded a great city there, and that their descendants occupy it at the present time. but the forests are so thick, and the indian tribes so hostile, that the country has never yet been explored, and it may be reserved for some future traveller, possessing the determination of my two heroes, to clear up the mystery of this city as they penetrated that of the lost treasure-ship. it need hardly be said that the state of confusion, misrule, and incessant civil wars which i have described as prevailing in peru presents a true picture of the country at the period in which this story is laid. g. a. henty. contents chap. i. how it came about ii. the start iii. at lima iv. a street fray v. among the mountains vi. a tropical forest vii. an indian attack viii. defeat of the natives ix. the signal star x. a fresh start xi. brigands xii. prisoners xiii. letters from home xiv. the castle of the demons xv. investigations xvi. the search begins xvii. at work xviii. disappointment xix. the treasure xx. home illustrations it did not take long to transfer the sacks into the boat. an indian spies the expedition. they saw approaching a peasant woman sitting on a mule. harry dropped the barrel of his rifle into the palm of his left hand. map of peru [illustration: map of peru] the treasure of the incas chapter i how it came about two men were sitting in the smoking-room of a london club. the room was almost empty, and as they occupied arm-chairs in one corner of it, they were able to talk freely without fear of being overheard. one of them was a man of sixty, the other some five or six and twenty. "i must do something," the younger man said, "for i have been kicking my heels about london since my ship was paid off two years ago. at first, of course, it didn't matter, for i have enough to live upon; but recently i have been fool enough to fall in love with a girl whose parents would never dream of allowing her to marry a half-pay lieutenant of the navy with no chance in the world of getting employed again, for i have no interest whatever." "it is an awkward case certainly, prendergast," the other said; "and upon my word, though i sympathize with you, i cannot blame fortescue. he is not what you might call a genial man, but there is no doubt that he was a splendid lawyer and a wonderful worker. for ten years he earned more than any man at the bar. i know that he was twice offered the solicitor-generalship, but as he was making two or three times the official salary, he would not take it. i believe he would have gone on working till now had he not suddenly come in for a very fine estate, owing to the death, in the course of two or three years, of four men who stood between him and it. besides, i fancy he got hints that in the general opinion of the bar he had had a wonderfully good innings, and it was about time that younger men had a share in it. what his savings were i do not know, but they must be very large. his three sons are all at the bar, and are rising men, so there was no occasion for him to go on piling up money for them. but, as i say, he has always had the reputation of being a hard man, and it is practically certain that he would never allow his daughter to marry a man whom he would regard as next door to a pauper. now, what are you thinking of doing?" "well, sir, miss fortescue has agreed to wait for me for two years, and of course i am eager to do something, but the question is what? i can sail a ship, but even could i get the command of a merchantman, it would not improve my position in the eyes of the parents of the lady in question. now, you have been knocking about all over the world, i do wish you would give me your advice. where is there money to be got? i am equally ready to go to the north pole or the equator, to enter the service of an indian prince, or to start in search of a treasure hidden by the old bucaneers." "you talk spanish, don't you?" "yes; all my service has been in the mediterranean. we were two years off the coast of spain, and in and out of its ports, and as time hung heavily on our hands, i got up the language partly to amuse myself and partly to be able to talk fluently with my partners at a ball." the elder man did not speak for a minute or two. "you have not thought of south america?" he said at last. "no, mr. barnett; i don't know that i have ever thought of one place more than another." the other was again silent. "i don't think you could do better anywhere," he said slowly. "it is a land with great possibilities; at any rate it is a land where you could be understood, and of course it would be folly to go anywhere without a knowledge of the language. i was, as you know, five years out there, and came home when the war broke out between chili and the spaniards. i have been more in peru than in chili, and as peru was still in the hands of the spanish, it would have been impossible for me to go there again as long as the war lasted. knocking about as i did, i heard a great deal from the natives (i mean the indians). i gathered from them a number of their traditions, and i am convinced that they know of any number of gold mines that were formerly worked, but were blocked up when the spaniards invaded the country, and have been kept secret ever since. "the natives have never spoken on the subject at all to the spaniards. if they had, they would have been flogged until they revealed all they knew--that is to say, they would have been flogged to death, for no tortures will wring from an indian anything he knows about gold. they look upon that metal as the source of all the misfortunes that have fallen upon their race. with an englishman whom they knew and trusted, and who, as they also knew, had no wish whatever to discover gold mines, they were a little less reticent. i never asked them any questions on a subject in which i had not a shadow of interest, but i certainly had some curiosity, not of a pecuniary kind, because the matter had always been a riddle as to the hiding-place of the incas' treasures. and from what i learned i should say it is absolutely certain that a great portion of these escaped the search of their spanish tyrants. "whether the men who were employed in the work all died without revealing the secret, or whether it had been trusted to a chosen few, i know not; but the natives believe that there are still a few among them to whom the secret has been passed down from father to son. anyhow, all had heard vague traditions. some said that part of the treasure was carried hundreds of miles inland and given over to a tribe of fierce savages, in a country into which no european can enter. another tradition is that a portion of it was carried off by sea in a great canoe, which was never heard of again and was believed to have been lost. i am not for a moment supposing, prendergast, that if you went out there you would have the most remote chance of discovering what the spaniards, ever since they landed there, have been in vain trying to find, and i certainly should not think of recommending a mad-brained adventure, but undoubtedly there are many rich gold mines yet to be found. there are openings for trade, too; and i can give you introductions to merchants both in chili and peru. it is not a thing i should recommend to everyone, far from it; but if you want to combine adventure with a chance, however small, of making money, i don't know that you can do better than go to south america. you are fitted for no calling here; your income, counting your half-pay, would suffice to keep you out there, and a couple of years of such a life would do you no harm." "it is just what i should like," the young man said enthusiastically; "though i don't know how i should set to work if i did find a mine." "you would have to bring home specimens, with particulars of the width of the lode. of course you would crush pieces up and wash them yourself, or get your indian to wash them; that would give you an approximate idea of the percentage of gold. if it were rich, i could introduce you to men who would advance money for working it, giving you a share of the profits. they would send out a mining expert with you. he would verify your report, and then you would take up the concession. i don't know whether there have been any changes in the regulations, but there is no difficulty in learning how to proceed from one or other of the men to whom i will give you introductions. the thing would not be worth thinking of were it not that the man who always went with me as guide and muleteer is an indian, and has, i am convinced, a knowledge of some of these places. he was with me all the time i was out there. i saved his life when a puma sprang upon him, and he more than once hinted that he could make me a rich man, but i had no inclination that way, my income being sufficient for all my wants. still, on the chance that he is alive--and he was about thirty when he was with me fifteen years ago, so it is probable that he is still to the fore--i will give you a letter to him telling him that you are a dear friend of mine, and that i trust to him to do any service he can for you just as he would have done for myself. had it not been for that i should never have mentioned the matter to you. these old mines are the dream of every peruvian. they have been searching for them ever since the conquest of the country, and as they have failed, it is absurd to think that an englishman would have the slightest chance of lighting upon a mine, still less of finding any of the incas' treasures. but with the indian's aid it is just possible that you may find something, though i should advise you most strongly not to build in any way upon the chance. i consider that you cannot possibly win miss fortescue; that being so, two years of knocking about will not make your position worse, and by the time you come back, you may have ceased to struggle against fate. it will afford you a remote--but distinctly remote--opportunity of bettering your position, will give you something else to think about besides that young lady's charms, and you may even come to recognize that life is, after all, possible without her. you may shake your head, lad; but you know children cry for the moon sometimes, yet afterwards come to understand that it would not be a desirable plaything." "well, at any rate, mr. barnett, i am extremely obliged for your suggestion and for your offer of introductions. it is just the life that i should enjoy thoroughly. as you say, the chance that anything will come of it is extremely small, but at least there is a possibility, and i take it as a drowning man catches at a straw." "by the way, you mustn't think only of gold; silver is, after all, the chief source of the riches of peru, and there are numbers of extraordinarily rich mines. it is calculated that three hundred millions have been produced since the first occupation by the spaniards. quicksilver is also very abundant; copper and lead are found too, but there is not much to be done with them at present, owing to the cost of carriage. there is good shooting in the mountains on the eastern side of the andes, and you will find plenty of sport there." they talked over the matter for some time before they separated, and harry prendergast became quite excited over it. on his return to his rooms he was astonished to find the candles alight and a strong smell of tobacco pervading the place. a lad of about sixteen leapt from the easy-chair in which he had been sitting, with his feet on another. "hullo, harry, i didn't expect you back so soon! the maid said you were dining out, and i suppose that generally means one o'clock before you are back." "well, what brings you here, bert? i thought i had got you off my hands for a year at least." "i thought so, myself," the lad said coolly; "but circumstances have been too strong for me. we were running down the channel the night before last, when a craft that was beating up ran smack into us. i don't know that it was his fault more than ours; the night was dark, and it was very thick, and we did not see each other until she was within a length of us. luck was against us; if she had been a few seconds quicker we should have caught her broadside, but as it was she rammed us, knocking a hole in our side as big as a house, and we had just time to jump on board her. our old craft went down two minutes after the skipper, who was of course the last man, left her. the other fellow had stove his bow in. luckily we were only about a couple of miles off dungeness, and though she leaked like a sieve, we were able to run her into the bay, where she settled down in two and a half fathoms of water. as soon as it was light we landed and tramped to dover. a hoy was starting for the river that evening, and most of us came up in her, arriving at the pool about three hours ago. it is a bad job, harry, and i am horribly put out about it. of course nothing could be saved, and there is all the new kit you bought for me down at the bottom. i sha'n't bother you again; i have quite made up my mind that i shall ship before the mast this time, and a five-pound note will buy me a good enough outfit for that." "we need not talk about that now, bertie. you are certainly an unlucky beggar; this is the second time you have been wrecked." "it is a frightful nuisance," the boy said. "it is the kit i am thinking of, otherwise i should not mind. i didn't care for the skipper. he seemed all right and decent enough before we started, but i soon heard from fellows who had sailed with him before that he was a tartar; and what was worse, they said he was in the habit of being drunk two nights out of three. however, that has nothing to do with it. i am really awfully sorry, harry. you have been a thundering good elder brother. i hated to think that you had to shell out last time, and i have quite made up my mind that you sha'n't do it again." "well, it cannot be helped; it is no fault of yours; still, of course, it is a nuisance. thank god that no harm has come to you, that is the principal thing. now, sit down and go on with your pipe, you young monkey. i did not think you had taken to smoking." "one has to," the lad said, "everyone else does it; and there is no doubt that, when you have got the middle watch on cold nights with foul winds, it is a comfort." "well, go on smoking," his brother said. "i will light up too. now shut your mouth altogether. i want to think." they were silent for fully ten minutes, then harry said; "i told you about that business of mine with miss fortescue." bertie grinned all over his face, which, as he sat, was not visible to his brother. then with preternatural gravity he turned towards him. "yes, you told me about it; an uncomfortable business wasn't it?--surly old father, lovely daughter, and so on." "i will pull your ear for you, you young scamp," harry said wrathfully, "if you make fun of it; and i have a good mind not to say what i was going to." "say it, harry, don't mind my feelings," the lad said. "you can't say i did not stand it well when i was here last week, and gave you no end of sympathy. go ahead, old fellow; i dare say i shall be taken bad some day, and then i shall be able to make allowances for you." "i'll have nothing more to say to you, you young imp." "don't say that, harry," the lad said in a tone of alarm. "you know how sympathizing i am, and i know what a comfort it is for you to unburden yourself; but i do think that it won't be necessary to go into personal descriptions, you know, or to tell me what you said to her or she said to you, because you told me all that ten days ago, also what her tyrannical old father said. but really seriously i am awfully sorry about it all, and if there is anything that i can possibly do for you i shall be only too pleased. i don't see that it would be any advantage for me to go and give the old gentleman my opinion of him; but if you think it would, and can coach me in some of his sore points, we might see how we could work upon them." "i always thought you were a young ass, bertie," harry said sternly, "but i have not realized before how utterly assified you are." "all right, harry!" the lad said cheerfully; "hit me as hard as you like, under the circumstances i feel that i cannot kick." harry said nothing for another five minutes. "this is a serious matter," he said at last, "and i don't want any tomfoolery." "all right, harry! i will be as serious as a judge." "i am thinking of going away for two years." the lad turned half round in his chair and had a good look at his brother. "where are you going to?" seeing by harry's rather gloomy face that he was quite in earnest. "i believe i am going to peru." "what are you going there for, harry?" the lad said quietly. "i told you," the other went on, "that mr. fortescue said that he had no personal objection to me, but that if i was in a position to give his daughter a home equal to that which i wanted her to leave, he would be content." bertie nodded. "this seemed to me hopeless," harry went on. "i told you that she was willing to wait for two years, but that she couldn't promise much longer than that, for her father had set his mind on her making a good match; he has certainly put a tremendous pressure upon her. when i was talking at the club this evening to mr. barnett--you know that he is our oldest friend and is one of our trustees--i told him about it, and said that though i was ready to do anything and go anywhere i could not see my way at all to making a big fortune straight away. he agreed with me. after talking it over he said he knew of but one way by which such a thing would be at all possible, but the betting would be twenty thousand to one against it. of course i said that if there was even a possibility i would try it. well, you know he was in peru for some years. he says that the natives have all sorts of legends about rich mines that were hidden when the spaniards came first, and that it is certain that, tremendous as was the amount of loot they got, a great part of the incas' treasure was hidden away. once or twice there had been great finds-in one case two million and a half dollars. it is believed that the secret is still known to certain indians. when he went out there he had a muleteer, whose life he saved when he was attacked by some beast or other, and this man as much as hinted that he knew of a place where treasure might be concealed; but as barnett was interested in beasts and plants and that sort of thing, and had a comfortable fortune, he never troubled himself about it one way or another. well, he offered to give me a letter to this man, and he regarded it as just possible that the fellow, who seems to be a descendant of some of the people who were members of the incas' court at the time the spaniards came, may have some knowledge of the rich mines that were then closed down, and that he may be able to show them to me, from his feeling of gratitude to barnett. it is but one chance in a million, and as i can see no other possibility of making a fortune in two years, i am going to try it." "of course you will," the lad said excitedly, "and i should think that you would take me with you." "i certainly had not dreamt of doing so, bertie. but if i have to keep on getting fresh outfits for you, the idea has come into my mind during the last half-hour that i could not do better." "harry, you are sure to be disappointed lots of times before you hit on a treasure, and then if you were all by yourself you would get down in the mouth. now, i should be able to keep you going, pat you on the back when you felt sick, help you to fight indians and wild beasts, and be useful in all sorts of ways." "that is like your impudence, bertie," the other laughed. "seriously, i know i shall be a fool to take you, and if i really thought i had any chance to speak of i should not do so; but though i am going to try, i don't expect for a moment that i shall succeed. i feel that really it would be a comfort to have someone with me upon whom i could rely in such a life as i should have to lead. it certainly would be lonely work for one man. the only doubt in my mind is whether it will be fair to you--you have got your profession." "but i can go back to it if nothing good turns up, harry. i can visit the firm and tell them that i am going to travel with you for a bit, and hope that on my return they will take me back again and let me finish my apprenticeship. i should think they would be rather glad, for they always build and never buy ships, and it will take them six months to replace the _stella_. besides, it will do me a lot of good. i shall pick up spanish--at least, i suppose that is the language they speak out there--and shall learn no end of things. as you know, we trade with the west coast of america, so i should be a lot more useful to the firm when i come back than i am now." "well, i will think it over, and let you know in the morning. i must certainly consult mr. barnett, for he is your trustee as well as mine. if we go i shall work my way out. it will be a big expense, anyhow, and i don't mean, if possible, to draw upon my capital beyond three or four hundred pounds. i believe living is cheap out there, and if i buy three or four mules i shall then have to pay only the wages for the muleteers, and the expenses of living. of course i shall arrange for my income and half-pay to be sent out to some firm at lima. now, you had better go off to bed, and don't buoy yourself up with the belief that you are going, for i have by no means decided upon taking you yet." "you will decide to take me, harry," the lad said confidently, and then added with a laugh: "the fact that you should have adopted a plan like this is quite sufficient to show that you want somebody to look after you." harry prendergast did not get much sleep that night. he blamed himself for having mentioned the matter at all to bertie, and yet the more he thought over it the more he felt that it would be very pleasant to have his brother with him. the lad was full of fun and mischief, but he knew that he had plenty of sound sense, and would be a capital companion, and the fact that he had been three years at sea, and was accustomed to turn his hand to anything, was all in his favour. if nothing came of it he would only have lost a couple of years, and, as the boy himself had said, the time would not have been altogether wasted. bertie was down before him in the morning. he looked anxiously at his brother as he came in. "well, harry?" "well, i have thought it over in every light. but in the first place, bertie, if you go with me you will have to remember that i am your commanding officer. i am ten years older than you, and besides i am a lieutenant in the king's navy, while you are only a midshipman in the merchant service. now, i shall expect as ready obedience from you as if i were captain of my own ship and you one of my men; that is absolutely essential." "of course, harry, it could not be otherwise." "very well, then; in the next place i shall abide by what mr. barnett says. he is your guardian as well as trustee, and has a perfect right to put a veto upon any wild expedition of this sort. lastly, i should hope, although i don't say that this is absolutely necessary, that you may get your employer's promise to take you back again in order that you may complete your time." "thank you very much, harry!" the lad said gratefully. "the first condition you may rely upon being performed, and i think the third will be all right, for i know that i have always been favourably reported upon. old prosser told me so himself when he said that i should have a rise in my pay this voyage. as to mr. barnett, of course i can't say, but i should think, as it was he who put you up to this, he must see that it would be good for you to have someone to take care of you." "i think he is much more likely to say that i shall have quite enough to do to take care of myself, without having the bother of looking after you. however, i will go and see him this morning. you had better call upon your employers." "don't you think i had better go to mr. barnett with you, harry?" "not as you are now anyhow, bertie. your appearance is positively disgraceful. you evidently had on your worst suit of clothes when you were wrecked, and i can see that they have not been improved by the experience. why, there is a split right down one sleeve, and a big rent in your trousers!" "i got them climbing on board, for i had no time to pick and choose, with the _stella_ sinking under my feet." "well, you may as well go as you are, but you had better borrow a needle and thread from the landlady and mend up the holes. you really cannot walk through the city in that state. i will see about getting you some more clothes when we get back, for i cannot have you coming here in these in broad daylight. here are three guineas; get yourself a suit of pilot cloth at some outfitter's at the east end. it will be useful to you anyhow, whether you go with me or ship again here." "there is a good deal in what you say, harry," mr. barnett said when prendergast asked his opinion as to his taking his brother with him. "two years would not make any material difference in his career as a sailor; it simply means that he will be so much older when he passes as mate. there is no harm in that. two or three and twenty is quite young enough for a young fellow to become an officer, and i don't think that many captains care about having lads who have just got their certificate. they have not the same sense of responsibility or the same power of managing. then, too, bertie will certainly have a good deal of knocking about if he spends a couple of years in south america, and the knowledge he will gain of spanish will add to his value with any firm trading on that coast. as far as you are concerned, i think it would be a great advantage to have him with you. in a long expedition, such as you propose, it is a gain to have a companion with you. it makes the work more pleasant, and two men can laugh over hardships and disagreeables that one alone would grumble at; but apart from this, it is very important in case of illness. "a lonely man laid up with fever, or accidental injury, fares badly indeed if he is at a distance from any town where he can obtain medical attendance, and surrounded only by ignorant natives. i was myself at one time down with fever for six weeks in a native hut, and during that time i would have given pretty nearly all that i was worth for the sight of a white face and the sound of an english voice. as to the fact that it is possible that the lad might catch fever, or be killed in an affray with natives, that must, of course, be faced; but as a sailor he runs the risk of shipwreck, or of being washed overboard, or killed by a falling spar. everything considered, i think the idea of his going with you is a good one. i don't suppose that many guardians would be of the same opinion, but i have been so many years knocking about in one part of the world or another, that i don't look at things in the same light as men who have never been out of england." "i am glad you see it in that way, sir. i own that it would be a great satisfaction to have him with me. he certainly would be a cheery companion, and i should say that he is as hard as nails, and can stand as much fatigue and hardship as myself. besides, there is no doubt that in case of any trouble two men are better than one." "i cannot advance any money out of the thousand pounds that will come to him when he is of age. by your father's will it was ordered that, in the event of his own death before that time, the interest was to accumulate. your father foresaw that, like you, probably bertie would take to the sea, and as the amount would be fully two thousand pounds by the time he comes of age, it would enable him to buy a share in any ship that he might, when he passed his last examination, command; but i will myself draw a cheque for a hundred pounds, which will help towards meeting expenses. i feel myself to some extent responsible for this expedition. i somewhat regret now having ever spoken to you on the subject, for i cannot conceal from myself that the chance of your making a discovery, where the spaniards, with all their power of putting pressure on the natives for the past two or three hundred years, have failed, is so slight as to be scarcely worth consideration. "i tell you frankly that i broached the subject chiefly because i thought it was much better for you to be doing something than kicking your heels about london, and mooning over this affair with miss fortescue. there is nothing worse for a young man than living in london with just enough to keep him comfortably without the necessity of working. therefore i thought you would be far better travelling and hunting for treasure in peru, than staying here. even if you fail, as i feel is almost certain, in the object for which you go out, you will have plenty to occupy your thoughts, and not be dwelling continually upon an attachment which in all probability will not turn out satisfactorily. i do not suppose that you are likely to forget miss fortescue, but by the time you return you will have accustomed yourself to the thought that it is useless to cry for the moon, and that, after all, life may be very endurable even if she does not share it. therefore i propounded this peruvian adventure, feeling sure that, whatever came of it, it would be a benefit to you." "no doubt it will, sir. i see myself the chance of success is small indeed, but there is none at all in any other way. it is just the sort of thing i should like, and i quite feel myself that it would be good for me to have plenty to think about; and now that you have consented to bertie's going with me, i feel more eager than before to undertake the expedition. the place is in rather a disturbed state, isn't it?" "if you are going to wait until peru ceases to be in a disturbed state, harry, you may wait another hundred years. the spanish rule was bad, but peru was then a pleasant place to live in compared with what it is now. it is a sort of cock-pit, where a succession of ambitious rascals struggle for the spoils, and the moment one gets the better of his rivals fresh intrigues are set on foot, and fresh rebellions break out. there are good peruvians--men who have estates and live upon them, and who are good masters. but as to the politicians, there is no principle whatever at stake. it is simply a question of who shall have the handling of the national revenue, and divide it and the innumerable posts among his adherents. but these struggles will not affect you largely. in one respect they will even be an advantage. bent upon their own factious aims, the combatants have no time to concern themselves with the doings of an english traveller, whose object out there is ostensibly to botanize and shoot. were one of them to obtain the undisputed control of affairs he might meddle in all sorts of ways; but, as it is, after you have once got pretty well beyond the area of their operations, you can regard their doings with indifference, knowing that the longer they go on fighting the fewer scoundrels there will be in the land. "but even were they to think that it was mining, and not science or sport that took you out there, they would scarcely interfere with you. it is admitted by all the factions that peru needs capital for her development, and at present that can best be got from this country. the discovery of a fresh mine means employment to a large number of people, and the increase of the revenues by a royalty or taxation. english explorers who have gone out have never had any reason to complain of interference on the part of the authorities. you will find the average better class of peruvians a charming people, and extremely hospitable. the ladies are pretty enough to turn the head of anyone whose affections are not already engaged. the men are kindly and courteous in the extreme. however, you would have little to do with these. "in the mountains you would largely depend upon your rifle for food, and on what you could get in the scattered native villages. the indians have no love for the peruvians. they find their condition no better off under them than it was under the spaniards. once they find out that you are english they will do all in their power for you. it is to cochrane and the english officers with him that they owe the overthrow and expulsion of their spanish tyrants, and they are vastly more grateful than either the chilians or peruvians have shown themselves to be." on returning to their lodgings harry met his brother, who had been into the city. "old prosser was very civil," said bertie. "he said that as their ships were chiefly in the south american trade it would be a great advantage for me to learn to speak spanish well. they had not yet thought anything about whether they should order another ship to replace the _stella_; at any rate, at present they had no vacancy, and would gladly give me permission to travel in south america, and would find me a berth to finish my apprenticeship when i returned. more than that, they said that as i had always been so favourably reported upon they would put me on as a supernumerary in the _para_, which will sail in a fortnight for callao. i should not draw pay, but i should be in their service, and the time would count, which would be a great pull, and i should get my passage for nothing." "that is capital. of course i will take a passage in her too." "and what does mr. barnett say?" "rather to my surprise, bertie, he did not disapprove of the plan at all. he thought it would be a good thing for me to have you with me in case of illness or anything of that sort. then no doubt he thought to some extent it would keep you out of mischief." "i don't believe he thought anything of the sort. did he say so?" "well, no, he didn't; but i have no doubt he felt it in some way a sort of relief." "that is all very fine. i know, when i have been down to his place in the country between voyages, i have always been as well behaved as if i had been a model mid." "well, i have heard some tales of your doings, bertie, that didn't seem quite in accord with the character you give yourself." "oh, of course i had a few larks! you cannot expect a fellow who has been away from england for a year to walk about as soberly as if he were a methodist parson!" "no, i should not expect that, bertie. but, on the other hand, i should hardly have expected that he would, for example, risk breaking his neck by climbing up to the top of the steeple and fastening a straw-hat on the head of the weathercock." "it gave it a very ornamental appearance; and that weathercock was never before watched so regularly by the people of the village as it was from that time till the hat was blown away in a gale." "that i can quite believe. still, mr. barnett told me that the rector lodged a complaint about it." "he might complain as much as he liked; there is no law in the land, as far as i know, that makes the fixing of a straw-hat upon a weathercock a penal offence. it did no end of good in the village, gave them something to talk about, and woke them up wonderfully." "and there were other things too, i think," his brother went on. "oh, well, you need not go into them now! they are an old story. besides, i fancy i have heard of various tricks played by mr. midshipman harry prendergast, and, as i heard them from your lips, i cannot doubt but that they were strictly veracious. well, this is jolly now. when are we going to begin to get our outfit?" "we will lose no time about that. but really there is not much to get--a couple of good rifles and two brace of pistols, with a good store of ammunition, those clothes you have just bought, and two or three suits of duck for the voyage. i shan't get any special kit until we arrive there, and can take the advice of people at lima whether we had better travel in european clothes or in those worn by the peruvians. of course saddles and bridles and all that sort of thing we can buy there, and we shall want a small tent to use when we get into out-of-the-way places. i shall take three hundred pounds in gold. i have no doubt we can exchange it into silver profitably; besides, it is much more handy for carrying about. i shall go down this afternoon and see prosser and secure a berth." "i think you will have to arrange that with the captain. very few of our ships have accommodation for passengers, but the captains are allowed to take one or two if they like." "all right! at any rate i must go to the office first. they can refer me to the skipper if they like; that would be better than my going to him direct." chapter ii the start harry prendergast went down to leadenhall street and saw the managing owner of the _para_. as bertie had anticipated, mr. prosser, after hearing harry's statement that he wished to take a passage to callao in the vessel advertised to start in a week's time, and that he was much obliged to them for giving bertie a berth as supernumerary midshipman, said: "we shall certainly have pleasure in putting your brother's name on the ship's books. he has already explained to me his desire to go out with you; we have had every reason to be satisfied with him since he entered our service, and he had better draw pay as usual, as his service during the voyage will then count towards his time. as for yourself, we do not book passengers, it is more bother than it is worth; but we have no objection to our masters taking one or two. the addition of a mouth or so practically makes very little difference in the amount of ships' stores consumed. the masters pay us a small sum a head and make their own terms with the passengers they take. in that way we are saved all complaints as to food and other matters. of course a passenger would put on board for himself a stock of such wines, spirits, and little luxuries as he may choose. "you will find captain peters down at the docks. the last cargo has been discharged, and they are giving an overhaul to the rigging and making a few repairs; he is not a man to leave his ship if he can help it while work is going on there." harry at once went down. "well, sir," the captain said, when he had told him that he wished to take a passage to callao, and that the owners had referred him to him, "i had fully made up my mind that i would not take passengers again. on my last voyage they were always grumbling at the food, expecting to be treated as if they were in a first-class hotel." "i am not likely to grumble, captain; i have been knocking about the king's service since i was fourteen." "oh, you are a royal navy man, are you, sir?" "i am; i am a lieutenant." "that makes a difference; and i have no doubt we can arrange the matter to our satisfaction." "i may tell you," harry said, "that i have a younger brother coming out with me. he is an apprentice nearly out of his time, and was on board the _stella_ when she was sunk in the channel. your owners have kindly arranged that he shall go out with you as a supernumerary; that is one reason why i wish to go in your ship." the master thought for a minute or two. "well, mr. prendergast," he said, "i like having one of you naval gentlemen on board; if anything goes wrong it is a comfort to have your advice. if we have bad weather round the horn, could i rely upon you to give me a helping hand should i need it? i don't mean that you should keep watch or anything of that sort, but that you should, as it were, stand by me. i have a new first mate, and there is no saying how he may turn out. no doubt the firm would make every enquiry. still, such enquiries don't mean much; a master doesn't like to damn a man by refusing to give him a good character. i dare say he is all right. still, i should certainly feel very much more comfortable if i had a naval officer with me. now, sir, i pay the firm twelve pounds for each passenger i take as his share of the cabin stores; you pay me that, and i will ask for nothing for your passage. i cannot say fairer than that." "you cannot indeed, captain, and i feel very much obliged to you for the offer--very much obliged. it will suit me admirably, and in case of any emergency you may rely upon my aid; and if you have a spell of bad weather i shall be quite willing to take a watch, for i know that in the long heavy gales you meet with going round the horn the officers get terribly overtaxed." "and how about your brother?" the captain said; "as he is to be a supernumerary, i suppose that only means that the firm are willing that he shall put in his time for his rating. i have never had a supernumerary on board, but i suppose he is to be regarded as a passenger rather than one of the ship's complement." "no, captain, he is to be on the pay-sheet; and i think he had much better be put into a watch. he would find the time hang very heavy on his hands if he had nothing to do, and i know he is anxious to learn his profession thoroughly. as he is to be paid, there is no reason why he should not work." "very well; if you think so we will say nothing more about it. i thought perhaps you would like to have him aft with you." "i am much obliged to you, but i think the other way will be best; and i am sure he would feel more comfortable with the other apprentices than as a passenger." "are you going out for long, may i ask you, mr. prendergast?" "for a couple of years or so. i am going to wander about and do some shooting and exploring and that sort of thing, and i am taking him with me as companion. i speak spanish fairly well myself, and shall teach him on the voyage, if you will allow me to do so. a knowledge of that language will be an advantage to him when he comes back into prosser & co.'s service." "a great advantage," the captain agreed. "most of us speak a little spanish, but i have often thought that it would pay the company to send a man who could talk the lingo well in each ship. they could call him supercargo, and i am sure he would pay his wages three or four times over by being able to bargain and arrange with the chilians and peruvians. in ports like callao, where there is a british consul, things are all right, but in the little ports we are fleeced right and left. boatmen and shopkeepers charge us two or three times as much as they do their own countrymen, and i am sure that we could get better bargains in hides and other produce if we had someone who could knock down their prices." "when do you sail, captain?" "this day week. it will be high tide about eight, and we shall start to warp out of dock a good half-hour earlier, so you can either come on board the night before or about seven in the morning." "very well, sir; we shall be here in good time. i shall bring my things on board with me; it is of no use sending them on before, as they will not be bulky and can be stored away in my cabin." "this will be your state-room," the captain said, opening a door. "i have the one aft, and the first mate has the one opposite to you. the others are empty, so you can stow any baggage that you have in one of them; the second and third officers and the apprentices are in the deck-house cabins." "in that case, captain, i will send the wine and spirits on board the day before. of course i shall get them out of bond; i might have difficulty in doing that so early in the morning. you will perhaps be good enough to order them to be stowed in one of the empty cabins." "that will be the best plan," the captain said. "when do the apprentices come on board?" "the morning before we sail. there is always plenty to be done in getting the last stores on board." "all right! my brother will be here. good-morning, captain, and thank you!" the following morning at eleven harry prendergast was standing in front of the entrance to the british museum. a young lady came up. "it is very imprudent of you, harry," she said, after the first greeting, "to ask me to meet you." "i could not help it, dear; it was absolutely necessary that i should see you." "but it is of no use, harry." "i consider that it is of particular use, hilda." "but you know, harry, when you had that very unpleasant talk with my father, i was called in, and said that i had promised to wait two years for you. when he found that i would not give way, he promised that he would not press me, on the understanding that we were not to meet again except in public, and i all but promised." "quite so, dear; but it appears to me that this is surely a public place." "no, no, harry; what he meant was that i was not to meet you except at parties." "well, i should have asked you to meet me to-day even if i had had to storm your father's house to see you. i am going away, dear, and he could scarcely say much if he came along and found us talking here. you see, it was not likely that i should stumble across a fortune in the streets of london. i have talked the matter over with barnett--you know our trustee, you have met him once or twice--and we came to the conclusion that the only possible chance of my being able to satisfy your father as to my means, was for me to go to peru and try to discover a gold mine there or hidden treasure. such discoveries have been made, and may be made again; and he has supplied me with a letter to an indian, who may possibly be able to help me." "to peru, harry! why, they are always fighting there." "yes, they do a good deal of squabbling, but the people in general have little to do with it; and certainly i am not going out to take any part in their revolutions. there is not a shadow of doubt that a number of gold mines worked by the old people were never discovered by the spaniards, and it is also certain that a great portion of the treasures of the incas is still lying hid. barnett saved the life of a muleteer out there, and from what he said he believed that the man did know something about one of these lost mines, and might possibly let me into the secret. it is just an off chance, but it is the only chance i can see. you promised your father that you would never marry without his consent, and he would never give it unless i were a rich man. if nothing comes of this adventure i shall be no worse off than i am at present. if i am fortunate enough to discover a rich mine or a hidden treasure, i shall be in a position to satisfy his demand. i am going to take bertie with me; he will be a cheerful companion, and even now he is a powerful young fellow. at any rate, if i get sick or anything of that sort, it would be an immense advantage to have him with me." "i don't like the idea of your going, harry," she said tearfully. "no, dear; and if i had the chance of seeing you sometimes, and of some day obtaining your father's consent to the marriage, all the gold mines in peru would offer no temptation to me. as it is, i can see nothing else for it. in some respects it is better; if i were to stay here i should only be meeting you frequently at dances and dinners, never able to talk to you privately, and feeling always that you could never be mine. it would be a constant torture. here is a possibility--a very remote one, i admit, but still a possibility--and even if it fails i shall have the satisfaction of knowing that i have done all that a man could do to win you." "i think it is best that you should go somewhere, harry, but peru seems to be a horrible place." "barnett speaks of it in high terms. you know he was four or five years out there. he describes the people as being delightful, and he has nothing to say against the climate." "i will not try to dissuade you," she said bravely after a pause. "at present i am hopeless, but i shall have something to hope and pray for while you are away. we will say good-bye now, dear. i have come to meet you this once, but i will not do so again, another meeting would but give us fresh pain. i am very glad to know that your brother is going with you. i shall not have to imagine that you are ill in some out-of-the-way place without a friend near you; and in spite of the dangers you may have to run, i would rather think of you as bravely doing your best than eating your heart out here in london. i shall not tell my father that we have met here; you had better write to him and say that you are leaving london at once, and that you hope in two years to return and claim me in accordance with his promise. i am sure he will be glad to know that you have gone, and that we shall not be constantly meeting. he will be kinder to me than he has been of late, for as he will think it quite impossible that you can make a fortune in two years he will be inclined to dismiss you altogether from his mind." for another half-hour they talked together, and then they parted with renewed protestations on her part that nothing should induce her to break her promise to wait for him for two years. he had given her the address of one of the merchants to whom mr. barnett had promised him a letter of introduction, so that she might from time to time write, for the voyage would take at least four months and as much more would be required for his first letter to come back. he walked moodily home after parting with her. "hullo, harry! nothing wrong with you, i hope? why, you look as grave as an owl." "i feel grave, bertie. i have just said good-bye to hilda; and though i kept up my spirits and made the best of this expedition of ours, i cannot but feel how improbable it is that we shall meet again--that is to say, in our present relations; for if i fail i certainly shall not return home for some years; it would be only fair to her that i should not do so. i know that she would keep on as long as there was any hope, but i should not care to think that she was wasting her life. i was an ass to believe it could ever be otherwise, and i feel that the best thing for us both would have been for me to go away as soon as i found that i was getting fond of her." "well, of course i cannot understand it, harry, and it seems to me that one girl is very like another; she may be a bit prettier than the average, but i suppose that comes to all the same thing in another twenty years. i can understand a man getting awfully fond of his ship, especially when she is a clipper. however, some day i may feel different; besides, how could you tell that her father would turn out such a crusty old beggar?" "i suppose i did not think about it one way or the other, bertie," harry said quietly. "however, the mischief is done, and even if there was no chance whatever of making money i should go now for my own sake as well as hers. well, it is of no use talking more about it; we will go out now and buy the rifles. i shan't get them new, one can pick up guns just as good at half the price, and as i know something about rifles i am not likely to be taken in. of course i have got my pistols and only have a brace to buy for you. you will have time on the voyage to practise with them; if you did not do that you would be as likely to shoot me as a hostile indian." "oh, that is bosh!" the boy said; "still, i certainly should like to be a good shot." after getting the rifles and pistols, harry went into the city and ordered six dozen of wine and three dozen of brandy to be sent on board out of bond; he also ordered a bag of twenty pounds of raw coffee, a chest of tea, and a couple of dozen bottles of pickles and sauces, to be sent down to the docks on the day before the _para_ sailed. another suit of seafaring clothes and a stock of underclothing was ordered for bertie. harry spent the intervening time before the vessel sailed in looking up his friends and saying good-bye to them, and drove down to the docks at the appointed time, his brother having joined the ship on the previous day. the _para_ was a barque-rigged ship of some eight hundred tons. at present she did not show to advantage, her deck being littered with stores of all kinds that had come on board late. the deck planks where they could be seen were almost black, the sails had been partly loosed from the gaskets, and to an eye accustomed to the neatness and order of a man-of-war her appearance was by no means favourable; but her sides shone with fresh paint, and, looking at her lines from the wharf, harry thought she would be both fast and a good sea-boat. she was not heavily laden, and stood boldly up in the water. nodding to bertie, who was working hard among the men, he went up on to the poop, from which captain peters was shouting orders. "glad to see you, sir," the captain said; "she looks rather in a litter at present, doesn't she? we shall get her all ataunto before we get down to the nore. these confounded people won't send their stores on board till the last moment. if i were an owner i should tell all shippers that no goods would be received within five or six hours of the ship's time for sailing; that would give us a fair chance, instead of starting all in a muddle, just at the time, too, when more than any other one wants to have the decks free for making short tacks down these narrow reaches. i believe half the wrecks on the sands at the mouth of the river are due to the confusion in which the ships start. how can a crew be lively in getting the yards over when they have to go about decks lumbered up like this, and half of them are only just recovering from their bout of drink the day before?" up to the last moment everyone on board was hard at work, and when the order was given to throw off the hawsers the deck was already comparatively clear. half an hour later the vessel passed out through the dock gates, with two boats towing ahead so as to take her well out into the river; the rest of the crew were employed in letting the sails drop. as soon as she gathered way the men in the boats were called in, the boats themselves being towed behind in case they might again be required. the passage from the pool to the mouth of the river was in those days the most dangerous portion of the voyage. there were no tugs to seize the ships and carry them down to the open water, while the channels below the nore were badly buoyed and lighted, and it was no uncommon thing for twenty vessels to get upon the sands in the course of a single tide. the wind was light, and being northerly helped them well on their way, and it was only in one or two reaches that the _para_ was unable to lay her course. she overtook many craft that had been far ahead of her, and answered the helm quickly. "she is both fast and handy, i see," harry prendergast, who had been watching her movements with interest, remarked. "yes; there are not many craft out of london can show her their heels when the wind is free. she does not look quite so well into the wind as i should wish; still, i think she is as good as most of them." "i suppose you will get down to gravesend before the tide turns?" "yes, we shall anchor there. the wind is not strong enough for us to stem the tide, which runs like a sluice there. once past the nore one can do better, but there is no fighting the tide here unless one has a steady breeze aft. i never feel really comfortable till we are fairly round the south foreland; after that it is plain sailing enough. though there are a few shoals in the channel, one can give them a wide berth; fogs are the things we have to fear there." "yes. i have never been down the river, having always joined my ships either at portsmouth or plymouth, so i know very little about it; but i know from men who have been on board vessels commissioned at chatham or sheerness that they are thankful indeed when they once get round the goodwins and head west." "well, mr. prendergast, i am against these new-fangled steamboats--i suppose every true sailor is; but when the _marjory_ began to run between london and gravesend eighteen years ago--in '15 i think it was--folks did say that it would not be long before sailing craft would be driven off the sea. i did not believe that then, and i don't believe it now; but i do say that i hope before long there will be a lot of small steamers on the thames, to tow vessels down till they are off the north foreland. it would be a blessing and a comfort to us master mariners. once there we have the choice of going outside the goodwins, or taking a short cut inside if the wind is aft. why, sir, it would add years to our lives and shorten voyages by weeks. there we are, now, sometimes lying off the nore, five hundred sail, waiting for the wind to shift out of the east, and when we do get under weigh we have always to keep the lead going. one never knows when one may bump upon the sands. some masters will grope their way along in the dark, but for my part i always anchor. there are few enough buoys and beacons in daytime, but i consider that it is tempting providence to try and go down in a dark night. the owners are sensible men and they know that it is not worth while running risks just to save a day or two when you have got a four months' voyage before you. once past dover i am ready to hold on with anyone, but between the nore and the north foreland i pick my way as carefully as a woman going across a muddy street." "you are quite right, captain; i thoroughly agree with you. more ships get ashore going down to the mouth of the thames than in any other part of the world; and, as you say, if all sailing ships might be taken down by a steamer, it would be the making of the port of london." "your brother is a smart young chap, mr. prendergast. i was watching him yesterday, and he is working away now as if he liked work. he has the makings of a first-rate sailor. i hold that a man will never become a first-class seaman unless he likes work for its own sake. there are three sorts of hands. there is the fellow who shirks his work whenever he has a chance; there is the man who does his work, but who does it because he has to do it, and always looks glad when a job is over; and there is the lad who jumps to his work, chucks himself right into it, and puts his last ounce of strength on a rope. that is the fellow who will make a good officer, and who, if needs be, can set an example to the men when they have to go aloft to reef a sail in a stiff gale. so, as i understand, mr. prendergast, he is going to leave the sea for a bit. it seems a pity too." "he will be none the worse for it, captain. a year or so knocking about among the mountains of peru will do more good to him than an equal time on board ship. it will sharpen him up, and give him habits of reliance and confidence. he will be all the better for it afterwards, even putting aside the advantage it will be to him to pick up spanish." "yes, it may do him good," the captain agreed, "if it does not take away his liking for the sea." "i don't think it will do that. if the first voyage or two don't sicken a lad, i think it is pretty certain he is cut out for the sea. of course it is a very hard life at first, especially if the officers are a rough lot, but when a boy gets to know his duty things go more easily with him; he is accustomed to the surroundings, and takes to the food, which you know is not always of the best, with a good appetite. bertie has had three years of it now, and when he has come home i have never heard a grumble from him; and he is not likely to meet with such luxuries while we are knocking about as to make him turn up his nose at salt junk." the tide was already turning when they reached gravesend. as soon as the anchor was down the steward came up to say that dinner was ready. "i am not at all sorry," harry said as he went below with the captain. "i ate a good breakfast before i started at half-past six, and i went below and had a biscuit and bottle of beer at eleven, but i feel as hungry as a hunter now. there is nothing like a sea appetite. i have been nearly two years on shore, and i never enjoyed a meal as i do at sea." the crew had been busy ever since they left the dock, and the deck had now been scrubbed and made tidy, and presented a very different appearance from that which met harry's eye as he came on board. johnson, the first mate, also dined with the skipper. he was a tall, powerfully-built man. he was singularly taciturn, and took no share in the conversation unless directly asked. he seemed, however, to be able to appreciate a joke, but never laughed audibly, contenting himself with drawing his lips apart and showing his teeth. the wind was light and baffling, so that they did not round the south foreland until the seventh day after leaving dock. after that it was favourable and steady, and they ran without any change until they approached the line; then there was a fortnight of calm. at last they got the wind again, and made a rapid run until within five hundred miles of cape horn. the captain was in high glee. "we have done capitally so far, mr. prendergast. i don't think i ever made so rapid a run. if she goes on like this we shall reach callao within three months of starting." "i don't think the weather will continue like this," the mate said. this was the first original observation he had made since he had sailed, and harry and the captain looked at him in surprise. "you think there is going to be a change, mr. johnson?" the captain said, after a short pause to recover from his astonishment. the mate nodded. "glass falling, sky hazy." "is the glass falling? i am ashamed to say i have not looked at it for the past twenty-four hours. it has stuck so long at the same point that i have quite ceased to look at it two or three times a day as i usually do." "it has not fallen much, but it is sinking." the captain got up from the table, and went to look at the glass. "you are right, it has fallen a good eighth; but that may mean a change of wind. did you notice any change, mr. prendergast?" "no, i can't say that i did. i looked up, as a sailor always does, when i was on deck this morning, but it was clear enough then, and i have not noticed it particularly since." but when they went up on deck half an hour later both agreed that the mate was right. the change overhead was slight, but away to the west a dull reddish mist seemed to obscure the horizon. "we will get the upper sails off at once, mr. johnson. these storms come so suddenly off the coast that it is as well to lose no time in shortening sail when one sees any indication of such a change." the mate at once gave the necessary orders. the sailors started up with looks of surprise. "look sharp, men!" the mate said. "we shall have wind, and plenty of it. it will be here before long." the men, who were by no means sorry for a spell of work after going so long without shifting sail or tack, worked hard, and the white sheets of canvas were soon snugly furled. by this time all the sailors who had been to sea for any time recognized the utility of their work. the low bank had risen and extended the whole width of the western horizon. "what do you think, mr. prendergast? have we got enough off her?" "i don't know about your storms here, captain; but if it were in the levant i should get every stitch of canvas off her excepting closely-reefed topsails, a storm jib, and fore stay-sail. the first burst over, one can always shake out more canvas. however, you know these seas, and i do not." "i think you are right. these pamperos, as we call them, are not to be trifled with." "in that case there is no time to be lost, captain, and with your permission i will lend a hand." "all hands take in sail!" the captain shouted. the mate led the way up the starboard shrouds, while harry, throwing off his coat, mounted those to port, closely followed by bertie. five minutes' hard work, and the _para_ was stripped for the struggle. "that is a good job done," the skipper said to harry as he reached the deck. "a very good job, sir. the wind may come, but we are prepared for it; there is nothing like being ready in time." "she is in good trim for it," said the captain, "not above two-thirds laden, and as the wind is off the land, there is nothing to worry us except the falklands. i shall go outside them. of course that will lengthen the voyage, but with this westerly wind i should not care about being between them and the mainland. you think the same, mr. prendergast?" "i do, sir; they are a scattered group, and it would not be pleasant to have them under lee." it had grown sensibly darker, but the line of mist had not risen higher. harry remarked upon this. "i almost doubt whether it is coming after all," he said. the captain shook his head. "it does not spread over the sky," he said, "because it is largely dust blown off the land. after the first burst you will see that we shall have a bright blue sky and a roaring wind, just as one gets it sometimes in an easterly gale in the channel. we shall have it in another five minutes, i fancy. i don't think it will be very strong, or we should have had it here before this." it was not long before a dull, moaning sound was heard, the brown-red fog changed its appearance, swirls of vapour seemed to dash out in front of it, and the whole swelled and heaved as if it were being pushed forward by some tremendous pressure in its rear. the ship's head was pointing nearly east, the canvas hung down motionless, and there was not a breath of wind. "hold on all!" the captain shouted. half a minute later the billowly clouds swept across the vessel, and a sudden darkness overspread them. then there was a glow of white light, a line of foam approached as fleet as a race-horse, and with a shriek the gale was upon them. the vessel shook from stem to stern as if she had struck against a rock, and her bow was pressed down lower and lower until she seemed as if she were going to dive head-foremost. but as she gathered way, her bow rose, and in a minute she was flying along at some eighteen knots an hour. "she is all right now, mr. prendergast," the captain said. "it is well we stripped her so thoroughly, and that she is not heavily laden." four men had been placed at the wheel, and it needed all their strength to keep her from yawing. in half an hour the sea began to get up, and the captain laid her course south-east, which put the wind on her quarter. "it is well we were not a degree or so farther south, captain." "yes; it would have been as much as we could do to weather the falklands; for with this small amount of sail we should have made a terrible amount of leeway. as it is, all is fair sailing." the darkness gradually passed away, and in an hour after the gale had struck her the _para_ was sailing under a bright blue sky. although but few points off the wind, she was lying down till her lee scuppers were under water. the spray was flying over her sparkling in the sun; the sailors were crouched under the weather bulwark, lashed to belaying-pins and stanchions to prevent themselves from shifting down to leewards. six hours later it was evident that there was some slight diminution in the force of the wind. "she is going about fourteen knots now," the captain said; "we can head her more to the south. we must be nearly abreast of the islands, and according to my reckoning forty or fifty miles to the east of them." it was now dark, and the watch was sent below. "to-morrow morning we shall be able to get some more sail on her," the master said, "and i hope by the next morning the squall will be over, for we shall then have made our southing, and the wind will be right in our teeth when we turn her head west. there is no saying which way it will come when the squall dies out. what do you think, johnson?" "we are pretty sure to get it hot from one quarter or another," the man said. "i should say most likely from the south." "except for the cold that would be better than west," harry remarked. "yes, if it is not too strong; but it is likely to be strong. after such a gale as we have had, it seldom settles down for some time. as like as not there will be bad weather for the next month." the next morning when harry went on deck he saw that the reefs had been shaken out of the topsails and the spanker hoisted. there was still a fresh wind, but it had backed round more to the south, and there was so sharp a nip in it that he went below and put on a pea-jacket. then he beckoned to bertie, who was off duty, to join him on the poop. "that has been a smart blow, bertie." "yes, but i had it worse than that the last time i came round the horn. i think we shall be shortening sail again before long. the clouds are banking up to the south-west. she is a good sea-boat, isn't she?" "she has behaved uncommonly well. we shall want all our clothes before night, bertie. it was may when we started, and it is nearly mid-winter down here." "there is one thing, we shan't have so much risk of coming across drifting icebergs, most of them will be frozen up hard and fast down in the south. they don't matter much when the weather is clear, but if it is thick one has an awful time of it. on my first voyage it was like that, and i tell you i didn't think i was going to see england again. we had some desperately close shaves." the wind speedily freshened, and by evening the ship was under close-reefed canvas again. the clouds were flying fast overhead and the air was thick. before the evening watch was set the ship was brought round on the other tack, and was running to the east of south. "we will lie on this course till morning, mr. prendergast," said the captain, "and then if the wind holds, i think we shall be able to make a long leg and weather the horn." for six days the storm raged with unabated violence. the cold was intense, the spray breaking over the bows froze as it fell, and the crew were engaged for hours at a time in breaking up the masses of ice thus formed. harry had volunteered to take a watch in turn with the first and second mates. the captain was almost continuously on deck. twice they encountered icebergs, and once in a driving snow-storm nearly ran foul of one. fortunately it was daylight, and the whole crew being on deck, they were able to put the vessel about just in time. during this time the vessel had only gained a few miles' westing. all on board were utterly exhausted with the struggle against the bitter wind; their hands were sore and bleeding through pulling upon frozen ropes, their faces inflamed, and their eyelids so swollen and sore that they could scarcely see. then the wind began to abate, and more sail being got on the _para_, she was able to lie her course. chapter iii at lima three days later the sky cleared, and the captain, getting an observation, found that they had rounded the southernmost point of the cape. another day and the _para's_ head was turned north, and a week later they were running smoothly along before a gentle breeze, with the coast of chili twenty miles away. the heavy wraps had all been laid aside, and although the air was still frosty, the crew felt it warm after what they had endured. the upper spars and yards had all been sent up, and she was now carrying a crowd of canvas. the mate had thawed out under the more congenial surroundings. he had worked like a horse during the storm, setting an example, whether in going aloft or in the work of clearing off the ice from the bows, and even when his watch was relieved he seldom went below. "well, i hope, mr. johnson, we shall sail together until you get your next step," the captain said. "i could not wish for a better first officer." "i want nothing better, sir. she is a fine ship, well manned and well commanded. i begin to feel at home in her now; at first i didn't. i hate changes; and though the last captain i sailed with was a surly fellow, we got on very well together. i would rather sail with a man like that than with a skipper who is always talking. i am a silent man myself, and am quite content to eat my meal and enjoy it, without having to stop every time i am putting my fork into my mouth to answer some question or other. i was once six months up in the north without ever speaking to a soul. i was whaling then, and a snow-storm came on when we were fast on to a fish. it was twenty-four hours before it cleared off, and when it did there was no ship to be seen. we were in an inlet at the time in baffin's bay. we thought that the ship would come back, and we landed and hauled up the boat. the ship didn't come back, and, as i learned long afterwards, was never heard of again. i suppose she got nipped between two icebergs. "winter was coming on fast, and the men all agreed that they would rather try and make their way south overland than stay there. i told them that they were fools, but i admit that the prospect of a winter there was enough to frighten any man. i did not like it myself, but i thought it was wiser to remain there than to move. some of the men went along the shore, or out in the boat, and managed to kill several sea-cows. they made a sledge, piled the meat on it, and started. "meanwhile i had been busy building a sort of hut. i piled great stones against the foot of the cliffs, and turned the boat upside down to form a roof. the men helped me to do that job the last thing before they started. then i blocked up the entrance, leaving only just room for me to crawl in and out. the snow began to fall steadily three days after the others had gone, and very soon covered my hut two feet deep. i melted the blubber of the whale in the boat's baler, for we had towed the fish ashore. the first potful or two i boiled over a few bits of drift-wood. after that it was easy enough, as i unravelled some of the boat's rope, dipped it in the hot blubber, and made a store of big candles. there was a lot of meat left on the sea-cows, so i cut that up, froze it, and stowed as much as i could in the hut. i was bothered about the rest, as i knew the bears were likely to come down; but i found a ledge on the face of the perpendicular rock, and by putting the boat's mast against it i was able to get up to it. here i piled, i should say, a ton of meat and blubber. then i set to work and collected some dried grass, and soon i had enough to serve as bed and covers. it took me a month to do all this, and by that time winter was down on me in earnest. i had spent my evenings in making myself, out of the skins of the three cows, breeches, high boots, and a coat with a hood over the head, and in order to make these soft i rubbed them with hot oil. they were rough things, but i hoped that i might get a bear later on. fortunately the boat had two balers, for i required one in which to melt the snow over the lamp. "well, sir, i lived there during that winter. i did not find it altogether dull, for i had several bits of excitement. for a month or so bears and wolves came down and fought over the carcass of the whale. when that was eaten up they turned their attention to me, and over and over again they tried to break in. they had better have left me alone, for though they were strong enough to have pulled away the rocks that blocked the entrance, they could not stand fire. as i had any amount of rope, i used to soak it in rock-oil, set it on fire, and shove it out of the entrance. twice small bears managed to wriggle up the passage, but i had sharpened the boat-hook and managed to kill them both. one skin made me a whole suit, and the other a first-rate blanket. not that it was ever unpleasantly cold, for a couple of my big candles, and the thick coating of snow over it, kept the place as warm as i cared for. occasionally, when the bears had cleared off, i went out, climbed the mast, and got fresh supplies down. they had made desperate efforts to get at the meat, but the face of the rock was luckily too smooth for them to get any hold. when spring came and the ice broke up, i planted the mast on the top of the cliff with the sail fastened as a flag, and a month after the sea was clear a whaler came in and took me off. that was how i pretty well lost the use of my tongue, and though i am better than i was, i don't use it much now except on duty." "that certainly accounts for it," harry said; "you must have had an awful time." "i don't think i minded it very much, sir. except when i was bothered by the bears i slept a good lot. i think at first i used to talk out loud a good deal. but i soon dropped that, though i used to whistle sometimes when i was cooking the food. i don't think i should have held on so long if i had only had the sea-cow flesh, but the bears made a nice change, and i only wished that one or two more had managed to crawl in." "i wonder you were able to kill them with a boat-hook." "i didn't, sir. you know every whaler carries an axe to cut the line if necessary, and i was able to split their skulls as they crawled in before they could get fairly on to their feet and use their paws. i was getting very weak with scurvy towards the end; but as soon as the snow melted plants began to shoot, and i was able to collect green stuff, so that i was nearly well by the time i was picked up." the weather continued fine all the time they were coasting up the chilian coast. they were a week at valparaiso getting out the cargo they had brought for that town, and did some trading at smaller ports; but at last, just four months after leaving england, they dropped anchor off callao. "well, it has been a jolly voyage, harry," his brother said as they were rowed ashore, after a hearty farewell from the captain and the first officer. "i am glad you enjoyed it, bertie. i was sorry all the time i hadn't taken a passage for you aft." "i am better pleased to have been at work; it would have been awfully slow otherwise. the mates were both good fellows, and i got on well with the other apprentices. i tried at first not to turn out on night watch, as i was not obliged to do so, but i soon gave it up; it seemed disgusting to be lying there when the others had to turn out. it has been a jolly voyage, but i am glad that we are here at last, and are going to set to work in search of treasures." "i had begun to think that we should not get on shore to-day," harry said as they neared the landing-place. "what with three hours' waiting for the medical officer, and another three for that bumptious official whom they call the port officer, and without whose permission no one is allowed to land, i think everyone on board was so disgusted that we should have liked nothing better than to pitch the fellow overboard. it was rather amusing to watch all those boatmen crowding round shouting the praises of their own craft and running down the others. but a little of it goes a long way. it is the same pretty nearly at every port i have entered. boatmen are harpies of the worst kind. it is lucky that we had so little baggage; a tip of a couple of dollars was enough to render the custom-house officer not only civil but servile." as they mounted the steps they were assailed by a motley crowd, half of whom struggled to get near them to hold out their hands for alms, while the other half struggled and fought for the right of carrying their baggage. accustomed to such scenes, harry at once seized upon two of them, gave them the portmanteaux, and, keeping behind them, pushed them through the crowd, telling them to lead the way to the hotel that the captain had recommended as being the least filthy in the place. they crossed a square covered with goods of all kinds. there were long rows of great jars filled with native spirit, bales of cinchona bark, piles of wheat from chili, white and rose-coloured blocks of salt, pyramids of unrefined sugar, and a block of great bars of silver; among these again were bales and boxes landed from foreign countries, logs of timber, and old anchors and chains. numbers of people who appeared to have nothing to do sauntered about or sat on logs. in odd corners were native women engaged in making the picanties upon which the poor largely exist; these were composed of fresh and salt meat, potatoes, crabs, the juice of bitter oranges, lard, salt, and an abundance of pepper pods. "that is the sort of thing we shall have to eat, bertie." "well, i should not mind if i had not got to look on at the making; they smell uncommonly good." the hotel was larger and even more dirty than the captain's description had led them to expect. however, the dinner that was served to them was better than they had looked for, and being very hungry after their long wait, they did full justice to it. "it might have been a good deal worse, bertie." "i should think so; after four months of salt junk it is splendid!" a cup of really good coffee, followed by a little glass of native spirits, added to their satisfaction. they had hesitated before whether to push on at once to lima or wait there till next morning. their meal decided them--they would start at daybreak, so as to get to lima before the sun became really hot. harry asked the landlord to bargain for two riding mules and one for baggage to be ready at that hour, and they then strolled out to view the place, although bertie assured his brother that there was nothing whatever to see in it. "that may be, bertie; but we are not going to begin by being lazy. there is always something to see in foreign lands by those who keep their eyes open." after an hour's walk harry was inclined to think that his brother was right. the houses were generally constructed of canes, plastered with mud, and painted yellow. as the result of earthquakes, scarce a house stood upright--some leaned sideways, and looked as if they were going to topple over into the road; while others leaned back, as if, were you to push against them, they would collapse and crush the inmates. their night was not a pleasant one. the beds were simple, consisting only of hides stretched across wooden frames, but, as they very speedily found, there were numerous other inhabitants. they therefore slept but little, and were heartily glad when the first gleam of dawn appeared. slipping on their clothes, they ran down to the shore and had a bath. by the time they returned breakfast was ready--coffee, fish, and eggs. the mules did not appear for another hour, by which time their patience was all but exhausted. the portmanteaux were speedily strapped on to the back of the baggage mule, and they mounted the two others. the muleteer had brought one for himself, and, fastening the baggage animal behind it, they started. it was six miles to lima, but as the city is five hundred and twelve feet above the sea, the ascent was steady and somewhat steep. the road was desperately bad, and the country uninteresting, being for the most part dried up. occasionally they saw great mounds of adobe bricks, the remains of the ancient habitations. as they neared the town vegetation became general, small canals irrigating the country. here were fruit and vegetable gardens, with oranges, plantains, vines, and flowers. passing through a gate in the walls they entered the town, which afforded a pleasant contrast to the squalid misery of callao. the city, however, could not be called imposing; the houses were low and irregular, fantastically painted in squares or stripes, and almost all had great balconies shut in with trellis-work. few of the houses had any windows towards the street, the larger ones being constructed with a central courtyard, into which the rooms all opened. the streets were all built at right angles, the principal ones leading from the grand square, in which stood the cathedral and the palace of the spanish viceroys, the other sides consisting of private houses, with shops and arcades below them. the hotel to which they had been recommended was a large building with a courtyard, with dining and other rooms opening from it, and above them the bedrooms. in comparison with the inn at callao it was magnificent, but in point of cleanliness it left a great deal to be desired. after settling themselves in their room they went out. the change in temperature since they had left callao had been very great. "the first thing to do, bertie, is to buy ourselves a couple of good ponchos. you see all the natives are wearing them." "we certainly want something of the sort, harry. i thought it was heat that we were going to suffer from, but it seems just the other way. to judge from the temperature we might be in scotland, and this damp mist chills one to the bone." "i am not much surprised, for of course i got the subject up as much as i could before starting; and barnett told me that lima was altogether an exceptional place, and that while it was bright and warm during the winter months, from may till november on the plains only a few miles away, even in the summer months there was almost always a clammy mist at lima, and that inside the house as well as outside everything streamed with moisture. he said that this had never been satisfactorily accounted for. some say that it is due to the coldness of the river here--the rimac--which comes down from the snowy mountains. others think that the cold wind that always blows down the valley of the river meets the winds from the sea here, and the moisture contained in them is thus precipitated. i believe that a few miles higher up we shall get out of this atmosphere altogether. still, the ponchos will be very useful, for it will be really cold up in the mountains. they serve for cloaks in the daytime and blankets at night. the best are made of the wool of the guanacos, a sort of llama. their wool is very fine, and before we start we will get two of coarser wool to use as blankets to sleep on, while we have the finer ones to cover us." there was no difficulty in finding a shop with the goods they wanted, and the prices, even of the best, were very moderate. they next bought two soft felt hats with broad brims. "that is ever so much more comfortable. we will wait until to-morrow before we begin what we may call business, bertie. of course i shall deliver the other letters of introduction that mr. barnett gave me; but the principal one--that to his former muleteer--is more important than all put together. if anything has happened to him, there is an end of any chance whatever of finding treasure. of course he may have moved away, or be absent on a journey with his mules, in which case we shall have either to follow him or wait for his return." "that would be a frightful nuisance." "yes; still, it is one of the things that we foresaw might happen." "i vote we go at once, harry, and see if he is here." "i don't think we shall find him here; for barnett said that he lived in the village of miraflores, five miles away on the north, and that if he is not there, seã±or pasquez, to whom i have a letter, will be likely to tell me where he is to be found, for he is often employed by him. however, i am as anxious as you to see him. as it is only eleven o'clock yet, there is no reason why we should not go to miraflores. they will get mules for us at the hotel, and tell us which road to take." it was not necessary, however, to go into the hotel, for when they returned, two or three men with mules were waiting to be hired. they engaged two animals, and as the man of whom they hired them had a third, and he was ready to accompany them for a small fee, they agreed to take him with them. before they were a mile out of the town the mist cleared off and the sun shone brightly. the heat, however, was by no means too great to be pleasant. miraflores was a charming village, or rather small town, nestling among gardens and orchards. "i want to find a muleteer named dias otero," harry said to their guide as they rode into the place. "i know him well," he said. "everyone about here knows dias. his wife was a cousin of my mother's." "do you know whether he is at home now?" "yes, seã±or; i saw him in lima three days ago. he had just come down from the mountains. he had been away two months, and certainly will not have started again so soon. shall i lead you to his house at once?" "do so; it is to see him that i have come to this town. he worked for a long time with a friend of mine some years ago, and i have brought a message from him. i may be some time talking with him, so when i go in you can tie up your mules for a while." "that is his house," the man said presently. it lay in the outskirts of the town, and was neater than the generality of houses, and the garden was a mass of flowers. they dismounted, handed over the mules to their owner, and walked to the door. an indian of some five-and-forty years came out as they did so. "are you dias otero?" harry asked. "the same, seã±or." "i have just arrived from england, and bring a letter to you from seã±or barnett, with whom you travelled for two or three years some time ago." the man's face lit up with pleasure. "will you enter, seã±or. friends of seã±or barnett may command my services in any way. it is a delight to hear from him. he writes to me sometimes, but in these troubles letters do not always come. i love the seã±or; there never was a kinder master. he once saved my life at the risk of his own. is there any hope of his coming out again?" "i do not think so, dias. he is strong and well, but i do not think he is likely to start again on a journey of exploration. he is my greatest friend. my brother and i were left under his charge when we were young, and he has been almost a father to us. it is he who has sent us out to you. here is his letter." "will you read it to me, seã±or. i cannot read; i am always obliged to get somebody to read my letters, and write answers for me." the letter was of course in spanish, and harry read: "dear friend dias, "i am sending out to you a gentleman, mr. prendergast, an officer of the british navy, in whom i am deeply interested. his brother accompanies him. i beg that you will treat them as you would me, and every service you can render him consider as rendered to myself. from a reason which he will no doubt explain to you in time, it is of the deepest importance to him that he should grow rich in the course of the next two years. he asked my advice, and i said to him, 'there is no one i know of who could possibly put you in the way of so doing better than my friend dias otero. i believe it is in his power to do so if he is willing.' i also believe that for my sake you will aid him. he will place himself wholly in your hands. he does not care what danger he runs, or what hardships he has to go through in order to attain his purpose. i know that i need not say more to you. he has two years before him; long before that i am sure you will be as interested in him as you were in me. he has sufficient means to pay all expenses of travel for the time he will be out there. i know that you are descended from nobles of high rank at the court of the incas when the spaniards arrived, and that secrets known to but few were passed down from father to son in your family. if you can use any of those secrets to the advantage of my friend, i pray you most earnestly to do so. i trust that this letter will find you and your good wife in health. had i been ten years younger i would have come out with my friends to aid them in their adventure, but i know that in putting them into your hands i shall be doing them a vastly greater service than i could do were i able to come in person." when harry ceased, the indian sat for some time without speaking, then he said: "it is a matter that i must think over, seã±or. it is a very grave one, and had any other man than seã±or barnett asked this service of me no money could have tempted me to assent to it. it is not only that my life would be in danger, but that my name would be held up to execration by all my people were i to divulge the secret that even the tortures of the spaniards could not wring from us. i must think it over before i answer. i suppose you are staying at the hotel morin; i will call and see you when i have thought the matter over. it is a grave question, and it may be three or four days before i can decide." "i thank you, dias; but there is no occasion for you to give a final decision now. whether or no, we shall travel for a while, and i trust that you will go with us with your mules and be our guide, as you did to mr. barnett. it will be time enough when you know us better to give us a final answer; it is not to be expected that even for seã±or barnett's sake you would do this immense service for strangers, therefore i pray you to leave the matter open. make arrangements for your mules and yourself for a three months' journey in the mountains, show us what there is to see of the gold and silver placers, and the quicksilver mines at huanuco. at the end of that time you will know us and can say whether you are ready to aid us in our search." the native bowed his head gravely. "i will think it over," he said; "and now, seã±ors, let us put that aside. my wife has been busy since you entered in preparing a simple meal, and i ask you to honour me by partaking of it." "with pleasure, dias." it consisted of _puchero_, a stew consisting of a piece of beef, cabbage, sweet-potatoes, salt pork, sausage-meat, pigs' feet, yuccas, bananas, quinces, peas, rice, salt, and an abundance of chili peppers. this had been cooked for six hours and was now warmed up. two bottles of excellent native wine, a flask of spirits, and some water were also put on the table. the indian declined to sit down with them, saying that he had taken a meal an hour before. while they ate he chatted with them, asking questions of their voyage and telling them of the state of things in the country. "it is always the same, seã±ors, there is a revolution and two or three battles; then either the president or the one who wants to be president escapes from the country or is taken and shot, and in a day or two there is a fresh pronunciamiento. we thought that when the spaniards had been driven out we should have had peace, but it is not so; we have had san martin, and bolivar, and aguero, and santa cruz, and sucre. bolivar again finally defeated the spaniards at ayacucho. rodil held possession of callao castle, and defended it until january of this year. we in the villages have not suffered--those who liked fighting went out with one or other of the generals; some have returned, others have been killed--but lima has suffered greatly. sometimes the people have taken one side, sometimes the other, and though the general they supported was sometimes victorious for a short time, in the end they suffered. most of the old spanish families perished; numbers died in the castle of callao, where many thousands of the best blood of lima took refuge, and of these well-nigh half died of hunger and misery before rodil surrendered." "but does not this make travelling very unsafe?" the indian shrugged his shoulders. "peru is a large country, seã±or, and those who want to keep out of the way of the armies and lighting can do so; i myself have continued my occupation and have never fallen in with the armies. that is because the fighting is principally in the plains, or round cuzco; for the men do not go into the mountains except as fugitives, as they could not find food there for an army. it is these fugitives who render the road somewhat unsafe; starving men must take what they can get. they do not interfere with the great silver convoys from potosi or other mines--a loaf of bread is worth more than a bar of silver in the mountains--but they will plunder persons coming down with goods to the town or going up with their purchases. once or twice i have had to give up the food i carried with me, but i have had little to grumble at, and i do not think you need trouble yourself about them; we will take care to avoid them as far as possible." after chatting for an hour they left the cottage, and, mounting their mules, returned to lima. "i think he will help us, harry," bertie said as soon as they set out. "i think so too, but we must not press him to begin with. of course there is a question too as to how far he can help us. he may know vaguely where the rich mines once existed; but you must remember that they have been lost for three hundred years, and it may be impossible for even a man who has received the traditions as to their positions to hit upon the precise spot. the mountains, you see, are tremendous; there must be innumerable ravines and gorges among them. it is certain that nothing approaching an accurate map can ever have been made of the mountains, and i should say that in most cases the indications that may have been given are very vague. they would no doubt have been sufficient for those who lived soon after the money was hidden, and were natives of that part of the country and thoroughly acquainted with all the surroundings, but when the information came to be handed down from mouth to mouth during many generations, the local knowledge would be lost, and what were at first detailed instructions would become little better than vague legends. you know how three hundred years will alter the face of a country--rocks roll down the hills, torrents wash away the soil, forests grow or are cleared away. i believe with you that the indian will do his best, but i have grave doubts whether he will be able to locate any big thing." "well, you don't take a very cheerful view of things, harry; you certainly seemed more hopeful when we first started." "yes. i don't say i am not hopeful still, but it is one thing to plan out an enterprise at a distance and quite another when you are face to face with its execution. as we have come down the coast, and seen that great range of mountains stretching along for hundreds of miles, and we know that there is another quite as big lying behind it, i have begun to realize the difficulties of the adventures that we are undertaking. however, we shall hear, when dias comes over to see us, what he thinks of the matter. i fancy he will say that he is willing to go with us and help us as far as he can, but that although he will do his best he cannot promise that he will be able to point out, with anything like certainty, the position of any of the old mines." next day they called on seã±or pasquez, who received them very cordially. "so you are going to follow the example of seã±or barnett and spend some time in exploring the country and doing some shooting. have you found dias?" "yes, seã±or, and i think he will go with us, though he has not given a positive answer." "you will be fortunate if you get him; he is one of the best-known muleteers in the country, and if anyone comes here and wants a guide dias is sure to be the first to be recommended. if he goes with you he can give you much useful advice; he knows exactly what you will have to take with you, the best districts to visit for your purpose, and the best way of getting there. for the rest, i shall be very happy to take charge of any money you may wish to leave behind, and to act as your banker and cash any orders you may draw upon me. i will also receive and place to your account any sums that may be sent you from england." "that, sir, is a matter which mr. barnett advised me to place in your hands. after making what few purchases we require, and taking fifty pounds in silver, i shall have two hundred and fifty pounds to place in your hands. mr. barnett will manage my affairs in my absence, and will send to you fifty pounds quarterly." "you will find difficulty in spending it all in two years," the merchant said with a smile. "if you are content to live on what can be bought in the country, it costs very little; and as for the mules, they can generally pick up enough at their halting-places to serve them, with a small allowance of grain. you can hire them cheaply, or you can buy them. the latter is cheaper in the end, but you cannot be sure of getting mules accustomed to mountains, and you would therefore run the risk of their losing their foothold, and not only being dashed to pieces but destroying their saddles and loads. however, if you secure the services of dias otero, you will get mules that know every path in the mountains. he is famous for his animals, and he himself is considered the most trusty muleteer here; men think themselves lucky in obtaining his services. i would send him with loads of uncounted gold and should be sure that there would not be a piece missing." next day dias came to the hotel. "i have thought it over, seã±or," he said. "i need not say that were it only ordinary service, instead of exploring the mountains, i should be glad indeed to do my best for a friend of seã±or barnett; but as to the real purpose of your journey i wish, before making any arrangement, that the matter should be thoroughly understood. i have no certain knowledge whatever as to any of the lost mines, still less of any hidden treasures; but i know all the traditions that have passed down concerning them. i doubt whether any indians now possess a certain knowledge of these things. for generations, no doubt, the secrets were handed down from father to son, and it is possible that some few may still know of these places; but i doubt it. think of the hundreds and thousands of our people who have been killed in battle, or died as slaves in the mines, and you will see that numbers of those to whom the secrets were entrusted must have taken their knowledge to the grave with them. "in each generation the number of those who knew the particulars of these hiding-places must have diminished. few now can know more than i do, yet i am sure of nothing. i know generally where the mines were situated and where some treasures were concealed, and what knowledge i have i will place at your service; but so great a care was used in the concealment of the entrances to the mines, so carefully were the hiding-places of the treasures chosen, and so cunningly concealed, that, without the surest indications and the most minute instructions, we might search for years, as men indeed have done ever since the spanish came here, without finding them. i am glad that i can lay my hand upon my heart and say, that whatever may have been possessed by ancestors of mine, no actual details have ever come down to me; for, had it been so, i could not have revealed them to you. we know that all who were instructed in these were bound by the most terrible oaths not to reveal them. numbers have died under the torture rather than break those oaths; and even now, were one of us to betray the secrets that had come down to him, he would be regarded as accursed. no one would break bread with him, every door would be closed against him, and if he died his body would rot where it fell. but my knowledge is merely general, gathered not only from the traditions known to all our people, but from confidences made by one member of our family to another. full knowledge was undoubtedly given to some of them; but all these must have died without initiating others into the full particulars. such knowledge as i have is at your disposal. i can take you to the localities, i can say to you, 'near this place was a great mine,' but unless chance favours you you may search in vain." "that is quite as much as i had hoped for, dias, and i am grateful for your willingness to do what you can for us, just as you did for seã±or barnett." chapter iv a street fray "now, seã±or," dias said, "as we have settled the main point, let us talk over the arrangements. what is the weight of your baggage?" "not more than a mule could carry. of course we shall sling our rifles over our shoulders. we have a good stock of ammunition for them and for our pistols. we shall each take two suits of clothes besides those we wear, and a case of spirits in the event of accident or illness. we shall each have three flannel shirts, stockings, and so on, but certainly everything belonging to us personally would not mount up to more than a hundred and fifty pounds. we should, of course, require a few cooking utensils, tin plates, mugs, and cups. what should we need besides these?" "a tent and bedding, seã±or. we should only have, at the start, to carry such provisions as we could not buy. when we are beyond the range of villages in the forests we might often be weeks without being able to buy anything; still, we should probably be able to shoot game for food. we should find fruits, but flour we shall have to take with us from the last town we pass through before we strike into the mountains, and dried meat for an emergency; and it would be well to have a bag of grain, so that we could give a handful or so to each of the mules. i am glad you have brought some good spirits--we shall need it in the swamps by the rivers. your tea and coffee will save your having to buy them here, but you will want some sugar. we must take two picks and a shovel, a hammer for breaking up ore, a small furnace, twenty crucibles and bellows, and a few other things for aiding to melt the ore. you would want for the journey five baggage mules, and, of course, three riding mules. i could hardly manage them, even with aid from you, in very bad places, and i would rather not take any strange man with me on such business as we have in hand. but some assistance i must have, and i will take with me my nephew josã©. he has lost his father, and i have taken him as my assistant, and shall train him to be a guide such as i am. he is but fifteen, but he already knows something of his business, and such an expedition will teach him more than he would learn in ten years on the roads." "that would certainly be far better than having a muleteer whom you could not trust, dias. my brother and myself will be ready to lend you a hand whenever you want help of any kind. we have not had any experience with mules, but sailors can generally turn their hands to anything. now, how about the eight mules?" "i have five of my own, as good mules as are to be found in the province; we shall have to buy the three others for riding. of course i have saddles and ropes." "but you will want four for riding." "no, seã±or; yours and the one i ride will be enough. josã© at times will take my place, and can when he likes perch on one of the most lightly laden animals." "how much will the riding mules cost?" "i can get fair ones for about fifty dollars apiece; trade is slack at present owing to the troubles, and there are many who would be glad to get rid of one or two of their train." "and now, dias, we come to the very important question, what are we to pay you for yourself, your nephew, and the five mules--say by the month?" "i have been thinking the matter over, seã±or--i have talked it over with my wife"--he paused for a moment, and then said: "she wishes to go with me, seã±or." harry opened his eyes in surprise. "but surely, dias, you could not think of taking her on such an expedition, where, as you say yourself, you may meet with many grave dangers and difficulties?" "a woman can support them as well as a man," dias said quietly. "my wife has more than once accompanied me on journeys when i have been working on contract. we have been married for fifteen years, and she has no children to keep her at home. she is accustomed to my being away for weeks. this would be for months, perhaps for two years. i made no secret to her that we might meet with many dangers. she says they will be no greater for her than for me. at first she tried to dissuade me from going for so long a time; but when i told her that you were sent me by the gentleman who saved my life a year after i married her, and that he had recommended you to me as standing to him almost in the relation of a son, and i therefore felt bound to carry his wishes into effect, and so to pay the debt of gratitude that i owed him, she agreed at once that it was my duty to go and do all in my power for you, and she prayed me to take her with me. i said that i would put it before you, seã±or, and that i must abide by your decision." "by all means bring her with you, dias. if you and she are both willing to share the dangers we should meet with, surely we cannot object in any way." "thank you, seã±or; you will find her useful. you have already seen that she can cook well; and if we have josã© to look after the animals when we are searching among the hills, you will find it not unpleasant, when we return of an evening, to find a hot supper ready for us." "that is quite true, and i am sure we shall find your wife a great acquisition to our party. the only difference will be, that instead of one large tent we must have two small ones--it does not matter how small, so long as we can crawl into them and they are long enough for us to lie down. and now about payment?" "i shall not overcharge you," dias said with a smile. "if my wife had remained behind i must have asked for money to maintain her while we were away. it would not have been much, for she has her garden and her house, and there is a bag hid away with my savings, so that if she had been widowed she could still live in the house until she chose someone else to share it with her; she is but thirty-two, and is as comely as when i first married her. however, as she is going with us, there will be no need to trouble about her. if misfortune comes upon us and i am killed, it is likely she will be killed also. we shall have no expenses on the journey, as you will pay for food for ourselves and the animals. you will remember, seã±or, that i make this journey not as a business matter--no money would buy from me any information that i may have as to hidden mines or treasures,--i do it to repay a debt of gratitude to my preserver, don henry barnett, and partly because i am sure that i shall like you and your brother as i did him. i shall aid you as far as lies in my power in the object for which you are undertaking this journey. therefore until it is finished there shall be no talk about payment. you may have many expenses beyond what you calculate upon. if we meet with no success, and return to lima empty-handed, i shall have lost nothing. i shall have had no expenses at home, my wife and i will have fed at your expense, and josã© will have learned so much that he would be as good a guide as any in the country. you could then give me the three mules you will buy, to take the place of any of mine that may have perished on the journey, and should you have them to spare, i will take a hundred dollars as a _bueno mano_. if we succeed, and you discover a rich mine or a hidden treasure, you shall then pay me what it pleases you. is it a bargain?" "the bargain you propose is ridiculously one-sided, dias, and i don't see how i could possibly accept the offer you make to me." "those are my terms, seã±or," dias said simply, "to take or to leave." "then i cannot but accept them, and i thank you most heartily;" and he held out his hand to dias, and the indian grasped it warmly. "when do you propose we shall start?" "will this day week suit you, seã±or? there are the mules to buy, and the tents to be made--they should be of vicuã±a skin with the wool still on, which, with the leather kept well oiled, will keep out water. we shall want them in the hills, but we shall sometimes find villages where we can sleep in shelter." "not for us, dias. mr. barnett has told me that the houses are for the most part alive with fleas, and i should prefer to sleep in a tent, however small, rather than lie in a bed on the floor of any one of them. we don't want thick beds, you know--a couple of thicknesses of well-quilted cotton, say an inch thick each, and two feet wide. you can get these made for us, no doubt." the indian nodded. "that would be the best for travel; the beds the peruvian caballeros use are very thick and bulky." "you will want two for yourself and your wife, and two for josã©. by the by, we shall want a tent for him." dias smiled. "it will not be necessary, seã±or; muleteers are accustomed to sleep in the open air, and with two thick blankets, and a leathern coverlet in case of rain, he will be more than comfortable. i shall have five leather bags made to hold the beds and blankets. but the making of the beds and tents will take some time--people do not hurry in lima,--and there will be the riding saddles and bridles to get, and the provisions. i do not think we can be ready before another week. it will be well, then, that you should, before starting away, visit the ruins of pachacamac. all travellers go there, and it will seem only natural that you should do so, for there you will see the style of the buildings, and also the explorations that were everywhere made by the spaniards in search of treasure." "very well, dias; then this day week we shall be ready to start. however, i suppose i shall see you every day, and learn how you are getting on with your preparations." bertie had been sitting at the window looking down into the street while this conversation was going on. "well, what is it all about?" he asked, turning round as the indian left the room. "is it satisfactory?" "more than satisfactory," his brother answered. "in the first place his nephew, a lad of fifteen, who is training as a mule-driver, is going with us, which is much better than getting an outsider; in the next place his wife is going with us." "good gracious!" bertie exclaimed, "what in the world shall we do with a woman?" "well, i think we shall do very well with her, bertie; but well or ill she has to go. she will not let her husband go without her, which is natural enough, considering how long we shall be away, and that the journey will be a dangerous one. but really i think she will be an acquisition to the party. she is bright and pretty, as you no doubt noticed, and what is of more importance, she is a capital cook." "she certainly gave us a good meal yesterday," bertie said, "and though i could rough it on anything, it is decidedly pleasanter to have a well-cooked meal." "well, you see, that is all right." "and how many mules are we to take?" "five for baggage, and three for riding. i have no doubt dias's wife will ride behind him, and the boy, when he wants to ride, will perch himself on one of the baggage mules. dias has five mules, and we shall only have to buy the three for riding." "what is it all going to cost, harry?" bertie said when his brother had told him all the arrangements that had been made. "that is the most important point after all." "well, you will be astonished when i tell you, bertie, that if we don't succeed in finding a treasure of any kind i shall only have to pay for the three riding mules, and the expenses of food and so on, and a hundred dollars." "twenty pounds!" bertie said incredulously; "you are joking!" "no, it is really so; the man said that he considered that in going with me he is only fulfilling the obligation he is under to mr. barnett. of course i protested against the terms, and would have insisted upon paying the ordinary prices, whatever they might be, for his services and the use of his mules; but he simply said that those were the conditions on which he was willing to go with me, and that i could take them or leave them, so i had to accept. i can only hope that we may find some treasure, in which case only he consented to accept proper payment for his services." "well, it is awfully good of him," bertie said; "though really it doesn't seem fair that we should be having the services of himself, his wife, his boy, and his mules for nothing. there is one thing, it will be an extra inducement to him to try and put us in the way of finding one of those mines." "i don't think so, bertie; he said that not for any sum of money whatever would he do what he is going to do, but simply from gratitude to barnett. it is curious how the traditions, or superstitions, or whatever you like to call them, of the time of the incas have continued to impress the indians, and how they have preserved the secrets confided to their ancestors. no doubt fear that the spaniards would force them to work in the mines till they died has had a great effect in inducing them to conceal the existence of these places from them. now that the spaniards have been cleared out there is no longer any ground for apprehension of that kind, but they may still feel that the peruvians would get the giant's share in any mine or treasure that might be found, and that the indians would, under one pretence or another, be defrauded out of any share of it. it is not wonderful that it should be so considering how these poor people have been treated by the whites, and it would really seem that the way in which spain has gone to the dogs is a punishment for her cruelties in south america and the islands. it may be said that from the very moment when the gold began to flow the descent of spain commenced; in spite of the enormous wealth she acquired she fell gradually from her position as the greatest power in europe. "in 1525, after the battle of pavia, spain stood at the height of her power. mexico was conquered by cortez seven years before, peru in 1531, and the wealth of those countries began to flow into spain in enormous quantities, and yet her decline followed speedily. she was bearded by our bucaneers among the islands and on the western coast; the netherlands revolted, and after fierce fighting threw off her yoke; the battle of ivry and the accession of henry of navarre all but destroyed her influence in france; the defeat of the armada and the capture of cadiz struck a fatal blow both to her power on the sea and to her commerce, and within a century of the conquest of peru, spain was already an enfeebled and decaying power. it would almost seem that the discoveries of columbus, from which such great things were hoped, proved in the long run the greatest misfortune that ever befell spain." "it does look like it, harry; however, we must hope that whatever effect the discovery of america had upon portugal or spain, it will make your fortune." harry laughed. "i hope so, bertie, but it is as well not to be too hopeful. still, i have great faith in dias, at any rate i feel confident that he will do all he can; but he acknowledges that he knows nothing for certain. i am sure, however, that he will be a faithful guide, and that though we may have a rough time, it will not be an unpleasant one. now, you must begin to turn to account what spanish you have learned during the voyage; i know you have worked regularly at it while you have not been on duty." "i have learned a good lot," bertie said; "and i dare say i could ask for anything, but i should not understand the answers. i can make out a lot of that spanish _don quixote_ you got for me, but when dias was talking to you i did not catch a word of what he was saying. i suppose it will all come in time." "but you must begin at once. i warn you that when i am fairly off i shall always talk to you in spanish, for it would look very unsociable if we were always talking together in english. if you ride or walk by the side of the boy you will soon get on; and there will be donna maria for you to chat away with, and from what we saw of her i should say she is sociably inclined. in three months i have no doubt you will talk spanish as well as i do." "it will be a horrid nuisance," bertie grumbled; "but i suppose it has got to be done." three days later dias said he thought they might as well start the next day to pachacamac. "we shall only want the three riding mules and one for baggage. of course we shall not take josã© or my wife. by the time we return everything will be ready for us." "i shall be very glad to be off, dias. we know no one here except seã±or pasquez; and although he has been very civil and has begged us to consider his house as our own, he is of course busy during the day, and one can't do above a certain amount of walking about the streets. so by all means let us start to-morrow morning. we may as well go this time in the clothes we wear, it will be time enough to put on the things we have bought when we start in earnest." starting at sunrise, they rode for some distance through a fertile valley, and then crossed a sandy plain until they reached the little valley of lurin, in which stand the ruins of pachacamac. this was the sacred city of the natives of the coast before their conquest by the incas. during their forty-mile ride dias had told them something of the place they were about to visit. pachacamac, meaning "the creator of the world," was the chief divinity of these early people, and here was the great temple dedicated to him. the incas after their conquest erected a vast temple of the sun, but they did not attempt to suppress the worship of pachacamac, and the two flourished side by side until the arrival of the spaniards. the wealth of the temple was great; the spaniards carried away among their spoils one thousand six hundred and eighty-seven pounds of gold and one thousand six hundred ounces of silver; but with all their efforts they failed to discover the main treasure, said to have been no less than twenty-four thousand eight hundred pounds of gold, which had been carried away and buried before their arrival. "if the spaniards could not succeed in getting at the hiding-place, although, no doubt, they tortured everyone connected with the temple to make them divulge the secret, it is evident there is no chance for us," harry said. "yes, seã±or, they made every effort; thousands of natives were employed in driving passages through the terraces on which the temple stood. i believe that they did find much treasure, but certainly not the great one they were searching for. there is no tradition among our people as to the hiding-place, for so many of the natives perished that all to whom the secret was known must have died without revealing it to anybody. had it not been so, the spaniards would sooner or later have learned it, for although hundreds have died under torture rather than reveal any of the hiding-places, surely one more faint-hearted than the rest would have disclosed them. certain it is that at cuzco and other places they succeeded in obtaining almost all the treasures buried there, though they failed in discovering the still greater treasures that had been carried away to be hidden in different spots. but pachacamac was a small one in comparison with cuzco, and it was believed that the treasures had not been carried far. tradition has it that they were buried somewhere between this town and lima. doubtless all concerned in the matter fled before the spaniards arrived, at any rate with all their cruelty the invaders never discovered its position. the report that it was buried near may have been set about to prevent their hunting for it elsewhere, and the gold may be lying now somewhere in the heart of the mountains." harry prendergast and his brother looked in astonishment at the massive walls that rose around the eminence on which the temple had stood. the latter had disappeared, but its situation could be traced on the plateau buttressed by the walls. these were of immense thickness, and formed of huge adobe bricks almost as hard as stone; even the long efforts of the spaniards had caused but little damage to them. the plateau rose some five hundred feet above the sea, which almost washed one face of it. half-way up the hill four series of these massive walls, whose tops formed terraces, stood in giant steps some fifty feet high. here and there spots of red paint could be seen, showing that the whole surface was originally painted. the ascent was made by winding passages through the walls. on the side of the upper area facing the sea could be seen the remains of a sort of walk or esplanade, with traces of edifices of various kinds. on a hill a mile and a half away were the remains of the incas' temple and nunnery, the style differing materially from that of the older building; it was still more damaged than the temple on the hill by the searchers for treasure. pachacamac was the most sacred spot in south america, vast numbers of pilgrims came here from all points. the city itself had entirely disappeared, covered deeply in sand, but for a long distance round, it had, like the neighbourhood of jerusalem and mecca, been a vast cemetery, and a small amount of excavation showed the tombs of the faithful, occupied in most cases by mummies. "we will ride across to the incas' temple. there is not much to see there, but it is as well that you should look at the vaults in which the treasures were hid. there are similar places at cuzco and several of the other ruins." "it may certainly be useful to see them," harry agreed, and they rode across the plain. leaving their mules outside they entered the ruins. the indian led them into some underground chambers. he had brought a torch with him, and this he now lit. "you have to be careful or you might otherwise tumble into one of these holes and break a limb; and in that case, if you were here by yourselves, you would certainly never get out again." they came upon several of these places. the openings were sometimes square and sometimes circular, and had doubtless been covered with square stones. they were dug out of the solid ground. for about six feet the sides of the pit were perpendicular; in some it swelled out like a great vase with a broad shoulder, in others it became a square chamber of some size. "some of these places were no doubt meant to store grain and other provisions," the indian said, "some were undoubtedly treasuries." "awkward places to find," harry said; "one might spend a lifetime in searching for them in only one of these temples." "they were the last places we should think of searching," dias said. "for years the spaniards kept thousands of men at work. i do not say that there may not be some few places that have escaped the searchers, but what they could not with their host of workers find certainly could not be found by four or five men. it is not in the temples that the incas' wealth has been hidden, but in caves, in deep mountain gorges, and possibly in ruins on the other side of the mountains where even the spaniards never penetrated. there are such places. i know of one to which i will take you if our search fails elsewhere. it is near the sea, and yet there are not half a dozen living men who have ever seen it, so strangely is it hidden. tradition says that it was not the work of the incas, but of the people before them. i have never seen it close. it is guarded, they say, by demons, and no native would go within miles of it. the traditions are that the incas, when they conquered the land, found the place and searched it, after starving out the native chief who had fled there with his followers and family. some say that they found great treasure there, others that they discovered nothing; all agree that a pestilence carried off nearly all those who had captured it. others went, and they too died, and the place was abandoned as accursed, and in time its very existence became forgotten; though some say that members of the tribe have always kept watch there, and that those who carelessly or curiously approached it have always met with their death in strange ways. although i am a christian, and have been taught to disbelieve the superstitions of my countrymen, i would not enter it on any condition." "if we happen to be near it i shall certainly take a close look at it," harry said with a laugh. "i don't fancy we should see anything that our rifles and pistols would find invulnerable." it was getting dark by the time they had finished their inspection of the rooms, so, riding two or three miles away, they encamped in a grove up the valley. next morning they returned to lima. dias had given out that the two white seã±ors intended to visit all the ruined temples of the incas, and as other travellers had done the same their intention excited neither surprise nor comment. on the following evening after dark harry and his brother were returning from the house of seã±or pasquez. "it is a pleasant house," harry said; "the girls are pretty and nice, they play and sing well, and are really charming. but what a contrast it was the other morning when we went in there and accidentally ran against them when we were going upstairs with their father, utterly untidy, and, in fact, regular sluts--a maid of all work would look a picture of neatness beside them." bertie was about to answer, when there was an outburst of shouts from a wine-shop they were passing, and in a moment the door burst open and half a dozen men engaged in a fierce conflict rushed out. knives were flashing, and it was evident that one man was being attacked by the rest. by the light that streamed out of the open door they saw that the man attacked was dias. it flashed across harry's mind that if this man was killed there was an end to all hope of success in their expedition. "dash in to his rescue, bertie," he cried; "but whatever you do, mind their knives." with a shout he sprang forward and struck to the ground a man who was dodging behind dias with uplifted knife, while bertie leapt on to the back of another, the shock throwing the man down face forward. bertie was on his feet in a moment, and brought the stick he carried with all his force down on the man's head as he tried to rise. then, springing forward again, he struck another man a heavy blow on the wrist. the knife dropped from the man's hand, and as he dashed with a fierce oath upon bertie the stick descended again, this time on his head, and felled him to the ground. in the meantime one of the assailants had turned fiercely on harry and aimed a blow at him with his knife; but with the ease of a practised boxer harry stepped back, and before the man could again raise the knife he leaped in and struck him a tremendous blow on the point of his chin. the fifth man took to his heels immediately. the other four lay where they had fallen, evidently fearing they would be stabbed should they try to get on to their feet. "are you hurt, dias?" harry exclaimed. "i have several cuts, seã±or, but none of them, i think, serious. you have saved my life." "never mind that now, dias. what shall we do with these fellows--hand them over to the watch?" "no, seã±or, that would be the last thing to do; we might be detained here for months. i will take all their knives and let them go." "here are two of them," bertie said, picking up those of the men he had struck. dias stood over the man harry had first knocked down, and with a fierce whisper ordered him to give up his knife, which he did at once. the other was still stupid from the effect of the blow and his fall, and dias had only to take his knife from his relaxed fingers. "now, seã±or, let us be going before anyone comes along." "what was it all about, dias?" harry asked as he walked away. "many of the muleteers are jealous, seã±or, because i always get what they consider the best jobs. i had gone into the wine-shop for a glass of pulque before going round to see that the mules were all right. as i was drinking, these men whispered together, and then one came up to me and began to abuse me, and directly i answered him the whole of them drew their knives and rushed at me. i was ready too, and wounded two of them as i fought my way to the door. as i opened it one of them stabbed me in the shoulder, but it was a slanting blow. once out they all attacked me at once, and in another minute you would have had to look for another muleteer. 'tis strange, seã±ors, that you should have saved my life as mr. barnett did. it was a great deed to risk your lives with no weapons but your sticks against five ruffians with their knives." "i did not use my stick," harry said. "i am more accustomed to use my fists than a stick, and can hit as hard with them, as you saw. but my brother's stick turned out the most useful. he can box too, but cannot give as heavy a blow as i can. still, it was very lucky that i followed your advice, and bought a couple of heavy sticks to carry with us if we should go out after dark. now you had better come to the hotel, and i will send for a surgeon to dress your wound." "it is not necessary, seã±or; my wife is waiting for me in my room, she arrived this afternoon. knife cuts are not uncommon affairs here, and she knows quite enough to be able to bandage them." "at any rate we shall have to put off our start for a few days." "not at all, seã±or; a bandage tonight and a few strips of plaster in the morning will do the business. i shall be stiff for a few days, but that will not interfere with my riding, and josã© will be able to load and unload the mules, if you will give him a little assistance. adios! and a thousand thanks." "that was a piece of luck, bertie," harry said when they had reached their room in the hotel. "in the first place, because neither of us got a scratch, and in the second, because it will bind dias more closely to us. before, he was willing to assist us for barnett's sake, now it will be for our own also, and we may be quite sure that he will do his best for us." "it is my first scrimmage," bertie said, "and i must say that i thought, as we ran in, that it was going to be a pretty serious one. we have certainly come very well out of it." "it was short and sharp," harry laughed. "i have always held that the man who could box well was more than a match for one with a knife who knew nothing of boxing. one straight hit from the shoulder is sure to knock him out of time." next morning dias and his wife came up early. the former had one arm in a sling. as they entered, the woman ran forward, and, throwing her arms round bertie, she kissed him on both cheeks. the lad was too much surprised at this unexpected salute to return it, as his brother did when she did the same to him. then, drawing back, she poured out her thanks volubly, the tears running down her cheeks. "maria asked me if she might kiss you," dias said gravely when she stopped. "i said that it was right that she should do so, for do we not both owe you my life?" "you must not make too much of the affair, dias; four blows were struck, and there was an end to it." "a small matter to you, seã±or, but a great one to us. a peruvian would not interfere if he saw four armed men attacking one. he would be more likely to turn down the next street, so that he might not be called as a witness. it is only your countrymen who would do such things." "and you still think that you will be ready to start the day after to-morrow?" "quite sure, seã±or. my shoulder will be stiff and my arm in a sling for a week, but muleteers think nothing of such trifles,--a kick from a mule would be a much more serious affair." "you don't think those rascals are likely to waylay us on the road, and take their revenge?" "not they, seã±or. if you could do such things unarmed, what could you not do when you had rifles and pistols? the matter is settled. they have not been seriously hurt. if one of them had been killed i should be obliged to be careful the next time i came here; as it is, no more will be said about it. except the two hurt in the wine-shop they will not even have a scar to remind them of it. in two years they will have other things to think about, if it is true that colombia means to go to war with chili." "what is the quarrel about, dias?" "the colombians helped us to get rid of the spaniards, but ever since they have presumed a right to manage affairs here." "perhaps nothing will come of it." "well, it is quite certain that there is no very good feeling between chili, bolivia, colombia, and peru." "i suppose they will be fighting all round some day?" "yes, and it will interfere with my business. certainly we are better off than when the spaniards were here; but the taxes are heavy, and things don't go as people expected they would when we got rid of the spaniards. all the governments seem jealous of each other. i don't take any interest in these matters except so far as they interfere with trade. if every man would attend to his own affairs it would be better for us all." "i suppose so, dias; but one can hardly expect a country that has been so many years governed by a foreign power to get accustomed all at once to governing itself." "now, seã±or, i shall be glad if you will go with me and look at the stores that are already collected. i think you will find that everything is ready." chapter v among the mountain two days later the mules were brought round to the door at sunrise, and harry and his brother sallied out from the hotel, dressed for the first time in the peruvian costume. they were both warmly clothed. on their heads were felt hats with broad brims, which could be pulled down and tied over the ears, both for warmth and to prevent their being blown away by the fierce winds that sweep down the gorges. a thick poncho of llama wool fell from their shoulders to their knees, and loosely tied round their necks were thick and brightly-coloured scarves. they wore high boots, and carried large knives stuck in a strap below the knee. the rifles were fastened at the bow of their saddles, and their wallets, with provisions for the day, were strapped behind. by the advice of dias each had in his pocket a large pair of green goggles, to protect their eyes from the glare of sun and snow. they tied these on before coming downstairs, and both agreed that had they met unexpectedly in the street they would have passed each other without the slightest recognition. "it is a pity, harry," bertie said seriously, "that you did not have your portrait taken to send home to a certain young lady. you see, she would then have been able to hang it up in her room and worship it privately, without anyone having the slightest idea that it was her absent lover." "you young scamp," harry said, "i will pull your ears for you." "if you attempt anything of the sort, i shall tie the brim of my hat tightly over them. i really think it is very ungrateful of you not to take my advice in the spirit in which i gave it." "if you intend to go on like this, bert, i shall leave you behind." "you can't do it." "oh, yes, i can! i might give you in charge for some crime or other; and in lack of evidence, the expenditure of a few dollars would, i have no doubt, be sufficient to induce the judge, magistrate, or whatever they call him, to give you six months' imprisonment." "then you are an unnatural brother, and i will make no more suggestions for your good." so they had come downstairs laughing, though feeling a little shy at their appearance as they issued out of the courtyard. speedily, however, they gained courage as they saw that passers-by paid no attention to them. they had spent the previous afternoon in packing the bundles, in which every item was put away so that it could be got at readily, and in making sure that nothing had been omitted. the five baggage mules were fastened one behind another, and josã© stood at the head of the leading one. as they came out dias swung his wife on to a cushion strapped behind his saddle, and mounted himself before her. harry and his brother climbed into theirs. they had both refused to put on the heavy and cruel spurs worn by the peruvians, but had, at the earnest request of the indian, put them in their saddle-bags. "you will want them," he said. "you need not use them cruelly, but you must give your mules an occasional prick to let them know that you have spurs." on leaving the town the road ran up the valley of the rimac, a small river, but of vital importance to the country through which it passes, as small canals branching from it irrigate the land. "the spaniards have done some good here at least," harry said to dias, who was riding beside him. "some of these canals were constructed in their time, but the rest existed long before they came here, and, indeed, long before the incas came. the incas' work lies chiefly beyond the mountains; on this side almost all the great ruins are of cities and fortresses built by the old people. cuzco was the incas' capital, and almost all the towns between the two ranges of the andes were their work. it is true that they conquered the people down to the sea, but they do not seem to have cared to live here. the treasures of pachacamac and the other places on the plains were those of the old people and the old religion. the inhabitants of the plains are for the most part descendants of those people. the incas were strong and powerful, but they were not numerous. that was why the spaniards conquered them so easily. the old people, who regarded them as their masters, did not care to fight for them, just as the peruvians did not care to fight for the spaniards." "i expect it was a good deal like the normans in england," bertie put in. "they conquered the saxons because they were better armed and better disciplined, but they were few in number in comparison with the number they governed, and in their quarrels with each other the bulk of the people stood aloof; and it was only when the normans began their wars in france and scotland, and were obliged to enlist saxon archers and soldiers, that the two began to unite and to become one people." "i have no doubt that was so, bertie; but you are breaking our agreement that you should speak in spanish only." "oh, bother! you know very well that i cannot talk in it yet, and you surely do not expect that i am going to ride along without opening my lips." "i know you too well to expect that," harry laughed, "and will allow an occasional outbreak. still, do try to talk spanish, however bad it may be. you have got cheek enough in other things, and cheek goes a long way in learning to talk a foreign language. you have been four months at your spanish books, and should certainly begin to put simple sentences together." "but that is just what one does not learn from books," the lad said. "at any rate, not from such books as i have been working at. i could do a high-flown sentence, and offer to kiss your hand and to declare that all i have is at your disposal. but if i wanted to say, 'when are we going to halt for dinner? i am feeling very peckish,' i should be stumped altogether." "well, you must get as near as you can, bertie. i dare say you cannot turn slang into spanish; but you can find other words to express your meaning, and when you cannot hit on a word you must use an english one. your best plan is to move along on the other side of dias, and chat to his wife." "what have i got to say to her?" "anything you like. you can begin by asking her if she has ever gone a long journey with her husband before, how far we shall go to-day--things of that sort." "well, i will try anyhow. i suppose i must. but you go on talking to dias, else i shall think that you are both laughing at me." five miles from lima they passed through the little village of quiraz. beyond this they came upon many cotton plantations, and in the ravines by the side of the valley or among the ruins of indian towns were several large fortresses. they also passed the remains of an old spanish town and several haciendas, where many cattle and horses were grazing. they were ascending steadily, and after passing santa clara, eleven miles from lima, the valley narrowed and became little more than a ravine. on either side were rents made in the hills by earthquakes, and immense boulders and stones were scattered about at the bottom of the narrow gorge. four hours' travelling brought them to chosica, where the valley widened again near the foot of the hills. here they halted for the day. there was an inn here which dias assured them was clean and comfortable, and they therefore took a couple of rooms for the night in preference to unpacking their tents. "it is just as well not to begin that till we get farther away," harry said. "we have met any number of laden mules coming down, and if we were to camp here we should cause general curiosity." he accordingly ordered dinner for himself and his brother, dias preferring to take his meal in a large room used by passing muleteers. the fare was as good as they had had at the hotel at lima. "i am not sorry that we halted here," bertie said; "i feel as stiff as a poker." "i think you got on very well, bertie, with mrs. dias. i did not hear what you were saying, but you seemed to be doing stunningly." "she did most of the talking. i asked her to speak slowly, as i did not manage to catch the sense of what she said. she seems full of fun, and a jolly little woman altogether. she generally understood what i meant, and though she could not help laughing sometimes, she did it so good-temperedly that one did not feel put out. each time i spoke she corrected me, told me what i ought to have said, and made me say it after her. i think i shall get on fairly well at the end of a few weeks." "i am sure you will, bertie; the trouble is only at the beginning, and now that you have once broken the ice, you will progress like a house on fire." there were still four hours of daylight after they had finished their meal, so they went out with dias to explore one of the numerous burying-grounds round the village. it consisted of sunken chambers. in these were bones, with remains of the mats in which the bodies had been clothed. these wrappings resembled small sacks, and they remarked that the people must have been of very small size, or they could never have been packed away in them. with them had been buried many of the implements of their trade. one or two had apparently not been opened. here were knitting utensils, toilet articles, implements for weaving, spools of thread, needles of bone and bronze. with the body of a girl had been placed a kind of work-box, containing the articles that she had used, and the mummy of a parrot, some beads, and fragments of an ornament of silver. dias told them that all these tombs were made long before the coming of the incas. he said that round the heads of the men and boys were wound the slings they had used in life, while a piece of cotton flock was wrapped round the heads of the women. many of the graves communicated with each other by very narrow passages; the purpose of these was not clear, but probably they were made to enable the spirits of the dead to meet and hold communion with each other. "i don't want to see any more of them," bertie said after they had spent three hours in their investigations; "this sort of thing is enough to give one a fit of the blues." beyond chosica civilization almost ceased. the road became little more than a mule track, and was in many places almost impassable by vehicles of any kind. nothing could be wilder than the scenery they passed. at times rivers ran through perpendicular gorges, and the track wound up and down steep ravines. sometimes they would all dismount, though dias assured them it was not necessary; still, it made a change from the monotonous pace of little over two miles an hour at which the mules breasted the steep incline. josã© rode on the first of the baggage mules, which was very lightly loaded; he generally sang the whole time. when on foot, donna maria stepped gaily along and bertie had hard work to keep pace with her. he was making rapid progress with the language, though occasionally a peal of laughter from his companion told of some egregious error. there were villages every few miles, but now when they halted they did so as a rule a mile before they got to one of these. dinner was cooked over a fire of dead sticks, and after the meal harry's tent was erected and the bed spread in it. the indians went on to the village for the night, while harry and his brother sat and smoked for a time by the fire and then turned in. at daybreak dias rode back leading their riding mules and a baggage animal; the tent, beds, and the cooking utensils were packed up, and they rode in to the village and passed on at a trot until they overtook maria and josã©, who had started with the other four mules when dias rode away. at last they reached the head of the pass, and two days' journey took them to oroya, standing on an elevated plateau some ten thousand feet above the sea, and five thousand below the highest point of the road. the scenery had now completely changed. villages were scattered thickly over the plain, cultivation was general. the hillsides were lined by artificial terraces, on which were perched chalets and small hamlets--they had seen similar terraces on the way up. these were as the spaniards found them, and must at one time have been inhabited by a thriving population. even now gardens and orchards flourished upon them up to the highest points on the hills. oroya was a large place, and, avoiding the busy part of the town, they hired rooms, as it was necessary to give the mules two days' rest. on the first evening after their arrival they gathered round a fire, for the nights were cold, and even in the daytime they did not find their numerous wraps too hot for them. "now, dias," harry said, "we must talk over our plans. you said that we would not decide upon anything till we got here." "in the first place, seã±or, i think it would be well to go to the north to see the cerro de pasco silver mine, they say it is the richest in the world. it is well that you should see the formation of the rocks and the nature of the ore; we may in our journeyings come across similar rock." "it is gold rather than silver that one wants to find, dias. i do not say that a silver mine would not be worth a very large sum of money, but it would be necessary to open it and go to a large expense to prove it. then one would have to go to england and get up a company to work it, which would be a long and difficult matter. still, i am quite ready to go and see the place." dias nodded. "what you say is true, seã±or. i could take you to a dozen places where there is silver. they may be good or may not, but even if they were as rich as potosi the silver would have to be carried to lima, so great a distance on mules' backs that it would swallow up the profits. and it would be almost impossible to convey the necessary machinery there, indeed to do so would involve the making of roads for a great distance." "at the same time, dias, should you know of any silver lodes that might turn out well, i would certainly take some samples, and send two or three mule-loads of the stuff home. they might be of no good for the purpose for which i have come out here, but in time i might do something with them; the law here is that anyone who finds a mine can obtain a concession for it." "that is so, seã±or, but he must proceed to work it." "i suppose it would be sufficient to put two or three men on for that purpose." "but if you were away for a year difficulties might arise. it would be better for you only to determine the course of the lode, its thickness and value, to trace it as far as possible, and then hide all signs of the work, and not to make your claim until you return here." "very well, i will take your advice, dias. and now about the real object of our journey." "i have been thinking it over deeply," dias said. "first as to mines; at present almost all the gold that is obtained is acquired by washing the sands of rivers. here and there gold has been found in rocks, but not in sufficient quantities to make mining pay. the rivers whose sands are richest in gold are in the mountains that lie behind lake titicaca, which lies to the south of cuzco and on the border of bolivia. no one doubts that in the time of the incas there existed gold mines, and very rich ones; for if it had not been so it is impossible to account for the enormous amount of gold obtained by the spanish conquerors, and no one doubts that they got but a small portion of the gold in existence when they arrived. it is of no use whatever for us to search the old ruins of the incas in cuzco, or their other great towns; all that can be found there has already been carried away. "now you see, seã±or, huanuco, jauja, cuzco, and puno all lie near the eastern range of the andes, and when the alarm caused by the arrogant conduct of the spaniards began, it was natural that the treasures should be sent away into the heart of those mountains. the towns on the western sides of this plateau, challhuanca, tanibobamba, huancavelica, would as naturally send theirs for safety into the gorges of the western andes, but all traditions point to the fact that this was not done by the incas. as soon as the spaniards arrived and struck the first blow, the great chiefs would naturally call together a band of their followers on whose fidelity they could rely, load the treasures on llamas, of which they possessed great numbers, and hurry them off to the mountains. "it is among the mountains, therefore, that our search must be made. all our traditions point to the fact that it was along the eastern range of the cordilleras, and the country beyond, that by far the greater portion of the treasures were taken for concealment. at any rate, as we have but eighteen months for the search it is on that side that we must try, and ten times that length of time would be insufficient for us to do it thoroughly. as to the gold mines, it is certain that they lie in that portion of the range between cuzco and lake titicaca. it was near puno, a short distance from the lake, that the spaniards, owing to the folly of an indian, found great treasures in a cave. they would probably have found much more had not a stream suddenly burst out which flooded the whole valley and converted it into a lake. which do you think we had better look for first, gold mines or hidden treasures?" "of course that must depend on you, dias, and how much you know about these matters. i need not say that a hidden treasure would be of vastly more use to me than the richest gold mine in the world. to obtain the gold from a mine an abundance of labour is required, besides machinery for crushing quartz and separating the gold from it. in the bed of a river, if it is rich and abounding in nuggets, three or four men, with rough machinery, could wash out a large quantity of gold in a short time, and a place of that sort would be far better than a rich mine, which could not be worked without a large amount of capital." "i have heard tales of such places on the other side of the mountains to the south. from time to time gold-seekers have returned with as much as they could carry, but not one in a hundred of those that go ever come back; some doubtless die from hunger and hardship, but more are killed by the indians. most of the tribes there are extremely savage, and are constantly at war with each other, and they slay every white man who ventures into their country." "then is it not probable, dias, that the gold could have come from their country?" "not from the plains, but from the streams running down into them; and although the incas never attempted to subdue the tribes beyond the mountains, they may have had bodies of troops to protect the workers from incursions by these savages." "are there many wild beasts there?" "in some parts of the mountains pumas and jaguars abound." "that is not altogether satisfactory, though i should not mind if we fell in with one occasionally. but how about game, dias?" "the chief game are the wild vicuã±as, which are very numerous in some parts; but they are very shy and difficult to hunt. deer are plentiful, and there are foxes, bears, and hogs; but the great article of food is fish. on the plains the manatee, which is very like the seal, is caught; turtles are found in great numbers, and the people make oil from their eggs; and the buffo, a sort of porpoise, also abounds. the natives do not eat these, except when very pressed for food; they catch them for the sake of their oil. there are many kinds of fish: the sunaro, which i heard an english traveller say are like the fish the english call the pike; these grow to the length of seven or eight feet. and many smaller kinds of fish are caught by throwing the juice of the root of the barbasto into small streams. this makes the fish stupid, and they float on the surface so that they may easily be caught by hand. there are also many sorts of fruit." "well, then, we ought to do fairly well, dias." "yes, seã±or; but many of these creatures are only found in the forests and in the rivers of the plains, and they are so much hunted by the savages there that they are very shy. but there are some creatures with which we certainly do not wish to meet, and unfortunately these are not uncommon. i mean the alligators and the great serpents. the natives fear the alligators much, for their weapons are of no avail against them, and they would never venture to attack a great snake." "and besides these, what other disagreeables are there, dias?" bertie asked cheerfully. "there is one other disagreeable," dias replied, "and it is a serious one. there are in the mountains many desperate men. some have slain an enemy who had friends influential enough to set the law in motion against them, or have escaped from prison; some have resisted the tax-collectors; many have been suspected of plotting against the government; and others are too lazy to work." "and how do they live?" harry asked. "they live partly on game and partly on plunder. they steal from cultivators; they are paid a small sum by all muleteers passing through the mountains; they rob travellers who are worth robbing; and sometimes they carry off a proprietor of land, and get a ransom for him. occasionally they will wash the sand, and get gold enough to send one of their number into a town to buy articles they require." "and do they go in large bands?" "no, seã±or; as a rule some ten or twelve keep together under the one they have chosen as their chief. sometimes, if people make complaints and troops are sent against them, they will join to resist them; but this is not often. the authorities know well enough that they have no chance of catching these men among the mountains they are so well acquainted with, and content themselves with stationing a few troops in the villages." "and is it through the robbers or the savages that so few of the gold explorers ever return?" "it is chiefly, i think, from hardship," dias said; "but undoubtedly many who venture down near the indians' country are killed by them. some who have done well, and are returning with the gold they have accumulated, fall victims to these robbers. you must not, of course, suppose that there are great numbers of them, seã±or. there may be some hundreds, but from huancabamba--the northern frontier of the western cordilleras, where the maranon crosses the eastern range--down to lake titicaca on the one side, and tacna on the other, is nigh a thousand miles, and the two ranges cover more square leagues than can be reckoned, and even a thousand men scattered over these would be but so many grains of sand on a stretch of the sea-shore." "it certainly sounds like it, dias; but perhaps those worthy people congregate chiefly in the neighbourhood of the passes." "that is so, seã±or; but even through these a traveller might pass many times without being troubled by them." "have you fallen in with them often, dias?" "yes; but, as you see, they have done me no harm. sometimes, when i get to the end of my journey, the mules are not so heavily laden as when i started; but generally the people for whom i work say to me, 'here are so many dollars, dias; they are for toll.' there are places in the villages at the foot of the most-frequented passes where it is understood that a payment of so many dollars per mule will enable you to pass without molestation. in return for your money, you receive a ribbon, or a rosette, or a feather, and this you place in your hat as a passport. you may meet a few men with guns as you pass along, but when they see the sign they salute you civilly, ask for a drink of wine if you are carrying it, then wish you good-day. it is only in little-frequented passes that you have to take your chance. i may say that though these men may plunder, they never kill a muleteer. they know that if they did, all traffic on that road would cease, and the soldiers would find guides who knew every path and hiding-place in the mountains." "anyhow, i think it is well, dias, that i took your advice, and handed over my gold to seã±or pasquez, for if we do fall into the hands of any of these gentry, we can lose practically nothing." "no money, seã±or, but we might lose everything else, except perhaps the mules, which they could not use in the mountains. but if they were to take our blankets, and tents, and provisions, and your firearms, we should be in a bad way if we happened to be a couple of hundred miles in the heart of the mountains." "well, i don't think they will take them," harry said grimly, "without paying pretty dearly for them. with your gun and our rifles, and that old fowling-piece which you got for josã©, which will throw a fairly heavy charge of buck-shot, i think we can make a very good fight against any band of eight men, or even one or two more." "i think so," dias said gravely. "it is seldom i miss my mark. still, i hope we shall not be troubled with them, or with the indians. you see, it is not so much an attack by day that we have to fear, as a surprise at night. of course, when we are once on the hills, josã© and i will keep watch by turns. he is as sharp as a needle. i should have no fear of any of these robbers creeping up to us without his hearing them. but i can't say so much for him in the case of the indians, who can move so noiselessly that even a vicuã±a would not hear them until they were within a spear's-throw." "the spear is their weapon then, dias?" "some tribes carry bows and arrows, others only spears, and sometimes they poison the points of both these weapons." "that is unpleasant. are there remedies for the poisons?" "none that i know of, nor do i think the savages themselves know of any. the only chance is to pour ammonia at once into the hole that is made by an arrow, and to cut out all the flesh round a spear-wound, and then to pour in ammonia or sear it with a hot iron." "that accounts for your buying that large bottle of ammonia at lima. i wondered what you wanted it for. when we get into the country these unpleasant people inhabit, i will fill my spirit-flask with it, so that it will always be handy if required. now we understand things generally, dias. it only remains for you to decide where we had best leave the plain and take to the mountains." dias was silent for a minute. "i should say, seã±or, that first we had better journey down to cuzco and then down to sicuani, where the western cordilleras, after making a bend, join the eastern branch, and there cross the tinta volcano. on the other side are many gorges. in one of these i know there is some very rich gold sand. explorers have sought for this spot in vain, but the secret has been well kept by the few who know it. it has been handed down in my father's family from father to son ever since the spaniards came. he told it to me, and i swore to reveal it to none but my son. i have no son, and the secret therefore will die with me. whether it has been passed down in any other family i cannot say. it may be, or it may not be; but as i owe you my life, and also the debt of gratitude to seã±or barnett, i feel that you are more to me than a son. moreover, the secret was to be kept lest it should come to the knowledge of the spaniards. the spaniards have gone, and with them the reason for concealment, so i feel now that i am justified in taking you there." "i am glad of that, dias. assuredly the gold can be of service to no man as long as it lies there, and it would be better to utilize it than allow it to waste. i need not say how grateful i shall feel if you can put me in the way of obtaining it." "that i cannot absolutely promise," he said. "i have the indications, but they will be difficult to find. three hundred years bring great changes--rocks on which there are marks may be carried away by torrents, figures cut in the cliffs may be overgrown by mosses or creepers. however, if but a few remain, i hope to be able to find my way. if i fail we must try elsewhere; but this is the only one of which i have been told all the marks. i know generally several places where great treasure was hidden, but not the marks by which they could be discovered, and as we may be sure that every measure was taken to hide the entrances to the caves, the chances would be all against our lighting upon them. i may say, seã±or, that, great as was the treasure of the incas, that of the chimoos or chincas, a powerful people who inhabited part of this country, was fully as large; and traditions say that most of the treasures hidden were not those of the incas, but of the chimoos, who buried them when their country was invaded by the incas. "this is certainly the case with most of the treasures hidden to the west of the mountains. it was so at pachacamac; it was so at truxillo, where the spaniards found three million and a half dollars of gold; and it is known that this was but a small hoard, and that the great one, many times larger, has never been discovered. probably the secret has long been lost; for if there are but few who know where the incas buried their gold, it may well be believed that the exact locality of the chimoo treasures, which were buried more than eight hundred years ago, is now unknown, and that nothing but vague traditions have been handed down." "that one can quite understand," harry agreed, "when we consider how many of the chimoos must have fallen in the struggle with the incas, and how more than half the population were swept away by the spaniards, to say nothing of those who have died in the wars of the last thirty years. it seems strange, however, that the treasures in the temple of pachacamac were left untouched by the incas and allowed to accumulate afterwards." "it was so generally regarded as the sacred city," dias said, "that, powerful as they were, the incas did not attempt to interfere with it, as to do so would certainly have stirred up a formidable insurrection of the natives throughout the whole of their territory; and instead, therefore, of taking possession of the temple and dedicating it to their own god, they allowed it to remain untouched and the worship of the old gods to be carried on there, contenting themselves with building a temple of their own to the sun-god close at hand." "whether any treasure we find belonged to the incas or to the chimoos is of no consequence whatever. i certainly think that before entering upon what would seem to be almost a hopeless search for such stores, we should try this place that you know of. in that case it seems to me, dias, that if we had gone down the coast to islay, and up through arequipa to cuzco, our journey would have been considerably shorter." "that is true, seã±or, but we should have found it difficult to take a passage for our mules; the steamers are but small craft, with poor accommodation even for passengers. and besides, until we had made all our arrangements for the journey from lima, i could hardly say that i had made up my mind to bring you to this place. only when you and your brother saved my life did i feel that i was bound to aid you, even to the point of divulging the secret. it is different now from what it was when it was first handed down. at that time the spaniards were mercilessly slaying all known to be in the possession of any secret connected with gold, and every discovery of gold entailed the forced labour of thousands more of the natives. well, seã±or, all that is changed; we are our own masters, and those who find mines are allowed to work them on payment of certain royalties. there is, therefore, no good in keeping a secret that has been useless for hundreds of years." "certainly, dias, you will have the satisfaction of knowing that you are injuring no one by the act, and are besides doing a very good action to my brother and myself. "well, bertie," harry said when dias had left the room, "i think we may congratulate ourselves. for the first time i really think there is a chance of the expedition turning out a success." "it certainly looks like it," bertie agreed. "for your sake i hope it will be so. as for me, i am quite content; what with indians and brigands, wild beasts, alligators, and snakes, the journey is likely to be an exciting one." chapter vi a tropical forest it took them over three weeks to reach cuzco. they did not hurry, for they wished to keep the mules in good condition for the serious work before them. they were travelling across a plateau thickly dotted with villages and small towns, and everywhere richly cultivated. near the summit of the mountains large flocks of alpacas were grazing, and lower down herds of cattle and sheep, while near the plain were patches of wheat, barley, and potatoes, which in turn were succeeded by fields of maize, apple and peach trees, and prickly-pears. at the foot were fields of sugar-cane, oranges, citron, pine-apples, cacao, and many other tropical fruits; while in the deeper ravines cotton was grown in abundance for the wants of the population. here, in fact, were all varieties of climate, from the perpetual snow on the summits of the lofty mountains to a tropical heat in the valleys. "if the incas had been contented with this glorious plateau, which for centuries constituted their kingdom, and had passed a law against the gathering of gold and the mining for silver, they might still have been lords here," harry said one day. "there would have been nothing to tempt the avarice of the spaniards, for owing to the distance of the mines from the coast, the cost of carriage would have been immense, and the long sea journey would have rendered the exportation of the natural products of the country impossible. some of the more sober-minded of the dons might have settled down here and taken wives from among the daughters of the nobles, and, bringing with them the civilization of spain, become valuable colonists. the incas, before they extended their conquest over the whole of the west of south america, must have been a comparatively simple people, and would have had none of the habits of luxury and magnificence that tempted the spaniards. the gold of south america was the ruin of the incas, as it was afterwards the chief cause of the ruin of spain." "well, harry, then i should very strongly advise you to give up treasure-hunting and to remain poor, for the curse of the gold may not have worked itself out yet." "i must risk that, bertie. i have no desire for luxury or magnificence; it is for a laudable purpose that i seek the gold. however, if you have any scruples on the subject there is no occasion for you to have any share in what i may discover." "no, i think i will agree with you and risk it; though certainly at present i don't see what advantage any amount of money would be to me." the houses of the peasants were for the most part comfortable, although small, for since the expulsion of the spaniards, the people had had no reason to make a pretence of poverty. during the spanish rule no one dared, by the size of his house or by his mode of living, to show signs of wealth above his fellows, for to do so would be to expose himself to the cruel exactions of the tax-collectors and local officials; and even now they had hardly recognized the change that had taken place, and remained wedded to the habits that had become rooted in them by centuries of oppression. the travellers had no difficulty whatever in purchasing food and forage on the way. they always slept in their tents now, and preferred donna maria's cooking to that which they could obtain in the small and generally dirty inns in the towns. by the time they reached cuzco, bertie was able to converse in spanish with some fluency. on the way he rode either beside dias and his wife, or with josã©; in either case an animated conversation was kept up, sometimes on the stirring events of the war of independence and the subsequent struggles, sometimes about life in england, its ways and customs, concerning which neither maria nor josã© had any knowledge whatever. bertie also endeavoured to gain some information concerning the history of peru prior to the rising against spain; but neither the woman nor boy knew anything of the subject beyond the fact that the incas were great people, and that the natives still mourned for them. "you see that black apron most of the women wear over one hip, as a sign of mourning; it is still worn for the incas. they must have been good people, and not cruel like the spanish, or they would not be so much regretted," maria said. "i don't wear the apron, because both dias and i are of mixed blood, descendants on one side of natives, and on the other of creoles, that is of spaniards whose families were settled here, and who hated their countrymen just as much as we do. well, there is cuzco in sight. i have never seen it, and am glad that we shall stay there for a few days." the old capital of the incas lay at the end of a valley about two miles in length, and about a mile in width. to the north of the city rose an abrupt hill, crowned by the great citadel with its three lines of walls, the hill being divided from those forming the side of the valley by two deep ravines, in which flowed little streams that ran through the city. the appearance of the town was striking. there were numerous churches, its streets ran at right angles to each other, and the massive stone houses dated from the early spanish days, though they were surmounted for the most part by modern brickwork additions. where the great temple of the sun once stood, the church of santo domingo had been built, a portion of the splendid building of the old faith being incorporated in it. "what is the use of staying here?" bertie asked his brother impatiently, two days after they had arrived at cuzco. "i dare say these old ruins and fortresses, and so on, are very interesting to people who understand all about the incas; but as i know nothing about them, i don't see how you can expect me to get up any interest in an old wall because you tell me that it is one of the remains of a palace belonging to some old chap i never heard of. i shall be very glad when dias says that the mules have had enough rest and that we can set out on our business." "i am afraid you are a goth, bert," harry said, looking at him with an expression of pity. "here you are in one of the most interesting cities of the world, a place that thousands and thousands of people would travel any distance to investigate, and in forty-eight hours you are tired of it. you have no romance in your nature, no respect for the past; you are a goth and a philistine." "i am afraid you are mixing up localities, harry. i may be a goth or a philistine, but perhaps you are not aware that these peoples or tribes had no connection with each other. your education in matters unconnected with the royal navy seems to have been even more deplorably neglected than my own." "shut up, youngster!" "no, lieutenant prendergast, you are not on the quarter-deck of one of her majesty's ships at present. you are not even the leader of a small caravan on the march. we are in this locanda on terms of perfect equality, save and except in any small advantage that you may possess in the matter of years." harry laughed. "well, bertie, i do not altogether disagree with what you say. if i had come here to get up the history of the incas, and investigate the ruins of their palaces, i should be content to stay here for some weeks; but as it is, i am really just as anxious as you are to be on the move. i was speaking to dias half an hour ago, and he says that in two more days we shall be able to start again. we have been discussing how much flour and other things it is absolutely necessary to take. of course the better provided we are the more comfortable we shall be; but on the other hand, as dias says, it is of great importance that the mules should carry as little weight as possible. "in crossing the passes we shall have the benefit of the old roads of the incas, but once we leave these the difficulties will be enormous. dias said that it might be better to dispose of our mules altogether and get trained llamas in their place, as these can climb over rocks where no mule could obtain a foothold. but then it would be necessary to take with us one or two natives accustomed to their ways, and this would not suit us at all. however, i do think that it would be worth while to take two or three of these animals with us. they can carry a hundred pounds apiece; but as we may be going over extraordinarily rough country, fifty pounds would be sufficient. the advantage would be that we could establish a sort of central camp at the farthest spot to which the mules could go, and then make exploring expeditions with the llamas to carry provisions and tools. the llamas are not bad eating, so that if we found no other use for them they would assist our commissariat." "how far can they go in a day, harry?" "ten or twelve miles, and you may be sure that that is as much as we can do when we are among the mountains." "then i should think they would be very useful. i suppose there will be no difficulty in buying them?" "none at all. a good many are brought in for sale to the market every day. of course it would be necessary to get strong animals accustomed to burdens." before starting there was another long consultation between harry and dias as to which course it would be better to adopt. the most-frequented pass through the mountains was that to paucartambo, forty miles north-east from cuzco, at the mouth of the pass that leads down into the plains. between this town and the carabaya range, a hundred and fifty miles to the south, was to be found the rich gold deposit to which dias had referred. so far, however, as the traditions he had received informed him, it was situated near the slopes of the tinta volcano, and between that and ayapata. the direct road to this spot was extremely difficult, and he was of opinion that the journey could be more easily performed by going to paucartambo and then skirting the foot of the mountains. "you will find no difficulty in obtaining food as you go along," he said; "wild turkeys, pheasants, and other birds are to be met with in that district. moreover, there are many plantations which have been deserted owing to the depredations of the chincas, a tribe who live on the tributaries of the pueros, or as it used to be called, rio madre de dios. here you will find fields of maize still growing, sugar-cane, cacao, and rice. one after another the estates have been abandoned; at some of them the whole of the people on the farms were massacred, and in all the danger was so great that the proprietors found it impossible to work them. the one drawback to that road is that we may fall in with the chincas, in which case they will certainly attack us. however, they are widely scattered through the forests, and we may not fall in with them. on the other hand, the track by the tinta mountain from sicuani is extremely difficult and dangerous, we might lose several of our animals in traversing it, and should have to depend entirely on what we carried for food." "then by all means let us go the other way, dias. were we to lose some of our mules it would be impossible to replace them, and it would be useless to find gold if we could not carry it away." two days later they started, four llamas having been added to the caravan. dias explained that it would not be necessary to take any natives to attend to these animals, as, once started, they would follow the mules without difficulty, especially if they were fed with them before starting. three days' travelling brought them to the little town, which lay very high up in the hills. the cold here was bitter, and the party needed all their wraps, and were glad to get in motion as soon as it was light. passing over a range of mountains above paucartambo, where a thin layer of snow crunched under their feet, they began the tremendous descent into the plain. in a short time the morning mist cleared away. the road led through a tropical forest. it took them over three hours to reach the river chirimayu, a descent of eleven thousand feet in the course of eight miles. here they halted by the side of a splendid waterfall. the hills rose up perpendicularly on every side except where the little river made its way through the gorge; they were covered with brushwood, ferns, and creepers, thick with flowers of many colours, while lofty palms and forest trees grew wherever their roots could find a hold. splendid butterflies of immense size flitted about; birds of many kinds and beautiful plumage flew hither and thither among the trees; humming-birds sucked the honey from the bright flowers; parrots chattered and screamed in the upper branches of the trees, and the foam and spray of the torrent sparkled in the sun. harry and his brother stood struck with admiration at the loveliness of the scene, even donna maria and josã© ceased their chatter as they looked at a scene such as they had never before witnessed. "it is worth coming all the way from england to see this, bertie." "it is, indeed. if it is all like this i sha'n't mind how long dias takes to find the place he is in search of." at a word from dias they all set to work to take the burdens off the animals. a place was cleared for the tents. when these had been erected josã© collected dried sticks. a fire was soon lighted, and maria began to prepare breakfast. "is it unhealthy here, dias?" "not here, seã±ors; we are still many hundred feet above the plain. in the forest there it is unhealthy for whites, the trees grow so thickly that it is difficult to penetrate them, swamps and morasses lie in many places, and the air is thick and heavy. we shall not go down there until we need. when we must descend we shall find an abundance of maize, and fruits of all sorts. the savages kill the people they find on the estates, but do not destroy the crops or devastate the fields. they are wise enough to know that these are useful to them, and though they are too lazy to work themselves they appreciate the good things that others have planted." "it is rather early to make a halt, dias." "we have work to do, seã±or. in the first place we must find a spot where large trees stand on the bank of the torrent. two or three of these must be felled so that they fall across it; then we shall have to chop off the branches, lay them flat side by side, and make a bridge over which to take animals. after breakfast we must set about this work, and it will be too late before we finish to think of going farther to-day." "it is well that we bought four good axes and plenty of rope at cuzco," harry said. "we shall want them very often, seã±or. three large torrents come down between this and the tinta volcano, besides many smaller ones. some rise from the hills to the north of us. these fall into others, which eventually combine to make the madre de dios. so far as is known boats can descend the river to the amazon without meeting with any obstacle, from a point only a few miles from the head of the pueros, which we shall presently cross. the fact that there are no cataracts during the whole course from the hills to the junction of the rivers, shows how perfectly flat the great plain is." "and did either the incas or the spaniards ever conquer the chincas and cultivate these splendid plains?" "the incas drove them back some distance, seã±or, and forced them to pay a tribute, but they never conquered them. doubtless they cultivated the land for some leagues from the foot of the mountains, as did the spaniards, and it was considered the most fertile part of the montaã±a, as their possessions this side of the cordilleras were called. the spaniards tried to push farther, but met with such stout opposition by the savages that they were forced to desist." all were ready when maria announced breakfast. after the meal they sat smoking for half an hour, reluctant to commence the heavy work before them. "we had better be moving, seã±or," dias said as he rose to his feet, "or we shall not get the bridge made before dark." a hundred yards from the camp they found three large trees growing close to each other near the edge of the stream. bertie looked at them with an air of disgust. "this will be worse for the hands than rowing for twelve hours in a heavy boat." "i dare say it will," harry agreed; "but it has got to be done, and the sooner we set about it the better." "i shall take off my flannel shirt," bertie said. "you had better not, seã±or," dias said, as he saw what the lad was about to do. "there are many insects here that will sting you, and the bites of some of them swell up and turn into sores. now, seã±or, i will take this tree. the next is not quite so large, will you take that? i will help you when i am finished with my own. your brother and josã© can work by turns at the other." it was hard work, for the trees were over two feet across near the foot. dias had felled his before the others had cut half-way through, and he then lent his aid to harry, who was streaming with perspiration. "you are not accustomed to it, seã±or. you will manage better when you have had two or three months' practice at the work." "i did not bargain for this, harry," bertie said as he rested for the twentieth time from his work. "jaguars and alligators, indians and bandits, and hard climbing i was prepared for, but i certainly never expected that we should have to turn ourselves into wood-cutters." "it is hard work, bertie, but it is useless to grumble, and, as dias says, we shall become accustomed to it in two or three months." "two or three months!" bertie repeated with a groan; "my hands are regularly blistered already, and my arms and back ache dreadfully." "well, fire away! why, josã© has done twice as much as you have, and he has hardly turned a hair. i don't suppose that he has had much more practice than you have had, and he is nothing like so strong." "oh, i dare say! if he has never cut, his ancestors have, and i suppose it is hereditary. anyhow, i have been doing my best. well, here goes!" harry laughed at his brother's theory for explaining why josã© had done more work than he had. he was himself by no means sorry that dias had come to his assistance, and that his tree was nearly ready to fall. josã© climbed it with the end of a long rope, which he secured to an upper bough. dias then took the other end of the rope, crossed the torrent by the tree he had felled, and when josã© had come down and harry had given a few more cuts with the axe, he was able to guide the tree in its fall almost directly across the stream. then he took bertie's tree in hand. in ten minutes this was lying beside the others. it took three hours' more work to cut off the branches and to lay the trees side by side, which was done with the aid of one of the mules. the smaller logs were packed in between them to make a level road, and when this was done the workers went back to the little camp. the sun was already setting, and donna maria had the cooking-pots simmering over the fire. "that has been a hard day's work," harry said, when he and his brother threw themselves down on the grass near the fire. "hard is no name for it, harry. i have never been sentenced to work on a tread-mill, but i would cheerfully chance it for a month rather than do another day's work like this. the palms of my hands feel as if they had been handling a red-hot iron, my arms and shoulders ache as if i had been on a rack. i seem to be in pain from the tips of my toes to the top of my head." harry laughed. "it is only what every settler who builds himself a hut in the backwoods must feel, bert. it is the work of every wood-cutter and charcoal-burner; it is a good deal like the work of every miner. you have been brought up too soft, my boy." "soft be hanged!" the lad said indignantly; "it is the first time i have heard that the life of an apprentice on board a ship was a soft one. i have no doubt you feel just as bad as i do." "but you don't hear me grumbling, bert; that is all the difference. i expect that, of the two, i am rather the worse, for my bones and muscles are more set than yours, and it is some years now since i pulled at either a rope or an oar." bertie was silent for a minute or two, and then said rather apologetically: "well, harry, perhaps i need not have grumbled so much, but you see it is a pretty rough beginning when one is not accustomed to it. we ought to have had a short job to begin with, and got into it gradually, instead of having six hours on end; and i expect that the backwoods settler you were talking about does not work for very long when he first begins. if he did he would be a fool, for he certainly would not be fit for work for a week if he kept on till he had nearly broken his back and taken the whole skin off his hands by working all day the first time he tried it." "there is something in that, bertie; and as we are in no extraordinary hurry i do think we might have been satisfied with felling the trees to-day, and cutting off the branches and getting them into place to-morrow. still, as dias seemed to make nothing of it, i did not like to knock off at the very start." "the meal is ready, seã±or," maria said, "and i think we had better eat it at once, for the sky looks as if we were going to have rain." "and thunder too," dias said. "you had better begin; josã© and i will picket the mules and hobble the llamas. if they were to make off, we should have a lot of trouble in the morning." the aspect of the sky had indeed changed. masses of cloud hung on the tops of the hills, and scud was flying overhead. maria placed one of the cooking-pots and two tin plates, knives, and forks beside harry and his brother, with two flat cakes of ground maize. "sit down and have your food at once," harry said to her. "the rain will be down in bucketfuls before many minutes." they were soon joined by dias and josã©, the latter bringing up a large can of water from the stream. they had just finished when large drops of rain began to patter on the ground. "never mind the things," harry said as he leapt to his feet. "crawl under shelter at once; it is no use getting a wetting." all at once made for the tents; and they were but just in time, for the rain began to fall in torrents, and a peal of thunder crashed out overhead as they got under the canvas. "this is our first experience of this sort of thing," harry said, as he and his brother lit their pipes half-sitting and half-reclining on their beds. "i rather wondered why dias put the tents on this little bit of rising ground, which did not look so soft or tempting as the level; but i see now that he acted very wisely, for we should have been flooded in no time if we had been lower down. as it is, i am by no means sure that we shan't have the water in. another time we will take the precaution to make trenches round the tents when we pitch them. however, we have got a waterproof sheet underneath the beds, so i expect it will be all right." "i hope so. anyhow, we had better see that the edges are turned up all round, so that the water cannot run over them. by jove! it does come down. we can hardly hear each other speak." suddenly the entrance to the tent was thrust aside. "here is a candle, seã±ors." it was thrown in, and dias ran back into his own tent, which was but a few yards away, before harry could remonstrate at his coming out. "the candle will be useful, anyhow," bertie said. "it is almost pitch-dark now. what with the sun going down and the clouds overhead, it has turned from day into night in the past five minutes." striking a match he lit the candle, and stuck it in between his shoes, which he took off for the purpose. "that is more cheerful, harry." "hullo! what is that?" a deep sound, which was certainly not thunder, rose from the woods. it was answered again and again from different directions. "they must be either pumas or jaguars, which are always called here lions and tigers, and i have no doubt dias will know by the roar which it is. i should not mind if it were daylight, for it is not pleasant to know that there are at least half a dozen of these beasts in the neighbourhood. we may as well drop the cartridges into our rifles and pistols. i believe neither of these beasts often attacks men, but they might certainly attack our mules." the storm continued, and each clap of thunder was succeeded by roars, snarls, and hissing, and with strange cries and shrieks. during a momentary lull harry shouted: "is there any fear of these beasts attacking us or the mules, dias?" "no, seã±or, they are too frightened by the thunder and lightning to think of doing so." "what are all those cries we hear?" "those are monkeys, seã±or. they are frightened both by the storm and by the roaring of the lions and tigers." "which is the bigger, harry, the puma or the jaguar?" "i believe the jaguar is the bigger, but the puma is the more formidable and fiercer. the latter belongs to the same family as the lion, and the former to that of the leopards. the jaguar is more heavily built than the leopard, and stronger, with shorter legs, but it is spotted just as the leopard is. the puma is in build like the lion, but has no mane. both prey on animals of all kinds. the natives say they catch turtles, turn them over on their backs as a man would do, and tear the shells apart. they will also eat fish; but they are both scourges to the indians and white planters, as they will kill sheep, horses, and cattle. of course, if they are attacked by men and wounded, they will fight desperately, as most wild creatures will; but if man does not molest them, they are quite content to leave him alone, unless he chances to pass under a tree among the branches of which they are lying in wait for prey. both of them can climb trees." "well, i thought i should have slept like a log, harry, after the work that i have done, but what with the thunder and the patter of the rain, and all those noises of beasts, i don't think i am likely to close my eyes." "we shall get accustomed to the noises after a time, bert; but at present i feel as if i were in the middle of a travelling menagerie which had been caught in a thunderstorm. it is curious that all animals should be frightened at lightning, for they cannot know that it is really dangerous." "yes, i know. we had two dogs on the last ship i was in. a clap of thunder would send them flying down the companion into the cabin, and they would crouch in some dark corner in a state of absolute terror. they would do just the same if cannon were fired in salute, or anything of that sort. i suppose they thought that was thunder." in spite, however, of the noises, harry and his brother both dropped off to sleep before long, being thoroughly worn out by the day's work. they were awakened by dias opening the front of their little tent. "the sun is up, seã±ors, and it is a fine morning after the storm. maria has got coffee ready, baked some cakes, and fried some slices of meat." "all right, dias! we will be out directly. we will first run up the bank a short distance, and have a dip." "you won't be able to swim, seã±or. the bed of the torrent is full, and no swimmer could breast the water." "all right! we will be careful." throwing on their ponchos, they went down to the stream and ran along the bank. "the water is coming down like a race-horse, bert, but just ahead it has overflowed its banks. we can have a bath there safely, though it is not deep enough for swimming." after ten minutes' absence they returned to the camp, completed their dressing, and sat down to breakfast. "what were all those frightful noises, dias? were they pumas or jaguars?" "they were both, seã±or. you can easily tell the difference in the sounds they make. the jaguar's is between a roar and a snarl, while the puma's is a sort of a hissing roar." as soon as breakfast was over, the tents were packed up and the mules and llamas laden. dias had given them a feed all round an hour before. the course they should take had been already agreed upon; they must descend to the plain, for it would be next to impossible to cross the ravines on the mountain-side. "each stream coming down from the hills," dias said, "must be followed nearly up to its source, but for the next seventy or eighty miles the search need not be so careful as it must be afterwards. the place cannot be far from tinta, but somewhere this side of it. we need not hurry, for there are two months to spare." "how do you mean, dias?" "on a day that answers to the 21st of march, coyllur--that is a star--will rise at midnight in a cleft in a peak. it can be seen only in the valley in which the stream that contains the gold runs down. this is what my father taught me; therefore there must be mountains to the south-east, and this can only be where the cordilleras run east, which is the case at tinta." "that is excellent as far as it goes, if we happen to be in the right valley at the time, dias, but it would not help us in the slightest if we were in any other valley. and we should have to wait a year before trying in another place." "yes, seã±or, but there are marks on the rocks of a particular kind. there are marks on rocks in other valleys, so that these should not be distinguished by spaniards searching for the place. i should know the marks when i saw them." "then in that case, dias, the star would not be of much use to us." "i know not how that might be, seã±or, but as these instructions have been handed down from the time when the spaniards arrived, it must surely in some way be useful, but in what way i cannot say." "at any rate, dias, what with those marks you speak of, and the star, it will be hard if we cannot find it. i suppose you are sure that the place is rich if we do light upon it?" "of that there can be no doubt, seã±or. tradition says that it was the richest spot in the mountains, and was only worked when the king had need of gold, either for equipping an army or on some special occasion. at such a time it would be worked for one month, and then closed until gold was again required. however, as we go that way we shall explore other valleys. gold is found more or less in all of them. possibly we may find some rich spot which we can fall back upon if we fail in our search." "but i hardly see how we can fail, with the star and those marks on the rocks to aid us." "the marks may have disappeared, seã±or, and in that case we may not be in the right spot when the star rises; or again, the incas may have closed the approach in some way to make the matter sure. i cannot promise that we shall find the gold; but i shall do my best with the knowledge that has come down to me. if i fail, we must try in other directions. when the spaniards came, forty thousand of the incas' people left cuzco and the neighbouring towns, and journeyed away down the mountains and out to the west. since then no reliable news concerning them has been heard, but rumours have from time to time come from that direction to the effect that there is a great and wealthy city there. i say not that if we failed here we should attempt to find it. the dangers from the savages would be too great. there would be great forests to traverse, many rivers to be crossed. we might travel for years without ever finding their city. when we got there, we might be seized and put to death, and if we were spared we might not be able to make off with the treasure. i mention it to show that gold may be found in many other places besides this valley we are seeking." "i quite agree with you, dias, that unless we could get some indication of the position of this city, if it now exists, it would be madness to attempt to search for it. i want gold badly, but i do not propose that we should all throw away our lives in what would be almost a hopeless adventure. even if i were ready to risk my own life on such a mad enterprise, i would not ask others to do the same." crossing the stream, they made their way down through the forest. it was toilsome work, as they often had to clear a way with axes through the undergrowth and tangle of creepers. but at noon they reached level ground. the heat was now intense, even under the trees, and the air close and oppressive. on the way down harry shot a wild turkey. when they halted, this was cut up and broiled over a fire, and after it had been eaten all lay down and slept for two or three hours. "ought we not to set a guard?" harry had asked. "no, seã±or, i do not think it necessary. josã© will lie down by the side of the llamas, and even if the mules should not give us a warning of any man or beast approaching, the llamas will do so. they are the shyest and most timid of creatures, and would detect the slightest movement." for the next three weeks they continued their way. during this time five or six ravines were investigated as far as they could be ascended. samples were frequently taken from sand and gravel and washed, but though particles of gold were frequently found, they were not in sufficient quantity to promise good results from washing. "if we had a band of natives with us," dias said, "we should no doubt get enough to pay well--that is to say, to cover all expenses and leave an ounce or two of profit to every eight or ten men engaged--but as matters stand we should only be wasting time by remaining here." they had no difficulty in obtaining sufficient food; turkeys and pheasants were occasionally shot; a tapir was once killed, and, as they had brought hooks and lines with them, fish were frequently caught in the streams. these were of small size, but very good eating. but, as dias said, they could not hope to find larger species, except far out in the plains, where the rivers were deep and sluggish. the work was hard, but they were now accustomed to it. they often had to go a considerable distance before they could find trees available for bridging the torrents, but, on the other hand, they sometimes came upon some of much smaller girth than those they had first tackled. the labour in getting these down was comparatively slight. sometimes these stood a little way from the stream, but after they were felled two mules could easily drag them to the site of the bridge. when on the march, harry and his brother carried their double-barrelled guns, each with one barrel charged with shot suitable for pheasants or other birds, the other with buck-shot. dias carried a rifle. very seldom did they mount their mules, the ground being so rough and broken, and the boughs of the trees so thick, that it was less trouble to walk at the heads of their animals than to ride. chapter vii an indian attack one day when they returned from exploring a valley, harry and his brother, taking their rifles, strolled down an open glade, while dias and josã© unpacked the animals. they had gone but a hundred yards when they heard a sound that was new to them. it sounded like the grunting of a number of pigs. dias was attending to the mules. harry and bertie caught up their guns. presently a small pig made its appearance from among some trees. harry was on the point of raising his gun to his shoulder when dias shouted, "stop, do not shoot!" "what is the matter, dias?" he asked in surprise, as the latter ran up. "that is a peccary." "well, it is a sort of pig, isn't it?" "yes, seã±or. but if you were to kill it, we might all be torn in pieces. they travel through the forests in great herds, and if one is injured or wounded, the rest will rush upon its assailants. you may shoot down dozens of them, but that only redoubles their fury. the only hope of escape is to climb a tree; but they will keep watch there, regardless of how many are shot, until hunger obliges them to retire. they are the bravest beasts of the forests, and will attack and kill even a lion or a tiger if it has seized one of their number. i beg you to stroll back quietly, and then sit down. i will go to the head of the mules. if the herd see that we pay no attention to them, they may go on without interfering with us. if we see them approaching us, and evidently intending to attack, we must take to the trees and try to keep them from attacking the mules; but there would be small chance of our succeeding in doing so." he and josã© at once went up to the mules, and stood perfectly quiet at their head. harry and bertie moved closely up, laid their double-barrelled guns beside them, and then sat down. by this time forty or fifty of the peccaries had issued from the trees; some were rooting among the herbage, others stood perfectly quiet, staring at the group on the rise above them. seeing no movement among them nor any sign of hostility, they joined the others in their search for food, and in a quarter of an hour the whole herd had moved off along the edge of the forest. "praise be to the saints!" dias said, taking off his hat and crossing himself. "we have escaped a great danger. a hunter would rather meet a couple of lions or tigers than a herd of peccaries. these little animals are always ready to give battle, and once they begin, fight till they die. the more that are killed the more furious do the others become. even in a tree there is no safety. many a hunter has been besieged in a tree until, overpowered by thirst, he fell to the ground and was torn to pieces." "what do they eat?" harry asked. "they will eat anything they kill, but their chief food is roots. they kill great numbers of snakes. even the largest python is no match for a herd of peccaries if they catch him before he can take refuge in a tree." "well, then, it is very lucky that you stopped us before we fired." "fortunate indeed, seã±or. by taking to the trees we might have saved our lives, but we should certainly have lost our mules. both pumas and tigers kill the little beasts when they come across stragglers. and it is well that they do, for otherwise the woods would be full of them, though fortunately they do not multiply as fast as our pigs, having only two or three in a litter. they are good eating, but it is seldom that a hunter can shoot one, for if he only wounds it, its shrieks will call together all its companions within a mile round." "then we must give up the idea of having pork while we are among the mountains." "now, are you going to keep me here all day, dias?" maria called suddenly. "it seems to me that you have forgotten me altogether." harry and bertie could not help laughing. dias had, on returning to the mules, taken his wife and seated her on a branch six feet from the ground, in order that, should the peccaries attack them, he might be ready at once to snatch up his rifle and join in the fight without having first to think of the safety of his wife. he now lifted her down. the action did even more than what dias had said to convince harry of the seriousness of the danger to which they had been exposed, for as a rule donna maria had scoffed at any offers of aid, even in the most difficult places, and with her light springy step had taxed the power of the others to keep up with her. these offers had not come from dias, who showed his confidence in his wife's powers by paying no attention whatever, and a grim smile had often played on his lips when harry or his brother had offered her a hand. that his first thought had been of her now showed that he considered the crisis a serious one. "i thought dias had gone mad," she said, as she regained her feet. "i could not think what was the matter when he began to shout and ran towards you. i saw nothing but a little pig. then, when he came slowly back with you and suddenly seized me and jerked me up on to that bough, i felt quite sure of it, especially when he told me to hold my tongue and not say a word. was it that little pig? i saw lots more of them afterwards." "yes; and if they had taken it into their heads to come this way you would have seen a good deal more of them than would be pleasant," dias said. "with our rifles we could have faced four lions or tigers with a better hope of success than those little pigs you saw. they were peccaries, a sort of wild pig, and the most savage little beasts in the forest. they would have chased us all up into the trees and killed all the mules." "who would have thought it!" she said. "why, when i was a girl i have often gone in among a herd of little pigs quite as big as those things, and never felt the least afraid of them. i must have been braver than i thought i was." "you are a good deal sillier than you think you are, maria," dias said shortly. "there is as much difference between our pig and a peccary as there is between a quiet indian cultivator on the sierra and one of those savage indians of the woods." "i suppose i can light a fire now, dias. there is no fear of those creatures coming back again, is there?" "no, i should think not. fortunately they are going in the opposite direction, otherwise i should have said that we had better stop here for a day or two in case they should attack us if we came upon them again." the next day, as they were journeying through the forest, at the foot of the slopes josã© gave a sudden exclamation. "what is it?" dias asked. "i saw a naked indian standing in front of that tree; he has gone now." "are you sure, josã©?" "quite sure. he was standing perfectly still, looking at us, but when i called to you he must have slipped round the tree. i only took my eyes off him for a moment; when i looked again he was gone." "then we are in for trouble," dias said gravely. "of course it was one of the chincas. no doubt he was alone, but you may be sure that he has made off to tell his companions he has seen us. he will know exactly how many we are, and how many animals we have. it may be twenty-four hours, it may be three or four days, before he makes his appearance again; but it is certain that, sooner or later, we shall hear of him. hunters as they are, they can follow a track where i should see nothing; and so crafty are they, that they can traverse the country without leaving the slightest sign of their passage. the forest might be full of them, and yet the keenest white hunter would see no footprint or other mark that would indicate their presence." "what had we better do, dias?" "we shall probably come to another stream before nightfall, seã±or. this we will follow up until we get to some ravine bare of trees. there we can fight them; in the forest we should have no chance. they would lie in ambush for us, climb into the trees and hide among the foliage, and the first we should know of their presence would be a shower of arrows; and as they are excellent marksmen, we should probably be all riddled at the first volley. there can be no sauntering now, we must push the animals forward at their best speed. i will lead the way. do you, seã±or, bring up the rear and urge the mules forward. i shall try and pick the ground where the trees are thinnest, and the mules can then go at a trot. they cannot do so here, for they would always be knocking their loads off." it was evening before they arrived at a stream. here they made a short halt while they gave a double handful of grain to each of the animals, then they pushed on again until it was too dark to go farther. "will it be safe to light a fire, dias?" "yes, that will make no difference. they are not likely to attack us at night. savages seldom travel after dark, partly because they are afraid of demons, partly because they would be liable to be pounced upon by wild beasts. but i do not think there is any chance of their overtaking us until tomorrow. the man josã© saw may have had companions close at hand, but they will know that we are well armed, and will do nothing until they have gathered a large number and feel sure that they can overpower us. they will probably take up the track to-morrow at daylight; but we have made a long march, and can calculate that we shall find some defensible position before they overtake us. josã© and i will keep watch to-night." "we will take turns with you, dias." "no, seã±or; my ears are accustomed to the sounds of the forests, yours are not. if you were watching i should still have no sleep." the night passed without an alarm. an hour before daylight dias gave all the animals a good feed of corn, and as soon as it was light they again started. they were already some distance up the mountain, and after eight hours' travelling they arrived at a gorge that suited their purpose. for two hundred yards the rocks rose perpendicularly on each side of the stream, which was but some thirty feet wide. no rain had fallen for some days, and the water was shallow enough at the foot of the cliff for the mules to make their way among the fallen rocks, through which it rushed impetuously. at the upper end the cliffs widened out into a basin some fifty yards across. "we cannot do better than halt here," dias said. "in two or three hours we can form a strong breast-work on the rocks nearly out to the middle of the stream, where the current is too swift for anyone to make his way up against it." "are they likely to besiege us long, dias?" "that i cannot say; but i do not think they will give it up easily. savages learn to be patient when roaming the forest in search of game. their time is of no value to them; besides, they are sure to lose many if they attack, and will therefore try to get their revenge." "they may have to give it up from want of food." dias shook his head. "there are sure to be plenty of fish in the river, and they will poison some pool and get an abundance. with their bows and arrows they can bring down monkeys from the trees, and can snare small animals. however, seã±or, we can talk over these things to-morrow. we had best begin the breast-work at once while maria is cooking dinner, which we need badly enough, for we have had nothing but the maize cakes we ate before starting." working hard till it was dark, they piled up rocks and stones till they formed a breast-work four feet high on both sides. some twelve feet in the centre were open. they had chosen a spot where so many fallen rocks lay in the stream that it needed comparatively little labour to fill up the gaps between them. "i thought wood-chopping bad enough," bertie said as they threw themselves down on the ground after completing their labour, "but it is a joke to this. my back is fairly broken, my arms feel as if they were pulled out of the sockets, my hands are cut, i have nearly squeezed two nails off." "it has been hard work," harry agreed; "still, we have made ourselves fairly safe, and we will get the walls a couple of feet higher in the morning. we shall only want to add to them on the lower face in order to form a sort of parapet that will shelter us as we lie down to fire, so it won't be anything like such hard work. then we will fill in the rocks behind with small stones and sand to lie down upon." "they will never be able to fight their way up to it," dias said. "we need have no fear on that score. the question is, can they get down into this valley behind us; the rocks look very steep and in most places almost perpendicular." "they are steep, seã±or; but trees grow on them in many places, and these savages are like monkeys. we shall have to examine them very carefully when we have finished the wall. if we find that it is possible for anyone to get down, we must go up the next gorge and see if we can find a better position." "i suppose you think we are safe for to-night, dias?' "i don't think they will try to come up through the stream. they have keen eyes, but it would be so dark down there that even a cat could not see. they will guess that we have stopped here, and will certainly want to find out our position before they attack. one or two may come up as scouts, and in that case they may attack at daybreak. of course two of us will keep watch; we can change every three hours. i will take the first watch with your brother, and you and josã© can take the next." "josã© had better sleep," maria put in; "he watched all last night. my eyes are as good as his, and i will watch with don harry." harry would have protested, but dias said quietly: "that will be well, maria, but you will have to keep your tongue quiet. these savages have ears like those of wild animals, and if you were to raise your voice you might get an arrow in the brain." "i can be silent when i like, dias." "it is possible," dias said dryly; "but i don't remember in all these years we have been married that i have known you like to do so." "i take that as a compliment," she said quietly, "for it shows at least that i am never sulky. well, don harry, do you accept me as a fellow watcher?" "certainly i shall be very glad to have you with me; and i don't think that you need be forbidden to talk in a low tone, for the roar of the water among the rocks would prevent the sound of voices from being heard two or three yards away." accordingly, as soon as it became dark dias went to the wall with bertie. josã©, after a last look at the mules, wrapped himself in a blanket and lay down. "i think i had better turn in to the tent," harry said; "we have had two days' hard work, and the building of that wall has pretty nearly finished me, so if i don't get two or three hours' sleep to-night i am afraid i shall not be a very useful sentinel." five minutes later he was sound asleep, and when his brother roused him he could hardly believe that it was time for him to go on duty. "dias is waiting there. will you come down?" the latter said. "you were sleeping like a top; i had to pull at your leg three times before you woke." "i am coming," harry said as he crawled out. "i feel more sleepy than when i lay down, and will just run down to the stream and sluice my head, that will wake me up in earnest, for the water is almost as cold as ice." when he came back he was joined by donna maria, and, taking both his shot-gun and rifle, he went forward with her to the barricade. "so you have neither seen nor heard anything, dias?" "nothing whatever, seã±or." "i have had a good sleep, dias; we will watch for the next four hours. it is eleven o'clock now, so you will be able at three to take it on till daylight." "i will send and call you again an hour before that," dias said. "if they attack, as i expect they will as soon as the dawn breaks, we had better have our whole force ready to meet them." so saying dias went off. "this is scarcely woman's work, donna maria." "it is woman's work to help defend her life, seã±or, as long as she can. if i found that the savages were beating us i should stab myself. they would kill you, but they might carry me away with them, which would be a thousand times worse than death." "i don't think there is any fear of their beating us," harry said; "certainly not here. we ought properly to be one on each side, but really i shirk the thought of wading through the river waist-deep at that shallow place we found a hundred yards up; it would be bad enough to go through it, worse still to lie for four hours in wet clothes." "besides, we could not talk then, seã±or," maria said with a little laugh, "and that would be very dull." "very dull. even now we must only talk occasionally; we shall have to keep our eyes and ears open." "i don't think either of them will be much good," she said; "i can see the white water but nothing else, and i am sure i could not hear a naked footstep on the rocks." "it is a good thing the water is white, because we can make out the rocks that rise above the surface. when our eyes get quite accustomed to the dark we should certainly be able to see any figures stepping upon them or wading in the water." "i could see that now, seã±or. i think it will be of advantage to talk, for i am sure if i were to lie with my eyes straining, and thinking of nothing else, they would soon begin to close." talking occasionally in low tones, but keeping up a vigilant watch, they were altogether hidden from the view of anyone coming up the stream, for they exposed only their eyes and the top of their heads above the rough parapet. no attempt had been made to fill up the spaces between the stones, so that, except for the rounded shape, it would be next to impossible to make them out between the rough rocks of the crest. harry had laid his double-barrelled gun on the parapet in front of him. he had loaded both barrels with buck-shot, feeling that in the darkness he was far more likely to do execution with that weapon than with a rifle. they had been some two hours on watch when donna maria touched his arm significantly. he gazed earnestly but could see nothing. a minute later, however, a rock about fifteen yards away seemed to change its shape. before, it had been pointed, but just on one side of the top there was now a bulge. "do you see them?" maria whispered. "i can make out one above the rocks; the other is standing against the wall." [illustration: an indian spies the expedition.] there was no movement for two or three minutes, and harry had no doubt that they were examining the two black lines of stones between which the water was rushing. "there are two others on this side, seã±or," maria whispered. the pause was broken by the sharp tap of two arrows striking on the stones a few inches below their heads. "well, you have begun it," harry muttered. he had already sighted his gun at the head half-hidden by the rock. he now pulled the trigger, and then, turning, he fired the other barrel, aiming along the side of the canyon where the two men seen by his companion must be standing. the head disappeared, and loud cries broke from the other side. the stillness that had reigned in the valley was broken by a chorus of shrieks and roars, and the air overhead thrilled with the sound of innumerable wings. harry on firing had laid down the fowling-piece and snatched up his rifle. "do you see any others?" "two have run away; the one against the rocks on the other side was wounded, for i saw him throw up his arms, and it was he who screamed. the man by him dropped where he stood; the one behind the rock is killed, i saw his body carried away in the white water." half a minute later dias and bertie came up. "so they have come, seã±or?" "yes, there were four of them. your wife saw them, though i could only make out one. they shot two arrows at us, and i answered them. the man i saw was killed, and donna maria said that one on the other side also fell, and another was wounded." "that was a good beginning," dias said. "after such a lesson they will attempt nothing more to-night, and i doubt whether they will come down in the morning. they can get sight of the barricades from that bend a hundred yards down, and i don't think they will dare come up when they see how ready we are for them." "well, we will work out our watch anyhow, dias. now that i see how sharp donna maria's eyes are i have not the least fear of being surprised." "i will stop with you," bertie said; "i shall have no chance of going off to sleep again after being wakened up like that." "if you are going to stop, bertie, you had better go back and fetch a blanket, it is chilly here; then if you like you can doze off again till your watch comes." "there is no fear of that, harry. i have been eight-and-forty hours on deck more than once. i will warrant myself not to go to sleep." in spite of this, however, in less than ten minutes after his return bertie's regular breathing showed that he was sound asleep. harry and maria continued their watch, but no longer with the same intentness as before. they were sure that dias would not have lain down unless he felt perfectly certain that the chincas would make no fresh move until the morning, and they chatted gaily until, at two o'clock, dias came up. "everything is quiet here, dias. my brother is fast asleep, but i will wake him now that you have come up." "do not do so, seã±or; he worked very hard building the walls today. if i see anything suspicious i will rouse him. we may have work tomorrow, and it is much better that he should sleep on." "thank you, dias! the fatigue has told on him more than on us; his figure is not set yet, and he feels it more." he walked back to the tents with maria. "if you wake just as daylight breaks please rouse me," he said. "i shall wake, seã±or; i generally get up at daybreak. that is the best time for work down in the plain, and i generally contrive to get everything done before breakfast at seven." harry slept soundly until he was called. "the sky is just beginning to get light, seã±or." he turned out at once. josã© was already feeding the mules. "you had better come along with me, josã©, and bring that gun of yours with you. if the savages do attack, it will be well to make a forcible impression on them." greatly pleased with the permission, josã© took up the old musket he carried and accompanied harry. "what have you got in that gun, josã©?" "the charge of buck-shot that you gave me the other day, seã±or." "all right! but don't fire unless they get close. the shot will not carry far like a bullet; but if fired when they are close it is better than any bullet, for you might hit half a dozen of them at once." josã© had been allowed to practise at their halting-places, and though he could not be called a good shot, he could shoot well enough to do good execution at thirty or forty yards. bertie was still asleep. "everything quiet, dias?" "i have seen nothing moving since i came out." "now, bertie," harry said, stirring his brother up with his foot. "all hands on deck!" bertie sat up and opened his eyes. "what is up now?" he said. "ay, what, is it you, harry, and josã© too? i must have been asleep!" "been asleep! why, you went off in the middle of my watch, and dias has been on the look-out for over three hours." "oh, confound it! you don't mean to say that i have slept for over five hours? why didn't you wake me, dias?" he asked angrily. "two eyes were quite enough to keep watch," dias said. "i should have waked you if i had seen anything of the savages. besides, don harry said you might as well go on sleeping if nothing happened, and i thought so too." "i feel beastly ashamed of myself," bertie said. "i don't want to be treated like a child, harry." "no, bertie, and i should not think of treating you so; but you had had very hard work, and were completely knocked up, which was not wonderful; and you may want all your strength to-day. besides, you know, you would have been of no use had you been awake, for you could have seen nothing. donna maria's eyes were a good deal sharper than mine, and i am quite sure that, tired as you were, dias would have seen them coming long before you would. we had better lie down again, for it will be light enough soon for them to make us out. how far do their arrows fly, dias?" "they can shoot very straight up to forty or fifty yards, but beyond that their arrows are of very little use." "well, then, we shall be able to stop them before they get to that ravine." presently, as it became light, a figure showed itself at the turn of the ravine. "don't fire at him," harry said; "it is better that they should think that our guns won't reach them. besides, if the beggars will leave us alone, i have no wish to harm them." in a minute or two the figure disappeared behind the bend and two or three others came out. "they think that our guns won't carry so far, or we should have shot the first man." for a quarter of an hour there were frequent changes, until at least fifty men had taken a look at them. "now there will be a council," harry said as the last disappeared. "they see what they have got before them, and i have no doubt they don't like it." "i don't think they will try it, seã±or," dias said. "at any rate they will not do so until they have tried every other means of getting at us." half an hour passed, and then harry said. "i will stop here with my brother, dias, and you and josã© had better examine the hillsides and ascertain whether there is any place where they can come down. you know a great deal better than i where active naked-footed men could clamber down. they might be able to descend with ease at a place that would look quite impossible to me." without a word dias shouldered his rifle and walked away, followed by josã©. he returned in two hours. "there are several places where i am sure the savages could come down. now, seã±ors, breakfast is ready; i will leave josã© here, and we will go and talk matters over while we eat. the tents are only a hundred yards away, so that if josã© shouts, we can be back here long before the savages get up, for they could not come fast through that torrent." "it seems to me," harry said after they had finished the meal, "that if there are only one or two points by which they could climb down we could prevent their doing so by picking them off; but if there are more, and they really come on in earnest, we could not stop them." "there are many more than that," dias replied. "i made out certainly four points on the right-hand side and three on the left where i could make my way down; there are probably twice as many where they could descend." "then i should say that the first thing to do is to go up through the gorge above and see whether there is any place that could be better defended than this. if we find such a spot, of course we could move to it; if not, we shall have to settle whether to go up the gorge till we get to some place where the mules can climb out of it, or stay here and fight it out. by camping on the stream at a point where it could not be forded, and making a breast-work with the bales, stones, and so on, i think we could certainly beat off any attack by daylight, but i admit that we should have no chance if they should make a rush during the night." "i will go at once," said dias, "and examine the river higher up. if i can find no place where the mules can climb, i am sure to be able to find some spot where we could do so. but that would mean the failure of our expedition, for we certainly could not go up the mountains, purchase fresh animals, food, and tools, and get down to the place we are looking for until too late." "that would be serious, dias, but cannot be counted against our lives. if there is no other way of escape from these savages, we must certainly abandon the animals and make our way back as best we can. in that case we must give up all idea of finding this gold stream. the star would not be in the same place again for another year, and even then we might not find it; so we must make up our minds to do our best in some other direction. that point we must consider as settled. i should not feel justified in risking my brother's life, yours, your wife's, and your nephew's, by remaining here to fight we know not how many savages--for there may be many more than the fifty we saw this morning, and they may in a day or two be joined by many others of their tribe." "i should not like to lose all the animals and go back empty-handed," dias said after a silence of two or three minutes, "unless it were a last resource." "nor should i, dias; but you see, if we linger too long we may find it impossible to retire, we may be so hemmed in that there would be no chance of our getting through. for the day of course we are safe. the savages will have to decide among themselves whether to give the matter up, seeing that they are sure to lose many lives before they overpower us. then, if they determine to attack us, they will have to settle how it is to be done. numbers of them will go up to the top of the hills on both sides and try to find a point at which they can make their way down; others, perhaps--which would be still more serious--may go farther up into the hills to find a spot where they could come down and issue out by the upper gorge, and then our retreat would be altogether cut off. all this will take time, so we may feel sure that no attack will be made to-day." "i will start up the river at once, seã±or. certainly the first point to be settled is whether we can find a more defensible spot than this, the second whether there is any way by which the animals can be taken up." "there must surely be many points higher up where this can be done." "yes, seã±or, if we could get to them. but you saw we had difficulty in making our way through this gorge; there may be others higher up where it would be impossible either for us or the animals to pass." "i did not think of that. yes, that must be so. well, you had certainly better go at once. my brother will relieve josã©, and after the boy has breakfasted he can return to his post, and bertie can join me. i think if i see the savages trying to find a path i will open fire upon them. i don't say i should be able to hit them, for the top of those hills must be eight or nine hundred yards' range, and it is not easy to hit an object very much above or very much below you; but it is important that they should know that our weapons carry as far as that; when they hear bullets strike close to them they will hesitate about coming lower down, and unless they do come within two or three hundred feet from the bottom they cannot be sure of getting down." dias nodded. "that is a very good idea. another cause of delay will be that those at the top cannot see far down the rock on their own side, so they will have to start by guess-work. each party must fix upon the easiest places on the opposite side, and then go back again and change sides. i don't suppose they know any more of this place than we do. they always keep down in the plains, and it is only because they met us down there that they have followed us so far. i believe they will follow on as long as they think there is a chance of destroying us, for they are so jealous of any white man coming into what they regard as their country that they would spare no pains to kill anyone who ventured there. now i will go, seã±or. you will keep near this end of the valley, in case there should be an alarm that they are coming up the stream." "certainly; and my brother shall remain with josã©. with his rifle and the two double-barrelled guns and josã©'s musket they could hold the ravine against anything but a rush of the whole tribe." an hour later harry saw a number of figures appear against the sky-line on both sides. as they were clustered together, and would afford a far better mark than a single indian, he took a steady aim at the party on the southern hill and fired. he had aimed above rather than below them, as, had the ball struck much below, they might not hear it, whereas, if it went over their heads, they would certainly do so. a couple of seconds after firing he saw a sudden movement among the savages, and a moment later not one was to be seen. donna maria, who was standing close by him watching them, clapped her hands. "your ball must have gone close to them," she said, "but i don't think you hit anyone." "i did not try to do so," he said. "i wanted the ball to go just over their heads, so that they should know that even at that distance they were not safe. i have no doubt that astonishment as much as fear made them bolt. they'll be very careful how far they come down the side of the hill after that. now for the fellows on the other side." but these too had disappeared, having evidently noticed the effect produced upon the others. after a pause heads appeared here and there at the edge of the crests. evidently the lesson had impressed them with the necessity for precaution, as they no longer kept together, and they had apparently crawled up to continue their investigations. beyond keeping a watch to see that none had attempted to descend the slope harry did not interfere with them. at times he strolled to the breast-work, but no movement had been seen in that direction. in two hours dias returned. "the gorge above is a quarter of a mile through, and very difficult to pass. it is half-blocked with great rocks in two or three places, and there would be immense difficulty in getting the mules over. beyond that it widens again, but the extent is not more than half what it is here. the walls are almost perpendicular, and i do not think that it would be possible to climb them at any point. farther up there is another ravine. it is very narrow--not half so wide as this--and the stream rushes with great velocity along it. two hundred yards from the entrance the rocks close in completely, and there is a fall of water sixty or seventy feet high." "well, that settles the point, dias. we cannot get the animals out except by the way they came in. as for ourselves, we might climb up at some point in this ravine, but not in the others." "that is so, seã±or," dias said. "the outlook is a bad one--that is to say, we may now be unable to reach the gold river in time--but so long as we stay here we may be safe. we have plenty of provisions, we can catch fish in the stream, and no doubt shall find birds in the bushes at the lower part of the slopes. i doubt whether the natives will dare come down those precipices at night. if they try to descend by day, we can very well defend ourselves." "the only question is, how long will it take to tire them out?" "that i cannot tell. we know so little of the chincas that we have nothing to go upon. some savages have patience enough to wait for any time to carry out their revenge or slay an enemy; others are fickle, and though they may be fierce in attack, soon tire of waiting, and are eager to return to their homes again. i cannot think that they will speedily leave. they have assembled, many of them perhaps from considerable distances; they have had two days' march up here, and have lost at least two of their comrades. i think they will certainly not leave until absolutely convinced that they cannot get at us, but whether they may come to that decision in two days or a month i cannot say." chapter viii defeat of the natives bertie, who had joined harry when he saw dias approaching, had listened silently to their talk, then said: "don't you think that, by loading the mules and moving towards the mouth of the next gorge just as it is getting dark, we might induce the chincas to think that we are going that way, and so to follow along the top of the hills. we might, as soon as night has fallen, come back again and go down the stream. of course there may be some of them left to watch the mouth of the ravine, but we could drive them off easily enough, and get a long start before the fellows on the hills know what has happened." none of the others spoke immediately; then harry said: "the idea is a good one as far as it goes. but you see at present we are in a very strong position. if we leave this and they overtake us in the woods, we shall not have the advantages that we have here." "yes, i see that, harry; but almost anything is better than having to wait here and lose our chance of finding that gold." "we can't help that, bertie. you know how much that gold would be to me, but, as i said this morning, i will run no desperate risks to obtain it. when i started upon this expedition i knew that the chances of success were extremely slight, and that there might be a certain amount of danger to encounter from wild beasts and perhaps brigands; but i had never calculated upon such a risk as this, and certainly i am not prepared to accept the responsibility of leading others into it." there was again silence, which was broken at last by dias. "the proposal of the young seã±or is a very bold one; but, as you say, don harry, after leaving our position we should be followed and surrounded. in the forest that would be very bad. i should say let us wait for at least a week; that will still give us time to reach the gold valley. by then the savages may have left, and some other plan may have occurred to us; at any rate, at the end of a week we shall see how things go. the indians may have made an attack, and may lose heart after they are repulsed. they may find difficulty in procuring food, though i hardly think that is probable. still, many things may occur in a week. if at the end of that time they are still here, we can decide whether to try some such plan as the young seã±or has thought of, or whether to wait until the indians leave, and then return to cuzco; for i feel certain that the place cannot be found except by the help of the star." "well, then," bertie said, "could we not hit upon some plan to frighten them?" "what sort of plan, bertie?" "well, of course we could not make a balloon--i mean a fire-balloon--because we have no paper to make it with. if we could, and could let it up at night, with some red and blue fires to go off when it got up high, i should think it would scare them horribly." "yes; but it would be still better, bertie, if we could make a balloon big enough to carry us and the mules and everything else out of this place, and drop us somewhere about the spot we want to get to." "oh, it is all very well to laugh, harry! i said, i knew we could not make a fire-balloon; i only gave that as an example. if we had powder enough we might make some rockets, and i should think that would scare them pretty badly." "yes, but we haven't got powder, bertie. we have plenty of cartridges for sporting purposes, or for fighting; but a rocket is a thing that wants a lot of powder, besides saltpetre and charcoal, and so on." "yes, yes, i know that," bertie said testily. "my suggestion was that we might frighten them somehow, and i still don't see why we shouldn't be able to do it. let us try to hit upon something else." "there is a good deal in what the young seã±or says," dias said gravely. "all the indians are very superstitious, and think anything they don't understand is magic. it is worth thinking over: but before we do anything else we might find out how many of them there are at the other end of the ravine. only a few may be left, or possibly the whole tribe may be gathered there at nightfall. to-night nothing will be settled, but to-morrow night i will go down the torrent with josã©. i will carry your double-barrelled guns with me, seã±or, if you will let me have them. when we get to the other end i will take up my station there. josã© is small and active. he could crawl forward and ascertain how many of them there are. if he should be discovered, which is not likely, he would run back to me. i should have four barrels ready to pour into them. that would stop them, for they would think we were all there and were going to attack them, and before they could recover from their alarm we should be back here again." "that seems a good plan, dias; but i do not see why bertie and i should not go down with you." "it would be better not, seã±or. in the first place, they may have men posted at their end of the ravine, and though two of us might crawl down without being seen, just as they crawled up here, they would be more likely to see four; in the next place, they might chance to crawl down the hillside above just as we were going down the ravine, and maria and the animals would be at their mercy." "they are hardly likely to choose the exact moment when we are to be away, but i quite agree with you that the risk must not be run." "well," bertie said, returning to his former idea, "if dias can go down there, i still think that somehow we might get up a scare." harry laughed. "well, you think it over, bertie. if you can suggest anything, i promise you that dias and i will do our best to carry it out." "very well," bertie replied gravely, "i will think it over." "now," harry said, "we had better sleep in watches at night; one must be at the breast-work, and one must listen for noises on the cliffs. it would be hardly possible for a number of men to crawl down without exciting suspicion or putting in motion some small stones." "i do not think, seã±or," dias said, "that it will be necessary to keep that watch, for, as we knew from the noise when you fired last night, there are numbers of birds and at least one beast--i fancy it is a bear from the sound of its roar--up there, and it would be strange if a number of men making their way down did not disturb some of them; indeed, if one bird gave the alarm, it would put them all in motion; besides, there are certainly monkeys, for i heard their cries and chattering when the birds flew up. still, it is perhaps as well that one of us should watch. shall we divide, as we did last night? only, of course, josã© takes his place with you." "i quite agree with you, dias. bertie, you had better get three hours' sleep at once, and then after dinner we will sit by the fire here, smoke, and listen, and dias will watch the gorge and keep one ear open in this direction too. it is a comfort to know that if we cannot get away by going up the stream, the indians cannot get down to attack us from that direction." two nights and days passed. the indians were still on the hills, and once or twice men came down some distance, but a shot from harry's rifle sent them speedily back again. the third night bertie was on watch; he saw nothing, but suddenly there came three sharp taps. he discharged one barrel of his gun at random down the ravine, and then held himself ready to fire the other as soon as he saw anyone approaching. it was an anxious minute for him before the other three ran up. "what is it, bertie; have you seen anything?" "no, but three arrows tapped against the wall, so i fired one barrel to call you up, and have been looking out for someone to take a shot at with the other; but i have not seen anyone, though, as you may imagine, i looked out sharply." "it is probable that after the lesson they got the other night they did not come so near, and that they merely shot their arrows to see if we were still on guard. however, we may as well stay here for a bit to see if anything comes of it." nothing happened, however, and they returned to the tents. next morning bertie said to his brother: "look here, harry, i have been thinking over that plan of mine. i really think there is something to be done with it." "well, tell us your plan." "in the first place, how much powder can you spare?" "there is that great powder-horn josã© drags about with him to charge his musket with. it will contain about a couple of pounds, i should say." "that ought to do, i think." "well, what is your plan, bertie?" "in the first place, do you think that burned wood would do for charcoal?" "it depends on what purpose you want it for." "i want it to prevent the powder from going off with a bang." "oh, well, i should think that burned wood ground to a powder would be just as good as charcoal. so you are still thinking of rockets? your two pounds of powder won't make many of them--not above two fair-sized ones, and the betting is they would not go up." "no, i am not thinking of rockets, but of squibs and crackers. i know when i was at school i made a lot of these, and they worked very well. my idea is that if we could crawl up close to where the indians are assembled, each carrying a dozen squibs and as many crackers, we could light a lot of the crackers first and chuck them among them, and then send the squibs whirling about over their heads, with a good bang at the end. it would set them off running, and they would never stop till they were back in their own forests." "well, i really do think that that is a fine idea--a splendid idea! the only drawback is, that in order to carry it out we should want a lot of strong cartridge-paper, and we have no paper except our note-books." "i have thought of that, harry, though it bothered me for a good long time. you see, the cases are only to hold the powder and to burn regularly as the powder does. at first i thought we might find some wood like elder and get the pith out, just as we used to do for pop-guns, but that unfortunately would not burn. we might, however, make them of linen." "but we have no linen." "no, but our leather bed-bags are lined with that coarse sort of stuff they cover mattresses with." "tick, you mean?" "yes, tick. now, it struck me that this would do for the crackers. we should have to cut it in strips three or four times the width of the cracker. then we could get maria to make us some stiff paste; starch would be better, but of course we have none. then, taking a strip of the cloth, we would turn over one side of it an inch from the edge to make a sort of trough, pour in the gunpowder, carefully paste all the rest of it and fold it over and over, and then, when it begins to dry, double it up and tie it with string. we should then only have to add touch-paper, which, of course, we could make out of anything, and put into the end fold. we could break up a few of the cartridges, soak them in wetted powder, and then cut them up into small pieces and stick them into the ends of the crackers. i think that would do first-rate. i have made dozens of crackers, and feel sure that i could turn out a good lot of them now. the squibs will be easier; we should only have to paste one side of the strips and roll them up so as to form suitable cases. when these are dry we should put a thimbleful of powder into each, and then fill them up with powder and charcoal. in order to make sure of a loud bang we could undo a piece of rope and wind the strands round each case for an inch and a half from the bottom. of course, when we had ground down the burned wood we would mix it with powder and try one or two of the squibs, so as to find the proportions of charcoal to be used." "you have evidently thought it all out well, and i think it does you no end of credit. i authorize you to begin the experiment at once. the first thing, of course, will be to get some wood and char it. i should think that you would require at least two pounds of that to two pounds of powder; but you had better only do a little at first--just enough to make an experiment. you know it will require ramming down well." when dias, who was on watch, returned he found bertie at work burning pieces of wood and scraping off the charred surface. harry explained the plan to him. as he had frequently seen fireworks at lima, dias quickly grasped the idea. "it is splendid, seã±or; those things will frighten them far more than guns. they will think so many devils have got among them, and we will heighten the effect by discharging every piece that we can among them. in their confusion they will think it is the fireworks that are killing them. that would be necessary, for otherwise when they recovered from the panic and found that no one had been hurt, they might summon up courage to return." at noon the next day bertie with assistance had four squibs and two crackers ready for trial. the squibs contained respectively one, two, three, and four parts of charcoal to one of powder. "don't hold them in your hand while you are trying the experiment, bertie. lay them down on that stone one by one and touch them off with a burning brand from the fire, and take care that you have a good long one." all, with the exception of josã© who was on watch, gathered round. the first squib exploded with a bang, the second did the same, but with less violence, the third went off in an explosive spurt, the fourth burned as a squib should do, though a little fiercely, and gave a good bang at the end. "they go off rather too rapidly, bertie," harry said; "we should want them to whiz about in a lively way as long as possible. i should put in five parts of that burned wood next time." "i will try at once," bertie said. "i have got lots of cases made, and enough burned stuff to make eight or ten more." the mixture was soon made and another case charged, bertie ramming down the mixture with a stick which he had cut to fit exactly, and a heavy stone as a hammer. this was done after each half-spoonful of the mixture was poured in. then he inserted a strip of his touch-paper. "i will take this in my hand," he said, "there is no fear of its exploding. i want to throw it into the air and see how it burns there." the touch-paper was lit, and when the mixture started burning bertie waved the squib high above his head and threw it into the air. it flew along some fifteen yards and then exploded. "i don't think you can better that, bertie. but you might make the cases a bit stronger; it burned out a little too quickly. we shall probably not be able to get very close to them." the cracker was equally satisfactory, except that they agreed that a somewhat larger charge of powder should be used to increase the noise of the explosion. "now, bertie," harry said, "we will put all hands on to the business. donna maria shall make a good stock of paste, and cut the tick into strips for both widths. you shall make the cases for the squibs. dias and i will take charge of the manufacture of charcoal. that will be a long job, for as you have two pounds of gunpowder we shall want ten of this charred wood." "not quite as much as that, harry, because we shall want the powder alone for the crackers and the bangs of the squibs, and also for making the touch-paper for all of them." "well, we will say ten pounds, anyhow. we have a big stock of cartridges, and can spare a few of them for so good a purpose." they were soon at work. by night the cases were all made and drying, and were left near the fire so as to be ready for filling in the morning. dias then said: "josã© will go down to-night, seã±or. of course i shall go with him. we must find out, in the first place, how near the mouth of the ravine the savages are gathered, whether they keep any watch, and what force they have. it will be well not to make ourselves known to them until at least the greater part are gathered there. if we were only to scare a small party, the others, when they came down, would know nothing of the panic, and might take up the pursuit." "i wish we had some means of driving them off the top of the hill, dias." "i don't see how that can be done, seã±or. but probably in another day or two they will all go down of their own accord. they must by this time have satisfied themselves that there is no getting at us from above, and that it would be too dangerous to attempt a descent here under the fire of our guns. they will be very likely, instead, to go down to-morrow or next day to hold a general council, and in that case they may decide either to risk climbing down at night, or to make a grand assault on the breast-work. or, if they cannot bring themselves to that, they may decide to leave half a dozen men to watch the entrance, while the rest scatter themselves over the forests. in that case the watchers would only have to go off and summon them when we started again. as they might well imagine that we should not find another position like this again, i expect that is what they will do. if there are a hundred of them, they will find it difficult to feed themselves long. certainly the men on the hills will get little to eat up there." "well, dias, be sure you warn josã© to be careful. they may be posting sentries at the mouth of the ravine, just as they are keeping them at this end." "they may be, but i do not think it is likely; they will know that we could not abandon our animals, and that if we passed through they would have no difficulty in over-taking us, and would then have us at their mercy. the last thing they would want is to prevent us from leaving this position. they certainly would not fear an attack from us, knowing that there are but four of us and a woman. therefore, i think it probable that they will keep at some little distance from the entrance, so as to tempt us to come out." "i hope it is so, dias. still, josã© will have to be very careful." "he will be careful, seã±or. he knows his own life will depend upon his crawling along as noiselessly as a snake. if he is seen, of course he will come at all speed back to me; and, unless he is hit by a chance arrow, he will not run much risk, for by the time they are ready to shoot he will be out of sight on such dark nights as these, and in the shade of the mountains and trees. i shall be ready to send four barrels of buck-shot among them when they come up. that is sure to stop them long enough to allow us to get under the cover of your rifles before they can overtake us. "i don't think that you need be at all uneasy about him, seã±or. we will start in an hour's time, so that josã© can get near them before they go to sleep. they will probably have a fire burning, but if not the only guide to their position will be the sound of their talking. he will strip before he leaves me, so that if they catch sight of him, they will suppose that he is one of themselves." bertie now relieved josã©, who came back and had a long talk with dias. "we are ready now, seã±or." "here is my fowling-piece. it is already loaded with buck-shot. bertie has taken down his rifle and gun, and will give you the latter as you pass. i suppose josã© will take no weapons?" "only a long knife, seã±or, that may be useful if he comes upon one of them suddenly." at the barricade josã© stripped, retaining only a pair of sandals. these were as noiseless as his bare feet, and would be needed, as in the dark he might tread upon a thorny creeper, or strike against a projecting rock. "good-bye, josã©!" harry said. "now, be careful. it would be a great grief to us if anything happened to you." "i will be careful, seã±or. the indians won't catch me, never fear." harry and bertie both shook hands with him, and then he and dias stepped into the water, and, keeping close along by the wall of rock, started on their perilous expedition. "i don't like it, bert," harry said as they lost sight of them. "it seems a cowardly thing to let that lad go into danger while we are doing nothing." "that is just what i feel, harry. i would have volunteered willingly, but he will do it a great deal better than either you or i could." "there is no doubt about that," harry agreed. "of course when he is out with the mules he often travels at night, and certainly both he and dias can see in the dark a good deal better than we can." there was suddenly a slight movement behind them, and they turned sharply round. "it is i, seã±or. i am anxious about dias, and i didn't like staying there by myself. i thought you would not mind if i came up and sat by you." "certainly not," harry said. "sit down and make yourself comfortable. i do not think there is any fear for dias. he cannot be taken by surprise, for he will hear by their shouting if they discover josã©, and you may be quite sure that he will bring them to a stand with the four shots he will fire among them as they come near, and so will get a good start. they might run faster than he can in the forest, but will scarcely be better able to make their way up the torrent." when dias had been gone twenty minutes their conversation ceased, and they sat listening intently. in another ten minutes, which seemed an hour to them, harry said, "the savages can keep no watch at their end of the torrent, and josã© must have got safely away." very slowly the time passed. "they must have been gone an hour," bertie said at last. "quite that, i should think, bertie. at any rate, we may feel assured that all has gone well so far. for, though we might not hear the yells of the savages over the rustle and roar of the torrent, we should certainly hear gunshots." another half-hour passed, and then to their relief they heard dias call out, "all is well!" some little distance down. in three or four minutes they could see the two figures approaching. "give me your guns, dias," harry said, "and then i will help you up the rocks. they might go off if you were to make a slip. now, while josã© is putting on his clothes, tell me what he has found out." "i have not heard much, seã±or. as soon as he rejoined me we started off, and, coming up the torrent, we had not much chance of talking. he told me that there were many of them, and that they were camped at some little distance from the stream, just as i thought they would be." "i will stay here, harry," bertie said. "you can hear the news and then come and tell me." "very well. i will be back before long." dias, his wife, and harry walked down towards the tent, and bertie chatted with josã© while the latter was dressing. "you must feel horribly cold, josã©," he said. "i am cold, now i think of it. i did not notice it while i was watching the savages. when i took to the water again i did feel it. maria will make me a cup of hot coffee, and then i shall be all right again. it was good fun to look at them, and know that they had no idea that i was so close. if i could have understood their language, i should have learned something worth telling. i felt inclined to scare them by giving a tremendous yell, and i know i could have got away all right. they were sitting round a big fire and would not have been able to see in the dark. i should have done it, only i thought dias would have blamed me for letting them know that one of us had come down the caã±on." "he would have been angry, josã©, and so would my brother, for they would certainly have set a watch afterwards, which would have spoilt all our plans. now run along, your teeth are chattering, and the sooner you get something warm and wrap yourself up in your blankets the better." the fire had burnt low when the others returned, but an armful of sticks was thrown upon it at once. the kettle had been left in the embers at its edge by maria when she started, so that after it had hung in the blaze for two or three minutes it began to boil, and coffee was soon ready. at this point josã© ran in, and after he had drunk a large mugful he told them what he had learned. "when i left dias at the mouth of the ravine," he said, "everything seemed quiet. i walked along the edge of the stream for fifty yards, keeping my ears open, you may be sure, and i saw a light glow close under the rocks some distance on the other side of the river. i followed the stream down till i came to a place where there was a quiet pool, and there i swam across, then very carefully i made my way to where i could see the light. it was quite three hundred yards from the river. as i got near i could hear talking; i crawled along like a cat, and took good care not to disturb a leaf, or to put a hand or a knee upon a dried stick, for i could not tell whether they had anyone on watch near the fire. i perceived no one, and at last came to a point where i could see the flame. it was in an opening running a hundred feet into the mountains, and perhaps forty feet across at the mouth. "in this were sixty or seventy savages sitting or standing round a fire, which had evidently been made there so that anyone coming down to the mouth of the ravine should not see it. the fire was not a very large one, and a good many of the men were gathered outside the little hollow. some of them were talking loudly, and it seemed to me that they were quarrelling over something. sometimes they pointed up to the top of the hills, sometimes towards the mouth of our ravine. i would have got close if i had understood their language. presently i saw some of them lying down, so that i could see that the quarrel, whatever it was about, was coming to an end, and that they were going to lie down for the night. as i could learn nothing further i crawled away and went down to the place where i had swum the river before, and then crept quietly up to dias, who was on the look-out; for although i had seen no one as i had passed before, there might still have been some of them on the watch." "you have done very well, josã©," harry said. "we have learned two things. first, that they are not keeping watch at the mouth of the ravine, either because they feel sure that we will not try to escape, or because they wish us to leave and are giving us the opportunity of doing so. in the second place, you have learned what force they have got down there, their exact position, and the fact that they were evidently arguing how they had best attack us. well, from what you say there is every chance that we shall be able to come upon them without being noticed till we are close enough to throw our fireworks among them. really the only thing for us to learn is whether many of them are still at the top of the hill." "i hardly think there can be many; only a few have shown themselves to-day. they must know very well that we would not venture to climb up during the day, and that it would be next to impossible for us to do so in the dark, even if we made up our minds to abandon the animals and all our stores." "well, i should say, dias, there is no reason why we should put the matter off. it will not take us long to load all the squibs to-morrow. my opinion is that at dusk we had better saddle the mules and pack everything on them in readiness for a start; then at ten o'clock we can go down and attack the savages. the best moment for doing so will be when they are just lying down. when we have sent them flying we will come up the torrent again, and start with the mules as soon as it is daylight. it would be next to impossible to get them down in the dark, as they might very easily break their legs, or by rubbing against the wall shift their packs and tumble them into the water." "it would be a pity to waste time, seã±or. i will get some torches made to-morrow. some of the trees have resin, and by melting this i can make torches that would do very well. by their aid we could get the mules down without waiting for daylight. as they have already come up the torrent, they will have less fear in going down, for the stream will help them instead of keeping them back. i will go first with josã© and his mule; she is as steady as a rock, and where she goes the others will follow; and with five torches along the line they will be able to see well enough." "four torches, dias. your wife rode coming up, and she had better ride going down." "she can hold a torch as she sits; it does not matter to us if we get wet to the waist, but it would be very uncomfortable for her. we shall have to put the largest burdens on to the mules. one of the riding mules could carry the two llamas, or if you think that that is too much, we can tie each across a separate mule. they were more trouble coming up than all the mules put together. we had pretty nearly to carry them through the deep places, though at other points they leapt from rock to rock cleverly enough." "i am not going to be left behind if you are going to the fight, seã±or," donna maria said, "if you will give me one of your pistols." "we could manage that, i should think," harry said. "we can put you on one of the steadiest mules when we first go down, and with one at each side of you we can manage it very well. josã© must go on a hundred yards ahead to see whether any of the savages are on the watch at their end, and if so, you must wait till we have cleared them out. you see, we shall have no hesitation in shooting any of them if necessary, and though that would bring the rest of them down on us, yet when our squibs and crackers begin to fly among them, you may be sure they won't face us for an instant." dias grumbled that his wife had better stay where she was till they went back for the mules; but harry said: "i do think, dias, that she had better go with us. it would be cruel to leave her now that we are going into a fight--leave her all alone to tremble for our lives, with a knowledge that if things should go wrong with us the savages will soon be up here." "well, seã±or, if you think so, there is no more to be said." "i am not going to be made a trouble of," maria said. "i shall go down on foot like the rest of you. i will take some other clothes with me, so that when you all come back for the mules i can change into them." "perhaps that would be the best plan," harry agreed. "now i will go back and take bertie's place. it is my turn to be on watch, and he will be wanting to hear the news." "well, harry, is it all right?" bertie asked as he heard his brother coming up to him. "it couldn't be better! there are sixty or seventy of them in a sort of little ravine three hundred yards away, on the left-hand side of the river. they don't seem to be keeping guard at all, and if they are not more careful to-morrow night we shall take them completely by surprise. we are going to saddle all the mules directly it gets too dark for any of the fellows on the hills to see us, then we must set to work and pull down enough of the barricade here to allow them to pass. we ourselves, when we go down, will cross at that shallow place above here, and go down the river at that side, otherwise we sha'n't be able to cross it except at some distance beyond the other end of the torrent. of course the mules must go down this side, as we shall want to turn to the right when we get off. we shall make our attack about ten o'clock." bertie went off, and three hours later dias relieved harry. as soon as it was light the next morning bertie and josã© set to work to fill the cases--there were a hundred squibs and fifty large crackers. donna maria after breakfast went out and returned with a number of flexible sticks of about half an inch in diameter; these she carried into her tent, where she shut herself up for the forenoon. when, at one o'clock, she came out with the result of her work, it resembled a chair without legs and with a back about a foot wide and three feet high. "what in the world have you got there, donna maria?" bertie asked. "don't you know?" "no, i have never seen a thing like it before." "this is the thing the porters use for carrying weights, and sometimes people, over the cordilleras. you see that strap near the top goes round the man's forehead, and when there is a weight in the chair these other straps pass over his shoulders and under his arms, and then round whatever is on the seat." "but what is going to be on the seat?" "i am," she laughed. "dias is so overbearing. it had all been arranged nicely, as you know; and then when he spoke to me afterwards he said, 'the first thing to-morrow morning, maria, you will set to work to make a porter's chair, and i shall carry you down the stream. no words about it, but do as you are told.' generally dias lets me have my own way, seã±or, but when he talks like that, i know that it is useless to argue with him. and perhaps it is best after all, for, as he said to me afterwards, it is a nasty place for men to get along, but for a woman, with her petticoats dragging and trailing round her, it would be almost impossible for her to keep her footing." "well, i thought the same thing myself when we were talking about it yesterday," bertie said. "of course i did not say anything, but i am sure dias is right. i found it very hard work to keep my footing, and i really don't believe that i could have done it if i had been dressed as a woman. and dias can carry you like that?" "carry me, seã±or! he could carry three times that weight. he has cut himself a staff seven or eight feet long this morning to steady himself, but i don't think there was any need for it. why, it is a common thing for people to be carried over the cordilleras so, and dias is stronger a great deal than many of the men who do it. as he said, if i had been going through on foot you would all have been bothering about me. and it is not as if two people could go abreast, and one help the other. there is often only room between the rocks for one to pass through, and it is just there where the rush of the water is strongest." chapter ix the signal star during the afternoon dias, who had been keeping a careful look-out at the cliffs, said to harry: "i think, seã±or, that the savages are leaving the hills. an hour ago i saw a man walking along where we generally see them; he was going straight along as if for some fixed purpose, and i thought at once that he might be bringing them some message from the people below us. i lost sight of him after a bit, but presently i could make out some men moving in the other direction. they were keeping back from the edge, but i several times caught sight of their heads against the sky-line when there happened to be some little irregularity in the ground. they were not running, but seemed to me to be going at a steady pace. since then i have been watching carefully, and have seen no one on the other side. i think they have all been sent for, and will be assembled this afternoon at the mouth of the torrent." "i am very glad to hear it, dias; that is just what we wanted." "in one way--yes," dias said. "it would be a great thing for us to catch them all together, for i have no fear that they will stand when these fireworks begin to go off among them." "what is the drawback, then?" "it is, seã±or, that they have either been collected because they have given up the hope of catching us at present, and are going to scatter and hunt till we venture out, which would be the worst thing possible; or they have made up their minds to make a rush upon us." "don't you think that we can beat them back?" "not if they are determined, seã±or. you see, we can't make them out till they are within twenty or thirty yards of us. at most you and your brother could fire four shots, then you would take up your rifles. we shall have then only four shots left. if they continue their rush where shall we be? there would be two of us on one wall and two on the other. there would be four shots to fire from one side and four from the other. then the end would come. two on each side would not be able to keep back the rush of two or three score. in two minutes it would be all over." "yes, dias, i see that if they were determined to storm the place and take us alive they could do it; but we have the fireworks." "i did not think of that. yes; but having once worked themselves up and being mad with excitement, even that might not stop them, though i should think it would. yes, i believe we might feel assured that we should beat them back, and if so, we should hear no more of them." "if i knew that they would come," harry said, "i would certainly say we had best stay and defend ourselves; but we can't be sure that that is their motive for assembling. they may, as you say, be going to move off, leaving perhaps half a dozen men to watch the entrance and report if we attempt to escape. that would be fatal, and our only chance would be to leave everything behind and endeavour to climb up one side or the other; and even that might not avail us, as there may be one or two men up there to see if we make off that way. i am more inclined to think that this is the course that they will take rather than risk a heavy loss of life. they must have a good idea of what it would cost them to take the place." "what do you think we had better do, then, seã±or?" "i think we had better attack them as soon as possible after nightfall. it is likely that they will do nothing before morning; as you say, they do not like moving at night, and if they attack it will not be until shortly before daybreak. there is sure to be a palaver when the men who have been on the hills come down. it will be too late then for them to go back before night, so that i think we are pretty sure to find them all in the ravine this evening. if, when we get there, we find the place empty, we must come to a decision as to what our best course will be. in that case i think we ought to climb the hills and make our way up the mountains as rapidly as possible. we could calculate on eight or ten hours' start, and by keeping as much as possible on the rocks, might hope to get so high among the mountains that they would not be able to follow our traces and overtake us before we reach a point where they would not dare follow us. in that case, of course we should have to give up all hope of finding the gold valley, and lose the mules with all our belongings, which would cripple us terribly." "very well, seã±or; i think that is the best plan." "then we will settle to start at nine o'clock, dias." they then discussed the arrangements for the attack. each was to carry a glowing brand, and when he got there, was to sling his gun behind him and hold twelve squibs in one hand and the brand in the other. when they approached within throwing distance of the savages, they were to lay their guns down beside them, and then harry was to put the ends of his squibs against his brand, and hurl the whole of them among the indians. a few seconds later bertie was to do the same, while harry fired one barrel of buck-shot. bertie was to fire as dias threw a dozen crackers, and then josã© was to throw his squibs. then all were to throw squibs and crackers as far as they could go; and the other two barrels of buck-shot and josã©'s musket were to be poured in. by this time they calculated the savages would be in full flight, and the three rifles could then be used. harry was to hand his rifle to dias before the firing began, and he and bertie were to slip fresh cartridges into these guns and recap them before sending off the last batch of their fireworks, so as to have them in readiness either to empty their contents into the flying indians, or to cover their retreat should the fireworks fail to effect the panic they hoped for. their pistols were also to be reserved until the indians fled. donna maria was to stay by the water, and start at once on her way back if dias shouted to her to do so. every step of the plan settled upon was repeated again and again, until there was no possibility of any mistake being made. maria had not attended the council; her confidence in her two white friends was unbounded, and bertie's invention of the fireworks had placed him on a level with his brother in her estimation. she therefore quietly went on with her preparations for dinner without concerning herself as to the details of the affair. as soon as it was dark and the meal eaten, the tents were struck, the baggage all rolled up and packed on the animals, and the fireworks divided. when everything was in readiness they went together and made a breach in the breast-work wide enough for the mules to pass. at nine o'clock maria was seated in the carrying-chair, and strapped on to her husband's back; then four brands were taken from the fire and the party started. when within fifty yards of the lower end of the ravine josã© went forward, and, returning in a few minutes, reported that no savages were on guard. a fire was burning outside the mouth of the ravine where he had seen them on the evening before, and from the reflection on the rock he believed that another fire was alight inside. his report caused a general feeling of relief, for their great fear had been that the natives might have made off before their arrival. when they stepped out from the water dias set maria down. "you understand, maria," he said: "the moment i call, you are to start up the river." "i understand," she said. "i have my knife, and if you do not rejoin me i shall know how to use it." "we shall rejoin you, maria," dias said confidently. "i believe that at the first volley of fireworks they will be off. they must be more than human if they are not scared, as they never can have heard of such things before." keeping close to the rock wall, they went along in single file until within forty or fifty yards of the fire; then, going down on their hands and knees, they crawled up a slight rise, from the top of which they could see a hundred or more natives gathered round a fire. one was addressing the others, who were seated listening attentively. laying the guns down to be ready for instant action, and keeping themselves concealed in the herbage, harry took his bundle of squibs from his pocket. they were but lightly tied together; slipping off the string he applied the ends to the brand. there was a sudden roar of fire, and waving them once round his head he hurled them into the midst of the assembly. there was a yell of astonishment as the missiles flew hither and thither, exploding with loud reports. the last had not exploded when bertie's handful flew among them; then came the parcel from dias, and at the same moment harry poured a barrel of buck-shot among them, followed by a volley of crackers, while almost simultaneously harry threw his squibs and bertie fired a volley of buck-shot. for a moment the savages were paralysed, then many of them threw themselves on their faces in terror of these fiery demons, while others started in headlong flight. "send them off as quick as you can!" harry shouted, as he discharged his second barrel into the flying natives. bertie followed suit, and then both paused to reload while dias and josã© hurled their remaining fireworks. by this time the last of the natives had leapt up and fled. josã©'s musket and the three rifles cracked out, and then the little party rose to their feet and joined in a wild "hip, hip, hurrah!" "you can come up, maria; they have all gone!" dias cried out; and maria joined them a minute later. more than a score of natives lay dead or badly wounded round their fire. "what are we to do with the wounded?" bertie asked. "we can only leave them where they are," harry said. "some of the savages may have wandered away, or not have come down from the hills, and will return here unaware of what has happened, or one or two of the boldest may venture back again to look after their comrades. at any rate, we can do nothing for them." "it would be better to shoot them, seã±or," dias said. "no, i could not bring myself to do that," harry said. "buck-shot, unless they strike in a body, are not likely to kill. i expect they are more frightened than hurt. after we have gone many of them will be able to crawl down to the river. savages frequently recover from wounds that would kill white men; and even if no others come down, those who are but slightly wounded will help the more incapable. we have cleared the way for ourselves, which was all we wanted, and have taught them a lesson they are not likely to forget for many years to come. let us go back at once and bring down the mules. i suppose you will sit down by the stream, and wait till we come back, maria?" "yes," she said, "there is nothing to be afraid of now; but you can leave me one of your pistols in case one of these savages may be shamming dead." "josã© will wait with her," dias said. "now, josã©, you strike up a song. you are generally at it, and as long as they hear you they will know that some of us are still here, and will not venture to move." "you take my gun, josã©; it is loaded," harry said. "if any of them should move and try to crawl away, don't fire at them; but if they look about and seem inclined to make mischief, shoot at once." coming down with the animals the three men carried torches in each hand. the mules reached the mouth of the torrent without accident, and the llamas were then lifted off the baggage mules which had carried them, and all were turned loose to graze on the rich grass near the edge of the river. josã© and dias went to the fire in the ravine, and returned laden with burning brands, and a fire was soon blazing near the water. two of them kept watch by turns at the spot from which they had fired, lest any of the wounded indians should, on recovering, try to avenge their loss by sending arrows down amongst the party. during the night four of the fallen indians, after first looking round cautiously, crawled away, and the watchers could hear them running fast through the bushes till they were beyond the light of the fire. at dawn a start was made. the river was crossed at the pool where josã© had swum over. dias, on examination, found that the water, even in the deepest part, was not more than breast-high. accordingly he returned; maria, kneeling on one of his shoulders and one of harry's, was carried across without being wetted. then they joined the animals, which were grazing a short distance away, and set off without delay. although they kept a sharp look-out they saw no more of the indians. they ascended several more streams unobserved. rough carvings on the face of several of the rocks led them to carry their excursions farther than usual, but beyond a few ounces of gold, washed from the stream, they found nothing. "they must have been put here for some purpose," said dias. "i have been thinking it over, dias, and i should not be surprised if, as you thought, they were done to deceive searchers. you told me there were some marks by which you would be directed in the gold valley; it is quite likely that other marks might have been placed in the valleys so that the real ones would not be particularly noticed." "that is possible, seã±or; they would certainly do everything they could to prevent anyone not in the secret from knowing. the mark i have to look for first is a serpent. it is carved on a rock at the end of a valley." "in that case the indication of the star would not be necessary, dias." "that may be, seã±or; but the valley may be a large one, and the hiding-place very difficult to find, so that even when the valley was known, it would need the guidance of the star to take us to the right place." "that might be so, dias, if it were a hidden treasure that we were looking for; but as, according to your account, it is simply an extraordinarily rich deposit in the river, i hardly see why the guidance of the star should be necessary when once the valley was known." "that i cannot tell you, seã±or; but i am sure that it must be difficult to find, for the spaniards searched everywhere for gold, and although the records of most of their discoveries still exist, there is no mention of such a find, nor is there is any word of it among the indian traditions." a week before the appointed date they found themselves in the neighbourhood where they felt sure the cleft must lie. mount tinta was twenty miles in front of them, and from that point a range of mountains trended off almost at right angles to that which they were following. one lofty peak some thirty miles to the south-east rose above another. "i believe that that is the peak," dias said. "i don't see any signs of a cleft in it, dias." "no, seã±or; it is a very narrow one." the next day they halted at the mouth of another valley, and as they unloaded the mules, harry exclaimed: "see, dias, there is a cleft in that peak! from here it looks as if it were a mere thread, and as if some giant had struck a mighty sword-cut into it." "that is right. sure enough, seã±or, this must be the valley. now, let us look about for the serpent." the search did not take them long. an isolated rock rose a quarter of a mile from the mouth, and on this was a rude representation of a serpent. the next morning they explored the valley thoroughly to a point where, five miles higher, it ceased abruptly, the rocks closing in on either side, and the stream coming down in a perpendicular fall from a point some eighty feet above them. going down the river, they washed the gravel again and again, but without obtaining even as much gold as they had found several times before. "i cannot understand it," harry said, as they sat down to their meal at dusk. "your tradition says nothing about hidden treasure, and yet there does not seem to be gold in the stream." "it may be higher up, seã±or. we must ascend the hills on each side of the valley, and come down upon the river higher up." harry was on watch that night, and at one o'clock he roused the others up. "see!" he exclaimed later on; "there is a bright star apparently about a foot above the peak. i should think that must be the star. no doubt that will rise in exact line behind the cleft on the 21st, that is four days from now; probably it can only be seen when we are exactly in the line with the cleft and the position of the gold. this cleft is undoubtedly very narrow--no doubt the result of an earthquake. it certainly goes straight through, and very likely it is some hundred yards across, so that unless we are exactly in the line we sha'n't see it. as soon as it is dark on the 21st we will all go some distance up the valley, where it is only about four or five hundred yards across. we will station ourselves fifty yards apart across it, then one of us is sure to see the star through the cleft. we had each better take two sticks with us. whoever sees the star will fix one in the ground and then go backwards for a hundred yards, keeping the star in sight, and plant the other; then the line between those two sticks ought to lead us to the spot." each night the star rose nearer to the cleft. "there is no doubt we shall see it in the proper position to-morrow night," harry said on the 20th of the month. "that certainly is strong proof that the tradition handed down to you, dias, is correct." they employed the next day in again searching for some indication that might assist them, but in vain. dias and josã© both asserted that the tiny rift in the rocky peak looked wider from the middle of the valley than at any other point, and even harry and his brother admitted that it could scarcely be seen from the foot of the hills on either side, and therefore it was agreed that dias, harry, and josã© should take their places only some forty yards apart across the centre; maria and bertie going farther, near the sides of the hills. when midnight approached they took their stations. suddenly harry, who was standing by the side of the rivulet, exclaimed, "i see it!" it was more than a minute later before dias saw it, while it was three or four minutes before josã© spoke, by which time harry had crossed the streamlet and fixed his second rod some distance on the other side. dias and josã© did the same. bertie did not catch sight of it for some time after josã©, and maria did not see it at all. then they went back to their camping place. "it is curious that i should have seen it before either of you, when you were standing so close to me," harry said. "it was lower than i expected, and it is evident that the cleft must continue much farther down than we thought, and that it must be extremely narrow at the bottom. it is certainly a splendid guide, and there can be no mistaking it. unless i had been standing on the exact line, i should not have noticed the star till later, and the crack is so much wider towards the top that it could probably be seen on a line half a mile across. it will be strange if we cannot find the place in the morning. certainly we searched in the stream just where i was standing, and found nothing. but, of course, it is possible that in all this time it may have changed its course considerably." dias shook his head. "it can hardly be that, seã±or, because, in that case, anyone who had examined the valley could have found it. i begin to think that it must have been a mistake about its being merely a rich place in the river, and that it must be some vast treasure, perhaps hidden by the people before the incas, and kept by them as a certain resource when needed. we shall have to search, i think, for some walled-up cave in the rocks. we have already looked for it, but not seriously; and besides, there are many boulders that have fallen, and formed a bank at the foot of the cliff." "well, we shall know in a few hours. i feel absolutely certain that the line between those two sticks will lead us to it." none attempted to sleep, and as soon as it became light they took picks and shovels and started up the valley. harry gave an exclamation of surprise as, standing behind the first stick, he looked towards the second. "the line goes to the middle of that waterfall," he said. this was so; for the stream made two or three sharp bends between the spot where he had crossed it and the foot of the falls. "'tis strange!" dias said; "we have examined that spot more than once. there are great stones and boulders at the foot of the fall, and a large deep pool. can a treasure be buried in that? if so, it will be hard indeed to get it." harry did not reply; his face was white with excitement. he walked forward slowly till he reached the edge of the pool. it was some fifteen yards across, and the colour of the water showed that it was very deep. "i will dive, harry," bertie said; "i have gone down more than once in five fathoms of water to pick up an egg that has been thrown overboard." he stripped and swam out to the middle of the pool and dived. he was down about a minute, and on coming up swam to the shore. "i could find no bottom, harry," he panted. "i am sure i must have gone down seven fathoms." "thank you, bertie," harry said quietly; "we will make up our minds that if it is there, we sha'n't get it at present. the foot of the valley is so flat that it would need a cut at least a mile long to let the water off, and we should therefore require either an army of men or a regular diving apparatus, which there would be no getting this side of england. however, it may not be there. let us search now behind the fall." there were some four or five feet clear between the sheet of water and the rock. at times, as harry pointed out, there would be an even wider space, for the weather had been dry for the past two months, and the quantity of water coming down was but small, while in the wet season a mighty flood would shoot far out from the rock. the width of the stream in the wet season was shown by the broad bed of what was now but a rivulet. looking upwards as they stood, the wall actually overhung them, and they could see the edge where the water poured over unbroken. "there may be a cave here," harry went on, "and it may be covered by these rocks piled up for the purpose. on the other hand, they may have fallen. i think that is the most likely explanation, for as the top projects beyond the bottom it is possible that some time or other there was a big fall." they searched every foot of the rock within reach, but there were no signs of any man's handiwork. the rock was solid, thickly covered with dripping moss and ferns which had flourished in the mist and spray that rose from the foot of the fall. this they had ruthlessly scraped off with their picks. silently they went out again at the end, and stood hopelessly looking at the fall. it was some time before harry said, "we must move some of those stones now. let us go at once and cut down some young trees, for we can do nothing with our hands alone, but must use levers. for that purpose we shall want straight wood, and strong. we had better get half a dozen, in case some of them break; make them about ten feet long, and from four to six inches thick, and sharpened slightly at the lower end." in an hour the levers were ready. "we had better breakfast before we begin, dias. your wife went off to prepare it when we came out from the waterfall. i dare say it is ready by this time." in half an hour they were back again. they chose the central spot behind the fall, and then set to work. some of the rocks were dislodged without much difficulty, but to move others, it was necessary to first get out the smaller ones, on which they rested. so they toiled on, stopping for half an hour in the middle of the day for food, and then renewing their work. by evening they had made an opening four or five feet wide at the top, and six feet deep, close to the wall. it was now getting dark, and all were fagged and weary with their work, the light was fading, and they were glad to return to camp. maria came out to meet them. she asked no questions, but said cheerfully, "i have a good olla ready, i am sure you must want it." "i feel almost too tired to eat," bertie said. "you will feel better when you have had some coffee. i have fed the mules, josã©, and taken them down to water." "i think," bertie said, when they had finished their meal, "that we might splice the main brace." "i do think we might," harry laughed. "we have not opened a bottle since we started, and certainly we have worked like niggers since seven o'clock this morning. i will open the case; it is screwed down, and i have a screwdriver in the handle of my knife;" and he rose to his feet. "what does don bertie want?" dias said. "i will get it, seã±or. i do not understand what he said." "it is a sea expression, dias. after a hard day's work the captain orders that the main brace shall be spliced, which means that the crew shall have a glass of grog--that is, a glass of spirits and water--to cheer and warm them after their exertions. josã©, will you bring a blazing brand with you? i shall want it to see the screws." in a few minutes he returned. "this is brandy, dias. i don't suppose you have ever tasted a glass of good brandy. is your kettle boiling still, seã±ora? we shall want hot water, sugar, and five of the tin mugs. have you any of those limes we picked the other day?" "yes, seã±or." "that is good. just a slice each will be an improvement." harry mixed four mugs, and a half one for maria. "there, dias!" he said. "you will allow that that is a considerable improvement on pulque." he and his brother had already lighted their pipes. the other three had made cigarettes. dias and josã© were loud in their commendations of the new beverage. donna maria had at first protested that she never touched pulque, and this must be the same sort of thing. however, after sipping daintily, she finished her portion with evident satisfaction. they did not sit up long, and as soon as they had finished their first smoke all retired to bed, leaving for once the llamas and mules to act as sentries. as soon as it was fairly daylight, they drank a cup of coffee and started again to work. harry went first into the hole they had made, and, kneeling down, struck a match to enable him to see the rock more thoroughly. he gave a slight exclamation, then said: "open your knife, bertie, and come in here and strike another match. i want both my hands." "i have a torch here, seã±or," "that is best; then light it, bertie." there was just room at the bottom for bertie to stand by the side of his brother, who was lying down. "hold the torches as low as you can, bertie." harry picked away with the point of his knife for a minute or two and then sat up. "that is the top of a cave," he said. "do you see, this crack along here is a straight one. that, i fancy, was the top of the entrance to the cave. that stone under it has a rough face, but on the top and sides it is straight. it is fitted in with cement, or something of that sort, and is soft for some distance in, and then becomes quite hard. i can just see that there are two stones underneath, also regularly cut." he made room for bertie to lie down, and held the torch for him. "i think you are right, harry. those three stones would never fit together so closely if they had not been cut by hand, though, looking at the face, no one could tell them from the rock above them." dias next examined the stones. "there is no doubt that that is the entrance to a cave, seã±or," he said as he joined them; and the three went out beyond the fall, for the noise of the water was too great for them to converse without difficulty behind the veil of water. josã© stayed behind to examine. "well, dias, we have found the place where the treasure is hidden, but i don't think that we are much nearer. certainly we have not strength sufficient to clear away those fallen stones, and probably the cave is blocked by a wall several feet thick. we should want tools and blasting-powder to get through it. no doubt it is a natural cave, and it seems to me probable that they altered the course of the stream above, so that it should fall directly over the entrance. i think before we talk further about it we will go up there and take a look at it. if we find that the course has been changed that will settle the matter." it took them an hour to climb the hill and make their way down to the gorge through which the river ran. they examined it carefully. "it must always have come along here," dias said. "there is no other possible channel; but there are marks of tools on the rocks on each side of the fall, and the water goes over so regularly that i think the rock must have been cut away at the bottom." "it certainly looks like it, dias. the rocks widen out too, so that however strong the rush of water may be it will always go over in a regular sheet. let us follow it along a little way." fifty yards farther on, the gorge widened out suddenly, and they paused with an exclamation of astonishment. before them was a wide valley, filled to the spot where they were standing with a placid sheet of water four or five hundred yards wide, and extending to another gorge fully a mile away. bertie was the first to find his voice. "here's a go! who would have thought of finding a lake up in the hills here?" "i did not know there was one," dias said. "i have never heard of it. but that is not strange, for no one who came up the valley would dream that there was anything beyond that fall." harry had sat down and thought for some minutes, looking over the lake without speaking. "i am afraid, dias," he said at last, "that your tradition was a true one after all, and that the gold lay in the bed of a stream in the valley we now see filled up." "but it must always have been a lake, seã±or," dias said after thinking for a minute, "and could not have been shallower, for there is no other escape than the waterfall; and however heavy the rains it could not have risen higher, except a few feet, as one can see by the face of the rock." "it may have had some other way out," harry said. dias looked carefully round the side of the valley. "there is no break in the hills that i can see, seã±or." "no; but my firm conviction is that the top of that cave that we found behind the fall is really the top of a natural tunnel through which the stream originally flowed. there are two or three reasons for this. in the first place, it is certainly remarkable that there should be a cave immediately behind that fall. i thought at first that the stream above might have been diverted to hide it, but the ravine is so narrow that that could not be possible. in the next place, your tradition has proved absolutely true in the matter of the star, and in the hour of its appearance in the exact line to the mouth of that cave. how correctly the details have been handed down from generation to generation! if they are right on that point it is hardly likely that they can be inaccurate on other points, and that the tale of an extraordinarily rich treasure could have been converted into one of an exceptional deposit of gold in the bed of a river. "i think that the passage was probably closed by the old people when they were first threatened by the invasion of the incas. no doubt they would choose a season when the stream was almost dry. they had, as the remains of their vast buildings will show, an unlimited supply of labour. they would first partially block up the tunnel, perhaps for the first fifty yards in, leaving only a small passage for the water to run through. they might then close the farther end with sacks of sand, and having the other stones all cut, and any number of hands, build it up behind the sacks, and then go on with the work till it was solid; then no doubt they would heap stones and boulders against the face of the wall. by the time the incas had conquered the country the valley would be a lake many feet deep. the incas, having gained an abundant supply of treasure elsewhere, would take no steps towards opening the tunnel, which in any case would have been a terrible business, for the pressure of water would drive everything before it. having plenty of slave labour at their disposal, they knew that it could be done at any time in case of great necessity, when the loss of the lives of those concerned in it would be nothing to them. when the valley became full the water began to pour out through this gap, which perhaps happened to be immediately over the mouth of the tunnel, or it may have been altered by a few yards to suit, for they were, as we know from some of their buildings, such good workmen that they could fit slabs of the hardest stone so perfectly together that it is hardly possible to see the joints. therefore they would only have to widen the mouth of the gorge a little, and fit rocks in on either side so that they would seem to have been there for all time; and indeed the natural growth of ferns and mosses would soon hide the joints, even if they had been roughly done." "and that all means, harry--?" bertie asked. "that all means that we have no more chance of getting at the gold than if it were lying in the deepest soundings in the pacific." bertie sat down with a gasp. "there is no way of getting that water out," harry went on quietly, "except by either cutting a channel here as deep as the bottom of the lake, or by blasting the stone in the tunnel. the one would require years of work, with two or three hundred experienced miners, and ten times as many labourers. the other would need twenty or thirty miners, and a hundred or two labourers. there is possibly another way; but as that would require an immense iron siphon going down to the bottom of the lake, along one side of this ravine, and down into the bottom of the pool, with a powerful engine to exhaust the air in the first place and set it going, it is as impracticable, as far as we are concerned, as the other two. "in the same way i have no doubt that, with a thousand-horse-power engine, the lake could be pumped dry in time; but to transport the plant for such an engine and its boiler across the mountains would be an enormous undertaking; and even were it here, and put up and going, the difficulty of supplying it with fuel would be enormous. certainly one could not get up a company with capital enough to carry out any one of the schemes merely on the strength of an indian tradition; and with the uncertainty, even if they believed the tradition, whether the amount of gold recovered would be sufficient to repay the cost incurred. "well, we may as well go down to dinner." he shouldered his pick and led the way back. scarce a word was spoken on the way. bertie tried to follow the example of his brother, and take the matter coolly. dias walked with his head down and the air of a criminal going to execution. the disappointment to him was terrible. he had all along felt so confident that they should be successful, and that he should be enabled to enrich those he considered as the preservers of his life, that he was utterly broken down with the total failure of his hopes. chapter x a fresh start not until he got to the camp did harry look round. when he caught a glimpse of the guide's face he went up to him and held out his hand. "you must not take it to heart, dias; it has been unfortunate, but that cannot be helped. you have done everything you could in the matter, and brought us to the right spot, and no one could tell that when we got within half a mile of the gold river we should find the valley turned into a deep lake. we can only say, 'better luck next time'. we would say in england, 'there are as good fish in the sea as ever came out of it'. i have never felt very sanguine myself about this; it has all along seemed too good to be true. of course we are disappointed, but we may have better luck next time." "but i don't know, seã±or, with certainty of any other place. no one was ever entrusted with more than one secret, so that if the spanish tortures wrung it out of him two treasures would not be lost." "we need not talk any more about this place, dias. i see your wife has got some of the fish that we caught yesterday fizzling on the fire. now i think of it, i am very hungry, for it is six hours since we had our coffee this morning. after we have had our meal we can discuss what our next move had better be." while they were speaking, josã© had been rapidly telling maria the misfortune which had befallen them, and the tears were running down the woman's cheeks. "you must not feel so badly about it, maria," harry said cheerfully; "you see my brother and i are quite cheerful. at any rate, no one is to blame. it would have been an enormous piece of luck if we had succeeded, but we never looked on it as a certainty. anything might have happened between the time the gold was shut up and now, though we certainly never expected to find what we did. we only thought it possible that we might have the luck to find the treasure. now you had better look to those fish, or we shall lose our breakfast as we have lost our gold, and this time by our own fault. we are as hungry as hunters all of us; and in fact we are hunters, although we have not brought any game with us this time." the woman wiped away her tears hastily, and, taking off the fish which she had put on when they were coming down the hill, she laid them on plates with some freshly-baked cakes. the fish were excellent, and bertie, as they ate, made several jokes which set them all laughing, so that the meal passed off cheerfully. "now for the great consoler," harry said, as he took out his pipe. "when we have all lighted up, the council shall begin. never mind clearing away the plates now, maria; just sit down with us, there is wisdom in many counsellors. now, dias, what do you think is the best course for us to adopt at present?" "unless you wish to stay here and make further search?" "by no means, dias," harry said; "for the present, i have seen enough of this side of the mountains. we will get back to cuzco and make a fresh start from there." "in that case, seã±or, there is no doubt as to the best route. there is a pass over the mountains just on the other side of mount tinta; it leads to the town of ayapata, which lies somewhere at the foot of that peak. i have never been there, but i know its situation. it is a very steep pass, but as it is used for mule traffic it cannot be very bad. once we have passed over it on to the plateau we shall not be more than seventy or eighty miles from cuzco." "that is quite satisfactory. we will set off to-morrow." "we had better catch some more fish, for we have had no time for hunting lately," maria said. "the meat we ate yesterday was the last we had with us. if we cut the fish open and lay them flat on the rocks, which are so hot one can scarcely hold one's hand on them, they will be sufficiently dry by sunset to keep for two or three days, and before that you are sure to shoot something." the river was full of fish, and in half an hour they had caught an abundance, having fifteen averaging eight pounds apiece. these were at once cut open, cleaned, and laid down to dry. "the fishing on this river would let for a handsome sum in england," harry laughed; "and i think the fish are quite as good as trout of the same size. the only objection is that they are so tame, and take the bait so greedily, that, good as the stream is, they would soon be exterminated." that evening there was a slight stir among the animals which had just lain down. josã© leapt up and walked towards them. "there is something the matter, dias," he cried; "the llamas are standing up with their ears forward. they see or hear something." "it may be pumas or jaguars," dias said. "take your gun, seã±or." he picked up his rifle, and harry and bertie followed suit, and further armed themselves with their shot-guns. "you had best come with us, maria," her husband said. "there is no saying where the beasts may be. see! the mules are standing up now and pulling at their head-ropes. let us go among them, seã±ors, our presence will pacify them." they all moved towards the mules, which were standing huddled together. dias and josã© spoke to them and patted them. "you stand at their heads, maria," the former said, "and keep on talking to them. we must see if we can discover the beasts. there is one of them!" he exclaimed, but in a low tone. "do you see the two bright points of light? that is the reflection of the fire in his eyes." "shall i fire?" "no, seã±or, not yet. if we were only to wound him he would charge us; let us wait till he gets closer. probably there are two of them, male and female, they generally go about in pairs." even as he spoke the seeming sparks disappeared. "he has moved," dias said; "he will probably walk round us two or three times before he makes up his mind to attack." "if he would go near the fire we could get a fair shot at him, dias." "he won't do that, seã±or; he will most likely go backwards and forwards in a semicircle, getting perhaps a little closer each time." ten minutes passed and then maria said: "there are two of them. i can see their outlines distinctly." "do you think, if we were to fire a gun, they would move off, dias?" "they might for a time, seã±or, but the probability is that they would come back again. they have smelt the mules, and are probably hungry. it is better to let them attack us at once and have done with it." a minute or two later there was a snarling growl. "they are jaguars," dias said. again and again the threatening sound was heard, and in spite of maria's efforts the mules were almost mad with fright. "we had better lie down beyond them," dias said. "there is no doubt the beasts will come from that side. if we posted ourselves behind them the mules might break loose and knock us over just as we were taking aim." they lay down side by side on the grass with their rifles at their shoulders. "i can see them now, dias," harry whispered, "not more than fifty yards away. i think we could hardly miss them now." "you could not if it were daylight, seã±or; but in the dark, when you can't see the end of your rifle, you can never be certain about shooting." the beasts had now apparently made up their minds to attack. they crouched low, almost dragging their bellies on the ground, and one was somewhat in advance of the other. "that is the male ahead," dias whispered. "do you and your brother take aim. i will take the female, and josã© will hold his fire of buck-shot till she is within a length of us." "how shall i know when it is going to spring?" "when it stops, seã±or. it is sure to stop before it springs." "aim between the eyes, bertie, and fire when i do," harry whispered to his brother, who was lying next to him. when within twelve yards the jaguar halted. "now!" harry said, and they discharged their rifles at the same moment, and, dropping them, grasped the shot-guns. the jaguar fell over on one side, clawing the air, and then recovered himself. as he did so two charges of buck-shot struck him on the head, and he rolled over and remained motionless. dias had fired at the same moment, but he had not stopped the second jaguar. josã©, instead of waiting, hastily discharged his gun, and in another instant a dark body bounded over their heads on to the back of one of the mules, which it struck to the ground. harry and bertie leapt to their feet, and discharged their second barrels into the jaguar's body. it turned suddenly round and attempted to spring, but its hindquarters were paralysed; and bertie, pulling out his pistol, fired both barrels into its head. the brute at once fell over dead, and the lad gave a shout of triumph. "thank goodness that is over without accident!" harry said. "they are formidable beasts, dias." "in the daytime, when one can see to aim, they can be killed easily enough, seã±or; at night their presence is to be dreaded." "i am afraid we have lost a mule." "i think not, seã±or. he was knocked down by the shock, but he had his saddle on, and the brute had no time to carry him off." the mule rose to its feet as they spoke; josã© ran and brought a flaming brand from the fire. blood was streaming from both the animal's shoulders. "it stuck its claws in, seã±or, but has not made long gashes. i should say that these wounds were caused by the contraction of the claws when you finished her with your pistol. the animal will be all right in a day or two; and as our stores have diminished, we need not put any load on it for a time." "i hope you were not frightened, maria?" bertie said "i was a little frightened," she said, "when the mule came tumbling down close to me, and i could see the jaguar's eyes within a few yards of me, but i had my dagger ready." "it would not have been much good," dias said, "if the beast had attacked you." "i think you showed no end of pluck," bertie said. "if he had come close to me, and i had got nothing but that little dagger in my hand, i should have bolted like a shot." "i am sure that you would not, seã±or," she said. "you are a great deal too brave for that." bertie laughed. "it is all very well to be brave with a rifle in your hand and another gun ready, to say nothing of the pistols. by the way, i thought harry had given you one of his? "so he did, but i had forgotten all about it. if i had thought of it i should have used it." "it is just as well that you did not," harry said. "if you had done so, the brute would have made for you instead of turning round to attack us." "now, seã±or," dias put in, "we had better drag the jaguars away; the mules will never get quiet with the bodies so close to them." it needed all his strength and that of his companions to drag each of the bodies fifty yards away. "now, josã©," dias said when they returned, "you had better give the animals a feed of maize all round. they will settle down after that. i shall keep watch to-night, seã±or. it is not likely that any more of these beasts are in the neighbourhood; but it is as well to be careful, and i don't think any of us would sleep if someone were not on the look-out." "i will relieve you at two o'clock," harry said. "no, seã±or, i have not been on the watch for the past two nights. i would rather sit up by the fire to-night." two days later they arrived at the foot of the pass. just as they gained it they met two muleteers coming down it. dias entered into conversation with them, while the others erected tents, preparing to camp. "what is the news, dias?" harry asked as he returned. "the men say, seã±or, that the pass is very unsafe. many robberies have taken place in it, and several men, who endeavoured to defend themselves against the brigands, have been killed. they were questioned by four armed men as they came down, and the goods they were carrying down to ayapata were taken from them. they say that traffic has almost ceased on the road." "that is bad, dias." "very bad, seã±or. we need not be afraid of brigands if they meet us as we travel along the foot of the hills, but it would be another thing in the passes. there are many places where the mules would have to go in single file, and if we were caught in such a spot by men on the heights, we might be shot down without any chance of defending ourselves successfully." "that is awkward, dias. it is a scandal that these brigands are not rooted out." "people are thinking too much of fighting each other or their neighbours to care anything about the complaints of a few muleteers, seã±or." "is there no other way of crossing the mountains than by this pass?" "there is a pass, seã±or, between ayapata and crucero, but it is a very bad one." "and where should we be then, dias?" "well, seã±or, it would take us along the other side of the mountains to macari. from that place there is an easy path to la raya; there we are on the plateau again, and have only to travel by the road through sicuani to cuzco." "in fact, it would double the length of our journey to cuzco?" "yes, seã±or; but if you liked, from crucero you might go down to lake titicaca. there are certainly good mines in the mountains there." "yes, but is there any chance of our finding them?" "i can't say that, seã±or, but i fear that the chance would be very small." "then it is of no use trying, dias. we saw at the last place what pains the old people took to hide places where gold could be found, and if there had been rich mines among these mountains you speak of, no doubt they would have hidden them just as carefully. the question is, shall we go up this pass as we intended, and take our chance, or shall we go by this roundabout way?" by this time josã© had lit a fire, and they had seated themselves by it. "one hates turning back, but we are not pressed for time. as far as i can see, my only chance is the feeble one of finding treasure in the place you spoke of up the coast above callao. it is now four months since we left lima. travelling straight to that place would take us how long?" "well, seã±or, if we go round by ayapata to crucero, and then to macari, it would be nearly a thousand miles." "quite a thousand, i should think. that is three months' steady work. by the time we get there it will be about a year from the time we left england. i have seen quite enough of the mountains to know that our chance of finding anything among them is so small that it is not worth thinking of. it seems to me, therefore, dias, that we might just as well, instead of going south over these difficult passes, return by the foot of the mountains as we have come, going through paucartambo, crossing the rivers that flow north and fall somewhere or other into the amazon, and keeping along it till we come to cerro de pasco. there we should be nearly in a line with this place you know of, and can keep due west--that is to say, as nearly due west as the mountains will allow. it would be three or four hundred miles shorter than by taking the pass at ayapata. we should have a good deal of sport by the way, and should certainly have no trouble with the brigands till we got to cerro. of course it is possible that we might fall in with savages again, but at any rate they are not so formidable as brigands in the passes. what do you say to that?" "it is certainly shorter, seã±or; and, as you say, we should have no trouble with the brigands, and we should also escape the troubles that have been going on for some years, and are likely, as far as anyone can see, to go on for ever. we were very fortunate in not meeting any of the armies that are always marching about." chapter xi brigands three months were spent in the journey to the foot of the pass leading up to cerro. they had good shooting, and found no difficulty in providing themselves with food. fish were plentiful in the streams, and in some of the long-deserted plantations they found bananas, grapes, and other fruits in abundance, together with sugar-canes, tomatoes, maize growing wild, and potatoes which were reverting to the wild type. they met neither with alligators nor large serpents, for they kept on the lower slopes of the foot-hills, as much as possible avoiding the low forest lands, where they might come in contact with the savages. for the same reason, they had no opportunity of taking any of the great fish found in the sluggish rivers, but had an abundance of smaller fish in the bright mountain streams. they killed two tapirs and several pumas and jaguars. their two llamas, having one night wandered away from the mules, were killed by these beasts. but as the stores were a good deal lighter than when they started, this was no great misfortune. occasionally they followed streams up into the hills, and did a little washing for gold when they halted for a day or two there. "we have had a good time of it," harry said as they sat round the fire, "and i am almost sorry that it is over, and that this is our last day of wandering where we like, shooting and fishing, and above all, camping in pleasant places. we have been very fortunate in not meeting any of the savages since the fight we had with them four or five months ago. it is a splendid country for sport, and except that we should like it a bit cooler, and could have done without some of the thunder-storms, it is a grand life. for a time now we are going back to a sort of civilization, filthy inns, swarms of fleas, and fifteenth-rate cooking." "it is not so much the fault of the cooking," maria said, "as of the meat. here we get fish fresh out of the stream, and birds shot an hour or two before they are eaten. we pick our fruit from the trees, instead of buying it after it has been carried miles and miles to the market. we have a capital stock of coffee, tea, and sugar. among the old plantations we pick cocoa and pound it fresh, and boil it. as we brought plenty of pepper and spices, it would be hard indeed if one could not turn out a good meal. and then, seã±ors, you always come to eat it with a good appetite, which is all in favour of the cook." "yes, i grant that you have had all those advantages, maria, but it is not everybody who makes the best of them. i can safely say that since we started we have never sat down to a bad breakfast or dinner. now, for a bit, we are going to lead a different sort of life. we shall be on beaten tracks. we shall meet lots of people. it is strange to think that, except for those peasant muleteers we met at the foot of the pass by the tinta volcano, we have not seen a soul except the savages--who have souls, i suppose--since we left paucartambo more than six months ago; and yet somehow we do not seem to have missed them. i wonder what we shall find when we get up to cerro, and who will be president then." "i wonder what they are doing in europe!" bertie said. "we have heard no later news than what we had when we went on board a ship sixteen months ago. there may have been great wars all over europe." "i don't think there is much chance of that, bertie. india was the only place where there was any fighting going on, and it seemed as if, since napoleon was crushed, europe would become permanently pacific. still, i do hope that when we are at lima we shall get hold of a pile of english newspapers. the consul is sure to have them." "i don't suppose we shall want to stay there many days, harry, for we shall be eager to start the search for the enchanted castle dias has told us of. we saw quite enough of lima during the ten days that we were there." "is the pass a bad one up to cerro, dias?" "there are some very bad points, seã±or. it never was a good one, but as nothing has been done to the roads for at least a hundred years, it must have got into a very bad state. i have been down it twice with travellers, the second time ten years ago, and it was bad enough then. it is likely to be worse now." "well, as the road is used so little, dias," harry said, "there is no fear of brigands." "i hope not, seã±or; but there may be some, though they would not be there in the hope of plundering travellers. but desperate men are always to be found in the mountains--men who have committed murders and fled from justice. they are able to live on what they can shoot, and of course they can get fish in the streams, and when they are tired of that can come down here, where they will find plenty of turkeys, and pheasants, and other game, besides the maize, and fruits, and other things in the old plantations. sometimes they will take a little plunder from the small villages. anyhow, they do not fare altogether badly. therefore one can never feel certain that one is safe from them, even when travelling over tracks where travellers seldom pass. still, we may very well hope that we shall not have the bad luck to fall in with them." "i hope so, dias. we did not come out here to fight. so far we have been very fortunate, and have not had to fire a shot, except at those wretched savages." the next day's journey took them far up into the hills, and they camped that night at the upper end of a deep ravine. it had been a hard day's work, for at several points the mules had to be unloaded and taken up singly, and the loads then carried up. fortunately, the packs were now very light, and were carried or hauled up without much difficulty. in the morning they again started. they were just issuing from the ravine when a party of ten armed men made their appearance from amongst some rocks, and shouted to them to halt. dias rode in front. "you speak to them, dias. keep them for a minute in talk if you can, and then take shelter behind that boulder." then harry ran back to josã©, who was walking with a leading mule twenty paces behind. "turn them back again, josã©. halt a little way down, and then come up; there are some brigands ahead. bertie, bring up your rifle and the two shot-guns. tell maria to remain with the mules." then he ran back again just as a shot rang out, and, dodging among the fallen rocks, he took shelter behind one abreast with dias. "was it you who fired?" he asked. "no, one of the brigands. the ball went through the brim of my sombrero. i think they are talking to each other, they know there is no hurry." "hail them again, dias, but don't show yourself above the rock." "what do you want? why did you fire at me?" "we want everything you have got," a voice came back--"your mules and their burdens, and your arms. if you will give them up without resistance, we will let you up the pass without hindering you." "tell them that you must talk it over with the others, dias." "well, we will give you five minutes," the man called back. "if you do not accept our terms, we will cut your throats." dias stood up, and walked quietly down the rugged pass. at the point where the mules stopped, the rock rose almost perpendicularly on each side. "maria," he said, "do you and josã© take off the saddles and bags and fill up the spaces between these rocks on each side. get the animals in behind them. you stop with them, maria. i have got five minutes, and will help you." "you had better go up at once, seã±or," he went on to bertie, "and help your brother, so that they may not get sight of you. however, i am afraid they know how many we are. it was foolish to light that fire yesterday evening, i expect they were somewhere near and caught sight of us, and no doubt one of them crept quietly down to find out what our force was. seeing there were but four of us, they thought they could take us all easily here in the morning without firing a shot. but as your brother and i happened to be going on first, they thought they would parley. they would be sure that if they attacked us, we should kill two or three of them at least before we had finished with them. and as they reckoned that we should gladly accept their terms, they would get all they wanted without trouble, and could shoot us afterwards if they felt inclined." bertie had by this time got the guns unstrapped, and had filled his pockets with cartridges. he now went forward, and as he kept among the rocks he was able to get within four or five yards of his brother without being seen, as the mouth of the pass was almost blocked with great boulders. "i cannot get any nearer without running the risk of being seen. i have loaded the double-barrelled guns." "stay where you are then, bertie. i don't think they will make a rush, and if they do, you can use them as well as your rifle. of course i have my pistols and you have yours. i don't believe they will venture to attack in daylight, our trouble will be after dark." "now, then, the five minutes are up!" the brigand shouted. "i am coming!" dias shouted back. as he approached, harry said: "stand by the side of a rock, dias, so as to be able to shelter as soon as you have given them the answer; they are likely enough to fire a volley." "we will give you nothing," dias shouted. "anything you want you had better come and take." three men raised their heads above the rocks and fired. almost at the same instant harry's rifle and bertie's cracked out, the heads disappeared, and a fierce yell of rage showed that one, if not both of the shots had found their mark. "you had better clear off," harry shouted. "there are four of us, and we have eight barrels between us, to say nothing of two brace of pistols." a volley of curses was hurled back in reply. "now, dias, what do you think is our best move?" "i don't know, seã±or. i fancy there are only eight of them now. you and your brother could hardly miss marks like their heads at thirty paces." "if i were quite sure that there are no more of them i should say that, as soon as it becomes dark, we had better creep forward and fight them. it would be better to do that than wait for them to attack us. but there may be, and very likely are, more of these bands among the hills. besides, dias, we don't want to lose one of our number, and we could hardly hope to get through unscathed, for if we were to try to push on they would have us at a tremendous advantage. they would hide among the rocks and shoot us down before we had time to level a gun at them. now that we have killed one, if not two of their number, they will certainly try to get their revenge, and will harass us all the way up the pass." "it is not only that, seã±or; it is the booty they expect to take." "they could not expect much booty," harry said, "for our baggage animals only carry small loads." "gold does not take up a large bulk, seã±or; and i have not the least doubt that they believe we have been gold-hunting, and have probably a big amount of gold dust among the baggage." "i did not think of that, dias. if they believe we have gold we will take it as granted that they will do their best to get it. well, do you think it would be a good thing to make a rush?" "no, seã±or, it would be throwing away our lives. they will guess that we shall probably attempt such a thing, and i have no doubt that they will move away, if they haven't done so already, and hide themselves among other rocks. then if we dashed forward to the place where they had been, they would pour a volley into us and finish us at once; for if they were lying twenty yards away they ought certainly to hit every one of us, as they have eight shots to fire. at present i have no doubt they are talking, and i think we can safely get back to where we piled up the saddles and bales. we can defend ourselves better there than here. we can then talk matters over quietly." "that will be the best plan, dias, certainly." keeping under cover as well as they could they retired to the barricade, thirty yards lower. josã©, aided by maria, had completed the defence. they had not, however, attempted to block the passage between two great rocks. it was but three feet wide; the rocks lay about six feet from the cliffs on either side, and these spaces were partly filled by smaller fragments. wherever there were open spaces the blankets had been thrust in from behind. dias had done the greater part of the work before he went up to answer the demands of the bandits, but the others had laboured very hard to finish it. "well done!" harry said as they passed through the entrance. "i told them not to close the path," dias said. "we can do that now we are all together. most of the rocks are too heavy for josã© and maria to lift. shall we build it up now, seã±or? i am sure they cannot force their way through while we four are holding the barricade." "certainly not, dias, and i have no fear of their attempting it. but i think it would be as well for us to close it, otherwise we could not cross from one side to the other without exposing ourselves." it took them two hours' hard work--the harder because the stones had to be thrown into the passage from the sides, as the brigands might be crouching among the rocks higher up waiting for an opportunity to get a shot. at the end of the two hours the gap was filled up to the height of six feet. "now we can talk matters over quietly, dias," harry said. "we may take it that, whether they attack by day or by night, we can beat them off. there is a little rill of water that trickles down along the centre, so we need not fear being driven out by thirst, and we have food enough to last us a fortnight. that is settled; but they may stay there for any time, and without exposing ourselves to sudden death we cannot find out whether they are still hanging about or not. of course one very important question is, are they going to be joined by others?" "i think they certainly will be, seã±or. as many of these fellows are hiding among the hills as would make a good-sized regiment, and they have only to send off two or three of their number with the news that a party of gold-diggers with five laden mules are shut up in this ravine to gather any number of them. they would come as quickly as vultures to a dead horse. it must be a long time since they had any really valuable plunder, and the fact that we have five baggage mules besides the three riding ones would show that we had probably been a very long time away, and might therefore possess a lot of gold." "are there any other passes near?" "the nearest, seã±or, is on the other branch of the palcazu--the river we followed till we entered the passes--and is about thirty miles to the north. the pass starts from a spot about fifteen miles above the junction, and goes up to huaca, a place that is little more than ten miles south of huanuco. from huaca we could either follow the road to cerro, or strike across the western cordilleras to aguamiro." "then i think, dias, that our best plan will be to go down again into the valley we left yesterday morning, and then strike across for the mouth of this pass you speak of. you know the direction?" "i know the general direction, although i have never been along there." "well, dias, you must be the guide. i should say the sooner we start the better. my idea is this: if you with your wife and josã© will start at once, so as to be down the pass before it gets dark, my brother and i will remain here. you will leave our riding mules at the point where the track is good enough for us to gallop on." "we should not like to leave you, seã±or," maria said. "i have not the least fear of their attacking us, and with our rifles and double-barrelled guns and pistols we could beat them off if they did. i can't see any better way of getting out of this scrape, and am quite willing to adopt this plan." "i don't see any other way, seã±or," dias said. "the plan is a good one; but i wish i could stay here with you." "but that would be impossible, dias, for there would be no chance of our finding the mouth of this pass by ourselves." "why could we not all go together?" maria asked. "because if there were no one here the brigands might discover that we had gone, within an hour or so of our starting. they might fire a shot or two, and, finding that we did not answer, crawl gradually down till they got here, for it must seem possible to them that we should return down the pass; and as there is no getting the baggage mules to go fast, we might very well be overtaken--i don't mean by those eight men, but by a considerable number." "but how are you to find your way, seã±or?" dias said. "we shall follow the valley down till we come to the spot where you have struck off. you can fasten a white handkerchief to a stick and put it in some bare place where we are sure to see it. i want you to halt when you get to the river somewhere opposite the mouth of the pass. we will ride nearly due north, and when we strike the river will follow it down till we reach you." "we can't halt opposite the mouth of the pass, for the river there is already some size, and we could not cross it. i shall keep along near the foot of the hills--the water there is shallow enough to ford. then i will follow it down until, as you say, near the entrance to the pass, and there stop on the bank till you come." "that will do very well. in that case it won't matter much where we strike the stream, as our mules can swim across easily enough--they have had plenty of practice during the past six months. however, we will turn off north where we can see your signal." "when will you leave, seã±or?" "to-morrow morning. i have no fear of their attacking during the night, for they can hardly bring other bands down here before morning. as soon as it gets dark we will light two torches and put them down at the foot of the barricade, so that we shall be in the shadow. these will show them that we are still here, and they won't care to venture down into the circle of light. we have let them know what a formidable amount of firearms we have, and have given them a lesson that we can shoot straight." "they certainly would not come, seã±or, as long as your torches are burning, but three hours are as much as you can reckon upon their burning." "well, we have a dozen left now, dias, and when they burn out we must light two more and throw them over and trust to their burning as they lie among the stones. of course we should not think of going down to stick them upright, for the scoundrels will probably be watching us as closely as we are watching them. however, i shall manage to keep the lights going till daybreak, and shall start a good hour before that. we shall have to go down cautiously, and i should like to be well away with the mules before they discover that we have left. now, the sooner you are off the better. breakfast has been ready for the past hour. you had better eat it and get under weigh as soon as you can. after you have gone one of us will keep watch while the other eats. i have no doubt there will be plenty left for our supper." "yes, seã±or, and enough cakes to carry you on till you join us." half an hour later the party started, dias having muffled the mules' hoofs, so that the clatter, as they passed over the rocks, might not be heard above. "now, bertie, you go down to breakfast. when you have done come up and relieve me. you have no occasion to hurry, for it is absolutely certain that they won't dare to attack till they get reinforcements." when bertie returned he said, "here is a lot of food, harry, they have hardly eaten anything. there is plenty for us to-day and to-morrow." "that is just like them, bertie; but i daresay they will camp in five or six hours. it feels quite lonely without them." "that it does. it is really the first time we have been alone since we left lima, except, of course, when we were out shooting together." "be sure you don't show your head above the barricade, bertie. you must do as i have been doing, sit down here and look out through this peep-hole between these rocks shove your rifle through it, so that, if you see a head looking out from between the rocks up there, you can fire at once." in half an hour harry came back and sat down by his brother, and, lighting their pipes, they chatted over the events of their journey and the prospect before them. "i am afraid, harry, the journey will be a failure, except that we have had a very jolly time." "well, so far it has not turned out much; but, somehow or other, i have great faith in this haunted castle. of course the demons dias is so afraid of are probably indians, who are placed there to frighten intruders away, and they would not keep watch unless they had something to guard. i cannot understand how it has escaped the notice of the spaniards all these years. i had not much faith in their stories until we found how true they were in all particulars as to what they call the golden river. there is one satisfaction, however: if the place is really a castle, it can hardly have disappeared under the lake. of course if it is in ruins we may have a lot of difficulty in getting at the vaults, or wherever else treasure may have been buried; but unless it is a very big place, which is hardly probable, the work would be nothing compared with the draining of the lake." "we have got nearly a year in hand, harry, and can do a lot of work in that time, especially if we use powder." "yes; but, you see, we ought to allow at least five months for getting home. still, no doubt if i felt justified in writing to ask for another three or four months, saying i had great hopes of finding something very good in a short time, she would stand out against her father a little longer. i shall write directly we get to lima to say that, although i have so far failed, i do not give up hope, and am just starting on another enterprise that promises well." bertie held up his finger. "i think i heard somebody move. it sounded like a stone being turned over." for two or three minutes he lay motionless, with his finger on the trigger. then he fired. "what was it, bertie?" "it was a man's leg. i suddenly saw it below that rift behind the rock. i expect he had no idea that his foot showed there. i am pretty sure i hit it, for i had time to take a steady aim, and the foot disappeared the instant i fired. if he did not know it was exposed, there was no reason why he should have moved at all if he hadn't been hit." "it was better to hit his foot than his head, bertie. it is equally good as a lesson, if not better, for though we don't mean to let them kill us, i don't want to take life unless it is absolutely necessary. well, after that proof of the sharpness of our watch they are not likely to make any fresh move." the day passed slowly. they took it by turns to keep watch, and just before dusk harry said, "i think, bertie, that we might pull out the leaves and bush that dias shoved into one of these gaps when he took the blankets and things out. i could push the torch through and fix it there, that would save having to cross the barricade. it is quite possible that one of those fellows may be keeping as sharp a look-out as we are doing, and it is as well not to set one's self up as a mark. if i put it through now it won't show much, while if i wait till darkness falls it will be an easy object to fire at. you keep a sharp lookout while i am doing this, and if you see either a head or a gun try to hit it." harry accomplished the operation without drawing a shot, and as soon as he had fixed the torch he again stopped the hole up behind it. "it is evident that they are not watching us very closely," he said. "if they have not sent for help, they have gone off. with two of their men killed and two disabled, the fight must have been taken out of them. we will watch by turns to-night. it is six o'clock now; will you sit up till eleven, or shall i?" "i don't care a bit. which would you rather take?" "i don't care;--however, i may as well take the first watch. we will start at five, so rouse me at four. if they come at all, which is possible, but not probable, it will be between four and five." at ten o'clock harry could see a glow of light at some distance from the mouth of the ravine, and in the stillness could occasionally catch the sound of voices. when he woke bertie at twelve the lad looked at his watch and said, "you are an hour late in calling me, harry." "yes, i had no inclination for sleep. the fellows have been reinforced. of course i don't know to what extent, but i should say pretty strongly. they have lit a big fire some distance from the ravine. they would not have dared to light one if they had not felt themselves strong enough to fight us. no doubt they have half a dozen men on watch where we first saw them, and these would give notice if we were coming. i think we may as well fire a couple of shots, it will show them that we are here and on guard. they will suppose we thought we heard someone coming down to reconnoitre our position." they both fired over the top of the barricade. "i see you have renewed the torch, harry," bertie said as they reloaded. "yes, i have done so twice. i was very careful, however, as i feared they might be watching. i did not wait for the lighted one to burn out, but passed the other one out, putting the end of my poncho round my hand and arm, so that they could hardly be noticed even by anyone within ten yards, and certainly could not be seen from up there. as i pushed it through i lighted it at the stump of the old torch and then withdrew my hand like a shot. i did the same thing again an hour ago with equal success, so it is evident that they are not keeping a very sharp look-out above, and have no fear of our making a sortie, hampered as we are by our animals." the torch was changed again at four o'clock, and a little later bertie heard a slight noise. "i think they are coming, harry," he said quietly. harry was at once on his feet. "use your rifle first, bertie, and sling it over your shoulder before you give them the two barrels of buck-shot, so that you can start to run at once if we don't stop them." "yes, i am certain they are coming," he said, after listening for two or three minutes. "we have got two or three torches left, and i will give them the benefit of them." he went back to the embers of the fire, lighted the torches, and, returning to the barrier, threw them twenty or thirty yards up the ravine. there was a hoarse shout of anger, and then a dozen shots were fired. bertie's rifle cracked out in return, and harry's followed almost immediately. a dark group of some twenty or thirty men were rushing forward, and had just reached the line where the torches were burning, when four barrels of buck-shot were poured into them. three or four fell, the rest fled at once, and the cries and oaths showed that many of them were wounded. "they won't venture again for the present," harry said. "you may be sure they will hold a council of war, so load again and then we will be off." two minutes later they were making their way carefully down the rocky passage, harry carrying the bundle they had made up of the unconsumed provisions. as they had to exercise great care in climbing over the rocks, the day was just breaking when they came upon two mules that had been left behind for them. they rode cautiously until they were quite out of the ravine, and then started down the valley at a gallop. in an hour bertie exclaimed, "there is the flag!" they rode to it and then turned off to the north, slackening their pace to a trot. the animals were in good condition, as they had of late been making short marches, and at eleven o'clock they came upon the river. here they waited for an hour, gave a couple of cakes to each animal, and ate the rest themselves. the river was some fifty yards across, but the mules only needed to swim about half this distance. the brothers kept beside them, placing one elbow on the saddles and holding their rifles and ammunition well above the water. they were soon across, and, mounting, followed the river down, letting the animals go their own pace, and sometimes walking beside them, as they wished to keep them fresh for the next day's work. at five in the afternoon they saw smoke ahead of them, and, riding faster now, soon joined their companions, who hailed their arrival with shouts of joy. "we have been terribly anxious about you, seã±ors," dias said, "and regretted deeply that we deserted you." "it was not desertion, dias; you were obeying orders, and were on duty guarding the baggage. there was really no cause for uneasiness; we were certain that we could beat them off if they ventured to attack us." "and did they do so?" "they made a feeble attack this morning at four o'clock, but we were ready for them. they might have carried the barricade had we only had our rifles, but buck-shot was too much for them. of course we brought down two with our rifles; but there must have been over a score of them, and the four barrels of buck-shot did heavy execution. some of them fell, and i fancy most of the others got a dose of shot, as they were all in a close body. i will tell you all about it after we have had supper." "i have got it ready," maria said. "we have been expecting you for the past hour, and i was sure you would have good appetites when you arrived." after the story had been told dias said: "that was a capital plan of keeping the torches burning all night, and especially of throwing two of them up the ravine when you heard the fellows coming. of course they calculated on getting within fifteen yards or so before you saw them. well, there is no fear of our hearing any more of them. i expect you must have been gone hours before they found out that you had left." "i should not be surprised if, after they had recovered from their defeat, half of them made a big circuit over the hills--no doubt they know every foot of them--and, coming down at the bottom of the ravine, built a strong barricade, making up their minds to guard both ends until we were obliged to surrender from want of food. having suffered so heavily, they would do everything in their power to prevent any of us from getting out alive." "in that case they must have been prepared to wait for some time, dias, for they knew we had eight animals to eat." "they would not have lasted long, seã±or, for we have only a few handfuls of grain left, and there is not enough forage in the ravine to last them a couple of days." "i expect they would have tried to get us to surrender, by offering to let us pass if we would give them half of the gold they thought we had with us. there is no chance of our being followed, i suppose, dias?" "not the slightest. when at last they discover that we have gone, they will come down the pass and find where the mules were left standing. they will then see that only two of us had remained at the barricade, and will guess at once that the rest left hours before. they will therefore conclude that, being on foot, they have no chance of overtaking us, even if they could find the track." "no, i expect by this time they are dancing with rage, and as likely as not quarrelling furiously among themselves. how far do you think we have ridden to-day?" "nearer sixty miles than fifty, seã±or." "yes, i suppose we have. and if we had come straight here?" "it would have been nearly fifteen miles shorter. but if they pursued they would not come that way, because they would not be able to get across. i think they would have to go round and ford the river some miles higher than you did. they could never swim across with their guns and ammunition to carry." "i should not count on that, dias. they might come straight here, as they would guess that we had made for this pass, and they might make bundles of reeds to carry their guns and ammunition across, and swim over." "that would be possible," dias admitted reluctantly, "and if they knew that the five mules were all loaded with gold they might be tempted to follow; but that they could only guess. i have no doubt, too, that many of them had been walking for hours across the mountains before the attack, and as you fired into the thick of them, a fair share must have been too much wounded to start on a forty-miles' tramp. "no, seã±or. i do not think there is any chance whatever of their pursuing us. besides, i chose a spot where the ground was hard and rocky to plant that flag. and they would have a good deal of difficulty in ascertaining in what direction we went from there." "we pulled up the flag-staff and threw it away among the bushes a mile and a half farther, and of course brought the handkerchief with us." "i don't think we need give another thought to them, seã±or. at the same time, it would be as well to keep one on watch all night. josã© and i will be on guard by turns. neither of you slept a wink last night, so you must not keep watch this time." "i sha'n't be sorry for a good sleep, for the meal we have eaten has made me drowsy. however, if you hear the least noise, wake us at once." "that i will do, seã±or. it is a great deal more likely to be made by a wild beast than by a brigand." the brothers were sound asleep in a few minutes, and did not wake till dias called them, and said that maria had coffee ready. "what sort of a pass is it to-day, dias?" "not a very bad one, seã±or. the one we tried yesterday hadn't been used for very many years, there is regular traffic up and down this; not valuable traffic, for pozuco is a small place. they send up fruit and dried fish, and the oil they get from the fish; and bring back cloth, and such things as are required in the village." "so there is nothing to tempt brigands to infest the pass and rob travellers!" "no, seã±or. when i last went through it i heard no talk of them at all. they are more likely to infest the hills beyond cerro, for near that place really valuable captures can be made." "that accounts for their being able to gather so many men to attack us." the journey up the pass occupied two days. they met three or four small parties of men with donkeys or mules, but all these when questioned said that the pass was perfectly open, and that it was a very rare thing indeed for anyone to be robbed on the way. late in the evening of the second day they arrived at huaca, and were advised to go to the priest's house, as the accommodation at the inn was so bad. the man who directed them there was the head man of the place, and they gladly accepted his offer to guide them to the priest's house. "it would be the best way, seã±or," dias said. "i know a man here who would willingly put us up, and who has a yard where the mules could pass the night." "very well, dias. be sure you buy a good stock of grain. they have scarce had any for the last three days." the priest--a cheery, hearty man--received harry and bertie cordially when they were introduced as english travellers, especially when he found that they could both speak spanish fluently. "it is a pleasure to receive british travellers," he said. "cochrane and miller have done more for us than any of our own countrymen. it is not often that travellers come this way. i have heard of two or three going to cuzco, but they never come farther north than cerro. i shall be delighted if you will stay two or three days here, seã±ors. we get so little news of the world that it would be a great pleasure to us to hear what is going on outside this unfortunate country." "we can give you but little news, for it is more than a year since we left england, and we have heard nothing of what is doing in europe, as we have been travelling and shooting at the foot of the mountains between the bottom of this pass and tinta volcano." "and gold seeking?" the priest asked with a twinkle in his eye. "we have occasionally washed the sands in the streams, but have not found enough to repay our work. the amount we have gathered is only about twenty ounces." "well, gentlemen, i shall be delighted to have you as my guests as long as you are willing to stay." "we are greatly obliged to you," harry said, "and will gladly be your guests. to-morrow the animals need a rest, and we shall enjoy one too. next morning we must be going on, as we have been away longer than we ought, and want to get down to lima quickly." they had great difficulty in getting away from huaca, where the good priest made them extremely comfortable, and was very loath to let them go. however, at dawn on the second day they started for cerro, and arrived there forty-eight hours later after a rough journey through the mils. "we never know in peru, when we go to bed, who will be president when we wake," dias said that evening. "there have been a dozen of them in the past five years. lamar, gamarra, la fuente, orbegozo, bermudes, and salaverry succeeded one another; then santa cruz became master. nieto had the upper hand for a bit, and at that time there was no travelling on the roads, they were so infested by robbers; one band was master of lima for some time. then the chilians occupied lima; santa cruz was defeated, and gamarra came in again. none of these men was ever supreme over the whole country. generals mutinied with the troops under them, other leaders sprang up, and altogether there has been trouble and civil war ever since the spaniards left. that is why the country is so full of robbers. when an army was defeated, those who escaped took to the hills and lived by plunder until some other chief revolted, then they would go down and join him; and so it has gone on." "who composed those armies? because the fields seem to have been well cultivated, and the peasants are quiet enough." "yes, seã±or, for the most part they take no part in these affairs. the men who compose the armies were in the first place the remains of those who fought against the spaniards. when the spaniards left the country these men had nothing to do, and were ready to enlist under anyone who raised a flag and promised them pay. of bourse there are many men in the towns who are too lazy to work, and who help to keep up the supply of armed men. the good god only knows when these things will come to an end. a few of those who have come into power really loved their country, and hoped to establish order and do away with all the abuses caused by the men who were appointed to offices by one or another of those tyrants; but most of them were ambitious soldiers, who led mutineers against the chief of the moment. if heaven would but destroy or strike with blindness the soldiers--and above all, every official in peru--the country might hope for peace and good government. the best man who has ever fought out here since lord cochrane left the place was general miller, your countryman, who was splendidly brave. he was always true to his word, never allowed his soldiers to plunder, and never ill-treated those captured in battle. ah! they should have made him president, but it would never have done. as the chilians were jealous of lord cochrane, the peruvians were jealous of miller, first because he was a foreigner, secondly because his uprightness and fidelity were a reproach to their ambition and treachery, their greed, and their cruelty. besides, he understood them too well, and if all peru had asked him to be president, he knew well enough that conspiracies against him would begin the next morning. ah, he was a great man! "well, seã±or, i think that before we start it will be well that i at least should go on to ayapata and find out what is doing. that would only delay us two days, and we might be better able to judge as to which route to take. they may be fighting in the north, and we do not want to get mixed up in any way in their quarrels." "i think that would be a very good plan, dias. you start in the morning, and we will stay quietly here till you come back with the news. if many brigands are in the pass they might get to hear of us from someone going over from this side, and take it into their heads to come down. i would certainly rather not have to fight with you away." accordingly next morning dias went on ahead. on the following evening he rejoined them. "there is fresh trouble in the south, seã±or. colonel vivancohidas has declared himself regenerator of peru, and is now marching against gamarra, and general castilla is advancing against him. the fighting will be somewhere near arequipa. whichever wins will presently cross the mountains and make for cuzco." "then that settles it, dias. certainly i have heard nothing in gamarra's favour, but a great deal against him, since i landed, and i care nothing about either side; but i hope the new man will win, because i think that any change from gamarra will be an improvement." chapter xii prisoners when they arrived at cerro de pasco they found that the division of gamarra's army stationed in the district had mutinied and had declared for vivancohidas, and were killing all those known as adherents of gamarra. all traffic was at a stand-still. numbers of the soldiers who did not choose to join in the mutiny had taken to the hills, and were pillaging convoys and peaceful travellers alike. "i think, seã±or," dias said, "that instead of crossing the cordilleras to the west, as we had intended, it will be better for us to go south, skirt the lake of junin, and make for oroya. that is the route generally taken, for the passes west are terribly difficult. i have traversed this route many times, and when going with merchandise i always go through oroya, though in returning from cerro i take the shorter route." "very well, dias, you are the best judge of that. it is a great nuisance that this rising should have taken place just as we want to traverse the country, but it can't be helped. i will go to the head-quarters of quinda--he is established at the mayor's house here--and get a pass from him. "it would be well, perhaps, if you were to go with me, dias, to confirm my statement that we have been shooting and hunting. i hope he will give us a pass, so that we shall not be interfered with by his men gathered at different points on the road to oroya. i hear that a considerable portion of his force have already marched forward." the peruvian colonel questioned harry closely as to his motives for travelling there. "i suppose," he said, "you have been searching for gold. we are sorely in need of funds, and i shall feel myself obliged to borrow any gold that you may have collected for the use of my army, giving you an order on the treasury at lima, which will, of course, be honoured as soon as the authority of president vivancohidas is established." "i do not doubt the goodness of the security," harry said quietly, "although possibly i might have to wait some time before the order was cashed; but while hunting i have not come upon any treasure. we have occasionally, when halting at streams, amused ourselves by doing a little gold-washing, but when i tell you that during the eight months since we started from cuzco we have only collected about twenty ounces of gold, you may well suppose that no good fortune has attended us." "is that all, seã±or?" "i give you my word of honour that is all, seã±or; and as i shall have to lay in a store of provisions and so on for my journey down to lima, you may well imagine that it would be a serious inconvenience to me to part with it." "quite so, seã±or; so small a sum as that would not go far among the four thousand men under my command. however, i shall have pleasure in giving you the pass that you ask. you have had good sport, i hope?" "as good as i expected. we kept ourselves in food, and have seen a splendid country, which i hope some time will again be cultivated, and add to the wealth of your country." after a further exchange of compliments harry returned to the inn where they had put up. next morning, after purchasing some coffee and other stores that were needed, they set out. "now we are all right, dias," harry said as they started. "i hope so, seã±or; but from what i heard yesterday evening several strong bands of disaffected soldiers are in the hills between this and oroya. quinda's troops have by no means all joined him, and several companies that broke off have stationed themselves in the hills along this road. they have stopped and robbed more than one mule train with silver from the mines there. they have not meddled, as far as i hear, with quinda's troops, but have simply seized the opportunity of perpetrating brigandage on a large scale." "well, we must take our chance, dias. fortunately we have money enough at lima to replace the animals. we have pretty well finished all our stores, and beyond the tents and the bedding, which would be a matter of a hundred dollars, there is nothing worth thinking of; still, certainly i do not want to lose it. i hope we sha'n't fall in with any of those scoundrels." "i hope not, seã±or. perhaps we had better put our gold dust and money in josã©'s boots. they are less likely to examine him than they are us. "you had better put half in his boots, and give the other half to my wife to hide about her clothes. we shall want some money, if we are robbed, to take us down to lima. with the gold dust we could get a couple of mules and enough provisions to take us down there. we should be in a very awkward position if we found ourselves penniless." they stopped for the night at a little village close to the lake. there was but one small room at the inn, but at the other end of the straggling village there was a yard where the mules could stand, and a loft where dias, maria, and josã© could sleep. harry and his brother had lain down but an hour on their blankets when there was a shouting in the street, and two or three shots were fired. they leapt up. "we had better hide our rifles and pistols," harry said, "under that ragged bed that we did not care about sleeping on. we may possibly get them again even if we are robbed of everything else." a minute later four or five men with a lantern rushed into the room. they were all armed with muskets, and one carried a torch. "who are you?" this man asked. "we are english sportsmen," harry said. "we have been shooting for some months at the foot of the hills, and are now returning to lima. there are our guns, you see." "we will take you before the captain," the man said. "bring those guns along, pedro and juan." the village was in an uproar. some fifty men were occupied in searching the houses and in appropriating everything they thought useful. one house had been set on fire, and near this a man in an officer's uniform was standing. he heard the report of harry's and bertie's capture. "english sportsmen, eh! how long have you been shooting?" he asked. "eight months." "eight months! then guard them securely, montes; they are doubtless rich englishmen, and we shall get a good ransom for them. english seã±ors who come out here to shoot must be men with plenty of money; but likely enough they are not sportsmen, but gold-seekers. however, it matters little." "i protest against this," harry said. "our consul at lima will demand satisfaction from the government." the other laughed. "government!" he said, "there is no government; and if there were, they would have no power up in the hills." so saying he turned away. plunder that had been collected was brought in and divided among the party, four of the men with muskets keeping guard over the prisoners. "i don't see anything of dias and the mules," bertie said in english. "no, i have been expecting to see them brought up every minute. now i am beginning to hope that they have got safely off. i think the fellows began their attack at our end of the village. "you know how watchful dias is. very likely he or josã© were up, and you may be sure that the moment they heard the uproar they would drive the mules out and be off. you see only two of them are laden, and they could have thrown the things on to their backs and been off at once. he would know that it was useless to wait for us. i expect he would turn them off the road at once and make down towards the lake. if these fellows had caught him and the mules they would certainly have brought them up here before this." "i hope he got off--not so much because of the mules, as because i am sure that, if he gets fairly away, he will do what he can to help us." "i am sure he will, bertie. we must make the best of it. there is one thing, we have got a good month before us. it will take them all that time to go down to lima about our ransom and return; and it is hard if we don't give them the slip before that." a quarter of an hour later the band started with their booty and prisoners for the hills. "i don't suppose they will go far," harry said. "quinda has got his hands full, and will be wanting to start as soon as he can to join vivancohidas. he won't lose time in hunting the scoundrel who has caught us, so i expect the band make their head-quarters in some village at the foot of the hills." this turned out to be so. after a march of four hours the band halted in a village in a valley running up into the hills. the prisoners were thrust into an empty hut, and four men with muskets told off as their guard. next morning the captain of the band came in. "i shall require a hundred thousand dollars for your ransom," he said. "we could never pay such a sum," harry said. "we are not rich men. i am a lieutenant on half-pay in the english navy, and, having nothing to do at home, came out with my brother for a year's sport. i could not pay a tenth of that sum." "that we shall see," the man said. "if you cannot pay, your government can. you will at once write to your consul at lima, telling him that if this hundred thousand dollars are not handed over to my messenger within four days of his arrival there, you will both have your throats cut." "i will write the letter if you wish," harry replied quietly, "but you won't get the money. if you like to say ten thousand dollars, i dare say the consul will do his best to raise that amount." "one hundred thousand is the smallest sum," the man said angrily. "he can get it out of the government there. they will not choose to risk having trouble with your country for the sake of such a sum." "gamarra is away," harry said, "and it is pretty certain that he will not have left a hundred thousand dollars in the treasury; and even if he has, you maybe sure that his people there would not give it up, for he wants every penny for his war expenses." the man shrugged his shoulders. "so much the worse for you. write as i told you; here is paper, pen, and ink. do not write in english. i will come back in a quarter of an hour for it." "this is awkward, bertie. it is evident that i must write. as to their paying twenty thousand pounds, the thing is absurd; if he had mentioned two thousand they might have considered the matter. what i hope is that they will not send up anything. i feel certain that we shall be able to get away from here within a month; and if they were to send up one or two thousand pounds, we should probably miss the fellow on the way. in that case we should have to repay the money when we got to lima, which i certainly should not see my way to do--anyhow, until i got to england, when i could, of course, sell out some of my stock. there is nothing here that we could use as invisible ink. if there were, i would risk writing a message with it; but even then it is fifty to one against their bringing it to light. well, here goes!" and he wrote in spanish the required message. the robber on his return read it through, turned the paper over to see that nothing was written on the back, and held it up to the light. "that will do," he said. "now let me warn you, don't attempt to escape. you won't succeed if you do, and the sentries have orders to shoot you down should you attempt it." the time passed slowly. the brigand was evidently determined to give them no chance of escaping, and four sentries remained round the hut, one at each corner. in the daytime the prisoners were allowed to sit at the door of the hut, but they were shut up at nightfall. the guards were not allowed to speak to them, and there was therefore no chance of offering them a bribe. on the evening of the fifth day they had, as usual, been shut up, and were chatting over the situation. "if they continue to guard us like this, bertie, i really don't see a shadow of a chance of getting away. we calculated on there being one, or perhaps two sentries at the door, and thought we could have cut a hole through that adobe wall at the back and crept out through it; but as there is a guard at each corner, i don't see a chance of it. the fellows are evidently afraid of their captain, and each keeps to his corner, and sits there and smokes and drones out songs, but they never move till they are relieved. of course we must make the attempt if we see no other way of escaping. but i have still great hope that dias will somehow or other try to get us out, though how he can do it i don't know." they observed that the sentries were not changed in any military way. five minutes before sunset the four men who were to relieve those on guard came sauntering up. the former guard ordered the captives into the hut and bolted the door, and then after a short chat with the others went off, the new sentries having already taken their posts at the corners of the hut. on the fifth evening after their capture they saw approaching a peasant woman sitting on a mule. a man was walking beside her. behind the woman was a small barrel, and two packs and two small wine-skins hung on each side. "harry," bertie exclaimed, "i believe that is dias and maria!" "it is," harry said. "thank god they have found us! twenty to one they will get us out. what have they got with them, i wonder?" they stopped in the road opposite the house, which was the end one in the village. "you are not to come nearer," one of the sentries shouted. "i am sure i don't want to come nearer," the woman said pertly. "you don't think you are so handsome that i want to get a better sight of your face?" "what have you got there?" the man asked. "we shall be coming off duty in ten minutes." "well, we have got a little of everything," she said. "as pretty sashes as there are in the country, beautiful silk neckerchiefs, silver brooches for your sweethearts, and for those who purchase freely a glass of the best pisco spirit." "well, wait, and i dare say we shall lay out a dollar or two." a minute or two later four other men sauntered up, and began to talk to maria, who slipped off her mule. the guards, fearful that the best bargains would be sold before they could get forward, hurried the prisoners into the hut and bolted the door. the brothers heard a great deal of talking and arguing, and ten minutes later the sentries came up to their usual post. "i would not mind betting odds," bertie said with delight, "that dias has drugged that spirit." "i expect so, bertie. he would be sure that they could not resist it, for it is the best spirit there is in peru." for a time the sentries talked, saying that the pedlars' goods were cheap and the spirit as good as any they had ever tasted. "we had great difficulty in getting her to sell us a second glass each; and she was right, for she had not much of it, and it must help her rarely to sell her goods. the husband seemed a surly sort of chap. i wonder such a pretty little woman would marry such a fellow." "i suppose he was well-to-do and she was poor," another said; "such is generally the case when you see a marriage like that. i dare say he makes a good thing of it; the goods are as cheap, though, as they would be in lima." gradually the talking ceased, and within an hour there was perfect quiet outside the hut. half an hour later they heard footsteps coming quietly up to the door. they held their breath; but instead of, as they expected, hearing the bolt drawn, they heard the new-comers going round the hut, pausing a minute at each corner. then they again stopped at the door; the two bolts were shot back, and the door opened. "come, seã±ors," dias said; "it is quite safe. we have put them all to sleep. here are their muskets and pistols. you had better take them, in case we are pursued, which is not likely. at any rate, should one of them wake the want of a gun will mean delay in raising the alarm. "don't speak, seã±ors; it is as well to keep quiet till we are fairly off." he shut the door and rebolted it, and then led the way down into the road. not a word was spoken till they had gone a hundred yards, and then harry said: "you have done us another good turn, dias; we did not see any possible way of getting out; but we both agreed that if you could find us you would." "of course, seã±ors, you could not suppose that maria and i would go quietly off." "how did you manage to get away, dias?" "it was easy enough. after what we had heard of these brigands i made up my mind that i would not unsaddle the mules, nor take the packs off the two loaded ones. the burdens were not heavy, for we have little but our bedding and the tents left, and i thought they might as well stay where they were, and in the morning we could shift them on to the others. i told josã© to watch about half the night; but i was standing talking to him, and smoking my last cigarette, when he said suddenly, 'i can hear a noise at the other end of the village.' "the evening was still, and i could also hear the sound of many footsteps, so i ran and pulled down the bar at the back of the yard, called maria, and told her and josã© to take the mules straight down to the lake, and then to follow the bank. then i ran to warn you; but before i got half-way i heard shouts and firing, and knew that i was too late, so i ran back to the lake, where i overtook the mules, and we mounted and went off at a trot. when i got a quarter of a mile away i told the others to go on to junin, which we knew was twenty miles away, and put up there till i joined them. then i ran back to the village, and, keeping myself well behind a house, watched them getting ready to start, and saw you. there was nothing to do but to follow you. i did so, and observed where they had shut you up, and i waited about for some hours, so as to see how you were guarded. "i saw their captain go into your hut twice. when he came out the second time he had a paper in his hand. he went to the house he has taken possession of, and i kept a good watch over that. presently two lieutenants came out, talking together. they entered another house, and ten minutes afterwards issued out again, dressed in ordinary clothes, such as a muleteer or a cultivator fairly well off would wear, and returned to the captain's house, and stayed there for a good half-hour before they came out again. two horses had been brought round to the door. the captain came out with them, and was evidently giving them some last instructions. then they rode off, saying good-bye to some of the men as they passed through the village. "knowing the ways of these bandits, i had no doubt the paper i saw their captain bring out of the hut where you were was a letter he had compelled you to write to request a large sum of money to be sent in exchange for you; and as i felt certain that we should rescue you somehow, i thought it was a pity that this letter should go down, so i started at once to follow them. they had not got more than a quarter of an hour's start of me, and by the line they had taken i saw that they intended to go to junin. i did not think it likely that they would enter the place, because they would be sure to meet some of quinda's men there; but would probably sleep at some small village near it, and then make a circuit to strike the road beyond the town. "fortunately i had some money in my pocket, and at the first farm i came to i bought a mule. you see, seã±or, i had not lain down the night before, and had done a fair day's work before i started to follow your captors. i had walked twenty miles with them, and had been busy all the morning. i knew it could not be much less than thirty miles to junin, and that if i could not find them there i should have to push on after them again the next morning, so i gave the farmer what he asked for his mule, and started at once on it barebacked. it turned out to be a good animal, and i rode hard, for i wanted to get down to junin before the two men. i reckoned i should do that, because, as they were going a very long journey, they would not want to press their horses, and besides would prefer that it should be dark before they stopped for the night. "when i got to junin i found maria and josã©, who had put up the mules at the only inn there. i set maria to watch on the road leading into the town, and went out with josã© to a little village a mile back, where i made sure the fellows would stop. i was not long in finding out that they had arrived about half an hour after i had ridden through, and had put up at the priest's. that was good enough for me. we went back to the town. i had some supper, which i can tell you i wanted badly, for i had been afraid of going into the brigand's village to buy anything, as, being a stranger, i might have been asked questions, so i had had nothing since the night before. i had found that there was a road from the place where they had stopped, by which they could ride along by the lake without going into the town; so josã© and i ambushed there an hour before daylight, thinking that they would be off early. we were right; for in a quarter of an hour they came along. day was just breaking, so we could make out their figures easily enough, and as they were not five yards away as they passed, we were not likely to miss them. well, i found the paper you had written in the coat-pocket of one of them, together with two hundred dollars, no doubt for the expenses of his journey. we hid the two bodies under a heap of stones." "then you killed them, dias?" harry said, in a tone of surprise. "of course! what else would one do with them? they were brigands, and they had attacked a peaceable village and killed several people. even if i had not wanted to get your paper it would have been a very meritorious action." "oh, i am not blaming you, dias, at all! there was no other way of getting the paper, and it may be regarded as an act of necessity. and what did you do with their horses?" "josã© went on with them, and i returned to the town again and started with maria and the mules. we journeyed to a village half-way to oroya. of course we overtook josã© a mile or two after we had left junin. there we put up at a quiet place and talked over the situation. we knew that there was no particular hurry, for we read your letter, and knew that no harm would come to you for a long time. it would be a month at least before they would expect the men back with the money. there was another letter, addressed to don mariano carratala, whom i know to be a busy politician in lima. the money was to be paid to him; at least he was to receive it from the two men immediately they left the british consul's house, and he was to hold it for valdez, which is the name of the brigand." "i thought he would not trust the men to bring up a sum like that." "it would be enough to tempt the most incorruptible peruvian, and certainly the men he sent down would have taken good care never to come to this part of the country again if they had got the money into their possession. i don't think either it would have been safe in the hands of carratala, if he did not know that sooner or later he would get a knife between his shoulders if he kept it. next morning maria and i started back, bringing with us four mules, the fastest we had. we rode on two and led the others. i knew some people at junin, for i have often passed through the town when i have been bringing down silver from cerro, and one managed to get for us that little barrel of pisco. i was sure that no soldier would refuse a glass; but it was almost a sin to give such liquor to the dogs. then we bought peasants' clothes, and a parcel of goods such as travelling hawkers carry. "you know how we succeeded. of course we had drugged the pisco heavily, and knew that two glasses would send any man off to sleep in half an hour. as soon as it was dark, maria went on with the mule. we shall find her half a mile from here at a deserted hut where we left the other three mules." "well, dias, you have assuredly saved our lives. guarded as we were, there was not the slightest chance of our getting away by ourselves; and as the british consul certainly could not have raised the sum they demanded, we should have had our throats cut when the messengers returned empty-handed. valdez is not the man to go back from his word in that respect." "it is a pity you have lost your arms, seã±or." "yes, we have certainly lost our double-barrelled guns, but our rifles and pistols are hidden in the straw of the bed in the room where we slept. we had just time to hide them before the brigands burst into the room." "then we can recover them, seã±or. of course i intended to ride straight to junin, but it won't make very much difference. we will ride to the village, get the rifles and pistols, and then follow the road by the lake. it is now only nine o'clock; we can be there by one easily, and reach junin by morning. it will be perfectly safe to rest there. i suppose your guards will be relieved about twelve o'clock?" "yes, that was the time we heard them changed." "they will most likely discover that you have gone then. when they find the four guards sound asleep, they are sure to unbolt the door and see if you are there, then of course they will give the alarm at once. but i hardly think they will even attempt to pursue. they are infantry, and none of them are mounted but the officers, which means that at present only valdez himself has a horse. they would know that you had been assisted, and that probably horses were waiting for you somewhere. there is the hut, seã±ors." maria ran out as they came up. "the saints be praised," she exclaimed, "that you are with us again, seã±ors!" "the saints are no doubt to be praised," harry said, "but we feel at present a good deal more indebted to dias and yourself than to them. we are indeed grateful to you both, and you managed it splendidly. my brother and i felt so confident that you would do something to get us out, that we were not in the least surprised when we recognized you and diaz got up as travelling hawkers." "you did not tell them that we were with you?" "no. fortunately they asked no questions at all, and took us for englishmen travelling by ourselves. they may have thought of it afterwards, but in the hurry of carrying off their booty they apparently gave the matter no attention. if they had done so they would probably have sent a party out in pursuit of the mules. even if they had not done so, they would have been sure to look with some suspicion at two hawkers arriving at such an out-of-the-way village at such a time." "well, we had better be moving at once," dias said. "we are going down to the village where they were captured, maria. they hid their rifles and pistols there when they found the place was in the hands of the brigands." three minutes later they started. there was a full moon, so they were able to ride fast, and it was just midnight when they arrived at the village. when they knocked at the house where their rifles had been left, the proprietor looked out from the upper window in great dismay, fearing that the brigands might have returned. however, as soon as he recognized the party he came down and opened the door. the arms were found where they had been hidden, and in five minutes they were again on their way, and arrived at junin at five o'clock. it was necessary to wait here twenty-four hours to rest the animals. the next morning they started as soon as it was light, and picked up josã© and the convoy. the brothers mounted the two horses, and dias and maria rode on one mule, and led three behind them. josã© rode another and led four. the horses and the mule dias had bought were sold at oroya, and after purchasing enough provisions for the rest of their journey they started for lima, having concluded that it would be better, now that they were on the main track, to follow it instead of striking across the hills. chapter xiii letters from home there was some little discussion over the amount of supplies that it would be necessary to purchase. "travelling quietly, the journey will not occupy over fourteen days," harry said. "do not get anything more than is absolutely necessary. it is evident that the whole country is in a disturbed state, and it is as well to have nothing to lose. we can buy nearly everything we want in the way of meat and flour at villages we pass through. therefore, if we have enough tea, coffee, and sugar there will be really no occasion to buy anything more. we have still two or three bottles of spirits left, and you can buy pulque everywhere. there is a proverb two or three thousand years old, 'the empty traveller can sing before the robber'. we are reduced to that condition, except for our tents, bedding, and blankets, and they have done good service and would not cost much to replace. there remain, then, only the animals. they would certainly be a serious loss to us." "brigands would not want to take them. they would not be of the least use to them in the mountains. i would not say the same of parties of disbanded soldiers making their way down to lima or callao, who might prefer riding to travelling all that distance." "the brigands might take our rifles and pistols, dias." "yes, they would be sure to do that, seã±or. but we have had more than our share of bad luck already, what with the brigands in the cerro pass, and these rascals we have just had to do with. i will enquire when the last silver convoy went down. if one has gone during the past five or six days, we could overtake it soon, for we can do two days' journey to its one. if no convoy has gone forward later, and there is one starting shortly, it might be worth our while to wait for it, for by all accounts the road down to lima is infested by discharged soldiers, and ruffians of all kinds from callao and lima." "have the convoys an escort?" "yes, seã±ors. the silver mines have always a considerable force in their pay. they used to have troops from the division stationed here, but what with the constant revolutions, and the fact that more than once the escort, instead of protecting the convoys, mutinied and seized them, they found it better to raise a force themselves. they do not take creoles, preferring pure-bred indians, who are just as brave as the creoles, if not braver, and can be relied upon to be faithful to their trust. the consequence is that, in spite of the disturbed state of the country, it is a long time now since one of their escorts has been attacked, especially as the robbers would find great difficulty in disposing of the silver, as each ingot is marked with the name of the mine it comes from. "they might, of course, melt it up again; but even then there would be a difficulty, as the law is very strict as to the sale of silver, and a certificate has to be obtained from the local authorities in every case, stating where it was obtained. this is hard upon the natives, for many of the little mines are worked among the mountains, and the rascals, to whom all official positions are given in reward for services done to the party which happens to be in power for the time, take good care to fleece the indians heavily before they will give them the necessary documents. nothing can be done here, seã±ors, without greasing the palms of two or three people, and the grease has to be pretty heavily laid on." dias went out and made enquiries. "there will be no convoy for another fortnight. one went down ten days ago." "i certainly shall not wait another fortnight, dias. as to an escort, less than a dozen men would be useless, and as they would be a fortnight at least going down, and as much returning, even if you could get twelve men who could be relied upon, it would be a very expensive job. we might as well risk losing our baggage, and even our guns. the great thing will be to reduce the weight as much as possible. four cotton beds take up a lot of space, and i think in any case i should have bought new ones at lima; at any rate they can go. the blankets and ponchos we could, of course, carry behind us. so that practically there are only the two tents, cooking utensils, and the stores, which will not weigh many pounds, to carry, and with our clothes the whole will make a ridiculously small load even for one mule. we had better get rid of the pickaxes and shovels, they would fetch pretty nearly as much here as we should give for new ones at lima. "thus, then, with donna maria riding one of the mules, there would be our five selves and three led mules, of which only one would be laden. that would offer no great temptation to plunderers; and as we shall all have guns across our shoulders, they would see that it would not be worth while to interfere on the very slight chance that the one laden mule might be carrying anything valuable." "i agree with you, seã±or. our appearance would be that of a party of travellers who have been exploring the old ruins, or, as has been done before, endeavouring to ascertain whether the rivers on the east are navigable down to the amazon. besides, the bulk of the people here do not forget what they owe to englishmen, and the fact that you are of that nation would in itself secure good treatment for you among all except desperate men." accordingly they started the next morning. maria rode, in amazon fashion, on a mule between her husband and harry. bertie followed with josã©, to whose saddle the three baggage mules were attached in single file. they were undisturbed on their journey. three or four times they were hailed by men on the rocks above as they went through difficult points of the pass. the reply of dias, that the two gentlemen with him were englishmen who had been exploring the ruins and doing a little shooting among the hills, generally satisfied them. one or two, however, who enquired what the mule was carrying, were invited by him to come down and see, though at the same time they were informed that the load contained nothing but blankets and cooking vessels, and enough provisions to last them on the way. when, within two days' journey from lima, a party of rough men came down into the road, dias rode forward to meet them and repeated his usual story. "you can examine the mule if you like," he said, "but i warn you not to interfere with us; the english seã±ors are not men to be meddled with. they are armed with rifles, and each carries a brace of double-barrelled pistols. they are dead shots, too, and you may reckon that it will cost you over a dozen lives were you to interfere with them. moreover, the other muleteer and myself could give a fair account of ourselves. rather than have trouble, however, two of you can come forward and see that my statement as to what the mule carries is correct. its burden would not fetch fifty dollars at lima." two of the men came forward and examined the mule's burden, and felt the saddles of the others to see that nothing was concealed there. when they rejoined their party one who appeared to be their leader came forward. "seã±ors," he said, "i regret that we have stopped you; but we are poor men, and are obliged to take to the road to live. perhaps your honours would not mind giving us ten dollars to buy food at the next village." [illustration: they saw approaching a peasant woman sitting on a mule.] "i have not many dollars left," harry said, "but if you really need food you are welcome to ten of them, for we shall need nothing more than what we carry till we arrive at lima." he handed him the ten dollars, and then, showing him his purse, said, "you see there are but five others." with many thanks the man retired, and he and his companions took off their hats as harry and his party rode through them. "another such stoppage," harry said with a laugh, "and we shall have to fall back upon our little stock of gold-dust." however, they met with no more trouble, and on the following evening rode into lima and took up their quarters at the hotel. dias asked that he might go on with the mules to his home. "in the first place, seã±or, we want to know how things have gone on in our absence. we had arranged with neighbours to look after the garden and the house. they were glad to do so, as the garden was a fruitful one. they were to take all they could raise and keep it well planted, so that whenever we might return we should find our usual supply of fruits and vegetables. in the next place, maria is nervous about my staying here after what happened last time. we may take it as certain that the friends of the men we hurt will take the chance of paying off the score if they can find an opportunity. i shall come in each day to see if you have any orders for me." "there will be no occasion for that, dias. we have quite made up our minds to wait here for a week before starting on our next expedition, so if you will come over in four days that will be quite soon enough. you can overhaul the blankets and bags, and see that those good enough to keep are put in good repair, and those worn out replaced. we shall want quite as many stores as those we took last time, for there are very few villages except on the sea-shore, and we shall find difficulty in replenishing our stock. we shall have to buy double-barrelled guns in place of those we lost, but that we shall do ourselves. we have plenty of ammunition and cartridges for the rifles and pistols, but we had only a few shot cartridges left when we lost the guns." as soon as dias had gone on with the mules harry went to the british consul's and found three letters waiting there for him, two from miss fortescue and one from mr. barnett. he put the former into his pocket to be read and enjoyed privately, but opened that of mr. barnett at once. it was in answer to that harry had written at cuzco. "my dear harry," he said, "your first letter was quite satisfactory. i was glad to find that you had reached lima without encountering more than a stiffish gale, which was as well as you could have expected. i was still more glad that you had found dias alive and willing to accompany you. your letter from cuzco has now reached me. i think you were extremely lucky to get through that street broil without any damage to either of you. it was certainly a hazardous business to interfere in an affair of that kind without having any weapons except the sticks you carried. still, i can well understand that, as you would certainly have lost the services of dias had you not done so, it was worth running a good deal of risk; and, as you say, it had the natural effect of binding him to you heart and soul. "i feel very uneasy about you both, and have blamed myself many a time for suggesting this scheme to you. i can only say that it is really the only possible way in which it seemed to me you could carry out the task set you. in fairy stories it is, so far as i can remember, a not uncommon thing for a king to set some task, that appears absolutely hopeless, to the suitors for his daughter's hand, and the hero always accomplishes the impossible. but this is always done with the assistance of some good fairy, and unfortunately good fairies are not to be met with in the present day. i have great faith in dias, but fear that he is a very poor substitute for a fairy godmother. still, i am convinced that he will do all in his power, and will even strain his conscience severely, by conducting you to places where his traditions lead him to believe that gold, either in the shape of mines or hidden treasure, is to be found. "your search will not improbably lead you into places where the indians have won back their own from the civilization introduced by the spaniards, and i have always heard that on the eastern side of the cordilleras the natives entertain a deadly hatred for whites, and attack all who endeavour to penetrate into the forest. don't be too rash, lad. remember that it will not add to your lady-love's happiness to learn that you have been massacred in your attempt to carry out your knight-errant adventure, and if you are careless about your own life, don't forget that its loss will probably entail the loss of your brother's also. dangers, of course, you must meet and face, but remember that prudence is a valuable aid to bravery. "i am glad to know that dias has taken his wife with him. a woman is a very useful adjunct to an expedition such as yours. of course in some ways she is necessarily a trouble, and always a responsibility. still, if, as you say is the case with her, she is a good cook, this makes a wonderful difference in your comfort, and certainly adds to the chance of your preserving your health. and in the next place, should you fall ill, or be mauled by a tiger or puma, she will make a far better nurse than dias himself would be. now that you are cutting yourself adrift from civilization, i shall not expect to hear from you again for a long time. i shall try and not be uneasy; but really, harry, i do feel that i have incurred a very heavy responsibility, and may, with the best intentions in the world, have sent you and bertie to your death. i have, as you directed me, addressed this to the care of our consul, and it must be many months before you receive it, many months more before i again hear from you. should you require more money, draw upon me. i have always a good balance standing at the bank, therefore do not hesitate to draw, in case the amount sent out to you quarterly does not prove sufficient to carry out any scheme you may have in hand. "with all good wishes for your own and bertie's welfare, "i remain, "your affectionate guardian, "james barnett." when he returned to the hotel he handed mr. barnett's letter to bertie to read, and said: "stop down here in the patio, bertie; i have two letters that i want to read quietly." bertie laughed. "all right, harry; take your time over them; i won't disturb you." it was dusk now, and when harry went to his room he lit a couple of candles and seated himself in a large cane arm-chair and opened his letters. the first one consisted chiefly of expressions of pleasure at his arrival at callao, of remarks upon the voyage, of complaints as to the long time that had passed without news of him, and of assurances of affection. the second was, like mr. barnett's, in reply to his letter from cuzco. "my dearest harry, "after reading your letter i have been more and more impressed with my heartlessness in allowing you to undertake such a journey as you have before you. i ought to have been braver. i ought to have refused absolutely to allow you to go. the prospect of your being able to overcome my father's objections really amounts to nothing, and i ought to have said that i would not accept the sacrifice, and would not allow you to run such risks; that it would be better and kinder for both of us to accept the inevitable, and not enter upon such a struggle with fate. "do not think that i am already growing weary of waiting, and that my heart is in any way changed. it is not that. it is anxiety about you, and the feeling how wrong i was to let you go. were there even a shadow of chance of your success i would wait patiently for years. i do not say that my life is a pleasant one. it is not. my father is still bitterly angry with me for, as he says, throwing away my chances; that is to say, of marrying a man i do not care for, simply because he is rich. but i can bear that. mother is very very good, and does all in her power to cheer me; but, as you know, she has never been much more than a cipher, accustomed always to submit to my father's will, and it is wonderful to me that in our matter she has ventured, not openly to oppose him, but to give me what strength and comfort she can. "i hardly know how i should have got on without her comfort. my father hardly speaks to me. he treats me as if i had been convicted of some deadly sin, and is only restrained from punishing me in some way because, by some blunder or other, contumacy against the will of a father has been omitted from the penal code. seriously, harry, it makes me unhappy, not only for myself but for him. until i was unable to give in to him in this question he has always been the kindest of fathers. i am sure he feels this estrangement between us almost as much as i do, but believes that he is acting for my good; and it is a great pain to him that i cannot see the matter in the same light as he does. of course to me it is most ridiculous that he should suppose that my happiness depends upon having a title, and cutting a figure at court, and that sort of thing; but there is no arguing over it, and i am as thoroughly convinced that my view is the correct one as he is that it is utter folly. "however, i am almost as sorry for him as for myself, and would do almost anything short of giving you up to make him happy. however, do not think that i am very miserable, because i am not. somehow, though i can't give any good reason for my belief, i do think you will succeed. i do not say that i think for a moment you are likely to come home with the sum my father named as necessary; that seems to be quite hopeless. but i think somehow you may succeed in doing well; and though some people might consider that he was justified in refusing his consent to what he might think was a bad match, he could not do so with any justice were i to determine upon marrying a gentleman with some fortune. he thinks a great deal of public opinion, and would know that even chat would be against him. but indeed, harry, i am beginning to doubt whether in the end i shall be able to sacrifice my life to his unfortunate mania, that i must marry what he calls well. i love you, and told him that if at the end of two years you were not in a position to claim my hand, i would give in to my father's wishes. i will keep my promise so far, that i will not run away with you or marry you in defiance of his command. but as i have agreed to wait for two years for you, i may ask you to wait another two years for me. "when i think of you going through all sorts of dangers and hardships for my sake, i feel that it would be downright wickedness to turn against you if you find that you cannot perform an impossible task. instead of this separation making you less dear to me, it is affecting me in quite the other way. my thoughts are always with you. how could it be otherwise? i have worked myself up to such a pitch that i have almost resolved that, when the two years are up, i will say to my father: 'i shall ask harry to release me from my promise to him, and for two years, father, i will go about and allow men a fair chance of winning my love. if at the end of that time i have met no one to whom i can give my heart, i will then go my own way, and if harry will take me i will marry him.' it will require a great deal of courage to say so; but you are doing so much to try and win me, that it would be hard indeed if i were to shrink from doing a little on my part. "still, it would make it easier for me if you should have the good fortune to bring home something; not because, as i have told you many times, i should shrink for a moment from renouncing all the luxuries in which i have been brought up, and for which i care so little, but because it would, in his eyes, be a proof of how earnestly you have striven to do what you could to meet his requirements. i did not mean to say this when i began my letter, but it seems to me that it will give you heart and strength in your work, and that you will see from it that i, too, have taken my courage in my hand, and show you that your love and faithfulness shall some day have the reward they deserve. "god bless you and keep you, dearest, "your loving hilda." harry read the letter through again and again, and at last bertie came in. "what! at it still, harry?" he said with a laugh. "you must have got your letters by heart by this time. i have been sitting in the patio by myself for two mortal hours expecting you to come down. at last i said to myself, 'this sort of thing will bring on madness. when a healthy sailor forgets that his brother is waiting for supper, to say nothing of himself, it is clear that there is something radically wrong.'" "it is evident, bertie, that at present you know nothing of human nature. if there had been anything radically wrong in this letter i should probably have been down long ago. it is just the contrary. hilda says that if i don't succeed here, she will give herself, or rather her father, two years, and at the end of that time, if she doesn't find someone she likes better, she will marry me, whether he likes it or not--at least, that is what it comes to." "i congratulate you, old boy. at the same time, it is evident that she would not have been worth her salt if she had arrived at any other conclusion. now, having settled that comfortably, let us go and have something to eat. you appear to forget altogether that you have had nothing since breakfast, and it is now past eight o'clock." "you boys think of nothing but eating," harry grumbled. "well, up till now, harry, from the time we started, i have observed that you have a very healthy appetite yourself, and i can tell you it has cost me half a dollar in bribing the cook to stay on beyond his usual hour. i did not like to tell him that you were engaged in reading a love-letter fifty times, so i put it delicately and said that you were engaged in business of importance. it went against my conscience to tell such a buster." "there, come on, bertie. i had begun to hope that you were growing into a sensible fellow, but i am afraid that there is no chance of that now, and that you will continue to be a donkey to the end of your life." harry had told dias that they had better take two or three days at home before they came into lima again, but to his surprise the muleteer came in at ten o'clock next morning. "well, dias, i did not expect to see you again so soon. you have found everything right at home, i hope?" "no, seã±or, i am sorry to say i did not. three days after we left here our house was burnt down." "burnt down, dias! i am sorry indeed to hear that. how did it happen? i thought you said that you had locked it up, and left no one there." "that was so, seã±or. the people who took over the garden were to go into the house once a week to see that everything was in order; but as this fire broke out only three days after i left, they had not entered it. everyone says that it must have been fired on purpose, for the flames seem to have burst out in all parts at once. no one in the town thought that i had an enemy in the world, and all have been wondering who could have had a grudge against me. of course we need not go very far to guess who was at the bottom of it." "i suppose not, dias. it must have been those scoundrels we gave such a thrashing to." "there is no doubt of that, seã±or. but this time they have got the best of me, for they know very well that i have no proof against them, and that it would be useless to lodge any complaint." "i am afraid it would, dias. is it quite burnt down?" "the walls are standing, seã±or. it takes a good deal to burn adobe." "what do you suppose it would cost to put it in the same condition as before, with the furniture and everything?" "no great thing, seã±or; two hundred or two hundred and fifty dollars. it would not be as much as that if it hadn't been that maria had left her festa dresses and her silver trinkets behind. there was not much furniture in the house; but i think i could replace everything for about two hundred dollars, and i have a good deal more than that laid by." "i shall certainly make that up to you, dias. it was entirely your kindness in deciding to take us on mr. barnett's recommendation, and to undertake this journey, that brought the ill-will of these scoundrels upon you. of course it is of no use doing anything now, but when our search is over i shall certainly see that you are not in any way the loser." "no, seã±or; if i could not replace it myself i might accept your kind offer, but i can do it without breaking very heavily into my savings. and indeed their attack on me was the outcome of an old grudge. i have been long regarded as a fortunate man, and truly i have been so. if there was a job for five mules, and i was disengaged, i always had the first offer." "but that was not fortune, dias; that was because you were known to be wholly trustworthy." "there are few muleteers who are not so, seã±or; it is rarely indeed that muleteers are false to their trust. i can scarce remember an instance. we indians have our faults, but we are honest." "well, perhaps your getting the first job to go with foreign travellers may have been a piece of good fortune, but it is because these were so well satisfied with you that others engaged you. trustworthiness is not the only thing wanted in a muleteer; willingness, cheerfulness, and a readiness to oblige are almost as important for the comfort of travellers. well, do you think these fellows will try and play you another trick, dias?" "i hope they will," dias said savagely, "that is, if they don't have too much odds against me. i owe them a big score now, for twice they have got the better of me. i should like to get even with them." "well, dias, i hope they won't try anything of the sort. if anything should happen to you, i should not only be extremely sorry for your sake and your wife's, but it would destroy the last chance i have of carrying out my search for treasure. do you think that if i were to go to the consul and lay a complaint against them, on the ground, in the first place, of their attack on you, and now of burning your house, it would have any effect?" "if you were to make a complaint it might do, seã±or; it certainly would not were i to do so. a little bribe would, of course, be necessary; you cannot do anything without that. the officials here are all gamarra's men, and there is not one of them who would not take a bribe. but would it be worth while, as we are only going to stay here a week? and if you got them imprisoned they would be out again before i came back, and would be more anxious than ever to get rid of me." "there is a good deal in that, dias. as, of course, we shall be away, and starting for home again as soon as we return here, their spite would be directed entirely against you." "i hope, seã±ors, that while you stop here you will never go out without your pistols. it is against you they have a grudge now more than me; it was owing to you that they failed in killing me." "we will do so; and we won't carry sticks this time, so that if they see us going along they will think we are unarmed." whenever they went out after dark, indeed, harry and bertie had an idea that they were followed, and on their way home each invariably carried a cocked pistol in his pocket, ready for instant use. it was well that they did so, for on returning late one evening from seã±or pasquez, four men suddenly sprang out upon them. they were on their guard, and their arms went up in an instant, and two shots were fired. as the pistols were almost touching the men's heads when the trigger was pulled, both the assailants dropped dead, and the others at once took to their heels. "there are two of dias's enemies wiped out," harry said quietly. "i hope the others will give us a chance before we leave. well, let us walk on before the watch comes along. it would ruin our plans altogether if we were kept here for an indefinite time while enquiries are being made." the next morning they heard from their waiter at breakfast that two men had been found dead in the street. "they are muleteers," he said, "but are known to be bad characters, and are suspected of having been concerned in several murders. it is evident that they made a mistake this time, and have got what they deserved. they are known to be associated with others. there were five of them; one was killed in a knife fight some months ago, and a search has been made for the others, but it is not likely that they will be caught. they were probably concerned in the affair, and knowing that they would be suspected of having a hand in this, and that their character will go against them, i expect they went off at once to the foot of the hills, and won't be heard of again for some time to come." "i think it a pity they were not all shot. it is a shame that in a town like this people cannot walk in the streets after dark without the risk of being assassinated." dias was very pleased when, on coming up that morning, he heard of what had happened. he quite agreed that the other men would almost certainly have taken to the mountains. "even if they have not, seã±or, you are safe from another attack. now they know that you carry pistols, and are prepared for them, they will let you alone." "when we come back here, dias, we will give you a brace of our pistols, and i trust you will carry them in your pocket ready for use after dark, whether you are in lima or at miraflores." "thank you, seã±or. i do not think they are likely to show their faces here again for a long time; but at any rate i will be on my guard, and will gratefully accept your offer of the pistols. now, seã±ors, i must set to work to-day to get in our stores for the next journey. i have made a list of what we shall want." "well, i have plenty of money, dias, for i find two remittances from home awaiting me here. we have already bought two double-barrelled guns and a stock of ammunition, principally buck-shot, for we shall not be doing much big game shooting. we can always buy food at the sea-side villages." three days later all was in readiness. the mules were brought up from miraflores by josã©, accompanied by maria, and an early start was made on the following morning. chapter xiv the castle of the demons "to-morrow, seã±or," dias said, "you will see the spot i was telling you about, where, as the traditions say, the spirits of our ancestors inhabit the ruins of a building so old, that it was ancient when the incas first came here. they are still there, and men who have been rash enough to approach the spot have been found torn to pieces as if by wild beasts; but none go near now." "did the spaniards never go there?" "i know not, sir; but 'tis likely they never even heard of it. the country is all dry and barren, and there were no mines to tempt them. the indians never speak of it; those who were alive when the spaniards came had some reasons for not doing so; and even now you could go to the nearest village, which lies more than twenty miles away, and ask the people about it, but they would only say that they had never heard of it, that no such place existed, for they believe that even to speak of it would bring dire disaster. we indians are christians; the spaniards made us so. we make the sign of the cross, and we bow before their images and pictures, and once a year we go to their churches; but among the tribes east of the mountains that is all. we believe in the traditions of our fathers and in the demons of the forest; and though on this side of the hills, where the spaniards held a tight grip upon us, the people have well-nigh forgotten their old faith, they still believe in many of the tales they have learned from their fathers, and this of the castle of the demons, as it is called, is as strong as ever in these parts." "have you ever seen the castle, dias?" "i have seen it, seã±or. there is only one point from which it is visible. we shall go there to-morrow, it is ten miles from here. the castle lies in a rift of the rock. i should say that in ancient times this opened to the sea, but the building closed the entrance. whatever it may have been, it does not rise above the summit of the cliff, which goes down as straight as a wall for miles on the sea-face. the rift on the land side of the castle seems to have a width of about fifty feet, and i could see openings which were, i suppose, windows. the rocks on each side are higher than the castle itself, so that anyone coming along would not see it until he looked down upon it." "but of course it is visible from the sea, dias?" "it would have been visible in the old days without a doubt, seã±or, but it cannot be seen now. the stones are the colour of the rocks beside them. they are stained and broken, and unless a boat went along within a very short distance none would dream that there was a break in the cliff there. i heard that from a fisherman whose boat was driven in by a gale and well-nigh lost. he said that he could see that the stones, which are very large--much larger than any of those in the remains of the buildings of the incas--were not in regular lines." "it is very strange that anyone should have taken the trouble to build a place in such a singular position. is there not any legend as to its construction?" "there is a tradition, seã±or, that it was built as a prison, by the king of those times, a thousand years before the spaniards came, and even before the people whom the incas conquered came into the land, and that it was a place of imprisonment, some say of a wife, others of a son, who had rebelled against him. some say that it was built by the demons, but as it happened long before our people came here, none can know." "well, dias, it seems to me that this old place is very likely to have been used as a hiding-place for treasure. as to these tales about demons, of course they are ridiculous. i took your advice when we were being opposed by fierce indians, but when it is a question of demons, i can trust to my revolvers and rifles against a legion of them." "well, seã±or, you are the master. i have led you here as i promised. there may be treasure here or there may not. if you will go, you must; but i pray you not to command me to go with you. i would have followed you to the death through the swamps and forests on the other side, but i dare not risk being torn to death by demons and being left without burial." "i do not press you to go, dias. i respect your convictions, though i do not share in them. i have had a year of travel with you, and we have had many adventures together. this will be my last before i return home. here at least there seems to me a chance of finding treasure, an infinitely better chance than any we have had, except in the gold valley. here is a mysterious castle, of whose very existence the spaniards seem never to have heard. it is just the place where treasure might be hidden. if it has guardians, they must be human, and also there can be but few. the urgent necessity for secrecy was so great, that it must, like all the other secrets, have been confided to a few only. maybe but one or two old men are there, of whom certainly i need not be afraid. i have told you why i came here, and why i feel so anxious to find a valuable mine, or part of the lost treasures of the incas. so far i have failed altogether, and i should be a fool as well as a coward were i not ready to run some slight risk in searching this mysterious castle." "so be it, seã±or. i say not that you may not succeed. it may be that the demons have no power over white men. if you go and return safely i will go with you, and, should you find treasure, aid you to carry it away. i will lead you to within two miles of it, and will wait three days for your return. if you come not then, i will return to my place and mourn for you." "very well, dias, you may count upon my return long before the three days are up. now, in the first place, take me to the point from which i can have a view of the castle." "we have had a long journey to-day, seã±or, and it is two hours' journey from here. we had better rest and go in the morning." harry nodded. "we will be off early. you say it is ten miles from the spot where we shall see it. if we start at daybreak i can be there before noon, which will give me plenty of time for a first look round the place. we have got some torches left. i shall want them, for possibly there may be some chambers underground into which we shall have to penetrate. we may take it as certain that, whether the old people hid a great treasure from the incas, or the incas hid one from the spaniards, they did not leave it about in rooms, but stowed it away in vaults like those we saw at pachacamac, and these will certainly want a lot of looking for." "i will help you look, seã±or, and will work there as long as you like in the search, if you return and tell me that you have seen and heard nothing of the demons that are said to be there. i am not afraid of danger when i know that it is men that we have to do with. but i dread being strangled and torn, as the legends say that all who have ventured here have been." "but according to your own account, dias," bertie laughed, "that was long, long ago, and the demons may have got tired of guarding a place that no one came near, and have gone elsewhere in search of victims." dias shook his head gravely. in spite of his life as a muleteer, and his acquaintance with englishmen, he was as superstitious as the rest of his countrymen. the nominal christianity enforced by the spaniards upon the natives was but skin-deep, and thus they clung with undying fidelity to the superstitions and traditions that had been handed down from generation to generation, and had been preserved with a tenacity that even the tortures of the spaniards had failed to shake. the failure to obtain the gold which they confidently expected to find in the valley had still further strengthened his belief that it was destined that these treasures should never be discovered; and although when there he had listened gravely to harry's explanations of the manner in which the lake had been formed, his own conviction that all this was the work of demons had been unshaken. if, then, a spot, which even the tradition handed down to him had in no way connected with the guardianship of demons, was so firmly watched, how much more must this be so at a spot which all legends agreed was inhabited by demons, and had been the scene of so many executions by them of those who had ventured near. as bertie and his brother sat together by the fire that evening after the others had retired to rest, they talked long over the matter; for just as when they had approached the gold valley, their excitement had increased with every day's journey. harry felt that this was his last chance, his only hope of gaining the object for which he had left england. "it is strange, harry," bertie said, "that the natives should believe these absurd stories about demons. dias seems, in every other way, as sensible a fellow as one can want to meet, but in this respect he is as bad as any of them." "it is not extraordinary, bertie, if you remember that it is not so very long ago since people at home believed in witches who sailed through the air to take part in diabolic ceremonies, and brought about the death of anyone by sticking pins into a little waxen image, and that even now the peasantry in out-of-the-way parts of the country still hold that some old women bewitch cows, and prevent milk turning into butter however long they may continue churning. fairy superstitions have not quite disappeared, and the belief in ghosts is very wide-spread. "when you think of that it is not surprising that these poor ignorant natives still have implicit faith in the traditions of their ancestors. it is possible that this old place is still inhabited by indians, who have been its guardians for ages, and if not now, may have had charge of it long after the spaniards came here, and murdered any who ventured to approach the place. we know that the tradition of the gold valley has been faithfully maintained in the family of dias; this may also be the case in the family to which the guardianship of this old place was entrusted, but to my mind it is less likely. in the case of the gold valley there was nothing for those in the secret to do but to hold their tongues; but to supply guardians to this place from generation to generation must have been a much more irksome task, and it may have been abandoned, either from the dislike of those who had to spend their lives in such a monotonous business, or by their families dying out. i certainly don't want to have a fight with men who are only following orders passed down to them for hundreds of years. if they attack us, we shall have to fight; but i sincerely trust that we may find the place deserted, for, fight or no fight, i mean to get the treasure if it is there." "i should think so," bertie agreed. "the treasure is absolutely of no use to them, and may be no end of use to you." "to both of us, bertie. if there is a treasure, you may be sure it is a large one, ample for both of us, and to spare. of course we shall have trouble in getting it away--the gold would be invaluable to any of these rascally adventurers who are a curse to peru. i really want to see the place, even putting aside the question of the treasure, for it must have been extraordinarily well hidden if the spaniards never came upon it; and i think there can be no doubt whatever that in this respect the traditions must be true. the whole thing would have been upset if the spaniards had once paid a visit there, for, from what we saw at pachacamac and cuzco, they spared no exertions whatever to root out likely hiding-places. the treasure, if there is one, will be difficult to find, but i have got nearly a year yet, and if necessary i will spend the whole of it in digging. dias could go and get provisions for us. of course he must not always go to the same place. sometimes he can go up to huaura, sometimes down to chancay or ancon. this place, he has told me, lies a mile or two south of the salinas promontory, which would partly account for its escaping notice, for the road from huaura, as we see on the map, skirts the foot of the hill, and goes straight on to chancay and ancon, and there is no earthly reason why anyone should go out to the promontory. people here don't leave the roads and travel eight or ten miles merely to look at the ocean, especially when by following the straight line they would see it without trouble. well, we have both had hard work during the past year, what with felling trees to make bridges, chopping logs for fires, making roads practicable by moving rocks out of the way, occasionally using our picks where dias thought that there was a lode, and carrying mules' burdens up and down steep places. "altogether it has been a sort of backwoodsman's life, and if there are treasure-vaults in this place i think we shall be able to get at them, however thick and heavy the stones may be on the top of them." "i am game," bertie said. "there is a lot more excitement in working when possibly a treasure lies under your feet than in chopping away at trees, some of which are so hard as almost to turn the edge of an axe. the place cannot be very large, so it won't take us very long if we are obliged to tear up every foot of it. i suppose there cannot be above three feet of stone over the mouths of any of these vaults." "i think, bertie, that when we have once investigated the place and settled on our plans, we had better send dias and josã© down to callao to get three or four kegs of powder and some boring tools, besides a supply of provisions. we should get on a lot faster with these than with only pickaxes. we shall want a couple of strong iron crowbars for lifting slabs of stone, and of course some fuse for the mines." "we should have to be careful not to put too much powder in, so as not to bring the whole thing down about our ears." "oh, we should not want to make a mine of that sort, but only to blast the stone as they do in quarries and mines. we should have to make a hole to begin with, by means of our picks and crowbars, in one corner of the room, two or three feet wide; then we must make a couple of holes the size of the boring tool, a foot or so away, according to the hardness of the ground, put in charges and fire them, and in that way blow down the rock into the hole we had made; and so we should go on until we had done the whole floor. of course, the bigger the hole we first make--that is to say, the wider the face it has--the easier we shall blow the stone down afterwards. i have watched them blasting stone at portland, and at some galleries they were making at gibraltar, and i know pretty well how it is done. of course it is hard work driving the borers down, for that we shall want two or three sledges of different weights. it will make our arms ache at first, but after a week or two we shall be able to stick to it fairly well. now we had better turn in. we shall start at daybreak tomorrow. it will take us two hours to reach the spot from which dias said we could see the place, and another three hours to get to the castle. that will give us a long afternoon to take our first look over it." "there, seã±or," dias said, when at eight o'clock in the morning they stopped on a projecting spur of the hill, "that is the castle!" from where they stood they could see that the ground fell away into what was at first a mere depression, but gradually deepened into a valley half a mile wide. still farther down the sides became more precipitous, and in the distance the valley was closed in by rock walls, and appeared to come to an end. that it did not do so was evident from a streak of bright green in the centre of the valley, showing that a small stream must run down it. from the point at which they stood they could see the level line of the plateau near the cliff facing the sea, and on the surface of this a dark zigzag line marked the course of the ravine. then, when apparently close to the termination of the flat land by the cliffs, the dark streak widened out somewhat. through a small but powerful telescope which harry carried he could make out distinctly the upper part of what might be a house. "it is a strange-looking place for a castle to be built," he said, "but it quite answers to your description, dias. there are certainly some openings, which may have been windows. i am sure no one looking from here, and ignorant that such a place existed, would notice it, and of course from the valley it could not be seen at all. even from this height i do not think i can see more than ten or twelve feet of the upper part. but surely it must be noticeable to anyone coming along the cliffs?" "it may be, seã±or, but i cannot say. certainly no native would go along there even in the daytime. still, it does seem likely that in the spanish time some must have ridden along the top of the cliffs, and if they had seen the castle it would certainly have been searched. assuredly it has not been so. i have been at ancon and salinas many times, and have talked with the people there. they would never speak on the subject to one of white blood, but knowing that i was of native blood, and belonged to one of the families to whom the secret could be strictly trusted, they were ready enough to talk about the castle of demons. had the spaniards ever searched it they would have known, and the place would no longer be feared; but all say that from the time of the conquest by the spaniards no living being has, as far as is known, entered it." "then the incas knew of it, dias?" "i think so, seã±or, though i have not heard that any of them ever lived there; but tradition says that the vessel in which a great store of treasure was sent away from pachacamac, and which, as is proved by spanish writings, was never heard of afterwards, and doubtless was sunk in a great storm that came on two or three days after it sailed, was intended to be landed and hidden in this castle, which they thought might well escape the observation of the spaniards." "and even among your traditions there is no allusion to what became of this treasure ship?" "no, seã±or; all traditions say that it was never heard of from the day it sailed. had it landed at that castle the secret would have been handed down to some of the native families, just as that of the golden valley and of other hidden treasures has been. but there can be no doubt that the ship was lost with all her treasure." "well, we need not talk any more about it now, dias; we shall learn nothing more, however long we stay here and stare at it." they stopped half an hour for breakfast and then rode down the valley. when they got near the spot where it closed in harry saw by the pallor on the native's face that he was beginning to be greatly alarmed. "you had better stop here, dias. my brother and i will go on and explore this ravine and have a look at the place. we will take some ropes with us, for the ravine may be blocked by falls of rocks, and we may have to let ourselves down. evidently the water gets to the sea, or this valley would be a lake like that in the golden ravine, for although it is but a mere driblet of water now, you can see by the banks that a considerable amount comes down in the wet season. how it gets past the castle i don't know; i can only suppose that there is a passage for it underneath the building. we will take both our guns, bertie, and our pistols. that there are no demons we are quite sure, but the place may have been used as a hiding-place for outlaws and brigands, who could find no better spot, as there was no fear whatever of its being discovered. we will take some bread and meat in our haversacks and a flask of spirits. perhaps we shall be away longer than we expect, dias, but at any rate we will not stop there after dark." tears were in the indian's eyes as harry and bertie said good-bye to him and started, and when he saw them enter the ravine he sat down with his elbows on his knees and cried unrestrainedly. his wife went up to him and put her hand on his shoulder. "do not sorrow, dias; as for me, i have no fear, though i love them as well as you do. i do not say that there may not be demons in the castle--everyone says there are;--but though these may strangle our people who break the orders that were given that none should go near, i do not believe they can hurt our white friends. you saw that they had no fear; you know how brave they are, and how they laughed at the idea of the demons having any power over them. do you think i could smile and talk if i thought they were in danger? still, as there is no need to prepare dinner yet, i will tell my beads over and over again. we shall know if any harm comes to them if we hear them fire their guns, for it is certain that they would do so. even if a legion of demons attacked them they would never run away, but would fight till the last." "i love them," dias said; "i love them as my own sons. at first, when they came to me from seã±or barriett, it was for his sake that i consented to accompany and aid them; but from that night when they saved my life by rushing, with no weapons save their sticks, into the midst of five men with drawn knives, i felt how noble they were, and i loved them not only for the sake of my life, but for their bravery. since then my feelings have grown every day. have they not treated us as equals, as they would do people of their own race--us who, by every peruvian with white blood in his veins, are looked down upon?" "it is true, dias. they have laughed and joked with us, and have treated me with as much respect as if i had been of pure spanish blood, and have always done everything they could to make things easy for me. i will not believe god and the holy virgin can permit them to be overpowered by the evil ones. should it be otherwise, should they never return, i should be inconsolable. it would be to me as if you yourself had died, and i should be ready to stab myself to the heart at the thought that we had brought them here." "i could not live after it either, maria; but, as you say, i will trust that god will protect them." he cut down two rods and fastened them together in the form of a cross, and then he and his wife knelt before it and repeated innumerable paternosters and ave marias, crossing themselves as they did so. josã©, as soon as he had removed the burdens from the mules and turned them out to graze at the edge of the streamlet, came and joined them in their supplications, occasionally breaking off from the repetition of the only prayers he knew, and in his native language imploring the saints to protect their friends. "there is no humbug about dias," bertie said as they left the others. "he is really in a blue funk." "yes, he is quite in earnest; and we know that he is no coward in other matters." "certainly not. he showed any amount of pluck in the affair with the indians. but he seems such a bright, sensible sort of chap, that it is quite funny to hear him going on about his demons. i should not be surprised at anything the ordinary peasant might believe, but it is different with a man like dias." "you know, bertie," harry said, coming to a sudden stop, "i think we are making a mistake going on into this ravine. i have no belief that the place is inhabited; still, there may be desperadoes, and perhaps a few fanatics. it is quite possible that a certain number of families bound themselves to keep watch here, and formed a little community that has lasted to the present day." "but how could they have lived?" "we will talk that over, bertie, if we find any of them there. now we must turn back. it is not more than a mile at the outside to the place where we can climb the hillside. in that way we shall be able to look down into this ravine, and take a general view of the place. we shall know what we are doing then, whereas if we were to go on through the gorge without knowing anything about it, we might find ourselves caught in a trap. it won't make half an hour's difference, for the ground up there will be as good walking as it is here, while we might find all sorts of obstacles in this ravine, and with two guns apiece, ammunition, pistols, coils of rope, food, and so on, we should find it awkward work climbing among heaps of rocks. "you were saying, how could a group of people exist here for centuries without any communication with the outside world? well, i don't suppose they could. they might get water from the stream, and possibly there may be some way of getting down to the sea-shore; anyhow, this stream must find a passage when it is in flood. they might have been able to get enough fish for their wants; but a fish-and-water diet would scarcely be sufficient. "at the same time we are by no means sure that they could have had no communication with the outside, for just as some families may have been ordered to live here, others may have been instructed to supply them with food. the watchers may have had a store of gold-dust sufficient to last them all this time, and their friends outside may have brought them a sheep or two, and corn and other articles of necessity once a week. there could have been no difficulty in doing so. the stories of demons, and probably the murder of inquisitive people who tried to pry into what was going on, created such a dread of the place that those in the secret would come and go without the slightest difficulty. conceivably, young men may from time to time have gone out for a year into the world and brought back wives with them, or girls may have been sent by the people in league with them outside, and obtained husbands, which is less likely. i should think it was more probable that young boys and girls would be kidnapped, and brought in here from time to time. all this is pure guesswork, of course, but nevertheless there may be people here, and it is just as well to take a look round from above before we trust ourselves inside the place." on gaining the plateau they followed the crest of the valley until they came to a spot where the ravine appeared to end. they found that in fact it made a sharp turn. it was here only some ten feet wide, but soon broadened out to thirty. fifty yards farther there was another sharp bend, the ravine narrowed to twenty feet, and the sides became absolutely perpendicular. twenty yards farther still they saw something like a wall about thirty or forty feet high stretching across the gorge, which was here some seventy feet deep. about twenty feet from the foot there was a steep ascent of rocks, such as might have fallen there by a slip from one side or the other. above these a perpendicular wall rose for another twenty-five feet. harry and his brother looked at it in surprise from the height at which they stood. its appearance was precisely that of the wall-precipices on each side. it was rough and uneven, and they could see no signs of any joints. "it looks as if it were natural," bertie said, "but it can't be." "no, it must certainly be artificial, but it is a wonderful imitation, and certainly anyone coming up the ravine would suppose that bank of rocks at the foot had fallen from its face; but we know that it can't be that, for the water makes its way through. besides, you see it is only three feet wide at the top, and then there is a narrow ledge a couple of feet wide, which was evidently made for the garrison to stand upon and shoot their arrows at anyone attempting to come up the ravine. behind the slope is all rough rocks, except just below our feet, where there is a narrow stone staircase of regularly-cut steps. it is so narrow that it could not be noticed by anyone standing here, unless they bent over to look straight down as i am doing. well, it is just as well that we made the circuit, for we certainly could not have climbed over there." another sharp turn, and the ravine ran straight towards the castle. they hurried on, and when they had gone fifty yards stood at the edge of a roughly circular pit. it was seventy or eighty feet across, narrowing at each end. at one end was the ravine at whose mouth they were standing, and directly opposite, in what might be called the neck of the bottle, stood the castle of the demons. it was some fifty feet in width, and as it stood back about forty feet up the neck it could hardly be seen at any point except that at which they were standing. there was no door or other opening at less than some twenty-five feet from the ground. at that height was a broad aperture about four feet high and twelve wide. above this were several smaller openings about four feet square. the singular point in the structure was a rough arch of rock, which extended above it and formed its roof. this arch projected thirty or forty feet in front of the building, so that the latter had the appearance of standing in a great cave. "what an extraordinary-looking place!" bertie said in a low voice. "extraordinary, but how splendidly chosen for concealment! you see the top of the rock above it is level with the ground on either side. this would perfectly well account for people riding along the line of the cliffs, and passing over without dreaming that there was a house below them. even if they went to the edge on this side, they would simply see this deep pit and the ravine beyond, but could not by any possibility obtain a sight of the house unless they came round to nearly where we are standing, which they could have no possible motive for doing. besides, you see, all the way we have been passing through a thick bush; and i have no doubt that in the old time a wood stood here, possibly planted by the builders of the house. of course the arch existed before the house was built. the stratum below was probably softer, and the stream gradually trickled through, and perhaps in some great flood, when this basin was full, burst its way out, after which the rock gradually fell until it formed that great natural arch." "well, let us go round and have a look at the other side." they found that the width of the arch to the sea cliff was a hundred and fifty feet. "if the castle extends to this face, bertie, it is a hundred feet across, but from here we can't see whether it does so. it is probably built flush, however, as dias said that it was not noticeable from the sea, and had the arch projected beyond it it could certainly have been seen." "well, harry, if you will tie a rope round my waist you can let me down, and i will have a look at it. you can hold me easily enough if you stand twenty feet back from the edge, and you won't have to pull me up, because i can easily climb up the rope by myself. i need not go down more than thirty or forty feet, and i can do that easily enough." "oh, i could pull you up, bertie." "well, you could do that if by any chance i should get tired; then i could give a shout, and you could haul on the rope." "there are lots of stumps of trees here, bertie, and i can take half a turn round one of them and so let you down easily; then when you shout i will fasten the rope there and come to the edge, and i can hear whether you want me to haul or not. of course it must depend whether there are any jagged rocks sticking out. if so, it would be better for you to climb, as the rope might chafe against them if i pulled." "i understand." bertie laid down his weapons and water-flask, made a loop at the end of one of the ropes they had brought large enough for him to sit in, then he looked for a spot where the short grass extended to the very edge. "this is a good place, and the rope won't chafe as it runs over that. now i am ready. if you will go back to that stump fifteen feet away and let it out gradually, i will be off." he knelt down, and putting the rope over his head took a firm hold of it just above the loop, and then crawled backwards, his brother keeping the rope taut. "slack it out gradually now," bertie said; "i am just over." directly afterwards his shoulders disappeared. harry let the rope slowly out until he calculated that fifty feet were over the cliff, then he fastened it very securely round the stump and went forward to the edge. "are you all right, bertie?" he shouted. "quite right." the face of the rock was very even, and there was nothing for the rope to chafe against. harry lay down at the edge, keeping a firm hold of the rope to prevent himself from slipping over, and was able to look down on bertie. "well, bertie, what is it?" "it is the wall of the house, i have no doubt, but it is so cleverly built that i can scarcely see where the arch ends and the house begins. looking quite close i can see where the stones join, but their face has been left rough; and as it is just the same colour as the rocks, and lines have been cut down its face, and cracks made across it answering to the lines in the rock on both sides, i am sure i should not have known it was built up unless i had examined it. it is much narrower on this side than on the other--not more than twenty-five feet, i should say. there seem to be some irregularly-shaped holes in what looks like a fissure in the middle. i suppose they are to light the rooms on this side of the house, but they are certainly too small to be noticed from the sea." "does the sea come right up to the foot of the cliff?" it was a minute before the answer came. "the water comes to the foot, but there is a line of rocks running along forty or fifty feet farther out. some of them seem to be thirty feet out of the water; at one end they touch the cliff, and at the other there is a free passage. the water is very clear, but as far as i can judge i should say there is a depth of a fathom or a fathom and a half between the rocks and the cliff. certainly a boat could row in to a position underneath where i am." "is there anything more?" "no." "you don't see an entrance down here?" "no." "all right! then you may as well come up again. can you climb up?" "easily." "well, hail me if you want me to haul." harry went back to the stump, unwound the rope until it was only half a turn round it, and then, holding it firmly, stood ready to haul up. chapter xv investigations harry was relieved when, a few minutes later, bertie's head appeared above the edge, and directly afterwards he crawled over. "my arms have strengthened ever so much with our work. i could have done it before, but it would have been hard work." "well, so far so good, bertie. there is no doubt that it is one of the best hiding-places in the world, and i am not a bit surprised that the spaniards never found it. now we will go back to the edge of the ravine and have a good look from that side." as they went along he said, "let us have a look at these bushes, bertie. the soil is very thin about here, and i wonder that the trees grew." "these are pines," bertie said, "and in the mountains we often saw pines growing among rocks where there did not seem a handful of soil for them." on examining they found several old stumps, and thrusting a ramrod down harry found, to his surprise, that the soil was from three to four feet deep. he tried again a little farther off, and found that it was two feet; further still, it was only one. "the tree must have stood in a hole in the rock," he said. "try another one, bertie." the same results were obtained. "that explains it, bert. evidently when they planted the trees to prevent this place from being seen from the hills, they cut away the rock in circles about twelve feet across and made cup-shaped holes, which they filled up with earth. when they planted the young trees i dare say at first they watered them. they could easily enough fetch water up from the stream. when the trees got fairly rooted they would be able to leave them alone, perhaps giving them a good watering once every two or three months. whenever the rains came they would be able to give up watering altogether, for in these basins the earth would keep moist for a very long time. it would be a big job, but no doubt the king who built the place had all his tribe at work on it. it is probable that the incas had established themselves at cuzco for many years before they came down to this place, and the trees may not have been planted till their coming was first heard of. in that case there would be plenty of time to hide the place before they came down and searched the shore. we know that the chimoos resisted them for a considerable time before they were finally conquered. well, for whatever purpose this place was built it is one in which either the chimoos or the incas, if they ever found the place, would be likely to hide treasure, which is satisfactory. now we will sit down here for a short time and watch both windows. you look at the two top lines, bertie, and i will look at the two lower lines. i certainly do not see any signs of life. that is how the water gets out," and he pointed to a roughly-shaped arch about twelve feet wide and as many high. through this the little stream disappeared. "i expect there is a similar passage at the other end." "there may have been," bertie said. "i was hanging so close to the wall that there may very well have been one without my being able to see it. but it looks pitch-dark in there. if there were much of an opening we ought to see the light, for, as we agreed, it can't be more than a hundred feet long." [illustration: harry dropped the barrel of his rifle into the palm of his left hand.] "that is the first place we will investigate, bertie. the question of how we are to get into the house wants some thinking over. that lowest window is a good twenty-five feet above the ground." "of course if we had a grapnel we could fasten it to the end of a rope and chuck it in." "we shall have to make something of that sort. if the window had been on the other side instead of this it would have been easy enough, because i could have lowered you and slipped down the rope afterwards, but that arch sticking out so far on this side makes it impossible. all that we can do now is, as far as i can see, to lower ourselves down on to the top of that wall in the ravine, then go and examine the tunnel. we have got plenty of rope to lower ourselves from here on to the wall." they watched the building for another twenty minutes. "i am convinced that no one is there," harry said. "i have not seen as much as a shadow pass any of the windows since. if people did live in it they would naturally be on this side of the house, because the rooms here are better lighted and more cheerful, and no doubt they are the principal rooms, as the house narrows so much at the other end." "well, let us try it," bertie said. "if there is a strong force here we should only have to make a bolt back to that narrow staircase. we could hold that against a whole tribe." they rose and walked along the edge of the ravine till they were above the wall, then, fastening the rope to a stump, they slid down on to it. "so far so good," harry said, as, holding their rifles in their hands, they went down the steps. then he suddenly stopped. "hullo," he exclaimed, "here are two skeletons!" they were not quite skeletons, for the bones were covered by a parchment-like skin, and there were still remains of the short skirt each had worn in life. a spear lay beside each. with difficulty the brothers passed down without treading upon them. "they must have been here a long time, harry," bertie said when they got to the bottom. "any time," the other said. "in the dry air of these low lands there is scarce any decay. you remember those mummies we saw. i believe iron or steel will lie here for years without rusting. they may have been here for a couple of hundred years or more." "i wonder what killed them, harry?" "i have no idea. you see, one was lying almost on the other with his arms round his body, as if he had died trying to lift him up. if they had been shot by arrows they would still be sticking into them; if they had been killed by people pursuing them they would probably be lying upon their backs, for they would naturally have faced round at the last moment to resist their pursuers, whereas there are no signs of injury. this settles the point that there is no one in the house. had it been inhabited, the bodies would have been removed from the path, for it is by this that people would go out and return. there may have been a ladder down from the wall; the only other way they could have got out would have been through that passage to the sea. a boat may have been kept there; but even if that had been so, we should scarcely have found those bodies on the steps. well, we shall have plenty of time to talk over that." they walked across the open space until they approached the building. for a height of twenty feet it was constructed of stone, above that it appeared to be made of the great adobe bricks which had been so largely used at pachacamac, and in others of the old ruins they had seen. "there is no question that it must have been built by the chimoos or some race before them," harry said; "the incas could have had no possible reason for erecting such a place. well, now for the tunnel." the little stream only occupied two feet of the passage. they were therefore enabled to walk down dry-foot. "we ought to have brought a torch with us," bertie said. "i don't think we shall want that; there is a sort of thin blue light, the reflection of the light upon the water outside, though i don't know why it should be so blue." the reason was soon manifest. the passage sloped downwards, and when they had gone some fifty feet their progress was arrested by water which appeared of a deep-blue colour. "that is it," harry said. "you see the roof comes down into the water twenty feet off, and the light has come up under it. they sloped this passage to make the water flow out below the surface of the sea, so that the opening could not be seen from without. by the light i should not say that the opening is more than six inches under the water. i don't know how the tides are, but if it is high tide now, the top of the opening would be eighteen inches out of water at low tide, for, as you know, the tide only rises about two feet on this coast. in that case a boat would be able to come in and out at low tide, but of course a man wanting to come in or go out could easily dive under at any time. well, that settles that point for the present. it was a clever plan; any amount of water could flow out in flood time, and yet no one who took the trouble to come behind that ledge of rocks we saw would have any idea that there was an opening. i think now that we had better go back, bertie; in the first place because we can do nothing until we have manufactured a grapnel of some sort, and in the next place because every moment we delay will add to the anxiety of our friends in camp. we must have been away three hours, i should say." they ascended the steps, fastened the short rope round a block at the top of the wall across the ravine, and lowered themselves down. they had to proceed with great care while making their way down the slope composed of rough and jagged rocks, once at the bottom of the ravine, however, they walked briskly on. they had scarcely issued from the entrance when they saw a stir in the camp in the distance and heard a shout of delight, and then dias dashed off to meet them at the top of his speed. "thanks to all the saints, seã±or, that you are safe! you do not know how we have suffered. we have prayed ever since you started, all of us. once or twice i threw myself down in despair, but maria chided me for having so little faith in god to keep you from evil, and cheered me by saying that had harm come to you we should assuredly have heard the sound of your guns. have you been in the castle?" "no, dias, we have not been in--for the good reason that we could not get in, because the only entrance is fully twenty-five feet from the ground. we cannot enter until we have made some contrivance by which a rope can be fixed there, or manufactured a ladder, which would be the best way and save a lot of trouble, if we could get a couple of poles long enough. we thought that we would come back when we had seen all there was to be seen outside the place." the indian's face fell. "then you do not know what is in the house, seã±or?" "no; but we are certain that there is no one there, and that probably no one has been there for the past two hundred years, and perhaps a good deal longer." "and the demons have not interfered with you?" "the demons knew better," bertie laughed. "they may not be powerful in the daytime," dias said in an awed tone. "it is at night that they would be terrible." "well, dias," bertie said, "everyone knows that the demons cannot withstand the sign of the cross. all you have to do is to make a small cross, hold it up in front of you and say, '_vade retro, satanas!_' and they will fly howling away." "seriously," harry said, "you know it is all bosh about demons, dias." "but the church exorcises evil spirits. i have seen a priest go with candles and incense to a haunted house, and drive out the evil spirits there." "that is to say, dias, no spirits were ever seen there afterwards, and we may be very certain that no spirits were ever seen there before, though cowardly people might have fancied they saw them. however, to-morrow we shall get inside, and bertie and i will stop there all night, and if we neither see nor hear anything of them you may be quite sure that there are none there." "but the traditions say they have strangled many and torn them, seã±or; their bodies have been found in the daytime and carried off." "it is quite possible that they were strangled and torn there, but you may be sure that it was the work not of demons, but of the men who were set to guard the place from intruders. well, those men have gone. we found two skeletons, which must have been there at least a hundred years, perhaps a great deal more. they were lying on the stairs, the only way of getting into the place, and they would have been removed long ago if anyone had been passing in or out." by this time they had arrived at the camp. "i knew you would come back all safe, seã±ors," donna maria said triumphantly; "i told dias so over and over again. but what have you seen?" "i see something now--or rather i don't see something now that i should like to see," bertie laughed. "i thought you would have got a good dinner ready for me, but i do not see any signs of its being even begun." the woman laughed. "i have been too busy praying, seã±or, and have been keeping up dias's spirits. i never knew him faint-hearted before, and it really almost frightened me; but i will set about getting dinner at once." "no, no," harry said; "we are really not hungry. we had a good meal before we started. so do you three sit down and i will tell you all we have seen." the three natives listened with intense interest. when he had done, maria clapped her hands. "it must be a wonderful place," she said. "i wish i had gone with you, i will go to-morrow if you will take me." "certainly we will take you, maria; and i have no doubt that dias will go too." "i will go as far as the place," said dias, "but i will not promise to go in." "i won't press you, dias. when we have slept there a night i have no doubt you will become convinced that it is quite safe. and now about the ladder. we shall really want two to be comfortable--one for getting up to the window, that must be made of wood; the other, which will be used for getting up and down the wall in the ravine, may be made of ropes. but i think that that had best be hung from the top of the ravine above it, so as to avoid having to climb over those rough stones at the foot, which are really very awkward. one might very well twist one's ankle among them." "i will go at once, seã±or, and get the poles," dias said. "you may as well come with me, josã©. we passed a wood in the valley about five miles off; there we can cut down a couple of young trees. if we put the saddles on two of the riding mules, when we have got the poles clear we can fasten the ends to ropes and trail them behind us." "we shall also want some of the branches you cut off, dias. you had better say thirty lengths of about two feet long, so that we may place the rungs nine inches apart. you had better get poles thirty feet long, for we may not have just the height by a couple of feet." the two natives at once rode off, and the brothers set to work to collect sticks for the fire. "it is too bad, seã±ors, that this should not have been done while you were away, but we thought of nothing but your danger." "you were perfectly right, maria; if we were in peril, you did the best thing of all to obtain help for us. as to the dinner, there is no hurry whatever for it. what have you got to eat?" "there is nothing, seã±or, but a few of the fish we fried two days ago, and the ham that we smoked of that bear." "i will take the line, then, and go down and try to catch some fresh fish," bertie said. "there is a good-sized pool about half-way between here and the ravine. i might get some fish there." "i will take my gun, bertie, and go up to the bushes by the ravine, and see if i can get a bird or two. there is no other shelter anywhere about here." in half an hour the lad brought a dozen fish into the camp. none of them were above half a pound, but they were nearly of a size. "these will be very nice," the woman said with a smile as he handed them to her. "i have thrown away the others. i do not think we dried them enough; they were certainly going bad. i have heard your brother fire several times, and as he does not often miss, i have no doubt he will bring us something." twenty minutes later harry was seen coming along. when he arrived he threw down a large bunch of wild pigeons. "there are ten brace," he said. "that will give us four apiece. i found nothing in the bushes, but i suddenly remembered that when we went across from the ravine to the house, lots of wild pigeons rose from the sides of the rocks. we did not give them a thought at the time, our attention being fixed upon the building. but when i got nothing above, i suddenly remembered them, and concluded that they had their nests in the crannies of the rocks. so i walked along to the top, and as i did so numbers of them flew up. i shot a couple; most of the others soon settled again, but some kept flying round and round, and in ten minutes i got as many as i wanted. then of course i had to go down into the ravine by the rope and the steps to gather them up. i returned the way we did, by the rope we had left hanging from the top of the wall." maria was already at work on the birds. taking them by the legs, she dipped them for a minute into a pot of boiling water, and as she took them out bertie pulled off the feathers. then she cut off the heads and feet, cleaned them, and spitted them on josã©'s ramrod, and, raking out a line of embers from the fire, laid the ends of the ramrod on two forked twigs while she attended to the fish. "but they will be done before the others arrive," bertie said. "no, seã±or; there they come! they will be here in a quarter of an hour. the cakes are ready and hot, so we will lay the pigeons on them, and they will be nicely flavoured by the time that we have eaten the fish and are ready for them." dias and josã© soon arrived at a gallop, with the long poles trailing behind them and a fagot of short sticks fastened to each saddle. "those are capital poles, dias," harry said as he examined them--"strong enough for anything. we will chop notches in them for the rungs to lie in. there will be no fear then of their shifting, which they might do if the lashings stretched. now, we have got a capital dinner just done to a turn, so you see we have not been lazy while you were away. "you see," he said, after they had finished breakfast, "my shooting has quite settled the point that no indians are in the castle. if there had been they would certainly have come to the windows to see who was firing. i kept an eye on the castle between each shot, and saw no signs of any movement. it is a capital thing that so many pigeons live among the rocks. if we content ourselves with say five brace a day, they will last us a long time, and will be a change from salt and dried meat, which we should otherwise have to depend upon, for we cannot be sending away for fresh meat two or three times a week. we can get fish, though i don't suppose that will last very long, for the pool will soon be fished out, and i don't think that there is water enough in other places for fish of that size." "we can get them from the sea, harry. we have got plenty of large hooks and lines, which we used on the other side of the mountains. if any of the window openings on that side are large enough, we can let down the lines from there. if not, we can do it from the top where i went down." "i should not like that," harry said. "one might slip on that short grass." "well, one could dive out through the passage and sit on that ledge of rocks, and fish either inside them or in the sea outside." "yes, we might do that, bertie, and certainly it would be a first-rate thing if we could get plenty of fish. it would keep us in good health and make a nice change. i think to-morrow morning, dias, we had better fix our camp close up to the mouth of the ravine. out here in the open valley we can be seen from the hills, and if anyone caught sight of the animals, it would very soon get talked about, and we should have a party down here to see who we were and what we were about." "yes, seã±or, that would be much better. i should not have liked to go nearer this morning; but now that you have been there twice, and have returned safely, i am ready to move." "it would certainly be better; besides, it would save us a couple of miles' walk each time we wanted a meal. however, when we once set to work i have no doubt we shall establish ourselves in the castle. of course one of us will come down morning and evening to see to the animals." as soon as the meal was finished they set to work to make the ladder. a short stick was cut as a guide to the space that was to be left between the rungs. bertie and josã© marked off the distances on the two poles, and dias and harry with their axes cut the grooves in which the sticks were to lie. then the poles were laid a foot apart, and the work of pressing the sticks into their places began. they agreed that the ropes should not be cut up, as they would be wanted for fastening on the loads whenever the mules went to fetch food or powder. two of the head-ropes were used on each side, and a firm job was made. "when you go, dias, for the powder and so on, you must get another supply of rope. we shall want a longer ladder than this in the ravine, and also a rope to lift powder and firewood and so on into the castle, and perhaps for other things that one does not think of at present. tomorrow we will unfasten the cord by which we descended to the wall, as we shall not want to use that in future. i think to-morrow, when we go to the castle, as you and josã© do not mean to accompany us, you might take your axes and cut down a lot of those stumps among the brushwood, split them up, and pitch them into the courtyard of the castle. it would be well to lay in a good stock of firewood. we shall want it for cooking and lighting of an evening. we have only one or two torches left, and we shall want a cheerful fire." "i may go with you to-morrow, may i not?" maria said. "certainly you may, if you wish." "i should like to," she said. "in your company i sha'n't be a bit afraid of demons; and i want to see the place." "that is right, maria, and it shows at any rate that your curiosity is stronger than your superstition." "if maria goes i will go," dias said. "i don't like it; but if she went and i didn't i should never hear the last of it." "very well," harry said with a laugh, "i do think she would have the better of you in the future if you didn't. so you see you will be both conquering your superstitions--she, because her curiosity is greater; you, because you are more afraid of her tongue than you are of the demons." "a woman never forgets, seã±or; if she once has something to throw up in a man's teeth it comes out whenever she is angry." "i suppose so, dias. bertie and i have had no experience that way, but we will take your word for it." the next morning they moved the mules and all their belongings to the extreme end of the valley. then they had an early breakfast. josã© took up his axe and the others their arms; the former turned back for the point where he could climb the hill. dias and harry took the heavy end of the ladder, bertie the light one, and they started up the ravine. maria followed with a store of bread that she had baked the day before. it was hard work carrying the ladder up the rocks at the foot of the wall. when it was securely fastened there, they mounted and dragged it up to them. when they came out into the open space there was a pause. "it is, as you said, a strange place, seã±or." "it is, dias, an extraordinary place; and if the people who built it wanted, as i suppose they did, to avoid observation, they could not have chosen a better. when those trees were growing it would have been impossible to catch sight of them without coming down the ravine." "it looks very still," dias said in a doubtful voice. "that is generally the case when a place is empty, dias, now let us go on at once and get the ladder up." as soon as the ladder was in position harry mounted, closely followed by bertie. dias hesitated; but a merry laugh from his wife settled the point, and he followed with an expression of grave determination on his face. as soon as he was on the ladder his wife followed him with a light step. as harry reached the top, he found that the sill of the window was two feet and a half above the floor of the apartment. he stepped down and then looked round. the room occupied the whole width of the house, and was some twenty feet wide. four rows of pillars ran across it, supporting the roof above. the ends of the room were in semi-darkness. it was not above ten feet in height. there were rude carvings on the pillars and the walls. by the time he had made these observations the others had joined him. "i see people there," dias said, in an awed voice, pointing to one end of the room. harry dropped the barrel of his rifle into the palm of his left hand. after gazing two seconds he placed it on his shoulder, saying, "there are people, dias, but they won't do us any harm;" and he walked in that direction. two figures lay on the ground; four others were in a sitting position, close to each other, against the end wall. some bows and arrows and spears lay near them. all were dressed in a garment of rough cloth. harry walked up to one and touched it on the head with the muzzle of his gun. as he did so it crumbled away; the bones rattled on the stone floor as they fell. donna maria gave a little cry. "they are dead!" she exclaimed. "they must have been dead years and years ago." "two or three hundred, i should think. your legends are evidently true, dias. there was a party left here to keep strangers from entering this place. now, before we go farther, let us think this out. we will sit down on the ledge of the window. but before we do so, take a good look at their arms and skulls, dias. you have often been with travellers to the ruins; let us hear what you say." dias, who was now assured that he had only to deal with human beings, examined them carefully, looking at the ornaments that still hung round their necks, and then said: "they are not the old people, seã±or; these were incas." "that is an important point; now let us see how this is to be explained. now," he said, as they sat down, "it is clear that the incas did know this building. they may have discovered treasures here or they may not; but it would certainly seem that they were as anxious as the chimoos had been to keep its existence a secret, and it is certain that they must have had some interest in doing so. we have reason to believe that the spaniards at least did not know of it. there is no doubt whatever that these men were not killed in fight; on the contrary, their sitting position proves that they died quietly, and probably at the same time. we see no signs of food; we may find some as we search the place. if we do not, we must take it that they either died from an outbreak of some epidemic or from hunger. and it is quite probable that the two skeletons on the steps were two of their companions who were going out to seek for food, and that they fell from weakness; one clearly died in the act of trying to lift the other. what do you think of that, dias?" "i think that what you say is likely. but why should they have died from hunger?" "it is probable that others were in the secret, and were in the habit of bringing provisions to them, and perhaps of relieving them at certain periods. we know that there were fierce battles in the early times of the spaniards. in one of these battles the whole of those who were acquainted with the secret may have fallen. or it may have been earlier after the conquest had been completed, when the spaniards drove tens of thousands of men to work as slaves in the mines. the people here may have remained at their post, hoping for relief until it was too late. two of the strongest may have started at last, but have been too weak to climb the steps, and died there. their comrades may have never known their fate, but have sat down to die here, as you see. i should think it probable that the second of my suggestions is likely to be the right one, and that this did not take place until perhaps a hundred years after the arrival of the spaniards, otherwise those legends of men who came near this place being killed would never have been handed down. if all this is as i suggest, either the incas knew that the chimoos had buried treasure here, or they themselves buried some, although, as you say, there is no tradition of treasure having been taken here. but it is possible that that treasure ship, which undoubtedly sailed from some place along the coast and was never again heard of, really came here; that her treasure was landed, and the vessel then destroyed. in either case, there is strong reason for hope that there is treasure somewhere in this castle if we can but find it." "we will find it," bertie said confidently. "what you say must be true. these indians would never have been fools enough to sit here and die without some good reason for it. well, i vote that before we do anything else we clear these bones out." "we can do that the first thing to-morrow morning, bertie. we can't just throw them out of the window. the bones are of men who died doing their duty to their country. we will leave them as they are to-day, and to-morrow we will bring up one of the big leather bags, place the bones in it, and take them down into the valley and bury them." "then you won't sleep here to-night, harry?" "no; i have not a shadow of superstition, but i do not think it would be lively here with those things at the end of the room. now, let us look about a bit. "this was evidently the great hall of the place; do you not think so, dias?" "yes, seã±or; the house gets narrower as it nears the sea. this is by far the best lighted room on this side. no doubt the rooms on this floor were the abode of the chief who built it, and his principal followers; the others would be above." "well, we will light the two torches. yes, there is no doubt that this was the room. you see there are brackets against all the pillars for holding torches. before we go farther we will see what they are made of." he took his knife out of his pocket and went up to one of the brackets, which consisted of bars of metal an inch and a half square and eighteen inches long. they widened out at the end, and here was a round hole about two inches in diameter, evidently intended to put the torch in. the metal was black with age. he scraped a few inches off one of them with his knife. "silver!" he exclaimed. "it would have been better if they had been gold. but as there are four on each pillar, and twelve pillars, they would make a tidy weight. that is a good beginning, bertie. if they are the same in all the rooms there would be several tons of it." there was but one door to the room; through this they passed. dias, now that there was some explanation for what he considered the work of the demons, had a more assured air. one passage led straight on; two others ran parallel to the wall of the room they had left. "we will examine these first," harry said. "it is likely enough they lead to the stairs to the lower room. there must be two floors below us, one above the level of the top of the tunnel, the other below that must be divided in two by it." as they advanced into the passage there was a strange and sudden clamour, a roaring sound mingled with sharp shrieks and strange little piping squeaks. maria ran back with a shriek of alarm, and there was a strange rush overhead. the torches were both extinguished, and harry and his brother discharged their rifles almost at the same moment. dias burst into a shout of laughter as they both dropped their weapons and swung their double-barrelled guns forward. "what on earth is it, dias?" "it is bats and birds, seã±or. i have seen them come out of caves that way many times. i dare say the place is full of bats. the birds would only come into rooms where there is some light." turning round they saw quite a cloud of bats flying out through the door. "confound it!" harry said. "they have given me the worst fright i ever had in my life." they went back to the room, they had left. both harry and bertie had lost every tinge of colour from their faces. "i am very glad, harry," bertie said, with an attempt at a laugh, "that you were frightened. i was scared almost out of my life." maria had thrown herself down on her face. "ah, seã±ors," dias said triumphantly, "you thought they were demons!" "i did not think they were demons, dias, but what they were i could not tell you. i never heard any such sound before. i am not ashamed to say that i did feel badly frightened. now, see to your wife, dias." "there is nothing to be afraid of, maria. what are you lying there for?" the woman raised herself slightly. "are you alive?" she said in a dazed way. "alive? of course i am! you don't suppose i am going to be frightened at a lot of bats? there, look at them, they are still streaming out." "it is all right, maria," harry said. "you have had a fright; and so have bertie and i, so you need not be ashamed of yourself. it is all very well for dias to laugh, but he says he has seen such things before." "if you were afraid, seã±or, i need not be ashamed that i was; i really did think it was the demons." "there is no such thing, maria; but it was as good an imitation of them as you are ever likely to see." "i was in a horrible funk, maria," bertie said, "and i am only just getting over it; i feel i am quite as pale as you. what are you looking so pleased about, dias?" he asked almost angrily. "i am pleased, seã±or, now i have got even with maria. the first time she says to me 'demons', i shall say to her 'bats'." "now, let us start again," harry said as they all laughed. "but instead of going down, we will go upstairs. i have not pulled myself quite together yet, and i don't suppose you have." "no, my knees are quite wobbling about, and if i saw anything, i certainly could not aim straight just at present. and it's rum; we had the main-mast struck by lightning off the cape one voyage i made, and i did not feel a bit like this." "i dare say not, bertie. we all feel brave in dangers that we are accustomed to; it is what we don't know that frightens us. we will sit here on the window-sill for another five minutes before we move again. josã©, you have got some pulque in your gourd, i suppose?" "yes, seã±or." "then we will all take a drink of it. i don't like the stuff, but just at present i feel that it won't come amiss at all." some of the spirit was poured into a tin mug they had with them, and mixed with water, with which they had filled their water-bottles from the stream before starting. chapter xvi the search begins in a few minutes all were ready to go on again. harry had asked maria if she would like to go down the ladder and wait till they returned. "no, seã±or, i should not like it at all. i don't care how full of bats the rooms are, now that i know what they are. as for dias, i have no doubt that the first time he heard them he was just as frightened." "no, i was not; but i dare say i should have been if the man i was with--i was then only about josã©'s age--had not told me that the cavern was full of bats. there was a great storm coming on, and he proposed that we should take shelter there. we brought the mules into the mouth of the cave, and he said, 'now, we will light a torch and go in a bit farther, and then you will be astonished. it is a bat cavern, and i have no doubt there are thousands of them here. they won't hurt us, though they may knock out our torch, and the noise they make is enough to scare one out of one's senses, if one does not know what it is.' though i did know, i own i was frightened a bit; but since then i have been into several such caves, so i knew in a moment what it was. i ought to have warned the seã±ors, for an old house like this, where there is very little light, is just the place for them." "but there were birds too, dias." "yes, i expect they were nearer. perhaps some of them were in the other rooms, where they would be close to the openings. but they were probably scared too by the noise of the bats, and as the windows behind were too small for them all to fly out together, they made for the light instead." "well, now, let us start," harry said, getting up. they again lit their torches, and this time found everything perfectly quiet in the passage. two or three yards beyond the spot at which they had before arrived they saw a staircase to the left. it was faintly lighted from above, and, mounting it, they found themselves in a room extending over the whole width and depth of the house. the roof at the eastern end was not supported by pillars, but by walls three feet wide and seven or eight feet apart. the first line of these was evidently over the wall of the room they had left. there were four lines of similar supports erected, they had no doubt, over the walls of rooms below. the light from the four windows in front, and from an irregular opening at the other end some three feet high and six inches wide, afforded sufficient light for them to move about without difficulty. there were many signs of human habitation here. along the sides were the remains of mats, which had apparently divided spaces six feet wide into small apartments. turning these over they found many trifles--arrow-heads, bead-necklaces, fragments of pots, and even a child's doll. "i expect this is the room where the married troops lived and slept," harry said; "there is not much to see here." the two stories above were exactly similar, except that there were no remains of dividing mats nor of female ornaments. they walked to the narrow end. here the opening for light was of a different shape from those in the rooms below. it had apparently been originally of the same shape, but had been altered. in the middle it was, like the others, three feet high and six inches wide, but a foot from the bottom there was a wide cut, a foot high and three feet wide. as they approached it dias gave an exclamation of surprise. two skeletons lay below it. "they must have been on watch here, seã±or, when they died," he said as they came up to them. "it is a rum place to watch," bertie said, "for you cannot see out." "you are right, bertie, it is a curious hole." the wall was over two feet thick; all the other openings had been driven straight through it, and, as they had noticed, were doubtless made in the stones before they were placed there, for inside they were cleanly cut, and it was only within three inches of the outer face that the edges had been left rough. this opening was of quite a different character. it sloped at a sharp angle, and no view of the open sea could be obtained, but only one of the line of rocks at the foot of the cliffs. it was roughly made, and by the marks of tools, probably of hardened copper, it had evidently been cut from the inside. harry stood looking for some time. "i cannot understand their cutting the hole like this. it could not be noticed from the sea that there was an opening at all; that is plain enough. but why make the hole at all when you can see nothing from it? and yet a watch has been placed here, while there was none at the other places where they could make out any passing ship." "perhaps," bertie said, "it was done in order that if from the other places boats were seen approaching, they could chuck big stones down from here and sink any boat that might row inside the rocks into the entrance to the passage, which, as this is in the middle of the room, must be just under us." "in that case they would have kept a supply of big stones here. i have no doubt whatever that it was made some time after the castle was built, and i should say, judging by its unfinished state, the work was done in haste. but what for, goodness only knows. well now, having made no discoveries whatever on the upper floor, we will go down. it is certain that there can be no great treasure hidden under any of these floors, there is not depth enough for hiding-places. i counted the steps as we came upstairs, and there cannot be much more than two feet between the floor of one room and the ceiling in the next. i fancy that this is of single stones, each the flooring length of the space between the half-walls. you see that there is a long beam of stone running on the top of the dividing wall, and the ends of these stones appear to rest on it. it is below that we must look for hiding-places." they descended to the first floor. they found that the space behind the great room was divided into a number of chambers. all of these, with the exception of the small one on the sea-face, were necessarily in absolute darkness, and in all were brackets for torches, similar to those in the principal chamber. bertie counted them, and found that, including those first met with, they numbered one hundred and twenty-three. "how much do you think they weigh apiece?" he asked harry when the tour was finished. "i have not the slightest idea, bertie. i should think about fifteen pounds, but it may be five pounds less than that. they would certainly give a very nasty knock on the head." "oh, i was not thinking of knocks on the head. if there are a hundred bars at fifteen pounds apiece, it is a big amount of silver; if they are only ten pounds each--and really i think that is nearer the mark--they weigh a thousand pounds. what is silver worth a pound?" "it varies. you can put it at five shillings an ounce; that would be three pounds sterling for one of silver--three thousand pounds in a rough calculation for the lot." "well, that is not a bad beginning, harry; it would pay all the expenses and leave a couple of thousand over." harry shrugged his shoulders. "a drop in the ocean as far as i am concerned, bertie. still, it is a beginning; and you may be sure that they did not take all this trouble to guard this castle for the sake of three thousand pounds' worth of silver." they now went down to the next floor. here there were two staircases, and the space was divided into two parts by a wall along the centre. there were no openings whatever for light. one half had evidently been devoted to arms. here still lay hundreds of spear-shafts, tens of thousands of arrows, piles of hide shields, and caps of the same material. "this store must have been larger than was required for the garrison of the place," harry said, "it must have been a reserve for re-arming a whole tribe." besides the arms there were great bales of rough cloth and piles of skins, all in a marvellous state of preservation owing to the dryness of the air. after thoroughly examining the room they went up the stairs leading into it and descended those into the adjoining chamber. this was divided into compartments by transverse walls four feet shorter than the width, thereby leaving a passage through from end to end. here in confusion--for the most part turned inside out--were sacks of matting and bags of leather. one of the compartments was filled with great jars arranged in tiers. some of the compartments were quite empty. "i think, seã±or, that these were stores of loose grain, probably maize. i do not see a single grain left." they looked carefully round with the torches. "this carries out our idea, dias, that the people upstairs died of hunger. i have no doubt, as you say, that the sacks did contain grain. if these had been cleared in the ordinary way there would certainly remain a good deal loosely scattered about. they might have been full or half-full at the time the place was left as we found it. possibly, instead of ten men, the garrison may have been ten times as strong at first, but in the fifty or hundred years before the last survivors died they may have dwindled to a tenth of that number. however, it is plain that, as you say, the store of food was not carried away, but was consumed to the last grain. in the same way you can see, by the way the sacks and bags are tumbled about and turned inside out, how careful was the search for any remnant that might have been overlooked when they were first emptied. it all points to starvation." three of the largest divisions bore evident traces that at some time or other, animals, probably llamas or vicuã±as, had been closely penned there. another had been occupied by a store of hay, some of which still remained. when they had thoroughly examined this room, harry looked at his watch and said, "it is late in the afternoon--our torches are nearly finished; however, there is time for a casual look round at the cellars below. to-morrow we will begin a regular search there." they descended by the staircase to the basement. "how narrow this place is!" bertie exclaimed. "it is not much more than half the width of the room above." "of course it is not; the two rooms above occupied the whole width of the house, these only occupy the width between the passage and the rock-wall on each side. you see, the tunnel is twelve feet wide, and we may take it that these walls are at least three feet thick--it is not as if they had been built of brick, or even of stones cut to shape. they knew nothing of the arch, and, as you saw outside, this came up nearly to a point. the stones were longer and longer with each course, each projecting over the one below it, until, when they were within two feet of joining, a very long slab was laid across them. the stones may be three feet wide at the bottom and ten feet at the top, and you see the wall extends over here in the same way--as of course it must have done, otherwise the whole thing would have overbalanced and fallen in before that slab at the top was added. so, you see, there is the width of the tunnel, twelve feet, and the two walls, say six feet more, to be taken off the fifty feet. so the cellars by the side of the passage can only be about sixteen feet and a half at this end, which is what they seem to be, and will go away to nothing at the other end, as we shall see presently." the first thing they saw was a sunken tank in the floor. this was full of water. it was about four feet square, and on sounding it with one of the ramrods, they found it was about the same in depth, the water coming to within a foot of the top. it was against the wall facing the ravine. "this must have some connection with the stream. otherwise it would have been dry long ago." "we did not see any hole when we went down the passage," bertie said. "no. most likely a hole something like this was cut in the rock outside, and a pipe driven to the bottom of this cistern. they would only have to fill the one in the tunnel with cut blocks to within a foot of the surface, and with smaller stones to the same level as the bed of the stream; then the water in the cistern would always be level with that outside. they put it in this end so as to be well out of reach of the salt water farther in. they were no fools who built this place. however closely they were besieged, and even if the enemy occupied the space in front of the house, their water-supply was secure." "but in time of floods, harry, if the water rose a foot in the passage--and we saw it did more than that--it would flood the whole of this basement." "that is so, bertie; but you may be sure that there was some provision against that. they would have some valve that they could shut, or possibly there was a block of wood covered with leather that they could push into the pipe at the bottom of this cistern." beyond a considerable store of firewood, in large and small blocks, nothing could be seen in the chamber. "i expect these two places were used as prisons," harry said, "though in case a very large force were assembled some may have slept here. at ordinary times the upper rooms would be quite sufficient. but you see they had to build the whole height of the rocky arch, and they wanted the entrance to the place to be so far above the ground-level that it would be extremely difficult for an enemy to climb into it. a hostile force could only have come in at that entrance, and a small body of determined men might have held it against a host. these lower chambers were simply cellars; the store-rooms were above them, and the habitable part of the castle. now let us look at the chamber on the other side; no doubt we shall find it just like this." this proved to be the case. there were another cistern and more piles of firewood, otherwise it was empty. after a short survey they returned to the main chamber, bringing up with them two of the empty leather bags. in these they placed the bones of the dead, the remains all crumbling when touched, as the first skeleton had done. the bags were lowered to the ground, and the four searchers descended and carried them to the mouth of the ravine. in a spare bag which they brought with them they placed the bones of the two skeletons on the steps, and then carried them all out to the open valley. "we will bury them when we move the camp down here to-morrow morning," harry said. "we forgot the two up at that window. that is no matter, we can throw them out to-morrow; they will lie as well at the bottom of the sea as in the earth here." not much was said as they returned to the castle. they had been a very silent party all day. the gloom and darkness, the way in which their voices echoed in the empty hall, had exercised a depressing effect on them; and donna maria, generally the most talkative of the party, had not quite recovered from the shock which the exit of the bats had given her. it was not until she had cooked a meal, and they all sat down to it, that they quite recovered their spirits. they had found josã© awaiting their return. he had a blazing fire, having brought down as much firewood as he could carry, and dias had briefly told him the result of their explorations. "well, harry, what do you think altogether?" bertie asked after the meal was over. "i think we ought to be very well satisfied," he replied. "everything has borne out the ideas we had. the castle may have been built as a fortress by some great chief, certainly before the time of the incas, or it may have been used for a prison. the ornaments and things we found showed that it was known to the incas. they would have had no occasion to use it when they were undisputed masters of the country, but when the troubles came with the spaniards a garrison was placed here, and possibly some of their chiefs took refuge in the place. then came the time when all opposition to the invaders ceased, and only a small body of men were left here to guard the secret, and the treasure if there were any. generations may have passed before the last of the garrison died of hunger, and probably all others who were in the secret fell in some insurrection or died in the mines. all this seems plain enough, except that possibly there was no treasure. that left by the chimoos may have been discovered by the incas. i should think it extremely likely that the ship dias mentioned as setting out with a large amount of treasure was intended to land its stores here. "it may have done so, or it may have sunk at sea. i am inclined to think that it was lost, because the traditions concerning these hidden treasures seem to be extremely accurate; and yet, as dias says, none tell of any inca treasure being concealed here. however, it is quite possible that the treasure did come here and was landed, and that the ship was then broken up, so that it might be supposed she was lost at sea, and that this was kept so profound a secret by the men here, that the news was never generally known even among the natives. so far our search to-day has been successful, but i see that a hunt for the treasure will be a very difficult one. certainly in the upper chambers there doesn't appear any possibility of such a hiding-place existing. the whole space is accounted for. the walls are all of solid stone, and have no special thickness. if the roofs had been arched there might be empty spaces on each side of the spring of the arch, but they are supported by pillars or walls, with only just space between the floors for the beams of solid stone. of course it is in the lowest room that one would expect to find hiding-places like those we saw at pachacamac." he paused. "well, why should they not be there, harry?" "because, as we saw, the floor is at most twelve inches above the water-level. how is it possible that they could have constructed chambers below that level, that is in the bed of a torrent? it is probable that the solid rock lies many feet below the bed of the stream. a portion of that great arch must from time to time have fallen into it; and it may be that the river once ran forty or fifty feet below its present level. in all the places that we have seen these treasure chambers were formed in solid adobe foundations, as the temples always stood on artificial terraces. with all our appliances at the present time it would be next to impossible to sink in a stratum of great rock fragments below the water level, and i do not believe that the old people here could have done so even had it been a solid rock. the difficulties of excavating chambers in it would have been enormous. they could split rocks with the grain, and all the stone walls we have seen were made of regular pieces, and evidently formed of stone so split. they were able to give them a sort of facing with great labour, but the tools they had were not made of material hard enough to work in solid rock, and the labour of excavating such chambers would have been stupendous. therefore i am at a loss to imagine where any such chambers can be in that castle." dias nodded gravely. he had been with travellers who had done a great deal of excavation, and he was able to understand harry's argument. maria, who was listening attentively, also understood it. josã© simply rolled cigarettes and smoked them. it was a matter for his elders, and he did not even try to follow what harry was saying. there was some minutes' silence, and then bertie said, "but the floors are all even." "what do you mean, bertie?" harry asked in a puzzled tone. "i mean, harry, that they run straight along. there is no dip in them." "of course there isn't. who ever heard of building floors on the slope?" "yes, that is what i mean. we know that the tunnel slopes down its own height. it is twelve feet high at the entrance, and at the lower end it is some inches below the level, so it falls twelve feet at least. at the end where the cistern is, the floor of the basement is only a few inches above the bottom of the passage; therefore at the other end it must be twelve feet above the water-level." "you are right, bertie!" harry exclaimed. "what a fool i was not to think of it! there must be a space underneath it a hundred feet long, sloping from nothing down to twelve feet. there is room for a dozen chambers such as those we saw on each side of the tunnel. well done, bertie! you have given me fresh hope. it would be a splendid hiding-place, for any searchers who came down and saw the water in the cistern would believe at once that, as neither the chimoos nor the incas could have known how to build under water, there was no use in searching for hidden chambers under this floor. you see, neither of them had any knowledge of cement or mortar. all their bricks and stones are laid without anything of the sort; and whatever amount of labour was available no chamber could be made under water, for as fast as holes were dug the water would come in, and even if they could line it with stone-work the water would penetrate through the cracks. now, dias, that we see with certainty where we have to dig, we can make our preparations. i will write down a list of the things we decided the other day we should want:--six kegs of powder, two hundred feet of fuse, four boring-tools, six steel wedges, the smallest smith's fire you can buy--for we shall have to sharpen the tools,--six borers, a large bundle of torches, four sledge-hammers--we have enough pickaxes and shovels,--and another fifty fathoms, that is a hundred yards, of rope. i don't know anything else that we shall want in the mining way. "you and your wife had better settle what provisions you must get. we shall certainly need a good supply of flour--a couple of sacks, i should think--tea, coffee, and sugar, dried or salted meat. and you might get a supply of smoked fish. i have no doubt that we shall catch fresh fish here in the sea, but we shall all be too busy to spend much time on that. you had better get three or four gallons of pulque; one cannot be always drinking coffee. we have still got a good stock of whisky and brandy. your wife will certainly want a good supply of red pepper and other things for her stews. it would not be a bad thing to have a couple of crates of poultry. don't pack them too closely, or half of them will be smothered before you get them here. dead meat would be of no use, for it won't keep in this heat. we can turn them all out in the courtyard in front of the castle, and they can pick up their living there among the lower slopes of the cliffs. we can give them a few handfuls of grain a day. don't get too many cocks, and let the hens be young ones. they ought to supply us with plenty of eggs and some broods of chickens. you must calculate what the weight will be, and take the mules accordingly." "very well, seã±or. i need not be away more than three days at most. it is only about twenty miles to ancon." "you might take the two llamas down with you and sell them there. they have done good work, and i should not like to kill and eat them. so mind you sell them to someone who wants them for carriage work. we shall not require them any more for that purpose. will you want to take josã© with you?" "i think not, seã±or, for i should say that four baggage mules will be ample, and i can lead them myself; and certainly you will find josã© useful here." dias and his wife then withdrew a short distance from the fire, and engaged in an animated conversation as to the things she required. "don't stint matters," harry said, raising his voice. "we may be here for the next two or three months, and the less frequently you have to go down to buy things the better. it would be easy to account for your first purchases by saying that you were going on an expedition to the mountains, but you could not go to the place with the same story again." "there are other places i can go to, seã±or; but i will get a good store of everything this time." dias started at daybreak with four mules and the two llamas. the others rolled up the tent-beds and the remaining stores, loaded up the other mules, and moved down to the mouth of the ravine. here they pitched the little tents again. "they will form a central point for the mules to come to," harry said. "we will leave the sacks of maize here, but give the animals a good feed now. they will be sure to keep close to the spot. all the other things we will carry into the castle; but before we start we will bury these bags of bones." when this was done, and the saddles taken off and piled together against the rocks, the other things were made up in portable packets, and they started up the ravine. they made three journeys before everything was brought to the foot of the ladder leading up to the window. then the two brothers mounted, and hauled the things up with a rope which josã©, who remained below, fastened to them. when the last was up he went to the foot of the rock and brought several armfuls of the wood he had thrown down on the previous day. this was also hauled up. "you had better fetch some more, josã©. we mean to keep a big fire burning here night and day; it will make the place cheerful. i will have a fire also burning where we are at work below. now, seã±ora, we will rig up some blankets on a line between the pillars at the end of the room opposite to that in which we found the skeletons, so as to make a special apartment for you and dias. we will spread our beds at night near the fire." the screen was soon made. a cord was run from the wall to the pillar next to it, some five feet above the floor, and three blankets were sufficient to fill the space. harry was about to make another line from the pillar, when maria said: "i would rather not, seã±or; i am not a bit afraid. this screen is quite large enough, and it will be more cheerful not to be shut up altogether, as then, when i am lying down, i can see the reflection of the fire on the walls, and it will be much more cheerful." then a blazing fire was lit. the wood was almost as dry as tinder, and burnt without smoke. it was built almost touching the back wall, in which, some five feet above the fire, harry with a pick made a hole four inches deep. while he was doing this, josã© went down and cut a sapling four inches in diameter, growing in a cleft on the rock, and from this cut off two six-foot lengths and brought them up. one end of the thickest of these was driven into the hole and tightly wedged in there, the other end was lashed securely to an upright beam. "there, maria," he said when it was finished, "you will be able to hang your pots and kettles from that at any height you like above the fire. now, you can set to work as soon as you like, to get breakfast for us. we have been at work for four or five hours, and have good appetites." "i have the cakes ready to bake, seã±or, and i sha'n't be long before i get an olla ready for you." "well, josã©, what do you think of the place?" harry asked. "i should like it better if it were not so big," the lad said. "i shall want a broom, seã±or, to sweep out the dust." "it is three inches deep," maria said. "i should not bother about that, maria; it would be a tremendous job to sweep such a big room, and the dust is so fine that it would settle again and cover everything. besides, it will be a good deal softer to lay our beds on than the stones would be, so i think you had better let it remain as it is, especially as you are fond of going about without your shoes. i think i will rig up a blanket against the doorway. it will make the place look a good deal more snug, and will keep the bats from returning." "i am not afraid of the bats, now i know what they are; but i should be constantly expecting them to rush out again." "i expect a good many went back last night," harry said. "we won't put the blankets up till after dark. they are sure to come out again; then, as soon as they have gone, we will close it, and they won't be able to get in when they come back before daybreak." harry's expectations were fulfilled. at dusk a stream of bats rushed out again, but this time quite noiselessly. the rush lasted for three or four minutes. as soon as they had gone, the blankets were hung up, and fastened across the doorway. "they will be puzzled when they come back." "yes, seã±or," maria said; "but when they find that they can't get in here, they will come in through the openings above." "so they will; i did not think of that. but when they once find that they cannot get out here in the evening, they will go out where they came in, and we shall have no more trouble with them. i don't know whether they are good to eat?" maria gave a little cry of horror. "oh, seã±or! i could not eat such horrible things!" "their appearance is against them, maria; but when people eat alligators, frogs, snakes, and even rats, i don't see why a bat should be bad. however, we won't touch them unless we are threatened by starvation." "i should indeed be starving before i could touch bats' flesh, seã±or." "well," harry said, "if people eat monkeys, rats, and squirrels--and it seems to me that a bat is something of a mixture of the three--one might certainly eat bats, and if we are driven to it i should not mind trying; but i promise you that i won't ask you to cook them." they chatted for another hour, and then maria went off to her corner. the brothers spread their beds by the fire, and josã© had his blanket and poncho, and it was arranged that any of them who woke should put fresh logs on the fire. they were all roused just before dawn by a squeaking and twittering noise. they threw on fresh logs, and as these blazed up they could see a cloud of bats flying overhead. they kept on going to the doorway, and when they found they could not get through they retired with angry squeaks. the light was gradually breaking, and in a few minutes all had flown out through the opening. harry and his brother followed them, and could see them flitting about the upper windows. presently, as if by a common impulse, they poured in through the various openings. "i don't suppose we shall see any more of them," harry said, "and i own that i shall be glad. there is something very weird in their noiseless flitting about, and in the shadows the fire casts on the ceiling." "they are a great deal larger than any bats i have seen," bertie said. "i have seen as large, or larger, at bombay and some of the towns on the coast." "they bite people's toes when they are asleep, don't they?" "yes, the great vampire bat does, but i have never heard of any others doing so. they live on insects, and some of them are, i believe, vegetarian." "are vampire bats found here?" "i do not think so; i fancy that they inhabit java and other islands in the malay archipelago. however, they are certainly rare, wherever they come from, and you can dismiss them altogether from your mind." "i was glad when i heard your voices, seã±ors," maria said when she appeared a quarter of an hour later. "i knew they would not hurt me; but i was horribly frightened, and wrapped myself up in my blanket and lay there till i heard you talking, and i heard the logs thrown on the fire; then i felt that it was all right." "i don't suppose they will come again, maria." after drinking a cup of coffee, with a small piece of maize cake, bertie said: "what is the programme for to-day?" "we can't do much till dias comes back. we may as well go down and have a look at the lower rooms. i don't think there is much dust on the floor there, but while josã© is away looking after the mules we will cut enough bushes to make a couple of brooms. we shall want the place swept as clean as possible, so that we can look about, but i don't think there is the least chance of our being able to move the stones. before we do anything we will go down to the pool and have a swim, and dive out through the entrance and have a look at those rocks." "that is right," bertie said. "i was longing for one yesterday morning, but of course the first thing to be done was to examine this place." "would it be safe for me to bathe, seã±or?" "quite safe, maria; the slope is very gradual, and you need have no fear of getting out of your depth suddenly. we will be off at once, bertie." chapter xvii at work harry and his brother went to the edge of the pool, where they undressed and waded out. they found that the bottom of the passage sloped more gradually at the edge of the water than it did higher up, and they were able to walk out till they came to the point where the roof dipped into the water. they dived, and in a few strokes came up beyond the roof. "this is glorious!" bertie said. "we have often bathed in pools, but this is a different thing altogether. it is more than a year since we had our last dip in the sea, the day we arrived at callao." although there was little or no wind, the rollers were breaking on the line of rocks outside, pouring over the lower points in volumes of foam, and coming in broken waves up the passage. "we mustn't go beyond the point, bertie, or we may be dashed against the foot of the cliff. we will climb up that rock to the left; it is not too steep, and i think we can manage it. from there we shall get a good view of this side of the house and of the situation in general." it required considerable care to climb the rocks, and more than once they hurt their feet on sharp projections. the top of the rock, however, was smooth by the action of time and sea, and they were able to sit down on it in comfort. "the castle is just as you described it, bertie; and certainly no one sailing past, however close he came outside these rocks, would be able to detect it. no doubt the stone of which it is built is the same as that of the cliffs. most likely it was taken from the ravine where the passage now is, and had fallen from the arch above. it might have been more noticeable at first, but now it is weathered into exactly the same tint as the cliffs. the openings are very dodgily placed, and a stranger would not dream that they went many inches in. now, from where we stand we can look up into that curious opening on the top story. i have been puzzling over that ever since i saw it, but can't think of any possible reason for its having been cut like that, except to enable them to throw stones on to any boat that came into this passage behind the rocks; and yet that can hardly have been the case, for, as i remarked, there are no stones piled up there. certainly they had a very large number of arrows, but stones would be very much more useful than arrows against a boat almost under their feet. however, that does not concern us now. this line of rocks must greatly aid in hiding the house from the sea. they are higher than you thought they were, looking down at them from above. we are quite thirty feet above the water, and at two or three points they are at least ten or twelve feet higher. of course a short way out no one would be able to see that they were detached from the cliff, or that there was any passage whatever behind them. "besides, they break the force of the waves. if it was not for them it would be impossible for any boat to come up close to the face of the house, and a heavy storm might even break down the wall altogether. a tremendous sea would roll in here in a westerly gale; and if it hadn't been for these rocks it would have been necessary to build the lower part of the house absolutely solid to resist the sea. it is possible that the rocks were higher than they now are when the place was first constructed, in which case the house might have been almost entirely hidden from sight. well, we may as well go back again, bertie; we know all there is to be known about this side." they swam back into the tunnel, dressed, and went out. "we have come out, maria," bertie called. "the coast is clear for you. the water is not so deep as we thought it was, and you can walk out to the point where the roof comes down on to the water without getting out of your depth." it did not take them long to cut a number of switches to serve as brooms, and a couple of handles. they carried them up into the house, and lashed the switches firmly on to the handles. the work was rough, but the brooms when completed were large, and, although not strong enough for heavy work, would do well to sweep aside the thin layer of almost impalpable dust on the floor below. "shall we take wood down there, harry?" "no; i think a fire would be a drawback rather than an assistance. it would be very valuable if we were working at one spot, but it could give no general light in a place a hundred feet long. we will take a torch down, and hold it and sweep by turns. we shall only want, to begin with, to make a clear path a couple of feet wide down the middle. of course later on we shall clear it all. that will be sufficient to enable us to see how the floor is constructed, whether with big blocks or small ones, how closely they are fitted together, and so on. it is certainly unlikely that we shall find any indication as to where chambers exist." it took but a very short time to clear the path; the dust was so light that one sweep of the broom cleared it away. when they got to the farther end they returned to examine the floor. for four or five feet from the cistern the rock had been evidently untouched, except to cut off any projecting points. then there was a clear line running across the path. bertie held the torch down close to it. harry knelt down and examined it. "this is a clean cut, bertie. it is evidently solid above this, but the stone is not quite the same colour on each side of it, and it looks as if they had cut away the rock here and begun to build so as to keep the floor level. the cut may be six inches deep and it may be a foot, that doesn't matter. the face of this stone is very smooth, but it is not cut; it is, i think, the face of the natural fracture. move the torch along and let us see where the next join is. ah, here it is!" the slab was four feet across. "you had better sweep the dust off both ways, bertie, so that we may see what size it is." it was, they found, about eight feet long. "it has straight edges, harry, almost as straight as if it had been sawn." "very likely it was sawn, bertie; they could have had no tools that would cut a hard stone like this regularly, but as they were certainly clever builders they must have employed some means to do it. possibly they used a saw without teeth, for however much they might have hardened the copper, the teeth could not have stood, but if they had a hard copper band fixed like the saw some masons use, and kept the stone moistened with fine sand, they might have cut into it. of course it would have been a slow process; but they would not have needed to go far into the stone, for when they got down two or three inches they might have broken it through by dropping a heavy weight on the end. it would not have mattered if the fracture had not been straight below the cut, for only on the surface would they have wanted to fit accurately to the next stone. in another way they might have got a straight edge, that is, by driving very dry wedges into the cut made by the saw, and then moistening them. i know that great stones can be split in that way. they may have used both methods. however, it doesn't matter to us much how they did it. it is clear that they could in some way or other cut stones. as they took the trouble to do so here, we may conclude that they were anxious to have a smooth floor that would be extremely difficult to get up. "they would never have taken all this trouble if they had merely been making a floor for a cellar. for that purpose it would only have been necessary to throw rocks and stones of all sizes into the vacant space below, and when it was nearly full, to level it with small stones and sand. that they chose to undertake such tremendous labour as the making of so regular a floor as this must have been, shows that they had some very strong motive for doing so." going carefully along the track they had cleared, they found that the stones were of different sizes; some were but two feet wide, others as much as ten, but all fitted so closely together that it was difficult to see the joints. "it is going to be a hard job to get these out, bertie," harry said, when they had completed their examination, "and it is lucky for us that the room gradually narrows from sixteen feet wide to two at the other end, and when we stepped it we made it eighty feet long. we need not take up the stones near the rock wall, for the ravine would naturally narrow as it went lower, and the depth would be greatest by the side of the wall of the tunnel." "well, we shall soon blow up the stones when we have got the powder." "i hope so, bertie; but i see that we shall have difficulty unless these top stones are extraordinarily thick." bertie looked surprised. "why, i should have thought the thicker they were the more difficult to break up." "beyond a certain point that would be so. but suppose they are six inches thick, you may take it for granted that underneath there will be rubble, loose stuff, except where any chambers may be built. if we were to bore a hole through this top layer the powder, instead of splitting the stones up, would expend its force among the loose stuff beneath it; and besides, instead of remaining in its place, it might get scattered, and we would then get no explosion at all." "then we should only have to make the hole four inches deep, harry?" "as a result of which there would only be two inches of tamping over the powder, and this would blow right out, as if from a little mortar, and would have no effect whatever upon the stone. i have no doubt that we shall find some way to get over these difficulties, but it is evident that the work will not be all clear sailing." "of course we shall manage it somehow, harry, even if we have to smash up all the stones with the sledge-hammers dias will bring us." "is breakfast nearly ready, seã±ora? that swim in the sea has given us a prodigious appetite. did you enjoy it?" maria nodded. "it is very nice, seã±or; but i should have liked it better if the water had not been so blue. it seems so strange bathing in blue water." "you will soon get accustomed to it," bertie laughed. "there are no pools except that one two miles up the valley. besides, it is much nicer to have a great bathing chamber all to yourself. here comes josã©!" "well, josã©, are the mules all right?" he shouted. "yes, but i had difficulty in catching them. they had evidently been frightened by something, and were three miles up the valley with their coats all staring. it must have been either a puma or a jaguar. of course they must have got wind of him in time; but as, fortunately, they were not tethered, they were able to get away from him." "i should think he must be up somewhere among the bushes, josã©," harry said. "we had better go down tonight and see if he returns again. we shall be losing some of the mules if we don't put a stop to his marauding. besides, it will be very dangerous for you, josã©, cutting the wood up there, if he is lurking somewhere. it is fortunate that you escaped yesterday." "i expect he was on the other side of the ravine, seã±or; and even if he had not been, the sound of the chopping would have scared him. they will not often attack in the daytime." when they had finished their breakfast josã© asked what he should do next. "there is nothing else to do, so it would be as well to take our pickaxes and get some of those brackets out of the walls. we will begin with the other rooms of this floor and leave these here till the last." "i will come and hold a torch for you, seã±ors," maria said. "i like to be doing something. i will wash up first, and then i shall have nothing to do till it is time to get ready for dinner. now i know there is a savage beast about i should not like to go down the ladder." "there is very little chance of his coming down the rocks," harry said. "he is more likely to be lying somewhere on the other side watching the mules." no move was made until the woman was ready to start. then they lit two torches. she took one and bertie the other, while josã© and harry took two picks. it was hard work, for the brackets were driven far into the pillars and walls. it was necessary to knock away the stones round them to a depth of two or three inches before they could be got out. they worked one at each side of a bracket, relieving each other by turns, and after four hours' work only eighteen brackets had been got out. as far as they could tell by lifting them, the weight was somewhat greater than they had at first supposed. harry could hold one out in each hand for a minute and a half, bertie and josã© for a little over half a minute, and they agreed that they must be about twenty pounds each. by this time their shoulders ached, and it was agreed that they had done a good day's work. for the rest of the day they did nothing but sit on the sill of the window and smoke quietly. the next day's work was similar, and twenty more brackets were got out. late in the afternoon they saw dias coming down the steps, and at once went down the ladder to meet him. "have you got everything, dias?" "i think so, seã±or, and i can tell you that the mules have had a pretty heavy load to bring back." "well, we will go with you at once, dias, and bring some of the things up. i expect you have had nothing to eat since the morning. before you do anything else you had better go in. your wife has been keeping a dish hot for you, as she did not know when you might arrive." "i shall not be long before i come and help you, seã±or. i have unsaddled the mules and turned them out to graze." "it is just as well, dias, for there is a beast somewhere about that gave them a fright last night. we will get all the eatables up to-night, the powder and drills and hammers we can very well leave till to-morrow morning." it took them four trips to bring the provisions over, for it required two of them to carry each sack of flour, and indeed all had to give their aid in getting them up the rocky slope at the foot of the wall. "no one seemed to think it unusual, your taking so large a load, i hope, dias?" harry said as they sat down to their evening meal. "no, seã±or. the man i bought the powder of was a little surprised at the amount i wanted; but i said that i might be absent many weeks in the mountains, and might want to drive a level in any lode that i might discover. i led him to believe that i had seen a spot in the mountains that gave good indications, and that two of my comrades were waiting there for my return to begin work at it. i sold the llamas to a man who carries goods from ancon up to canta, and got the same price that you gave for them." harry then told him the work on which he had been engaged since he had been away. "of course there is no hurry about the brackets, but as we could do nothing else without the powder and drills, it was just as well to get them out, as otherwise we might have been delayed when we had done our other work. we think that they weigh twenty pounds each, so that altogether they will be worth nearly four thousand pounds. not a bad start. i am afraid we sha'n't make such quick work down below." "we shall see," dias said cheerfully, for now that his fear of the demons had passed he was as eager as harry himself to begin the search for the treasure. "has maria seen any more bats?" "yes, she has seen some more bats," his wife said, "but no demons. dias, what do you think? don harry suggested that we might eat the bats." "i have heard of their being eaten," dias said, "and a man who ate them raw told me that he had never enjoyed anything more. but i should not like to try it myself, unless i were driven to it as he was." "how was that, dias?" "he was a muleteer, seã±or, and was up in the mountains. he had a cargo of silver on his mule, and during the day he had seen some men who he doubted not were brigands on the top of the ravine he passed through. he knew of a cavern where he had once taken refuge with the animals during a storm. it lay on the hillside some twenty or thirty yards away from the road. the entrance was hidden by bushes, and he had first noticed it by seeing a bear come out as he was passing along. he had his pistols, and thought that it was better to risk meeting a bear than a brigand. he arrived opposite the cave just as it became dark, and at once led the mules up there. he first lighted a torch--the muleteers always carry these with them--and then went in with his pistols ready, but there were no signs of a bear anywhere near the entrance. "he drove the mules in and put out his torch. the entrance had been only wide enough for the laden animals to pass, but it widened out a great deal inside. he took off the loads, piled them up in the narrow part to make a barricade, and then sat down at the entrance and listened. he soon heard five or six men come down the road talking. they were walking fast, and one was saying that he could not be more than half a mile ahead, and that they should soon catch him. when they had gone, he went some distance in the cave and relighted his torch. he went on and on. the cave was a very large one, and when he had gone, as he thought, four or five hundred yards, it branched off into three. he took the middle one, and followed it for a long way. at last it opened into a large chamber from which there were several passages. here he found a large number of things that had evidently been stolen from muleteers. there were at least a dozen mule loads of silver; goods of all kinds that had been brought up from the coast; the ashes of fires, and a great many bones and skins of llamas, and some sacks of flour. "he thought he would now return to the mules; but apparently he entered the wrong passage, for he went on till he felt sure he ought to be in the chamber where he had left the animals, and he was turning to go back when he tripped over a stone and fell, and his torch went out. then he felt in his pocket for his box of matches, and to his horror found that it had gone. it must have dropped out when he was examining the passages. he did not think much of it at first, but he had passed several openings on his way, and in the dark he probably turned down one of these. at any rate he lost his way somehow, and wandered about, he thinks, for hours; but it might have been much less, for he told me that he quite lost his head. at last he came out into a place where he could only feel the rock on one side of him, and knew that he must be in a large chamber. "looking up he saw, to his joy, a faint light, and moving a little, caught sight of a star. he was utterly worn out, and threw himself down. he was awakened by a strange rustling sound, and looking up saw that daylight was breaking, and that a stream of bats was pouring in through a hole, which was about three feet wide. he made several efforts to climb up to it, but failed. the bats hung thickly from every projecting point in the rocks. he hurt himself badly in one of the attempts to get up, and twisted his foot. all day he lay there. then the idea struck him that he would kill a bat, cut it open, and use it as a poultice to his foot. the creatures did not move when he touched them, and he cut off the head of one of them and split it open. he did this three or four times during the day, and felt that the application was easing the pain of his ankle. "when it became dusk the bats flew out again, and he knew his only chance was to keep his ankle perfectly rested. in the morning he killed some more bats. he was by this time tortured with thirst, and sucked the blood of one of them, and in the afternoon ate one raw. another night passed, and in the morning he felt so much better that he could make another trial. he ate another bat to give him strength, and in the middle of the day made a fresh attempt. he had while lying there carefully examined the wall of rock, at the top of which was the opening, and had made up his mind at what point would be best to try. this time he succeeded. he made his way down the hillside, and found that he was a quarter of a mile higher up the pass than the spot at which he had left the mules. he hobbled down, and to his delight found his animals still in the cavern. "he had when he first got there opened their sack of grain in order to ensure their keeping quiet. there was still some remaining at the bottom. he lost no time in loading them and leading them out, and made his way down the pass without seeing anything of the robbers. afterwards he went back there with a good supply of torches, found his way to the cave, and brought down two mule-loads of silver. gradually he brought the rest of the goods down, and today he is a rich man." "well, i think under those circumstances, dias, i would have eaten bats myself. it was certainly a clever idea of his to convert them into poultices, though the general opinion is that cold bandages are the best for a sprained ankle." then they discussed their plans for the next day. "i know nothing about blasting, seã±or. you give me instructions, and i will do my best to carry them out; but it is useless for me to talk of what i know nothing about." "there is a lot of common sense in that, and yet in every work, dias, sometimes while a skilled man is puzzling how to do a thing a looker-on will suggest a satisfactory plan. that treasure has been buried there i have no doubt whatever. they would never have gone to the labour of paving those cellars as carefully as they have done unless for some special purpose. the floor was undoubtedly made when the house was built, and if we find treasure-chambers there they will be those of the old people. of course they may have been discovered by the incas, and when they in turn wanted to bury treasure this place might occur to them as being particularly well fitted to escape search by spaniards. however, to-morrow we shall learn something more about them. the first thing to do in the morning, when we have brought up the rest of the goods, is to sweep the floors of those chambers carefully. when we have done that we will determine where to set to work." two trips brought up the powder and instruments. "we will take one of the kegs of powder down with us," said harry, "and leave the other five in the empty room behind this. it is just as well not to have them in this room; the sparks fly about, and some things might catch fire. i don't think there is any real danger, but, at the same time, it is best to be on the safe side." "there are a dozen pounds of candles in this bundle, seã±or. you did not tell me to get them, but i thought they might be useful." "thank you, dias! they certainly will be useful. what are they?--tallow?" "yes, seã±or." "then before we go down we will get a couple of pieces of flat wood, and drive a peg into each, sharpened at the upper end. candles stuck on these will stand upright, and we can put them down close to where we are working. they will give a better light than a torch, and leave us all free to use the tools. did you think of buying some more tinder?" "yes, seã±or, i have five boxes, and half a dozen more flints." they carried the keg of powder, the sledges, drills, and wedges downstairs, and then dias and josã© set to work to sweep out the two chambers. the work was easy, but they were obliged to stop several times, being almost choked with the light dust. harry and bertie offered to take their turn, but the others would not hear of it, and they were glad to go up to what they called their drawing-room until the work was done and the dust had settled a little. then they examined the pavement carefully with their torches. they had hoped that they might find either copper rings, or at least holes where rings had been fastened, but there were no signs whatever of such things in either of the chambers. "we will begin to work half-way down," harry said. "of course the treasure may lie near the cistern end, but the depth below the floor would be very shallow there. more likely the chambers would be at the deep end. if we begin in the middle we may be pretty sure that we have not passed them. we will begin rather nearer the passage wall than the other, as the depth there will be greater. it does not matter which stone we take, one is as likely as another. step ten paces from the cistern, bertie, and the stone you stop on we will try first." when bertie came to a stand-still they carefully examined the pavement. "you are standing on one of the cracks, bertie; i will stay there while you all bring the tools along." "shall i open the powder?" bertie asked. "no. it is no good doing that until we have quite decided what we are going to do. the wedges certainly won't go into this crack. i think our best plan will be to sink a bore-hole about two inches from the crack. we will drive it in in a slanting direction towards the edge, and in that way it will have more chance of blowing a piece out. first of all, we must make a slight indentation with a pick, otherwise we sha'n't get the bore to work. i will begin." he took a pick and struck several blows. "it is very hard stone," he said. "i have scarcely made a mark upon it." he worked for some time, and then let bertie take the pick. the lad struck a blow with all his strength, and then dropped the pick with a loud cry, wringing his hands as he did so. "you have jarred your hands, bertie; you should not hold the haft so tightly." "it did sting!" bertie said. "i feel as if i had taken hold of a red-hot poker. it has jarred my arm up to the shoulder; i can't go on at present." "you try, dias." dias went more carefully to work, knelt down on one knee, and proceeded to give a number of what seemed light blows. "that is better than i did, dias. the stone is crumbling into dust, and we shall be able to use the borer in a short time. perhaps it will be better after all to drive the hole down straight. it will be easier to begin with; when we see how thick the stone is we shall know better how to proceed." in ten minutes dias had made a hole a quarter of an inch deep. "now, give me one of the borers--that one about two and a half feet long. i will hold it, and you strike to begin with, dias, only mind my fingers. keep your eye fixed on the top of the borer, and take one or two gentle strokes to begin with; then, when you know the distance you have to stand from it, do your best. you needn't really be afraid of striking my fingers. i shall hold the drill at least a foot from the top." dias began very carefully, gradually adding to the strength of the blows as he got the right distance, and was soon striking hard. after each blow harry turned the borer a slight distance round. when he heard the native's breath coming fast he told josã© to take a turn. the lad was nervous; the first blow he struck only grazed the top of the borer, and narrowly missed harry's fingers. josã© dropped the sledge. "i can't do it, seã±or; i am afraid of hitting your fingers. i will sit down and hold it; it does not matter if you hit me." "it would matter a good deal, josã©. no, no; you have got to learn." "would it not be well, seã±or," dias said, "to take the borers and three hammers outside, and try them in soft ground? we could work them there till we all got accustomed always to hit them fair. there would be no occasion for them to be held, and we should get confident. i could have hit twice as hard as i did, if i hadn't been afraid of missing it." "i think that is a very good plan, dias. the loss of a day or two will make no difference. we shall make up for it afterwards." accordingly the drills and hammers were all taken up, and they were soon at work. two or three gentle taps were given to the borers, to make them stand upright, and then all four began work. at first they often either missed the heads of the borers or struck them unevenly. "it is well, dias, that we carried out your suggestion, as i see i should have had an uncommonly good chance of getting my fingers smashed, or a wrist broken. i have missed as often as any of you." they stopped frequently for breath, and at the end of an hour were glad to lay down their hammers. dias was comparatively fresh; his practice as a woodsman now did him good service. "i should have thought from the number of trees that i have helped to cut down," bertie said, "that i could hit pretty hard, but this is a great deal stiffer work. i should say that this hammer is at least twice the weight of the axe, and it is the lightest of the four. i ache a good deal worse than i did when i first chopped that tree down." "so do i, bertie. we will stick at this till we get accustomed to the work. by doing so we shall gain strength as well as skill." "i will get some grease, seã±or, from maria, and then i will rub your shoulders, and arms; that will do you a great deal of good." "thank you, dias! it would be a good plan." dias did this to josã© as well as to the brothers, and then josã© in turn rubbed him. they waited half an hour, and then harry said: "let us have another spell." this time a quarter of an hour sufficed. "it is of no use, harry; i can't go on any longer," bertie said. "i feel as if my shoulders were broken." "i am beginning to feel the same, bertie. however, we are all hitting straighter now. we will go up into the shade and take it quietly for two or three hours; then we will have a spell again." however, after the rest, they all agreed that it would be useless to try again, for they could not lift their arms over their heads without feeling acute pain. three days were spent at this exercise, and at the end of that time they had gained confidence, and the heads of the drills were no longer missed. after the first day they only worked for a quarter of an hour at a time, taking an hour's rest. the pain in their arms had begun to abate. on the following day they practised striking alternately, three standing round one borer. they found this at first awkward, but by the end of the day they were able to strike in regular order, the blows falling faster after each other on to the drill. "i think we shall do now," said bertie. "no doubt we shall hit harder with a fortnight's practice, and shall be able to keep it up longer. however, i think that even now we have sufficient confidence in striking to be able to hold the borer without any fear of an accident." the next day they began work early in the cellar. josã© volunteered to take the first turn to hold the drill. "you understand, josã©, you must turn it round a little after each stroke, and in that way it will cut the hole regularly." harry took his place on one side of josã©, who sat with a leg on each side of the drill. dias stood facing harry, bertie behind josã© holding the torch so that its light fell strongly on the head of the drill. at first the two men struck gently, but gradually, as they grew confident, increased the weight of their strokes until they were hitting with their full power. after ten minutes they stopped. "let us look at the hole," harry said. "how far has it got down?" josã© moved his position and harry examined the hole. "about an eighth of an inch," he said. "let us scrape the dust out of it." "shall we take a spell now, harry?" bertie said. "no, we will wait five minutes and then go on again, and after that we will change places with you, relieving each other every twenty minutes." the work went on, and at the end of two hours the hole was three inches deep. another hour and a half and the drill suddenly went down. "we are through it," bertie said, "and i am not sorry." "now i will lift the drill up gently, bertie; do you kneel down, and when i stop, take hold of it close to the floor, so that we may see the thickness of the stone." "five inches," he said as he measured it. "now put on a little grease, dias. i will lower it again, and we shall be perhaps able then to get some idea of what is underneath." he lowered the drill and turned it round two or three times, and then carefully raised it. some sand and little stones were sticking to it. "sand and gravel," he said. "that settles that point. now we have done a good morning's work, and let us go up and have breakfast." maria looked enquiringly at them. "i was just coming down for you. well, what have you done?" "we have drilled one hole, maria, and none of us have got our fingers smashed, so i think we have every reason to be satisfied with our first experience at the work." as they breakfasted they talked matters over. harry said that he was certain that the thickness of the stone was not sufficient for them to break it up by blasting. "we shall have to try some other plan. it is equally certain that we cannot smash the stone with the sledge-hammers, and i don't think that the wedges would break it. of course if we got one stone out it would be comparatively easy to lift the next, as we could put the crowbars under it. if we can do it in no other way, we must drill a line of holes close to each other right across the stone, and we might then break off the piece between them and the crack and get our crowbars under the slab. it might be worth while to drill holes a foot apart, from the point where we have begun to the other end of the room. of course if we found that gravel and stones were everywhere under the slabs we should learn nothing; but the opening to the chambers is probably covered by another stone, and if we found that, we could put in one or two more holes so as to be sure that it was flat, in which case we might smash it somehow. of course, if we don't come upon a flat stone we shall conclude that they put a layer of sand and fine gravel over the slabs covering the vaults, and must then, as i say, get up one stone and gradually lift all the rest, clearing out the gravel as we go to the depth of a foot or so. in that way we shall make sure that we shall not miss any chamber there may be. "i think that would certainly be the best plan. at present we are groping altogether in the dark, and it will take us a fortnight at least to make that row of holes close to each other, as you propose." chapter xviii disappointment six more days were spent in driving holes according to harry's plan. the result was in all cases the same. sand and small stones were brought up attached to the grease. they had now sunk the holes at a much more rapid rate than at first, for they were accustomed to the work, their muscles had hardened, and they were able to strike more frequently and with greater force. they would have got on still more quickly had it not been for the trouble in sharpening the drills. these were heated in the small blacksmith's fire dias had brought. they were first placed in the fire, but this was not sufficiently hot to raise them beyond a dull red glow. when this was done a shovelful of glowing fragments was taken from the fire and placed on the hearth, and among these the small bellows raised the ends of the drills to a white heat, when of course they were easily worked. at first they had some difficulty in tempering them. sometimes, when cooled, the points were too soft, at other times too brittle; but at the end of a week they had arrived at the proper medium. but one of the party had to work steadily to keep the drills in good order. bertie was daily employed at this work, as josã© generally failed to give the proper temper to the tools. bertie, however, generally managed to get in two or three hours' work below. although perfectly ready to do his share, he was by no means sorry to be otherwise employed for a part of the day, and as he was now able to talk spanish with perfect fluency he and donna maria maintained a lively conversation whenever they were together. all the party, however, were glad when sunday came round and gave them a day of complete rest; then they would bathe, fish, shoot pigeons, or lie in the shade, each according to his fancy, and recommence work with fresh vigour the next morning. just a fortnight after they had begun work they were about to begin a hole in a fresh stone. talking it over, they had come to the conclusion that this was the most likely spot in the cellar for the situation of an underground chamber. farther on there would scarce be width for one, for it was here but eight feet across. where they had already tried there would scarcely have been depth enough. this seemed to them to be the happy medium. before setting to work dias passed his torch over the stone. presently he stopped. "will you light two of the candles, seã±or; the torch flickers too much to see very plainly." somewhat surprised, for no such close examination had been made before, the candles were lighted and handed to him. dias knelt down, and, with his face close to the stone, moved about carefully, examining it for some minutes without speaking. "this stone, seã±or, is broken," he said at last, "broken into a dozen pieces, and they have been so carefully fitted together again that the dust that settled upon it quite prevented our seeing it till we swept it again just now, and it was only because there was a tiny chip out where i first looked that i noticed it." harry knelt down and also examined the stone. like all the others, it had not been faced with tools. consequently, although roughly even, there were slight irregularities in the surface. now, as dias pointed them out to him, he saw that there were lines running through it here and there. "look here, seã±or. the stone has been struck here. here are some dents." these were scarcely noticeable. the surface had taken the same colour as the rest of the stone. they were of irregular size, and from a quarter of an inch to an inch in diameter, and nearly in the centre of the stone, from which point several of the cracks started. "it certainly looks as if the stone had been struck with something heavy," harry said. "i should think, by the appearance, some very heavy piece of rock must have been dropped upon it." "yes, seã±or, very heavy rock--so heavy that there must have been many men to lift it." "it must have been heavy indeed to break up this slab." "perhaps it is not so thick as the others," dias suggested. "i don't like it, dias. well, let us set to work. we will try the wedges there. they were no use against the solid stone, but they might move these pieces. put one of the borers just at the place from which these cracks start--at least, i suppose they are cracks--and let us drive it in for an inch. you hold it, josã©. don't turn it, we want it to go in just in a line with this crack. i know we cannot drive it in far, but at least we may make it go deep enough to give a wedge a hold in it." five such small holes were made in a crack that seemed to form a rough circle, then the wedges were put in, and they began to work with sledges. in ten minutes harry, examining the place carefully, said: "the bit of stone is breaking up. there are lines running across it from the wedges. give me the heaviest sledge." he swung it round his head and brought it down half a dozen times in the centre of the wedges. the cracks opened so far that he could see them without stooping. "now we will try with the crowbars," he said. in ten minutes a fragment of the stone was got up; then they hammered on the wedges again, and a piece of rock, which was roughly seven or eight inches in diameter, broke completely off. "it is only about two and a half inches thick," harry said as he drew one of the fragments out. and, holding the candle to the hole, he went on: "and there is another slab underneath. that settles it. we are at the top of one of these vaults. the question is, is it empty? i am afraid it is. this stone has evidently been broken up and fitted in again with wonderful care." "why should it be fitted in carefully if they emptied the chamber?" "that i can't tell you, dias, and it is of no use trying to guess now. first of all, we will get the rest of the stone up. it won't be difficult, for now that we have made a start we can use our crowbars. josã©, run up and tell my brother to come down. we shall want him to help with the crowbar; and besides, he would, of course, wish to be here, now that we are on the point of making a discovery one way or the other." in a minute bertie came down with josã©, and donna maria followed. "josã© tells me you have broken a hole in one of the stones," bertie exclaimed as he ran up. "we have got a bit out of a broken stone, bertie. this stone had been broken before, and evidently not by accident. it is only half the thickness of the others, and, as you can see, there is another slab underneath." "who can have broken it, harry?" "that question we cannot decide, but i should say probably the incas. we agreed that it was very possible they discovered the hidden treasures of the chimoos. they must have learned, as the spaniards did, how cleverly these places were hidden, and it must have been as evident to them as it is to us, that if there was a hiding-place here, this must be the spot." when one or two more pieces of the stone had been got out by the aid of crowbars, the rest was removed without the least difficulty. another slab two feet square was exposed. in the middle of this was a copper ring, and the slab fitted, into a stone casing about eighteen inches wide. as soon as this casing was cleared, dias and josã© took their places on one side, the two brothers on the other. a crowbar was thrust through the ring, and all of them, taking hold of the ends, lifted with all their strength. at first the stone did not move, but at the second effort it lifted suddenly. it was the same thickness as the one they had broken, and, on being moved, was easily handled. the torches were thrust down, and all peered eagerly into the vault. so far as they could see it was empty. "shall i jump down, seã±or?' "no, the air may be bad, josã©. run up and bring down a short length of rope, twenty feet will be ample. now, let your torch drop down, dias. if it burns, it will be safe for us to go down; if not, we must keep on dropping blazing brands into it till they burn." as, however, the torch burnt brightly, harry lay down, and, saying, "hold my legs, bertie!" looked down into the vault. eighteen inches below the surface, the hole widened out suddenly. a minute later harry's head appeared above the surface again. "it is empty," he said in as cheerful a voice as he could manage. "of course it is a disappointment," he went on, "but i felt certain that it would be so directly we found the stone was cracked. the only hope was that the first finders of the treasure afterwards used the place for the same purpose. that they thought it possible they might do so is clear by the care with which they fitted the stones together." none of the others spoke. the disappointment was a heavy one. bertie broke the silence by saying; "well, better luck next time. they may have found out this place, but there may be others which they did not find." "quite so, bertie. now we have got up one stone, it will be comparatively easy work getting up the others. we will take up every stone to the end, and then work back till we get to a place where there is not more than a couple of feet between the bottom of the stone and the top of the rock." at this moment josã© ran into the room with the rope. harry took it, and dropped one end until it nearly touched the floor below. "hold on," he said, "and i will slip down first." half a minute later he stood at the bottom of the chamber, beside the torch, which was still burning. "it is only about three feet across at the bottom," he said; "the wall by the passage goes straight up, on the other side it is the bare rock, so it is almost wedge-shaped. it is twenty feet long, and five feet high up to its roof, that makes it nearly seven to the upper part of the mouth." the vault was absolutely empty. he moved about for a minute and then said: "gold has been stored here. there are particles of gold at the bottom, and there is gold-dust in the cracks of the broken face of the rock. now i will come up again. hold the rope tight; i will climb about a yard, and then i can get my fingers on the ledge." he was soon up. "now, do any of you want to go down?" dias and josã© shook their heads; and bertie grumbled, "i don't want to look at the beastly hole; it has been trouble enough to get at it." "well, i think we will not do any more to-day, dias. it has rather taken the heart out of one. still, we could not expect to hit upon the treasure for the first time. we will go up and talk it over, and when we have smoked a pipe or two we shall be more inclined to take a cheerful view of the matter. we won't talk about it till we have got to the end of our second pipe." the tobacco did its usual work, and it was with quite a cheerful voice that bertie broke the silence: "the incas must have been pretty sharp fellows to find that hole, harry?" "well, very likely they heard that the chimoos had treasure there. indeed they must have known, because, you see, not one of the other stones is broken, so they evidently knew where that chamber was situated." "yes, i suppose that was it. well, we are in fine working order now, and we sha'n't be very long getting the other stones up." "not very long this side anyhow, bertie. we shall want some short blocks of wood to put under the stones as we raise them. i expect they are all five inches thick, and they must be a very big weight. evidently it is going to be a longish job. as we have been a fortnight without fresh meat, dias had better go off and buy half a dozen sheep. we won't have dead meat this time. he can bring them slung over the mules, and we can kill them as we want them." "we have not had fresh meat, but we have not done badly, harry; we have generally had a good many eggs and some pigeons, and josã© has brought us in fish from that pool. but they have dwindled down lately. he only brought in a couple of fish yesterday evening." "well, the pigeons are getting scarcer too, bertie. we have killed a good many, but the rest are getting very shy, and i think most of them must have gone off and settled in new places on the face of the rocks above the ravine. while dias is away, we will try and lay in a stock of sea-fish. we can swim out and sit on the rocks during the day, and lay our lines at night. we have worked very hard for a fortnight, and we deserve a holiday." dias, when he was spoken to, said he would start at once with four mules for huacha. "it is not above fifteen miles," he said, "and i can get there this evening. i should think that i could buy the sheep there; if not, i must go on to huaura. each mule will bring two sheep. of course i could drive them, but that would seem more singular." "you had certainly better take the mules, dias. tie the sheep carefully on them, so that they will not be hurt." "i will take eight of the leather bags, seã±or. the sheep are not large, and i will sling one on each side of the mules." "yes, it would be as well, while you are about it, to bring eight. you may as well get some more coffee. we drink a lot of that, and like it strong. if your wife thinks we shall want more sugar, or anything else, by all means get some." as soon as dias started, the lines were got ready. they cut a couple of saplings to serve as rods, and josã©, digging among the rocks, found plenty of worms, beetles, and grubs for bait. in addition, they took a cake or two of maize, to break up and throw in to attract the fish. "we had better swim out in our flannel shirts and trousers," harry said. "they will soon dry, and they will keep off the sun. if we were to sit there without them, we should get blistered from head to foot." "shall we fish outside the rocks, or inside, harry?" "we will try both; but i think we are likelier to catch most inside. i should think a back-water like that would attract them." they met with equal success on both sides of the rocks, and by evening had caught over forty fish, at least half of which weighed over four pounds. then they set the long lines, each carrying forty hooks, and returned to the castle with as many fish as they could possibly carry. maria was delighted with the addition to her larder, and she and josã© set to work at once to clean and split them. in the morning they were hung in strings from the broad window. maria said they would get the benefit of the heat from the walls, and any air there might be would be able to pass round them. by means of the night-lines they caught almost as many fish as they had done with their rods, and that day they had the satisfaction of bringing in more than they could carry in one journey. "we have got plenty now to keep us going for another three weeks," harry said, "and we can always replenish our stock when we choose." dias returned at sunset carrying one sheep over his shoulders. "i have left the others out there, seã±or; i don't think there is any fear of their straying. there is no fresh grass anywhere except near the stream, and moreover, being strange to the valley, they will naturally keep near the mules." another month passed in continuous labour. the stones had all been taken up in the basement they had first visited, but no other chamber had been found. the parallel chamber had given them much trouble at starting, as no stone had been found showing any cracks upon it, and they had had to blast one stone to pieces before they could begin to cut up the others. no chamber whatever had been discovered until they were within six feet of the farther end. then one was found, but it showed no signs whatever of having ever been used. "so far so bad," harry said when the supper had been eaten almost in silence; "but that is no reason why we should be disheartened. if the incas buried a treasure they may have thought it prudent to choose some other spot than that used by the old people." "but where could it be, harry? you agreed that there was not sufficient depth between the floors for any place of concealment." "that is so, bertie, of course. i have been thinking of it a lot during the past few days, when the chances of our finding a treasure under the basement were nearly extinguished. there are still the side walls." "the side walls!" bertie repeated. "surely they are built against the rock?" "yes, but we don't know how straight the wall of rock is. you see, they did not build against it at all in the basement, but above that the side walls begin. the rock must have been irregular, and as the walls were built the space behind may have been filled in or may not. when they came to build they may have found that there was a cavern or caverns in the rock--nothing is more likely--and they may have left some sort of entrance to these caverns, either as a place of refuge to the garrison if the place were taken, or as a hiding-place. they might have thought it more secure for this purpose than the underground chamber, which was their general hiding-place. at any rate it is possible, and to-morrow i vote that we have a thorough inspection of the walls of the storeroom below this. that would be the most likely place, for near the sea-level the chances of finding caverns would be much greater than higher up." bertie's face brightened as harry proceeded. "it certainly seems possible, harry. of course the other place seemed so much more likely to us that we have never given the side walls a thought. we may find something there after all. i do hope we may, old boy. i cannot believe that after things have gone altogether so well with us, and we have been twice so near finding treasure, that we should fail after all. which side shall we begin on?" "we will have a look at them before we decide, bertie. we have not really examined them since the first day; i really forget what stores we found in the two side-rooms." an examination in the morning showed that the passage near the entrance to the rock on the left-hand side had been used for fuel, that on the other side was filled at the upper end with skins for some distance, and spears and sheaves of arrows were piled against the outer wall along the rest of the distance. "which do you think is the most likely hiding-place?" "i should say the right-hand passage. the other with the fire-wood in it might be visited every day, but the spears and arrows would only be wanted in case of any attacks upon the castle, or to arm a large force going out to give battle there. they would naturally put anything they wanted to hide in the passage less likely to be visited." "that does seem probable," bertie agreed; "therefore, hurrah for the right-hand side!" "i still think, seã±or," dias said, "that there must be treasure concealed somewhere. i should not think a guard would have been placed here, and remained here so many years still keeping watch, as we find they did at that big loophole on the top floor, unless there was something to watch." "quite so, dias. i have thought that over in every way, and i can see no possible motive for their being here except to prevent the place from being examined. that was needless if there was nothing to guard, and nothing to take away, except these silver brackets, which in those days would scarcely have been worth the trouble of getting out and carrying away. there must be treasure somewhere. we know now that it is not in the basement, and we will try these side walls, even if we have to blow half of them in; there is no doubt that the stones are at least as thick as those at the end, but they will not be difficult to manage. i noticed in the upper story that they had not taken the trouble to fit them nearly so accurately as they did those of the outer walls. i don't say that they didn't fit well, but the stones were of irregular sizes, and i have no doubt that in many places we could prize them out with a crowbar. once an opening is made, there will be no difficulty in getting a lot of them out, as the old people did not use cement or mortar. well, to-morrow morning we will move all the spears and arrows across to the other side of that passage and have a good look at the stones, but we will go up first and look at the side walls of all the other rooms and see if they are of the same build. there may be some difference which we have not noticed. you see all the side walls of this room are built like those in front. i didn't notice whether it was the same in the other rooms." "i will look at once," dias said, lighting a torch at the fire. "no, seã±or," he said, when in ten minutes he returned; "none of the walls on this floor are built of stone like this. this was the grand chamber, the stones are all nearly one size, and so well fitted that you can hardly see where they join each other. in the other rooms they are not so, but the stones are, as you noticed above, irregular in size, and although they fit closely, there is no attempt to conceal the cracks." "thank you, dias! well, we won't look any more to-night; we shall see in the morning if the room below us is built in the same way. i have no doubt it is. at any rate we have done enough for to-day. there is some whisky left in that bottle, bertie, and we may as well make ourselves a glass of grog. maria, you had better get down that jar of pulque. we will drink to better luck next time." the woman smiled faintly. she did not often do so now, her spirits had gradually gone down as the hopes of success faded. "now, maria," harry said, "you had better take a glass of pulque for yourself. i know you don't often touch it, but you have been working so of late that i think you want it more than any of us." "i cannot help feeling low-spirited, seã±or," she said. "i have so hoped that you would find the treasure you wanted, and marry this lady you love, and it would be such joy for us to have in some small way repaid the service you rendered us, that i felt quite broken down. i know i ought not to have been, when you and your brother bear the disappointment so bravely." "'it is of no use crying over spilt milk', which is an english saying, maria. besides, it is possible that the milk may not be spilt yet, and until lately your good spirits have helped us greatly to keep ours up. if i were once convinced that we had failed, i have no doubt i should feel hard hit; but i am a long way from giving up hope yet. there is treasure here, and if i have to blow up the whole of the old place i will find it. i have got six months yet, and in six months one can do wonders. anyhow, these brackets will pay us very well for our work. i certainly should not have earned half the sum in any other way in the same time. and even if i fail in my great object, i shall have the satisfaction of knowing that i have done all in my power to gain it. she will know that i have done my best. i have always told her, when i have written, how much i owe to you and dias, how faithfully you have served me, and how you have always been so bright and pleasant. i have no doubt it has cheered her up as well as me." maria was wiping her eyes now. "you are too good, seã±or; it is so little i can do, or dias either, to show our gratitude." "nonsense! you show it in every way, even in the matter-of-fact way of always giving us excellent food, which is by no means unimportant. now we will all turn in, and make a fresh start to-morrow morning." they were up at daybreak, and after taking their usual cup of coffee lit the torches and descended the stairs to the floor below. as soon as they reached the right-hand wall, harry exclaimed: "why, this is built in the same way as the one we have left! the stones are squared and fitted together as closely as those in the drawing-room. then why should that be, except in that one room? the side walls all the way up are roughly built. why should they have taken the trouble on this floor to build these, which are only meant as store-rooms, when even in the rooms above, which were meant for the habitation of the chief and his family, the rough work was deemed sufficiently good? there must have been some motive for this, dias." "there must have been, seã±or; it is certainly strange." "first of all, let us clear the wall and take a general view of it. guessing won't help us; but i have the strongest hopes that behind one of these stones lies a cavern. by the way, dias, take a torch and go into the next chamber and see if the stones are solid there." "they are just the same as those here," dias said when he returned. "i would rather that it had been the other way," harry said, "for then i should have been more sure that there was some special reason for their building them in this way here." it took them all half an hour's work to move the spears and arrows to the other side. "do you think, harry, if we were to tap the stones we should be able to find whether there is a hollow behind any of them?" harry shook his head. "not in the least. i have no doubt these stones are two or three feet thick, and there could be no difference in the sound they would make if struck, whether they were filled in solid behind or had no backing. to begin with, we will make a careful examination of the walls. possibly we shall see some signs of a stone having been moved. it would be very much more difficult to take one of the great blocks out and put it in again than it would be to get up one of the paving-stones." when they had gone about half-way along, examining each stone with the greatest care, bertie, who was ahead of the rest, and passing the candle he held along the edge of every joint, said, "look here! this stone projects nearly half an inch beyond the rest." the others gathered round him. the stone was of unusual size, being fully two and a half feet wide and four feet long, the bottom joint being two feet above the floor. bertie moved along to let the others look at the edge. he was keeping his finger on the joint, and they had scarcely come up when he said, "the other end of the stone's sunk in about as much as this end projects." "something certainly occurred to shift this stone a little," harry said, examining it carefully. "it is curious. if others had been displaced, one would have put it down to the shock of an earthquake--a common enough occurrence here--but both above and below it the stones are level with the others, and nowhere about the house have we seen such another displacement. look! there is a heap of rubbish along the foot of the wall here. stir it up, dias, and let us see what it is." "it is sand and small stones, and some chips that look like chips of rock." "yes, these bits look, as you say, as if they had been chipped off a rock, not like water-worn stones. though how they got here, where everywhere else things are perfectly tidy, i cannot say. however, we can think that over afterwards. now for the stone! let us all put our weight against this projecting end. i don't in the least expect that we can move it, but at any rate we can try." they all pushed together. "i think it moved a little," harry said, and looked at the edge. "yes, it is not above half as far out now as it was." "that is curious, for if it is as thick as we took it to be, it would weigh at least a couple of tons. we won't try to push it in any farther. i am sorry we pushed it at all. now, give me that heavy sledge, josã©, possibly there may be a hollow sound to it. i will hit at the other end, for i don't want this to go in any farther." he went to the stone beyond it first and struck two or three blows with all his strength. then he did the same with the stone that they were examining. "i don't think it gives such a dead sound," he said. the others were all of the same opinion. "good! this is another piece of luck," he said. "we have certainly hit on something out of the way." "your hammering has brought this end out again, harry," bertie said. "so it has, and it has pushed this end in a little. let us try again." but although all took turns with the sledges, they could make no further impression on the stone. "well, we will try the drills," harry said. "in the first place, we will find out how thick it is." they at once set to work with the drill. progress was slower than it had been before, because, instead of striking down on the head of the drill, they had now to swing the hammer sideways and lost the advantage of its weight; and they were obliged to work very carefully, as a miss would have seriously damaged the one holding the drill. it took them four hours' steady work to get the hole in three inches. ten minutes later, to their astonishment, the drill suddenly disappeared. dias, who was striking, nearly fell, for instead of the resistance he had expected, the drill shot forward; the hammer hit josã©, who had this time been holding the drill, a heavy blow on the arm, causing him to utter a shout of pain. harry, who was sitting down having breakfast, having just handed his hammer to bertie, jumped to his feet. "how did you manage that, dias? i suppose it slipped off the head. you must have hit josã© a very heavy blow." "i have hit him a heavy blow, seã±or, and nearly tumbled down myself; but i struck the drill fairly enough, and it has gone." "gone where, dias?" "i think it must have gone right through the hole, seã±or." "then there is an empty space behind!" harry shouted joyfully. "however," he went on in changed tones, "we must see to josã© first. that blow may have fractured his arm. let me look, josã©. no, i don't think anything is broken, but there is a nasty cut on the wrist. it is fortunate that you were not striking straight down, dias, for i am sure we have not put anything approaching the strength into our blows, now we are hitting sideways, that we exerted before. you had better go up to maria, josã©, and get her to bathe your wrist with cold water, and put on a bandage." "now, seã±or, what shall we do next?" "well, now that we know that its weight cannot be anything very great, and that certainly to some extent it can be moved, we will try hammering again at that end. do you stand three or four feet beyond it, so as to be able to bring your sledge down with all your strength just on the lower corner. i will face you and strike six or eight inches above where you hit. of course we must both bring our hammers down at the same instant. we shall be able to do that after two or three trials. stand at the other end of the stone, bertie, and tell us if it moves at all." after one or two attempts the two men got to swing their hammers so as to strike precisely at the same moment, and when half a dozen blows had fallen, bertie said: "it comes out a little at each blow. it is not much, but it comes." three or four minutes later he reported, "it is an inch and a half out now, and there is room to get the end of a crowbar in here." "that is curious," harry said as he lowered his sledgehammer, and, taking up the candle, examined the end where he had been striking. "this is sunk about the same distance, bertie. the stone must work somehow on a pivot." they now put a crowbar into the end bertie had been watching, and all three threw their weight on the lever. slowly the stone yielded to the pressure, and moved farther and farther out. it was pushed open until the crowbar could act no longer as a lever, but they could now get a hold of the inside edge. it was only very slowly and with repeated efforts that they could turn the stone round, and at last it stood fairly at right angles to the wall, dividing the opening into equal parts about two feet four each. "there is a pivot under it; that is quite evident. it may be a copper ball in the stone below, or it may be that a knob of the upper stone projects into a hole in the lower. however, it does not matter how it works. here is an opening into something. dias, will you go upstairs and tell your wife and josã© to come down? they had better bring half a dozen more torches. our stock here is getting low, and we shall want as much light as possible. it is only fair that we should all share in the discovery." dias went off. "now, bertie, we must not let our hopes grow too high. i think it is more likely than not that we shall find nothing here." "why do you think so, harry? i made sure we had as good as got the treasure." "i think, if there had been treasure," harry went on, "that this stone would have been closed with the greatest care. they would hardly have left it so carelessly closed that anyone who examined the wall would have noticed it, just as we did. we found the other places most carefully closed, though there was nothing in them." "perhaps there was something that prevented them from shutting--a little stone or something." "but we know that that wasn't so, bertie, because the stone yielded to our weight; and if it did so now, it could have been shut with the greatest ease originally, when no doubt the pivot was kept oiled, and the whole worked perfectly smoothly. it is almost certain that they were able in some way to fasten it securely when it was shut. what is that piece of square stone lying there?" "it fell down from above just as the slab opened." harry took it up. it was about six inches long by two inches square. "it is a very hard stone," he said--"granite, i should say. i expect you will find that it fits into a hole in the stone above." "yes, there is a hole here," bertie said, feeling it; "the stone goes right in." "well, i think, bertie, you will find a hole in that end of the stone we moved that it will fit." bertie crept in, and felt along the top of the stone. "yes, there is a hole here about the same size as the stone, but it is not more than three inches deep." "then, that stone was the bolt, bertie. you see it was pushed up, and the door then closed; and when the stone was exactly in its place, it would drop into the hole and keep it from moving, and nothing short of breaking up the bolt would give an entrance. it is lucky that we did not push it quite to; another quarter of an inch and that bolt would have fallen, and we could not have moved it unless by smashing the whole thing into bits. that was why they did not quite close the stone; they wanted to get in again." "here come the others!" maria had been washing some clothes in the stream, and they had therefore been longer in coming than if she had been in the room. they all looked greatly excited. "so you have found it, seã±or!" dias exclaimed in delight. "we have found an entrance into somewhere, but i am afraid it will be as empty as the other chambers." "why do you think so, seã±or?" dias asked in dismay. harry repeated the reasons he had given bertie for his belief that the stone must have been left in such a position as to be easily opened when required. "why should it have been left so?" "because the treasure they expected had never arrived. it is possible that when the incas discovered the treasure in that chamber we searched, they may also have found this entrance. it may have been shown to them by one of the prisoners, and they may have broken the stone here into pieces as they broke that over the chamber afterwards. seeing what a splendid hiding-place it was, they may have, when the spaniards first arrived, made another stone to fit, with the intention of using it for a hiding-place themselves. the fact that the stone was left so that it could be at once opened is conclusive proof to my mind that the treasure never came. that heap of sand, small stones, and chips of rock is another proof that they were ready to receive treasure, and it was probably swept out of the chamber that is behind here, and would, of course, have been removed when the treasure was put in and the door closed; but as the treasure never did come, it was left where it lay. however, we will now go and see. i have only kept you waiting because i did not want you to be disappointed." one by one they crept through the opening. for four feet in, the passage was the same width as the stone, but two feet deeper; then it at once opened into a large cavern. "this wall was four feet thick, you see, dias. apparently squared stone was only used for the facing, as the stones are of irregular shape on the back. this would be a natural cavern, and a splendid hiding-place it makes. no doubt its existence was one of the reasons for building this castle." the cavern was some twelve feet wide and thirty feet high at the mouth; the floor sloped up sharply, and the sides contracted, and met forty feet from the mouth. the floor had been cut into steps two feet wide, running across the cave and extending to the back. these steps were faced with a perfectly flat slab of stone. the cave was empty. the natives uttered loud exclamations of disappointment and regret. harry had so thoroughly made up his mind that nothing would be found there that he surveyed the place calmly and in silence. bertie imitated his example with some difficulty, for he too was bitterly disappointed. "you see, dias," harry went on quietly, "this place was prepared to receive treasure. the steps have all been swept perfectly clean. you see, the gold could be piled up, and no doubt the steps were cut and faced with stone to prevent any gold-dust that might fall from the bags, in which, no doubt, it would be brought, and small nuggets, from falling into the cracks and crevices of the rock. i should say that in all probability they expected that treasure ship that was lost, and had everything in readiness for hiding the cargo here directly it came. it never did come. the door was shut as far as it could be without the bolt falling down and fastening it; then they waited for the ship; and if it did not arrive, other treasure might be brought by land. well, it cannot be helped. so far we have failed. there may still be treasure hidden somewhere. we cannot say that we have searched the place thoroughly yet." for another six weeks they worked hard. the wall was broken through in several places, but no signs of the existence of any other cavern or hiding-place was discovered. "i should give it up," harry said, when at the end of that time they were sitting gloomily round the fire, "but for one thing: i can see no possible explanation why a party of men should have been left here, and a guard kept, for perhaps a hundred years, perhaps more, and the stories about demons been circulated, and people who ventured to approach been murdered, unless there had been some good reason for it. that reason could only have been, as far as i can see, that there was a treasure hidden here. i have turned it over and over in my mind a thousand times, and i can think of no other reason. can you, bertie, or you, dias?" "no," bertie replied. "i have often thought about it; but, as you say, there must have been some good reason, for no people in their senses would have spent their lives in this old place, and starved here, unless they had some cause for it." dias made no reply beyond shaking his head. "you see," harry went on, "they kept up their watch to the end. there were those two skeletons of men who had died at their post at that curious window where nothing could be seen. i hate to give up the search, and yet we seem to have tried every point where there was a possibility of a hiding-place existing." chapter xix the treasure the next morning harry said: "i will go upstairs to that look-out place again. i have been up there pretty nearly every day, and stared down. i can't get it out of my mind that the key of the mystery lies there, and that that hole was made for some other purpose than merely throwing stones out on to any of those who might go in behind the rocks. i have puzzled and worried over it." "shall i come up with you, harry?" "no, i would rather you didn't. i will go up by myself and spend the morning there; some idea may occur to me. you may as well all have a quiet day of it." he lit his pipe and went upstairs. josã© went off to the mules, and bertie descended the ladder, and strolled round what they called the courtyard, looking for eggs among the rocks and in the tufts of grass growing higher up. dias scattered a few handfuls of maize to the chickens and then assisted maria to catch two of them; after which he descended the ladder and sat down gloomily upon a stone. he had become more and more depressed in spirits as the search became daily more hopeless; and although he worked as hard as anyone, he seldom spoke, while harry and his brother often joked, and showed no outward signs of disappointment. an hour passed, and then harry appeared suddenly at the window. "bertie, dias, come up at once, i have an idea!" they ran to the ladder and climbed up. the excitement with which he spoke showed that the idea was an important one. "now, dias," he broke out as they joined him, "we know, don't we, that a part of the incas' treasure was sent off by boat, and the belief of the indians was that it was never heard of again." "that is so, seã±or. there was certainly a storm the day after it started, and, as i have told you, it was never heard of again. had it been, a report of it would surely have come down." "i believe, dias, that the boat was dashed to pieces against that line of rocks outside the entrance to the passage. we have reason to believe that the people here were expecting the treasure to arrive, and had the entrance to the cave in readiness to receive it. certainly no better place could have been chosen for concealment. the boat may have been coming here when the storm broke and drove them towards the shore. they probably attempted to gain the mouth of the cove, but missed it, and were dashed to pieces against the rocks. the indians on guard here no doubt saw it, and would be sure that the heavy sacks or boxes containing the gold would sink to the bottom. they would lie perfectly secure there, even more secure than if they had been removed and placed in the cave, and could always be recovered when the spaniards left, so they were content to leave them there. still, they obeyed the orders they had received to keep watch for ever over the treasure, and to do so knocked that strange hole through the wall and always kept two men on guard there. "so it must have gone on. they and those who succeeded them never wavered. doubtless they received food from their friends outside, or some of them went out, as you have done, to fetch it in. then came a time when, for some reason or other--doubtless, as i supposed before, when the spaniards swept pretty nearly all the natives up to work in the mines, and they themselves dared not issue out--the attempt to get food was made, when too late, by the men whose skeletons we found on the steps when we first came here; and the rest were all too feeble to repeat the experiment, and died--the two sentinels at their post, the rest in the room where we found them." "hurrah!" bertie shouted, "i have no doubt you have hit it, harry. i believe, after all, that we are going to find it. that is splendid! i shall dance at your wedding, harry, which i had begun to think i never should do." "don't be a young ass, bertie. it is only an idea, and we have had several ideas before, but nothing has come of them." "something is going to come of this, i am convinced; i would bet any money on it. well, shall we go and have a trial at once?" "what do you think, dias?" harry said, paying no attention to bertie's last remark. "i think it is quite possible, seã±or. certainly, if the indians had been told to guard the treasure, they would do so always. you know how they kept the secrets entrusted to them whatever tortures they were put to. if the gold had been, as you say, lost amongst the rocks, i do think they would have still watched the place. i thought it strange that they should have made that hole, but when you said that they might have made it to throw stones down it seemed to me to be likely enough; but the other suggestion is more probable. well, seã±or, i am ready to try it, but i am not a very good swimmer." "my brother and i are both good swimmers, and we will do that part of the work. the hardest part will be getting it up, and you will be able to give us your help at that." "well, let us be off," bertie said; "i am all on thorns to begin. we shall soon find it out. if it is there, it is almost certain to be at the foot of the rocks, though, of course, it is possible that the boat sank before striking them. at any rate, i feel sure she went down somewhere within the area that can be seen through that hole. it won't take many days' diving to search every yard of the bottom." they hastily descended the ladder, and, divesting themselves of their clothes, swam out through the opening. dias climbed up on the rocks, the others swam round by the ends of the barrier. the water was so warm that they would be able to remain in it for any time without inconvenience. "we need not begin here, bertie; we are outside the line of sight. from that hole i could not see the end of these rocks. we will start at the middle, and work in opposite directions." on arriving off the centre of the wall both dived. the depth was about twelve feet, and as the water was perfectly clear, harry could see four or five feet round him. he was obliged to swim carefully, for the bottom was covered with rocks, for the most part rounded by the action of the sea. for an hour he continued his search, by which time he had reached nearly the end of the line of rocks. then he landed on a ledge of rock and sat down, calling to bertie to join him. "we will rest for a quarter of an hour," he said, "and then begin again. this time we will keep twenty or thirty feet farther out; it is more likely to be there than close in. if the boat struck, the next wave would sweep over her, and she would probably go down stern first, and her cargo would fall out that way." after their rest they started again, swam out a few strokes, and then dived. harry had gone down five or six times, when, on his coming to the surface, he heard a shout, and saw bertie swimming towards him. "i have found them, harry! there are a number of ingots, but they were so heavy that i could not bring one of them to the surface." as harry reached him the lad turned round and swam back. "there they are, just opposite that cleft in the rock! i looked directly i came up so as to know the exact spot." harry trod water for half a minute, then took a long breath and dived. it was as bertie had said. scattered among the rocks were a score of ingots. they had lost their brilliancy, but shone with a dull copperish hue, with bright gleams here and there where rocks had grated against them. putting one hand on a block of rock he lifted one of them with the other. "about twenty pounds," he said to himself. "thank god, hilda is as good as won!" then he rose to the surface. "shake hands, bertie; there is enough there to make us all rich for life. now we will get back again. we have to think matters over, and see how they are to be got ashore. there is no hurry; they have lain there for three hundred years, and would lie there as much longer if we did not take them. we have found them, dias!" he shouted; and the latter gave a yell of delight. "swim ashore, and we will join you there." not another word was spoken until they had dressed and walked out. "i am too excited even to think," harry broke out. "it is time for dinner. when we have had that and smoked a pipe i shall be able to talk calmly over it." maria was wild with delight at the news, and laughed and cried by turns. even josã©, who was accustomed to take all things quietly, was almost as excited. the woman was only called to herself when harry said, laughing, "maria, for the first time since we started from lima, you are letting the dinner burn." "to think of it!" she cried. "it is your fault, seã±or; you should not have told me about it till we sat down." "you won't have to cook much longer, maria. you will be able now to have a servant, and a house as big as you like, and a beautiful garden." "i should not like that, seã±or; what should i do all day with myself?" "i am glad, seã±or, glad for your sake," dias said gravely. "to us it will make no difference. you said there was enough there to make us rich. assuredly that is so; but not one peso of it will we touch. no man with indian blood in his veins, not even the poorest in peru, would have aught to do with an ounce of the incas' treasures. when they were buried, a curse was laid upon any who betrayed their hiding-place or who ever touched the gold. it has brought a curse upon spain. at the time the spaniards landed here they were a great nation. now their glory has departed; they no longer own the land they tyrannized over for three hundred years, and we have heard that their power in europe has altogether gone. it must be the curse of the gold, or they would never have allowed your great englishman, cochrane, with but two or three ships, to conquer them here. my mind is easy as to the finding of the treasure. you came here in spite of my prayers that you would not do so. it is you who have made the discovery, not me. but i will take no share in the gold. from the day i took it i should be a cursed man; my flesh would melt away, i should suffer tortures, and should die a miserable death." "well, dias, i will not try to persuade you. i know that, christian though you be, your native belief still clings to you, and i will not argue against it; but i have money of my own, and from that i will give you enough to make you comfortable for life, and that you can take without feeling that you have incurred any curse from the finding of this treasure." "i thank you heartily," dias said gratefully; "i thank you with all my heart. i have ever been a wanderer, and now i will gladly settle down. i do not desire wealth, but enough to live on in comfort with my wife, and only to travel when it pleases me." "you shall have enough for that and more, dias." after some more meat had been cooked and eaten, and he had smoked a pipe, harry said: "a boat would, of course, be the best thing, but there are difficulties connected with it. there is no spot, as far as i know, where we could land for fifteen miles on either side, and there would only be small villages where everything we did would be seen and talked about. there is no place where we could keep a boat here, for if even a slight breeze sprang up the swell coming in round the passage between the rocks and the cliff would smash her up in no time." "that is so, seã±or." harry was silent again for some time, and then said: "the only plan i can think of is to get some strong leather bags. then we could take one down with us when we dive, with a strong cord tied to it, put a couple of the ingots into it, and you could haul it up on to the rocks, and so on until we have finished a day's work. then we could carry them to this side of the rocks; there you could put them, three or four at a time, into the bag, and drop them down in the water. we would swim up the tunnel and haul them in, and then bring the bag back again. we sha'n't be able to get anything approaching all the ingots, for a great many of them must have gone in between the crevices of the rocks, and unless we broke it up with powder, which would be next to impossible without a diving-dress and air-pumps and all sorts of things, which cannot be bought in this country, we could not get at them. however, we have only just begun to look for them yet; we may come across a pile. heavy as the sea must be on this coast in a gale, i hardly think it would much affect a pile of ingots; their weight would keep them steady even were big rocks rolled about. "i think the best thing, dias, would be for you to go off with two or three mules. we shall soon be running short of provisions, and you had better get enough flour and dried meat to last us for a month. i don't suppose we shall be as long as that, but it is as well to have a good store so as not to have to make the journey again. then you had better get twenty leather bags, such as those in which they bring the ore down from the mountains. we have plenty of stout rope, but we shall want some thin cord for tying the necks of the bags. you may as well bring another keg of spirits, brandy if you can get it, a bag of coffee, and some sugar, and anything else you think of. now i am a millionaire we can afford to be comfortable. by the way, we might as well this afternoon get the rest of those silver brackets out. these are not a part of the incas' treasure, and you can take them as your share without fear of the curse. it would be best for you to smelt them down; i know all of you natives can do that." "do you think that they are not part of the incas' treasure, seã±or?" dias said doubtfully. "certainly not; they were undoubtedly here before the incas' time. but even had they been put there by incas, you could not call them hidden treasure. they might be part of the incas' property, but certainly not part of the treasures they hid." "but it is altogether too much, seã±or; it is noble of you to offer it me." "not at all; we owe everything we find to you, and it would be only fair that you should have at least a third of the gold. but still, if you won't touch that, you must take the silver." "but i heard you say that it was worth four thousand pounds." "well, if we are lucky we shall get twenty times as much, dias." "certainly we will take it, seã±or, and grateful we shall both be to you," maria said; "and so will josã©, who will inherit it all some day, as he is the only relative we have. i agree with dias about the gold. i have heard so often about the curse on it that i should be afraid." "well, maria, you see there is a lot of nonsense in all your superstitions. you know it was one of them that this place was guarded by demons. now you have seen for yourself that it was all humbug. if you are afraid about the silver, i will take it to england and sell it there and send you the money it fetches; but that would give a great deal of trouble. it will be difficult to get the gold safely away, without being bothered with all this silver. "you had better buy some bags of charcoal, dias. i suppose you will use that small hearth we have?" "no, seã±or, it would take an immense time to do it in that. i will load one of the mules with hard bricks." "you will want two mules to carry a hundred, dias--i think they weigh about four pounds and a half each. will that be enough?" "plenty, seã±or; but i shall want another bellows. josã© and i can work the two of them, and that will make a great heat. we can melt two or three hundred pounds a day. i have helped to make many a furnace up in the mountains, and i know very well all about the way to build and work them." "very well, then, that is settled. you had better start to-morrow morning with josã©, and we will spend the day in finding out a little more about the gold." dias started the next morning, and the two brothers were in the water most of the day. harry found, as he had expected, that a great deal of the treasure had sunk out of reach between the rocks; but he came upon one pile, which had apparently been originally packed in sacks or skins, lying in a heap a little farther out than they had before searched. he had no doubt that this was the point where the stern of the boat had sunk, and a considerable portion of the contents had been shot out, while the rest had been scattered about as the boat broke up, and as the skins rotted their contents had fallen between the rocks. there were, as nearly as he could calculate, two hundred and fifty to three hundred ingots in the pile. "i need not trouble about the rest," he laughed to himself. "each ingot, if it weighs twenty pounds, is worth a thousand. two hundred of them would make me as rich as any man can want to be. i can hardly believe in my luck; it is stupendous. fancy a half-pay lieutenant with two hundred thousand pounds! old fortescue will become one of the most complaisant of fathers-in-law." the evening before dias left, harry had written a letter for him to post at callao, telling hilda to keep up a brave heart, for that he hoped to be at home before the end of the second year with money enough to satisfy her father. "i should not tell you so unless i felt certain of what i am saying. i told you before i left that it was almost a forlorn hope that i was undertaking, and that the chances were ten thousand to one against me. i think now that the one chance has turned up, and i hope to be home within two months of the time that you receive this letter." he did not say more; but even now he could scarcely believe that the good fortune had befallen him, and feared that some unlucky fate might interfere between him and the fulfilment of his hopes. when dias returned after two days' absence the work began. each morning they worked together at bringing up the gold and piling the ingots on the rock. it was slower work than harry had expected, for on hauling the bag to the rocks it was often caught by the boulders, and he and bertie sometimes had to dive four or five times before they could free it and get it ashore. the gold was piled in the tunnel just beyond the water. in a fortnight the last ingot they could get at was stored with its fellows--two hundred and eighty-two in all. they had repeatedly talked over the best plan of getting the gold away, and finally concluded that it would be risking too much to take it into a town, and that the best plan would be for harry to buy a boat at callao, which, as a naval officer, would be natural enough. they decided to procure three times as many bags as the ingots would really require, and that they should put in each bag three ingots only, filling it up with pieces of stone, so that the weight should not exceed what it would have been were the contents heavy ore. harry arranged that he would go down to callao, buy a large boat, and after having made several excursions, to accustom the officials at callao to seeing him going about, he would make a bargain with the captains of two ships about to sail to england, to carry about two tons each of ore, which he could put on board them after dark, so as to avoid the extortion he would have to submit to before the port officials and others would allow him to ship it. the question that puzzled them most was the best way of taking the bags into the boat. dias was in favour of their being carried on the mules to a point lower down the coast, at which they could be loaded into the boat. "it would be only necessary to carry the gold," he said, "the stones to fill the bags could be put in there." the objection to this was that they might be observed at work, and that at most points it would be difficult both to run the boat up and to get her off again through the rollers. if the boat were brought round into the inlet she could be loaded there comfortably. the only fear was of being caught in a gale. but as gales were by no means frequent the risk was small; and should a sudden storm come on when she was lying there, and she were broken up, it would be easy to recover the gold from the shallow water behind the rocks. this was therefore settled. only half the treasure was to be taken away at once, and not till this had been got on board a ship and the vessel had sailed would the boat come back for the rest of their treasure. dias was at once to start with the mules and carry the silver, in two journeys, to a safe place among the mountains. there he could bury it in three or four hiding-places, to be fetched out as he might require it, only taking some fifty pounds to lima. here he was to dispose of a portion of it to one of the dealers who made it his business to buy up silver from the natives. as many of these worked small mines, and sent down the produce once a month to lima, there would be nothing suspicious in its being offered for sale, especially as it would be known that dias had been away for a very long time among the mountains. it was necessary that the sale should be effected at once, because harry's stock of money was running very low, and he would have to pay for the passages of bertie and himself to england, and for the freight of the gold. dias was to dispose later on of all the remaining stores, the powder and tools, and the three riding mules. two days later the last of the silver brackets had been melted, and dias and harry started with the eight mules, six of them being laden with the silver. they struck back at once into the hills, and after travelling for two days, ascended a wild gorge. "it is not once a year that anyone would come up here, seã±or. there is no way out of it. we can bury the silver here with a certainty that it will be safe from disturbance." "yes, it will be safe here; and as you want it you have only to make a journey with a couple of mules to fetch as much as you require, carry it home, and bury it in your garden or under the house; then you could from time to time take a few ingots into the town and dispose of them. but to begin with, i will borrow fifty pounds weight of it, and get you to dispose of it for me at lima. my money is beginning to run short. i shall have to pay for the freight of the gold and my own passage home, and to buy a boat large enough to carry half the treasure. it is not likely that there will be two vessels sailing at the same time, in which case i shall make two trips. as i should not put it on board until the night before the ship sailed, of course i could go home with the second lot." "i shall never know what to do with a tenth part of this silver, seã±or. it would never do for me to make a show of being rich; the authorities would seize me, and perhaps torture me to make me reveal the source of my wealth." "well, there are thousands of your countrymen in the deepest poverty, dias; you could secretly help those in distress; a single ingot, ten pounds in weight, would be a fortune to them. and when you die you might get a respectable lawyer to make out a will, leaving your treasure to some charity for the benefit of indians, giving, of course, instructions where the treasure is to be found." "that is good," dias said. "thank you, seã±or! that will make me very happy." they had brought a pick and shovel with them, and, dividing the bags, buried them at some distance apart, rolling stones to cover up the hiding-places, and obliterating any signs of the ground having been disturbed. a hundred pounds were left out, and with this in their saddle-bags they arrived at lima two days later. harry went on alone into callao. he had no difficulty in purchasing a ship's boat in fair condition. she carried two lug-sails, and was amply large enough for the purpose for which she was required, being nearly thirty feet long with a beam of six feet. he got her cheaply, for the ship to which she belonged had been wrecked some distance along the coast, and a portion of the crew had launched her and made their way to callao; the mate, who was the sole surviving officer, was glad to accept the ten pounds harry offered for her, as this would enable the crew to exist until they could obtain a passage home, or ship on board some british vessel short of hands. the boat was too large to be worked by one man, and seeing that the mate was an honest and intelligent fellow, harry arranged with him to aid him to sail the boat, and each day they went out for some hours. after spending a week in apparent idleness, and getting to know more of the man, harry told him that he had really bought the boat for the purpose of getting some ore he had discovered on board a ship homeward-bound. "you know what these peruvians are," he said, "and how jealous they are of our getting hold of mines, so i have got to do the thing quietly, and the only way will be to take the ore off by night. it is on a spot some eighty miles along the coast. i am going off tomorrow to get it ready for embarkation, and i shall be away about a week. i find that the _london_ will leave in ten days, and i shall get it put on board the night before she sails. while i am away, look after the boat. the _nancy_ will sail five days later. i am going to put half on board each ship, as i am anxious to ensure that some at least of the ore shall reach home, so as to be analysed, and see if it is as rich as i hope. but be sure not to mention a word of this to a soul. i should have immense trouble with the authorities if it got about that i had discovered a mine." "i understand, sir. you may be quite sure i shall say nothing about it." "how are your men getting on?" "four are shipped on board the _esmerelda_, which sailed yesterday, the others are hanging on till they can get berths. i hope a few will be able to go in the two ships you name, but they haven't applied at present. some of the crew may desert before the time for sailing comes, and of course they would get better paid if they went as part of the crew than if they merely worked their passage home." "i am sorry for them," harry said. "here is another five pounds to help them to hold on. as an old naval officer i can feel for men in such a place." dias, after selling the silver, had, a week before, returned with the mules to the castle, and on his arrival there had sent josã© to join harry and bring news to them of the day on which the boat would arrive. dias and bertie were packing half the bags, of which the former took with him an ample supply, to get the gold out on the rocks facing the entrance, so that they could be shipped without delay. great pains were taken in packing the bags so that the three ingots placed in each should be completely surrounded by stones. anyone who might take a fancy to feel them, in order to ascertain their contents, would have no reason to suppose that they carried anything beyond the ore they were stated to contain. harry had had no difficulty in arranging with the captain of the london to take from a ton and a half to two tons of ore the night before he sailed, and three days before this harry started with the mate. there was but a light breeze, and it was daylight next morning before they arrived. a pole had been stuck up at the edge of the cliff just above the cavern, and as it became dark a lantern was also placed there, so they had no trouble in finding the entrance of the little cove. "it is a rum-looking place, sir," the man said. "as far as i can see there is no break in the cliffs." "it is a curious place, but you will find the bags with the ore on the rocks inside here ready for us, and my brother and one of my men waiting there. they will have made us out an hour ago, so we can load up at once and get out of this tiny creek. i don't want to stay in there any longer than is necessary, for if there is anything of a swell we could not get out again." as they approached the place harry gave a shout, which was at once answered. the sails were lowered, and the boat passed round the edge of the rocks. "it is a rum place," the mate repeated. "why, one might have rowed past here fifty times without thinking there was water inside the rocks. of course you must have lowered the sacks down from the top?" "it was a difficult job," harry said carelessly; "but we were anxious to get the things away quietly. if we had taken them down to the port we should have had no end of bother, and a hundred men would have set off at once to try and find out where we got the ore." bertie and dias had everything ready, and as the boat drew up alongside the rocks on which they were standing the former said, "everything all right, harry?" "yes, i hope so. we are to put the ore on board the _london_ to-morrow after dark; she will get up her anchor at daylight. you have got all the bags ready, i hope?" "everything; the others will be ready for you when you come back for them." "the next ship sails in about a week. now, let us get them on board at once, i don't want to stop in here a minute longer than is necessary. there is scarcely a breath of wind now; if it doesn't blow up a bit in the morning, we shall have a long row before us to get there in time. this is my brother, owen; the other is a mule-driver, who has been my guide and companion for the past year, and whom i am proud to call my friend." "you don't want anything in the way of food, do you?" bertie asked. "we have got some here," harry laughed. "i am too old a sailor to put to sea without having provisions in my craft. now, let us get the bags on board." it did not take them long to transfer the sacks into the boat. "they are pretty heavy," the mate said, "i should say a hundredweight each." "about that," harry said carelessly. "this ore stuff is very heavy." as soon as all was on board harry said: "now we can put out at any moment, but i don't want to leave till dark. we may as well begin to get the rest of the bags out here at once. we might finish that job before we start. then you could come down with us, bertie, and dias could pack up the remaining stores to-morrow and start for lima with the mules, and his wife and josã©. "very well, harry. i think we can leave the sacks here safely." "just as safely as if they were ashore. so far as we know no one has been in here for the past two hundred years, and no one is likely to come in the next week." by evening all the work was done. the mate had been greatly surprised at the manner in which the bags had been brought on board, but had helped in the work and asked no questions. as soon as it was dark they rowed out from the cove. there was not a breath of wind. bertie volunteered to take the first watch, the mate was to take the next. harry was not sorry to turn in. he had had but little sleep for the past week. everything had seemed to be going well, but at any moment there might be some hitch in the arrangements, and he had been anxious and excited. wrapping himself in his poncho he lay down in the stern of the boat and slept soundly until morning. "i have had a sleep," he said on waking. "i have slept longer to-night than i have done for the past fortnight. now i will take the helm. how fast have we been moving?" "we have not gone many miles, and if what tide there is hadn't been with us we should not have moved at all, for the sails have not been full all night. a breeze only sprang up an hour ago, and we are not moving through the water now at more than a knot and a half; but i think it is freshening." "i hope it is," harry said. "it is not often that we have a dead calm; but if it doesn't spring up we shall have to row. with two tons and a half of stuff on board it is as much as we can do to move two knots an hour through the water." "all right, sir! when you think it is time to begin, stir me up." in half an hour the breeze had increased so much that the boat was running along three knots an hour. by eight o'clock she was doing a knot better. so she ran along till, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the wind died away again, and they could just see the masts of the ships at callao in the distance. "i should think that we are about fifteen miles off," harry said. "about that," bertie replied. "we had better get our oars and help her along, she is not going much more than a knot through the water an hour." they got out the oars and set to work. occasionally a puff of wind gave them a little assistance, but it was one o'clock before they arrived alongside the _london_. a lamp was alight at the gangway as arranged, and two sailors were on watch. "the captain turned in an hour ago, sir," one of them said. "he left orders that the mate was to call him if you arrived. we will soon have him up." in five minutes the mate and four other sailors were on deck. "we have got a whip rigged in readiness," the officer said. "how much do the packages weigh, sir?" "they are leathern bags, and weigh about a hundredweight each." "how many are there?" "forty-six." "we have got the fore-hatch open, and can hand them down in no time. if you will pass the boat along to the chains forward we shall be ready for you. shall i send a couple of hands down into the boat to hook them on?" "no, you needn't do that." as soon as the boat reached her station a rope with a couple of small chains attached descended. one of the chains was fastened round a bag, and this was at once run up. by the time the rope came down again the other chain was passed round another bag, and in a quarter of an hour the whole were on board and down in the hold. the captain had now come out. "so you have got them off all right, mr. prendergast?" "yes. there are forty-six bags. we will say, roughly, two ton and a half; though i doubt whether there is as much as that. at any rate, i will pay you for the freight agreed upon at once. they have all got labels on them, and on your arrival, after being handed into store, are to remain till called for. i am coming on in the _nancy_. i do not know whether she is faster than you are or not. at any rate, she is not likely to be long behind you." "i think that possibly you will be home first, sir; the _nancy_ made the voyage out here a fortnight quicker than we did; but it depends, of course, on what weather we meet with. i was on board her this afternoon, and her captain and i made a bet of five pounds each as to which would be in the port of london first. i shall have the anchor up by daylight. now, gentlemen, will you come down into the cabin and we will take a glass together." harry did so, and after emptying a tumbler and wishing the captain a quick and pleasant voyage, he got into the boat and rowed two or three miles along the shore, as a landing at that time of night might cause questions to be asked; and then they lay down and slept by turns until morning broke. a light breeze then sprang up, and hoisting sail they returned to callao. the _london_ was already far out at sea. chapter xx home two days later, dias, josã©, and maria arrived at callao, having left the mules at lima. "was it got off all right, seã±or?" dias asked. "yes. it was a pretty near touch, for we had to row nine hours, and only saved our time by an hour." "and when will you start again?" "the _nancy_ sails in four days, so i shall go down tomorrow morning. i don't want to run the risk again of losing the boat." "well, we shall be stronger handed," bertie said. "of course i shall go down with you; dias says he will too; so we will be able to man four oars, if necessary." "what have you done with the goods?" harry asked. "i sold them all at lima, seã±or, to the man i got them from. he took off a third of the price, and said he could not have taken them if it had not been that he had just got an order down from the cerro mines, and was short of some of the things they had ordered." "that is all right, dias." harry secured two rooms at the hotel, and they all sat talking far into the night. "i hope you will get your silver down as comfortably as we have got the gold." "i have no fear about doing that, seã±or. the difficulty will be for me to know what to do with it. i can never spend so much." "oh, nonsense, dias!" "i mean it, seã±or. maria and i are quite agreed that we don't want any larger house than we have got; and i know that if we did want a big one, there would be all sorts of questions as to where i had got the money from." "there would be no difficulty in answering that, dias. you told me how your friend found five mule-loads of silver in the bats' cave. you have only got to say that you found yours hidden away, which would be the truth. josã© is nineteen now, and you will want to provide him with some good mules, and to put by some money for him when he wants to marry and settle. i know you spoke very highly of an institution at lima for the orphans of natives. you can hand them over some, and when you and maria don't want it any longer you can leave them the rest." maria cried bitterly in the morning when they said goodbye. "i shall love you and pray for you always, seã±ors," she sobbed. "i shall never forget all your kindness." "we owe you more than you owe us," harry said. "you have always been ready to do everything, and you have kept us alive with your merry talk and good spirits. you may be very sure that we shall never forget you." josã© was almost equally affected. "you will never come back, seã±or," he said, as the tears rolled down his cheeks. "i may some day, josã©. i think it likely that i shall some day get up a company to drain that lake in the golden valley. the gold will be more useful as money than lying there. it must depend partly upon whether the country is settled. people will not put money into peru as long as you are always fighting here." maria and josã© would have accompanied them down to the boat the next morning, but dias pointed out to them that they were apparently only going out for a day's sail, and that if there were any partings on the shore it would at once attract the suspicions of the customs-house officials there. accordingly, after a painful farewell, dias and the two brothers went down to the boat, where the mate was already awaiting them. the voyage was as successful as the previous one had been. on the return journey the wind held, and they arrived alongside of the _nancy_ by eleven o'clock; the bags were all safely in the hold by midnight. the first mate of the ship had two days before been taken with fever and sent ashore, and the captain had gladly accepted the offer of harry's assistant to take the berth of second mate, that officer having succeeded to the post of the first. harry had told him that he could sell the boat, and he had, before starting on the trip, done so, on the understanding that it would be found on the beach in charge of dias when the _nancy_ had sailed. harry had given him another ten pounds to provide himself with an outfit, and had also asked him to distribute twenty among his former shipmates for the same purpose, as these had lost all their clothing except what they stood in. the ship's dinghy, with a couple of hands, towed the boat, with dias in it, to the shore. the muleteer was greatly affected at parting with harry and his brother. "it has been a fortunate journey for us both," dias said, "and i shall always look back to the time we spent together with the greatest pleasure." "here is a piece of paper with my address in london. i know that you will have no difficulty in getting letters written for you. let me hear from you once every six months or so, telling me how you are getting on, and i will write to you. good-bye! we shall always remember you, and be thankful that we had so faithful a guide here, and, i may say, so faithful a friend." the voyage home was an uneventful one, save that they met with a heavy storm while rounding the horn, and for some days the vessel was in great danger. however, she weathered it safely, and when she arrived in the thames she found that the _london_ had come up on the previous tide. "if it hadn't been for that storm we should have beaten her easily," the captain said. "but i don't mind losing that fiver, considering that we have gained four days on her." on landing, harry went straight to the bank of england and informed the managers that he had two hundred and eighty-two ingots of gold, weighing about twenty pounds each, which he wished to deposit in their vaults until they could weigh them and place their value to his credit, and he requested them to send down one of their waggons to the docks the next day to receive them. on the following evening he had the satisfaction of knowing that the whole of the treasure was at last in safe-keeping. then he took a hackney-coach and drove to jermyn street, where he had taken rooms, having the night before carried there the trunks which he had stored before he left england. he smiled as he spread out suit after suit. "i don't know anything about the fashions now," he said, "and for aught i can tell they may have changed altogether. however, i don't suppose there will be such an alteration that i shall look as if i had come out of the ark. certainly i am not going to wait till i get a new outfit. "it did not seem to me," he said to himself, "that i left a ridiculously large wardrobe before i went. but after knocking about for two years with a single change, it really does seem absurd that i should ever have thought i absolutely required all these things. now, i suppose i had better write to the old man and say that i have returned, and shall call upon him to-morrow. the chances are ten to one against my catching him in now, and as this is rather a formal sort of business, i had better give him due notice; but i cannot keep hilda in suspense. i wonder whether she has the same maid as she had before i went away. i have given the girl more than one half-guinea, and to do her justice i believe that she was so attached to her mistress that she would have done anything for her without them. still, i can't very well knock at the door and ask for miss fortescue's maid; i expect i must trust the note to a footman. if she does not get it, there is no harm done; if he hands it to her father, no doubt it would put him in a towering rage, but he will cool down by the time i see him in the morning." he sat down and wrote two notes. the first was to mr. fortescue; it only said:-"dear sir,--i have returned from abroad, and shall do myself the pleasure of calling upon you at eleven o'clock tomorrow morning to discuss with you a matter of much importance to myself." the note to hilda was still shorter:-"my darling,--i am home and am going to call on your father at eleven o'clock tomorrow morning. i am two months within the two years.--yours devotedly, "harry prendergast." having sealed both letters, he walked to bedford square. when the door opened, he saw that the footman was one of those who had been in mr. fortescue's service before he left. "you have not forgotten me, edward, have you?" "why, it is mr. prendergast! well, sir, it is a long time since we saw you." "yes, i have been abroad. will you hand this letter to mr. fortescue. is he in at present?" "no, sir; he and mrs. fortescue are both out. miss fortescue is out too." "well now, edward, will you hand this letter quietly to miss fortescue when she comes in?" and he held out the note and a guinea with it. the man hesitated. "you need not be afraid of giving it to her," harry went on. "it is only to tell her what i have told your master in my letter to him, that i am going to call tomorrow." "then i shall be glad to do it," the man said--for, as usual, the servants were pretty well acquainted with the state of affairs, and when harry went away, and their young mistress was evidently in disgrace with her father, they guessed pretty accurately what had happened, and their sympathies were with the lovers. harry returned to jermyn street confident that hilda would get his note that evening. he had no feeling of animosity against her father, it was natural that, as a large land-owner, and belonging to an old family, and closely connected with more than one peer of the realm, he should offer strong opposition to the marriage of his daughter to a half-pay lieutenant, and he had been quite prepared for the burst of anger with which his request for her hand had been received. he had felt that it was a forlorn hope; but he and hilda hoped that in time the old man would soften, especially as they had an ally in her mother. hilda had three brothers, and as the estates and the bulk of mr. fortescue's fortune would go to them, she was not a great heiress, though undoubtedly she would be well dowered. on arriving the next morning harry was shown into the library. mr. fortescue rose from his chair and bowed coldly. "to what am i indebted for the honour of this visit, mr. prendergast? i had hoped that the emphatic way in which i rejected your--you will excuse my saying--presumptuous request for the hand of my daughter, would have settled the matter once and for all; and i trust that your request for an interview to-day does not imply that you intend to renew that proposal, which i may say at once would receive, and will receive as long as i live, the same answer as i before gave you." "it has that object, sir," harry said quietly, "but under somewhat changed conditions. i asked you at that time to give me two years, in which time possibly my circumstances might change. you refused to give me a single week; but your daughter was more kind, and promised to wait for the two years, which will not be up for two more months." "she has behaved like a froward and obstinate girl," her father said angrily. "she has refused several most eligible offers, and i have to thank you for it. well, sir, i hope at least that you have the grace to feel that it is preposterous that you should any longer stand in the way of this misguided girl." "i have come to say that if it is her wish and yours that i should stand aside, as you say, i will do so, and in my letters i told her that unless circumstances should be changed before the two years have expired i would disappear altogether from her path." "that is something at least, sir," mr. fortescue said with more courtesy than he had hitherto shown. "i need not say that there is no prospect of your obtaining my consent, and may inform you that my daughter promised not to withstand my commands as far as you are concerned beyond the expiration of the two years. i do not know that there is anything more to say." "i should not have come here, sir, had there not been more to say, but should simply have addressed a letter to you saying that i withdrew all pretensions to your daughter's hand. but i have a good deal more to say. i have during the time that i have been away succeeded in improving my condition to a certain extent." "pooh, pooh, sir!" the other said angrily. "suppose you made a thousand or two, what possible difference could it make?" "i am not foolish enough to suppose that it would do so; but at least this receipt from the bank of england, for gold deposited in their hands, will show you that the sums you mention have been somewhat exceeded." "tut, tut, i don't wish to see it! it can make no possible difference in the matter." "at least, sir, you will do me the courtesy to read it, or if you prefer not to do so i will read it myself." "give it me," mr. fortescue said, holding out his hand. "let us get through this farce as soon as possible; it is painful to us both." he put on his spectacles, glanced at the paper, and gave a sudden start, read it again, carefully this time, and then said slowly: "do you mean that the two hundred and eighty-two ingots, containing in all five thousand six hundred and forty pounds weight of gold, are your property? that is to say, that you are the sole owner of them, and not only the representative of some mining company?" "it is the sole property, mr. fortescue, of my brother and myself. i own two-thirds of it. it is lost treasure recovered by us from the sea, where it has been lying ever since the conquest of peru by pizarro." "there is no mistake about this? the word pounds is not a mistake for ounces?--although even that would represent a very large sum." "the bank would not be likely to make such a mistake as that, sir. the ingots weigh about twenty pounds each. i had a small piece of the gold assayed at callao, and its value was estimated at four pounds per ounce. roughly, then, the value of the sum deposited at the bank is two hundred and seventy thousand pounds." "prodigious!" mr. fortescue murmured. "well, mr. prendergast, i own that you have astounded me. it would be absurd to deny that this altogether alters the position. against you personally i have never had anything to say. you were always a welcome visitor to my house till i saw how matters were tending. your family, like my own, is an old one, and your position as an officer in the king's naval service is an honourable one. however, i must ask you to give me a day to reflect over the matter, to consult with my wife, and to ascertain that my daughter's disposition in the matter is unchanged." "thank you, sir! but i trust that you will allow me to have an interview with miss fortescue now. it is two years since we parted, and she has suffered great anxiety on my account, and on the matter of my safety at least i would not keep her a moment longer in suspense." "i think that after the turn the matter has taken your request is a reasonable one. you are sure to find her in the drawing-room with her mother at present. i think it is desirable that you should not see her alone until the matter is formally arranged." prendergast bowed. "i am content to wait," he said with a slight smile. "i will take you up myself," the other said. harry could have done without the guidance, for he knew the house well. however, he only bowed again, and followed the old man upstairs. the latter opened the door and said to his wife: "my dear, i have brought an old friend up to see you;" and as harry entered he closed the door and went down to the library again. "nearly two hundred thousand pounds!" he said. "a splendid fortune! nearly twice as much as i put by before i left the bar. how in the world could he have got it? 'got it up out of the sea,' he said; a curious story. however, with that acknowledgment from the bank there can be no mistake about it. well, well, it might be worse. i always liked the young fellow till he was fool enough to fall in love with hilda, and worse still, she with him. the silly girl might have had a coronet. however, there is no accounting for these things, and i am glad that the battle between us is at an end. i was only acting for her good, and i should have been mad to let her throw herself away on a penniless officer on half-pay." mrs. fortescue waved her hand as harry, on entering, was about to speak to her. "go to her first," she said; "she has waited long enough for you." and he turned to hilda. he made a step towards her and held out his arms, and with a little cry of joy she ran into them. "and is it all right?" she said a minute later. "can it really be all right?" "you may be quite sure that it is all right, hilda," mrs. fortescue said. "do you think your father would have brought him up here if it hadn't been? now you can come to me, harry." "i am glad," she said heartily. "we have had a very bad time. now, thank god, it is all over. you see she has only had me to stand by her, for her brothers, although they have not taken open part against her, have been disposed to think that it was madness her wasting two years on the chance of your making a fortune. of course you have done so, or you would not be in this drawing-room at present." "i have done very well, mrs. fortescue. i was able to show mr. fortescue a receipt for gold amounting to nearly three hundred thousand pounds, of which two-thirds belong to me, the rest to my brother." mrs. fortescue uttered an exclamation of astonishment. "what have you been doing, harry?" she asked--"plundering a nabob?" "nabobs do not dwell in peru," he laughed. "no, i have discovered a long-lost treasure, which, beyond any doubt, was part of the wealth of atahualpa, the unfortunate monarch whom pizarro first plundered and then slew. it had been sent off by sea, and the vessel was lost. it is too long a story to tell now." "and papa has quite consented, harry?" harry smiled. "virtually so, as you might suppose by his bringing me up here. actually he has deferred the matter, pending a consultation with you and mrs. fortescue, and will give me his formal answer to-morrow." the two ladies both smiled. "if he said that, the matter is settled," the elder said; "he has never asked my opinion before on the subject, and i have never volunteered it. but i am sure he has not the slightest doubt as to what i thought of it. so we can consider it as happily settled after all. if i had thought that there was the slightest chance of your making a fortune quickly i should have spoken out; but as i thought it absolutely hopeless, i have done what i could privately to support hilda, always saying, however, that if at the end of the two years nothing came of it, i could not in any way countenance her throwing away the chances of her life." "you were quite right, mrs. fortescue. i had fully intended to write to hilda at the end of that time releasing her from all promises that she had made to me, and saying that i felt that i had no right to trouble her further; but from what she wrote to me, i doubt whether her father would have found her altogether amenable to his wishes even at the end of the two years." a month later there was a wedding in bedford square. among those present no one was more gratified than mr. barnett, whose surprise and satisfaction were great when harry told him in confidence the result of his advice, and especially of his introduction to the indian guide. it had been arranged that nothing should be said as to the source from which harry had obtained his wealth, as it was possible that the peruvian government might set up some claim to it, and it was in mr. fortescue's opinion very doubtful what the result would be, as it had been discovered so close to the shore. harry never took any steps with reference to the gold valley, for the constant troubles in peru were sufficient to deter any wealthy men from investing money there. the correspondence between him and dias and his wife was maintained until they died full of years and greatly lamented by numbers of their countrymen to whom they had been benefactors. bertie never went to sea again except in his own yacht, but when he came of age, bought an estate near southampton, and six years later brought home a mistress for it. proofreading team. the adventures of captain horn by frank r. stockton 1910 contents chapter i an introductory disaster ii a new face in camp iii a change of lodgings iv another new face v the rackbirds vi three weld beasts vii gone! viii the alarm ix an amazing narration x the captain explores xi a new hemisphere xii a tradition and a waistcoat xiii "mine!" xiv a pile of fuel xv the cliff-maka scheme xvi on a business basis xvii "a fine thing, no matter what happens" xviii mrs. cliff is amazed xix left behind xx at the rackbirds' cove xxi in the caves xxii a pack-mule xxiii his present share xxvi his fortune under his feet the adventures of captain horn chapter i an introductory disaster early in the spring of the year 1884 the three-masted schooner _castor_, from san francisco to valparaiso, was struck by a tornado off the coast of peru. the storm, which rose with frightful suddenness, was of short duration, but it left the _castor_ a helpless wreck. her masts had snapped off and gone overboard, her rudder-post had been shattered by falling wreckage, and she was rolling in the trough of the sea, with her floating masts and spars thumping and bumping her sides. the _castor_ was an american merchant-vessel, commanded by captain philip horn, an experienced navigator of about thirty-five years of age. besides a valuable cargo, she carried three passengers--two ladies and a boy. one of these, mrs. william cliff, a lady past middle age, was going to valparaiso to settle some business affairs of her late husband, a new england merchant. the other lady was miss edna markham, a school-teacher who had just passed her twenty-fifth year, although she looked older. she was on her way to valparaiso to take an important position in an american seminary. ralph, a boy of fifteen, was her brother, and she was taking him with her simply because she did not want to leave him alone in san francisco. these two had no near relations, and the education of the brother depended upon the exertions of the sister. valparaiso was not the place she would have selected for a boy's education, but there they could be together, and, under the circumstances, that was a point of prime importance. but when the storm had passed, and the sky was clear, and the mad waves had subsided into a rolling swell, there seemed no reason to believe that any one on board the _castor_ would ever reach valparaiso. the vessel had been badly strained by the wrenching of the masts, her sides had been battered by the floating wreckage, and she was taking in water rapidly. fortunately, no one had been injured by the storm, and although the captain found it would be a useless waste of time and labor to attempt to work the pumps, he was convinced, after a careful examination, that the ship would float some hours, and that there would, therefore, be time for those on board to make an effort to save not only their lives, but some of their property. all the boats had been blown from their davits, but one of them was floating, apparently uninjured, a short distance to leeward, one of the heavy blocks by which it had been suspended having caught in the cordage of the topmast, so that it was securely moored. another boat, a small one, was seen, bottom upward, about an eighth of a mile to leeward. two seamen, each pushing an oar before him, swam out to the nearest boat, and having got on board of her, and freed her from her entanglements, they rowed out to the capsized boat, and towed it to the schooner. when this boat had been righted and bailed out, it was found to be in good condition. the sea had become almost quiet, and there was time enough to do everything orderly and properly, and in less than three hours after the vessel had been struck, the two boats, containing all the crew and the passengers, besides a goodly quantity of provisions and water, and such valuables, clothing, rugs, and wraps as room could be found for, were pulling away from the wreck. the captain, who, with his passengers, was in the larger boat, was aware that he was off the coast of peru, but that was all he certainly knew of his position. the storm had struck the ship in the morning, before he had taken his daily observation, and his room, which was on deck, had been carried away, as well as every nautical instrument on board. he did not believe that the storm had taken him far out of his course, but of this he could not be sure. all that he knew with certainty was that to the eastward lay the land, and eastward, therefore, they pulled, a little compass attached to the captain's watch-guard being their only guide. for the rest of that day and that night, and the next day and the next night, the two boats moved eastward, the people on board suffering but little inconvenience, except from the labor of continuous rowing, at which everybody, excepting the two ladies, took part, even ralph markham being willing to show how much of a man he could be with an oar in his hand. the weather was fine, and the sea was almost smooth, and as the captain had rigged up in his boat a tent-like covering of canvas for the ladies, they were, as they repeatedly declared, far more comfortable than they had any right to expect. they were both women of resource and courage. mrs. cliff, tall, thin in face, with her gray hair brushed plainly over her temples, was a woman of strong frame, who would have been perfectly willing to take an oar, had it been necessary. to miss markham this boat trip would have been a positive pleasure, had it not been for the unfortunate circumstances which made it necessary. on the morning of the third day land was sighted, but it was afternoon before they reached it. here they found themselves on a portion of the coast where the foot-hills of the great mountains stretch themselves almost down to the edge of the ocean. to all appearances, the shore was barren and uninhabited. the two boats rowed along the coast a mile or two to the southward, but could find no good landing-place, but reaching a spot less encumbered with rocks than any other portion of the coast they had seen, captain horn determined to try to beach his boat there. the landing was accomplished in safety, although with some difficulty, and that night was passed in a little encampment in the shelter of some rocks scarcely a hundred yards from the sea. the next morning captain horn took counsel with his mates, and considered the situation. they were on an uninhabited portion of the coast, and it was not believed that there was any town or settlement near enough to be reached by walking over such wild country, especially with ladies in the party. it was, therefore, determined to seek succor by means of the sea. they might be near one of the towns or villages along the coast of peru, and, in any case, a boat manned by the best oarsmen of the party, and loaded as lightly as possible, might hope, in the course of a day or two, to reach some port from which a vessel might be sent out to take off the remainder of the party. but first captain horn ordered a thorough investigation to be made of the surrounding country, and in an hour or two a place was found which he believed would answer very well for a camping-ground until assistance should arrive. this was on a little plateau about a quarter of a mile back from the ocean, and surrounded on three sides by precipices, and on the side toward the sea the ground sloped gradually downward. to this camping-ground all of the provisions and goods were carried, excepting what would be needed by the boating party. when this work had been accomplished, captain horn appointed his first mate to command the expedition, deciding to remain himself in the camp. when volunteers were called for, it astonished the captain to see how many of the sailors desired to go. the larger boat pulled six oars, and seven men, besides the mate rynders, were selected to go in her. as soon as she could be made ready she was launched and started southward on her voyage of discovery, the mate having first taken such good observation of the landmarks that he felt sure he would have no difficulty in finding the spot where he left his companions. the people in the little camp on the bluff now consisted of captain horn, the two ladies, the boy ralph, three sailors,--one an englishman, and the other two americans from cape cod,--and a jet-black native african, known as maka. captain horn had not cared to keep many men with him in the camp, because there they would have little to do, and all the strong arms that could be spared would be needed in the boat. the three sailors he had retained were men of intelligence, on whom he believed he could rely in case of emergency, and maka was kept because he was a cook. he had been one of the cargo of a slave-ship which had been captured by a british cruiser several years before, when on its way to cuba, and the unfortunate negroes had been landed in british guiana. it was impossible to return them to africa, because none of them could speak english, or in any way give an idea as to what tribes they belonged, and if they should be landed anywhere in africa except among their friends, they would be immediately reënslaved. for some years they lived in guiana, in a little colony by themselves, and then, a few of them having learned some english, they made their way to panama, where they obtained employment as laborers on the great canal. maka, who was possessed of better intelligence than most of his fellows, improved a good deal in his english, and learned to cook very well, and having wandered to san francisco, had been employed for two or three voyages by captain horn. maka was a faithful and willing servant, and if he had been able to express himself more intelligibly, his merits might have been better appreciated. chapter ii a new face in camp the morning after the departure of the boat, captain horn, in company with the englishman davis, each armed with a gun, set out on a tour of investigation, hoping to be able to ascend the rocky hills at the back of the camp, and find some elevated point commanding a view over the ocean. after a good deal of hard climbing they reached such a point, but the captain found that the main object was really out of his reach. he could now plainly see that a high rocky point to the southward, which stretched some distance out to sea, would cut off all view of the approach of rescuers coming from that direction, until they were within a mile or two of his landing-place. back from the sea the hills grew higher, until they blended into the lofty stretches of the andes, this being one of the few points where the hilly country extends to the ocean. the coast to the north curved a little oceanward, so that a much more extended view could be had in that direction, but as far as he could see by means of a little pocket-glass which the boy ralph had lent him, the captain could discover no signs of habitation, and in this direction the land seemed to be a flat desert. when he returned to camp, about noon, he had made up his mind that the proper thing to do was to make himself and his companions as comfortable as possible and patiently await the return of his mate with succor. captain horn was very well satisfied with his present place of encampment. although rain is unknown in this western portion of peru, which is, therefore, in general desolate and barren, there are parts of the country that are irrigated by streams which flow from the snow-capped peaks of the andes, and one of these fertile spots the captain seemed to have happened upon. on the plateau there grew a few bushes, while the face of the rock in places was entirely covered by hanging vines. this fertility greatly puzzled captain horn, for nowhere was to be seen any stream of water, or signs of there ever having been any. but they had with them water enough to last for several days, and provisions for a much longer time, and the captain felt little concern on this account. as for lodgings, there were none excepting the small tent which he had put up for the ladies, but a few nights in the open air in that dry climate would not hurt the male portion of the party. in the course of the afternoon, the two american sailors came to captain horn and asked permission to go to look for game. the captain had small hopes of their finding anything suitable for food, but feeling sure that if they should be successful, every one would be glad of a little fresh meat, he gave his permission, at the same time requesting the men to do their best in the way of observation, if they should get up high enough to survey the country, and discover some signs of habitation, if such existed in that barren region. it would be a great relief to the captain to feel that there was some spot of refuge to which, by land or water, his party might make its way in case the water and provisions gave out before the return of the mate. as to the men who went off in the boat, the captain expected to see but a few of them again. one or two might return with the mate, in such vessel as he should obtain in which to come for them, but the most of them, if they reached a seaport, would scatter, after the manner of seamen. the two sailors departed, promising, if they could not bring back fish or fowl, to return before dark, with a report of the lay of the land. it was very well that maka did not have to depend on these hunters for the evening meal, for night came without them, and the next morning they had not returned. the captain was very much troubled. the men must be lost, or they had met with some accident. there could be no other reason for their continued absence. they had each a gun, and plenty of powder and shot, but they had taken only provisions enough for a single meal. davis offered to go up the hills to look for the missing men. he had lived for some years in the bush in australia, and he thought that there was a good chance of his discovering their tracks. but the captain shook his head. "you are just as likely to get lost, or to fall over a rock, as anybody else," he said, "and it is better to have two men lost than three. but there is one thing that you can do. you can go down to the beach, and make your way southward as far as possible. there you can find your way back, and if you take a gun, and fire it every now and then, you may attract the attention of shirley and burke, if they are on the hills above, and perhaps they may even be able to see you as you walk along. if they are alive, they will probably see or hear you, and fire in answer. it is a very strange thing that we have not heard a shot from them." ralph begged to accompany the englishman, for he was getting very restless, and longed for a ramble and scramble. but neither the captain nor his sister would consent to this, and davis started off alone. "if you can round the point down there," said the captain to him, "do it, for you may see a town or houses not far away on the other side. but don't take any risks. at all events, make your calculations so that you will be back here before dark." the captain and ralph assisted the two ladies to a ledge of rock near the camp from which they could watch the englishman on his way. they saw him reach the beach, and after going on a short distance he fired his gun, after which he pressed forward, now and then stopping to fire again. even from their inconsiderable elevation they could see him until he must have been more than a mile away, and he soon after vanished from their view. as on the previous day darkness came without the two american sailors, so now it came without the englishman, and in the morning he had not returned. of course, every mind was filled with anxiety in regard to the three sailors, but captain horn's soul was racked with apprehensions of which he did not speak. the conviction forced itself upon him that the men had been killed by wild beasts. he could imagine no other reason why davis should not have returned. he had been ordered not to leave the beach, and, therefore, could not lose his way. he was a wary, careful man, used to exploring rough country, and he was not likely to take any chances of disabling himself by a fall while on such an expedition. although he knew that the great jaguar was found in peru, as well as the puma and black bear, the captain had not supposed it likely that any of these creatures frequented the barren western slopes of the mountains, but he now reflected that there were lions in the deserts of africa, and that the beasts of prey in south america might also be found in its deserts. a great responsibility now rested upon captain horn. he was the only man left in camp who could be depended upon as a defender,--for maka was known to be a coward, and ralph was only a boy,--and it was with a shrinking of the heart that he asked himself what would be the consequences if a couple of jaguars or other ferocious beasts were to appear upon that unprotected plateau in the night, or even in the daytime. he had two guns, but he was only one man. these thoughts were not cheerful, but the captain's face showed no signs of alarm, or even unusual anxiety, and, with a smile on his handsome brown countenance, he bade the ladies good morning as if he were saluting them upon a quarter-deck. "i have been thinking all night about those three men," said miss markham, "and i have imagined something which may have happened. isn't it possible that they may have discovered at a distance some inland settlement which could not be seen by the party in the boat, and that they thought it their duty to push their way to it, and so get assistance for us? in that case, you know, they would probably be a long time coming back." "that is possible," said the captain, glad to hear a hopeful supposition, but in his heart he had no faith in it whatever. if davis had seen a village, or even a house, he would have come back to report it, and if the others had found human habitation, they would have had ample time to return, either by land or by sea. the restless ralph, who had chafed a good deal because he had not been allowed to leave the plateau in search of adventure, now found a vent for his surplus energy, for the captain appointed him fire-maker. the camp fuel was not abundant, consisting of nothing but some dead branches and twigs from the few bushes in the neighborhood. these ralph collected with great energy, and maka had nothing to complain of in regard to fuel for his cooking. toward the end of that afternoon, ralph prepared to make a fire for the supper, and he determined to change the position of the fireplace and bring it nearer the rocks, where he thought it would burn better. it did burn better--so well, indeed, that some of the dry leaves of the vines that there covered the face of the rocks took fire. ralph watched with interest the dry leaves blaze and the green ones splutter, and then he thought it would be a pity to scorch those vines, which were among the few green things about them, and he tried to put out the fire. but this he could not do, and, when he called maka, the negro was not able to help him. the fire had worked its way back of the green vines, and seemed to have found good fuel, for it was soon crackling away at a great rate, attracting the rest of the party. "can't we put it out?" cried miss markham. "it is a pity to ruin those beautiful vines." the captain smiled and shook his head. "we cannot waste our valuable water on that conflagration," said he. "there is probably a great mass of dead vines behind the green outside. how it crackles and roars! that dead stuff must be several feet thick. all we can do is to let it burn. it cannot hurt us. it cannot reach your tent, for there are no vines over there." the fire continued to roar and blaze, and to leap up the face of the rock. "it is wonderful," said mrs. cliff, "to think how those vines must have been growing and dying, and new ones growing and dying, year after year, nobody knows how many ages." "what is most wonderful to me," said the captain, "is that the vines ever grew there at all, or that these bushes should be here. nothing can grow in this region, unless it is watered by a stream from the mountains, and there is no stream here." miss markham was about to offer a supposition to the effect that perhaps the precipitous wall of rock which surrounded the little plateau, and shielded it from the eastern sun, might have had a good effect upon the vegetation, when suddenly ralph, who had a ship's biscuit on the end of a sharp stick, and was toasting it in the embers of a portion of the burnt vines, sprang back with a shout. "look out!" he cried. "the whole thing's coming down!" and, sure enough, in a moment a large portion of the vines, which had been clinging to the rock, fell upon the ground in a burning mass. a cloud of smoke and dust arose, and when it had cleared away the captain and his party saw upon the perpendicular side of the rock, which was now revealed to them as if a veil had been torn away from in front of it, an enormous face cut out of the solid stone. chapter iii a change of lodgings the great face stared down upon the little party gathered beneath it. its chin was about eight feet above the ground, and its stony countenance extended at least that distance up the cliff. its features were in low relief, but clear and distinct, and a smoke-blackened patch beneath one of its eyes gave it a sinister appearance. from its wide-stretching mouth a bit of half-burnt vine hung, trembling in the heated air, and this element of motion produced the impression on several of the party that the creature was about to open its lips. mrs. cliff gave a little scream,--she could not help it,--and maka sank down on his knees, his back to the rock, and covered his face with his hands. ralph was the first to speak. "there have been heathen around here," he said. "that's a regular idol." "you are right," said the captain. "that is a bit of old-time work. that face was cut by the original natives." the two ladies were so interested, and even excited, that they seized each other by the hands. here before their faces was a piece of sculpture doubtless done by the people of ancient peru, that people who were discovered by pizarro; and this great idol, or whatever it was, had perhaps never before been seen by civilized eyes. it was wonderful, and in the conjecture and exclamation of the next half-hour everything else was forgotten, even the three sailors. because the captain was the captain, it was natural that every one should look to him for some suggestion as to why this great stone face should have been carved here on this lonely and desolate rock. but he shook his head. "i have no ideas about it," he said, "except that it must have been some sort of a landmark. it looks out toward the sea, and perhaps the ancient inhabitants put it there so that people in ships, coming near enough to the coast, should know where they were. perhaps it was intended to act as a lighthouse to warn seamen off a dangerous coast. but i must say that i do not see how it could do that, for they would have had to come pretty close to the shore to see it, unless they had better glasses than we have." the sun was now near the horizon, and maka was lifted to his feet by the captain, and ordered to stop groaning in african, and go to work to get supper on the glowing embers of the vines. he obeyed, of course, but never did he turn his face upward to that gaunt countenance, which grinned and winked and frowned whenever a bit of twig blazed up, or the coals were stirred by the trembling negro. after supper and until the light had nearly faded from the western sky, the two ladies sat and watched that vast face upon the rocks, its features growing more and more solemn as the light decreased. "i wish i had a long-handled broom," said mrs. cliff, "for if the dust and smoke and ashes of burnt leaves were brushed from off its nose and eyebrows, i believe it would have a rather gracious expression." as for the captain, he went walking about on the outlying portion of the plateau, listening and watching. but it was not stone faces he was thinking of. that night he did not sleep at all, but sat until day-break, with a loaded gun across his knees, and another one lying on the ground beside him. when miss markham emerged from the rude tent the next morning, and came out into the bright light of day, the first thing she saw was her brother ralph, who looked as if he had been sweeping a chimney or cleaning out an ash-hole. "what on earth has happened to you!" she cried. "how did you get yourself so covered with dirt and ashes?" "i got up ever so long ago," he replied, "and as the captain is asleep over there, and there was nobody to talk to, i thought i would go and try to find the back of his head"--pointing to the stone face above them. "but he hasn't any. he is a sham." "what do you mean?" asked his sister. "you see, edna," said the boy, "i thought i would try if i could find any more faces, and so i got a bit of stone, and scratched away some of the burnt vines that had not fallen, and there i found an open place in the rock on this side of the face. step this way, and you can see it. it's like a narrow doorway. i went and looked into it, and saw that it led back of the big face, and i went in to see what was there." "you should never have done that, ralph," cried his sister. "there might have been snakes in that place, or precipices, or nobody knows what. what could you expect to see in the dark?" "it wasn't so dark as you might think," said he. "after my eyes got used to the place i could see very well. but there was nothing to see--just walls on each side. there was more of the passageway ahead of me, but i began to think of snakes myself, and as i did not have a club or anything to kill them with, i concluded i wouldn't go any farther. it isn't so very dirty in there. most of this i got on myself scraping down the burnt vines. here comes the captain. he doesn't generally oversleep himself like this. if he will go with me, we will explore that crack." when captain horn heard of the passage into the rock, he was much more interested than ralph had expected him to be, and, without loss of time, he lighted a lantern and, with the boy behind him, set out to investigate it. but before entering the cleft, the captain stationed maka at a place where he could view all the approaches to the plateau, and told him if he saw any snakes or other dangerous things approaching, to run to the opening and call him. now, snakes were among the few things that maka was not afraid of, and so long as he thought these were the enemies to be watched, he would make a most efficient sentinel. when captain horn had cautiously advanced a couple of yards into the interior of the rock, he stopped, raised his lantern, and looked about him. the passage was about two feet wide, the floor somewhat lower than the ground outside, and the roof but a few feet above his head. it was plainly the work of man, and not a natural crevice in the rocks. then the captain put the lantern behind him, and stared into the gloom ahead of them. as ralph had said, it was not so dark as might have been expected. in fact, about twenty feet forward there was a dim light on the right-hand wall. the captain, still followed by ralph, now moved on until they came to this lighted place, and found it was an open doorway. both heads together, they peeped in, and saw it was an opening like a doorway into a chamber about fifteen feet square and with very high walls. they scarcely needed the lantern to examine it, for a jagged opening in the roof let in a good deal of light. passing into this chamber, keeping a good watch out for pitfalls as he moved on, and forgetting, in his excitement, that he might go so far that he could not hear maka, should he call, the captain saw to the right another open doorway, on the other side of which was another chamber, about the size of the one they had first entered. one side of this was a good deal broken away, and through a fracture three or four feet wide the light entered freely, as if from the open air. but when the two explorers peered through the ragged aperture, they did not look into the open air, but into another chamber, very much larger than the others, with high, irregular walls, but with scarcely any roof, almost the whole of the upper part being open to the sky. a mass of broken rocks on the floor of this apartment showed that the roof had fallen in. the captain entered it and carefully examined it. a portion of the floor was level and unobstructed by rocks, and in the walls there was not the slightest sign of a doorway, except the one by which he had entered from the adjoining chamber. "hurrah!" cried ralph. "here is a suite of rooms. isn't this grand? you and i can have that first one, maka can sleep in the hall to keep out burglars, and edna and mrs. cliff can have the middle room, and this open place here can be their garden, where they can take tea and sew. these rocks will make splendid tables and chairs." the captain stood, breathing hard, a sense of relief coming over him like the warmth of fire. he had thought of what ralph had said before the boy had spoken. here was safety from wild beasts--here was immunity from the only danger he could imagine to those under his charge. it might be days yet before the mate returned,--he knew the probable difficulties of obtaining a vessel, even when a port should be reached,--but they would be safe here from the attacks of ferocious animals, principally to be feared in the night. they might well be thankful for such a good place as this in which to await the arrival of succor, if succor came before their water gave out. there were biscuits, salt meat, tea, and other things enough to supply their wants for perhaps a week longer, provided the three sailors did not return, but the supply of water, although they were very economical of it, must give out in a day or two. "but," thought the captain, "rynders may be back before that, and, on the other hand, a family of jaguars might scent us out to-night." "you are right, my boy," said he, speaking to ralph. "here is a suite of rooms, and we will occupy them just as you have said. they are dry and airy, and it will be far better for us to sleep here than out of doors." as they returned, ralph was full of talk about the grand find. but the captain made no answers to his remarks--his mind was busy contriving some means of barricading the narrow entrance at night. when breakfast was over, and the entrance to the rocks had been made cleaner and easier by the efforts of maka and ralph, the ladies were conducted to the suite of rooms which ralph had described in such glowing terms. both were filled with curiosity to see these apartments, especially miss markham, who was fairly well read in the history of south america, and who had already imagined that the vast mass of rock by which they had camped might be in reality a temple of the ancient peruvians, to which the stone face was a sacred sentinel. but when the three apartments had been thoroughly explored she was disappointed. "there is not a sign or architectural adornment, or anything that seems to have the least religious significance, or significance of any sort," she said. "these are nothing but three stone rooms, with their roofs more or less broken in. they do not even suggest dungeons." as for mrs. cliff, she did not hesitate to say that she should prefer to sleep in the open air. "it would be dreadful," she said, "to awaken in the night and think of those great stone walls about me." even ralph remarked that, on second thought, he believed he would rather sleep out of doors, for he liked to look up and see the stars before he went to sleep. at first the captain was a little annoyed to find that this place of safety, the discovery of which had given him such satisfaction and relief, was looked upon with such disfavor by those who needed it so very much, but then the thought came to him, "why should they care about a place of safety, when they have no idea of danger?" he did not now hesitate to settle the matter in the most straightforward and honest way. having a place of refuge to offer, the time had come to speak of the danger. and so, standing in the larger apartment, and addressing his party, he told them of the fate he feared had overtaken the three sailors, and how anxious he had been lest the same fate should come upon some one or all of them. now vanished every spark of opposition to the captain's proffered lodgings. "if we should be here but one night longer," cried mrs. cliff, echoing the captain's thought, "let us be safe." in the course of the day the two rooms were made as comfortable as circumstances would allow with the blankets, shawls, and canvas which had been brought on shore, and that night they all slept in the rock chambers, the captain having made a barricade for the opening of the narrow passage with the four oars, which he brought up from the boat. even should these be broken down by some wild beast, captain horn felt that, with his two guns at the end of the narrow passage, he might defend his party from the attacks of any of the savage animals of the country. the captain slept soundly that night, for he had had but a nap of an hour or two on the previous morning, and, with maka stretched in the passage outside the door of his room, he knew that he would have timely warning of danger, should any come. but mrs. cliff did not sleep well, spending a large part of the night imagining the descent of active carnivora down the lofty and perpendicular walls of the large adjoining apartment. the next day was passed rather wearily by most of the party in looking out for signs of a vessel with the returning mate. ralph had made a flag which he could wave from a high point near by, in case he should see a sail, for it would be a great misfortune should mr. rynders pass them without knowing it. to the captain, however, came a new and terrible anxiety. he had looked into the water-keg, and saw that it held but a few quarts. it had not lasted as long as he had expected, for this was a thirsty climate. the next night mrs. cliff slept, having been convinced that not even a cat could come down those walls. the captain woke very early, and when he went out he found, to his amazement, that the barricade had been removed, and he could not see maka. he thought at first that perhaps the negro had gone down to the sea-shore to get some water for washing purposes, but an hour passed, and maka did not return. the whole party went down to the beach, for the captain insisted upon all keeping together. they shouted, they called, they did whatever they could to discover the lost african, but all without success. they returned to camp, disheartened and depressed. this new loss had something terrible in it. what it meant no one could conjecture. there was no reason why maka should run away, for there was no place to run to, and it was impossible that any wild beast should have removed the oars and carried off the negro. chapter iv another new face as the cook had gone, mrs. cliff and miss markham prepared breakfast, and then they discovered how little water there was. there was something mysterious about the successive losses of his men which pressed heavily upon the soul of captain horn, but the want of water pressed still more heavily. ralph had just asked his permission to go down to the beach and bathe in the sea, saying that as he could not have all the water he wanted to drink, it might make him feel better to take a swim in plenty of water. the boy was not allowed to go so far from camp by himself, but the captain could not help thinking how this poor fellow would probably feel the next day if help had not arrived, and of the sufferings of the others, which, by that time, would have begun. still, as before, he spoke hopefully, and the two women, as brave as he, kept up good spirits, and although they each thought of the waterless morrow, they said nothing about it. as for ralph, he confidently expected the return of the men in the course of the day, as he had done in the course of each preceding day, and two or three times an hour he was at his post of observation, ready to wave his flag. even had he supposed that it would be of any use to go to look for maka, a certain superstitious feeling would have prevented the captain from doing so. if he should go out, and not return, there would be little hope for those two women and the boy. but he could not help feeling that beyond the rocky plateau which stretched out into the sea to the southward, and which must be at least two miles away, there might be seen some signs of habitation, and, consequently, of a stream. if anything of the sort could be seen, it might become absolutely necessary for the party to make their way toward it, either by land or sea, no matter how great the fatigue or the danger, and without regard to the fate of those who had left camp before them. about half an hour afterwards, when the captain had mounted some rocks near by, from which he thought he might get a view of the flat region to the north on which he might discover the missing negro, ralph, who was looking seaward, gave a start, and then hurriedly called to his sister and mrs. cliff, and pointed to the beach. there was the figure of a man which might well be maka, but, to their amazement and consternation, he was running, followed, not far behind, by another man. the figures rapidly approached, and it was soon seen that the first man was maka, but that the second figure was not one of the sailors who had left them. could he be pursuing maka? what on earth did it mean? for some moments ralph stood dumfounded, and then ran in the direction in which the captain had gone, and called to him. at the sound of his voice the second figure stopped and turned as if he were about to run, but maka--they were sure it was maka--seized him by the arm and held him. therefore this newcomer could not be pursuing their man. as the two now came forward, maka hurrying the other on, ralph and his two companions were amazed to see that this second man was also an african, a negro very much like maka, and as they drew nearer, the two looked as if they might have been brothers. the captain had wandered farther than he had intended, but after several shouts from ralph he came running back, and reached the camp-ground just as the two negroes arrived. at the sight of this tall man bounding toward him the strange negro appeared to be seized with a wild terror. he broke away from maka, and ran first in this direction and then in that, and perceiving the cleft in the face of the rock, he blindly rushed into it, as a rat would rush into a hole. instantly maka was after him, and the two were lost to view. when the captain had been told of the strange thing which had happened, he stood without a word. another african! this was a puzzle too great for his brain. "are you sure it was not a native of these parts?" said he, directly. "you know, they are very dark." "no!" exclaimed mrs. cliff and her companions almost in the same breath, "it was an african, exactly like maka." at this moment a wild yell was heard from the interior of the rocks, then another and another. without waiting to consider anything, or hear any more, the captain dashed into the narrow passage, ralph close behind him. they ran into the room in which they had slept. they looked on all sides, but saw nothing. again, far away, they heard another yell, and they ran out again into the passage. this narrow entry, as the investigating ralph had already discovered, continued for a dozen yards past the doorway which led to the chambers, but there it ended in a rocky wall about five feet high. above this was an aperture extending to the roof of the passage, but ralph, having a wholesome fear of snakes, had not cared to climb over the wall to see what was beyond. when the captain and ralph had reached the end of the passage, they heard another cry, and there could be no doubt that it came through the aperture by which they stood. instantly ralph scrambled to the top of the wall, pushed himself head foremost through the opening, and came down on the other side, partly on his hands and partly on his feet. had the captain been first, he would not have made such a rash leap, but now he did not hesitate a second. he instantly followed the boy, taking care, however, to let himself down on his feet. the passage on the other side of the dividing wall seemed to be the same as that they had just left, although perhaps a little lighter. after pushing on for a short distance, they found that the passage made a turn to the right, and then in a few moments the captain and ralph emerged into open space. what sort of space it was they could not comprehend. "it seemed to me," said ralph, afterwards, "as if i had fallen into the sky at night. i was afraid to move, for fear i should tumble into astronomical distances." the captain stared about him, apparently as much confounded by the situation as was the boy. but his mind was quickly brought to the consideration of things which he could understand. almost at his feet was maka, lying on his face, his arms and head over the edge of what might be a bank or a bottomless precipice, and yelling piteously. making a step toward him, the captain saw that he had hold of another man, several feet below him, and that he could not pull him up. "hold on tight, maka," he cried, and then, taking hold of the african's shoulders, he gave one mighty heave, lifted both men, and set them on their feet beside him. ralph would have willingly sacrificed the rest of his school-days to be able to perform such a feat as that. but the africans were small, and the captain was wildly excited. well might he be excited. he was wet! the strange man whom he had pulled up had stumbled against him, and he was dripping with water. ralph was by the captain, tightly gripping his arm, and, without speaking, they both stood gazing before them and around them. at their feet, stretching away in one direction, farther than they could see, and what at first sight they had taken to be air, was a body of water--a lake! above them were rocks, and, as far as they could see to the right, the water seemed to be overhung by a cavernous roof. but in front of them, on the other side of the lake, which here did not seem to be more than a hundred feet wide, there was a great upright opening in the side of the cave, through which they could see the distant mountains and a portion of the sky. "water!" said ralph, in a low tone, as if he had been speaking in church, and then, letting go of the captain's arm, he began to examine the ledge, but five or six feet wide, on which they stood. at his feet the water was at least a yard below them, but a little distance on he saw that the ledge shelved down to the surface of the lake, and in a moment he had reached this spot, and, throwing himself down on his breast, he plunged his face into the water and began drinking like a thirsty horse. presently he rose to his knees with a great sigh of satisfaction. "oh, captain," he cried, "it is cold and delicious. i believe that in one hour more i should have died of thirst." but the captain did not answer, nor did he move from the spot where he stood. his thoughts whirled around in his mind like chaff in a winnowing-machine. water! a lake in the bosom of the rocks! half an hour ago he must have been standing over it as he scrambled up the hillside. visions that he had had of the morrow, when all their eyes should be standing out of their faces, like the eyes of shipwrecked sailors he had seen in boats, came back to him, and other visions of his mate and his men toiling southward for perhaps a hundred miles without reaching a port or a landing, and then the long, long delay before a vessel could be procured. and here was water! ralph stood beside him for an instant. "captain," he cried, "i am going to get a pail, and take some to edna and mrs. cliff." and then he was gone. recalled thus to the present, the captain stepped back. he must do something--he must speak to some one. he must take some advantage of this wonderful, this overpowering discovery. but before he could bring his mind down to its practical workings, maka had clutched him by the coat. "cap'n," he said, "i must tell you. i must speak it. i must tell you now, quick. wait! don't go!" chapter v the rackbirds the new african was sitting on the ground, as far back from the edge of the ledge as he could get, shivering and shaking, for the water was cold. he had apparently reached the culmination and termination of his fright. after his tumble into the water, which had happened because he had been unable to stop in his mad flight, he had not nerve enough left to do anything more, no matter what should appear to scare him, and there was really no reason why he should be afraid of this big white man, who did not even look at him or give him a thought. maka's tale, which he told so rapidly and incoherently that he was frequently obliged to repeat portions of it, was to the following effect: he had thought a great deal about the scarcity of water, and it had troubled him so that he could not sleep. what a dreadful thing it would be for those poor ladies and the captain and the boy to die because they had no water! his recollections of experiences in his native land made him well understand that streams of water are to be looked for between high ridges, and the idea forced itself upon him very strongly that on the other side of the ridge to the south there might be a stream. he knew the captain would not allow him to leave the camp if he asked permission, and so he rose very early, even before it was light, and going down to the shore, made his way along the beach--on the same route, in fact, that the englishman davis had taken. he was a good deal frightened sometimes, he said, by the waves, which dashed up as if they would pull him into the water. when he reached the point of the rocky ridge, he had no difficulty whatever in getting round it, as he could easily keep away from the water by climbing over the rocks. he found that the land on the other side began to recede from the ocean, and that there was a small sandy beach below him. this widened until it reached another and smaller point of rock, and beyond this maka believed he would find the stream for which he was searching. and while he was considering whether he should climb over it or wade around it, suddenly a man jumped down from the rock, almost on top of him. this man fell down on his back, and was at first so frightened that he did not try to move. maka's wits entirely deserted him, he said, and he did not know anything, except that most likely he was going to die. but on looking at the man on the ground, he saw that he was an african like himself, and in a moment he recognized him as one of his fellow-slaves, with whom he had worked in guiana, and also for a short time on the panama canal. this made him think that perhaps he was not going to die, and he went up to the other man and spoke to him. then the other man thought perhaps he was not going to die, and he sat up and spoke. when the other man told his tale, maka agreed with him that it would be far better to die of thirst than to go on any farther to look for water, and, turning, he ran back, followed by the other, and they never stopped to speak to each other until they had rounded the great bluff, and were making their way along the beach toward the camp. then his fellow-african told maka a great deal more, and maka told everything to the captain. the substance of the tale was this: a mile farther up the bay than maka had gone, there was a little stream that ran down the ravine. about a quarter of a mile up this stream there was a spot where, it appeared from the account, there must be a little level ground suitable for habitations. here were five or six huts, almost entirely surrounded by rocks, and in these lived a dozen of the most dreadful men in the whole world. this maka assured the captain, his eyes wet with tears as he spoke. it must truly be so, because the other african had told him things which proved it. a little farther up the stream, on the other side of the ravine, there was a cave, a very small one, and so high up in the face of the rock that it could only be reached by a ladder. in this lived five black men, members of the company of slaves who had gone from guiana to the isthmus, and who had been brought down there about a year before by two wicked men, who had promised them well-paid work in a lovely country. they had, however, been made actual slaves in this barren and doleful place, and had since worked for the cruel men who had beguiled them into a captivity worse than the slavery to which they had been originally destined. eight of them had come down from the isthmus, but, at various times since, three of them had been killed by accident, or shot while trying to run away. the hardships of these poor fellows were very great, and maka's voice shook as he spoke of them. they were kept in the cave all the time, except when they were wanted for some sort of work, when a ladder was put up by the side of the rock, and such as were required were called to come down. without a ladder no one could get in or out of the cave. one man who had tried to slip down at night fell and broke his neck. the africans were employed in cooking and other rough domestic or menial services, and sometimes all of them were taken down to the shore of the bay, where they saw small vessels, and they were employed in carrying goods from one of these to another, and were also obliged to carry provisions and heavy kegs up the ravine to the houses of the wicked men. the one whom he had brought with him, maka said, had that day escaped from his captors. one of the rackbirds, whom in some way the negro had offended, had sworn to kill him before night, and feeling sure that this threat would be carried out, the poor fellow had determined to run away, no matter what the consequences. he had chosen the way by the ocean, in order that he might jump in and drown himself if he found that he was likely to be overtaken, but apparently his escape had not yet been discovered. maka was going on to tell something more about the wicked men, when the captain interrupted him. "can this friend of yours speak english?" he asked. "only one, two words," replied maka. "ask him if he knows the name of that band of men." "yes," said maka, presently, "he know, but he no can speak it." "are they called the rackbirds?" asked captain horn. the shivering negro had been listening attentively, and now half rose and nodded his head violently, and then began to speak rapidly in african. "yes," said maka, "he says that is name they are called." at this moment ralph appeared upon the scene, and the second african, whose name was something like mok, sprang to his feet as if he were about to flee for his life. but as there was no place to flee to, except into the water or into the arms of ralph, he stood still, trembling. a few feet to the left the shelf ended in a precipitous rock, and on the right, as has been said, it gradually descended into the water, the space on which the party stood not being more than twenty feet long and five or six feet wide. when he saw ralph, the captain suddenly stopped the question he was about to ask, and said in an undertone to maka: "not a word to the boy. i will tell." "oh," cried ralph, "you do not know what a lively couple there is out there. i found that my sister and mrs. cliff had made up their minds that they would perish in about two days, and mrs. cliff had been making her will with a lead-pencil, and now they are just as high up as they were low down before. they would not let me come to get them some water, though i kept telling them they never tasted anything like it in their whole lives, because they wanted to hear everything about everything. my sister will be wild to come to this lake before long, even if mrs. cliff does not care to try it. and when you are ready to come to them, and bring maka, they want to know who that other colored man is, and how maka happened to find him. i truly believe their curiosity goes ahead of their thirst." and so saying he went down to the lake to fill a pail he had brought with him. the captain told ralph to hurry back to the ladies, and that he would be there in a few minutes. captain horn knew a great deal about the rackbirds. they were a band of desperadoes, many of them outlaws and criminals. they had all come down from the isthmus, to which they had been attracted by the great canal works, and after committing various outrages and crimes, they had managed to get away without being shot or hung. captain horn had frequently heard of them in the past year or two, and it was generally supposed that they had some sort of rendezvous or refuge on this coast, but there had been no effort made to seek them out. he had frequently heard of crimes committed by them at points along the coast, which showed that they had in their possession some sort of vessel. at one time, when he had stopped at lima, he had heard that there was talk of the government's sending out a police or military expedition against these outlaws, but he had never known of anything of the sort being done. everything that, from time to time, had been told captain horn about the rackbirds showed that they surpassed in cruelty and utter vileness any other bandits, or even savages, of whom he had ever heard. among other news, he had been told that the former leader of the band, which was supposed to be composed of men of many nationalities, was a french canadian, who had been murdered by his companions because, while robbing a plantation in the interior,--they had frequently been known to cross the desert and the mountains,--he had forborne to kill an old man because as the trembling graybeard looked up at him he had reminded him of his father. some of the leading demons of the band determined that they could not have such a fool as this for their leader, and he was killed while asleep. now the band was headed by a spaniard, whose fiendishness was of a sufficiently high order to satisfy the most exacting of his fellows. these and other bits of news about the rackbirds had been told by one of the band who had escaped to panama after the murder of the captain, fearing that his own talents for baseness did not reach the average necessary for a rackbird. when he had made his landing from the wreck, captain horn never gave a thought to the existence of this band of scoundrels. in fact, he had supposed, when he had thought of the matter, that their rendezvous must be far south of this point. but now, standing on that shelf of rock, with his eyes fixed on the water without seeing it, he knew that the abode of this gang of wretches was within a comparatively short distance of this spot in which he and his companions had taken refuge, and he knew, too, that there was every reason to suppose that some of them would soon be in pursuit of the negro who had run away. suddenly another dreadful thought struck him. wild beasts, indeed! he turned quickly to maka. "does that man know anything about davis and the two sailors? were they killed?" he asked. maka shook his head and said that he had already asked his companion that question, but mok had said that he did not know. all he knew was that those wicked men killed everybody they could kill. the captain shut his teeth tightly together. "that was it," he said. "i could not see how it could be jaguars, although i could think of nothing else. but these bloodthirsty human beasts! i see it now." he moved toward the passage. "if that dirty wretch had not run away," he thought, "we might have stayed undiscovered here until a vessel came. but they will track his footsteps upon the sand--they are bound to do that." chapter vi three wild beasts when the captain joined the two ladies and the boy, who were impatiently waiting for him on the plateau, he had made up his mind to tell them the bad news. terrible as was the necessity, it could not be helped. it was very hard for him to meet those three radiant faces, and to hear them talk about the water that had been discovered. "now," said mrs. cliff, "i see no reason why we should not live here in peace and comfort until mr. rynders chooses to come back for us. and i have been thinking, captain, that if somebody--and i am sure ralph would be very good at it--could catch some fish, it would help out very much. we are getting a little short of meat, but as for the other things, we have enough to last for days and days. but we won't talk of that now. we want to hear where that other colored man came from. just look at him as he sits there with maka by those embers. one might think he would shiver himself to pieces. was he cast ashore from a wreck?" the captain stood silent for a moment, and then, briefly but plainly, and glossing over the horrors of the situation as much as he could, he told them about the rackbirds. not one of the little party interrupted the captain's story, but their faces grew paler and paler as he proceeded. when he had finished, mrs. cliff burst into tears. "captain," she cried, "let us take the boat and row away from this dreadful place. we should not lose a minute. let us go now!" but the captain shook his head. "that would not do," he said. "on this open sea they could easily see us. they have boats, and could row much faster than we could." "then," exclaimed the excited woman, "we could turn over the boat, and all sink to the bottom together." to this the captain made no answer. "you must all get inside as quickly as you can," he said. "maka, you and that other fellow carry in everything that has been left out here. be quick. go up, ralph, and take the flag down, and then run in." when the others had entered the narrow passage, the captain followed. fortunately, he had two guns, each double-barrelled, and if but a few of the rackbirds came in pursuit of the escaped negro, he might be a match for them in that narrow passage. shortly after the party had retired within the rocks, miss markham came to the captain, who was standing at the door of the first apartment. "captain horn," said she, "mrs. cliff is in a state of nervous fear, and i have been trying to quiet her. can you say anything that might give her a little courage? do you really think there is any chance of our escape from this new danger?" "yes," said the captain, "there is a chance. rynders may come back before the rackbirds discover us, and even if two or three of them find out our retreat, i may be able to dispose of them, and thus give us a little more time. that is our only ground of hope. those men are bound to come here sooner or later, and everything depends upon the return of rynders." "but," urged miss markham, "perhaps they may not come so far as this to look for the runaway. the waves may have washed out his footsteps upon the sand. there may be no reason why they should come up to this plateau." the captain smiled a very sombre smile. "if any of them should come this way," he said, "it is possible that they might not think it worth while to cease their search along the beach and come up to this particular spot, were it not that our boat is down there. that is the same thing as if we had put out a sign to tell them where we are. the boat is hauled up on shore, but they could not fail to see it." "captain," said miss markham, "do you think those rackbirds killed the three sailors?" "i am very much afraid of it," he answered. "if they did, they must have known that these poor fellows were survivors of a shipwreck, and i suppose they stole up behind them and shot them down or stabbed them. if that were so, i wonder why they have not sooner been this way, looking for the wreck, or, at least, for other unfortunates who may have reached shore. i suppose, if they are making this sort of a search, they went southward. but all that, of course, depends upon whether they really saw davis and the two other men. if they did not, they could have no reason for supposing there were any shipwrecked people on the coast." "but that thought is of no use to us," said miss markham, her eyes upon the ground, "for, of course, they will be coming after the black man. captain," she continued quickly, "is there anything i can do? i can fire a gun." he looked at her for a moment. "that will not be necessary," he said. "but there is something you can do. have you a pistol?" "yes," said she, "i have. i put it in my pocket as soon as i came into the cave. here it is." the captain took the pistol from her hands and examined it. "five chambers," he said, "all charged. be very careful of it,"--handing it back to her. "i will put your brother and mrs. cliff in your charge. at the slightest hint of danger, you must keep together in the middle room. i will stand between you and the rascals as long as i can, but if i am killed, you must do what you think best." "i will," said she, and she put the pistol back in her pocket. the captain was very much encouraged by the brave talk of this young woman, and it really seemed as if he now had some one to stand by him, some one with whom he could even consult. "i have carefully examined this cavern," said the captain, after a moment's pause, "and there are only two ways by which those men could possibly get in. you need not be afraid that any one can scramble down the walls of that farthest apartment. that could not be done, though they might be able to fire upon any one in it. but in the middle room you will be perfectly secure from gunshots. i shall keep maka on guard a little back from the entrance to the passage. he will lie on the ground, and can hear footsteps long before they reach us. it is barely possible that some of them might enter by the great cleft in the cave on the other side of the lake, but in that case they would have to swim across, and i shall station that new african on the ledge of which you have heard, and if he sees any of them coming in that direction, i know he will give very quick warning. i hardly think, though, that they would trust themselves to be picked off while swimming." "and you?" said she. "oh, i shall keep my eyes on all points," said he, "as far as i can. i begin to feel a spirit of fight rising up within me. if i thought i could keep them off until rynders gets here, i almost wish they would then come. i would like to kill a lot of them." "suppose," said edna markham, after a moment's reflection, "that they should see mr. rynders coming back, and should attack him." "i hardly think they would do that," replied the captain. "he will probably come in a good-sized vessel, and i don't think they are the kind of men for open battle. they are midnight sneaks and assassins. now, i advise all of you to go and get something to eat. it would be better for us not to try to do any cooking, and so make a smoke." the captain did not wish to talk any more. miss markham's last remark had put a new fear into his mind. suppose the rackbirds had lured rynders and his men on shore? those sailors had but few arms among them. they had not thought, when they left, that there would be any necessity for defence against their fellow-beings. when edna markham told mrs. cliff what the captain had said about their chances, and what he intended to do for their protection, the older woman brightened up a good deal. "i have great faith in the captain," she declared, "and if he thinks it is worth while to make a fight, i believe he will make a good one. if they should be firing, and mr. rynders is approaching the coast, even if it should be night, he would lose no time in getting to us." toward the close of that afternoon three wild beasts came around the point of the bluff and made their way northward along the beach. they were ferocious creatures with shaggy hair and beards. two of them carried guns, and each of them had a knife in his belt. when they came to a broad bit of beach above the reach of the waves, they were very much surprised at some footsteps they saw. they were the tracks of two men, instead of those of the one they were looking for. this discovery made them very cautious. they were eager to kill the escaped african before he got far enough away to give information of their retreat, for they knew not at what time an armed force in search of them might approach the coast. but they were very wary about running into danger. there was somebody with that black fellow--somebody who wore boots. after a time they came to the boat. the minute they saw this, each miscreant crouched suddenly upon the sand, and, with cocked guns, they listened. then, hearing nothing, they carefully examined the boat. it was empty--there were not even oars in it. looking about them, they saw a hollow behind some rocks. to this they ran, crouching close to the ground, and there they sat and consulted. it was between two and three o'clock the next morning that maka's eyes, which had not closed for more than twenty hours, refused to keep open any longer, and with his head on the hard, rocky ground of the passage in which he lay, the poor african slept soundly. on the shelf at the edge of the lake, the other african, mok, sat crouched on his heels, his eyes wide open. whether he was asleep or not it would have been difficult to determine, but if any one had appeared in the great cleft on the other side of the lake, he would have sprung to his feet with a yell--his fear of the rackbirds was always awake. inside the first apartment was captain horn, fast asleep, his two guns by his side. he had kept watch until an hour before, but ralph had insisted upon taking his turn, and, as the captain knew he could not keep awake always, he allowed the boy to take a short watch. but now ralph was leaning back against one of the walls, snoring evenly and steadily. in the next room sat edna markham, wide awake. she knew of the arrangement made with ralph, and she knew the boy's healthy, sleepy nature, so that when he went on watch she went on watch. outside of the cave were three wild beasts. one of them was crouching on the farther end of the plateau. another, on the lower ground a little below, stood, gun in hand, and barely visible in the starlight. a third, barefooted, and in garments dingy as the night, and armed only with a knife, crept softly toward the entrance of the cave. there he stopped and listened. he could plainly hear the breathing of the sleepers. he tried to separate these sounds one from another, so that he should be able to determine how many persons were sleeping inside, but this he could not do. then his cat-like eyes, becoming more and more accustomed to the darkness within the entrance, saw the round head of maka close upon the ground. the soul of the listening fiend laughed within him. "pretty watchers they are," he said to himself. "not three hours after midnight, and they are all snoring!" then, as stealthily and as slowly as he had come, he slipped away, and joining the others, they all glided through the darkness down to the beach, and then set off at their best speed back to their rendezvous. after they had discovered that there were people in the cave, they had not thought of entering. they were not fully armed, and they did not know how many persons were inside. but they knew one thing, and that was that these shipwrecked people--for that was what they must be--kept a very poor watch, and if the whole band came on the following night, the affair would probably be settled with but very little trouble, no matter how large the party in the cave might be. it was not necessary to look any further for the escaped negro. of course, he had been picked up by these people. the three beasts reached their camp about daybreak, and everybody was soon awakened and the tale was told. "it is a comfort," said the leader, lighting the stump of a black pipe which he thrust under his great mustache, and speaking in his native tongue, which some of them understood, and others did not, "to know that to-night's work is all cut out for us. now we can take it easy to-day, and rest our bones. the order of the day is to keep close. no straggling, nor wandering. keep those four niggers up in the pigeonhole. we will do our own cooking to-day, for we can't afford to run after any more of them. lucky the fellow who got away can't speak english, for he can't tell anything about us, any more than if he was an ape. so snooze to-day, if you want to. i will give you work to do for to-night." chapter vii gone! that morning, when the party in the cavern had had their breakfast, with some hot tea made on a spiritlamp which mrs. cliff had brought, and had looked cautiously out at the sunlit landscape, and the sea beyond, without seeing any signs or hearing any sound of wicked men, there came a feeling of relief. there was, indeed, no great ground for such a feeling, but as the rackbirds had not come the day before nor during the night, perhaps they would not come at all. it might be they did not care whether the black man ran away or not. but captain horn did not relax his precautions. he would take no chances, and would keep up a watch day and night. when, on the night before, the time had come for ralph's watch to end, his sister had awakened him, and when the captain, in his turn, was aroused, he had not known that it was not the boy who had kept watch during his sleep. in the course of the morning mrs. cliff and edna, having been filled with an intense desire to see the wonderful subterranean lake, had been helped over the rocky barrier, and had stood at the edge of the water, looking over to where it was lighted by the great chasm in the side of the rocks, and endeavoring to peer into the solemn, cavernous distance into which it extended on the right. edna said nothing, but stood gazing at the wonderful scene--the dark, mysterious waters before her, the arched cavern above her, and the picture of the bright sky and the tops of the distant mountains, framed by the sides of the great opening which stretched itself upward like a cathedral window on the other side of the lake. "it frightens me," said mrs. cliff. "to be sure, this water was our salvation, for we should have been dead by this time, pirates or no pirates, if we had not found it. but it is terrifying, for all that. we do not know how far it stretches out into the blackness, and we do not know how far down it goes. it may be thousands of feet deep, for all we know. don't go so near the edge, ralph. it makes me shudder." when the little party had returned to the cavern, the captain and the two ladies had a long talk about the lake. they all agreed that the existence of this great reservoir of water was sufficient to account for the greenness and fertility of the little plateau outside. even if no considerable amount of water trickled through the cracks in the rocks, the moisture which arose from the surface of the water found its way out into the surrounding atmosphere, and had nourished the bushes and vines. for some time they discussed their new-found water-supply, and they were all glad to have something to think about and talk about besides the great danger which overhung them. "if it could only have been the lake without the rackbirds," said mrs. cliff. "let us consider that that is the state of the case," remarked edna. "we have the lake, and so far we have not had any rackbirds." it was now nearly noon, and the captain looked around for ralph, but did not see him. he went to search for him, and finding that the boy had not passed maka, who was on watch, he concluded he must have gone to the lake. there was no reason why the restless youth should not seek to enliven his captivity by change of scene, but captain horn felt unwilling to have any one in his charge out of sight for any length of time, so he went to look for ralph. he found no one on the rocky shelf. as there had been little reason to expect a water attack at this hour, mok had been relieved from guard for a meal and a nap. but as ralph was not here, where could he be? a second glance, however, showed the captain the boy's clothes lying close by, against the upright side of the rock, and at that moment he heard a cry. his eyes flashed out toward the sound. there on the other side of the water, sitting on a bit of projecting rock not far from the great opening in the cave, he saw ralph. at first the captain stood dumb with amazement, and he was just about to call out, when ralph shouted again. "i swam over," he said, "but i can't get back. i've got the cramps. can't you make some sort of a raft, and come over to me! the water's awfully cold." raft, indeed! there was no material or time for anything of the kind. if the boy dropped off that bit of rock, he would be drowned, and the captain did not hesitate a moment. throwing aside his jacket and slipping off his shoes, he let himself down into the water and struck out in ralph's direction. the water was, indeed, very cold, but the captain was a strong swimmer, and it would not take him very long to cross the lake at this point, where its width was not much more than a hundred feet. as he neared the other side he did not make immediately for ralph. he thought it would be wise to rest a little before attempting to take the boy back, and so he made for another point of rock, a little nearer the opening, urging the boy, as he neared him, to sit firmly and keep up a good heart. "all right," said ralph. "i see what you are after. that is a better place than this, and if you land there i think i can scramble over to you." "don't move," said the captain. "sit where you are until i tell you what to do." the captain had not made more than two or three strokes after speaking when his right hand struck against something hard, just below the surface of the water. he involuntarily grasped it. it was immovable, and it felt like a tree, a few inches in diameter, standing perpendicularly in the lake. wondering what this could be, he took hold of it with his other hand, and finding that it supported him, he let his feet drop, when, to his surprise, he found that they rested on something with a rounded surface, and the idea instantly came into his mind that it was a submerged tree, the trunk lying horizontally, from which this upright branch projected. this might be as good a resting-place as the rock to which he had been going, and standing on it, with his head well out of the water, he turned to speak to ralph. at that moment his feet slipped from the slimy object on which he stood, and he fell backward into the water, still grasping, however, his upright support. but this did not remain upright more than an instant, but yielded to his weight, and the end of it which he held went down with him. as he sank, the captain, in his first bewilderment, did not loosen his grasp upon what had been his support, and which still prevented him from sinking rapidly. but in a moment his senses came to him, he let go, and a few downward strokes brought him to the surface of the water. then he struck out for the point of rock for which he had been aiming, and he was soon mounted upon it. "hi!" shouted ralph, who had been so frightened by the captain's sudden sinking that he nearly fell off his narrow seat, "i thought something had pulled you down." the captain did not explain. he was spluttering a little after his involuntary dive, and he wanted to get back as soon as possible, and so wasted no breath in words. in a few minutes he felt himself ready for the return trip, and getting into the water, he swam to ralph. following the directions given him, the boy let himself down into the water behind the captain, and placed his hands upon the latter's hips, firmly grasping the waistband of his trousers. then urging the boy not to change his position, nor attempt to take hold of him in any other way, the captain struck out across the lake, ralph easily floating behind him. when they stood upon the shelf on the other side, and ralph, having rubbed himself down with the captain's jacket, put on his clothes, captain horn rather sternly inquired of him how he came to do such a foolish and wicked thing as to run the risk of drowning himself in the lake at a time when his sister and his friends had already trouble enough on their minds. ralph was sorry, of course, that the captain had to come after him, and get himself wet, but he explained that he wanted to do something for the good of the party, and it had struck him that it would be a very sensible thing to investigate the opening on the other side of the lake. if he could get out of that great gap, he might find some way of climbing out over the top of the rocks and get to the place where his flag was, and then, if he saw mr. rynders coming, he could wave it. it would be a great thing if the people in the vessel which they all expected should see that flag the moment they came in sight of the coast. they might get to shore an hour or two sooner than if they had not seen it. "if the cramp in this leg had kept off five minutes longer," he said, "i would have reached that big hole, and then, if i could have climbed over the top of the rocks, i could have come down on the other side to the front door, and asked maka to get me my clothes, so i would not have had to swim back at all." "that will do," said the captain. "and now that you are dressed, you can go inside and get me that woollen shirt and trousers that i use for a pillow, for i must take off these wet things." when the boy came back with the clothes, the captain told him that he need not say anything to his sister or mrs. cliff about the great danger he had been in, but before he had finished his injunction ralph interrupted him. "oh, i have told them that already," said he. "they wanted to know where i had been, and it did not take a minute to tell them what a splendid swimmer you are, and how you came over after me without taking as much as two seconds to think about it. and i let them know, too, that it was a mighty dangerous thing for you to do. if i had been one of those fellows who were not used to the water, and who would grab hold of any one who came to save them, we might both have gone to the bottom together." the captain smiled grimly. "it is hard to get ahead of a boy," he said to himself. it was late that afternoon when captain horn, with ralph and the two ladies, were standing on the rocks in the inner apartment, trying to persuade themselves that they were having a cosey cup of tea together, when suddenly a scrambling sound of footsteps was heard, and maka dashed through the two adjoining apartments and appeared before them. instantly the captain was on his feet, his gun, which had been lying beside him, in his hand. up sprang the others, mute, with surprise and fear on their faces. maka, who was in a state of great excitement, and seemed unable to speak, gasped out the one word, "gone!" "what do you mean?" cried the captain. maka ran back toward the passage, and pointed inward. instantly the captain conjectured what he meant. mok, the second african, had been stationed to watch the lake approach, and he had deserted! now the hot thought flashed upon the captain that the rascal had been a spy. the rackbirds had known that there were shipwrecked people in these caves. how could they help knowing it, if they had killed davis and the others? but, cowardly hounds as they were, they had been afraid to attack the place until they knew how many people were in it, what arms they had, and in what way the place could best be assailed. this mok had found out everything. if the boy could swim across the lake, that black man could do it, and he had gone out through the cleft, and was probably now making his report to the gang. all this flashed through the captain's brain in a few seconds. he set his teeth together. he was ashamed that he had allowed himself to be so tricked. that african, probably one of the gang, and able to speak english, should have been kept a prisoner. what a fool he had been to treat the black-hearted and black-bodied wretch as one of themselves, and actually to put him on guard! of course, it was of no use to go to look for him, and the captain had put down his gun, and was just about to turn to speak to the others, when maka seized him by the coat. the negro seemed wildly excited and still unable to speak. but it was plain that he wanted the captain to follow him along the passage. there was no use in asking questions, and the captain followed, and behind him came ralph, edna, and mrs. cliff. maka was about to climb over the rocky partition which divided the passage, but the captain stopped him. "stay here," said he, "and watch the passage. i will see what is the matter over there." and then he and ralph jumped over and hurried to the lake. as they came out on the little platform of rock, on which the evening light, coming through the great; cleft, still rendered objects visible, they saw mok crouching on his heels, his eyes wide open as usual. the captain was stupefied. that african not gone! if it were not he, who had gone? then the captain felt a tight clutch upon his arm, and ralph pulled him around. casting eyes outward, the captain saw that it was the lake that had gone! as he and ralph stood there, stupefied and staring, they saw, by the dim light which came through the opening on the other side of the cavern, a great empty rocky basin. the bottom of this, some fifteen or twenty feet below them, wet and shining, with pools of water here and there, was plainly visible in the space between them and the open cleft, but farther on all was dark. there was every reason to suppose, however, that all the water had gone from the lake. why or how this had happened, they did not even ask themselves. they simply stood and stared. in a few minutes they were joined by edna, who had become so anxious at their absence and silence that she had clambered over the wall, and came running to them. by the time she reached them it was much darker than when they had arrived, but she could see that the lake had gone. that was enough. "what do you suppose it means?" she said presently. "are we over some awful subterranean cavern in which things sink out of sight in an instant?" "it is absolutely unaccountable," said the captain. "but we must go back to mrs. cliff. i hear her calling. and if maka has come to his senses, perhaps he can tell us something." but maka had very little to tell. to the captain's questions he could only say that a little while before, mok had come running to him, and told him that, being thirsty, he had gone down to the edge of the lake to get a drink, and found that there was no water, only a great hole, and then he had run to tell maka, and when maka had gone back with him, so greatly surprised that he had deserted his post without thinking about it, he found that what mok had said was true, and that there was nothing there but a great black hole. mok must have been asleep when the water went away, but it was gone, and that was all he knew about it. there was something so weird and mysterious about this absolute and sudden disappearance of this great body of water that mrs. cliff became very nervous and frightened. "this is a temple of the devil," she said, "and that is his face outside. you do not know what may happen next. this rocky floor on which we stand may give way, and we may all go down into unknown depths. i can't think of staying here another minute. it is dark now. let us slip away down to the beach, and take the boat, and row away from this horrible region where human devils and every other kind seem to own the country." "oh, no," said the captain, "we can't consider such wild schemes as that. i have been thinking that perhaps there may be some sort of a tide in this lake, and in the morning we may find the water just as it was. and, at any rate, it has not entirely deserted us, for in these pools at the bottom we can find water enough for us to drink." "i suppose i would not mind such things so much," said mrs. cliff, "if they happened out of doors. but being shut up in this cave with magical lakes, and expecting every minute to see a lot of bloodthirsty pirates bursting in upon us, is enough to shake the nerves of anybody." "captain," said ralph, "i suppose you will not now object to letting me go in the morning to explore that opening. i can walk across the bottom of the lake without any danger, you know." "don't you try to do anything of the kind," said the captain, "without my permission." "no, indeed!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "supposing the water were to suddenly rise just as you were half-way across. now that i think of it, there are springs and bodies of water which rise and fall this way, some of them in our own western country, but none of them are as large as this. what if it should rise in the night and flood the cave while we are asleep?" "why, dear mrs. cliff," said edna, "i am not afraid of the water's rising or of the earth's sinking. don't let us frighten ourselves with imaginations like that. perhaps there may not even be any real thing to be afraid of, but if there should be, let us keep courage for that." the disappearance of the lake gave the captain an uneasiness of which the others had not thought. he saw it would be comparatively easy for the rackbirds to gain access to the place through the cleft in the eastern wall of the lake cavern. if they should discover that aperture, the cavern might be attacked from the rear and the front at the same time, and then the captain feared his guns would not much avail. of course, during the darkness which would soon prevail there was no reason to expect a rear attack, and the captain satisfied himself with leaving mok at his former post, with instructions to give the alarm if he heard the slightest sound, and put maka, as before, in the outer passage. as for himself, he took an early nap in the evening, because at the very first break of dawn it would be necessary for him to be on the alert. he did not know how much he had depended upon the lake as a barrier of defence, but now that it had gone, he felt that the dangers which threatened them from the rackbirds were doubled. chapter viii the alarm it was still dark when the captain woke, and he struck a match to look at his watch. it was three o'clock. "is that you, captain?" said a voice from the next room. "is it time for you to begin watch again?" "yes," said the captain, "it is about time. how do you happen to be awake, miss markham? ralph! i believe the boy is snoring." "of course he is," said edna, speaking in a low voice. "we cannot expect such a boy to keep awake, and so i have been on watch. it was easy enough for me to keep my eyes open." "it is too bad," said the captain, and then, listening for a moment, he said: "i truly believe that maka is snoring, too, and as for that black fellow over there, i suspect that he sleeps all the time. miss markham, you have been the only person awake." "why shouldn't i be?" said she. "i am sure that a woman is just as good as a man for keeping watch." "if they should come," thought the captain, as he again sat in the dark, "i must not try to fight them in the passage. that would have been my best chance, but now some of them might pick me off from behind. no, i must fight them in this chamber. i can put everybody else in the middle apartment. perhaps before to-morrow night it might be well to bring some of those loose rocks here and build a barricade. i wish i had thought of that before." the captain sat and listened and thought. his listening brought him no return, and his thinking brought him too much. the most mournful ideas of what might happen if more than two or three of the desperadoes attacked the place crowded into his mind. if they came, they came to rob, and they were men who left behind them no living witnesses of their whereabouts or their crimes. and if two or three should come, and be repulsed, it would not be long before the rest would arrive. in fact, the only real hope they had was founded on the early return of rynders--that is, if rynders and his men were living. the captain waited and listened, but nothing came but daylight. as soon as he was able to discern objects outside the opening on the plateau, he awoke maka, and, leaving him on guard, he made his way to the lake cavern. here the light was beginning to come freely through the chasm which faced nearly east. mok was sitting with his eyes open, and showed that he was alive by a little grunt when the captain approached. if there were such a thing here as a subterranean tide, it had not risen. there was no water where the lake had been. gazing across the empty basin, the captain felt a strong desire to go over, climb up to the opening, and discover whether or not the cavern was accessible on that side. it would be very important for him to know this, and it would not take long for him to make an investigation. one side of the rocky shelf which has been before mentioned sloped down to the lake, and the captain was just about to descend this when he heard a cry from the passage, and, at the same moment, a shout from mok which seemed to be in answer to it. instantly the captain turned and dashed into the passage, and, leaping over the barrier, found maka standing near the entrance. as soon as the negro saw him, he began to beckon wildly for him to come on. but there was no need now of keeping quiet and beckoning. the first shout had aroused everybody inside, and the two ladies and ralph were already in the passage. the captain, however, made them keep back, while he and maka, on their hands and knees, crawled toward the outer opening. from this point one could see over the plateau, and the uneven ground beyond, down to the beach and the sea; but there was still so little light upon this western slope that at first the captain could not see anything noticeable in the direction in which maka was pointing. but in a few moments his mariner eyes asserted themselves, and he saw some black spots on the strip of beach, which seemed to move. then he knew they were moving, and moving toward him--coming up to the cave! they were men! "sit here," said the captain to maka, and then, with his gun in his hand, he rushed back to the rest of the party. "they seem to be coming," said he, speaking as calmly as he could, "but we have discovered them in good time, and i shall have some shots at them before they reach here. let us hope that they will never get here at all. you two," said he to mrs. cliff and ralph, "are to be under command of miss markham. you must do exactly what she tells you to." then, turning to edna, he said, "you have your pistol ready?" "yes," said she, "i am ready." without another word, the captain took his other gun and all his ammunition, and went back into the passage. here he found mok, who had come to see what was the matter. motioning the negro to go back to his post, the captain, with his loaded guns, went again to the entrance. looking out, he could now plainly see the men. there were four of them. it was lighter down toward the sea, for the rocks still threw a heavy shadow over the plateau. the sight sent a thrill of brave excitement through the captain. "if they come in squads of four," thought he, "i may be a match for them. they can't see me, and i can see them. if i could trust maka to load a gun, i would have a better chance, but if i could pick off two, or even one, that might stop the others and give me time to reload. come on, you black-hearted scoundrels," he muttered through his teeth, as he knelt outside the cave, one gun partly raised, and the other on the ground beside him. "if i could only know that none of your band could come in at that hole in the back of the cave, i'd call the odds even." the dawn grew brighter, and the four men drew nearer. they came slowly, one considerably ahead of the others. two or three times they stopped and appeared to be consulting, and then again moved slowly forward straight toward the plateau. when the leading man was nearly within gunshot, the captain's face began to burn, and his pulses to throb hard and fast. "the sooner i pick off the head one," he thought, "the better chance i have at the others." he brought his gun to his shoulder, and was slowly lowering the barrel to the line of aim, when suddenly something like a great black beast rushed past him, pushing up his arm and nearly toppling him over. it came from the cave, and in a second it was out on the plateau. then it gave a leap upward, and rushed down toward the sea. utterly astounded, the captain steadied himself and turned to maka. "what was that?" he exclaimed. the african was on his feet, his body bent forward, his eyes peering out into the distance. "mok!" said he. "look! look!" it was mok who had rushed out of the cave. he was running toward the four men. he reached them, he threw up his arms, he sprang upon the first man. then he left him, and jumped upon the others. then maka gave a little cry and sprang forward, but in the same instant the captain seized him. "stop!" he cried. "what is it?" the african shouted: "mok's people! mok knowed them. look! look--see! mok!" the party was now near enough and the day was bright enough for the captain to see that on the lower ground beyond the plateau there were five black men in a state of mad excitement. he could hear them jabbering away at a great rate. so far as he could discover, they were all unarmed, and as they stood there gesticulating, the captain might have shot them down in a bunch, if he had chosen. "go," said he to maka, "go down there and see what it all means." the captain now stepped back into the passage. he could see miss markham and ralph peering out of the doorway of the first compartment. "there does not seem to be any danger so far," said he. "some more africans have turned up. maka has gone to meet them. we shall find out about them in a few minutes," and he turned back to the entrance. he saw that the six black fellows were coming toward him, and, as he had thought, they carried no guns. chapter ix an amazing narration when the captain had gone out again into the open air, he was followed by the rest of the party, for, if there were no danger, they all wanted to see what was to be seen. what they saw was a party of six black men on the plateau, maka in the lead. there could be no doubt that the newcomers were the remainder of the party of africans who had been enslaved by the rackbirds, and the desire of the captain and his companions to know how they had got away, and what news they brought, was most intense. maka now hurried forward, leading one of the strangers. "great things they tell," said he. "this cheditafa. he speak english good as me. he tell you." "the first thing i want," cried the captain, "is some news of those rackbirds. have they found we are here? will they be coming after these men, or have they gone off somewhere else? tell me this, and be quick." "oh, yes," cried maka, "they found out we here. but cheditafa tell you--he tell you everything. great things!" "very well, then," said the captain. "let him begin and be quick about it." the appearance of cheditafa was quite as miserable as that of poor mok, but his countenance was much more intelligent, and his english, although very much broken, was better even than maka's, and he was able to make himself perfectly understood. he spoke briefly, and this is the substance of his story: about the middle of the afternoon of the day before, a wonderful thing happened. the rackbirds had had their dinner, which they had cooked themselves, and they were all lying down in their huts or in the shadows of the rocks, either asleep, or smoking and telling stories. cheditafa knew why they were resting. the rackbirds had no idea that he understood english, for he had been careful to keep this fact from them after he found out what sort of men they were,--and this knowledge had come very soon to him,--and they spoke freely before him. he had heard some of the men who had been out looking for mok, and who had come back early that morning, tell about some shipwrecked people in a cave up the coast, and had heard all the plans which had been made for the attack upon them during the night. he also knew why he and his fellows had been cooped up in the cave in the rock in which they lived, all that day, and had not been allowed to come down and do any work. they were lying huddled in their little cave, feeling very hungry and miserable, and whispering together,--for if they spoke out or made any noise, one of the men below would be likely to fire a load of shot at them,--when suddenly a strange thing happened. they heard a great roar like a thousand bulls, which came from the higher part of the ravine, and peeping out, they saw what seemed like a wall of rock stretching across the little valley. but in a second they saw it was not rock--it was water, and before they could take two breaths it had reached them. then it passed on, and they saw only the surface of a furious and raging stream, the waves curling and dashing over each other, and reaching almost up to the floor of their cave. they were so frightened that they pressed back as far as they could get, and even tried to climb up the sides of the rocky cavity, so fearful were they that the water would dash in upon them. but the raging flood roared and surged outside, and none of it came into their cave. then the sound of it became not quite so loud, and grew less and less. but still cheditafa and his companions were so frightened and so startled by this awful thing, happening so suddenly, as if it had been magic, that it was some time--he did not know how long--before they lifted their faces from the rocks against which they were pressing them. then cheditafa crept forward and looked out. the great waves and the roaring water were gone. there was no water to be seen, except the brook which always ran at the bottom of the ravine, and which now seemed not very much bigger than it had been that morning. but the little brook was all there was in the ravine, except the bare rocks, wet and glistening. there were no huts, no rackbirds, nothing. even the vines and bushes which had been growing up the sides of the stream were all gone. not a weed, not a stick, not a clod of earth, was left--nothing but a great, rocky ravine, washed bare and clean. edna markham stepped suddenly forward and seized the captain by the arm. "it was the lake," she cried. "the lake swept down that ravine!" "yes," said the captain, "it must have been. but listen--let us hear more. go on," he said to cheditafa, who proceeded to tell how he and his companions looked out for a long time, but they saw nor heard nothing of any living creature. it would be easy enough for anybody to come back up the ravine, but nobody came. they had now grown so hungry that they could have almost eaten each other. they felt they must get out of the cave and go to look for food. it would be better to be shot than to sit there and starve. then they devised a plan by which they could get down. the smallest man got out of the cave and let himself hang, holding to the outer edge of the floor with his hands. then another man put his feet over the edge of the rock, and let the hanging man take hold of them. the other two each seized an arm of the second man, and lowered the two down as far as they could reach. when they had done this, the bottom man dropped, and did not hurt himself. then they had to pull up the second man, for the fall would have been too great for him. after that they had to wait a long time, while the man who had got out went to look for something by which the others could help themselves down--the ladder they had used having been carried away with everything else. after going a good way down the ravine to a place where it grew much wider, with the walls lower, he found things that had been thrown up on the sides, and among these was the trunk of a young tree, which, after a great deal of hard work, he brought back to the cave, and by the help of this they all scrambled down. they hurried down the ravine, and as they approached the lower part, where it became wider before opening into the little bay into which the stream ran, they found that the flood, as it had grown shallower and spread itself out, had left here and there various things which it had brought down from the camp--bits of the huts, articles of clothing, and after a while they came to a rackbird, quite dead, and hanging upon a point of projecting rock. farther on they found two or three more bodies stranded, and later in the day some rackbirds who had been washed out to sea came back with the tide, and were found upon the beach. it was impossible, cheditafa said, for any of them to have escaped from that raging torrent, which hurled them against the rocks as it carried them down to the sea. but the little party of hungry africans did not stop to examine anything which had been left. what they wanted was something to eat, and they knew where to get it. about a quarter of a mile back from the beach was the storehouse of the rackbirds, a sort of cellar which they had made in a sand-hill. as the africans had carried the stores over from the vessel which had brought them, and had afterwards taken to the camp such supplies as were needed from time to time, of course they knew where to find them, and they lost no time in making a hearty meal. according to cheditafa's earnest assertions, they had never eaten as they had eaten then. he believed that the reason they had been left without food was that the rackbirds were too proud to wait on black men, and had concluded to let them suffer until they had returned from their expedition, and the negroes could be let down to attend to their own wants. after they had eaten, the africans went to a spot which commanded a view up the ravine, as well as the whole of the bay, and there they hid themselves, and watched as long as it was daylight, so that if any of the rackbirds had escaped they could see them. but they saw nothing, and being very anxious to find good white people who would take care of them, they started out before dawn that morning to look for the shipwrecked party about whom cheditafa had heard the rackbirds talking, and with whom they hoped to find their companion mok, and thus it was that they were here. "and those men were coming to attack us last night?" asked the captain. "you are sure of that?" "yes," said cheditafa, "it was last night. they not know how many you are, and all were coming." "and some of them had already been here?" "yes," replied the african. "one day before, three went out to look for mok, and they found his track and more track, and they waited in the black darkness, and then came here, and they heard you all sleep and snore that night. they were to come again, and if they--" "and yesterday afternoon the lake came down and swept them out of existence!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. chapter x the captain explores captain horn had heard the story of cheditafa, he walked away from the rest of the party, and stood, his eyes upon the ground, still mechanically holding his gun. he now knew that the great danger he had feared had been a real one, and far greater than he had imagined. a systematic attack by all the rackbirds would have swept away his single resistance as the waters had swept them and their camp away. as to parley or compromise with those wretches, he knew that it would have been useless to think of it. they allowed no one to go forth from their hands to reveal the place of their rendezvous. but although he was able to appreciate at its full force the danger with which they had been threatened, his soul could not immediately adjust itself to the new conditions. it had been pressed down so far that it could not easily rise again. he felt that he must make himself believe in the relief which had come to them, and, turning sharply, he called out to cheditafa: "man, since you have been in this part of the country, have you ever seen or heard of any wild beasts here? are there any jaguars or pumas?" the african shook his head. "no, no," said he, "no wild beasts. everybody sleep out of doors. no think of beasts--no snakes." the captain dropped his gun upon the ground. "miss markham!" he exclaimed. "mrs. cliff! i truly believe we are out of all danger--that we--" but the two ladies had gone inside, and heard him not. they appreciated to the full the danger from which they had been delivered. ralph, too, had gone. the captain saw him on his post of observation, jamming the end of his flagpole down between two rocks. "hello!" cried the boy, seeing the captain looking up at him, "we might as well have this flying here all the time. there is nobody to hurt us now, and we want people to know where we are." the captain walked by the little group of africans, who were sitting on the ground, talking in their native tongue, and entered the passage. he climbed over the barrier, and went to the lake. he did not wish to talk to anybody, but he felt that he must do something, and now was a good time to carry out his previous intention to cross over the empty bed of the lake and to look out of the opening on the other side. there was no need now to do this for purposes of vigilance, but he thought that if he could get out on the other side of the cave he might discover some clew to the disappearance of the lake. he had nearly crossed the lake bottom, when suddenly he stopped, gazing at something which stood before him, and which was doubtless the object he had struck when swimming. the sun was now high and the cave well lighted, and with a most eager interest the captain examined the slimy and curious object on which his feet had rested when it was submerged, and from which he had fallen. it was not the horizontal trunk of a tree with a branch projecting from it at right angles. it was nothing that was natural or had grown. it was plainly the work of man. it was a machine. at first the captain thought it was made of wood, but afterwards he believed it to be of metal of some sort. the horizontal portion of it was a great cylinder, so near the bottom of the lake that he could almost touch it with his hands, and it was supported by a massive framework. from this projected a long limb or bar, which was now almost horizontal, but which the captain believed to be the thick rod which had stood upright when he clutched it, and which had yielded to his weight and had gone down with him. he knew now what it was: it was a handle that had turned. he hurried to the other end of the huge machine, where it rested against the rocky wall of the cavern. there he saw in the shadow, but plain enough now that he was near it, a circular aperture, a yard or more in diameter. inside of this was something which looked like a solid wheel, very thick, and standing upright in the opening. it was a valve. the captain stepped back and gazed for some minutes at this great machine which the disappearance of the water had revealed. it was easy for him to comprehend it now. "when i slipped and sank," he said to himself, "i pulled down that lever, and i opened the water-gate and let out the lake." the captain was a man whose mind was perfectly capable of appreciating novel and strange impressions, but with him such impressions always connected themselves, in one way or another, with action: he could not stand and wonder at the wonderful which had happened--it always suggested something he must do. what he now wanted to do was to climb up to the great aperture which lighted the cavern, and see what was outside. he could not understand how the lake could have gone from its basin without the sound of the rushing waters being heard by any one of the party. with some difficulty, he climbed up to the cleft and got outside. here he had a much better view of the topography of the place than he had yet been able to obtain. so far as he had explored, his view toward the interior of the country had been impeded by rocks and hills. here he had a clear view from the mountains to the sea, and the ridge which he had before seen to the southward he could now examine to greater advantage. it was this long chain of rocks which had concealed them from their enemies, and on the other side of which must be the ravine in which the rackbirds had made their camp. immediately below the captain was a little gorge, not very deep nor wide, and from its general trend toward the east and south the captain was sure that it formed the upper part of the ravine of the rackbirds. at the bottom of it there trickled a little stream. to the northeast ran another line of low rock, which lost itself in the distance before it blended into the mountains, and at the foot of this must run the stream which had fed the lake. in their search for water, game, or fellow-beings, no one had climbed these desolate rocks, apparently dry and barren. but still the captain was puzzled as to the way the water had gone out of the lake. he did not believe that it had flowed through the ravine below. there were no signs that there had been a flood down there. little vines and plants were growing in chinks of the rocks close to the water. and, moreover, had a vast deluge rushed out almost beneath the opening which lighted the cave, it must have been heard by some of the party. he concluded, therefore, that the water had escaped through a subterranean channel below the rocks from which he looked down. he climbed down the sides of the gorge, and walked along its bottom for two or three hundred yards, until around a jutting point of rock he saw that the sides of the defile separated for a considerable distance, and then, coming together again below, formed a sort of amphitheatre. the bottom of this was a considerable distance below him, and he did not descend into it, but he saw plainly that it had recently contained water, for pools and puddles were to be seen everywhere. at the other end of it, where the rocks again approached each other, was probably a precipice. after a few minutes' cogitation, captain horn felt sure that he understood the whole matter: a subway from the lake led to this amphitheatre, and thus there had been no audible rush of the waters until they reached this point, where they poured in and filled this great basin, the lower end of which was probably stopped up by accumulations of sand and deposits, which even in that country of scant vegetation had accumulated in the course of years. when the waters of the lake had rushed into the amphitheatre, this natural dam had held them for a while, but then, giving way before the great pressure, the whole body of water had suddenly rushed down the ravine to the sea. "yes," said the captain, "now i understand how it happened that although i opened the valve at noon, the water did not reach the rackbirds until some hours later, and then it came suddenly and all at once, which would not have been the case had it flowed steadily from the beginning through the outlet made for it." when the captain had returned and reported his discoveries, and he and his party had finished their noonday meal, which they ate outside on the plateau, with the fire burning and six servants to wait on them, mrs. cliff said: "and now, captain, what are we going to do? now that our danger is past, i suppose the best thing for us is to stay here in quiet and thankfulness, and wait for mr. rynders. but, with the provisions we have, we can't wait very long. when there were but five of us, we might have made the food hold out for a day or two longer, but now that we are ten, we shall soon be without anything to eat." "i have been talking to maka about that," said the captain, "and he says that cheditafa reports all sorts of necessary things in the rackbirds' storehouse, and he proposes that he and the rest of the black fellows go down there and bring us some supplies. they are used to carrying these stores, and six of them can bring us enough to last a good while. now that everything is safe over there, i can see that maka is very anxious to go, and, in fact, i would like to go myself. but although there doesn't seem to be any danger at present, i do not want to leave you." "as for me," said miss markham, "i want to go there. there is nothing i like better than exploring." "that's to my taste, too," said the captain, "but it will be better for us to wait here and see what maka has to say when he gets back. perhaps, if mr. rynders doesn't turn up pretty soon, we will all make a trip down there. where is ralph? i don't want him to go with the men." "he is up there on his lookout, as he calls it," said his sister, "with his spy-glass." "very good," said the captain. "i will send the men off immediately. maka wants to go now, and they can come back by the light of the young moon. when they have loads to carry, they like to travel at night. we shall have to get our own supper, and that will give ralph something to do." the party of africans had not gone half-way from the plateau to the beach before they were discovered by the boy on the outlook rock, and he came rushing down to report that the darkies were running away. when he was told the business on which they had gone, he was very much disappointed that he was not allowed to go with them, and, considerably out of temper, retired to his post of observation, where, as it appeared, he was dividing his time between the discovery of distant specks on the horizon line of the ocean and imaginary jaguars and pumas on the foot-hills. chapter xi a new hemisphere with a tin pail in his hand, the captain now went to the cavern of the lake. he wished very much to procure some better water than the last that had been brought, and which mok must have dipped up from a very shallow puddle. it was possible, the captain thought, that by going farther into the cavern he might find a deeper pool in which water still stood, and if he could not do this, he could get water from the little stream in the ravine. more than this, the captain wished very much to take another look at the machine by which he had let out the water. his mind had been so thoroughly charged with the sense of danger that, until this had faded away, he had not been able to take the interest in the artificial character of the lake which it deserved. as the captain advanced into the dimmer recesses of the cavern, he soon found a pool of water a foot or more in depth, and having filled his pail at this, he set it down and walked on to see what was beyond. his eyes having now conformed themselves to the duskiness of the place, he saw that the cavern soon made a turn to the left, and gazing beyond him, he judged that the cave was very much wider here, and he also thought that the roof was higher. but he did not pay much attention to the dimensions of the cavern, for he began to discern, at first dimly and then quite plainly, a large object which rose from the bottom of the basin. he advanced eagerly, peering at what seemed to be a sort of dome-like formation of a lighter color than the rocks about him, and apparently about ten feet high. carefully feeling his way for fear of pitfalls, the captain drew close to the object, and placed his hand upon it. he believed it to be of stone, and moving his hand over it, he thought he could feel joints of masonry. it was clearly a structure built by men. captain horn searched his pockets for a match, but found none, and he hastened back to the cave to get the lantern, passing, without noticing it, the pail which he had filled with water. he would have brought the lantern with him when he first came, but they had no oil except what it contained, and this they had husbanded for emergencies. but now the captain wanted light--he cared not what might happen afterwards. in a very short time, with the lantern in his hand, which lighted up the cave for a considerable distance about him, the captain again stood at the foot of the subterranean dome. he walked around it. he raised and lowered his lantern, and examined it from top to bottom. it was one half a sphere of masonry, built in a most careful manner, and, to all appearances, as solid as a great stone ball, half sunken in the ground. its surface was smooth, excepting for two lines of protuberances, each a few inches in height, and about a foot from each other. these rows of little humps were on opposite sides of the dome, and from the bottom nearly to the top. it was plain they were intended to serve as rude ladders by which the top of the mound could be gained. the captain stepped back, held up his lantern, and gazed in every direction. he could now see the roof of the cavern, and immediately above him he perceived what he was sure were regular joints of masonry, but on the sides of the cave he saw nothing of the sort. for some minutes he stood and reflected, his brain in a whirl. presently he exclaimed: "yes, this cave is man's work! i am sure of it. it is not natural. i wondered how there could be such a cave on the top of a hill. it was originally a gorge, and they have roofed it over, and the bottom of the basin has been cut out to make it deeper. it was made so that it could be filled up with water, and roofed over so that nobody should know there was any water here, unless they came on it by means of the passage from our caves. that passage must have been blocked up. as for the great opening in the side of the cave, the rocks have fallen in there--that is easy enough to see. yes, men made this cave and filled it with water, and if the water were high enough to cover the handle of that machine, as it was when i struck it, it must also have been high enough to cover up this stone mound. the lake was intended to cover and hide that mound. and then, to make the hiding of it doubly sure, the men who built all this totally covered up the lake so that nobody would know it was here. and then they built that valve apparatus, which was also submerged, so that they could let out the water when they wanted to get at this stone thing, whatever it is. what a scheme to hide anything! even if anybody discovered the lake, which would not be likely until some part of the cave fell in, they would not know it was anything but a lake when they did see it. and as for letting off the water, nobody but the people who knew about it could possibly do that, unless somebody was fool enough to take the cold bath i was obliged to take, and even then it would have been one chance in a hundred that he found the lever, and would know how to turn it when he did find it. this whole thing is the work of the ancient south americans, and i imagine that this stone mound is the tomb of one of their kings." at this moment the captain heard something, and turned to listen. it was a voice--the voice of a boy. it was ralph calling to him. instantly the captain turned and hurried away, and as he went he extinguished his lantern. when he reached his pail of water he picked it up, and was very soon joined by ralph, who was coming to meet him over the bottom of the lake. "i have been looking for you everywhere, captain," said he. "what have you been after? more water? and you took a lantern to find it, eh? and you have been ever so far into the cave. why didn't you call me? let me have the lantern. i want to go to explore." but the captain did not give him the lantern, nor did he allow him to go to explore. "no, sir," said he. "what we've got to do is to hurry outside and help get supper. we must wait on ourselves to-night." when supper was over, that evening, and the little party was sitting out on the plateau, gazing over the ocean at the sunlit sky, mrs. cliff declared that she wished they could bring their bedding and spread it on the ground out there, and sleep. "it is dry enough," she said, "and warm enough, and if there is really nothing to fear from animals or men, i don't want ever to go inside of those caves again. i had such horrible fears and ideas when i was sitting trembling in those dismal vaults, expecting a horde of human devils to burst in upon us at any moment, that the whole place is horrible to me. anyway, if i knew that i had to be killed, i would rather be killed out here." the captain smiled. "i don't think we will give up the caves just yet. i, for one, most certainly want to go in there again." and then he told the story of the stone mound which he had discovered. "and you believe," cried mrs. cliff, leaning forward, "that it is really the tomb of an ancient king?" "if it isn't that, i don't know what it can be," said the captain. "the grave of a king!" cried ralph. "a mummy! with inscriptions and paintings! oh, captain, let's go open it this minute, before those blackies get back." the captain shook his head. "don't be in such a hurry," he said. "it will not be an easy job to open that mound, and we shall need the help of the blackies, as you call them, if we do it at all." "do it at all!" cried ralph. "i'll never leave this place until i do it myself, if there is nobody else to help." miss markham sat silent. she was the only one of the company who had studied the history of south america, and she did not believe that the ancient inhabitants of that country buried their kings in stone tombs, or felt it necessary to preserve their remains in phenomenal secrecy and security. she had read things, however, about the ancient peoples of this country which now made her eyes sparkle and her heart beat quickly. but she did not say anything. this was a case in which it would be better to wait to see what would happen. "captain!" cried ralph, "let's go to see the thing. what is the use of waiting? edna and mrs. cliff won't mind staying here while you take me to see it. we can go in ten minutes." "no," said mrs. cliff, "there may be no danger, but i am not going to be left here with the sun almost down, and you two out of sight and hearing." "let us all go," said edna. the captain considered for a moment. "yes," said he, "let us all go. as we shall have to take a lantern anyway, this is as good a time as another." it was not an easy thing for the two ladies to get over the wall at the end of the passage, and to make their way over the rough and slippery bottom of the lake basin, now lighted only by the lantern which the captain carried. but in the course of time, with a good deal of help from their companions, they reached the turning of the cave and stood before the stone mound. "hurrah!" cried ralph. "why, captain, you are like columbus! you have discovered a new hemisphere." "it is like one of the great ant-hills of africa," said mrs. cliff, "but, of course, this was not built by ants i wonder if it is possible that it can be the abode of water-snakes." edna stood silent for a few moments, and then she said, "captain, do you suppose that this dome was entirely covered by water when the lake was full?" "i think so," said he. "judging from what i know of the depth of the lake, i am almost sure of it." "ralph!" suddenly cried mrs. cliff, "don't try to do that. the thing may break under you, and nobody knows what you would fall into. come down." but ralph paid no attention to her words. he was half-way up the side of the mound when she began to speak, and on its top when she had finished. "captain," he cried, "hand me up the lantern. i want to see if there is a trap-door into this affair. don't be afraid, mrs. cliff. it's as solid as a rock." the captain did not hand up the lantern, but holding it carefully in one hand, he ascended the dome by means of the row of protuberances on the other side, and crouched down beside ralph on the top of it. "oh, ho!" said he, as he moved the lantern this way and that, "here is a square slab fitted into the very top." "yes," said ralph, "and it's got different mortar around the edges." "that is not mortar," said the captain. "i believe it is some sort of resin. here, hold the lantern, and be careful of it." the captain took his jack-knife out of his pocket, and with the large blade began to dig into the substance which filled the joint around the slab, which was about eighteen inches square. "it is resin," said he, "or something like it, and it comes out very easily. this slab is intended to be moved." "indeed it is!" exclaimed ralph, "and we're intended to move it. here, captain, i'll help you. i've got a knife. let's dig out that stuff and lift up the lid before the darkies come back. if we find any dead bodies inside this tomb, they will frighten those fellows to death, if they catch sight of them." "very good," said the captain. "i shall be only too glad to get this slab up, if i can, but i am afraid we shall want a crowbar and more help. it's a heavy piece of stone, and i see no way of getting at it." "this isn't stone in the middle of the slab," said ralph. "it's a lot more resinous stuff. i had the lantern over it and did not see it. let's take it out." there was a circular space in the centre of the stone, about eight inches in diameter, which seemed to be covered with resin. after a few minutes' work with the jack-knives this substance was loosened and came out in two parts, showing a bowl-like depression in the slab, which had been so cut as to leave a little bar running from side to side of it. "a handle!" cried ralph. "that is what it is," said captain horn. "if it is intended to be lifted, i ought to be able to do it. move down a little with the lantern, and give me room." the captain now stood on the top of the mound, with the slab between his feet, and stooping down, he took hold of the handle with both hands. he was a powerful man, but he could not lift the stone. his first effort, however, loosened it, and then he began to move it from side to side, still pulling upward, until at last he could feel it rising. then, with a great heave, he lifted it entirely out of the square aperture in which it had been fitted, and set it on one side. in an instant, ralph, lantern in hand, was gazing down into the opening. "hello!" he cried, "there is something on fire in there. oh, no," he added quickly, correcting himself, "it's only the reflection from our light." chapter xii a tradition and a waistcoat captain horn, his face red with exertion and excitement, stood gazing down into the square aperture at his feet. on the other edge of the opening knelt ralph, holding the lantern so that it would throw its light into the hole. in a moment, before the boy had time to form a question, he was pushed gently to one side, and his sister edna, who had clambered up the side of the mound, knelt beside him. she peered down into the depths beneath, and then she drew back and looked up at the captain. his whole soul was in his downward gaze, and he did not even see her. then there came a voice from below. "what is it?" cried mrs. cliff. "what are you all looking at! do tell me." with half-shut eyes, edna let herself down the side of the mound, and when her feet touched the ground, she made a few tottering steps toward mrs. cliff, and placing her two hands on her companion's shoulders, she whispered, "i thought it was. it is gold! it is the gold of the incas." and then she sank senseless at the feet of the older woman. mrs. cliff did not know that miss markham had fainted. she simply stood still and exclaimed, "gold! what does it mean?" "what is it all about?" exclaimed ralph. "it looks like petrified honey. this never could have been a beehive." without answering, captain horn knelt at the edge of the aperture, and taking the lantern from the boy, he let it down as far as it would go, which was only a foot or two. "ralph," he said hoarsely, as he drew himself back, "hold this lantern and get down out of my way. i must cover this up, quick." and seizing the stone slab by the handle, he lifted it as if it had been a pot-lid, and let it down into its place. "now," said he, "get down, and let us all go away from this place. those negroes may be back at any moment." when ralph found that his sister had fainted, and that mrs. cliff did not know it, there was a little commotion at the foot of the mound. but some water in a pool near by soon revived edna, and in ten minutes the party was on the plateau outside the caverns. the new moon was just beginning to peep over the rocks behind them, and the two ladies had seated themselves on the ground. ralph was pouring out question after question, to which nobody paid any attention, and captain horn, his hands thrust into his pockets, walked backward and forward, his face flushed and his breath coming heavily, and, with his eyes upon the ground, he seemed to think himself entirely alone among those desolate crags. "can any of you tell me what it means?" cried mrs. cliff. "edna, do you understand it? tell me quickly, some of you!" "i believe i know what it means," said edna, her voice trembling as she spoke. "i thought i knew as soon as i heard of the mound covered up by the lake, but i did not dare to say anything, because if my opinion should be correct it would be so wonderful, so astounding, my mind could hardly take hold of it." "but what is it?" cried mrs. cliff and ralph, almost in one breath. "i scarcely know what to say," said edna, "my mind is in such a whirl about it, but i will tell you something of what i have read of the ancient history of peru, and then you will understand my fancies about this stone mound. when the spaniards, under pizarro, came to this country, their main object, as we all know, was booty. they especially wished to get hold of the wonderful treasures of the incas, the ancient rulers of peru. this was the reason of almost all the cruelties and wickedness of the invaders. the incas tried various ways of preserving their treasures from the clutch of the spaniards, and i have read of a tradition that they drained a lake, probably near cuzco, the ancient capital, and made a strong cellar, or mound, at the bottom of it in which to hide their gold. they then let the water in again, and the tradition also says that this mound has never been discovered." "do you believe," cried the captain, "that the mound back there in the cavern is the place where the incas stored their gold?" "i do not believe it is the place i read about," said miss markham, "for that, as i said, must have been near cuzco. but there is no reason why there should not have been other places of concealment. this was far away from the capital, but that would make the treasure so much the safer. the spaniards would never have thought of going to such a lonely, deserted place as this, and the incas would not have spared any time or trouble necessary to securely hide their treasures." "if you are right," cried the captain, "this is, indeed, astounding! treasure in a mound of stone--a mound covered by water, which could be let off! the whole shut up in a cave which must have originally been as dark as pitch! when we come to think of it," he continued excitedly, "it is an amazing hiding-place, no matter what was put into the mound." "and do you mean," almost screamed mrs. cliff, "that that stone thing down there is filled with the wealth of the incas!--the fabulous gold we read about?" "i do not know what else it can be," replied edna. "what i saw when i looked down into the hole was surely gold." "yes," said the captain, "it was gold--gold in small bars." "why didn't you get a piece, captain?" asked ralph. "then we could be sure about it. if that thing is nearly filled, there must be tons of it." "i did not think," said the captain. "i could not think. i was afraid somebody would come." "and now tell me this," cried mrs. cliff. "whom does this gold belong to? that is what i want to know. whose is if?" "come, come!" said the captain, "let us stop talking about this thing, and thinking about it. we shall all be maniacs if we don't quiet ourselves a little, and, besides, it cannot be long before those black fellows come back, and we do not want to be speaking about it then. to-morrow we will examine the mound and see what it is we have discovered. in the meantime, let us quiet our minds and get a good night's sleep, if we can. this whole affair is astounding, but we must not let it make us crazy before we understand it." miss markham was a young woman very capable of controlling herself. it was true she had been more affected in consequence of the opening of the mound than any of the others, but that was because she understood, or thought she understood, what the discovery meant, and to the others it was something which at first they could not appreciate. now she saw the good common sense of the captain's remarks, and said no more that evening on the subject of the stone mound. but mrs. cliff and ralph could not be quiet. they must talk, and as the captain walked away that they might not speak to him, they talked to each other. it was nearly an hour after this that captain horn, standing on the outer end of the plateau, saw some black dots moving on the moonlit beach. they moved very slowly, and it was a long time--at least, it seemed so to the captain--before maka and his companions reached the plateau. the negroes were heavily loaded with bags and packages, and they were glad to deposit their burdens on the ground. "hi!" cried the captain, who spoke as if he had been drinking champagne, "you brought a good cargo, maka, and now don't let us hear any tales of what you have seen until we have had supper--supper for everybody. you know what you have got, maka. let us have the best things, and let every one of you take a hand in making a fire and cooking. what we want is a first-class feast." "i got 'em," said maka, who understood english a good deal better than he could speak it,--"ham, cheese, lots things. all want supper--good supper." while the meal was being prepared, captain horn walked over to mrs. cliff and ralph. "now, i beg of you," he said, "don't let these men know we have found anything. this is a very important matter. don't talk about it, and if you can't keep down your excitement, let them think it is the prospect of good victuals, and plenty of them, that has excited you." after supper maka and cheditafa were called upon to tell their story, but they said very little. they had gone to the place where the rackbirds had kept their stores, and had selected what maka considered would be most desirable, including some oil for the lantern, and had brought away as much as they could carry. this was all. when the rest of his party had gone inside, hoping to get their minds quiet enough to sleep, and the captain was preparing to follow them, maka arose from the spot on the open plateau where the tired negroes had stretched themselves for the night, and said: "got something tell you alone. come out here." when the two had gone to a spot a little distance from the cavern entrance, where the light of the moon, now nearly set, enabled objects to be seen with some distinctness, maka took from inside his shirt a small piece of clothing. "look here," said he. "this belong to davis." the captain took the garment in his hand. it was a waistcoat made of plaid cloth, yellow, green, and red, and most striking in pattern, and captain horn instantly recognized it as the waistcoat of davis, the englishman. "he dead," said maka, simply. the captain nodded. he had no doubt of it. "where did you find it?" he asked. "sticking on rock," said the african. "lots things down there. some one place, some another place. didn't know other things, but know this. davis' waistcoat. no mistake that. him wear it all time." "you are a good fellow, maka," said the captain, "not to speak of this before the ladies. now go and sleep. there is no need of a guard to-night." the captain went inside, procured his gun, and seated himself outside, with his back against a rock. there he sat all night, without once closing his eyes. he was not afraid that anything would come to molest them, but it was just as well to have the gun. as for sleeping, that was impossible. he had heard and seen too much that day. chapter xiii "mine!" captain horn and his party sat down together the next morning on the plateau to drink their hot coffee and eat their biscuit and bacon, and it was plain that the two ladies, as well as the captain, had had little sleep the night before. ralph declared that he had been awake ever so long, endeavoring to calculate how many cubic feet of gold there would be in that mound if it were filled with the precious metal. "but as i did not know how much a cubic foot of gold is worth," said he, "and as we might find, after all, that there is only a layer of gold on top, and that all the rest is incas' bones, i gave it up." the captain was very grave--graver, miss markham thought, than the discovery of gold ought to make a man. "we won't worry ourselves with calculations," said he. "as soon as i can get rid of those black fellows, we will go to see what is really in that tomb, or storehouse, or whatever it is. we will make a thorough investigation this time." when the men had finished eating, the captain sent them all down to look for driftwood. the stock of wood on the plateau was almost exhausted, and he was glad to think of some reasonable work which would take them away from the cavern. as soon as they had gone, the captain rose to get the lantern, and called ralph to accompany him to the mound. when they were left alone, edna said to mrs. cliff, "let us go over there to that shady rock, where we can look out for a ship with mr. rynders in it, and let us talk about our neighbors in america. let us try to forget, for a time, all about what the captain is going to investigate. if we keep on thinking and talking of it, our minds will not be in a fit condition to hear what he will have to tell us. it may all come to nothing, you know, and no matter what it comes to, let us keep quiet, and give our nerves a little rest." "that is excellent advice," said mrs. cliff. but when they were comfortably seated in the shade, she said: "i have been thinking, edna, that the possession of vast treasures did not weaken the minds of those incas, i supposed, until yesterday, that the caverns here were intended for some sort of temple for religious ceremonies, and that the great face on the rock out here was an idol. but now i do not believe that. all openings into the cave must once have been closed up, but it would not do to hide the place so that no one could ever find it again, so they carved that great head on the rocks. nobody, except those who had hid the treasure, would know what the face meant." edna gave a little smile and sighed. "i see it is of no use to try to get that mound out of our minds," she said. "out of our minds!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "if one of the rothschilds were to hand you a check for the whole of his fortune, would you expect to get that out of your mind?" "such a check," said edna, "would be a certain fortune. we have not heard yet what this is." "i think we are the two meekest and humblest people in the whole world!" exclaimed mrs. cliff, walking up and down the sand. "i don't believe any other two persons would be content to wait here until somebody should come and tell them whether they were millionaires or not. but, of course, somebody must stay outside to keep those colored people from swarming into the cave when they come back." it was not long after this that mrs. cliff and edna heard the sound of quickly advancing feet, and in a few moments they were joined by ralph and the captain. "your faces shine like gold," cried edna. "what have you found?" "found!" cried ralph. "why, edna, we've got--" "be quiet, ralph," exclaimed edna. "i want to hear what the captain has to say. captain, what is in the mound?" "we went to the mound," said he, speaking very rapidly, "and when we got to the top and lifted off that stone lid--upon my soul, ladies, i believe there is gold enough in that thing to ballast a ship. it isn't filled quite up to the top, and, of course, i could not find out how deep the gold goes down; but i worked a hole in it as far down as my arm would reach, and found nothing but gold bars like this." then, glancing around to see that none of the africans were returning, he took from his pocket a yellow object about three inches in length and an inch in diameter, shaped like a rough prism, cast in a rudely constructed mortar or mould. "i brought away just one of them," he said, "and then i shut down the lid, and we came away." "and is this gold?" exclaimed edna, eagerly seizing the bar. "are you sure of it, captain?" "i am as sure of it as i am that i have a head on my shoulders," said he, "although when i was diving down into that pile i was not quite sure of that. no one would ever put anything but gold in such a hiding-place. and then, anybody can see it is gold. look here: i scraped that spot with my knife. i wanted to test it before i showed it to you. see how it shines! i could easily cut into it. i believe it is virgin gold, not hardened with any alloy." "and that mound full of it!" cried mrs. cliff. "i can't say about that," said the captain. "but if the gold is no deeper than my arm went down into it, and all pure metal at that, why--bless my soul!--it would make anybody crazy to try to calculate how much it is worth." "now, then," exclaimed mrs. cliff, "whom does all this gold belong to? we have found it, but whose is it?" "that is a point to be considered," said the captain. "what is your opinion?" "i have been thinking and thinking and thinking about it," said mrs. cliff. "of course, that would have been all wasted, though, if it had turned out to be nothing but brass, but then, i could not help it, and this is the conclusion i have come to: in the first place, it does not belong to the people who govern peru now. they are descendants of the very spaniards that the incas hid their treasure from, and it would be a shame and a wickedness to let them have it. it would better stay there shut up for more centuries. then, again, it would not be right to give it to the indians, or whatever they call themselves, though they are descendants of the ancient inhabitants, for the people of spanish blood would not let them keep it one minute, and they would get it, after all. and, besides, how could such treasures be properly divided among a race of wretched savages? it would be preposterous, even if they should be allowed to keep it. they would drink themselves to death, and it would bring nothing but misery upon them. the incas, in their way, were good, civilized people, and it stands to reason that the treasure they hid away should go to other good, civilized people when the incas had departed from the face of the earth. think of the good that could be done with such wealth, should it fall into the proper hands! think of the good to the poor people of peru, with the right kind of mission work done among them! i tell you all that the responsibility of this discovery is as great as its value in dollars. what do you think about it, edna?" "i think this," said miss markham: "so far as any of us have anything to do with it, it belongs to captain horn. he discovered it, and it is his." "the whole of it?" cried ralph. "yes," said his sister, firmly, "the whole of it, so far as we are concerned. what he chooses to do with it is his affair, and whether he gets every bar of gold, or only a reward from the peruvian government, it is his, to do what he pleases with it." "now, edna, i am amazed to hear you speak of the peruvian government," cried mrs. cliff. "it would be nothing less than a crime to let them have it, or even know of it." "what do you think, captain?" asked edna. "i am exactly of your opinion, miss markham," he said. "that treasure belongs to me. i discovered it, and it is for me to decide what is to be done with it." "now, then," exclaimed ralph, his face very red, "i differ with you! we are all partners in this business, and it isn't fair for any one to have everything." "and i am not so sure, either," said mrs. cliff, "that the captain ought to decide what is to be done with this treasure. each of us should have a voice." "mrs. cliff, miss markham, and ralph," said the captain, "i have a few words to say to you, and i must say them quickly, for i see those black fellows coming. that treasure in the stone mound is mine. i discovered the mound, and no matter what might have been in it, the contents would have been mine. all that gold is just as much mine as if i dug it in a gold-mine in california, and we won't discuss that question any further. what i want to say particularly is that it may seem very selfish in me to claim the whole of that treasure, but i assure you that that is the only thing to be done. i know you will all agree to that when you see the matter in the proper light, and i have told you my plans about it. i intended to claim all that treasure, if it turned out to be treasure. i made up my mind to that last night, and i am very glad miss markham told me her opinion of the rights of the thing before i mentioned it. now, i have just got time to say a few words more. if there should be any discussion about the ownership of this gold and the way it ought to be divided, there would be trouble, and perhaps bloody trouble. there are those black fellows coming up here, and two of them speak english. eight of my men went away in a boat, and they may come back at any time. and then, there were those two cape cod men, who went off first. they may have reached the other side of the mountains, and may bring us assistance overland. as for davis, i know he will never come back. maka brought me positive proof that he was killed by the rackbirds. now, you see my point. that treasure is mine. i have a right to it, and i stand by that right. there must be no talk as to what is to be done with it. i shall decide what is right, and i shall do it, and no man shall have a word to say about it. in a case like this there must be a head, and i am the head." the captain had been speaking rapidly and very earnestly, but now his manner changed a little. placing his hand on ralph's shoulder, he said: "now don't be afraid, my boy, that you and your sister or mrs. cliff will be left in the lurch. if there were only us four, there would be no trouble at all, but if there is any talk of dividing, there may be a lot of men to deal with, and a hard lot, too. and now, not a word before these men.--maka, that is a fine lot of fire-wood you have brought. it will last us a long time." the african shrugged his shoulders. "hope not," he said. "hope mr. rynders come soon. don't want make many fires." as captain horn walked away toward ralph's lookout, he could not account to himself for the strange and unnatural state of his feelings. he ought to have been very happy because he had discovered vast treasures. instead of that his mind was troubled and he was anxious and fearful. one reason for his state of mind was his positive knowledge of the death of davis. he had believed him dead because he had not come back, but now that he knew the truth, the shock seemed as great as if he had not suspected it. he had liked the englishman better than any of his seamen, and he was a man he would have been glad to have had with him now. the cape cod men had been with him but a short time, and he was not well acquainted with them. it was likely, too, that they were dead also, for they had not taken provisions with them. but so long as he did not really know this, the probability could not lower his spirits. but when he came to analyze his feelings, which he did with the vigorous directness natural to him, he knew what was the source of his anxiety and disquietude. he actually feared the return of rynders and his men! this feeling annoyed and troubled him. he felt that it was unworthy of him. he knew that he ought to long for the arrival of his mate, for in no other way could the party expect help, and if help did not arrive before the provisions of the rackbirds were exhausted, the whole party would most likely perish. moreover, when rynders and his men came back, they would come to rare good fortune, for there was enough gold for all of them. but, in spite of these reasonable conclusions, the captain was afraid that rynders and his men would return. "if they come here," he said to himself, "they will know of that gold, for i cannot expect to keep such fellows out of the cavern, and if they know of it, it will be their gold, not mine. i know men, especially those men, well enough for that." and so, fearing that he might see them before he was ready for them,--and how he was going to make himself ready for them he did not know,--he stood on the lookout and scanned the ocean for rynders and his men. chapter xiv a pile of fuel four days had passed, and nothing had happened. the stone mound in the lake had not been visited, for there had been no reason for sending the black men away, and with one of them nearer than a mile the captain would not even look at his treasure. there was no danger that they would discover the mound, for they were not allowed to take the lantern, and no one of them would care to wander into the dark, sombre depths of the cavern without a light. the four white people, who, with a fair habitation in the rocks, with plenty of plain food to eat, with six servants to wait on them, and a climate which was continuously delightful, except in the middle of the day, and with all fear of danger from man or beast removed from their minds, would have been content to remain here a week or two longer and await the arrival of a vessel to take them away, were now in a restless and impatient condition of mind. they were all eager to escape from the place. three of them longed for the return of rynders, but the other one steadily hoped that they might get away before his men came back. how to do this, or how to take with him the treasure of the incas, was a puzzling question with which the captain racked his brains by day and by night. at last he bethought himself of the rackbirds' vessel. he remembered that maka had told him that provisions were brought to them by a vessel, and there was every reason to suppose that when these miscreants went on some of their marauding expeditions they travelled by sea. day by day he had thought that he would go and visit the rackbirds' storehouse and the neighborhood thereabout, but day by day he had been afraid that in his absence rynders might arrive, and when he came he wanted to be there to meet him. but now the idea of the boat made him brave this possible contingency, and early one morning, with cheditafa and two other of the black fellows, he set off along the beach for the mouth of the little stream which, rising somewhere in the mountains, ran down to the cavern where it had once widened and deepened into a lake, and then through the ravine of the rackbirds on to the sea. when he reached his destination, captain horn saw a great deal to interest him. just beyond the second ridge of rock which maka had discovered, the stream ran into a little bay, and the shores near its mouth showed evident signs that they had recently been washed by a flood. on points of rock and against the sides of the sand mounds, he saw bits of debris from the rackbirds' camp. here were sticks which had formed the timbers of their huts; there were pieces of clothing and cooking-utensils; and here and there, partly buried by the shifting sands, were seen the bodies of rackbirds, already desiccated by the dry air and the hot sun of the region. but the captain saw no vessel. "dat up here," said cheditafa. "dey hide dat well. come 'long, captain." following his black guide, the captain skirted a little promontory of rocks, and behind it found a cove in which, well concealed, lay the rackbirds' vessel. it was a sloop of about twenty tons, and from the ocean, or even from the beach, it could not be seen. but as the captain stood and gazed upon this craft his heart sank. it had no masts nor sails, and it was a vessel that could not be propelled by oars. wading through the shallow water,--for it was now low tide,--the captain climbed on board. the deck was bare, without a sign of spar or sail, and when, with cheditafa's help, he had forced the entrance of the little companionway, and had gone below, he found that the vessel had been entirely stripped of everything that could be carried away, and when he went on deck again he saw that even the rudder had been unshipped and removed. cheditafa could give him no information upon this state of things, but after a little while captain horn imagined the cause for this dismantled condition of the sloop. the rackbirds' captain could not trust his men, he said to himself, and he made it impossible for any of them to escape or set out on an expedition for themselves. it was likely that the masts and sails had been carried up to the camp, from which place it would have been impossible to remove them without the leader knowing it. when he spoke to cheditafa on the subject, the negro told him that after the little ship came in from one of its voyages he and his companions had always carried the masts, sails, and a lot of other things up to the camp. but there was nothing of the sort there now. every spar and sail must have been carried out to sea by the flood, for if they had been left on the shores of the stream the captain would have seen them. this was hard lines for captain horn. if the rackbirds' vessel had been in sailing condition, everything would have been very simple and easy for him. he could have taken on board not only his own party, but a large portion of the treasure, and could have sailed away as free as a bird, without reference to the return of rynders and his men. a note tied to a pole set up in a conspicuous place on the beach would have informed mr. rynders of their escape from the place, and it was not likely that any of the party would have thought it worth while to go farther on shore. but it was of no use to think of getting away in this vessel. in its present condition it was absolutely useless. while the captain had been thinking and considering the matter, cheditafa had been wandering about the coast exploring. presently captain horn saw him running toward him, accompanied by the two other negroes. "'nother boat over there," cried cheditafa, as the captain approached him,--"'nother boat, but badder than this. no good. cook with it, that's all." the captain followed cheditafa across the little stream, and a hundred yards or so along the shore, and over out of reach of the tide, piled against a low sand mound, he saw a quantity of wood, all broken into small pieces, and apparently prepared, as cheditafa had suggested, for cooking-fires. it was also easy to see that these pieces of wood had once been part of a boat, perhaps of a wreck thrown up on shore. the captain approached the pile of wood and picked up some of the pieces. as he held in his hand a bit of gunwale, not much more than a foot in length, his eyes began to glisten and his breath came quickly. hastily pulling out several pieces from the mass of debris, he examined them thoroughly. then he stepped back, and let the piece of rudder he was holding drop to the sand. "cheditafa," said he, speaking huskily, "this is one of the castor's boats. this is a piece of the boat in which rynders and the men set out." the negro looked at the captain and seemed frightened by the expression on his face. for a moment he did not speak, and then in a trembling voice he asked, "where all them now?" the captain shook his head, but said nothing. that pile of fragments was telling him a tale which gradually became plainer and plainer to him, and which he believed as if rynders himself had been telling it to him. his ship's boat, with its eight occupants, had never gone farther south than the mouth of the little stream. that they had been driven on shore by the stress of weather the captain did not believe. there had been no high winds or storms since their departure. most likely they had been induced to land by seeing some of the rackbirds on shore, and they had naturally rowed into the little cove, for assistance from their fellow-beings was what they were in search of. but no matter how they happened to land, the rackbirds would never let them go away again to carry news of the whereabouts of their camp. almost unarmed, these sailors must have fallen easy victims to the rackbirds. it was not unlikely that the men had been shot down from ambush without having had any intercourse or conversation with the cruel monsters to whom they had come to seek relief, for had there been any talk between them, rynders would have told of his companions left on shore, and these would have been speedily visited by the desperadoes. for the destruction of the boat there was reason enough: the captain of the rackbirds gave his men no chance to get away from him. with a heart of lead, captain horn turned to look at his negro companions, and saw them all sitting together on the sands, chattering earnestly, and holding up their hands with one or more fingers extended, as if they were counting. cheditafa came forward. "when all your men go away from you?" he asked. the captain reflected a moment, and then answered, "about two weeks ago." "that's right! that's right!" exclaimed the negro, nodding violently as he spoke. "we talk about that. we count days. it's just ten days and three days, and rackbirds go 'way, and leave us high up in rock-hole, with no ladder. after a while we hear guns, guns, guns. long time guns shooting. when they come back, it almost dark, and they want supper bad. all time they eat supper, they talk 'bout shooting sharks. shot lots sharks, and chuck them into the water. sharks in water already before they is shot. we say then it no sharks they shot. now we say it must been--" the captain turned away. he did not want to hear any more. there was no possible escape from the belief that rynders and all his men had been shot down, and robbed, if they had anything worth taking, and then their bodies carried out to sea, most likely in their own boat, and thrown overboard. there was nothing more at this dreadful place that captain horn wished to see, to consider, or to do, and calling the negroes to follow him, he set out on his return. during the dreary walk along the beach the captain's depression of spirits was increased by the recollection of his thoughts about the sailors and the treasure. he had hoped that these men would not come back in time to interfere with his disposal, in his own way, of the gold he had found. they would not come back now, but the thought did not lighten his heart. but before he reached the caves, he had determined to throw off the gloom and sadness which had come upon him. under the circumstances, grief for what had happened was out of place. he must keep up a good heart, and help his companions to keep up good hearts. now he must do something, and, like a soldier in battle, he must not think of the comrade who had fallen beside him, but of the enemy in front of him. when he reached the caves he found supper ready, and that evening he said nothing to his companions of the important discoveries he had made, contenting himself with a general statement of the proofs that the rackbirds and their camp had been utterly destroyed by the flood. chapter xv the cliff-maka scheme the next morning captain horn arose with a plan of action in his mind, and he was now ready, not only to tell the two ladies and ralph everything he had discovered, but also what he was going to do. the announcement of the almost certain fate of rynders and his men filled his hearers with horror, and the statement of the captain's plans did not tend to raise their spirits. "you see," said he, "there is nothing now for us to wait for here. as to being taken off by a passing vessel, there is no chance of that whatever. we have gone over that matter before. nor can we get away overland, for some of us would die on the way. as to that little boat down there, we cannot all go to sea in her, but in it i must go out and seek for help." "and leave us here!" cried mrs. cliff. "do not think of that, captain! whatever happens, let us all keep together." "that cannot be," he said. "i must go because i am the only seaman among you, and i will take four of those black fellows with me. i do not apprehend any danger unless we have to make a surf landing, and even then they can all swim like fishes, while i am very well able to take care of myself in the water. i shall sail down the coast until i come to a port, and there put in. then i will get a vessel of some sort and come back for you. i shall leave with you two of these negroes--cheditafa, who seems to be a highly respectable old person, and can speak english, and mok, who, although he can't talk to you, can understand a great deal that is said to him. apart from his being such an abject coward, he seems to be a good, quiet fellow, willing to do what he is told. on the whole, i think he has the best disposition of the four black dummies, begging their pardons. i will take the three others, with maka as head man and interpreter. if i should be cast on shore by a storm, i could swim through the surf to the dry land, but i could not undertake to save any one else. if this misfortune should happen, we could make our way on foot down the coast." "but suppose you should meet some rackbirds?" cried ralph. "i have no fear of that," answered the captain. "i do not believe there is another set of such scoundrels on this hemisphere. so, as soon as i can get that boat in order, and rig up a mast and a sail for her, i shall provision her well and set out. of course, i do not want to leave you all here, but there is no help for it, and i don't believe you need have the slightest fear of harm. later, we will plan what is to be done by you and by me, and get everything clear and straight. the first thing is to get the boat ready, and i shall go to work on that to-day. i will also take some of the negroes down to the rackbirds' camp, and bring away more stores." "oh, let me go!" cried ralph. "it is the cruellest thing in the world to keep me cooped up here. i never go anywhere, and never do anything." but the captain shook his head. "i am sorry, my boy," said he, "to keep you back so much, but it cannot be helped. when i go away, i shall make it a positive condition that you do not leave your sister and mrs. cliff, and i do not want you to begin now." a half-hour afterwards, when the captain and his party had set out, ralph came to his sister and sat down by her. "do you know," said he, "what i think of captain horn? i think he is a brave man, and a man who knows what to do when things turn up suddenly, but, for all that, i think he is a tyrant. he does what he pleases, and he makes other people do what he pleases, and consults nobody." "my dear ralph," said edna, "if you knew how glad i am we have such a man to manage things, you would not think in that way. a tyrant is just what we want in our situation, provided he knows what ought to be done, and i think that captain horn does know." "that's just like a woman," said ralph. "i might have expected it." during the rest of that day and the morning of the next, everybody in the camp worked hard and did what could be done to help the captain prepare for his voyage, and even ralph, figuratively speaking, put his hand to the oar. the boat was provisioned for a long voyage, though the captain hoped to make a short one, and at noon he announced that he would set out late that afternoon. "it will be flood-tide, and i can get away from the coast better then than if the tide were coming in." "how glad i should be to hear you speak in that way," said mrs. cliff, "if we were only going with you! but to be left here seems like a death sentence all around. you may be lost at sea while we perish on shore." "i do not expect anything of the sort!" exclaimed edna. "with ralph and two men to defend us, we can stay here a long time. as for the captain's being lost, i do not think of it for a moment. he knows how to manage a boat too well for that." "i don't like it at all! i don't like it at all!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "i don't expect misfortunes any more than other people do, but our common sense tells us they may come, and we ought to be prepared for them. of course, you are a good sailor, captain, but if it should happen that you should never come back, or even if it should be a very long time before you come back, how are we going to know what we ought to do? as far as i know the party you leave behind you, we would all be of different opinions if any emergency arose. as long as you are with us, i feel that, no matter what happens, the right thing will be done. but if you are away--" at this moment mrs. cliff was interrupted by the approach of maka, who wished very much to speak to the captain. as the negro was not a man who would be likely to interrupt a conversation except for an important reason, the captain followed him to a little distance. there he found, to his surprise, that although he had left one person to speak to another, the subject was not changed. "cap'n," said maka, "when you go 'way, who's boss?" the captain frowned, and yet he could not help feeling interested in this anxiety regarding his successor. "why do you ask that?" he said. "what difference does it make who gives you your orders when i am gone?" maka shook his head. "big difference," he said. "cheditafa don' like boy for boss. he wan' me tell you, if boy is boss, he don' wan' stay. he wan' go 'long you." "you can tell cheditafa," said the captain, quickly, "that if i want him to stay he'll stay, and if i want him to go he'll go. he has nothing to say about that. so much for him. now, what do you think?" "like boy," said maka, "but not for boss." the captain was silent for a moment. here was a matter which really needed to be settled. if he had felt that he had authority to do as he pleased, he would have settled it in a moment. "cap'n big man. he know everyt'ing," said maka. "but when cap'n go 'way, boy t'ink he big man. boy know nothin'. better have woman for boss." captain horn could not help being amused. "which woman?" he asked. "i say old one. cheditafa say young one." the captain was not a man who would readily discuss his affairs with any one, especially with such a man as maka; but now the circumstances were peculiar, and he wanted to know the opinions of these men he was about to leave behind him. "what made you and cheditafa think that way?" he asked. "i t'ink old one know more," replied the negro, "and cheditafa t'ink wife make bes' boss when cap'n gone, and young one make bes' wife." "you impertinent black scoundrels!" exclaimed the captain, taking a step toward maka, who bounced backward a couple of yards. "what do you mean by talking about miss markham and me in that way? i'll--" but there he paused. it would not be convenient to knock the heads off these men at this time. "cheditafa must be a very great fool," said he, speaking more quietly. "does he suppose i could call anybody my wife just for the sake of giving you two men a boss?" "oh, cheditafa know!" exclaimed maka, but without coming any nearer the captain. "he know many, many t'ings, but he 'fraid come tell you hisself." "i should think he would be," replied the captain, "and i wonder you are not afraid, too." "oh, i is, i is," said maka. "i's all w'ite inside. but somebody got speak boss 'fore he go 'way. if nobody speak, den you go 'way--no boss. all crooked. nobody b'long to anybody. den maybe men come down from mountain, or maybe men come in boat, and dey say, 'who's all you people? who you b'long to?' den dey say dey don' b'long nobody but demselves. den, mos' like, de w'ite ones gets killed for dey clothes and dey money. and cheditafa and me we gets tuck somew'ere to be slaves. but if we say, 'dat lady big cap'n horn's wife--all de t'ings and de people b'long to big he'--hi! dey men hands off--dey shake in de legs. everybody know big cap'n horn." the captain could not help laughing. "i believe you are as big a fool as cheditafa," said he. "don't you know i can't make a woman my wife just by calling her so?" "don' mean dat!" exclaimed maka. "cheditafa don' mean dat. he make all right. he priest in he own country. he marry people. he marry you 'fore you go, all right. he talk 'bout dat mos' all night, but 'fraid come tell cap'n." the absurdity of this statement was so great that it made the captain laugh instead of making him angry; but before he could say anything more to maka, mrs. cliff approached him. "you must excuse me, captain," she said, "but really the time is very short, and i have a great deal to say to you, and if you have finished joking with that colored man, i wish you would talk with me." "you will laugh, too," said the captain, "when you hear what he said to me." and in a few words he told her what maka had proposed. instead of laughing, mrs. cliff stood staring at him in silent amazement. "i see i have shocked you," said the captain, "but you must remember that that is only a poor heathen's ignorant vagary. please say nothing about it, especially to miss markham." "say nothing about it!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "i wish i had a thousand tongues to talk of it. captain, do you really believe that cheddy man is a priest, or what goes for one in his own country? if he is, he ought to marry you and edna." the captain frowned, with an air of angry impatience. "i could excuse that poor negro, madam," he said, "when he made such a proposition to me, but i must say i did not expect anything of the kind from you. do you think, even if we had a bishop with us, that i would propose to marry any woman in the world for the sake of making her what that fellow called the 'boss' of this party?" it was now mrs. cliff's turn to be impatient. "that boss business is a very small matter," she replied, "although, of course, somebody must be head while you are gone, and it was about this that i came to see you. but after hearing what that colored man said, i want to speak of something far more important, which i have been thinking and thinking about, and to which i could see no head or tail until a minute ago. before i go on, i want you to answer me this question: if you are lost at sea, and never come back, what is to become of that treasure? it is yours now, as you let us know plainly enough, but whose will it be if you should die? it may seem like a selfish and sordid thing for me to talk to you in this way just before you start on such an expedition, but i am a business woman,--since my husband's death i have been obliged to be that,--and i look at things with a business eye. have you considered this matter?" "yes, i have," answered the captain, "very seriously." "and so have i," said mrs. cliff. "whether edna has or not i don't know, for she has said nothing to me. now, we are not related to you, and, of course, have no claim upon you in that way, but i do think that, as we have all suffered together, and gone through dangers together, we all ought to share, in some degree at least, in good things as well as bad ones." "mrs. cliff," said the captain, speaking very earnestly, "you need not say anything more on that subject. i have taken possession of that treasure, and i intend to hold it, in order that i may manage things in my own way, and avoid troublesome disputes. but i have not the slightest idea of keeping it all for myself. i intend that everybody who has had any concern in this expedition shall have a share in it. i have thought over the matter a great deal, and intended, before i left, to tell you and miss markham what i have decided upon. here is a paper i have drawn up. it is my will. it is written in lead-pencil and may not be legal, but it is the best i can do. i have no relatives, except a few second cousins somewhere out in the northwest, and i don't want them to have anything to do directly with my property, for they would be sure to make trouble. here, as you see, i leave to you, miss markham, and ralph all the property, of every kind and description, of which i may die possessed. this, of course, would cover all treasure you may be able to take away from this place, and which, without this will, might be claimed by some of my distant relatives, if they should ever chance to hear the story of my discovery. "besides this, i have written here, on another page of this note-book, a few private directions as to how i want the treasure disposed of. i say nothing definite, and mention no exact sums, but, in a general way, i have left everything in the hands of you two ladies. i know that you will make a perfectly just and generous disposition of what you may get." "that is all very kind and good of you," said mrs. cliff, "but i cannot believe that such a will would be of much service. if you have relatives you are afraid of,--and i see you have,--if edna markham were your widow, then by law she would get a good part of it, even if she did not get it all, and if edna got it, we would be perfectly satisfied." "it is rather a grim business to talk about miss markham being my widow," said the captain, "especially under such circumstances. it strikes me that the kind of marriage you propose would be a good deal flimsier than this will." "it does not strike me so," said she. "a mere confession before witnesses by a man and woman that they are willing to take each other for husband and wife is often a legal ceremony, and if there is any kind of a religious person present to perform the ceremony, it helps, and in a case like this no stone should be left unturned. you see, you have assumed a great deal of responsibility about this. you have stated--and if we were called upon to testify, miss markham and i would have to acknowledge that you have so stated--that you claimed this treasure as your discovery, and that it all belonged to you. so, you see, if we keep our consciences clear,--and no matter what happens, we are going to do that,--we might be obliged to testify every cent of it away from ourselves. but if edna were your wife, it would be all right." the captain stood silent for a few moments, his hands thrust into his pockets, and a queer smile on his face. "mrs. cliff," said he, presently, "do you expect me to go to miss markham and gravely propose this scheme which you and that half-tamed african have concocted?" "i think it would be better," said mrs. cliff, "if i were to prepare her mind for it. i will go speak to her now." "no," said he, quickly, "don't you do that. if the crazy idea is to be mentioned to her at all, i want to do it myself, and in my own way. i will go to her now. i have had my talk with you, and i must have one with her." chapter xvi on a business basis captain horn found edna at the entrance to the caves, busily employed in filling one of the rackbirds' boxes with ship-biscuit. "miss markham," said he, "i wish to have a little business talk with you before i leave. where is ralph?" "he is down at the boat," she answered. "very good," said he. "will you step this way?" when they were seated together in the shade of some rocks, he stated to edna what he had planned in case he should lose his life in his intended expedition, and showed her the will he had made, and also the directions for herself and mrs. cliff. edna listened very attentively, occasionally asking for an explanation, but offering no opinion. when he had finished, she was about to say something, but he interrupted her. "of course, i want to know your opinion about all this," he said, "but not yet. i have more to say. there has been a business plan proposed by two members of our party which concerns me, and when anything is told concerning me, i want to know how it is told, or, if possible, tell it myself." and then, as concisely as possible, he related to her maka's anxiety in regard to the boss question, and his method of disposing of the difficulty, and afterwards mrs. cliff's anxiety about the property, in case of accident to himself, and her method of meeting the contingency. during this recital edna markham said not one word. to portions of the narrative she listened with an eager interest; then her expression became hard, almost stern; and finally her cheeks grew red, but whether with anger or some other emotion the captain did not know. when he had finished, she looked steadily at him for a few moments, and then she said: "captain horn, what you have told me are the plans and opinions of others. it seems to me that you are now called upon to say something for yourself." "i am quite ready to do that," he answered. "a half-hour ago i had never thought of such a scheme as i have laid before you. when i heard it, i considered it absurd, and mentioned it to you only because i was afraid i would be misrepresented. but since putting the matter to you, even while i have been just now talking, i have grown to be entirely in favor of it. but i want you to thoroughly understand my views on the subject. if this marriage is to be performed, it will be strictly a business affair, entered into for the purpose of securing to you and others a fortune, large or small, which, without this marriage, might be taken from you. in other words," said he, "you are to be looked upon in this affair in the light of my prospective widow." for a moment the flush on the face of the young woman faded away, but it quickly returned. apparently involuntarily, she rose to her feet. turning to the captain, who also rose, she said: "but there is another way in which the affair would have to be looked at. suppose i should not become your widow? suppose you should not be lost at sea, and should come back safely?" the captain drew a deep breath, and folded his arms upon his chest. "miss markham," said he, "if this marriage should take place, it would be entirely different from other marriages. if i should not return, and it should be considered legal, it may make you all rich and happy. if it should not hold good, we can only think we have done our best. but as to anything beyond this, or to any question of my return, or any other question in connection with the matter, our minds should be shut and locked. this matter is a business proposition, and as such i lay it before you. if we adopt it, we do so for certain reasons, and beyond those reasons neither of us is qualified to go. we should keep our eyes fixed upon the main point, and think of nothing else." "something else must be looked at," said edna. "it is just as likely that you will come back as that you will be lost at sea." "this plan is based entirely on the latter supposition," replied the captain. "it has nothing to do with the other. if we consider it at all, we must consider it in that light." "but we must consider it in the other light," she said. she was now quite pale, and her face had a certain sternness about it. "i positively refuse to do that," he said. "i will not think about it, or say one word about it. i will not even refer to any future settlement of that question. the plan i present rests entirely upon my non-return." "but if you do return?" persisted edna. the captain smiled and shook his head. "you must excuse me," he said, "but i can say nothing about that." she looked steadily at him for a few moments, and then she said: "very well, we will say nothing about it. as to the plan which has been devised to give us, in case of accident to you, a sound claim to the treasure which has been found here, and to a part of which i consider i have a right, i consent to it. i do this believing that i should share in the wonderful treasures in that cave. i have formed prospects for my future which would make my life a thousand times better worth living than i ever supposed it would be, and i do not wish to interfere with those prospects. i want them to become realities. therefore, i consent to your proposition, and i will marry you upon a business basis, before you leave." "your hand upon it," said the captain; and she gave him a hand so cold that it chilled his own. "now i will go talk to maka and cheditafa," he said. "of course, we understand that it may be of no advantage to have this coal-black heathen act as officiating clergyman, but it can do no harm, and we must take the chances. i have a good deal to do, and no time to lose if i am to get away on the flood-tide this afternoon. will it suit you if i get everything ready to start, and we then have the ceremony?" "oh, certainly," replied edna. "any spare moment will suit me." when he had gone, edna markham sat down on the rock again. with her hands clasped in her lap, she gazed at the sand at her feet. "without a minute to think of it," she said to herself, presently,--"without any consideration at all. and now it is done! it was not like me. i do not know myself. but yes!" she exclaimed, speaking so that any one near might have heard her, "i do know myself. i said it because i was afraid, if i did not say it then, i should never be able to say it." if captain horn could have seen her then, a misty light, which no man can mistake, shining in her eyes as she gazed out over everything into nothing, he might not have been able to confine his proposition to a strictly business basis. she sat a little longer, and then she hurried away to finish the work on which she had been engaged; but when mrs. cliff came to look for her, she did not find her packing provisions for the captain's cruise, but sitting alone in one of the inner caves. "what, crying!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "now, let me tell you, my dear child, i do not feel in the least like crying. the captain has told me that everything is all right between you, and the more i think of it, the more firmly i believe that it is the grandest thing that could have happened. for some reason or other, and i am sure i cannot tell you why, i do not believe at all that the captain is going to be shipwrecked in that little boat. before this i felt sure we should never see him again, but now i haven't a doubt that he will get somewhere all right, and that he will come back all right, and if he does it will be a grand match. why, edna child, if captain horn never gets away with a stick of that gold, it will be a most excellent match. now, i believe in my heart," she continued, sitting down by edna, "that when you accepted captain horn you expected him to come back. tell me isn't that true?" at that instant miss markham gave a little start. "mrs. cliff," she exclaimed, "there is ralph calling me. won't you go and tell him all about it? hurry, before he comes in here." when ralph markham heard what had happened while he was down at the beach, he grew so furiously angry that he could not find words in which to express himself. "that captain horn," he cried, when speech came to him, "is the most despotic tyrant on the face of the earth! he tells people what they are to do, and they simply go and do it. the next thing he will do is to tell you to adopt me as a son. marry edna! my sister! and i not know it! and she, just because he asks her, must go and marry him. well, that is just like a woman." with savage strides he was about marching back to the beach, when mrs. cliff stopped him. "now, don't make everybody unhappy, ralph," she said, "but just listen to me. i want to tell you all about this matter." it took about a quarter of an hour to make clear to the ruffled mind of ralph the powerful, and in mrs. cliffs eyes the imperative, reasons for the sudden and unpremeditated matrimonial arrangements of the morning. but before she had finished, the boy grew quieter, and there appeared upon his face some expressions of astute sagacity. "well," said he, "when you first put this business to me, it was tail side up, but now you've got heads up it looks a little different. he will be drowned, as like as not, and then i suppose we can call our souls our own, and if, besides that, we can call a lot of those chunks of gold our own, we ought not to grumble. all right. i won't forbid the banns. but, between you and me, i think the whole thing is stuff and nonsense. what ought i to call him? brother horn?" "now, don't say anything like that, ralph," urged mrs. cliff, "and don't make yourself disagreeable in any way. this is a very serious time for all of us, and i am sure that you will not do anything which will hurt your sister's feelings." "oh, don't be afraid," said ralph. "i'm not going to hurt anybody's feelings. but when i first meet that man, i hope i may be able to keep him from knowing what i think of him." five minutes later ralph heard the voice of captain horn calling him. the voice came from the opening in the caves, and instantly ralph turned and walked toward the beach. again came the voice, louder than before: "ralph, i want you." the boy stopped, put his hands in his pockets, and shrugged his shoulders, then he slowly turned. "if i were bigger," he said to himself, "i'd thrash him on the spot. then i'd feel easier in my mind, and things could go on as they pleased. but as i am not six feet high yet, i suppose i might as well go to see what he wants." "ralph," said the captain, as soon as the boy reached him, "i see mrs. cliff has been speaking to you, and so you know about the arrangements that have been made. but i have a great deal to do before i can start, and i want you to help me. i am now going to the mound in the cave to get out some of that gold, and i don't want anybody but you to go with me. i have just sent all the negroes down to the beach to carry things to the boat, and we must be quick about our business. you take this leather bag. it is mrs. cliff's, but i think it is strong enough. the lantern is lighted, so come on." to dive into a treasure mound ralph would have followed a much more ruthless tyrant than captain horn, and although he made no remarks, he went willingly enough. when they had climbed the mound, and the captain had lifted the stone from the opening in the top, ralph held the lantern while the captain, reaching down into the interior, set himself to work to fill the bag with the golden ingots. as the boy gazed down upon the mass of dull gold, his heart swelled within him. his feeling of indignant resentment began to disappear rapidly before the growing consciousness that he was to be the brother-in-law of the owner of all that wealth. as soon as the bag was filled, the stone was replaced, and the two descended from the mound, the captain carefully holding the heavy bag under his arm, for he feared the weight might break the handle. then, extinguishing the lantern as soon as they could see their way without it, they reached the innermost cave before any of the negroes returned. neither mrs. cliff nor edna was there, and the captain placed his burden behind a piece of rock. "captain," said the boy, his eyes glistening, "there must be a fortune in that bag!" the captain laughed. "oh, no," said he, "not a very large one. i have had a good deal of experience with gold in california, and i suppose each one of those little bars is worth from two hundred and fifty to three hundred dollars." what we have represents a good deal of money. but now, ralph, i have something very important to say to you. i am going to appoint you sole guardian and keeper of that treasure. you are very young to have such a responsibility put upon you, but i know you will feel the importance of your duty, and that you will not be forgetful or negligent about it. the main thing is to keep those two negroes, and anybody who may happen to come here, away from the mound. do what you can to prevent any one exploring the cave, and don't let the negroes go there for water. they now know the way over the rocks to the stream. "if i should not come back, or a ship should come along and take you off before i return, you must all be as watchful as cats about that gold. don't let anybody see a piece of it. you three must carry away with you as much as you can, but don't let any one know you are taking it. of course, i expect to come back and attend to the whole business, but if i should not be heard from for a long time,--and if that is the case, you may be sure i am lost,--and you should get away, i will trust to your sister and you to get up an expedition to come back for it." ralph drew himself up as high as circumstances would permit. "captain," said he, "you may count on me. i'll keep an eye on those black fellows, and on anybody else who may come here." "very good," said the captain. "i am sure you will never forget that you are the guardian of all our fortunes." chapter xvii "a fine thing, no matter what happens" after the noonday meal, on the day of captain horn's departure, mrs. cliff went apart with maka and cheditafa, and there endeavored to find out, as best she might, the ideas and methods of the latter in regard to the matrimonial service. in spite of the combined efforts of the two, with their limited command of english, to make her understand how these things were done in the forests and wilds of the dark continent, she could not decide whether the forms of the episcopal church, those of the baptists, or those of the quakers, could be more easily assimilated with the previous notions of cheditafa on the subject. but having been married herself, she thought she knew very well what was needed, and so, without endeavoring to persuade the negro priest that his opinions regarding the marriage rites were all wrong, or to make him understand what sort of a wedding she would have had if they had all been in their own land, she endeavored to impress upon his mind the forms and phrases of a very simple ceremony, which she believed would embody all that was necessary. cheditafa was a man of considerable intelligence, and the feeling that he was about to perform such an important ceremony for the benefit of such a great man as captain horn filled his soul with pride and a strong desire to acquit himself creditably in this honorable function, and he was able before very long to satisfy mrs. cliff that, with maka's assistance as prompting clerk, he might be trusted to go through the ceremony without serious mistake. she was strongly of the opinion that if she conducted the marriage ceremony it would be far better in every way than such a performance by a coal-black heathen; but as she knew that her offices would not count for anything in a civilized world, whereas the heathen ministry might be considered satisfactory, she accepted the situation, and kept her opinions to herself. the wedding took place about six o'clock in the afternoon, on the plateau in front of the great stone face, at a spot where the projecting rocks cast a shade upon the heated ground. cheditafa, attired in the best suit of clothes which could be made up from contributions from all his fellow-countrymen present, stood on the edge of the line of shadow, his hands clasped, his head slightly bowed, his bright eyes glancing from side to side, and his face filled with an expression of anxiety to observe everything and make no mistakes. maka stood near him, and behind the two, in the brilliant sunlight, were grouped the other negroes, all very attentive and solemn, looking a little frightened, as if they were not quite sure that sacrifices were not customary on such occasions. captain horn stood, tall and erect, his jacket a little torn, but with an air of earnest dignity upon his handsome, sunburnt features, which, with his full dark beard and rather long hair, gave him the appearance of an old-time chieftain about to embark upon some momentous enterprise. by his side was edna markham, pale, and dressed in the simple gown in which she had left the ship, but as beautiful, in the eyes of mrs. cliff, as if she had been arrayed in orange-blossoms and white satin. [illustration: reverently the two answered the simple questions which were put to them.] reverently the two answered the simple questions which were put to them, and made the necessary promises, and slowly and carefully, and in very good english, cheditafa pronounced them man and wife. mrs. cliff then produced a marriage certificate, written with a pencil, as nearly as she could remember, in the words of her own document of that nature, on a leaf torn from the captain's note-book, and to this she signed cheditafa's name, to which the african, under her directions, affixed his mark. then ralph and mrs. cliff signed as witnesses, and the certificate was delivered to edna. "now," said the captain, "i will go aboard." the whole party, edna and the captain a little in the lead, walked down to the beach, where the boat lay, ready to be launched. during the short walk captain horn talked rapidly and earnestly to edna, confining his remarks, however, to directions and advice as to what should be done until he returned, or, still more important, as to what should be done if he did not return at all. when they reached the beach, the captain shook hands with edna, mrs. cliff, and ralph, and then, turning to cheditafa, he informed him that that lady, pointing to edna, was now the mistress of himself and mok, and that every word of command she gave them must be obeyed exactly as if he had given it to them himself. he was shortly coming back, he said, and when he saw them again, their reward should depend entirely upon the reports he should receive of their conduct. "but i know," said he, "that you are a good man, and that i can trust you, and i will hold you responsible for mok." this was the end of the leave-taking. the captain stepped into his boat and took the oars. then the four negroes, two on a side, ran out the little craft as far as possible through the surf, and then, when they had scrambled on board, the captain pulled out into smooth water. hoisting his little sail, and seating himself in the stern, with the tiller in his hand, he brought the boat round to the wind. once he turned toward shore and waved his hat, and then he sailed away toward the western sky. mrs. cliff and ralph walked together toward the caves, leaving edna alone upon the beach. "well," said ralph, "this is the first wedding i ever saw, but i must say it is rather different from my idea of that sort of thing. i thought that people always kissed at such affairs, and there was general jollification and cake, but this seemed more like a newfangled funeral, with the dear departed acting as his own charon and steering himself across the styx." "he might have kissed her," said mrs. cliff, thoughtfully. "but you see, ralph, everything had to be very different from ordinary weddings. it was a very peculiar case." "i should hope so," said the boy,--"the uncommoner the better. in fact, i shouldn't call it a wedding at all. it seemed more like taking a first degree in widowhood." "ralph," said mrs. cliff, "that is horrible. don't you ever say anything like that again. i hope you are not going to distress your sister with such remarks." "you need not say anything about edna!" he exclaimed. "i shall not worry her with any criticisms of the performance. the fact is, she will need cheering up, and if i can do it i will. she's captain now, and i'll stand up for her like a good fellow." edna stood on the beach, gazing out on the ocean illuminated by the rays of the setting sun, keeping her eyes fixed on the captain's boat until it became a mere speck. then, when it had vanished entirely among the lights and shades of the evening sea, she still stood a little while and watched. then she turned and slowly walked up to the plateau. everything there was just as she had known it for weeks. the great stone face seemed to smile in the last rays of the setting sun. mrs. cliff came to meet her, her face glowing with smiles, and ralph threw his arms around her neck and kissed her, without, however, saying a word about that sort of thing having been omitted in the ceremony of the afternoon. "my dear edna," exclaimed mrs. cliff, "from the bottom of my heart i congratulate you! no matter how we look at it, a rare piece of good fortune has come to you." edna gazed at her for a moment, and then she answered quietly, "oh, yes, it was a fine thing, no matter what happens. if he does not come back, i shall make a bold stroke for widowhood; and if he does come back, he is bound, after all this, to give me a good share of that treasure. so, you see, we have done the best we can do to be rich and happy, if we are not so unlucky as to perish among these rocks and sand." "she is almost as horrible as ralph," thought mrs. cliff, "but she will get over it." chapter xviii mrs. cliff is amazed after the captain set sail in his little boat, the party which he left behind him lived on in an uneventful, uninteresting manner, which, gradually, day by day, threw a shadow over the spirits of each one of them. ralph, who always slept in the outer chamber of the caves, had been a very faithful guardian of the captain's treasure. no one, not even himself, had gone near it, and he never went up to the rocky promontory on which he had raised his signal-pole without knowing that the two negroes were at a distance from the caves, or within his sight. for a day or two after the captain's departure edna was very quiet, with a fancy for going off by herself. but she soon threw off this dangerous disposition, and took up her old profession of teacher, with ralph as the scholar, and mathematics as the study. they had no books nor even paper, but the rules and principles of her specialty were fresh in her mind, and with a pointed stick on a smooth stretch of sand diagrams were drawn and problems worked out. this occupation was a most excellent thing for edna and her brother, but it did not help mrs. cliff to endure with patience the weary days of waiting. she had nothing to read, nothing to do, very often no one to talk to, and she would probably have fallen into a state of nervous melancholy had not edna persuaded her to devote an hour or two each day to missionary work with mok and cheditafa. this mrs. cliff cheerfully undertook. she was a conscientious woman, and her methods of teaching were peculiar. she had an earnest desire to do the greatest amount of good with these poor, ignorant negroes, but, at the same time, she did not wish to do injury to any one else. the conviction forced itself upon her that if she absolutely converted cheditafa from the errors of his native religion, she might in some way invalidate the marriage ceremony which he had performed. "if he should truly come to believe," she said to herself, "that he had no right to marry the captain and edna, his conscience might make him go back on the whole business, and everything that we have done would be undone. i don't want him to remain a heathen any longer than it can possibly be helped, but i must be careful not to set his priesthood entirely aside until edna's position is fixed and settled. when the captain comes back, and we all get home, they must be married regularly; but if he never comes back, then i must try to make cheditafa understand that the marriage is just as binding as any other kind, and that any change of religious opinion that he may undergo will have no effect upon it." accordingly, while she confined her religious teachings to very general principles, her moral teachings were founded upon the strictest code, and included cleanliness and all the household virtues, not excepting the proper care of such garments as an indigent human being in a tropical climate might happen to possess. in spite, however, of this occupation, mrs. cliffs spirits were not buoyant. "i believe," she thought, "things would have been more cheerful if they had not married; but then, of course, we ought to be willing to sacrifice cheerfulness at present to future prosperity." it was more than a month after the departure of the captain that ralph, from his point of observation, perceived a sail upon the horizon. he had seen sails there before, but they never grew any larger, and generally soon disappeared, for it would lengthen the course of any coasting-vessel to approach this shore. but the sail that ralph saw now grew larger and larger, and, with the aid of his little spy-glass, it was not long before he made up his mind that it was coming toward him. then up went his signal-flag, and, with a loud hurrah, down went he to shout out the glad news. twenty minutes later it was evident to the anxiously peering eyes of every one of the party that the ship was actually approaching the shore, and in the heart of each one of them there was a bounding delight in the feeling that, after all these days of weary waiting, the captain was coming back. as the ship drew nearer and nearer, she showed herself to be a large vessel--a handsome bark. about half a mile from the shore, she lay to, and very soon a boat was lowered. edna's heart beat rapidly and her face flushed as, with ralph's spy-glass to her eyes, she scanned the people in the boat as it pulled away from the ship. "can you make out the captain?" cried ralph, at her side. she shook her head, and handed him the glass. for full five minutes the boy peered through it, and then he lowered the glass. "edna," said he, "he isn't in it." "what!" exclaimed mrs. cliff, "do you mean to say that the captain is not in that boat?" "i am sure of it," said ralph. "and if he isn't in the boat, of course he is not on the ship. perhaps he did not have anything to do with that vessel's coming here. it may have been tacking in this direction, and so come near enough for people to see my signal." "don't suppose things," said edna, a little sharply. "wait until the boat comes in, and then we will know all about it.--here, cheditafa," said she, "you and mok go out into the water and help run that boat ashore as soon as it is near enough." it was a large boat containing five men, and when it had been run up on the sand, and its occupants had stepped out, the man at the tiller, who proved to be the second mate of the bark, came forward and touched his hat. as he did so, no sensible person could have imagined that he had accidentally discovered them. his manner plainly showed that he had expected to find them there. the conviction that this was so made the blood run cold in edna's veins. why had not the captain come himself? the man in command of the boat advanced toward the two ladies, looking from one to the other as he did so. then, taking a letter from the pocket of his jacket, he presented it to edna. "mrs. horn, i believe," he said. "here is a letter from your husband." now, it so happened that to mrs. cliff, to edna, and to ralph this recognition of matrimonial status seemed to possess more force and value than the marriage ceremony itself. edna's face grew as red as roses as she took the letter. "from my husband," she said; and then, without further remark, she stepped aside to read it. but mrs. cliff and ralph could not wait for the reading of the letter. they closed upon the mate, and, each speaking at the same moment, demanded of him what had happened to captain horn, why he had not come himself, where he was now, was this ship to take them away, and a dozen similar questions. the good mariner smiled at their impatience, but could not wonder at it, and proceeded to tell them all he knew about captain horn and his plans. the captain, he said, had arrived at callao some time since, and immediately endeavored to get a vessel in which to go after the party he had left, but was unable to do so. there was nothing in port which answered his purpose. the captain seemed to be very particular about the craft in which he would be willing to trust his wife and the rest of the party. "and after having seen mrs. horn," the mate politely added, "and you two, i don't wonder he was particular. when captain horn found that the bark out there, the mary bartlett, would sail in a week for acapulco, mexico, he induced the agents of the company owning her to allow her to stop to take off the shipwrecked party and carry them to that port, from which they could easily get to the united states." "but why, in the name of common sense," almost screamed mrs. cliff, "didn't he come himself? why should he stay behind, and send a ship to take us off?" "that, madam," said the mate, "i do not know. i have met captain horn before, for he is well known on this coast, and i know he is a man who understands how to attend to his own business, and, therefore, i suppose he has good reasons for what he has done--which reasons, no doubt, he has mentioned in his letter to his wife. all i can tell you is that, after he had had a good deal of trouble with the agents, we were at last ordered to touch here. he could not give us the exact latitude and longitude of this spot, but as his boat kept on a straight westward course after he left here, he got a good idea of the latitude from the mexican brig which he boarded three days afterwards. then he gave us a plan of the coast, which helped us very much, and soon after we got within sight of land, our lookout spied that signal you put up. so here we are; and i have orders to take you all off just as soon as possible, for we must not lie here a minute longer than is necessary. i do not suppose that, under the circumstances, you have much baggage to take away with you, and i shall have to ask you to get ready to leave as soon as you can." "all right," cried ralph. "it won't take us long to get ready." but mrs. cliff answered never a word. in fact, the injunction to prepare to leave had fallen unheeded upon her ear. her mind was completely occupied entirely with one question: why did not the captain come himself? she hastened to edna, who had finished reading the letter, and now stood silent, holding it in her hand. "what does he say?" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "what are his reasons for staying away? what does he tell you about his plans? read us the letter. you can leave out all the loving and confidential parts, but give us his explanations. i never was so anxious to know anything in all my life." "i will read you the whole of it," said edna. "here, ralph." her brother came running up. "that man is in an awful hurry to get away," he said. "we ought to go up to the caves and get our things." "stay just where you are," said mrs. cliff. "before we do anything else, we must know what captain horn intends to do, and what he wants us to do." "that's so!" cried ralph, suddenly remembering his guardianship. "we ought to know what he says about leaving that mound. read away, edna." the three stood at some little distance from the sailors, who were now talking with cheditafa, and edna read the letter aloud: "lima, may 14, 1884. "my dear wife: i reached this city about ten days ago. when i left you all i did not sail down the coast, but stood directly out to sea. my object was to reach a shipping-port, and to do this my best plan was to get into the track of coasting-vessels. this plan worked well, and in three days we were picked up by a mexican guano brig, and were taken to callao, which is the port of lima. we all arrived in good health and condition. "this letter will be brought to you by the bark mary bartlett, which vessel i have engaged to stop for you, and take you and the whole party to acapulco, which is the port of the city of mexico, from which place i advise you to go as soon as possible to san francisco. i have paid the passage of all of you to acapulco, and i inclose a draft for one thousand dollars for your expenses. i would advise you to go to the palmetto hotel, which is a good family house, and i will write to you there and send another draft. in fact, i expect you will find my letter when you arrive, for the mail-steamer will probably reach san francisco before you do. please write to me as soon as you get there, and address me here, care of nasco, parmley & co." an exclamation of impatience here escaped from mrs. cliff. in her opinion, the reasons for the non-appearance of the captain should, have been the first thing in the letter. "when i reached lima, which is six miles from callao," the letter continued, "i disposed of some of the property i brought with me, and expect to sell it all before long. being known as a californian, i find no difficulty in disposing of my property, which is in demand here, and in a very short time i shall have turned the whole of it into drafts or cash. there is a vessel expected here shortly which i shall be able to charter, and as soon as i can do so i shall sail in her to attend to the disposition of the rest of my property. i shall write as frequently as possible, and keep you informed of my operations. "of course, you understand that i could not go on the mary bartlett to join you and accompany you to acapulco, for that would have involved too great a loss of time. my business must be attended to without delay, and i can get the vessel i want here. "the people of the _mary bartlett_ will not want to wait any longer than can be helped, so you would all better get your baggage together as soon as possible and go on board. the two negroes will bring down your baggage, so there will be no need for any of the sailors to go up to the caves. tell ralph not to forget the charge i gave him if they do go up. when you have taken away your clothes, you can leave just as they are the cooking-utensils, the blankets, and _everything else._ i will write to you much more fully by mail. cannot do so now. i hope you may all have a quick and safe voyage, and that i may hear from you immediately after you reach acapulco. i hope most earnestly that you have all kept well, and that no misfortune has happened to any of you. i shall wait with anxiety your letter from acapulco. let ralph write and make his report. i will ask you to stay in san francisco until more letters have passed and plans are arranged. until further notice, please give mrs. cliff one fourth of all moneys i send. i cannot insist, of course, upon her staying in san francisco, but i would advise her to do so until things are more settled. "in haste, your husband, "philip horn." "upon my word!" ejaculated mrs. cliff, "a most remarkable letter! it might have been written to a clerk! no one would suppose it the first letter of a man to his bride! excuse me, edna, for speaking so plainly, but i must say i am shocked. he is very particular to call you his wife and say he is your husband, and in that way he makes the letter a valuable piece of testimony if he never turns up, but--well, no matter." "he is mighty careful," said ralph, "not to say anything about the gold. he speaks of his property as if it might be panama stock or something like that. he is awfully wary." "you see," said edna, speaking in a low voice, "this letter was sent by private hands, and by people who were coming to the spot where his property is, and, of course, it would not do to say anything that would give any hint of the treasure here. when he writes by mail, he can speak more plainly." "i hope he may speak more plainly in another way," said mrs. cliff. "and now let us go up and get our things together. i am a good deal more amazed by the letter than i was by the ship." chapter xix left behind "ralph," said edna, as they were hurrying up to the caves, "you must do everything you can to keep those sailors from wandering into the lake basin. they are very different from the negroes, and will want to explore every part of it." "oh, i have thought of all that," said ralph, "and i am now going to run ahead and smash the lantern. they won't be so likely to go poking around in the dark." "but they may have candles or matches," said edna. "we must try to keep them out of the big cave." ralph did not stop to answer, but ran as fast as his legs would carry him to the plateau. the rest of the party followed, edna first, then the negroes, and after them mrs. cliff, who could not imagine why edna should be in such a hurry. the sailors, having secured their boat, came straggling after the rest. when edna reached the entrance to the caves, she was met by her brother, so much out of breath that he could hardly speak. "you needn't go to your room to get your things," he exclaimed. "i have gathered them all up, your bag, too, and i have tumbled them over the wall in the entrance back here. you must get over as quick as you can. that will be your room now, and i will tell the sailors, if they go poking around, that you are in there getting ready to leave, and then, of course, they can't pass along the passage." "that is a fine idea," said edna, as she followed him. "you are getting very sharp-witted, ralph." "now, then," said he, as he helped her over the wall, "take just as long as you can to get your things ready." "it can't take me very long," said edna. "i have no clothes to change, and only a few things to put in my bag. i don't believe you have got them all, anyway." "but you must make it take a long time," said he. "you must not get through until every sailor has gone. you and i must be the last ones to leave the caves." "all right," said edna, as she disappeared behind the wall. when mrs. cliff arrived, she was met by ralph, who explained the state of affairs, and although that lady was a good deal annoyed at the scattered condition in which she found her effects, she accepted the situation. the mate and his men were much interested in the caves and the great stone face, and, as might have been expected, every one of them wanted to know where the narrow passage led. but as ralph was on hand to inform them that it was the entrance to mrs. horn's apartment, they could do no more than look along its dusky length, and perhaps wonder why mrs. horn should have selected a cave which must be dark, when there were others which were well lighted. mrs. cliff was soon ready, and explained to the inquiring mate her notion that these caves were used for religious purposes, and that the stone face was an ancient idol. in fact, the good lady believed this, but she did not state that she thought it likely that the sculptured countenance was a sort of a cashier idol, whose duty it was to protect treasure. edna, behind the stone barrier, had put her things in her bag, though she was not sure she had found all of them in the gloom, and she waited a long time, so it seemed to her, for ralph's summons to come forth. but although the boy came to the wall several times, ostensibly to ask if she were not ready, yet he really told her to stay where she was, for the sailors were not yet gone. but at last he came with the welcome news that every one had departed, and they soon came out into the daylight. "if anything is lost, charge it to me," said ralph to mrs. cliff and his sister, as they hurried away. "i can tell you, if i had not thought of that way of keeping those sailors out of the passage, they would have swarmed over that lake bed, each one of them with a box of matches in his pocket; and if they had found that mound, i wouldn't give two cents for the gold they would have left in it. it wouldn't have been of any use to tell them it was the captain's property. they would have been there, and he wasn't, and i expect the mate would have been as bad as any of them." "you are a good fellow, ralph," said mrs. cliff, "and i hope you will grow up to be an administrator, or something of the kind. i don't suppose there was ever another boy in the world who had so much wealth in charge." "you can't imagine," exclaimed ralph, "how i hate to go away and leave it! there is no knowing when the captain will get here, nor who will drop in on the place before he does. i tell you, edna, i believe it would be a good plan for me to stay here with those two black fellows, and wait for the captain. you two could go on the ship, and write to him. i am sure he would be glad to know i am keeping guard here, and i don't know any better fun than to be on hand when he unearths the treasure. there's no knowing what is at the bottom of that mound." "nonsense!" exclaimed edna. "you can put that idea out of your head instantly. i would not think of going away and leaving you here. if the captain had wanted you to stay, he would have said so." "if the captain wanted!" sarcastically exclaimed ralph. "i am tired of hearing what the captain wants. i hope the time will soon come when those yellow bars of gold will be divided up, and then i can do what i like without considering what he likes." mrs. cliff could not help a sigh. "dear me!" said she, "i do most earnestly hope that time may come. but we are leaving it all behind us, and whether we will ever hear of it again nobody knows." one hour after this edna and mrs. cliff were standing on the deck of the mary bartlett, watching the plateau of the great stone face as it slowly sank into the horizon. "edna," said the elder lady, "i have liked you ever since i have known you, and i expect to like you as long as i live, but i must say that, for an intelligent person, you have the most colorless character i have ever seen. whatever comes to pass, you receive it as quietly and calmly as if it were just what you expected and what you happened to want, and yet, as long as i have known you, you have not had anything you wanted." "you are mistaken there," said edna. "i have got something i want." "and what may that be?" asked the other. "captain horn," said edna. mrs. cliff laughed a little scornfully. "if you are ever going to get any color out of your possession of him," she said, "he's got to very much change the style of his letter-writing. he has given you his name and some of his money, and may give you more, but i must say i am very much disappointed in captain horn." edna turned suddenly upon her companion. "color!" she exclaimed, but she did not finish her remark, for ralph came running aft. "a queer thing has happened," said he: "a sailor is missing, and he is one of the men who went on shore for us. they don't know what's become of him, for the mate is sure he brought all his men back with him, and so am i, for i counted them to see that there were no stragglers left, and all the people who were in that boat came on board. they think he may have fallen overboard after the ship sailed, but nobody heard a splash." "poor fellow!" exclaimed mrs. cliff, "and he was one of those who came to save us!" at this moment a wet and bedraggled sailor, almost exhausted with a swim of nearly a mile, staggered upon the beach, and fell down upon the sand near the spot from which the mary bartlett's boat had recently been pushed off. when, an hour before, he had slipped down the side of the ship, he had swum under water as long as his breath held out, and had dived again as soon as he had filled his lungs. then he had floated on his back, paddling along with little but his face above the surface of the waves, until he had thought it safe to turn over and strike out for land. it had been a long pull, and the surf had treated him badly, but he was safe on shore at last, and in a few minutes he was sound asleep, stretched upon the sand. toward the end of the afternoon he awoke and rose to his feet. the warm sand, the desiccating air, and the sun had dried his clothes, and his nap had refreshed him. he was a sharp-faced, quick-eyed man, a scotchman, and the first thing he did was to shade his face with his hands and look out over the sea. then he turned, with a shrug of his shoulders and a grunt. "she's gone," said he, "and i will be up to them caves." after a dozen steps he gave another shrug. "humph!" said he, "those fools! do they think everybody is blind? they left victuals, they left cooking-things. blasted careful they were to leave matches and candles in a tin box. i watched them. if everybody else was blind, i kenned they expected somebody was comin' back. that captain, that blasted captain, i'll wager! wi' sae much business on his hands, he couldna sail wi' us to show us where his wife was stranded!" for fifty yards more he plodded along, looking from side to side at the rocks and sand. "a dreary place and lonely," thought he, "and i can peer out things at me ease. i'll find out what's at the end o' that dark alley. they were so fearsome that we'd go into her room. her room, indeed! when the other woman had a big lighted cave! they expected somebody to come back, did they? well, blast their eyes, he's here!" chapter xx at the rackbirds' cove it was about six weeks after the _mary bartlett_ had sailed away from that desolate spot on the coast of peru from which she had taken the shipwrecked party, that the great stone face might have seen, if its wide-open eyes had been capable of vision, a small schooner beating in toward shore. this vessel, which was manned by a chilian captain, a mate, and four men, and was a somewhat dirty and altogether disagreeable craft, carried captain horn, his four negroes, and three hundred and thirty bags of guano. in good truth the captain was coming back to get the gold, or as much of it as he could take away with him. but his apparent purpose was to establish on this desert coast a depot for which he would have nothing to pay for rent and storage, and where he would be able to deposit, from time to time, such guano as he had been able to purchase at a bargain at two of the guano islands, until he should have enough to make it worth while for a large vessel, trading with the united states or mexico, to touch here and take on board his accumulated stock of odorous merchandise. it would be difficult--in fact, almost impossible--to land a cargo at the point near the caves where the captain and his party first ran their boats ashore, nor did the captain in the least desire to establish his depot at a point so dangerously near the golden object of his undertaking. but the little bay which had been the harbor of the rackbirds exactly suited his purpose, and here it was that he intended to land his bags of guano. he had brought with him on the vessel suitable timber with which to build a small pier, and he carried also a lighter, or a big scow, in which the cargo would be conveyed from the anchored schooner to the pier. it seemed quite evident that the captain intended to establish himself in a somewhat permanent manner as a trader in guano. he had a small tent and a good stock of provisions, and, from the way he went to work and set his men to work, it was easy to see that he had thoroughly planned and arranged all the details of his enterprise. it was nearly dark when the schooner dropped her anchor, and early the next morning all available hands were set to work to build the pier, and, when it was finished, the landing of the cargo was immediately begun. some of the sailors wandered about a little, when they had odd moments to spare, but they had seen such dreary coasts before, and would rather rest than ramble. but wherever they did happen to go, not one of them ever got away from the eye of captain horn. the negroes evinced no desire to visit the cave, and maka had been ordered by the captain to say nothing about it to the sailors. there was no difficulty in obeying this order, for these rough fellows, as much landsmen as mariners, had a great contempt for the black men, and had little to do with them. as captain horn informed maka, he had heard from his friends, who had arrived in safety at acapulco; therefore there was no need for wasting time in visiting their old habitation. in that dry and rainless region a roof to cover the captain's stock in trade was not necessary, and the bags were placed upon a level spot on the sands, in long double rows, each bag on end, gently leaning against its opposite neighbor, and between the double rows there was room to walk. the chilian captain was greatly pleased with this arrangement. "i see well," said he, in bad spanish, "that this business is not new to you. a ship's crew can land and carry away these bags without tumbling over each other. it is a grand thing to have a storehouse with a floor as wide as many acres." a portion of the bags, however, were arranged in a different manner. they were placed in a circle two bags deep, inclosing a space about ten feet in diameter. this, captain horn explained, he intended as a sort of little fort, in which the man left in charge could defend himself and the property, in case marauders should land upon the coast. "you don't intend," exclaimed the chilian captain, "that you will leave a guard here! nobody would have cause to come near the spot from either land or sea, and you might well leave your guano here for a year or more, and come back and find it." "no," said captain horn, "i can't trust to that. a coasting-vessel might put in here for water. some of them may know that there is a stream here, and with this convenient pier, and a cargo ready to their hands, my guano would be in danger. no, sir. i intend to send you off to-morrow, if the wind is favorable, for the second cargo for which we have contracted, and i shall stay here and guard my warehouse." "what!" exclaimed the chilian, "alone?" "why not?" said captain horn. "our force is small, and we can only spare one man. in loading the schooner on this trip, i would be the least useful man on board, and, besides, do you think there is any one among you who would volunteer to stay here instead of me?" the chilian laughed and shook his head. "but what can one man do," said he, "to defend all this, if there should be need?" "oh, i don't intend to defend it," said the other. "the point is to have somebody here to claim it in case a coaster should touch here. i don't expect to be murdered for the sake of a lot of guano. but i shall keep my two rifles and other arms inside that little fort, and if i should see any signs of rascality i shall jump inside and talk over the guano-bags, and i am a good shot." the chilian shrugged his shoulders. "if i stayed here alone," said he, "i should be afraid of nothing but the devil, and i am sure he would come to me, with all his angels. but you are different from me." "yes," said captain horn, "i don't mind the devil. i have often camped out by myself, and i have not seen him yet." when maka heard that the captain intended staying alone, he was greatly disturbed. if the captain had not built the little fort with the guano-bags, he would have begged to be allowed to remain with him, but those defensive works had greatly alarmed him, for they made him believe that the captain feared that some of the rackbirds might come back. he had had a great deal of talk with the other negroes about those bandits, and he was fully impressed with their capacity for atrocity. it grieved his soul to think that the captain would stay here alone, but the captain was a man who could defend himself against half a dozen rackbirds, while he knew very well that he would not be a match for half a one. with tears in his eyes, he begged captain horn not to stay, for rackbirds would not steal guano, even if any of them should return. but his entreaties were of no avail. captain horn explained the matter to him, and tried to make him understand that it was as a claimant, more than as a defender of his property, that he remained, and that there was not the smallest reason to suspect any rackbirds or other source of danger. the negro saw that the captain had made up his mind, and mournfully joined his fellows. in half an hour, however, he came back to the captain and offered to stay with him until the schooner should return. if captain horn had known the terrible mental struggle which had preceded this offer, he would have been more grateful to maka than he had ever yet been to any human being, but he did not know it, and declined the proposition pleasantly but firmly. "you are wanted on the schooner," said he, "for none of the rest can cook, and you are not wanted here, so you must go with the others; and when you come back with the second load of guano, it will not be long before the ship which i have engaged to take away the guano will touch here, and then we will all go north together." maka smiled, and tried to be satisfied. he and the other negroes had been greatly grieved that the captain had not seen fit to go north from callao, and take them with him. their one desire was to get away from this region, so full of horrors to them, as soon as possible. but they had come to the conclusion that, as the captain had lost his ship, he must be poor, and that it was necessary for him to make a little money before he returned to the land of his home. fortune was on the captain's side the next day, for the wind was favorable, and the captain of the schooner was very willing to start. if that crew, with nothing to do, had been compelled by adverse weather to remain in that little cove for a day or more, it might have been very difficult indeed for captain horn to prevent them from wandering into the surrounding country, and what might have happened had they chanced to wander into the cave made the captain shudder to conjecture. he had carefully considered this danger, and on the voyage he had made several plans by which he could keep the men at work, in case they were obliged to remain in the cove after the cargo had been landed. happily, however, none of these schemes was necessary, and the next day, with a western wind, and at the beginning of the ebb-tide, the schooner sailed away for another island where captain horn had purchased guano, leaving him alone upon the sandy beach, apparently as calm and cool as usual, but actually filled with turbulent delight at seeing them depart. chapter xxi in the gates when the topmasts of the chilian schooner had disappeared below the horizon line, with no reason to suppose that the schooner would put back again, captain horn started for the caves. had he obeyed his instincts, he would have begun to stroll along the beach as soon as the vessel had weighed anchor. but even now, as he hurried on, he walked prudently, keeping close to the water, so that the surf might wash out his footsteps as fast as he made them. he climbed over the two ridges to the north of rackbirds' cove, and then made his way along the stretch of sand which extended to the spot where the party had landed when he first reached this coast. he stopped and looked about him, and then, in fancy, he saw edna standing upon the beach, her face pale, her eyes large and supernaturally dark, and behind her mrs. cliff and the boy and the two negroes. not until this moment had he felt that he was alone. but now there came a great desire to speak and be spoken to, and yet that very morning he had spoken and listened as much as had suited him. as he walked up the rising ground toward the caves, that ground he had traversed so often when this place had been, to all intents and purposes, his home, where there had been voices and movement and life, the sense of desertion grew upon him--not only desertion of the place, but of himself. when he had opened his eyes, that morning, his overpowering desire had been that not an hour of daylight should pass before he should be left alone, and yet now his heart sank at the feeling that he was here and no one was with him. when the captain had approached within a few yards of the great stone face, his brows were slowly knitted. "this is carelessness," he said to himself. "i did not expect it of them. i told them to leave the utensils, but i did not suppose that they would leave them outside. no matter how much they were hurried in going away, they should have put these things into the caves. a passing indian might have been afraid to go into that dark hole, but to leave those tin things there is the same as hanging out a sign to show that people lived inside." instantly the captain gathered up the tin pan and tin plates, and looked about him to see if there was anything else which should be put out of sight. he did find something else. it was a little, short, black, wooden pipe which was lying on a stone. he picked it up in surprise. neither maka nor cheditafa smoked, and it could not have belonged to the boy. "perhaps," thought the captain, "one of the sailors from the _mary bartlett_ may have left it. yes, that must have been the case. but sailors do not often leave their pipes behind them, nor should the officer in charge have allowed them to lounge about and smoke. but it must have been one of those sailors who left it here. i am glad i am the one to find these things." the captain now entered the opening to the caves. passing along until he reached the room which he had once occupied, there he saw his rough pallet on the ground, drawn close to the door, however. the captain knew that the rest of his party had gone away in a great hurry, but to his orderly mariner's mind it seemed strange that they should have left things in such disorder. he could not stop to consider these trifles now, however, and going to the end of the passage, he climbed over the low wall and entered the cave of the lake. when he lighted the lantern he had brought with him, he saw it as he had left it, dry, or even drier than before, for the few pools which had remained after the main body of water had run off had disappeared, probably evaporated. he hurried on toward the mound in the distant recess of the cave. on the way, his foot struck something which rattled, and holding down his lantern to see what it was, he perceived an old tin cup. "confound it!" he exclaimed. "this is too careless! did the boy intend to make a regular trail from the outside entrance to the mound? i suppose he brought that cup here to dip up water, and forgot it. i must take it with me when i go back." he went on, throwing the light of the lantern on the ground before him, for he had now reached a part of the cave which was entirely dark. suddenly something on the ground attracted his attention. it was bright--it shone as if it were a little pale flame of a candle. he sprang toward it, he picked it up. it was one of the bars of gold he had seen in the mound. "could i have dropped this?" he ejaculated. he slipped the little bar into his pocket, and then, his heart beginning to beat rapidly, he advanced, with his lantern close to the rocky floor. presently he saw two other pieces of gold, and then, a little farther on, the end of a candle, so small that it could scarcely have been held by the fingers. he picked up this and stared at it. it was a commonplace candle-end, but the sight of it sent a chill through him from head to foot. it must have been dropped by some one who could hold it no longer. he pressed on, his light still sweeping the floor. he found no more gold nor pieces of candle, but here and there he perceived the ends of burnt wooden matches. going on, he found more matches, two or three with the heads broken off and unburnt. in a few moments the mound loomed up out of the darkness like a spectral dome, and, looking no more upon the ground, the captain ran toward it. by means of the stony projections he quickly mounted to the top, and there the sight he saw almost made him drop his lantern. the great lid of the mound had been moved and was now awry, leaving about one half of the opening exposed. in one great gasp the captain's breath seemed to leave him, but he was a man of strong nerves, and quickly recovered himself; but even then he did not lift his lantern so that he could look into the interior of the mound. for a few moments he shut his eyes. he did not dare even to look. but then his courage came back, and holding his lantern over the opening, he gazed down into the mound, and it seemed to his rapid glance that there was as much gold in it as when he last saw it. the discovery that the treasure was still there had almost as much effect upon the captain as if he had found the mound empty. he grew so faint that he felt he could not maintain his hold upon the top of the mound, and quickly descended, half sliding, to the bottom. there he sat down, his lantern by his side. when his strength came back to him,--and he could not have told any one how long it was before this happened,--the first thing he did was to feel for his box of matches, and finding them safe in his waistcoat pocket, he extinguished the lantern. he must not be discovered, if there should be any one to discover him. now the captain began to think as fiercely and rapidly as a man's mind could be made to work. some one had been there. some one had taken away gold from that mound--how much or how little, it did not matter. some one besides himself had had access to the treasure! his suspicions fell upon ralph, chiefly because his most earnest desire at that moment was that ralph might be the offender. if he could have believed that he would have been happy. it must have been that the boy was not willing to go away and leave all that gold, feeling that perhaps he and his sister might never possess any of it, and that just before leaving he had made a hurried visit to the mound. but the more the captain thought of this, the less probable it became. he was almost sure that ralph could not have lifted that great mass of stone which formed the lid covering the opening of the mound, for it had required all his own strength to do it; and then, if anything of this sort had really happened, the letters he had received from edna and the boy must have been most carefully written with the intention to deceive him. [illustration: holding his lantern over the opening he gazed down into the mound.] the letter from edna, which in tone and style was a close imitation of his own to her, had been a strictly business communication. it told everything which happened after the arrival of the mary bartlett, and gave him no reason to suppose that any one could have had a chance to pillage the mound. ralph's letter had been even more definite. it was constructed like an official report, and when the captain had read it, he had thought that the boy had probably taken great pride in its preparation. it was as guardian of the treasure mound that ralph wrote, and his remarks were almost entirely confined to this important trust. he briefly reported to the captain that, since his departure, no one had been in the recess of the cave where the mound was situated, and he described in detail the plan by which he had established edna behind the wall in the passage, so as to prevent any of the sailors from the ship from making explorations. he also stated that everything had been left in as high a condition of safety as it was possible to leave it, but that, if his sister had been willing, he would most certainly have remained behind, with the two negroes, until the captain's return. much as he wished to think otherwise, captain horn could not prevail upon himself to believe that ralph could have written such a letter after a dishonorable and reckless visit to the mound. it was possible that one or both of the negroes had discovered the mound, but it was difficult to believe that they would have dared to venture into that awful cavern, even if the vigilance of edna, mrs. cliff, and the boy had given them an opportunity, and edna had written that the two men had always slept outside the caves, and had had no call to enter them. furthermore, if cheditafa had found the treasure, why should he keep it a secret? he would most probably have considered it an original discovery, and would have spoken of it to the others. why should he be willing that they should all go away and leave so much wealth behind them? the chief danger, in case cheditafa had found the treasure, was that he would talk about it in mexico or the united states. but, in spite of the hazards to which such disclosures might expose his fortunes, the captain would have preferred that the black men should have been pilferers than that other men should have been discoverers. but who else could have discovered it? who could have been there? who could have gone away? there was but one reasonable supposition, and that was that one or more of the rackbirds, who had been away from their camp at the time when their fellow-miscreants were swept away by the flood, had come back, and in searching for their comrades, or some traces of them, had made their way to the caves. it was quite possible, and further it was quite probable, that the man or men who had found that mound might still be here or in the neighborhood. as soon as this idea came into the mind of the captain, he prepared for action. this was a question which must be resolved if he could do it, and without loss of time. lighting his lantern,--for in that black darkness it was impossible for him to find his way without it, although it might make him a mark for some concealed foe,--the captain quickly made his way out of the lake cavern, and, leaving his lantern near the little wall, he proceeded, with a loaded pistol in his hand, to make an examination of the caves which he and his party had occupied. he had already looked into the first compartment, but stopping at the pallet which lay almost at the passage of the doorway, he stood and regarded it. then he stepped over it, and looked around the little room. the pallet of blankets and rugs which ralph had used was not there. then the captain stepped into the next room, and, to his surprise, he found this as bare of everything as if it had never been used as a sleeping-apartment. he now hurried back to the first room, and examined the pallet, which, when he had first been looking at it, he had thought to be somewhat different from what it had been when he had used it. he now found that it was composed of all the rugs and blankets which had previously made up the beds of all the party. the captain ground his teeth. "there can be no doubt of it," he said. "some one has been here since they left, and has slept in these caves." at this moment he remembered the innermost cave, the large compartment which was roofless, and which, in his excitement, he had forgotten. perhaps the man who slept on the pallet was in there at this minute. how reckless he had been! to what danger he had exposed himself! with his pistol cocked, the captain advanced cautiously toward the innermost compartment. putting his head in at the doorway, he glanced up, down, and around. he called out, "who's here?" and then he entered, and looked around, and behind each of the massive pieces of rock with which the floor was strewn. no one answered, and he saw no one. but he saw something which made him stare. on the ground, at one side of the entrance to this compartment, were five or six pieces of rock about a foot high, placed in a small circle so that their tops came near enough together to support a tin kettle which was resting upon them. under the kettle, in the centre of the rocks, was a pile of burnt leaves and sticks. "here he has cooked his meals," said the captain--for the pallet made up of all the others had convinced him that it had been one man who had been here after his party had left. "he stayed long enough to cook his meals and sleep," thought the captain. "i'll look into this provision business." passing through the other rooms, he went to a deep niche in the wall of the entrance passage where his party had kept their stores, and where edna had written him they had left provisions enough for the immediate use of himself and the men who should return. here he found tin cans tumbled about at the bottom of the niche, and every one of them absolutely empty. on a little ledge stood a tin box in which they had kept the matches and candles. the box was open, but there was nothing in it. on the floor near by was a tin biscuit-box, crushed nearly flat, as if some one had stamped upon it. "he has eaten everything that was left," said the captain, "and he has been starved out. very likely, too, he got out of water, for, of course, those pools would dry up, and it is not likely he found the stream outside." now the captain let down the hammer of his revolver, and put it in his belt. he felt sure that the man was not here. being out of provisions, he had to go away, but where he had gone to was useless to conjecture. of another thing the captain was now convinced: the intruder had not been a rackbird, for, while waiting for the disappearance of the chilian schooner, he had gone over to the concealed storehouse of the bandits, and had found it just as he had left it on his last visit, with a considerable quantity of stores remaining in it. if the man had known of the rackbirds' camp and this storehouse, it would not have been necessary for him to consume every crumb and vestige of food which had been left in these caves. "no," said the captain, "it could not have been a rackbird, but who he was, and where he has gone, is beyond my comprehension." chapter xxii a pack-mule when captain horn felt quite sure that it was not ralph, that it was not cheditafa, that it was not a rackbird, who had visited the treasure mound, he stood and reflected. what had happened was a great misfortune,--possibly it was a great danger,--but it was no use standing there thinking about it. his reason could not help him; it had done for him all that it could, and it would be foolish to waste time in looking for the man, for it was plain enough that he had gone away. of course, he had taken some gold with him, but that did not matter much. the danger was that he or others might come back for more, but this could not be prevented, and it was needless to consider it. the captain had come to this deserted shore for a purpose, and it was his duty, without loss of time, to go to work and carry out that purpose. if in any way he should be interfered with, he would meet that interference as well as he could, but until it came he would go on with his work. having come to this conclusion, he got over the wall, lighted his lantern, and proceeded to the mound. on his way he passed the tin cup, which he had forgotten to pick up, but now he merely kicked it out of the way. "if the man comes back," he thought, "he knows the way. there is no need of concealing anything." when the captain had reached the top of the mound, he moved the stone lid so that the aperture was entirely uncovered. then he looked down upon the mass of dull yellow bars. he could not perceive any apparent diminution of their numbers. "he must have filled his pockets," the captain thought, "and so full that some of them dropped out. well, let him go, and if he ventures back here, we shall have it out between us. in the meantime, i will do what i can." the captain now took from the pocket of his jacket two small canvas bags, which he had had made for this purpose, and proceeded to fill one of them with the gold bars, lifting the bag, every now and then, to try its weight. when he thought it heavy enough, he tied up the end very firmly, and then packed the other, as nearly as possible, to the same extent. then he got down, and laying one of the bags over each shoulder, he walked about to see if he could easily bear their weight. "that is about right," he said to himself. "i will count them when i take them out." then, putting them down, he went up for his lantern. he was about to close the lid of the mound, but he reflected that this would be of no use. it had been open nobody knew how long, and might as well remain so. he was coming back as often as he could, and it would be a tax upon his strength to lift that heavy lid every time. so he left the treasures of the incas open to the air under the black roof of the cavern, and, with his lantern in his hand and a bag of gold on each shoulder, he left the cave of the lake, and then, concealing his lantern, he walked down to the sea. before he reached it he had thoroughly scanned the ocean, but not a sign of a ship could be seen. walking along the sands, and keeping, as before, close to the curving line of water thrown up by the surf, he said to himself: "i must have my eyes and ears open, but i am not going to be nervous or fidgety. i came here to be a pack-mule, and i intend to be a pack-mule until something stops me, and if that something is one man, he can look out for himself." the bags were heavy and their contents were rough and galling to the shoulders, but the captain was strong and his muscles were tough, and as he walked he planned a pair of cushions which he would wear under his golden epaulets in his future marches. when the captain had covered the two miles of beach and climbed the two rocky ridges, and reached his tent, it was long after noon, and throwing his two bags on the ground and covering them with a blanket, he proceeded to prepare his dinner. he laid out a complete working-plan, and one of the rules he had made was that, if possible, nothing should interfere with his regular meals and hours of sleep. the work he had set for himself was arduous in the extreme, and calculated to tax his energies to the utmost, and he must take very good care of his health and strength. in thinking over the matter, he had feared that the greed of gold might possess him, and that, in his anxiety to carry away as much as he could, he might break down, and everything be lost. even now he found himself calculating how much gold he had brought away in the two bags, and what would be its value in coined money, multiplying and estimating with his food untouched and his eyes fixed on the distant sea. suddenly he clenched his fist and struck it on his knee. "i must stop this," he said. "i shall be upset if i don't. i will not count the bars in those bags. i will not make any more estimates. a rough guess now and then i cannot help, but what i have to do is to bring away all the gold i can. it will be time enough to find out what it is worth when it is safe somewhere in north america." when the captain had finished his meal, he went to his tent, and opened one of the trunks which he had brought with him, and which were supposed to contain the clothes and personal effects he had bought in lima. this trunk, however, was entirely filled with rolls of cheap cotton cloth, coarse and strong, but not heavy. with a pair of shears he proceeded to cut from one of these some pieces, rather more than a foot square. then, taking from his canvas bags as many of the gold bars as he thought would weigh twelve or fifteen pounds, trying not to count them as he did so, he made a little package of them, tying the corners of the cloth together with a strong cord. when five of these bundles had been prepared, his gold was exhausted, and then he carried the small bundles out to the guano-bags. he had bought his guano in bulk, and it had been put into bags under his own supervision, for it was only in bags that the ship which was to take it north would receive it. the bags were new and good, and captain horn believed that each of them could be made twelve or fifteen pounds heavier without attracting the attention of those who might have to lift them, for they were very heavy as it was. he now opened a bag of guano, and thrusting a stick down into its contents, he twisted it about until he had made a cavity which enabled him, with a little trouble, to thrust one of the packages of gold down into the centre of the bag. then he pressed the guano down firmly, and sewed up the bag again, being provided with needles and an abundance of necessary cord. when this was done, the bag containing the gold did not differ in appearance from the others, and the captain again assured himself that the additional weight would not be noticed by a common stevedore, especially if all the bags were about the same weight. at this thought he stopped work and looked out toward the sea, his mind involuntarily leaping out toward calculations based upon the happy chance of his being able to load all the bags; but he checked himself. "stop that," he said. "go to work!" five guano-bags were packed, each with its bundle of gold, but the task was a disagreeable, almost a distressing, one, for the strong ammoniacal odor sometimes almost overpowered the captain, who had a great dislike for such smells. but he never drew back, except now and then to turn his head and take a breath of purer air. he was trying to make his fortune, and when men are doing that, their likes and dislikes must stand aside. when this task was finished, the captain took up his two empty canvas bags and went back to the caves, returning late in the afternoon, loaded rather more heavily than before. from the experiences of the morning, he believed that, with some folded pieces of cloth on each shoulder, he could carry without discomfort a greater weight than his first ones. the gold he now brought was made up into six bundles, and then the captain rested from his labors. he felt that he could do a much better day's work than this, but this day had been very much broken up, and he was still somewhat awkward. day after day captain horn labored at his new occupation, and a toilsome occupation it was, which no one who did not possess great powers of endurance, and great hopes from the results of his work, could have undergone. in about a month the schooner was to be expected with another load of guano, and the captain felt that he must, if possible, finish his task before she came back. in a few days he found that, by practice and improvements in his system of work, he was able to make four trips a day between the cove of the rackbirds and the caves. he rose very early in the morning, and made two trips before dinner. sometimes he thought he might do more, but he restrained himself. it would not do for him to get back too tired to sleep. during this time in which his body was so actively employed, his mind was almost as active, and went out on all sorts of excursions, some of them beneficial and some of them otherwise. sometimes the thought came to him, as he plodded along bearing his heavy bags, that he was no more than a common thief, carrying away treasures which did not belong to him. then, of course, he began to reason away these uncomfortable reflections. if this treasure did not belong to him, to whom did it belong? certainly not to the descendants of those spaniards from whom the original owners had striven so hard to conceal it. if the spirits of the incas could speak, they would certainly declare in his favor over that of the children of the men who, in blood and torture, had obliterated them and their institutions. sometimes such arguments entirely satisfied the captain; but if they did not entirely satisfy him, he put the whole matter aside, to be decided upon after he should safely reach the united states with such treasure as he might be able to take with him. "then," he thought, "we can do what we think is right. i shall listen to all that may be said by our party, and shall act justly. but what i do not take away with me has no chance whatever of ever falling into the proper hands." but no matter how he might terminate such reflections, the captain always blamed himself for allowing his mind to occupy itself with them. he had fully decided that this treasure belonged to him, and there was no real reason for his thinking of such things, except that he had no one to talk to, and in such cases a man's thoughts are apt to run wild. often and often he wondered what the others were thinking about this affair, and whether or not they would all be able to keep the secret until he returned. he was somewhat afraid of mrs. cliff. he believed her to be an honorable woman who would not break her word, but still he did not know all her ideas in regard to her duty. she might think there was some one to whom she ought to confide what had happened, and what was expected to happen, and if she should do this, there was no reason why he should not, some day, descry a ship in the offing with treasure-hunters on board. ralph gave him no concern at all, except that he was young, and the captain could foretell the weather much better than the probable actions of a youth. but these passing anxieties never amounted to suspicions. it was far better to believe in mrs. cliff and ralph, and he would do it; and every time he thought of the two, he determined to believe in them. as to edna, there was no question about believing in her. he did so without consideration for or against belief. the captain did not like his solitary life. how happy he would have been if they could all have remained here; if the guano could have been brought without the crew of the schooner knowing that there were people in the caves; if the negroes could have carried the bags of gold; if every night, after having superintended their labors, he could have gone back to the caves, which, with the comforts he could have brought from lima, would have made a very habitable home; if--but these were reflections which were always doomed to banishment as soon as the captain became aware of the enthralment of their charm, and sturdily onward, endeavoring to fix his mind upon some better sailor's knot with which to tie up his bundles, or to plant his feet where his tracks would soon be obliterated by the incoming waves, the strong man trudged, bearing bravely the burden of his golden hopes. chapter xxiii his present share with four trips a day from the caves to the cove, taking time for rests, for regular meals, and for sleep, and not working on sundays,--for he kept a diary and an account of days,--the captain succeeded in a little over three weeks in loading his bags of guano, each with a package of golden bars, some of which must have weighed as much as fifteen pounds. when this work had been accomplished, he began to consider the return of the schooner. but he had no reason to expect her yet, and he determined to continue his work. each day he brought eight canvas bags of gold from the caves, and making them up into small bundles, he buried them in the sand under his tent. when a full month had elapsed since the departure of the schooner, he began to be very prudent, keeping a careful lookout seaward, as he walked the beach, and never entering the caves without mounting a high point of the rocks and thoroughly scanning the ocean. if, when bearing his burden of gold, he should have seen a sail, he would have instantly stopped and buried his bags in the sand, wherever he might be. day after day passed, and larger and larger grew the treasure stored in the sands under the tent, but no sail appeared. sometimes the captain could not prevent evil fancies coming to him. what if the ship should never come back? what if no vessel should touch here for a year or two? and why should a vessel ever touch? when the provisions he had brought and those left in the rackbirds' storehouse had been exhausted, what could he do but lie down here and perish?--another victim added to the millions who had already perished from the thirst of gold. he thought of his little party in san francisco. they surely would send in search of him, if he did not appear in a reasonable time. but he felt this hope was a vain one. in a letter to edna, written from lima, he had told her she must not expect to hear from him for a long time, for, while he was doing the work he contemplated, it would be impossible for him to communicate with her. she would have no reason to suppose that he would start on such an expedition without making due arrangements for safety and support, and so would hesitate long before she would commission a vessel to touch at this point in search of him. if he should starve here, he would die months before any reasonable person, who knew as much of his affairs as did edna, would think the time had arrived to send a relief expedition for him. but he did not starve. ten days overdue, at last the chilian schooner appeared and anchored in the cove. she had now no white men on board but the captain and his mate, for the negroes had improved so much in seamanship that the economical captain had dispensed with his chilian crew. captain horn was delighted to be able to speak again to a fellow-being, and it pleased him far better to see maka than any of the others. "you no eat 'nough, cap'n," said the black man, as he anxiously scanned the countenance of captain horn, which, although the captain was in better physical condition than perhaps he had ever been in his life, was thinner than when maka had seen it last. "when i cook for you, you not so long face," the negro continued. "didn't us leave you 'nough to eat? did you eat 'em raw?" the captain laughed. "i have had plenty to eat," he said, "and i never felt better. if i had not taken exercise, you would have found me as fat as a porpoise." the interview with the chilian captain was not so cordial, for captain horn found that the chilian had not brought him a full cargo of bags of guano, and, by searching questions, he discovered that this was due entirely to unnecessary delay in beginning to load the vessel. the chilian declared he would have taken on board all the guano which captain horn had purchased at the smaller island, had he not begun to fear that captain horn would suffer if he did not soon return to him, and when he thought it was not safe to wait any longer, he had sailed with a partial cargo. captain horn was very angry, for every bag of guano properly packed with gold bars meant, at a rough estimate, between two and three thousand dollars if it safely reached a gold-market, and now he found himself with at least one hundred bags less than he had expected to pack. there was no time to repair this loss, for the english vessel, the _finland,_ from callao to acapulco, which the captain had engaged to stop at this point on her next voyage northward, might be expected in two or three weeks, certainly sooner than the chilian could get back to the guano island and return. in fact, there was barely time for that vessel to reach callao before the departure of the _finland_, on board of which the captain wished his negroes to be placed, that they might go home with him. "if i had any men to work my vessel," said the chilian, who had grown surly in consequence of the fault-finding, "i'd leave your negroes here, and cut loose from the whole business. i've had enough of it." "that serves you right for discharging your own men in order that you might work your vessel with mine," said captain horn. he had intended to insist that the negroes should ship again with the chilian, but he knew that it would be more difficult to find reasons for this than on the previous voyage, and he was really more than glad to find that the matter had thus arranged itself. talking with captain horn, the chilian mate, who had had no responsibility in this affair, and who was, consequently, not out of humor, proposed that he should go back with them, and take the english vessel at callao. "i can't risk it," said captain horn. "if your schooner should meet with head winds or any other bad luck, and the _finland_ should leave before i got there, there would be a pretty kettle of fish, and if she touched here and found no one in charge, i don't believe she would take away a bag." "do you think they will be sure to touch here?" asked the mate. "have they got the latitude and longitude? it didn't seem so bad before to leave you behind, because we were coming back, but now it strikes me it is rather a risky piece of business for you." "no," said captain horn. "i am acquainted with the skipper of the _finland,_ and i left a letter for him telling him exactly how the matter stood, and he knows that i trust him to pick me up. i do not suppose he will expect to find me here all alone, but if he gives me the slip, i would be just as likely to starve to death if i had some men with me as if i were alone. the _finland_ will stop--i am sure of that." with every reason for the schooner's reaching callao as soon as possible, and very little reason, considering the uncordial relations of the two captains, for remaining in the cove, the chilian set sail the morning after he had discharged his unsavory cargo. maka had begged harder than before to be allowed to remain with captain horn, but the latter had made him understand, as well as he could, the absolute necessity of the schooner reaching callao in good time, and the absolute impossibility of any vessel doing anything in good time without a cook. therefore, after a personal inspection of the stores left behind, both in the tent and in the rackbirds' storehouse, which latter place he visited with great secrecy, maka, with a sad heart, was obliged to leave the only real friend he had on earth. when, early the next morning, captain horn began to pack the newly arrived bags with the bundles of gold which he had buried in the sand, he found that the bags were not at all in the condition of those the filling of which he had supervised himself. some of these were more heavily filled than others, and many were badly fastened up. this, of course, necessitated a good deal of extra work, but the captain sadly thought that probably he would have more time than he needed to do all that was necessary to get this second cargo into fair condition for transportation. he had checked off his little bundles as he had buried them, and there were nearly enough to fill all the bags. in fact, he had to make but three more trips in order to finish the business. when the work was done, and everything was ready for the arrival of the _finland_, the captain felt that he had good reason to curse the conscienceless chilian whose laziness or carelessness had not only caused him the loss of perhaps a quarter of a million of dollars, but had given him days--how many he could not know--with nothing to do; and which of these two evils might prove the worse, the captain could not readily determine. as captain horn walked up and down the long double rows of bags which contained what he hoped would become his fortune, he could not prevent a feeling of resentful disappointment when he thought of the small proportion borne by the gold in these bags to the treasure yet remaining in the mound. on his last visit to the mound he had carefully examined its interior, and although, of course, there was a great diminution in its contents, there was no reason to believe that the cavity of the mound did not extend downward to the floor of the cave, and that it remained packed with gold bars to the depth of several feet. it seemed silly, crazy, in fact, almost wicked, for him to sail away in the _finland_ and leave all that gold behind, and yet, how could he possibly take away any more of it? he had with him a trunk nearly empty, in which he might pack some blankets and other stuff with some bags of gold stowed away between them, but more than fifty pounds added to the weight of the trunk and its contents would make it suspiciously heavy, and what was fifty pounds out of that vast mass? but although he puzzled his brains for the greater part of a day, trying to devise some method by which he could take away more gold without exciting the suspicions of the people on board the english vessel, there was no plan that entered his mind that did not contain elements of danger, and the danger was an appalling one. if the crew of the _finland_, or the crew of any other vessel, should, on this desert coast, get scent of a treasure mound of gold ingots, he might as well attempt to reason with wild beasts as to try to make them understand that that treasure belonged to him. if he could get away with any of it, or even with his life, he ought to be thankful. the captain was a man who, since he had come to an age of maturity, had been in the habit of turning his mind this way and that as he would turn the helm of his vessel, and of holding it to the course he had determined upon, no matter how strong the wind or wave, how dense the fog, or how black the night. but never had he stood to his helm as he now stood to a resolve. "i will bring away a couple of bags," said he, "to put in my trunk, and then, i swear to myself, i will not think another minute about carrying away any more of that gold than what is packed in these guano-bags. if i can ever come back, i will come back, but what i have to do now is to get away with what i have already taken out of the mound, and also to get away with sound reason and steady nerves." the next day there was not a sail on the far horizon, and the captain brought away two bags of gold. these, with some clothes, he packed in his empty trunk. "now," said he, "this is my present share. if i permit myself to think of taking another bar, i shall be committing a crime." chapter xxiv his fortune under his feet notwithstanding the fact that the captain had, for the present, closed his account with the treasure in the lake cave, and had determined not to give another thought to further drafts upon it, he could not prevent all sorts of vague and fragmentary plans for getting more of the gold from thrusting themselves upon him; but his hand was strong upon the tiller of his mind, and his course did not change a point. he now began to consider in what condition he should leave the caves. once he thought he would go there and take away everything which might indicate that the caves had been inhabited, but this notion he discarded. "there are a good many people," he thought, "who know that we lived there, and if that man who was there afterwards should come back, i would prefer that he should not notice any changes, unless, indeed,"--and his eyes glistened as a thought darted into his mind,--"unless, indeed, he should find a lake where he left a dry cave. good! i'll try it." with his hands in his pockets, the captain stood a few moments and thought, and then he went to work. from the useless little vessel which, had belonged to the rackbirds he gathered some bits of old rope, and having cut these into short pieces, he proceeded to pick them into what sailors call oakum. early the next morning, his two canvas bags filled with this, he started for the caves. when he reached the top of the mound, and was just about to hold his lantern so as to take a final glance into its interior, he suddenly turned away his head and shut his eyes. "no," he said. "if i do that, it is ten to one i'll jump inside, and what might happen next nobody knows." he put the lantern aside, lifted the great lid into its place, and then, with a hammer and a little chisel which he had brought with him from the tools which had been used for the building of the pier, he packed the crevices about the lid with oakum. with a mariner's skill he worked, and when his job was finished, it would have been difficult for a drop of water to have found its way into the dome, no matter if it rose high above it. it was like leaving behind a kingdom and a throne, the command of armies and vast navies, the domination of power, of human happenings; but he came away. when he reached the portion of the cave near the great gap which opened to the sky opposite the entrance to the outer caves, the captain walked across the dry floor to the place where was situated the outlet through which the waters of the lake had poured out into the rackbirds' valley. the machine which controlled this outlet was situated under the overhanging ledge of the cave, and was in darkness, so that the captain was obliged to use his lantern. he soon found the great lever which he had clutched when he had swum to the rescue of ralph, and which had gone down with him and so opened the valve and permitted egress of the water, and which now lay with its ten feet or more of length horizontally near the ground. near by was the great pipe, with its circular blackness leading into the depths below. "that stream outside," said the captain, "must run in here somewhere, although i cannot see nor hear it, and it must be stopped off by this valve or another one connected with it, so that if i can get this lever up again, i should shut it off from the stream outside and turn it in here. then, if that fellow comes back, he will have to swim to the mound, and run a good chance of getting drowned if he does it, and if anybody else comes here, i think it will be as safe as the ancient peruvians once made it." with this he took hold of the great lever and attempted to raise it. but he found the operation a very difficult one. the massive bar was of metal, but probably not iron, and although it was not likely that it had rusted, it was very hard to move in its socket. the captain's weight had brought it down easily, but this weight could not now be applied, and he could only attempt to lift it. when it had first been raised, it was likely that a dozen slaves had seized it and forced it into an upright position. the captain pushed up bravely, and, a few inches at a time, he elevated the end of the great lever. frequently he stopped to rest, and it was over an hour before the bar stood up as it had been when first he felt it under the water. when this was done, he went into the other caves, looked about to see that everything was in the condition in which he had found it, and that he had left nothing behind him during his many visits. when he was satisfied on these points, he went back to the lake cave to see if any water had run in. he found everything as dry as when he had left it, nor could he hear any sound of running or dripping water. considering the matter, however, he concluded that there might be some sort of an outside reservoir which must probably fill up before the water ran into the cave, and so he came away. "i will give it time," he thought, "and come back to-morrow to see if it is flooded." that night, as he lay on his little pallet, looking through the open front of his tent at the utter darkness of the night, the idea struck him that it was strange that he was not afraid to stay here alone. he was a brave man,--he knew that very well,--and yet it seemed odd to him that, under the circumstances, he should have so little fear. but his reason soon gave him a good answer. he had known times when he had been very much afraid, and among these stood preeminent the time when he had expected an attack from the rackbirds. but then his fear was for others. when he was by himself it was a different matter. it was not often that he did not feel able to take care of his own safety. if there were any danger now, it was in the daytime, when some stray rackbirds might come back, or the pilferer of the mound might return with companions. but if any such came, he had his little fort, two pistols, and a repeating rifle. at night he felt absolutely safe. there was no danger that could come by land or sea through the blackness of the night. suddenly he sat up. his forehead was moist with perspiration. a shiver ran through him, not of cold, but of fear. never in his life had he been so thoroughly frightened; never before had he felt his hands and legs tremble. involuntarily he rose and stood up in the tent. he was terrified, not by anything real, but by the thought of what might happen if that lake cave should fill up with water, and if the ancient valves, perhaps weakened by his moving them backward and forward, should give way under the great pressure, and, for a second time, a torrent of water should come pouring down the rackbirds' ravine! as the captain trembled with fear, it was not for himself, for he could listen for the sound of the rushing waters, and could dash away to the higher ground behind him; but it was for his treasure-bags, his fortune, his future! his soul quaked. his first impulse was to rush out and carry every bag to higher ground. but this idea was absurd. the night was too dark, and the bags too heavy and too many. then he thought of hurrying away to the caves to see if the lake had risen high enough to be dangerous. but what could he do if it had? in his excitement, he could not stand still and do nothing. he took hold of one end of his trunk and pulled it out of his tent, and, stumbling and floundering over the inequalities of the ground, he at last got it to a place which he supposed would be out of reach of a sudden flood, and the difficulties of this little piece of work assured him of the utter futility of attempting to move the bags in the darkness. he had a lantern, but that would be of little service on such a night and for such a work. he went back into his tent, and tried to prevail upon himself that he ought to go to sleep--that it was ridiculous to beset himself with imaginary dangers, and to suffer from them as much as if they had been real ones. but such reasoning was vain, and he sat up or walked about near his tent all night, listening and listening, and trying to think of the best thing to do if he should hear a coming flood. as soon as it was light, he hurried to the caves, and when he reached the old bed of the lake, he found there was not a drop of water in it. "the thing doesn't work!" he cried joyfully. "fool that i am, i might have known that although a man might open a valve two or three centuries old, he should not expect to shut it up again. i suppose i smashed it utterly." his revulsion of feeling was so great that he began to laugh at his own absurdity, and then he laughed at his merriment. "if any one should see me now," he thought, "they would surely think i had gone crazy over my wealth. well, there is no danger from a flood, but, to make all things more than safe, i will pull down this handle, if it will come. anyway, i do not want it seen." the great bar came down much easier than it had gone up, moving, in fact, the captain thought, as if some of its detachments were broken, and when it was down as far as it would go, he came away. "now," said he, "i have done with this cave for this trip. if possible, i shall think of it no more." when he was getting some water from the stream to make some coffee for his breakfast, he stopped and clenched his fist. "i am more of a fool than i thought i was," he said. "this solitary business is not good for me. if i had thought last night of coming here to see if this little stream were still running, and kept its height, i need not have troubled myself about the lake in the cave. of course, if the water were running into the caves, it would not be running here until the lake had filled. and, besides, it would take days for that great lake to fill. well, i am glad that nobody but myself knows what an idiot i have been." when he had finished his breakfast, captain horn went to work. there was to be no more thinking, no more plans, no more fanciful anxieties, no more hopes of doing something better than he had done. work he would, and when one thing was done, he would find another. the first thing he set about was the improvement of the pier which had been built for the landing of the guano. there was a good deal of timber left unused, and he drove down new piles, nailed on new planking, and extended the little pier considerably farther into the waters of the cove. when this was done, he went to work on the lighter, which was leaky, and bailed it out, and calked the seams, taking plenty of time, and doing his work in the most thorough manner. he determined that after this was done, and he could find nothing better to do, he would split up the little vessel which the rackbirds had left rudderless, mastless, and useless, and make kindling-wood of it. but this was not necessary. he had barely finished his work on the lighter, when, one evening, he saw against the sun-lighted sky the topmasts of a vessel, and the next morning the _finland_ lay anchored off the cove, and two boats came ashore, out of one of which maka was the first to jump. in five hours the guano had been transferred to the ship, and, twenty minutes later, the _finland_, with captain horn on board, had set sail for acapulco. the captain might have been better pleased if his destination had been san francisco, but, after all, it is doubtful if there could have been a man who was better pleased. he walked the deck of a good ship with a fellow-mariner with whom he could talk as much as he pleased, and under his feet were the bags containing the thousands of little bars for which he had worked so hard. chapter xxv at the palmetto hotel for about four months the persons who made up what might be considered as captain horn's adopted family had resided in the palmetto hotel, in san francisco. at the time we look upon them, however, mrs. cliff was not with them, having left san francisco some weeks previously. edna was now a very different being from the young woman she had been. her face was smoother and fuller, and her eyes seemed to have gained a richer brown. the dark masses of her hair appeared to have wonderfully grown and thickened, but this was due to the loose fashion in which it was coiled upon her head, and it would have been impossible for any one who had known her before not to perceive that she was greatly changed. the lines upon her forehead, which had come, not from age, but from earnest purpose and necessity of action, together with a certain intensity of expression which would naturally come to a young woman who had to make her way in the world, not only for herself, but for her young brother, and a seriousness born of some doubts, some anxieties, and some ambiguous hopes, had all entirely disappeared as if they had been morning mists rolling away from a summer landscape. under the rays of a sun of fortune, shining, indeed, but mildly, she had ripened into a physical beauty which was her own by right of birth, but of which a few more years of struggling responsibility would have forever deprived her. after the receipt of her second remittance, edna and her party had taken the best apartments in the hotel. the captain had requested this, for he did not know how long they might remain there, and he wanted them to have every comfort. he had sent them as much money as he could spare from the sale, in lima, of the gold he had carried with him when he first left the caves, but his expenses in hiring ships and buying guano were heavy. edna, however, had received frequent remittances while the captain was at the rackbirds' cove, through an agent in san francisco. these, she supposed, came from further sales of gold, but, in fact, they had come from the sale of investments which the captain had made in the course of his fairly successful maritime career. in his last letter from lima he had urged them all to live well on what he sent them, considering it as their share of the first division of the treasure in the mound. if his intended projects should succeed, the fortunes of all of them would be reconstructed upon a new basis as solid and as grand as any of them had ever had reason to hope for. but if he should fail, they, the party in san francisco, would be as well off, or, perhaps, better circumstanced than when they had started for valparaiso. he did not mention the fact that he himself would be poorer, for he had lost the _castor_, in which he was part-owner, and had invested nearly all his share of the proceeds of the sale of the gold in ship hire, guano purchases, and other necessary expenses. edna was waiting in san francisco to know what would be the next scene in the new drama of her life. captain horn had written before he sailed from lima in the chilian schooner for the guano islands and the rackbirds' cove, and he had, to some extent, described his plans for carrying away treasure from the mound; but since that she had not heard from him until about ten days before, when he wrote from acapulco, where he had arrived in safety with his bags of guano and their auriferous enrichments. he had written in high spirits, and had sent her a draft on san francisco so large in amount that it had fairly startled her, for he wrote that he had merely disposed of some of the gold he had brought in his baggage, and had not yet done anything with that contained in the guano-bags. he had hired a storehouse, as if he were going regularly into business, and from which he would dispose of his stock of guano after he had restored it to its original condition. to do all this, and to convert the gold into negotiable bank deposits or money, would require time, prudence, and even diplomacy. he had already sold in the city of mexico as much of the gold from his trunk as he could offer without giving rise to too many questions, and if he had not been known as a california trader, he might have found some difficulties even in that comparatively small transaction. the captain had written that to do all he had to do he would be obliged to remain in acapulco or the city of mexico--how long he could not tell, for much of the treasure might have to be shipped to the united states, and his plans for all this business were not yet arranged. before this letter had been received, mrs. cliff had believed it to be undesirable to remain longer in san francisco, and had gone to her home in a little town in maine. with edna and ralph, she had waited and waited and waited, but at last had decided that captain horn was dead. in her mind, she had allowed him all the time that she thought was necessary to go to the caves, get gold, and come to san francisco, and as that time had long elapsed, she had finally given him up as lost. she knew the captain was a brave man and an able sailor, but the adventure he had undertaken was strange and full of unknown perils, and if it should so happen that she should hear that he had gone to the bottom in a small boat overloaded with gold, she would not have been at all surprised. of course, she said nothing of these suspicions to edna or ralph, nor did she intend ever to mention them to any one. if edna, who in so strange a way had been made a wife, should, in some manner perhaps equally extraordinary, be made a widow, she would come back to her, she would do everything she could to comfort her; but now she did not seem to be needed in san francisco, and her new england home called to her through the many voices of her friends. as to the business which had taken mrs. cliff to south america, that must now be postponed, but it could not but be a satisfaction to her that she was going back with perhaps as much money as she would have had if her affairs in valparaiso had been satisfactorily settled. edna and ralph had come to be looked upon at the palmetto hotel as persons of distinction. they lived quietly, but they lived well, and their payments were always prompt. they were the wife and brother-in-law of captain philip horn, who was known to be a successful man, and who might be a rich one. but what seemed more than anything else to distinguish them from the ordinary hotel guests was the fact that they were attended by two personal servants, who, although, of course, they could not be slaves, seemed to be bound to them as if they had been born into their service. cheditafa, in a highly respectable suit of clothes which might have been a cross between the habiliments of a methodist minister and those of a butler, was a person of imposing aspect. mrs. cliff had insisted, when his new clothes were ordered, that there should be something in them which should indicate the clergyman, for the time might come when it would be necessary that he should be known in this character; and the butler element was added because it would harmonize in a degree with his duties as edna's private attendant. the old negro, with his sober face, and woolly hair slightly touched with gray, was fully aware of the importance of his position as body-servant to mrs. horn, but his sense of the responsibility of that position far exceeded any other sentiments of which his mind was capable. perhaps it was the fact that he had made edna mrs. horn which gave him the feeling that he must never cease to watch over her and to serve her in every possible way. had the hotel taken fire, he would have rushed through the flames to save her. had robbers attacked her, they must have taken his life before they took her purse. when she drove out in the city or suburbs, he always sat by the side of the driver, and when she walked in the streets, he followed her at a respectful distance. proud as he was of the fact that he had been the officiating clergyman at the wedding of captain horn and this grand lady, he had never mentioned the matter to any one, for many times, and particularly just before she left san francisco, mrs. cliff had told him, in her most impressive manner, that if he informed any one that he had married captain horn and miss markham, great trouble would come of it. what sort of trouble, it was not necessary to explain to him, but she was very earnest in assuring him that the marriage of a christian by a heathen was something which was looked upon with great disfavor in this country, and unless cheditafa could prove that he had a perfect right to perform the ceremony, it might be bad for him. when captain horn had settled his business affairs and should come back, everything would be made all right, and nobody need feel any more fear, but until then he must not speak of what he had done. if captain horn should never come back, mrs. cliff thought that edna would then be truly his widow, and his letters would prove it, but that she was really his wife until the two had marched off together to a regular clergyman, the good lady could not entirely admit. her position was not logical, but she rested herself firmly upon it. the other negro, mok, could speak no more english than when we first met him, but he could understand some things which were said to him, and was very quick, indeed, to catch the meanings of signs, motions, and expressions of countenance. at first edna did not know what to do with this negro, but ralph solved the question by taking him as a valet, and day by day he became more useful to the youth, who often declared that he did not know how he used to get along without a valet. mok was very fond of fine clothes, and ralph liked to see him smartly dressed, and he frequently appeared of more importance than cheditafa. he was devoted to his young master, and was so willing to serve him that ralph often found great difficulty in finding him something to do. edna and ralph had a private table, at which cheditafa and mok assisted in waiting, and mrs. cliff had taught both of them how to dust and keep rooms in order. sometimes ralph sent mok to a circulating library. having once been shown the place, and made to understand that he must deliver there the piece of paper and the books to be returned, he attended to the business as intelligently as if he had been a trained dog, and brought back the new books with a pride as great as if he had selected them. the fact that mok was an absolute foreigner, having no knowledge whatever of english, and that he was possessed of an extraordinary activity, which enabled him, if the gate of the back yard of the hotel happened to be locked, to go over the eight-foot fence with the agility of a monkey, had a great effect in protecting him from impositions by other servants. when a black negro cannot speak english, but can bound like an india-rubber ball, it may not be safe to trifle with him. as for trifling with cheditafa, no one would think of such a thing; his grave and reverend aspect was his most effectual protection. as to ralph, he had altered in appearance almost as much as his sister. his apparel no longer indicated the boy, and as he was tall and large for his years, the fashionable suit he wore, his gay scarf with its sparkling pin, and his brightly polished boots, did not appear out of place upon him. but edna often declared that she had thought him a great deal better-looking in the scanty, well-worn, but more graceful garments in which he had disported himself on the sands of peru. chapter xxvi the captain's letter on a sofa in her well-furnished parlor reclined edna, and on a table near by lay several sheets of closely written letter-paper. she had been reading, and now she was thinking--thinking very intently, which in these days was an unusual occupation with her. during her residence in san francisco she had lived quietly but cheerfully. she had supplied herself abundantly with books, she had visited theatres and concerts, she had driven around the city, she had taken water excursions, she had visited interesting places in the neighborhood, and she had wandered among the shops, purchasing, in moderation, things that pleased her. for company she had relied chiefly on her own little party, although there had been calls from persons who knew captain horn. some of these people were interesting, and some were not, but they all went away thinking that the captain was a wonderfully fortunate man. one thing which used to be a pleasure to edna she refrained from altogether, and that was the making of plans. she had put her past life entirely behind her. she was beginning a new existence--what sort of an existence she could not tell, but she was now living with the determinate purpose of getting the greatest good out of her life, whatever it might be. already she had had much, but in every respect her good fortunes were but preliminary to something else. her marriage was but the raising of the curtain--the play had not yet begun. the money she was spending was but an earnest of something more expected. her newly developed physical beauty, which she could not fail to appreciate, would fade away again, did it not continue to be nourished by that which gave it birth. but what she had, she had, and that she would enjoy. when captain horn should return, she would know what would happen next. this could not be a repetition of the life she was leading at the palmetto hotel, but whatever the new life might be, she would get from it all that it might contain for her. she did not in the least doubt the captain's return, for she believed in him so thoroughly that she felt--she knew--he would come back and tell her of his failure or his success, and what she was to do next. but now she was thinking. she could not help it, for her tranquil mind had been ruffled. her cogitations were interrupted by the entrance of ralph. "i say, edna," said he, throwing himself into an easy-chair, and placing his hat upon another near by, "was that a returned manuscript that cheditafa brought you this morning? you haven't been writing for the magazines, have you?" "that was a letter from captain horn," she said. "whew!" he exclaimed. "it must be a whopper! what does he say? when is he coming here? give me some of the points of it. but, by the way, edna, before you begin, i will say that i think it is about time he should write. since the letter in which he told about the guano-bags and sent you that lot of money--let me see, how long ago was that?" "it was ten days ago," said his sister. "is that so? i thought it was longer than that. but no matter. since that letter came, i have been completely upset. i want to know what i am to do, and, whatever i am to do, i want to get at it. from what the captain wrote, and from what i remember of the size and weight of those gold bars, he must have got away with more than a million dollars--perhaps a million and a half. now, what part of that is mine? what am i to do with it? when am i to begin to prepare myself for the life i am to lead when i get it? all this i want to know, and, more than that, i want to know what you are going to do. now, if i had got to acapulco, or any other civilized spot, with a million dollars in solid gold, it would not have been ten days before i should have written to my family,--for i suppose that is what we are,--and should have told them what i was going to do, and how much they might count on. but i hope now that letter does tell?" "the best thing to do," said edna, taking up the letter from the table, "is to read it to you. but before i begin i want to say something, and that is that it is very wrong of you to get into these habits of calculating about what may come to you. what is to come will come, and you might as well wait for it without upsetting your mind by all sorts of wild anticipations; and, besides this, you must remember that you are not of age, and that i am your guardian, and whatever fortune may now come to you will be under my charge until you are twenty-one." "oh, i don't care about that," said ralph. "we will have no trouble about agreeing what is the best thing for me to do. but now go ahead with the letter." "'i am going to tell you'" (at the beginning of the second paragraph) "'of a very strange thing which happened to me since i last wrote. i will first state that after my guano-bags had all been safely stored in the warerooms i have hired, i had a heavy piece of work getting the packages of gold out of the bags, and in packing the bars in small, stout boxes i found in the city of mexico and had sent down here. in looking around for boxes which would suit my purpose, i discovered these, which had been used for stereotype plates. they were stamped on the outside, and just what i wanted, being about as heavy after i packed them with gold as they were when they were filled with type-metal. this packing i had to do principally at night, when i was supposed to be working in a little office attached to the rooms. as soon as this was done, i sent all the boxes to a safe-deposit bank in mexico, and there the greater part of them are yet. some i have shipped to the mint in san francisco, some have gone north, and i am getting rid of the rest as fast as i can. "'the gold bars, cast in a form novel to all dealers, have excited a good deal of surprise and questioning, but for this i care very little. my main object is to get the gold separated as many miles as possible from the guano, for if the two should be connected in the mind of any one who knew where the guano was last shipped from, i might have cause for anxiety. but as the bars bear no sort of mark to indicate that they were cast by ancient peruvians, and, so far as i can remember,--and i have visited several museums in south america,--these castings are not like any others that have come down to us from the times of the incas, the gold must have been cast in this simple form merely for convenience in transportation and packing. some people may think it is california gold, some may think it comes from south america, but, whatever they think, they know it is pure gold, and they have no right to doubt that it belongs to me. of course, if i were a stranger it might be different, but wherever i have dealt i am known, or i send a good reference. and now i will come to the point of this letter. "'three days ago i was in my office, waiting to see a man to whom i hoped to sell my stock of guano, when a man came in,--but not the one i expected to see,--and if a ghost had appeared before me, i could not have been more surprised. i do not know whether or not you remember the two american sailors who were the first to go out prospecting, after mr. rynders and his men left us, and who did not return. this man was one of them--edward shirley by name.'" "i remember him perfectly!" cried ralph. "and the other fellow was george burke. on board the _castor_ i used to talk to them more than to any of the other sailors." "'but astonished as i was,'" edna went on to read, "'shirley did not seem at all surprised, but came forward and shook hands most heartily. he said he had read in a newspaper that i had been rescued, and was doing business in acapulco, and he had come down on purpose to find me. i told him how we had given up him and his mate for lost, and then, as he had read a very slim account of our adventures, i told him the whole story, taking great care, as you may guess, not to say anything about the treasure mound. he did not ask any questions as to why i did not come back with the rest of you, but was greatly troubled when he heard of the murders of every man of our crew except himself and burke and maka. "'when i had finished, he told me his story, which i will condense as much as possible. when he and burke started out, they first began to make their way along the slope of the rocky ridge which ended in our caves, but they found this very hard work, so they soon went down to the sandy country to the north. here they shot some little beast or other, and while they were hunting another one, up hill and down dale, they found night was coming on, and they were afraid to retrace their steps for fear they might come to trouble in the darkness. so they ate what they had with them, and camped, and the next morning the mountains to the east seemed to be so near them that they thought it much easier to push on instead of coming back to us. they thought that when they got to the fertile country they would find a settlement, and then they might be able to do something for the rest of the party, and it would be much wiser to go ahead than to turn back. but they found themselves greatly mistaken. mountains in the distance, seen over a plain, appear very much nearer than they are, and these two poor fellows walked and walked, until they were pretty nearly dead. the story is a long one as shirley told it to me, but just as they were about giving up entirely, they were found by a little party of natives, who had seen them from a long distance and had come to them. "'after a great deal of trouble,--i believe they had to carry burke a good part of the way,--the natives got them to their huts at the foot of the mountains, and took care of them. these people told shirley--he knows a little spanish--that it was a piece of rare good luck that they found them, for it was very seldom they went so far out into the desert. "'in a day or two the two men went on to a little village in the mountains, and there they tried to get up an expedition to come to our assistance. they knew that we had food enough to last for a week or two, but after that we must be starved out. but nobody would do anything, and then they went on to another town to see what they could do there.'" "good fellows!" exclaimed ralph. "indeed, they were," said edna. "but wait until you hear what they did next. "'nobody in this small town,'" she read on, "'was willing to join burke and shirley in their proposed expedition, and no wonder; for crossing those deserts is a dangerous thing, and most people said it would be useless anyway, as it would be easier for us to get away by sea than by land. at this time burke was taken sick, and for a week or two shirley thought he was going to die. of course, they had to stay where they were, and it was a long time before burke was able to move about. then they might have gone into the interior until they came to a railroad, and so have got away, for they had money with them, but shirley told me they could not bear to do that without knowing what had become of us. they did not believe there was any hope for us, unless the mate had come back with assistance, and they had not much faith in that, for if a storm had come up, such as had wrecked the castor, it would be all over with mr. rynders's boat. "'but even if we had perished on that desolate coast, they wanted to know it and carry the news to our friends, and so they both determined, if the thing could be done, to get back to the coast and find out what had become of us. they went again to the little village where they had been taken by the natives who found them, and there, by promises of big pay,--at least, large for those poor peruvians,--they induced six of them to join in an expedition to the caves. they did not think they had any reason to suppose they would find any one alive, but still, besides the provisions necessary for the party there and back, they carried something extra. "'well, they journeyed for two days, and then there came up a wind-storm, hot and dry, filling the air with sand and dust, so that they could not see where they were going, and the natives said they ought all to go back, for it was dangerous to try to keep on in such a storm. but our two men would not give up so soon, and they made a camp in a sheltered place, and determined to press on in the morning, when they might expect the storm to be over. but in the morning they found that every native had deserted them. the wind had gone down, and the fellows must have started back before it was light. then shirley and burke did not know what to do. they believed that they were nearer the coast than the mountains, and as they had plenty of provisions,--for the natives had left them nearly everything,--they thought they would try to push on, for a while at least. "'there was a bit of rising ground to the east, and they thought if they could get on the top of that they might get a sight of the ocean, and then discover how far away it was. they reached the top of the rising ground, and they did not see the ocean, but a little ahead of them, in a smooth stretch of sand, was something which amazed them a good deal more than if it had been the sea. it was a pair of shoes sticking up out of the sand. they were an old pair, and appeared to have legs to them. they went to the spot, and found that these shoes belonged to a man who was entirely covered by sand, with the exception of his feet, and dead, of course. they got the sand off of him, and found he was a white man, in sailor's clothes. first they had thought he might be one of our party, but they soon perceived that this was a mistake, for they had never seen the man before. he was dried up until he was nothing but a skeleton with skin over it, but they could have recognized him if they had known him before. from what they had heard of the rainless climate of the peruvian coast, and the way it had of drying up dead animals of all sorts, they imagined that this man might have been there for years. he was lying on his back, with his arms folded around a bundle, and when they tried to move this bundle, they found it was very heavy. it was something wrapped up in a blanket and tied with a cord, and when they opened the bundle, they were pretty nearly struck dumb; for they saw it held, as shirley expressed it, about a peck of little hunks of gold. "'they were utterly astounded by this discovery, and utterly unable to make head or tail of it. what that man, apparently an english sailor, had been doing out in the middle of this desert with a bundle of gold, and where he got it, and who he was, and where he was going to, and how long he had been dead, were things beyond their guessing. they dragged the body out of its burrow in the sand, and examined the pockets, but there was nothing in the trousers but an old knife. in the pocket of the shirt, however, were about a dozen matches, wrapped up in an old envelope. this was addressed, in a very bad hand, to a. mcleish, callao, peru, but they could not make out the date of the postmark. these things were all there was about the man that could possibly identify him, for his few clothes were such as any sailor would wear, and were very old and dirty. "'but the gold was there. they examined it and scraped it, and they were sure it was pure gold. there was no doubt in their minds as to what they would do about this. they would certainly carry it away with them. but before they did so, burke wanted to hunt around and see if they could not find more of it, for the mass of metal was so heavy he did not believe the sailor could have carried it very far. but after examining the country as far as the eye could reach, shirley would not agree to this. they could see nothing but wide-stretching sands, and no place where it seemed worth while to risk their lives hunting for treasure. their best plan was to get away with what they had found, and now the point was whether or not they should press on to the coast or go back; but as they could see no signs of the sea, they soon came to the conclusion that the best thing to do if they wanted to save their lives and their treasure was to get back to the mountains. "'i forgot to say that as soon as shirley began to talk about the dead man and his gold, i left the warehouse in charge of maka, and took him to my hotel, where he told me the rest of his story in a room with the door locked. i must try to take as many reefs in what followed as i can. i don't believe that the finding of the gold made any difference in their plans, for, of course, it would have been foolish for them to try to get to us by themselves. they cut the blanket in half and made up the gold into two packages, and then they started back for the mountains, taking with them all the provisions they could carry in addition to the gold, and leaving their guns behind them. shirley said their loads got heavier and heavier as they ploughed through the sand, and it took them three days to cover the ground they had gone over before in two. when they got to the village, they found scarcely a man in the place, for the fellows who had deserted them were frightened, and kept out of sight. they stayed there all night, and then they went on with their bundles to the next village, where they succeeded in getting a couple of travelling-bags, into which they put their gold, so that they might appear to be carrying their clothes. "'after a good deal of travel they reached callao, and there they made inquiries for a. mcleish, but nobody knew of him. of course, he was a sailor who had had a letter sent there. they went up to lima and sold a few pieces of the gold, but, before they did it, they got a heavy hammer and pounded them up, so that no one would know what their original shape was. shirley said he could not say exactly why they did this, but that they thought, on the whole, it would be safer. then they went to san francisco on the first vessel that sailed. they must have had a good deal of talk on the voyage in regard to the gold, and it was in consequence of their discussions that shirley wanted so much to find me. they had calculated, judging by the pieces they had sold, that the gold they had with them was worth about twelve thousand dollars, and they both thought they ought to do the right thing about it. in the first place, they tried in san francisco to find out something about mcleish, but no one knew of such a man. they then began to consider some persons they did know about. they had heard in lima that some of the people of the _castor_ had been rescued, and if any of them were hard up, as most likely they were, shirley and burke thought that by rights they ought to have some of the treasure that they had found. shirley said at first they had gone on the idea that each of them would have six thousand dollars and could go into business for himself, but after a while they thought this would be a mean thing to do. they had all been shipwrecked together, and two of them had had a rare piece of good luck, and they thought it no more than honorable to share this good luck with the others, so they concluded the best thing to do was to see me about it. burke left this business to shirley, because he wanted to go to see his sister who lives in st. louis. "'they had not formed any fixed plan of division, but they believed that, as they had had the trouble, and, in fact, the danger, of getting the gold, they should have the main share, but they considered that they had enough to help out any of the original party who might be hard up for money." of course, we must always remember," said shirley, in finishing up his story, "that if we can find the heirs of mcleish, the money belongs to them. but, even in that case, burke and i think we ought to keep a good share of it to pay us for getting it away from that beastly desert." here i interrupted him. "don't you trouble yourself any more about mcleish," i said. "that money did not belong to him. he stole it." "how do you know that, and who did he steal it from?" cried shirley. "he stole it from me," said i. "'at this point shirley gave such a big jump backward that his chair broke beneath him, and he went crashing to the floor. he had made a start a good deal like that when i told him how the rackbirds had been swept out of existence when i had opened the flood-gate that let out the waters of the lake, and i had heard the chair crack then. now, while he had been telling me about his finding that man in the sand, with his load of gold, i had been listening, but i had also been thinking, and almost any man can think faster than another one can talk, and so by this time i had made up my mind what i was going to say to shirley. i would tell him all about my finding the gold in the mound. it touched me to think that these poor fellows, who did all that they could to help us escape, and then, when they got safely home, started immediately to find us in order that they might give us some of that paltry twelve thousand dollars--give to us, who are actually millionaires, and who may be richer yet! it would not do to let any of the crew get ahead of their captain in fair dealing, and that was one reason why i determined to tell him. then, there was another point. ever since i have been here, selling and storing the gold i brought away, i have had a heavy load on my mind, and that was the thought of leaving all the rest of the gold in that mound for the next person who might come along and find it. "'i devised plan after plan of getting more of it, but none of them would work. two things were certain: one was that i could not get any more away by myself. i had already done the best i could and all i could in that line. and the second thing was that if i should try for any more of the treasure, i must have people to help me. the plan that suited me best was to buy a small vessel, man it, go down there, load up with the gold, and sail away. there would be no reasonable chance that any one would be there to hinder me, and i would take in the cargo just as if it were guano, or anything else. then i would go boldly to europe. i have looked into the matter, and i have found that the best thing i can do, if i should get that gold, would be to transport it to paris, where i could distribute it better than i could from any other point. but the trouble was, where could i get the crew to help me? i have four black men, and i think i could trust them, as far as honesty goes, but they would not be enough to work the ship, and i could not think of any white men with whom i would trust my life and that gold in the same vessel. but now they seemed to pop up right in front of me. "'i knew shirley and burke pretty well when they were on the _castor_, and after what shirley told me i knew them better, and i believed they were my men. to be sure, they might fail me, for they are only human, but i had to have somebody to help me, and i did not believe there were any other two men who would be less likely to fail me. so by the time shirley had finished his yarn i was ready to tell him the whole thing, and propose to him and burke to join me in going down after the rest of the treasure and taking it to france.'" at this point ralph sprang to his feet, his eyes flashing. "edna!" he cried, "i say that your captain horn is treating me shamefully. in the first place, he let me come up here to dawdle about, doing nothing, when i ought to have been down there helping him get more of that treasure. i fancy he might have trusted me, and if i had been with him, we should have brought away nearly twice as much gold, and at this minute we should be twice as well off as we are. but this last is a thousand times worse. here he is, going off on one of the most glorious adventures of this century, and he leaves me out. what does he take me for? does he think i am a girl? when he was thinking of somebody to go with him, why didn't he think of me, and why doesn't he think of me now? he has no right to leave me out!" "i look at the matter in a different light," said his sister. "captain horn has no right to take you off on such a dangerous adventure, and, more than that, he has no right to take you from me, and leave me alone in the world. he once made you the guardian of all that treasure, and now he considers you as my guardian. you did not desert the first trust, and i am sorry to think you want to desert the other." "that's all very fine," said ralph. "you blow hot and you blow cold at the same time. when you want me to keep quiet and do what i am told, you tell me i am not of age, and that you are my guardian; and when you want me to stay here and make myself useful, you tell me i am wonderfully trusty, and that i must be your guardian." edna smiled. "that is pretty good reasoning," she said, "but there isn't any reasoning needed in this case. no matter what captain horn may say or do, i would not let you go away from me." ralph sat down again. "there is some sense in what you say," he said. "if the captain should come to grief, and i were with him, we would both be gone. then you would have nobody left to you. but that does not entirely clear him. even if he thought i ought not to go with him, he ought to have said something about it, and put in a word or so about his being sorry. is there any more of the letter?" "yes," said edna, "there is more of it," and she began to read again: "'i intended to stop here and give you the rest of the matter in another letter, but now, as i have a good chance to write, i think it is better to keep on, although this letter is already as long as the pay-roll of the navy. when i told shirley about the gold, he made a bounce pretty nearly as big as the others, but this time i had him in a stout arm-chair, and he did no damage. he had in his pocket one of the gold bars he spoke of, and i had one of mine in my trunk, and when we put them together they were as like as two peas. what i told him dazed him at first, and he did not seem properly to understand what it all meant, but, after a little, a fair view of it came to him, and for hours we talked over the matter. who the man was who had gone there after we left did not matter, for he could never come back again. "'we decided that what we should do was to go and get that gold as soon as possible, and shirley agreed to go with me. he believed we could trust burke to join us, and, with my four black men,--who have really become good sailors,--we would have a crew of seven men altogether, with which we could work a fair-sized brig to havre or some other french port. before he went away our business was settled. he agreed to go with me as first mate, to do his best to help me get that gold to france, to consider the whole treasure as mine, because i had discovered it,--i explained the reason to him, as i did to you,--and to accept as regular pay one hundred dollars a day, from then until we should land the cargo in a european port, and then to leave it to me how much more i would give him. i told him there were a lot of people to be considered, and i was going to try to make the division as fair as possible, and he said he was willing to trust it to me. "'if we did not get the gold, he was to have eighteen dollars a month for the time he sailed with me, and if we got safely back, i would give him his share of what i had already secured. he was quite sure that burke would make the same agreement, and we telegraphed him to come immediately. i am going to be very careful about burke, however, and sound him well before i tell him anything. "'yesterday we found our vessel. she arrived in port a few days ago, and is now unloading. she is a small brig, and i think she will do; in fact, she has got to do. by the time burke gets here i think we shall be ready to sail. up to that time we shall be as busy as men can be, and it will be impossible for me to go to san francisco. i must attend to the shipping of the treasure i have stored in the city of mexico. i shall send some to one place and some to another, but want it all turned into coin or bonds before i start. besides, i must be on hand to see burke the moment he arrives. i am not yet quite sure about him, and if shirley should let anything slip while i was away our looked-for fortune might be lost to us.' "and that," said edna, "is all of the letter that i need read, except that he tells me he expects to write again before he starts, and that his address after he sails will be wraxton, fuguet & co., american bankers in paris." chapter xxvii edna makes her plans when she had finished reading the many pages of the letter, edna leaned back on the sofa and closed her eyes. ralph sat upright in his chair and gazed intently before him. "so we are not to see the captain again," he said presently. "but i suppose that when a man has a thing to do, the best thing is to go and do it." "yes," said his sister, "that is the best thing." "and what are we to do?" "i am now trying to decide," she answered. "doesn't he say anything about it?" "not a word," replied edna. "i suppose he considered he had made his letter long enough." about an hour after this, when the two met again, edna said: "i have been writing to captain horn, and am going to write to mrs. cliff. i have decided what we shall do. i am going to france." "to france!" cried ralph. "both of us?" "yes, both of us. i made up my mind about this since i saw you." "what are you going to france for?" he exclaimed. "come, let us have it all--quick." "i am going to france," said his sister, "because captain horn is going there, and when he arrives, i wish to be there to meet him. there is no reason for our staying here--" "indeed, there is not," interpolated ralph, earnestly. "if we must go anywhere to wait," continued his sister, "i should prefer paris." "edna," cried ralph, "you are a woman of solid sense, and if the captain wants his gold divided up, he should get you to do it. and now, when are we going, and is mrs. cliff to go? what are you going to do with the two darkies?" "we shall start east as soon as the captain sails," replied his sister, "and i do not know what mrs. cliff will do until i hear from her, and as for cheditafa and mok, we shall take them with us." "hurrah!" cried ralph. "mok for my valet in paris. that's the best thing i have got out of the caves yet." captain horn was a strong man, prompt in action, and no one could know him long without being assured of these facts. but although edna's outward personality was not apt to indicate quickness of decision and vigor of purpose, that quickness and vigor were hers quite as much as the captain's when occasion demanded, and occasion demanded them now. the captain had given no indication of what he would wish her to do during the time which would be occupied by his voyage to peru, his work there, and his subsequent long cruise around south america to europe. she expected that in his next letter he would say something about this, but she wished first to say something herself. she did not know this bold sailor as well as she loved him, and she was not at all sure that the plans he might make for her during his absence would suit her disposition or her purposes. consequently, she resolved to submit her plans to him before he should write again. above everything else, she wished to be in that part of the world at which captain horn might be expected to arrive when his present adventure should be accomplished. she did not wish to be sent for to go to france. she did not wish to be told that he was coming to america. wherever he might land, there she would be. the point that he might be unsuccessful, and might never leave south america, did not enter into her consideration. she was acting on the basis that he was a man who was likely to succeed in his endeavors. if she should come to know that he had not succeeded, then her actions would be based upon the new circumstances. furthermore, she had now begun to make plans for her future life. she had been waiting for captain horn to come to her, and to find out what he intended to do. now she knew he was not coming to her for a long time, and was aware of what he intended to do, and she made her own plans. of course, she dealt only with the near future. all beyond that was vague, and she could not touch it even with her thoughts. when sending his remittances, the captain had written that she and mrs. cliff must consider the money he sent her as income to be expended, not as principal to be put away or invested. he had made provisions for the future of all of them, in case he should not succeed in his present project, and what he had not set aside with that view he had devoted to his own operations, and to the maintenance, for a year, of edna, ralph, and mrs. cliff, in such liberal and generous fashion as might please them, and he had apportioned the remittances in a way which he deemed suitable. as edna disbursed the funds, she knew that this proportion was three quarters for herself and ralph, and one quarter for mrs. cliff. "he divides everything into four parts," she thought, "and gives me his share." acting on her principle of getting every good thing out of life that life could give her, and getting it while life was able to give it to her, there was no doubt in regard to her desires. apart from her wish to go where the captain expected to go, she considered that every day now spent in america was a day lost. if her further good fortune should never arrive, and the money in hand should be gone, she wished, before that time came, to engraft upon her existence a period of life in europe--life of such freedom and opportunity as never before she had had a right to dream of. across this golden outlook there came a shadow. if he had wished to come to her, she would have waited for him anywhere, or if he had wished her to go to him, she would have gone anywhere. but it seemed as if that mass of gold, which brought them together, must keep them apart, a long time certainly, perhaps always. nothing that had happened had had any element of certainty about it, and the future was still less certain. if he had come to her before undertaking the perilous voyage now before him, there would have been a certainty in her life which would have satisfied her forever. but he did not come. it was plainly his intention to have nothing to do with the present until the future should be settled, so far as he could settle it. in a few days after she had written to captain horn, informing him of the plans she had made to go to france, edna received an answer which somewhat disappointed her. if the captain's concurrence in her proposed foreign sojourn had not been so unqualified and complete, if he had proposed even some slight modification, if he had said anything which would indicate that he felt he had authority to oppose her movements if he did not approve of them,--in fact, even if he had opposed her plan,--she would have been better pleased. but he wrote as if he were her financial agent, and nothing more. the tone of his letter was kind, the arrangements he said he had made in regard to the money deposited in san francisco showed a careful concern for her pleasure and convenience, but nothing in his letter indicated that he believed himself possessed in any way of the slightest control over her actions. there was nothing like a sting in that kind and generous letter, but when she had read it, the great longing of edna's heart turned and stung her. but she would give no sign of this wound. she was a brave woman, and could wait still longer. the captain informed her that everything was going well with his enterprise--that burke had arrived, and had agreed to take part in the expedition, and that he expected that his brig, the _miranda_, would be ready in less than a week. he mentioned again that he was extremely busy with his operations, but he did not say that he was sorry he was unable to come to take leave of her. he detailed in full the arrangements he had made, and then placed in her hands the entire conduct of the financial affairs of the party until she should hear from him again. when he arrived in france, he would address her in care of his bankers, but in regard to two points only did he now say anything which seemed like a definite injunction or even request. he asked edna to urge upon mrs. cliff the necessity of saying nothing about the discovery of the gold, for if it should become known anywhere from greenland to patagonia, he might find a steamer lying off the rackbirds' cove when his slow sailing-vessel should arrive there. the other request was that edna keep the two negroes with her if this would not prove inconvenient. but if this plan would at all trouble her, he asked that they be sent to him immediately. in answer to this letter, edna merely telegraphed the captain, informing him that she would remain in san francisco until she had heard that he had sailed when she would immediately start for the east, and for france, with ralph and the two negroes. three days after this she received a telegram from captain horn, stating that he would sail in an hour, and the next day she and her little party took a train for new york. chapter xxviii "home, sweet home" on the high-street of the little town of plainton, maine, stood the neat white house of mrs. cliff, with its green shutters, its porchless front door, its pretty bit of flower-garden at the front and side, and its neat back yard, sacred once a week to that virtue which is next to godliness. mrs. cliff's husband had been the leading merchant in plainton, and having saved some money, he had invested it in an enterprise of a friend who had gone into business in valparaiso. on mr. cliff's death his widow had found herself with an income smaller than she had expected, and that it was necessary to change in a degree her style of living. the hospitalities of her table, once so well known throughout the circle of her friends, must be curtailed, and the spare bedroom must be less frequently occupied. the two cows and the horse were sold, and in every way possible the household was placed on a more economical basis. she had a good house, and an income on which, with care and prudence, she could live, but this was all. in this condition of her finances it was not strange that mrs. cliff had thought a good deal about the investments in valparaiso, from which she had not heard for a long time. her husband had been dead for three years, and although she had written several times to valparaiso, she had received no answer whatever, and being a woman of energy, she had finally made up her mind that the proper thing to do was to go down and see after her affairs. it had not been easy for her to get together the money for this long journey,--in fact, she had borrowed some of it,--and so, to lessen her expenses, she had taken passage in the _castor_ from san francisco. she was a housewife of high degree, and would not have thought of leaving--perhaps for months--her immaculate window-panes and her spotless floors and furniture, had she not also left some one to take care of them. a distant cousin, miss willy croup, had lived with her since her husband's death, and though this lady was willing to stay during mrs. cliff's absence, mrs. cliff considered her too quiet and inoffensive to be left in entire charge of her possessions, and miss betty handshall, a worthy maiden of fifty, a little older than willy, and a much more determined character, was asked to come and live in mrs. cliffs house until her return. betty was the only person in plainton who lived on an annuity, and she was rather proud of her independent fortune, but as her annuity was very small, and as this invitation meant a considerable reduction in her expenses, she was very glad to accept it. consequently, mrs. cliff had gone away feeling that she had left her house in the hands of two women almost as neat as herself and even more frugal. when mrs. cliff left edna and ralph in san francisco, and went home, nearly all the people in the little town who were worth considering gathered in and around her house to bid her welcome. they had heard of her shipwreck, but the details had been scanty and unsatisfactory, and the soul of the town throbbed with curiosity to know what had really happened to her. for the first few hours of her return mrs. cliff was in a state of heavenly ecstasy. everything was so tidy, everything was so clean, every face beamed with such genial amity, her native air was so intoxicating, that she seemed to be in a sort of paradise. but when her friends and neighbors began to ask questions, she felt herself gradually descending into a region which, for all she knew, might resemble purgatory. of course, there was a great deal that was wonderful and startling to relate, and as mrs. cliff was a good story-teller, she thrilled the nerves of her hearers with her descriptions of the tornado at sea and the rackbirds on land, and afterwards filled the eyes of many of the women with tears of relief as she told of their escapes, their quiet life at the caves, and their subsequent rescue by the _mary bartlett_. but it was the cross-examinations which caused the soul of the narrator to sink. of course, she had been very careful to avoid all mention of the gold mound, but this omission in her narrative proved to be a defect which she had not anticipated. as she had told that she had lost everything except a few effects she had carried with her from the _castor_, it was natural enough that people should want to know how she had been enabled to come home in such good fashion. they had expected her to return in a shabby, or even needy, condition, and now they had stories of delightful weeks at a hotel in san francisco, and beheld their poor shipwrecked neighbor dressed more handsomely than they had ever seen her, and with a new trunk standing in the lower hall which must contain something. mrs. cliff began by telling the truth, and from this course she did not intend to depart. she said that the captain of the _castor_ was a just and generous man, and, as far as was in his power, he had reimbursed the unfortunate passengers for their losses. but as every one knows the richest steamship companies are seldom so generous to persons who may be cast away during transportation as to offer them long sojourns at hotels, with private parlors and private servants, and to send them home in drawing-room cars, with cloaks trimmed with real sealskin, the questions became more and more direct, and all mrs. cliff could do was to stand with her back against the captain's generosity, as if it had been a rock, and rely upon it for defence. but when the neighbors had all gone home, and the trunk had to be opened, so that it could be lightened before being carried up-stairs, the remarks of willy and betty cut clean to the soul of the unfortunate possessor of its contents. of course, the captain had not actually given her this thing, and that thing, and the other, or the next one, but he had allowed her a sum of money, and she had expended it according to her own discretion. how much that sum of money might have been, willy and betty did not dare to ask,--for there were limits to mrs. cliff's forbearance,--but when they went to bed, they consulted together. if it had not been for the private parlor and the drawing-room car, they would have limited captain horn's generosity to one hundred dollars. but, under the circumstances, that sum would have been insufficient. it must have been nearly, if not quite, two hundred. as for mrs. cliff, she went to bed regretting that her reservations had not been more extended, and that she had not given the gold mound in the cave more company. she hated prevarications and concealments, but if she must conceal something, she should have concealed more. when the time came when she would be free to tell of her good fortune, even if it should be no more than she already possessed, then she would explain everything, and proudly demand of her friends and neighbors to put their fingers on a single untruth that she had told them. for the next day or two, mrs. cliff's joy in living again in her own home banished all other feelings, and as she was careful to say nothing to provoke more questions, and as those which were still asked became uncertain of aim and scattering, her regrets at her want of reticence began to fade. but, no matter what she did, where she went, or what she looked at, mrs. cliff carried about with her a millstone. it did not hang from her neck, but it was in her pocket. it was not very heavy, but it was a burden to her. it was her money--which she wanted to spend, but dared not. on leaving san francisco, edna had wished to give her the full amount which the captain had so far sent her, but mrs. cliff declined to receive the whole. she did not see any strong reason to believe that the captain would ever send any more, and as she had a home, and ralph and edna had not, she would not take all the money that was due her, feeling that they might come to need it more than she would. but even with this generous self-denial she found herself in plainton with a balance of some thousands of dollars in her possession, and as much more in edna's hands, which the latter had insisted that she would hold subject to order. what would the neighbors think of captain horn's abnormal bounteousness if they knew this? with what a yearning, aching heart mrs. cliff looked upon the little picket-fence which ran across the front of her property! how beautiful that fence would be with a new coat of paint, and how perfectly well she could afford it! and there was the little shed that should be over the back door, which would keep the sun from the kitchen in summer, and in winter the snow. there was this in one room, and that in another. there were new dishes which could exist only in her mind. how much domestic gratification there was within her reach, but toward which she did not dare to stretch out her hand! there was poor old mrs. bradley, who must shortly leave the home in which she had lived nearly all her life, because she could no longer afford to pay the rent. there had been an attempt to raise enough money by subscription to give the old lady her home for another year, but this had not been very successful. mrs. cliff could easily have supplied the deficit, and it would have given her real pleasure to do so,--for she had almost an affection for the old lady,--but when she asked to be allowed to subscribe, she did not dare to give more than one dollar, which was the largest sum upon the list, and even then betty had said that, under the circumstances, she could not have been expected to give anything. when she went out into the little barn at the rear of the house, and saw the empty cow-stable, how she longed for fresh cream, and butter of her own making! and when she gazed upon her little phaeton, which she had not sold because no one wanted it, and reflected that her good, brown horse could doubtless be bought back for a moderate sum, she almost wished that she had come home as poor as people thought she ought to be. now and then she ordered something done or spent some money in a way that excited the astonishment of willy croup--the sharper-witted betty had gone home, for, of course, mrs. cliff could not be expected to be able to afford her company now. but in attempting to account for these inconsiderable extravagances, mrs. cliff was often obliged to content herself with admitting that while she had been abroad she might have acquired some of those habits of prodigality peculiar to our western country. this might be a sufficient excuse for the new bottom step to the side door, but how could she account for the pair of soft, warm californian blankets which were at the bottom of the trunk, and which she had not yet taken out even to air? matters had gone on in this way for nearly a month,--every day mrs. cliff had thought of some new expenditure which she could well afford, and every night she wished that she dared to put her money in the town bank and so be relieved from the necessity of thinking so much about door-locks and window-fastenings,--when there came a letter from edna, informing her of the captain's safe arrival in acapulco with the cargo of guano and gold, and inclosing a draft which first made mrs. cliff turn pale, and then compelled her to sit down on the floor and cry. the letter related in brief the captain's adventures, and stated his intention of returning for the gold. "to think of it!" softly sobbed mrs. cliff, after she had carefully closed her bedroom door. "with this and what i am to get, i believe i could buy the bank, and yet i can only sit here and try to think of some place to hide this dangerous piece of paper." the draft was drawn by a san francisco house upon a boston bank, and edna had suggested that it might be well for mrs. cliff to open an account in the latter city. but the poor lady knew that would never do. a bank-account in boston would soon become known to the people of plainton, and what was the use of having an account anywhere if she could not draw from it? edna had not failed to reiterate the necessity of keeping the gold discovery an absolute secret, and every word she said upon this point increased mrs. cliff's depression. "if it were only for a fixed time, a month or three months, or even six months," the poor lady said to herself, "i might stand it. it would be hard to do without all the things i want, and be afraid even to pay the money i borrowed to go to south america, but if i knew when the day was certainly coming when i could hold up my head and let everybody know just what i am, and take my proper place in the community, then i might wait. but nobody knows how long it will take the captain to get away with that gold. he may have to make ever so many voyages. he may meet with wrecks, and dear knows what. it may be years before they are ready to tell me i am a free woman, and may do what i please with my own. i may die in poverty, and leave mr. cliff's nephews to get all the good of the draft and the money in my trunk up-stairs. i suppose they would think it came from valparaiso, and that i had been hoarding it. it's all very well for edna. she is going to europe, where ralph will be educated, i suppose, and where she can live as she pleases, and nobody will ask her any questions, and she need not answer them, if they should. but i must stay here, in debt, and in actual want of the comforts of life, making believe to pinch and to save, until a sea-captain thousands and thousands of miles away shall feel that he is ready to let me put my hand in my pocket and spend my riches." chapter xxix a committee of ladies it was about a week after the receipt of edna's letter that willy croup came to mrs. cliff's bedroom, where that lady had been taking a surreptitious glance at her californian blankets, to tell her that there were three ladies down in the parlor who wished to see her. "it's the minister's wife, and mrs. hembold, and old miss shott," said willy. "they are all dressed up, and i suppose they have come for something particular, so you'd better fix up a little afore you go down." in her present state of mind, mrs. cliff was ready to believe that anybody who came to see her would certainly want to know something which she could not tell them, and she went down fearfully. but these ladies did not come to ask questions. they came to make statements. mrs. perley, the minister's wife, opened the interview by stating that, while she was sorry to see mrs. cliff looking so pale and worried, she was very glad, at the same time, to be able to say something which might, in some degree, relieve her anxiety and comfort her mind, by showing her that she was surrounded by friends who could give her their heartfelt sympathy in her troubles, and perhaps do a little more. "we all know," said mrs. perley, "that you have had misfortunes, and that they have been of a peculiar kind, and none of them owing to your own fault." "we can't agree exactly to that," interpolated miss shott, "but i won't interrupt." "we all know," continued mrs. perley, "that it was a great loss and disappointment to you not to be able to get down to valparaiso and settle your affairs there, for we are aware that you need whatever money is due you from that quarter. and we understand, too, what a great blow it was to you to be shipwrecked, and lose all your baggage except a hand-bag." miss shott was about to say something here, but mrs. hembold touched her on the arm, and she waited. "it grieves us very much," continued the minister's wife, "to think that our dear friend and neighbor should come home from her wanderings and perils and privations, and find herself in what must be, although we do not wish to pry into your private affairs, something of an embarrassed condition. we have all stayed at home with our friends and our families, and we have had no special prosperity, but neither have we met with losses, and it grieves us to think that you, who were once as prosperous as any of us, should now feel--i should say experience--in any manner the pressure of privation." "i don't understand," said mrs. cliff, sitting up very straight in her chair. "privation? what does that mean?" "it may not be exactly that," said mrs. perley, quickly, "and we all know very well, mrs. cliff, that you are naturally sensitive on a point like this. but you have come back shipwrecked and disappointed in your business, and we want to show you that, while we would not hurt your feelings for anything in the world, we would like to help you a little, if we can, just as we would hope you would help us if we were in any embarrassment." "i must say, however--" remarked miss shott; but she was again silenced by mrs. hembold, and the minister's wife went on. "to come straight to the point," said she, "for a good while we have been wanting to do something, and we did not know what to do. but a few days ago we became aware, through miss willy croup, that what was most needed in this house is blankets. she said, in fact, that the blankets you had were the same you bought when you were first married, that some of them had been worn out and given to your poorer neighbors, and that now you were very short of blankets, and, with cold weather coming on, she did not consider that the clothing on your own bed was sufficient. she even went so far as to say that the blankets she used were very thin, and that she did not think they were warm enough for winter. so, some of us have agreed together that we would testify our friendship and our sympathy by presenting you with a pair of good, warm blankets for your own bed; then those you have could go to willy croup, and you both would be comfortable all winter. of course, what we have done has not been upon an expensive scale. we have had many calls upon us,--poor old mrs. bradley, for one,--and we could not afford to spend much money. but we have bought you a good pair of blankets, which are warm and serviceable, and we hope you will not be offended, and we do not believe that you will be, for you know our motives, and all that we ask is that when you are warm and comfortable under our little gift, you will sometimes think of us. the blankets are out in the hall, and i have no doubt that miss willy croup will bring them in." mrs. cliff's eyes filled with tears. she wanted to speak, but how could she speak! but she was saved from further embarrassment, for when willy, who had been standing in the doorway, had gone to get the blankets, miss shott could be restrained no longer. "i am bound to say," she began, "that, while i put my money in with the rest to get those blankets,--and am very glad to be able to do it, mrs. cliff,--i don't think that we ought to do anything which would look as if we were giving our countenances to useless extravagances in persons, even if they are our friends, who, with but small means, think they must live like rich people, simply because they happen to be travelling among them. it is not for me to allude to hotels in towns where there are good boarding-houses, to vestibule cars and fur-trimmed cloaks; but i will say that when i am called upon to help my friends who need it, i will do it as quick as anybody, but i also feel called upon by my conscience to lift up my voice against spending for useless things what little money a person may have, when that person needs that money for--well, for things i shall not mention. and now that i have said my say, i am just as glad to help give you those blankets, mrs. cliff, as anybody else is." every one in the room knew that the thing she would not mention was the money mrs. cliff had borrowed for her passage. miss shott had not lent any of it, but her brother, a retired carpenter and builder, had, and as his sister expected to outlive him, although he was twelve years younger than she was, she naturally felt a little sore upon this point. now mrs. cliff was herself again. she was not embarrassed. she was neither pale nor trembling. with a stern severity, not unknown to her friends and neighbors in former days, she rose to her feet. "nancy shott," said she, "i don't know anything that makes me feel more at home than to hear you talk like that. you are the same woman that never could kiss a baby without wanting to spank it at the same time. i know what is the matter with you. you are thinking of that money i borrowed from your brother. well, i borrowed that for a year, and the time is not up yet; but when it is, i'll pay it, every cent of it, and interest added. i knew what i was about when i borrowed it, and i know what i am about now, and if i get angry and pay it before it becomes due, he will lose that much interest, and he can charge it to you. that is all i have to say to you. "as for you, mrs. perley, and the other persons who gave me these blankets, i want you to feel that i am just as grateful as if--just as grateful as i can be, and far more for the friendliness than for the goods. i won't say anything more about that, and it isn't necessary, but i must say one thing. i am ready to take the blankets, and to thank you from the bottom of my heart, but i will not have them unless the money miss shott put in is given back to her. whatever that was, i will make it up myself, and i hope i may be excused for saying that i don't believe it will break me." now there was a scene. miss shott rose in anger and marched out of the house. mrs. perley and the other lady expostulated with mrs. cliff for a time, but they knew her very well, and soon desisted. twenty-five cents was handed to mrs. perley to take the place of the sum contributed by miss shott, and the ladies departed, and the blankets were taken up-stairs. mrs. cliff gave one glance at them as willy croup spread them out. "if those women could see my californian blankets!" she said to herself, but to willy she said, "they are very nice, and you may put them away." then she went to her own room and went to bed. this last shock was too much for her nerves to bear. in the afternoon willy brought her some tea, but the poor lady would not get up. so long as she stayed in bed, people could be kept away from her, but there was nowhere else where she could be in peace. all night she lay and thought and thought and thought. what should she do? she could not endure this condition of things. there was only one relief that presented itself to her: she might go to mr. perley, her minister, and confide everything to him. he would tell her what she ought to do. "but," she thought, "suppose he should say it should all go to the peruvians!" and then she had more thinking to do, based upon this contingency, which brought on a headache, and she remained in bed all the next day. the next morning, willy croup, who had begun to regret that she had ever said anything about blankets,--but how could she have imagined that anybody could be so cut up at what that old shott woman had said?--brought mrs. cliff a letter. this was from edna, stating that she and ralph and the two negroes had just arrived in new york, from which point they were to sail for havre. edna wished very much to see mrs. cliff before she left the country, and wrote that if it would be convenient for that lady, she would run up to plainton and stay a day or two with her. there would be time enough for this before the steamer sailed. when she read this brief note, mrs. cliff sprang out of bed. "edna come here!" she exclaimed. "that would be simply ruin! but i must see her. i must tell her everything, and let her help me." as soon as she was dressed, she went down-stairs and told willy that she would start for new york that very afternoon. she had received a letter from mrs. horn, and it was absolutely necessary to see her before she sailed. with only a small leather bag in her hand, and nearly all her ready money and her peace-destroying draft sewed up inside the body of her dress, she left plainton, and when her friends and neighbors heard that she had gone, they could only ascribe such a sudden departure to the strange notions she had imbibed in foreign parts. when plainton people contemplated a journey, they told everybody about it, and took plenty of time to make preparations; but south americans and californians would start anywhere at a moment's notice. people had thought that mrs. cliff was too old to be influenced by association in that way, but it was plain that they had been mistaken, and there were those who were very much afraid that even if the poor lady had got whatever ought to be coming to her from the valparaiso business, it would have been of little use to her. her old principles of economy and prudence must have been terribly shaken. this very journey to new york would probably cost twenty dollars! when mrs. cliff entered edna's room in a new york hotel, the latter was startled, almost frightened. she had expected her visitor, for she had had a telegram, but she scarcely recognized at the first glance the pale and haggard woman who had come to her. "sick!" exclaimed poor mrs. cliff, as she sank upon a sofa. "yes, i am sick, but not in body, only in heart. well, it is hard to tell you what is the matter. the nearest i can get to it is that it is wealth struck in, as measles sometimes strike in when they ought to come out properly, and one is just as dangerous as the other." when mrs. cliff had had something to eat and drink, and had begun to tell her tale, edna listened with great interest and sympathy. but when the good lady had nearly finished, and was speaking of her resolution to confide everything to mr. perley, edna's gaze at her friend became very intent, and her hands tightly grasped the arms of the chair in which she was sitting. "mrs. cliff," said she, when the other had finished, "there is but one thing for you to do: you must go to europe with us." "now!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "in the steamer you have engaged passage in? impossible! i could not go home and settle up everything and come back in time." "but you must not go home," said edna. "you must not think of it. your troubles would begin again as soon as you got there. you must stay here and go when we do." mrs. cliff stared at her. "but i have only a bag and the clothes i have on. i am not ready for a voyage. and there's the house, with nobody but willy in it. don't you see it would be impossible for me to go?" "what you need for the passage," said edna, "you can buy here in a few hours, and everything else you can get on the other side a great deal cheaper and better than here. as to your house, you can write to that other lady to go there and stay with miss croup until you come back. i tell you, mrs. cliff, that all these things have become mere trifles to you. i dare say you could buy another house such as you own in plainton, and scarcely miss the money. compared to your health and happiness, the loss of that house, even if it should burn up while you are away, would be as a penny thrown to a beggar." "and there is my new trunk," said mrs. cliff, "with my blankets and ever so many things locked up in it." "let it stay there," said edna. "you will not need the blankets, and i don't believe any one will pick the lock." "but how shall i explain my running away in such a fashion? what will they all think?" "simply write," said edna, "that you are going to europe as companion to mrs. horn. if they think you are poor, that will explain everything. and you may add, if you choose, that mrs. horn is so anxious to have you, she will take no denial, and it is on account of her earnest entreaties that you are unable to go home and take leave in a proper way of your friends." it was half an hour afterwards that mrs. cliff said: "well, edna, i will go with you. but i can tell you this: i would gladly give up all the mountains and palaces i may see in europe, if i could go back to plainton this day, deposit my money in the plainton bank, and then begin to live according to my means. that would be a joy that nothing else on this earth could give me." edna laughed. "all you have to do," she said, "is to be patient and wait awhile, and then, when you go back like a queen to plainton, you will have had your mountains and your palaces besides." chapter xxx at the hôtel boileau it was early in december,--two months after the departure of edna and her little party from new york,--and they were all comfortably domiciled in the hotel boileau, in a quiet street, not far from the boulevard des italiens. this house, to which they came soon after their arrival in paris, might be considered to belong to the family order, but its grade was much higher than that of the hotel in which they had lived in san francisco. as in the former place, they had private apartments, a private table, and the service of their own colored men, in addition to that of the hotel servants. but their salon was large and beautifully furnished, their meals were cooked by a french chef, every one, from the lordly porter to the quick-footed chambermaid, served them with a courteous interest, and mrs. cliff said that although their life in the two hotels seemed to be in the main the same sort of life, they were, in reality, as different as an old, dingy mahogany bureau, just dragged from an attic, and that same piece of furniture when it had been rubbed down, oiled, and varnished. and ralph declared that, so far as he knew anything about it, there was nothing like the air of paris to bring out the tones and colorings and veinings of hotel life. but the greatest difference between the former and the present condition of this little party lay in the fact that in san francisco its principal member was mrs. philip horn, while in paris it was miss edna markham. this change of name had been the result of nights of thought and hours of consultation. in san francisco edna felt herself to be mrs. horn as truly as if they had been married at high noon in one of the city churches, but although she could see no reason to change her faith in the reality of her conjugal status, she had begun to fear that captain horn might have different views upon the subject. this feeling had been brought about by the tone of his letters. if he should die, those letters might prove that she was then his widow, but it was plain that he did not wish to impress upon her mind that she was now his wife. if she had remained in san francisco, edna would have retained the captain's name. there she was a stranger, and captain horn was well known. his agents knew her as mrs. horn, the people of the _mary bartlett_ knew her as such, and she should not have thought of resigning it. but in paris the case was very different. there she had friends, and expected to make more, and in that city she was quite sure that captain horn was very little known. edna's parisian friends, were all americans, and some of them people of consideration, one of her old schoolmates being the wife of a secretary of the american legation. could she appear before these friends as mrs. captain philip horn, feeling that not only was she utterly unable to produce captain horn, but that she might never be able to do so? should the captain not return, and should she have proofs of his death, or sufficient reason to believe it, she might then do as she pleased about claiming her place as his widow. but should he return, he should not find that she had trammelled and impeded his plans and purposes by announcing herself as his wife. she did not expect ever to live in san francisco again, and in no other place need she be known as mrs. horn. as to the business objects of her exceptional marriage, they were, in a large degree, already attained. the money captain horn had remitted to her in san francisco was a sum so large as to astound her, and when she reached paris she lost no time in depositing her funds under her maiden name. for the sake of security, some of the money was sent to a london banker, and in paris she did not deposit with the banking house which captain horn had mentioned. but directions were left with that house that if a letter ever came to mrs. philip horn, it was to be sent to her in care of mrs. cliff, and, to facilitate the reception of such a letter, mrs. cliff made wraxton, fuguet & co. her bankers, and all her letters were addressed to them. but at edna's bankers she was known as miss markham, and her only parisian connection with the name of horn was through mrs. cliff. the amount of money now possessed by edna was, indeed, a very fair fortune for her, without regarding it, as captain horn had requested, as a remittance to be used as a year's income. in his letters accompanying his remittances the captain had always spoken of them as her share of the gold brought away, and in this respect he treated her exactly as he treated mrs. cliff, and in only one respect had she any reason to infer that the money was in any manner a contribution from himself. in making her divisions according to his directions, her portion was so much greater than that of the others, edna imagined captain horn sent her his share as well as her own. but of this she did not feel certain, and should he succeed in securing the rest of the gold in the mound, she did not know what division he would make. consequently, this little thread of a tie between herself and the captain, woven merely of some hypothetical arithmetic, was but a cobweb of a thread. the resumption of her maiden name had been stoutly combated by both mrs. cliff and ralph. the first firmly insisted upon the validity of the marriage, so long as the captain did not appear, but she did not cease to insist that the moment he did appear, there should be another ceremony. "but," said edna, "you know that cheditafa's ceremony was performed simply for the purpose of securing to me, in case of his loss on that boat trip, a right to claim the benefit of his discovery. if he should come back, he can give me all the benefit i have a right to claim from that discovery, just as he gives you your share, without the least necessity of a civilized marriage. now, would you advise me to take a step which would seem to force upon him the necessity for such a marriage?" "no," said mrs. cliff. "but all your reasoning is on a wrong basis. i haven't the least doubt in the world---i don't see how any one can have a doubt--that the captain intends to come back and claim you as his wife; and if anything more be necessary to make you such, as i consider there would be, he would be as ready as anybody to do it. and, edna, if you could see yourself, not merely as you look in the glass, but as he would see you, you would know that he would be as ready as any of us would wish him to be. and how will he feel, do you suppose, when he finds that you renounce him and are going about under your maiden name?" in her heart edna answered that she hoped he might feel very much as she had felt when he did not come to see her in san francisco, but to mrs. cliff she said she had no doubt that he would fully appreciate her reasons for assuming her old name. ralph's remarks were briefer, and more to the point. "he married you," he said, "the best way he could under the circumstances, and wrote to you as his wife, and in san francisco you took his name. now, if he comes back and says you are not his wife, i'll kill him." "if i were you, ralph," said his sister, "i wouldn't do that. in fact, i may say i would disapprove of any such proceeding." "oh, you can laugh," said he, "but it makes no difference to me. i shall take the matter into my own hands if he repudiates that contract." "but suppose i give him no chance to repudiate it?" said edna. "suppose he finds me miss edna markham, and finds, also, that i wish to continue to be that lady? if what has been done has any force at all, it can easily be set aside by law." ralph rose and walked up and down the floor, his hands thrust deep into his pockets. "that's just like a woman," he said. "they are always popping up new and different views of things, and that is a view i hadn't thought of. is that what you intend to do?" "no," said edna, "i do not intend to do anything. all i wish is to hold myself in such a position that i can act when the time comes to act." ralph took the whole matter to bed with him in order to think over it. he did a great deal more sleeping than thinking, but in the morning he told edna he believed she was right. "but one thing is certain," he said: "even if that heathen marriage should not be considered legal, it was a solemn ceremony of engagement, and nobody can deny that. it was something like a caveat which people get before a regular patent is issued for an invention, and if you want him to do it, he should stand up and do it; but if you don't, that's your business. but let me give you a piece of advice: wherever you go and whatever you do, until this matter is settled, be sure to carry around that two-legged marriage certificate called cheditafa. he can speak a good deal of english now, if there should be any dispute." "dispute!" cried edna, indignantly. "what are you thinking of? do you suppose i would insist or dispute in such a matter? i thought you knew me better than that." ralph sighed. "if you could understand how dreadfully hard it is to know you," he said, "you wouldn't be so severe on a poor fellow if he happened to make a mistake now and then." when mrs. cliff found that edna had determined upon her course, she ceased her opposition, and tried, good woman as she was, to take as satisfactory a view of the matter as she could find reason for. "it would be a little rough," she said, "if your friends were to meet you as mrs. horn, and you would be obliged to answer questions. i have had experience in that sort of thing. and looking at it in that light, i don't know but what you are right, edna, in defending yourself against questions until you are justified in answering them. to have to admit that you are not mrs. horn after you had said you were, would be dreadful, of course. but the other would be all plain sailing. you would go and be married properly, and that would be the end of it. and even if you were obliged to assert your claims as his widow, there would be no objection to saying that there had been reasons for not announcing the marriage. but there is another thing. how are you going to explain your prosperous condition to your friends? when i was in plainton, i thought of you as so much better off than myself in this respect, for over here there would be no one to pry into your affairs. i did not know you had friends in paris." "all that need not trouble me in the least," said edna. "when i went to school with edith southall, who is now mrs. sylvester, my father was in a very good business, and we lived handsomely. it was not until i was nearly grown up that he failed and died, and then ralph and i went to cincinnati, and my life of hard work began. so you see there is no reason why my friends in paris should ask any questions, or i should make explanations." "i wish it were that way in plainton," said mrs. cliff, with a sigh. "i would go back there the moment another ship started from france." so it was miss edna markham of new york who took apartments at the hotel boileau, and it was she who called upon the wife of the american secretary of legation. chapter xxxi waiting for several weeks after their arrival, the members of the little party had but one common object,--to see and enjoy the wonders and beauties of paris,--and in their sight-seeing they nearly always went together, sometimes taking cheditafa and mok with them. but as time went on, their different dispositions began to assert themselves, and in their daily pursuits they gradually drifted apart. mrs. cliff was not a cultivated woman, but she had a good, common-sense appreciation of art in its various forms. she would tramp with untiring step through the galleries of the louvre, but when she had seen a gallery, she did not care to visit it again. she went to the theatre and the opera because she wanted to see how they acted and sang in france, but she did not wish to go often to a place where she could not understand a word that was spoken. ralph was now under the charge of a tutor, professor barré by name, who took a great interest in this american boy, whose travels and experiences had given him a precocity which the professor had never met with in any of his other scholars. ralph would have much preferred to study paris instead of books, and the professor, who was able to give a great deal of time to his pupil, did not altogether ignore this natural instinct of a youthful heart. in consequence, the two became very good friends, and ralph was the best-satisfied member of the party. it was in regard to social affairs that the lives of edna and mrs. cliff diverged most frequently. through the influence of mrs. sylvester, a handsome woman with a vivacious intelligence which would have made her conspicuous in any society, edna found that social engagements, not only in diplomatic circles and in those of the american colony, but, to some extent, in parisian society, were coming upon her much more rapidly than she had expected. the secretary's wife was proud of her countrywoman, and glad to bring her forward in social functions. into this new life edna entered as if it had been a gallery she had not yet visited, or a museum which she saw for the first time. she studied it, and enjoyed the study. but only in a limited degree did mrs. cliff enjoy society in paris. to be sure, it was only in a limited degree that she had been asked to do it. even with a well-filled purse and all the advantages of paris at her command, she was nothing more than a plain and highly respectable woman from a country town in maine. more than this silks and velvets could not make her, and more than this she did not wish to be. as edna's friend and companion, she had been kindly received at the legation, but after attending two or three large gatherings, she concluded that she would wait until her return to plainton before she entered upon any further social exercises. but she was not at all dissatisfied or homesick. she preferred plainton to all places in the world, but that little town should not see her again until she could exhibit her californian blankets to her friends, and tell them where she got the money to buy them. "blankets!" she said to herself. "i am afraid they will hardly notice them when they see the other things i shall take back there." with society, especially such society as she could not enjoy, mrs. cliff could easily dispense. so long as the shops of paris were open to her, the delights of these wonderful marts satisfied the utmost cravings of her heart; and as she had a fine mind for bargaining, and plenty of time on her hands, she was gradually accumulating a well-chosen stock of furnishings and adornments, not only for her present house in plainton, but for the large and handsome addition to it which she intended to build on an adjoining lot. these schemes for establishing herself in plainton, as a wealthy citizen, did not depend on the success of captain horn's present expedition. what mrs. cliff already possessed was a fortune sufficient for the life she desired to lead in her native town. what she was waiting for was the privilege of going back and making that fortune known. as to the increase of her fortune she had but small belief. if it should come, she might change her plans, but the claims of the native peruvians should not be forgotten. even if the present period of secrecy should be terminated by the news of the non-success of captain horn, she intended to include, among her expenses, a periodical remittance to some charitable association in peru for the benefit of the natives. the christmas holidays passed, january was half gone, and edna had received no news from captain horn. she had hoped that before leaving south. america and beginning his long voyage across the atlantic, he would touch at some port from which he might send her a letter, which, coming by steamer, would reach her before she could expect the arrival of the brig. but no letter had come. she had arranged with a commercial agency to telegraph to her the moment the miranda should arrive in any french port, but no message had come, and no matter what else she was doing, it seemed to edna as if she were always expecting such a message. sometimes she thought that this long delay must mean disaster, and at such times she immediately set to work to reason out the matter. from acapulco to cape horn, up through the south atlantic and the north atlantic to france, was a long voyage for a sailing-vessel, and to the time necessary for this she must add days, and perhaps weeks, of labor at the caves, besides all sorts of delays on the voyage. like ralph, she had an unbounded faith in the captain. he might not bring her one bar of gold, he might meet with all sorts of disasters, but, whenever her mind was in a healthy condition, she expected him to come to france, as he had said he would. she now began to feel that she was losing a great deal of time. paris was all very well, but it was not everything. when news should come to her, it might be necessary for her to go to america. she could not tell what would be necessary, and she might have to leave europe with nothing but paris to remember. there was no good objection to travel on the continent, for, if the _miranda_ should arrive while she was not in paris, she would not be so far away that a telegram could not quickly bring her back. so she listened to mrs. cliff and her own desires, and the party journeyed to italy, by the way of geneva and bern. ralph was delighted with the change, for professor barré, his tutor, had consented to go with them, and, during these happy days in italy, he was the preceptor of the whole party. they went to but few places that he had not visited before, and they saw but little that he could not talk about to their advantage. but, no matter what they did, every day edna expected a message, and every day, except sunday, she went to the banker's to look over the maritime news in the newspapers, and she so arranged her affairs that she could start for france at an hour's notice. but although edna had greatly enjoyed the italian journey, it came to an end at last, and it was with feelings of satisfaction that she settled down again in paris. here she was in the centre of things, ready for news, ready for arrivals, ready to go anywhere or do anything that might be necessary, and, more than that, there was a delightful consciousness that she had seen something of switzerland and italy, and without having missed a telegram by being away. the party did not return to the hotel boileau. edna now had a much better idea of the continental menage than she had brought with her from america, and she believed that she had not been living up to the standard that captain horn had desired. she wished in every way to conform to his requests, and one of these had been that she should consider the money he had sent her as income, and not as property. it was hard for her to fulfil this injunction, for her mind was as practical as that of mrs. cliff, and she could not help considering the future, and the probability of never receiving an addition to the funds she now had on deposit in london and paris. but her loyalty to the man who had put her into possession of that money was superior to her feelings of prudence and thrift. when he came to paris, he should find her living as he wanted her to live. it was not necessary to spend all she had, but, whether he came back poor or rich, he should see that she had believed in him and in his success. the feeling of possible disaster had almost left her. the fears that had come to her had caused her to reason upon the matter, and the more she reasoned, the better she convinced herself that a long period of waiting without news was to be expected in the case of an adventure such as that in which captain horn was engaged. there was, perhaps, another reason for her present state of mind--a reason which she did not recognize: she had become accustomed to waiting. it was at a grand hotel that the party now established themselves, the space, the plate-glass, the gilt, and the general splendor of which made ralph exclaim in wonder and admiration. "you would better look out, edna," said he, "or it will not be long before we find ourselves living over in the latin quarter, and taking our meals at a restaurant where you pay a sou for the use of the napkins." edna's disposition demanded that her mode of life should not be ostentatious, but she conformed in many ways to the style of her hotel. there were returns of hospitality. there was a liveried coachman when they drove. there was a general freshening of wardrobes, and even cheditafa and mok had new clothes, designed by an artist to suit their positions. if captain horn should come to paris, he should not find that she had doubted his success, or him. after the return from italy, mrs. cliff began to chafe and worry under her restrictions. she had obtained from europe all she wanted at present, and there was so much, in plainton she was missing. oh, if she could only go there and avow her financial condition! she lay awake at night, thinking of the opportunities that were slipping from her. from the letters that willy croup wrote her, she knew that people were coming to the front in plainton who ought to be on the back seats, and that she, who could occupy, if she chose, the best place, was thought of only as a poor widow who was companion to a lady who was travelling. it made her grind her teeth to think of the way that miss shott was talking of her, and it was not long before she made up her mind that she ought to speak to edna on the subject, and she did so. "go home!" exclaimed the latter. "why, mrs. cliff, that would be impossible just now. you could not go to plainton without letting people know where you got your money." "of course i couldn't," said mrs. cliff, "and i wouldn't. there have been times when i have yearned so much for my home that i thought it might be possible for me to go there and say that the valparaiso affair had turned out splendidly, and that was how i got my money. but i couldn't do it. i could not stand up before my minister and offer to refurnish the parsonage parlor, with such a lie as that on my lips. but there is no use in keeping back the real truth any longer. it is more than eight months since captain horn started out for that treasure, and it is perfectly reasonable to suppose either that he has got it; or that he never will get it, and in either one of these cases it will not do any injury to anybody if we let people know about the money we have, and where it came from." "but it may do very great injury," said edna. "captain horn may have been able to take away only a part of it, and may now be engaged in getting the rest. there are many things which may have happened, and if we should now speak of that treasure, it might ruin all his plans." "if he has half of it," said mrs. cliff, "he ought to be satisfied with that, and not keep us here on pins and needles until he gets the rest. of course, i do not want to say anything that would pain you, edna, and i won't do it, but people can't help thinking, and i think that we have waited as long as our consciences have any right to ask us to wait." "i know what you mean," replied edna, "but it does not give me pain. i do not believe that captain horn has perished, and i certainly expect soon to hear from him." "you have been expecting that a long time," said the other. "yes, and i shall expect it for a good while yet. i have made up my mind that i shall not give up my belief that captain horn is alive, and will come or write to us, until we have positive news of his death, or until one year has passed since he left acapulco. considering what he has done for us, mrs. cliff, i think it very little for us to wait one year before we betray the trust he has placed in us, and, merely for the sake of carrying out our own plans a little sooner, utterly ruin the plans he has made, and which he intends as much for our benefit as for his own." mrs. cliff said no more, but she thought that was all very well for edna, who was enjoying herself in a way that suited her, but it was very different for her. in her heart of hearts, mrs. cliff now believed they would never see captain horn again. "for if he were alive," she said to herself, "he would certainly have contrived in some way or other to send some sort of a message. with the whole world covered with post routes and telegraph-wires, it would be simply impossible for captain horn and those two sailors to keep absolutely silent and unheard of for such a long time--unless," she continued, hesitating even in her thoughts, "they don't want to be heard from." but the good lady would not allow her mind to dwell on that proposition; it was too dreadful! and so edna waited and waited, hoping day by day for good news from captain horn; and so mrs. cliff waited and waited, hoping for news from captain horn--good news, if possible, but in any case something certain and definite, something that would make them know what sort of life they were to lead in this world, and make them free to go and live it. chapter xxxii a mariner's wits take a little flight when captain horn, in the brig _miranda_, with the american sailors burke and shirley, and the four negroes, left acapulco on the 16th of september, he might have been said to have sailed "in ballast," as the only cargo he carried was a large number of coffee-bags. he had cleared for rio janeiro, at which port he intended to touch and take on board a small cargo of coffee, deeming it better to arrive in france with something more than the auriferous mineral matter with which he hoped to replace a large portion of discarded ballast. the unusual cargo of empty coffee-bags was looked upon by the customs officials as a bit of yankee thrift, it being likely enough that the captain could obtain coffee-bags in mexico much cheaper than in rio janeiro. the voyage to the peruvian coast was a slow one, the _miranda_ proving to be anything but a clipper, and the winds were seldom in her favor. but at last she rounded aguja point, and the captain shaped his course toward the coast and the rackbirds' cove, the exact position of which was now dotted on his chart. a little after noon on a quiet october day, they drew near enough to land to recognize the coast-line and the various landmarks of the locality. the negroes were filled with surprise, and afterwards with fright, for they had had no idea that they were going near the scene of their former horrible captivity. from time to time, they had debated among themselves the intentions of captain horn in regard to them, and now the idea seized them that perhaps he was going to leave them where he had found them. but, through maka, who at first was as much frightened as the rest, the captain succeeded in assuring them that he was merely going to stop as near as possible to the cave where he had stayed so long, to get some of his property which it had been impossible to take away when the rest of the party left. maka had great confidence in the captain's word, and he was able to infuse a good deal of this into the minds of the three other negroes. captain horn had been in considerable doubt in regard to the best method of shipping the treasure; should he be so fortunate as to find it as he had left it. the cove was a quiet harbor in which the small boats could easily ply between the vessel and the shore, but, in this case, the gold must be carried by tedious journeys along the beach. on the other hand, if the brig lay too near the entrance to the caves, the treasure-laden boats must be launched through the surf, and, in case of high seas, this operation might be hazardous; consequently, he determined to anchor in the rackbirds' cove and submit to the delay and inconvenience of the land transportation of the gold. when the captain and shirley went ashore in a boat, nothing was seen to indicate that any one had visited the spot since the last cargo of guano had been shipped. this was a relief, but when the captain had wandered through the place, and even examined the storehouse of the rackbirds, he found, to his regret, that it was too late for him to visit the caves that day. this was the occasion of a night of wakefulness and unreasonable anxiety--unreasonable, as the captain assured himself over and over again, but still impossible to dissipate. no man who has spent weeks in pursuit of a royal treasure, in a vessel that at times seemed hardly to creep, could fail to be anxious and excited when he is compelled to pause within a few miles of that treasure. but early in the morning the captain started for the caves. he took with him shirley and maka, leaving the brig in charge of burke. the captain placed great confidence in shirley, who was a quiet, steady man. in fact, he trusted every one on the ship, for there was nothing else to do. if any of them should prove false to him, he hoped to be able to defend himself against them, and it would be more than foolish to trouble his mind with apprehensions until there should be some reason for them. but there was a danger to be considered, quite different from the criminal cupidity which might be provoked by companionship with the heap of gold, and this was the spirit of angry disappointment which might be looked for should no heap of gold be found. at the moment of such possible disappointment, the captain wanted to have with him a man not given to suspicions and resentments. in fact, the captain thought, as the little party strode along the beach, that if he should find the mound empty,--and he could not drive from his mind that once he had found it uncovered,--he wished to have with him some one who would back him up a little in case he should lower his lantern into a goldless void. as they walked up the plateau in the path worn principally by his own feet, and the captain beheld the great stone face against the wall of rock, his mind became quieter. he slackened his pace, and even began to concoct some suitable remarks to make to shirley in case of evil fortune. shirley looked about him with great interest. he had left the place before the great stone face had been revealed by the burning of the vines, and he would have been glad to stop for a minute and examine it. but although captain horn had convinced himself that he was in no hurry, he could not allow delay. lighting a lantern, they went through the passageway and entered the great cave of the lake, leaving maka rummaging around with eager delight through the rocky apartments where he had once been a member of a domestic household. when they reached the mound, the captain handed his lantern to shirley, telling him to hold it high, and quickly clambered to the top. "good!" he exclaimed. "the lid is just as i left it. come up!" in a moment shirley was at his side, and the captain with his pocket-knife began to pick out the oakum which he had packed around the edges of the lid, for otherwise it would have been impossible for him to move it. then he stood up and raised the lid, putting it to one side. "give me the lantern!" he shouted, and, stooping, lie lowered it and looked in. the gold in the mound was exactly as he had left it. "hurrah!" he cried. "now you take a look!" and he handed the lantern to his companion. shirley crawled a little nearer the opening and looked into it, then lowered the lantern and put his head down so that it almost disappeared. he remained in this position for nearly a minute, and the captain gazed at him with a beaming face. his whole system, relieved from the straining bonds of doubt and fear and hope, was basking in a flood of ecstatic content. suddenly shirley began to swear. he was not a profane man, and seldom swore, but now the oaths rolled from him in a manner that startled the captain. "get up," said he. "haven't you seen enough?" shirley raised his head, but still kept his eyes on the treasure beneath him, and swore worse than before. the captain was shocked. "what is the matter with you?" said he. "give me the lantern. i don't see anything to swear at." shirley did not hand him the lantern, but the captain took it from him, and then he saw that the man was very pale. "look out!" he cried. "you'll slip down and break your bones." in fact, shirley's strength seemed to have forsaken him, and he was on the point of either slipping down the side of the mound or tumbling into the open cavity. the captain put down the lantern and moved quickly to his side, and, with some difficulty, managed to get him safely to the ground. he seated him with his back against the mound, and then, while he was unscrewing the top of a whiskey flask, shirley began to swear again in a most violent and rapid way. "he has gone mad," thought the captain. "the sight of all that gold has crazed him." "stop that," he said to the other, "and take a drink." shirley broke off a string of oaths in the middle, and took a pull at the flask. this was of service to him, for he sat quiet for a minute or two, during which time the captain brought down the lantern. looking up at him, shirley said in a weak voice: "captain, is what i saw all so?" "yes," was the reply, "it's all so." "then," said the other, "help me out of this. i want to get out into common air." the captain raised shirley to his feet, and, with the lantern in one hand, he assisted him to walk. but it was not easy. the man appeared to take no interest in his movements, and staggered and leaned upon the captain as if he were drunk. as soon as they came out of the utter darkness and had reached the lighter part of the cave, the captain let shirley sit down, and went for maka. "the first mate has been taken sick," said he to the negro, "and you must come help me get him out into the open air." when the negro saw shirley in a state of semi-collapse, he began to tremble from head to foot, but he obeyed orders, and, with a great deal of trouble, the two got the sailor outside of the caves and gave him another drink of whiskey. maka had his own ideas about this affair. there was no use telling him mr. shirley was sick--at least, that he was afflicted by any common ailment. he and his fellows knew very well that there were devils back in the blackness of that cave, and if the captain did not mind them, it was because they were taking care of the property, whatever it was, that he kept back here, and for which he had now returned. with what that property was, and how it happened to be there, the mind of the negro did not concern itself. of course, it must be valuable, or the captain would not have come to get it, but that was his business. he had taken the first mate into that darkness, and the sight of the devils had nearly killed him, and now the negro's mind was filled with but one idea, and that was that the captain might take him in there and make him see devils. after a time shirley felt very much better, and able to walk. "now, captain," said he, "i am all right, but i tell you what we must do: i'll go to the ship, and i'll take charge of her, and i'll do whatever has got to be done on shore. yes, and, what's more, i'll help do the carrying part of the business,--it would be mean to sneak out of that,--and i'll shoulder any sort of a load that's put out on the sand in the daylight. but, captain, i don't want to do anything to make me look into that hole. i can't stand it, and that is the long and short of it. i am sorry that maka saw me in such a plight--it's bad for discipline; but it can't be helped." "never mind," cried the captain, whose high spirits would have overlooked almost anything at that moment. "come, let us go back and have our breakfast. that will set you up, and i won't ask you to go into the caves again, if you don't want to." "don't let's talk about it," said shirley, setting off. "i'd rather get my mind down to marlin-spikes and bilge-water." as the captain walked back to the cove, he said to himself: "i expect it struck shirley harder than it did the rest of us because he knew what he was looking at, and the first time we saw it we were not sure it was gold, as it might have been brass. but shirley knew, for he had already had a lot of those bars, and had turned them into money. by george! i don't wonder that a poor fellow who had struggled for life with a small bag of that gold was knocked over when he saw a wagon-load of it." maka, closely following the others, had listened with eagerness to what had been said, and had been struck with additional horror when he heard shirley request that he might not again be asked to look into that hole. suddenly the captain and shirley were startled by a deep groan behind them, and, turning, saw the negro sitting upon the sand, his knees drawn up to his face, and groaning grievously. "what's the matter?" cried the captain. "i sick," said maka. "sick same as mr. shirley." "get up and come along," said the captain, laughing. he saw that something was really ailing the black fellow, for he trembled from head to foot, and his face had the hue of a black horse recently clipped. but he thought it best not to treat the matter seriously. "come along," said he. "i am not going to give you any whiskey." and then, struck by a sudden thought, he asked, "are you afraid that you have got to go into that cave?" "yes, sir," said maka, who had risen to his feet. "it make me pretty near die dead to think that." "well, don't die any more," said the captain. "you sha'n't go anywhere that you have not been before." the pupils of maka's eyes, which had been turned up nearly out of sight, were now lowered. "all right, cap'n," said he. "i lot better now." this little incident was not unpleasant to the captain. if the negroes were afraid to go into the blackness of the caves, it would make fewer complications in this matter. chapter xxxiii the "miranda" takes in cargo the next day the work of removing the treasure from the caves to the vessel began in good earnest. the miranda was anchored not far from the little pier, which was found in good order, and shirley, with one negro, was left on board, while the captain and burke took the three others, loaded with coffee-bags, to the caves. for the benefit of the minds of the black men, the captain had instructed maka to assure them that they would not be obliged to go anywhere where it was really dark. but it was difficult to decide how to talk to burke. this man was quite different from shirley. he was smaller, but stout and strong, with a dark complexion, and rather given to talk. the captain liked him well enough, his principal objection to him being that he was rather too willing to give advice. but, whatever might be the effect of the treasure on burke, the captain determined that he should not be surprised by it. he had tried that on shirley, and did not want to try it again on anybody. so he conversed freely about the treasure and the mound, and, as far as possible, described its appearance and contents. but he need not have troubled himself about the effect of the sight of a wagon-load of gold upon burke's mind. he was glad to see it, and whistled cheerfully as he looked down into the mound. "how far do you think it goes down?" said he to the captain. "don't know," was the reply. "we can't tell anything about that until we get it out." "all right," said burke. "the quicker we do it, the better." the captain got into the mound with a lantern, for the gold was now too low for him to reach it from above, and having put as many bars into a coffee-bag as a man could carry, he passed it up to burke, who slid it down to the floor, where another lantern had been left. when five bags had been made ready, the captain came out, and he and burke put each bag into another, and these were tied up firmly at each end, for a single coffee-bag was not considered strong enough to hold the weighty treasure. then the two carried the bags into the part of the cave which was lighted by the great fissure, and called the negroes. then, each taking a bag on his shoulder, the party returned to the cove. on the next trip, shirley decided to go with the captain, for he said he did not care for anything if he did not have to look down into the mound, for that was sure to make him dizzy. maka's place was taken by the negro who had been previously left in the vessel. day by day the work went on, but whoever might be relieved, and whatever arrangements might be made, the captain always got into the mound and handed out the gold. whatever discovery should be made when the bottom of the deposit was reached, he wanted to be there to make it. the operations were conducted openly, and without any attempt at secrecy or concealment. the lid of the mound was not replaced when they left it, and the bags of gold were laid on the pier until it was convenient to take them to the vessel. when they were put on board, they were lowered into the hold, and took the place of a proportionate amount of ballast, which was thrown out. all the negroes now spoke and understood a little english. they might think that those bags were filled with gold, or they might think that they contained a mineral substance, useful for fertilizer; but if by questioning or by accidental information they found out what was the load under which they toiled along the beach, the captain was content. there was no reason why he should fear these men more than he feared burke and shirley. all of them were necessary to him, and he must trust them. several times when he was crouched down in the interior of the mound, filling a bag with gold, he thought how easy it would be for one of the sailors to shoot him from above, and for them, or perhaps only one of them, to become the owner of all that treasure. but then, he could be shot in one place almost as well as in another, and if the negroes should be seized with the gold fever, and try to cut white throats at midnight, they would be more likely to attempt it after the treasure had been secured and the ship had sailed than now. in any case, nothing could be gained by making them feel that they were suspected and distrusted. therefore it was that when, one day, maka said to the captain that the little stones in the bags had begun to make his shoulder tender, the captain showed him how to fold an empty sack and put it between the bags and his back, and then also told him that what he carried was not stones, but lumps of gold. "all yourn, cap'n!" asked maka. "yes, all mine," was the reply. that night maka told his comrades that when the captain got to the end of this voyage, he would be able to buy a ship bigger than the _castor_, and that they would not have to sail in that little brig any more, and that he expected to be cook on the new vessel, and have a fine suit of clothes in which to go on shore. for nearly a month the work went on, but the contents of the mound diminished so slowly that the captain, and, in fact, the two sailors, also, became very impatient. only about forty pounds could be carried by each man on a trip, and the captain saw plainly that it would not do to urge greater rapidity or more frequent trips, for in that case there would be sure to be breakdowns. the walk from the cove to the caves was a long one, and rocky barriers had to be climbed, and although now but one man was left on board the vessel, only thirty bags a day were stored in its hold. this was very slow work. consultations were held, and it was determined that some quicker method of transportation must be adopted. the idea that they could be satisfied with what they already had seemed to enter the mind of none of them. it was a foregone conclusion that their business there was to carry away all the gold that was in the mound. a new plan, though rather a dangerous one, was now put into operation. the brig was brought around opposite the plateau which led to the caves, and anchored just outside the line of surf, where bottom was found at a moderate depth. then the bags were carried in the boats to the vessel. a line connected each boat with the ship, and the negroes were half the time in the water, assisting the boats backward and forward through the surf. now work went on very much more rapidly. the men had all become accustomed to carrying the heavy bags, and could run with them down the plateau. the boats were hauled to and from the vessel, and the bags were hoisted on board by means of blocks and tackle and a big basket. once the side of the basket gave way, and several bags went down to the bottom of the sea, never to be seen again. but there was no use in crying over spilt gold, and this was the only accident. the winds were generally from the south and east, and, therefore, there was no high surf; and this new method of working was so satisfactory that they all regretted they had not adopted it from the first, notwithstanding the risk. but the captain had had no idea that it would take so long for five men to carry that treasure a distance of two miles, taking forty pounds at a time. at night everybody went on board the brig, and she lay to some distance from the shore, so as to be able to run out to sea in case of bad weather, but no such weather came. it was two months since the brig had dropped anchor in the rackbirds' cove when the contents of the mound got so low that the captain could not hand up the bags without the assistance of a ladder, which he made from some stuff on board the brig. by rough measurement, he found that he should now be near the level of the outside floor of the cave, and he worked with great caution, for the idea, first broached by ralph, that this mass of gold might cover something more valuable than itself, had never left him. but as he worked steadily, filling bag after bag, he found that, although he had reached at the outer edge of the floor of the mound what seemed to be a pavement of stone, there was still a considerable depth of gold in the centre of the floor. now he worked faster, telling shirley, who was outside, that he would not come out until he had reached the floor of the mound, which was evidently depressed in the centre after the fashion of a saucer. working with feverish haste, the captain handed up bag after bag, until every little bar of gold had been removed from the mound. the bottom of the floor was covered with a fine dust, which had sifted down in the course of ages from the inside coating of the mound, but it was not deep enough to conceal a bar of gold, and, with his lantern and his foot, the captain made himself sure that not a piece was left. then his whole soul and body thrilled with a wild purpose, and, moving the ladder from the centre of the floor, he stooped to brush away the dust. if there should be a movable stone there! if this stone should cover a smaller cavity beneath the great one, what might he not discover within it? his mind whirled before the ideas which now cast themselves at him, when suddenly he stood up and set his teeth hard together. "i will not," he said. "i will not look for a stone with a crack around it. we have enough already. why should we run the risk of going crazy by trying to get more? i will not!" and he replaced the ladder. "what's the matter in there?" called shirley, from outside. "who're you talking to?" the captain came out of the opening in the mound, pulled up the ladder and handed it to shirley, and then he was about to replace the lid upon the mound. but what was the use of doing that, he thought. there would be no sense in closing it. he would leave it open. "i was talking to myself," he said to shirley, when he had descended. "it sounded crack-brained, i expect." "yes, it did," answered the other. "and i am glad these are the last bags we have to tie up and take out. i should not have wondered if the whole three of us had turned into lunatics. as for me, i have tried hard to stop thinking about the business, and i have found that the best thing i could do was to try and consider the stuff in these bags as coal--good, clean, anthracite coal. whenever i carried a bag, i said to myself, 'hurry up, now, with this bag of coal.' a ship-load of coal, you know, is not worth enough to turn a man's head." "that was not a bad idea," said the captain. "but now the work is done, and we will soon get used to thinking of it without being excited about it. there is absolutely no reason why we should not be as happy and contented as if we had each made a couple of thousand dollars apiece on a good voyage." "that's so," said shirley, "and i'm going to try to think it." when the last bag had been put on board, burke and the captain were walking about the caves looking here and there to take a final leave of the place. whatever the captain considered of value as a memento of the life they had led here had been put on board. "captain," said burke, "did you take all the gold out of that mound?" "every bit of it," was the reply. "you didn't leave a single lump for manners?" "no," said the captain. "i thought it better that whoever discovered that empty mound after us should not know what had been in it. you see, we will have to circulate these bars of gold pretty extensively, and we don't want anybody to trace them back to the place where they came from. when the time comes, we will make everything plain and clear, but we will want to do it ourselves, and in our own way." "there is sense in that," said burke. "there's another thing i want to ask you, captain. i've been thinking a great deal about that mound, and it strikes me that there might be a sub-cellar under it, a little one, most likely, with something else in it--rings and jewels, and nobody knows what not. did you see if there was any sign of a trap-door?" "no," said the captain, "i did not. i wanted to do it,--you do not know how much,--but i made up my mind it would be the worst kind of folly to try and get anything else out of that mound. we have now all that is good for us to have. the only question is whether or not we have not more than is good for us. i was not sure that i should not find something, if i looked for it, which would make me as sick as shirley was the first time he looked into the mound. no, sir; we have enough, and it is the part of sensible men to stop when they have enough." burke shook his head. "if i'd been there," he said, "i should have looked for a crack in that floor." when the brig weighed anchor, she did not set out for the open sea, but proceeded back to the rackbirds' cove, where she anchored again. before setting out, the next day, on his voyage to france, the captain wished to take on board a supply of fresh water. chapter xxxiv burke and his chisel that night george burke went off his watch at twelve o'clock, and a few minutes after he had been relieved, he did something he had never done before--he deserted his ship. with his shoes and a little bundle of clothes on his head, he very quietly slipped down a line he had fastened astern. it was a very dark night, and he reached the water unseen, and as quietly as if he had been an otter going fishing. first swimming, and then wading, he reached the shore. as soon as he was on land, he dressed, and then went for a lantern, a hammer, and a cold-chisel, which he had left at a convenient spot. without lighting the lantern, he proceeded as rapidly as possible to the caves. his path was almost invisible, but having travelled that way so often, he knew it as well as he knew his alphabet. not until he was inside the entrance to the caves did he light his lantern. then he proceeded, without loss of time, to the stone mound. he knew that the ladder had been left there, and, with a little trouble, he found it, where shirley had put it, behind some rocks on the floor of the cave. by the aid of this he quickly descended into the mound, and then, moving the foot of the ladder out of the way, he vigorously began to brush away the dust from the stone pavement. when this was done, he held up the lantern and carefully examined the central portion of the floor, and very soon he discovered what he had come to look for. a space about three feet square was marked off on the pavement of the mound by a very perceptible crevice. the other stones of the pavement were placed rather irregularly, but some of them had been cut to allow this single square stone to be set in the centre. "that's a trap-door," said burke. "there can't be any doubt about that." and immediately he set to work to get it open. there was no ring, nor anything by which he could lift it; but if he could get his heavy chisel under it, he was sure he could raise it until he could get hold of it with his hands. so he began to drive his chisel vigorously down into the cracks at various places. this was not difficult to do, and, trying one side after another, he got the chisel down so far that he could use it as a lever. but with all his strength he could not raise the stone. at last, while working at one corner, he broke out a large piece of the pavement, eight or nine inches long, and found that it had covered a metal bar about an inch in diameter. with his lantern he carefully examined this rod, and found that it was not iron, but appeared to be made of some sort of bronze. "now, what is this?" said burke to himself. "it's either a hinge or a bolt. it doesn't look like a hinge, for it wouldn't be any use for it to run so far into the rest of the pavement, and if it is a bolt, i don't see how they got at it to move it. i'll see where it goes to." and he began to cut away more of the pavement toward the wall of the dome. the pieces of stone came up without much trouble, and as far as he cut he found the metal rod. "by george!" said he, "i believe it goes outside of the mound! they worked it from outside!" putting the ladder in place, he ran up with his lantern and tools, and descended to the outside floor. then he examined the floor of the cave where the rod must run if it came outside the mound. he found a line of flat stones, each about a foot square, extending from the mound toward the western side of the cave. "oh, ho!" he cried, and on his knees he went to work, soon forcing up one of these stones, and under it was the metal rod, lying in a groove considerably larger than itself. burke now followed the line of stones to the western side of the cave, where the roof was so low he could scarcely stand up under it. to make sure, he took up another stone, and still found the rod. "i see what this means," said he. "that bolt is worked from clean outside, and i've got to find the handle of it. if i can't do that, i'll go back and cut through that bolt, if my chisel will do it." he now went back to a point on the line of stones about midway between the side of the cave and the mound, and then, walking forward as nearly as possible in a straight line, which would be at right angles with the metal rod, he proceeded until he had reached the entrance to the passageway which led to the outer caves, carefully counting his steps as he went. then he turned squarely about, entered the passage, and walked along it until he came to the door of the room which had once been occupied by captain horn. "i'll try it inside first," said burke to himself, "and then i'll go outside." he walked through the rooms, turning to the right about ten feet when he came to the middle apartment,--for the door here was not opposite to the others,--but coming back again to his line of march as soon as he was on the other side. he proceeded until he reached the large cave, open at the top, which was the last of these compartments. this was an extensive cavern, the back part being, however, so much impeded by rocks that had fallen from the roof that it was difficult for him to make any progress, and the numbering of his steps depended very much upon calculation. but when he reached the farthest wall, burke believed that he had gone about as great a distance as he had stepped off in the cave of the lake. "but how in the mischief," thought he, "am i to find anything here?" he held up his lantern and looked about. "i can't move these rocks to see what is under them." as he gazed around, he noticed that the southeast corner seemed to be more regular than the rest of the wall of the cave. in fact, it was almost a right-angled corner, and seemed to have been roughly cut into that shape. instantly burke was in the corner. he found the eastern wall quite smooth for a space about a foot wide and extending about two yards from the floor. in this he perceived lines of crevice marking out a rectangular space some six inches wide and four feet in height. "ha, ha!" cried burke. "the handle is on the other side of that slab, i'll bet my head!" and putting down the lantern, he went to work. with his hammer and chisel he had forced the top of the slab in less than two minutes, and soon he pulled it outward and let it drop on the floor. inside the narrow, perpendicular cavity which was now before him, he saw an upright metal bar. "the handle of the bolt!" cried burke. "now i can unfasten the trap-door." and taking hold of the top of the bar, he pulled back with all his force. at first he could not move it, but suddenly the resistance ceased, and he pulled the bar forward until it stood at an angle of forty-five degrees from the wall. further than this burke could not move it, although he tugged and bore down on it with all his weight. "all right," said he, at last. "i guess that's as far as she'll come. anyway, i'm off to see if i've drawn that bolt. if i have, i'll have that trap-door open, if i have to break my back lifting it." with his best speed burke ran through the caves to the mound, and, mounting by means of the stone projections, he was about to descend by the ladder, when, to his utter amazement, he saw no ladder. he had left it projecting at least two feet through the opening in the top of the mound, and now he could see nothing of it. what could this mean? going up a little higher, he held up his lantern and looked within, but saw no signs of the ladder. "by george!" he cried, "has anybody followed me and pulled out that ladder?" lowering the lantern farther into the mound, he peered in. below, and immediately under him, was a black hole, about three feet square. burke was so startled that he almost dropped the lantern. but he was a man of tough nerve, and maintained his clutch upon it. but he drew back. it required some seconds to catch his breath. presently he looked down again. "i see," said he. "that trap-door was made to fall down, and not to lift up, and when i pulled the bolt, down it went, and the ladder, being on top of it, slipped into that hole. heavens!" he said, as a cold sweat burst out over him at the thought, "suppose i had made up my mind to cut that bolt! where would i have gone to?" it was not easy to frighten burke, but now he trembled, and his back was chilled. but he soon recovered sufficiently to do something, and going down to the floor of the cave, he picked up a piece of loose stone, and returning to the top of the mound, he looked carefully over the edge of the opening, and let the stone drop into the black hole beneath. with all the powers of his brain he listened, and it seemed to him like half a minute before he heard a faint sound, far, far below. at this moment he was worse frightened than he had ever been in his life. he clambered down to the foot of the mound, and sat down on the floor. "what in the name of all the devils does it mean?" said he; and he set himself to work to think about it, and found this a great deal harder labor than cutting stone. "there was only one thing," he said to himself, at last, "that they could have had that for. the captain says that those ancient fellows put their gold there keep it from the spaniards, and they must have rigged up this devilish contrivance to work if they found the spaniards had got on the track of their treasure. even if the spaniards had let off the water and gone to work to get the gold out, one of the incas' men in the corner of that other cave, which most likely was all shut up and not discoverable, would have got hold of that bar, given it a good pull, and let down all the gold, and what spaniards might happen to be inside, to the very bottom of that black hole. by george! it would have been a pretty trick! the bottom of that mound is just like a funnel, and every stick of gold would have gone down. but, what is more likely, they would have let it out before the spaniards had a chance to open the top, and then, if the ancients had happened to lick the spaniards, they could have got all that gold up again. it might have taken ten or twenty years, but then, the ancients had all the time they wanted." after these reflections, burke sat for a few moments, staring at the lantern. "but, by george!" said he again, speaking aloud, though in low tones, "it makes my blood run cold to think of the captain working day after day, as hard as he could, right over that horrible trap-door. suppose he had moved the bolt in some way! suppose somebody outside had found that slab in the wall and had fooled with the bar! then, there is another thing. suppose, while they were living here, he or the boy had found that bar before he found the dome, and had pulled out the concern to see what it was! bless me! in that case we should all be as poor as rats! bat i must not stop here, or the next watch will be called before i get back. but one thing i'll do before i go. i'll put back that lid. somebody might find the dome in the dark, and tumble into it. why, if a wandering rat should make a slip, and go down into that black hole, it would be enough to make a fellow's blood run cold if he knew of it." without much trouble burke replaced the lid, and then, without further delay, he left the caves. as he hurried along the beach, he debated within himself whether or not he should tell captain horn what he had discovered. "it will be mighty hard on his nerves," said he, "if he comes to know how he squatted and worked for days and weeks over that diabolical trap that opens downward. he's a strong man, but he's got enough on his nerves as it is. no, i won't tell him. he is going to do the handsome thing by us, and it would be mean for me to do the unhandsome thing by him. by george! i don't believe he could sleep for two or three nights if he knew what i know! no, sir! you just keep your mouth shut until we are safe and sound in some civilized spot, with the whole business settled, and shirley and me discharged. then i will tell the captain about it, so that nobody need ever trouble his mind about coming back to look for gold rings and royal mummies. if i don't get back before my watch is called, i'll brazen it out somehow. we've got to twist discipline a little when we are all hard at work at a job like this." he left his shoes on the sand of the cove, and swam to the ship without taking time to undress. he slipped over the taffrail, and had scarcely time to get below and change his clothes before his watch was called. chapter xxxv the captain writes a letter on the afternoon of the next day, the miranda, having taken in water, set sail, and began her long voyage to rio janeiro, and thence to france. now that his labors were over, and the treasure of the incas safely stored in the hold of the brig, where it was ignominiously acting as ballast, captain horn seated himself comfortably in the shade of a sail and lighted his pipe. he was tired of working, tired of thinking, tired of planning--tired in mind, body, and even soul; and the thought that his work was done, and that he was actually sailing away with his great prize, came to him like a breeze from the sea after a burning day. he was not as happy as he should have been. he knew that he was too tired to be as happy as his circumstances demanded, but after a while he would attend better to that business. now he was content to smoke his pipe, and wait, and listen to the distant music from all the different kinds of enjoyment which, in thought, were marching toward him. it was true he was only beginning his long voyage to the land where he hoped to turn his gold into available property. it was true that he might be murdered that night, or some other night, and that when the brig, with its golden cargo, reached port, he might not be in command of her. it was true that a hundred things might happen to prevent the advancing enjoyments from ever reaching him. but ill-omened chances threaten everything that man is doing, or ever can do, and he would not let the thought of them disturb him now. everybody on board the miranda was glad to rest and be happy, according to his methods and his powers of anticipation. as to any present advantage from their success, there was none. the stones and sand they had thrown out had ballasted the brig quite as well as did the gold they now carried. this trite reflection forced itself upon the mind of burke. "captain," said he, "don't you think it would be a good idea to touch somewhere and lay in a store of fancy groceries and saloon-cabin grog? if we can afford to be as jolly as we please, i don't see why we shouldn't begin now." but the captain shook his head. "it would be a dangerous thing," he said, "to put into any port on the west coast of south america with our present cargo on board. we can't make it look like ballast, as i expected we could, for all that bagging gives it a big bulk, and if the custom-house officers came on board, it would not do any good to tell them we are sailing in ballast, if they happened to want to look below." "well, that may be so," said burke. "but what i'd like would be to meet a first-class, double-quick steamer, and buy her, put our treasure on board, and then clap on all steam for france." "all right," said the captain, "but we'll talk about that when we meet a steamer for sale." after a week had passed, and he had begun to feel the advantages of rest and relief from anxiety, captain horn regretted nothing so much as that the _miranda_ was not a steamer, ploughing her swift way over the seas. it must be a long, long time before he could reach those whom he supposed and hoped were waiting for him in france. it had already been a long, long time since they had heard from him. he did not fear that they would suffer because he did not come. he had left them money enough to prevent anything of that sort. he did not know whether or not they were longing to hear from him, but he did know that he wanted them to hear from him. he must yet sail about three thousand miles in the pacific ocean, and then about two thousand more in the atlantic, before he reached rio janeiro, the port for which he had cleared. from there it would be nearly five thousand miles to france, and he did not dare to calculate how long it would take the brig to reach her final destination. this course of thought determined him to send a letter, which would reach paris long before he could arrive there. if they should know that he was on his way home, all might be well, or, at least, better than if they knew nothing about him. it might be a hazardous thing to touch at a port on this coast, but he believed that, if he managed matters properly, he might get a letter ashore without making it necessary for any meddlesome custom-house officers to come aboard and ask questions. accordingly, he decided to stop at valparaiso. he thought it likely that if he did not meet a vessel going into port which would lay to and take his letter, he might find some merchantman, anchored in the roadstead, to which he could send a boat, and on which he was sure to find some one who would willingly post his letter. he wrote a long letter to edna--a straightforward, business-like missive, as his letters had always been, in which, in language which she could understand, but would carry no intelligible idea to any unauthorized person who might open the letter, he gave her an account of what he had done, and which was calculated to relieve all apprehensions, should it be yet a long time before he reached her. he promised to write again whenever there was an opportunity of sending her a letter, and wrote in such a friendly and encouraging manner that he felt sure there would be no reason for any disappointment or anxiety regarding him and the treasure. burke and shirley were a little surprised when they found that the captain had determined to stop at valparaiso, a plan so decidedly opposed to what he had before said on the subject. but when they found it was for the purpose of sending a letter to his wife, and that he intended, if possible, barely to touch and go, they said nothing more, nor did burke make any further allusions to improvement in their store of provisions. when, at last, the captain found himself off valparaiso, it was on a dark, cloudy evening and nothing could be done until the next morning, and they dropped anchor to wait until dawn. as soon as it was light, the captain saw that a british steamer was anchored about a mile from the _miranda_, and he immediately sent a boat, with shirley and two of the negroes, to ask the officer on duty to post his letter when he sent on shore. in a little more than an hour shirley returned, with the report that the first mate of the steamer knew captain horn and would gladly take charge of his letter. the boat was quickly hauled to the davits, and all hands were called to weigh anchor and set sail. but all hands did not respond to the call. one of the negroes, a big, good-natured fellow, who, on account of his unpronounceable african name, had been dubbed "inkspot," was not to be found. this was a very depressing thing, under the circumstances, and it, almost counterbalanced the pleasure the captain felt in having started a letter on its way to his party in france. it seemed strange that inkspot should have deserted the vessel, for it was a long way to the shore, and, besides, what possible reason could he have for leaving his fellow-africans and taking up his lot among absolute strangers? the crew had all worked together so earnestly and faithfully that the captain had come to believe in them and trust them to an extent to which he had never before trusted seamen. the officers held a consultation as to what was to be done, and they very quickly arrived at a decision. to remain at anchor, to send a boat on shore to look for the missing negro, would be dangerous and useless. inquiries about the deserter would provoke inquiries about the brig, and if inkspot really wished to run away from the vessel, it would take a long time to find him and bring him back. the right course was quite plain to every one. having finished the business which brought them there, they must up anchor and sail away as soon as possible. as for the loss of the man, they must bear that as well as they could. whether he had been drowned, eaten by a shark, or had safely reached the shore, he was certainly lost to them. at the best, their crew had been small enough, but six men had sailed a brig, and six men could do it again. so the anchor was weighed, the sails were set, and before a northeast wind the _miranda_ went out to sea as gayly as the nature of her build permitted, which is not saying much. it was a good wind, however, and when the log had been thrown, the captain remarked that the brig was making better time than she had made since they left acapulco. chapter xxxvi a horse-dealer appears on the scene when the brig _miranda_ was lying at anchor in the rackbirds' cove, and mr. george burke had silently left her in order to go on shore and pursue some investigations in which he was interested, his departure from the brig had not been, as he supposed, unnoticed. the big, good-natured african, known as inkspot, had been on watch, and, being himself so very black that he was not generally noticeable in the dark, was standing on a part of the deck from which, without being noticed himself, he saw a person get over the taffrail and slip into the water. he knew this person to be the second mate, and having a high respect and some fear of his superiors, he did not consider it his business to interfere with him. he saw a head above the water, moving toward the shore, but it soon disappeared in the darkness. toward the end of his watch, he had seen mr. burke climb up the vessel's side as silently as he had gone down it, and disappear below. when inkspot went to his hammock, which he did very shortly afterwards, he reflected to the best of his ability upon what he had seen. why did mr. burke slip away from the ship so silently, and come back in the same way? he must have gone ashore, and why did he want no one to know that he had gone? he must have gone to do something he ought not to do, and inkspot could think of nothing wrong that mr. burke would like to do, except to drink whiskey. captain horn was very particular about using spirits on board, and perhaps mr. burke liked whiskey, and could not get it. inkspot knew about the storehouse of the rackbirds, but he did not know what it had contained, or what had been left there. maka had said something about the whiskey having been poured out on the sand, but that might have been said just to keep people away from the place. if there were no whiskey there, why did mr. burke go on shore? now, it so happened that inkspot knew a good deal about whiskey. before he had gone into the service of the rackbirds, he had, at different times, been drunk, and he had the liveliest and most pleasant recollections of these experiences. it had been a long time since he had had enough whiskey to make him feel happy. this had probably been the case with mr. burke, and he had gone on shore, and most likely had had some very happy hours, and had come back without any one knowing where he had gone. the consequence of this train of thought was that inkspot determined that he would go on shore, the next night, and hunt for whiskey. he could do it quite as well as mr. burke had done it, perhaps even better. but the _miranda_ did not remain in the cove the next night, and poor inkspot looked with longing eyes upon the slowly departing spot on the sands where he knew the rackbirds' storehouse was located. the days and nights went on, and in the course of time the _miranda_ anchored in the harbor of valparaiso; and, when this happened, inkspot determined that now would be his chance to go on shore and get a good drink of whiskey--he had money enough for that. he could see the lights of el puerto, or the old town, glittering and beckoning, and they did not appear to be very far off. it would be nothing for him to swim as far as that. inkspot went off his watch at midnight, and he went into the water at fifty minutes to one. he wore nothing but a dark-gray shirt and a pair of thin trousers, and if any one had seen his head and shoulders, it is not likely, unless a good light had been turned on them, that they would have been supposed to be portions of a human form. inkspot was very much at home in the water, and he could swim like a dog or a deer. but it was a long, long swim to those glittering and beckoning lights. at last, however, he reached a pier, and having rested himself on the timbers under it, he cautiously climbed to the top. the pier was deserted, and he walked to the end of it, and entered the town. he knew nothing of valparaiso, except that it was a large city where sailors went, and he was quite sure he could find a shop where they sold whiskey. then he would have a glass--perhaps two--perhaps three--after which he would return to the brig, as mr. burke had done. of course, he would have to do much more swimming than had been necessary for the second mate, but then, he believed himself to be a better swimmer than that gentleman, and he expected to get back a great deal easier than he came, because the whiskey would make him strong and happy, and he could play with the waves. inkspot did find a shop, and a dirty one it was--but they sold whiskey inside, and that was enough for him. with the exception of maka, he was the most intelligent negro among the captain's crew, and he had picked up some words of english and some of spanish. but it was difficult for him to express an idea with these words. among these words, however, was one which he pronounced better than any of the others, and which had always been understood whenever he used it,--whether in english or spanish, no matter what the nationality might be of the person addressed,--and that word was "whiskey." inkspot had one glass, and then another, a third, and a fourth, and then his money gave out--at least, the man who kept the shop insisted, in words that any one could understand, that the silver the big negro had fished out of his dripping pockets would pay for no more drinks. but inkspot had had enough to make him happy. his heart was warm, and his clothes were getting drier. he went out into the glorious night. it was dark and windy, and the sky was cloudy, but to him all things were glorious. he sat down on the pavement in the cosey corner of two walls, and there he slept luxuriously until a policeman came along and arrested him for being drunk in the street. it was two days before inkspot got out of the hands of the police. then he was discharged because the authorities did not desire to further trouble themselves with a stupid fellow who could give no account of himself, and had probably wandered from a vessel in port. the first thing he did was to go out to the water's edge and look out over the harbor, but although he saw many ships, his sharp eyes told him that not one of them was the brig he had left. after an hour or two of wandering up and down the waterside, he became sure that there was no vessel in that harbor waiting for him to swim to her. then he became equally certain that he was very hungry. it was not long, however, before a good, strong negro like inkspot found employment. it was not necessary for him to speak very much spanish, or any other language, to get a job at carrying things up a gang-plank, and, in pay for this labor, he willingly took whatever was given him. that night, with very little money in his pocket, inkspot entered a tavern, a low place, but not so low as the one he had patronized on his arrival in valparaiso. he had had a meagre supper, and now possessed but money enough to pay for one glass of whiskey, and having procured this, he seated himself on a stool in a corner, determined to protract his enjoyment as long as possible. where he would sleep that night he knew not, but it was not yet bedtime, and he did not concern himself with the question. near by, at a table, were seated four men, drinking, smoking, and talking. two of these were sailors. another, a tall, dark man with a large nose, thin at the bridge and somewhat crooked below, was dressed in very decent shore clothes, but had a maritime air about him, notwithstanding. the fourth man, as would have been evident to any one who understood spanish, was a horse-dealer, and the conversation, when inkspot entered the place, was entirely about horses. but inkspot did not know this, as he understood so few of the words that he heard, and he would not have been interested if he had understood them. the horse-dealer was the principal spokesman, but he would have been a poor representative of the shrewdness of his class, had he been trying to sell horses to sailors. he was endeavoring to do nothing of the kind. these men were his friends, and he was speaking to them, not of the good qualities of his animals, but of the credulous natures of his customers. to illustrate this, he drew from his pocket a small object which he had received a few days before for some horses which might possibly be worth their keep, although he would not be willing to guarantee this to any one at the table. the little object which he placed on the table was a piece of gold about two inches long, and shaped like an irregular prism. this, he said, he had received in trade from a man in santiago, who had recently come down from lima. the man had bought it from a jeweller, who had others, and who said he understood they had come from california. the jeweller had owed the man money, and the latter had taken this, not as a curiosity, for it was not much of a curiosity, as they could all see, but because the jeweller told him exactly how much it was worth, and because it was safer than money to carry, and could be changed into current coin in any part of the world. the point of the horse-dealer's remarks was, however, the fact that not only had he sold his horses to the man from lima for very much more than they were worth, but he had made him believe that this lump of gold was not worth as much as he had been led to suppose, that the jeweller had cheated him, and that californian gold was not easily disposed of in chili or peru, for it was of a very inferior quality to the gold of south america. so he had made his trade, and also a profit, not only on the animals he delivered, but on the pay he received. he had had the little lump weighed and tested, and knew exactly how much it was worth. when the horse-dealer had finished this pleasant tale, he laughed loudly, and the three other men laughed also because they had keen wits and appreciated a good story of real life. but their laughter was changed to astonishment--almost fright--when a big black negro bounded out of a dark corner and stood by the table, one outstretched ebony finger pointing to the piece of gold. instantly the horse dealer snatched his treasure and thrust it into his pocket, and almost at the same moment each man sprung to his feet and put his hand on his favorite weapon. but the negro made no attempt to snatch the gold, nor did there seem to be any reason to apprehend an attack from him. he stood slapping his thighs with his hands, his mouth in a wide grin, and his eyes sparkling in apparent delight. "what is the matter with you?" shouted the horse-dealer. "what do you want?" inkspot did not understand what had been said to him, nor could he have told what he wanted, for he did not know. at that moment he knew nothing, he comprehended nothing, but he felt as a stranger in a foreign land would feel should he hear some words in his native tongue. the sight of that piece of gold had given to inkspot, by one quick flash, a view of his negro friends and companions, of captain horn and his two white men, of the brig he had left, of the hammock in which he had slept--of all, in fact, that he now cared for on earth. he had seen pieces of gold like that. before all the treasure had been carried from the caves to the _miranda_, the supply of coffee-bags had given out, and during the last days of the loading it had been necessary to tie up the gold in pieces of sail-cloth, after the fashion of a wayfarer's bundle. before these had been put on board, their fastening had been carefully examined, and some of them had been opened and retied. thus all the negroes had seen the little bars, for, as they knew the bags contained gold, there was no need of concealing from them the shape and size of the contents. so, when, sitting in his gloomy corner, his spirits slowly rising under the influence of his refreshment, which he had just finished, he saw before him an object which recalled to him the life and friends of which he had bereft himself, inkspot's nature took entire possession of him, and he bounded to the table in ecstatic recognition of the bit of metal. the men now swore at inkspot, but as they saw he was unarmed, and not inclined to violence, they were not afraid of him, but they wondered at him. the horse-dealer took the piece of gold out of his pocket and held it in his hand. "did you ever see anything like that before?" he asked. he was a shrewd man, the horse-dealer, and really wanted to know what was the matter with the negro. inkspot did not answer, but jabbered in african. "try him in english," suggested the thin-nosed man, and this the horse-dealer did. many of the english words inkspot understood. he had seen things like that. yes, yes! great heaps! heaps! bags! bags! he carried them! throwing an imaginary package over his shoulder, he staggered under it across the floor. heaps! piles! bags! days and days and days he carried many bags! then, in a state of exalted mental action, produced by his recollections and his whiskey, he suddenly conceived a scorn for a man who prized so highly just one of these lumps, and who was nearly frightened out of his wits if a person merely pointed to it. he shrugged his shoulders, he spread out the palms of his hands toward the piece of gold, he turned away his head and walked off sniffing. then he came back and pointed to it, and, saying "one!" he laughed, and then he said "one!" and laughed again. suddenly he became possessed with a new idea. his contemptuous manner dropped from him, and in eager excitement he leaned forward and exclaimed: "cap' 'or?" the four men looked at each other and at him in wonder, and asked what, in the name of his satanic majesty, the fellow was driving at. this apparent question, now repeated over and over again in turn to each of them, they did not understand at all. but they could comprehend that the negro had carried bags of lumps like that. this was very interesting. chapter xxxvii the "arato" the subject of the labors of an african hercules, mythical as these labors might be, was so interesting to the four men who had been drinking and smoking in the tavern, that they determined to pursue it as far as their ignorance of the african's language, and his ignorance of english and spanish, would permit. in the first place, they made him sit down with them, and offered him something to drink. it was not whiskey, but inkspot liked it very much, and felt all sorts of good effects from it. in fact, it gave him a power of expressing himself by gestures and single words in a manner wonderful. after a time, the men gave him something to eat, for they imagined he might be hungry, and this also helped him very much, and his heart went out to these new friends. then he had a little more to drink, but only a little, for the horse-dealer and the thin-nosed man, who superintended the entertainment, were very sagacious, and did not want him to drink too much. in the course of an hour, these four men, listening and watching keenly and earnestly, had become convinced that this black man had been on a ship which carried bags of gold similar to the rude prism possessed by the horse-dealer, that he had left that vessel for the purpose of obtaining refreshments on shore and had not been able to get back to it, thereby indicating that the vessel had not stopped long at the place where he had left it, and which place must have been, of course, valparaiso. moreover, they found out to their full satisfaction where that vessel was going to; for maka had talked a great deal about paris, which he pronounced in english fashion, where cheditafa and mok were, and the negroes had looked forward to this unknown spot as a heavenly port, and inkspot could pronounce the word "paris" almost as plainly as if it were a drink to which he was accustomed. but where the vessel was loaded with the gold, they could not find out. no grimace that inkspot could make, nor word that he could say, gave them an idea worth dwelling upon. he said some words which made them believe that the vessel had cleared from acapulco, but it was foolish to suppose that any vessel had been loaded there with bags of gold carried on men's shoulders. the ship most probably came from california, and had touched at the mexican port. and she was now bound for paris. that was natural enough. paris was a very good place to which to take gold. moreover, she had probably touched at some south american port, callao perhaps, and this was the way the little pieces of gold had been brought into the country, the californians probably having changed them for stores. the words "cap' 'or," often repeated by the negro, and always in a questioning tone, puzzled them very much. they gave up its solution, and went to work to try to make out the name of the vessel upon which the bags had been loaded. but here inkspot could not help them. they could not make him understand what it was they wanted him to say. at last, the horse-dealer proposed to the others, who, he said, knew more about such things than he did, that they should repeat the name of every sailing-vessel on that coast of which they had ever heard--for inkspot had made them understand that his ship had sails, and no steam. this they did, and presently one of the sailors mentioned the name _miranda_, which belonged to a brig he knew of which plied on the coast. at this, inkspot sprang to his feet and clapped his hands. _"miran'a! miran'a.'"_ he cried. and then followed the words, "cap' 'or! cap' 'or!" in eagerly excited tones. suddenly the thin-nosed man, whom the others called cardatas, leaned forward. "cap'n horn?" said he. inkspot clapped his hands again, and exclaimed: "ay, ay! cap' 'or! cap' 'or!" he shouted the words so loudly that the barkeeper, at the other end of the room, called out gruffly that they'd better keep quiet, or they would have somebody coming in. "there you have it!" exclaimed cardatas, in spanish. "it's cap'n horn that the fool's been trying to say. cap'n horn of the brig _miranda_. we are getting on finely." "i have heard of a cap'n horn," said one of the sailors. "he's a yankee skipper from california. he has sailed from this port, i know." "and he touched here three days ago, according to the negro," said cardatas, addressing the horse-dealer. "what do you say to that, nunez? from what we know, i don't think it will be hard to find out more." nunez agreed with him, and thought it might pay to find out more. soon after this, being informed that it was time to shut up the place, the four men went out, taking inkspot with them. they would not neglect this poor fellow. they would give him a place to sleep, and in the morning he should have something to eat. it would be very unwise to let him go from them at present. the next morning inkspot strolled about the wharves of valparaiso, in company with the two sailors, who never lost sight of him, and he had rather a pleasant time, for they gave him as much to eat and drink as was good for him, and made him understand as well as they could that it would not be long before they would help him to return to the brig _miranda_ commanded by captain horn. in the meantime, the horse-dealer, nunez, went to a newspaper office, and there procured a file of a mexican paper, for the negro had convinced them that his vessel had sailed from acapulco. turning over the back numbers week after week, and week after week, nunez searched in the maritime news for the information that the _miranda_ had cleared from a mexican port. he had gone back so far that he had begun to consider it useless to make further search, when suddenly he caught the name _miranda_. there it was. the brig _miranda_ had cleared from acapulco september 16, bound for rio janeiro in ballast. nunez counted the months on his fingers. "five months ago!" he said to himself. "that's not this trip, surely. but i will talk to cardatas about that." and taking from his pocket a little note-book in which he recorded his benefactions in the line of horse trades, he carefully copied the paragraph concerning the _miranda_. when nunez met cardatas in the afternoon, the latter also had news. he had discovered that the arrival of the _miranda_ had not been registered, but he had been up and down the piers, asking questions, and he had found a mate of a british steamer, then discharging her cargo, who told him that the _miranda_, commanded by captain horn, had anchored in the harbor three days back, during the night, and that early the next morning captain horn had sent him a letter which he wished posted, and that very soon afterwards the brig had put out to sea. cardatas wished to know much more, but the mate, who had had but little conversation with shirley, could only tell him that the brig was then bound from acapulco to rio janeiro in ballast, which he thought rather odd, but all he could add was that he knew captain horn, and he was a good man, and that if he were sailing in ballast, he supposed he knew what he was about. nunez then showed cardatas the note he had made, and remarked that, of course, it could not refer to the present voyage of the brig, for it could not take her five months to come from acapulco to this port. "no," said the other, musing, "it oughtn't to, but, on the other hand, it is not likely she is on her second voyage to rio, and both times in ballast. that's all stuff about ballast. no man would be such a fool as to sail pretty nigh all around this continent in ballast. he could find some cargo in mexico that he could sell when he got to port. besides, if that black fellow don't lie,--and he don't know enough to lie,--she's bound for paris. it's more likely she means to touch at rio and take over some cargo. but why, in the devil's name, should she sail from acapulco in ballast? it looks to me as if bags of gold might make very good ballast." "that's just what i was thinking," said nunez. "and what's more," said the other, "i'll bet she brought it down from california with her when she arrived at acapulco. i don't believe she originally cleared from there." "it looks that way," said nunez, "but how do you account for such a long voyage?" "i've been talking to sanchez about that _miranda_," said cardatas. "he has heard that she is an old tub, and a poor sailer, and in that case five months is not such a very slow voyage. i have known of slower voyages than that." "and now what are you going to do about it?" asked nunez. "the first thing i want to do is to pump that black fellow a little more." "a good idea," said nunez, "and we'll go and do it." poor inkspot was pumped for nearly an hour, but not much was got out of him. the only feature of his information that was worth anything was the idea that he managed to convey that ballast, consisting of stones and bags of sand, had been taken out of the brig and thrown away, and bags of gold put in their places. where this transfer had taken place, the negro could not make his questioners understand, and he was at last remanded to the care of sanchez and the other sailor. "the black fellow can't tell us much," said cardatas to nunez, as they walked away together, "but he has stuck to his story well, and there can't be any use of his lying about it. and there is another thing. what made the brig touch here just long enough to leave a letter, and that after a voyage of five months? that looks as if they were afraid some of their people would go on shore and talk." "in that case," said nunez, "i should say there is something shady about the business. perhaps this captain has slipped away from his partners up there in california, or somebody who has been up to a trick has hired him to take the gold out of the country. if he does carry treasure, it isn't a fair and square thing. if it had been fair, the gold would have been sent in the regular way, by a steamer. it's no crime to send gold from california to france, or any other place." "i agree with you," said cardatas, as he lighted his twenty-seventh cigarette. nunez did not smoke, but he mused as he walked along. "if she has gold on board," said he, presently, "it must be a good deal." "yes," said the other. "they wouldn't take so much trouble for a small lot. of course, there can't be enough of it to take the place of all the ballast, but it must weigh considerable." here the two men were joined by an acquaintance, and their special conversation ceased. that night they met again. "what are you going to do about this?" asked nunez. "we can't keep on supporting that negro." "what is to be done?" asked the other, his sharp eyes fixed upon his companion's face. "would it pay to go over to rio and meet that brig when she arrives there? if we could get on board and have a talk with her captain, he might be willing to act handsomely when he found out we know something about him and his ship. and if he won't do that, we might give information, and have his vessel held until the authorities in california can be communicated with. then i should say we ought to make something." "i don't think much of that plan," said cardatas. "i don't believe she's going to touch at rio. if she's afraid to go into port here, why shouldn't she be afraid to go into port there? no. it would be stupid for us to go to rio and sit down and wait for her." "then," answered the other, a little angrily, "what can be done?" "we can go after her," said cardatas. the other sneered. "that would be more stupid than the other," said he. "she left here four days ago, and we could never catch up with her, even if we could find such a pin-point of a vessel on the great pacific." cardatas laughed. "you don't know much about navigation," said he, "but that's not to be expected. with a good sailing-vessel i could go after her, and overhaul her somewhere in the straits of magellan. with such a cargo, i am sure she would make for the straits. that captain horn is said to be a good sailor, and the fact that he is in command of such a tub as the _miranda_ is a proof that there is something underhand about his business." "and if we should overhaul her?" said the other. "well," was the reply, "we might take along a dozen good fellows, and as the _miranda_ has only three men on board,--i don't count negroes worth anything,--i don't see why we couldn't induce the captain to talk reasonably to us. as for a vessel, there's the _arato_." "your vessel?" said the other. "yes, i own a small share in her, and she's here in port now, waiting for a cargo." "i forget what sort of a craft she is," said nunez. "she's a schooner," said the other, "and she can sail two miles to the _miranda's_ one in any kind of weather. if i had money enough, i could get the _arato_, put a good crew on board, and be at sea and on the wake of that brig in twenty-four hours." "and how much money would be needed?" asked the other. "that remains to be calculated," replied cardatas. then the two went to work to calculate, and spent an hour or two at it. when they parted, nunez had not made up his mind that the plan of cardatas was a good one, but he told him to go ahead and see what could be done about getting the _arato_ and a reliable crew, and that he would talk further to him about the matter. that night nunez took a train for santiago, and on his arrival there, the next morning, he went straight to the shop of the jeweller of whom had been obtained the piece of gold in his possession. here he made some cautious inquiries, and found the jeweller very ready to talk about the piece of gold that nunez showed him. the jeweller said that he had had four pieces of the gold in his possession, and that he had bought them in lima to use in his business. they had originally come from california, and were very fine gold. he had been a little curious about it on account of the shape of the pieces, and had been told that they had been brought into the country by an american sea-captain, who had seemed to have a good many of them. the jeweller thought it very likely that these pieces of gold passed for currency in california, for he had heard that at one time the people there had had to make their own currency, and that they often paid for merchandise in so many penny-weights and ounces of gold instead of using coin. the jeweller was himself very glad to do business in this way, for he liked the feel of a lump of gold. after explaining that his reason for making these inquiries was his fear that the piece of gold he had accepted in trade because he also liked the feel of lumps of gold, might not be worth what he had given for it, nunez thanked the jeweller, left him, and returned to valparaiso. he went straight to his friend cardatas, and said that he would furnish the capital to fit out the _arato_ for the projected trip. it was not in twenty-four hours, but in forty-eight, that the schooner _arato_ cleared from valparaiso for callao in ballast. she had a good set of sails, and a crew of ten men besides the captain. she also had on board a passenger, nunez by name, and a tall negro, who doubtless could turn his hand to some sort of work on board, and whom it would have been very indiscreet to leave behind. once outside the harbor, the _arato_ changed her mind about going to callao, and sailed southward. chapter xxxviii the coast of patagonia for about ten days after the brig _miranda_ left valparaiso she had good winds and fair weather, and her progress was satisfactory to all on board, but at the end of that time she entered upon a season of head winds and bad weather. the vessel behaved very well in the stormy days that followed, but she made very little headway. her course was now laid toward the gulf of penas, after reaching which she would sail along the protected waterways between the chain of islands which lie along the coast and the mainland, and which lead into the straits of magellan. when the weather at last changed and the sea became smoother, it was found that the working and straining of the masts during the violent weather had opened some of the seams of the brig, and that she was taking in water. she was a good vessel, but she was an old one, and she had had a rough time of it. the captain thanked his stars that she had not begun to leak before the storm. the short-handed crew went to work at the pumps, but, after two days' hard labor, it was found that the water in the hold steadily gained upon the pumps, and there was no doubt that the _miranda_ was badly strained. according to a report from burke, the water came in forward, aft, and midships. matters were now getting very serious, and the captain and his two mates consulted together, while the three negroes pumped. it was plain to all of them that if the water kept on gaining, it would not be long before the brig must go to the bottom. to keep her afloat until they reached a port would be impossible. to reach the shore in the boats was quite possible, for they were not a hundred miles from land. but to carry their treasure to land in two small boats was a thing which need not even be considered. all agreed that there was but one thing to be done. the brig must be headed to land, and if she could be kept afloat until she neared one of the great islands which lie along the patagonian coast, she might be run into some bay or protected cove, where she could be beached, or where, if she should sink, it might be in water so shallow that all hope of getting at her treasure would not have to be abandoned. in any case, the sooner they got to the shore, the better for them. so the brig's bow was turned eastward, and the pumps were worked harder than ever. there was a good wind, and, considering that the _miranda_ was steadily settling deeper and deeper, she made very fair progress, and in less than two days after she had changed her course, land was sighted. not long after, captain horn began to hope that if the wind held, and the brig could keep above water for an hour or so, he could double a small headland which now showed itself plainly a couple of miles away, and might be able to beach his vessel. what a dreary, depressing hope it was that now possessed the souls of captain horn, of burke and shirley, and of even the three negroes! after all the hardships, the labor, and the anxieties, after all the joy of success and escape from danger, after all happy chances which had come in various ways and from various directions, after the sweet delights of rest, after the super-exultation of anticipation which no one on board had been able to banish from his mind, there was nothing left to them now but the eager desire that their vessel might keep afloat until she could find some friendly sands on which she might be run, or some shallow water in which she might sink and rest there on the wild patagonian coast, leaving them far from human beings of any kind, far from help, far, perhaps, from rescue and even safety. to this one object each man gave his entire energy, his mind, and his body. steadily went the pumps, steadily the captain kept his eyes fixed upon the approaching headland, and upon the waters beyond, and steadily, little by little, the _miranda_ sunk lower and lower into the sea. at last the headland was reached, and on its ocean side the surf beat high. keeping well away to avoid shoals or a bar, the _miranda_ passed the southern point of the headland, and slowly sailed into a little bay. to the left lay the rocky ridge which formed the headland, and less than half a mile away could be seen the shining sands of the smooth beach. toward this beach the _miranda_ was now headed, every sail upon her set, and every nerve upon her strung to its tightest. they went in upon a flood-tide. if he had believed that the brig would float so long, captain horn would have waited an hour until the tide was high, so that he might run his vessel farther up upon the beach, but he could not wait, and with a strong west wind he steered straight for the sands. there was a hissing under the bows, and a shock which ran through the vessel from stem to stern, and then grinding and grinding and grinding until all motion ceased, and a gentle surf began to curl itself against the stern of the brig. every halliard was let go, and down came every sail by the run, and then the brig _miranda_ ended this voyage, and all others, upon the shore of a desolate patagonian island. between the vessel and dry land there was about a hundred feet of water, but this would be much less when the tide went out. beyond the beach was a stretch of sandy hillocks, or dunes, and back of these was a mass of scrubby thicket, with here and there a low tree, and still farther back was seen the beginning of what might be a forest. it was a different coast from the desolate shores of peru. burke came aft to the captain. "here we are, sir," said he, "and what's to happen next?" "happen!" exclaimed the captain. "we must not wait for things to happen! what we've got to do is to step around lively, and get the gold out of this brig before the wind changes and drives her out into deep water." burke put his hands into his pockets. "is there any good of it, captain?" said he. "will we be any better off with the bags on that shore than we would be if they were sunk in this bay?" "good of it!" exclaimed the captain. "don't talk that way, burke. if we can get it on shore, there is a chance for us. but if it goes to the bottom, out in deep water, there is none. there is no time to talk now. what we must do is to go to work." "yes," said burke, "whatever happens, it is always work. but i'm in for it, as long as i hold together. but we've got to look out that some of those black fellows don't drop over the bow, and give us the slip." "they'll starve if they do," said the captain, "for not a biscuit, or a drop of water, goes ashore until the gold is out of the hold." burke shook his head. "we'll do what we can, captain," said he, "but that hold's a regular fishpond, and we'll have to dive for the bags." "all right," said the captain, "dive let it be." the work of removing the gold began immediately. tackle was rigged. the negroes went below to get out the bags, which were hauled up to the deck in a tub. when a moderate boat-load had been taken out, a boat was lowered and manned, and the bags passed down to it. in the first boat the captain went ashore. he considered it wise to land the treasure as fast as it could be taken out of the hold, for no one could know at what time, whether on account of wind from shore or waves from the sea, the vessel might slip out into deep water. this was a slower method than if everybody had worked at getting the gold on deck, and then everybody had worked at getting it ashore, but it was a safer plan than the other, for if an accident should occur, if the brig should be driven off the sand, they would have whatever they had already landed. as this thought passed through the mind of the captain, he could not help a dismal smile. "have!" said he to himself. "it may be that we shall have it as that poor fellow had his bag of gold, when he lay down on his back to die there in the wild desert." but no one would have imagined that such an idea had come into the captain's mind. he worked as earnestly, and as steadily, as if he had been landing an ordinary cargo at an ordinary dock. the captain and the men in the boat carried the bags high up on the beach, out of any danger from tide or surf, and laid them in a line along the sand. the captain ordered this because it would be easier to handle them afterwards--if it should ever be necessary to handle them--than if they had been thrown into piles. if they should conclude to bury them, it would be easier and quicker to dig a trench along the line, and tumble them in, than to make the deep holes that would otherwise be necessary. until dark that day, and even after dark, they worked, stopping only for necessary eating and drinking. the line of bags upon the shore had grown into a double one, and it became necessary for the men, sometimes the white and sometimes the black, to stoop deeper and deeper into the water of the hold to reach the bags. but they worked on bravely. in the early dawn of the next morning they went to work again. not a negro had given the ship the slip, nor were there any signs that one of them had thought of such a thing. backward and forward through the low surf went the boat, and longer and wider and higher grew the mass of bags upon the beach. it was the third day after they had reached shore that the work was finished. every dripping bag had been taken out of the hold, and the captain had counted them all as they had been put ashore, and verified the number by the record in his pocket-book. when the lower tiers of bags had been reached, they had tried pumping out the water, but this was of little use. the brig had keeled over on her starboard side, and early in the morning of the third day, when the tide was running out, a hole had been cut in that side of the vessel, out of which a great portion of the water she contained had run. it would all come in again, and more of it, when the tide rose, but they were sure they could get through their work before that, and they were right. the bags now lay upon the beach in the shape of a long mound, not more than three feet high, and about four rows wide at the bottom and two at the top. the captain had superintended the arrangement of the bags, and had so shaped the mass that it somewhat resembled in form the dunes of sand which lay behind it. no matter what might be their next step, it would probably be advisable to conceal the bags, and the captain had thought that the best way to do this would be to throw sand over the long mound, in which work the prevailing western winds would be likely to assist, and thus make it look like a natural sand-hill. burke and shirley were in favor of burial, but the consideration of this matter was deferred, for there was more work to be done, which must be attended to immediately. now provisions, water, and everything else that might be of value was taken out of the brig and carried to shore. two tents were constructed out of sails and spars, and the little party established themselves upon the beach. what would be their next work they knew not, but they must first rest from their long season of heavy labor. the last days had been harder even than the days of storm and the days of pumping. they had eaten hurriedly and slept but little. regular watches and irregular watches had been kept--watches against storm, which might sweep the brig with all on board out to sea, watches against desertion, watches against they knew not what. as chief watcher, the captain had scarcely slept at all. it had been dreary work, unrelieved by hope, uncheered by prospect of success; for not one of them, from the captain down, had any definite idea as to what was to be done after they had rested enough to act. but they rested, and they went so far as to fill their pipes and stretch themselves upon the sand. when night came on, chilly and dark, they gathered driftwood and dead branches from the thicket and built a camp-fire. they sat around it, and smoked their pipes, but they did not tell stories, nor did they talk very much. they were glad to rest, they were glad to keep warm, but that was all. the only really cheerful thing upon the beach was the fire, which leaped high and blazed merrily as the dried wood was heaped upon it. chapter xxxix shirley spies a sail when the _arato_ changed her mind about going to callao, and sailed southward some five days after the _miranda_ had started on the same course, she had very good weather for the greater part of a week, and sailed finely. cardatas, who owned a share in her, had sailed upon her as first mate, but he had never before commanded her. he was a good navigator, however, and well fitted for the task he had undertaken. he was a sharp fellow, and kept his eyes on everybody, particularly upon nunez, who, although a landsman, and in no wise capable of sailing a ship, was perfectly capable of making plans regarding any vessel in which he was interested, especially when such a vessel happened to be sailing in pursuit of treasure, the value of which was merely a matter of conjecture. it was not impossible that the horse-dealer, who had embarked money in this venture, might think that one of the mariners on board might be able to sail the schooner as well as cardatas, and would not expect so large a share of the profits should the voyage be successful. but when the storms came on, nunez grew sick and unhappy, and retired below, and he troubled the mind of cardatas no more for the present. the _arato_ sailed well with a fair wind, but in many respects she was not as good a sea-boat in a storm as the _miranda_ had proved to be, and she had been obliged to lie to a great deal through the days and nights of high winds and heavy seas. having never had, until now, the responsibility of a vessel upon him, cardatas was a good deal more cautious and prudent, perhaps, than captain horn would have been had he been in command of the _arato_. among other methods of precaution which cardatas thought it wise to take, he steered well out from the coast, and thus greatly lengthened his course, and at last, when a clearing sky enabled him to take an observation, he found himself so far to the westward that he changed his course entirely and steered for the southeast. notwithstanding all these retarding circumstances, cardatas did not despair of overhauling the _miranda_. he was sure she would make for the straits, and he did not in the least doubt that, with good winds, he could overtake her before she reached them, and even if she did get out of them, he could still follow her. his belief that the _arato_ could sail two miles to the _miranda's_ one was still unshaken. the only real fear he had was that the _miranda_ might have foundered in the storm. if that should happen to be the case, their voyage would be a losing one, indeed, but he said nothing of his fears to nunez. the horse-dealer was now on deck again, in pretty fair condition, but he was beginning to be despondent. after such an awful storm, and in all that chaos of waves, what chance was there of finding a little brig such as they were after? "but vessels sail in regular courses," cardatas said to him. "they don't go meandering all over the ocean. if they are bound for any particular place, they go there on the shortest safe line they can lay down on the map. we can go on that line, too, although we may be thrown out of it by storms. but we can strike it again, and then all we have to do is to keep on it as straight as we can, and we are bound to overtake another vessel on the same course, provided we sail faster than she does. it is all plain enough, don't you see?" nunez could not help seeing, but he was a little cross, nevertheless. the map and the ocean were wonderfully different. the wind had changed, and the _arato_ did not make very good sailing on her southeastern course. high as was her captain's opinion of her, she never had sailed, nor ever could sail, two miles to the _miranda's_ one, although she was a good deal faster than the brig. but she was fairly well handled, and in due course of time she approached so near the coast that her lookout sighted land, which land cardatas, consulting his chart, concluded must be one of the patagonian islands to the north of the gulf of penas. as night came on, cardatas determined to change his course somewhat to the south, as he did not care to trust himself too near the coast, when suddenly the lookout reported a light on the port bow. cardatas had sailed down this coast before, but he had never heard of a lighthouse in the region, and with his glass he watched the light. but he could not make it out. it was a strange light, for sometimes it was bright and sometimes dull, then it would increase greatly and almost fade away again. "it looks like a fire on shore," said he, and some of the other men who took the glass agreed with him. "and what does that mean?" asked nunez. "i don't know," replied cardatas, curtly. "how should i? but one thing i do know, and that is that i shall lie to until morning, and then we can feel our way near to the coast and see what it does mean." "but what do you want to know for?" asked nunez. "i suppose somebody on shore has built a fire. is there any good stopping for that? we have lost a lot of time already." "i am going to lie to, anyway," said cardatas. "when we are on such business as ours, we should not pass anything without understanding it." cardatas had always supposed that these islands were uninhabited, and he could not see why anybody should be on one of them making a fire, unless it were a case of shipwreck. if a ship had been wrecked, it was not at all impossible that the _miranda_ might be the unfortunate vessel. in any case, it would be wise to lie to, and look into the matter by daylight. if the _miranda_ had gone down at sea, and her crew had reached land in boats, the success of the _arato's_ voyage would be very dubious. and should this misfortune have happened, he must be careful about nunez when he came to hear of it. when he turned into his hammock that night, cardatas had made up his mind that, if he should discover that the _miranda_ had gone to the bottom, it would be a very good thing if arrangements could be made for nunez to follow her. that night the crew of the miranda slept well and enjoyed the first real rest they had had since the storm. no watch was kept, for they all thought it would be an unnecessary hardship. the captain awoke at early dawn, and, as he stepped out of the tent, he glanced over sea and land. there were no signs of storm, the brig had not slipped out into deep water, their boats were still high and dry upon the beach, and there was something encouraging in the soft, early light and the pleasant morning air. he was surprised, however, to find that he was not the first man out. on a piece of higher ground, a little back from the tents, shirley was standing, a glass to his eye. "what do you see?" cried the captain. "a sail!" returned shirley. at this every man in the tents came running out. even to the negroes the words, "a sail," had the startling effect which they always have upon ship-wrecked men. the effect upon captain horn was a strange one, and he could scarcely understand it himself. it was amazing that succor, if succor it should prove to be, had arrived so quickly after their disaster. but not-withstanding the fact that he would be overjoyed to be taken off that desolate coast, he could not help a strong feeling of regret that a sail had appeared so soon. if they had had time to conceal their treasure, all might have been well. with the bags of gold buried in a trench, or covered with sand so as to look like a natural mound, he and his sailors might have been taken off merely as shipwrecked sailors, and carried to some port where he might charter another vessel and come back after his gold. but now he knew that whoever landed on this beach must know everything, for it would be impossible to conceal the contents of that long pile of bags, and what consequences might follow upon such knowledge it was impossible for him to imagine. burke had very much the same idea. "by george, captain!" said he, "it is a great pity that she came along so soon. what do you say? shall we signal her or not? we want to get away, but it would be beastly awkward for anybody to come ashore just now. i wish we had buried the bags as fast as we brought them ashore." the captain did not answer. perhaps it might be as well not to signal her. and yet, this might be their only chance of rescue! "what do you say to jumping into the boats and rowing out to meet them?" asked burke. "we'd have to leave the bags uncovered, but we might get to a port, charter some sort of a craft, and get back for the bags before any other vessel came so near the coast." "i don't see what made this one come so near," said shirley, "unless it was our fire last night. she might have thought that was a signal." "i shouldn't wonder," said the captain, who held the glass. "but we needn't trouble ourselves about going out in boats, for she is making straight for land." "that's so," said shirley, who could now see this for himself, for the light was rapidly growing stronger. "she must have seen our fire last night. shall i hoist a signal?" "no," said the captain. "wait!" they waited to see what this vessel was going to do. perhaps she was only tacking. but what fool of a skipper would run so close to the shore for the sake of tacking! they watched her eagerly, but not one of the white men would have been wholly disappointed if the schooner, which they could now easily make out, had changed her course and gone off on a long tack to the southwest. but she was not tacking. she came rapidly on before a stiff west wind. there was no need of getting out boats to go to meet her. she was south of the headland, but was steering directly toward it. they could see what sort of craft she was--a long schooner, painted green, with all sails set. very soon they could see the heads of the men on board. then she came nearer and nearer to land, until she was less than half a mile from shore. then she shot into the wind; her sails fluttered; she lay almost motionless, and her head-sails were lowered. "that's just as if they were coming into port," said burke. "yes," said shirley, "i expect they intend to drop anchor." this surmise was correct, for, as he spoke, the anchor went down with a splash. "they're very business-like," said burke. "look at them. they are lowering a boat." "a boat!" exclaimed shirley, "they're lowering two of them." the captain knit his brows. this was extraordinary action on the part of the vessel. why did she steer so straight for land? why did she so quickly drop anchor and put out two boats? could it be that this vessel had been on their track? could it be that the peruvian government--but he could not waste time in surmise as to what might be. they must act, not conjecture. it was not a minute before the captain made up his mind how they should act. five men were in each boat, and with a glass it was easy to see that some of them carried guns. "get your rifles!" cried he to shirley and burke, and he rushed for his own. the arms and ammunition had been all laid ready in the tent, and in a moment each one of the white men had a rifle and a belt of cartridges. for the blacks there were no guns, as they would not have known how to use them, but they ran about in great excitement, each with his knife drawn, blindly ready to do whatever should be ordered. the poor negroes were greatly frightened. they had but one idea about the approaching boats: they believed that the men in them were rackbirds coming to wreak vengeance upon them. the same idea had come into the mind of the captain. some of the rackbirds had gone back to the cove. they had known that there had been people there. they had made investigations, and found the cave and the empty mound, and in some way had discovered that the _miranda_ had gone off with its contents. perhaps the black fellow who had deserted the vessel at valparaiso had betrayed them. he hurriedly mentioned his suspicions to his companions. "i shouldn't wonder," said burke, "if that inkspot had done it. perhaps he could talk a good deal better than we thought. but i vow i wouldn't have supposed that he would be the man to go back on us. i thought he was the best of the lot." "get behind that wall of bags," cried the captain, "every one of you. whoever they are, we will talk to them over a breastwork." "i think we shall have to do more than talk," said burke, "for a blind man could see that there are guns in those boats." chapter xl the battle of the golden wall the five men now got behind the barrier of bags, but, before following them, captain horn, with the butt of his rifle, drew a long, deep furrow in the sand about a hundred feet from the breastwork of bags, and parallel with it. then he quickly joined the others. the three white men stationed themselves a little distance apart, and each moved a few of the top bags so as to get a good sight between them, and not expose themselves too much. as the boats came on, the negroes crouched on the sand, entirely out of sight, while shirley and burke each knelt down behind the barrier, with his rifle laid in a crevice in the top. the captain's rifle was in his hand, but he did not yet prepare for action. he stooped down, but his head was sufficiently above the barrier to observe everything. the two boats came rapidly on, and were run up on the beach, and the men jumped out and drew them up, high and safe. then, without the slightest hesitation, the ten of them, each with a gun in his hand, advanced in a body toward the line of bags. "ahoy!" shouted the captain, suddenly rising from behind the barrier. "who are you, and what do you want?" he said this in english, but immediately repeated it in spanish. "ahoy, there!" cried cardatas. "are you captain horn?" "yes, i am," said the captain, "and you must halt where you are. the first man who passes that line is shot." cardatas laughed, and so did some of the others, but they all stopped. "we'll stop here a minute to oblige you," said cardatas, "but we've got something to say to you, and you might as well listen to it." shirley and burke did not understand a word of these remarks, for they did not know spanish, but each of them kept his eye running along the line of men who still stood on the other side of the furrow the captain had made in the sand, and if one of them had raised his gun to fire at their skipper, it is probable that he would have dropped. shirley and burke had been born and bred in the country; they were hunters, and were both good shots. it was on account of their fondness for sport that they had been separated from the rest of their party on the first day of the arrival of the people from the _castor_ at the caves. "what have you to say?" said the captain. "speak quickly." cardatas did not immediately answer, for nunez was excitedly talking to him. the soul of the horse-dealer had been inflamed by the sight of the bags. he did not suppose it possible that they could all contain gold, but he knew they must be valuable, or they would not have been carried up there, and he was advising a rush for the low wall. "we will see what we can do with them, first," said cardatas to nunez. "some of us may be shot if we are in too great a hurry. they are well defended where they are, and we may have to get round into their rear. then we can settle their business very well, for the negro said there were only three white men. but first let us talk to them. we may manage them without running any risks." cardatas turned toward the captain, and at the same time burke said: "captain, hadn't you better squat down a little? you're making a very fine mark of yourself." but the captain still stood up to listen to cardatas. "i'll tell you what we've come for," said the latter. "we are not officers of the law, but we are the same thing. we know all about you and the valuable stuff you've run away with, and we've been offered a reward to bring back those bags, and to bring you back, too, dead or alive, and here we are, ready to do it. it was good luck for us that your vessel came to grief, but we should have got you, even if she hadn't. we were sure to overhaul you in the straits. we know all about you and that old hulk, but we are fair and square people, and we're sailors, and we don't want to take advantage of anybody, especially of sailors who have had misfortunes. now, the reward the californian government has offered us is not a very big one, and i think you can do better by us, so if you'll agree to come out from behind that breastwork and talk to us fair and square, your two white men and your three negroes,--you see, we know all about you,--i think we can make a bargain that'll suit all around. the government of california hasn't any claim on us, and we don't see why we should serve it any more than we should serve you, and it will be a good deal better for you to be content with half the treasure you've gone off with, or perhaps a little more than that, and let us have the rest. we will take you off on our vessel, and land you at any port you want to go to, and you can take your share of the bags ashore with you. now, that's what i call a fair offer, and i think you will say so, too." captain horn was much relieved by part of this speech. he had had a slight fear, when cardatas began, that these men might have been sent out by the peruvian government, but now he saw they were a set of thieves, whether rackbirds or not, doing business on their own account. "the californian government has nothing to do with me," cried captain horn, "and it never had anything to do with you, either. when you say that, you lie! i am not going to make any bargain with you, or have anything to do with you. my vessel is wrecked, but we can take care of ourselves. and now i'll give you five minutes to get to your boats, and the quicker you go, the better for you!" at this, nunez stepped forward, his face red with passion. "look here, you yankee thief," he cried, "we'll give you just one minute to come out from behind that pile of bags. if you don't come, we'll--" but if he said any more, captain horn did not hear it, for at that moment burke cried: "drop, captain!" and the captain dropped. stung by the insult he had received, and unable to resist the temptation of putting an end to the discussion by shooting captain horn, cardatas raised his rifle to his shoulder, and almost in the same instant that the captain's body disappeared behind the barrier, he fired. but the bullet had scarcely left his barrel when another ball, from shirley's gun, struck cardatas under his uplifted left arm, and stretched him on the sand. a shock ran through the attacking party, and instinctively they retreated several yards. so suddenly had they lost their leader that, for a few moments, they did not seem to understand the situation. but, on a shout from one of them to look out for themselves, every man dropped flat upon the beach, behind a low bank of sand scarcely a foot high. this was not much protection, but it was better than standing up as marks for the rifles behind the barrier. the men from the _arato_ were very much surprised by what had happened. they had expected to have an easy job with the crew of the _miranda_. as soon as the sailor sanchez had seen the stranded brig, he had recognized her, and cardatas, as well as the rest of them, had thought that there would be nothing to do but to go on shore with a party of well-armed men, and possess themselves of whatever treasure she had brought to this deserted coast. but to find her crew strongly intrenched and armed had very much amazed them. nunez's anger had disappeared, and his accustomed shrewdness had taken its place, for he now saw that very serious business was before them. he was not much of a soldier, but he knew enough to understand that in the plan proposed by cardatas lay their only hope of success. it would be ridiculous to lie there and waste their ammunition on that wall of bags. he was lying behind the others, and raised his head just enough to tell them what they should do. "we must get into their rear," he said. "we must creep along the sand until we reach those bushes up there, and then we can get behind them. i'll go first, and you can follow me." at, this, he began to work himself along the beach, somewhat after the fashion of an earthworm. but the men paid no attention to him. there was little discipline among them, and they had no respect for the horse-dealer as a commander, so they remained on the sands, eagerly talking among themselves. some of them were frightened, and favored a rush for the boats. but this advice brought down curses from the others. what were three men to nine, that they should run away? burke now became tired of waiting to see what would happen next, and putting his hat on a little stick, he raised it a short distance above the breastwork. instantly one of the more excitable men from the _arato_ fired at it. "very good," said burke. "they want to keep it up, do they? now, captain," he continued, "we can see the backs and legs of most of them. shall we fire at them? that will be just as good as killing them. they mean fight--that's easy to see." but the captain was not willing to follow burke's advice. "i don't want to wound or maim them," he replied. "let's give them a volley just over their heads, and let them see what we are prepared to do. now, then, when i give the word!" in a few moments three shots rang out from the intrenchment, and the bullets went whistling over the prostrate bodies of the men on the sand. but these tactics did not have the effect captain horn hoped for. they led to no waving of handkerchiefs, nor any show of an intention to treat with an armed and intrenched foe. instead of that, the man sanchez sprang to his feet and cried: "come on, boys! over the wall and at them before they can reload!" at this all the men sprang up and dashed toward the line of bags, nunez with them. somebody might get hurt in this wild charge, but he must reach the treasure as soon as the others. he must not fail in that. but sanchez made a great mistake when he supposed that captain horn and his men fought with such arms as the muzzle-loading rifles and shot-guns which the _arato's_ men had thought quite sufficient to bring with them for the work they had to do. captain horn, when he had fitted out the _miranda_, had supplied himself and his two white men with fine repeating rifles, and the _arato's_ men had scarcely crossed the line which had been drawn on the sand before there were three shots from the barrier, and three of the enemy dropped. even the captain made a good shot this time. at this the attacking party stopped, and some of them shouted, "to the boats!" nunez said nothing, for he was dead. there had been much straggling in the line, and shirley had singled him out as one of the leaders. before one of them had turned or a retreat begun, burke's rifle flashed, and another man fell over against a companion, and then down upon the sand. the distance was very short, and a bad shot was almost impossible for a good hunter. now there was no hesitation. the five men who had life and legs, turned and dashed for the boats. but the captain did not intend, now, that they should escape, and rifle after rifle cracked from the barricade, and before they reached the boats, four of the flying party had fallen. the fifth man stumbled over one of his companions, who dropped in front of him, then rose to his feet, threw down his gun, and, turning his face toward the shore, held up his hands high above his head. "i surrender!" he cried, and, still with his arms above his head, and his face whiter than the distant sands, he slowly walked toward the barrier. the captain rose. "halt!" he cried, and the man stood stock-still. "now, my men," cried the captain, turning to burke and shirley, "keep your eyes on that fellow until we reach him, and if he moves, shoot him." the three white men, followed by the negroes, ran down to the man, and when they had reached him, they carefully searched him to see if he had any concealed weapons. after glancing rapidly over the bodies which lay upon the sand, the captain turned to his men. "come on, every one of you," he shouted, "and run out that boat," pointing to the largest one that had brought the _arato's_ men ashore. shirley and burke looked at him in surprise. "we want that vessel!" he cried, in answer. "be quick!" and taking hold of the boat himself, he helped the others push it off the sand. "now, then," he continued, "shirley, you and burke get into the bow, with your rifles. tumble in, you black fellows, and each take an oar. you," he said in spanish to the prisoner, "get in and take an oar, too." the captain took the tiller. shirley and burke pushed the boat into deep water, and jumped aboard. the oars dipped, and they were off, regardless of the low surf which splashed its crest over the gunwale as the boat turned. "tell me, you rascal," said the captain to the prisoner, who was tugging at his oar as hard as the others, "how many men are aboard that schooner?" "only two, i swear to you, señor capitan; there were twelve of us in all." the men left on the schooner had evidently watched the proceedings on shore, and were taking measures accordingly. "they've slipped their anchor, and the tide is running out!" shouted the captain. "pull! pull!" "they're running up their jib!" cried burke. "lay to, you fellows, or i'll throw one of you overboard, and take his place!" the captured man was thoroughly frightened. they were great fighters, these men he had fallen among, and he pulled as though he were rowing to rescue his dearest friend. the black fellows bent to their oars like madmen. they were thoroughly excited. they did not know what they were rowing: for they only knew they were acting under the orders of their captain, who had just killed nine rackbirds, and their teeth and their eyes flashed as their oars dipped and bent. chapter xli the "arato" anchors nearer shore on went the boat, each one of the oarsmen pulling with all his force, the captain in the stern, shouting and encouraging them, and shirley and burke crouched in the bow, each with his rifle in hand. up went the jib of the _arato_. she gently turned about as she felt the influence of the wind, and then the captain believed the men on board were trying to get up the foresail. "are you sure there are only two of the crew on that schooner?" said the captain to the prisoner. "now, it isn't worth while to lie to me." "only two," said the man. "i swear to it. only two, señor capitan." the foresail did not go up, for one of the men had to run to the wheel, and as the vessel's head got slowly around, it seemed as if she might sail away from the boat, even with nothing but the jib set. but the schooner gained headway very slowly, and the boat neared her rapidly. now the man at the wheel gave up all hope of sailing away from his pursuers. he abandoned the helm, and in a few moments two heads and two guns showed over the rail, and two shots rang out. but the schooner was rolling, and the aim was bad. shirley and burke fired at the two heads as soon as they saw them, but the boat was rising and pitching, and their shots were also bad. for a minute there was no more firing, and then one of the heads and one of the guns were seen again. shirley was ready, and made his calculations, and, as the boat rose, he drew a bead upon the top of the rail where he saw the head, and had scarcely pulled his trigger when he saw a good deal more than a head, for a man sprung up high in the air and then fell backward. the captain now ordered his men to rest on their oars, for, if the other man on board should show himself, they could get a better shot at him than if they were nearer. but the man did not show himself, and, on consideration of his probable tactics, it seemed extremely dangerous to approach the vessel. even here they were in danger, but should they attempt to board her, they could not tell from what point he might fire down upon them, and some of them would surely be shot before they could get a chance at him, and the captain did not wish to sacrifice any of his men, even for a vessel, if it could be helped. there seemed to be no hope of safely gaining their object, except to wait until the man should become tired and impatient, and expose himself. suddenly, to the amazement of every one in the boat, for all heads were turned toward the schooner, a man appeared, boldly running over her deck. shirley and burke instantly raised their rifles, but dropped them again. there was a shout from maka, and an exclamation from the prisoner. then the man on deck stooped close to the rail and was lost to their sight, but almost instantly he reappeared again, holding in front of him a struggling pair of legs, feet uppermost. then, upon the rail, appeared a man's head and body; but it only remained there for an instant, for his legs were raised still higher by the person behind him, and were then propelled outward with such force that he went headlong overboard. then the man on deck sprang to the top of the rail, regardless of the rolling of the vessel in the gentle swell, and waved his hands above his head. "inkspot!" shouted the captain. "pull away, you fellows! pull!" the tall, barefooted negro sprang to the deck from his perilous position, and soon reappeared with a line ready to throw to the boat. in a few minutes they reached the vessel, and the boat was quickly made fast, and very soon they were on board. when he saw his old friends and associates upon the deck, inkspot retired a little distance and fell upon his knees. "you black rascal!" roared burke, "you brought these cut-throat scoundrels down upon us! you--" "that will do," said the captain. "there is no time for that sort of thing now. we will talk to him afterwards. mr. shirley, call all hands and get up sail. i am going to take this schooner inside the headland. we can find safe anchorage in the bay. we can sail over the same course we went on with the _miranda_, and she drew more water than this vessel." in an hour the _arato_, moored by her spare anchor, lay in the little bay, less than two hundred yards from shore. it gave the shipwrecked men a wild delight to find themselves again upon the decks of a seaworthy vessel, and everybody worked with a will, especially the prisoner and inkspot. and when the last sail had been furled, it became evident to all hands on board that they wanted their breakfast, and this need was speedily supplied by maka and inkspot from the _arato's_ stores. that afternoon the captain went on shore with the negroes and the chilian prisoner, and the bodies of the nine men who had fallen in the attack upon the wall of gold were buried where they lay. this was a very different climate from that of the peruvian coast, where the desiccating air speedily makes a mummy of any dead body upon its arid sands. when this work had been accomplished, the party returned to the _arato_, and the captain ordered inkspot and the prisoner to be brought aft to be tried by court martial. the big negro had been wildly and vociferously received by his fellow-countrymen, who, upon every possible occasion, had jabbered together in their native tongue, but captain horn had, so far, said nothing to him. the captain had been greatly excited from the moment he had seen the sail in the offing. in his dire distress, on this almost desolate shore, he had beheld what might prove to be speedy relief, and, much as he had needed it, he had hoped that it might not come so soon. he had been apprehensive and anxious when he supposed friendly aid might be approaching, and he had been utterly astounded when he was forced to believe that they were armed men who were rowing to shore, and must be enemies. he had fought a terrible fight. he had conquered the scoundrels who had come for his life and his treasure, and, best of all, he had secured a vessel which would carry him and his men and his fortune to france. he had endeavored to keep cool and think only of the work that was immediately in hand, and he had no wish to ask anybody why or how things had happened. they had happened, and that was all in all to him. but now he was ready to make all necessary inquiries, and he began with inkspot. maka being interpreter, the examination was easily carried on. the story of the negro was a very interesting one. he told of his adventures on shore, and how kind the men had been to him until they went on board the _arato_, and how then they treated him as if he had been a dog--how he had been made to do double duty in all sorts of disagreeable work, and how, after they had seen the light on the beach, he had been put into the hold and tied hand and foot. while down there in the dark he had heard the firing on shore, and, after a long while, the firing from the deck, and other shots near by. all this had so excited him that he managed to get one hand loose from his cords, and then had speedily unfastened the rest, and had quietly crept to a hatchway, where he could watch what was going on without showing himself. he had seen the two men on deck, ready to fire on the approaching boat. he had recognized captain horn and the people of the _miranda_ in the boat. and then, when there was but one man left on deck, and the boat was afraid to come nearer, he had rushed up behind him and tumbled him overboard. one thing only did inkspot omit: he did not say that it was mr. burke's example that had prompted him to go ashore for refreshments. when the story had been told, and all questions asked and answered, the captain turned to burke and shirley and asked their opinions upon the case. shirley was in favor of putting the negro in irons. he had deserted them, and had nearly cost them their lives by the stories he had told on shore. burke, to the captain's surprise,--for the second mate generally dealt severely with nautical transgressions,--was in favor of clemency. "to be sure," said he, "the black scoundrel did get us into trouble. but then, don't you see, he has got us out of it. if these beastly fellows hadn't been led by him to come after our money, we would not have had this schooner, and how we should have got those bags away without her,--to say nothing of ourselves,--is more than i can fathom. it is my belief that no craft ever comes within twenty miles of this coast, if she can help it. so i vote for letting him off. he didn't intend to do us any harm, and he didn't intend to do us any good, but it seems to me that the good he did do rises higher above the water-line than the harm. so i say, let him off. we need another hand about as much as we need anything." "and so say i," said the captain. "maka, you can tell him we forgive him, because we believe that he is really a good fellow and didn't intend any harm, and he can turn in with the rest of you on his old watch. and now bring up that chilian fellow." the prisoner, who gave his name as anton garta, was now examined in regard to the schooner _arato_, her extraordinary cruise, and the people who had devised it. garta was a fellow of moderate intelligence, and still very much frightened, and having little wit with which to concoct lies, and no reason for telling them, he answered the questions put to him as correctly as his knowledge permitted. he said that about two months before he had been one of the crew of the _arato_, and manuel cardatas was second mate, and he had been very glad to join her on this last cruise because he was out of a job. he thought she was going to callao for a cargo, and so did the rest of the crew. they did not even know there were guns on board until they were out at sea. then, when they had turned southward, their captain and señor nunez told them that they were going in pursuit of a treasure ship commanded by a yankee captain, who had run away with ever so much money from california, and that they were sure to overhaul this ship, and that they would all be rich. the guns were given to them, and they had had some practice with them, and thought that cardatas intended, should the _miranda_ be overhauled, to run alongside of her as near as was safe, and begin operations by shooting everybody that could be seen on deck. he was not sure that this was his plan, but they all had thought it was. after the storm the men had become dissatisfied, and said they did not believe it was possible to overhaul any vessel after so much delay, and when they had gone so far out of their course; and señor nunez, who had hired the vessel, was in doubt as to whether it would be of any use to continue the cruise. but when cardatas had talked to him, señor nunez had come among them and promised them good rewards, whether they sighted their prize or not, if they would work faithfully for ten days more. the men had agreed to do this, but when they had seen the light on shore, they had made an agreement among themselves that, if this should be nothing but a fire built by savages or shipwrecked people of no account, they would not work the schooner any farther south. they would put cardatas and nunez in irons, if necessary, and take the _arato_ back to valparaiso. there were men among them who could navigate. but when they got near enough to shore to see that the stranded vessel was the _miranda_, there was no more insubordination. as for himself, garta said he was a plain, common sailor, who went on board the _arato_ because he wanted a job. if he had known the errand on which she was bound, he would never have approached within a league of her. this he vowed, by all the saints. as to the ownership of the vessel garta could tell but little. he had heard that cardatas had a share in her, and thought that probably the other owners lived in valparaiso, but he could give no positive information on this subject. he said that every man of the boat's crew was in a state of wild excitement when they saw that long pile of bags, which they knew must contain treasure of some sort, and it was because of this state of mind, most likely, that cardatas lost his temper and got himself shot, and so opened the fight. cardatas was a cunning fellow, and, if he had not been upset by the sight of those bags, garta believed that he would have regularly besieged captain horn's party, and must have overcome them in the end. he was anxious to have the captain believe that, when he had said there were only two men on board, he had totally forgotten the negro, who had been left below. when garta's examination had been finished, the captain sent him forward, and then repeated his story in brief to shirley and burke, for, as the prisoner had spoken in spanish, they had understood but little of it. "i don't see that it makes much difference," said burke, "as to what his story is. we've got to get rid of him in some way. we don't want to carry him about with us. we might leave him here, with a lot of grub and a tent. that would be all he deserves." "i should put him in irons, to begin with," said shirley, "and then we can consider what to do with him when we have time." "i shall not leave him on shore," said the captain, "for that would simply be condemning him to starvation; and as for putting him in irons, that would deprive us of an able seaman. i suppose, if we took him to france, he would have to be sent to chili for trial, and that would be of no use, unless we went there as witnesses. it is a puzzling question to know what to do with him." "it is that," said burke, "and it is a great pity he wasn't shot with the others." "well," said the captain, "we've got a lot of work before us, and we want hands, so i think it will be best to let him turn in with the rest, and make him pay for his passage, wherever we take him. the worst he can do is to desert, and if he does that, he will settle his own business, and we shall have no more trouble with him." "i don't like him," said shirley. "i don't think we ought to have such a fellow going about freely on board." "i am not afraid he will hurt any of us," said the captain, "and i am sure he will not corrupt the negroes. they hate him. it is easy to see that." "yes," said burke, with a laugh. "they think he is a rackbird, and it is just as well to let them keep on thinking so." "perhaps he is," thought the captain, but he did not speak this thought aloud. chapter xlii inkspot has a dream of heaven the next day the work of loading the _arato_ with the bags of gold was begun, and it was a much slower and more difficult business than the unloading of the _miranda_, for the schooner lay much farther out from the beach. but there were two men more than on the former occasion, and the captain did not push the work. there was no need now for extraordinary haste, and although they all labored steadily, regular hours of work and rest were adhered to. the men had carried so many bags filled with hard and uneven lumps that the shoulders of some of them were tender, and they had to use cushions of canvas under their loads. but the boats went backward and forward, and the bags were hoisted on board and lowered into the hold, and the wall of gold grew smaller and smaller. "captain," said burke, one day, as they were standing by a pile of bags waiting for the boat to come ashore, "do you think it is worth it! by george! we have loaded and unloaded these blessed bags all down the western coast of south america, and if we've got to unload and load them all up the east coast, i say, let's take what we really need, and leave the rest." "i've been at the business a good deal longer than you have," said the captain, "and i'm not tired of it yet. when i took away my first cargo, you must remember that i carried each bag on my own shoulders, and it took me more than a month to do it, and even all that is only a drop in the bucket compared to what most men who call themselves rich have to do before they make their money." "all right," said burke, "i'll stop growling. but look here, captain. how much do you suppose one of these bags is worth, and how many are there in all? i don't want to be inquisitive, but it would be a sort of comfort to know." "no, it wouldn't," said the captain, quickly. "it would be anything else but a comfort. i know how many bags there are, but as to what they are worth, i don't know, and i don't want to know. i once set about calculating it, but i didn't get very far with the figures. i need all my wits to get through with this business, and i don't think anything would be more likely to scatter them than calculating what this gold is worth. it would be a good deal better for you--and for me, too--to consider, as shirley does, that these bags are all filled with good, clean, anthracite coal. that won't keep us from sleeping." "shirley be hanged!" said burke, "he and you may be able to do that, but i can't. i've got a pretty strong mind, and if you were to tell me that when we get to port, and you discharge this crew, i can walk off with all the gold eagles or twenty-franc pieces i can carry, i think i could stand it without losing my mind." "all right," said the captain, "if we get this vessel safely to france, i will give you a good chance to try your nerves." day by day the work went on, and at last the _arato_ took the place of the _miranda_ as a modern _argo_. during the reëmbarkation of the treasure, the captain, as well as shirley and burke, had kept a sharp eye on garta. the two mates were afraid he might run away, but, had he done so, the captain would not have regretted it very much. he would gladly have parted with one of the bags in order to get rid of this encumbrance. but the prisoner had no idea of running away. he knew that the bags were filled with treasure, but as he could now do nothing with any of it that he might steal, he did not try to steal any. if he had thoughts of the kind, he knew this was no time for dishonest operation. he had always been a hardworking sailor, with a good appetite, and he worked hard now, and ate well. the _miranda's_ stores had not been injured by water, and when they had been put on board, the _arato_ was well fitted out for a long voyage. leaving the _miranda_ on the beach, with nothing in her of much value, the _arato_, which had cleared for callao, and afterwards set out on a wild piratical cruise, now made a third start, and set sail for a voyage to france. they had good weather and tolerably fair winds, and before they entered the straits of magellan the captain had formulated a plan for the disposition of garta. "i don't know anything better to do with him," said he to shirley and burke, "than to put him ashore at the falkland islands. we don't want to take him to france, for we would not know what to do with him after we got him there, and, as likely as not, he would swear a lot of lies against us as soon as he got on shore. we can run within a league of stanley harbor, and then, if the weather is good enough, we can put him in a boat, with something to eat and drink, and let him row himself into port. we can give him money enough to support himself until he can procure work." "but suppose there is a man-of-war in there," said shirley, "he might say things that would send her after us. he might not know where to say we got our treasure, but he could say we had stolen a chilian vessel." "i had thought of that," said the captain, "but nothing such a vagrant as he is could say ought to give any cruiser the right to interfere with us when we are sailing under the american flag. and when i go to france, nobody shall say that i stole a vessel, for, if the owners of the _arato_ can be found, they shall be well paid for what use we have made of their schooner. i'll send her back to valparaiso and let her be claimed." "it is a ticklish business," said burke, "but i don't know what else can be done. it is a great pity i didn't know he was going to surrender when we had that fight." they had been in the straits less than a week when inkspot dreamed he was in heaven. his ecstatic visions became so strong and vivid that they awakened him, when he was not long in discovering the cause which had produced them. the dimly lighted and quiet forecastle was permeated by a delightful smell of spirituous liquor. turning his eyes from right to left, in his endeavors to understand this unusual odor of luxury, inkspot perceived the man garta standing on the other side of the forecastle, with a bottle in one hand and a cork in the other, and, as he looked, garta raised the bottle to his mouth, threw back his head, and drank. inkspot greatly disliked this man. he had been one of the fellows who had ill-treated him when the _arato_ sailed under cardatas, and he fully agreed with his fellow-blacks that the scoundrel should have been shot. but now his feelings began to undergo a change. a man with a bottle of spirits might prove to be an angel of mercy, a being of beneficence, and if he would share with a craving fellow-being his rare good fortune, why should not all feelings of disapprobation be set aside? inkspot could see no reason why they should not be, and softly slipping from his hammock, he approached garta. "give me. give me, just little," he whispered. garta turned with a half-suppressed oath, and seeing who the suppliant was, he seized the bottle in his left hand, and with his right struck poor inkspot a blow in the face. without a word the negro stepped back, and then garta put the bottle into a high, narrow opening in the side of the forecastle, and closed a little door upon it, which fastened with a snap. this little locker, just large enough to hold one bottle, had been made by one of the former crew of the _arato_ solely for the purpose of concealing spirits, and was very ingeniously contrived. its door was a portion of the side of the forecastle, and a keyhole was concealed behind a removable knot. garta had not opened the locker before, for the reason that he had been unable to find the key. he knew it had been concealed in the forecastle, but it had taken him a long time to find it. now his secret was discovered, and he was enraged. going over to the hammock, where inkspot had again ensconced himself, he leaned over the negro and whispered: "if you ever say a word of that bottle to anybody, i'll put a knife into you! no matter what they do to me, i'll settle with you." inkspot did not understand all this, but he knew it was a threat, and he well understood the language of a blow in the face. after a while he went to sleep, but, if he smelt again the odor of the contents of the bottle, he had no more heavenly dreams. the next day captain horn found himself off the convict settlement of punta arenas, belonging to the chilian government. this was the first port he had approached since he had taken command of the _arato_, but he felt no desire nor need to touch at it. in fact, the vicinity of punta arenas seemed of no importance whatever, until shirley came to him and reported that the man garta was nowhere to be found. captain horn immediately ordered a search and inquiry to be made, but no traces of the prisoner could be discovered, nor could anybody tell anything about him. burke and inkspot had been on watch with him from four to eight, but they could give no information whatever concerning him. no splash nor cries for help had been heard, so that he could not have fallen overboard, and it was generally believed that, when he knew himself to be in the vicinity of a settlement, he had quietly slipped into the water and had swum for punta arenas. burke suggested that most likely he had formerly been a resident of the place, and liked it better than being taken off to unknown regions in the schooner. and shirley considered this very probable, for he said the man had always looked like a convict to him. at all events, garta was gone, and there was no one to say how long he had been gone. so, under full sail, the _arato_ went on her way. it was a relief to get rid of the prisoner, and the only harm which could come of his disappearance was that he might report that his ship had been stolen by the men who were sailing her, and that some sort of a vessel might be sent in pursuit of the _arato_, and, if this should be the case, the situation would be awkward. but days passed on, the schooner sailed out of the straits, and no vessel was seen pursuing her. to the northeast captain horn set his course. he would not stop at rio janeiro, for the _arato_ had no papers for that port. he would not lie to off stanley harbor, for he had now nobody to send ashore. but he would sail boldly for france, where he would make no pretensions that his auriferous cargo was merely ballast. he was known at marseilles. he had business relations with bankers in paris. he was a californian and an american citizen, and he would merely be bringing to france a vessel freighted with gold, which, by the aid of his financial advisers, would be legitimately cared for and disposed of. one night, before the _arato_ reached the falkland islands, maka, who was on watch, heard a queer sound in the forecastle, and looking down the companionway, he saw, by the dim light of the swinging lantern, a man with a hatchet, endeavoring to force the blade of it into the side of the vessel. maka quickly perceived that the man was inkspot, and as he could not imagine what he was doing, he quietly watched him. inkspot worked with as little noise as possible, but he was evidently bent upon forcing off one of the boards on the side of the forecastle. at first maka thought that his fellow-african was trying to sink the ship by opening a seam, but he soon realized that this notion was absurd, and so he let inkspot go on, being very curious to know what he was doing. in a few minutes he knew. with a slight noise, not enough to waken a sound sleeper, a little door flew open, and almost immediately inkspot held a bottle in his hand. maka slipped swiftly and softly to the side of the big negro, but he was not quick enough. inkspot had the neck of the bottle in his mouth and the bottom raised high in the air. but, before maka could seize him by the arm, the bottle had come down from its elevated position, and a doleful expression crept over the face of inkspot. there had been scarcely a teaspoonful of liquor left in the bottle. inkspot looked at maka, and maka looked at him. in an african whisper, the former now ordered the disappointed negro to put the bottle back, to shut up the locker, and then to get into his hammock and go to sleep as quickly as he could, for if mr. shirley, who was on watch on deck, found out what he had been doing, inkspot would wish he had never been born. the next day, when they had an opportunity for an african conversation, inkspot assured his countryman that he had discovered the little locker by smelling the whiskey through the boards, and that, having no key, he had determined to force it open with a hatchet. maka could not help thinking that inkspot had a wonderful nose for an empty bottle, and could scarcely restrain from a shudder at the thought of what might have happened had the bottle been full. but he did not report the occurrence. inkspot was a fellow-african, and he had barely escaped punishment for his former misdeed. it would be better to keep his mouth shut, and he did. against the north winds, before the south winds, and on the winds from the east and the west, through fair weather and through foul, the _arato_ sailed up the south atlantic. it was a long, long voyage, but the schooner was skilfully navigated and sailed well. sometimes she sighted great merchant-steamers plying between europe and south america, freighted with rich cargoes, and proudly steaming away from the little schooner, whose dark-green hull could scarcely be distinguished from the color of the waves. and why should not the captain of this humble little vessel sometimes have said to himself, as he passed a big three-master or a steamer: "what would they think if they knew that, if i chose to do it, i could buy every ship, and its cargo, that i shall meet between here and gibraltar!" "captain," said shirley, one day, "what do you think about the right and wrong of this?" "what do you mean?" asked captain horn. "i mean," replied shirley, "taking away the gold we have on board. we've had pretty easy times lately, and i've been doing a good deal of thinking, and sometimes i have wondered where we got the right to clap all this treasure into bags and sail away with it." "so you have stopped thinking the bags are all filled with anthracite coal," said the captain. "yes," said the other. "we are getting on toward the end of this voyage, and it is about time to give up that fancy. i always imagine, when i am near the end of a voyage, what i am going to do when i go ashore, and if i have any real right to some of the gold down under our decks, i shall do something very different from anything i ever did before." "i hope you don't mean going on a spree," said burke, who was standing near. "that would be something entirely different." "i thought," said the captain, "that you both understood this business, but i don't mind going over it again. there is no doubt in my mind that this gold originally belonged to the incas, who then owned peru, and they put it into that mound to keep it from the spaniards, whose descendants now own peru, and who rule it without much regard to the descendants of the ancient peruvians. now, when i discovered the gold, and began to have an idea of how valuable the find was, i knew that the first thing to do was to get it out of that place and away from the country. whatever is to be done in the way of fair play and fair division must be done somewhere else, and not there. if i had informed the government of what i had found, this gold would have gone directly into the hands of the descendants of the people from whom its original owners did their very best to keep it, and nobody else would have had a dollar's worth of it. if we had stood up for our rights to a reward for finding it, ten to one we would all have been clapped into prison." "i suppose by that," said burke, "that you looked upon the stone mound in the cave as a sort of will left by those old peruvians, and you made yourself an executor to carry out the intentions of the testators, as the lawyers say." "but we can set it down as dead certain," interrupted shirley, "that the testators didn't mean us to have it." "no," said the captain, "nor do i mean that we shall have all of it. i intend to have the question of the ownership of this gold decided by people who are able and competent to decide such a question, and who will be fair and honest to all parties. but whatever is agreed upon, and whatever is done with the treasure, i intend to charge a good price--a price which shall bear a handsome proportion to the value of the gold--for my services, and all our services. some of this charge i have already taken, and i intend to have a great deal more. we have worked hard and risked much to get this treasure--" "yes," thought burke, as he remembered the trap at the bottom of the mound. "you risked a great deal more than you ever supposed you did." "and we are bound to be well paid for it," continued the captain. "no matter where this gold goes, i shall have a good share of it, and this i am going to divide among our party, according to a fair scale. how does that strike you, shirley?" "if the business is going to be conducted as you say, captain," replied the first mate, "i say it will be all fair and square, and i needn't bother my head with any more doubts about it. but there is one thing i wish you would tell me: how much do you think i will be likely to get out of this cargo, when you divide?" "mr. shirley," said the captain, "when i give you your share of this cargo, you can have about four bags of anthracite coal, weighing a little over one hundred pounds, which, at the rate of six dollars a ton, would bring you between thirty and forty cents. will that satisfy you? of course, this is only a rough guess at a division, but i want to see how it falls in with your ideas." shirley laughed. "i guess you're right, captain," said he. "it will be better for me to keep on thinking we are carrying coal. that won't bother my head." "that's so," said burke. "your brain can't stand that sort of badger. i'd hate to go ashore with you at marseilles with your pocket full and your skull empty. as for me, i can stand it first-rate. i have already built two houses on cape cod,--in my head, of course,--and i'll be hanged if i know which one i am going to live in and which one i am going to put my mother in." chapter xliii mok as a vocalist it would have been very comfortable to the mind of edna, during her waiting days in paris, had she known there was a letter to her from captain horn, in a cottage in the town of sidmouth, on the south coast of devonshire. had she known this, she would have chartered french trains, channel steamers, english trains, flies, anything and everything which would have taken her the quickest to the little town of sidmouth. had she known that he had written to her the first chance he had had, all her doubts and perplexities would have vanished in an instant. had she read the letter, she might have been pained to find that it was not such a letter as she would wish to have, and she might have grieved that it might still be a long time before she could expect to hear from him again, or to see him, but she would have waited--have waited patiently, without any doubts or perplexities. this letter, with a silver coin,--much more than enough to pay any possible postage,--had been handed by shirley to the first mate of the british steamer, in the harbor of valparaiso, and that officer had given it to a seaman, who was going on shore, with directions to take it to the post-office, and pay for the postage out of the silver coin, and whatever change there might be, he should keep it for his trouble. on the way to the post-office, this sailor stopped to refresh himself, and meeting with a fellow-mariner in the place of refreshment, he refreshed him also. and by the time the two had refreshed themselves to their satisfaction, there was not much left of the silver coin--not enough to pay the necessary postage to france. "but," said the seaman to himself, "it doesn't matter a bit. we are bound for liverpool, and i'll take the letter there myself, and then i'll send it over to paris for tuppence ha'penny, which i will have then, and haven't now. and i bet another tuppence that it will go sooner than if i posted it here, for it may be a month before a mail-steamer leaves the other side of this beastly continent. anyway, i'm doing the best i can." he put the letter in the pocket of his pea-jacket, and the bottom of that pocket being ripped, the letter went down between the outside cloth and the lining of the pea-jacket to the very bottom of the garment, where it remained until the aforesaid seaman had reached england, and had gone down to see his family, who lived in the cottage in sidmouth. and there he had hung up his pea-jacket on a nail, in a little room next to the kitchen, and there his mother had found it, and sewed on two buttons, and sewed up the rips in the bottoms of two pockets. shortly after this, the sailor, happening to pass a post-office box, remembered the letter he had brought to england. he went to his pea-jacket and searched it, but could find no letter. he must have lost it--he hoped after he had reached england, and no doubt whoever found it would put a tuppence ha'penny stamp on it and stick it into a box. anyway, he had done all he could. one pleasant spring evening, the negro mok sat behind a table in the well-known beer-shop called the "black cat." he had before him a half-emptied beer-glass, and in front of him was a pile of three small white dishes. these signified that mok had had three glasses of beer, and when he should finish the one in his hand, and should order another, the waiter would bring with it another little white plate, which he would put on the table, on the pile already there, and which would signify that the african gentleman must pay for four glasses of beer. mok was enjoying himself very much. it was not often that he had such an opportunity to sample the delights of paris. his young master, ralph, had given him strict orders never to go out at night, or in his leisure hours, unless accompanied by cheditafa. the latter was an extremely important and sedate personage. the combined dignity of a butler and a clergyman were more than ever evident in his person, and he was a painful drawback to the more volatile mok. mok had very fine clothes, which it rejoiced him to display. he had a fine appetite for everything fit to eat and drink. he had money in his pockets, and it delighted him to see people and to see things, although he might not know who they were or what they were. he knew nothing of french, and his power of expressing himself in english had not progressed very far. but on this evening, in the jolly precincts of the black cat, he did not care whether the people used language or not. he did not care what they did, so that he could sit there and enjoy himself. when he wanted more beer, the waiter understood him, and that was enough. the jet-black negro, gorgeously arrayed in the livery ralph had chosen for him, and with his teeth and eyeballs whiter than the pile of plates before him, was an object of great interest to the company in the beer-shop. they talked to him, and although he did not understand them, or answer them, they knew he was enjoying himself. and when the landlord rang a big bell, and a pale young man, wearing a high hat, and sitting at a table opposite him, threw into his face an expression of exalted melancholy, and sang a high-pitched song, mok showed how he appreciated the performance by thumping more vigorously on the table than any of the other people who applauded the singer. again and again the big bell was rung, and there were other songs and choruses, and then the company turned toward mok and called on him to sing. he did not understand them, but he laughed and pounded his fist upon the table. but when the landlord came down to his table, and rang the bell in front of him, that sent an informing idea into the african head. he had noticed that every time the bell had been rung, somebody had sung, and now he knew what was wanted of him. he had had four glasses of beer, and he was an obliging fellow, so he nodded his head violently, and everybody stopped doing what they had been doing, and prepared to listen. mok's repertoire of songs could not be expected to be large. in fact, he only knew one musical composition, and that was an african hymn which cheditafa had taught him. this he now proceeded to execute. he threw back his head, as some of the others had done, and emitted a succession of grunts, groans, yelps, barks, squeaks, yells, and rattles which utterly electrified the audience. then, as if his breath filled his whole body, and quivering and shaking like an angry squirrel when it chatters and barks, mok sang louder and more wildly, until the audience, unable to restrain themselves, burst into laughter, and applauded with canes, sticks, and fists. but mok kept on. he had never imagined he could sing so well. there was only one person in that brasserie who did not applaud the african hymn, but no one paid so much attention to it as this man, who had entered the black cat just as mok had begun. he was a person of medium size, with a heavy mustache, and a face darkened by a beard of several days' growth. he was rather roughly dressed, and wore a soft felt hat. he was a rackbird. this man had formerly belonged to the band of desperadoes which had been swept away by a sudden flood on the coast of peru. he had accompanied his comrades on the last marauding expedition previous to that remarkable accident, but he had not returned with them. he had devised a little scheme of his own, which had detained him longer than he had expected, and he was not ready to go back with them. it would have been difficult for him to reach the camp by himself, and, after what he had done, he did not very much desire to go, there as he would probably have been shot as a deserter; for captain raminez was a savage fellow, and more than willing to punish transgressions against his orders. this deserter, banker by name, was an american, who had been a gold-digger, a gambler, a rough, and a dead shot in california, and he was very well able to take care of himself in any part of the world. he had made his way up to panama, and had stayed there as long as it was safe for him to do so, and had eventually reached paris. he did not like this city half so well as he liked london, but in the latter city he happened to be wanted, and he was not wanted in paris. it was generally the case that he stayed where he was not wanted. of course, banker knew nothing of the destruction of his band, and the fact that he had not heard from them since he left them gave him not the slightest regret. but what did astonish him beyond bounds was to sit at a table in the black cat, in paris, and see before him, dressed like the valet of a spanish grandee, a coal-black negro who had once been his especial and particular slave and drudge, a fellow whom he had kicked and beaten and sworn at, and whom he no doubt would have shot had he stayed much longer with his lawless companions, the rackbirds. there was no mistaking this black man. he well remembered his face, and even the tones of his voice. he had never heard him sing, but he had heard him howl, and it seemed almost impossible that he should meet him in paris. and yet, he was sure that the man who was bellowing and bawling to the delight of the guests of the black cat was one of the african wretches who had been entrapped and enslaved by the rackbirds. but if banker had been astonished by mok, he was utterly amazed and confounded when, some five minutes later, the door of the brasserie was suddenly opened, and another of the slaves of the rackbirds, with whose face he was also perfectly familiar, hurriedly entered. cheditafa, who had been sent on an errand that evening, had missed mok on his return. ralph was away in brussels with the professor, so that his valet, having most of his time on his hands, had thought to take a holiday during cheditafa's absence, and had slipped off to the black cat, whose pleasures he had surreptitiously enjoyed before, but never to such an extent as on this occasion. cheditafa knew he had been there, and when he started out to look for him, it was to the black cat that he went first. before he had quite reached the door, cheditafa had been shocked and angered to hear his favorite hymn sung in a beer-shop by that reprobate and incompetent mok, and he had rushed in, and in a minute seized the blatant vocalist by the collar, and ordered him instantly to shut his mouth and pay his reckoning. then, in spite of the shouts of disapprobation which arose on every side, he led away the negro as if he had been a captured dog with his tail between his legs. mok could easily have thrown cheditafa across the street, but his respect and reverence for his elder and superior were so great that he obeyed his commands without a word of remonstrance. now up sprang banker, who was in such a hurry to go that he forgot to pay for his beer, and when he performed this duty, after having been abruptly reminded of it by a waiter, he was almost too late to follow the two black men, but not quite too late. he was an adept in the tracking of his fellow-beings, and it was not long before he was quietly following mok and cheditafa, keeping at some distance behind them, but never allowing them to get out of his sight. in the course of a moderate walk he saw them enter the hotel grenade. this satisfied the wandering rackbird. if the negroes went into that hotel at that time of night, they must live there, and he could suspend operations until morning. chapter xliv mr. banker's speculation that night banker was greatly disturbed by surmises and conjectures concerning the presence of the two negroes in the french capital. he knew cheditafa quite as well as he knew mok, and it was impossible that he should be mistaken. it is seldom that any one sees a native african in paris, and he was positive that the men he had seen, dressed in expensive garments, enjoying themselves like gentlemen of leisure, and living at a grand hotel, were the same negroes he had last seen in rags and shreds, lodged in a cave in the side of a precipice, toiling and shuddering under the commands of a set of desperadoes on a desert coast in south america. there was only one way in which he could explain matters, and that was that the band had had some great success, and that one or more of its members had come to paris, and had brought the two negroes with them as servants. but of one thing he had no doubts, and that was that he would follow up the case. he had met with no successes of late, but if any of his former comrades had, he wanted to meet those dear old friends. in paris he was not afraid of anything they might say about his desertion. very early in the morning banker was in front of the hotel grenade. he did not loiter there; he did not wander up and down like a vagrant, or stand about like a spy. it was part of his business to be able to be present in various places almost at the same time, and not to attract notice in any of them. it was not until after ten o'clock that he saw anything worthy of his observation, and then a carriage drove up to the front entrance, and on the seat beside the driver sat cheditafa, erect, solemn, and respectable. presently the negro got down and opened the door of the carriage. in a few moments a lady, a beautiful lady, handsomely dressed, came out of the hotel and entered the carriage. then cheditafa shut the door and got up beside the driver again. it was a fine thing to have such a footman as this one, so utterly different from the ordinary groom or footman, so extremely _distingué_! as the carriage rolled off, banker walked after it, but not in such a way as to attract attention, and then he entered a cab and told the _cocher_ to drive to the bon marché. of course, he did not know where the lady was going to, but at present she was driving in the direction of that celebrated mart, and he kept his eye upon her carriage, and if she had turned out of the boulevard and away from the seine, he would have ordered his driver to turn also and go somewhere else. he did not dare to tell the man to follow the carriage. he was shaved, and his clothes had been put in as good order as possible, but he knew that he did not look like a man respectable enough to give such an order without exciting suspicion. but the carriage did go to the bon marché, and there also went the cab, the two vehicles arriving at almost the same time. banker paid his fare with great promptness, and was on the pavement in time to see the handsomely dressed lady descend and enter the establishment. as she went in, he took one look at the back of her bonnet. it had a little green feather in it. then he turned quickly upon cheditafa, who had shut the carriage door and was going around behind it in order to get up on the other side. "look here," whispered banker, seizing the clerical butler by the shoulder, "who is that lady? quick, or i'll put a knife in you." at these words cheditafa's heart almost stopped beating, and as he quickly turned he saw that he looked into the face of a man, an awfully wicked man, who had once helped to grind the soul out of him, in that dreadful cave by the sea. the poor negro was so frightened that he scarcely knew whether he was in paris or peru. "who is she?" whispered again the dreadful rackbird. "come, come!" shouted the coachman from his seat, "we must move on." "quick! who is she?" hissed banker. "she?" replied the quaking negro. "she is the captain's wife. she is--" but he could say no more, for a policeman was ordering the carriage to move on, for it stopped the way, and the coachman was calling impatiently. banker could not afford to meet a policeman. he released his hold on cheditafa and retired unnoticed. an instant afterward he entered the bon marché. cheditafa climbed up to the side of the driver, but he missed his foothold several times, and came near falling to the ground. in all paris there was no footman on a carriage who looked less upright, less sedate, and less respectable than this poor, frightened black man. through the corridors and passageways of the vast establishment went banker. but he did not have to go far. he saw at a counter a little green feather in the back of a bonnet. quietly he approached that counter, and no sooner had the attendant turned aside to get something that had been asked for than banker stepped close to the side of the lady, and leaning forward, said in a very low but polite voice: "i am so glad to find the captain's wife. i have been looking for her." he was almost certain, from her appearance, that she was an american, and so he spoke in english. edna turned with a start. she saw beside her a man with his hat off, a rough-looking man, but a polite one, and a man who looked like a sailor. "the captain!" she stammered. "have you--do you bring me anything! a letter?" "yes, madam," said he. "i have a letter and a message for you." "give them to me quickly!" said she, her face burning. "i cannot," he said. "i cannot give them to you here. i have much to say to you, and much to tell you, and i was ordered to say it in private." edna was astounded. her heart sank. captain horn must be in trouble, else why such secrecy? but she must know everything, and quickly. where could she meet the man? he divined her thought. "the gardens of the tuileries," said he. "go there now, please. i will meet you, no matter in what part of it you are." and so saying, he slipped away unnoticed. when the salesman came to her, edna did not remember what she had asked to see, but whatever he brought she did not want, and going out, she had her carriage called, and ordered her coachman to take her to the gardens of the tuileries. she was so excited that she did not wait for cheditafa to get down, but opened the door herself, and stepped in quickly, even before the porter of the establishment could attend to her. when she reached the gardens, and cheditafa opened the carriage door for her, she thought he must have a fit of chills and fever. but she had no time to consider this, and merely told him that she was going to walk in the gardens, and the carriage must wait. it was some time before edna met the man with whom she had made this appointment. he had seen her alight, and although he did not lose sight of her, he kept away from her, and let her walk on until she was entirely out of sight of the carriage. as soon as edna perceived banker, she walked directly toward him. she had endeavored to calm herself, but he could see that she was much agitated. "how in the devil's name," he thought to himself, "did raminez ever come to marry such a woman as this? she's fit for a queen. but they say he used to be a great swell in spain before he got into trouble, and i expect he's put on his old airs again, and an american lady will marry anybody that's a foreign swell. and how neatly she played into my hand! she let me know right away that she wanted a letter, which means, of course, that raminez is not with her." "give me the letter, if you please," said edna. "madam," said banker, with a bow, "i told you i had a letter and a message. i must deliver the message first." "then be quick with it," said she. "i will," said banker. "our captain has had great success lately, you know, but he is obliged to keep a little in the background for the present, as you will see by your letter, and as it is a very particular letter, indeed, he ordered me to bring it to you." edna's heart sank. "what has happened?" said she. "why--" "oh, you will find all that in the letter," said banker. "the captain has written out everything, full and clear. he told me so himself. but i must get through with my message. it is not from him. it is from me. as i just said, he ordered me to bring you this letter, and it was a hard thing to do, and a risky thing to do. but i undertook the job of giving it to you, in private, without anybody's knowing you had received it." "what!" exclaimed edna. "nobody to know!" "oh, that is all explained," said he, hurriedly. "i can't touch on that. my affair is this: the captain sent me with the letter, and i have been to a lot of trouble to get it to you. now, he is not going to pay me for all this,--if he thanks me, it will be more than i expect,--and i am going to be perfectly open and honest with you, and say that as the captain won't pay me, i expect you to do it; or, putting it in another way, before i hand you the letter i brought you, i want you to make me a handsome present." "you rascal!" exclaimed edna. "how dare you impose on me in this way?" it humiliated and mortified her to think that the captain was obliged to resort to such a messenger as this. but all sorts of men become sailors, and although her pride revolted against the attempted imposition, the man had a letter written to her by captain horn, and she must have it. "how much do you want?" said she. "i don't mind your calling me names," said banker. "the captain has made a grand stroke, you know, and everything about you is very fine, while i haven't three francs to jingle together. i want one thousand dollars." "five thousand francs!" exclaimed edna. "absurd! i have not that much money with me. i haven't but a hundred francs, but that ought to satisfy you." "oh, no," said banker, "not at all. but don't trouble yourself. you have not the money, and i have not the letter. the letter is in my lodgings. i was not fool enough to bring it with me, and have you call a policeman to arrest me, and take it for nothing. but if you will be here in two hours, with five thousand francs, and will promise me, upon your honor, that you will bring no one with you, and will not call the police as soon as you have the letter, i will be here with it." "yes," said edna, "i promise." she felt humbled and ashamed as she said it, but there was nothing else to do. in spite of her feelings, in spite of the cost, she must have the letter. "very good," said banker, and he departed. banker had no lodgings in particular, but he went to a brasserie and procured writing materials. he had some letters in his pocket,--old, dirty letters which had been there for a long time,--and one of them was from raminez, which had been written when they were both in california, and which banker had kept because it contained an unguarded reference to raminez's family in spain, and banker had thought that the information might some day be useful to him. he was a good penman, this rackbird,--he was clever in many ways,--and he could imitate handwriting very well, and he set himself to work to address an envelope in the handwriting of raminez. for some time he debated within himself as to what title he should use in addressing the lady. should it be "señora" or "madame"? he inclined to the first appellation, but afterwards thought that as the letter was to go to her in france, and that as most likely she understood french, and not spanish, raminez would probably address her in the former language, and therefore he addressed the envelope to "madame raminez, by private hand." as to the writing of a letter he did not trouble himself at all. he simply folded up two sheets of paper and put them in the envelope, sealing it tightly. now he was prepared, and after waiting until the proper time had arrived he proceeded to the gardens. edna drove to her hotel in great agitation. she was angry, she was astounded, she was almost frightened. what could have happened to captain horn? but two things encouraged and invigorated her: he was alive, and he had written to her. that was everything, and she would banish all speculations and fears until she had read his letter, and, until she had read it, she must keep the matter a secret--she must not let anybody imagine that she had heard anything, or was about to hear anything. by good fortune, she had five thousand francs in hand, and, with these in her pocket-book, she ordered her carriage half an hour before the time appointed. when cheditafa heard the order, he was beset by a new consternation. he had been greatly troubled when his mistress had gone to the gardens the first time--not because there was anything strange in that, for any lady might like to walk in such a beautiful place, but because she was alone, and, with a rackbird in paris, his lady ought never to be alone. she had come out safely, and he had breathed again, and now, now she wanted to go back! he must tell her about that rackbird man. he had been thinking and thinking about telling her all the way back to the hotel, but he had feared to frighten her, and he had also been afraid to say that he had done what he had been ordered not to do, and had told some one that she was the captain's wife. but when he had reached the gardens, he felt that he must say something--she must not walk about alone. accordingly, as edna stepped out of the carriage, he began to speak to her, but, contrary to her usual custom, she paid no attention to him, simply telling him to wait until she came back. edna was obliged to wander about for some time before banker appeared. "now, then, madam," said he, "don't let us waste any time on this business. have you the money with you?" "i have," said she. "but before i give it to you, i tell you that i do so under protest, and that this conduct of yours shall be reported. i consider it a most shameful thing, and i do not willingly pay you for what, no doubt, you have been sufficiently paid before." "that's all very well," said banker. "i don't mind a bit what you say to me. i don't mind your being angry--in fact, i think you ought to be. in your place, i would be angry. but if you will hand me the money--" "silence!" exclaimed edna. "not another word. where is my letter?" "here it is," said banker, drawing the letter he had prepared from his pocket, and holding it in such a position that she could read the address. "you see, it is marked, 'by private hand,' and this is the private hand that has brought it to you. now, if you will count out the money, and will hand it to me, i will give you the letter. that is perfectly fair, isn't it?" edna leaned forward and looked at it. when she saw the superscription, she was astonished, and stepped back. "what do you mean?" she exclaimed, and was about to angrily assert that she was not madame raminez, when banker interrupted her. the sight of her pocket-book within two feet of his hands threw him into a state of avaricious excitement. "i want you to give me that money, and take your letter!" he said savagely. "i can't stand here fooling." [illustration: "i want you to give me that money, and take your letter!" he said savagely.] edna firmly gripped her pocket-book, and was about to scream, but there was no occasion for it. it had been simply impossible for cheditafa to remain on the carriage and let her go into the gardens alone; he had followed her, and, behind some bushes, he had witnessed the interview between her and banker. he saw that the man was speaking roughly to her and threatening her. instantly he rushed toward the two, and at the very top of his voice he yelled: "rackbird! rackbird! police!" startled out of her senses, edna stepped back, while banker turned in fury toward the negro, and clapped his hand to his hip pocket. but cheditafa's cries had been heard, and down the broad avenue banker saw two gendarmes running toward him. it would not do to wait here and meet them. "you devil!" he cried, turning to cheditafa, "i'll have your blood before you know it. as for you, madam, you have broken your word! i'll be even with you!" and, with this, he dashed away. when the gendarmes reached the spot, they waited to ask no questions, but immediately pursued the flying banker. cheditafa was about to join in the chase, but edna stopped him. "come to the carriage--quick!" she said. "i do not wish to stay here and talk to those policemen." hurrying out of the gardens, she drove away. the ex-rackbird was a very hard man to catch. he had had so much experience in avoiding arrest that his skill in that direction was generally more than equal to the skill, in the opposite direction, of the ordinary detective. a good many people and two other gendarmes joined in the chase after the man in the slouch-hat, who had disappeared like a mouse or a hare around some shrubbery. it was not long before the pursuers were joined by a man in a white cap, who asked several questions as to what they were running after, but he did not seem to take a sustained interest in the matter, and soon dropped out and went about his business. he did not take his slouch-hat out of his pocket, for he thought it would be better to continue to wear his white cap for a time. when the police were obliged to give up the pursuit, they went back to the gardens to talk to the lady and her servant who, in such strange words, had called to them, but they were not there. chapter xlv mental turmoils edna went home faint, trembling, and her head in a whirl. when she had heard cheditafa shout "rackbird," the thought flashed into her mind that the captain had been captured in the caves by some of these brigands who had not been destroyed, that this was the cause of his silence, and that he had written to her for help. but she considered that the letter could not be meant for her, for under no circumstance would he have written to her as madame raminez--a name of which she had never heard. this thought gave her a little comfort, but not much. as soon as she reached the hotel, she had a private talk with cheditafa, and what the negro told her reassured her greatly. he did not make a very consecutive tale, but he omitted nothing. he told her of his meeting with the rackbird in front of the bon marché, and he related every word of their short conversation. he accounted for this rackbird's existence by saying that he had not been at the camp when the water came down. in answer to a question from edna, he said that the captain of the band was named raminez, and that he had known him by that name when he first saw him in panama, though in the rackbirds' camp he was called nothing but "the captain." "and you only told him i was the captain's wife?" asked edna. "you didn't say i was captain horn's wife?" cheditafa tried his best to recollect, and he felt very sure that he had simply said she was the captain's wife. when his examination was finished, cheditafa burst into an earnest appeal to his mistress not to go out again alone while she stayed in paris. he said that this rackbird was an awfully wicked man, and that he would kill all of them if he could. if the police caught him, he wanted to go and tell them what a bad man he was. he did not believe the police had caught him. this man could run like a wild hare, and policemen's legs were so stiff. edna assured him that she would take good care of herself, and, after enjoining upon him not to say a word to any one of what had happened until she told him to, she sent him away. when edna sat in council with herself upon the events of the morning, she was able to make some very fair conjectures as to what had happened. the scoundrel she met had supposed her to be the wife of the rackbirds' captain. having seen and recognized cheditafa, it was natural enough for him to suppose that the negro had been brought to paris by some of the band. all this seemed to be good reasoning, and she insisted to herself over and over again that she was quite sure that captain horn had nothing to do with the letter which the man had been intending to give her. that assurance relieved her of one great trouble, but there were others left. here was a member of a band of bloody ruffians,--and perhaps he had companions,--who had sworn vengeance against her and her faithful servant, and cheditafa's account of this man convinced her that he would be ready enough to carry out such vengeance. she scarcely believed that the police had caught him. for she had seen how he could run, and he had the start of them. but even if they had, on what charge would he be held? he ought to be confined or deported, but she did not wish to institute proceedings and give evidence. she did not know what might be asked, or said, or done, if she deposed that the man was a member of the rackbird band, and brought cheditafa as a witness. in all this trouble and perplexity she had no one to whom she could turn for advice and assistance. if she told mrs. cliff there was a rackbird in paris, and that he had been making threats, she was sure that good lady would fly to her home in plainton, maine, where she would have iron bars put to all the windows, and double locks to her doors. in this great anxiety and terror--for, although edna was a brave woman, it terrified her to think that a wild and reckless villain, purple with rage, had shaken his fist at her, and vowed he would kill cheditafa--she could not think of a soul she could trust. her brother, fortunately, was still in belgium with his tutor--fortunately, she thought, because, if he knew of the affair, he would be certain to plunge himself into danger. and to whom could she apply for help without telling too much of her story? mrs. cliff felt there was something in the air. "you seem queer," said she. "you seem unusually excited and ready to laugh. it isn't natural. and cheditafa looks very ashy. i saw him just a moment ago, and it seems to me a dose of quinine would do him good. it may be that it is a sort of spring fever which is affecting people, and i am not sure but that something of the kind is the matter with me. at any rate, there is that feeling in my spine and bones which i always have when things are about to happen, or when there is malaria in the air." edna felt she must endeavor in all possible ways to prevent mrs. cliff from finding out that the curses of a wicked rackbird were in the air, but she herself shuddered when she thought that one or more of the cruel desperadoes, whose coming they had dreaded and waited for through that fearful night in the caves of peru, were now to be dreaded and feared in the metropolis of france. if edna shuddered at this, what would mrs. cliff do if she knew it? as for the man with the white cap, who had walked slowly away about his business that morning when he grew tired of following the gendarmes, he was in a terrible state of mind. he silently raged and stormed and gnashed his teeth, and swore under his breath most awfully and continuously. never had he known such cursed luck. one thousand dollars had been within two feet of his hand! he knew that the lady had that sum in her pocket-book. he was sure she spoke truthfully. her very denunciation of him was a proof that she had not meant to deceive him. she hesitated a moment, but she would have given him the money. in a few seconds more he would have made her take the letter and give him the price she promised. but in those few seconds that gehenna-born baboon had rushed in and spoiled everything. he was not enraged against the lady, but he was enraged against himself because he had not snatched the wallet before he ran, and he was infuriated to a degree which resembled intoxication when he thought of cheditafa and what he had done. the more he thought, the more convinced he became that the lady had not brought the negro with her to spy on him. if she had intended to break her word, she would have brought a gendarme, not that ape. no, the beastly blackamoor had done the business on his own account. he had sneaked after the lady, and when he saw the gendarmes coming, he had thought it a good chance to pay off old scores. "pay off!" growled banker, in a tone which made a shop-girl, who was walking in front of him carrying a band-box, jump so violently that she dropped the box. "pay off! i'll pay him!" and for a quarter of a mile he vowed that the present purpose of his life was the annihilation, the bloody annihilation, of that vile dog, whom he had trampled into the dirt of the pacific coast, and who now, decked in fine clothes, had arisen in paris to balk him of his fortune. it cut banker very deeply when he thought how neat and simple had been the plan which had almost succeeded. he had had a notion, when he went away to prepare the letter for the captain's wife, that he would write in it a brief message which would mean nothing, but would make it necessary for her to see him again and to pay him again. but he had abandoned this. he might counterfeit an address, but it was wiser not to try his hand upon a letter. the more he thought about raminez, the less he desired to run the risk of meeting him, even in paris. so he considered that if he made this one bold stroke and got five thousand francs, he would retire, joyful and satisfied. but now! well, he had a purpose: the annihilation of cheditafa was at present his chief object in life. banker seldom stayed in one place more than a day at a time, and before he went to a new lodging, that night, he threw away his slouch-hat, which he had rammed into his pocket, for he would not want it again. he had his hair cut short and his face neatly shaved, and when he went to his room, he trimmed his mustache in such a way that it greatly altered the cast of his countenance. he was not the penniless man he had represented himself to be, who had not three francs to jingle together, for he was a billiard sharper and gambler of much ability, and when he appeared in the street, the next morning, he was neatly dressed in a suit of second-hand clothes which were as quiet and respectable as any tourist of limited means could have desired. with baedeker's "paris" in his hand, and with a long knife and a slung-shot concealed in his clothes, he went forth to behold the wonders of the great city. he did not seem to care very much whether he saw the sights by day or by night, for from early morning until ten or eleven o'clock in the evening, he was an energetic and interested wayfarer, confining his observations, however, to certain quarters of the city which best suited his investigations. one night he gawkily strolled into the black cat, and one day he boldly entered the hotel grenade and made some inquiries of the porter regarding the price of accommodations, which, however, he declared were far above his means. that day he saw mok in the courtyard, and once, in passing, he saw edna come out and enter her carriage with an elderly lady, and they drove away, with cheditafa on the box. under his dark sack-coat banker wore a coarse blouse, and in the pocket of this undergarment he had a white cap. he was a wonderful man to move quietly out of people's way, and there were places in every neighborhood where, even in the daytime, he could cast off the dark coat and the derby hat without attracting attention. it was satisfactory to think, as he briskly passed on, as one who has much to see in a little time, that the incident in the tuileries gardens had not yet caused the captain's wife to change her quarters. chapter xlvi a problem it was a little more than a week after edna's adventure in the gardens, and about ten o'clock in the morning, that something happened--something which proved that mrs. cliff was entirely right when she talked about the feeling in her bones. edna received a letter from captain horn, which was dated at marseilles. as she stood with the letter in her hand, every nerve tingling, every vein throbbing, and every muscle as rigid as if it had been cast in metal, she could scarcely comprehend that it had really come--that she really held it. after all this waiting and hoping and trusting, here was news from captain horn--news by his own hand, now, here, this minute! presently she regained possession of herself, and, still standing, she tore open the letter. it was a long one of several sheets, and she read it twice. the first time, standing where she had received it, she skimmed over page after page, running her eye from top to bottom until she had reached the end and the signature, but her quick glance found not what she looked for. then the hand holding the letter dropped by her side. after all this waiting and hoping and trusting, to receive such a letter! it might have been written by a good friend, a true and generous friend, but that was all. it was like the other letters he had written. why should they not have been written to mrs. cliff? now she sat down to read it over again. she first looked at the envelope. yes, it was really directed to "mrs. philip horn." that was something, but it could not have been less. it had been brought by a messenger from wraxton, fuguet & co., and had been delivered to mrs. cliff. that lady had told the messenger to take the letter to edna's salon, and she was now lying in her own chamber, in a state of actual ague. of course, she would not intrude upon edna at such a moment as this. she would wait until she was called. whether her shivers were those of ecstasy, apprehension, or that nervous tremulousness which would come to any one who beholds an uprising from the grave, she did not know, but she surely felt as if there were a ghost in the air. the second reading of the letter was careful and exact. the captain had written a long account of what had happened after he had left valparaiso. his former letter, he wrote, had told her what had happened before that time. he condensed everything as much as possible, but the letter was a very long one. it told wonderful things--things which ought to have interested any one. but to edna it was as dry as a meal of stale crusts. it supported her in her fidelity and allegiance as such a meal would have supported a half-famished man, but that was all. her soul could not live on such nutriment as this. he had not begun the letter "my dear wife," as he had done before. it was not necessary now that his letters should be used as proof that she was his widow! he had plunged instantly into the subject-matter, and had signed it after the most friendly fashion. he was not even coming to her! there was so much to do which must be done immediately, and could not be done without him. he had telegraphed to his bankers, and one of the firm and several clerks were already with him. there were great difficulties yet before him, in which he needed the aid of financial counsellors and those who had influence with the authorities. his vessel, the _arato_, had no papers, and he believed no cargo of such value had ever entered a port of france as that contained in the little green-hulled schooner which he had sailed into the harbor of marseilles. this cargo must be landed openly. it must be shipped to various financial centres, and what was to be done required so much prudence, knowledge, and discretion that without the aid of the house of wraxton, fuguet & co., he believed his difficulties would have been greater than when he stood behind the wall of gold on the shore of the patagonian island. he did not even ask her to come to him. in a day or so, he wrote, it might be necessary for him to go to berlin, and whether or not he would travel to london from the german capital, he could not say, and for this reason he could not invite any of them to come down to him. "any of us!" exclaimed edna. for more than an hour mrs. cliff lay in the state of palpitation which pervaded her whole organization, waiting for edna to call her. and at last she could wait no longer, and rushed into the salon where edna sat alone, the letter in her hand. "what does he say?" she cried, "is he well? where is he? did he get the gold?" edna looked at her for a moment without answering. "yes," she said presently, "he is well. he is in marseilles. the gold--" and for a moment she did not remember whether or not the captain had it. "oh, do say something!" almost screamed mrs. cliff. "what is it? shall i read the letter? what does he say?" this recalled edna to herself. "no," said she, "i will read it to you." and she read it aloud, from beginning to end, carefully omitting those passages which mrs. cliff would have been sure to think should have been written in a manner in which they were not written. "well!" exclaimed mrs. cliff, who, in alternate horror, pity, and rapture, had listened, pale and open-mouthed, to the letter. "captain horn is consistent to the end! whatever happens, he keeps away from us! but that will not be for long, and--oh, edna!"--and, as she spoke, she sprang from her chair and threw her arms around the neck of her companion, "he's got the gold!" and, with this, the poor lady sank insensible upon the floor. "the gold!" exclaimed edna, before she even stooped toward her fainting friend. "of what importance is that wretched gold!" an hour afterwards mrs. cliff, having been restored to her usual condition, came again into edna's room, still pale and in a state of excitement. "now, i suppose," she exclaimed, "we can speak out plainly, and tell everybody everything. and i believe that will be to me a greater delight than any amount of money could possibly be." "speak out!" cried edna, "of course we cannot. we have no more right to speak out now than we ever had. captain horn insisted that we should not speak of these affairs until he came, and he has not yet come." "no, indeed!" said mrs. cliff, "that seems to be the one thing he cannot do. he can do everything but come here. and are we to tell nobody that he has arrived in france?--not even that much?" "i shall tell ralph," replied edna. "i shall write to him to come here as soon as possible, but that is all until the captain arrives, and we know everything that has been done, and is to be done. i don't wish any one, except you and me and ralph, even to know that i have heard from him." "not cheditafa? not the professor? nor any of your friends?" "of course not," said edna, a little impatiently. "don't you see how embarrassing, how impossible it would be for me to tell them anything, if i did not tell them everything? and what is there for me to tell them? when we have seen captain horn, we shall all know who we are, and what we are, and then we can speak out to the world, and i am sure i shall be glad enough to do it." "for my part," said mrs. cliff, "i think we all know who we are now. i don't think anybody could tell us. and i think it would have been a great deal better--" "no, it wouldn't!" exclaimed edna. "whatever you were going to say, i know it wouldn't have been better. we could have done nothing but what we have done. we had no right to speak of captain horn's affairs, and having accepted his conditions, with everything else that he has given us, we are bound to observe them until he removes them. so we shall not talk any more about that." poor mrs. cliff sighed. "so i must keep myself sealed and locked up, just the same as ever?" "yes," replied edna, "the same as ever. but it cannot be for long. as soon as the captain has made his arrangements, we shall hear from him, and then everything will be told." "made his arrangements!" repeated mrs. cliff. "that's another thing i don't like. it seems to me that if everything were just as it ought to be, there wouldn't be so many arrangements to make, and he wouldn't have to be travelling to berlin, and to london, and nobody knows where else. i wonder if people are giving him any trouble about it! we have had all sorts of troubles already, and now that the blessed end seems almost under our fingers, i hope we are not going to have more of it." "our troubles," said edna, "are nothing. it is captain horn who should talk in that way. i don't think that, since the day we left san francisco, anybody could have supposed that we were in any sort of trouble." "i don't mean outside circumstances," said mrs. cliff. "but i suppose we have all got souls and consciences inside of us, and when they don't know what to do, of course we are bound to be troubled, especially as they don't know what to tell us, and we don't know whether or not to mind them when they do speak. but you needn't be afraid of me. i shall keep quiet--that is, as long as i can. i can't promise forever." edna wrote to ralph, telling him of the captain's letter, and urging him to come to paris as soon as possible. it was scarcely necessary to speak to him of secrecy, for the boy was wise beyond his years. she did speak of it, however, but very circumspectly. she knew that her brother would never admit that there was any reason for the soul-rending anxiety with which she waited the captain's return. but whatever happened, or whatever he might think about what should happen, she wanted ralph with her. she felt herself more truly alone than she had ever been in her life. during the two days which elapsed before ralph reached paris from brussels, edna had plenty of time to think, and she did not lose any of it. what mrs. cliff had said about people giving trouble, and about her conscience, and all that, had touched her deeply. what captain horn had said about the difficulties he had encountered on reaching marseilles, and what he had said about the cargo of the _arato_ being probably more valuable than any which had ever entered that port, seemed to put an entirely new face upon the relations between her and the owner of this vast wealth, if, indeed, he were able to establish that ownership. the more she thought of this point, the more contemptible appeared her own position--that is, the position she had assumed when she and the captain stood together for the last time on the shore of peru. if that gold truly belonged to him, if he had really succeeded in his great enterprise, what right had she to insist that he should accept her as a condition of his safe arrival in a civilized land with this matchless prize, with no other right than was given her by that very indefinite contract which had been entered into, as she felt herself forced to believe, only for her benefit in case he should not reach a civilized land alive? the disposition of this great wealth was evidently an anxiety and a burden, but in her heart she believed that the greatest of his anxieties was caused by his doubt in regard to the construction she might now place upon that vague, weird ceremony on the desert coast of peru. the existence of such a doubt was the only thing that could explain the tone of his letters. he was a man of firmness and decision, and when he had reached a conclusion, she knew he would state it frankly, without hesitation. but she also knew that he was a man of a kind and tender heart, and it was easy to understand how that disposition had influenced his action. by no word or phrase, except such as were necessary to legally protect her in the rights he wished to give her in case of his death, had he written anything to indicate that he or she were not both perfectly free to plan out the rest of their lives as best suited them. in a certain way, his kindness was cruelty. it threw too much upon her. she believed that if she were to assume that a marriage ceremony performed by a black man from the wilds of africa, was as binding, at least, as a solemn engagement, he would accept her construction and all its consequences. she also believed that if she declared that ceremony to be of no value whatever, now that the occasion had passed, he would agree with that conclusion. everything depended upon her. it was too hard for her. to exist in this state of uncertainty was impossible for a woman of edna's organization. at any hour captain horn might appear. how should she receive him? what had she to say to him? for the rest of that day and the whole of the night, her mind never left this question: "what am i to say to him?" she had replied to his letter by a telegram, and simply signed herself "edna." it was easy enough to telegraph anywhere, and even to write, without assuming any particular position in regard to him. but when he came, she must know what to do and what to say. she longed for ralph's coming, but she knew he could not help her. he would say but one thing--that which he had always said. in fact, he would be no better than mrs. cliff. but he was her own flesh and blood, and she longed for him. chapter xlvii a man-chimpanzee since the affair with the rackbird, cheditafa had done his duty more earnestly than ever before. he said nothing to mok about the rackbird. he had come to look upon his fellow-african as a very low creature, not much better than a chimpanzee. during ralph's absence mok had fallen into all sorts of irregular habits, going out without leave whenever he got a chance, and disporting himself generally in a very careless and unservant-like manner. on the evening that ralph was expected from brussels, mok was missing. cheditafa could not find him in any of the places where he ought to have been, so he must be out of doors somewhere, and cheditafa went to look for him. this was the first time that cheditafa had gone into the streets alone at night since the rackbird incident in the tuileries gardens. as he was the custodian of mok, and responsible for him, he did not wish to lose sight of him, especially on this evening. it so happened that when cheditafa went out of the hotel, his appearance was noticed by mr. banker. there was nothing remarkable about this, for the evening was the time when the ex-rackbird gave the most attention to the people who came out of the hotel. when he saw cheditafa, his soul warmed within him. here was the reward of patience and steadfastness--everything comes to those who wait. a half-hour before, banker had seen mok leave the hotel and make his way toward the black cat. he did not molest the rapidly walking negro. he would not have disturbed him for anything. but his watchfulness became so eager and intense that he almost, but not quite, exposed himself to the suspicion of a passing gendarme. he now expected cheditafa, for the reason that the manner of the younger negro indicated that he was playing truant. it was likely that the elder man would go after him, and this was exactly what happened. banker allowed the old african to go his way without molestation, for the brightly lighted neighborhood of the hotel was not adapted to his projected performance. but he followed him warily, and, when they reached a quiet street, banker quickened his pace, passed cheditafa, and, suddenly turning, confronted him. then, without a word having been said, there flashed upon the mind of the african everything that had happened, not only in the tuileries gardens, but in the rackbirds' camp, and at the same time a prophetic feeling of what was about to happen. by a few quick pulls and jerks, banker had so far removed his disguise that cheditafa knew him the instant that his eyes fell upon him. his knees trembled, his eyeballs rolled so that nothing but their whites could be seen, and he gave himself up to death. then spoke out the terrible rackbird. what he said need not be recorded here, but every word of superheated vengeance, with which he wished to torture the soul of his victim before striking him to the earth, went straight to the soul of cheditafa, as if it had been a white-hot iron. his chin fell upon his breast. he had but one hope, and that was that he would be killed quickly. he had seen people killed in the horrible old camp, and the man before him he believed to be the worst rackbird of them all. when banker had finished stabbing and torturing the soul of the african, he drew a knife from under his coat, and down fell cheditafa on his knees. the evening was rainy and dark, and the little street was nearly deserted. banker, who could look behind and before him without making much show of turning his head, had made himself sure of this before he stepped in front of cheditafa. but while he had been pouring out his torrent of heart-shrivelling vituperation, he had ceased to look before and behind him, and had not noticed a man coming down the street in the opposite direction to that in which they had been going. this was mok, who was much less of a fool than cheditafa took him for. he had calculated that he would have time to go to the black cat and drink two glasses of beer before ralph was likely to appear, and he also made up his mind that two glasses were as much as he could dispose of without exciting the suspicions of the young man. therefore, he had attended to the business that had taken him out of doors on that rainy night, and was returning to the hotel with a lofty consciousness of having done wrong in a very wise and satisfactory manner. he wore india-rubber overshoes, because the pavements were wet, and also because this sort of foot-gear suited him better than hard, unyielding sole-leather. had he had his own way, he would have gone bare-footed, but that would have created comment in the streets of paris--he had sense enough to know that. when he first perceived, by the dim light of a street lamp, two persons standing together on his side of the street, his conscience, without any reason for it, suggested that he cross over and pass by without attracting attention. to wrong-doers attention is generally unwelcome. mok not only trod with the softness and swiftness of a panther, but he had eyes like that animal, and if there were any light at all, those eyes could make good use of it. as he neared the two men, he saw that one was scolding the other. then he saw the other man drop down on his knees. then, being still nearer, he perceived that the man on his knees was cheditafa. then he saw the man in front of him draw a knife from under his coat. as a rule, mok was a coward, but two glasses of beer were enough to turn his nature in precisely the opposite direction. a glass less would have left him timorous, a glass more would have made him foolhardy and silly. he saw that somebody was about to stab his old friend. in five long, noiseless steps, or leaps, he was behind that somebody, and had seized the arm which held the knife. with a movement as quick as the stroke of a rattlesnake, banker turned upon the man who had clutched his arm, and when he saw that it was mok, his fury grew tornado-like. with a great oath, and a powerful plunge backward, he endeavored to free his arm from the grasp of the negro. but he did not do it. those black fingers were fastened around his wrist as though they had been fetters forged to fit him. and in the desperate struggle the knife was dropped. in a hand-to-hand combat with a chimpanzee, a strong man would have but little chance of success, and mok, under the influence of two glasses of beer, was a man-chimpanzee. when banker swore, and when he turned so that the light of the street lamp fell upon his face, mok recognized him. he knew him for a rackbird of the rackbirds--as the cruel, black-eyed savage who had beaten him, trodden upon him, and almost crushed the soul out of him, in that far-away camp by the sea. how this man should have suddenly appeared in paris, why he came there, and what he was going to do, whether he was alone, or with his band concealed in the neighboring doorways, mok did not trouble his mind to consider. he held in his brazen grip a creature whom he considered worse than the most devilish of african devils, a villain who had been going to kill cheditafa. every nerve under his black skin, every muscle that covered his bones, and the two glasses of beer, sung out to him that the rackbird could not get away from him, and that the great hour of vengeance had arrived. banker had a pistol, but he had no chance to draw it. the arms of the wild man were around him. his feet slipped from under him, and instantly the two were rolling on the wet pavement. but only for an instant. banker was quick and light and strong to such a degree that no man but a man-chimpanzee could have overpowered him in a struggle like that. both were on their feet almost as quickly as they went down, but do what he would, banker could not get out his pistol. those long black arms, one of them now bared to the shoulder, were about him ever. he pulled, and tugged, and swerved. he half threw him one instant, half lifted the next, but never could loosen the grasp of that fierce creature, whose whole body seemed as tough and elastic as the shoes he wore. together they fell, together they rolled in the dirty slime, together they rose as if they had been shot up by a spring, and together they went down again, rolling over each other, pulling, tearing, striking, gasping, and panting. cheditafa had gone. the moment of mok's appearance, he had risen and fled. there were now people in the street. some had come out of their houses, hearing the noise of the struggle, for banker wore heavy shoes. there were also one or two pedestrians who had stopped, unwilling to pass men who were engaged in such a desperate conflict. no one interfered. it would have seemed as prudent to step between two tigers. such a bounding, whirling, tumbling, rolling, falling, and rising contest had never been seen in that street, except between cats. it seemed that the creatures would dash themselves through the windows of the houses. it was not long before cheditafa came back with two policemen, all running, and then the men who lay in the street, spinning about as if moving on pivots, were seized and pulled apart. at first the officers of the law appeared at a loss to know what had happened, and who had been attacked. what was this black creature from the jardin des plantes? but banker's coat had been torn from his back, and his pistol stood out in bold relief in his belt, and cheditafa pointed to the breathless bandit, and screamed: "bad man! bad man! try to kill me! this good mok save my life!" two more policemen now came hurrying up, for other people had given the alarm, and it was not considered necessary to debate the question as to who was the aggressor in this desperate affair. cheditafa, mok, and banker were all taken to the police station. as cheditafa was known to be in the service of the american lady at the hotel grenade, the _portier_ of that establishment was sent for, and having given his testimony to the good character of the two negroes, they were released upon his becoming surety for their appearance when wanted. as for banker, there was no one to go security. he was committed for trial. * * * * * when ralph went to his room, that night, he immediately rang for his valet. mok, who had reached the hotel from the police station but a few minutes before, answered the summons. when ralph turned about and beheld the black man, his hair plastered with mud, his face plastered with mud, and what clothes he had on muddy, torn, and awry, with one foot wearing a great overshoe and the other bare, with both black arms entirely denuded of sleeves, with eyes staring from his head, and his whole form quivering and shaking, the young man started as if some afrit of the "arabian nights" had come at this dark hour to answer his call. to the eager questions which poured upon him when his identity became apparent, mok could make no intelligible answer. he did not possess english enough for that. but cheditafa was quickly summoned, and he explained everything. he explained it once, twice, three times, and then he and mok were sent away, and told to go to bed, and under no circumstances to mention to their mistress what had happened, or to anybody who might mention it to her. and this cheditafa solemnly promised for both. the clock struck one as ralph still sat in his chair, wondering what all this meant, and what might be expected to happen next. to hear that a real, live rackbird was in paris, that this outlaw had threatened his sister, that the police had been watching for him, that he had sworn to kill cheditafa, and that night had tried to do it, amazed him beyond measure. at last he gave up trying to conjecture what it meant. it was foolish to waste his thoughts in that way. to-morrow he must find out. he could understand very well why his sister had kept him in ignorance of the affair in the gardens. she had feared danger to him. she knew that he would be after that scoundrel more hotly than any policeman. but what the poor girl must have suffered! it was terrible to think of. the first thing he would do would be to take very good care that she heard nothing of the attack on cheditafa. he would go to the police office early the next morning and look into this matter. he did not think that it would be necessary for edna to know anything about it, except that the rackbird had been arrested and she need no longer fear him. when ralph reached the police station, the next day, he found there the portier of the hotel, together with cheditafa and mok. after banker's examination, to which he gave no assistance by admissions of any sort, he was remanded for trial, and he was held merely for his affair with the negroes, no charge having been made against him for his attempt to obtain money from their mistress, or his threats in her direction. as the crime for which he had been arrested gave reason enough for condign punishment of the desperado, ralph saw, and made cheditafa see, it would be unnecessary as well as unpleasant to drag edna into the affair. that afternoon mr. banker, who had recovered his breath and had collected his ideas, sent for the police magistrate and made a confession. he said he had been a member of a band of outlaws, but having grown disgusted with their evil deeds, had left them. he had become very poor, and having heard that the leader of the band had made a fortune by a successful piece of rascality, and had married a fine lady, and was then in paris, he had come to this city to meet him, and to demand in the name of their old comradeship some assistance in his need. he had found his captain's wife. she had basely deceived him after having promised to help him, and he had been insulted and vilely treated by that old negro, who was once a slave in the rackbirds' camp in peru, and who had been brought here with the other negro by the captain. he also freely admitted that he had intended to punish the black fellow, though he had no idea whatever of killing him. if he had had such an idea, it would have been easy enough for him to put his knife into him when he met him in that quiet street. but he had not done so, but had contented himself with telling him what he thought of him, and with afterwards frightening him with his knife. and then the other fellow had come up, and there had been a fight. therefore, although he admitted that his case was a great misdemeanor, and that he had been very disorderly, he boldly asserted that he had contemplated no murder. but what he wished particularly to say to the magistrate was that the captain of the rackbirds would probably soon arrive in paris, and that he ought to be arrested. no end of important results might come from such an arrest. he was quite sure that the great stroke of fortune which had enabled the captain's family to live in paris in such fine style ought to be investigated. the captain had never made any money by simple and straightforward methods of business. all this voluntary testimony was carefully taken down, and although the magistrate did not consider it necessary to believe any of it, the arrival of captain horn was thenceforth awaited with interest by the police of paris. it was not very plain how miss markham of the hotel grenade, who was well known as a friend of a member of the american legation, could be the wife of a south american bandit. but then, there might be reasons why she wished to retain her maiden name for the present, and she might not know her husband as a bandit. chapter xlviii enter captain horn it was less than a week after the tumbling match in the street between banker and mok, and about eleven o'clock in the morning, when a brief note, written on a slip of paper and accompanied by a card, was brought to edna from mrs. cliff. on the card was written the name of captain philip horn, and the note read thus: "he is here. he sent his card to me. of course, you will see him. oh, edna! don't do anything foolish when you see him! don't go and throw away everything worth living for in this world! heaven help you!" this note was hurriedly written, but edna read it at a glance. "bring the gentleman here," she said to the man. now, with all her heart, edna blessed herself and thanked herself that, at last, she had been strong enough and brave enough to determine what she ought to do when she met the captain. that very morning, lying awake in her bed, she had determined that she would meet him in the same spirit as that in which he had written to her. she would be very strong. she would not assume anything. she would not accept the responsibility of deciding the situation, which responsibility she believed he thought it right she should assume. she would not have it. if he appeared before her as the captain horn of his letters, he should go away as the man who had written those letters. if he had come here on business, she would show him that she was a woman of business. as she stood waiting, with her eyes upon his card, which lay upon the table, and mrs. cliffs note crumpled up in one hand, she saw the captain for some minutes before it was possible for him to reach her. she saw him on board the _castor_, a tall, broad-shouldered sailor, with his hands in the pockets of his pea-jacket. she saw him by the caves in peru, his flannel shirt and his belted trousers faded by the sun and water, torn and worn, and stained by the soil on which they so often sat, with his long hair and beard, and the battered felt hat, which was the last thing she saw as his boat faded away in the distance, when she stood watching it from the sandy beach. she saw him as she had imagined him after she had received his letter, toiling barefooted along the sands, carrying heavy loads upon his shoulders, living alone night and day on a dreary desert coast, weary, perhaps haggard, but still indomitable. she saw him in storm, in shipwreck, in battle, and as she looked upon him thus with the eyes of her brain, there were footsteps outside her door. as captain horn came through the long corridors and up the stairs, following the attendant, he saw the woman he was about to meet, and saw her before he met her. he saw her only in one aspect--that of a tall, too thin, young woman, clad in a dark-blue flannel suit, unshapely, streaked, and stained, her hair bound tightly round her head and covered by an old straw hat with a faded ribbon. this picture of her as he had left her standing on the beach, at the close of that afternoon when his little boat pulled out into the pacific, was as clear and distinct as when he had last seen it. a door was opened before him, and he entered edna's salon. for a moment he stopped in the doorway. he did not see the woman he had come to meet. he saw before him a lady handsomely and richly dressed in a parisian morning costume--a lady with waving masses of dark hair above a lovely face, a lady with a beautiful white hand, which was half raised as he appeared in the doorway. she stood with her hand half raised. she had never seen the man before her. he was a tall, imposing gentleman, in a dark suit, over which he wore a light-colored overcoat. one hand was gloved, and in the other he held a hat. his slightly curling brown beard and hair were trimmed after the fashion of the day, and his face, though darkened by the sun, showed no trace of toil, or storm, or anxious danger. he was a tall, broad-shouldered gentleman, with an air of courtesy, an air of dignity, an air of forbearance, which were as utterly unknown to her as everything else about him, except his eyes--those were the same eyes she had seen on board the _castor_ and on the desert sands. had it not been for the dark eyes which looked so steadfastly at him, captain horn, would have thought that he had been shown into the wrong room. but he now knew there was no mistake, and he entered. edna raised her hand and advanced to meet him. he shook hands with her exactly as he had written to her, and she shook hands with him just as she had telegraphed to him. much of her natural color had left her face. as he had never seen this natural color, under the sun-brown of the pacific voyage, he did not miss it. instantly she began to speak. how glad she was that she had prepared herself to speak as she would have spoken to any other good friend! so she expressed her joy at seeing him again, well and successful after all these months of peril, toil, and anxiety, and they sat down near each other. he looked at her steadfastly, and asked her many things about ralph, mrs. cliff, and the negroes, and what had happened since he left san francisco. he listened with a questioning intentness as she spoke. she spoke rapidly and concisely as she answered his questions and asked him about himself. she said little about the gold. one might have supposed that he had arrived at marseilles with a cargo of coffee. at the same time, there seemed to be, on edna's part, a desire to lengthen out her recital of unimportant matters. she now saw that the captain knew she did not care to talk of these things. she knew that he was waiting for an opportunity to turn the conversation into another channel,--waiting with an earnestness that was growing more and more apparent,--and as she perceived this, and as she steadily talked to him, she assured herself, with all the vehemence of which her nature was capable, that she and this man were two people connected by business interests, and that she was ready to discuss that business in a business way as soon as he could speak. but still she did not yet give him the chance to speak. the captain sat there, with his blue eyes fixed upon her, and, as she looked at him, she knew him to be the personification of honor and magnanimity, waiting until he could see that she was ready for him to speak, ready to listen if she should speak, ready to meet her on any ground--a gentleman, she thought, above all the gentlemen in the world. and still she went on talking about mrs. cliff and ralph. suddenly the captain rose. whether or not he interrupted her in the middle of a sentence, he did not know, nor did she know. he put his hat upon a table and came toward her. he stood in front of her and looked down at her. she looked up at him, but he did not immediately speak. she could not help standing silently and looking up at him when he stood and looked down upon her in that way. then he spoke. "are you my wife?" said he. "by all that is good and blessed in heaven or earth, i am," she answered. standing there, and looking up into his eyes, there was no other answer for her to make. * * * * * seldom has a poor, worn, tired, agitated woman kept what was to her a longer or more anxious watch upon a closed door than mrs. cliff kept that day. if even ralph had appeared, she would have decoyed him into her own room, and locked him up there, if necessary. in about an hour after mrs. cliff began her watch, a tall man walked rapidly out of the salon and went down the stairs, and then a woman came running across the hall and into mrs. cliff's room, closing the door behind her. mrs. cliff scarcely recognized this woman. she had edna's hair and face, but there was a glow and a glory on her countenance such as mrs. cliff had never seen, or expected to see until, in the hereafter, she should see it on the face of an angel. "he has loved me," said edna, with her arms around her old friend's neck, "ever since we had been a week on the _castor_." mrs. cliff shivered and quivered with joy. she could not say anything, but over and over again she kissed the burning cheeks of her friend. at last they stood apart, and, when mrs. cliff was calm enough to speak, she said: "ever since we were on the _castor!_ well, edna, you must admit that captain horn is uncommonly good at keeping things to himself." "yes," said the other, "and he always kept it to himself. he never let it go away from him. he had intended to speak to me, but he wanted to wait until i knew him better, and until we were in a position where he wouldn't seem to be taking advantage of me by speaking. and when you proposed that marriage by cheditafa, he was very much troubled and annoyed. it was something so rough and jarring, and so discordant with what he had hoped, that at first he could not bear to think of it. but he afterwards saw the sense of your reasoning, and agreed simply because it would be to my advantage in case he should lose his life in his undertaking. and we will be married to-morrow at the embassy." "to-morrow!" cried mrs. cliff. "so soon?" "yes," replied edna. "the captain has to go away, and i am going with him." "that is all right," said mrs. cliff. "of course i was a little surprised at first. but how about the gold? how much was there of it? and what is he going to do with it?" "he scarcely mentioned the gold," replied edna. "we had more precious things to talk about. when he sees us all together, you and i and ralph, he will tell us what he has done, and what he is going to do, and--" "and we can say what we please?" cried mrs. cliff. "yes," said edna,--"to whomever we please." "thank the lord!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "that is almost as good as being married." * * * * * on his arrival in paris the night before, captain horn had taken lodgings at a hotel not far from the hotel grenade, and the first thing he did the next morning was to visit edna. he had supposed, of course, that she was at the same hotel in which mrs. cliff resided, which address he had got from wraxton, in marseilles, and he had expected to see the elderly lady first, and to get some idea of how matters stood before meeting edna. he was in paris alone. he had left shirley and burke, with the negroes, in marseilles. he had wished to do nothing, to make no arrangements for any one, until he had seen edna, and had found out what his future life was to be. now, as he walked back to his hotel, that future life lay before him radiant and resplendent. no avenue in paris, or in any part of the world, blazing with the lights of some grand festival, ever shone with such glowing splendor as the future life of captain horn now shone and sparkled before him, as he walked and walked, on and on, and crossed the river into the latin quarter, before he perceived that his hotel was a mile or more behind him. from the moment that the _arato_ had left the straits of magellan, and captain horn had had reason to believe that he had left his dangers behind him, the prow of his vessel had been set toward the strait of gibraltar, and every thought of his heart toward edna. burke and shirley both noticed a change in him. after he left the rackbirds' cove, until he had sailed into the south atlantic, his manner had been quiet, alert, generally anxious, and sometimes stern. but now, day by day, he appeared to be growing into a different man. he was not nervous, nor apparently impatient, but it was easy to see that within him there burned a steady purpose to get on as fast as the wind would blow them northward. day by day, as he walked the deck of his little vessel, one might have thought him undergoing a transformation from the skipper of a schooner into the master of a great ship, into the captain of a swift atlantic liner, into the commander of a man-of-war, into the commodore on board a line-of-battle ship. it was not an air of pride or assumed superiority that he wore, it was nothing assumed, it was nothing of which he was not entirely aware. it was the gradual growth within him, as health grows into a man recovering from a sickness, of the consciousness of power. the source of that consciousness lay beneath him, as he trod the deck of the _arato_. this consciousness, involuntary, and impossible to resist, had nothing definite about it. it had nothing which could wholly satisfy the soul of this man, who kept his eyes and his thoughts so steadfastly toward the north. he knew that there were but few things in the world that his power could not give him, but there was one thing upon which it might have no influence whatever, and that one thing was far more to him than all other things in this world. sometimes, as he sat smoking beneath the stars, he tried to picture to himself the person who might be waiting and watching for him in paris, and to try to look upon her as she must really be; for, after her life in san francisco and paris, she could not remain the woman she had been at the caves on the coast of peru. but, do what he would, he could make no transformation in the picture which was imprinted on the retina of his soul. there he saw a woman still young, tall, and too thin, in a suit of blue flannel faded and worn, with her hair bound tightly around her head and covered by a straw hat with a faded ribbon. but it was toward this figure that he was sailing, sailing, sailing, as fast as the winds of heaven would blow his vessel onward. chapter xlix a golden afternoon when ralph met captain horn that afternoon, there rose within him a sudden, involuntary appreciation of the captain's worthiness to possess a ship-load of gold and his sister edna. before that meeting there had been doubts in the boy's mind in regard to this worthiness. he believed that he had thoroughly weighed and judged the character and capacities of the captain of the _castor_, and he had said to himself, in his moments of reflection, that although captain horn was a good man, and a brave man, and an able man in many ways, there were other men in the world who were better fitted for the glorious double position into which this fortunate mariner had fallen. but now, as ralph sat and gazed upon his sister's lover and heard him talk, and as he turned from him to edna's glowing eyes, he acknowledged, without knowing it, the transforming power of those two great alchemists,--gold and love,--and from the bottom of his heart he approved the match. upon mrs. cliff the first sight of captain horn had been a little startling, and had she not hastened to assure herself that the compact with edna was a thing fixed and settled, she might have been possessed with the fear that perhaps this gentleman might have views for his future life very different from those upon which she had set her heart. but even if she had not known of the compact of the morning, all danger of that fear would have passed in the moment that the captain took her by the hand. to find his three companions of the wreck and desert in such high state and flourishing condition so cheered and uplifted the soul of the captain that he could talk of nothing else. and now he called for cheditafa and mok--those two good fellows whose faithfulness he should never forget. but when they entered, bending low, with eyes upturned toward the lofty presence to which they had been summoned, the captain looked inquiringly at edna. as he came in that afternoon, he had seen both the negroes in the courtyard, and, in the passing thought he had given to them, had supposed them to be attendants of some foreign potentate from barbary or morocco. cheditafa and mok! the ragged, half-clad negroes of the sea-beach--a parson-butler of sublimated respectability, a liveried lackey of rainbow and gold! it required minutes to harmonize these presentments in the mind of captain horn. when the audience of the two africans--for such it seemed to be--had lasted long enough, edna was thinking of dismissing them, when it became plain to her that there was something which cheditafa wished to say or do. she looked at him inquiringly, and he came forward. for a long time the mind of the good african had been exercised upon the subject of the great deed he had done just before the captain had sailed away from the peruvian coast. in san francisco and paris he had asked many questions quietly, and apparently without purpose, concerning the marriage ceremonies of america and other civilized countries. he had not learned enough to enable him, upon an emergency, to personate an orthodox clergyman, but he had found out this and that--little things, perhaps, but things which made a great impression upon him--which had convinced him that in the ceremony he had performed there had been much remissness--how much, he did not clearly know. but about one thing that had been wanting he had no doubts. advancing toward edna and the captain, who sat near each other, cheditafa took from his pocket a large gold ring, which he had purchased with his savings. "there was a thing we didn't do," he said, glancing from one to the other. "it was the ring part--nobody thinked of that. will captain take it now, and put it on the lady?" edna and the captain looked at each other. for a moment no one spoke. then edna said, "take it." the captain rose and took the ring from the hand of cheditafa, and edna stood beside him. then he took her hand, and reverently placed the ring upon her fourth finger. fortunately, it fitted. it had not been without avail that cheditafa had so often scanned with a measuring eye the rings upon the hands of his mistress. a light of pleasure shone in the eyes of the old negro. now he had done his full duty--now all things had been made right. as he had seen the priests stand in the churches of paris, he now stood for a moment with his hands outspread. "very good," he said, "that will do." then, followed by mok, he bowed himself out of the room. for some moments there was silence in the salon. nobody thought of laughing, or even smiling. in the eyes of mrs. cliff there were a few tears. she was the first to speak. "he is a good man," said she, "and he now believes that he has done everything that ought to be done. but you will be married to-morrow, all the same, of course." "yes," said edna. "but it will be with this ring." "yes," said the captain, "with that ring. you must always wear it." "and now," said mrs. cliff, when they had all reseated themselves, "you must really tell us your story, captain. you know i have heard nothing yet." and so he told his story--much that edna had heard before, a great deal she had not heard. about the treasure, almost everything he said was new to her. mrs. cliff was very eager on this point. she wanted every detail. "how about the ownership of it?" she said. "after all, that is the great point. what do people here think of your right to use that gold as your own?" the captain smiled. "that is not an easy question to answer, but i think we shall settle it very satisfactorily. of course, the first thing to do is to get it safely entered and stored away in the great money centres over here. a good portion of it, in fact, is to be shipped to philadelphia to be coined. of course, all that business is in the hands of my bankers. the fact that i originally sailed from california was a great help to us. to ascertain my legal rights in the case was the main object of my visit to london. there wraxton and i put the matter before three leading lawyers in that line of business, and although their opinions differed somewhat, and although we have not yet come to a final conclusion as to what should be done, the matter is pretty well straightened out as far as we are concerned. of course, the affair is greatly simplified by the fact that there is no one on the other side to be a claimant of the treasure, but we consider it as if there were a claimant, or two of them, in fact. these can be no other than the present government of peru, and that portion of the population of the country which is native to the soil, and the latter, if our suppositions are correct, are the only real heirs to the treasure which i discovered. but what are the laws of peru in regard to treasure-trove, or what may be the disposition of the government toward the native population and their rights, of course we cannot find out now. that will take time. but of one thing we are certain: i am entitled to a fair remuneration for the discovery of this treasure, just the same as if i claimed salvage for having brought a wrecked steamer into port. on this point the lawyers are all agreed. i have, therefore, made my claim, and shall stand by it with enough legal force behind me to support me in any emergency. "but it is not believed that either the peruvian government, or the natives acting as a body, if it shall be possible for them to act in that way, will give us any trouble. we have the matter entirely in our own hands. they do not know of the existence of this treasure, or that they have any rights to it, until we inform them of the fact, and without our assistance it will be almost impossible for them to claim anything or prove anything. therefore, it will be good policy and common sense for them to acknowledge that we are acting honestly, and, more than that, generously, and to agree to take what we offer them, and that we shall keep what is considered by the best legal authorities to be our rights. "as soon as possible, an agent will be sent to peru to attend to the matter. but this matter is in the hands of my lawyers, although, of course, i shall not keep out of the negotiations." "and how much percentage, captain?" asked mrs. cliff. "what part do they think you ought to keep?" "we have agreed," said he, "upon twenty per cent. of the whole. after careful consideration and advice, i made that claim. i shall retain it. indeed, it is already secured to me, no matter what may happen to the rest of the treasure." "twenty per cent.!" exclaimed mrs. cliff. "and that is all that you get?" "yes," said the captain, "it is what i get--and by that is meant what is to be divided among us all. i make the claim, but i make it for every one who was on the _castor_ when she was wrecked, and for the families of those who are not alive--for every one, in fact, who was concerned in this matter." the countenance of mrs. cliff had been falling, and now it went down, down, again. after all the waiting, after all the anxiety, it had come to this: barely twenty per cent., to be divided among ever so many people--twenty-five or thirty, for all she knew. only this, after the dreams she had had, after the castles she had built! of course, she had money now, and she would have some more, and she had a great many useful and beautiful things which she had bought, and she could go back to plainton in very good circumstances. but that was not what she had been waiting for, and hoping for, and anxiously trembling for, ever since she had found that the captain had really reached france with the treasure. "captain," she said, and her voice was as husky as if she had been sitting in a draught, "i have had so many ups and so many downs, and have been turned so often this way and that, i cannot stand this state of uncertainty any longer. it may seem childish and weak, but i must know something. can you give me any idea how much you are to have, or, at least, how much i shall have, and let me make myself satisfied with whatever it is? do you think that i shall be able to go back to plainton and take my place as a leading citizen there? i don't mind in the least asking that before you three. i thought i was justified in making that my object in life, and i have made it my object. now, if i have been mistaken all this time, i would like to know it. don't find fault with me. i have waited, and waited, and waited--" "well," interrupted the captain, "you need not wait any longer. the sum that i have retained shall be divided as soon as possible, and i shall divide it in as just a manner as i can, and i am ready to hear appeals from any one who is not satisfied. of course, i shall keep the largest share of it--that is my right. i found it, and i secured it. and this lady here," pointing to edna, "is to have the next largest share in her own right, because she was the main object which made me work so hard and brave everything to get that treasure here. and then the rest will share according to rank, as we say on board ship." "oh, dear! oh, dear!" murmured mrs. cliff, "he never comes to any point. we never know anything clear and distinct. this is not any answer at all." "the amount i claim," continued the captain, who did not notice that mrs. cliff was making remarks to herself, "is forty million dollars." everybody started, and mrs. cliff sprang up as if a torpedo had been fired beneath her. "forty million dollars!" she exclaimed. "i thought you said you would only have twenty per cent.?" "that is just what it is," remarked the captain, "as nearly as we can calculate. forty million dollars is about one fifth of the value of the cargo i brought to france in the _arato_. and as to your share, mrs. cliff, i think, if you feel like it, you will be able to buy the town of plainton; and if that doesn't make you a leading citizen in it, i don't know what else you can do." chapter l a case of recognition every one in our party at the hotel grenade rose very early the next morning. that day was to be one of activity and event. mrs. cliff, who had not slept one wink during the night, but who appeared almost rejuvenated by the ideas which had come to her during her sleeplessness, now entered a protest against the proposed marriage at the american legation. she believed that people of the position which edna and the captain should now assume ought to be married in a church, with all proper ceremony and impressiveness, and urged that the wedding be postponed for a few days, until suitable arrangements could be made. but edna would not listen to this. the captain was obliged, by appointment, to be in london on the morrow, and he could not know how long he might be detained there, and now, wherever he went, she wished to go with him. he wanted her to be with him, and she was going. moreover, she fancied a wedding at the legation. there were all sorts of regulations concerning marriage in france, and to these neither she nor the captain cared to conform, even if they had time enough for the purpose. at the american legation they would be in point of law upon american soil, and there they could be married as americans, by an american minister. after that mrs. cliff gave up. she was so happy she was ready to agree to anything, or to believe in anything, and she went to work with heart and hand to assist edna in getting ready for the great event. mrs. sylvester, the wife of the secretary, received a note from edna which brought her to the hotel as fast as horses were allowed to travel in the streets of paris, and arrangements were easily made for the ceremony to take place at four o'clock that afternoon. the marriage was to be entirely private. no one was to be present but mrs. cliff, ralph, and mrs. sylvester. nothing was said to cheditafa of the intended ceremony. after what had happened, they all felt that it would be right to respect the old negro's feelings and sensibilities. mrs. cliff undertook, after a few days had elapsed, to explain the whole matter to cheditafa, and to tell him that what he had done had not been without importance and real utility, but that it had actually united his master and mistress by a solemn promise before witnesses, which in some places, and under certain circumstances, would be as good a marriage as any that could be performed, but that a second ceremony had taken place in order that the two might be considered man and wife in all places and under all circumstances. the captain had hoped to see shirley and burke before he left paris, but that was now impossible, and, on his way to his hotel, after breakfasting at the hotel grenade, he telegraphed to them to come to him in london. he had just sent his telegram when he was touched on the arm, and, turning, saw standing by him two police officers. their manner was very civil, but they promptly informed him, the speaker using very fair english, that he must accompany them to the presence of a police magistrate. the captain was astounded. the officers could or would give him no information in regard to the charge against him, or whether it was a charge at all. they only said that he must come with them, and that everything would be explained at the police station. the captain's brow grew black. what this meant he could not imagine, but he had no time to waste in imaginations. it would be foolish to demand explanations of the officers, or to ask to see the warrant for their action. he would not understand french warrants, and the quicker he went to the magistrate and found out what this thing meant, the better. he only asked time to send a telegram to mr. wraxton, urging him to attend him instantly at the police station, and then he went with the officers. on the way, captain horn turned over matters in his mind. he could think of no cause for this detention, except it might be something which had turned up in connection with his possession of the treasure, or perhaps the entrance of the _arato_, without papers, at the french port. but anything of this kind wraxton could settle as soon as he could be made acquainted with it. the only real trouble was that he was to be married at four o'clock, and it was now nearly two. at the police station, captain horn met with a fresh annoyance. the magistrate was occupied with important business and could not attend to him at present. this made the captain very impatient, and he sent message after message to the magistrate, but to no avail. and wraxton did not come. in fact, it was too soon to expect him. the magistrate had good reason for delay. he did not wish to have anything to do with the gentleman who had been taken in custody until his accuser, banker by name, had been brought to this station from his place of confinement, where he was now held under a serious charge. ten minutes, twenty minutes, twenty-five minutes, passed, and the magistrate did not appear. wraxton did not come. the captain had never been so fiercely impatient. he did not know to whom to apply in this serious emergency. he did not wish edna to know of his trouble until he found out the nature of it, and if he sent word to the legation, he was afraid that the news would speedily reach her. wraxton was his man, whatever the charge might be. he would be his security for any amount which might be named, and the business might be settled afterwards, if, indeed, it were not all a mistake of some sort. but wraxton did not appear. suddenly the captain thought of one man who might be of service to him in this emergency. there was no time for delay. some one must come, and come quickly, who could identify him, and the only man he could think of was professor barré, ralph's tutor. he had met that gentleman the evening before. he could vouch for him, and he could certainly be trusted not to alarm edna unnecessarily. he believed the professor could be found at the hotel, and he instantly sent a messenger to him with a note. it took a good deal of time to bring the prisoner banker to the station, and professor barré arrived there before him. the professor was amazed to find captain horn under arrest, and unable to give any reason for this state of things. but it was not long before the magistrate appeared, and it so happened that he was acquainted with barré, who was a well-known man in paris, and, after glancing at the captain, he addressed himself to the professor, speaking in french. the latter immediately inquired the nature of the charges against captain horn, using the same language. "ah! you know him?" said the magistrate. "he has been accused of being the leader of a band of outlaws--a man who has committed murders and outrages without number, one who should not be suffered to go at large, one who should be confined until the authorities of peru, where his crimes were committed, have been notified." the professor stared, but could not comprehend what he had heard. "what is it?" inquired captain horn. "can you not speak english?" no, this parisian magistrate could not speak english, but the professor explained the charge. "it is the greatest absurdity!" exclaimed the captain. "ralph told me that a man, evidently once one of that band of outlaws in peru, had been arrested for assaulting cheditafa, and this charge must be part of his scheme of vengeance for that arrest. i could instantly prove everything that is necessary to know about me if my banker, mr. wraxton, were here. i have sent for him, but he has not come. i have not a moment to waste discussing this matter." the captain gazed anxiously toward the door, and for a few moments the three men stood in silence. the situation was a peculiar one. the professor thought of sending to the hotel grenade, but he hesitated. he said to himself: "the lady's testimony would be of no avail. if he is the man the bandit says he is, of course she does not know it. his conduct has been very strange, and for a long time she certainly knew very little about him. i don't see how even his banker could become surety for him if he were here, and he doesn't seem inclined to come. anybody may have a bank-account." the professor stood looking on the ground. the captain looked at him, and, by that power to read the thoughts of others which an important emergency often gives to a man, he read, or believed he did, the thoughts of barré. he did not blame the man for his doubts. any one might have such doubts. a stranger coming to france with a cargo of gold must expect suspicion, and here was more--a definite charge. at this moment there came a message from the banking house: mr. wraxton had gone to brussels that morning. fuguet did not live in paris, and the captain had never seen him. there were clerks whom he had met in marseilles, but, of course, they could only say that he was the man known as captain horn. the captain ground his teeth, and then, suddenly turning, he interrupted the conversation between the magistrate and barré. he addressed the latter and asked, "will you tell me what this officer has been saying about me?" "he says," answered barré, "that he believes you know nobody in paris except the party at the hotel grenade, and that, of course, you may have deceived them in regard to your identity--that they have been here a long time, and you have been absent, and you have not been referred to by them, which seems strange." "has he not found out that wraxton knows me?" "he says," answered barré, "that you have not visited that banking house since you came to paris, and that seems strange also. every traveller goes to his banker as soon as he arrives." "i did not need to go there," said the captain. "i was occupied with other matters. i had just met my wife after a long absence." "i don't wonder," said the professor, bowing, "that your time was occupied. it is very unfortunate that your banker cannot come to you or send." the captain did not answer. this professor doubted him, and why should he not? as the captain considered the case, it grew more and more serious. that his marriage should be delayed on account of such a preposterous and outrageous charge against him was bad enough. it would be a terrible blow to edna. for, although he knew that she would believe in him, she could not deny, if she were questioned, that in this age of mail and telegraph facilities she had not heard from him for nearly a year, and it would be hard for her to prove that he had not deceived her. but the most unfortunate thing of all was the meeting with the london lawyers the next day. these men were engaged in settling a very important question regarding the ownership of the treasure he had brought to france, and his claims upon it, and if they should hear that he had been charged with being the captain of a band of murderers and robbers, they might well have their suspicions of the truth of his story of the treasure. in fact, everything might be lost, and the affair might end by his being sent a prisoner to peru, to have the case investigated there. what might happen then was too terrible to think of. he turned abruptly to the professor. "i see that you don't believe in me," he said, "but i see that you are a man, and i believe in you. you are acquainted with this magistrate. use your influence with him to have this matter settled quickly. do as much as that for me." "what is it that you ask me to do?" said the other. "it is this," replied the captain. "i have never seen this man who says he was a member of the rackbirds' band. in fact, i never saw any of those wretches except dead ones. he has never met me. he knows nothing about me. his charge is simply a piece of revenge. the only connection he can make between me and the rackbirds is that he knew two negroes were once the servants of his band, and that they are now the servants of my wife. having never seen me, he cannot know me. please ask the magistrate to send for some other men in plain clothes to come into this room, and then let the prisoner be brought here, and asked to point out the man he charges with the crime of being the captain of the rackbirds." the professor's face brightened, and without answer he turned to the magistrate, and laid this proposition before him. the officer shook his head. this would be a very irregular method of procedure. there were formalities which should not be set aside. the deposition of banker should be taken before witnesses. but the professor was interested in captain horn's proposed plan. in an emergency of the sort, when time was so valuable, he thought it should be tried before anything else was done. he talked very earnestly to the magistrate, who at last yielded. in a few minutes three respectable men were brought in from outside, and then a policeman was sent for banker. when that individual entered the waiting-room, his eyes ran rapidly over the company assembled there. after the first glance, he believed that he had never seen one of them before. but he said nothing; he waited to hear what would be said to him. this was said quickly. banker spoke french, and the magistrate addressed him directly. "in this room," he said, "stands the man you have accused as a robber and a murderer, as the captain of the band to which you admit you once belonged. point him out immediately." banker's heart was not in the habit of sinking, but it went down a little now. could it be possible that any one there had ever led him to deeds of violence and blood? he looked again at each man in the room, very carefully this time. of course, that rascal raminez would not come to paris without disguising himself, and no disguise could be so effectual as the garb of a gentleman. but if raminez were there, he should not escape him by any such tricks. banker half shut his eyes, and again went over every countenance. suddenly he smiled. "my captain," he said presently, "is not dressed exactly as he was when i last saw him. he is in good clothes now, and that made it a little hard for me to recognize him at first. but there is no mistaking his nose and his eyebrows. i know him as well as if we had been drinking together last night. there he stands!" and, with his right arm stretched out, he pointed directly to professor barré. at these words there was a general start, and the face of the magistrate grew scarlet with anger. as for the professor himself, he knit his brows, and looked at banker in amazement. "you scoundrel! you liar! you beast!" cried the officer. "to accuse this well-known and honorable gentleman, and say that he is a leader of a band of robbers! you are an impostor, a villain, and if you had been confronted with this other gentleman alone, you would have sworn that he was a bandit chief!" banker made no answer, but still kept his eyes fixed upon the professor. now captain horn spoke: "that fellow had to say something, and he made a very wild guess of it," he said to barré. "i think the matter may now be considered settled. will you suggest as much to the magistrate? truly, i have not a moment to spare." banker listened attentively to these words, and his eyes sparkled. "you needn't try any of your tricks on me, you scoundrel raminez," he said, shaking his fist at the professor. "i know you. i know you better than i did when i first spoke. if you wanted to escape me, you ought to have shaved off your eyebrows when you trimmed your hair and your beard. but i will be after you yet. the tales you have told here won't help you." "take him away!" shouted the magistrate. "he is a fiend!" banker was hurried from the room by two policemen. to the profuse apologies of the magistrate captain horn had no time to listen; he accepted what he heard of them as a matter of course, and only remarked that, as he was not the man against whom the charges had been brought, he must hurry away to attend to a most important appointment. the professor went with him into the street. "sir," said the captain, addressing barré, "you have been of the most important service to me, and i heartily acknowledge the obligation. had it not been that you were good enough to exert your influence with the magistrate, that rascal would have sworn through thick and thin that i had been his captain." then, looking at his watch, he said, "it is twenty-five minutes to four. i shall take a cab and go directly to the legation. i was on my way to my hotel, but there is no time for that now," and, after shaking hands with the professor, he hailed a cab. captain horn reached the legation but a little while after the party from the hotel grenade had arrived, and in due time he stood up beside edna in one of the parlors of the mansion, and he and she were united in marriage by the american minister. the services were very simple, but the congratulations of the little company assembled could not have been more earnest and heartfelt. "now," said mrs. cliff, in the ear of edna, "if we knew that that gold was all to be sunk in the ocean to-morrow, we still ought to be the happiest people on earth." she was a true woman, mrs. cliff, and at that moment she meant what she said. it had been arranged that the whole party should return to the hotel grenade, and from there the newly married couple should start for the train which would take them to calais; and, as he left the legation promptly, the captain had time to send to his own hotel for his effects. the direct transition from the police station to the bridal altar had interfered with his ante-hymeneal preparations, but the captain was accustomed to interference with preparations, and had long learned to dispense with them when occasion required. "i don't believe," said the minister's wife to her husband, when the bridal party had left, "that you ever before married such a handsome couple." "the fact is," said he, "that i never before saw standing together such a fine specimen of a man and such a beautiful, glowing, radiant woman." "i don't see why you need say that," said she, quickly. "you and i stood up together." "yes," he replied, with a smile, "but i wasn't a spectator." chapter li banker does some important business when banker went back to the prison cell, he was still firmly convinced that he had been overreached by his former captain, raminez; and, although he knew it not, there were good reasons for his convictions. often had he noticed, in the rackbirds' camp, a peculiar form of the eyebrows which surmounted the slender, slightly aquiline nose of his chief. whenever raminez was anxious, or beginning to be angered, his brow would slightly knit, and the ends of his eyebrows would approach each other, curling upward and outward as they did so. this was an action of the eyebrows which was peculiar to the darcias of granada, from which family the professor's father had taken a wife, and had brought her to paris. a sister of this wife had afterwards married a spanish gentleman named blanquotè, whose second son, having fallen into disgrace in spain, had gone to america, where he changed his name to raminez, and performed a number of discreditable deeds, among which was the deception of several of his discreditable comrades in regard to his family. they could not help knowing that he came from spain, and he made them all believe that his real name was raminez. there had been three of them, besides banker, who had made it the object of their lives to wait for the opportunity to obtain blackmail from his family, by threatened declarations of his deeds. this most eminent scoundrel, whose bones now lay at the bottom of the pacific ocean, had inherited from his grandfather that same trick of the eyebrows above his thin and slightly aquiline nose which banker had observed upon the countenance of the professor in the police station, and who had inherited it from the same spanish gentleman. the next day banker received a visitor. it was professor barré. as this gentleman entered the cell, followed by two guards, who remained near the door, banker looked up in amazement. he had expected a message, but had not dreamed that he should see the man himself. "captain," he exclaimed, as he sprang to his feet, "this is truly good of you. i see you are the same old trump as ever, and do not bear malice." he spoke in spanish, for such had been the language in common use in camp. the professor paid no attention to these words. "i came here," he said, "to demand of you why you made that absurd and malicious charge against me the other day. such charges are not passed over in france, but i will give you a chance to explain yourself." banker looked at him admiringly. "he plays the part well," he said to himself. "he is a great gun. there is no use of my charging against him. i will not try it, but i shall let him see where i stand." "captain," said he, "i have nothing to explain, except that i was stirred up a good deal and lost my temper. i oughtn't to have made that charge against you. of course, it could not be of any good to me, and i am perfectly ready to meet you on level ground. i will take back everything i have already said, and, if necessary, i will prove that i made a mistake and never saw you before, and i only ask in return that you get me out of this and give me enough to make me comfortable. that won't take much, you know, and you seem to be in first-class condition these days. there! i have put it to you fair and square, and saved you the trouble of making me any offers. you stand by me, and i'll stand by you. i am ready to swear until i am black in the face that you never were in peru, and that i never saw you until the other day, when i made that mistake about you on account of the queer fashion of your eyebrows, which looked just like those of a man who really had been my captain, and that i now see you are two entirely different men. i will make a good tale of it, captain, and i will stick to it--you can rely on that. by all the saints, i hope those two fellows at the door don't understand spanish!" the professor had made himself sure that the guards who accompanied him spoke nothing but french. without referring to banker's proposed bargain, he said to him, "was the captain of the bandits under whom you served a spaniard?" "yes, you were a spaniard," said banker. "from what part of spain did he come?" "you let out several times that you once lived in granada." "what was that captain's real name?" asked the professor. "your name was raminez--unless, indeed," and here his face clouded a little, "unless, indeed, you tricked us. but i have pumped you well on that point, and, drunk or sober, it was always raminez." "raminez, then, a spaniard of my appearance," said the professor, "was your captain when you were in a band called the rackbirds, which had its rendezvous on the coast of peru?" "yes, you were all that," said banker. "very well, then," said barré. "i have nothing more to say to you at present," and he turned and left the cell. the guards followed, and the door was closed. banker remained dumb with amazement. when he had regained his power of thought and speech, he fell into a state of savage fury, which could be equalled by nothing living, except, perhaps, by a trapped wildcat, and among his objurgations, as he strode up and down his cell, the most prominent referred to the new and incomprehensible trick which this prince of human devils had just played upon him. that he had been talking to his old captain he did not doubt for a moment, and that that captain had again got the better of him he doubted no less. it may be stated here that, the evening before, the professor had had a long talk with ralph regarding the rackbirds and their camp. professor barré had heard something of the matter before, but many of the details were new to him. when ralph left him, the professor gave himself up to reflections upon what he had heard, and he gradually came to believe that there might be some reason for his identification as the bandit captain by the man banker. for five or six years there had been inquiries on foot concerning the second son of señor blanquotè of granada, whose elder brother had died without heirs, and who, if now living, would inherit blanquotè's estates. it was known that this man had led a wild and disgraceful career, and it was also ascertained that he had gone to america, and had been known on the isthmus of panama and elsewhere by the name of raminez. furthermore, professor barré had been frequently told by his mother that when he was a boy she had noticed, while on a visit to spain, that he and this cousin very much resembled each other. it is not necessary to follow out the legal steps and inquiries, based upon the information which he had had from ralph and from banker, which were now made by the professor. it is sufficient to state that he was ultimately able to prove that the rackbird chief known as raminez was, in reality, tomaso blanquotè, that he had perished on the coast of peru, and that he, the professor, was legal heir to the blanquotè estates. barré had not been able to lead his pupil to as high a place in the temple of knowledge as he had hoped, but, through his acquaintance with that pupil, he himself had become possessed of a castle in spain. chapter lii the captain takes his stand it was now july, and the captain and edna had returned to paris. the world had been very beautiful during their travels in england, and although the weather was beginning to be warm, the world was very beautiful in paris. in fact, to these two it would have been beautiful almost anywhere. even the desolate and arid coast of peru would have been to them as though it were green with herbage and bright with flowers. the captain's affairs were not yet definitely arranged, for the final settlement would depend upon negotiations which would require time, but there was never in the world a man more thoroughly satisfied than he. and whatever happened, he had enough; and he had edna. his lawyers had made a thorough investigation into the matter of his rights to the treasure he had discovered and brought to europe, and they had come to a conclusion which satisfied them. this decision was based upon equity and upon the laws and usages regarding treasure-trove. the old roman law upon the subject, still adhered to by some of the latin countries of europe, gave half of a discovered treasure to the finder, and half to the crown or state, and it was considered that a good legal stand could be taken in the present instance upon the application of this ancient law to a country now governed by the descendants of spaniards. whether or not the present government of peru, if the matter should be submitted to it, would take this view of the case, was a subject of conjecture, of course, but the captain's counsel strongly advised him to take position upon the ground that he was entitled to half the treasure. under present circumstances, when captain horn was so well prepared to maintain his rights, it was thought that the peruvian authorities might easily be made to see the advisability of accepting a great advantage freely offered, instead of endeavoring to obtain a greater advantage, in regard to which it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to legally prove anything or to claim anything. therefore, it was advised that a commission should be sent to lima to open negotiations upon the subject, with instructions to make no admissions in regard to the amount of the treasure, its present places of deposit, or other particulars, until the peruvian government should consent to a satisfactory arrangement. to this plan captain horn consented, determining, however, that, if the negotiations of his commission should succeed, he would stipulate that at least one half the sum paid to peru should be devoted to the advantage of the native inhabitants of that country, to the establishment of schools, hospitals, libraries, and benefactions of the kind. if the commission should not succeed, he would then attend to the matter in his own way. thus, no matter what happened, he would still insist upon his claim to one fifth of the total amount as his pay for the discovery of the treasure, and in this claim his lawyers assured him he could be fully secured. other matters were in a fair way of settlement. the captain had made shirley and burke his agents through whom he would distribute to the heirs of the crew of the _castor_ their share of the treasure which had been apportioned to them, and the two sailors had already gone to america upon this mission. how to dispose of the _arato_ had been a difficult question, upon which the captain had taken legal advice. that she had started out from valparaiso with a piratical crew, that those pirates had made an attack upon him and his men, and that, in self-defence, he had exterminated them, made no difference in his mind, or that of his counsellors, as to the right of the owners of the vessel to the return of their property. but a return of the vessel itself would be difficult and hazardous. whoever took it to valparaiso would be subject to legal inquiry as to the fate of the men who had hired it, and it would be, indeed, cruel and unjust to send out a crew in this vessel, knowing that they would be arrested when they arrived in port. consequently, he determined to sell the _arato_, and to add to the amount obtained what might be considered proper on account of her detention, and to send this sum to valparaiso, to be paid to the owners of the _arato_. the thoughts of all our party were now turned toward america. as time went on, the captain and edna might have homes in different parts of the world, but their first home was to be in their native land. mrs. cliff was wild to reach her house, that she might touch it with the magician's wand of which she was now the possessor, that she might touch not only it, but that she might touch and transform the whole of plainton, and, more than all, that with it she might touch and transform herself. she had bought all she wanted. paris had yielded to her everything she asked of it, and no ship could sail too fast which should carry her across the ocean. the negroes were all attached to the captain's domestic family. maka and cheditafa were not such proficient attendants as the captain might have employed, but he desired to have these two near him, and intended to keep them there as long as they would stay. although mok and the three other africans had much to learn in regard to the duties of domestic servants, there would always be plenty of people to teach them. * * * * * in his prison cell banker sat, lay down, or walked about, cursing his fate and wondering what was meant by the last dodge of that rascal raminez. he never found out precisely, but he did find out that the visit of professor barré to his cell had been of service to him. that gentleman, when he became certain that he should so greatly profit by the fact that an ex-brigand had pointed him out as an ex-captain of brigands, had determined to do what he could for the fellow who had unconsciously rendered him the service. so he employed a lawyer to attend to banker's case, and as it was not difficult to prove that the accused had not even touched cheditafa, but had only threatened to maltreat him, and that the fight which caused his arrest was really begun by mok, it was not thought necessary to inflict a very heavy punishment. in fact, it was suggested in the court that it was mok who should be put on trial. so banker went for a short term to prison, where he worked hard and earned his living, and when he came out he thought it well to leave paris, and he never found out the nature of the trick which he supposed his old chief had played upon him. the trial of banker delayed the homeward journey of captain horn and his party, for cheditafa and mok were needed as witnesses, but did not delay it long. it was early in august, when the danger from floating icebergs had almost passed, and when an ocean journey is generally most pleasant, that nine happy people sailed from havre for new york. captain horn and edna had not yet fully planned their future life, but they knew that they had enough money to allow them to select any sphere of life toward which ordinary human ambitions would be apt to point, and if they never received another bar of the unapportioned treasure, they would not only be preeminently satisfied with what fortune had done for them, but would be relieved of the great responsibilities which greater fortune must bring with it. as for mrs. cliff, her mind was so full of plans for the benefit of her native town that she could talk and think of nothing else, and could scarcely be induced to take notice of a spouting whale, which was engaging the attention of all the passengers and the crew. the negroes were perfectly content. they were accustomed to the sea, and did not mind the motion of the vessel. they had but little money in their pockets, and had no reason to expect they would ever have much more, but they knew that as long as they lived they would have everything that they wanted, that the captain thought was good for them, and to a higher earthly paradise their souls did not aspire. cheditafa would serve his mistress, maka would serve the captain, and mok would wear fine clothes and serve his young master ralph, whenever, haply, he should have the chance. as for inkspot, he doubted whether or not he should ever have all the whiskey he wanted, but he had heard that in the united states that delectable fluid was very plentiful, and he thought that perhaps in that blessed country that blessed beverage might not produce the undesirable effects which followed its unrestricted use in other lands. chapter liii a little gleam afar it was late in the autumn of that year, and upon a lonely moor in scotland, that a poor old woman stood shivering in the cold wind. she was outside of a miserable little hut, in the doorway of which stood two men. for five or six years she had lived alone in that little hut. it was a very poor place, but it kept out the wind and the rain and the snow, and it was a home to her, and for the greater part of these years in which she had lived there alone, she had received, at irregular and sometimes long intervals, sums of money, often very small and never large, from her son, who was a sailorman upon seas of which she did not even know the name. but for many months no money had come from this wandering son, and it was very little that she had been able to earn. sometimes she might have starved, had it not been for the charity of others almost as poor as she. as for rent, it had been due for a long time, and at last it had been due so long that her landlord felt that further forbearance would be not only unprofitable, but that it would serve as a bad example to his other tenants. consequently, he had given orders to eject the old woman from her hut. she was now a pauper, and there were places where paupers would be taken care of. the old woman stood sadly shivering. her poor old eyes, a little dimmed with tears, were directed southward toward the far-away vanishing-point of the rough and narrow road which meandered over the moor and lost itself among the hills. she was waiting for the arrival of a cart which a poor neighbor had promised to borrow, to take her and her few belongings to the nearest village, where there was a good road over which she might walk to a place where paupers were taken care of. a narrow stream, which roared and rushed around or over many a rock, ran at several points close to the road, and, swelled by heavy rains, had overflowed it to the depth of a foot or more. the old woman and the two men in the doorway of the hut stood and waited for the cart to come. as they waited, heavy clouds began to rise in the north, and there was already a drizzle of rain. at last they saw a little black spot upon the road, which soon proved to be a cart drawn by a rough pony. on it came, until they could almost hear it splashing through the water where the stream had passed its bounds, or rattling over the rough stones in other places. but, to their surprise, there were two persons in the cart. perhaps the boy sawney had with him a traveller who was on his way north. this was true. sawney had picked up a traveller who was glad to find a conveyance going across the moor to his destination. this man was a quick-moving person in a heavy waterproof coat with its collar turned up over his ears. as soon as the cart stopped, near the hut, he jumped down and approached the two men in the doorway. "is that the widow mcleish?" he said, pointing to the old woman. they assured him that he was correct, and he approached her. "you are mrs. margaret mcleish?" said he. she looked at him in a vague sort of way and nodded. "that's me," said she. "is it pay for the cart you're after? if that's it, i must walk." "had you a son, mrs. mcleish?" said the man. "ay," said she, and her face brightened a little. "and what was his name?" "andy," was the answer. "and his calling?" "a sailorman." "well, then," said the traveller in the waterproof, "there is no doubt that you are the person i came here to see. i was told i should find you here, and here you are. i may as well tell you at once, mrs. mcleish, that your son is dead." "that is no news," she answered. "i knew that he must be dead." "but i didn't come here only to tell you that. there is money coming to you through him--enough to make you comfortable for the rest of your life." "money!" exclaimed the old woman. "to me?" the two men who had been standing in the doorway of the hut drew near, and sawney jumped down from the cart. the announcement made by the traveller was very interesting. "yes," said the man in the waterproof, pulling his collar up a little higher, for the rain was increasing, "you are to have one hundred and four pounds a year, mrs. mcleish, and that's two pounds a week, you know, and you will have it as long as you live." "two pounds a week!" cried the old woman, her eyes shining out of her weazened old face like two grouse eggs in a nest. "from my andy?" "yes, from your son," said the traveller. and as the rain was now much more than a drizzle, and as the wind was cold, he made his tale as short as possible. he told her that her son had died far away in south america, and, from what he had gained there, one hundred and four pounds a year would be coming to her, and that she might rely on this as long as she lived. he did not state--for he was not acquainted with all the facts--that shirley and burke, when they were in san francisco hunting up the heirs of the castor's crew, had come upon traces of the a. mcleish whose body they had found in the desert, lying flat on its back, with a bag of gold clasped to its breast--that they had discovered, by means of the agent through whom mcleish had been in the habit of forwarding money to his mother, the address of the old woman, and, without saying anything to captain horn, they had determined to do something for her. the fact that they had profited by the gold her son had carried away from the cave, was the main reason for this resolution, and although, as shirley said, it might appear that the scotch sailor was a thief, it was true, after all, he had as much right to a part of the gold he had taken as captain horn could have. therefore, as they had possessed themselves of his treasure, they thought it but right that they should provide for his mother. so they bought an annuity for her in edinburgh, thinking this better than sending her the total amount which they considered to be her share, not knowing what manner of woman she might be, and they arranged that an agent should be sent to look her up, and announce to her her good fortune. it had taken a long time to attend to all these matters, and it was now late in the autumn. "you must not stand out in the rain, mrs. mcleish," said one of the men, and he urged her to come back into the hut. he said he would build a fire for her, and she and the gentleman from edinburgh could sit down and talk over matters. no doubt there would be some money in hand, he said, out of which the rent could be paid, and, even if this should not be the case, he knew the landlord would be willing to wait a little under the circumstances. "is there money in hand for me?" asked the old woman. "yes," said the traveller. "the annuity was to begin with october, and it is now the first of november, so there is eight pounds due to you." "eight pounds!" she exclaimed, after a moment's thought. "it must be more than that. there's thirty-one days in october!" "that's all right, mrs. mcleish," said the traveller. "i will pay you the right amount. but i really think you had better come into your house, for it is going to be a bad afternoon, and i must get away as soon as i can. i will go, as i came, in the cart, for you won't want it now." mrs. mcleish stood up as straight as she could, and glanced from the traveller to the two men who had put her out of her home. then, in the strongest terms her native gaelic would afford, she addressed these two men. she assured them that, sooner than enter that contemptible little hut again, she would sleep out on the bare moor. she told them to go to their master and tell him that she did not want his house, and that he could live in it himself, if he chose--that she was going in the cart to killimontrick, and she would take lodgings in the inn there until she could get a house fit for the habitation of the mother of a man like her son andy; and that if their master had anything to say about the rent that was due, they could tell him that he had satisfied himself by turning her out of her home, and if he wanted anything more, he could whistle for it, or, if he didn't choose to do that, he could send his factor to whistle for it in the main street of killimontrick. "come, sawney boy, put my two bundles in the cart, and then help me in. the gentleman will drive, and i'll sit on the seat beside him, and you can sit behind in the straw, and--you're sure it's two pounds a week, sir?" she said to the traveller, who told her that she was right, and then she continued to sawney, "i'll make your mother a present which will help the poor old thing through the winter, and i'm sure she needs it." with a heavier load than he had brought, the pony's head was turned homeward, and the cart rattled away over the rough stones, and splashed through the water on the roadway, and in the dark cloud which hung over the highest mountain beyond the moor, there came a little glint of lighter sky, as if some lustre from the incas' gold had penetrated even into this gloomy region. [illustration: natives of valparaiso.] [illustration: chilian horsemanship.] travels in peru, on the coast, in the sierra, across the cordilleras and the andes, into the primeval forests. by dr. j. j. von tschudi. translated from the german by thomasina ross. new edition, complete in one volume. new york: a. s. barnes & co., 51 john-street. cincinnati: h. w. derby. 1854. preface. the work from which the present volume is translated consists of extracts from the author's journal, accompanied by his recollections and observations. the absence of chronological arrangement will be sufficiently accounted for, when it is explained that the zoological investigations for which the journey was undertaken frequently required the author to make repeated visits to one particular place or district, or to remain for a considerable time within the narrow circuit of a few miles; and sometimes to travel rapidly over vast tracts of country. disclaiming any intention of making one of those travelling romances, with which the tourist literature of the day is overstocked, the author has confined himself to a plain description of facts and things as they came within the sphere of his own observation. but though dr. tschudi lays claim to no merit beyond the truthfulness of his narrative, yet the reader will no doubt readily concede to him the merit of extensive information, and happy descriptive talent. his pictures of nature, especially those relating to the animal world, are frequently imbued with much of the charm of thought and style which characterizes the writings of buffon. lima, the oldest and most interesting of the cities founded by the spaniards on the western coast of south america, has been frequently described; but no previous writer has painted so animated a picture of the city and its inhabitants, as that contained in the following volume. after quitting the capital of peru, dr. tschudi went over ground previously untrodden by any european traveller. he visited the western sierra, the mighty chain of the cordilleras, the boundless level heights, the deep mountain valleys on the eastern declivity of the andes, and the vast primeval forests. whilst recounting his wanderings in these distant regions, he describes not only the country and the people, but every object of novelty and interest in the animal, vegetable, and mineral creations. those lovers of natural history who are familiar with the german language, and who may wish to make themselves extensively acquainted with the animal world, in those parts of peru visited by dr. tschudi, will find abundant information on the subject in his work, with plates, entitled "untersuchungen über die fauna peruana." the present publication, though containing a vast deal to interest the naturalist, is addressed to the general reader, and will, it is presumed, gratify curiosity respecting the highly interesting and little known regions to which it relates. it may fairly be said that no previous writer has given so comprehensive a picture of peru; combining, with animated sketches of life and manners, a fund of valuable information on natural history and commerce. t. r. contents. chapter i. page embarkation at havre--the voyage--arrival at the island of chiloe--landing--the gyr-falcon--punta arena--the island of chiloe described--climate and cultivation--cattle--the bay--san carlos--the governor's house--poverty and wretchedness of the inhabitants of the town--strange method of ploughing--coasting vessels--smuggling--zoology--departure from chiloe 1 chapter ii. valparaiso and the adjacent country--the bay--aspect of the town--lighthouses--forts--custom house--exchange--hotels and taverns--war with the peru-bolivian confederation--first expedition--preparations for the second expedition--embarkation of the troops--close of the port--july festival in honor of the french revolution--the _muele_, or mole--police--_serenos_, or watchmen--movable prisons--clubs--trade of valparaiso--santiago--zoology 15 chapter iii. juan fernandez--robinson crusoe--passage to callao--san lorenzo--rise and fall of the coast--mr. darwin's opinions on this subject--callao--the fortress--siege by the spaniards--general rodil--siege by the chilians--the colocolo--pirates--zoology--road to lima 26 chapter iv. lima--situation and extent of the city--streets, houses, churches and convents--san pedro--the jesuits--nunneries--beatarios--hospitals--san andres--the foundling house--the pantheon--the palace--the plaza mayor--pizarro--the cabildo--fountains--palace of the inquisition--the university--national library--museum of natural history and antiquities--academy of design--the mint--the theatre--circus for cock-fighting--the bridge--the city wall--santa catalina--barracks 42 chapter v. population of lima--its diminution--different races of the inhabitants--their characteristics--amusements--education--the women of lima--their costume--the _saya y manto_--female domestic life--love of dress--beatas--indians--slaves--bosales--free creoles--negroes--negresses--black creoles--their varieties--mestizos--mulattoes--pelanganas--zambos--chinos--foreigners in lima--corruption of the spanish language 63 chapter vi. primary schools--colleges--the university--monks--saints--santo toribio and santa rosa--religious processions--raising the host--the noche buena--the carnival--paseos, or public promenades--ice--riding and driving--horses--their equipments and training--mules--lottery in lima--cookery--breakfasts, dinners, &c.--coffee-houses and restaurants--markets--the _plazo firme del acho_--bull fights 89 chapter vii. geographical situation of lima--height above sea level--temperature--diseases--statistical tables of births and deaths--earthquakes--the valley of lima--the river rimac--aqueducts, trenches, &c.--irrigation--plantations--cotton--sugar--various kinds of grain--maize--potatoes, and other tuberous roots--pulse--cabbage--plants used for seasoning--clover--the olive and other oil trees--fruits--figs and grapes--the chirimoya--the palta--the banana and other fruits 111 chapter viii. robbers on the coast of peru--the bandit leaders leon and rayo--the corps of montoneros--watering places near lima--surco, atte and lurin--pacchacamac--ruins of the temple of the sun--difficulties of travelling on the coast of peru--sea passage to huacho--indian canoes--ichthyological collections--an old spaniard's recollections of alexander von humboldt--the padre requena--huacho--plundering of burial places--huaura--malaria--the sugar plantation at luhmayo--quipico--ancient peruvian ruins--the salinas, or salt pits--gritalobos--chancay--the piques--mode of extracting them--valley of the pasamayo--extraordinary atmospheric mirrors--piedras gordas--palo seco 137 chapter ix. the coast southward of lima--chilca--curious cigar cases made there--yauyos--pisco--journey to yea--a night on the sand plains--fatal catastrophe in the year 1823--vine plantations at yea--brandy and wine--don domingo elias--vessels for transporting brandy (botijas and odres)--cruel mode of skinning goats--negro carnival--peculiar species of guinea pig--the salamanqueja--cotton plantations--quebrada of huaitara--sangallan--guano--retrospect of the peruvian coast--rivers--medanos--winds--change of seasons--the garuas--the lomas--mammalia--birds--amphibia 160 chapter x. roads leading to the sierra--chaclacayo and santa iñes--barometrical observations--san pedro mama--the rio seco--extraordinary geological phenomenon--similar one described by mr. darwin--surco--diseases peculiar to the villages of peru--the verugas--indian mode of treating the disorder--the bird-catching spider--horse-shoeing--indian tambos--san juan de matucanas--the thorn-apple and the tonga--the tambo de viso--bridges--san mateo--passports--acchahuari--malady called the veta--its effects on horses--singular tact and caution of mules--antarangra and mountain passes--curious partition of water--piedra parada--yauli--indian smelting furnaces--mineral springs--portuguese mine owners--saco--oroya--hanging bridges--huaros--roads leading from oroya 179 chapter xi. the cordillera and the andes--signification of the terms--altitude of the mountains and passes--lakes--metals--aspect of the cordillera--shattered rocks--maladies caused by the diminished atmospheric pressure--the veta and the surumpe--mountain storms--the condor--its habits--indian mode of catching the bird--the puna or despoblado--climate--currents of warm air--vegetation--tuberous plant called the maca--animals of the puna--the llama, the alpaco, the huanacu and the vicuña--the chacu and the bolas--household utensils of the ancient peruvians--the viscacha and the chinchilla--puna birds and amphibia--cattle and pasture--indian farms--shepherds' huts--ancient peruvian roads and buildings--treasure concealed by the indians in the puna 203 chapter xii. cerro de pasco--first discovery of the mines--careless mode of working them--mine owners and mine laborers--amalgamating and refining--produce of the mines--life in cerro de pasco--different classes of the population--gaming and drunkenness--extravagance and improvidence of the indian mine laborers--the cerro de san fernando--other important mining districts in peru--the salcedo mine castrovireyna--vast productiveness of the silver mines of peru--rich mines secretly known to the indians--roads leading from cerro de pasco--the laguna of chinchaycocha--battle of junin--indian robbers--a day and a night in the puna wilds 229 chapter xiii. the sierra--its climate and productions--inhabitants--trade--eggs circulated as money--mestizos in the sierra--their idleness and love of gaming and betting--agriculture--the quinua plant, a substitute for potatoes--growth of vegetables and fruits in the sierra--rural festivals at the seasons of sowing and reaping--skill of the indians in various handicrafts--excess of brandy-drinking--chicha--disgusting mode of making it--festivals of saints--dances and bull-fights--celebration of christmas-day, new-year's day, palm sunday, and good friday--contributions levied on the indians--tardy and irregular transmission of letters--trade in mules--general style of building in the towns and villages of the sierra--ceja de la montaña 253 chapter xiv. road to the primeval forests--barbacoas, or indian suspension bridges--vegetation--hollow passes--zoology--the montaña plantations--inhabitants--trade in peruvian bark--wandering indians--wild indians or indios braves--languages, manners, and customs of the indios bravos--dress--warlike weapons and hunting arms--dwellings--religion--physical formation of the wild indian tribes--animals of the aboriginal forests--mammalia--hunting the ounce--birds--amphibia--poisonous serpents--huaco--insects--plants 271 chapter xv montaña of san carlos de vitoc--villages--hacienda of maraynioc--the coca plant--mode of cultivating and gathering it--mastication of coca--evil consequences of its excessive use--its nutritious qualities--indian superstitions connected with the coca plant--suggestions for its introduction in the european navies--fabulous animal called the carbunculo--the chunchos--missions to cerro de la sal--juan santos atahuallpa--the franciscan monks--depopulation of vitoc 309 chapter xvi. oppressions exercised by the spaniards upon the peruvian indians--the repartimiento and the mita--indian insurrections--tupac amaru--his capture and execution--war of independence--character of the peruvian indians--music--dress--superstitions--longevity--diminished population of peru--languages spoken by the aboriginal inhabitants--specimen of quichua poetry--the yaravies--the quipu--water conduits--ancient buildings--fortresses--idols--domestic utensils--ancient peruvian graves--mode of burying the dead--mummies 329 travels in peru. chapter i. embarkation at havre--the voyage--arrival at the island of chiloe--landing--the gyr-falcon--punta arena--the island of chiloe described--climate and cultivation--cattle--the bay--san carlos--the governor's house--poverty and wretchedness of the inhabitants of the town--strange method of ploughing--coasting vessels--smuggling--zoology--departure from chiloe. on the 27th of february, 1838, i sailed from havre-de-grace on board the "edmond." this vessel, though a french merchantman, was freighted with a cargo of swiss manufactured goods, suited to any commercial transactions which might be entered into in the course of a circumnavigatory voyage. it was a boisterous morning. a fall of snow and heavy clouds soon intercepted our view of the coast of france, and not one cheering sunbeam shone out to betoken for us a favorable voyage. we passed down the british channel, where the multitude of vessels, and the flags of all nations, presented an enlivening picture, and we finally cleared it on the 5th of march. favored by a brisk north wind, we soon reached madeira and came in sight of teneriffe, the peak being just perceptible on the skirt of the horizon. easterly breezes soon brought us to the island of fogo, which, having passed on the 35th day of our voyage, we received the usual marine baptism, and participated in all the ceremonies observed on crossing the equator. we soon reached the tropic of capricorn, and endeavored to gain the channel between the falkland islands and patagonia; but unfavorable winds obliged us to direct our course eastwards, from the island of soledad to the staten islands. on the 3d of march we made the longitude of cape horn, but were not able to double it until we got into the 60th degree of south latitude. in those dangerous waters, where it is admitted by the boldest english sailors that the waves rage more furiously than in any other part of the world, we encountered great risk and difficulty. for twenty-two days we were driven about on the fearfully agitated sea, southward of tierra del fuego, and were only saved from being buried in the deep, by the excellent build and soundness of our ship. we suffered much, and were long delayed by this storm; but when it subsided, a smart breeze sprang up from the southward, and we held our course along the pacific to the coast of chile. after a voyage of 99 days we cast anchor on sunday the 5th of june, in the bay of san carlos. like the day of our departure from europe, that of our arrival off chiloe was gloomy and overcast. heavy clouds obscured the long-looked-for island, and its picturesque shore could only be seen, when, at intervals, the wind dispersed the dark atmospheric veil. we had no sooner cast anchor than several boats came alongside rowed by indians, who offered us potatoes, cabbage, fish, and water, in exchange for tobacco. only those who have been long at sea can form an idea of the gratification which fresh provisions, especially vegetables, afford to the weary voyager. in a couple of hours, the harbor-master came on board to examine the ship, the cargo, &c., and to give us permission to go ashore. the long-boat being got out, and well manned, we stepped into it, and were conveyed to the harbor. the bay of san carlos being shallow, large ships, or vessels, heavily laden, are obliged to go three english miles or more from the landing-place before they can anchor. our boat was gaily decorated and newly painted; but this was mere outside show, for it was in a very unsound condition. during our passage through the tropics, the sun had melted the pitch between the planks of the boat, which lay on the deck keel uppermost. in this crazy boat, we had scarcely got a quarter of a league from the ship, when the water rushed in so forcibly through all the cracks and fissures, that it was soon more than ankle deep. unluckily the sailors had forgotten to put on board a bucket or anything for baling out the water, so that we were obliged to use our hats and boots for that purpose. fourteen persons were crowded together in this leaky boat, and the water continued rising, until at length we began to be seriously apprehensive for our safety, when, fortunately, our situation was observed by the people on shore. they promptly prepared to send out a boat to our assistance, but just as it was got afloat, we succeeded in reaching the pier, happy once more to set our feet on _terra firma_. our first business was to seek shelter and refreshment. there is no tavern in san carlos, but there is a sort of substitute for one, kept by an old corsican, named filippi, where captains of ships usually take up their quarters. filippi, who recognized an old acquaintance in one of our party, received us very kindly, and showed us to apartments which certainly had no claim to the merits of either cleanliness or convenience. they were long, dark, quadrangular rooms, without windows, and were destitute of any article of furniture, except a bed in a kind of recess. as soon as i got on shore, i saw a multitude of small birds of prey. they keep in flocks, like our sparrows, hopping about everywhere, and perching on the hedges and house-tops. i anxiously wished for an opportunity to make myself better acquainted with one of them. presuming that shooting in the town might be displeasing to the inhabitants, who would naturally claim to themselves a sort of exclusive sporting right, i took my gun down to the sea-shore, and there shot one of the birds. it belonged to the gyr-falcon family (_polyboriniæ_), and was one of the species peculiar to south america (_polyborus chimango_, vieil). the whole of the upper part of the body is brown, but single feathers here and there have a whitish-brown edge. on the tail are several indistinct oblique stripes. the under-part of the body is whitish-brown, and is also marked with transverse stripes feebly defined. the bird i shot measured from the point of the beak to the end of the tail 1 foot 6-1/2 inches. though these gyr-falcons live socially together, yet they are very greedy and contentious about their prey. they snap up, as food, all the offal thrown out of doors; and thus they render themselves serviceable to the inhabitants, who consequently do not destroy them. in some of the valleys of peru, i met with these birds again, but very rarely and always single and solitary. i continued my excursions on the sea-shore, but with little satisfaction, for the pouring rain had driven animals of every kind to their lurking-holes. after a few days, i went on board the "edmond," for the purpose of visiting punta arena, a town on the side of the bay, whither our boat used to be sent for fresh water. the ground surrounding the spring whence the ships obtain supplies of water, is sandy, and it becomes exceedingly marshy further inland. after wandering about for a few hours, i found myself quite lost in a morass, out of which i had to work my way with no little difficulty. the whole produce of my hard day's sport consisted of an awlbeak, a small dark-brown bird (_opethiorhyncus patagonicus_), and some land-snails. on our return, as we were nearing the ship, we killed a seal (_otaria chilensis_, müll.), which was rising after a dive, close to the boat. on the 22d of june, all our ship's company were on board by order of the captain. we weighed anchor, and cruized about for some time. at length, about five in the afternoon, we returned, and the ship was anchored again precisely on the spot she had left a few hours before. it was set down in the log-book that the wind was not sufficiently favorable to allow the ship to pass out safely through the narrow entrance to the bay. but all on board were well aware that this was merely a pretence on the part of the captain, who, for some reason or other, wished to stop longer at san carlos. i was very much pleased at this opportunity of prolonging my stay at the island of chiloe, hoping that better weather would enable me to make an excursion into the interior. but the sky still continued overcast, and the rain poured incessantly. one day, however, i undertook a journey to castro, in company with the french chargé d'affaires to peru, one of my fellow passengers on the voyage. a merchant accommodated us with two horses, saddled in the chilian manner; but he warned us to be on our guard, as horses were often restive when just returned from their summer pasturage. we set off very promisingly. the commencement of our ride was pleasant enough, though the road was steep and very difficult. it sometimes lay over smooth slippery stones, then through deep marshes, or over scattered logs of wood, which bore evidence of attempts to render the ground passable, by this rude kind of paving. after we had ridden for several hours in the forest, the rain checked our further progress, and we turned, to retrace our way back. our horses seemed well pleased with the project of returning home. for a time they proceeded with wonderful steadiness; but on coming to a part of the road where the ground was comparatively level and firm, they quickened their pace, and at length dashed forward through the wood, uncontrolled by the bridle. the long narrow saddle, with its woollen covering, the crescent-shaped wooden stirrups, and the heavy spurs, with their clumsy rowels, baffled all our skill in horsemanship, and it was with no little difficulty we kept our seats. we thought it best to give the animals the rein, and they galloped through the umbrageous thickets, until at last, panting and breathless, they stuck in a morass. here we recovered our control over them, and pursued the remainder of our journey without further accident, though we were drenched to the skin on our return to the town. on subsequent days, i took my rambles on foot, and found myself richly rewarded thereby. the long evenings we spent in the company of our host and the harbor-master, from both of whom i obtained some useful information respecting the island. chiloe is one of the largest islands of the archipelago which extends along the west coast of south america, from 42° south lat. to the straits of magellan. it is about 23 german miles long, and 10 broad. a magnificent, but almost inaccessible forest covers the unbroken line of hills stretching along chiloe, and gives to the island a charming aspect of undulating luxuriance. seldom, however, can the eye command a distinct view of those verdant hills; for overhanging clouds surcharged with rain, almost constantly veil the spreading tops of the trees. at most parts of the shore the declivity is rapid. there are many inlets, which, though small, afford secure anchorage; but there are no harbors of any magnitude. while castro was the capital of the island, chacao was the principal port; but san carlos having become the residence of the governor, this latter place is considered the chief harbor; and with reason, for its secure, tranquil bay unites all the advantages the navigator can desire on the stormy coast of south chile. at chacao, on the contrary, reefs and strong currents render the entrance dangerous and the anchorage insecure. chiloe is but little cultivated, and scantily populated. if the statement of my informant, the harbor-master, be correct, chiloe and the adjacent small islands contain only from 48,000 to 50,000 inhabitants, part of whom live in _ranchos_ (huts), and part in a few villages. next to san carlos, and the half-deserted castro, to which the title of "city" is given, the chief places are chacao, vilipilli, cucao, velinoe. it is only in the neighborhood of these towns or villages that the forest trees have been felled, and their removal has uncovered a fertile soil, which would reward by a hundred-fold the labor of the husbandman. the climate of the island is moist and cool, and upon the whole very unpleasant. during the winter months, the sun is seldom seen; and it is a proverbial saying in chiloe, that it rains six days of the week, and is cloudy on the seventh. in summer there are occasionally fine days, though seldom two in succession. the thick forests are therefore never dry, and beneath the trees, the vegetation of the marshy soil is peculiarly luxuriant. the constant moisture is one of the greatest obstacles to agriculture. to clear the ground for cultivation, it would be necessary to burn the forests, and as the trees are always damp, that could not be done without great difficulty. to some kinds of culture the soil is not favorable. the cereals, for example, seldom thrive in chiloe; the seed rots after the ear is formed. maize grows best; though it shoots too much into leaf, and bears only small grain. the damp soil, on the other hand, is favorable to potatoes, of which vast quantities are planted. there is a degenerate kind of potato, very abundant in chiloe. on bisection it exhibits a greater or lesser number of concentric rings, alternately white and violet; sometimes all of the latter color. it is well known that southern chile is the native land of the potato. in chiloe and also in the neighboring islands, potatoes grow wild; but, both in size and flavor, they are far inferior to the cultivated kind. like the maize, they shoot up in large leaves and stalks. the climate is also very favorable to the different kinds of the cabbage plant; but peas and beans do not thrive there. in the forests there are often clear spots on which the grass grows to a great height, and supplies excellent pasturage for numerous herds of cattle. the inhabitants of chiloe breed for their own use, horses, oxen, sheep, and swine. the horses are small, and not handsomely formed, but very spirited and strong. some are scarcely twelve hands high. the cows are small and lank, and the same may be said of the swine and sheep. it is remarkable that all the rams have more than two horns; the greater number have three, and many are furnished with four or five. i afterwards observed the same in peru. the domestic animals on this island, notwithstanding the abundance of food, are small, and sickly-looking. i believe the cause to be want of care, for they remain all the year round exposed to every sort of weather and discomfort. the population of chiloe consists of whites, indians, and people of mixed blood. the indians are now few in number, and those few are chiefly in the southern part of the island, and the adjacent islets. they are of the araucana race, and appear to be a sept between that race and the people of tierra del fuego, on the one side, and the pampas indians on the other. people of mixed races form by far the greater portion of the population. they are met with in every variety of amalgamation. taken in general, they are the reverse of handsome. they are short and thick-set, and have long, straight coarse hair. their faces are round and full, their eyes small, and the expression of their countenances is unintelligent. the whites are either chilenos or spaniards: the latter are almost the only europeans who have become settlers here. the principal town, san carlos, called by the natives "ancud," lies on the northern coast of a very fine bay. without a good chart, the entrance to this bay is difficult. numerous small islands form a labyrinth, out of which vessels, if not commanded by very experienced pilots, cannot easily be extricated. besides, near the land, the sky is usually obscured by clouds which prevent any observation for the latitude, as the sun's altitude cannot be taken even at noon; and when the sun gets lower, the hills, which would serve as guiding points, cease to be distinctly seen. several whalers, which for some days vainly endeavored to work through this passage, were afterwards obliged to direct their course northward, and to cast anchor in valivia. one of the largest islands at the entrance of the bay is san sebastian, where there are numerous herds of cattle. cochino is a small island, distant only a few miles from san carlos. it is hilly, and thickly crowned with brush-wood. it has only one landing-place, and that is rather insecure for boats. the water of the bay is remarkably clear and good; only round the little island of cochino, and along the harbor, it is covered with an immense quantity of sea-moss, which often renders the landing difficult. it frequently happens that commanders of ships, wishing to go on board to make sail during the night, get out of the right course, and instead of going to the ship, steer to cochino and get into the moss, where their boats stick fast, till returning daylight enables them to work their way out. the poor inhabitants boil this sea-moss and eat it. it is very salt and slimy, and is difficult of digestion. among the people of chiloe, this sea-moss occupies an important place in surgery. when a leg or an arm is broken, after bringing the bone into its proper position, a broad layer of the moss is bound round the fractured limb. in drying, the slime causes it to adhere to the skin, and thus it forms a fast bandage, which cannot be ruffled or shifted. after the lapse of a few weeks, when the bones have become firmly united, the bandage is loosened by being bathed with tepid water, and it is then easily removed. the indians of chiloe were acquainted, long before the french surgeons, with the use of the paste bandage. the town of san carlos is dirty; the streets unpaved, narrow, and crooked. the houses, with few exceptions, are wretched wooden huts, for the most part without windows; but there is a board divided in the middle horizontally, the upper part of which being open, it serves for a window, and when both parts are open, it forms a door. the flooring usually consists merely of hard-trodden clay, covered with straw matting. the furniture, like the apartments, is rude and inconvenient. these remarks of course apply to the habitations of the very poor class of people. the richer families live in more comfortable style. of the public buildings, the custom-house and the governor's residence are the most considerable, but both make a very indifferent appearance. in front of the governor's house, which occupies a tolerably large space of ground, in the upper part of the town, a sentinel is constantly stationed. this sentinel parades to and fro, without shoes or stockings, and not unfrequently without a coat, his arms being covered only by his shirt sleeves. as to a cap, that seems to be considered as unnecessary a part of a well-conditioned uniform, as shoes and stockings. after sunset every person who passes the governor's house is challenged. "who goes there?" is the first question; the second is _que gente?_ (what country?) the sailors amuse themselves by returning jocular answers to these challenges; and the sentinel, irritated by their jeers, sometimes runs after them through part of the town, and when weary of the chace returns to his post. poverty and uncleanliness vie with each other in san carlos. the lower class of the inhabitants are exceedingly filthy, particularly the women, whose usual dress is a dirty woollen gown, and a greasy looking mantilla. in their damp gloomy habitations, they squat down on the floor, close to the _brasero_ (chafing pan), which also serves them as a stove for cooking. they bruise maize between two stones, and make it into a thick kind of soup or porridge. when employed in paring potatoes or apples, or in cutting cabbages, they throw the skins and waste leaves on the ground, so that they are frequently surrounded by a mass of half-decayed vegetable matter. their favorite beverage is _mate_ (the paraguay tea), of which they partake at all hours of the day. the mode of preparing and drinking the _mate_ is as follows: a portion of the herb is put into a sort of cup made from a gourd, and boiling water is poured over it. the mistress of the house then takes a reed or pipe, to one end of which a strainer is affixed,[1] and putting it into the decoction, she sucks up a mouthful of the liquid. she then hands the apparatus to the person next to her, who partakes of it in the same manner, and so it goes round. the mistress of the house and all her guests suck the aromatic fluid through the same pipe or _bombilla_. the poverty of the people is extreme. specie is seldom current, and is exclusively in the hands of a few traders, who supply the indians with european articles, in payment of their labor, or in exchange for the produce of the island, which is sent to chile and peru. with much surprise i learned that there is no saw-mill in chiloe, where the vast abundance of trees would furnish a supply of excellent deals, for which ready and good payment would be obtained in peru. the inhabitants direct their industry chiefly to agriculture and navigation. but rude and imperfect are their implements for field labor, as well as their nautical vessels. to a stranger nothing can appear more extraordinary than their mode of ploughing. as to a regular plough, i do not believe such a thing is known in chiloe. if a field is to be tilled, it is done by two indians, who are furnished with long poles, pointed at one end. the one thrusts his pole, pretty deeply, and in an oblique direction, into the earth, so that it forms an angle with the surface of the ground. the other indian sticks his pole in at a little distance, and also obliquely, and he forces it beneath that of his fellow-laborer, so that the first pole lies as it were above the second. the first indian then presses on his pole, and makes it work on the other, as a lever on its fulcrum, and the earth is thrown up by the point of the pole. thus they gradually advance, until the whole field is furrowed by this laborious process. the chiloe boats are merely hulks. they obey the helm reluctantly, but they bear away before the wind. several individuals usually join together, and convey in these boats, the produce of their respective localities, in the southern villages, to san carlos. women as well as men take their turn at rowing the boats, and after being out all day, they run into some creek, where they pass the night. when a favorable breeze springs up, they hoist a sail, made of _ponchos_. the poncho is an important article of male clothing in this country. it consists of a piece of woollen cloth, measuring from 5 to 7 feet long, and from 3 to 4 feet broad. in the middle there is a slit from 12 to 14 inches long; through this slit the wearer passes his head. the poncho thus rests on the shoulders, and hangs down in front and behind as low as the knees. at the sides, it reaches to the elbow, or middle of the forearm, and thus covers the whole of the body. the carters and wagoners in swabia wear, in rainy weather, a covering somewhat resembling the poncho, which they make out of their woollen horse-coverings. when a chiloe boat is on its passage on the coast, and a sail happens to be wanted, the men give up their ponchos and the women their mantillas. the slits in the ponchos are stitched up, and both ponchos and mantillas being sewn together are fixed to a pole or bar of wood, which is hoisted to a proper position on the mast. this patchwork sail can only be serviceable when the wind is fresh. at nightfall, when the boat runs into one of the creeks for shelter, the sail is lowered, and the sewing being unpicked, the ponchos and mantillas are returned to their respective owners, who wrap themselves in them, and go to sleep. there is but little trade in san carlos, for chile itself possesses in superfluity all the productions of chiloe, and the inhabitants of the island are so poor, and their wants so limited, that they require but few foreign articles. the port is therefore seldom visited by any trading vessel from europe. some of the chiloe boats keep up a regular traffic along the coast. they carry wood, brooms, hams, and potatoes, to valparaiso, arica, callao, &c., and they bring back in return, linen, woollen and cotton cloths, ironware, tobacco, and spirits. north american and french whalers have for several years past been frequent visitors to san carlos, as they can there provide themselves, at a cheap rate, with provisions for the long fishing season. all the captains bring goods, which they smuggle on shore, where they sell or exchange them at a high profit. a custom-house officer is, indeed, sent on board every vessel to examine what is to be unshipped; but a few dollars will silence him, and make him favor the contraband operations, which are carried on without much reserve. a french captain brought to chiloe a quantity of water-proof cloaks and hats, made of a sort of black waxed cloth, and sold them to a dealer in san carlos. to evade the duty, he sent his men on shore each wearing one of these hats and cloaks, which they deposited in the dealer's store, and then returned on board the ship, dressed in their sailors' garb. this was repeated so often, that at length it was intimated to the captain that, if his men had a fancy to come on shore with such hats and cloaks they would be permitted to do so, but it must be on condition of their returning on board dressed in the same costume. the people of ancud (san carlos), formerly so simple and artless, have gradually become corrupt and degenerate, since their frequent intercourse with the whale-fishers. among the female portion of the population, depravity of morals and unbecoming boldness of manners have in a great degree superseded the natural simplicity which formerly prevailed. all the vices of the lowest class of sailors, of which the crews of the south sea whalers are composed, have quickly taken root in san carlos, and the inseparable consequences of those vices will soon be fatal to the moral and physical welfare of the inhabitants. in the interior of the island of chiloe there are few quadrupeds. the largest, the domestic animals excepted, is a fox (_canis fulvipes_, wat.), which was first discovered by the naturalists who accompanied capt. king's expedition. this is the only beast of prey. the coast abounds in seals of the sea-dog species (_otaria chilensis_, müll., _otaria ursina_, per., _otaria jubata_, desm.)--in sea-otters (_otaria chilensis_, ben.)--and in the water mouse (_myopotamus coypus_, j. geoff). among the birds, there are some very fine species of ducks, well worthy of notice, which are also found on the continent of south america. there is the little cheucau (_pteroptochus rubecula_, kettl.), to which the chilotes attach various superstitious ideas, and pretend to foretell good or ill luck from its song. the modulations which this bird is capable of uttering are numerous, and the natives assign a particular meaning to each. one day, when i wished to have some shooting, i took an indian lad with me. having levelled my gun at one of these birds, which was sitting in a low bush, and uttering its shrill _huit-huit_, my young companion firmly grasped my arm, earnestly entreating me not to shoot the bird, as it had sung its unlucky note. but my desire to possess a specimen was too great to be thus baffled, so i fired my gun and brought it down. i was engaged in examining the elegant little bird, when a mule, probably alarmed by the shot, came running at full speed towards the spot where we were, and we deemed it prudent to get behind a hedge as speedily as possible. the infuriated mule made an attack on my gun, which was resting against the hedge. it was thrown down, bitten, and trampled on by the mule. the indian boy turned to me, with a serious countenance, and said:--"it is well if we escape further danger! i told you the bird had piped bad luck!" the day fixed for our departure from chiloe now approached. the wind, which had heretofore been unfavorable for leaving the port, promised to change, and we began to ship provisions. whilst i was waiting for the boat which was to take me on board, i had an opportunity of observing the dexterity with which the indians slaughter their cattle. this business is performed on the mole, where, in the space of a quarter of an hour, and by two men only, an ox is killed, and the carcase cut up into the proper pieces. when it is necessary to ship live oxen, the animals are brought to the shore, where their feet are bound together, and then they are rolled over planks into the _lancha_ (boat). on nearing the ship, the indians tie a rope round the animal's horns, and then the sailors hoist him up with a strong tackle. it is a curious sight to behold a strongly-bound struggling ox, hanging by the tackle, and swinging between wind and water. my little chilotean pony, which i intended to take to peru, was dealt with more gently: he was got on board with a girth, purposely made for hoisting horses on board ship. at length we sailed out of the bay with a fresh easterly wind. three coasting boats, one of which was heavily laden with brooms, left the roads at the same time, and their crews said they hoped to reach valparaiso before us. but they had too great confidence in their round-bottomed keels, for they did not anchor in their place of destination till five or six days after our arrival. the wind soon got up, blowing w.n.w., but rather flat. in the course of the night, during the second watch, we were roused from our sleep by a heavy shock, followed by a peculiarly tremulous motion of the whole ship. we concluded we had struck in passing over some hidden rock. the lead was thrown, but no ground was found; the pumps were set a-going, but we were free of water. the captain attributed the shock to an earthquake, and on our arrival at chile, his conjecture was confirmed. in valdivia, in the latitude of which place we were at the time, a severe shock of an earthquake had been experienced. after a pretty favorable passage of seven days, we anchored on the 30th of june in the harbor of valparaiso. footnotes: [footnote 1: _bombilla_ is the name given to this pipe, and the cup or gourd in which the decoction of the _mate_ is prepared, is called the _macerina_.] chapter ii. valparaiso and the adjacent country--the bay--aspect of the town--lighthouses--forts--custom house--exchange--hotels and taverns--war with the peru-bolivian confederation--first expedition--preparations for the second expedition--embarkation of the troops--close of the port--july festival in honor of the french revolution--the _muele_, or mole--police--_serenos_, or watchmen--moveable prisons--clubs--trade of valparaiso--santiago--zoology. the impression produced by the approach to valparaiso on persons who see land for the first time after a sea voyage of several months' duration, must be very different from that felt by those who anchor in the port after a passage of a few days from the luxuriantly verdant shores of the islands lying to the south. certainly, none of our ship's company would have been disposed to give the name of "vale of paradise" to the sterile, monotonous coast which lay outstretched before us; and yet, to the early navigators, its first aspect, after a long and dreary voyage, over the desert ocean, might naturally enough have suggested the idea of an earthly paradise. along the sea coast there extends a range of round-topped hills, 15 or 16 hundred feet high, covered with a grey-brownish coating, relieved only here and there by patches of dead green, and furrowed by clefts, within which the bright red of tile-roofed houses is discernible. half-withered cactus trees, the only plants which take root in the ungenial soil, impart no life to the dreary landscape. the hills continue rising in undulating outlines, and extend into the interior of the country, where they unite with the great chain of the andes. the bay of valparaiso is open on the north and west; on the south it is protected by a little promontory called the punta de coromilla. in this direction the shore is steep and rocky, and the waves break against it with great fury. from the punta de coromilla the bay extends from east to north-west in the form of a gently curved crescent, having a sloping, sandy beach, which rises very gradually towards the hills. on the north side of the bay there are several small inlets, almost inaccessible and edged with steep rocks. the bay is sometimes unsafe, for it is completely unsheltered on the north, and the heavy gales which blow from that point frequently end in storms. at those times the bay is furiously agitated, the waves sometimes rising as high as in the open sea, and the ships are obliged to cast their sheet-anchors. many vessels have at various times been driven from their anchorage, cast ashore, and dashed to pieces on a rock called little cape horn; for, when a violent gale blows from the north, it is impossible to get out to sea. sailors are accustomed to say that in a violent storm they would rather be tossed about on the wide ocean than be at anchor in the bay of valparaiso. but against the south wind, though sometimes no less boisterous than the northern gales, the harbor affords secure refuge, being perfectly sheltered by the punta de coromilla. the town of valparaiso looks as if built on terraces at the foot of the range of hills above mentioned. northward it stretches out on the level sea shore, in a long double row of houses called the almendral: towards the south it rises in the direction of the hills. two clefts or chasms (quebradas) divide this part of the town into three separate parts consisting of low, shabby houses. these three districts have been named by the sailors after the english sea terms fore-top, main-top, and mizen-top. the numerous quebradas, which all intersect the ground in a parallel direction, are surrounded by poor-looking houses. the wretched, narrow streets running along these quebradas are, in winter, and especially at night, exceedingly dangerous, valparaiso being very badly lighted. it sometimes happens that people fall over the edges of the chasms and are killed, accidents which not unfrequently occur to the drunken sailors who infest these quarters of the town. viewed from the sea, valparaiso has rather a pleasing aspect, and some neat detached houses built on little levels, artificially made on the declivities of the hills, have a very picturesque appearance. the scenery in the immediate background is gloomy; but, in the distance, the summit of the volcano aconcagua, which is 23,000 feet above the level of the sea, and which, on fine evenings, is gilded by the rays of the setting sun, imparts a peculiar charm to the landscape. the bay is protected by three small forts. the southernmost, situated between the lighthouse and the town, has five guns. the second, which is somewhat larger, called el castillo de san antonio, is in the southern inlet of the bay. though the most strongly fortified of the three, it is in reality a mere plaything. in the northern part of the town, on a little hillock, stands the third fort, called el castillo del rosario, which is furnished with six pieces of cannon. the churches of valparaiso are exceedingly plain and simple, undistinguished either for architecture or internal decoration. the custom-house is especially worthy of mention. it is a beautiful and spacious building, and from its situation on the muele (mole) is an object which attracts the attention of all who arrive at valparaiso. in the neighborhood of the custom-house is the exchange. it is a plain building, and contains a large and elegant reading-room, in which may always be found the principal european newspapers. in this reading-room there is also an excellent telescope by dollond, which is a source of amusement, by affording a view of the comical scenes sometimes enacted on board the ships in the port. the taverns and hotels are very indifferent. the best are kept by frenchmen, though even those are incommodious and expensive. the apartments, which scarcely contain necessary articles of furniture, are dirty, and often infested with rats. in these houses, however, the table is tolerably well provided; for there is no want of good meat and vegetables in the market. the second-rate taverns are far beneath the very worst in the towns of europe. on our arrival in valparaiso, a vast deal of activity and bustle prevailed in the harbor. chile had declared war against the peru-bolivian confederation, and was fitting out a new expedition for the invasion of peru. at its head were the banished peruvian president don augustin gamarra, and the chilian general bulnes. the growing power of santa cruz, who set himself up as protector of a confederation between bolivia and peru, had given alarm to the chilian government. it was apprehended, and not without reason, that the independence of chile might be threatened by so dangerous a neighbor. santa cruz had given umbrage to chile by several decrees, especially one, by which merchant vessels coming direct from europe into a bolivian or peruvian port, and there disposing of their cargoes, were subject to very low duties, whilst heavy imposts were levied on ships landing any part of their cargoes in a chilian port. this law greatly increased the trade of peru; but it was prejudicial to chile. this and other grounds of offence, joined to the representations of the fugitive ex-president gamarra and his adherents, determined the chilian government to declare war. an expedition under the command of general blanco was sent to peru; but santa cruz was prepared to receive the invaders, and in the valley of arequipa he surrounded the chilian forces so completely that they were obliged to surrender without striking a blow. santa cruz magnanimously allowed general blanco to make a very favorable capitulation. the soldiers were sent home to their country; but the horses were detained and sold by the conquerors to the conquered. the generosity of don andres santa cruz did not meet its due return on the part of the chilian government. the treaty of peace concluded by blanco was not ratified in santiago, the minister declaring that the general was not authorized to negotiate it. hostilities were kept up between the two states, and at length a second and more important expedition was fitted out. it sailed whilst we were lying in the harbor. no sooner had we cast anchor than several officers of the chilian army came on board to inquire whether we had any swords to dispose of, assuring us that they, together with the majority of their comrades, were yet unprovided with arms, and knew not where to procure them. the captain informed them that there were no swords in our cargo; but that he had a few sabres, &c., which he was very willing to sell. they were immediately produced, and some were purchased; among the number was a heavy broad-sword, about five feet in length, which had once belonged to a cuirassier in napoleon's guard. the chilian officer who bargained for it was a delicate-looking stripling, who, with both hands, could scarcely raise the heavy weapon. he, nevertheless, flattered himself that it would enable him to achieve great deeds in battle and deal death among the peruvians. ten months afterwards i met this hero on a march among the mountains of peru. he had, girded on, a light little sword, like a tooth pick or a bodkin compared with the formidable weapon he had discarded, and which a sturdy negro was carrying behind him. i could not refrain from asking the officer whether the trusty broad-sword had not done good service in the battle of yungay; but he candidly acknowledged that he had not attempted to use it, as he found it much too unwieldy. the chilian squadron sent to peru consisted of twenty-seven transport ships, and eight ships of war. almost all were in a wretched condition, having but few guns, and manned by very insufficient crews. the largest vessels were the three corvettes, confederacion, santa cruz, and valparaiso. only one ship, the schooner brig colocolo, was distinguished for solidity and swift sailing. the fleet was commanded by an admiral of little judgment and experience. among the crew there were but few chilenos: most of the men were chilotes and french, english and american deserters. the officers commanding the ships were almost all englishmen. the transport ships were heavily laden, some carrying troops, and others provisions. these provisions consisted of sesino (dried beef), chalonas (whole sheep dried), maize, potatoes, dried fruits and barley, together with hay for the horses. the embarkation of the horses was most clumsily managed: many were strangled in being hoisted up the ships' sides, others slipped through their girths and were severely hurt by falling, and a considerable number of the poor animals died before the ships left the port. every morning we saw dozens of dead horses thrown over board. the continued lurching of the vessels in which the cavalry was embarked, bore evidence of the inconvenient situation of the horses between decks. at the beginning of july the whole squadron sailed for the harbor of coquimbo, where the troops were decimated by the small-pox. there prevailed in chile a feeling very adverse to this campaign; so much so that most of the troops were embarked by force. i was standing on the _muele_ when the santiago battalion was shipped. the soldiers, who were in wretched uniforms, most of them wearing ponchos, and unarmed, were bound together two-and-two by ropes, and absolutely driven into the boats. this war proved most unfortunate to peru, a result which, however, cannot certainly be ascribed either to the courage of the enemy's troops or the judgment of their commanders. we shall presently see the circumstances which combined to secure triumph to the chilenos. i and my fellow-voyagers were also sufferers by the war, our captain having imprudently announced his intention of selling the edmond to the protector santa cruz, as she might easily have been transformed into an excellent corvette. she was a quick sailer, tight-built, carrying ten guns of moderate calibre, and she might easily have mounted ten more. the captain's intention having reached the knowledge of the chilian government, the natural consequence was, that the port was closed, a measure deemed the more necessary inasmuch as an american captain was suspected of entertaining the design of selling his ship to the peruvians. it was not until the fleet had had time to reach peru, and the first blow was supposed to be struck, that the embargo was raised, and we obtained leave to depart. we lay in the port of valparaiso five-and-forty days. to me the most annoying circumstance attending this delay was, that i could not absent myself from the port longer than twenty-four hours at a time, as the ship was constantly in readiness to get under weigh, as soon as we should receive permission to sail, which was hourly expected. my excursions were, therefore, confined to the immediate neighborhood of the town; and even there my walks and rides were much impeded by constant stormy and rainy weather. on the 29th of july, preparations were made on board our ship for celebrating the paris revolution of 1830. at eight o'clock in the morning we fired three guns, and the edmond was soon decorated from her deck to her mast-heads with flags and streamers. at the fore-mast gaily floated the swiss flag, probably the first time it had ever been seen in the pacific. when the guns on board the french ship-of-war had ceased firing, we began our salute; but, as we had only ten guns, it was necessary to load a second time. our seamen, being unused to this kind of duty, did not observe due precaution, and the consequence was that one of them had his hand so dreadfully shattered that immediate amputation was indispensable. the day's rejoicing was thus suddenly brought to a melancholy close. the mole in front of the custom-house is exceedingly dangerous; so much so, that, during the prevalence of stormy north winds, it is impossible to pass along it. from the shore a sort of wooden jetty stretches into the sea, at the distance of about sixty paces. this jetty has been sometimes partially, and at other times completely, destroyed by the waves. the harbor-master's boats, and those belonging to the ships-of-war, land on the right side; the left side is allotted to the boats of the merchant ships. on the shore there are always a number of boats ready to convey persons who wish to go on board the different ships. each boat is generally rowed by two indians. whenever any person approaches the shore he is beset by the boatmen, who throng round him, and alternately, in english and spanish, importune him with the questions,--"want a boat?" "vamos á bordo?" day and night, parties of custom-house officers go round the port for the purpose of preventing smuggling. in this, however, they only partially succeed; for they detect only petty smugglers, whilst those who carry on contraband trade on a large scale elude their vigilance. the captains of french vessels are notorious for this kind of traffic, and they frequently succeed in landing vast quantities of goods surreptitiously. the police of valparaiso is probably as good as it is in any part of south america. _serenos_ (watchmen) perambulate the streets on foot and on horseback, and continually give signals one to another by blowing small whistles. for personal safety there is little risk, probably not more than in the most populous cities of europe. it is true that nocturnal murders sometimes take place; but the police speedily succeed in capturing the criminals, who, after a summary trial, are shot. in valparaiso, as in most of the towns on the western coast of south america, the _serenos_ go about all night, calling the hours and announcing the state of the weather. at ten o'clock they commence with their--"_viva chile!_"--"_ave maria purissima!_"--"_las diez han dado y sereno!_" (past ten o'clock and a fine night!) or _nublado_ (cloudy),--or _lloviendo_ (raining). thus, they continue calling every half-hour till four o'clock in the morning. should an earthquake take place it is announced by the _sereno_ when he goes his round in the following half hour. however, the phenomenon usually announces itself in so positive a way, that the inhabitants may easily dispense with the information of the _serenos_. among the most remarkable objects in valparaiso may be numbered the moveable prison. it consists of a number of large covered wagons, not unlike those used for the conveyance of wild beasts. in the inside of each wagon, planks are fixed up like the board bedsteads in a guard-house, affording resting-places for eight or ten prisoners. a guard is stationed at the door, which is at the back of the wagon; and in the front a sort of kitchen is constructed. these wagons are drawn by the prisoners themselves, who are for the most part destined to work in the streets and roads, and, accordingly, they take their prison with them when they are ordered to any considerable distance from the town. to a country in which there may be said to be no winter, this sort of nomad prison is exceedingly well-suited, and the prisoners may be conveyed from place to place at very little expense. i went into some of these moveable prisons, and i must confess that i never beheld such an assemblage of ill-looking faces as were collected within them. in the countenances of some of the prisoners unbridled passion and degrading sensuality were so plainly and so odiously portrayed, that one shuddered to reflect that such features could be an index of the human mind. most of them were creole indians; but there were a few europeans among them. to me it was melancholy to behold the european, who might be supposed to possess some little share of education, mounting the prison steps chained to his fellow-criminal, the uncivilized chileno. in valparaiso, as in all seaports, there is a heterogeneous mixture of different countries, nations, languages, and manners, amidst which the national character of the country is entirely lost. the trade in european goods is very extensive, but almost exclusively in the hands of a few great north american and english houses, who supply the whole country with the articles they import. at times, such is the overstock of importations, that goods are sold at lower prices in valparaiso than in europe. the warehouses are so filled with some sorts of merchandise, that without any fresh supplies there would be sufficient for some years to come. among the clerks in the mercantile houses i met with a great number of germans, who all maintain an intimate association with each other. they have formed themselves into a union, and they have a very commodious place in which they hold their meetings. following their example, the english have united together and established several clubs. the french have not gained any considerable footing in this part of south america, in which there are scarcely two french mercantile houses of any consequence. on the other hand, there is abundance of french hairdressers, tailors, shoemakers, jewellers, confectioners, and _chevaliers d'industrie_. neither is there any want of _modistes parisiennes et bordelaises_. valparaiso is yearly increasing in extent and in the numbers of its inhabitants; but the town makes little improvement in beauty. that quarter which is built along the quebradas is certainly susceptible of no improvement, owing to the unfavorable locality, and it is only the newly-built houses on the heights that impart to the town anything like a pleasing aspect. in laying out buildings in a place like valparaiso, the aid of art should make amends for the defects of nature. my visits to valparaiso did not produce a very favorable impression on me. the exclusively mercantile occupations of the inhabitants, together with the poverty of the adjacent country, leave little to interest the attention of a mere transient visitor. the case may be different with persons who, having longer time than i had to stay in the town, may enjoy opportunities of entering into society, and occasionally visiting the pleasant valley of quillota and the interesting capital santiago. the latter is thirty leagues distant from the port; but a very active communication is kept up between the two places, and better roads would, no doubt, increase the intercourse. a few years ago the roads were very unsafe; but now the journey may be performed without danger if the _birlocheros_ (coach-drivers) are in the least degree careful. the zoology of the neighborhood of valparaiso is not very interesting, though more so along the sea-shore than in parts further inland. among the mammalia are sometimes seen the fox (_canis azaræ_, wild.), and the pole-cat. in the immediate vicinity of the town a very large mouse is seen in the burrows of the ground; it is of the eight-toothed species (_octodon cummingii_, benn.), and has a brush-formed tail. as the fields round valparaiso are not cultivated these animals do no harm, otherwise they would be the plague of agriculture, and probably are so in the interior parts of the country. now and then a sea-dog may be observed in the bay; but the whale is seldom seen, and whenever one appears he is immediately killed, as there is always a whaler at anchor and not far off. in the market, live condors are frequently sold. these birds are caught in traps. a very fine one may be purchased for a dollar and a half. i saw eight of these gigantic birds secured in a yard in a very singular manner. a long narrow strap of leather was passed through the nostrils of the bird and firmly knotted at one end, whilst the other end was fastened to a wooden or iron peg fixed in the ground. by this means the motion of the bird was not impeded: it could walk within the range of a tolerably wide circle; but on attempting to fly it fell to the ground head foremost. it is no trifling matter to provide food for eight condors; for they are among the most ravenous of birds of prey. the owner of those i saw assured me that, by way of experiment, he had given a condor, in the course of one day, eighteen pounds of meat (consisting of the entrails of oxen); that the bird devoured the whole, and ate his allowance on the following day with as good an appetite as usual. i measured a very large male condor, and the width from the tip of one wing to the tip of the other was fourteen english feet and two inches--an enormous expanse of wing, not equalled by any other bird except the white albatross. (_diomedea exulans_, linn.). the snipes (_scolopax frenata_, ill.) found on the little plain between the bay and the light-house are in color precisely like those of europe, from which, however, they differ in having two more feathers in their tails. small green parrots, little bigger than finches, are tamed and brought to valparaiso from the interior of the country. these parrots are very docile, and are easily taught to speak; but they cannot endure cold, and require to be tended with very great care. in the bay itself there are numerous cormorants, and occasionally penguins and large flights of the cut-water or shear-bill (_rhynchops nigra_, linn.). the latter is distinguished by a sharp-pointed bill closing laterally, the under mandible being about double the length of the upper one. but the most beautiful bird in the bay of valparaiso is the majestic swan (_cygnus nigricollis_, mol.), whose body is of dazzling white, whilst the head and neck are black. on the 13th of august we at length obtained leave to sail. early on the morning of the 14th we weighed anchor; and, as we sailed out of the bay of valparaiso, the summit of aconcagua soon disappeared in the blue horizon. chapter iii. juan fernandez--robinson crusoe--passage to callao--san lorenzo--rise and fall of the coast--mr. darwin's opinions on this subject--callao--the fortress--siege by the spaniards--general rodil--siege by the chilians--the colocolo--pirates--zoology--road to lima. with a favorable east wind we reached, in thirty-six hours, the island of juan fernandez, which lies in the latitude of valparaiso. ships from europe, bound to peru, which do not go into chile, usually touch at juan fernandez to test their chronometers. it consists in fact of three islands, forming a small compact group. two of them, in accordance with the spanish names, may be called the inward island and the outward island, for the most easterly is called _mas a tierra_ (more to the main land), that to the west is called _mas a fuera_ (more towards the offing). that to the south, which is almost a naked rock, is the _isla de lobos_, which we may call sea-dog island. the two first are covered with grass and trees. _mas a tierra_ is much longer, and better suited for cultivation than _mas a fuera_. in form the two islands have a striking resemblance to flores and cordua, islands of the group of the azores. until within these twenty years, _mas a tierra_ was the place of exportation for convicts from chile; but as it was found that the facility of escape is great, none are now sent there. in 1812 a number of prisoners of war were confined there, but the rats, which had increased in an extraordinary degree, consumed all the provisions sent from chile. several fruitless attempts have been made to populate the island, but that object is now given up, and it is only occasionally visited by sea-dog hunters. ulloa speaks of the great number of sea-calves or dogs with which the island was frequented, and distinguishes kinds which belong to the short-eared species. their skins are excellent, and they sell at a good price in england. wild goats are numerous, and their propagation would be excessive were it not for the multitude of dogs, also wild, by which they are destroyed. there is yet another kind of interest attached to juan fernandez. it was on mas a tierra that, in 1704, the celebrated english navigator, dampier, landed his coxswain, alexander selkirk, with whom he had quarrelled, and left him there with a small quantity of provisions, and a few tools. selkirk had lived four years and four months on this uninhabited island, when he was found there by the bucaneers woods and rogers, and brought back to europe. from the notes which he made during his solitary residence, the celebrated daniel defoe composed his incomparable work, robinson crusoe. the weather continued favorable, and in about a week we doubled the west point of san lorenzo island, where some chilian cruizers were watching the coast. we soon entered the fine bay of callao, and cast anchor in the harbor of the _ciudad de los reyes_. while rounding the island, an american corvette spoke us. she had left valparaiso on the same day with us, and sailed also through the strait between san lorenzo and the main land; yet, during the whole passage, we never saw each other. no signals were exchanged between us and the shore, and no port-captain came on board. we were exceedingly anxious to know the issue of the chilian expedition. hostile ships of war lay off the port, but the peruvian flag waved on the fort. at last a french naval cadet came on board, and informed us that the chilians had landed successfully, and had taken lima by storm two days previously. they were, at that moment, besieging the fortress. we immediately went on shore. the town presented a melancholy aspect. the houses and streets were deserted. in all callao we scarcely met a dozen persons, and the most of those we saw were negroes. some of the inhabitants came gradually back, but in the course of a month scarcely a hundred had returned, and for safety they slept during the night on board merchant ships in the bay. at the village of bella vista, a quarter of a mile from callao, the chilians had erected their batteries for bombarding the fortress. as it was difficult to obtain provisions, the commanders of the foreign ships of war sent every morning a small detachment of sailors with a steward to bella vista, to purchase meat and vegetables. the merchant-ships joined in the practice, so that early every morning a long procession of boats with flags flying proceeded to the chilian camp. but a stop was soon put to this, as an english butcher in callao found means to go with the boats for the purpose of purchasing large quantities of meat, which he afterwards sold at an immense profit, to the fortress. though the besieged did not suffer from want, they were far from having superfluity. having sufficient time to make myself acquainted with the country in the immediate vicinity of callao, i took advantage of every opportunity for excursions; going from place to place by water, which was more safe than journeying by land. the bay of callao is one of the largest and calmest on the west coast of south america. on the south-west, it is bounded by the sterile island of san lorenzo; on the north it flows into the creeks, which are terminated by the punta gorda, the punta pernal, the punta de dos playas, and the punta de doña pancha. the beach is flat, for the most part shingly, and about the mouth of the rimac, somewhat marshy. between the mouth of the rimac and that of the rio de chillon, which is a little southward of the punta gorda, there is a tract of rich marshy soil. a small boot-shaped tongue of land stretches from the fortress westward to san lorenzo. on this spot are the ruins of old callao. san lorenzo is a small, long-shaped island, about 15 english miles in circumference. it is intersected throughout its whole length by a ridge of sharp crested hills, of which the highest point is about 1387 feet above the level of the sea. on the north-eastern side, the declivity is less steep than on the south-west, where it descends almost perpendicularly into the sea. seals and sea-otters inhabit the steep rocks of the southern declivity, and swarms of sea-birds nestle on the desolate shore. san lorenzo is separated on the southern side by a narrow strait, from a small rocky island called el fronton, which is also the abode of numerous seals. the coasts of callao and san lorenzo have undergone very remarkable changes within a few centuries. mr. darwin, the english geologist, is of opinion that this part of peru has risen eighty-five feet since it has had human inhabitants. on the north-eastern declivity of san lorenzo, which is divided into three indistinctly marked terraces, there are numbers of shells of those same species of conchyliæ which are at the present time found living on the coast. on an accurate examination of these shells, mr. darwin found many of them deeply corroded. "they have," he says, "a much older and more decayed appearance than those at the height of 500 or 600 feet on the coast of chile. these shells are associated with much common salt, a little sulphate of lime (both probably left by the evaporation of the spray, as the land slowly rose), together with sulphate of soda, and muriate of lime. the rest are fragments of the underlying sand-stone, and are covered by a few inches thick of detritus. the shells higher up on this terrace could be traced scaling off in flakes, and falling into an impalpable powder; and on an upper terrace, at the height of 170 feet, and likewise at some considerably higher points, i found a layer of saline powder, of exactly similar appearance, and lying in the same relative position. i have no doubt that the upper layer originally existed on a bed of shells, like that on the eighty-five feet ledge, but it does not now contain even a trace of organic structure."[2] mr. darwin adds, that on the terrace, which is eighty-five feet above the sea, he found embedded amidst the shells and much sea-drifted rubbish, some bits of cotton thread, plaited rush, and the head of a stalk of indian corn. san lorenzo does not appear to have been inhabited in very early ages. the fragments of human industry which have been found mixed in the shells have probably been brought thither by fishermen who visit the island, and often pass the night on it. darwin further remarks:--"it has been stated that the land subsided during this memorable shock (in 1746): i could not discover any proof of this; yet it seems far from improbable, for the form of the coast must certainly have undergone some change since the foundation of the old town," &c.--"on the island of san lorenzo there are very satisfactory proofs of elevation within a recent period; this, of course, is not opposed to the belief of a small sinking of the ground having subsequently taken place." but satisfactory evidence of the sinking of the coast is not to be obtained in a visit of a few weeks' duration; nor must that evidence rest solely on geological facts, though doubtless they furnish much important data. history must aid the inquiry. tradition and the recollections of old persons must be attended to. according to these authorities, a change more or less considerable has taken place in the level of the coast, after every great earthquake. if we refer to the account given by ulloa, and compare the plan of the harbor of callao, drawn by him in 1742, with the most correct modern charts, we do not find much difference in the representations of the distance between the main-land and san lorenzo. four years afterwards the great earthquake occurred, which destroyed the city of callao, and plunged it into the sea. subsequently there was a rising of the coast, which could not be inconsiderable, for according to the statements of old inhabitants of callao, the distance from the coast to san lorenzo was so inconsiderable that boys used to throw stones over to the island. at present the distance is nearly two english miles. i have no doubt of the general correctness of those statements, for a careful investigation of facts leads to the same conclusion; so that within the last sixty or seventy years the sinking must have been considerable. it must be observed, however, that the ruins on the small tongue of land are not, as darwin supposes, the remains of the city of callao, swallowed up by the sea in 1746, but of the callao which was destroyed by the great earthquake of 1630. another proof of the sinking exists in the extensive shallow between the coast of the main-land and san lorenzo, called the camotal. in early times this shallow was dry land, producing vegetables, in particular _camotes_ (sweet potatoes), whence the name of this portion of the strait is derived. the inundation took place in the time of the spaniards, but before 1746, either in the great earthquake of 1687, or in that of 1630. northward of the bay of callao, near the plantation of boca negra, there is a shallow, where, according to records, there existed a sugar plantation about fifty years ago. turning to the south of callao, in the direction of lurin, we find, at the distance of about two english miles from the coast, two islands or rocks, of which one is called pachacamac, and the other santa domingo. at the time of the spanish invasion these rocks were connected with the main-land, and formed a promontory. on one of them stood a temple or castle. at what period they were detached from the coast i have not been able to ascertain authentically; but there appears reason to suppose that the separation took place during the violent earthquake of 1586. attentive investigations to the north of callao--at chancay, huacho, baranca, &c., would probably bring to light further evidence on this subject. between the facts stated by mr. darwin and those here adduced, there is considerable discrepancy. on the one hand they denote a rising, and on the other a sinking. but it may be asked, might not both these phenomena have occurred at different times?[3] mr. darwin's opinion respecting the still-continued rising of the coast does not appear to me to rest on satisfactory evidence. the relics of human industry which he found embedded among shells, at the height of eighty-five feet above the sea, only prove that the elevation has taken place after the land was inhabited by the human race, but do not mark the period at which that elevation occurred. pieces of cotton thread and plaited rush are no proofs of a very refined degree of civilisation, such as the spaniards brought with them to peru, and cannot therefore be taken as evidence that the elevation took place at any period subsequent to the conquest. garcilaso de la vega traces the dynasty of the incas down to the year 1021, a period when the inhabitants of the coast of peru were tolerably well advanced in civilisation. fernando montesinos furnishes facts connected with the history of peru, of several thousand years' earlier date; and, judging from the number of dynasties, the nature of the laws, &c., it may be inferred that civilisation existed at a period of even more remote antiquity. it cannot therefore be determined with any accuracy at what time the deposit at san lorenzo, now eighty-five feet high, was level with the sea, or whether the rise suddenly followed one of those frightful catastrophes which have so often visited the western coast of south america. then, again, the different degrees of decay presented by the beds of shells seem to indicate that the rising has been gradual; and it may have been going on for thousands of years. had the coast risen eighty-five feet since the spanish conquest--that is to say, within the space of three hundred and sixty-two years--the camotal would long since have again risen above the surface of the sea; for it is very improbable that it sank to a depth exceeding ninety or ninety-five feet. it is evident that risings and sinkings have occurred at various times, and that causes contingent on earthquakes have produced the variations in the rising and falling of the coast. it is probable that the accurate sounding of the depth of water in the camotal, at stated intervals, would furnish the best means of ascertaining the rising and sinking of the coast. a variety of circumstances combine to favor the practicability of calculation by this method. for example, no river flows into that part of the bay in which the camotal is situated. the rimac, whose mouth lies further to the north, is not sufficiently large to carry any considerable deposit into the bed of the bay: moreover, there is but little tide, and the bay is always calm, being sheltered on the south by the island of san lorenzo, and north breezes are rare and never violent. i may here mention a singular phenomenon which has in latter times often occurred at callao, and which, in 1841, i had myself the opportunity of observing. about two in the morning the sea flowed from the shore with greater force than in the strongest ebb; the ships farthest out were left dry, which is never the case in an ebb tide. the alarm of the inhabitants was great when the sea rushed instantly back with increased force. nothing could withstand its fury. meanwhile there was no commotion of the earth, nor any marked change of temperature. in the earthquake of 1746 callao was completely overwhelmed by the sea. several travellers have related that on calm days with a clear sky the old town may be seen beneath the waves. i have also heard the same story from inhabitants of callao. it is doubtless a mere fable. under the most favorable circumstances i have often examined the spot--the mar brava, as it is called--without being able to discover a trace of the ruins of old callao. the existing town of callao is small, and by no means pleasant. in winter it is damp and dirty, and in summer so dusty that in passing through the streets one is almost choked. most of the houses are very slightly built, and they are usually only one story high. the walls are constructed of reeds, plastered over with loam or red clay. all the roofs are flat, being made of straw mats laid on a frame-work of reeds, which is also plastered with loam on the under side. the windows are in the roof, and consist of wooden trap-doors, which look very much like bird-cages. they have no glass panes, but gratings made of wooden spars. on the inside there is a window-shutter, and a string hangs down into the apartment, by means of which the shutter can be opened or closed. the most interesting object seen in callao is the splendid fortress. though built on a flat surface close to the sea, it has a magnificent appearance. it consists of two castles, the largest of which the spaniards named real filippe, but since the revolution it is called castillo de la independencia. it has two round towers, wide, but not very high. the court-yards are spacious. the walls are thick, rather low, and surrounded by a ditch, which can be filled with water from the sea. to the south of this castle there is a smaller one, called el castillo del sol. before the war of independence they mounted both together four hundred pieces of cannon, many of which were of very large calibre. at present they have only sixty pieces of cannon and seventy-one carronades. on the fortress of callao the spanish flag waved long after independence was declared in all the countries of spanish south america. the spanish general, rodil, threw himself into the castle, and with wonderful resolution held out against a siege of a year and a half. during the last three months the spaniards suffered all the privations and miseries which a besieged army must endure within the tropics. lord cochrane blockaded the fortress by sea, and general bartolome salom drew up his army on the land side. more than 4,000 spaniards fled to the castle with all their valuable property, and took refuge under rodil's protection. the greater part of the fugitives belonged to the principal families of the country. when provisions began to fail, the commandant found it necessary to expel 400 women, and one morning they issued forth in a long line of procession. the besiegers supposed that the enemy was making a sortie, and directed the fire of their artillery against the helpless beings, who, uttering loud shrieks, attempted to save themselves by flight. as soon as the mistake was discovered the firing stopped, and the women were conveyed to lima. insurrections were several times attempted by the garrison of callao; but the presence of mind and cool resolution of rodil in every instance enabled him to suppress these mutinies. the guilty were punished with so much severity that the soldiers soon gave up all further attempts. horses, asses, dogs and cats, became at length the food of the besieged. rodil at this time carried on a traffic which does no honor to his character. he had a quantity of provisions stored, which he now sold at immense prices. for a fowl he got from three to four gold ounces. he demanded proportional prices for bread, &c. a contagious fever broke out, and, of more than 4000 persons who had taken refuge in the fortress, only about 200 survived the siege. hunger and disease at last obliged rodil to yield. on the 19th of february, 1826, he obtained an honorable capitulation, and embarked with his acquired wealth for spain, where he was invested with the rank of commander-in-chief of the infantry guards. since the independence of peru this fortress has often been the seat of partial revolutions. its death-doom has been pronounced by different governments, and it will be a fortunate event for the country when it ceases to exist as a place of warlike defence. it has lately been found useful for other purposes, and a great portion of its vast space has been converted into custom-house warehouses. the siege of callao by the chilians, of which we were eye-witnesses, was by no means such a serious affair as that undertaken by the patriots. the squadron was weak, and the land army inconsiderable. callao was only cannonaded during the night by some chilian gun-boats commanded by englishmen. the artillery of the castle was inefficient, but the chilian bombs did considerable damage. one sunday afternoon the little chilian brig, "colocolo," sailed in close under the walls of the fortress, and threw in some shot. the fire was immediately returned by all the guns that could be directed to the sea-side; but in vain did the peruvians expend their shot. every ball went over the "colocolo," and fell among the neutral ships. the commander of the french squadron then sent a boat to the fortress, with a declaration that he would attack it in good earnest if the fire was not discontinued. the message had due effect. a few days after the affair with the "colocolo," the peruvians had an opportunity of avenging the provocations they had received. the chilian admiral sent an officer, with seven sailors, to our ship to purchase shoes. the garrison having observed the chilian boat, sent out a shallop with twenty-five men, which came close alongside of us. in spite of our opposition the chilian officer leaped into his boat and stood off. he was, however, too late; for, just as he was leaving the ship's side, the hostile shallop passed under our bowsprit, and fired a volley into the chilian boat. five sailors fell into the sea, either killed or wounded. of three men picked up, one was the officer, who had received two wounds from musket balls. we saved one of the wounded sailors by throwing him a rope, by which we pulled him up, covering him with the french flag. the peruvians had no longer a fleet strong enough to keep at sea; but soon after their government purchased the "edmond," and some other merchantmen, and fitted them up as privateers. the command was given to m. blanchet, who had been first pilot of the "edmond" during our voyage from europe. after he had taken the "arequipena," an old chilian ship of war, and burnt several transports, he attacked three chilian corvettes in the harbor of casma. they had already struck their flags, when blanchet was shot while boarding one of them. his loss damped the courage of the corsairs, and the contest was soon given up. the shock of blanchet's death had such an effect on the crew of the "edmond," that they all went down between decks in great grief, except the cook, who fired a gun he had charged to the brim, and killed some men who were on a bowsprit of one of the hostile vessels. he then sprang to the helm, and steered the ship safely into one of the inlets of the bay. the lover of natural history finds in the bay of callao numerous opportunities for gratifying his curiosity. the mammalia are not very numerous. sea otters and sea dogs are found there, as on all parts of the south american coast. two species (the _otaria aurita_, humb., and the _o. ulloæ_, tsch.) inhabit the southern declivity of the fronton. i went to hunt seals on the rock with the officers of a french ship of war. when we landed, which was difficult on account of the breakers, we fired at the animals and killed a number of them. a sailor waded through the breakers and bound the dead seals with a rope, by which he drew them on board. as we shot a great number of birds, the chilian admiral, on hearing the firing, thought that one of his ships must be engaged with the peruvian corsairs; and, therefore, sent out the "san lorenzo" brig of war to see what was going on. the bay abounds in fine water-fowl. amongst the most remarkable is humboldt's penguin (_spheniscus humboldti_, mey.). a few are smaller than the common grey penguin, and one is somewhat different in color on the back and breast. the peruvians call it _paxaro niño_ (the child bird). it is easily tamed, becomes very social, and follows its master like a dog. it is amusing to see it waddling along with its plump body and short legs, and keeping itself in equilibrium by moving its floating wings. i had one completely tame, which i bought from an indian. it was named _pepe_, and it answered readily to the name. when i was at my meals he regularly placed himself beside my chair, and at night he slept under my bed. when he wished to bathe he went into the kitchen and beat with his bill on an earthen pan until somebody threw water over him, or brought him a vessel full of water for a bath. i brought away a few of the marine birds which appeared the most remarkable. among them was the banded cormorant (_carbo gaimardi_, less.). on the back it is grey, marbled by white spots; the belly is fine ash-grey, and on each side of the throat there runs a broad white stripe or band. the bill is yellow and the feet are red. the iris is peculiar; i never saw its like in any other bird. it changes throughout the whole circle in regular square spots, white and sea-green. thousands of the spotted gannet (_sula variegata_, tsch.) inhabit the rocks of the island of san lorenzo. this bird is the greatest producer of guano. the inca tern (_sterna luca_, less.) is without doubt the finest of the whole tern family. the color of the head is brown-grey; getting darker towards the tail, and brighter on the lower body. from the root of the bill on either side there shoot out some white feathers slightly curving, so that they give the appearance of white moustachios. among the land birds are some very fine colibri (_trochilus amazilia_, and _tr. cora_, less.). the horse-protector (_crotophaga sulcata_, swains.) is a singular animal. it is about the size of a starling, with a short, compressed and curved bill, having several deep furrows along its sides. the tail is long and fan-shaped. the whole body is of a deep blue color, with a slight metallic brightness. the bird is very social with cattle of all kinds, and more particularly with horses. it is fond of perching on the back of a horse or an ass, and searching for insects which it finds there in abundance. these animals are very sensible of the service thus rendered to them, and by the manner in which they move about when the bird is perched on their heads or necks, show how much they are gratified by its presence. foreigners, when they visit the coast of peru for the first time, are much surprised at the immense number of birds of the vulture species which they meet with about the roads and on the roofs of the houses. in callao and in all other ports the turkey vulture (_cathartes aura_, illig.) is frequently seen. it is called by the spaniards _gallinazo á cabéza colorada_ (red-headed vulture). further in the interior of the country it is frequently seen, though there it is less common than the black gallinazo (_cathartes foetens_, illig.). the color of the former is dark brownish-black; the unplumed head and throat are red; the throat is full of wrinkles and warts. the latter is very like it in size and color, only the head and neck are greyish black. these birds are the size of a turkey-cock; but they are lanker and more angular in form. the black-headed gallinazo is inactive, heavy, and seldom flies far. when seeking food he hops about on the ground in short, regular springs. when he wishes to move faster forwards he helps himself with his wings, but without flying. its cry is seldom heard and never long continued. at noon, sometimes from sixty to eighty of these birds perch themselves on the tops of the houses or on the adjoining walls, and with the heads under the wing they all go to roost. they are extremely voracious, and devour every sort of animal substance they can find, however filthy it may be. they are not in the least degree shy, for they hop about among men and cattle in the most populous places. the turkey vulture is far more lively, and its movements are more light. it flies faster, and continues longer on the wing than the black-headed gallinazo. it is, however, more timid. it nestles in sandy rocks and uninhabited islands. the female lays three or four whitish eggs, which are hatched in february and march. the common gallinazo usually builds its nest on the tops of houses, churches, ruins, and high walls. the female lays three or four eggs, which are whitish brown and speckled, and are hatched in the same months as the eggs of the turkey vulture. among the amphibia in callao, the iguana and land agama are numerous. snakes abound in the low bushes at the mouth of the rimac, and some kinds, which are venomous, live on the arid sand-banks. all the sea tortoises have been driven out of the bay, and now inhabit the detached creeks of the uninhabited parts of the coast. the kinds of fish are numerous.--sharks, rays, ballancers, corvinas, bonitos, &c., are caught in abundance. most of the corvinas and bonitos are carried to market. the flesh of the latter is firm, dry, and less savory than the corvina. the _pexe-rey_ (king-fish) is superior in flavor to the _pexe-sapo_ (toad-fish), which is a little larger, and has a thick, fleshy head. these fish are taken on rocks and under water, where they are struck by a kind of harpoon hooks and drawn out. when, on board the "edmond," i first saw the towers of lima gilded by the beams of the setting sun, and the chains of hills behind, rising by gradations, until in the farthest background they blended with the cloud-capped cordilleras, i felt an inexpressible desire to advance towards those regions, that i might breathe the air of the andes, and there behold nature under her wildest aspect. but these wishes were vain, and i was compelled to turn again to the desolate ocean; for it was understood that our further voyage must be towards the north, and from there that we should proceed to the coast of asia. i did not then foresee that my longing might be fulfilled, and that so much of enjoyment, together with so much toil and danger, awaited me in the mountainous regions of peru. notwithstanding the insecurity of the road to lima i resolved to proceed thither. carriages and horses were not to be procured in callao, for the latter were all either seized for the service of the government or concealed. i could therefore travel only on foot. don manuel de la guarda, the commander of the fortress, observed, whilst giving me a passport, that he would advise me to use speed, and to get as soon as possible out of the range of the guns, for he expected every moment to be obliged to order the firing to commence. i did not neglect to follow his advice. however i had not got more than a hundred paces from the castle when the artillery began to play, and balls fell around on every side. i quickened my pace, and soon got near some fences, where men were firing with muskets. there i was seized by some chilian cuirassiers, who sent me forward from post to post, until at last in one of the posts i met with an officer with whom i had been acquainted in chile. when i was dining one day on board the corvette confederacion in the bay of valparaiso, the young officer whom i have just alluded to sat next me. the conversation happening to turn on phrenology, he insisted on my examining his head, and pronouncing a phrenological diagnosis on it. though i assured him that i attached no value on this alleged science, he continued to urge me to make the examination. after feeling his head i observed to him, with great gravity: "here is the organ of mathematics pretty well developed, and it is probable that you may distinguish yourself in that branch of knowledge." the fact was, i had observed from his uniform that he belonged to the artillery, and since i was obliged to say something, i thought it would be best to make my remarks refer to his profession. don antonio had not forgotten it, for as soon as he saw me at the outpost, he ran up to me quite overjoyed, and told me that i had judged rightly of his talent, for the guns which he commanded always sent their balls direct into the fortress, and did more execution than any other. by following my advice and cultivating his mathematical organ, he assured me, he was enabled to direct a gun better than any other officer, and his aim could always be relied on. he immediately procured me a pass, by which i was conducted all the remainder of my journey. the distance from callao to lima is two spanish leagues. the road is covered with deep sand, and on either side are uncultivated fields and low brushwood. after leaving callao i came to bella vista, then to the ruins of an old indian village, and farther on inland reached some plantations. halfway between callao and lima is the convent of _la virgen del carmen_, and also a chapel. the convent is now abandoned, but in front of the chapel there constantly stands a monk, who begs for alms. close to the convent there is a tambo,[4] in which brandy, lemonade, and bananas are sold. this place, which is called la legna, is a spanish league from both towns. the hired horses are so used to put up at this place, that it is only with great trouble they can be got to pass it. though much wearied by my journey on foot, i tried in vain to obtain some refreshment here. unluckily the tambero, a zambo, had decamped, as his house had often been plundered. in the most oppressive heat i wandered over the shadeless plain, and at last reached the fine road called the _alameda del callao_, which extends from the callao gate of lima to nearly half a league beyond the city. don ambrosio o'higgins, an irishman by birth, first a small shopkeeper in lima, then a soldier in chile, and finally viceroy of peru, with the title of _marques de osorno_, built the fine callao gate and laid out the alameda. on the 6th of january, 1800, it was solemnly opened. the whole undertaking cost 340,964 dollars. resting-places are made in the alameda at regular distances; and there are on each side charming gardens, with luxuriant fruit-trees. happy in having reached the end of my wearisome journey, i quickly passed through the callao gate, and entered the city of the kings. footnotes: [footnote 2: natural history and geology of the countries visited by the beagle.] [footnote 3: mr. darwin, in the work just quoted, says in reference to this subject, "since our voyage, dr. tschudi has come to the conclusion, by the comparison of old and modern maps, that the earth both north and south of lima has certainly subsided."--t.] [footnote 4: _tambo_ is an indian word, signifying an _inn_. _tambero_ means _inn-keeper_.] chapter iv. lima--situation and extent of the city--streets, houses, churches and convents--san pedro--the jesuits--nunneries--beatarios--hospitals--san andres--the foundling house--the pantheon--the palace--the plaza mayor--pizarro--the cabildo--fountains--palace of the inquisition--the university--national library--museum of natural history and antiquities--academy of design--the mint--the theatre--circus for cock-fighting--the bridge--the city wall--santa catalina--barracks. lima is built on both banks of the river rimac, which divides the town into two unequal parts.[5] the larger part (the town, properly so called) is situated on the southern bank of the river; the smaller part, consisting of the suburb san lazaro, or the fifth section, is on the northern bank. the greatest extent of lima is from east to west; from the gate of maravillas to the monserrate. between those two points the distance is 4471 varas,[6] or two-thirds of a legua, or spanish league; and the greatest breadth of the city, that is to say, from the bridge (the suburb of san lazaro not included) to the gate of guadalupe, is 2515 varas, or two-fifths of a legua. the utmost circumference of lima is about ten english miles. the plain on which the city is built, takes rather a decided slope from east to west. the streets of lima intersect each other in right lines, and consequently groups of houses form quadrangles: these are called _manzanas_. each side of one of these manzanas measures on the average from 140 to 145 varas; and it may therefore be computed that, collectively, they occupy a superficies of from 148,000 to 160,000. there are in all 211 manzanas, of which those situated on the periphery are the smallest and most irregularly constructed. lima is divided into five sections, which are again subdivided into ten districts and forty-six _barrios_. it contains about 3380 houses, 56 churches and convents (the latter occupying at least one-fourth of the superficies of the city), 34 squares or open areas in front of the churches, and 419 streets. on the average the streets are about 34 feet wide and 386 feet long. most of them are very badly paved, but they have lateral footpaths. according to the original plan for building lima, it was intended that all the streets should run in one direction, viz., from southeast to northwest, so that the walls of the houses might afford shade both morning and afternoon. between the plaza mayor and santa clara this plan has been pretty uniformly carried out; but in other parts it has been less rigidly observed. at noon there can be no shade, as the city is situated in 12° of south latitude. the impression produced at first sight of lima is by no means favorable, for the periphery, the quarter which a stranger first enters, contains none but old, dilapidated, and dirty houses; but on approaching the vicinity of the principal square, the place improves so greatly that the miserable appearance it presents at first sight is easily forgotten. most of the houses in lima are only one story high, and some have only the ground-floor. the larger class of houses correspond one with another in the style of building. in front they have two doors: one is called the _azaguan_, and is the principal entrance to the house; and next to it is the door of the _cochera_ (coach-house). either above the cochera door, or on one side of the house door, there is frequently a little chamber, having a window closed by a wooden railing. at this little railed window the ladies are accustomed to sit and watch the passers-by--nor are they very much displeased when some of the latter occasionally make free to _reguardar la reja_ (to look at the railing). the azaguan opens into a spacious court-yard called the _patio_, on either side of which there are little rooms. directly facing the azaguan, is the dwelling-house, round which there usually runs a balcony. two large folding-doors lead into the hall (_sala_), in which the furniture consists of a sofa, a hammock, and a row of chairs: the floor is covered with straw matting. from the sala a glazed door opens into a smaller apartment, called the _cuadro_, which is elegantly, often splendidly furnished, and the floor is carpeted. this is the room into which visitors are shown. adjoining the cuadro are the sleeping-rooms, the dining-room, the nursery, &c. these apartments communicate with a second court-yard, called the _traspatio_, the walls of which are often adorned with fresco paintings. this _traspatio_, a portion of which is usually laid out as a little garden, communicates with the kitchen and the stable (_corral_). a small avenue, called the _callejon_, forms a communication from the first to the second patio, and is used as a passage for the horses. when there is no _callejon_, as is often the case in the poorer class of houses, the horses are led through the sala and the cuadro. in the upper story the arrangement of the rooms differs from that of the ground-floor. above the azaguan is the cuadro, opening into a balcony, which is attached to most of the houses in lima. the sala in the upper story forms an ante-room to the cuadro; and the rest of the apartments are built above the ranges of ground-floor rooms on either side of the patio. above the sala and cuadro of the ground-floor, there are no upper rooms. the roofs of those two apartments form a kind of large terrace called the _azotea_, which is paved with freestone, and surrounded by a railing. this _azotea_ serves as a play-ground for the children of the family; it is ornamented with flower-pots, and covered with an awning to shade it from the sun. the upper story has a flat roof, composed of bamboos and mats, overspread with mortar or light tiles. in the houses of lima, as in those of callao, the windows of some of the rooms are made in the roofs. the other windows, of which there are but few, are on each side of the house door; they are tastefully ornamented, and often have richly gilt lattices. the style of house-building here described must of course be taken merely as a general example; that there are numerous deviations from it may naturally be supposed. in the large houses the walls are of brick, faced with ornamental tiles (_adobes_). in the smaller houses, the walls consist of double rows of bamboos, covered with plaster, and afterwards painted white or yellow. the fronts of the houses are usually quite plain, but here and there may be seen a house with a finely ornamented façade. the house of torre tagle, near san pedro, and some others, are remarkable for the beauty of their ornaments, which attract the notice of all strangers visiting lima. owing to the heat of the climate, the doors and windows are almost always kept open, so that the houses have not the privacy and comfort of european dwellings. of the numerous churches and convents in lima, some are deserving of particular mention. the cathedral occupies the whole eastern side of the plaza mayor. the foundation stone of this edifice was laid on the 18th of january, 1534, by don francisco pizarro, who named it the church of _nuestra señora de la asuncion_. ninety years elapsed before the building was completed, and on the 19th of october, 1625, it was consecrated by the archbishop, don gonzalo de ocampo. such was the pomp observed at this ceremony, that, though mass commenced at six in the morning, it was five o'clock in the afternoon before the host was raised. the interior of the cathedral is exceedingly beautiful. the grand altar is ornamented with seven ionic columns of silver, twelve feet high, and one and a half thick, and is surmounted by a massive silver gilt crown. the tabernacle is seven feet and a half high, and composed of exquisitely wrought gold, set with a profusion of diamonds and emeralds. on each side of the altar there are massive silver candelabra, each weighing four and a half arobas (712-1/2 pounds). on high festival days, the gorgeous splendor of the cathedral of lima probably exceeds that of the principal churches in rome. the robes and ornaments worn by the priests correspond with the magnificence of the altar; they are embroidered in gold, and set with precious stones. the cathedral service is performed by the canons (canonigos). among the churches of lima, san lazaro is distinguished for its tasteful exterior, and the chaste simplicity of its internal decoration. the bodies of persons unknown, found dead in the streets, are conveyed to the door of the church of san lazaro, and there exposed for the space of twenty-four hours. the convent of san francisco, the largest of the monastic establishments in lima, is an immense building, situated in the vicinity of the plaza mayor. in this convent mass is read daily every half-hour, from five in the morning till noon. a small chapel within the convent is called the _capilla de los milagros_, and a superstitious tradition records that during the great earthquake of 1630, the image of the madonna, which surmounts the chapel door, turned towards the grand altar, and with folded hands invoked the divine grace in favor of the city. by this intercession it is believed that lima was saved from total destruction. the monk who conducted me over the convent, and who related to me this miracle, observed with much simplicity that it was singular that the madonna did not repeat her gracious intercession in the year 1746. the carved work which adorns the ceilings in the corridors is admirably executed, though not very beautiful in design. the cells of the monks are very simple, but perfectly comfortable for habitation. the spacious and well-arranged gardens within the area of the convent form a pleasing contrast to the gloomy appearance of the external walls. to the franciscan monks also belongs the convent of _los descalzos_, situated in the suburb of san lazaro. a broad avenue planted with six rows of trees leads to los descalzos. it is a neat but not large edifice, and stands at the foot of a sterile hill. the extensive garden which surrounds it, and which is in a very neglected condition, contains three palm-trees, the only ones to be seen in the near vicinity of lima. the situation of the convent is not healthy, and in consequence the monks frequently suffer from intermittent fever. these monks go barefooted, and live entirely on alms. every morning two lay brethren ride on asses to the city, where they visit the market-place, and obtain from the different saleswomen charitable donations of fish, vegetables, or meat. another convent is the _recoleta de san diego_. during lent, and especially in passion week, many men retire to this place to prepare themselves by mortification and prayer for confession and participation in the holy sacrament. the convent of santo domingo is very rich. it enjoys a yearly revenue of from seventy to seventy-five thousand dollars, for the most part accruing from the ground-rents of houses in the city. the steeple of santo domingo is the loftiest in all lima. it is 188 feet high, and is visible at the distance of three leagues. it is built of wood, and inclines so considerably in its upper part, that there is little probability of its surviving another earthquake like that of 1746. the interior of the church is splendid. the grand altar almost vies with that of the cathedral. san pedro must, doubtless, at a former period, have been the principal convent in lima. it belonged to the jesuits, and was their _colegio maximo_. this establishment possessed enormous revenues, for all the finest plantations and best houses in lima were the property of the order. in 1773, the king of spain, instigated by the celebrated bull of the 21st of june of that year (dominus ac redemptor noster), dispatched an order to the viceroys of the provinces of south america, directing them to arrest the jesuits all in one night, to ship them off to spain, and to confiscate their wealth. of course the utmost secresy was observed, and it is a well-authenticated fact, that in peru, with the exception of the viceroy, and those of his agents whose assistance was indispensable, no one knew anything of the affair. but the same ship which conveyed the king's commands to the viceroy, had on board the necessary instructions to the vicar-general in lima, from the superior of the jesuits in madrid, who was fully acquainted with the king's design. the preparatory arrangements were made under the seal of perfect secresy, and at ten o'clock at night the viceroy assembled his council, and communicated to them the royal commands. it was determined that no one should be permitted to leave the council-chamber until the blow was struck. at midnight some confidential officers, with the requisite assistance, were despatched to arrest the jesuits, an accurate list of whose names lay on the table before the viceroy. the patrols knocked at the gate of san pedro, which was immediately opened. the commanding officer desired to see the vicar-general, and the porter ushered him into the great hall of the convent, where all the members of the order were assembled, evidently expecting his visit. the holy brethren were prepared for immediate departure, each being provided with a bag or trunk containing such articles as were requisite on a sea voyage. similar preparations had been made in all the other convents belonging to the jesuits. the surprise and disappointment of the viceroy on receiving this information may be easier conceived than described. without delay he ordered the whole brotherhood to be conducted under a strong escort to callao, where they embarked. in the course of a few days inventories were made of the effects in the convents. at san pedro it was expected that vast treasures in specie would be found; but how great was the dismay, when, instead of the millions which it was well known the order possessed, only a few thousand dollars could be collected. all the keys, even that of the treasury, were politely laid out in the chamber of the superior. this was a cruel mockery! the jesuits could not have taken a more ample revenge on the treachery that had been practised on them. it was suspected that the treasures were concealed partly in the convent of san pedro, and partly in the plantations. according to the evidence of an old negro, at that time in the service of the convent, he, together with some of his comrades, was employed during several nights in carrying heavy bags of money into the vaults of the convent. their eyes were bandaged, and they were conducted by two of the brethren, who helped them to raise and set down the bags. the negro, moreover, declared his conviction that there was a subterraneous spring near the spot where the treasure was deposited. the searches hitherto made have been very superficial, and it seems not impossible that by dint of more active exertions this concealed wealth may yet be brought to light. at present san pedro is occupied by about a dozen lay priests. they perform the spiritual service of the _oratorio de san felipe neri_. they live on the revenues derived from the rents of the few plantations which have not been confiscated or sold. the chapel is prettily fitted up in the interior, and the midnight mass at christmas is performed there with great solemnity. the external walls of both the chapel and the convent are painted a reddish-brown color, which has a very sombre and ugly effect. the convents of _nuestra señora de la marced_ and _san agustin_ are situated at the back of san pedro. the former is spacious, but not largely endowed; the latter is a poor-looking edifice, but it possesses rich revenues. to san agustin is attached the once eminent but now very inferior college of san ildefonso. besides the monastic establishments above named, lima contains several smaller convents for friars, and sixteen nunneries. of the latter the largest is the monasterio de la concepcion. it is very rich, and has an annual revenue of upwards of 100,000 dollars; in other respects it is remarkable for nothing except the not very pious habits of its inmates. _santa clara_ and the _encarnacion_ are also large establishments, and well endowed. the nuns who observe the most rigorous conventual rules are the _capuchinas de jesus maria_, the _nazarenas_ and the _trinitarias descalzas_. for extremely pious women, who wish to lead a cloistered life without taking the veil, there are three establishments called _beaterios_, which may be entered and quitted at pleasure:[7] these are the _beaterio de patrocinio_, the _beaterio de santa rosa de viterbo_, and the _beaterio de copacabana_. this last was originally established exclusively for indian females. the _refugio de san jose_ is a place for the reception of married women who wish to withdraw from the ill treatment of bad husbands. on the other hand husbands who are of opinion that their wives may be improved by a little temporary seclusion and quiet meditation, can, with the permission of the archbishop, send them for a while to the _refugio_. the _recojidas_ is another institution of the same kind, but destined for females of the poorer class. lima possesses a great many hospitals, but all are lamentably defective in internal arrangement, and above all in judicious medical attendance. the largest of the hospitals, san andres, was founded in the year 1552 by the licentiate francisco de molina. three years afterwards, the viceroy don andres hurtado de mendoza, first marquis de cañete, placed it under the direction of the government. down to the year 1826 this hospital was exclusively destined for the reception of sick spaniards. san andres contains five large and four smaller wards, with 387 beds. one part of the establishment is set apart for incurable patients. the annual outlay of the hospital amounts to between 45,000 and 50,000 dollars. in the hospital of san andres insane patients are received, and their number is always considerable. on the 30th of november (st. andrew's day) this hospital is opened for the admittance of the public, and one of the favorite amusements of the inhabitants of lima is to go to san andres to see the lunatics. it is melancholy to observe these unfortunate beings, thus made the objects of public exhibition, and irritated by the idle throng who go to stare at them. the collection of alms from the numerous visitors is, doubtless, the motive for keeping up this custom, which, nevertheless, is exceedingly reprehensible. the hospital _santa ana_ was founded in the year 1549, by don fray geronimo de loyza, first archbishop of lima, and was destined for indians of both sexes. the benevolent founder, with the most earnest self-devotion, attended the patients, and with true christian charity performed the humblest duties of a sick-nurse. he died in 1575 in the hospital, to which he bequeathed a yearly revenue of 16,000 dollars. the building contains five large wards, and 336 beds. since the declaration of independence no indian has been received into it. this hospital, alternately with those of san andres and san bartolome, was used as a military lazaretto; but since 1841 it has been allotted exclusively to female patients of all classes; for it was found necessary to abandon the former female hospital of _la caridad_, on account of its damp situation. _san bartolome_ was an hospital founded in the year 1661, for negro patients; but it has lately been closed. it contains eleven wards and 217 beds. under the name of santo toribio an hospital for incurable patients was established in the year 1669, by don domingo cueto. in 1702 it was consigned to the superintendence of an order of monks, called the padres belemitas, and in 1822 it was incorporated with the hospital of san lazaro. the latter establishment was founded by anton sanchez, in the year 1563, and was exclusively destined for leprous patients. persons afflicted with cutaneous diseases, and especially maladies of a contagious nature, are sent thither. in the convent of san pedro there is a small hospital for poor priests. attached to it is a dispensary, from whence the poor were supplied gratuitously with medicines, at the time when the convent was in the possession of the jesuits. lima also possesses a foundling hospital. luis ojeda, who humbly took to himself the title of _luis el pecador_ (luis the sinner), bequeathed all his fortune to the foundation of this establishment, which received the name of "collegio de santa cruz de los niños expositos."[8] the refuge for female penitents was founded in the year 1670 by the viceroy, count de lemos. the funds were derived from a legacy bequeathed for that object by don francisco arcain in 1572. the establishment has but few inmates. in former times it was the custom in lima to bury the dead in graves dug within the churches; but the heat of the climate, and the difficulty of making the graves sufficiently deep, rendering this practice exceedingly objectionable, the viceroy, don jose fernando abascal, determined on making a burial place beyond the boundaries of the city. a piece of ground was allotted for the purpose, and it was consecrated on the 1st of january, 1808. it is called the _cementerio gèneral_ or _panteon_, and is situated eastward of the city on the high road leading to the sierra de tarma. it consists of two gardens, very prettily planted, and inclosed by high walls. along the walls, on the inner side, there are niches, about a thousand in number, ranged in sixteen different classes, and they may be purchased by those who wish to possess them. many of them belong to families and convents. the graves are watched and kept in order by criminals who are condemned to this duty as a punishment. it is calculated that it will be five years before this cemetery is filled. when room is wanting, the niches which have been first occupied will be cleared, and the bones deposited in a bone-house, of simple but appropriate construction. at the entrance of the panteon there is a neat little chapel, where the funeral obsequies are performed. burials are permitted to take place only in the morning; and when a funeral retinue arrives too late, the body remains uninterred until the following morning. the rich are buried in coffins, the poor merely in winding sheets, which are made after the pattern of the habits worn by the barefooted friars of the order of san francisco. the grand square of lima, the _plaza mayor_, though not in the centre of the city, is nevertheless the central point of its life and business. it is 426 feet distant from the rimac, and presents a regular quadrangle, each side of which is 510 feet long. from each of the four corners two handsome straight streets run at right angles. there is no pavement, but the ground is covered with fine sand. the cathedral and the archbishop's palace occupy the eastern side of the square. the latter adjoins the sanctuary, and has rather a fine façade. the windows of the principal apartments open into a balcony, commanding a view of the plaza. on the north side of the square stands the government palace, formerly the residence of the all-powerful viceroys. its exterior aspect is mean. it is a square building, and the front next the plaza is disfigured by a long range of shabby little shops (called _la rivera_), in which drugs are sold.[9] these shops are surmounted by a balcony. a large double door opens from the plaza into the great court-yard of the palace. along the western side of the building there are also a number of little shops occupied by saddlers and dealers in old iron. the street, running in this direction, is called the old iron street (calle del fierro viego). the principal entrance to the palace is on this side. on the south the building has no entrance, and it presents the gloomy aspect of a jail. on the east a door opens into a small yard or court, within which are the office and prison of the police. a few long flag-staffs, fixed on the roof of the palace, do not add to the beauty of the edifice. the interior of the building corresponds with its outward appearance, being at once tasteless and mean. the largest apartment formerly bore the name of the _sala de los vireyes_. it is now used as a ball room when entertainments are given by the government. under the spanish domination this room was hung round with portraits of the viceroys, the size of life.[10] the series of vice-regal portraits from pizarro to pezuela, forty-four in number, completely filled the apartment at the time when the patriot army in lima revolted, and consequently the last viceroy, don jose de la serna, who owed his elevation to the military revolution, could not have a place assigned for his portrait among those of his predecessors.[11] the other apartments of the palace are small and inelegant. some of the rooms are used as government offices. the present palace was, as far as i have been able to ascertain, built about the beginning of the seventeenth century. in the great earthquake of 1687 it was almost totally destroyed, but it was subsequently restored. the palace which don francisco pizarro built for his own residence, stood, not on the site of the existing edifice, but on the southern side of the plaza, on the spot where now a narrow dirty alley, called the _callejon de petateros_, forms a communication between the plaza and the silversmith's street (_calle de plateros_). it was in that old palace that juan de herada, the friend and partisan of don diego de almagra, carried into effect his plot against pizarro. on the 26th of june, 1546, the viceroy was seated at table with a party of his friends, when the insurgents surrounded the palace, shouting "death to the tyrants!" pizarro, though warned of his danger, had scarcely time to seize his sword. one of his principal officers, don francisco de chavez, was killed at the door of the apartment, and several of the viceroy's friends and servants escaped by the windows. among others who attempted to save themselves in this way was pizarro's counsellor, juan de velasquez. only on the previous evening this man had been heard to declare that no one would be found bold enough to join in an insurrection as long as he held in his hand his staff of authority. this declaration was in a certain measure verified, for velasquez, whilst descending from the window, held his staff between his teeth, that he might be the better able to support himself with his hands. martin pizarro, together with two noblemen and two pages, were the only persons who remained faithful to the viceroy. the latter, with the bravery of a lion, made a long stand against his assailants. "courage, brother! down with the traitors!" exclaimed martin pizarro, who, the next moment, lay dead at the viceroy's feet. at length pizarro, exhausted by his efforts to defend himself, could no longer wield his hitherto victorious sword: he was overpowered, and one of his assailants having stabbed him in the throat, he fell, mortally wounded. with his last faltering accents he implored the aid of a confessor; and after losing the power of utterance he traced with his finger, on the ground, the sign of the cross, kissed it repeatedly, and breathed his last. such was the sad end of one of the greatest heroes of his age;[12] a man guilty of many crimes, but also unjustly accused of many of which he was innocent. his acts were consistent with the spirit of his age, and were influenced by the frightful circumstances in which he was placed. in short, there can be little doubt that pizarro was "better than his fame." the west side of the plaza mayor is occupied by the _cabildo_, or senate-house (formerly called the _casa consistorial_), together with the city jail, and a row of houses of no very handsome appearance. the south side is filled by a range of private dwelling-houses, with balconies looking to the plaza. the houses, both on the west and south sides of the square, are built above a colonnade, in which there are numerous shops. in the middle of the plaza is a magnificent bronze fountain with three basins. from the middle basin rises a pillar, surmounted by a figure of fame spouting the water from her trumpet. in the other two basins the water is ejected from the mouths of four lions. the pillar and figures for this triple fountain were cast in the year 1650, by the able artist antonio rivas, by order of the then reigning viceroy, count de salvatierra. besides this principal fountain, there are several smaller ones, from which the public are permitted to supply themselves with water. the second large public square in lima is the _plaza de la inquisicion_, which, since the war of independence, has received the name of the square of independence (_plazuela de la independencia_). it is of trapezi-form, widening in the eastern part, and is certainly no ornament to the town, for it is always in a very dirty condition. being the public market-place, it presents a very busy aspect during the fore part of the day. two buildings on this plazuela attract attention, viz.--the palace of the inquisition and the university. there are now but few remaining traces of the internal arrangements of the fearful tribunal; for, on the suppression of the inquisition by the cortes, the enraged populace forced their way into the building, where they gutted the rooms, and destroyed the furniture. lima was the seat of spiritual jurisdiction for the whole western coast of south america; and the rigor of its despotism was not far short of that of the inquisition of madrid. every year vast numbers of persons convicted or suspected of crimes were brought from all the intervening points between chiloe and columbia to the tribunal of the inquisition, and most of them were doomed to the most dreadful punishments. _autos da fe_ were frequently held in lima, and cases of other kinds of martyrdom were exceedingly numerous. the lists, which have been only partially preserved, present melancholy results. one part of the palace of the inquisition is now converted into a store-house for provisions, and the other part is used as a prison. the university of lima was once the most important seat of education in south america. it owes its origin to a decree of the emperor charles v., issued at the solicitation of the dominican monk maestro fray tomas de san martin. the decree was dated the 12th of may, 1551, but it did not reach lima until two years after that time. a papal bull of pius v. confirmed the imperial decree, and conferred on the institution the same privileges as those enjoyed by the spanish university of salamanca. the lima university was originally established in the convent of santo domingo, but after the lapse of three years it was removed to the building now occupied by san marcel, and in 1576 it was installed in the site it now occupies. it received the name of _real y pontificia universidad de san marcos_. in the year 1572 the first lay rector was elected in the person of gaspar menendez, a doctor of medicine. the building is situated on the east side of the _plaza de la independencia_, next to the hospital of _la caridad_. the façade is not handsome, but is remarkable for a style not belonging to the age in which it was erected. the building is entered by a lofty door, opening into a spacious quadrangular court, along the four sides of which there are pillared corridors. on the walls of these corridors the different branches of science are allegorically represented in fresco paintings, and beneath these paintings are inscribed quotations from ancient classic authors. the lecture rooms open into the corridors which run round the court. facing the entrance door, in the left angle of the court, are great double doors opening into the aula, which is spacious, and has rather an imposing aspect. in the middle of the wall, on the right-hand side, stands the rector's chair in a sort of niche, surmounted by a canopy. on either side of this chair are ranged the seats of the professors, and the members of faculties. opposite to the rector's seat, on the left-hand side of the aula, is an elevated chair occupied by the president, when academic prizes are distributed. below it is an arm-chair for the candidate. on each side of the president's seat are several rows of benches, for the members of the university and visitors. over the entrance door there is a gallery to which the public are admitted, and which, on the occasions when prizes are distributed, is usually occupied by ladies. on the walls of the aula are hung portraits of celebrated learned men. the national library, situated near the convent of san pedro, was founded by a decree, dated the 28th of august, 1821. the books belonging to the university of san marcos formed the nucleus of the national library. to them were added the libraries of several of the monasteries, some sequestrated works, and the collections of a few private individuals. of these latter, the most considerable was the collection of general san martin, and a library of 7772 volumes bequeathed, together with a legacy of a thousand dollars, by don miguel de la fuente y pacheco. in november, 1841, the national library of peru contained 26,344 printed volumes, 432 manuscripts, and a small collection of maps and copperplate engravings. it is particularly rich in old works on religious and historical subjects. the books relating to the conquest, and to the early period of the spanish dominion, form in themselves a complete historical series. of modern works there are but few. the pecuniary support of the establishment is very inconsiderable. the government exacts from it the import duty, three per cent., on european books, making an average annual sum of 400 dollars. in addition to this the salaries of the librarians amount annually to 2794 dollars. the library is open to the public every day (friday and sunday excepted) from eight in the morning till one in the afternoon, and from four in the afternoon till six in the evening. in the left wing of the same building is the museum, containing a collection of objects of natural history, antiquities, and other curiosities. this collection was first formed in the year 1826, in some of the spare rooms of the palace of the inquisition, and was afterwards removed from one place to another, until at length the government allotted to the purpose the two fine apartments in the building above mentioned. as yet the establishment is quite in its infancy. it contains nothing of scientific value, and but for the series of historical portraits already described, it would differ but little from the collections of curiosities frequently formed by amateurs, in which all sorts of heterogeneous objects are jumbled together. the museum of lima bids fair to remain for some time to come on the footing on which it was when i saw it, for the establishment has no funds, save a monthly allowance of thirty-two dollars, and out of that scanty pittance the expense of fitting up the rooms, the glass cases, &c., has yet to be defrayed. the museum is open to the public four days in the week. two other apartments in the same building are set aside for the academy of design (_academia de debujo_). on three evenings every week pupils are admitted to this academy to receive gratuitous instruction in drawing. the number of the pupils amounts to between 80 and 100; but there is convenient room for 200. the collection of models and drawing copies for the use of the students is but indifferent. the mint is situated in the vicinity of the plazuela de la independencia. it was founded in lima in the year 1565; in 1572 transferred to potosi, and in 1683 removed back to lima. for the space of seventy years this establishment was in the hands of private individuals; but in the year 1753 the spanish government took the management of it, and erected the building in which it is still located. it is a large and handsome structure, but very defective in its internal arrangement. until the year 1817 the machinery for casting was worked by mules, ninety-two of those animals being employed daily. subsequently, under the direction of an englishman, water-power was introduced, by which expense was diminished and time saved. a few years ago a french merchant made an arrangement with the government for the use of a complex machine, which he proposed to bring from europe. the machine arrived, but by an unlucky fatality it proved perfectly useless. for the space of four years repeated attempts were made to work it, but in vain; it fulfilled none of the required conditions. its faults are manifold, and it reflects but little credit on the person by whom it was contrived. it has cost no less than 250,000 dollars, and has never been of the least use. in the mint of lima there are annually cast from two to two and a half millions of dollars, which yield a profit of from 140,000 to 180,000 dollars, out of which are paid the salaries of the persons employed. under the spanish government these salaries amounted annually to 48,906 dollars; now they make, together with other customary outlays, the sum of 85,105 dollars. the value of a mark of silver in the mint is 8 dollars 4 reales; that of a mark of gold is 144 dollars 4 reales. the standard worth of the gold is 21 carats; that of the silver 20 grains. next to the arena for bull-fights, situated in the plaza firme del acho, the theatre is the principal place of public amusement in lima. the first theatre, erected in the year 1602, was situated near the convent of san augustin, in the street which still bears the name of "comedia vieja." it was destroyed in the earthquake of 1630, and rebuilt on the same site. in 1662 it was pulled down to make room for a new street, and afterwards the present building was erected. its external appearance is very ugly and the interior is not much better. before the orchestra there are some commodious inclosed seats or stalls. the boxes, which are completely separated one from another by partitions, are narrow but deep: the smaller ones are capable of containing eight persons, and the larger ones twelve. in the centre of the first tier of boxes, and fronting the stage, is the government box, which occupies the space of two of the others. it contains seats for the prefect, the sub-prefect, and the members of the cabildo. the president's box is likewise on the first tier, and on the left of the stage. adjoining it there is a small cabinet, closed on the side next the pit by a wooden railing. into this cabinet the president retires between the acts of the performance. the stage is small, and the scenery very indifferent. the performances are for the most part wretched, both as regards the merit of the pieces and the talent of the actors. nothing can be in worse taste than the little farces called saynetes, which, according to spanish custom, always close the performances, whether the principal piece be a tragedy or a comedy. common-place intrigues form the subjects of these _saynetes_, and their dialogue consists of vulgar jokes. they are altogether calculated to banish any gratifying impression which might by possibility be produced by the principal piece. for some years past a company of italians, settled in lima, have given operatic performances on a small scale. one of them, signora pantanelli, is an excellent singer, and would be heard with pleasure even in europe. some other members of the company have middling talents, but the rest are decidedly bad. the operas performed are giulietta y romeo, parisina, lucia di lammermuir, marino faliero, la sonnambula, and il barbiere di seviglia: these, together with a mutilated norma, and a much curtailed semiramide, form almost the whole repertory. want of stage room is an obstacle to the representation of operas demanding grand scenery and machinery. the costumes are for the most part exceedingly elegant, though seldom historically correct. the orchestra is defective, and ought to be much improved, to give satisfaction to a public passionately fond of music. but if the inhabitants of lima are great lovers of music, dancing has no less powerful attractions for them. though the time is gone, when the dress of any opera-dancer may be expected to reach below the knee, yet the drapery of a limanese terpsichore appears to have attained even an ultra degree of curtailment. the representation of ballets, properly so called, is not attempted; but the bolero, the fandango, the cachucha, and don mateo, are favorite and often repeated performances. during the long intervals between the acts, smoking is permitted in the pit and in the outer court of the theatre. there is also a plentiful supply of very bad and very dear refreshments. an intolerable annoyance experienced in visiting the theatre at lima is caused by the swarms of fleas which infest every part of the house, but most especially the boxes. unfortunately, this nuisance is irremediable, and the visitor must be blessed with a large amount of endurance who can patiently sit out a whole evening's entertainments. not far from the theatre is situated the circus for cock-fighting (_coliseo de gallos_), where fights (_peleas_) take place daily. the coliseo is a large amphitheatre, with an arena in the middle. the game-cocks trained for this sport have the spur removed from the right foot and in its stead is substituted a small sharp steel blade, curved and shaped like a scythe. one or other of the animals is frequently killed at the first spring; and when that is not the case they continue fighting until they die of wounds and exhaustion. it is a cruel sport, and a worthy pendant to bull-fighting. the first coliseo was erected in 1762, by don juan garrial. the present building, in the plazuela de santa catalina, is a very handsome structure, and lima may fairly boast of possessing the finest circus for cock-fighting in all the world. in the same square with the _coliseo de gallos_ is the tennis-court, a spacious area, surrounded by high walls. it is not now so much resorted to as formerly, for the creoles are not so fond of tennis as the spaniards. a beautiful stone bridge unites the town with the suburb of san lazaro. this bridge was built in the years 1638-1640, when the marquis de montes claros was viceroy of peru. the plan was designed by fray geronimo villegas, an augustine monk. it is 530 feet long, and has six arches rising thirty-seven feet above the surface of the water. the foundation of the piers is composed of square blocks of stone, the piers themselves are of brick, and the parapet of cemented stone work. the erection of this bridge cost 400,000 dollars. a sufficient proof of its strength and solidity is the fact that it survived the earthquakes of 1687 and 1746, which shattered all other parts of lima. in the earthquake of 1746 the first arch, on which stood an equestrian statue of philip v., was destroyed, but it is now restored. it has on one side two towers, with a dial in the middle. the city of lima, with the exception of a portion of the north side, and the suburb of san lazaro, is surrounded by a wall built of brick. this wall was constructed in the year 1585, when the duque de la plata was viceroy. it is the work of a fleming, named pedro ramon. this wall is between eighteen and twenty feet high. its breadth at the base is from ten to twelve feet, and at the top nine feet. it does not therefore afford sufficient space for mounting large guns. along the whole extent of the wall there are thirty-four bastions. in the year 1807, this wall, which had fallen into a very ruinous condition, was repaired by order of the viceroy abascal, and put into a condition to be mounted with artillery. on each side commodious pathways were made, and along the inner side powder magazines were constructed. at present these fortifications are in a state of complete dilapidation. the paths, which are obstructed by rubbish, are almost impassable, and the powder magazines are destroyed. the city wall of lima has nine gates (_portadas_). of these, six only are now open, viz., the portadas of maravillas, barbones, cocharcas, guadelupe, juan simon, and callao; the three others, the portadas of martinete, monserrat, and santa catalina, are walled up. at every one of the open gates there are stationed custom-house guards, whose chief duty consists in preventing the smuggled introduction of unstamped silver (_plata de piña_). in the direction of the suburb of san lazaro, the city cannot be closed, as the wall does not extend to that part. between san lazaro, and the high road to cero de pasco, is the _portada de guias_; this, however, is not properly a gate, but a small custom-house. in this direction it is easy to gain entrance to the city from the river, and consequently it is here that most of the contraband silver, brought from the mountains, is smuggled. among the fortifications of lima may be included the pretty little castle of santa catalina, situated at the eastern end of the city, between the portada de cocharcas and the portada de guadelupe, at the distance of about two hundred yards from the city wall. it is surrounded by rather high walls, and is flanked by two bastions. the interior of this citadel is very well arranged, and is kept much cleaner than such places usually are in peru. it contains stores of arms and barracks for the artillery. the largest barracks in lima are those of the infantry, _quartel de infanteria_, in the colegio. they are remarkable for want of cleanliness, and like most of the public buildings in this interesting city, going fast to decay. footnotes: [footnote 5: the city of lima was founded by don francisco pizarro on the 6th of january, 1534. as it was the day of the epiphany, lima received the title of _ciudad de los reyes_ (city of the kings). historical records vary respecting the day and the year of the foundation of lima; but i have reason to believe that the date i have mentioned above is perfectly correct.] [footnote 6: the _vara castellana_ is equal to 33 inches english measure.] [footnote 7: the females who retire to these establishments are called _beatas_ (bigots). the term _beaterio_ signifies a house for bigots.--t.] [footnote 8: according to some accounts this establishment was instituted in 1654, by mateo pastor de velasco, a native of portollano in spain.] [footnote 9: in these shops any one may purchase for a trifle one of the most deadly poisons (strichnos ignatia, l.). it is made up into what are called _pepitas de cabalonga_. it is used in lima for poisoning dogs.] [footnote 10: this highly valuable and interesting collection of portraits is now removed from the palace to the museum. it is curious to mark the progressive changes of costume, and to observe the various physiognomies, especially if we reflect on the history of the men whose traits denote such striking differences of character. almost all these portraits are distinguished by an air of tranquil gravity which in some is combined with true kingly dignity, and in others with an expression of fierceness. the handsomest head of the whole series is decidedly that of francisco pizarro. his features bear the stamp of manly energy, and his whole countenance is characterized by courage and candor. the nose has the prominent arabic form, and the forehead is high and expanded. the thick beard, covering the mouth and chin, gives a gloomy and resolute character to the face. in this series of portraits there is one representing a priest with the vice-regal insignia.] [footnote 11: by a singular coincidence, the title of conde de los andes (count of the andes) was conferred on la serna by king ferdinand at madrid on the 9th of december, 1824, being the very day on which he gained the battle of ayacucho, the results of which gave the spanish dominion in south america its death-blow.] [footnote 12: the above particulars are collected from the _historia del descubrimiento y conquista de la provincia del peru_, by augustin de zarate.] [illustration: chilian indian mother.] [illustration: lady of lima.] [illustration: peruvian monk.] [illustration: peruvian farmer.] chapter v. population of lima--its diminution--different races of the inhabitants--their characteristics--amusements--education--the women of lima--their costume--the _saya y manto_--female domestic life--love of dress--beatas--indians--slaves--bosales--free creoles--negroes--negresses--black creoles--their varieties--mestizos--mulattoes--palanganas--zambos--chinos--foreigners in lima--corruption of the spanish language. proceeding from the shell to the kernel, we will now take a glance at the inhabitants of the capital of peru: first, surveying the native in his fatherland, and next, the foreign settler in his adopted country. the population of lima has at various periods undergone remarkable fluctuations. in the year 1764 the number of the inhabitants was stated to be 54,000; in 1810, 87,000; in 1826, 70,000; in 1836, 54,600; and in 1842, 53,000. of most of these estimates i entertain some degree of distrust, as they are merely founded on general calculations, and are not the results of careful numbering. certain it is, however, that the population of lima has very considerably decreased since the declaration of independence. this is sufficiently proved by the fact that several parts of the city are now totally uninhabited: the houses falling to decay, and the gardens lying waste. the cause of this diminished population is easily explained by the physical and political condition of the country. earthquakes have, at various times, buried thousands of people beneath the ruins of their own dwellings; the war of independence was attended by vast sacrifices of life; banishment and voluntary emigration have removed from lima the families of some of the principal citizens; and epidemic disease, the natural consequence of defective police regulations, has swept away countless multitudes of the inhabitants. the number of new settlers is very inconsiderable; and for several past years the number of deaths has nearly doubled that of the births. there appears no reason to doubt that this decrease of population will continue; because, as will presently be seen, the causes to which it is assignable cannot be checked, inasmuch as they are intimately blended with the character of the nation. most of these causes operate not only in the capital, but over the whole country; indeed, in the latter their influence is in some instances much greater; for example, in the interior of peru the loss of life attendant on the war was relatively much greater than in lima. this favored country, which extends from the 3d to the 22d degree of south latitude, and which contained at the time of its conquest by the spaniards an immense population, though its amount is not known with numerical exactitude, now counts only 1,400,000 inhabitants. in the tax registers, drawn up during the protectorate of santa cruz, in 1836, the number of the inhabitants of lima is represented as follows:- male. female. total. 1. white creoles (being the descendants of foreigners, but chiefly of spaniards) 9,423 10,170 19,593 2. indians 2,561 2,731 5,292 3. people of color (mixed races) 11,771 12,355 24,126 4. slaves 2,186 3,606 4,792 5. ecclesiastics (lay and monastic) 475 350 825 ----- ----- ----- in all 26,416 29,212 54,628 from the above it appears that in every class (no. 5 excepted) there is a preponderance of females; and that on the whole population of 54,628 individuals there is a surplus of 2796 women. about one in every sixty-six individuals belongs to the priesthood. possibly in no other place in the world is there so much variety of complexion and physiognomy as in lima. from the delicately fair creole daughter of european parents, to the jet black congo negro, people of every gradation of color are seen living in intimate relation one with another. the two extreme classes--the whites and blacks--are as distinct in character as in color, and of either of those it is no difficult task to give an accurate portraiture. but it is different with the mixed races. to define their characteristics correctly would be impossible, for their minds partake of the mixture of their blood. as a general rule, it may fairly be said that they unite in themselves all the faults, without any of the virtues, of their progenitors. as men they are greatly inferior to the pure races, and as members of society they are the worst class of citizens. here, as well as in the following delineations of the different races, i wish my observations to be understood only in a general sense. i have met with some honorable exceptions; though, unfortunately, they were mere solitary luminaries, whose transient light has been speedily obscured by the surrounding darkness. the white creoles, who, with very few exceptions, are the descendants of spaniards, constitute somewhat less than a third part of the population of lima. they are slender in figure and of middling height. their features are strongly marked, their complexions fair and pale, and their hair is of the darkest black. the men are feeble and look prematurely old. their countenances, though not devoid of dignity, have a sort of sensual expression. they are effeminate, and disinclined to any kind of active exertion. if they ride the distance of ten miles, they think they have performed a feat of heroism worthy to be recorded in the state archives. if the white creoles are inferior to the spaniards in physical organization, they are no less beneath them in qualities of mind. they shrink from anything that demands intellectual exertion. in short, they are sworn enemies to business of every kind, and those who are obliged to work for their own support, make choice of some occupation which, like that of a shopman, affords them ample time to smoke cigars and to gossip with their neighbors. the richer classes give themselves up wholly to idleness. they walk about and visit their acquaintances, or they lounge in shops or at the corners of streets, and in that manner they often amuse themselves for half a day. those who are owners of plantations occasionally ride through them to receive reports from their mayordomos. their afternoons are usually spent in the _coliseo de gallos_, in the coffee-houses, or at the gaming-table. the white creoles are as passionately fond of gaming as the spaniards, and sums equal to those staked at the gaming-tables of mexico and the havannah are daily lost and won in lima. though games of hazard are prohibited, yet they are very publicly played, and it is only now and then that the police enforce the regulations of the law by the seizure of a bank. gaming in lima is carried on very quietly, and the most determined gamblers do not show themselves very much excited either by losses or winnings. the discovery of false dice, however, creates bitter feelings of animosity, which not unfrequently lead to assassination. of this i knew several instances when i was in the interior of the country. the intellectual culture of the white creole of lima is exceedingly defective. he is not wanting in talent; but an imperfect system of education affords him no opportunity for the development of his faculties, and innate indolence is a bar to his self-improvement by study. he seldom rises above the level of every-day life, and is ignorant of everything beyond the boundary of the city, or, at all events, of the province in which he was born. i have often been amazed at the monstrous ignorance of so-called educated peruvians, respecting the situation, the extent, the physical formation, and the productions of their native country. on the other hand, it must not be forgotten that lima has been the birthplace of several white creoles, whose talents and learning have honorably distinguished them from the rest of their countrymen. for example, don tomas de salazar, author of the "interpretaciones de los leyes de indias."[13] don miguel nuñez de rojas, the learned judge of confiscations in the spanish war of succession, and don alonzo conde de san donas, who in the reign of philip iv. was spanish ambassador at the court of france. among those eminent in literature may be named don pedro de la reyna maldonado, and the poet don diego martinez de rivera, of whom cervantes in his "galatea" says- su divina ingenio ha producido en arequipa eterna primavera.[14] several monks distinguished for learning have been white creoles, and an eminent individual of that race was don hipolito unanue, the author of the "guide to peru," and "observations on the climate of lima, and its influence on organized beings, especially man;"[15] a treatise on the cocoa-tree, &c. in more recent times, don mariano eduardo de rivero has zealously devoted himself to the study of natural history and antiquities. but in spite of his faults, the lima creole has his good qualities. he is an enemy to strong drinks. when he takes wine it is usually of some sweet kind, and of that he partakes very sparingly. a white creole in a state of intoxication would, indeed, be a rare sight. not so in the interior of the country, where the whites are remarkable for intemperate drinking. far superior to the men, both physically and intellectually, are the women of lima. nature has lavishly endowed them with many of her choicest gifts. in figure they are usually slender and rather tall, and they are especially remarkable for small, elegantly formed feet. their fair faces, from which the glowing breath of the tropics banishes every trace of bloom, are animated by large, bright, dark eyes. their features are pleasing--the nose being well formed, though in general not small--the mouth invariably adorned with two rows of brilliant white teeth,[16] and their long black hair, arranged in plaits, falls gracefully over the bosom and shoulders. add to all this a captivating grace of manner and deportment, joined to an exceeding degree of gentleness and amiability, and it will be readily admitted that the limena is a noble specimen of female loveliness. at home, especially in the summer season, the ladies of lima dress lightly and even negligently. for visiting, or going to the theatres, they adopt the french fashion. when walking in the streets, attending church, joining religious processions, &c., they appear in a very singular costume, peculiar to lima, and consisting of two garments called the _saya_ and the _manto_. of the saya there are two kinds. the one called the _saya ajustada_, was formerly in general use, but is now seldom seen. it consists of a petticoat, or skirt of thick stiff silk, plaited at top and bottom, in small fluted folds, drawn very close together at the waist and widening towards the ankles, beneath which the saya does not descend. it is tight to the form, the outline of which it perfectly displays, and its closeness to the limbs naturally impedes rapid movement. when wearing the _saya ajustada_, the ladies find it no very easy task to kneel down at church, and at the termination of every genuflexion, they are obliged to twist and twirl about for a considerable time before they can again stand on their feet.[17] the other description of saya is called the saya _culeça_, or the _saya desplegada_. it is plaited close at the waist, and from thence downwards it stands out like a hooped petticoat. this sort of saya is made by first being plaited both at top and bottom like the _saya ajustada_; but, afterwards, the lower plaits are undone to form the _saya desplegada_. the saya is always made of some dark-colored silk, black, green, blue, or cinnamon color. the _manto_ is a veil of thick black silk fastened by a band at the back of the waist, where it joins the _saya_. from thence it is brought over the shoulders and head, and drawn over the face so closely that only a small triangular space, sufficient for one eye to peep through, is left uncovered. a rich shawl thrown over the shoulders conceals the whole of the under garment, except the sleeves. one of the small, neatly-gloved hands, confines the folds of the _manto_, whilst the other holds a richly embroidered pocket-handkerchief. at first sight this costume has a very singular effect, and it is long before the eye of a foreigner becomes reconciled to it. the narrow saya is by no means graceful; the wide saya, on the other hand, is very becoming, and sets off to great advantage a good figure and elegant deportment. when i first arrived in lima and saw the ladies closely muffled up in their _mantos_, and carrying embroidered cambric handkerchiefs and nosegays in their hands, it struck me that the nuns enjoyed greater freedom in that country than in any other part of the world. after vespers, that is to say half-past seven in the evening, the police regulations prohibit any woman from appearing in the streets dressed in the saya. as this garment may be worn over a dress of the ordinary kind, it is found to be very convenient, inasmuch as it saves the trouble of a careful toilette. during short visits the ladies do not take off the saya; but when making long visits they usually lay it aside. the saya y manto are found to be very useful auxiliaries in the numerous intrigues in which the limeñas frequently engage. a _tapada_[18] indulges in a vast deal of freedom when in the streets, and scruples not to make satirical observations on anybody or anything that strikes her as strange or ludicrous. the veil, or manto, is sacred, and should a man attempt to remove it by force, he would run the risk of being severely handled by the populace. in intrigues of gallantry the saya y manto play a conspicuous part. a lady has been known to arrange an assignation with a gentleman in the street, whilst her husband, standing at the distance of a few yards and conversing with a friend on some matter of business, has little suspected that the _tapada_ whose graceful figure he admired, was his own faithful better-half. it frequently happens that doña mariquita obliges doña merceditas, or doña panchita, with the loan of her saya, for the purpose of hood-winking the argus-eyes of a jealous husband;--the lady being well convinced that her kind friends will render her the like service in similar circumstances. sometimes a lady may be seen in an old tattered saya, such as scarcely the poorest female might be expected to wear; but the costly shawl, the worked pocket-handkerchief, the silk stockings, and satin shoes, betray the rank of the _tapada_, and plainly denote that she has sallied forth on an adventure. it is difficult, nay almost impossible, to recognize a lady thus muffled up. the one eye alone visible, is, as may be supposed, a very uncertain token of identity, and the figure and walk may be easily disguised. it will readily be supposed that these concealments sometimes occasion mortifying mistakes. on beholding a tall slender figure whose symmetrical contour is discernible even through the unwieldy saya, and a bright dark eye beaming beneath the folds of the manto, one may be induced to imagine that the charms of a hebe are concealed beneath the disfiguring garb. but how great is the disappointment when an accidental movement of the manto discloses the wide mouth of an ugly mulatta grinning from ear to ear. most foreigners who marry limeñas stipulate that from the time of betrothal, their wives shall no longer wear the saya y manto. the condition is agreed to; but how far it is faithfully observed the husbands best know. many, no doubt, lull themselves in the confidence of their wishes being implicitly obeyed; but female ingenuity readily devises opportunities for deception. the women of lima never willingly renounce the saya y manto, for it is inseparably associated with customs to which they are, heart and soul, devoted. if we follow the limeña (the white creole, be it understood) into the retirement of domestic life, we find that she is an affectionate mother, but not a very clever housekeeper. every lady has at her command a great many more domestics than are necessary: some are servants, but most of them slaves. the establishment usually consists of a cook, a nurse-maid, one or two house-maids, a needle-woman, several men-servants, and a little negro or indian, whose chief business is to carry a carpet behind his mistress when she goes to church. these servants all do as they please, and the lady of the house concerns herself very little about the indolence which her want of vigilance encourages. she rises at a late hour, and having dressed herself and decorated her hair with sprigs of jasmine and orange blossom, she takes her breakfast. that meal being ended, she goes out to make visits. during the sultry hours of mid-day she reposes, either by swinging in a hammock or reclining on a sofa, and meanwhile smokes a cigar. after dinner she again makes visits, and the evening is spent in the theatre, on the plaza, or on the bridge. some few ladies employ themselves in needle-work, in which they are often most accomplished adepts; they especially excel in embroidery and fancy work; but they never pursue these employments before company. the ladies of lima are passionately fond of music. most of them play the piano-forte or the guitar, and also sing; but for want of good instruction neither their playing nor their singing is above mediocrity. smoking is pretty general among females, at least those of mature age; but they indulge in this practice only in their own apartments. of late years the custom of smoking has been on the decline in lima, in proportion as it has been increased on the continent of the old world. though snuff-taking is prohibited in the convents, yet the nuns practise it to a great extent. they use an exceedingly fine kind of red snuff, which has the effect of closing the breathing passage through the nostrils, and of producing a peculiar nasal tone of voice. with the ladies of lima, vanity and the love of dress appear to have reached their climax. to this passion for personal adornment they sacrifice everything. formerly, when none but _real_ pearls and diamonds were worn, many a lady was known to have ruined her husband by the purchase of those costly articles; now, however, thanks to french mock jewelry, they are enabled to bedeck themselves in glittering ornaments at trivial expense. another of their passions is a fondness for perfumes. they are continually besprinkling themselves with _eau de cologne_, _esprit de lavande_, _agua rica_, or _mistura_. the latter is a fragrant yellow-colored water, prepared from gillyflower, jasmine, and flor de mistela (_talinum umbellatum_). they perfume their apartments daily with _sahumerios_ (pastiles). when the lady of the house wishes to show particular attention to her visitors, she offers them perfumed water, dropping it into the bosoms of the ladies, and on the pocket-handkerchiefs of the gentlemen. considering their free use of perfumes, it is not surprising that the fair limeñas should be constantly complaining of headache, vertigo, and other nervous ailments, or, to use their own phrase (_los nervios_). above all things the limeñas pride themselves in the excessive smallness of their feet. whether walking, standing, sitting, swinging in the hammock, or reclining on the sofa, the grand object invariably is to display to advantage the tiny foot. to praise her virtue, her intelligence, her wit, or even her beauty, would be less complimentary to a limeña than to admire the elegance of her feet. all possible care is taken to preserve the small form of the foot, and the lima ladies avoid everything that may tend to spread or enlarge it. their shoes are usually made of embroidered velvet or satin, or of very fine kid, and are so exceedingly small, that they cannot be drawn on and off without difficulty. it is usual to have two new pairs every week, and the expense of a lady's shoes not unfrequently amounts to two hundred dollars per annum. a large foot is a thing held in horror by the limeñas: they call it _una pataza inglesa_ (an english paw). i once heard some lima ladies extolling in high terms the beauty of a fair european; but all their praises ended with the words:--"pero que pie, valgame dios! parece una lancha." (but what a foot, good heaven! it is like a great boat.) yet the feet of the lady alluded to would not, in europe, have been thought by any means large. _gourmanderie_ is one of the evil habits of the female inhabitants of lima. between meals they are continually eating sweetmeats and a variety of things. at one moment they order _tamal_,[19] next _omitas_,[20] then _pan de chancay_ (a sweet sort of bread), and biscuits, then _masamorita morada_,[21] or _frijoles coladas_,[22] &c.; and yet dinner is partaken with as hearty an appetite as though none of these interludes had been introduced. can it be matter of surprise that the good ladies are constantly complaining of indigestion and _mal de estomago_? in the interior of the houses cleanliness does not extend beyond those apartments which are open to visitors, namely, the _sala_ and the _cuadro_. the other rooms of the house frequently bear more resemblance to a stable than a human habitation, and their condition reflects little credit on the domestic habits of the female inmates. but even this is typical of the national character,--a great outward show and little inward worth. at first a stranger is struck with the singularity of the names of many of the women of lima. a child receives the name of the saint or of the festival whose celebration falls on the day of its birth. those who happen to come into the world on the days on which the romish church celebrates the several manifestations of the virgin receive the most extraordinary names. for example, a child born on the anniversary day of the manifestation to st. francis on the snow mountain, is named _nièves_ (snow). _pilar_ (fountain-basin) is another strange name, conferred in honor of the manifestation of the virgin at the fountains in saragossa. then there are _conceptions_, _natividads_, and _asuncions_, without number. a girl born on candlemas-day is named _candelaria_, and one born on the first day of the year receives the name of jesus. the singular effect of these names is heightened by the spanish custom of using diminutives, formed by adding to the name the particle _ito_ or _ita_, the former being the masculine, the latter the feminine. it may be readily imagined that a foreigner is not a little startled on hearing a young lady called doña jesusita. in some names the diminutive takes a form totally different from the full name; as, for example, panchita for francisca, pepita for josefa, conchita for concepcion. a married woman does not take the family name of her husband, but retains her own, adding to it her husband's name preceded by the particle _de_, as, for example, doña maria juana rodriguez de salazar. on attaining a certain age, the limeñas totally alter their habits of life. when their beauty fades, and they cease to be the objects of compliment and flattery; or when weary of an idle, luxurious, and, in too many instances, a no very virtuous life, they betake themselves to piety, and become _beatas_.[23] the limeña who thus renounces the vanities of the world attends church two or three times every day, confesses at least once every week, retires during lent to a house of penitence; fasts, prays, and receives the visits of her confessor, to whom she sends presents of sweetmeats;--and should the holy man, as is usually the case, prefer riding to walking, she shows her piety by giving him the use of her _calesa_ to convey him from place to place. the women of lima are gifted by nature with extraordinary natural talent, though unfortunately it is rarely cultivated. they possess shrewd and penetrating intelligence, clear judgment, and in general very just views on the ordinary affairs of life. like the women of the southern provinces of spain, they are remarkable for quickness and smartness of repartee, and in a wordy contest a limeña is sure to come off triumphant. they have a great deal of decision of character, and a degree of courage which does not usually fall to the lot of the female sex. in these respects they are infinitely superior to the timid, spiritless men. in the various political revolutions of the country, the women have often taken an active, and, in some instances, a more decided part than the men. the indians in lima form but a small portion of the population, being about 5000 in number. among them are as many emigrants as natives. most of the former are from the mountainous districts, and but few are from places on the coast. their character is, of course, much modified by continual intercourse with the whites; but i will endeavor to describe them as they show themselves in their original purity, marking the distinctions observable between the _indio costeño_ (the coast indian), and the _indio serrano_ (the mountain indian). the indians in lima are active and industrious. many of them are shopkeepers, and by the integrity of their dealings they stand on a footing of good credit with the great commercial houses. those who are employed as servants are less remarkable for industry and honesty. they are reserved and suspicious; qualities especially observable when they have but recently emigrated into lima. they combine personal vanity with an inconceivable degree of dirtiness. their intellectual faculties are far beneath those of the white creoles, of whom they stand in a degree of fear, which is not easily eradicated. at a former period there existed in lima a college exclusively for noble-born indians; and the eldest sons of the families descended from the incas, when they wished to study, were received at the expense of the state into the college of san carlos; but since the declaration of independence, all the privileges enjoyed by the indians have been annulled. the negroes in lima form one-fifth part of the population. their number amounts to upwards of 10,000, of which 4800 are slaves. though an article in the charter of independence declares that "in peru no person is born a slave," yet the national congress has on various occasions thought fit to deviate from this principle. in huaura it was decreed that children born in slavery shall be free on attaining the age of twenty-five, and the congress of huancayo prolonged the period to fifty years. there are no new importations of negroes from africa, for an article in the charter just mentioned sets forth that "every person who may be brought, as a slave, from another country to peru, is free from the moment when he sets foot on the soil of that republic." accordingly, if a peruvian take his slave with him on a journey to chile, and brings him back again, the slave may, on his return, claim his freedom. the only exception to this rule refers to runaway negroes, who, even after years of absence, may be reclaimed on their return. the value of slaves is not so high in peru as in the southern states of north america. in lima, the average price of a young, strong, and healthy negro is 400 dollars; the price of a negress, especially a _negra de chavra_ (capable of field work), is 100 dollars higher. the value of those destined for domestic service depends on character and qualifications. a negress who is a good cook or needlewoman, is of course worth more than a negro who is to be employed as a water-carrier or a footman. in the plantations their value depends wholly on health and strength. the treatment of slaves in lima, especially by the creoles, is exceedingly mild, and generally much on the same footing as the treatment of servants in europe. it is seldom that a master inflicts severe corporal chastisement on a slave. if the latter requires punishment, he is sent into the _panaderia_ (the bakehouse) to knead the dough and bake the bread, which work they perform under the supervision of a mayordomo, who is usually a hard task-master. owing to the heat of the climate, working in the _panaderia_ is more feared by the slaves than any other kind of punishment. in lima the special laws for the protection of slaves are more favorable to them than the similar laws of any other slave country. the slaves bring their complaints before a particular judge, whose business it is to protect them against ill-treatment. a slave is free whenever he can pay the sum which his master demands for him,--which sum, in disputed cases, is fixed by legal decision. the slave also possesses the right of selling himself to another master, and the latter may pay the purchase-money to the former owner, who, however unwillingly, is obliged to conclude the bargain. the negroes have ample opportunities for saving money. they are permitted, during five or six hours of the day, to work for themselves; so that in the course of a few years they may with ease save the sum requisite for purchasing their independence. but in general they spend their earnings in mere idle enjoyments, and care but little about obtaining their freedom. as slaves they are provided with lodging, food, and clothing, and they are nursed in sickness; but as soon as they become free, they must supply all these wants for themselves; an undertaking which their natural indolence renders them little inclined to. on the whole, domestic negroes may be said to be willing slaves; it is possibly different with those employed in the plantations, who are liable to harder work and harsher treatment. i knew an old negro, who had hoarded up 6000 dollars, and yet did not purchase his own freedom, though he had paid for the liberation of his children and his two sisters. he often observed to me, that he should not be half so well off if he were free. the negroes brought from africa, who are called _bosales_, are far better than the creole negroes. in physical strength they are inferior to the latter, and are less lively; yet they are patient, and much more faithful and attached to their masters than the creole negroes born in peru. the bosales all have a certain degree of pride, but especially those who are of princely blood. a gentleman of old spain bought a young negro princess, who not without the greatest difficulty could be brought to perform the duties of servitude. when she was directed to go to market, she set her basket down on the ground, and signified that she had been accustomed to be served, and not to serve. some chastisement was resorted to, with the view of compelling her to do the duty allotted to her; but in vain. her pride and obstinacy remained unconquerable. sometimes she would sit for hours gloomily, with her eyes fixed on the ground, and muttering between her teeth, in her broken spanish, the words, "_yo clavita! yo clavita!_"[24] then suddenly springing up, she would strike her head against the wall until she became almost senseless. as she showed a fondness for the children of the family, she was relieved from household work, and became the nursery-maid. in that way she discharged the duties which devolved on her with the most touching affection and fidelity; but she never would do anything, however trivial, which she considered to be menial service, and her master and mistress were reasonable enough not to require it. when the number of the african negroes in lima was more considerable than it now is, the various races kept together, and formed themselves into unions, called _cofradias_. they used to meet together at regular periods. at these meetings the negroes of princely descent were treated with marks of respect which they could scarcely have received in their native home. speeches were delivered, and religious ceremonies performed; whilst music, singing, and dancing, revived recollections of past happiness, and of the far-distant native land. these cofradias were also conducive to philanthropic ends; for when a slave had a hard master, the sum requisite for purchasing his freedom was raised by a general subscription in the union to which he belonged. since the independence of peru, and the consequent prohibition of the importation of negroes, the cofradias have declined, and have lost much of their original character. creoles and free negroes have now become members of them. the places in which these meetings are held are situated in the suburb of san lazaro. the walls of the rooms are painted with grotesque figures of negro kings, elephants, camels, palm trees, &c. in lima, and indeed throughout the whole of peru, the free negroes are a plague to society. too indolent to support themselves by laborious industry, they readily fall into any dishonest means of getting money. almost all the robbers who infest the roads on the coast of peru are free negroes. dishonesty seems to be a part of their very nature; and moreover, all their tastes and inclinations are coarse and sensual. many warm defenders of the negroes excuse these qualities by ascribing them to the want of education, the recollection of slavery, the spirit of revenge, &c. but i here speak of free-born negroes, who are admitted into the houses of wealthy families, who from their early childhood have received as good an education as falls to the share of many of the white creoles--who are treated with kindness and liberally remunerated, and yet they do not differ from their half-savage brethren who are shut out from these advantages. if the negro has learned to read and write, and thereby made some little advance in education, he is transformed into a conceited coxcomb, who, instead of plundering travellers on the highway, finds in city life a sphere for the indulgence of his evil propensities. what is the cause of this incorrigible turpitude of the negroes? to answer this important question is not easy, if we admit the principle that the negro is as capable of cultivation as the caucasian; and in support of it the names of some highly-educated ethiopians may be cited. those who are disposed to maintain this principle, and who are at the same time intimately acquainted with the social relations of the countries in which free negroes are numerous, may solve the problem. my opinion is, that the negroes, in respect to capability for mental improvement, are far behind the europeans, and that, considered in the aggregate, they will not, even with the advantages of careful education, attain a very high degree of cultivation; because the structure of the negro skull, on which depends the development of the brain, approximates closely to the animal form. the imitative faculty of the monkey is highly developed in the negro, who readily seizes anything merely mechanical, whilst things demanding intelligence are beyond his reach. sensuality is the impulse which controls the thoughts, the acts, the whole existence of the negroes. to them freedom can be only nominal; for if they conduct themselves well it is because they are compelled, not because they are inclined to do so. herein lie at once the cause of, and the apology for, their bad character. the negro women differ but little from the men, in their general characteristics. they are, however, more active and industrious, and better tempered. as domestic servants they are superior to the mixed races. they are much employed as nurses, and in those situations they discharge their duties well. their personal vanity is boundless, and every real they can save is spent in dress and ornaments. it is amusing to see them, on festival days, parading about the streets, dressed in white muslin gowns trimmed with lace, and short sleeves displaying their black arms. very short petticoats, seldom extending below the ankle, serve to exhibit the tawdry finery of red silk stockings and light blue satin shoes. from their ears are suspended long gold drops, and their uncovered necks are not unfrequently adorned with costly necklaces. a negress, who was a slave belonging to a family of my acquaintance, possessed a necklace composed of fine panama pearls, worth several thousand dollars. the pure white of the pearls was wonderfully heightened by the contrast of the jet-black skin of the wearer; and for this reason they were more ornamental to the negress than they would have been to the fairest lady in europe. having noticed the principal races, we will now consider the variegated mass of people of mixed blood, who in lima form a considerable portion of the population. stevenson[25] gives a long list of these mixed races, and specifies the proportionate degree, that is to say, how many eighths or sixteenths of black, brown, or white color belong to each. but these data respecting tint are fallacious, for, being founded solely on external appearance, they are liable to endless modifications. stevenson falls into the mistake of giving to the children of a negro father and a white mother, the name of zambos; whilst to the offspring of a white father and a black mother, he gives the name of mulattos. by a similar error, he terms the children of a white man and a cuarterona, quinteros; and to those of a cuarteron and a white woman, he gives the designation cuarterones. it is, however, an established rule, that the children bear the designation, denoting the same degree of mixed blood, whatever may respectively be the colors of the parents. accordingly, the child of a negro and a white woman is, properly speaking, a mulatto; just the same as though the relations of race on the part of the parents were transposed. when a man of mixed blood marries a woman darker than himself, and his children thereby become further removed from the white tint, it is said to be _un paso atras_ (a step backwards). in europe it is very common to attach to the term _creole_, the idea of a particular complexion. this is a mistake. the designation creole properly belongs to all the natives of america born of parents who have emigrated from the old world, be those parents europeans or africans. there are, therefore, white as well as black creoles.[26] the subjoined list shows the parentage of the different varieties of half-casts, and also the proper designations of the latter:- parents. children. white father and negro mother mulatto. white father and indian mother mestizo. indian father and negro mother chino. white father and mulatta mother cuarteron. white father and mestiza mother creole (only distinguished from the white, by a pale-brownish complexion). white father and china mother chino-blanco. white father and cuarterona mother quintero. white father and quintera mother white. negro father and mulatta mother zambo-negro. negro father and mestiza mother mulatto-oscuro. negro father and china mother zambo-chino. negro father and zamba mother zambo-negro (perfectly bl'k). negro father and cuarterona or quintera mother mulatto (rather dark). indian father and mulatta mother chino-oscuro. indian father and mestiza mother mestizo-claro (frequently very beautiful). indian father and china mother chino-cholo. indian father and zamba mother zambo-claro. indian father and china-chola mother indian (with rather short frizzy hair). indian father and cuarterona or quintera mother mestizo (rather brown). mulatto father and zamba mother zambo (a miserable race). mulatto father and mestiza mother chino (of rather clear complexion). mulatto father and china mother chino (rather dark). besides the half-casts here enumerated, there are many others, not distinguished by particular names, as they do not in color materially differ from those above specified. the best criterion for determining the varieties is the hair of the women: this is far less deceiving than the complexion, for the color of the skin is sometimes decidedly at variance with that characteristic of the race. some of the mulatta females have complexions brilliantly fair, and features which, for regularity, may vie with those of the most beautiful women of europe; but they bear the unmistakeable stamp of descent in the short woolly hair. the white creole women of lima have a peculiar quickness in detecting a person of half-cast at the very first glance; and to the less practised observer they communicate their discoveries in this way, with an air of triumph; for they have the very pardonable weakness of priding themselves in the purity of their european descent. despite the republican constitution, there prevails throughout peru a strong pride of cast, which shows itself at every opportunity. in quarrels, for example, the fairer antagonist always taunts the darker one about his descent. by all the varieties, the white skin is envied, and no one thinks of disputing its superiority of rank. the indian looks with abhorrence on the negro; the latter with scorn on the indio. the mulatto fancies himself next to the european, and thinks that the little tinge of black in his skin does not justify his being ranked lower than the mestizo, who after all is only an _indio bruto_.[27] the zambo laughs at them all, and says "if he himself is not worth much, yet he is better than his parents." in short, each race finds a reason for thinking itself better than another. in the commencement of the present chapter i made the observation that the people of mixed blood unite in themselves all the faults without any of the virtues of their progenitors. to this general remark, however, the mestizos form an honorable exception. they inherit many of the good qualities both of the whites and the indians. they are mild and affectionate. their feelings are very excitable, and they readily perform an act of kindness or generosity on the impulse of the moment--but they are irresolute and timid. they attach themselves affectionately to the whites; but they are not partial to the indians, whom they regard with some degree of contempt. in lima their number is less considerable than in the interior of the country, where whole villages are inhabited solely by mestizos. in those places they style themselves whites, and hold themselves very much aloof from the indians. one cannot pay them a better compliment than to inquire whether they are spaniards, a question which they always answer in the affirmative, though their features are plainly impressed with the indian stamp. the complexion of the mestizos is usually a clear brown; but in some individuals it has a very dark tinge. their hair is sleek, long, and very strong. the women frequently wear their hair in two long plaits descending nearly to the knees. the men are strongly made, have marked features and but very little beard. in lima they are chiefly handicraftsmen and traders. most of the hawkers (mercachifles) in lima are mestizos. the mulattos differ very widely from the mestizos. in person they are less strongly made; but in intellect they are superior to any of the half-casts. they possess a very great aptitude for mechanical employments, great dexterity and a remarkable degree of imitative talent, which, if well directed, might be brilliantly developed. they are exceedingly impressionable, and all their feelings are readily exalted into passions. indifferent to all out sensual enjoyments, they indulge in the fleeting pleasure of the present moment, and are regardless of the future. there is a certain class of mulattos, who, in a psychological point of view, are very remarkable. they are distinguished by the nick-name of _palanganas_.[28] they are gifted with wonderful memory, and after the lapse of years they will repeat, word for word, speeches or sermons which they have heard only once. with this extraordinary power of memory, they combine a fertile fancy, and a boundless share of self-confidence. wherever there is anything to be seen or heard, the palanganas never fail to attend, and they repeat with the most ludicrous attitudes and gestures all that they hear, be it a sermon in church, a speech in congress, or an address delivered at any public solemnity. the mulattos now study theology; for, since the establishment of independence, the indian law, which prohibited any person of mixed blood from entering the ecclesiastical state, is no longer observed. many have devoted themselves to medicine; and most of the physicians in lima are mulattos; but they are remarkable only for their ignorance, as they receive neither theoretical nor clinical instruction. nevertheless, they enjoy the full confidence of the public, who rank the ignorant native far above the educated foreigner. the business of a barber is one that is much followed by the mulattos of lima. in that occupation they are quite in their element, for they possess all the qualifications for which the members of that fraternity are distinguished in all parts of the world. among the mulatto females many are remarkably beautiful--though they are always wanting in that oval form of the face which is the first condition of classic beauty. their countenances are generally round and broad, their features strongly marked, and their expression impassioned. their beauty soon fades; and as they advance in life the negro character of their features becomes distinctly defined. their hair, which does not grow beyond a finger's length, is jet black and frizzy. they plait it very ingeniously in small tresses, frequently making more than a hundred. their complexions vary from white to dark-brown; but most of them are dark brunettes, with large black eyes and pearl-white teeth. their vanity is quite equal to that of the negresses, but it is combined with a certain degree of taste, in which the latter are wanting. the mulatto women are passionately fond of music, singing and dancing. they play the guitar and have pleasing voices, but their singing is quite uninstructed. the zambos are the most miserable class of half-casts. with them every vice seems to have attained its utmost degree of development; and it may confidently be said that not one in a thousand is a useful member of society, or a good subject of the state. four-fifths of the criminals in the city jail of lima are zambos. they commit the most hideous crimes with the utmost indifference, and their lawless propensities are continually bringing them into collision with the constituted authorities. in moral nature they are below the negroes; for they are totally wanting in any good qualities possessed by the latter. their figures are athletic, and their color black, sometimes slightly tinged with olive-brown. their noses are much less flat than those of the negroes, but their lips are quite as prominent. their eyes are sunk and penetrating, and their hair very little longer than that of the negroes, but curling in larger locks. the men have very little beard. the chinos are but little superior to the zambos. indeed, in physical formation they are inferior to them, for they are small and attenuated. their countenances are hideously ugly. they have the negro nose and mouth, and the indian forehead, cheeks and eyes. their hair is black, rough, but less frizzy than that of the mulattos. they are deceitful, ill-tempered, and cruel. they never forget an offence, but brood over it till an opportunity, however distant, presents itself for wreaking their vengeance. they are very dangerous enemies. respecting the half-casts of fairer complexion, especially the cuarterones and the quinteros, there is but little to be said. both physically and morally they approximate closely to the whites, among whom they almost rank themselves. the majority of the foreigners in lima, and indeed throughout the whole of peru, are the families of the spaniards from europe, who emigrated to south america before the war of independence. since the close of that struggle there has been but little emigration, as the circumstances of the country are not now very favorable to new settlers. the old spanish families are for the most part landed proprietors or merchants. they are people of very temperate habits, but they are passionately fond of gaming, and in this respect they have bequeathed a dangerous inheritance to the creoles. the pride and mercenary spirit which distinguished the spaniards before the independence are now broken, if not entirely subdued. the intercourse between them and the natives, though still somewhat constrained, is every year becoming more and more friendly, as the privileges enjoyed by the spaniards, which were a continued cause of hostile feeling, are now removed. next to the spaniards, the most numerous class of foreigners are the italians. these are chiefly genoese, and the majority are run-away sailors and adventurers. they usually begin by setting up a pulperia (a brandy shop), or a spice shop, and gradually extend their traffic until, in the course of a few years, they amass money enough to return to their native country. some of them make good fortunes and possess extensive warehouses. the french in lima occupy the same positions as their countrymen in valparaiso, viz., they are tailors and hair-dressers, dealers in jewellery and millinery. the english and north americans, who are much better liked by the natives than the french, are chiefly merchants. they are the heads of the principal commercial houses, as gibbs, grawley & co., alsop & co., templeman and bergmann, huth, crüning & co., &c. the enterprising spirit of the english and north americans has led many of them into extensive mining speculations, which in some instances have proved very unfortunate. the germans in lima are proportionally few. they are distinguished by their aptitude for business, and many of them fill high stations in the great english commercial houses. they are held in high esteem by the natives. the general gravity of their manners has given rise, among the limeños, to the saying, "_serio como un aleman_"--serious as a german. settlers from the other american republics have of late years considerably increased in lima. after the chilian expedition, many chilenos established themselves in peru, and numbers of argentinos, escaping from the terrorism of rosas in buenos ayres, have taken refuge in lima. foreigners being in general more industrious and more steady than the creoles, the limeños readily form connexions with them. the ladies generally prefer marrying a _gringo_[29] to a _paisanito_.[30] i may close this chapter on the inhabitants of lima, with some remarks on the spanish language as spoken in the capital of peru. the old spaniards, who brought their various dialects into the new world, retain them there unchanged. the galician transposes the letters _g_ and _j_; the catalonian adds an _s_ to the final syllables of words, and gives a peculiarly harsh sound to the letter _j_; the andalusian rolls the _r_ over his tongue, and imparts a melodious expression even to harsh-sounding words; the biscayan mingles a variety of provincialisms with his own peculiar dialect. the madrileño (native of madrid) prides himself here, as well as in europe, in being far superior to the rest of his countrymen in elegance of pronunciation. the creoles, however, have gradually dropped the characteristic dialects of their progenitors, and have adopted new ones, varying one from another in the different south american provinces. the spanish language, as spoken by the natives of peru, differs widely from the correct and pure model of pronunciation. the inhabitants of the coast have too soft an accent, and they frequently confound, one with another, letters which have a mutual resemblance in sound. on the other hand, the people who dwell in the mountainous districts speak with a harsh accent, and very ungrammatically. as the swiss force out their guttural tones from the lowest depth of their throats, and with the strongest possible aspiration, so do the peruvians of the cordillera. the inhabitants of the sand flats of north germany, on the contrary, impart a ludicrously soft sound to the harsher consonants; and the same peculiarity is observable in the people who inhabit the coast of peru. of all the inhabitants of lima, the white creoles speak the best spanish; but still their language is far from pure. the ladies in particular have the habit of substituting one letter for another in certain words; for example, instead of _pulso_ (pulse) they say _purso_, and instead of _salsa_ (sauce) they say _sarsa_. in other words they substitute _d_ for _r_, saying _amod_ for _amor_, _cavalledo_ for _cavallero_. the _ll_ is frequently sounded by the peruvians like _y_, a blunder which foreigners are also very apt to commit; for example, in the word _pollo_ (chicken), which they pronounce as if it were spelled _poyo_, and _gallina_ (hen) they pronounce as if spelled _gayina_. not only do they confound single letters, but they frequently change whole syllables; as for instance, in the word _pared_ (wall), which they transform into _pader_. the name of the well-known ex-president orbegoso was, by two-thirds of the natives of lima, pronounced as if written _obregoso_. there is no word in the spanish language beginning with an _s_ followed by a consonant, and the limeños, when they attempt to pronounce foreign words or proper names commencing in the manner just described, never fail to prefix to them the letter _e_. i know not whether in the schools and colleges of old spain this method of prefixing the letter _e_ is adopted in teaching latin; but the practice is universal among the students of all the colleges in lima. for studium they say _estudium_; for spurius, _espurius_; for sceleratus, _esceleratus_, &c. to the limeños the correct pronunciation of these words is extremely difficult, and many have assured me that they find it impossible to omit the _e_ before the _s_. still more arbitrary is their conversion of _h_ into _k_ in the words mihi, nihil, &c., which they pronounce _miki_, _nikil_. the colored creoles, who are generally uneducated, speak the spanish language much more corruptly than the whites. the negroes have a very bad accent. their tongues seem quite unfitted for the pronunciation of the spanish language, which many of them render unintelligible by transposing letters and lopping off syllables. footnotes: [footnote 13: interpretations of the indian laws.] [footnote 14: his divine genius has produced eternal spring in arequipa.] [footnote 15: "guia del peru." "observaciones sobre el clima de lima y sus influencias en los seres organizados en especial el hombre."] [footnote 16: the women of lima clean their teeth several times a day with the root called _raiz de dientes_ (literally _root for the teeth_), of which they keep a piece constantly in their pocket.] [footnote 17: it is related that, during the war of independence, when lima was alternately in possession of the patriots and the spaniards, a party of the latter, in order to ascertain the spirit of the limeños, disguised themselves as patriots and marched to the vicinity of the town. on their approach becoming known, a great number of persons proceeded from callao to the alameda to meet them. among those who went forth to welcome the supposed patriots were a number of women dressed in the narrow _sayas_ above described. when the disguised spaniards had advanced within a little distance of the deceived multitude they began to attack them. the men saved themselves by flight; but the women, whose sayas impeded their motion, were unable to escape, and were almost all killed.] [footnote 18: a _tapada_ is a lady closely concealed beneath the folds of her veil or manto. the term is derived from the verb _tapar_, to cover or conceal. _taparse a media ojo_, is said of a lady when she draws her manto over her face so as to leave only one eye or rather the half of an eye uncovered.--t.] [footnote 19: a preparation of finely-bruised maize mixed with morsels of pork. it is rolled in maize leaves, and in that manner served up.] [footnote 20: sweet cakes made of maize and raisins.] [footnote 21: a syrup made from the pulp of fruit.] [footnote 22: preserved peas with syrup.] [footnote 23: literally bigots.] [footnote 24: meaning _yo esclavita!_ (i, a slave!) _esclavita_ being the diminutive of _esclava_.] [footnote 25: narrative of twenty years' residence in south america, by w. b. stevenson.] [footnote 26: the term creole is a corruption of the spanish word _criollo_, which is derived from _criar_ to create or to foster. the spaniards apply the term _criollo_ not merely to the human race, but also to animals propagated in the colonies, but of pure european blood: thus they have _creole_ horses, bullocks, poultry, &c.] [footnote 27: a brutish indian; a favorite expression of the limeños when speaking of the indians, who certainly do not merit the compliment.] [footnote 28: the word _palangana_ signifies a wash-hand-basin; but more especially the kind of basin used by barbers. figuratively the term is used to designate an empty babbler.] [footnote 29: _gringo_ is a nickname applied to europeans. it is probably derived from _griego_ (greek). the germans say of anything incomprehensible, "that sounds like spanish,"--and in like manner the spaniards say of anything they do not understand, "that is greek."] [footnote 30: _paisanito_ is the diminutive of _paisano_ (compatriot.)] chapter vi. primary schools--colleges--the university--monks--saints--santo toribio and santa rosa--religious processions--raising the host--the noche buena--the carnival--paseos, or public promenades--ice--riding and driving--horses--their equipments and training--mules--lottery in lima--cookery--breakfasts, dinners, &c.--coffee-houses and restaurants--markets--the _plazo firme del acho_--bull fights. schools for primary instruction are numerous in lima, and upon the whole they are tolerably well conducted. there are thirty-six of these primary schools, public and private; twenty for boys, and sixteen for girls; and altogether about 2000 pupils[31] receive in these establishments the first elements of juvenile instruction. the principal public institutions of this class are the normal school of santo tomas (in which the lancasterian system is adopted), and the central school of san lazaro. each contains from 320 to 350 pupils. of the private schools, some are very well conducted by europeans. the college of nuestra señora de guadalupe was founded a few years ago by two spanish merchants. in this establishment the sons of the wealthier class of people may receive a better education than they can obtain in the public schools. there are three latin schools, and the number of pupils attending them amounts to about two hundred. the college of santo toribio is exclusively appropriated to students of theology, who are likewise received into the college of san carlos, though the latter is chiefly destined for the study of jurisprudence. san carlos was founded in the year 1770 by the viceroy amat, who incorporated with it the previously existing colleges of san martin and san felipe. in the year 1822 the colegio de esquilache was likewise united to san carlos, which now contains about a hundred students. the building is large and commodious, containing spacious halls, a fine refectory, and a well-stored library. there are five professors of law and two of theology. french, english, geography, natural philosophy, mathematics, drawing, and music are likewise taught in this college. the annual revenue of the establishment, exclusively of the fees paid by the students, amounts to 19,000 dollars. during the war of emancipation, this establishment for a time bore the name of colegio de san martin, in honor of general san martin, the liberator of chile; but its original title was soon restored. the colegio de san fernando was founded in 1810 by the marques de la concordia, for students of medicine. in the year 1826 this institution received the name of _colegio de la medecina de la independencia_, a title which it justly merits, for certainly medicine is taught there with a singular independence of all rules and systems. the professors, who themselves have never received any regular instruction, communicate their scanty share of knowledge in a very imperfect manner to the students. the number of the students is between twelve and fifteen, and there are two professors. the clinical lectures are delivered in the hospital of san andres, to which an anatomical amphitheatre was attached in 1792. the heat of the climate renders it necessary that burials should take place within twenty-four hours after death, a circumstance which naturally operates as an impediment to the fundamental study of anatomy. it cannot therefore be matter of surprise that the native surgeons should have but a superficial knowledge of that important branch of science. in the university of san marcos no lectures are delivered, and the twenty-five professors' chairs are merely nominal. honors and degrees are however conferred in san marcos, and the same rules and ceremonies are observed as in the spanish universities. in the departments of medicine and jurisprudence there are three degrees; those of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor. in former times the dignity of doctor was conferred with great pomp and solemnity, and the public were admitted in large numbers to witness the ceremony. the acquisition of the degree of doctor was then attended by an expense of about two thousand dollars, chiefly expended in presents. the new doctor was required to send to every member of the university, from the bachelors to the rector, a new dollar, a goblet full of ice, and a dish of pastry. lima is overrun with monks, lay and conventual. the monastic regulations are not very strict, for the monks are permitted to leave the convents at all hours, according to their own pleasure. they avail themselves of this liberty to the utmost extent. friars of various orders are seen in the streets in numbers. most of them are fat dominicans, who sit in the portales playing at draughts, or lounge in shops staring at the _tapadas_ as they pass by. many of these ecclesiastics are remarkable for their disregard of personal cleanliness; indeed it would be difficult to meet with a more slovenly, ignorant, and common-place class of men. they frequent all places of public entertainment, the coffee-houses, the chichereas, the bull-fights, and the theatres: these two last-mentioned places of amusement they visit in disguise. the franciscans and the mercenarias are little better than the dominicans; but the descalzados (barefooted friars) lead a somewhat more strict and regular life. to the monks of the _buena muerte_ belongs the duty of administering the last consolation to the dying. whenever they hear of any person who is dangerously ill, they hasten to the house without waiting till they are sent for, and they never leave the invalid until he either recovers or dies. day and night they sit by the sick-bed, and scarcely allow themselves time for necessary rest and refreshment. i have known many of these monks who, from long experience and observation, but without any medical knowledge, had acquired wonderful shrewdness in determining the degree of danger in cases of illness, and who could foretel with almost unfailing certainty the moment of dissolution. as soon as the patient has breathed his last, the monk utters a short prayer, then giving the corpse a knock on the nose, he silently takes his departure. i have frequently witnessed this singular custom, but i never could discover its origin or motive. the habit worn by the monks of _buena muerte_ is black, with a large red cross on the breast, and hats with high conical crowns. many pious natives, or inhabitants of lima, have been admitted among the number of the saints. of these the most distinguished was the spaniard toribio, who, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, filled the archiepiscopal chair in lima. his kindness and charity have become proverbial, and his many acts of benevolence are still alive in the recollection of the people. of many anecdotes that are related of him, i may here quote one. late one night, the patrol who was on duty in the vicinity of the archbishop's palace, met a man in the street carrying a heavy load on his back. the challenge, "who goes there?" was answered by the name "toribio." the watch, uttering an oath, impatiently called out "que toribio?" (what toribio?) "el de la esquina!" (he who dwells at the corner!) was the simple reply. the soldier angrily stepped up to his interlocutor, and, to his astonishment, recognized the archbishop, who was carrying a sick person to the hospital. the saint to whom the limeños render the highest honor, is santa rosa, the saint of the city. she was a native of lima, and is the only peruvian female who has attained the honor of being ranked among the saints. on the 30th of august, the festival of santa rosa is celebrated with great pomp in the cathedral, and her image, richly bedecked with gold and jewels, is carried in solemn procession from santo domingo to the sagrario. religious processions are among the most favorite amusements of the inhabitants of lima. they are always very numerously attended; and it may fairly be said that no merry-making would afford the limeños so much diversion as they derive from these pious solemnities. vast numbers of ladies join the processions as tapadas, indulging in all sorts of coquettish airs, and with thoughts evidently bent on any subject but religion. the gentlemen station themselves in groups at the corners of the streets, to admire the graceful figures of the tapadas, whose faces are concealed; and when the procession has passed one corner they rush to another, to see it defile a second time; and in this manner continue moving from place to place, as if they could never see enough of the interesting spectacle. the most brilliant processions are those which take place on the festivals of corpus christi, san francisco, and santo domingo. a very solemn procession takes place on the 28th of october, the anniversary of the great earthquake of 1746. every morning, at a quarter to nine, the great bell of the cathedral announces the raising of the host, during the performance of high mass. immediately every sound is hushed in the streets and squares. coachmen stop the carriages, riders check their horses, and foot-passengers stand motionless. every one suspends his occupation or his conversation, and kneeling down, with head uncovered, mutters a prayer. but scarcely has the third solemn stroke of the bell ceased to vibrate, when the noise and movement are resumed; the brief but solemn stillness of the few preceding moments being thus rendered the more impressive by contrast. the same incident is renewed in the evening, between six and seven o'clock, when the bell sounds for the angelus (oraciones). the cathedral bell gives the signal, by three slow, measured sounds, which are immediately repeated from the belfries of all the churches in lima. life and action are then, as if by an invisible hand, suddenly suspended; nothing moves but the lips of the pious, whispering their prayers. the _oracion_ being ended, every one makes the sign of the cross, and says to the person nearest him, _bueñas noches_ (good night). it is regarded as an act of courtesy to allow another to take precedence in saying "good night," and if several persons are together, it is expected that the eldest or the most distinguished of the group should be the first to utter the greeting. it is considered polite to request the person next one to say _bueñas noches_; he with equal civility declines; and the alternate repetition of "_diga vm._" (you say it), "_no, señor, diga vm._" (no, sir, you say it), threatens sometimes to be endless. the effect produced by the three strokes of the cathedral bell is truly astonishing. the half-uttered oath dies on the lips of the uncouth negro; the arm of the cruel zambo, unmercifully beating his ass, drops as if paralyzed; the chattering mulatto seems as if suddenly struck dumb; the smart repartee of the lively tapada is cut short in its delivery; the shopkeeper lays down his measure; the artizan drops his tool; and the monk suspends his move on the draught-board: all, with one accord, join in the inaudible prayer. here and there the sight of a foreigner walking along indifferently, and without raising his hat, makes a painful impression on the minds of the people. christmas-night (_noche buena_) is a great festival in lima. the streets and squares, especially the _plaza mayor_, are crowded with people, amusing themselves in all sorts of ways. hundreds of persons take their seats on the benches of the plaza; there they regale themselves with sherbet, ices, and pastry, and look at the dancing of the negroes, &c. on this occasion the midnight mass is performed with extraordinary solemnity. on christmas-day some of the families of lima get up what are called _nacimientos_, consisting of symbolical representations of the birth of the saviour. on some of these shows considerable expense and ingenuity are bestowed. in carnival time lima is so unpleasant a place of residence that many families retire to the country during that season of misrule. one of the favorite sports consists in sprinkling people with water; and from all the balconies various kinds of liquids are thrown on the passers-by. groups of negroes post themselves at the corners of the streets, where they seize people, and detain them prisoners, until they ransom themselves by the payment of a certain sum of money. those who do not pay the money are rolled in the street gutters, and treated in the most merciless way; whilst those who purchase grace escape with having a few handfulls of dirty water thrown in their faces. even in private houses, relations and intimate acquaintances are guilty of the most unwarrantable annoyances. parties of young men enter the houses of families with whom they are acquainted, and begin sprinkling the ladies with scented water. that being exhausted, spring water, or even dirty water, is resorted to, so that what began in sport ends in reckless rudeness. the ladies, with their clothes dripping wet, are chased from room to room, and thereby become heated. the consequence is, in many instances, severe and dangerous illness. inflammation of the lungs, ague, rheumatism, &c., are the usual results of these carnival sports, to which many fall victims. a year never passes in which several murders are not committed, in revenge for offences perpetrated during the saturnalia of the carnival. a very favorite trick adopted in carnival time, for frightening people as they pass along the streets, is the following:--a sack, filled with fragments of broken glass and porcelain, is fastened to the balcony by a strong rope, of such a length that, when suspended from the window, the sack is about seven feet above the street. the apparatus being all ready, a mischievous negress and her _amita_ (young mistress) watch the passers-by until they select one for their victim. the sack is then thrown over the front of the balcony, and a deafening crash ensues, though the rope prevents its contents from hurting any one. it is well known that in almost every street in lima there is at least one balcony ready prepared for the performance of this trick; yet the suddenness of the crash always proves a shock, even to the strongest nerves. people start and run to one side of the street, and are sometimes so terrified that they drop down; then loud laughter and jeering remarks are heard in the balcony. every year this trick is prohibited by the police, but the prohibition is treated with contempt. one of the most popular recreations of the limeños, especially of the people of color, is the _paseo de amancaes_, which takes place on st. john's day. the amancaes is a gently sloping plain, about half a mile north-west of lima, and it is bounded by a semicircular range of hills, which rise from twelve to fifteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. during the hot months of the year this plain is a parched and barren waste; but when the misty and rainy season sets in, the amancaes is covered with numerous flowers, among which a beautiful yellow lily is conspicuous. about the end of june this lily is in full bloom. on st. john's day booths and stalls are fitted up for the sale of various kinds of refreshments, and throngs of people of all classes and colors are seen riding or walking in the direction of the amancaes. there they amuse themselves with dancing, playing, eating, drinking, and gathering flowers; and in the evening they return to lima. it is amusing to see the mulattas and zambas with bouquets of yellow lilies stuck in their heads and bosoms. these women crowd into heavily-laden vehicles, beside which their black cavaliers ride on horseback--all laughing, jesting, and giving vent to unrestrained mirth. from the 24th of june to the end of october, pleasure parties repair on sundays and festival days, either to the amancaes or to the lomas. the latter is a range of hills a little further from lima. there is no want of promenades in the vicinity of the city. leading from the callao gate is the fine long avenue of trees i have already mentioned. in the suburb of san lazaro there is a fine broad promenade planted with trees, called the _alameda vieja_, at the end of which is situated the convent of the descalzos. along the bank of the rimac there is a new promenade planted with four rows of trees, called the _alameda nueva_. behind it the _paseo militar_, with two rows of trees, extending as far as _piedra lisa_, on the road to the pleasant village of lurigancho. on the right of these promenades is the river, on the left the pyramidal hill, of the cerro de san cristoval. at the extremity of the alameda nueva are the puquio.[32] these baths are within a long low-roofed building, covered on the top with straw mats. on summer evenings the bridge and the plaza mayor are visited by throngs of promenaders who there enjoy the refreshing breeze, which, after sunset, is wafted from the cordilleras, along the surface of the rimac. after the hour of the _oraciones_ (evening prayers), the bridge is crowded with gentlemen, who walk up and down whilst the ladies sit in the rotundas built above each of the piers. long rows of promenaders are seen moving to and fro, either going to the alamedas, or returning from thence to the plaza, to obtain refreshments. before the portal de los escribanos, on the plaza mayor, tables are laid out with lemonade, almond milk and ices. the promenaders sit down on benches, which are placed round these tables, and partake of refreshments, none of which, however, are so delicious as the cool breeze after the sultry heat of the day. to the inhabitants of lima, ice is one of the necessaries of life: it is considered so indispensable, that a scarcity of it, during several days, would be sufficient to excite popular ferment. in all revolutions, therefore, the leaders carefully avoid calling into requisition the service of the mules employed in the transport of ice. it is obtained in the cordilleras, at the distance of about twenty-eight leagues from lima. the indians who ascend the glaciers break the ice into blocks of about six arobas in weight, which are lowered by ropes down the declivity of the mountain. the women and children then cover the blocks of ice with ichu grass (_joara ichu_, r. p.), after which they are drawn by another party of indians to a depôt, about two leagues distant, where they are packed on the backs of mules. each mule carries two blocks. thirty mules form what is called a _recua_, which daily proceeds from the ice depôt to lima. at intervals of two or three miles there are stations where relays of mules are in readiness. the operations of unloading and reloading are performed with the utmost possible speed, and the mules are driven at a brisk trot, wherever the roads will admit of it. in the space of eighteen or twenty hours, the ice reaches lima, and as may be expected, considerably reduced in weight by melting. the average loss on two blocks of ice is about one hundred pounds.[33] the daily consumption of ice in lima is between fifty and fifty-five cwt. about two-thirds of that quantity is used for preparing ices, most of which are made of milk or pine-apple juice. ice is hawked about the streets of lima for sale, and all day long indians, carrying pails on their heads, perambulate the streets, crying _helado_. the ladies of lima, when they make visits, seldom go on foot. they generally ride in the _caleza_, a very ugly kind of vehicle, being nothing more than a square box raised on two high wheels, and drawn by a mule, on whose back a negro in livery is mounted. many of the older calezas, instead of being painted on the outside, are covered with variegated paper. the calezin is a prettier kind of carriage, and is drawn by two horses or mules. taste in the article of carriages is, however, improving in lima, and several very elegant ones have been recently introduced. within the last few years a regular line of omnibuses has been established between callao and lima. from each of those cities an omnibus starts daily, at eight in the morning and at four in the afternoon, and the journey occupies an hour and a half. to miraflores, chorillos, lurin, and other places on the coast, the conveyance is by a _balanzin_, a sort of caleza, drawn by three horses harnessed abreast. this balanzin is one of the most awkward vehicles ever invented, and the slightest shock it sustains is felt with double force by the persons riding in it. at greater distances from the capital, the want of proper roads renders the employment of vehicles a matter of difficulty. even along the coast to the south of lima, a journey of about forty leagues cannot be accomplished without vast difficulty and expense. on such a journey it is usual for a train of sixty or eighty horses to accompany the carriage; and it is found necessary to change the horses every half-hour, owing to the difficulty of drawing the carriage through the fine quicksand, which is often more than a foot deep. a peruvian planter, who was accustomed to take his wife every year on a visit to his plantation, situated about thirty-two leagues from lima, assured me that the journey to and fro always cost him 1400 dollars. during the brilliant period of the spanish domination, incredible sums were frequently expended on carriages and mules. not unfrequently the tires of the caleza wheels and the shoes of the mules were of silver instead of iron. in peru, riding is a universal custom, and almost every person keeps one or more horses. the ladies of lima are distinguished as graceful horsewomen. their equestrian costume consists of a white riding-habit, trowsers richly trimmed with lace, a fine white poncho, and a broad-brimmed straw hat. some of the females of the colored races make use of men's saddles, and display great skill in the management of the most unruly horses. the horse-trappings used in peru are often very costly. on the coast and in the interior, i have sometimes seen head-gear, bridle, and crupper, composed of finely-wrought silver rings, linked one into another. the saddle is frequently ornamented with rich gold embroidery, and the holster inlaid with gold. the stirrups are usually the richest portion of the trappings. they are made of carved wood, and are of pyramidal shape; about a foot high and a foot broad at the base. in front and at the sides they are close, and are open only at the back in the part where the foot rests. the edges are rimmed with silver, and the top of the stirrup is surmounted by a bell of the same metal, with a ring through which the straps are passed. a priest with whom i was acquainted in the sierra, got a saddle and a pair of stirrups made for me. the silver ornaments on the stirrups alone weighed forty pounds. the decorations of the saddle were of corresponding richness. the value of the silver on both saddle and stirrups was about 1500 dollars. the spurs used in peru are of colossal magnitude. old custom ordains that they must contain three marks (a pound and a half) of silver. the stirrup-bow is broad and richly wrought; the ornaments being either of the pattern called _hueso de tollo_,[34] or of that styled _hoja de laurel con semilla_.[35] the rowel is one and a half or two inches in diameter, and the points are about twenty-five or thirty inches long. in the bridle, the bit and the snaffle are in one piece, and the reins are brought together by being passed through a ring, to which the long riding-whip is also fastened. the head-band and reins are commonly composed of narrow slips of untanned calf or sheep-skin, plaited together, and ornamented with silver buckles. the saddle is short and narrow, and exceedingly awkward to riders unaccustomed to it. the front bolster is four or five inches high, and inclines backward; the hind one is lower, and is curved forward in the form of a half-moon; the intervening space just affording sufficient room for the thighs of the rider, who, in a saddle of this construction, is so firmly fixed that he cannot possibly fall. these saddles have, however, one great disadvantage, viz., that if the horse starts off at a gallop, and the rider has not time to throw himself back in his seat, he is forced against the front saddle-bolster with such violence that some fatal injury is usually the consequence. under the saddle is laid a horse-cloth, called the _pellon_, about a yard long, and a yard and a half wide. the common sort of pellones are composed of two rough sheep-skins, sewed together. in the finer kind, the raw wool is combed out, and divided into numberless little twists, of about the length of one's finger; so that the pellon resembles the skin of some long-haired animal. the finest peruvian pellones are made of a mixture of sheep's wool and goat's hair. between the saddle and the pellon are fastened the saddle-bags (_alforjas_), which, on long journeys, are filled with provisions and other necessaries. these bags are made either of leather or strong woollen cloth; finally, the trappings of a peruvian horse are not complete without the halter (_haquima_), which is ornamented in the same manner as the bridle. the halter-strap (_cabresto_) is wound round the front bolster of the saddle, and by it the horse may be fastened whenever the rider alights, without the use of the reins for that purpose. at first a foreigner is apt to regard the equipments of a peruvian horse as superfluous and burthensome; but he is soon convinced of their utility, and, when the eye becomes familiar to them, they have a pleasing effect. the pure-bred peruvian horse is more elegantly formed than his andalusian progenitor. he is of middling size, seldom exceeding fourteen hands high. he has a strong expanded chest, slender legs, thin pasterns, a short muscular neck, a rather large head, small pointed ears, and a fiery eye. he is spirited, docile, and enduring. it is only in a few plantations that the purity of the race is preserved, and the animals fostered with due care. the common horse is higher, leaner, less broad on the chest, and with the crupper thinner and more depressed. he is, however, not less fiery and capable of endurance than the horse of pure breed. the most inferior horses are ill-looking, small, and rough-skinned. on the coast of peru the horses are for the most part natural amblers, and, if they do not amble naturally, they are taught to do so. there are several varieties of amble peculiar to the peruvian horse; the most approved is that called the _paso llano_. it is very rapid, but not attended by any jolting motion to the rider. a well-trained horse may safely be ridden by a young child at the _paso llano_; the motion being so gentle and regular, that the rider may carry a cup of water in his hand without spilling a drop, at the same time going at the rate of two leagues an hour. another variety of ambling is called the _paso portante_. it consists in the fore and hind foot of one side being raised simultaneously, and thrust forward. in this movement, the greater or less speed depends on the degree in which the hind foot is advanced in comparison with the fore one. it is a rapid, rocking sort of motion, and for long continuance is much more wearying to the rider than the common trot, as the body cannot be held upright, but must be kept in a constant stooping position. the speed of a good ambler in the _paso portante_ is so great, that he will outstrip another horse at full gallop. the giraffe, as well as the peruvian horse, has this peculiar movement naturally. the _paso compañero_ is merely a nominal modification of the _paso portante_. many horses have no _paso llano_, but in its stead a short trot. these have naturally the _paso portante_, but they are little esteemed for travelling, though they are good working animals. they are called _cavallos aguelillos_. trotting horses cannot be taught the _paso llano_, though they easily acquire the _paso portante_. these are called _cavallos trabados_. in peru a horse is valued less for beauty of form than for the perfection of his amble. the finest trotters are sold at very low prices, and are used exclusively as carriage horses. if a horse when spurred has the habit of flapping his tail, it is considered a serious fault, and greatly depreciates the value of the animal. this vice is called _mosquear_ (literally brushing off the mosquitoes), and the peruvians cure it by an incision in the muscle of the tail, by which means the horse is disabled from making the movement. the peruvians take very little care of their horses. the remark, that the more the horse is tended, the worse he is, would seem to be a generally admitted truth in peru. the stable (_coral_) is either totally roofless, or very indifferently sheltered. in the mountainous parts of the country, and during the rainy season, horses are frequently, for the space of six months, up to their knees in mud, and yet they never seem to be the worse for it. the fodder consists of lucern (_alfalfa_), or maisillo, which is usually thrown down on the ground, though sometimes placed in a stone trough, and the drink of the animals consists of impure water collected from the ditches at the road sides. occasionally the horses are fed with maize, which they are very fond of. as no oats are grown in peru, barley is given together with maize, especially in the interior of the country. mares and geldings have sometimes the hair between the ears cut off quite closely, and the mane arranged in short curls, which gives them a resemblance to the horses in ancient sculpture. mares are but little valued, so little indeed, that no respectable person will ride one. the horse-breakers (_chalanes_) are generally free men of color. they possess great bodily vigor, and understand their business thoroughly; but they use the horses very cruelly, and thereby render them shy. for the first three years foals are suffered to roam about with perfect freedom; after that time they are saddled, an operation not performed without great difficulty, and sometimes found to be impracticable, until the animal is thrown on the ground and his limbs tied. the young horse under the management of the _chalan_ is trained in all sorts of equestrian feats, especially the art of pirouetting (_voltear_). this consists in turning either wholly or half round on the hind legs with great rapidity and when at full gallop. another important object of the _chalan_ is to teach the horse to stop short suddenly, and to stand perfectly motionless (_sentarse_) at the signal of his rider; and to go backward (_cejar_) for a considerable space in a straight line. when all this is accomplished, the horse is regarded as completely broken (_quebrantado_). as an instance of the certainty with which a peruvian horse will make a pirouette (_voltata_) at the signal of his rider, i may mention the following fact, which occurred under my own observation. a friend of mine, in lima, rode at full gallop up to the city wall (which is scarcely nine feet broad), leaped upon it, and then made his horse perform a complete _voltata_, so that the fore-feet of the animal described the segment of a circle beyond the edge of the wall. the feat he performed several times in succession, and he assured me he could do the same with all his horses. peruvian taste requires that the neck of the horse should present a finely-curved outline, and that the mouth should be drawn inward, so as to approach the breast. the horses called _cavallos_ de brazo are much esteemed. at every step they describe a large circle with their fore-feet, in such a manner that the horse-shoe strikes the lower part of the stirrup. this motion is exceedingly beautiful when combined with what is termed the "spanish pace," in which the noble form of the animal and his proud bearing are advantageously displayed. the mule is a very important animal in peru. the badness of the roads would render commercial communication impracticable, were it not for mules. the peruvian mules are fine, strong animals. the best are reared in piura, and sent to lima for sale. the amblers are selected for the saddle, the trotters for harness, and the rest are used as beasts of burthen. the price of a mule of middling quality is one hundred dollars; a better one double or treble that price; and the very best may even cost ten times as much. the endurance of these animals under fatigue and indifferent nurture is extraordinary, and without them the vast sand plains of peru would present insuperable obstacles to intercourse between one place and another. in the power of continuous ambling they exceed the horses, and are often equal to them in speed. in lima there is a public lottery, which the government farms to a private individual, for a considerable sum. the tickets are drawn weekly. the price of a ticket is one real. the largest prize is 1000 dollars; the smaller prizes 500, 250, or 100 dollars. a lottery on a larger scale is drawn every three months. the highest prize in this lottery is 4000 dollars, and the price of the ticket is four reals. to every ticket is affixed a motto, usually consisting of an invocation to a saint, and a prayer for good luck, and at the drawing of the lottery this motto is read aloud when the number of the ticket is announced. few of the inhabitants of lima fail to buy at least one ticket in the weekly lottery. the negroes are particularly fond of trying their luck in this way, and in many instances fortune has been singularly kind to them. "eating and drinking keep soul and body together." so says the german proverb; and it may not be uninteresting to take a glance at the limeños during their performance of these two important operations. the hour of breakfast is generally nine in the morning. the meal consists of boiled mutton (_sancochado_), soup (_caldo_), with yuccas, a very pleasant-tasted root, and _chupe_. this last-mentioned dish consists, in its simplest form, merely of potatoes boiled in very salt water, with cheese and spanish pepper. when the chupe is made in better style, eggs, crabs, and fried fish are added to the ingredients already named; and it is then a very savory dish. chocolate and milk are afterwards served. a negress brings the _chocolatera_ into the breakfast-room, and pours out a cup full for each person. the natives prefer the froth to the actual beverage; and many of the negresses are such adepts in the art of pouring out, that they will make the cup so overflow with foam, that it contains scarcely a spoonful of liquid. chocolate is the favorite beverage of the peruvians. in the southern parts of the country it is customary to offer it to visitors at all hours of the day. the visitor is no sooner seated than he is presented with a cup of coffee, which is often so thick that the spoon will stand upright in it. it would be a breach of politeness to decline this refreshment, and whether agreeable or not it must be swallowed! the best cocoa is obtained from the montañas of urubamba, and from the bolivian yungas. the long land transport, however, renders it very dear, and therefore the nuts brought from guayaquil are those commonly used in lima. dinner, which takes place about two or three in the afternoon, commences with a very insipid kind of soup. this is followed by the _puchero_, which is the principal dish. puchero, made in its best style, contains beef, pork, bacon, ham, sausage, poultry, cabbage, yuccas, camotes (a sort of sweet potato), potatoes, rice, peas, _choclitas_ (grains of maize), quince and banana. when served up, the different kinds of meat are placed in one dish, and the vegetable ingredients in another. i was at first astonished at the poorness of the soups in lima, considering the quantity of meat used in preparing them; but i soon discovered that the soup served up to table was little more than water, and that the strong gravy of the meat was either thrown away or given to the negroes. there prevails an almost universal belief that the liquor in which the meat is first stewed is injurious to health. only a very few families are sufficiently free from this prejudice to allow the strong gravy to be used in the preparation of _caldo_, &c. the puchero is an excellent and nutritious dish, and would in itself suffice for a dinner, to which, however, in lima, it is merely the introduction. roast meat, fish, vegetables, preserves and salad are afterwards served. another dish not less indispensable to a lima dinner than _puchero_, is _picante_. under this denomination are included a variety of preparations, in which a vast quantity of cayenne pepper is introduced. the most favorite _picantes_ are the _calapulcra_, the _lagua_, the _zango_, the _charquican_, the _adobas_, the _picante de ullucos_, &c. the _calapulcra_ is composed of meat and potatoes dried and finely pounded; the _lagua_ is made of maize flour and pork; the _zango_, of the same ingredients, but differently prepared; the _adobas_ consists of pork alone; and the _picante de ullucos_ is made of a root resembling the potato, cut into small square bits. these dishes, though much too highly seasoned for european palates, are considered great dainties by the limeños. all the _picantes_ have a very red color, owing to the quantity of cayenne used in preparing them; the _achote_ grains, which are also used, produce a beautiful vermilion tint. another dish, common on the dinner-table in lima, is called _ensalada de frutas_. it is a most heterogeneous compound, consisting of all sorts of fruits stewed in water. to none but a limanian stomach could such a mixture be agreeable. the dessert consists of fruits and sweets (_dulces_). the limeño must always drink a glass of water after dinner, otherwise he imagines the repast can do him no good; but to warrant the drinking of the water, or, as the phrase is, _para tomar agua_, it is necessary first to partake of _dulces_. the one without the other would be quite contrary to rule. the dulces consist of little cakes made of honey or of the pulp of the sugar-cane; or they are preserved fruits, viz., pine-apple, quince, citron, and sometimes preserved beans or cocoa-nut. there is also a favorite kind of dulce made from maize, called _masamora_. the peruvians have some very singular prejudices on the subject of eating and drinking. every article of food is, according to their notions, either heating (_caliente_), or cooling (_frio_); and they believe that certain things are in opposition one to another, or, as the limeños phrase it, _se oponen_. the presence in the stomach of two of these opposing articles of food, for example, chocolate and rice, is believed to be highly dangerous, and sometimes fatal. it is amusing to observe the limeños when at dinner, seriously reflecting, before they taste a particular dish, whether it is in opposition to something they have already eaten. if they eat rice at dinner, they refrain from drinking water, because the two things _se oponen_. to such an extreme is this notion carried, that they will not taste rice on days when they have to wash, and laundresses never eat it. frequently have i been asked by invalids whether it would be safe for them to take a foot-bath on going to bed, as they had eaten rice at dinner! the white creoles, as well as all the superior class of people in lima, are exceedingly temperate in drinking. water and a kind of sweet wine are their favorite beverage; but the lower classes and the people of color are by no means so abstemious. they make free use of fermented drinks, especially brandy, chicha, and guarapo. the brandy of peru is very pure, and is prepared exclusively from the grape. on the warm sea coast, the use of this liquor is not very injurious; there, its evil effects are counteracted by profuse perspiration. but one half the quantity that may be drunk with impunity on the coast, will be very pernicious in the cool mountainous regions. an old and very just maxim of the jesuits is, "_en pais caliente, aguardiente; en pais frio, agua fria_" (in the warm country, brandy; in the cold country, water). guarapo is a fermented liquor, made of sugar-cane pulp and water. it is a very favorite beverage of the negroes. there are several kinds of guarapo. the best sorts are tolerably agreeable. _chicha_ is a sort of beer prepared from maize. the seeds of the maize are watered and left until they begin to sprout, after which they are dried in the sun. when sufficiently dry they are crushed, boiled in water, and then allowed to stand till fermentation takes place. the liquid is of a dark yellow color, and has a slightly bitter and sharp taste. chicha is likewise made from rice, peas, barley, yuccas, pine-apples, and even bread. the kind most generally used is that made from maize. even before the spanish conquest of peru, this maize beer was the common beverage of the indians. in lima there are some very dirty and ill-arranged _restaurations_, styled _picanterias_. these places are divided by partitions into several small compartments, each of which contains a table and two benches. the _restaurateur_, usually a zambo or a mulatto, prides himself in the superiority of his _picantes_ and his _clicha_. the most motley assemblages frequent these places in the evening. the congo negro, the grave spaniard, the white creole, the chino, together with monks and soldiers, may be seen, all grouped together, and devouring with evident relish refreshments, served out in a way not remarkable for cleanliness. brandy and guarapo are likewise sold in shops which are to be met with at the corner of almost every street. the coffee-houses are very inferior; most of them are very dirty, and the attendance is wretched. every street in lima contains one or more cigar shops, in which mestizos and mulattos are busily employed in making cigars. smoking is a universal custom, and is practised everywhere except in the churches. the cigars used in lima are short, and the tobacco is rolled in paper, or in dried maize leaves. the tobacco is brought from the northern province, jaen de bracamoras, in very hard rolls called _masos_, about a yard long and two inches thick. another kind of cigars is made of peruvian or columbian tobacco. they are scarcely inferior to the havannah cigars, and would be quite equal to them, if they were kept long enough and well dried: but in lima they are smoked within a few hours after being made. when any one wants to light his cigar in the street, he accosts the first smoker he happens to meet, whatever be his color, rank, or condition; and asks him for a light. the slave smokes in the presence of his master, and when his cigar dies out, he unceremoniously asks leave to relight it at his master's. it has been calculated that the daily cost of the cigars smoked in lima and the immediate vicinity amounts to 2,300 dollars. formerly the market was held on the plaza mayor, and was always abundantly supplied with vegetables, fruit, and flowers. now it is held in the plazuela de la inquisicion, and it is very inferior to what it used to be. along the sides of the plaza are stalls kept by women, who sell sausages and fish. the central part of the market is appropriated to the sale of vegetables, of which there is always an excellent supply. facing the palace of the inquisition are the butchers' shops. the meat is good, though not very plentifully displayed. the most abundant kinds of meat are mutton and beef. the slaughtering of young animals being strictly prohibited by law, veal, lamb, and sucking pigs are never seen in the market. the daily consumption of butcher's meat in lima is about twenty-eight or thirty heads of horned cattle, and between one hundred and sixty and two hundred sheep. pork, neither fresh nor cured, is seen in the market; though great numbers of swine are slaughtered. the fleshy parts of the animal are cut into small square pieces, and boiled; the fat or lard is used in cookery, and the pieces of pork, which are spread over with lard, are called _chicharones_, and are held in high esteem by limanian epicures. there is an abundant show of poultry in the market, especially fowls and turkeys, which are brought from huacho. game is never sold, and but very little is obtained in the neighborhood of lima. the flower market, which is held on the plaza mayor, is but sparingly supplied with the gifts of flora. the ladies of lima recal pleasing recollections of the former glory of their flower market, and speak with regret of its present degenerate condition. the much-vaunted _pucheros de flores_ are still occasionally displayed for sale. they are composed of a union of fragrant fruits and flowers. several small fruits are laid on a banana leaf, and above them are placed odoriferous flowers, tastefully arranged according to their colors: the whole is surmounted with a strawberry, and is profusely sprinkled with _agua rica_, or lavender water. these _pucheros_ are very pleasing to the eye, on account of the tasteful arrangement of the flowers; but their powerful fragrance affects the nerves. they vary in price, according to the rarity of the fruits and flowers of which they are composed. some cost as much as six or eight dollars. a _puchero de flores_ is one of the most acceptable presents that can be offered to a lima lady. a mingled feeling of disgust and surprise takes possession of the european who witnesses the joy which pervades all classes of the inhabitants of lima on the announcement of a bull-fight. for several days the event is the exclusive topic of conversation, and, strange to say, the female portion of the population takes greater interest in it than the men. bills notifying the approaching entertainment are stuck up at the corners of the streets; and every one is anxious to obtain a _lista de los toros_. when the season of the toros[36] commences, a bull-fight takes place every monday, and then the whole city of lima is thrown into a state of indescribable excitement. the ladies prepare their finest dresses for the occasion, and they consider it the greatest possible misfortune if anything occurs to prevent them going to the bull-fight: indeed, a monday passed at home in the season of the toros would be regarded as a lost day in the life of a limeña. those who cannot go to the _corrida_, resort to the bridge, or to the alameda, where they sit and amuse themselves by looking at the throngs of people passing and repassing. in the time of the viceroys, bull-fights frequently took place on the plaza mayor. now there is a place expressly built for these entertainments, called the _plaza firme del acho_. it is a spacious amphitheatre without a roof, and is erected at the end of the new avenue of the alameda. the preparations for the sport commence at an early hour in the morning. along the alameda are placed rows of tables covered with refreshments, consisting of lemonade, brandy, chicha, picantes, fish, dulces, &c. about twelve o'clock, those who have engaged places in the amphitheatre begin to move towards the plaza del acho. most european ladies would turn with horror, even from a description of these cruel sports, which the ladies of lima gaze on with delight. they are barbarous diversions, and though they form a part of national customs, they are nevertheless a national disgrace. at the same time it would be unjust to make this love of bull-fighting a ground for unqualified censure on the limeños, or a reason for accusing them of an utter want of humanity. being accustomed to these diversions from early childhood, they regard them with perfect indifference; and custom, no doubt, blinds them to the cruelties they witness in the bull-ring. the same extenuation may be urged in behalf of the women: and though to most of the limeñas a bull-fight affords the highest possible gratification, yet there are some who form honorable exceptions to this remark, and who, with true feminine feeling, shrink with horror from such scenes. peru is the only one of the south american states in which bull-fights are included in the category of public amusements. as peru was the last to answer the cry of independence, and to shake off the yoke of spanish domination, so she adheres with most tenacity to the customs of the mother country; for she has not the energy requisite for developing a nationality of her own. even here is apparent that want of independence of character for which the peruvians are remarkable. the faults of the spaniards in them become vices, because, in imitating without reflecting, they push everything to an extreme. thus, if bull-fights are cruel in spain, they are barbarous in lima. the government, too, finds it expedient to court popularity by favoring public entertainments, among which bull-fights take the lead. by allowing the people to indulge unrestrainedly in all their favorite amusements, the government gains a two-fold object, viz., that of securing the support, if not the love of the people, and of averting public attention from political affairs. these, it must be confessed, are important objects in a country which, like peru, is continually disturbed by revolutions caused by the outbreaks of a turbulent populace, or an undisciplined army. footnotes: [footnote 31: a very small number in a population of 55,000.] [footnote 32: _puquio_ in the quichua language signifies springs.] [footnote 33: these fine blocks of ice clearly refute the assertion made by some travellers, that the first real glaciers are found in 19° s. lat. the extensive fields of ice from which the blocks in question are brought are situated in 11° 14' s. lat.] [footnote 34: a sort of arabesque resembling the backbone of a fish called the _tollo_.] [footnote 35: laurel leaves and seed.] [footnote 36: _toros_ (bulls) is used by way of contraction for _corrida de toros_ (bull course).] chapter vii. geographical situation of lima--height above sea level--temperature--diseases--statistical tables of births and deaths--earthquakes--the valley of lima--the river rimac--aqueducts, trenches, &c.--irrigation--plantations--cotton--sugar--various kinds of grain--maize--potatoes, and other tuberous roots--pulse--cabbage--plants used for seasoning--clover--the olive and other oil trees--fruits--figs and grapes--the chirimoya--the palta--the banana and other fruits. lima, according to the careful observations made by herr scholtz, is situated in 12° 3' 24'' south latitude, and 77° 8' 30'' west longitude from greenwich. it may, however, be mentioned that the longitude from greenwich is very differently stated. in sea charts and manuals of geography it is often marked 76° 50'. humboldt makes it 77° 5' 5''; and malaspina 77° 6' 45''. according to ulloa it is 70° 37' west of cadiz. the latitude is very generally fixed at 12° 2' 3'' south. the height above the level of the sea is also differently estimated. rivero, in the _memorial de ciencias naturales_, i., 2, page 112, states it to be 154 metres, or 462 french feet. on another occasion he makes it 184-4/5 castilian varas (each vara being equal to 33 inches english). he gives the following account of heights, according to the barometer, between callao and lima, in varas, viz., callao, 00; baquijano, 24-3/5; _la legua_, 50-2/5; mirones, 94-3/20; portada del callao, 150; _plaza de lima_, 184-4/5. the first estimate given by rivero is the most correct. gay makes the height of lima, at the corner of the church of _espiritu santo_, 172·2 castilian varas; but most of his heights are incorrectly stated. the conical hill in the north-east of lima, called cerro de san cristoval, is, according to trigonometrical measurements, made in 1737, by don jorge juon, and de la condamines, 312 varas higher than the plaza mayor, or 134 toises above the sea; but one of the most exact measurements is pentland's, who found the height to be 1275 english feet. the average temperature during the hottest period of the year, from december to march, is 25° c. the medium temperature during the cold season, from april to november, 17·5° c. highest rise of the hygrometer, 21·5°. the low temperature of lima at the distance of only twelve degrees from the equator is to be ascribed to the situation of the town, and the prevailing atmospheric currents. the cordilleras, rising at the distance of only twenty-eight spanish leagues east of the city, are crowned with eternal snow; and on the west the sea is distant only two leagues. the prevailing wind blows from the south-south-west. west winds are not very common, though they sometimes blow with extraordinary violence for those regions, and breaking on the surrounding mountains, they form atmospheric whirlwinds, which diffuse alarm through the whole population. in june, 1841, i had the opportunity of observing one of these dreadful whirlwinds, which swept away huts, and tore up trees by the roots. the atmospheric currents from the north, which pass over the hot sand-flats, are not of constant occurrence, but they are oppressively sultry. there must be other causes for the low temperature of lima, for in the villages, only a few miles from the city, and exposed to the same atmospheric influences, it is much higher. miraflores is a small place, about one spanish league and a half from lima, but it is much hotter. among the records of the thermometer are the following:- december 20 to 27, maximum 31·8° c.; minimum, 25·9° c. december 28, at 6 in the morning, 26·0° c.; at 2 p.m., 32·7° c.; at 10 at night, 27·3° c. january 1, at 2 p.m., 33·1° c., maximum of the day. january 18, at 2 p.m., maximum 34·2° c. a comparison with the temperature of lima, on the same days, gives an average of 5·7° c. of heat in favor of miraflores. the river rimac, which rises among the glaciers of the cordilleras, and after a course of no great length, intersects the city, doubtless contributes to cool the atmosphere. the climate of lima is agreeable, but not very healthy. during six months, from april to october, a heavy, damp, but not cold mist, overhangs the city. the summer is always hot, but not oppressive. the transition from one season to another is gradual, and almost imperceptible. in october and november the misty canopy begins to rise; it becomes thinner, and yields to the penetrating rays of the sun. in april the horizon begins to resume the misty veil. the mornings are cool and overcast, but the middle of the day is clear. in a few weeks after, the brightness of noon also disappears. the great humidity gives rise to many diseases, particularly fevers, and the alternations from heat to damp cause dysentery. on an average, the victims to this disease are very numerous. it is endemic, and becomes, at apparently regular but distant periods, epidemic. the intermittent fevers or agues, called _tercianos_, are throughout the whole of peru very dangerous, both during their course and in their consequences. it may be regarded as certain that two-thirds of the people of lima are suffering at all times from _tercianos_, or from the consequences of the disease. it usually attacks foreigners, not immediately on their arrival in lima, but some years afterwards. in general the tribute of acclimation is not so soon paid by emigrants in lima as in other tropical regions. in consequence of the ignorance of the medical attendants, and the neglect of the police, the statistical tables of deaths are very imperfectly drawn up, and therefore cannot be entirely depended upon. i may, however, here subjoin one of them, which will afford the reader some idea of the mortality of lima. the annual number of deaths in lima varies from 2,500 to 2,800. in the ten months, from the 1st of january to the 30th of october, 1841, the number of marriages was 134, of which 46 were contracted by whites, and 88 by people of color. deaths in lima from january 1, to october 30, 1841: diseases. men. women. children. total. dysentery 171 105 59 335 fevers, chiefly intermittent 57 88 71 216 typhus 14 7 24 45 pulmonary consumption 87 110 11 208 inflammation of the lungs 78 75 26 179 dropsy, for the most part a consequence of intermittent fevers 33 32 7 72 hooping-cough 36 36 small pox 3 1 4 sudden death 23 13 1 37 shot 3 3 various diseases 271 228 610 1,109 -- -- -- ---- 740 658 846 2,244 the number of births were:- boys. girls. total. in marriage 410 412 822 not in marriage 432 428 860 -- -- ---- 842 840 1,682 the number of births not in marriage (860) is remarkable, and no less so is the number of dead children exposed, which, during the above interval, was 495. these are most decided proofs of the immorality and degraded state of manners prevailing in lima, particularly among the colored part of the population. though there is no certain evidence of the fact, yet there is reason to conjecture that a considerable number of those infants are destroyed by the mothers. of the children born out of marriage, nearly two-thirds, and of those exposed dead, full four-fifths are mulattos. the important annual surplus of deaths over births is a matter of serious consideration for lima. the above tables show, in the course of ten months, a surplus of 562 deaths. by a comparison of the lists of births and deaths from 1826 to 1842, i find that on an average there are annually 550 more deaths than births. it would lead me too far to endeavor to investigate all the grounds of this disparity, but i may observe that one of the causes, unquestionably, is the common, though punishable crime of producing abortion. along the whole coast of peru the atmosphere is almost uniformly in a state of repose. it is not illuminated by the lightning's flash, or disturbed by the roar of the thunder: no deluges of rain, no fierce hurricanes destroy the fruits of the fields, and with them the hopes of the husbandman. even fire appears here to have lost its annihilating power, and the work of human hands seems to be sacred from its attack.[37] but the mildness of the elements above ground is frightfully counterbalanced by their subterranean fury. lima is frequently visited by earthquakes, and several times the city has been reduced to a mass of ruins. at an average forty-five shocks may be counted on in a year. most of them occur in the latter part of october, in november, december, january, may, and june. experience gives reason to expect the visitation of two desolating earthquakes in a century. the period between the two is from forty to sixty years. the most considerable catastrophes experienced in lima since europeans have visited the west coast of south america, happened in the years 1586, 1630, 1687, 1713, 1746, 1806. there is reason to fear that in the course of a few years this city may be the prey of another such visitation. the slighter shocks are sometimes accompanied by a noise; at other times, they are merely perceptible by the motion of the earth. the subterraneous noises are manifold. for the most part they resemble the rattling of a heavy loaded wagon, driven rapidly over arches. they usually accompany the shock, seldom precede it, and only in a few cases do they follow it; sounding like distant thunder. on one occasion the noise appeared to me like a groan from the depth of the earth, accompanied by sounds like the crepitation of wood in partitions when an old house is consumed by fire. of the movements, the horizontal vibrations are the most frequent, and they cause the least damage to the slightly-built habitations. vertical shocks are most severe; they rend the walls, and raise the houses out of their foundations. the greatest vertical shock i ever felt was on the 4th of july, 1839, at half-past seven in the evening, when i was in the old forests of the chanchamoyo territory. before my hut there was an immense stem of a felled tree, which lay with its lower end on the stump of the root. i was leaning against it and reading, when suddenly, by a violent movement, the stem rose about a foot and a half, and i was thrown backwards over it. by the same shock the neighboring river, aynamayo, was dislodged from its bed, and its course thereby changed for a considerable length of way. i have had no experience of the rotatory movements of earthquakes. according to the statements of all who have observed them, they are very destructive, though uncommon. in lima i have often felt a kind of concussion, which accords with that term in the strictest sense of the word. this movement had nothing in common with what may be called an oscillation, a shock, or a twirl: it was a passing sensation, similar to that which is felt when a man seizes another unexpectedly by the shoulder, and shakes him; or like the vibration felt on board a ship when the anchor is cast, at the moment it strikes the ground. i believe it is caused by short, rapid, irregular horizontal oscillations. the irregularity of the vibrations is attended by much danger, for very slight earthquakes of that kind tear away joists from their joinings, and throw down roofs, leaving the walls standing, which, in all other kinds of commotion, usually suffer first, and most severely. humboldt says that the regularity of the hourly variations of the magnetic needle and the atmospheric pressure is undisturbed on earthquake days within the tropics. in seventeen observations, which i made during earthquakes in lima with a good lefevre barometer, i found, in fifteen instances, the position of the mercury quite unaltered. on one occasion, shortly before a commotion, i observed it 2·4 lines lower than it had been two hours before. another time, i observed, also on the approach of the shock and during the twelve following hours, a remarkable rising and sinking in the column. during these observations the atmosphere was entirely tranquil. atmospheric phenomena are frequent, but not infallible prognostics of an earthquake. i have known individuals in lima, natives of the coast, who were seldom wrong in predicting an earthquake, from their observation of the atmosphere. in many places great meteors have been seen before the commotion. before the dreadful earthquake of 1746, there were seen fiery vapors (_exhalaciones encendidas_) rising out of the earth. on the island of san lorenzo these phenomena were particularly remarked. many persons have an obscure perception--a foreboding, which is to them always indicative of an approaching earthquake. they experience a feeling of anxiety and restlessness, a pressure of the breast, as if an immense weight were laid on it. a momentary shudder pervades the whole frame, or there is a sudden trembling of the limbs. i, myself, have several times experienced this foreboding, and there can scarcely be a more painful sensation. it is felt with particular severity by those who have already had the misfortune to have been exposed to the dangers of an earthquake. i will here only briefly mention the celebrated earthquake of 1746, as all its details are fully described in many publications. the reader need scarcely be reminded that it happened on the 28th of october, the day of st. simon and st. jude. during the night, between ten and eleven o'clock, the earth having begun to tremble, a loud howling was heard, and, in a few minutes, lima became a heap of ruins. the first shock was so great, that the town was almost completely destroyed by it. of more than 3000 houses, only twenty-one remained. still more horrible was the destruction in the harbor of callao. the movement of the earth had scarcely been felt there, when the sea, with frightful roaring, rushed over the shore, and submerged the whole town with its inhabitants. five thousand persons were instantly buried beneath the waves. the spanish corvette san fermin, which lay at anchor in the port, was thrown over the walls of the fortress. a cross still marks the place where the stern of the vessel fell. three merchant vessels, heavily laden, suffered the same fate. the other ships which were at anchor, nineteen in number, were sunk. the number of lives sacrificed by this earthquake has not been, with perfect accuracy, recorded.[38] humboldt, in his cosmos, mentions that during this earthquake a noise like subterraneous thunder was heard at truxillo, eighty-five leagues north of callao. it was first observed a quarter of an hour after the commotion occurred at lima, but there was no trembling of the earth. according to the old chronicle writers, the earthquake of 1630 was more disastrous. the serious commotions which take place on the peruvian coast appear to acquire progressively greater extension, but only in the southern and northern directions. a shock, of which lima is the centre, though felt fifty leagues towards the north, and as far towards the south, may, nevertheless, be imperceptible in the easterly direction (towards the mountains) at the distance of ten or twelve leagues. this peculiarity is made manifest, not only by the terraqueous oscillations, but also by the undulations of the sound, which usually proceeds still further in a direction towards the south or the north. slight shocks are usually only local, and are not felt beyond the limits of a few square miles. the atmospheric phenomena during and after earthquakes are very different. in general, the atmosphere is tranquil, but occasionally a stormy agitation is the harbinger of a change. i was unexpectedly overtaken by a violent commotion on the sand-flat between chancay and lima. the whole surface of the plain presented a kind of curling movement, and on every side small columns of sand rose, and whirled round and round. the mules stopped of their own accord, and spread out their legs as for support and to secure themselves against apprehended danger. the _arieros_ (mule-drivers) leaped from their saddles, threw themselves on their knees beside the animals, and prayed to heaven for mercy. the effect of earthquakes on the fertility of the soil is sometimes remarkable. numerous observations tend to show that after violent commotions luxuriant lands often become barren wastes, and for several years produce no thriving vegetation. several quebradas in the province of truxillo, formerly remarkable for their fertility in grain, were left fallow for twenty years after the earthquake of 1630, as the soil would produce nothing. similar cases occurred at supe, huaura, lima, and yca. all kinds of grain appear to be very susceptible to the changes produced by earthquakes. cases are recorded in which, after slight shocks, fields of maize in full bloom have withered; and in the course of a day or two the crops have perished. the causes of the frequent earthquakes on the coast of lima are involved in an obscurity too deep to be unveiled. that they are connected with volcanic phenomena seems probable. lima is more than ninety leagues distant from the nearest active volcano, that of arequipa. but the earthquakes of the peruvian capital are uniformly independent of any state of activity in that volcano, and it is certain that the town of arequipa, which lies at the foot of the mountain, experiences fewer earthquakes than lima. of the six serious earthquakes, the dates of which i have mentioned, only that of 1687 stands in connection with a decided shock in arequipa, and an eruption of the volcano. earthquakes are of rarer occurrence in the mountainous districts than on the coast, yet huancavellica, tarma, pasco, caramarca, have been visited by heavy shocks; and within a recent period the village quiquijana, in the province of quipichanchi, department of cusco, suffered from a serious commotion. in a letter from an eye-witness i received the following account of it. "in november, 1840, the earth began to move faintly back and forward, and a dull, distant, subterraneous noise continued without interruption. the first powerful shock occurred on the 23d of december. during the whole month of january, 1841, heavy thunder prevailed, but without any motion of the earth. on february 11th, we again had a smart shock, and from that day the vibrations recommenced, which, strange enough, were always most violent on mondays and thursdays. the subterraneous noise resounded incessantly; but it was heard only in the village; for at the distance of half a league from it all was tranquil. the heaviest shocks were felt in a circuit within the radius of three leagues. from may 21st to june 2d, all was tranquil; after the last-mentioned date the vibrations recommenced, and frequently became heavy commotions. they continued until the middle of july, 1841. from that time we have not been disturbed, and we have now returned to the ruins of our village." the volcano of arequipa, which is forty-five leagues distant from quiquijana, manifested, during the whole of this time, no unusual phenomena, a circumstance which speaks forcibly against the idea of any local connection between the earthquake and the volcano. on most men earthquakes make a powerful and extraordinary impression. the sudden surprise, often in sleep, the imminent danger, the impossibility of escape, the dull subterraneous noise, the yielding of the earth under the feet,--altogether make a formidable demand on the weakness of human nature. humboldt in the cosmos truly observes--"what is most wonderful for us to comprehend is the undeception which takes place with respect to the kind of innate belief which men entertain of the repose and immovability of the terrestrial strata." and further on he says--"the earthquake appears to men as something omnipresent and unlimited. from the eruption of a crater, from a stream of lava running towards our dwellings, it appears possible to escape, but in an earthquake, whichever way flight is directed the fugitive believes himself on the brink of destruction!" no familiarity with the phenomenon can blunt this feeling. the inhabitant of lima who, from childhood, has frequently witnessed these convulsions of nature, is roused from his sleep by the shock, and rushes from his apartment with the cry of "_misericordia!_" the foreigner from the north of europe, who knows nothing of earthquakes but by description, waits with impatience to feel the movement of the earth, and longs to hear with his own ears the subterraneous sounds which he has hitherto considered fabulous. with levity he treats the apprehension of a coming convulsion, and laughs at the fears of the natives. but as soon as his wish is gratified he is terror-stricken, and is involuntarily prompted to seek safety in flight. in lima, the painful impression produced by an earthquake is heightened by the universality of the exercise of the devotions (_plegarias_) on such a calamity. immediately on the shock being felt, a signal is given from the cathedral, and the long-measured ten-minute tollings of all the church bells summon the inhabitants to prayers. taking a comprehensive view of the whole coast of peru, we perceive that lima lies in one of those oases which break the continuity of the extensive sand-flats. these valleys present themselves wherever a river, after a short course from the cordilleras, falls into the sea; they are always fan-shaped widenings of the mountain ravines. the valley of lima lies in the widest extension of the quebrada of mutucamas. this narrow gorge, which has its main direction from e.n.e. to w.s.w., widens at cocachacra, and extends into san pedro mama, where the quebrada of san geronimo unites with it. it then runs down to the coast, extending more and more in width, and is intersected by the rimac.[39] this river rises in two branches, the largest of which has its source in some small lagunes, in the upper part of antarangra, on a height 15,600 feet above the level of the sea. the second and shorter branch takes its source from a small lake in the heights of carampoma, flows through the valley of san geronimo, and near san pedro unites with the rimac. the most considerable streams of the south-eastern confluence are those which rise in the heights of carhuapampa, and near tambo de viso, flow into the main stream. during winter the rimac is very inconsiderable, but when the rainy season sets in it swells greatly, and in the upper regions, particularly between surco and cocachacra, causes great devastations. in the lower part where the bed becomes broad and the banks are not much built on, no considerable damage occurs. several small conduits are brought from the rimac, some for giving moisture to fields, and others for filling the street trenches of lima. the water for supplying the fountains of the capital does not, however, come from the river, but from two springs situated 1-1/4 league from lima in a thicket near an old indian settlement, called santa rosa, in the valley of surco. they are inclosed within a building called the puello, or atarrea, whence the waters are conveyed by a subterraneous trench to the reservoir (caja de santa tomas), from which it is distributed by pipes to 112 public and private fountains. during the insurrection of the indians in 1781, which was instigated by the unfortunate cacique don josé gabriel tupac amaru, one of the sworn determinations of the participators in that very extensive conspiracy was to drive the spaniards out of lima by artifice or force. among the numerous plans for accomplishing that object, i will mention two which have reference to the water of lima. one scheme was to poison the whole of the inhabitants. for this purpose a rich cacique of the vale of huarochirin went to an apothecary near the bridge, and asked for two hundred weight of corrosive sublimate, saying that he would pay well for it. the apothecary had not entire confidence in the indian, but he did not think it right to forego the opportunity of making a very profitable sale; so, instead of the sublimate, he made up the same quantity of alum for the cacique and received the price he demanded. next morning all the water in lima was unfit for use. on examination it was found that the enclosure of the atarrea was broken down, and the source saturated with alum. the offender remained undiscovered. the second plan was formed with more circumspection. the conspirators resolved on a certain day to send into the city a number of indians, who were to conceal themselves on the roofs of the shops (_pulperias_), in which quantities of firewood were kept for sale. the moment the cathedral struck the hour of midnight, the concealed indians were to set fire to the wood. another division of indians was immediately to dam up the river at the convent of santa clara, and thereby lay the streets under water. during the unavoidable confusion, which must have taken place, the main body of the indians was to enter the town and massacre all the whites. this well-combined plan was by mere accident discovered, when it was of course frustrated. the fertility of the soil round lima is very great when irrigation is practicable. where this cannot be accomplished, the earth withholds even the most scanty vegetation. the _riego_, or irrigation, is thus effected. on certain days the water conduits are closed, and the fields are laid under water. when there is a deficient supply of water, the trenches, or conduits, are not opened till the following day. when, however, the supply of water is abundant, the _riego_ takes place early every morning. as the same identical plants are cultivated along almost the whole coast, i will here notice them, to save the necessity of returning to them hereafter. cotton is cultivated only in a few plantations in the immediate vicinity of lima; but it abounds more in the northern districts, particularly in the department de la libertad, in the coast province piura, in lambayeque, and in truxillo. in the southern province, yca, a considerable quantity is also reared for exportation. the brown cotton was chiefly cultivated in the time of the incas. most of the bodies found in the ancient graves on the coast are enveloped in this kind of cotton. the sugar cane is cultivated with success in all plantations where there is sufficient moisture of soil; and of all the agricultural produce of the country, yields the greatest profit. the sugar estates lie on the sea-coast, or along the banks of rivers. the vertical limit of the sugar cane growth is on the western declivity of the cordilleras, about 4500 feet above the level of the sea, at which height i saw fields covered with it. the largest plantations, however, do not rise above 1200 feet above the level of the sea; while those of the same extent on the eastern declivity are at the height of 6000 feet. within the last forty years the introduction of the otaheitan cane has greatly improved the peruvian plantations in quality, and has more especially increased the quantity of their produce; for the otaheitan canes are found to yield proportionally one third more than the west india canes, which were previously cultivated. the preparation of the sugar is, as yet, conducted in a very rude and laborious manner. in most of the plantations the cane is passed through wooden presses with brass rollers. these machines are called _trapiches_ or _ingenios_. they are kept in motion by oxen or mules. in some large estates water power is employed, and in san pedro de lurin a steam-engine has been put up, which certainly does the work quickly; but it often has to stand for a long time idle. a part of the sugar cane juice is used for making the liquor called guarapo, or distilled for making rum; for since the independence, the law which strictly prohibited the distillation of spirituous liquors in plantations has been repealed. the remainder is boiled down into a syrup, or further simmered until it thickens into cakes, called chancacas, or brown sugar. after a careful purification it is made into the white cakes called alfajores, or prepared as white sugar. in fineness of grain and purity of color it is inferior to the havannah sugar, which, however, it exceeds in sweetness. the regular weight of the sugarloaf is two arobas; only for convenience of transport into the mountainous districts their weight is sometimes diminished. the consumption of sugar in the country is great and its export is considerable, but it goes only to chile. of the different kinds of grain, maize is most generally and most successfully cultivated in peru. it grows on the sandy shore, in the fertile mountain valleys, and on the margin of the forest, where the warmth is great. there are several varieties of maize, which are distinguished one from another by the size of the head and by the form and appearance of the grain. the most common kinds on the coast are--1st, the _mais morocho_, which has small bright yellow or reddish brown grains; 2d, the _mais amarillo_, of which the grain is large, heart-shaped, solid and opaque; 3d, _mais amarillo de chancay_, similar to the _mais amarillo_, but with a semi-transparent square-shaped grain, and an elongated head. the morocho and amarillo maize are chiefly planted in the eastern declivity of the andes. they run up in stalks eight or nine feet high, and have enormously large heads. in one of them i counted seventy-five grains in a single row. maize forms the bread of the peruvians. it is almost the only sustenance of the indians of the mountains, and is the principal food of the slaves on the coast. like the potatoe in europe, it is cooked in a variety of ways. two of the most simple preparations of maize are those called _choclas_ and _mote_. _choclas_ are the unripe maize heads merely soaked in warm water; they form a very agreeable and wholesome article of food. _mote_ consists of ripe maize first boiled and then laid in hot ashes, after which the husks are easily stripped off. as to whether maize is indigenous to peru, or when it was introduced there, much has already been written, and i shall refrain from entering into the investigation of the question here. i may, however, mention that i have found very well preserved ears of maize in tombs, which, judging from their construction, belong to a period anterior to the dynasty of the incas; and these were fragments of two kinds of maize which do not now grow in peru. if i believed in the transmigration and settlement of asiatic races on the west coast of america, i should consider it highly probable that maize, cotton, and the banana, had been brought from asia to the great west coast. but the supposed epoch of this alleged immigration must carry us back to the earliest ages; for, that the incas were (as the greater number of inquirers into peruvian history pretend) of asiatic origin, is a mere vague hypothesis, unsupported by anything approximating to historical proof. since the earthquake of 1687 the crops of maize on the peruvian coast have been very inconsiderable. in the mountainous parts it is somewhat more abundant, but still far from sufficient to supply the wants of the country. chile supplies, in return for sugar, the maize required in peru. of the other kinds of grain barley only is raised; but it does not thrive on the coast, and is cultivated successfully at the height of from 7000 to 13,200 feet above the level of the sea. the assertion of some travellers, that barley was known to the peruvians before the arrival of the spaniards, is groundless. it is true that barley is sometimes found in pots in indian graves. those graves, however, as i have had repeated opportunities of being convinced, belong, without exception, to modern times, chiefly to the seventeenth century. potatoes are not planted on the coast, where, it appears, the climate and soil are unfavorable to them. in those parts they are small and watery. on the higher ridges which intersect the coast at short distances from the sea, the potatoe grows wild. i am inclined to believe that the root is indigenous in these parts, as well as in chiloe and chile, and that the ancient peruvians did not obtain this root from the south, but that they removed it from their own high lands in order to cultivate it on a more favorable soil.[40] the best potatoe grows about twenty-two leagues from lima, in huamantanga, which is about 7000 feet above the level of the sea, to the north-west of the quebrada of canta. this potatoe is small and round, with a thin white skin, and when bisected the color is a clear bright yellow. it is called the _papa amarilla_, and there is much demand for it in the markets, where it fetches a good price. the other potatoes come chiefly from the quebrada of huarochirin, and they are very well flavored. the camotes (_convolvulus batatas_, l.), not improperly called sweet potatoes, grow to a considerable size. there are two kinds of camotes, the yellow and the violet; the latter are called _camotes moradas_. these two kinds are much liked for their excellent flavor. beyond the height of 3500 feet above the level of the sea they cease to grow. the aracacha (_conium moschatum_, h. b. kth.) grows on the coast, but it is more abundant on the projecting ridges of the cordilleras, and on the eastern declivity of the andes. it is a very agreeable and nutritive kind of tuberous vegetable, in flavor not unlike celery. it is cooked by being either simply boiled in water, or made into a kind of soup. in many districts the aracacha yields two crops in the year. the yucca (_jatropha manihot_) is one of the finest vegetables of peru. the stalk of the plant is between five and six feet high, and about the thickness of a finger. the roots are from one to two feet long, somewhat of the turnip form. internally they are pure white; but the external skin is tough, somewhat elastic, and of a reddish-brown color. the roots are the edible parts of the plant. they are very agreeable in taste, and easy of digestion. when raw they are hard and tough, and their taste somewhat resembles chestnuts. when boiled in water the root separates into fibres, and is rather waxy, but when laid in hot ashes it becomes mealy. in some parts of peru the indians prepare a very fine flour from the yucca, and it is used for making fine kinds of bread, and especially a kind of biscuits called _biscochuelos_. the yucca roots are not good after they have been more than three days out of the earth, and even during that time they must be placed in water, otherwise green or black stripes appear on them, which in the cooking assume a pale red color. their taste is then disagreeable, and they quickly become rotten. to propagate the yucca the stalk is cut, particularly under the thick part, into span-long pieces, which are stuck obliquely into the earth. in five or six months the roots are fit for use, but they are usually allowed to remain some time longer in the earth. the stalks are sometimes cut off, and the roots left in the earth. they then put forth new leaves and flowers, and after sixteen or eighteen months they become slightly woody. the indians in the montaña de vitoc sent as a present to their officiating priest a yucca, which weighed thirty pounds, but yet was very tender. on the western declivity of the cordillera, the boundary elevation for the growth of the yucca is about 3000 feet above the level of the sea. among the pulse there are different kinds of peas (_garbanzos_) on the coast; beans (_frijoles_), on the contrary, occupy the hilly grounds. all vegetables of the cabbage and salad kinds cultivated in europe will grow in peru. the climate, both of the coast and the hills, suits them perfectly; but the hot, damp temperature of the eastern declivity of the andes is adverse to them. numerous varieties of the genus _cucurbita_ are cultivated in the _chacras_, or indian villages, on the coast. they are chiefly consumed by the colored population. i did not find them very agreeable to the taste. they are all sweetish and fibrous. among the edible plants which serve for seasoning or spicery, i must mention the love-apple (_tomate_), which thrives well in all the warm districts of peru; and the spanish pepper (_aji_), which is found only on the coast and in the mild woody regions. there are many species of the pepper (_capsicum annuum, baccatum, frutescens, &c._), which are sometimes eaten green, and sometimes dried and pounded. in peru the consumption of aji is greater than that of salt; for with two-thirds of the dishes brought to table, more of the former than of the latter is used. it is worthy of remark that salt diminishes, in a very striking degree, the pungency of the aji; and it is still more remarkable that the use of the latter, which in a manner may be called a superfluity, has no injurious effect on the digestive organs. if two pods of aji, steeped in warm vinegar, are laid as a sinapism on the skin, in the space of a quarter of an hour the part becomes red, and the pain intolerable; within an hour the scarf-skin will be removed. yet i have frequently eaten twelve or fifteen of these pods without experiencing the least injurious effect. however, before i accustomed myself to this luxury, it used to affect me with slight symptoms of gastritis. on the eastern declivity of the cordilleras i found no capsicum at a greater height than 4800 feet above the level of the sea. lucern (_medicago sativa_), called by the natives _alfa_ or _alfalfa_, is reared in great abundance throughout the whole of peru, as fodder for cattle. it does not bear great humidity, nor severe heat or cold; yet its elevation boundary is about 11,100 feet above the level of the sea. on the coast it flourishes very luxuriantly during the misty season; but during the months of february and march it is almost entirely dried up. the maisillo (_paspalum purpureum_, r.) then supplies its place as fodder for cattle. in the mountainous districts it is also most abundant during the humid season; but, as soon as the first frost sets in, it decays, takes a rusty-brown color, and remains in a bad state until the beginning of the rainy season. on an average, the _alfalfa_ may be cut four times in the year; but in highlying districts only three times; and in humid soils on the coast, particularly in the neighborhood of rivers, five times. once in every four or five years the clover-fields are broken up by the plough, and then sown with maize or barley. in the sixth year clover is again raised. the olive-tree is cultivated chiefly in the southern provinces of the coast. in flavor, its fruit approximates to the spanish olive. that the oil is not so fine is probably owing to the bad presses which are used, and the rude manner in which the operation is performed. the olives (_aceytunas_) are preserved in a peculiar manner. they are allowed to ripen on the tree, when they are gathered, slightly pressed, dried, and put up in small earthen vessels. by this process they become shrivelled and quite black. when served up at table pieces of tomato and aji are laid on them: the latter is an excellent accompaniment to the oily fruit. some preserve them in salt water, by which means they remain plump and green. the castor-oil plant (_ricinus communis_) grows wild, but it is also cultivated in many plantations. the considerable quantity of oil which is pressed out of the seeds is used unpurified in lima for the street lamps, and also in the sugar plantations, for greasing the machines employed in the works. the purified ricinus oil required for medicine is imported from england or italy. the piñoncillo tree (_castiglionia lobata_, r.) is cultivated only about surco, huacho, and lambayeque, in some of the indian chacras; but it grows wild in considerable abundance. its bean-like fruit, when roasted, has an agreeable flavor. when eaten raw, the etherial oil generated between the kernel and the epidermis is a strong aperient, and its effect can only be counteracted by drinking cold water. when an incision is made in the stem, a clear bright liquid flows out; but after some time it becomes black and horny like. it is a very powerful caustic, and retains its extraordinary property for years. the fruits of the temperate climates of europe thrive but indifferently in the warm regions of the coast of peru. apples and pears are for the most part uneatable. of stone fruits only the peach succeeds well. vast quantities of apricots (called duraznos) grow in the mountain valleys. of fifteen kinds which came under my observation, those called _blanquillos_ and _abridores_ are distinguished for fine flavor. cherries, plums, and chestnuts i did not see in peru, yet i believe the climate of the sierra is very favorable to their growth. generally speaking, the interior of the country is well suited to all the fruits and grain of central europe; and doubtless many of our forest trees would flourish on those peruvian hills which now present no traces of vegetation. but as yet no system of transplantation has been seriously set on foot. the praiseworthy attempts made by many europeans, who have sent seeds and young plants to peru, have failed of success, owing to the indifference of the natives to the advancement of those objects. all the fruits of southern europe thrive luxuriantly in the warm regions of peru. oranges, pomegranates, lemons, limes, &c., grow in incredible abundance. though the trees bloom and bear fruit the whole year round, yet there are particular times in which their produce is in the greatest perfection and abundance. on the coast, for example, at the commencement of winter, and in the woody districts in the months of february and march, melons and sandyas (_water melons_) are particularly fine. the figs are of two kinds: the one called _higos_, and the other _brevas_. in the former the pulp is red, in the latter it is white. they are usually large, very soft, and may be ranked among the most delicious fruits of the country. fig-trees grow frequently wild in the neighborhood of the plantations and the chacras: and the traveller may pluck the fruit, and carry away a supply for his journey; for, beyond a certain distance from lima figs are not gathered, being a fruit not easy of transport in its fresh state; and when dried, it is not liked. pomegranates and quinces seldom grow on the coast: they are chiefly brought to the lima market from the neighboring quebradas. the mulberry-tree flourishes luxuriantly and without cultivation; but its fruit is not thought worth gathering, and it is left as food for the birds. in the southern province of yca, the cultivation of the vine has been attended by most successful results. in the neighborhood of lima grapes are seen only in a few huertas (_orchards_); but for size, sweetness, and aromatic flavor, there are no such grapes in any other part of the world. of tropical fruits, the number is not so great in peru as in the more northerly district of guayaquil. but there are some peruvian fruits, the delicious flavor of which cannot be excelled. one of these is the chirimoya (_anona tripetala_). hanke, in one of his letters, calls it "a master-work of nature." it would certainly be difficult to name any fruit possessing a more exquisite flavor. in lima the chirimoya is comparatively small, often only the size of an orange. those who have tasted it only in lima, can form but a very imperfect idea of its excellence. in huanuco, its indigenous soil, it grows in the greatest perfection, and often attains the weight of sixteen pounds, or upwards. the fruit is of roundish form, sometimes pyramidal, or heart-shaped, the broad base uniting with the stem. externally it is green, covered with small knobs and scales, and often has black markings like net-work spread over it. when the fruit is very ripe, it has black spots. the skin is rather thick and tough. internally, the fruit is snow-white and juicy, and provided with a number of small seeds well covered with a delicate substance. the chirimoyas of huanuco are also distinguished from those of the coast by having only from four to six seeds; whereas on the coast they are found with from twenty-five to thirty. the question as to what the taste of this fruit may be compared with, i can only answer by saying, that it is incomparable. both the fruit and flowers of the chirimoya emit a fine fragrance, which, when the tree is covered with blossom, is so strong as to be almost overpowering. the tree which bears this finest of all fruits is from fifteen to twenty feet high. it has a broad flat top, and is of a pale-green color. the palta (_persea gatissima_, gärt.) is a fruit of the pear form, and dark-brown in color. the rind is tough and elastic, but not very thick. the edible substance, which is soft and green, encloses a kernel resembling a chestnut in form and color. this fruit is very astringent and bitter, and on being cut, a juice flows from it which is at first yellow, but soon turns black. the taste is peculiar, and at first not agreeable to a foreigner; but it is generally much liked when the palate becomes accustomed to it. the fruit of the palta dissolves like butter on the tongue, and hence it is called in some of the french colonies _beurre végétale_. it is sometimes eaten without any accompaniment, and sometimes with a little salt, or with oil and vinegar. the kernels make very good brandy. the palta-tree is slender and very high, with a small dome-like top. on the eastern declivity of the andes, i have seen some of these trees more than sixty feet high. the platanos (_bananas_) thrive well in most of the peruvian plantations. they require great heat and humidity. they grow in the greatest perfection on the banks of small rivulets. on the coast the tree does not yield such abundance of fruit as in the woody regions, where it is not unusual to see a tree with three hundred heads of fruit lying one over another, like tiles on a roof. in the country adjacent to lima, and also on other parts of the coast, three favorite species are cultivated. the _platano de la isla_, or of otaheite, was introduced from that archipelago in 1769. the fruits are from three to four inches long, generally prismatic, as they grow thickly on the stem, and lie one over another. the skin is yellow, the fruit of a palish red, and rather mealy. the limeños prefer this to any other species of the platano, and they consider it the most wholesome. the fruits of the _platano guineo_ are not longer, but much thicker than those of the _platano de la isla_, but they are so full that they burst when quite ripe. they are straight and cylindrical in form, as they grow on the stem at some distance one from the other. they are of a bright yellow color, but near the stem spotted with black. the edible part is whiter and softer than that of the _platano de la isla_, to which it is greatly superior in flavor and aroma. the natives believe this fruit to be very unwholesome, and they maintain that drinking brandy after eating platanos guineos causes immediate death. this is, as my own often-repeated experiments have shown, one of the deep-rooted, groundless prejudices to which the peruvians obstinately cling. on one of my excursions i had a controversy on this subject with some persons who accompanied me. to prove how unfounded their notions were, i ate some platanos, and then washing down one poison by the other, i immediately swallowed a mouthful of brandy. my peruvian friends were filled with dismay. addressing me alternately in terms of compassion and reproach, they assured me i should never return to lima alive. after spending a very agreeable day, we all arrived quite well in the evening at lima. at parting, one of my companions seriously observed that we should never see each other again. early next morning they anxiously called to inquire how i was, and finding me in excellent health and spirits, they said:--"ah! you see, an _herege de gringo_ (a heretic of a foreigner) is quite of a different nature from us." a piece of the platano guineo soaked in brandy retains its color unchanged; but the rib-like fibres which connect the rind with the pulp then become black, and imbibe a bitter taste. the fruit of the third kind of platano, the _platano largo_, is from six to eight inches long, rather narrow, and curved crescent-wise. the rind is of a light straw color, and when the fruit is very ripe it has large black spots. the edible part is of a whitish hue, harder and drier than that of the two species already described; and its flavor its quite as agreeable. its fruit is less abundant than that of the platano guineo, and it requires longer time to become fully ripe. a fourth kind, which grows in the forest regions, i have never seen on the coast. it is the _platano altahuillaca_. it bears at most from twenty to twenty-five heads of fruit. the stem is more than two inches thick, and above an ell long. the color of the husk is light yellow, the enclosed substance is white, tough, and hard. in the raw state it is flavorless, but when roasted in hot ashes, or cooked with meat, it makes a fine dish. when the platanos of the uppermost row, that is, those which form the base of the conical-formed reflex cluster, begin to turn yellow, or, as the natives say, _pintar_, the whole is cut off, and hung up in an airy, shady situation, usually in an apartment of the rancho, or hut, where it may quickly ripen. the largest fruits are cut off as soon as they are yellow and soft, and so the cutting goes on gradually up to the top, for they ripen so unequally that those at the base show symptoms of decay while those at the top are still hard and green. as soon as the _cabeza_, or cluster of fruit, is cut, the whole branch is immediately lopped off, in order to facilitate the shooting of the fresh sprouts. each branch bears only one _cabeza_, and eight or ten months are the period usually required for its complete development. the platanos belongs indisputably to the most useful class of fruit trees, especially in regions where they can be cultivated extensively, for then they may very adequately supply the place of bread. in northern peru and guayaquil, the platano fruit is prepared for food in a variety of ways. pine-apples (_ananas_) are not much cultivated on the coast of peru. the market of lima was formerly entirely supplied with this fruit from the montaña de vitoc. when brought from thence they used to be cut before they were ripe, and packed on the backs of asses. the journey is of sixteen or twenty days' duration, and the road lies across two of the cordilleras. after being several days in the cold snowy region of the puna, the fruit came to lima in a very indifferent state; but since the communication by steam navigation with guayaquil, pine-apples are brought from the latter place in large quantities. they are large, succulent, and very sweet. the granadilla (_passiflora quadrangularis_) is about the size of an apple, but rather oblong. the skin is reddish-yellow, hard, and rather thick. the edible part is grey and gelatinous, and it contains numerous dark-colored seeds. the fruit is very agreeable, and in taste resembles the gooseberry, and is very cooling. the granadilla is a shrub or bush, and it twines round the trunks of trees, or climbs up the walls of the ranchos. it is less abundant on the coast than in the adjacent valleys. the tunas are fruits of different species of cactus. the husk, which is covered with sharp prickles, is green, yellow, or red in color, and is easily separated from the pulp of the fruit. when being plucked, the tunas are rubbed with straw to remove the prickles, which, however, is not always completely accomplished. it is therefore necessary to be cautious in handling the husks, for the small prickles cause inflammation when they get into the fingers. the pacay is the fruit of a tree of rather large size (_prosopis dulcis_, humb.), with a rather low and broad top. it consists of a pod from twenty to twenty-four inches long, enclosing black seeds, which are embedded in a white, soft, flaky substance. this flaky part is as white as snow, and is the only eatable part of the fruit. it tastes sweet, and, to my palate at least, it is very unpleasant; however, the limeños on the coast and the monkeys in the woods are very fond of the pacay. the lucuma is produced only in the southern provinces of the coast of peru, and is chiefly imported from the north of chile. the fruit is round. the grey-brown husk encloses a fibrous, dry, yellow-colored fruit with its kernel. the guayava (_psidium pomiferum_) grows on a low shrub, chiefly in the valleys of the coast, and on the eastern declivity of the andes. it is of the form and size of a small apple. the rind is bright, yellow, and thin. the pulp is either white or red, and is full of little egg-shaped granulations. its flavor is pleasant, but not remarkably fine. in lima it is not a favorite, for numerous insects lay their eggs in it, and, when the fruit is ripe, larvæ are found in it. the pepino (a _cucurbitacea_) is grown in great abundance in the fields. the plant is only a foot and a half high, and it creeps on the ground. the fruit is from four to five inches long, cylindrical, and at both ends somewhat pointed. the husk is of a yellowish green color, with long rose-colored stripes. the pulp or edible part is solid, juicy, and well-flavored. the kernel lies in the middle, in a long-shaped furrow. by the natives the pepino is, and not altogether unreasonably, believed to be injurious. they maintain that this fruit is too cold in the stomach, and that a glass of brandy is necessary to counteract its injurious properties. this much is certain, that the pepinos are very indigestible, and that eating them frequently, or at improper times, brings on fits of illness. the mani, or earth almond (_arachis hypogæa_), is produced in the northern provinces. the plant is from a foot and a half to two feet long, and very leafy. the kernels have a grey, shrivelled husk: they are white, and contain much oil. when roasted and crushed, they are eaten with sugar. the capulies (_prunus capulin_, ser.) grows in the open fields. in towns it is planted in gardens or in pots. the fruit is a little bigger than a cherry. it is of a deep yellow color, and has an acid taste. the capulies are not frequently eaten. on account of their very pleasant odor, they are used in making _pucheros de_ flores, or with other odoriferous flowers, they are besprinkled with agua rica, and laid in drawers to perfume linen. the ladies of lima wear them in their bosoms. the same uses are made of the palillos (_campomanesia lineatifolia_, r.), which grow on trees from twenty to thirty feet high. the bright yellow fruit is as large as a moderately-sized apple. the palillo emits an exceedingly agreeable scent, and is one of the ingredients used in making the perfumed water called _mistura_. when rubbed between the fingers, the leaves smell like those of the myrtle; but they have an acid and a stringent taste. the coast of peru is poorly supplied with palm-trees, either wild or cultivated. the cocoa palm is grown only in a few of the northern provinces, and the date palm chiefly about yca. with a very little care, these trees would thrive excellently in all the oases of the coast of peru. footnotes: [footnote 37: a great fire is a thing almost unknown in lima. the houses are of brick, and seldom have any wooden beams, so there is little food for a fire. the only fire which i heard of in lima was that of the 13th january, 1835, when the interior of the _capilla del milagro_ of san francisco was destroyed. the repairs cost 50,000 dollars. on the 27th november, 1838, it was again solemnly consecrated.] [footnote 38: the date of this catastrophe recalls the following passage in schiller's william tell:- "'s ist heut simons und judä da ras't der see und will sein opfer haben." "'tis the festival of simon and jude, and the lake rages for its sacrifice." ] [footnote 39: rimac is the present participle of _rimay_, to speak, to prattle. the river and the valley were known by this name among all the ancient indians. the oracle of a temple with an idol, which stood in the neighborhood of the present city of lima, conferred the name. it is said that before the time of the incas persons suspected of magic were banished to the valley of the rimac, on which account it obtained the name of _rimac-malca_, that is, the witches-valley. this account, which is given by some early travellers, requires farther historical and philological inquiry, before its correctness can be admitted.] [footnote 40: the quichua language has no word for potatoe, but in the chinchayauyo language, which is spoken along the whole coast of peru, the potatoe is called _acsu_.] chapter viii. robbers on the coast of peru--the bandit leaders leon and rayo--the corps of montoneros--watering places near lima--surco, atte and lurin--pacchacamac--ruins of the temple of the sun--difficulties of travelling on the coast of peru--sea passage to huacho--indian canoes--ichthyological collections--an old spaniard's recollections of alexander von humboldt--the padre requena--huacho--plundering of burial places--huaura--malaria--the sugar plantation at luhmayo--quipico--ancient peruvian ruins--the salinas, or salt pits--gritalobos--chancay--the piques--mode of extracting them--valley of the pasamayo--extraordinary atmospheric mirrors--piedras gordas--palo seco. all the inhabited parts of the coast of peru, especially the districts adjacent to lima and truxillo, are infested by robbers, and travelling is thereby rendered extremely unsafe. these banditti are chiefly runaway slaves (simarrones, as they are called), free negroes, zambos, or mulattos. occasionally they are joined by indians, and these latter are always conspicuous for the cruelties they perpetrate. now and then a white man enters upon this lawless course; and, in the year 1839, a native of north america, who had been a purser in a ship of war, was shot in lima for highway robbery. these robbers are always well mounted, and their fleet-footed steeds usually enable them to elude pursuit. it is no unfrequent occurrence for slaves belonging to the plantations to mount their masters' finest horses, and after sunset, when their work is over, or on sundays, when they have nothing to do, to sally forth on marauding expeditions. most of the highway robbers who infest the coast of peru belong to an extensive and systematically-organized band, headed by formidable leaders, who maintain spies in the towns and villages, from whom they receive regular reports. they sometimes prowl about in parties of thirty or forty, in the vicinity of the capital, and plunder every traveller they encounter; but they are most frequently in smaller detachments. if they meet with resistance they give no quarter; therefore, it is most prudent to submit to be plundered quietly, even when the parties attacked are stronger than the assailants, for the latter usually have confederates at no great distance, and can summon reinforcements in case of need. any person who kills a robber in self-defence must ever afterwards be in fear for his own life: even in lima the dagger of the assassin will reach him, and possibly at the moment when he thinks himself most safe. foreigners are more frequently waylaid than natives. indeed, the rich and influential class of peruvians are seldom subjected to these attacks,--a circumstance which may serve to explain why more stringent police regulations are not adopted. the most unsafe roads are those leading to callao, chorillos, and cavalleros. this last place is on the way to cerro de pasco, whither transports of money are frequently sent. a few weeks before my departure from lima a band of thirty robbers, after a short skirmish with a feeble escort, made themselves masters of a remittance of 100,000 dollars, destined for the mine-workers of pasco. the silver bars from pasco are sent to lima without any military guard, for they are suffered to pass unmolested, as the robbers find them heavy and cumbrous, and they cannot easily dispose of them. these depredations are committed close to the gates of lima, and after having plundered a number of travellers, the robbers will very coolly ride into the city. the country people from the sierra, who travel with their asses to lima, and who carry with them money to make purchases in the capital, are the constant prey of robbers, who, if they do not get money, maltreat or murder their victims in the most merciless way.[41] in july, 1842, i was proceeding from the mountains back to lima, and, passing near the puente de surco, a bridge about a league and a half from lima, my horse suddenly shied at something lying across the road. on alighting i found that it was the dead body of an indian, who had been murdered, doubtless, by robbers. the skull was fractured in a shocking manner by stones. the body was still warm. the zambo robbers are notorious for committing the most heartless cruelties. in june, 1842, one of them attacked the indian who was conveying the mail to huacho. "shall i," said the robber, "kill you or put out your eyes?" "if i must choose," replied the indian, "pray kill me at once." the barbarian immediately drew forth his dagger and stuck it into the eyes of the unfortunate victim, and then left him lying on the sand. in this state the poor indian was found by a traveller, who conveyed him to a neighboring village. the following anecdote was related to me by an indian, in whose dwelling i passed a night, at chancay:--about half a league from the village he met a negro, who advanced towards him, with musket cocked, and commanded him to halt. my host drew out a large riding pistol, and said, "you may be thankful that this is not loaded or you would be a dead man." the negro laughing scornfully, rode up and seized the indian, when the latter suddenly fired the pistol, and shot him dead. when these peruvian banditti are attacked by the military or the police, they defend themselves with desperate courage. if they can effect their escape they fly for concealment into the woods and thickets, which, if not too extensive, are surrounded and set on fire, so that the fugitives have no alternative but to surrender, or to perish in the flames. within the last few years, two negroes, named escobar and leon, were daring leaders of banditti. leon, who was originally a slave, commenced his career of crime by the murder of his master. he eluded the pursuit of justice, became a highway robber, and for many years was the terror of the whole province of lima. the police vainly endeavored to secure him. leon knew the country so well, that he constantly evaded his pursuers. when the price of 2000 dollars was set upon his head, he boldly entered lima every evening and slept in the city. at length placards were posted about, calling on leon's comrades to kill him, and offering to any one who might deliver him up dead into the hands of the police the reward of 1000 dollars and a pardon. this measure had the desired result, and leon was strangled, whilst asleep, by a zambo, who was his godfather. the body was, during three days, exposed to public view in front of the cathedral. another celebrated bandit was the zambo, jose rayo. he took an active part in several of the political revolutions; and having, during those commotions, been serviceable to the president, he was raised to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel, and made chief of the country police, called the _partida montada del campo_. this post he still fills, and he is admirably well adapted to it, as experience has rendered him thoroughly acquainted with banditti life, and he knows every hiding-place in the country round lima. nevertheless he could not catch the negro leon, or possibly he would not seize him, for leon was his godfather, a relationship which is held sacred throughout all classes in peru. when rayo speaks of the president and ministers he always styles them _sus mejores amigos_ (his best friends). i fell in with him once, when travelling on the road to chaclacayo, and rode in company with him as far as the hacienda de santa clara. i found him exceedingly complaisant and courteous in his manners; but his true zambo nature was not wholly concealed beneath the smooth surface. robbers, when captured and brought to lima, undergo a very summary trial, and are then sentenced to be shot. the culprits have the privilege of choosing their place of execution, and they generally fix on the market-place. they are allowed the assistance of a priest for twelve hours prior to their death, and they are conducted from the chapel to the place of execution, carrying a bench, on which they sit to undergo the punishment. four soldiers fire at the distance of three paces from the culprit; two aiming at his head, and two at his breast. on one of these occasions a singular instance of presence of mind and dexterity occurred a few years ago in lima. a very daring zambo, convicted of highway robbery, was sentenced to death. he made choice of the plaza de la inquisicion as the scene of his execution. it was market time, and the square was crowded with people. the culprit darted around him a rapid and penetrating glance, and then composedly seated himself on the bench. the soldiers according to custom levelled their muskets and fired; but how great was the surprise, when the cloud of smoke dispersed, and it was discovered that the zambo had vanished. he had closely watched the movements of the soldiers, and when they pulled the triggers of their muskets, he stooped down, and the balls passed over his head. then suddenly knocking down one of the guards who stood beside him, he rushed into the midst of the crowd, where some of his friends helped him to effect his escape. in time of war a corps is raised, consisting chiefly of highway robbers and persons who, by various offences against the laws, have forfeited their freedom or their lives. this corps is called the montoneros, and they are very important auxiliaries when the coast is the theatre of the war. the montoneros, not being trained in military manoeuvres, are not employed as regular cavalry, but only as outposts, scouts, despatch-bearers, &c. they are good skirmishers, and they harass the enemy by their unexpected movements; sometimes attacking in front and sometimes in the rear. they have no regular uniform, and their usual clothing consists of dirty white trousers and jacket, a poncho, and a broad-brimmed straw hat. many of them are not even provided with shoes, and their spurs are fastened on their bare heels. their arms consist of a short carbine and a sword. when the corps is strong, and is required for active service, it is placed under the command of a general of the army. in 1838, general miller, now british consul at the sandwich islands, commanded a corps of 1000 montoneros, who were in the service of santa cruz. they are held in the strictest discipline by their commanders, who punish theft with death. there is, however, one sort of robbery which they are suffered to commit with impunity, viz, horse-stealing. the horses obtained in this way are used for mounting the cavalry; and detachments of montoneros are sent to the plantations to collect horses. they are likewise taken from travellers, and from the stables in the capital; but sometimes, after the close of the campaign, the animals are returned to their owners. when the war is ended the montoneros are disbanded, and most of them return to their occupation as highway robbers. in all campaigns the montoneros are sent forward, by one or two days' march in advance of the main army, either in small or large detachments. when they enter a village they experience no difficulty in obtaining quarters and provisions, for the inhabitants are not disposed to refuse anything that such visitors may demand. a troop of montoneros is a picturesque, but, at the same time, a very fearful sight. their black, yellow, and olive-colored faces, seared by scars, and expressive of every evil passion and savage feeling; their motley and tattered garments; their weary and ill-saddled horses; their short firelocks and long swords;--present altogether a most wild and disorderly aspect. the traveller, who suddenly encounters such a band, may consider himself exceedingly lucky if he escapes with only the loss of his horse. a universal panic pervades the city of lima whenever a detachment of montoneros enters within the gates. on every side are heard cries of "_cierra puertas!_" (close the doors!) "_los montoneros!_" every person passing along the streets runs into the first house he comes to, and closes the door after him. in a few moments the streets are cleared, and no sound is heard but the galloping of the montoneros' horses. within the distance of a few leagues from lima there are several pretty villages, to which the wealthier class of the inhabitants of the capital resort in the summer seasons, for sea-bathing. the nearest, situated about three-quarters of a league from lima, is magdalena, where the viceroy of peru formerly had a beautiful summer residence. miraflores, about midway between lima and chorillos, is a small village containing a plaza and some neatly-built houses. though the heat is greater here than in the capital, yet the air is purer, and miraflores may be regarded as the healthiest spot in the neighborhood of lima. the sultry atmosphere is refreshed by the sea breezes. surrounded by verdant though not luxuriant vegetation, and sufficiently distant from the marshes, miraflores appears to combine within itself all that can be wished for in a summer residence. for asthmatic patients the air is particularly favorable. an old spaniard of my acquaintance, who was engaged during the day in business in lima, used to go every night to sleep at miraflores: he assured me that if he slept a night in the capital he suffered a severe attack of asthma. chorillos is a poor, ill-looking village. the streets are dirty and crooked, and the houses are mere ranchos. it is built close to the sea, on a steep sandy beach; but, though anything but a pleasant place, chorillos is the favorite resort of the wealthy limayan families. not a tree is visible in the neighborhood of the village, and the unshaded rays of the sun are reflected with twofold power from the hot sand. a broad, steep road leads down to the bathing-place on the sea-beach, which is rough and shingly. a row of small huts, covered with matting, serve as dressing-rooms. both ladies and gentlemen use bathing dresses, which are very neatly made of a kind of blue cloth. the ladies are accompanied by guides (_bañaderos_). these are indians, who dwell in the village. in winter they employ themselves in fishing, and in summer they live by what they get from the visitors who resort to chorillos. they are a good-looking, hardy race of people. the time for bathing is early in the morning. the interval between breakfast and dinner is devoted to swinging in the hammock, either in the sala or in the corridor. the afternoon and evening are spent on the promenade, and the later hours of the night at the gaming-table. the routine of the day's occupations and amusements is much the same as in most of the watering-places of europe, excepting that, in the latter, the hammock is suspended by the chair in the reading-room and coffee-house, or the bench on the promenade. the sultry nights in chorillos are rendered doubly unpleasant by the swarms of vermin which infest the houses. fleas, bugs, mosquitoes and sancudos, combine to banish rest from the couch of even the soundest sleeper. surco is situated about half a league from chorillos, and further into the interior of the country. it is a poor but pleasant village, surrounded by tropical trees and luxuriant vegetation. the climate is not so hot as that of lima or chorillos. surco is a very pretty spot, though seldom resorted to by the inhabitants of the capital; because it boasts neither baths nor gaming-tables. two leagues eastward of lima, in the direction of the mountains, is the village el ate. it lies in a fertile valley, and enjoys a pure and equal temperature. it is much resorted to by invalids suffering from pulmonary disorders, which, if not cured, are at least relieved by the pure air. lurin is situated five leagues south from the capital, and a quarter of a league from the rio de lurin, which intersects the quebrada of huarochirin. fine gardens, and well-cultivated lands, impart beauty to the surrounding scenery. at michaelmas lurin is visited by many of the inhabitants of the capital, st. michael being the patron saint of the place. the village stands about a thousand paces from the margin of the sea-shore, which is two miles distant from the rocky islands of tarallones, santo domingo, and pacchacamac. prior to the spanish conquest, the valley of lurin was one of the most populous parts of the coast of peru. the whole of the broad valley was then called pacchacamac, because near the sea-shore and northward of the river, there was a temple sacred to the "creator of the earth."[42] pacchacamac was the greatest deity of the yuncas, who did not worship the sun until after their subjugation by the incas. the temple of pacchacamac was then dedicated to the sun by the incas, who destroyed the idols which the yuncas had worshipped, and appointed to the service of the temple a certain number of virgins of royal descent. in the year 1534, pizarro invaded the village of lurin: his troops destroyed the temple, and the virgins of the sun were dishonored and murdered. the ruins of the temple of pacchacamac are among the most interesting objects on the coast of peru. they are situated on a hill about 558 feet high. the summit of the hill is overlaid with a solid mass of brick-work about thirty feet in height. on this artificial ridge stood the temple, enclosed by high walls, rising in the form of an amphitheatre. it is now a mass of ruins; all that remains of it being some niches, the walls of which present faint traces of red and yellow painting. at the foot, and on the sides of the hill, are scattered ruins which were formerly the walls of habitations. the whole was encircled by a wall eight feet in breadth, and it was probably of considerable height, for some of the parts now standing are twelve feet high, though the average height does not exceed three or four feet. the mania of digging for treasures every year makes encroachments on these vestiges of a bygone age, whose monuments are well deserving of more careful preservation. travelling on the coast of peru is difficult and tedious. the roads lead through plains of sand, where often not a trace of vegetation is to be seen, nor a drop of water to be found for twenty or thirty miles. it is found desirable to take all possible advantage of the night, in order to escape the scorching rays of a tropical sun; but when there is no moonlight, and above all, when clouds of mist obscure the directing stars, the traveller runs the risk of getting out of his course, and at daybreak, discovering his error, he may have to retrace his weary way. this extra fatigue may possibly disable his horse, so that the animal cannot proceed further. in such an emergency a traveller finds his life in jeopardy; for should he attempt to go forward on foot he may, in all probability, fall a sacrifice to fatigue and thirst. numbers of beasts of burden sink every year under the difficulties of such a journey; and their bones serve to mark the direction of the road. long journeys over these sand plains should be undertaken only with good and well-tried horses. for the most part the horses cannot stand hunger and thirst forty-eight hours without becoming so exhausted that the rider has the greatest difficulty in making them drag on; and if he is inconsiderate enough to force the animal to take a quicker pace, the horse lies down and dies. the mule, which more easily supports the difficulties of a severe journey on the sparest food, is, in peru, the camel of the desert. without mules, a long journey on most parts of the coast would be impracticable. the horse obeys the spur until he falls dead under the rider. not so the mule: when too weary to journey onward he stands stock still, and neither whip nor spur will move him until he has rested. after that he will willingly proceed on his way. by this means the traveller has a criterion by which he can judge of the powers of his animal. excursions along the coast have been greatly facilitated by the introduction of steam navigation, and travellers now eagerly avail themselves of that rapid and secure mode of conveyance. even in sailing vessels voyages from south to north can be conveniently performed in consequence of the regularity of the tradewind. during my residence in lima, in the commencement of the year 1841, i visited the port of huacho, situated to the north. a packet bound to panama had permission to touch at huacho, without casting anchor, as she had to convey political prisoners under sentence of transportation to panama. i was one of five passengers who landed at huacho, and among the number was the pastor of the town, that very original individual, "the cura requena." the passage, which is usually made in fourteen hours, lasted two days and a half. off the port we fell in with a peruvian sloop of war, which, on our sailing from callao, had been sent to watch us, and to stop the prisoners in case they attempted to escape. our captain lay to, and we stepped into a boat. our movements were observed from the shore, where, for some days, a report had prevailed that santa cruz was coming with corsairs, to make a descent. the inhabitants believed that our ship must belong to that expedition. they were the more confirmed in their notion, inasmuch as the appearance of a sloop of war, which had sailed about for some hours in the bay, could not otherwise be explained. accordingly the alarm bell was rung. the custom-house officers and the coast guards, headed by the port captain, and followed by a crowd of people, came down to the shore, some armed with muskets and pistols, others with swords and cudgels, to repel the intended attack. at the entrance to the port of huacho the breakers are so dangerous that an ordinary-sized boat cannot put in. landing is therefore effected in the small canoes of the indians. when we approached the shore we made signals, and called loudly for canoes, but in vain. the dismayed huachanos showed no inclination to assist their supposed enemies. our captain, who was with us in the boat, said, that as a fresh wind from the shore was springing up he could wait no longer, and that he must take us with him to panama. this very unpleasant piece of information prompted us to put into execution a plan which was suggested by despair. the tall, lank pastor, wrapped in the black ecclesiastical robe, called the _talar_, was placed at the prow, where he stood up, making signs of peace and friendship to the natives. this had the desired effect. the port captain had a good glass, with which he quickly recognized the marked features of the cura, and several indian boats were instantly despatched to convey us on shore. these indian canoes consist of long narrow stumps of trees, hollowed longitudinally. on either side is nailed a _palo de balzas_, viz., a beam of a very porous kind of wood. one indian sits forward, another more backward, each having a short wooden shovel-shaped oar, with which they strike the water right and left, and thus scull the boat onward. the passengers must crouch or kneel down in the middle, and dare not stir, for the least irregularity in the motion would upset the boat. we landed safely, and amused ourselves by referring to the mistake of the brave guardians of the coast. horses were provided for us, and we rode to the town, which is situated at about half a league up the gently-rising coast. my principal occupation, during a six weeks' residence on this part of the coast, which is very rich in fishes, was to augment my ichthyological collection, and to make myself well acquainted with the environs of huacho. every morning, at five o'clock, i rode down to the shore, and waited on the strand to see the boats returning with what had been caught, during the night, by the fishers, who readily descried me at a distance, and held up, in their boat, such strange inhabitants of the deep as had come into their possession. i succeeded in making out, from several hundred individual specimens, one hundred and twenty distinct species of sea and river fish. but an unlucky fate hovered over this fine collection. the fishes were all put into a cask with brandy, which, by neglect of the commissary of the port, was left on the mole at callao, for several months, in the burning heat of the sun: in consequence its contents were utterly destroyed. a second collection was prepared, and immediately shipped for europe, and in the packing the greatest care was observed. nevertheless it arrived, after a voyage of fifteen months, in a state quite useless. thus the fruits of much labor and a considerable expense were entirely lost. huacho is a little village, which, since the war of independence, has received the title of "city." it has more than 5000 inhabitants, of whom four-fifths are indians and the rest mestizes. very few whites have settled here. among them i met an old lame spaniard, "don simon," who, at the beginning of the present century, accompanied the celebrated alexander von humboldt to the beds of salt situated a few miles to the south. in relating, with enthusiastic pleasure, his recollections of the youthful and indefatigable traveller, he told me that, some years ago, he had read through the book which humboldt wrote on america, and he added, with great simplicity, "_pero, señor, ahi he perdido los estribos_."[43] the natives employ themselves in fishing, agriculture, and the breeding of poultry. most of the poultry brought to market in lima comes from huacho. every friday large caravan-like processions of indian women repair to the capital with fowls, ducks, and turkeys. fifteen or twenty are tied together by the feet, and make a sort of bunch; and two of such bunches are hung at the pommel of the saddle, so that one hangs down on either side of the horse. the chola[44] sits in the middle. under this burthen the poor animal has to travel two days and a half. only when the caravan halts does he enjoy the relief of being unsaddled and fed. some of the indians of huacho work in the salt-pits. the women plait coarse straw hats, and a kind of mats called _petates_, which they carry to lima for sale. the huachanos cannot be ranked among the best classes of the indians. they are malicious, revengeful, and knavish. their character has evidently deteriorated amidst the numerous revolutions which preceded the establishment of the republic, and the frequent passage of troops through the town. the padre requena sketched to me a terrible picture of his _indios brutos_; but truly, under the guidance of such a shepherd, it were unreasonable to expect the flock to be very good. this venerable cura was a fair type of the peruvian priesthood. he was passionately fond of hunting, and for the enjoyment of that recreation he kept a number of excellent horses, and several packs of hounds, particularly _galgos_ (greyhounds), for some of which he paid 150 or 200 dollars. in the most shameless way he violated the ecclesiastical vow of celibacy, and he was usually surrounded by several of his own children, who called him _uncle_, addressing him by the appellation of _tio_, the term usually employed in peru to express that sort of relationship. the padre used to boast of his alleged friendship with lord cochrane, in which he affected to pride himself very greatly. he died in a few weeks after his return to huacho. he refused so long to make his confession, that the indians, uttering furious menaces, assembled in crowds about his house. some even compelled a priest to go in to him, to represent the awful consequences of his obstinacy. on the approach of death, he declared that the thought which most occupied him was his separation from his hounds, and when his hands were becoming cold he called to his negro to fetch a pair of buckskin hunting gloves, and desired to have them drawn on. in peru the clergy have no fixed stipend. their emoluments are derived from the fees and perquisites which their ecclesiastical functions bring in. for baptisms, marriages, and masses, fixed sums are established; but it is not so with burials, for which the priest receives a present proportional to the circumstances of the deceased. the interment of a poor person (_entierro baxo_) costs at least from eight to ten dollars, which sum is extorted from the survivors with the most unrelenting rigor. for the burial of a rich person (_entierro alto_) the sum of two hundred dollars is frequently paid. if a wealthy man should express in his will his desire for an _entierro baxo_, the priest sets this clause aside, and proceeds with the costly ceremonies, the payment for which is insured by the pious feelings of the family. hence some of the richer _comunerias_, of which huacho is one, yield to the priest annually from 12,000 to 14,000 dollars. when a priest dies, the clergy of the neighboring villages meet and bury him with great pomp, free of any payment except a good banquet. a rich indian of huacho made a bargain with his countrymen that, on their paying him weekly a medio (the sixteenth part of a dollar), he would defray the expenses of their funerals. by this agreement he realized a considerable sum of money. the cholos made it a condition that they should be buried in coffins, which is not common with the lower classes in peru. the indian complied with this condition. when a cholo died, a coffin was sent to his residence. if too short, the corpse was bent and forced into it. the interment then took place according to the ritual of the church. on the following night the indian who had contracted for the burials repaired with a confidential servant to the churchyard, dug up the coffin, threw the body back into the grave, and carried off the coffin, with the _mortaja_ (the funeral garment), which served for the next customer. the contractor made each coffin last as long as the boards would hold together. this system, at all events, secured the cholos against the danger of being buried alive. the churchyard of huacho presents a revolting spectacle. a low wall surrounds a space of sandy ground, which is strewed with skulls, bones, fragments of burial clothes, and mutilated human bodies. the coffin plunderer, on replacing the corpse in the grave, merely throws some loose sand over it, and the consequence is that the remains of the dead frequently become the prey of dogs, foxes, and other carrion feeders. when the family of a deceased person can contribute nothing to defray the funeral expenses, the body is conveyed privately during the night to the churchyard. in the morning it is found half consumed. the environs of huacho abound in fine fruit gardens, and productive indian farms. the climate is healthful, though very hot. the vicinity of the sea and the convenience of good bathing would render it an agreeable place of residence, were it not infested with vermin. fleas propagate in the sand in almost incredible multitudes, especially in the neighborhood of the indian huts, and any person entering them is in a moment covered with hundreds of those tormentors. bugs, too, swarm in the lime walls; though that description of vermin is less numerous in huacho than in some of the more northern towns. in a fine valley, about two short leagues from huacho, the little town of huaura is situated on the bank of a river of the same name. this rio de huaura is formed by the union of two rivers. the larger of the two rises in the cordillera de paria, and flows through the wild ravine of chuichin: the smaller river, called the rio chico de sayan, rises from a lake of considerable size in the altos de huaquimarci. both unite below the village of sayan. in the vicinity of huaura the river forms several marshes, in which malaria is generated. in very few places have i seen the stratum of malaria so distinctly separated from the atmosphere as here. it lies at an average about two, or two and a half feet above the marsh, and is carried over it by strong atmospheric currents. it is distinguished by a peculiar kind of opalization, and on certain changes of light it exhibits a yellowish tint. this is particularly perceptible in the morning, on coming down from the high grounds. the marshy plain then appears overhung with a thick color-changing sheet of malaria. malignant intermittent fever and diseases of the skin are frequent in huaura. the town is thinly peopled; the number of inhabitants being not more than 2000. a great sugar plantation, called el ingenio, is situated at about a quarter of a league from huaura. it formerly belonged to the jesuits, but is now the property of a rich lima family. the _trapiche_, or sugar-mill, is worked by a water-wheel, the first ever established in peru, a circumstance of which the owner proudly boasts. the valley which opens here is magnificent, and to ride through it easterly eleven leagues towards sayan is one of the finest excursions which can be made in peru. over this beautiful district are scattered many rich plantations. the one next in importance to el ingenio is acaray, which, though not very large, is most carefully cultivated: another, called huillcahuaura, has a splendid building erected on it. in the middle of the valley is the extensive sugar plantation of luhmayo. near this place i saw, in a negro's hut, an ounce of immense size, which had been killed a few weeks previously. more than fifty negroes and indians had been engaged in subduing this ferocious animal, which was not killed until after a conflict of two days, in the course of which several negroes were dangerously wounded. this gigantic specimen measured, from the snout to the tip of the tail, eight feet three inches; the tail itself measuring two feet eight inches. at the sugar works of luhmayo, notwithstanding the number of pipes, and other methods of supplying water, the cylinders are always worked by oxen, and are kept in motion day and night. i took a view of the works during the night, and the extraordinary picture i beheld will never be effaced from my memory. in the middle of the spacious building appropriated to the operations blazed a large fire, fed by the refuse of sugar canes. around lay negroes, some asleep, and others muttering to each other in an under-tone. here and there sat one perfectly silent, wrapped in his own reflections, and apparently brooding over some gloomy plan. the oxen paced slowly round the pole, which directed the movement of the cylinders; the animals alternately disappearing in the obscure background, and returning to the point where the glare of the fire, falling full upon them, lighted them up as if by the sudden effect of magic. behind them stalked a tall black figure, driving them on with a rod made of brambles. groups of children were busily employed in thrusting the full sugar canes between the cylinders; and after they were pressed, collecting together the sapless reeds, and piling them up in regular heaps. next morning the person who officiated as medical superintendant of the plantation, showed me all the arrangements of the establishment. he gave me an account of his cures and operations, and told me that he often found it necessary to amputate, because the slaves purposely injure their fingers and arms in the _phalangeles_ (machines) in order to disable themselves. the worthy æsculapius had never in his life read a regular medical work. he had originally been an overseer of slaves, and had afterwards turned doctor. he informed me that some time before i saw him, ninety negroes, his patients, had died of small-pox in the space of nine months, whereby the owner of the plantation had lost 45,000 dollars. the hospital was clean and well fitted up, but over-crowded with sick. most of them died from intermitting fever, and from dropsy and rheumatism which followed it. not a few of the male negroes suffer from a peculiar kind of cutaneous disease, which shows itself by large pustules on the arms and breast. after suppuration they dry and fall off, but leave indelible spots, which, on a black skin, are of a whitish color; on a brown skin, olive-green, and on a white skin, black. i never saw the disease in any other part of the country except in this valley. negroes and persons of mixed blood are more subject to it than the whites. the two plantations on the east side of the valley are chambara and quipico. the latter is celebrated for the fine sugar it produces, and is also well known on account of the original character of its late proprietor, castilla. when i rode into the court, i was in a moment surrounded by about fifty fine greyhounds, and from every side others came springing forward. this was but a remnant of castilla's collection. he was passionately devoted to hunting, and generally kept from 200 to 300 greyhounds, with which he rode out daily. a bell was rung at certain hours to collect the light-footed tribe to their meals. a gallows was erected in the court, where the intractable underwent capital punishment as a warning to the rest. one day when castilla went out to hunt, he was joined in the chase by an indian, who brought with him a common mongrel. this animal outstripped some of the greyhounds in speed, and quickly overtook the deer. castilla immediately bought the dog, for which he gave the immense price of 350 dollars. a few days after he rode out to hunt with his best greyhounds, together with the newly-purchased dog. the pack being let loose, all the dogs set off in full chase, but the mongrel remained quietly beside the horses. on returning to the plantation, he was hung up on the gallows as a warning example. to the north of huacho, the _pampa del medio mundo_, a sand plain, seven leagues long, stretches out to the village of supe. at short successive distances farther to the north are the villages of _baranca_, _pativilca_ (or rather pati huillca), and _la fortaleza_. then there intervenes a vast waste, which extends nearly to huarmay. between that village and the port of casma there is a similar long plain of sand. thus do wastes, and fruitful valleys, alternate along the whole coast until near tumbez, on the frontiers of the republic of the ecuador. the whole district is rich in memorable monuments of the time of the incas. the most important are the remains of the palace of king chimu cancha, not far from the harbor of huanchaco, and the ruins of paramanca, near la fortaleza. doctor unanue[45] is of opinion that the latter edifice was built to commemorate the peace between king chimu cancha and his conqueror, capac yupanqui; and that of two other buildings, one (the larger), situated towards the east, marks the dominions of the powerful inca pachacutec, and the other (the smaller), towards the west, indicates the territory of the conquered chimu. this supposition is, in my opinion, quite erroneous. independently of the plainly-recognizable character of those ruins, the construction of which shows them to have been fortifications, their situation bears evidence against the inference of unanue. supposing the larger building to have indicated the position of the inca empire, it ought to have been situated to the south, and the smaller building would have been to the north. the only passable road along the coast led between these two fortified hills; and by them the road on that side to the kingdom of chimu could be cut off. the incas well knew, from experience, that the subdued populations, usually after a longer or a shorter time, again revolted, and endeavored to shake off their yoke, and therefore they were on their guard against such an occurrence. capac yupanqui must have greatly mistrusted an enemy so formidable as chimu cancha, who had only yielded after the most obstinate resistance, and it is no slight proof of this that paramanca[46] was built as a fortress to hold the subjugated nations in check. it was not, however, built as a monument of victory, for such monuments were always erected in cozco, the capital, and never on the field of battle. etymology affords no solution of this question. some write paramonga, others paramanca. i regard the latter as the most correct. garcilaso de la vega calls the valley parmunca. in the quichua dialect _paramanca_[47] signifies a pot for rain. it is therefore possible that the name may indicate an allusion to heavy torrents of rain, which, though now unusual on this particular part of the coast, may have occurred in this basin-like valley after a great earthquake. five leagues to the south of huacho are the extensive _salinas_, or salt pits, which supply peru and chile with excellent salt. they spread from the sea coast to the distance of half a league eastward, and present a most extraordinary aspect. on approaching them the traveller might fancy he beholds a field of glaciers, on which the sun's rays produce wonderful effects of variegated color. this salt is the produce of a natural evaporation of the sea water, which trickles through the porous stones of the coast, and fills every intervening hollow. the whole space is parcelled into divisions, called fields, from which, according to a definite regulation, square masses, weighing each one hundred pounds, are cut. in a few days the holes are again filled up with sea water, which, in the space of twelve to sixteen, or sometimes twenty to twenty-four months, being evaporated by the sun, leaves a precipitate completely filling up the square holes. the government has farmed the salinas to a private individual in huacho, who keeps on the spot an overseer with the necessary number of laborers. this establishment is an inexhaustible source of wealth, and it can only be destroyed by a violent earthquake. in the bay on which the salinas border there is very convenient and secure anchoring ground, where coasters are constantly lying, ready to receive the salt, and convey it to any peruvian or chilean port. most of the laborers employed in the salinas suffer from diseases of the skin and rheumatism. water and provisions have to be brought from huacho. the indians, when they come from the mountains to convey salt, never take their llamas to the salinas. they go straight to huacho, where the animals are loaded at the great depôts. each llama carries the weight of one hundred pounds, which, however, is not, like ordinary burthens, laid on the bare back of the animal--beneath it is placed a layer of thick woollen cloth, called a _jerga_. the road southward from the salinas runs, for the distance of nine leagues, through deep sand, chiefly along the sea-coast, and is bounded on the east by the _lomas de lachay_. here flocks of strand snipes and flamingoes fly constantly before the traveller, as if to direct his course. in the _pescadores_ (fishermen's huts), five leagues from the salinas, brackish water and broiled fish may be obtained, and sometimes even clover, which is brought hither, from the distance of several miles, to feed the hungry horses. from the pescadores the road crosses steep sand-hills, which rise from three to four hundred feet high, and fall with a declivity of more than sixty degrees towards the sea. the road leads along the side of these hills, and, where the ground is not firm, it is exceedingly dangerous. on a false step of the horse the ground yields beneath his hoof, and rolls down the declivity; but by due care the rider can easily recover a solid footing. there is on one of these hills a very large stone, which at a certain distance presents in color and form a deceptious similarity to an enormous-sized seal. almost perpendicularly under it is a small bay, inhabited by a multitude of seals. the dull crashing sound made by the breakers on the shore, mingling with the howling of these animals, makes a gloomy impression on the traveller who is passing along the height above them, and creates a sort of shuddering sensation. the natives call this place and its sounds the _grita lobos_ (the sea-dog's howl). from this hilly ground the road descends into the fruitful valley of the _pasamayo_, which contains two villages and eighteen plantations. chancay, the principal town in this valley, is the residence of a sub-prefect. it is a league and a half from the river, and a short league from the sea, where there is an inconsiderable and not very safe port, which can only be entered by small vessels. the number of inhabitants is about 1200, chiefly indians and mulattos. excellent fruits and vegetables, good beef, mutton, and poultry, and well-flavored fish, are found here in abundance. the houses are all of the poorest structure, and are sparingly and rudely furnished. in the neighboring farms, some of which are large, as torreblanco, pasamayo, &c., maize is extensively cultivated for exportation and for food to the swine, which are very numerous. in no other valley of peru are there so many earth-fleas, or _piques_, as they are called, particularly about the plantations. the _pique_ is a small, white insect, which lives in sand, but fastens as a parasite on man and beast, more particularly on swine. it attacks man by penetrating the skin, for the most part under the toe-nails, where an egg is laid, from which a painful tumor is afterwards formed. should this be neglected, the brood is developed, and penetrates further into the flesh. then follow violent inflammations and imposthumes, which sometimes assume so serious a character that the amputation of the foot becomes necessary. while the _pique_ is penetrating there is no sensation of its presence; it is first felt on the development of the egg, and then it is still easy to remove the bag which contains it, and the mother with it. the negresses accomplish this with great dexterity. they make an aperture in the skin by scratching it with a needle, and then they draw the bag out. should it burst, they take out the egg with the needle; but this is a very delicate operation. i have always been able to do it more speedily and more securely with the lancet. the hole is commonly of the size of a bean, and hot cigar ashes are put into it to destroy any eggs or larvæ which may remain. these insects do not always confine themselves to the feet; they sometimes attack the body and the face, and it is in general extremely difficult for the patient to discover how or where he became acquainted with such troublesome companions. i once had six tumors, caused by broods of _piques_, on my right foot, and i could not trace the annoyance to any other cause than having stopped for a few minutes, while my horse was being saddled, in the _corral_, or yard, of a plantation. the road from chancay to the haciendas of bisquira, andahuasi, and the village of sayan, extends in a northeasterly direction, through a dreary valley of sand, between rows of sterile hillocks of the most singular forms. i had once to travel along twelve leagues of this wearisome road, under the most oppressive heat of the sun. the mules were quite overcome, and when we reached the _cuesta de los ahorcados_ (the hill of the hanged) they would not move another step. we had to descend and give them a long rest. we stretched ourselves under the bellies of the animals, the only shade we could get in this treeless waste. at last, after a very difficult journey, during which we lost ourselves in a marsh in the neighborhood of bisquira, we arrived about midnight at andahuasi. on this road, only two leagues from chancay, near the hacienda of chancayllo, are situated the colcas, most remarkable subterraneous structures, of the time of the incas. according to tradition, they were built by the yuncas, during the campaign of capac yupanqui against chimu cancha, as provision magazines for the numerous army, more than 120,000 strong. at the mouth of the pasamayo, on the north bank, there are some salinas, which, however, are far more inconsiderable than those of huacho. the first time i went from huacho to lima, i wished to pass over the whole road, twenty-eight leagues, in one uninterrupted ride; accordingly i left huacho at two o'clock, p. m., in order that i might cross the great sand-flats during the night. a negro who knew the road accompanied me. we passed through chancay at midnight. some muleteers, lying before a hut, called to us, and warned us to stop, as the river had swelled very much. nevertheless we proceeded onward, and by one o'clock we reached the pasamayo, which, in consequence of the heavy rains from the mountains, had overflowed its banks. several travellers had stretched themselves on the ground to wait for the morning light, and in the hope that the flood would by that time subside. no chimbadores[48] were to be had. my negro guide looked at the water with dismay, and declared that he had never before witnessed so furious a swell. however, we had no time to lose, and i resolved to attempt the passage of the river. trusting to my well tried horse, which had already carried me safely through many difficult coasting journeys, i cautiously rode into the river, which became deeper at every step. the overwhelming force of the stream was felt by my horse; and he presently lost his footing, though he still continued to struggle vigorously against the force of the current. at this juncture, some passing clouds obscured the moon, and i lost sight of a group of trees which, before leaving the opposite bank, i fixed my eye upon as a guiding beacon. quite powerless, my horse and i were carried away by the stream, and driven against a rock in the middle of the river. i now heard the anxious outcries of my negro and the travellers on the bank, whilst the waves rose over my head. with a convulsive effort i pulled the bridle, and the horse then turning completely round, once more gained his solid footing. i then gave him the spur, and the courageous animal dashing again into the midst of the current, swam with me to the bank. i rode forward with my negro in search of a better fording-place, and after several fruitless attempts, we at length found one, and we crossed the river safely. the other travellers did not venture to follow our example, but called out begging us not to leave them behind. i sent the negro back on my horse to bring them over; and the noble animal went backward and forward no less than seven times without making one false step. after all this exertion, he bore me with unflagging spirit into lima, where we arrived at noon on the following day. from the pasamayo, the road runs for the space of two leagues tolerably level, and for the most part amidst plantations. then succeed steep sandy hills, for the distance of about four leagues. the roads are very wearisome both to horse and rider, especially in the declivities towards the plains, where the horse is frequently over his knees in sand. in those parts there are also some extraordinary atmospheric mirrors, in which we beheld ourselves in reflection, riding over our own heads, and our figures magnified to gigantic proportions. six leagues from chancay, there are two wretched huts, forming the tambo, or inn, in which travellers obtain refreshment. from thence the road runs through a stony tract, partially strewn with large masses of rock, called the _piedras gordas_, and leading to the marshes which surround the copacahuana plantations. two leagues further on is the river chillon, which, like the pasamayo, may generally be easily forded, but which swells furiously during heavy falls of rain. at a short distance behind the river, the road, called the camino de valles, joins that leading to cerro de pasco. about a league from lima there is a place called _palo seco_, which, like _piedras gordas_, is a celebrated haunt of robbers. the traveller has reason to congratulate himself if he passes these two places without an attack. footnotes: [footnote 41: the indians resort to very artful methods of hiding their money. they sometimes conceal it between the boards of the boxes in which their eggs are packed, or stitch it into the stuffing of their asses' saddles. they often submit to be killed rather than avow where their money is concealed.] [footnote 42: the word pacchacamac signifies _he who created the world out of nothing_. it is compounded of _paccha_, the earth, and _camac_, the participle present of _caman_, to produce something from nothing.] [footnote 43: literally--"but there, sir, i lost the stirrups." meaning that he did not understand it. the spanish phrase, _perder los estribos_, signifies to get confused or embarrassed.] [footnote 44: _chola_ is the common designation for an indian female. the masculine is _cholo_.] [footnote 45: nuevo dia del peru. 1824.] [footnote 46: according to some ancient authors paramanca was built by king chimu as a frontier fortress against the neighboring nations. there is some foundation for this view of the subject, as chimu cancha had, long before he was attacked by capac yupanqui, carried on war most fiercely with cuyz mancu, king of pacchacama, and chuquiz mancu, king of runahuanac (the present lunahuana).] [footnote 47: _para_ (rain) _manca_ (pot).] [footnote 48: guides, who conduct travellers across rivers, being well acquainted with the fords. they are also called vadeadores.] chapter ix. the coast southward of lima--chilca--curious cigar cases made there--yauyos--pisco--journey to yca--a night on the sand plains--fatal catastrophe in the year 1823--vine plantations at yca--brandy and wine--don domingo elias--vessels for transporting brandy (botijas and odres)--cruel mode of skinning goats--negro carnival--peculiar species of guinea pig--the salamanqueja--cotton plantations--quebrada of huaitara--sangallan--guano--retrospect of the peruvian coast--rivers--medanos--winds--change of seasons--the garuas--the lomas--mammalia--birds--amphibia. the coast, southward of lima, is similar in aspect, climate, and character, to those parts north of the city which have just been described. fruitful valleys, villages, and plantations, commodious sea-ports, and vast sandy wastes, alternate one with the other. heat, sometimes almost insupportable, is succeeded by chilly and unhealthy mists; whilst here and there the scattered monuments of the wealth and greatness of bygone ages present a remarkable and painful contrast to present poverty and misery. proceeding southward of lima by way of lurin, we arrive at chilca, a wretched village situated on a soil which affords nothing to supply the wants of human existence. it appears an incomprehensible mystery that man should have fixed his abode on a spot where nature has granted nothing for his nourishment, not even a drop of pure water; whilst at the distance of a few miles, luxuriant valleys offer, spontaneously, those products which the most laborious toil must fail to extort from the ungrateful soil of chilca. the hope of wealth from commercial speculation or mining industry has peopled many inhospitable shores, and has raised populous towns on barren deserts; but at chilca there are no such stimuli of interests. nevertheless, they may possibly have existed in former ages, for the numerous ruins scattered around the village tend to confirm the opinion that the population was very extensive under the government of the incas. the force of custom and of local attachment which frequently chains man to the spot where his progenitors have lived happily, is all that can bind the natives of chilca to their miserable dwelling-place. in few villages, as in chilca, have the indians for more than 300 years so carefully avoided mixing with people of other races. they employ themselves in plaiting straw for hats and cigar-cases. the latter they make in a singularly beautiful style with white and colored straw, which they plait into various figures and patterns--sometimes into names, and even lines of poetry. some of these cigar-cases sell for upwards of a hundred dollars. fishing is a less profitable occupation to the people of chilca, or, as they are called in the country, the chilqueños; for, owing to the great distance, only certain kinds of fish can be sent to the lima market. near the village there is a bed of very strong red-colored salt, which is exported to the mountains, but which sells at a lower price than the salt of huacho. five leagues south of chilca, on the river of the same name, lies the village called cañete, which is the residence of a sub-prefect. the very interesting province of yauyos extends from this village in an easterly direction towards the cordilleras. the inhabitants of this province are distinguishable by their faces and figures, and also by their manners and language, from the indians of the coast and the mountains. in stature they are small. they have expanded foreheads, animated eyes, prominent cheek-bones, and wide mouths. their limbs are slender, and their skin is of a swarthy brown. their dialect, the cauqui, contains many radical words of the quichua language. after this nation was subjugated by the incas their language was so intermixed with others, that it is now very difficult to trace out its origin. it appears to be totally different from the chinchaysuyo language. some very considerable sugar plantations, and several villages, lie between cañete and pisco. among the villages, lunahuana and chincha (upper and lower) are celebrated for their great fertility. two rivers, at the distance of five leagues from each other, flow in a parallel direction between chincha and pisco, and to their waters the valleys are indebted for their rich vegetation. on account of their width these rivers can only be passed with the assistance of chimbadores, and many travellers annually perish in their incautious attempts to ford them. the little town of pisco is on the left bank of the south river, and half a league from it there is a secure harbor with good anchoring ground. this town has acquired some importance by the exportation of brandy; and it has recently become more active and populous owing to the near vicinity of the guano islands. the custom-house and the port captain's office are on the shore, where there is also a large building erected by don domingo elias, for a brandy depôt. the little town of pisco has suffered much from the plundering attacks of european pirates, from earthquakes, and more recently from the war of independence. several parts of it have been rebuilt. within the few last years much has been done in the way of improving and ornamenting it. a broad trench has been dug round the town, serving the purpose of drainage, and thereby greatly contributing to preserve the health of the place. pisco is merely the key to the large interior town of yca, which is fourteen leagues distant. i visited it in the year 1842. the steamer conveyed me in eighteen hours from callao to pisco, where i hired horses and a guide. he was a catalonian, who had frequently travelled to yca. at three o'clock, p. m., we left pisco. at first the road passed over very hard ground, then through deep sand, which continued till we got to yca. notwithstanding the heat, which in the month of february is insupportable, i was wrapped up in my woollen poncho. experience had taught me that in the hotter districts the change of temperature which takes place at night, and causes fever, is least injurious when the traveller is protected in warm clothing. my catalonian guide, who, with his arms covered merely by his shirt sleeves, nevertheless suffered greatly from the heat, could not comprehend why i had chosen such a dress. when i informed him that eleven days before i had, in the same clothing, passed a night on the cordilleras, in the midst of snow, he shook his head in token of incredulity. whilst the bell rang for evening prayers we rode into the huilla curin plantation, which is surrounded by a charming grove of palm trees. we stopped for a few moments to gather some excellent figs. about midnight a heavy fog spread over the plain, and veiled from our sight a cross on the south, which had hitherto served to keep us in the right direction. we, however, advanced about a league farther. the catalonian then often alighted to smell the sand, in order to ascertain whether we were taking the proper course. this is a very good practical method; for in deserts through which caravans frequently pass, the dung of the beasts of burthen mixed with the sand affords a sure indication of the track. when we had got about three quarters of a league farther on, we came close against a rock, which my guide--in whose acquaintance with the locality i had the most unbounded confidence--declared was quite unknown to him. there was therefore no doubt that we had got out of the right course. i lighted a cigar, and on examining, by its feeble light, my pocket compass, i discovered that instead of keeping to the south-east we had diverged to the west. as there was now no hope that the fog would clear away before day-break, we rolled ourselves in the warm sand, to await the coming morning. i afterwards learned that in this very spot numerous travellers had lost their way, and had perished of thirst. in the year 1823, a ship stranded on this coast, with three hundred and twenty dragoons on board, under the command of colonel lavalle. the soldiers succeeded in getting ashore, but thirty-six hours afterwards they were lost in this sandy desert. when intelligence of the shipwreck reached pisco, a cavalry regiment was despatched to search for the sufferers, and to supply them with provisions and water; but when they were found it was discovered that one hundred and sixteen men had died from fatigue and thirst, and a few days after fifty more perished from exhaustion. it is generally supposed that a healthy man can live four or five days unsupplied with food and drink. in the temperate climate of europe, and with bodily rest, this, perhaps, may be the case; but in the burning wastes of peru to be deprived of nourishment for only forty-eight hours, and at the same time to wander about in deep sand, would be followed by certain death. severe thirst is the most horrible of torments, especially when the body is surrounded by a medium altogether of an arid nature. at sea it can be much longer endured than on a surface of sand. when the grey dawn of morning appeared we again mounted our horses, and rode by my compass in the direction of e.s.e. after riding a few leagues, we turned an acute angle, which brought us into the main road, and we arrived that forenoon in yca. on my return i so arranged my journey as to pass the night in huilla curin, where the horses were supplied with forage, consisting of the shoots and leaves of the mastick-tree (_schinus molle_). yca is a moderately large and very agreeably situated town. like most of the larger towns on the coast it is peopled with inhabitants of all colors, particularly mestizos. it is the residence of a sub-prefect and many rich planters. scarcely anything but the vine is cultivated in the haciendas of the environs; and this branch of husbandry contributes greatly to enrich the province. it is astonishing to see with what facility the vine thrives in a soil apparently so unfruitful. the young shoots are stuck into the sand almost half a foot deep, then tied up and left to themselves. they quickly take root and shoot forth leaves. whilst the surrounding country bears the appearance of a desert, the vineyards of yca are clothed in delightful verdure. the grapes are of superior quality, very succulent and sweet. the greater part are used for making brandy, which is extremely good and very well flavored. all peru and a great part of chile are supplied with this liquor from the vale of yca. the common brandy is called _aguardiente de pisco_, because it is shipped at that port. a kind of brandy of superior quality, and much dearer, made from muscatel grapes, is called _aguardiente de italia_. it is distinguished by a very exquisite flavor. very little wine is made at yca. in some plantations they make a thick dark-brown kind, which is very sweet, and much liked by the peruvians, though not very agreeable to a european palate. only one planter, don domingo elias,[49] the richest and most speculative cultivator on the whole coast, makes wine in the european manner. it is very like the wine of madeira and teneriffe, only it is more fiery, and contains a more considerable quantity of alcohol. specimens which have been sent to europe have obtained the unqualified approbation of connoisseurs. the flavor is considerably improved by a long sea voyage. the brandy, which is exported by sea, is put into large vessels made of clay, called _botijas_. in form they are like a pear, the broad ends being downwards. at the top there is a small aperture, which is hermetically closed with gypsum. the large _botija_ when filled weighs six or seven arobas. two are a load for a mule. to the pack-saddle, or _aparejo_, two baskets are fastened, in which the _botijas_ are placed with the small ends downwards. these _botijas_ were formerly also used for conveying the brandy across the mountains; but, in consequence of the dangerous, slippery roads, over which the mules often fell, many were broken. still greater damage was sustained at the springs and wells on the coast, for the poor animals, after their long journeys through the sandy wastes, rushed, on perceiving water, in full flight to the springs. as it happens that there is often room for only five or six mules, and from seventy to eighty were often pressing forward, a great number of the _botijas_ were unavoidably dashed to pieces in spite of all the caution the arrieros could exercise. the annual loss of brandy was immense, and to counteract this evil, bags of goatskin were introduced. these skins are now generally used for the conveyance of brandy across the mountains. the method of skinning the goats is the most horribly cruel that can be conceived. a negro hangs the living animal up by the horns, and makes a circular incision round his neck, which, however, goes no further than to the flesh. he then draws the skin from the body of the writhing animal, which utters the most frightful cries. when the skin is completely removed, and not till then, is the suffering animal killed. the negroes assert that the skin is most easily removed in this manner, and that the _odres_[50] become thereby more durable. it is to be hoped that humanely disposed planters will soon put an end to this barbarous and unreasonable practice. i happened to be in yca at the time of the celebration of the negro carnival, which i will here briefly describe. in some of the principal streets of the town large arches are erected, and gaily decorated with ribbons. round these arches negresses and mestizas dance, and endeavor to stop the negroes whilst riding at full gallop under the arches. the negroes start from the distance of about one hundred paces, and gallop straight to the boundary, where the women endeavor to seize the bridle, and to throw the rider from his saddle. the task of the men is to ride past the women without being stopped; and when they fail in so doing, they have to pay a fine, and are hooted into the bargain. it is hard to say which is most surprising;--the speed of the horses, the dexterity of the riders, or the courage of the negresses, who fearlessly throw themselves in the way of the galloping horses. during the race the negroes are pelted with unripe oranges and lemons, which, when thrown by the vigorous arm of a zamba, inflict a sufficiently heavy blow. i saw a negro gallop to and fro for the space of an hour, at full speed, and every time he passed under the arch he dexterously evaded the outstretched hands of the women; thus giving proof of uncommon bodily strength. while dashing at full speed through the arch of the bridge, and leaning forward on the horse's neck, he seized two negresses, one with each of his arms, and pulled them into the saddle beside him. the climate of yca is hot, and not altogether healthy, for the torrents of rain which fall from the hills swell the river so as to make it overflow its lower bank, where marshes are formed, in which malaria is developed. most of the plantations in the environs are more healthy. all the bushes in the vicinity of the town are inhabited by a kind of guinea pig (_cavia cuttleri_, king). these animals are exceedingly numerous. after sunrise and towards evening, they leave their lurking places and play about in the grass. upon the whole they are not shy, and they allow people to approach them pretty closely. the natives call this little animal the _cui del montes_, and they believe it to be the progenitor of the tame guinea pig. this notion is, however, quite erroneous. along the whole of the peruvian coast there is found a small animal of the lizard kind, of which the natives are very much afraid. they call it the _salamanqueja_. it lives in the fissures of walls, and is sometimes seen creeping along the lime plaster of houses. its bite is believed to be mortal. from the descriptions given of this animal, i was curious to see it, and i commissioned some persons to procure me one. at last, an indian brought me a specimen very much crushed, and i found that i had already got several of them in my collections. i now obtained more of them, and the natives beheld me with astonishment carrying them alive in my hand. of the salamanqueja there are two species, the _diplodactylus lepidopygus_, tsch., and the _discodactylus phacophorus_, tsch. they are nearly related to each other, being only distinguished by one species having an orifice in the thighs, serving as a passage for an issue from a gland which secretes a very acrid fluid. this little animal never bites; but it is possible that the fluid by touching a fresh wound, or scratch, may cause very serious consequences. to the south of yca there are some large cotton plantations; the most considerable of which belong to don domingo elias. the cotton for exportation is shipped at the port of san nicolas. many experienced captains of ships declare the bay of san nicolas to be the safest and best along the whole of the western coast of south america. the quebrada of huaitara, which stretches to the east of yca, is the principal channel of communication between this part of the coast and the rich mountain provinces of jauja and huancavelica, and from the latter places to ayacucho and cosco. opposite to pisco and chinca there is a group of small islands, of which the largest, sangallan, is six english miles distant from pisco. these islands have of late years become celebrated on account of the great quantity of guano that has been exported from them. guano (or according to the more correct orthography, huanu)[51] is found on these islands in enormous layers of from 35 to 40 feet thick. the upper strata are of a greyish-brown color, which lower down becomes darker. in the lower strata the color is a rusty red, as if tinged by oxide of iron. the guano becomes progressively more and more solid from the surface downward, a circumstance naturally accounted for by the gradual deposite of the strata, and the evaporation of the fluid particles. guano is found on all the islands, and on most of the uninhabited promontories of the west coast of south america, especially in those parts within the tropics. i have often been assured that beds of guano several feet high, covered with earth, are found inland at some distance from the sea; but i never met with any, and i have some doubt of the correctness of the statement. if, however, these inland strata really exist, i am inclined to believe that they can only be found on hilly ground; and in that case they afford strong evidence of a considerable elevation of the coast. guano is formed of the excrements of different kinds of marine birds, as mews, divers, sheerbeaks, &c.; but the species which i can name with more precision are the following:--_larus modestus_, tsch.; _rhinchops nigra_, lin.; _plotus anhinga_, lin.; _pelecanus thayus_, mol.; _phalacrocorax gaimardii_, and _albigula_, tsch. (_pelecanus gaimardii_, less., _carbo albigula_, brandt), and chiefly the _sula variegata_, tsch. the immense flocks of these birds as they fly along the coast appear like clouds. when their vast numbers, their extraordinary voracity, and the facility with which they procure their food, are considered, one cannot be surprised at the magnitude of the beds of guano, which have resulted from uninterrupted accumulations during many thousands of years. i kept for some days a living _sula variegata_, which i fed abundantly with fish. the average weight of the excrement daily was from 3-1/2 to five ounces. i have no doubt that when the bird is in a state of freedom the weight must be much greater, for these birds are constantly plunging into the sea, in order to devour the fishes which they find in extraordinary masses around all the islands. when an island is inhabited by millions of sea-birds, though two-thirds of the guano should be lost while flying, still a very considerable stratum would be accumulated in the course of a year. the marine birds nestle on the uninhabited islands, or on rocks near the shore; but they never settle on the flat beach, or any place distant from it inland. on this fact, i ground my conjecture that those beds of guano in the interior, which may have been removed from the shore by important elevations of the coast, are to be found only on hills. during the first year of the deposit the strata are white, and the guano is then called _guano blanco_. in the opinion of the peruvian cultivators, this is the most efficacious kind. it is found in the punta de hormillos, on the islands of islay, jesus, margarita, &c. as soon as the dealers in guano begin to work one of the beds, the island on which it is formed, is abandoned by the birds. it has also been remarked, that since the increase of trade and navigation, they have withdrawn from the islands in the neighborhood of the ports. much has recently been written on the employment and utility of guano; but the manner in which it is applied as manure in peru, seems to be but little known. the peruvians use it chiefly in the cultivation of maize and potatoes. a few weeks after the seeds begin to shoot, a little hollow is dug round each root, and is filled up with guano, which is afterwards covered with a layer of earth. after the lapse of twelve or fifteen hours, the whole field is laid under water, and is left in that state for some hours. of the _guano blanco_ a less quantity suffices, and the field must be more speedily and abundantly watered, otherwise the roots would be destroyed. the effect of this manure is incredibly rapid. in a few days the growth of a plant is doubled. if the manure be repeated a second time, but in smaller quantity, a rich harvest is certain. at least, the produce will be threefold that which would have been obtained from the unmanured soil. the haciendas of the valley of chancay have, during the last fifty years, consumed annually from 33,000 to 36,000 bushels of guano brought from the islands of chancha and pisco. the price of the bushel of colored guano is one dollar and a quarter, and the price of the white from two to three dollars. the price has recently undergone many fluctuations, in consequence of the great exports to europe. the employment of this kind of manure is very ancient in peru; and there is authentic evidence of its having been used in the time of the incas. the white guano was then chiefly found on the islands opposite to chincha; so that for upwards of 600 years the deposit has been progressively removed from those islands without any apparent decrease of the accumulation. the uniformity of climate on a coast where there is not much rain, must contribute to render the peruvian guano a more arid manure than the african, as fewer of the saline particles of the former being in solution, they are consequently less subject to evaporation. from 3° 35' to 21° 48' south latitude, a plain of sand, 540 leagues long, and varying from 3 to 20 leagues in breadth, stretches along the coast of the pacific ocean. it is intersected by chains of small hillocks, which, extending westward from the cordilleras, gradually diminish in height, and either become blended with the plain, or form abrupt promontories, which project into the sea. between the river loa, which marks the southern frontier of the peruvian coast, and the tumbez, on the northern boundary, fifty-nine rivers, great and small, pass through the line of coast. proceeding from the avalanches of the andes or the small alpine lakes, they force their way through narrow mountain-valleys, irrigate the waste grounds, and then, after brief courses, flow into the great ocean. a fine light yellow drift sand covers hill and dale. it is only where rivers intersect the plain that oases of luxuriant vegetation are formed. the peril of traversing these plains is greatly increased by the movability of the sand and the _medanos_. the strong winds raise immense clouds of dust and sand. the sand rises in columns of from eighty to a hundred feet high, which whirl about in all directions, as if moved by magic. sometimes they suddenly overshadow the traveller, who only escapes from them by rapid riding. the medanos are hillock-like elevations of sand, some having a firm, others a loose base. the former, which are always crescent-shaped, are from ten to twenty feet high, and have an acute crest. the inner side is perpendicular, and the outer or bow side forms an angle with a steep inclination downward. when driven by violent winds, the medanos pass rapidly over the plains. the smaller and lighter ones move quickly forwards before the larger ones; but the latter soon overtake and crush them, whilst they are themselves shivered by the collision. these medanos assume all sorts of extraordinary figures, and sometimes move along the plain in rows forming most intricate labyrinths, whereby what might otherwise be visible in the distance is withdrawn from the view of the traveller. a plain often appears to be covered with a row of medanos, and some days afterwards it is again restored to its level and uniform aspect. persons who have the greatest experience of the coast are apt to mistake their way, when they encounter these sand-hills. the medanos with immovable bases are formed on the blocks of rock which are scattered about the plain. the sand is driven against them by the wind, and as soon as it reaches the top point it descends on the other side until that is likewise covered; thus gradually arises a conical-formed hill. entire hillock-chain with acute crests are formed in a similar manner. the small hillock-chain, by which the coast is intersected obliquely from east to west, is a boundary which arrests the progress of the wandering medanos; otherwise fruitful oases would soon be converted into barren sand-flats. a correct observation of these hillock-chains affords a most certain scale for ascertaining the direction of the prevailing wind. on their southern declivities are found vast masses of sand drifted thither by the mid-day gales. the northern declivity, though not steeper than the southern, is only sparingly covered with sand. if a hillock-chain somewhat distant from the sea extends in a line parallel with the andes, namely from s.s.e. to n.n.w., the western declivity is almost entirely free of sand, as it is driven to the plain below by the southeast wind, which constantly alternates with the wind from the south. the movements and new formations in the deserts (like restorations from death to life) are only in full activity during the hot season; for then the parched sand yields to the slightest pressure of the atmosphere. in the cold season its weight increases by the absorption of humidity. the particles unite in masses, and more easily resist the wind. in the meantime the hillocks also acquire more firmness or compression by the increased weight which presses on them from above. in november, summer commences. the rays of the sun are refracted on the light grey sandy carpet, and are reflected back with scorching power. every living thing which does not quickly escape from their influence is devoted to certain destruction. no plant takes root in the burning soil, and no animal finds food on the arid lifeless surface. no bird, no insect moves in the burning atmosphere. only in the very loftiest regions, the king of the air, the majestic condor, may be seen floating, with daring wing, on his way to the sea coast. only where the ocean and the desert blend with each other is there life and movement. flocks of carrion crows swarm over the dead remains of marine animals scattered along the shore. otters and seals impart life to the inaccessible rocks; hosts of coast birds eagerly pounce on the fish and mollusca cast on shore; variegated lizards sport on the sand hillocks; and busy crabs and sea spiders work their way by furrows through the humid coast. the scene changes in may. a thin veil of mist then overspreads the sea and the shore. in the following months the thickness of the mist increases, and it is only in october that it begins to disperse. in the beginning and at the end of the period called winter this mist commonly rises between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, and disappears about three, p.m. it is heaviest in august and september; and it then lies for weeks immoveable on the earth. it does not resolve into what may be properly called rain, but it becomes a fine minute precipitate which the natives call garua (thick fog or drizzling rain). many travellers have alleged that there are places on the peruvian coast which have been without rain for centuries. the assertion is to a certain degree correct, for there are many districts in which there never is rain except after an earthquake, and not always even then. though the _garua_ sometimes falls in large drops, still there is this distinction between it and rain, that it descends not from clouds at a great height, but is formed in the lower atmospheric regions, by the union of small bubbles of mist. the average perpendicular height over which this fog passes does not exceed one thousand two hundred feet; its medium boundary is from seven to eight hundred feet. that it is known only within a few miles of the sea is a highly curious phenomenon; beyond those few miles it is superseded by heavy rains; and the boundary line between the rain and the mist may be defined with mathematical precision. i know two plantations, the one six leagues from lima, the other in the neighborhood of huacho: one half of these lands is watered by the garuas, the other half by rain, and the boundary line is marked by a wall. when the mists set in, the chain of hillocks (_lomas_) bordering the sand-flats on the coasts undergoes a complete change. as if by a stroke of magic, blooming vegetation overspreads the soil, which, a few days previously, was a mere barren wilderness. horses and cattle are driven into these parts for grazing, and during several months the animals find abundance of rich pasture. there is, however, no water; but they do not appear to suffer from the want of it, for they are always in good healthy condition on leaving the lomas. in some parts of northern peru, where the garuas are scanty, the fertility of the soil depends wholly on the mountain rains, for in summer most of the rivers are dried up. when there is a deficiency of rain, the cattle on the coast suffer greatly. a few years ago a haciendado, or cultivator, in the vale of piura, lost 42,000 sheep; the usual flood, without which the necessary fodder could not be raised, did not come on at the proper time. at piura there is such a total absence of dew, that a sheet of paper left for a whole night in the open air does not, in the morning, exhibit the smallest trace of humidity. in central and south peru the moisture scarcely penetrates half an inch into the earth. in the oases the garuas are much heavier than in the adjacent wastes. along the whole of the coast there is no rain, and no vegetation throughout a large circuit. the rain commences first in the north at tumbez, and there extensive woods are seen. towards the east it begins first in the valleys of the cordilleras, which abound in vegetation. these very extraordinary phenomena remain as yet unexplained; they, however, merit the closest investigation of meteorologists. i may conclude this chapter by a brief view of the fauna of the higher vertebral animals. in the region of the coast i have found twenty-six species of mammalia, only eight of which belong exclusively to the coast. sixteen of the other species are to be found in the mountains or in the forests. the relation of this number to the whole of the mammalia of peru is 1:4, 3. distributed by single orders, they are in the following proportions:--bats, four species, of which only one (_vespertilio innoxius_, gerv.) belongs to this region alone. beasts of prey, ten kinds; among them one of the mephitic class, known to the natives by the name of _zorillo_, or _añash_; an otter (_lutra chilensis_, ben.); a fox (_canis azaræ_, pr. max.), which abounds in the cotton plantations in the neighborhood of lima and throughout all the lomas, where he preys on the lambs; several of the feline race, among which are the two great american species--the puma and the ounce, which are seldom seen on the coast, but are considerably larger than those in the mountains. the american lion is timid, and shuns man. when caught young he is easily tamed. the indians of the northern provinces sometimes bring these lions to lima, and get money for showing them. they lead them by a string, or put them in large sacks, and carry them about on their backs, until a show-loving crowd assembles around them. the ounces are very bold and fierce. they penetrate into plantations, and attack children and horses. they very cunningly avoid the numerous snares laid for them by the indians. an encounter with this animal is serious and dangerous. a hunt seldom ends without some of the pursuers being killed or wounded by the animal. i have already spoken of the seals. there are three kinds of didelphic or marsupial animals on the coast. the natives call them _mucamuca_. they live in bushes and shrubberies, and they often find their way into the store-rooms of the plantations. of the great section of the _rodentia_, i know of only seven species in peru; but i have no doubt that this number might be doubled by a careful search in the valleys on the coast. the common house-mouse is very numerous in lima. the brown rat appears seldom. it came to peru only a few years ago; but there is reason to apprehend that it will soon be very numerous. probably it has been imported by hamburgh ships. in callao i saw specimens of some that had been killed. i did not see the common black rat in peru. the armadillo (_dasypus tatuay, desm._, l.) is seldom seen. it is found in some of the yucca and camote plantations. the negroes eat it, and its flesh is said to be good. of wild ruminating animals there is only one on the coast: it is a kind of roe (_cervus nemorivagus_, f. cuv., the _venado_ of the natives). the venados chiefly inhabit the brushwood along the coast; but after sunset they visit the plantations, where they commit considerable damage. they are smaller than our european roe, and somewhat more brown. englishmen at lima go out to hunt them. the natives do not take much interest in the chase. this animal is also met with in the coldest regions of the cordilleras; but it does not come down to the old forests, where the red deer (_cervus rufus_, f. cuv.) supplies its absence. in the woods which surround some of the plantations in the valleys of lima, wild boars (_chanchos simarones_) are occasionally found. they are of immense size. at the plantation called the _hacienda de caraponga_, one was killed, of which the head alone was an ordinary burthen for a mule. the number of birds in this very extensive quarter of peru (the marine and river fowl being excepted) is very inconsiderable. the scarcity of woods and high trees may probably account for this. besides the carrion vulture, condors collect in great numbers on the shore to prey on the stranded whales. falcons seldom appear, except the small sparrow hawk (_falco sparverius_, l.), which is very numerous in peru. one of the most common birds is the little earth owl (_noctua urucurea_, less.), which is met with in nearly all the old ruins scattered along the coast. the pearl owl (_strix perlata_, l.) is bred in several plantations, as it is found useful in catching mice. swallows are not very common; they do not nestle on the housetops, but on walls at some distance from towns. the peruvians give them the euphonious name, _palomitas de santa rosa_ (santa rosa's little pigeons). among the singing-birds the crowned fly king (_myoarchus coronatus_, cab.) is the most distinguished. the head, breast, and belly of this bird are deep red, the wings and back very dark brown. he always plants himself on the highest point of a tree, flies perpendicularly upward, whirls about in the air singing, and drops down again straight to his former perch. the limeños have given this elegant bird a very unbecoming name, which i need not repeat here. on some parts of the coast it is called _saca-tu-real_ (draw out your real), because his song sounds like these words. some fine tanagers (_tanagra frugilega_, tsch.; _tanagra analis_, tsch.) visit the fruit gardens round lima. i saw two birds, of the starling species, the red-bellied picho (_sturnella militaris_, viell.), and the glossy-black chivillo (_cassicus palliatus_, tsch.), which are kept in cages on account of their very melodious song. three kinds of parrots, which abound in the valleys on the coast, commit great depredations in the maize fields. the largest (_conurus tumultuosus_, tsch.) is green, with a red forehead, and some red feathers scattered over the body. a second sort builds its nest chiefly on the sides of rocks (_conurus rupicola_, tsch.), and only occasionally visits the plantations. the third is the smallest, but at the same time the most beautiful of the whole (_conurus sitophaga_, tsch.). a fine green overspreads all the upper part of the body, a blue fringe borders the feathers of the wings; and a bright citron-yellow is diffused over the forehead, neck, breast, and belly. it is only seven inches long. pigeons, large and small, swarm in such multitudes over the corn-fields, and in the environs, that they may almost be called the great plague of the country. one of the finest is the little _turtuli_ (_chaemepelia gracilis_, tsch.), on the wing of which there is a row of very beautiful shining violet spots. the _cuculi_, one of the largest pigeons, is a great favorite. it is kept much in cages. its song, which is monotonous, yet very melodious, is kept up from the earliest hours of the morning until midday, and it begins again nearly at sunset. the song consists merely of a threefold repetition of _cu-cu-li_. after a pause, it resumes the song again. there are, however, some of those birds which repeat the _cuculi_ oftener than thrice, and their price increases according to the number of their uninterrupted repetitions, which seldom exceed five or six. in cocachacra, however, i heard one of these birds which repeated its _cuculi_ fourteen times. the owner would not sell it under fourteen gold ounces. the amphibia on the peruvian coast are proportionally much better represented than the two foregoing classes. the gigantic tortoises (_chelonia imbricata_ and _ch. midas_, schweig.) visit in great numbers the few little frequented inlets. the elephant tortoise (_testudo schweigeri_) is often found on some islands, and in the marshy mouths of several rivers. two kinds of crocodiles (_champsa sclerops_ and _ch. fissipes_, wagl.) inhabit the rio de la chira. they grow to the length of fourteen or fifteen feet. among the lizard class of reptiles, very large bright green iguanas are found on the south coast; for instance, in the caletas near merillones, &c.; but there are great numbers of the land agama, of which i found several new species, viz., _steirolepis tigris_, _thoracica_, _quadrivittata_, _xanthostigma_, tsch.; _liolaemus elegans_, tsch.; _ctenoblepharys adspersa_, tsch., &c., &c. i have already mentioned the gecko, called the _salamanqueja_. serpents upon the whole are rather seldom seen. they belong to different kinds, some poisonous, some innoxious (for example, _zacholus_, _psammophis_, _oxyrrhopus_, _siphlophis_, _ophis_, _elaps_, &c., &c.). a very poisonous viper (_echidna ocellata_, tsch.) inhabits the sugar-cane fields. its bite is almost instantaneously mortal. the genuine frog is not to be found on the coast, and of the bladder frog only two kinds are known (_cystignathus roseus_ and _nodosus_, dum. bibr.). i have found three amphibia of the toad class. the thorn toad (_bufo spinulosus_, wiegam.), which has its body thickly covered with a thorny kind of warts. the beautiful red spotted toad (_bufo thaul_), and a very curious and ugly kind with a round, swelled out body, a loose skin, and a large bladder under the chin (_anaxyrus melancholicus_, tsch.). at night the cry of this animal is a discordant melancholy howl. footnotes: [footnote 49: elias is eminent not only as an extensive landowner and cultivator, but as a statesman. during the revolution of 1843 and 1844, he was called upon to place himself at the head of the government. he discharged the duties of that high office with singular judgment and moderation. he and his lady are distinguished for their courteous and liberal hospitality; and many foreign visitors, like myself, look back with pleasure on the happiness they derived from the friendship of don domingo elias.] [footnote 50: an odre is a goat-skin prepared for carrying wine.] [footnote 51: the original word is huanu, which is a term in the quichua dialect meaning "animal dung;" for example, _huanacuhuanu_ (excrement of the huanacu). as the word is now generally used it is an abbreviation of _pishu huanu--bird-dung_. the spaniards have converted the final syllable _nu_ into _no_, as they do in all the words adopted from the quichua which have the like termination. the european orthography _guano_, which is also followed in spanish america, is quite erroneous, for the quichua language is deficient in the letter _g_, as it is in several other consonants. the _h_, in the commencement of the word, is strongly aspirated, whence the error in the orthography of the spaniards, who have sadly corrupted the language of the autochthones of peru.] chapter x. roads leading to the sierra--chaclacayo and santa iñes--barometrical observations--san pedro mama--the rio seco--extraordinary geological phenomenon--similar one described by mr. darwin--surco--diseases peculiar to the villages of peru--the verugas--indian mode of treating the disorder--the bird-catching spider--horse-shoeing--indian tambos--san juan de matucanas--the thorn-apple and the tonga--the tambo de viso--bridges--san mateo--passports--acchahuari--malady called the veta--its effects on horses--singular tact and caution of mules--antarangra and mountain passes--curious partition of water--piedra parada--yauli--indian smelting furnaces--mineral springs--portuguese mine owners--saco--oroya--hanging bridges--huaros--roads leading from oroya. from lima two main roads lead to the sierra or the mountains. one runs northward through the valley of canta, in the direction of the rich silver mines of cerro de pasco; the other, taking a more southerly direction, passes through the quebrada of matucanas, to the villages of tarma, jauja, and huancayo; and still further south, leads to huancavelica, ayacucho, and cuzco. all the roads running from the coast to the sierra, present a similarity of character. taking an oblique direction from the margin of the coast, they run into one or other of the fan-shaped cordillera valleys, all of which are intersected by rivers. following the course of these rivers, the roads become steeper and steeper, and the valleys soon contract into mere ravines, terminating at the foot of the cordillera. the traveller then threads his way up the acclivity, amidst stupendous masses of rock, until he reaches the lofty ridge. then a gradual descent leads to the level heights, and thence into the deep mountain valleys. former travellers having already described the route by way of canta, i will here trace the course through the quebrada of matucanas. in so doing, i am enabled to present to the reader the results of some barometrical observations which are the more interesting, inasmuch as the cordillera here advances more nearly to the coast than at any other point. the most easterly gate of the city of lima (the portada de maravillas) opens upon a broad road, which runs directly eastward. at the distance of about a league and a half from the city, the road passes over a stone bridge called the _puente de surco_, a place famed for robbers. at this point the surrounding country presents a wild and dreary aspect. ranges of grey and barren hills encompass the valley; the ground is for the most part covered with sand and gravel. desolate remains of plantations and the ruins of habitations bear evidence of the life and activity that once animated this desert region, now abandoned by all save the fierce bandit and his victim, the solitary traveller. along the margins of the river, patches of moor-ground here and there serve as pasture. clover and maize are produced only in those parts where the soil is manured and artificially watered. low brushwood and reeds, growing on the banks of the rimac, supply firewood to the city of lima, and are a source of profit to some of the plantation-owners in the valley. at periachi, four leagues from the capital, the road takes a turn to north-east, and continues in that direction, with but little deviation, as far as the base of the cordillera. two leagues beyond pariachi we reach chaclacayo, a village containing about thirty miserable reed huts. the plantation of santa iñes, a little further on, is situated at 2386 feet above the level of the sea.[52] mr. maclean, an english merchant in lima, who has sent many interesting peruvian plants to the hothouses of england, and who has made some very attentive barometrical observations during a journey in the interior of the country, calculates the altitude of chaclacayo at 2265 feet above the sea.[53] rivero makes it 2010 feet above that level.[54] the difference between these calculations is remarkable; and in more considerable altitudes the discrepancy is still more considerable, being sometimes as much as from eight to nine hundred feet. i am inclined to believe that it is attributable less to inaccuracy of observation than to the very imperfect instrument made use of by rivero. maclean's observations, with some trifling exceptions, correspond with mine. he used one of fortin's barometers, and i one of lefevre's, which, prior to my departure from europe, had, during several weeks, been regulated at the observatory in paris. unluckily, this excellent instrument was injured by a fall from my horse, and i found it impossible to get it repaired. some barometrical observations made by m. c. gay, during a journey in peru, in the years 1839-40, with one of bunten's barometers, deviate very considerably from all those above mentioned. between the calculations of gay and rivero there is an average difference of from six hundred to one thousand feet. on the road to pasco, the hacienda of cavallero corresponds, in its distance from the capital, with the village of chaclacayo, on the road i am here describing. at chaclacayo wheat and sugar are cultivated. the sugar cane thrives well, and might be grown in greater quantity. in some of the coast districts i have seen the sugar cane cultivated at the height of 4500 feet above the sea; and i have seen it grow spontaneously, and attain perfect maturity, as high as 6800 feet. from santa iñes the road continues gradually ascending to the little village of san pedro mama, where the two rivers, san mateo and santa olaya, unite and form the rimac. the walls of mountain which enclose the valley here rise almost perpendicularly, and afford nestling-places for small, richly-plumed parrots (_conurus rupicola_, tsch.). i was much surprised to see these birds inhabiting the barren rocks, as the parrot always dwells in woody regions, and is found in other places only when on its passage. i know no other species of this family, save the one i have just mentioned, which permanently nestles on mountains. three leagues beyond san pedro lies the village of cocachacra. it is a small and poor place, but is picturesquely situated, and enjoys a fine climate. its name, signifying _coca-field_, or _plantation_, denotes that coca must formerly have been cultivated here. at present that plant is not grown in any part near the coast, as it requires a damp and very warm climate. cocachacra is 5386 feet above the level of the sea. maclean fixes the altitude of san pedro mama, santa olaya, and cocachacra, at 5331 feet. supposing this calculation to be correct with respect to the latter village, it cannot also apply to san pedro mama and santa olaya, which lie much lower. at the two last-mentioned places i made no barometrical observations. on the pasco road the hamlet of llanga is situated, at twelve leagues from lima. on the other road cocachacra is the same distance from the capital; but cocachacra is about 2400 feet higher than llanga. between cavallero and llanga there is an interesting geological phenomenon, which i will here describe. at the distance of two leagues from lima the road takes a turn. at first it runs direct north, or north-north-west; suddenly it turns to north-north-east, and advances along the bank of the river chillon as far as cavallero. from thence, with slight deviations, it continues in the same course to llanga, but at a considerable distance from the river, as the latter takes a wide sweep northward. from cavallero the road runs for the space of three leagues, still ascending, through a barren district, along the dry bed of a river, called the rio seco. the last half-league of the way is very steep, and leads to the ridge of a chain of hillocks running diagonally across the valley. the ground is strewed with fragments of porphyry and other kinds of rock, like the bed of the rimac. on reaching the ridge of the line of hillocks, the traveller beholds on the other side a hollow basin, like the dry bed of a lake: a furrow, extending lengthwise through this hollow, is the continuation of the bed of the river which is intersected by the chain of hills. descending into the valley, and again following the course of the rio seco to the distance of about three leagues, we reach the village of alcocoto, and once more arrive on the bank of the rio de chillon. here, therefore, we have evidence of the following remarkable facts, viz.:--that at some former period the river of chillon flowed north-westward from alcocoto to cavallero, in the bed that is now dry; and that a chain of hills has been upheaved diagonally across the valley and the river. by this chain of hills the water, being dammed up, formed a lake; then it was again driven back; until the stream broke into a new course at alcocoto, by which means the lake emptied itself, and, having no new supply of water, it dried up. now the rio de chillon flows from alcocoto to cavallero, taking a wide turn, first westward, next south-westward, and lastly, direct south, until, at a sharp angle, it unites with the old bed of the river. the point of junction is a quarter of a mile from the hacienda cavallero. this is, however, not a solitary example of the course of a river being interrupted by the uplifting of a ridge of hills. a similar instance is mentioned by mr. darwin, who, however, did not see it himself, but who describes it as follows, from the observation of his countryman, mr. gill, the engineer:-"travelling from casma to huaraz, not far distant from lima, he (mr. gill) found a plain covered with ruins and marks of ancient cultivation, but now quite barren. near it was the dry course of a considerable river, whence the water for irrigation had formerly been conducted. there was nothing in the appearance of the water-course to indicate that the river had not flowed there a few years previously; in some parts, beds of sand and gravel were spread out; in others, the solid rock had been worn into a broad channel, which in one spot was about forty yards in breadth, and eight feet deep. it is self-evident that a person following up the course of a stream will always ascend at a greater or less inclination. mr. gill, therefore, was much astonished, when walking up the bed of this ancient river, to find himself suddenly going down hill. he imagined that the downward slope had a fall of about forty or fifty feet perpendicular. we here have unequivocal evidence that a ridge had been uplifted right across the old bed of the stream. from the moment the river-course was thus arched the water must necessarily have been thrown back, and a new channel formed. from that period, also, the neighboring plain must have lost its fertilizing stream, and become a desert."[55] the inference here deduced is, that the rising took place at a period when the district was inhabited and cultivated by men. of the period of the uplifting between cavallero and alcocoto i could discern no proofs. but the impression produced by the dry river bed involuntarily suggests the idea that, at no very distant period, it must have been the lodgment of a stream; for it is in all respects similar to the temporary dry river beds so frequently met with on the coast of peru. i made repeated visits to the rio seco, and i always contemplated with wonder the curious deviation of the river's course. but i must candidly confess that during my abode in peru, i did not venture to attribute that deviation to so partial an uplifting; for i was ignorant of the existence of any similar phenomenon which would have supported such an opinion. now, however, the example referred to by the eminent english geologist, and which has its existence on the same coast of peru, sets all my doubts at rest, and i am quite convinced of the correctness of mr. darwin's view of the subject. having made this digression, i must now carry the reader back to cocachacra. pursuing the road to the distance of three leagues further, we arrive at san geronimo de surco. the valley in this part becomes more contracted; but on the whole its character is unchanged, with the exception that the mountains gradually become higher and steeper, and the soil less fertile. the road frequently runs along lofty walls of rock, or winds round sharp projections, which overhang deep chasms, in passing which the greatest precaution is requisite. in several of the valleys on the road from the coast to the sierra, and above all in the valley of surco, there are certain springs, the water of which the indians never drink. when a stranger unguardedly approaches one of these springs for the purpose of quenching his thirst, he is saluted by warning cries of _es agua de veruga!_ (it is veruga water!) even horses and mules are not suffered to refresh themselves at these springs, where the water is supposed to have the effect of producing a disorder called the _verugas_. as the existence of this disease is not known in any other country, there appears ground for believing that it has its origin in certain local circumstances. the verugas first manifests itself by sore throat, pains in the bones, and other feverish symptoms. in the course of a few days an eruption of red-colored pimples, or boils, appears. these pimples sometimes increase in magnitude, till, in some parts of the body, they become nearly as large as an egg, and blood flows from them to such an excess, that the strength of the patient is exhausted, and consumption frequently follows. from the small verugas the flow of blood is greatest. i knew an instance of a half-caste indian who from a small veruga below the ankle lost two pounds of blood. i was not able to trace this disease to any other cause than that which the indians assign to it. at all events, it is certain that travellers who abstain from drinking the water of the condemned springs, escape the verugas; whilst those who only once taste such water, are attacked by the disorder. it is the same with mules and horses. one of my mules which drank veruga water was attacked by a large tumor on the leg. the disease is notoriously prevalent in the village of santa olaya. the medical treatment of the verugas by the indians is quite empirical. they administer to the patient the infusion of a plant which they call _huajra-huajra_; that is, horn-horn.[56] i never witnessed any convincing proof of its efficacy. its operation appears to be merely sudorific. a preparation of white maize is also frequently given, and it has the effect of assisting the action of the skin. when the eruption of the verugas is tardy, a few spoonfuls of wine are found to be of great service. sudorific and purifying medicines, together with cutting out the large verugas, and keeping the wounds for a time in a state of suppuration, have heretofore been found the best mode of treatment. an accurate chemical analysis of the water which the indians declare to be _agua de veruga_, would be very desirable.[57] in the quebrada of canta, where the verugas are less common than in that of matucanas, another disease, called the uta, is of very frequent occurrence. the uta is a sort of cancer, and it is more fearful in its consequences than the verugas. probably in no country in the world do so many local diseases prevail as in peru. every valley has its own peculiar disease, which frequently does not extend beyond the boundary of a few square miles, and is quite unknown in neighboring districts. the origin of these disorders is, doubtless, to be traced to certain mineral or vegetable influences as yet unknown. it is remarkable how unequally these baneful visitations affect the different races of the inhabitants. the indians and the lighter classes of half-castes are most frequently attacked by the verugas; the whites are less liable to the disease, whilst the negroes and people of the darker shades of mixed blood seldom suffer from it. the indians and the chinos are particularly liable to the uta. the caracha, of which i have already spoken,[58] visits the negroes, the zamboes, and the mulattoes; the lighter-complexioned races being much less liable to it. at quibe i saw a bird-catching spider (_mygale_), of extraordinary large size. the back part of the body alone measured two inches. being at some distance i supposed it to be one of the rodent animals, and i fired at it. to my mortification i discovered my mistake when too late, for the specimen was completely destroyed by the shot, and was useless for my collection. the indians assured me that on the margin of the stream which flowed near the plantation many larger individuals were to be found; but i never saw another of such remarkable size as the one i inadvertently destroyed. san geronimo de surco is 6945 feet above the level of the sea. it is a long village, and is situated in one of the most fertile parts of the valley. the houses are detached one from another, and each is surrounded by a little chacra. this place may be regarded as the boundary-line between the coast and the sierra. the climate is agreeable--rather hot than cold. most of the coast plants thrive here with little culture. bananas, chirimoyas, superb granadillas, pomegranates, camotes, &c., grow here in luxuriant abundance. yuccas i did not see: their elevation boundary is lower. san geronimo de surco is infested with swarms of annoying insects, especially sancudos (_culex molestus_, kell.), and stinging flies (species of _simoleum_), which banish sleep from the resting-place of the weary traveller. in this village there is an old spaniard who keeps a tambo, and at the same time exercises the calling of a farrier. one of my horse's shoes being loose, i got him to fasten it on. for hammering in eight nails he made me pay half a gold ounce, and at first he demanded twelve dollars. he doubtless bore in mind the old spanish proverb: "_por un clavo se pierde una herradura, por una herradura un cavallo, por un cavallo un cavallero_,"[59] and he felt assured that i must have the damage repaired at any price. shortly after my arrival in the sierra i got myself initiated in the art of horse-shoeing, and constantly carried about with me a supply of horse-shoes and nails, a plan which i found was generally adopted by travellers in those parts. it is only in the larger indian villages that farriers are to be met with, that is to say in places fifty or sixty leagues distant from each other. from surco the road runs to the distance of two leagues tolerably level, and very close to the river, which, from cocachacra, bears the name of rio de san mateo. the next village is san juan de matucanas, at a little distance from which there is a tambo, situated at the height of 8105 feet above the sea.[60] these tambos of the sierra are wretched places, but the traveller may find in them shelter, and possibly some miserable kind of food. even in lima the tambos are not much better. in the capital a tambo affords the traveller the accommodation of a room, containing a table, a chair, and a bedstead; for it is always understood that he brings his mattress and bedding along with him. in the interior of the country the accommodation is limited to an empty space on the floor, just large enough to spread a mattress upon. whenever the state of the weather permitted i always preferred sleeping in the open air. even on a rainy night a lodging on the outside of the door is preferable to the interior of the hut, where indians, negroes, dogs and pigs are all huddled together. in these tambos there is seldom any scarcity of brandy or chicha; but the hungry traveller sometimes cannot get even a potatoe or a bit of maize. frequently, when the indians really have provisions they will not produce them, because they are fearful of not being paid. this suspicion is pardonable enough; for when troops march through the villages the inhabitants are often cheated by the officers, and ill-treated into the bargain. generally, in this part of the country, the people are civil, and will readily sell provisions if they are paid. not so the indians of the higher mountains eastward of the cordillera. to the traveller's demand for something to eat, their uniform reply is "_manam canchu_" (we have nothing); and it is often found necessary to resort to force in order to convert this monotonous answer into the more agreeable "_ari conchu_" (here is something). matucanas, which is rather a large village, lies on the left bank of the rimac. the houses are of brick, and roofed with straw. the soil round this village is fertile, though not favorable to the growth of those plants which demand a very warm temperature. the agricultural produce is therefore limited to maize, wheat, lucerne (which is very abundant), and potatoes; the latter are sent in great quantities to the capital. the cactus grows on the hills, and its excellent fruit (_tunas_) forms also an article of trade. beyond matucanas the valley contracts into a narrow ravine no broader than the bed of the river, and it gradually assumes a wilder character. the way is difficult along the ridge of hills which borders the left bank of the river. the vegetation is less monotonous and scanty than in the valleys of the coast, and all the fissures of the hills are filled with verdure. the stunted willow (_salix humboldtii_, wild.) grows along the banks of the river, and on the less steep declivities is seen the red thorn-apple (_datura sanguinea_, r. pav.). to the latter the natives give the names _huacacachu_, _yerba de huaca_, or _bovachevo_; and they prepare from its fruit a very powerful narcotic drink, called _tonga_. the indians believe that by drinking the tonga they are brought into communication with the spirits of their forefathers. i once had an opportunity of observing an indian under the influence of this drink. shortly after having swallowed the beverage he fell into a heavy stupor: he sat with his eyes vacantly fixed on the ground, his mouth convulsively closed, and his nostrils dilated. in the course of about a quarter of an hour his eyes began to roll, foam issued from his half-opened lips, and his whole body was agitated by frightful convulsions. these violent symptoms having subsided, a profound sleep of several hours succeeded. in the evening i again saw this indian. he was relating to a circle of attentive listeners the particulars of his vision, during which he alleged he had held communication with the spirits of his forefathers. he appeared very weak and exhausted. in former times the indian sorcerers, when they pretended to transport themselves into the presence of their deities, drank the juice of the thorn-apple, in order to work themselves into a state of ecstasy. though the establishment of christianity has weaned the indians from their idolatry, yet it has not banished their old superstitions. they still believe that they can hold communications with the spirits of their ancestors, and that they can obtain from them a clue to the treasures concealed in the _huacas_, or graves; hence the indian name of the thorn-apple--_huacacachu_, or grave plant. a few miles beyond matucanas there is a lateral valley, larger and more pleasant than the principal valley. it is called the quebrada de viso, and is watered by a little stream. at the point where this quebrada forms a junction with the principal valley is situated the tambo de viso. it is 9100 feet above the level of the sea.[61] at this tambo the traveller may find a tolerable night's lodging for himself, and fodder for his horse. here the river is crossed by a bridge, and the road then proceeds along the left bank of the river, after having been on the right bank all the way from lima. the bridges across these mountain streams are always constructed at points where the river is most contracted by the narrow confines of the ravine. they consist merely of a few poles made of the trunk of the maguay-tree (_agave americana_), and connected together by transverse ropes; the ropes being overlaid with twisted branches and pieces of hoops. these bridges are not more than three feet broad, and have no balustrades. when the space between the banks of the river is too long for the maguay stems, strong ropes made of twisted ox-hides are substituted. in crossing these bridges accidents frequently happen, owing to the hoofs of the horses and mules getting entangled in the plaited branches along the pathway. a little way beyond san mateo i narrowly escaped being precipitated, with my mule, into the rocky chasm forming the bed of the river. the road between viso and san mateo, a distance of about three leagues, is exceedingly difficult and dangerous. the ravine becomes narrowed to a mere cleft, between walls of mountain rising on either side to the height of more than a thousand feet; sometimes perpendicularly, and at other times inclining inwards, so as to form gigantic arches. the path runs along the base of these mountains, washed by the foaming waves of the stream; or it winds up the side of the precipice, over huge fragments of rock, which, being loosened by the rain, afford no secure footing for the heavily laden mules. frequently these loosened blocks give way, and roll down into the valley. the journey from viso to san mateo is associated in my mind with the recollection of a most mortifying accident. a mass of rock, such as i have just described, gave way, and rolling down the precipice, hurled one of my mules into the foaming abyss. my most valuable instruments, a portion of my collections, my papers, and--to me an irreparable loss--a diary carefully and conscientiously kept for the space of fourteen months, were in a moment buried in the river. two days afterward the current washed the dead mule ashore at matucanas, but its load was irrecoverably lost. every year many beasts of burthen, and even travellers, perish on this road. in the tambo de viso i met an officer who, with two of his sons, was coming from the sierra. he had placed the youngest before him, and the other, a boy of ten years of age, was seated on the mule's crupper. when they were within about half a league from viso, a huge mass of rock, rolling down from the mountain, struck the elder boy, and hurled him into the river. the afflicted father was anxiously seeking to recover the body of his lost child. san mateo is on the right bank of the river, and is the largest village in this valley. it corresponds in situation with culluay in the quebrada of canta; as matucanas corresponds with the village of obrajillo. san mateo is 10,947 feet above the level of the sea.[62] the soil produces abundance of potatoes, ocas (_oxalis tuberosa_) and ullucas (_tropæolum tuberosum_). maize ripens here perfectly, but the heads are small. the lucerne is also small, but very abundant; it is very much exposed to injury from the frost, and is only good for use during the five rainy months of the year. five hundred feet higher, that is to say, about 11,500 feet above the sea, is the boundary elevation for the growth of lucerne. the spirit of hospitality, so generally prevalent among the sierra indians, does not seem to animate the cholos of san mateo. their manners are rude and reserved, and they are very distrustful of strangers. as soon as a traveller enters the village, the alcade and the rejidores make their appearance, and demand his passport. if he cannot produce it, he may possibly be put upon a donkey, and conducted to the nearest prefect, or may moreover run the risk of being ill-treated. but, fortunately, it is easy to escape such annoyances. any scrap of printed or written paper will answer for a passport, as it rarely happens that either the alcade or the rejidores can read. on one occasion when my passport was demanded, i discovered i had lost it. fortunately, i had in my pocket a bit of waste paper, which i had used instead of wadding in loading my gun. i ventured at all hazards to hand it to the indian rejidor, who having unfolded it stared very gravely at the words _lucia di lammermoor_, which he saw printed in large characters. it was the bill of the opera i had attended a few evenings before my departure from lima. after examining the bill very attentively, and then scanning me very narrowly, the rejidor returned the paper, with the observation that the passport was quite correct. from san mateo the road runs for half a league through a gloomy ravine; and then suddenly takes a steep ascent up the side of the mountain, over fragments of stones, lying one above another like flights of steps. the stream dashes from rock to rock, covering the narrow path with foam, and washing away the blocks of stone which, in some of the most dangerous parts, serve as barriers along the edge of the precipice. on this road long trains of mules are frequently met coming from the sierra. the traveller, at their approach, seeks some little recess into which he may creep, and there stand closely jammed against the mountain until the train passes by. this is attended by great loss of time, owing to the slow and cautious pace at which the mules proceed. on such a rencounter in a narrow mountain path, i was once obliged to wait for several hours, whilst two hundred mules passed by; and at the spot where i and my horse stood, the laden animals had scarcely space sufficient to set down their feet at the very edge of the pathway. in some places it is perfectly impossible either to go on one side or to turn back; and when horses or mules meet at these difficult points, one of the animals is obliged to plunge into the stream, before the other can have room to pass. the numerous curvatures of the road, and the projecting masses of mountain, render it impossible to see advancing objects in sufficient time to avoid collision. after having passed this difficult tract, which is called by the natives cacray, we reach the summit of the acclivity down which the mountain stream descends. here the valley presents quite the sierra character. it is no longer confined within steep and rugged mountain walls, but runs in undulating contours along the bases of the hills, and gently ascends eastward towards the principal chain of the cordillera. the road is sometimes on the right and sometimes on the left bank of the river. two leagues beyond san mateo lies chicla, a miserable indian village, which, according to maclean's calculation, is 12,712 feet above sea level. in some of the more sheltered parts barley is planted; but it does not ripen, and is merely used as fodder (_alcazer_). chicla is the last place in this valley where the soil is in any degree capable of cultivation. half a league further on, there are a few scattered indian huts, called the village of acchahuari. one of these huts is a tambo, which can never be forgotten by any unfortunate traveller who may have taken up his abode in it. necessity several times compelled me to seek a night's lodging in this horrible tambo; but i never could remain in it till morning; and even amidst snow or rain i have been glad to get out, and take up my resting-place on the outside of the door. the hostess is a dirty old indian woman, assisted by her daughter; and the hut is filthy beyond description. for supper, the old woman cooks a vile mess called _chupe_, consisting of potatoes and water, mixed with spanish pepper; but it is so dirtily prepared, that nothing but the most deadly hunger would induce any one to taste it. the beds consist of sheep-skins spread on the damp floor; and one bedchamber serves for the hostess, her daughter, her grandchildren, and the travellers; an immense woollen counterpane or blanket being spread over the whole party. but woe to the unwary traveller who trusts himself in this dormitory! he soon finds himself surrounded by enemies from whose attacks it is impossible to escape; for the hut is infested with vermin. even should he withdraw into a corner, and make a pillow of his saddle, the annoyance pursues him. add to all this a stifling smoke, and all sorts of mephitic exhalations, and troops of guinea-pigs who run about during the whole night, and gambol over the faces and bodies of the sleepers,--and it may readily be conceived how anxiously the traveller looks for the dawn of morning, when he may escape from the horrors of this miserable tambo. acchahuari is 13,056 feet above the sea level. the climate is very ungenial. during the winter months, rain and snow fall without intermission; and even during the summer, heavy drifts of snow are not unfrequent. from april to july, the medium temperature during the night is 4° r. after passing cacray the diminished atmospheric pressure begins to produce an effect on coast horses which have not been accustomed to travel in the sierra. they are attacked with a malady called the _veta_, which shows itself by difficulty of breathing and trembling. the animals are frequently so overpowered that they are unable either to move or stand, and if they are not immediately unsaddled and allowed to rest they perish. the arrieros consider bleeding a cure for this malady. they sometimes slit the horse's nostrils, a remedy which is probably efficacious, as it enables the animal to inhale the air freely. chopped garlic put into the nostrils is supposed to be a preventive of the veta. mules are less liable to the malady probably because they ascend the acclivities more slowly than horses. the disease does not attack the native horses of the sierra, for which reason they are better than the coast horses for mountain travelling. mules, however, are preferable to either. it is wonderful with what tact and penetration the mule chooses his footing. when he doubts the firmness of the ground he passes his muzzle over it, or turns up the loose parts with his hoof before he ventures to step forward. when he finds himself getting into soft and marshy ground he stands stock still, and refuses to obey either stirrup or whip. if by accident he sinks into a morass, he makes a halt, and waits very contentedly until he receives assistance. but in spite of all this sagacity the traveller will not do well to resign himself wholly to the guidance of his mule. in ordinary cases these animals allow themselves to be guided, and sometimes they appear to think it more safe to trust to the bridle than to themselves. one of my mules frequently gave me curious proofs of this sort of calculation. when, in very difficult parts of the road, i dismounted, in order to walk and lead him by the bridle, i found it impossible to get the animal to move either by force or persuasion. he spread out his legs, fixed his hoofs firmly into the ground, and obstinately resisted all my endeavors to make him move. but as soon as i remounted he willingly obeyed every movement of the bridle. with this mule i could ride through marshes, which i could never do with any other. he appeared to reflect that, as i only dismounted when the road was unsafe, his life was in no less danger than mine. about a league beyond acchahuari the valley is bounded by the principal chain of the cordillera. the ascent may be gained by two different roads. one, the steeper of the two, runs southward, across the piedra parada; the other, on which the ascent is somewhat easier, takes an easterly direction, over antarangra. we will first trace the latter course, which is the most frequented. at the extremity of the valley, and twenty-eight leagues from the capital, is situated the last village, cashapalca, 13,236 feet above the sea. its inhabitants are chiefly employed in mining. formerly, vast quantities of silver were obtained here. but most of the mines are now either under water or exhausted, and the village, with its mine works, has dwindled into insignificance. beyond cashapalca there is a tract of marshy ground, which being passed, a narrow winding road of about two leagues leads up the acclivity. the soil is clayey, and thinly bestrewed with alpine grass, intermingled with syngenesious and cruciferous plants. two plants which are called by the natives _mala yerba_ and _garban zillos_, and are a deadly poison to mules and horses, grow in great abundance here. the numerous skeletons of beasts of burthen seen along the road bear evidence of the fatal effects of those plants. higher up the ascent the vegetation becomes more and more scanty, until at length it entirely disappears, and nothing is visible but the barren rock of the sierra highlands. the last division of acclivity is called by the natives the antarangra (copper rock). on it there is a small heap of stones, which i shall describe by and by, and a cross made of the stems of the _baccharis_. from this point the traveller catches a distant glimpse of the heaven-towering summit of the cordillera. i speedily mounted the ascent, and reached the goal of my journey. here i found myself disappointed in the expectation i had formed of commanding an uninterrupted view over boundless space and distance. the prospect is greatly circumscribed by numerous rocky elevations, which spring up in every direction. the mountain passes running across the ridge of the cordillera are bounded on all sides by rocks, sometimes not very high, but at other times rising to the elevation of 1000 feet. the pass of antarangra (also called portachuelo del tingo, or pachachaca) is 15,600 above the sea.[63] nevertheless it is, during a great part of the year, free from snow. scarcely a quarter of a league further northward are the eternal glaciers, and they are several hundred feet lower than the pass. that the pass itself is not permanently covered with snow is a circumstance which may probably be accounted for by the direction of the atmospheric currents. the east winds penetrate into the deep recesses of the valleys, which are sheltered against the cold south wind by the adjacent mountain ridge. the passes have a gloomy character, and the rugged grandeur of the surrounding country presents an aspect of chaotic wildness and disorder. the ground is covered with huge masses of rock; and the ungenial fruitless soil is shunned alike by plants and animals. the thin tendrils of a lichen, here and there twining on a damp mass of stone, are the only traces of life. yet the remains of human industry and activity are everywhere observable. on all sides are seen the deep cavities which formed the entrances to the now exhausted mines. these cavities are sometimes situated at elevated points of the almost inaccessible walls of rock, and are occasionally found in the level part of the valley, and close on the roadway. instances have occurred of travellers being killed by falling into these holes, when they have been covered by thick falls of snow. it is curious to observe, on the pass of antarangra, the partition of the waters flowing into the two great oceans, the atlantic and the pacific. scarcely thirty paces distant from each other there are two small lagunas. that situated most to the west is one of the sources of the rio de san mateo, which, under the name of the rimac, falls into the pacific. the other laguna, that to the eastward, sends its waters through a succession of small mountain lakes into the rio de pachachaca, a small tributary to the mighty amazon river. it is amusing to take a cup of water from the one laguna and pour it into the other. i could not resist indulging this whim; and in so doing i thought i might possibly have sent into the pacific some drops of the water destined for the atlantic. but the whim, puerile as it may be, nevertheless suggests serious reflections on the mighty power of nature, which has thrown up these stupendous mountains from the bosom of the earth; and also on the testaceous animals found on these heights, memorials of the time when the ocean flowed over their lofty summits. from the ridge the road runs eastward along a branch of the principal mountain chain. this branch forms the southern boundary of a gently-sloping valley. the declivity is terrace-formed, and on each terrace there is a small clear lake. this series of lakes is called _huascacocha_ (the chain of lakes). in their waters, as in most of the mountain rivers, there is found in great numbers a small species of shad-fish (_pygidium dispar_, tsch.). they are caught during the night in nets, or by lines, to which the bait is fastened by small cactus-thorns. the third in the series of the lagunas is called _morococha_ (the colored lake). on its banks some buildings have been constructed, for the smelting of copper ore. the mines which yield this metal are on the southern declivity, close to the road leading down from the cordillera. formerly these mines were worked for silver, but were not found very productive of that metal. now they are again actively worked, and copper is obtained from them. the working of the peruvian copper mines has hitherto been much neglected, though copper ore is exceedingly abundant. the road from morococha to pachachaca is very uniform. the latter village, which is situated 12,240 feet above the level of the sea, was formerly a place of much greater importance than it now is. in its neighborhood there are a number of spacious buildings constructed at the time of the unfortunate english mining speculation. most of them are only half finished. at the entrance of the village there is a large hacienda. in some of the apartments the flooring is of wood; a thing seldom seen in these parts, where the wood for such purposes must be brought from the eastern declivity of the andes: the difficulty and expense attending this transport are so considerable, that a wooden floor is a great rarity in the habitations of the cordillera. a mine belonging to the hacienda is situated five leagues north-west of pachachaca, and yields rich silver ore; but a great part of it is at present under water, and its drainage would be a very difficult undertaking. returning to the point where the two roads across the cordillera separate at cashapalca, we will now trace the route by way of piedra parada. this way is shorter than that by antarangra, but the ascents are much steeper. the first objects met with by the traveller on this road are some indian huts, called _yauliyacu_, and the ruined hacienda of san rafael. these being passed, the ascent continues over broken masses of rock. about 15,200 feet above the sea there is a huge block of mountain, called the piedra parada, close against which a chapel was formerly erected; the mountain forming the back wall of the structure. now there is merely an iron cross, fixed on the upper part of the block of mountain. on this spot the archbishop used formerly to celebrate mass, when he was on his rounds through the diocese. the chapel was destroyed by lightning, and has not been rebuilt. the pass of the piedra parada is 16,008 feet above the sea, and is always covered with snow. travellers frequently lose their way in this pass, an accident which befel me in march, 1842, when i was proceeding alone by that route. being overtaken by a violent fall of snow, i could scarcely see a few paces before me. after wandering about for several hours, my horse became weary, and i began to despair of extricating myself from the dreary plains of snow. late in the evening i reached a little valley, where, sheltered by some rocks, i passed the night. on the following morning i renewed my journey, and after considerable exertion i arrived at an indian hut, where i obtained such directions as enabled me to recover the right course. the eastern declivity of the pass of piedra parada is steeper than that of huascacocha. after a difficult ride of about two leagues, we reach first the valley, and then the village of yauli. the village lies at the height of 13,100 feet above the sea, and consists of about one hundred and fifty miserable huts, affording habitations for between twelve and fourteen thousand indians, most of whom are employed in mining. the cordillera, in the neighborhood of yauli, is exceedingly rich in lead ore, containing silver. within the circuit of a few miles, above eight hundred shafts have been made, but they have not been found sufficiently productive to encourage extensive mining works. the difficulties which impede mine-working in these parts are caused chiefly by the dearness of labor and the scarcity of fuel. there being a total want of wood, the only fuel that can be obtained consists of the dried dung of sheep, llamas, and huanacus. this fuel is called _taquia_. it produces a very brisk and intense flame, and most of the mine-owners prefer it to coal. the process of smelting, as practised by the indians, though extremely rude and imperfect, is nevertheless adapted to local circumstances. all european attempts to improve the system of smelting in these districts have either totally failed, or in their results have proved less effective than the simple indian method. complicated furnaces made after european models are exceedingly expensive, whilst the natives can construct theirs at the cost of fifty or sixty dollars each. these indian furnaces can, moreover, be easily erected in the vicinity of the mines, and when the metal is not very abundant the furnaces may be abandoned without any great sacrifice. for the price of one european furnace the indians may build more than a dozen, in each of which, notwithstanding the paucity of fuel, a considerably greater quantity of metal may be smelted than in one of european construction. about half a league beyond yauli there are upwards of twenty mineral springs, all situated within a circuit of a quarter of a mile. several of them contain saline properties. one is called the _hervidero_ (the whirlpool). it is in the form of a funnel, and at its upper part is between ten and twelve feet diameter. its surface is covered with foam. the temperature of the water is only 7° c. higher than the atmosphere. some of these springs are tepid and sulphuric; and the temperature of one of them is as high as 89° c. near some of the springs quadrangular basins have been constructed for baths, which are said to be very efficacious in cutaneous and rheumatic complaints. the climate of yauli is exceedingly rigorous. in summer the medium temperature of the night is 8° c., but the days are mild. in winter, on the other hand, the night is +1° c., and the day scarcely +3° c., as the sky is continually overhung with thick clouds, which disperse themselves in continual falls of snow. i passed several weeks in yauli and in the wild country around it, and during that time i made many valuable additions to my natural history collection. the distance between yauli and pachachaca is two leagues. the road descends gently along the right bank of the rio de yauli, which forms the principal source of the rio de oroya. in this direction, as well as in other parts adjacent to yauli, there are numerous remains of mining works, formerly the property of portuguese. these works were destroyed at the time of the persecution of the portuguese in peru, when the consul, juan bautista, was hanged by the inquisition, in lima. over those events there hangs a veil of mystery, which will probably never be removed. the portuguese were the most powerful and intelligent mine-owners in peru, and their prosperity excited the envy of the spanish viceroy. a number of portuguese emigrants, who came from brazil, to settle in the peruvian province of maynas, furnished the viceroy with a ground of complaint, real or pretended. he set forth that the portuguese of the eastern parts of south america intended to make themselves masters of peru, and conjointly with the inquisition he commenced coercive measures against them. their consul was accused of heresy, condemned and hanged, and the emigrants were pursued and put to death. some of them escaped into the forests, where they were massacred by the indians, and only a very few succeeded in getting back to brazil. many of the wealthy portuguese mine-owners, seeing the danger that threatened them, sank their vast treasures in lakes, or buried them in retired places in the plains. these treasures consisted chiefly of smelted ore and silver coin, and only a very small portion was afterwards discovered. thus were these active and intelligent mine-owners sacrificed, either to a chimerical and unfounded suspicion, or to a feeling of avarice, which, after all, failed in attaining its object. the consequences were disastrous to the country. peruvian mining has never recovered the prosperity which it enjoyed under the management of the portuguese. between yauli and pachachaca the way is difficult, and without an accurate knowledge of the route, the traveller is likely to lose his way, and may even incur the danger of sinking in the marshes which spread along the bank of the river. from pachachaca a broad and gentle sloping valley conducts to la oroya, a distance of about three leagues. in the range of mountains forming the southern boundary of this valley, the river winds its way through deep ravines. about half a league from pachachaca there is a ford where the road divides; one division passing over the steep mountains of yanaclara to jauja, and the other running into the wild valleys of huayhuay. midway between pachachaca and la oroya there is a small, miserable indian village called saco, which is seldom visited by travellers, as it is difficult to procure in it the commonest necessaries of food. in this place there is a natural bridge across the river, which has worked out a bed for itself beneath the rocks. at several points along the course of this river i observed similar bridges of rock, but this one only is passable for horses. la oroya lies on the left bank of the river of that name, and communicates with the right bank by means of a large hanging bridge (puente de soga). these bridges are composed of four ropes (sogas) made of twisted cow-hide, and about the thickness of a man's arm. the four ropes are connected together by thinner ones of the same material, fastened over them transversely. the whole is covered with branches, straw, and roots of the agave tree. on either side, a rope rather more than two feet above the bridge serves as a balustrade. the sogas are fastened on each bank of the river by piles, or riveted into the rock. during the long continuous rains these bridges become loose and require to be tightened; but they are always lower in the middle than at the ends, and when passengers are crossing them they swing like hammocks. it requires some practice, and a very steady head, to go over the soga bridges unaccompanied by a puentero.[64] however strongly made, they are not durable; for the changeableness of the weather quickly rots the ropes, which are made of untanned leather. they frequently require repairing, and travellers have sometimes no alternative but to wait for several days until a bridge is passable, or to make a circuit of 20 or 30 leagues. the puente de soga of oroya is fifty yards long, and one and a half broad. it is one of the largest in peru; but the bridge across the apurimac, in the province of ayacucho, is nearly twice as long, and it is carried over a much deeper gulf. another curious kind of bridge is that called the huaro. it consists of a thick rope extending over a river or across a rocky chasm. to this rope are affixed a roller, and a strong piece of wood formed like a yoke, and by means of two smaller ropes, this yoke is drawn along the thick rope which forms the bridge. the passenger who has to cross the huaro is tied to the yoke, and grasps it firmly with both hands. his feet, which are crossed one over the other, rest on the thick rope, and the head is held as erectly as possible. all these preliminaries being completed, an indian, stationed on the opposite side of the river or chasm, draws the passenger across the huaro. this is altogether the most disagreeable and dangerous mode of conveyance that can possibly be conceived. if the rope breaks, an accident of no unfrequent occurrence, the hapless traveller has no chance of escaping with life, for being fastened, he can make no effort to save himself. horses and mules are driven by the indians into the river, and are made to swim across it, in doing which they frequently perish, especially when being exhausted by a long journey, they have not strength to contend against the force of the current. the village of oroya, about a quarter of a mile from the bridge, is built on a declivity, and according to maclean's calculation is 12,010 feet above the level of the sea. it contains fifty-one miserable huts, which are the habitations of about two hundred indians. from oroya several roads branch off into the different mountain districts. the most frequented is that over the level height of cachi-cachi to jauja. along this road there are extensive tracts of ground covered with calcareous petrifactions. another road leading to tarma passes by the ancient inca fortress huichay. a third, and much frequented road is that by way of huaypacha, and from thence to junin and cerro de pasco. footnotes: [footnote 52: all these calculations are by english feet.] [footnote 53: jardine and selby's annals of natural history.] [footnote 54: nivelacion barometrica desde el callao hasta pasco, por el camino de obrajillo, y desde el mismo lugar hasta la capital por via de tarma, hecha y calculada por mariano eduardo rivero y usturitz in memorial de ciencias naturales, &c.] [footnote 55: darwin's journal, p. 350] [footnote 56: the spaniards term this plant _uña de gato_ (cat's-claw), the stalk being furnished with hooked thorns resembling claws.] [footnote 57: for further information relative to this disease, see my communication to wunderlich and roser's "_archiv für physiologische heilkunde_."] [footnote 58: see page 153.] [footnote 59: by a nail is lost a shoe, by a shoe a horse, and by a horse a rider.] [footnote 60: according to maclean, the elevation of matucanas is 8026 feet above the level of the sea. i presume that this calculation refers to the village itself, which is situated about the eighth of a league from the tambo, and lies much lower.] [footnote 61: according to maclean's calculation, the tambo de viso is 9072 feet above the sea.] [footnote 62: maclean states the elevation to be 10,984 feet above the sea. rivero makes it 9570, and gay 10,408 feet. gay's is the only measurement which in any manner corresponds with mine and maclean's. in general gay's calculations are between 600 and 800 feet higher than ours.] [footnote 63: maclean makes it 15,543 feet; gay, 15,924 feet; and rivero, only 14,608 feet above the level of the sea.] [footnote 64: the _puenteros_ (bridge guides) are indians who assist travellers in crossing these dangerous bridges.] chapter xi the cordillera and the andes--signification of the terms--altitude of the mountains and passes--lakes--metals--aspect of the cordillera--shattered rocks--maladies caused by the diminished atmospheric pressure--the veta and the surumpe--mountain storms--the condor--its habits--indian mode of catching the bird--the puna or despoblado--climate--currents of warm air--vegetation--tuberous plant called the maca--animals of the puna--the llama, the alpaco, the huanacu and the vicuña--the chacu and the bolas--household utensils of the ancient peruvians--the viscacha and the chinchilla--puna birds and amphibia--cattle and pasture--indian farms--shepherds' huts--ancient peruvian roads and buildings--treasure concealed by the indians in the puna. two great mountain chains, running parallel with each other, intersect peru in the direction from s.s.w. to n.n.e. the chain nearest the coast of the pacific is at the average distance of from sixty to seventy english miles from the sea. the other chain takes a parallel direction but describes throughout its whole course a slight curve eastward. these two ranges of mountain are called the cordilleras, or the andes: both terms being used indiscriminately. even the creoles of peru confound these two terms, sometimes calling the western chain by one name, and sometimes by the other. nevertheless, a strict distinction ought to be observed:--the western chain should properly be called the cordillera, and the eastern chain the andes. the latter name is derived from the quichua word antasuyu; _anta_ signifying metal generally, but especially copper, and _suyu_ a district; the meaning of antasuyu, therefore, is the metal district. in common parlance, the word suyu was dropped, and the termination _a_ in _anta_ was converted into _is_. hence the word _antis_, which is employed by all old writers and geographers; and even now is in common use among the indian population of southern peru. the spaniards, according to their practice of corrupting the words of the quichua language, have transformed antis into _andes_, and they apply the name without distinction to the western and the eastern chain of mountains.[65] the old inhabitants of peru dwelt chiefly along the base of the eastern mountain chain, where they drew from the mines the metal which afforded material for their tasteful and ingenious workmanship: those mountains consequently retained the name of antis or andes. in the time of the incas, both chains were called ritisuyu (snow-districts). the spaniards, on the invasion of the country, advancing from the sea-coast, first arrived at the western mountains, and to them they gave the name of _cordillera_, the term commonly employed in the spanish language, to designate any mountain chain. most of the earlier travellers and topographists named the western chain the _cordillera de los andes_, and regarded it as the principal chain, of which they considered the eastern mountains to be merely a branch. to the eastern range of mountains they gave the name of _cordillera oriental_. i will here strictly observe the correct denominations, calling the western chain the cordillera, or the coast mountains; and the eastern chain the andes, or the inner cordillera. these two great mountain chains stand in respect to height in an inverse relation one to the other; that is to say, the greater the elevation of the cordillera, the more considerable is the depression of the andes. in south peru the ridge of the cordillera is considerably lower than that portion of the andes which stretches through bolivia. the medium height of the cordillera in south peru is 15,000 feet above the sea; but here and there particular points rise to a much more considerable elevation. the medium height of the andes is 17,000 feet above the sea. in central peru the cordillera is higher than the andes. there the altitude of the latter along the body of the chain is 13,000 feet above the sea: on the ridge there are a few points some hundred feet higher. between pasco and loxas the average height of the cordillera is between 11,000 and 12,000 feet above the sea; and the average elevation of the andes at the corresponding point is about 2000 feet lower. the passes do not run through valleys, but always over the ridges of the mountains. the highest mountain passes are the rinconada (16,452 feet above the sea); the piedra parada (16,008 feet); the tingo (15,600 feet); the huatillas (14,850 feet); the portachuelo de la viuda (14,544 feet); the altos de toledo (15,530 feet); and the altos de los huesos (14,300 feet). in both chains there are innumerable small lakes; these are met with in all the mountain passes, and most of them are the sources of small rivers. both the mountain chains, as well as their lateral branches, are rich in metallic produce; but in the principal mountains gold is rare. some rich mines on the coast, and in the province of arequipa, are now nearly exhausted. wash gold is plentiful in the rivers of north peru, but it is not carefully collected. silver, which constitutes the principal wealth of peru, is found in greatest abundance in the principal chains, viz., in northern and central peru, in the cordillera; and in southern peru in the andes. it presents itself in all forms and combinations, from the pure metal to the lead-ore mixed with silver. even in the highest elevations, in parts scarcely trodden by human footsteps, rich veins of silver are discovered. it is scarcely possible to pass half a day in these regions without encountering new streaks. quicksilver is likewise found, but in such small quantities, that the gain does not pay the labor of the miners. the only quicksilver vein of any magnitude is at huancavelica. both mountain chains are very rich in copper-ore; but it is extracted only from the cordillera, for the distance of the andes from the coast renders the transport too expensive. the lead and iron mines, though amazingly prolific, are not worked; the price of the metal being too low to pay the labor. the cordillera presents an aspect totally different from that of the andes. it is more wild and rugged, its ridge is broader, and its summits less pyramidical. the summits of the andes terminate in slender sharp points like needles. the cordillera descends in terraces to the level heights, whilst the slope of the andes is uniform and unbroken. the summits of the calcareous hills which stretch eastward from the great chain of the cordillera are broken and rugged. large cubical blocks of stone become detached from them, and roll down into the valleys. in the quebrada of huari near yanaclara, which is 13,000 feet above the sea, i collected among other fragments of rock some of a species which is found at neufchatel in switzerland. this disintegration, which is the effect of protracted rain and cold, imparts to the mountain ridges the most singular and beautiful forms; their fantastic outlines appearing like the work of human hands. imagination may easily picture them to be monuments of the time of the incas; for viewed from a distance, they look like groups of giants or colossal animals. in former times the indians viewed these masses of rock with devout reverence, for they believed them to be the early inhabitants of the earth whom pacchacamac in his anger transformed to stone. i may here notice some very curious forms of rock which have long been a subject of controversy among peruvian travellers. on the road leading from ayacucho to huancavelica, on the level height of paucara, about a league beyond the village of parcos, there is a considerable number of sand-stone pyramids from eight to twenty-two feet high. they are of a reddish-white color; but in many places the inclemency of the weather has overspread them with a blackish crust. they are detached one from another. ulloa, in his _noticias americanas_, after fully describing these pyramids, declares himself doubtful whether they are the work of man or of nature. he inclines to regard them as human creations, and suggests that they may possibly have been the tombs of distinguished curacas and caciques; but he admits that he is not acquainted with any similar monuments in peru. as each pyramid consists of only one block of stone, and all are very regularly shaped, ulloa is not indisposed to believe that the indians possessed the secret art of melting stone. these blocks are, however, of sand-stone, and their fractures are the result of the inclemency of the weather. they are all pyramidal-shaped, and tolerably equal in size. in several of them the points are as sharp and regular as though they had been wrought by the chisel of the sculptor. these curious pyramids cover the plateau along a distance of more than two miles: sometimes standing closely together, and sometimes at considerable distances apart. the whole line of chalk and slate mountains extending from ayacucho to huancavelica is shattered, and presents similar, though less regular detritus. i have, in my last chapter, observed that the cordillera is the point of partition between the waters of the pacific and the atlantic oceans. all the waters of the eastern declivity of the cordillera--all those which have their source on the level heights and on the western declivity of the andes,--flow from thence in the direction of the east, and work their way through the eastern mountain chain. throughout the whole extent of south america there is not a single instance of the cordillera being intersected by a river; a fact the more remarkable because in southern peru and bolivia, the coast chain is lower than the andes. this interesting phenomenon, though it has deeply engaged the attention of geologists, has not yet been satisfactorily explained. i concur in the view taken by mr. darwin, who observes that it would be too rash to assign to the eastern chain of bolivia and central chile, a later origin than the western chain (the nearest the pacific), but that the circumstance of the rivers of a lower mountain chain having forced their way through a higher chain seems, without this supposition, to be enigmatical. mr. darwin is of opinion that the phenomenon is assignable to a periodical and gradual elevation of the second mountain line (the andes); for a chain of islets would at first appear, and as these were lifted up, the tides would be always wearing deeper and broader channels between them. in the heights of the cordillera the effect of the diminished atmospheric pressure on the human frame shows itself in intolerable symptoms of weariness and an extreme difficulty of breathing. the natives call this malady the _puna_ or the _soroche_; and the spanish creoles give it the names of _mareo_ or _veta_. ignorant of its real causes they ascribe it to the exhalations of metals, especially antimony, which is extensively used in the mining operations. the first symptoms of the veta are usually felt at the elevation of 12,600 feet above the sea. these symptoms are vertigo, dimness of sight and hearing, pains in the head and nausea. blood flows from the eyes, nose, and lips. fainting fits, spitting of blood, and other dangerous symptoms, usually attend severe attacks of veta. the sensations which accompany this malady somewhat resemble those of sea-sickness, and hence its spanish name _mareo_. but sea-sickness is unaccompanied by the distressing difficulty of breathing experienced in the veta. this disorder sometimes proves fatal, and i once witnessed a case in which death was the result. inhabitants of the coast and europeans, who for the first time visit the lofty regions of the cordillera, are usually attacked with this disorder. persons in good health and of a spare habit speedily recover from it, but on plethoric and stout individuals its effects are frequently very severe. after an abode of some time in the mountainous regions, the constitution becomes inured to the rarefied atmosphere. i suffered only two attacks of the veta; but they were very severe. the first was on one of the level heights; and the second on the mountain of antaichahua. the first time i ascended the cordillera i did not experience the slightest illness, and i congratulated myself on having escaped the veta; but a year afterwards i had an attack of it, though only of a few hours' duration. the veta is felt with great severity in some districts of the cordillera, whilst in others, where the altitude is greater, the disorder is scarcely perceptible. thus it would seem that the malady is not caused by diminished atmospheric pressure, but is dependent on some unknown climatic circumstances. the districts in which the veta prevails with greatest intensity are, for the most part, rich in the production of metals, a circumstance which has given rise to the idea that it is caused by metallic exhalations. i have already described the effect of the puna climate on beasts of burthen. its influence on some of the domestic animals is no less severe than on the human race. to cats, it is very fatal, and at the elevation of 13,000 feet above the sea those animals cannot live. numerous trials have been made to rear them in the villages of the upper mountains, but without effect; for after a few days' abode in those regions, the animals die in frightful convulsions; but when in this state they do not attempt to bite. i had two good opportunities of observing the disease at yauli. cats attacked in this way are called, by the natives, _azorochados_, and antimony is alleged to be the cause of the distemper. dogs are also liable to it, but it visits them less severely than cats, and with care they may be recovered. another scourge of the traveller in the cordillera, is the disease called the _surumpe_. it is a violent inflammation of the eyes, caused by the sudden reflection of the bright rays of the sun on the snow. by the rarefied air and the cutting wind, the eyes, being kept in a constant state of irritation, are thereby rendered very susceptible to the effects of the glaring light. in these regions the sky is often for a time completely overshadowed by snow clouds, and the greenish yellow of the plain is soon covered by a sheet of snow: then suddenly the sun's rays burst through the breaking clouds, and the eyes, unprepared for the dazzling glare, are almost blinded. a sharp burning pain is immediately felt, and it speedily increases to an intolerable degree. the eyes become violently inflamed, and the lids swell and bleed. the pain of the surumpe is the most intense that can be imagined, and frequently brings on delirium. the sensation resembles that which it may be imagined would be felt if cayenne pepper or gunpowder were rubbed into the eyes. chronic inflammation, swelling of the eyelids, dimness of sight, and even total blindness are the frequent consequences of the surumpe. in the cordillera, indians are often seen sitting by the road-side shrieking in agony, and unable to proceed on their way. they are more liable to the disease than the creoles, who, when travelling in the mountains, protect their eyes by green spectacles and veils. heavy falls of snow in the cordillera are usually accompanied by thunder and lightning. during five months of the year, from november to march, storms are of daily occurrence. they begin, with singular regularity, about three o'clock in the afternoon, and continue until five or half-past five in the evening. after that time storms of thunder and lightning never occur; but the falls of snow sometimes continue till midnight. as evening approaches, cold mists are drifted from the mountain-tops down upon the plains; but they are dispersed by the rays of the morning sun, which in a few hours melt the snow. the furious tempests in these regions exceed any idea that can be formed of them, and can only be conceived by those who have witnessed them. some of these mountain districts have acquired an ominous character for storms; antaichahua is one of the places to which this sort of fearful celebrity belongs. for hours together flash follows flash, painting blood-red cataracts on the naked precipices. the forked lightning darts its zig-zag flashes on the mountain-tops, or, running along the ground, imprints deep furrows in its course; whilst the atmosphere quivers amidst uninterrupted peals of thunder, repeated a thousandfold by the mountain echoes. the traveller, overtaken by these terrific storms, dismounts from his trembling horse, and takes refuge beneath the shelter of some overhanging rock. in these sterile heights, nature withholds her fostering influence alike from vegetable and animal life. the scantiest vegetation can scarcely draw nutriment from the ungenial soil, and animals shun the dreary and shelterless wilds. the condor alone finds itself in its native element amidst these mountain deserts. on the inaccessible summits of the cordillera that bird builds its nest, and hatches its young in the months of april and may. few animals have attained so universal a celebrity as the condor. that bird was known in europe, at a period when his native land was numbered among those fabulous regions which are regarded as the scenes of imaginary wonders. the most extravagant accounts of the condor were written and read, and general credence was granted to every story which travellers brought from the fairy land of gold and silver. it was only at the commencement of the present century that humboldt overthrew the extravagant notions that previously prevailed respecting the size, strength, and habits of that extraordinary bird. the full-grown condor measures, from the point of the beak to the end of the tail, from four feet ten inches to five feet; and from the tip of one wing to the other, from twelve to thirteen feet. this bird feeds chiefly on carrion: it is only when impelled by hunger that he seizes living animals, and even then only the small and defenceless, such as the young of sheep, vicuñas, and llamas. he cannot raise great weights with his feet, which, however, he uses to aid the power of his beak. the principal strength of the condor lies in his neck and in his feet; yet he cannot, when flying, carry a weight exceeding eight or ten pounds. all accounts of sheep and calves being carried off by condors are mere exaggerations. this bird passes a great part of the day in sleep, and hovers in quest of prey chiefly in the morning and evening. whilst soaring at a height beyond the reach of human eyes, the sharp-sighted condor discerns his prey on the level heights beneath him, and darts down upon it with the swiftness of lightning. when a bait is laid, it is curious to observe the numbers of condors which assemble in a quarter of an hour, in a spot near which not one had been previously visible. these birds possess the senses of sight and smell in a singularly powerful degree. some old travellers, ulloa among others, have affirmed that the plumage of the condor is invulnerable to a musket-ball. this absurdity is scarcely worthy of contradiction; but it is nevertheless true that the bird has a singular tenacity of life, and that it is seldom killed by fire-arms, unless when shot in some vital part. its plumage, particularly on the wings, is very strong and thick. the natives, therefore, seldom attempt to shoot the condor: they usually catch him by traps or by the laso, or kill him by stones flung from slings, or by the _bolas_. a curious method of capturing the condor alive is practised in the province of abancay. a fresh cow-hide, with some fragments of flesh adhering to it, is spread out on one of the level heights, and an indian provided with ropes creeps beneath it, whilst some others station themselves in ambush near the spot, ready to assist him. presently a condor, attracted by the smell of flesh, darts down upon the cow-hide, and then the indian, who is concealed under it, seizes the bird by the legs, and binds them fast in the skin, as if in a bag. the captured condor flaps his wings, and makes ineffectual attempts to fly; but he is speedily secured, and carried in triumph to the nearest village. the indians quote numerous instances of young children having been attacked by condors. that those birds are sometimes extremely fierce is very certain. the following occurrence came within my own knowledge, whilst i was in lima. i had a condor, which, when he first came into my possession, was very young. to prevent his escape, as soon as he was able to fly, he was fastened by the leg to a chain, to which was attached a piece of iron of about six pounds weight. he had a large court to range in, and he dragged the piece of iron about after him all day. when he was a year and a half old he flew away, with the chain and iron attached to his leg, and perched on the spire of the church of santo tomas, whence he was scared away by the carrion hawks. on alighting in the street, a negro attempted to catch him for the purpose of bringing him home; upon which he seized the poor creature by the ear, and tore it completely off. he then attacked a child in the street (a negro boy of three years old), threw him on the ground, and knocked him on the head so severely with his beak, that the child died in consequence of the injuries. i hoped to have brought this bird alive to europe; but, after being at sea two months on our homeward voyage, he died on board the ship in the latitude of monte video. between the cordillera and the andes, at the height of 12,000 feet above the sea, there are vast tracts of uninhabited table-lands. these are called in the quichua language the _puna_; and the spaniards give them the name of the _despoblado_ (the uninhabited). these table-lands form the upper mountain regions of the south american highlands. they spread over the whole extent of peru, from north-west to south-east, a distance of 350 spanish miles, continuing through bolivia, and gradually running eastward into the argentine republic. with reference to geography and natural history, these table-lands present a curious contrast to the _llanos_ (plains) of south america, situated on the other side of the andes to the north-east. those boundless deserts, full of organic life, are, like the puna, among the most interesting characteristics of the new world. the climate of these regions is not less rigorous than that of the high mountain ridges. cold winds from the west and south-west, blow nearly all the year round from the ice-topped cordillera; and for the space of four months these winds are daily accompanied by thunder, lightning, and snow-storms. the average state of the thermometer during the cold season (which is called summer, because it then seldom snows) is, during the night, -5° r.; and at midday, +9° 7´ r. in winter the mercury seldom falls during the night below freezing point, and it continues between +1° and 0° r.; but at noon it ascends only to 7° r. it is, however, quite impossible to determine with precision the medium temperature of these regions. for the space of a few hours the heat will frequently vary between 18° and 20° r. the transition is the more sensibly felt on the fall of the temperature, as it is usually accompanied by sharp-biting winds, so keen, that they cut the skin on the face and hands. a remarkable effect of the puna wind is its power of speedily drying animal bodies, and thereby preventing putridity. a dead mule is, in the course of a few days, converted into a mummy; not even the entrails presenting the least trace of decomposition. it frequently happens that, after being long exposed to these cold winds, the traveller enters warm atmospheric currents. these warm streams are sometimes only two or three paces, and at other times, several hundred feet broad. they run in a parallel direction with each other, and one may pass through five or six of them in the course of a few hours. on the level heights between chacapalpa and huancavelica, i remarked that they were especially frequent during the months of august and september. according to my repeated observations, i found that these warm streams chiefly follow the direction of the cordillera; namely, from s.s.w. to n.n.e. i once travelled the distance of several leagues through a succession of these currents of warm air, none of which exceeded seven-and-twenty paces in breadth. their temperature was 11° r. higher than that of the adjacent atmosphere. it would appear they are not merely temporary, for the mule-drivers can often foretel with tolerable accuracy where they will be encountered. the causes of these phenomena well merit the investigation of meteorologists. the aspect of the puna is singularly monotonous and dreary. the expansive levels are scantily covered with grasses of a yellowish-brown hue, and are never enlivened by fresh-looking verdure. here and there, at distant intervals, may be seen a few stunted queñua trees (_polylepis racemosa_, r. p.), or large patches of ground covered with the ratanhia shrub[66] (_krameria triandria_, r. p.). both are used by the indians as fuel, and for roofing their huts. the cold climate and sterile soil of the puna are formidable impediments to agriculture. only one plant is cultivated in these regions with any degree of success. it is the _maca_, a tuberous root grown like the potatoe, and like it used as an article of food. in many of the puna districts the maca constitutes the principal sustenance of the inhabitants. it has an agreeable, and somewhat sweetish flavor, and when boiled in milk it tastes like the chestnut. as far as i am aware this plant has not been mentioned by any traveller, nor has its botanical character yet been precisely determined. possibly it is a species of tropæolum, but of this i am uncertain. the root is about the size of a large chestnut. macas may be kept for more than a year, if, after being taken from the earth, they are left a few days to dry in the sun, and then exposed to the cold. by this means they become shrivelled and very hard. from these dried macas, the indians prepare a sort of soup or rather syrup, which diffuses a sweet, sickly sort of odor, but which, when eaten with roasted maize, is not altogether unpalatable. the maca thrives best at the height of between 12,000 and 13,000 feet above the sea. in the lower districts it is not planted, for the indians declare it to be flavorless when grown there. besides the maca barley is reared in the puna. i saw there fields of barley 13,200 feet above the sea. it does not, however, attain full maturity, seldom even shoots into ears, and is cut whilst green as fodder for horses. but poor and scanty as is the vegetation of the puna, the animal kingdom is there richly and beautifully represented. those regions are the native home of the great mammalia, which peru possessed before horses and black cattle were introduced by the spaniards. i allude to the llama and his co-genera the alpaco, the huanacu, and the vicuña. on these interesting animals i will subjoin a few observations.[67] the two first are kept as domestic animals; the llama perfectly, and the alpaco partially tame. the llama measures from the sole of the hoof to the top of the head, 4 feet 6 to 8 inches; from the sole of the hoof to the shoulders, from 2 feet 11 inches to 3 feet. the female is usually smaller and less strong than the male, but her wool is finer and better. the color is very various; generally brown, with shades of yellow or black; frequently speckled, but very rarely quite white or black. the speckled brown llama is in some districts called the moromoro. the young llamas are left with the dam for about the space of a year, after which time they are removed and placed with flocks. when about four years old, the males and females are separated; the former are trained to carry burthens, and the latter are kept in the pastures of the level heights. most of the flocks of llamas are reared in the southern puna provinces, viz.:--cuzco and ayacucho, and from thence they are sent to the silver mines of north peru. the price of a strong full-grown llama is from three to four dollars; but if purchased in flocks in the provinces above named, they may be had for one and a half or two dollars each. shortly after the conquest the price of one of these animals was between eighteen and twenty ducats; but the increase of horses, mules, and sheep, lowered their value. the burthen carried by the llama should not exceed one hundred and twenty-five pounds, and the animal is seldom laden with more than a hundred-weight. when the llama finds his burthen too heavy he lies down, and cannot be made to rise until some portion of the weight is removed from his back. in the silver mines the llamas are of the most important utility, as they frequently carry the metal from the mines in places where the declivities are so steep that neither asses nor mules can keep their footing. the indians frequently proceed with large flocks of llamas to the coast, to procure salt. their daily journeys are short, never exceeding three or four leagues; for the animals will not feed during the night, and therefore they are allowed to graze as they go, or to halt for a few hours at feeding-time. when resting they make a peculiar humming noise, which, when proceeding from a numerous flock at a distance, is like a number of æolian harps sounding in concert. a flock of laden llamas journeying over the table-lands is a beautiful sight. they proceed at a slow and measured pace, gazing eagerly around on every side. when any strange object scares them, the flock separates, and disperses in various directions, and the arrieros have no little difficulty in reassembling them. the indians are very fond of these animals. they adorn them by tying bows of ribbon to their ears, and hanging bells round their necks; and before loading, they always fondle and caress them affectionately. if, during a journey, one of the llamas is fatigued and lies down, the arriero kneels beside the animal, and addresses to it the most coaxing and endearing expressions. but notwithstanding all the care and attention bestowed on them, many llamas perish on every journey to the coast, as they are not able to bear the warm climate. some old travellers have stated that the indians employ the llama for riding and for draught; but these accounts are quite erroneous. it sometimes happens that when crossing a river an indian lad, to avoid getting wet, may mount on the back of one of the llamas; but in such a case, he immediately dismounts on reaching the opposite bank. the flesh of the llama is spongy, and not agreeable in flavor. its wool is used for making coarse cloths. the alpaco, or paco, is smaller than the llama. it measures from the lower part of the hoof to the top of the head only three feet three inches, and to the shoulders two feet and a half. in form it resembles the sheep, but it has a longer neck and a more elegant head. the fleece of this animal is beautifully soft and very long; in some parts it is four or five inches in length. its color is usually either white or black; but in some few instances it is speckled. the indians make blankets and ponchos of the alpaco wool. it is also frequently exported to europe, and it sells at a good price in england. the alpacos are kept in large flocks, and throughout the whole of the year they graze on the level heights. at shearing time only they are driven to the huts. they are in consequence very shy, and they run away at the approach of a stranger. the obstinacy of the alpaco is remarkable. when one of these animals is separated from the flock, he throws himself on the ground, and neither force nor persuasion will induce him to rise;--sometimes suffering the severest punishment rather than go the way the driver wishes. few animals seem to require so imperatively the companionship of its own species, and it is only when brought to the indian huts very young, that the alpacos can be separated from their flocks. the largest animal of this family is the huanacu. it measures five feet from the bottom of the hoof to the top of the head, and three feet three inches to the shoulders. in form it so nearly resembles the llama, that until a very recent period, zoologists were of opinion that the llama was an improved species of the huanacu, and that the latter was the llama in its wild state. in the "fauna peruana" i have explained the erroneousness of this opinion, and described the specific differences existing between the two animals. on the neck, back, and thighs the huanacu is of a uniform reddish-brown color. the under part of the body, the middle line of the breast, and the inner side of the limbs are of a dingy white. the face is dark grey, and the lips of a clear white. of the huanacus there are not those varieties which are found among the llamas and the alpacos. the wool is shorter and coarser than that of the llama, and it is of nearly uniform length on all parts of the body. the huanacus live in small herds of five or seven, seldom exceeding the latter number. in some districts they are very shy, and retreat when any one approaches. if taken very young they may be tamed; but they are always ready to fall back into their wild state. it is with great difficulty they can be trained as beasts of burthen. in the menageries of europe, huanacu brought from chile are frequently represented to be llamas. the vicuña is a more beautiful animal than any of those just described. its size is between that of the llama and the alpaco. it measures from the sole of the foot to the top of the head four feet one inch, and two and a half feet to the shoulders. the neck is longer and more slender than in either of the other relative species; and from them the vicuña is also distinguished by the superior fineness of its short, curly wool. the crown of the head, the upper part of the neck, the back, and thighs, are of a peculiar reddish-yellow hue, called by the people of the country _color de vicuña_. the lower part of the neck, and the inner parts of the limbs, are of a bright ochre color, and the breast and lower part of the body are white. during the rainy season the vicuña inhabits the ridges of the cordillera, where some scanty vegetation is to be found. it never ventures up to the naked rocky summits, for its hoofs being accustomed only to turfy ground, are very soft and tender. it lives in herds, consisting of from six to fifteen females, and one male, who is the protector and leader of the herd. whilst the females are quietly grazing, the male stands at the distance of some paces apart, and carefully keeps guard over them. at the approach of danger he gives a signal, consisting of a sort of whistling sound, and a quick movement of the foot. immediately the herd draws closely together, each animal anxiously stretching out its head in the direction of the threatening danger. they then take to flight; first moving leisurely and cautiously, and then quickening their pace to the utmost degree of speed; whilst the male vicuña who covers the retreat frequently halts, to observe the movements of the enemy. the females, with singular fidelity and affection, reward the watchful care of their protector. if he is wounded or killed, they gather round him in a circle, uttering their shrill tones of lamentation, and they will suffer themselves to be captured or killed, rather than desert him by pursuing their flight. the neigh of the vicuña, like that of the other animals of its class, resembles a short, sharp whistle. but when the shrill sound vibrates through the pure puna air, the practised ear can readily distinguish the cry of the vicuña from that of the other animals of the same family. the indians seldom employ fire-arms in hunting the vicuñas. they catch them by what they term the _chacu_. in this curious hunt, one man at least belonging to each family in the puna villages takes a part, and women accompany the train, to officiate as cooks to the hunters. the whole company, frequently amounting to seventy or eighty individuals, proceeds to the altos (the most secluded parts of the puna), which are the haunts of the vicuñas. they take with them stakes, and a great quantity of rope and cord. a spacious open plain is selected, and the stakes are driven into the ground in a circle, at intervals of from twelve to fifteen feet apart, and are connected together by ropes fastened to them at the height of two or two and a half feet from the ground. the circular space within the stakes is about half a league in circumference, and an opening of about two hundred paces in width is left for entrance. on the ropes by which the stakes are fastened together the women hang pieces of colored rags, which flutter about in the wind. the chacu being fully prepared, the men, some of whom are mounted on horseback, range about within a circuit of several miles, driving before them all the herds of vicuñas they meet with, and forcing them into the chacu. when a sufficient number of vicuñas is collected, the entrance is closed. the timid animals do not attempt to leap over the ropes, being frightened by the fluttering rags suspended from them, and, when thus secured, the indians easily kill them by the _bolas_. these bolas consist of three balls, composed either of lead or stone; two of them heavy, and the third rather lighter. they are fastened to long, elastic strings, made of twisted sinews of the vicuña, and the opposite ends of the strings are all tied together. the indian holds the lightest of the three balls in his hand, and swings the two others in a wide circle above his head; then, taking his aim at the distance of about fifteen or twenty paces, he lets go the hand-ball, upon which all the three balls whirl in a circle, and twine round the object aimed at. the aim is usually taken at the hind legs of the animals, and the cords twisting round them, they become firmly bound. it requires great skill and long practice to throw the bolas dexterously, especially when on horseback: a novice in the art incurs the risk of dangerously hurting either himself or his horse, by not giving the balls the proper swing, or by letting go the hand-ball too soon. the vicuñas, after being secured by the bolas, are killed, and the flesh is distributed in equal portions among the hunters. the skins belong to the church. the price of a vicuña skin is four reals. when all the animals are killed, the stakes, ropes, &c., are packed up carefully, and conveyed to another spot, some miles distant, where the chacu is again fixed up. the hunting is continued in this manner for the space of a week. the number of animals killed during that interval varies according to circumstances, being sometimes fifty or sixty, and at other times several hundred. during five days i took part in a chacu hunt in the altos of huayhuay, and in that space of time 122 vicuñas were caught. with the money obtained by the sale of the skins a new altar was erected in the church of the district. the flesh of the vicuña is more tender and better flavored than that of the llama. fine cloth and hats are made of the wool. when taken young, the vicuñas are easily tamed, and become very docile; but when old, they are intractable and malicious. at tarma i possessed a large and very fine vicuña. it used to follow me like a dog whenever i went out, whether on foot or on horseback. the frequent hunting seems not to have the effect of diminishing the numbers of these animals. if in the vicinity of the villages where chacus are frequently established, they are less numerous than in other parts, it is because, to elude the pursuit of the hunters, they seek refuge in the altos, where they are found in vast numbers. several modern travellers have lamented the diminution of the vicuñas, but without reason. in former times those animals were hunted more actively than at present. under the dynasty of the incas, when every useful plant and animal was an object of veneration, the peruvians rendered almost divine worship to the llama and his relatives, which exclusively furnished them with wool for clothing, and with flesh for food. the temples were adorned with large figures of these animals made of gold and silver, and their forms were represented in domestic utensils made of stone and clay. in the valuable collection of baron clemens von hügel at vienna, there are four of these vessels, composed of porphyry, basalt, and granite, representing the four species, viz., the llama, the alpaco, the huanacu, and the vicuña. these antiquities are exceedingly scarce, and when i was in peru i was unable to obtain any of them. how the ancient peruvians, without the aid of iron tools, were able to carve stone so beautifully, is inconceivable. besides the animals above mentioned, several others peculiar to the puna are deserving of remark. among these are the tarush (_cervus antisiensis_, orb.); the timid roe, which inhabits the high forests skirting the andes; the viscacha (_lagidium peruanum_, may, and _l. pallipes_, benn.), and the chinchilla (_eriomys chinchilla_, licht.), whose skin supplies the beautiful fur so much prized by the ladies of europe. the viscachas and chinchillas resemble the rabbit in form and color, but they have shorter ears and long rough tails. they live on the steep rocky mountains, and in the morning and evening they creep out from their holes and crevices to nibble the alpine grasses. at night the indians set before their holes traps made of horse-hair, in which the animals are easily caught. the most remarkable of the beasts of prey in these high regions is the atoc (_canis azaræ_, pr. max.). it is a species of fox, which is found throughout the whole of south america. the warmer puna valleys are inhabited by the cuguar (_felis concolor_, l.), or, as the indians call it, the poma. when driven by hunger, this animal ventures into the loftiest puna regions, even to the boundary of the eternal snow. the wild hucumari (_ursus ornatus_, fr. cuv.) but seldom wanders into the cold puna. the hucumari is a large black bear, with a white muzzle and light-colored stripes on the breast. of the numerous puna birds, the majority of which may be classed as water-fowl, i will notice only a few of the most characteristic. next to the condor, the most remarkable bird of prey is the huarahuau, or the aloi (_polylorus megalopterus_, cob.),[68] one of the gyr-falcon species. this bird, which is a constant inhabitant of the level heights, preys on the carcases of dead horses, mules, &c., but never attempts to meddle with living animals. it is very harmless, and has so little timidity, that it suffers itself to be approached near enough to be knocked down with a stick. the acacli, or pito (_colaptes rupicola_, orb.), flutters about the mountains; it is a woodpecker, brown-speckled, with a yellow belly. this bird is seen in very great numbers, and it is difficult to imagine how it procures food in the puna, where there are no insects. all the other woodpecker species exclusively confine themselves to woody regions. the thickets of rushy grass are inhabited by the pishacas, or yutu, a species of partridge (_tinamotis pentlandii_, vig.) which the indians catch by dogs. these dogs of the puna indians are a peculiar race (_canis ingæ_, tsch.). they are distinguished by a small head, a pointed muzzle, small erect ears, a tail curling upwards, and a thick shaggy skin. they are in a half-wild state, and very surly and snappish. they furiously attack strangers, and even after having received a deadly wound they will crawl along the ground, and make an effort to bite. to white people they appear to have a particular antipathy; and sometimes it becomes rather a venturous undertaking for a european traveller to approach an indian hut, for these mountain dogs spring up to the sides of the horse, and try to bite the rider's legs. they are snarlish and intractable even to their masters, who are often obliged to enforce obedience by the help of a stick. yet these dogs are very useful animals for guarding flocks, and they have a keen scent for the pishacas, which they catch and kill with a single bite. there is a very curious little bird in the puna, about the size of a starling. its plumage is exceedingly pretty, being on the back brown, striped with black; on the throat grey, with two dark stripes, and on the breast white. this bird has the remarkable peculiarity of making a monotonous sound at the close of every hour, during the night. the indians call it the ingahuallpa, or cock of the inga (_thinocorus ingæ_, tsch.), and they associate many superstitious notions with its regular hourly cry. the puna morasses and lagunas are animated by numerous feathered inhabitants. among them is the huachua (_chloephaga melanoptera_, eyt.), a species of goose. the plumage of the body is dazzlingly white, the wings green, shading into brilliant violet, and the feet and beak of a bright red. the licli (_charadrius resplendens_, tsch.) is a plover, whose plumage in color is like that of the huachua, but with a sort of metallic brightness. there are two species of ibis which belong to the puna, though they are occasionally seen in some of the lower valleys. one is the bandurria (_theristocus melanopis_, wagl.), and the other is the yanahuico (_ibis ordi_, bonap.). on the lagunas swim large flocks of quiullas (_larus serranus_, tsch.), white mews, with black heads and red beaks, and the gigantic water-hen (_fulica gigantea_, soul.). the plumage of the latter is dark-grey, and at the root of the red beak there is a large yellow botch, in the form of a bean, whence the indians give this bird the name of _anash sinqui_, or bean nose. among the few amphibia found in these regions one is particularly remarkable. it is a small kind of toad (_leiuperus viridis_, tsch.), and inhabits the boundaries of the perpetual snow. the grasses of the puna are used as fodder, and in many of the sheltered valleys there are farms (_haciendas de ganado_), where large herds of cattle are reared. the owners of some of these farms possess several thousand sheep, and from four to five hundred cows. during the rainy season the cattle are driven into the altos. they graze in those high regions, often at the altitude of 15,000 feet above the sea. when the frost sets in they are brought down to the marshy valleys, and they suffer much from insufficiency of pasture. from the wool of the sheep a coarse kind of cloth, called bayeta, is made in the sierra. some of this wool is exported, and is much prized in europe. the old black cattle and sheep are slaughtered, and their flesh, when dried, is the principal food of the inhabitants of the puna, particularly of the mining population. the dried beef is called _charqui_, and the mutton is called _chalona_. the bulls graze in the remote altos, and most of them are reserved for the bull fights in the sierra villages. as they seldom see a human being they become exceedingly wild; so much so that the herdsmen are often afraid to approach them. in the daytime they roam about marshy places, and at nightfall they retire for shelter beneath some overhanging rock. these animals render travelling in many parts of the puna extremely dangerous, for they often attack people so suddenly as to afford no time for defence. it is true they usually announce their approach by a deep bellow; but the open plain seldom presents any opportunity for escape. on several occasions a well-aimed shot alone saved me from the attack of one of these ferocious bulls. the walls of the haciendas are of rough unhewn stone. they are divided into large square rooms, always damp, cold, and uninhabitable. beneath the straw roofs there usually hang long rows of the stuffed skins of foxes; for every indian who kills an old fox receives, by way of reward, a sheep, and for a young one a lamb. the cholos are therefore zealous fox-hunters, and they may possibly succeed in altogether extirpating that animal which in some districts is so numerous as to be a perfect scourge. as the sheep, even in the dry season, find pasture more easily than the horned cattle, they are left during the whole year in the higher parts of the puna, under the care of indian shepherds. at night they are driven into _cerales_, large square roofless buildings, and are guarded by dogs. the shepherds make a practice of every year burning the dry grass of the puna, in order to improve the growth of the fodder. a puna fire does not, however, present the imposing spectacle of the prairie fires, as described by travellers in north america, possibly because the puna straw is shorter, and is always somewhat damp. the dwellings of the shepherds are built in the same rude style which characterizes all the huts in the puna, and they impress the european traveller with a very unfavorable notion of the intelligence of the people. the architecture of these huts consists in laying down some large stones, in a circle of about eight or ten feet in diameter, by way of a foundation. these stones are covered with earth or turf, and then with successive layers of stones and earth, until the wall attains the height of about four feet: at the point most sheltered from the wind, an opening of a foot and a half or two feet high serves as a door. on this low circular wall rests the roof, which is formed in the following manner. six or eight magay[69] poles are fastened together, so as to form a point at the top. over these poles thin laths are laid horizontally, and fastened with straw-bands, and the whole conical-formed frame-work is overlaid with a covering of puna straw. as a security against the wind, two thick straw-bands are crossed over the point of the roof, and at their ends, which hang down to the ground, heavy stones are fastened. the whole fabric is then completed. the hut at its central point is about eight feet high; but at the sides, no more than three and a half or four feet. the entrance is so low, that one is obliged to creep in almost bent double; and before the aperture hangs a cow-hide, by way of a door. internally these huts present miserable pictures of poverty and uncleanliness. two stones serve as a stove, containing a scanty fire fed by dry dung (_buñegas_), and turf (_champo_). an earthen pot for cooking soup, another for roasting maize, two or three gourd-shells for plates, and a porongo for containing water, make up the catalogue of the goods and chattels in a puna hut. on dirty sheep-skins spread on the ground, sit the indian and his wife, listlessly munching their coca; whilst the naked children roll about paddling in pools of water formed by continual drippings from the roof. the other inhabitants of the hut are usually three or four hungry dogs, some lambs, and swarms of guinea-pigs. from all this it will readily be imagined that a puna hut is no very agreeable or inviting retreat. yet, when worn out by the dangers and fatigues of a long day's journey, and exposed to the fury of a mountain storm, the weary traveller, heedless of suffocating clouds of smoke and mephitic odors, gladly creeps into the rude dwelling. taking up his resting-place on the damp floor, with his saddle-cloth for a pillow, he is thankful to find himself once again in a human habitation, even though its occupants be not many degrees elevated above the brute creation. in the puna there are many remains of the great high road of the incas, which led from cuzco to quito, stretching through the whole extent of peru. it was the grandest work that america possessed before european civilisation found its way to that quarter of the world. even those who are unacquainted with the wise dominion of the ancient peruvian sovereigns, their comprehensive laws, and the high civilisation they diffused over the whole country, must by this gigantic work be impressed with the highest idea of the cultivation of the age; for well-constructed roads may always be regarded as proofs of a nation's advancement. there is not in peru at the present time any modern road in the most remote degree comparable to the incas' highway. the best preserved fragments which came under my observation were in the altos, between jauja and tarma. judging from these portions, it would appear that the road must have been from twenty-five to thirty feet broad, and that it was paved with large flat stones. at intervals of about twelve paces distant one from another there is a row of smaller stones, laid horizontally and a little elevated, so that the road ascended, as it were, by a succession of terraces. it was edged on each side by a low wall of small stones. other remains of ancient peru, frequently met with in these parts, are small buildings, formerly used as stations for the messengers who promulgated the commands of the incas through all parts of the country. some of these buildings are still in a tolerably good state of preservation. they were always erected on little hillocks, and at such distances apart, that from each station the nearest one on either side was discernible. when a messenger was despatched from a station a signal was hoisted, and a messenger from the next successive station met him halfway, and received from him the despatch, which was in this manner forwarded from one station to another till it reached its destination. a constant communication was thus kept up between the capital and the most distant parts of the country. a proof of the extraordinary rapidity with which these communications were carried on is the fact, recorded on unquestionable authority, that the royal table in cuzco was served with fresh fish, caught in the sea near the temple of the sun in lurin, a distance of more than 200 leagues from cuzco. the messenger stations have by some travellers been confounded with the forts, of which remains are met with along the great inca road. the forts were buildings destined for totally different purposes. they were magazines for grain, and were built by the incas to secure to their armies in these barren regions the requisite supplies of food. vestiges of these forts are frequently seen in the altos of southern and central peru. they are broad round towers, usually built against a rocky declivity, and with numerous long apertures for the admission of air. even the broad level heights in which no trace of human habitations is discoverable, have been excavated by the mercenary peruvian mestizos and creoles in search of hidden treasures. their faith in the existence of concealed riches is founded on the following tradition. when the last reigning inca, atabiliba or atahuallpa, was made prisoner by don francisco pizarro, in caxamarca, he proposed to ransom himself from the spanish commander. the price he offered for his liberty was to fill with gold the cell in which he was confined, to the height of a certain line on the wall, which pizarro marked with his sword. the cell, it may be mentioned, was twenty-two feet long and seventeen broad. a quantity of gold which the inca ordered to be collected in caxamarca and its vicinity, when piled up on the floor of the cell, did not reach above halfway to the given mark. the inca then despatched messengers to cuzco to obtain from the royal treasury the gold required to make up the deficiency; and accordingly eleven thousand llamas were despatched from cuzco to caxamarca, each laden with one hundred pounds of gold. but ere the treasure reached its destination, atahuallpa was hanged by the advice of don diego de almangra and the dominican monk vicente de valverde. the terror-stirring news flew like wild-fire through the land, and speedily reached the convoy of indians, who were driving their richly-laden llamas over the level heights into central peru. on the spot where the intelligence of atahuallpa's death was communicated to them, the dismayed indians concealed the treasure, and then dispersed. whether the number of the llamas was really so considerable as it is stated to have been, may fairly be doubted; but that a vast quantity of gold was on its way to caxamarca, and was concealed, is a well-authenticated fact. that the indians should never have made any attempt to recover this treasure is quite consistent with their character. it is not improbable that even now some particular individuals among them may know the place of concealment; but a certain feeling of awe transmitted through several centuries from father to son, has, in their minds, associated the hidden treasure with the blood of their last king, and this feeling doubtless prompts them to keep the secret inviolate. from traditionary accounts, which bear the appearance of probability, it would appear that the gold was buried somewhere in the altos of mito, near the valley of jauja. searches have frequently been made in that vicinity, but no clue to the hiding-place has yet been discovered. footnotes: [footnote 65: some derive the word andes from the people called antis, who dwelt at the foot of these chains of mountains. a province in the department of cuzco, which was probably the chief settlement of that nation, still bears the name of antas.] [footnote 66: from the most remote times the ratanhia has been employed by the indians as a medicine. it is one of their favorite remedies against spitting of blood and dysentery. most of the ratanhia exported to europe is obtained in the southern provinces of peru, particularly in arica and islay. the extract which is prepared in peru, and which was formerly sent in large quantities to europe, is now scarcely an object of traffic. for several years past no ratanhia has been shipped from callao, and but very little from truxillo.] [footnote 67: more lengthened information respecting them may be found in the "fauna peruana." i have there noted all their specific varieties, and have corrected the erroneous accounts given of them by some previous travellers.] [footnote 68: _phalcoboenus montanus_, orb.] [footnote 69: the magay is the stem of the american agave. it has a sort of spungy sap; but it is covered externally with a strong tough bast. the magay supplies the inhabitants of upper peru with an excellent kind of light and strong building wood.] chapter xii. cerro de pasco--first discovery of the mines--careless mode of working them--mine owners and mine laborers--amalgamating and refining--produce of the mines--life in cerro de pasco--different classes of the population--gaming and drunkenness--extravagance and improvidence of the indian mine laborers--the cerro de san fernando--other important mining districts in peru--the salcedo mine--castrovireyna--vast productiveness of the silver mines of peru--rich mines secretly known to the indians--roads leading from cerro de pasco--the laguna of chinchaycocha--battle of junin--indian robbers--a day and a night in the puna wilds. having traversed the long and difficult route from the capital of peru, by way of the wild cordillera to the level heights of bombon, and from thence having ascended the steep winding acclivities of the mountain chain of olachin, the traveller suddenly beholds in the distance a large and populous city. this is the celebrated cerro de pasco, famed throughout the world for its rich silver mines. it is situated in 10° 48' s. latitude and 76° 23' w. longitude, and at the height of 13,673 feet above the sea level. it is built in a basin-shaped hollow, encircled by barren and precipitous rocks. between these rocks difficult winding roads or paths lead down to the city, which spreads out in irregular divisions, surrounded on all sides by little lagunes, or swamps. the pleasing impression created by the first view of cerro de pasco from the heights is very greatly modified on entering the town. crooked, narrow, and dirty streets are bordered by rows of irregularly-built houses; and miserable indian huts abut close against well-built dwellings, whose size and structure give a certain european character to the city when viewed from a distance. without bestowing a glance on the busy throng which circulates through the streets and squares, the varied styles of the buildings sufficiently indicate to the observer how many different classes of people have united together to found, in the tropics, and on the very confines of the perpetual snow, a city of such magnitude, and of so motley an aspect. the wild barrenness of the surrounding scenery, and the extreme cold of the rigorous climate--the remote and solitary position of the city--all denote that one common bond of union must have drawn together the diversified elements which compose the population of cerro de pasco. and so it really is. in this inhospitable region, where the surface of the soil produces nothing, nature has buried boundless stores of wealth in the bowels of the earth, and the silver mines of cerro de pasco have drawn people from all parts of the world to one point, and for one object. history relates that about two hundred and fifteen years ago an indian shepherd, named huari capcha, tended his flocks on a small pampa to the south-east of the lake of llauricocha, the mother of the great river amazon. one day, when the shepherd had wandered farther than usual from his hut, he sought a resting-place on a declivity of the cerro de santiestevan, and when evening drew in he kindled a fire to protect himself against the cold; he then lay down to sleep. when he awoke on the following morning, he was amazed to find the stone beneath the ashes of his fire melted and turned to silver. he joyfully communicated the discovery to his master, don jose ugarte, a spaniard, who owned a hacienda in the quebrada de huariaca. ugarte forthwith repaired to the spot, where he found indications of a very rich vein of silver ore, which he immediately made active preparations for working. in this mine, which is distinguished by the name of _la descubridora_ (the discoverer), silver is still obtained. from the village of pasco, about two leagues distant, where already productive mines were worked, several rich mine owners removed to llauricocha; here they sought and discovered new veins, and established new mining works. the vast abundance of the ore drew new speculators to the spot; some to work the mines, and others to supply the necessary wants of the increasing population. in this manner was rapidly founded a city, which, at times when the produce of metal is very considerable, counts 18,000 inhabitants. in cerro de pasco there are two very remarkable veins of silver. one of them, the veta de colquirirca, runs nearly in a straight line from north to south, and has already been traced to the length of 9,600 feet, and the breadth of 412; the other vein is the veta de pariarirca, which takes a direction from east-south-east to west-north-west, and which intersects the veta de colquirirca precisely, it is supposed, under the market-place of the city. its known extent is 6,400 feet in length, and 380 feet in breadth. from these large veins numberless smaller ones branch off in various directions, so that a net-work of silver may be supposed to spread beneath the surface of the earth. some thousand openings or mouths (_bocaminas_) are the entrances to these mines. most of these entrances are within the city itself, in small houses; and some are in the dwellings of the mine-owners. many of them are exceedingly shallow, and not more than five hundred deserve the name of shafts. all are worked in a very disorderly and careless way; the grand object of their owners being to avoid expense. the dangerous parts in the shafts are never walled up, and the excavations proceed without the adoption of any measures of security. the consequence is, that accidents caused by the falling in of the galleries are of frequent occurrence; and every year the lives of numbers of the indian miners are sacrificed. a melancholy example of the effects of this negligence is presented by the now ruined mine of matagente (literally _kill people_), in which three hundred laborers were killed by the falling in of a shaft. i descended into several of the mines, among others into the _descubridora_, which is one of the deepest, and i always felt that i had good reason to congratulate myself on returning to the surface of the earth in safety. rotten blocks of wood and loose stones serve for steps, and, where these cannot be placed, the shaft, which in most instances runs nearly perpendicular, is descended by the help of rusty chains and ropes, whilst loose fragments of rubbish are continually falling from the damp walls. the mine laborers, all of whom are indians, are of two classes. one class consists of those who work in the mines all the year round without intermission, and who receive regular wages from the mine owners;--the other class consists of those who make only temporary visits to cerro de pasco, when they are attracted thither by the _boyas_.[70] this latter class of laborers are called _maquipuros_. most of them come from the distant provinces, and they return to their homes when the boya is at an end. the mine laborers are also subdivided into two classes, the one called _barreteros_, whose employment consists in breaking the ore; and the other called _hapires_, or _chaquiris_, who bring up the ore from the shaft. the work allotted to the hapires is exceedingly laborious. each load consists of from fifty to seventy-five pounds of metal, which is carried in a very irksome and inconvenient manner in an untanned hide, called a capacho. the hapire performs his toilsome duty in a state of nudity, for, notwithstanding the coldness of the climate, he becomes so heated by his laborious exertion, that he is glad to divest himself of his clothing. as the work is carried on incessantly day and night, the miners are divided into parties called _puntas_, each party working for twelve successive hours. at six o'clock morning and evening the _puntas_ are relieved. each one is under the inspection of a mayor-domo. when a mine yields a scanty supply of metal, the laborers are paid in money; the barreteros receiving six reals per day, and the hapires only four. during the _boyas_ the laborers receive instead of their wages in money, a share of the ore. the indians often try to appropriate to themselves surreptitiously pieces of ore; but to do this requires great cunning and dexterity, so narrowly are they watched by the mayor-domos. nevertheless, they sometimes succeed. one of the hapires related to me how he had contrived to carry off a most valuable piece of silver. he fastened it on his back, and then wrapping himself in his poncho, he pretended to be so ill, that he obtained permission to quit the mine. two of his confederates who helped him out, assisted him in concealing the treasure. the _polvorilla_, a dark powdery kind of ore, very full of silver, used to be abstracted from the mines by the following stratagem. the workmen would strip off their clothes, and having moistened the whole of their bodies with water, would roll themselves in the _polvorilla_ which stuck to them. on their return home they washed off the silver-dust and sold it for several dollars. but this trick being detected, a stop was soon put to it, for, before leaving the mines, the laborers are now required to strip in order to be searched. the operation of separating the silver from the dross is performed at some distance from cerro de pasco, in haciendas, belonging to the great mine owners. the process is executed in a very clumsy, imperfect, and at the same time, a very expensive manner. the amalgamation of the quicksilver with the metal is effected by the tramping of horses. the animals employed in this way are a small ill-looking race, brought from ayacucho and cuzco, where they are found in numerous herds. the quicksilver speedily has a fatal effect on their hoofs, and after a few years the animals become unfit for work. the separation of the metals is managed with as little judgment as the amalgamation, and the waste of quicksilver is enormous. it is computed that on each mark of silver, half a pound of quicksilver is expended. the quicksilver, with the exception of some little brought from idria and huancavelica, comes from spain in iron jars, each containing about seventy-five pounds weight of the metal. in lima the price of these jars is from sixty to 100 dollars each, but they are occasionally sold as high as 135 or 140 dollars. considering the vast losses which the peruvian mine owners sustain by the waste of quicksilver and the defective mode of refining, it may fairly be inferred, that their profits are about one-third less than they would be under a better system of management. in cerro de pasco there are places called _boliches_, in which the silver is separated from the dross by the same process as that practised in the _haciendas_, only on a smaller scale. in the _boliches_ the amalgamation is performed, not by horses but by indians, who mix the quicksilver with the ore by stamping on it with their feet for several hours in succession. this occupation they usually perform barefooted, and the consequence is, that paralysis and other diseases caused by the action of mercury, are very frequent among the persons thus employed. the owners of the _boliches_, who are mostly italians, are not mine proprietors. they obtain the metal from the indians, who give them their _huachacas_[71] in exchange for brandy and other articles. on the other hand, the owners of the _boliches_ obtain the money required for their speculations from capitalists, who make them pay an enormous interest. nevertheless, many amass considerable fortunes in the course of a few years; for they scruple not to take the most unjust advantage of the indians, whose laborious toil is rewarded by little gain. the law requires that all the silver drawn from the mines of cerro de pasco shall be conveyed to a government smelting-house, called the _callana_, there to be cast into bars of one hundred pounds weight, to be stamped, and charged with certain imposts. the value of silver in cerro de pasco varies from seven to eight dollars per mark. the standard value in lima is eight dollars and a half. it is impossible to form anything like an accurate estimate of the yearly produce of the mines of cerro de pasco; for a vast quantity of silver is never taken to the callana, but is smuggled to the coast, and from thence shipped for europe. in the year 1838, no less than 85,000 marks of contraband silver were conveyed to the sea port of huacho, and safely shipped on board a schooner. the quantity of silver annually smelted and stamped in the callana is from two to three hundred thousand marks--seldom exceeding the latter amount. from 1784 to 1820, 1826, and 1827, the amount was 8,051,409 marks; in the year 1784 it was 68,208 marks; and in 1785, 73,455 marks. during seventeen years it was under 200,000 marks; and only during three years above 300,000. the produce of the mines is exceedingly fluctuating. the successive revolutions which have agitated the country have tended very considerably to check mining operations. on the overthrow of santa cruz, don miguel otero, the most active and intelligent mine owner of cerro de pasco, was banished; an event which had a very depressing influence on all the mining transactions of that part of south america. within the last few years, however, mining has received a new impetus, and attention has been directed to the adoption of a more speedy and less expensive system of amalgamation. as a place of residence cerro de pasco is exceedingly disagreeable; nothing but the pursuit of wealth can reconcile any one to a long abode in it. the climate, like that of the higher puna, is cold and stormy. the better sort of houses are well built, and are provided with good english fire-places and chimneys. but however comfortably lodged, the new comer cannot easily reconcile himself to the reflection that the earth is hollow beneath his feet. still less agreeable is it to be awakened in the night by the incessant hammering of the indian miners. luckily earthquakes are of rare occurrence in those parts: it would require no very violent shock to bury the whole city in the bosom of the earth. silver being the only produce of the soil, the necessaries of life are all exceedingly dear in the cerro, as they have to be brought from distant places. the warehouses are, it is true, always plentifully supplied even with the choicest luxuries; but the extortion of venders and the abundance of money render prices most exorbitant. the market is so well supplied with provisions that it may vie with that of lima. the products of the coast, of the table-lands and the forests, are all to be procured in the market of cerro de pasco; but the price demanded for every article is invariably more than double its worth. house rents are also extravagantly high; and the keep of horses is exceedingly expensive. the population of cerro de pasco presents a motley assemblage of human beings, such as one would scarcely expect to find in a city situated at 14,000 feet above the sea, and encircled by wild mountains. the old and the new worlds seem there to have joined hands, and there is scarcely any nation of europe or america that has not its representative in cerro de pusco. the swede and the sicilian, the canadian and the argentinian, are all united here at one point, and for one object. the inhabitants of this city may be ranked in two divisions, viz., traders and miners--taking both terms in their most comprehensive sense. the mercantile population consists chiefly of europeans or white creoles, particularly those who are owners of large magazines. the keepers of coffee houses and brandy shops are here, as in lima, chiefly italians from genoa. other shops are kept by the mestizos, and the provision-dealers are chiefly indians, who bring their supplies from remote places. the mining population may be divided into mine owners (_mineros_) and indian laborers. the majority of the mineros are descendants of the old spanish families, who, at an early period, became possessors of the mines, whence they derived enormous wealth, which most of them dissipated in prodigal extravagance. at the present time, only a very few of the mineros are rich enough to defray, from their own resources, the vast expense attending the operations of mining. they consequently raise the required money by loans from the capitalists of lima, who require interest of 100 or 120 per cent., and, moreover, insist on having bars of silver at a price below standard value. to these hard conditions, together with the custom that has been forced upon the miners of paying their laborers in metal, at times when it is very abundant, may be traced the cause of the miserable system of mine-working practised in cerro de pasco. to liquidate his burthensome debts the minero makes his laborers dig as much ore as possible from the mine, without any precautions being taken to guard against accidents. the money-lenders, on the other hand, have no other security for the recovery of their re-payment than the promise of the minero, and a failure of the usual produce of a mine exposes them to the risk of losing the money they have advanced. under these circumstances it can scarcely be expected that the character and habits of the minero should qualify him to take a high rank in the social scale. his insatiable thirst for wealth continually prompts him to embark in new enterprises, whereby he frequently loses in one what he gains in another. after a mine has been worked without gain for a series of years, an unexpected _boya_ probably occurs, and an immense quantity of silver may be extracted. but a minero retiring on the proceeds of a boya is an event of rare occurrence. a vain hope of increasing fortune prompts him to risk the certain for the uncertain: and the result frequently is, that the once prosperous minero has nothing to bequeath to his children but a mine heavily burthened with debt. the persevering ardor of persons engaged in mining is truly remarkable. unchecked by disappointment, they pursue the career in which they have embarked. even when ruin appears inevitable, the love of money subdues the warnings of reason, and hope conjures up, from year to year, visionary pictures of riches yet to come. joined to this infatuated pursuit of the career once entered on, an inordinate passion for cards and dice contributes to ruin many of the mineros of cerro de pasco. in few other places are such vast sums staked at the gaming-table; for the superabundance of silver feeds that national vice of the spaniards and their descendants. from the earliest hours of morning cards and dice are in requisition. the mine owner leaves his silver stores, and the shop-keeper forsakes his counter, to pass a few hours every day at the gaming-table; and card-playing is the only amusement in the best houses of the town. the mayordomos, after being engaged in the mines throughout the whole day, assemble with their comrades in the evening, round the gaming-table, from which they often do not rise until six in the morning, when the bell summons them to resume their subterraneous occupations. they not unfrequently gamble away their share of a boya before any indication of one is discernible in the mine. the working class of miners is composed of indians, who throng to cerro de pasco from all the provinces, far and near, especially when boyas are expected. at times, when the mines are not very productive, the number of indian laborers amounts to between three and four thousand; but when there is a great supply of metal, the ordinary number of mine-workers is more than tripled. the indians labor with a degree of patient industry, which it would be vain to expect from european workmen similarly circumstanced. this observation applies to the hapires in particular. content with wretched food, and still more wretched lodging, the hapire goes through his hard day's work, partaking of no refreshment but coca, and at the end of the week (deduction being made for the food, &c., obtained on credit from the minero), he, possibly, finds himself in possession of a dollar. this sum he spends on his sunday holiday in chicha and brandy, of which he takes as much as his money will pay for, or as he can get on credit. when excited by strong drinks, such as maize beer, chicha, and brandy, to which they are very much addicted, the indian miners are exceedingly quarrelsome. the laborers belonging to the different mines go about the streets rioting and attacking each other, and they frequently get involved in dangerous affrays. no sunday or friday passes over without the occurrence of battles, in which knives, sticks, and stones are used as weapons; and the actors in these scenes of violence inflict on each other severe and often fatal wounds. any effective police interference to quell these street riots, is out of the question. when an unusually abundant produce of the mines throws extra payment into the hands of the mine laborers, they squander their money with the most absurd extravagance, and they are excellent customers to the european dealers in dress and other articles of luxury. prompted by a ludicrous spirit of imitation, the indian, in his fits of drunkenness, will purchase costly things which he can have no possible use for, and which he becomes weary of, after an hour's possession. i once saw an indian purchase a cloak of fine cloth, for which he paid ninety-two dollars. he then repaired to a neighboring pulperia,[72] where he drank till he became intoxicated, and then, staggering into the street, he fell down, and rolled in the kennel. on rising, and discovering that his cloak was besmeared with mud, he threw it off, and left it in the street, for any one who might choose to pick it up. such acts of reckless prodigality are of daily occurrence. a watchmaker in cerro de pasco informed me that one day an indian came to his shop to purchase a gold watch. he showed him one, observing that the price was twelve gold ounces (204 dollars), and that it would probably be too dear for him. the cholo paid the money, and took the watch; then, after having examined it for a few minutes, he dashed it on the ground, observing that the thing was of no use to him. when the indian miner possesses money, he never thinks of laying by a part of it, as neither he nor any of his family feel the least ambition to improve their miserable way of life. with them, drinking is the highest of all gratifications, and in the enjoyment of the present moment, they lose sight of all considerations for the future. even those cholos who come from distant parts of the country to share in the rich harvest of the mines of cerro de pasco, return to their homes as poor as when they left them, and with manners and morals vastly deteriorated. besides the mines of cerro de pasco, which in point of importance are nowise inferior to those of potosi, there are numerous very rich mining districts in peru. among the most prolific may be ranked the provinces of pataz, huamanchuco, caxamarca, and hualgayoc. in this last-named province is situated the cerro de san fernando, on which alexander von humboldt has conferred so much celebrity. the rich silver veins were discovered there in the year 1771; and there are now upwards of 1400 bocaminas. on the insulated mountain the veins of metal intersect each other in every direction, and they are alike remarkable for being easily worked and exceedingly prolific. the mines of huantaxaya, situated on the coast in the neighborhood of iquique, were also very rich, and the silver obtained from them was either pure or containing a very slight admixture of foreign substances. they yielded an incredible quantity of metal, but they were speedily exhausted; and are now totally barren. the chains of hills in the southern districts of peru contain a multitude of very rich mines, of which the most remarkable are those of san antonio de esquilache, tamayos, picotani, cancharani, and chupicos; but owing to bad working and defective drainage, many of the veins are in a very ruinous state, and the metal drawn from them bears no proportion to the quantity they contain. the salcedo mine is very celebrated for the vast abundance of its produce, and the tragical end of its original owner. don jose salcedo, a poor spaniard, who dwelt in puno, was in love with a young indian girl, whose mother promised, on condition of his marrying her daughter, that she would show him a rich silver mine. salcedo fulfilled the condition, obtained possession of the mine, and worked it with the greatest success. the report of his wealth soon roused the envy of the count de lemos, then viceroy of peru, who sought to possess himself of the mine. by his generosity and benevolence salcedo had become a great favorite with the indian population, and the viceroy took advantage of this circumstance to accuse him of high treason, on the ground that he was exciting the indians against the spanish government. salcedo was arrested, tried, and condemned to death. whilst he was in prison, he begged to be permitted to send to madrid the documents relating to his trial, and to appeal to the mercy of the king. he proposed, if the viceroy would grant his request, that he would pay him the daily tribute of a bar of silver, from the time when the ship left the port of callao with the documents, until the day of her return. when it is recollected that at that period the voyage from callao to spain occupied from twelve to sixteen months, some idea may be formed of the enormous wealth of salcedo and his mine. the viceroy rejected this proposition, ordered salcedo to be hanged, and set out for puno to take possession of the mine.[73] but this cruel and unjust proceeding failed in the attainment of its object. as soon as salcedo's death-doom was pronounced, his mother-in-law, accompanied by a number of relations and friends, repaired to the mine, flooded it with water, destroyed the works, and closed up the entrance so effectually that it was impossible to trace it out. they then dispersed; but some of them, who were afterwards captured, could not be induced, either by promises or tortures, to reveal the position of the mouth of the mine, which to this day remains undiscovered. all that is known about it is that it was situated in the neighborhood of cerro de laycacota and cananchari. another extraordinary example of the productiveness of the peruvian mines, is found at san jose, in the department of huancavelica. the owner of the mines of san jose requested the viceroy castro, whose friend he was, to become godfather to his first child. the viceroy consented, but at the time fixed for the christening, some important affair of state prevented him from quitting the capital, and he sent the vice-queen to officiate as his proxy. to render honor to his illustrious guest, the owner of the san jose mines laid down a triple row of silver bars along the whole way (and it was no very short distance), from his house to church. over this silver pavement the vice-queen accompanied the infant to the church, where it was baptized. on her return, her munificent host presented to her the whole of the silver road, in token of his gratitude for the honor she had conferred on him. since that time, the mines and the province in which they are situated have borne the name of castrovireyna. in most of these mines the works have been discontinued. owing to defective arrangements, one of the richest of these mines fell in, and 122 workmen were buried in the ruins. since that catastrophe, the indians refuse to enter the mines. many stories are related of spirits and apparitions said to haunt the mines of castrovireyna. i was surprised to hear these tales, for the imagination of the indian miners is not very fertile in the creation of this sort of superstitious terrors. notwithstanding the enormous amount of wealth, which the mines of peru have already yielded, and still continue to yield, only a very small portion of the silver veins has been worked. it is a well-known fact, that the indians are aware of the existence of many rich mines, the situation of which they will never disclose to the whites, nor to the detested mestizos. heretofore mining has been to them all toil and little profit, and it has bound them in chains from which they will not easily emancipate themselves. for centuries past, the knowledge of some of the richest silver mines has been with inviolable secresy transmitted from father to son. all endeavors to prevail on them to divulge these secrets have hitherto been fruitless. in the village of huancayo, there lived, a few years ago, two brothers, don jose and don pedro yriarte, two of the most eminent mineros of peru. having obtained certain intelligence that in the neighboring mountains there existed some veins of pure silver, they sent a young man, their agent, to endeavor to gain further information on the subject. the agent took up his abode in the cottage of a shepherd, to whom, however, he gave not the slightest intimation of the object of his mission. after a little time, an attachment arose between the young man and the shepherd's daughter, and the girl promised to disclose to her lover the position of a very rich mine. on a certain day, when she was going out to tend her sheep, she told him to follow her at a distance, and to notice the spot where she would let fall her _manta_; by turning up the earth on that spot, she assured him he would find the mouth of a mine. the young man did as he was directed, and after digging for a little time, he discovered a mine of considerable depth, containing rich ore. whilst busily engaged in breaking out the metal, he was joined by the girl's father, who expressed himself delighted at the discovery, and offered to assist him. after they had been at work for some hours, the old indian handed to his companion a cup of chicha, which the young man thankfully accepted. but he had no sooner tasted the liquor than he felt ill, and he soon became convinced that poison had been mixed with the beverage. he snatched up the bag containing the metal he had collected, mounted his horse, and with the utmost speed galloped off to huancayo. there, he related to yriarte all that had occurred, described as accurately as he could the situation of the mine, and died on the following night. active measures were immediately set on foot, to trace out the mine, but without effect. the indian and all his family had disappeared, and the mine was never discovered. in huancayo there also dwelt a franciscan monk. he was an inveterate gamester, and was involved in pecuniary embarrassments. the indians in the neighborhood of his dwelling-place were much attached to him, and frequently sent him presents of poultry, cheese, butter, &c. one day, after he had been a loser at the gaming-table, he complained bitterly of his misfortunes to an indian, who was his particular friend. after some deliberation, the indian observed, that possibly he could render him some assistance; and, accordingly, on the following evening, he brought him a large bag full of rich silver ore. this present was several times repeated; but the monk, not satisfied, pressed the indian to show him the mine from whence the treasure was drawn. the indian consented, and on an appointed night he came, accompanied by two of his comrades, to the dwelling of the franciscan. they blindfolded him, and each in turn carried him on his shoulders to a distance of several leagues, into the mountain passes. at length they set him down, and the bandage being removed from his eyes, he discovered that he was in a small and somewhat shallow shaft, and was surrounded by bright masses of silver. he was allowed to take as much as he could carry, and when laden with the rich prize, he was again blindfolded, and conveyed home in the same manner as he had been brought to the mine. whilst the indians were conducting him home, he hit on the following stratagem. he unfastened his rosary, and here and there dropped one of the beads, hoping by this means to be enabled to trace his way back on the following day; but in the course of a couple of hours his indian friend again knocked at his door, and presenting to him a handful of beads, said, "father, you dropped your rosary on the way, and i have picked it up." when i was in jauja, in the year 1841, an indian whom i had previously known, from his having accompanied me on one of my journeys in the sierra, came to me and asked me to lend him a crow-bar. i did so, and after a few days, when he returned it, i observed that the end was covered with silver. some time afterwards i learned that this indian had been imprisoned by order of the sub-prefect, because he had offered for sale some very rich silver ore, and on being questioned as to where he had obtained it, his answer was that he found it on the road; a tale, the truth of which was very naturally doubted. the following year, when i was again in jauja, the indian paid me another visit. he then informed me that he had been for several months confined in a dark dungeon and half-starved, because the sub-prefect wanted to compel him to reveal the situation of a mine which he knew of, but that he would not disclose the secret, and adhered firmly to the statement he had made of having found the ore. after a little further conversation, he became more communicative than i had any reason to expect, though he was fully convinced i would not betray him. he confessed to me that he actually knew of a large vein containing valuable silver, of which he showed me a specimen. he further told me that it was only when he was much in want of money that he had recourse to the mine, of which the shaft was not very deep; and, moreover, that after closing it up, he always carried the loose rubbish away to a distance of some miles, and then covered the opening so carefully with turf and cactus, that it was impossible for any one to discern it. this indian dwelt in a miserable hut, about three leagues from jauja, and his occupation was making wooden stirrups, which employment scarcely enabled him to earn a scanty subsistence. he assured me it was only when he was called upon to pay contributions, which the government exacts with merciless rigor, that he had recourse to the mine. he then extracted about half an aroba of ore, and sold it in jauja, in order to pay the tax levied on him. i could quote many well-authenticated instances of the same kind; but the above examples sufficiently prove the reluctance of the indians to disclose the secret of their hidden treasures, and their indifference about obtaining wealth for themselves. it is true that the indians are not, in all parts of the country, so resolutely reserved as they are in huancayo and jauja, for all the most important mines have been made known to the spaniards by the natives. but the peruvian indians are composed of many different races, and though all were united by the incas into one nation, yet they still differ from each other in manners and character. the sentiment of hatred towards the whites and their descendants has not been kept up in an equal degree among them all. in proportion as some are friendly and social with the creoles, others are reserved and distrustful. in general, the indians regard with unfriendly feelings those whites who seek to trace out new mines; for they cherish a bitter recollection of the fate of huari capcha, the discoverer of the mines of cerro de pasco, who, it is said, was thrown into a dungeon by the spaniard, ugarte, and ended his days in captivity. i have not met with any proofs of the authenticity of this story, but i frequently heard it related by the indians, who referred to it as their justification for withholding from the whites any directions for finding mines. but to return to cerro de pasco. that city has, by its wealth, become one of the most important in the peruvian republic; and under improved legislation, and a judicious mining system, it might be rendered still more prosperous and fully deserving of its title of "treasury of peru." though from its situation cerro de pasco is cut off from the principal lines of communication with other parts of peru, yet the city is itself the central point of four roads, on which there is considerable traffic. westward runs the road to lima, through the quebrada of canta, by which all the silver that is not contraband is transported to the capital. the silver, when melted into bars, is consigned to the care of the mule-drivers, merely on their giving a receipt for it; and in this manner they are sometimes entrusted with loads of the value of several hundred thousand dollars, which they convey to lima unattended by any guards or escort. there is, however, no danger of their being plundered; for the robbers do not take the stamped bars of silver. the silver specie, on the other hand, which is sent from lima, is escorted by a military guard as far as llanga or santa rosa de quibe. the escort is not, however, very adequate to resist the highway robbers, consisting of numerous bands of armed negroes. on the east is the road running through the quebrada de huarriaca to the town of huanuco and the huallaga forests. the road on the north of cerro de pasco leads to the village of huanuco el viejo, one of the most remarkable places of peru, being full of interesting ruins of the time of the incas. from huanuco the road leads to huaraz, and from thence to the north coast. the south road passes over the level heights to tarma, jauja, and the other southern provinces. from the village of pasco two roads diverge, the one leading to lima, the other to tarma. the former crosses the pampa of bombon and the diezmo, and continues onward to the pass of la viuda. the latter leads by way of the tambo ninacaca, and the village of carhuamayo[74] to junin, passing near a very large lake, situated at the height of 13,000 feet above the sea. this lake is the laguna de chinchaycocha,[75] which is twelve leagues long, and at its utmost breadth measures two leagues and a half. it is the largest of the south american lakes, next to the laguna de titicaca, which is eighty-four english miles long and forty-one broad. as the lake of chinchaycocha loses by various outlets much more water than it receives from its tributary sources, it is evident that it must be fed by subterraneous springs. its marshy banks are overgrown by totora (_malacochæte totora_), and are inhabited by numerous water fowl. the indians entertain a superstitious belief that this lake is haunted by huge, fish-like animals, who at certain hours of the night leave their watery abode to prowl about the adjacent pasture lands, where they commit great havoc among the cattle. the southwestern end of the lake is intersected by a marshy piece of ground, interspersed with stones, called the calzada, which forms a communication between the two banks of the lake. at the distance of about half a league from the lake is a village, which, under the spanish domination, was called reyes. adjacent to it is the celebrated pampa of junin, which, on the 24th of august, 1824, was the scene of a battle between the spanish forces, commanded by general canterac, and the insurgents, headed by don simon bolivar. the result of this battle had an important influence on the destiny of peru. it is generally believed that treachery in the spanish army threw the victory into the hands of the insurgents. a few days prior to the battle bolivar is said to have received, from the spanish camp, a letter in cypher, which he transmitted for explanation to his minister, monteagudo, in cerro de pasco. the answer received from the minister was, that the letter recommended bolivar to attack the enemy without a moment's delay, for that on the part of the spaniards the victory was insured to him. the bearer of the letter is still living, and he does not deny that he was in the secret of the whole plot. the insurgents were victorious, and in commemoration of their triumph they gave to the village of reyes, and to the whole province, the name of junin, calling them after the plain on which the battle was fought. from junin, the road runs to the distance of eight leagues across a difficult level height, to cacas, a hamlet containing only a few huts. from thence, it is continued three leagues further, through several narrow quebradas, and finally terminates in the beautiful valley of tarma. many of the indians in the neighborhood of cerro de pasco, especially those who dwell in the puna, in the direction of cacas, infest the roads for the purpose of plunder. they conceal themselves behind the rocks, where they lie in wait for travellers, whom they severely wound, and sometimes even kill, by stones hurled from their slings. when great boyas occur in the mines of the cerro, these roads are so unsafe that it is not prudent to travel, except in well-armed parties. the solitary traveller who seeks a night's lodging in one of the puna huts, exposes himself to great peril; for the host not unfrequently assassinates his sleeping guest. nor is there much greater security in villages, such as junin and carhuamayo. only a few years ago, the bodies of three travellers were found in the house of the alcalde of junin, the principal authority in the village. the travellers had sought shelter for the night, and were inhumanly murdered. every year persons known to have been travelling in these parts, mysteriously disappear, and there is every reason to believe they have been murdered by the indians. many of these indians are mine laborers, who, for their incorrigible turpitude, have been banished from the cerro, and who live by pillage. i will close this chapter with a brief description of four-and-twenty hours which i passed during a journey in the wildest part of the puna region. on the 12th of january, 1840, having passed the night in the hut of a puna shepherd, i awoke next morning at day-break. the sun was just beginning to cast a light tinge of red on the snow-capped tops of the cordillera. through the aperture in the roof of the hut, which served the purpose of a chimney, there penetrated a feeble light, just sufficient to show the misery and poverty that prevailed in the interior of the habitation. i rose from the resting-place on which, only a few hours previously, i had stretched myself exhausted by cold and fatigue, and raising the cow-hide, which closed the doorway of the hut, i crept out to make preparations for the continuance of my journey. i saddled my mule, and put into one of the saddle-bags a small supply of food. whilst i was thus engaged, one of those fierce little dogs which are domiciled in every indian hut, slily watched my movements; and though he had rested at the foot of my bed during the night, yet he was only prevented, by the repeated threats of his master, from making an attack upon me. my indian host handed me my gun; i paid for my night's lodging by a few reals and some paper cigars; and having asked him to direct me on my way, i rode off whilst he was expressing his gratitude, and his kind wishes in the words, "_dios lo pague!_" the sky was overhung by a thick mist, and the snow which had fallen during the night covered the ground as far as the eye could reach. on my way i met an old indian woman driving her sheep. the bleating flock moved slowly on, leaving a deep furrow in the snow, and seeming impatient till the genial sun should dispel the mist and dissolve the white covering which overspread their scanty pasture. a little further on i met the son of this same indian shepherdess. he and his dog were busily engaged in catching partridges, destined to be sold on the following sunday, in the nearest village. my road lay along a gentle acclivity, interspersed with rocks and swamps, which often obliged me to make wide detours. the swamps (or as the natives call them, _attoladeros_) are dangerous enemies to travellers in the puna, who, with their horses and mules, sometimes sink into them and perish. even in the most open parts of the country it is not easy to discern the swamps, and the ground often sinks beneath the rider where he least expects it. at length the sun began to disperse the mist, and the snow gradually melted beneath his burning rays. inspired with new vigor, i took a survey of the wild solitude around me. i was now on one of the level heights, about 14,000 feet above the sea. on both sides arose the high cordillera summits crowned with eternal ice; detached peaks here and there towering to the skies. behind me lay, deep and deeper, the dark valleys of the lower mountain regions, which, with the scarcely discernible indian villages, receded in the distance, till they blended with the line of the horizon. before me stretched the immeasurable extent of the level heights, at intervals broken by ridges of hills. it seemed as though here, in the snow plains of the cordillera, nature had breathed out her last breath. here life and death meet together as it were to maintain the eternal struggle between being and annihilation. how little life had the sun yet wakened around me! the dull yellow puna grass, scarcely the length of one's finger, blended its tint with the greenish hue of the glaciers. advancing further on my onward course, how joyfully i greeted as old acquaintance the purple gentiana and the brown calceolaria! with what pleasure i counted the yellow blossoms of the echino-cactus! and presently the sight of the ananas-cactus pictured in my mind all the luxuriance of the primeval forests. these cacti were growing amidst rushes and mosses and syngeneses, which the frost had changed to a rusty brown hue. not a butterfly fluttered in the rarefied atmosphere; no fly nor winged insect of any kind was discernible. a beetle or a toad creeping from their holes, or a lizard warming himself in the sun, are all that reward the search of the naturalist. as i journeyed onward, animate life awakened in rich variety around me. birds, few in species, but numerous in individuals, everywhere met my view. herds of vicuñas approached me with curious gaze, and then on a sudden fled with the swiftness of the wind. in the distance i observed stately groups of huanacus turning cautiously to look at me, and then passing on. the puna stag (_tarush_) slowly advanced from his lair in the mountain recesses, and fixed on me his large, black, wondering eyes; whilst the nimble rock rabbits (_viscachas_) playfully disported and nibbled the scanty herbage growing in the mountain crevices. i had wandered for some hours admiring the varieties of life in this peculiar alpine region, when i stumbled against a dead mule. the poor animal had probably sunk beneath his burthen, and had been left by his driver to perish of cold and hunger. my presence startled three voracious condors, which were feeding on the dead carcass. these kings of the air proudly shook their crowned heads, and darted at me furious glances with their blood-red eyes. two of them rose on their giant wings, and in narrowing circles hovered threateningly above my head, whilst the third, croaking fiercely, kept guard over the booty. i cocked my gun in readiness for defence, and cautiously rode past the menacing group, without the least desire of further disturbing their banquet. these condors were the only hostile animals i encountered in this part of the puna. it was now two o'clock in the afternoon, and i had ridden on a continuous though gradual ascent since sunrise. my panting mule slackened his pace, and seemed unwilling to mount a rather steep ascent which we had now arrived at. to relieve him i dismounted, and began walking at a rapid pace. but i soon felt the influence of the rarefied atmosphere, and i experienced an oppressive sensation which i had never known before. i stood still for a few moments to recover myself, and then tried to advance; but an indescribable oppression overcame me. my heart throbbed audibly; my breathing was short and interrupted. a world's weight seemed to lie upon my chest; my lips swelled and burst; the capillary vessels of my eyelids gave way, and blood flowed from them. in a few moments my senses began to leave me. i could neither see, hear, nor feel distinctly. a grey mist floated before my eyes, and i felt myself involved in that struggle between life and death which, a short time before, i fancied i could discern on the face of nature. had all the riches of earth, or the glories of heaven, awaited me a hundred feet higher, i could not have stretched out my hand towards them. in this half senseless state i lay stretched on the ground, until i felt sufficiently recovered to remount my mule. one of the puna storms was now gathering, thunder and lightning accompanied a heavy fall of snow, which very soon lay a foot deep on the ground. in a short time i discovered that i had missed my way. had i then known the puna as well as i afterwards did, i should have shaped my course by the flight of birds. but unluckily i pursued the fresh track of a herd of vicuñas, which led me directly into a swamp. my mule sank, and was unable to extricate himself. i was almost in despair. nevertheless, i cautiously alighted, and with incredible difficulty i succeeded in digging out with a dagger the mud in which the animal's legs were firmly fixed, and at length i got him back to a solid footing. after wandering about in various directions, i at length recovered the right path, which was marked by numerous skeletons protruding above the snow. these were the remains of beasts of burthen, which had perished on their journeys; a welcome, though an ominous guide to the wandering traveller. the clouds now suddenly separated, and the blazing light of the tropical sun glared dazzlingly on the white plain of snow. in a moment i felt my eyes stricken with _surumpe_. suffering the most violent pain, and tormented by the apprehension of blindness, i with great difficulty pursued my way. my mule could scarcely wade through the sward, which was becoming more and more thick; and night was advancing. i had lost all feeling in my feet, my benumbed fingers could scarcely hold the bridle, and i well knew that the nearest point at which i could obtain the shelter of a human habitation was eight german miles distant. i was beginning to give myself up for lost, when i observed a cave beneath an overhanging rock. mother nature, in whose service i had undertaken my long and perilous wanderings, at that critical juncture, provided for me a retreat, though in one of her rudest sheltering places. i entered the cave, which protected me securely against the wind and the snow. having unsaddled my mule, i made a bed of my saddle clothes and poncho. i tied the animal to a stone, and whilst he eagerly regaled himself with the little grass that was not buried beneath the snow, i satisfied my hunger with some roasted maize and cheese. exhausted by the fatigue of the day, i lay down to sleep; but no sooner had i fallen into a slumber, than i was awaked by a violent smarting in my eyes, occasioned by the _surumpe_. there was no longer any hope of sleep. the night seemed endless. when the dawn of morning appeared, i made an effort to open my eyes, which were closed with coagulated blood. on looking around me i beheld all the horror of my situation. a human corpse had served for my pillow. shuddering i went in search of my mule, for i was eager to hurry from this dismal spot; but my misery was not yet at an end. the poor beast lay dead on the ground; in his ravenous hunger he had eaten of the poisonous _garbancillo_. what could i do! in despair i turned back to the cave. the sun had now fully risen, and his genial rays diffused warmth over this frozen region. somewhat roused by the reviving light and life around me, i began to examine the body of my lifeless companion. haply, thought i, he may be one of my own race; a traveller who has perished of cold and hunger. no. he was a half-caste indian, and many deadly wounds on his head showed that he had died of the slings of indian robbers, who had stripped him even of his clothes, and concealed the body in the cave. i seized my gun and shot a rock rabbit, then collecting some fuel, i kindled a fire, and roasted the little animal, which afforded me a no very savory breakfast. i then waited patiently in the hope that some timely help would deliver me from my dreary situation. it was about noon. i heard a monotonous short cry. with joy i recognized the well-known sound. i climbed up the nearest rock, and looking down into a hollow, i perceived two indians whom i had seen the day before, driving their llamas to the nearest mine works. i prevailed on them, by the gift of a little tobacco, to let me have one of their llamas to carry my luggage, and having strewed a few handfuls of earth on the corpse of the murdered man, i departed. the scene of the incidents above described was the cave of leñas, in the altos which lead southward to the quebrada of huaitara. footnote: [footnote 70: a mine is said to be in _boya_ when it yields an unusually abundant supply of metal. owing to the great number of mines in cerro de pasco, some of them are always in this prolific state. there are times when the _boyas_ bring such an influx of miners to cerro de pasco that the population is augmented to double or triple its ordinary amount.] [footnote 71: huachacas are the portions of ore which are distributed among the indians at the time of the _boyas_, instead of their wages being paid in money.] [footnote 72: a shop in which chicha, brandy, &c., are vended.] [footnote 73: the date of salcedo's death was may, 1669.] [footnote 74: ninacaca is 12,853 feet, and carhuamayo 13,087 feet above the sea level.] [footnote 75: it is also called the laguna de reyes, and the laguna de junin.] chapter xiii. the sierra--its climate and productions--inhabitants--trade--eggs circulated as money--mestizos in the sierra--their idleness and love of gaming and betting--agriculture--the quinua plant, a substitute for potatoes--growth of vegetables and fruits in the sierra--rural festivals at the seasons of sowing and reaping--skill of the indians in various handicrafts--excess of brandy-drinking--chicha--disgusting mode of making it--festivals of saints--dances and bull-fights--celebration of christmas-day, new-year's day, palm sunday, and good friday--contributions levied on the indians--tardy and irregular transmission of letters--trade in mules--general style of building in the towns and villages of the sierra--ceja de la montaña. the peruvian highlands, or level heights, described in a previous chapter under the designation of the puna, are intersected by numerous valleys situated several thousand feet lower than the level heights, from which they totally differ in character and aspect. these valleys are called the sierra. the inhabitants of lima usually comprehend under the term sierra, the whole interior of peru, and every indian who is not an inhabitant of the coast, or of the forest regions, is called by them a _serrano_. but strictly speaking, the sierra includes only the valleys between the cordillera and the andes, and i shall here use the term in its more limited and proper sense. in the sierra there are only two seasons throughout the year. the winter or rainy season commences in october; but the rains are neither so heavy nor so continuous as in the forest districts. the falls of rain seldom last longer than two or three days in succession. storms of thunder and lightning are very frequent in the sierra; they are not accompanied by snow as in the puna, but often by hail. the thermometer never falls below +4° r., and during the daytime it is on the average at +11° r. in april the summer season sets in, bringing with it an uninterrupted succession of warm bright days. the nights in summer are colder than in winter. in a summer night the thermometer will sometimes fall below freezing point, and the cold is often very severe. about noon the heat is oppressive, though the average heat of the day does not exceed 13, 9° r. during the summer season the horizon is frequently obscured by heavy dark clouds, which seldom break over the valleys, but continue frowning over the hills. the natives call these portentous clouds _misti manchari_ (terror of the whites),[76] because the inhabitants of the coast always regard them as indicative of stormy weather. the climate of the sierra favors the natural fruitfulness of the soil, which richly repays the labor of the husbandman; but plants, peculiar to the warm tropical regions, do not thrive well here. prior to the european emigration to peru, only maize, quinua (_chenopodium quinoa_, l.), and a few tuberous roots were grown in the sierra; but since the spanish conquest, the european cereals, lucerne, and various kinds of vegetables are cultivated with perfect success. but the eye of the traveller seeks in vain for those stately forests which clothe the mountainous districts of europe; the barren acclivities afford nurture only for the agave-tree, and some very large species of cactus. groups of willow trees (_salix humboldtii_), which attain the height of about twenty or twenty-five feet, together with the quinua-tree, form here and there little thickets on the banks of rivers. these regions, so favored by nature, have from the earliest period been the chosen dwelling-places of the peruvians; and therefore in the sierra, which, measured by its superficies, is not of very great extent, the population has increased more than in any other part of peru. the valleys already contain numerous towns, villages, and hamlets, which would rise in importance, if they had greater facility of communication one with another. but they are surrounded on all sides by mountains, which can be crossed only by circuitous and dangerous routes. the few accessible pathways are alternately up rugged ascents, and down steep declivities; or winding through narrow ravines, nearly choked up by broken fragments of rock, they lead to the dreary and barren level heights. the serranos, or inhabitants of the sierra, especially those who dwell in the smaller villages, are chiefly indians. in the towns and larger villages, the mestizos are numerous. the whites are very thinly scattered over the sierra; but many of the mestizos are very anxious to be thought white creoles. a rich serrano, who bears in his features the stamp of his indian descent, will frequently try to pass himself off to a foreigner for an old spaniard. here, even more than on the coast, the mestizo is ambitious to rank himself on a level with the white, whilst he affects to regard the indian as an inferior being. the few spaniards who reside in the sierra are men who have served in the spanish army, and who, at the close of the war of independence, settled in that part of peru. many of them keep shops in the towns and villages, and others, by advantageous marriages, have become the possessors of haciendas. those who have enriched themselves in this way are remarkable alike for ignorance and pride, and give themselves the most ludicrous airs of assumed dignity. the creoles are the principal dealers in articles of european commerce. they journey to lima twice or thrice a year to make their purchases, which consist in white and printed calicoes, woollen cloths, hard-wares, leather, soap, wax, and indigo. in the sierra, indigo is a very considerable article of traffic: the indians use a great quantity of it for dyeing their clothes; blue being their favorite color. wax is also in great demand; for in the religious ceremonies, which are almost of daily occurrence, a vast quantity of tapers is consumed. the principal articles of traffic produced by the natives are woollen ponchos and blankets, unspun colored wool, saddle-cloths, stirrups and horseshoes. the last-named articles are purchased chiefly by the arrieros of the coast. it may seem strange that stores of horseshoes should be kept ready made; but so it is; for though in europe we make the shoe to fit the hoof, yet in peru it is the practice to cut the hoof to fit the shoe. on yca brandy more money is expended than on every other article of trade combined. the quantity of that spirit annually transported to the sierra exceeds belief. to see the indians on sundays and festival days thronging to the shops of the spirit dealers, with their jugs and bottles, one might fairly presume that more brandy is drunk in the sierra in one day, than in many of the towns of europe in a year. in some parts--for example, in the province of jauja--hens' eggs are circulated as small coin, forty-eight or fifty being counted for a dollar. in the market-place and in the shops the indians make most of their purchases with this brittle sort of money: one will give two or three eggs for brandy, another for indigo, and a third for cigars. these eggs are packed in boxes by the shop-keepers, and sent to lima. from jauja alone, several thousand loads of eggs are annually forwarded to the capital. most of the mestizos possess little estates (_chacras_), the produce of which, consisting of grain, vegetables and clover, is disposed of in the towns of the sierra, or in the mining districts of the puna. as the profits arising from the chacras usually suffice to provide their owners with a comfortable subsistence, the mestizos pass their lives in idleness and pleasure. they spend the chief portion of the day in the true spanish style, gossiping in groups in the streets, and wrapped in their mantles. when the state of the weather does not admit of this sort of out-door lounging the time is passed in gaming or cock-fighting. this latter diversion is no less in favor in the sierra than in lima. such enormous bets are laid at these cock-fights, that the losses frequently entail ruin on persons of tolerably good fortune. the agriculture of the sierra is wholly consigned to the indians, who either cultivate their own lands, or for very poor wages labor for the mestizos. in september, the ground is ploughed and prepared for sowing, which operation is performed in october, and the reaping takes place in april or may. by this means the seed is left in the ground throughout all the rainy season. in february violent frost frequently comes on during the night, by which the seed is so much injured that the harvest fails, and the scarcity occasions severe suffering and even famine. when the cold clear nights create apprehensions of damage to the seed, the people form themselves into processions, and go through the villages and towns imploring the mercy of heaven. in the dead of the night it is no unusual thing to be aroused by the ringing of bells. the inhabitants then get up and hurry to church, where the solemn processions are formed. penitents clothed in sackcloth go through the streets, scourging themselves; and the indians, in their native language, utter prayers and offer up vows to heaven. for the space of some hours an incessant movement and agitation pervade the streets, and when day begins to dawn the people return to their homes, trembling between hope and fear. the fate of the indians, when their harvest fails them, is indeed truly miserable, for, abstemious as they are, they can scarcely procure wherewith to satisfy their hunger. in the year 1840, which was a period of scarcity, i saw the starving indian children roaming about the fields, and eating the grass like cattle. maize is the species of grain most extensively cultivated in the sierra: it is of excellent quality, though smaller than that grown on the coast. wheat, though it thrives well, is cultivated only in a very limited quantity, and the bread made from it is exceedingly bad. the other species of european grain, barley excepted, are unknown to the serranos. to compensate for the want of them, they have the quinua (_chenopodium quinoa_, l.), which is at once a nutritious, wholesome, and pleasant article of food. the leaves of this plant, before it attains full maturity, are eaten like spinach; but it is the seeds which are most generally used as food. they are prepared in a variety of ways, but most frequently boiled in milk or in broth, and sometimes cooked with cheese and spanish pepper. the dried stems of the quinua are used as fuel. experiments in the cultivation of this plant have been tried in some parts of germany, and with considerable success. it would appear, however, that its flavor is not much liked; a circumstance rather surprising to the traveller who has tasted it in peru, where it is regarded in the light of a delicacy. it were to be wished that the general cultivation of the quinua could be introduced throughout europe; for during the prevalence of the potatoe disease this plant would be found of the greatest utility. it is a well-known fact that potatoes and tea, two articles now in such universal use, were not liked on their first introduction into europe. the quinua plant, which yields a wholesome article of food, would thrive perfectly in our hemisphere, and, though in its hitherto limited trial it has not found favor, there is no reason to conclude that it may not at a future time become an object of general consumption. four kinds of tuberous plants are successfully cultivated in the sierra; viz., the potatoe, the ulluco, the oca, and the mashua. of potatoes there are several varieties, and all grow in perfection. the ulluco (_tropæolum tuberosum_) is smaller than the potatoe, and is very various in its form, being either round, oblong, straight, or curved. the skin is thin, and of a reddish-yellow color, and the inside is green. when simply boiled in water it is insipid, but is very savory when cooked as a _picante_. the oca (_oxalis tuberosa_) is an oval-shaped root; the skin pale red, and the inside white. it is watery, and has a sweetish taste; for which reason it is much liked by the peruvians. the mashua is the root of a plant as yet unknown to botanists. it is cultivated and cooked in the same manner as those already described. in form, however, it differs from them all. it is of a flat pyramidal shape, and the lower end terminates in a fibrous point. it is watery, and insipid to the taste; but is nevertheless much eaten by the serranos. as the mashua roots will not keep, they are not transported from the places in which they are grown, and, therefore, are not known in lima. the indians use the mashua as a medicine: they consider it an efficacious remedy in cases of dropsy, indigestion, and dysentery. the vegetables and fruits of europe thrive luxuriantly in the warm sierra valleys; yet but few of them have been transplanted thither, and those few are but little esteemed. some of the cabbage and salad species, together with onions, garlic, and several kinds of pulse, are all that are cultivated. it is remarkable that in these regions no indigenous fruit-trees are to be seen. the only fruit really belonging to the sierra is the tuna. in some of the sheltered ravines, or, as they are called, quebradas, oranges, lemons, and granadillas flourish at the height of 10,000 feet above sea level. the fruits which have been transplanted from europe are for the most part indifferent, as not the least care is bestowed on their cultivation. the effect of this neglect is particularly obvious in apples, pears, and damson-plums. cherries and chestnuts are unknown in these parts; but on the other hand, peaches and apricots (_duraznos_) grow in amazing abundance, and many very fine species are found, especially in the southern provinces. excursions to the _duraznales_ (apricot gardens), in the months of april and may, to eat the ripe fruit fresh plucked from the trees, are among the most favorite recreations of the serranos. some of the sierra districts are celebrated throughout peru for their abundance of fruit. this luxuriance is particularly remarkable in several of the deep valleys, for instance, in huanta; but, strictly speaking, these deep valleys partake less of the character of the sierra than of the higher forest regions. the periods of sowing and reaping are celebrated by the indians with merry-making, a custom which has descended from the time of the incas, when those periods corresponded with the two great divisions of the year. even a scanty harvest, an event of frequent occurrence, occasions no interruption to these rustic festivals. bands of music, consisting of trumpets, fiddles, and flutes, play whilst the corn is cut down, and during their work, the laborers freely regale themselves with chicha, huge barrels of which are placed for their unrestrained use. the consequence is, that they are almost continually intoxicated; and yet whilst in this state it is no unusual thing to see them dancing with heavy loads of sheaves on their heads. their dinner is cooked in the fields, in large pots and kettles, and to partake of it they all sit down on the ground in rows, one behind another. the wheat and barley when cut are spread out in little heaps on the ground, and, instead of thrashing, the grain is pressed out of the ears by the tramping of horses, the animals being driven round and round in a circle. as soon as this process is ended, the agents of the government and the priests make their appearance to claim the tithes. in the larger villages and towns of the sierra, the indians frequently employ themselves in handicrafts, in some of which they attain a high degree of perfection, for they are not wanting either in talent or in mechanical dexterity. as goldsmiths they are remarkably skilful, and in this branch of industry they produce work which, for taste and exquisite finish, cannot be excelled in the capitals of europe. the various kinds of vessels and figures of silver wire (_filigranas_), made by the cholos in ayacucho, have always been favorite articles of ornament in spain. the indians of jauja are very skilful in working iron, and the objects of their workmanship are much esteemed throughout peru. of leather also they make various things in very beautiful style; and saddle-cloths, bridles, &c., of their manufacture are much more elegant and infinitely cheaper than those made in lima. in cuzco and the adjacent provinces many of the indians evince considerable talent in oil-painting. their productions in this way are, of course, far from being master-pieces; but when we look on the paintings which decorate their churches, and reflect that the artists have been shut out from the advantages of education and study; and moreover, when we consider the coarse materials with which the pictures have been painted, it must be acknowledged that they indicate a degree of talent, which, if duly cultivated, would soar far above mediocrity. in tarma and its neighborhood the natives weave an exquisitely fine description of woollen cloth. they make ponchos of vicuña wool, which sell for 100 or 120 dollars each, and which are equal to the finest european cloth. the beauty of these indian textures is truly wonderful, considering the rude process of weaving practised by the natives. they work various colors, figures, and inscriptions in the cloth, and do all this with a rapidity which equals the operations of ordinary looms. the most valuable textures they weave are those produced from the wool of the vicuña and the alpaco. they likewise make very fine textures of cotton and silk. it is curious that the indians of each province have some particular branch of industry to which they exclusively apply themselves, to the neglect of all others. the serranos are a very sociable people. in the towns they keep up a continual round of evening parties, in which singing and dancing are favorite amusements; but on these occasions they indulge in brandy-drinking to a terrible excess. as soon as a party is assembled, bottles and glasses are introduced, and each individual, ladies as well as gentlemen, drinks to the health of the company. for a party of thirty or more persons, not more than three or four glasses are brought in, so that one glass is passed repeatedly from hand to hand, and from mouth to mouth. the quantity of brandy drunk at one of the evening parties called in the sierra _jaranas_, is almost incredible. according to my observation, i should say that a bottle to each individual, ladies included, is a fair average estimate, the bottles being of the size of those used in europe for claret. in the year 1839, whilst i was residing for a time in one of the largest towns of the sierra, a ball was given in honor of the chilian general bulnes; on that occasion the brandy flowed in such quantities, that, when morning came, some members of the company were found lying on the floor of the ball-room in a state of intoxication. these facts naturally create an impression very unfavorable to the inhabitants of the sierra; but a due allowance must be made for the want of education and the force of habit on the part of those who fall into these excesses. these people possess so many excellent moral qualities, that it would be unjust to condemn them solely on account of these orgies. the serrano is far from being addicted to habitual drunkenness, notwithstanding his intemperate use of strong drinks amidst the excitement of company. but if the vice of excessive drinking be occasionally indulged in among the better class of people of the sierra, it is much more frequent among the indian inhabitants. every one of their often-recurring festivals is celebrated by a drinking bout, at which enormous quantities of brandy and chicha are consumed. in some districts of the sierra the chicha is prepared in a peculiar and very disgusting manner by the indians. instead of crushing the _jora_ (dried maize-grain) between two stones, which is the usual method, the indians bruise it with their teeth. for this purpose a group of men and women range themselves in a circle round a heap of _jora_; each gathers up a handful, chews it, and then ejects it from the mouth into a vessel allotted for its reception. this mass, after being boiled in water, and left to ferment, is the much admired _chicha mascada_ (that is to say, _chewed chicha_), the flavor of which is said to surpass that of the same beverage made in any other way. but they who have been eye-witnesses of the disgusting process, and who bear in mind various other preparations of indian cookery in which the teeth perform a part, require some fortitude ere they yield to the pressing invitation of the hospitable serrano, and taste the proffered nectar. when it is wished to make the chicha particularly strong and well flavored, it is poured into an earthen jar along with several pounds of beef. this jar is made perfectly air-tight, and buried several feet deep in the ground, where it is left for the space of several years. on the birth of a child it is customary to bury a _botija_ full of chicha, which, on the marriage of the same child, is opened and drunk. this chicha has a very agreeable flavor, but is so exceedingly potent, that a single glass of it is sufficient to intoxicate a practised chicha-drinker, or, as they say in the country, a _chichero_. every village in the sierra has its own tutelary saint, whose festival is celebrated with great solemnity. bull-fights and dances constitute the principal diversions on these occasions. these dances are relics of the _raymí_ or monthly dances, by which the incas used to mark the divisions of time; and they are among the most interesting customs peculiar to these parts of peru. the dancers wear dresses similar to those worn by the ancient peruvians when they took part in the _raymí_. their faces and arms are painted in various colors, and they wear feather caps and feather ponchos. they have bracelets and anklets, and they are armed with clubs, wooden swords, and bows and arrows. their music, too, is also similar to that of their forefathers. their instruments consist of a sort of pipe or flute made of reed, and a drum composed simply of a hoop with a skin stretched upon it. to the inharmonious sound of these instruments, accompanying monotonous quichua songs, the dances commence with those solemn movements with which the incas used to worship the sun: they then suddenly assume a more joyous character, and at last change to the wild war-dance, in which the mimic contest, stimulated by copious libations of chicha, frequently ends in a real fight. in the larger towns, where the mestizo portion of the population predominates, these dances are discouraged, and in course of time they will probably be entirely discontinued, though they are scrupulously adhered to by the indians. on festival days, bull-fights constitute the most favorite popular diversion. in the sierra this barbarous sport is conducted with even more recklessness and cruelty than in the _corridas_ of lima. every occasion on which an entertainment of this sort takes place is attended with loss of life, and sometimes the sacrifice both of men and horses is very considerable. during my residence in jauja, fourteen indians and nineteen horses were killed or seriously wounded in a bull-fight; yet catastrophes of this kind appear to make no impression on the people. some of the church festivals are celebrated by the indians of the sierra, in a manner which imparts a peculiar coloring to the religious solemnities. in the midnight mass on christmas eve, they imitate in the churches the sounds made by various animals. the singing of birds, the crowing of cocks, the braying of asses, the bleating of sheep, &c., are simulated so perfectly, that a stranger is inclined to believe that the animals have assembled in the temple to participate in the solemnity. at the termination of the mass, troops of women perambulate the streets, during the remainder of the night. their long black hair flows loosely over their bare shoulders; and in their hands they carry poles with long fluttering strips of paper fixed to the ends of them. they occasionally dance and sing peculiarly beautiful melodies, accompanied by a harp, a fiddle, and a flute; and they mark the measure of the music by the movement of their poles. the celebration of christmas-day is marked by the appearance of what are termed the _negritos_. these are indians, with their faces concealed by hideous negro masks. their dress consists of a loose red robe, richly wrought with gold and silver thread, white pantaloons, and their hats are adorned with waving black feathers. in their hands they carry gourd bottles, painted in various gay colors, and containing dried seeds. whilst they sing, the _negritos_ shake these gourds, and mark the time by the rattling of the dried seeds. they perform the dances of the guinea negroes, and imitate the attitudes and language of a race which they hold in abhorrence and contempt. for the space of three days and nights these negritos parade the streets, entering the houses and demanding chicha and brandy, with which the inhabitants are glad to supply them, to avoid violence and insult. on new year's day other groups of mummers, called _corcobados_, perambulate the streets. they are enveloped in cloaks of coarse grey woollen cloth, their head-gear consists of an old vicuña hat, with a horse's tail dangling behind. their features are disguised by ludicrous masks with long beards; and, bestriding long sticks or poles, they move about accompanied by burlesque music. every remarkable incident that has occurred in the families of the town during the course of the year, is made the subject of a song in the quichua language; and these songs are sung in the streets by the _corcobados_. matrimonial quarrels are favorite subjects, and are always painted with high comic effect in these satirical songs. the corcobados go about for two days; and they usually wind up their performances by drinking and fighting. when two groups of these corcobados meet together, and the one party assails with ridicule anything which the other is disposed to defend, a terrible affray usually ensues, and the sticks which have served as hobby-horses, are converted into weapons of attack. in order to facilitate the conversion of the idolatrous indians, the spanish monks who accompanied pizarro's army, sought to render the christian religion as attractive as possible in the eyes of the heathen aborigines of peru. with this view they conceived the idea of dramatizing certain scenes in the life of christ, and having them represented in the churches. in the larger towns these performances have long since been discontinued, but they are still kept up in most of the villages of the sierra; indeed the efforts made by enlightened ecclesiastics for their suppression, have been met with violent opposition on the part of the indians. on palm sunday, an image of the saviour seated on an ass is paraded about the principal streets of the town or village. the indians strew twigs of palm over the animal, and contend one with another for the honor of throwing their ponchos down on the ground, in order that the ass may walk over them. the animal employed in this ceremony is, when very young, singled out for the purpose, and is never suffered to carry any burthen save the holy image. he is fed by the people, and at every door at which he stops, the inmates of the house pamper him up with the best fodder they can procure. the ass is looked upon as something almost sacred, and is never named by any other appellation than the _burro de nuestro señor_ (our lord's ass). in some villages i have seen these animals so fat that they were scarcely able to walk. good friday is solemnized in a manner the effect of which, to the unprejudiced foreigner, is partly burlesque and partly seriously impressive. from the early dawn of morning the church is thronged with indians, who spend the day in fasting and prayer. at two in the afternoon a large image of the saviour is brought from the sacristy and laid down in front of the altar. immediately all the persons in the church rush forward with pieces of cotton to touch the wounds. this gives rise to a struggle, in which angry words and blows are interchanged; in short, there ensues a disgraceful scene of uproar, which is only checked by the interposition of one of the priests. order being restored, the sacred image is fixed on the cross by three very large silver nails, and the head is encircled by a rich silver crown. on each side are the crosses of the two thieves. having gaped at this spectacle to their hearts' content, the cholos retire from the church. at eight in the evening they reassemble to witness the solemn ceremony of taking down the saviour from the cross. the church is then brilliantly lighted up. at the foot of the cross stand four white-robed priests, called _los santos varones_ (the holy men), whose office it is to take down the image. at a little distance from them, on a sort of stage or platform, stands a figure representing the virgin mary. this figure is dressed in black, with a white cap on its head. a priest, in a long discourse, explains the scene to the assembled people, and at the close of the address, turning to the santos varones, he says, "ye holy men, ascend the ladders of the cross, and bring down the body of the redeemer!" two of the santos varones mount with hammers in their hands, and the priest then says, "ye holy man, on the right of the saviour, strike the first blow on the nail of the hand, and take it out!" the command is obeyed, and no sooner is the stroke of the hammer heard, than deep groans and sounds of anguish resound through the church; whilst the cry of "_misericordia! misericordia!_" repeated by a thousand imploring voices, produces an indescribable sensation of awe and melancholy. the nail is handed to one of the priests standing at the foot of the altar, who transfers it to another, and this one in his turn presents it to the figure of the virgin. to that figure the priest then turns and addresses himself, saying: "thou afflicted mother, approach and receive the nail which pierced the right hand of thy holy son!" the priest steps forward a few paces, and the figure, by some concealed mechanism, advances to meet him, receives the nail with both hands, lays it on a silver plate, dries its eyes, and then returns to its place in the middle of the platform. the same ceremony is repeated when the two other nails are taken out. throughout the whole performance of these solemnities, an uninterrupted groaning and howling is kept up by the indians, who at every stroke of the hammer raise their cries of _misericordia!_ these sounds of anguish reach their climax when the priest consigns the body of the saviour to the charge of the virgin. the image is laid in a coffin tastefully adorned with flowers, which, together with the figure of the virgin mary, is paraded through the streets. whilst this nocturnal procession, lighted by thousands of wax tapers, is making the circuit of the town, a party of indians busy themselves in erecting before the church door twelve arches decorated with flowers. between every two of the arches they lay flowers on the ground, arranging them in various figures and designs. these flower-carpets are singularly ingenious and pretty. each one is the work of two cholos, neither of whom seems to bestow any attention to what his comrade is doing; and yet, with a wonderful harmony of operation, they create the most tasteful designs--arabesques, animals, and landscapes, which grow, as it were by magic, under their hands. whilst i was in tarma, i was at once interested and astonished to observe on one of these flower-carpets the figure of the austrian double eagle. on inquiry i learned from an indian that it had been copied from the quicksilver jars, exported from idria to peru. on the return of the procession to the church, a hymn, with harp accompaniment, is sung to the virgin, as the figure is carried under the arches of flowers. the bier of the saviour is then deposited in the church, where it is watched throughout the night. on the following morning, at four o'clock, the ceremony of hanging judas takes place in front of the church. a figure of judas, the size of life, is filled with squibs and crackers, and is frequently made to bear a resemblance to some obnoxious inhabitant of the place. after the match is applied to the combustible figure, the cholos dance around it, and exult in the blowing up of their enemy. in the sierra, as well as on the coast, the priests are usually the tyrants rather than the guardians of their flocks; and they would frequently be the objects of hatred and vengeance but for the deep-rooted and almost idolatrous reverence which the indians cherish for priestcraft. it is disgusting to see the peruvian priests, who usually treat the indians like brutes, behaving with the most degrading servility when they want to get money from them. the love of the indians for strong drinks is a vice which the priests turn to their own advantage. for the sake of the fees they frequently order religious festivals, which are joyfully hailed by the indians, because they never fail to end in drinking bouts. added to the ill treatment of the priests, the indians are most unjustly oppressed by the civil authorities. in the frequent movements of troops from one place to another, they are exposed to great losses and vexations. they are compelled to perform the hardest duties without payment, and often the produce of their fields is laid under contribution, or their horses and mules are pressed into the service of the military. when intelligence is received of the march of a battalion, the natives convey their cattle to some remote place of concealment in the mountains, for they seldom recover possession of them if once they fall into the hands of the soldiery. every fortnight a mail is despatched with letters from lima to tarma, jauja, huancavelica, ayacucha, cuzco, and into bolivia; another proceeds to the northern provinces; a third to arequipa and the southern provinces; and every week one is despatched to cerro de pasco. in lima, the letter-bag is consigned to the charge of an indian, who conveys it on the back of a mule to the next station,[77] where it is received by another indian; and in this manner, handed from cholo to cholo, the letter-bag traverses the whole of its destined route, unaccompanied by an official courier. as soon as the mail arrives at a station, a flag is displayed at the house of the post-master, to intimate to those who expect letters that they may receive them; for they are not sent round to the persons to whom they are addressed, and it is sometimes even a favor to get them three or four days after their arrival. the peruvian post is as tardy as it is ill-regulated. on one of my journeys, i started from lima two days after the departure of the mail. on the road i overtook and passed the indian who had charge of the letters, and, without hurrying myself, i arrived in tarma a day and a half before him. ascending the cordillera, i once met an indian very leisurely driving his ass before him with the mail-bag fastened to its back. between the towns which do not lie in the regular line of route, there is no post-office communication; for example, between pasco and caxamarca, or between pasco and tarma, or jauja; and when it is wished to despatch letters from one to another of these towns, private messengers must be employed. the consequence is, that business, which in europe would be conducted through the medium of correspondence, can be arranged only by personal communication in peru. travelling is difficult, but not very expensive, as every one possesses horses or mules. the best mules employed in the sierra are obtained from the province of tucuman in buenos ayres. formerly the arrieros used annually to bring droves of several thousand mules through bolivia and the peruvian sierra, selling as many as they could on the way, and taking to cerro de pasco those that remained unsold. during the spanish domination, the mule trade was in the hands of the government, to whose agents it afforded ample opportunity for the exercise of injustice and extortion. it was one of the most oppressive of the _repartimientos_.[78] every indian was compelled to purchase a mule, and was not allowed even the privilege of choosing the animal. the mules were distributed by the authorities, and were tied to the doors of the houses for whose occupants they were destined. after the distribution of the mules, a collector went round to receive the payment. during the war in buenos ayres the traffic in mules suffered very considerably. for the space of twelve years not a mule had been brought from that part of south america to peru, when in 1840 the tucumanians revisited the sierra with their droves of mules. they were joyfully welcomed by the serranos, who gave good prices for the animals, and since then the traffic has begun to revive. in tracing the characteristic features of the sierra, i have as far as possible confined myself to generalities, and i will not now weary the reader by entering upon a minute description of particular towns and villages. all are built pretty nearly after one model. the large quadrangular plaza is closed on three of its sides with buildings, among which there is always the government house (_cabildo_), and the public jail; the fourth side is occupied by a church. from this plaza run in straight lines eight streets, more or less broad, and these streets are crossed at right angles by others; all presenting the same uniformity as in lima. the houses are roomy, surrounded by court-yards, and consist of a ground-floor and a story above, but very frequently of the ground-floor only. the walls are of brick, and the roofs are tiled. the churches are in very bad taste, with the exception of a few in the larger towns, which have a good appearance externally, and are richly decorated within. the smaller indian villages are poor and dirty, and are built with little attention to regularity. but even in them the quadrangular plaza is never wanting, and at least four straight streets issue from it. the sierra is by far the most populous part of peru. the banks of the rivers flowing through the fertile valleys are thickly clustered with villages, which give a peculiar charm to the landscape, doubly pleasing to the eye of the traveller who comes from the barren parts of the country. the cultivated lands afford evidence of progressive improvement, and it is easy to imagine the flourishing condition to which this country might arrive with increased population. from the sierra two separate roads lead to the eastern declivity of the andes. one lies along the banks of the mountain rivers, and the other passes over the ridges of the mountains. the first way is very difficult, and scarcely practicable, for in some parts the streams flow through narrow ravines, bordered on each side by perpendicular rocks, and occasionally their course is hidden amidst impenetrable forests. the other way, across the mountains, leads again into the puna region, and from thence over the steep ridges of the andes to their barren summits. descending from these summits, we arrive on the sharp ridges of one of the many side branches of the puna cordillera, which run eastward. the peruvians call these sharp mountain ridges _cuchillas_ (knives). after crossing the andes, and descending a few hundred feet lower, in the direction of the east, the traveller beholds a country totally different from that which he left on the western declivity of the mountains. on the eastern side the soil is richly covered with vegetation. from the cuchillas the road ascends to some higher ridges, crowned with stunted trees and brushwood, which, gradually spreading upward, blend with the high forests. these wooded ridges are called by the natives _ceja de la montaña_ (the mist of the mountains). in these regions the climate is generally more mild than in the sierra, for the mercury never falls to freezing point, and in the middle part of the day it never rises so high as in the warm sierra valleys. throughout the whole year the _ceja de la montaña_ is overshadowed by thick mists, rising from the rivers in the valleys. in the dry season these mists are absorbed by the sun's rays, but in winter they float in thick clouds over the hills, and discharge themselves in endless torrents of rain. the damp vapors have an injurious effect on the health of the inhabitants of these districts, which are, however, very thinly populated, as the constant moisture unfits the soil for the cultivation of anything except potatoes. the pure alpine air of the puna is preferred by the indians to the vapory atmosphere of the ceja. footnotes: [footnote 76: the indians apply the designation _misti_, meaning _mestizo_, to all persons except indians or negroes, whether they be europeans or white creoles.] [footnote 77: the distance from one station to another varies from six to twelve miles.] [footnote 78: _repartimientos_ (literally, distributions) were the compulsory sale of articles by the provincial authorities.] chapter xiv. road to the primeval forests--barbacoas, or indian suspension bridges--vegetation--hollow passes--zoology--the montaña--plantations--inhabitants--trade in peruvian bark--wandering indians--wild indians or indios bravos--languages, manners, and customs of the indios bravos--dress--warlike weapons and hunting arms--dwellings--religion--physical formation of the wild indian tribes--animals of the aboriginal forests--mammalia--hunting the ounce--birds--amphibia--poisonous serpents--huaco--insects--plants. leaving ceja de la montaña, we will trace the route to the aboriginal forests, which extend eastwardly from the bases of the andes. the whole plain is overspread by a thick veil of mist, which does not disperse until about noon, and then an undulating dark green canopy clouds the vapory atmosphere. a european, whose heart throbs at the bare idea of one of those vast virgin forests, gazes anxiously forward on the boundless distance, and finds the pace of his cautious mule too tardy for his impatient hopes and wishes. he beholds in perspective the goal of his long journey. nature, in all her virginal freshness and grandeur, opens to his astonished eyes, and he feels a sensation of delight he never before experienced. regardless of present toil and danger, he sees only the pleasure to come. but he is soon drawn back to cool reality, and is forcibly reminded of the truth, that every enjoyment must be earned by labor. the road is broken, narrow, and steep; over the woody sides of the hill it is easily passable; but as soon as it begins to descend, it presents all those difficulties which have been interestingly described by the early travellers in peru. the scanty population of the surrounding districts, the native listlessness of the indians, and their indifference to the conveniences of life, are obstacles to the making of roads which might be passable without difficulty and danger. however, where nature from the state of the country has compelled man to establish a communication, it is executed in the most rude and unsatisfactory manner. a most decided proof of this is apparent in the bridges called _barbacoas_, which are constructed where the way is through a _derumbo_, or a small narrow mountain-pass, or where there is an obstruction caused by a rock which cannot be passed circuitously. the barbacoas are constructed in the following manner. stakes from three to three and a half feet long are driven into the ground, or into the crevices of rocks. over the ends of these stakes are fastened strong branches of trees, the interstices are filled up with mud, and the whole is covered by a sort of matting composed of plaited branches and reeds. if the ground admits of it, which is seldom the case, a pile of stones is built up beneath the barbacoa, extending to at least one half its breadth. when it is considered that there is, probably, on the one side of this bridge, a rock inclining at a very acute angle, or an almost perpendicular declivity of a hill of loose earth, and that on the other side there yawns a deep abyss against which there is not the least protection, the traveller may well be pardoned if he shudders as he passes over the creaking and shaking barbacoa. these fragile bridges are often so much worn, that the feet of the mules slip through the layers of mud and reeds, and whilst making efforts to disengage themselves, the animals fall over the edge of the barbacoa, and are hurled into the chasm below, dragging down the crazy structure along with them. in consequence of these accidents, the way is often for weeks, or even months, impassable. in the construction of these rude bridges, i observed that the indians, in their simplicity, always faithfully copy their great instructress, nature. the majority of the plants growing in these regions belong, if i may use the expression, to an aërial vegetation. the small, gnarled, low-branched trees, have often scarcely one half of their roots in the earth: the other half spreads over the surface of the soil; then winding round the roots or branches of some neighboring plant, fastens on it, and intimately uniting with it, forms a kind of suspension bridge, over which the intertwining of numerous luxuriant climbing plants makes a strong, impenetrable network. all the trees and shrubs are covered with innumerable parasites, which, in the higher regions, are met with in their smaller forms, as lichens, mosses, &c.; but lower down, in the course of the various transformations they undergo, they appear in larger development. the whole vegetable kingdom here is stamped by a peculiar character. it presents immense fulness and luxuriance: it spreads widely, with but little upward development, rising on the average only a few feet above the earth. trees, shrubs, and tendrils, in endless complication of color, entwine together, sometimes fostering, sometimes crushing each other. out of the remains of the dead arises a new generation, with an increase of vital impulse. it seems as though the ice-crowned andes looked down with envy on the luxuriant vegetation of the forests, and sought to blight it by sending down cold, nightly winds. the low temperature of the night counteracts that extreme development which the humidity of the soil and the great heat of the day promote. but what the vegetation loses in upward growth it gains in superficial extension, and thereby it secures more protection against the ever-alternating temperature. the further we descend the eastern declivity, the more difficult becomes the way. during the rainy season deep fissures are worked out by the flow of waters; the ground is slippery and full of holes. the sides of these hollow passes are often so close together that the rider cannot keep his legs down on each side of his mule, and is obliged to raise up his feet and thrust them forward. when beasts of burthen, coming in opposite directions, meet in these places, the direst confusion ensues, and frequently sanguinary conflicts arise among the indians. the weaker party are then obliged to unload their mules, and the poor beasts are dragged backward by their hind legs, until they reach a point at which there is sufficient space for the others to pass. when i was proceeding through one of these cavities on christmas-eve, 1840, i encountered a heavily laden ass coming down a steep declivity. ere i had time to leap from my saddle, the ass came direct upon me with such force that my horse was driven backwards by the concussion, and i was thrown. ten months afterwards, another encounter of the same kind threatened me with a similar disaster, and to save myself i had no alternative but to shoot the ass. the indian who was driving the animal neglected the usual warning cry, given by the arrieros when they enter those dangerous passes, and he was regardless of my repeated calls desiring him to stop. in some steep places, with the view of improving the roads, the indians lay down large stones in the form of steps; but to ride over these rude flights of steps is no easy task, for the stones are small, and are placed at the distance of a foot and a half or two feet apart. the mule begins by placing his hind feet on the first stone, then springing forward he reaches the third stone with his fore feet, at the same time placing his hind feet to the second. by this manoeuvre the mule's body is kept at full stretch, and the rider is obliged to lean forward over the animal's neck to avoid being thrown head-foremost by the violent jerks when the mule springs from step to step. it is absolute torture to ride down a descent of five or six leagues, along a road such as i have just described: willingly would the harassed rider dismount and pursue his course on foot; but were he to attempt to do so, the mule would stand stock still. i have already remarked the singular obstinacy with which the mules refuse to proceed when their riders dismount, and it sometimes gives rise to very comical scenes. on my way to vitoc, i was passing through a ravine in which the uprooted trunk of a tree was resting slantwise against a rock. though there was not room for me to ride under it, yet there was sufficient space to allow my mule to pass, and i accordingly dismounted; but all my efforts to drive the animal forward were fruitless. i had no alternative but to ride close up to the tree, then spurring the mule, i quickly slipped out of the saddle, and seizing the trunk of the tree, i hung to it until the mule had passed on. no less difficult and dangerous are the steep declivities over loamy soils, which are frequently met with in these districts. on them the mule has no firm footing, and is in danger of slipping down at every step. but the wonderful instinct of these animals enables them to overcome the difficulty. they approximate the hind and fore feet in the manner of the chamois goat, when he is about to make a spring, and lowering the hinder part of the body in a position, half sitting half standing, they slide down the smooth declivity. at first this sliding movement creates a very unpleasant feeling of apprehension, which is not altogether removed by frequent repetitions. accidents frequently occur, in which both mule and rider are mortally injured. there is more variety of animals in these regions than in the mountainous parts; but they have few peculiarities of character. the swift-footed roe of the cordillera roams here and dwells in the thickets, avoiding the warm forest. the dark brown coati (_nasua montana_, tsch.) howls, and digs at the roots of trees in search of food; the shy opossum crawls fearfully under the foliage; the lazy armadillo creeps into his hole; but the ounce and the lion seldom stray hither to contest with the black bear (_ursus frugilegus_, tsch.) the possession of his territory. the little hairy tapir (_tapirus villosus_, wagn.) ventures only at twilight out of his close ambush to forage in the long grass. of the birds there is not much variety of species; but all are remarkable for gay-colored plumage. among the most characteristic of these districts are the red-bellied tanagra (_tanagra igniventris_, orb.), the fire-colored pyranga (_phoenisoma bivittata_, tsch.), two species of the crow, one of which is of a fine blue color (_cyanocorax viridicyanus_, g. r. gray), the other green on the back and bright yellow on the belly (_cyanoc. peruanus_, cab.). the indians call the latter _quienquien_, as it utters a sort of screaming sound resembling these syllables. individual birds belonging to the penelope family (_p. rufiventris_ and _adspersa_, tsch.) and the green pepper-eater (_pteroglossus cæruleo-cinctus_, tsch., _pt. atrogularis_, sturm.) are found in the lower forests. proceeding still further downward we at length reach the _montaña_. the peruvians apply this name to the vast aboriginal forests which extend across the whole country from north to south along the eastern foot of the andes. those which lie higher, and in which the spaces between the lofty trees are overgrown with thick masses of bushes and twining plants, are called by the natives simply _montañas_. those which are free from these intermediate masses of vegetation they call _montañas reales_ (royal mountains). at first sight they produce the impression of a virgin forest of oaks. the distance from the ceja to the district properly called the montaña is very various at different points. in some parts it takes six or eight days' hard riding; in other directions the traveller may, in the morning, leave the snow-covered puna huts, and at sunset, on the uninhabited margin of the primeval forest, he may taste pine-apples and bananas of his own gathering. such a day certainly deserves to form an epoch in his life; for in the course of a few hours he passes through the most opposite climates of the earth, and the gradual progression of the development of the vegetable world is spread out in visible reality before him. the montañas of peru are, in general, but thinly peopled with christian indians. they are employed either in cultivating their own fields, or in working as day-laborers in the great plantations. the productions of the haciendas consist chiefly of sugar, coffee, maize, coca, tobacco, oranges, bananas, and pine-apples, which are sent to the sierra. the cultivation of bark, balsams, gums, honey and wax, also occupies a great number of indians. the plantation buildings stand on rising grounds. the walls are constructed of reeds, the interstices being filled up with loam, and the roofs are of straw or palm leaves. around the buildings are the fields allotted to cultivation, in which the soils favorable to the production of certain plants are selected. the coffee usually grows round the house, and an adjacent building contains the store-rooms. the fruit-trees grow along the margins of the maize fields; marshy ground is selected for the sugar fields; in the vicinity of brooks and streams the useful banana flourishes; the pine-trees are ranged in rows on the hot, dry declivities, and the coca is found to thrive best in warm, hollow dells. as the humidity of the atmosphere, added to the multitudes of insects, mice and rats, prevents any lengthened preservation of provisions, the cultivators sell or exchange them as speedily as possible; hence arises a very active intercourse in business between the montañas and the sierra. the mountain indians bring llamas, dried meat, potatoes, bark, and salt, to exchange for fruit; it is very seldom that any money circulates in this traffic. only the owners of plantations sell their productions for ready money, with which they purchase, in the upland towns, european goods, particularly printed and plain cottons, coarse woollen stuffs, knives, hatchets, fishing-tackle, &c.; with these goods they pay their laborers, charging them for every article five or even six times its value. as there is throughout these forest regions a great want of men, the plantation owners endeavor to get the few indians who settle voluntarily on their property, fixed to it for ever. they sell them indispensable necessaries at an extravagant price, on condition of their paying for them by field labor. i have seen an indian give five days' labor, from six o'clock in the morning to sunset, for a red pocket-handkerchief, which in germany would not be worth four groschen. the desire to possess showy articles, the necessity of obtaining materials for his wretched clothing, or implements to enable him, in his few free hours, to cultivate his own field, and, above all, his passion for coca and intoxicating drinks, all prompt the indian to incur debt upon debt to the plantation owner. the sugar-cane is seldom used in the forest plantations for making sugar. the juice is usually converted into the cakes called _chancacas_, which have been already mentioned, or it is made into _guarapo_, a strong liquor, which the indians spare no effort to procure. when they begin to be intoxicated, they desire more and more of the liquor, which is readily given, as it is the interest of the owners to supply it. after some days of extreme abstinence they return to their work, and then the mayordomo shows them how much their debt has increased, and the astonished indian finds that he must labor for several months to pay it; thus these unfortunate beings are fastened in the fetters of slavery. their treatment is, in general, most tyrannical. the negro slave is far more happy than the free indians in the haciendas of this part of peru. at sunrise all the laborers must assemble in the courtyard of the plantation, where the mayordomo prescribes to them their day's work, and gives them the necessary implements. they are compelled to work in the most oppressive heat, and are only allowed to rest thrice for a few minutes, at times fixed, for chewing their coca and for dinner. for indolence or obstinacy they suffer corporal punishment, usually by being put into a kind of stocks, called the cepo, in which the culprit stands from twelve to forty-eight hours, with his neck or legs fixed between two blocks of wood. the labor of bringing the forest lands into a productive state is one of the severest tasks in the montañas, and it can only be performed in the hottest season of the year. as the soil is always moist, and the vegetation full of sap, the trees must be cut down about the end of the rainy season, and after drying for some months they are burned; but they are seldom brought into a state of such aridity as to be destroyed by the action of the fire. this is a considerable obstruction to the progress of raising plants; for the seed must be sown between the felled trees, which are perhaps only half-charred, and are still damp. in consequence of this, the practice is, in the first year, to plant maize at the places where the burnt trees are laid; the maize grows in almost incredible abundance, and the result is a singularly rich harvest, after which, part of the burned wood is removed. the same process is renewed after every harvest, until all the burnt trees are cleared off and a free field gained for the cultivation of the perennial plants. far more fortunate than the indians who are neighbors of the plantations, are those who live far back in the interior of the forests, and who, in consequence of their great distance from any settlement, seldom have intercourse with the civilized world. content with what bounteous nature offers them, and ignorant of the wants of more refined life, they seek nothing beyond such things as they can, without any great efforts, obtain in the districts in which they dwell. there they plant their little patches of ground, the care of which is consigned to the women. the men takes their bows and arrows and set out on hunting expeditions, during which they are for weeks, often months, absent from their homes. the rainy season drives them back to their huts, where they indulge in indolent repose, which is only occasionally suspended when they are engaged in fishing. the return of the sunny sky draws them out again on their expeditions, in which they collect a sufficient supply of food for the year. but wherever these indians have settled on the banks of great rivers, the trading intercourse produces an alteration in their mode of life. europeans and creoles then try to create among them, as among the plantation indians, a desire to satisfy unnecessary wants, and thereby they are induced to collect the valuable productions of the forests. in the loftier districts of the montañas the peruvian bark is found: the lower and more marshy places produce the sarsaparilla, and a sort of wood for dyeing called _llangua_. this last-named article has not yet found its way to europe. in the month of may the indians assemble to collect the peruvian bark, for which purpose they repair to the extensive cinchona woods. one of the party climbs a high tree to obtain, if possible, an uninterrupted view over the forest, and to spy out the _manchas_, or spots where there are groups of peruvian bark trees. the men who thus spy out the trees are called _cateadores_, or searchers. it requires great experience to single out, in the dark leaf-covered expanse, the cinchona groups merely by the particular tint of the foliage, which often differs but very little from that of the surrounding trees. as soon as the cateador has marked out and correctly fixed upon the mancha, he descends to his companions, and leads them with wonderful precision through the almost impenetrable forest to the group. a hut is immediately built, which serves as a resting-place during night, and is also used for drying and preserving the bark. the tree is felled as near the root as possible, divided into pieces, each from three to four feet long, and with a short curved knife a longitudinal incision is made in the bark. after a few days, if the pieces are found to be getting dry, the bark already incised is stripped off in long slips, which are placed in the hut, or in hot weather laid before it to dry. in many parts, particularly in the central and southern districts of peru, where the moisture is not very great, the bark is dried in the forest, and the slips are packed in large bundles. in other districts, on the contrary, the bark is rolled up green, and sent to the neighboring villages, where it is dried. towards the end of september the _cascarilleros_[79] return to their homes. in the more early periods of south american history, the bark was a principal article of peruvian commerce. since the commencement of the present century its value has, however, considerably diminished, chiefly in consequence of adulterated and inferior kinds, which are supplied from other quarters, perhaps also on account of the more frequent use of quinine; for in the production of the alkaloids less bark is employed than was formerly used in substance. during the war of independence the bark trade received its death-blow, and for the space of several years scarcely more than a few hundred-weights of bark were exported from peru. the montañas of huanuco, which once furnished all the apothecaries of europe with the "divine medicine," are beginning again to yield supplies. from the roots of the felled trees a vigorous after-growth has commenced. in the montañas of huamalies a kind of bark is found, the nature of which is not yet defined by botanists; and from the montañas of urubamba comes the highly esteemed _cascarilla de cuzco_, which contains an alkaloid, named _cusconin_.[80] possibly the medicinal bark may again become a flourishing branch of trade for peru, though it can never again recover the importance which was attached to it a century ago. during my residence in peru, a plan was in agitation for establishing a quinine manufactory at huanuco. the plan, if well carried out, would certainly be attended with success. there is in bolivia an establishment of this kind conducted by a frenchman; but the quinine produced is very impure. the inhabitants of the peruvian forests drink an infusion of the green bark as a remedy against intermitting fever. i have found it in many cases much more efficacious than the dried kind, for less than half the usual dose produces, in a short time, convalescence, and the patient is secure against returning febrile attacks. a class of indians who live far back in the heart of the woods of southern peru and bolivia employ themselves almost exclusively in gathering balsams and odorous gums from resinous plants, many of which are burned in the churches as incense. they also collect various objects, supposed to be sympathetic remedies, such as the claws of the tapir, against falling sickness; and the teeth of poisonous snakes which, carefully fixed in leaves, and stuck into the tubes of rushes, are regarded as powerful specifics against headache and blindness. various salves, plasters, powders, seeds, roots, barks, &c., to each of which is attributed some infallible curative power, are prepared and brought to market by the indians. when the rainy season sets in they leave the forest and proceed in parties to the mountainous country. on these occasions, contrary to the general custom of the indians, the men, not the women, carry the burthens. they are accompanied by the women as far as the sierra; for the loads, which are often very heavy, graze the backs of the men who carry them, and the women then act as surgeons. the injured part is first carefully washed with copaiba balsam, moistened, then covered with leaves fixed on with small strips of leather, overlaid with the hide of some forest animal. these operations being performed, the loads are again fastened on the backs of the indians. in their native forests these people wear but little clothing. their dress is limited to a sort of loose tunic without sleeves for the women, and for the men merely a piece of cloth fastened round the waist. they go barefooted; but they paint their feet and legs with the juice of the huito (_genipa oblongifolia_, r. pav.) in such a manner that they seem to be wearing half-boots. the juice of the huito has the effect of protecting them against the stings of insects. the coloring adheres so strongly to the skin that it cannot be washed off by water; but oil speedily removes it. in the sierra these indians put on warmer clothing, and on their feet they wear a kind of boots called _aspargetas_, made of the plaited tendrils of plants. the stock of balsams and drugs being disposed of, the indians, after a few months' absence, return to their homes. some of them, however, wander to the distance of two or three hundred leagues from their native forests, traversing the greater part of peru, and even visiting lima, carrying large flask gourds filled with balsams. these wandering tribes seek frequent contact with other nations. they are not distrustful and reserved, but, on the contrary, annoyingly communicative. it is not easy to discover the cause of this exception, or to ascertain the time when the indians began to travel the country as physicians and apothecaries. the earliest writers on the oldest epochs of peruvian history make no mention of this race of medical pedlars. the indians here alluded to all profess christianity, and must, as _indios christianos_, in strict correctness, be distinguished from the wild indians, _indios bravos_, who exclusively inhabit the eastern montañas of peru, towards the frontiers of brazil. these indios bravos comprehend numerous tribes, each of which has its own customs, religion, and also, in general, its own language. only very few of them are known, for since the overthrow of the missions there is little communication with them. respecting the indios bravos who inhabit the montañas of southern peru, i have been unable to collect any accurate information. they remain quite unknown, for impenetrable wilds intervene between them and the civilized world, and seldom has a european foot ventured into their territory. the wild indians in central peru are most set against the christians, particularly those called iscuchanos, in the montaña de huanta, and those known by the name of chunchos, in the montaña de vitoc. the iscuchanos sometimes maintain with the inhabitants of huanta a trade of barter; but this intercourse is occasionally interrupted by long intervals of hostility, during which the iscuchanos, though rather an inoffensive race, commit various depredations on the huantanos; driving the cattle from the pastures, carrying off the produce of the soil, and spreading terror throughout the whole district. some years ago, when the inhabitants of huanta had assembled for the procession of the festival of corpus christi, a troop of iscuchanos came upon them with wild bulls, turning the infuriated animals against the procession, which was dispersed, and many of the huantanos were killed or severely wounded. these iscuchanos are so favored by the locality of the district they inhabit, that even were a military expedition sent to drive them farther back into the woods, it would probably be unsuccessful. the chunchos are far more dangerous, and are one of the most formidable races of the indios bravos. they inhabit the most southern part of the pampa del sacramento (the terra incognita of peru), and chiefly the district through which flow the rivers chanchamayo and perene. those regions are inhabited by a great number of tribes, most of which are only known by name. the frontier neighbors of the chunchos are the sanguinary campas or antes who destroyed the missions of jesus maria in pangoa, and who still occasionally pay hostile visits to san buenaventura de chavini, the extreme christian outpost in the montaña de andamarca. the savage race of the casibos, the enemies of all the surrounding populations, inhabit the banks of the river pachitea. this race maintains incessant war with all the surrounding tribes, and constantly seeks to destroy them. according to the accounts of the missionaries, they, as well as the antes and chunchos, are still cannibals, and undertake warlike expeditions for the purpose of capturing prisoners, whom they devour. after the rainy season, when the simirinches, the amapuahas, or consbos, hunt in the western forests, they often fall into the hands of the casibos, who imitate in perfection the cries of the forest animals, so that the hunters are treacherously misled, and being captured, are carried off as victims. many horrible accounts of this barbarous tribe were related by the missionaries centuries ago, when romantic stories and exaggerations of every kind were the order of the day; but the most recent communications of the missionaries from ocopa confirm the fact, that in the year 1842, the casibos continued to be savage anthropophagi. it is worthy of remark that they never eat women, a fact which some may be inclined to attribute to respect for the female sex. it is, however, assignable to a different feeling. all the south american indians, who still remain under the influence of sorcery and empiricism, consider women in the light of impure and evil beings, and calculated to injure them. among a few of the less rude nations this aversion is apparent in domestic life, in a certain unconquerable contempt of females. with the anthropophagi the feeling extends, fortunately, to their flesh, which is held to be poisonous. the languages spoken by the wild indian tribes are very various. from the marañon to omaguas, quichua, the language of the incas, is spoken. on the left bank of the ucayali the dialect of the panos prevails. on the right bank the cascas, the sinabus, and the diabus, preserve their own idioms, which are so different that those races are reciprocally unable to communicate with each other. on upper ucayali evidences of common origin are said to be apparent between the simirinches, campas, runaguas, and mochobos. but on this subject no accurate conclusions can be formed; for the accounts given by the missions in early periods were very imperfect, and most of the races are so intractable that it has since been impossible to collect correct information. according to the accounts of travelled missionaries which i had the opportunity of examining in the convent of ocopa, it appears that, besides the quichua, the idioms spoken by the panos, cascas, simirinches, and the chunchos, may be set down as dialects of decidedly different origins. the mode of living among all these indians is very much the same. war and hunting in summer, and repairing their warlike weapons in winter, are the occupations of the men. the women cultivate the fields, lay up the stores of provisions, fish, spin and cook. their clothes are of the most simple kind. many of the races wear no clothing, and have their bodies wholly or partially bedaubed with paint. the men of some races wear a kind of shirt without sleeves, and the women a petticoat reaching from the waist to the knees. these garments are made of cotton obtained from the uncultivated tree _bombax_, and their color is white, blue, or red. the custom of boring the ears, the nose, and the under lip, for the insertion of some ornament, is much practised, particularly by the panos, shipeos, and pirras. they paint their bodies, but not exactly in the tattoo manner; they confine themselves to single stripes. the sensis women draw two stripes from the shoulder, over each breast, down to the pit of the stomach; the pirras women paint a band in the form of a girdle round the waist, and they have three of a darker color round each thigh. these stripes, when once laid on, can never be removed by washing. they are made with the unripe fruit of one of the rubiacaceæ. some tribes paint the face only; others, on the contrary, do not touch that part; but bedaub with colors their arms, feet, and breasts. in hunting, bows and arrows are the principal weapons used by the indians. in war they use, besides bows and arrows, clubs and a kind of sword made of wood. the arrows are reeds, five or six feet long, and of the thickness of a finger. the point is of very hard wood, and is strongly barbed by notches and with sharp fish teeth about three inches long. to the other extremity of the arrow colored feathers are always affixed. among many indians, particularly in the western and northern districts of the pampa del sacramento, the _pocuna_ is a weapon much used in hunting. it is made of a long reed, and measures eight or ten, or even more, feet. at one end are fixed two teeth of a javali, or white-lipped peccary (_dicotyles labiatus_), on which the reed is rested when taking aim. the arrows, which are only one and a half or two inches long, are made of the thick part of a strong cactus stem. in general their small arrows are poisoned, for otherwise the wound would be too inconsiderable to kill even a little bird. the poison for arrows differs almost with every tribe, and very mysterious ceremonies are observed at its preparation. on this account the art of preparing it, and the ingredients employed, are only very partially known to europeans. their elements are obtained from several plants not yet defined botanically, among which the _apihuasca_ and poison capsicum are much resorted to. infusions of the leaves of a very strong kind of tobacco, and of the sanaño (_tabernæmontana sanaño_, r. p.), and of euphorbiaceæ, are also taken. some modern travellers, contrary to the testimony of the oldest writers on peru, have asserted that no animal substance is employed in the poison for arrows. i am, however, enabled to state, on the authority of an indian who had himself often made the poison, that not only the black and very poisonous emmet (_cryptacereo atrato affin_), but also the teeth of the formidable serpent, known to the indians by the name of miuamaru or jergon (_lachesis picta_, tsch.), are used for that purpose. the wound of the poisoned arrow is fatal and rapid. men and large mammalia die in about four or five minutes after receiving the wound; the smaller mammiferous animals and birds, in two minutes. the blow-reed sends these deadly arrows with great certainty to the distance of thirty-two or thirty-six paces. hunting with the blow-reed must be long practised in order to acquire dexterity in its use, and great caution is requisite to avoid being self-wounded by the small sharp arrows. an example came to my knowledge in the case of an indian who let an arrow fall unobserved from his quiver; he trod upon it, and it penetrated the sole of his foot; in a very short time he was a corpse. the club called _matusino_ is four or five feet long, and is encircled in a spiral form at the thick end, by a row of deer's horns. a single long horn is fastened in the centre, the chief use of which is to stick it in the earth when the club is rested. only a few races of upper and lower ucayali and the sensis use this formidable weapon, which is very inconvenient and obstructive in passing through thick forests. the _macana_, or wooden sword, is made of strong _chunta_. the color of this wood is a deep blackish brown; it is very hard and heavy, and is always used for implements which require great durability and strength. the macana is about four feet long, one inch thick, and from five to six inches broad; towards the hilt end the breadth is about three inches, and it is rounded. it is so well cut and polished, that a sabre scarcely excels it in sharpness. the weapon is so heavy that it requires both hands to wield it. there are not only offensive, but also defensive, weapons. one of the latter is the _viche_, a very simple shield, one and a half or two feet in diameter. it consists of a strong frame of twisted creeping plants, over which the skin of a deer or tapir is stretched and fastened with twine. on the inside there are two holds for the arm; the edge is adorned with colored feathers. the indians of the races above noticed seldom live in villages, but chiefly in huts scattered through the forests. sometimes they construct a few of their dwellings near together, and so form a hamlet. their huts are either quadrangular, oblong, or circular. the walls consist of strong stems of trees, bound together by twining plants; and the roof is of palm leaves laid over a skeleton of reeds. the entrance, which is on the side opposite to the prevailing wind, is left open, and but seldom protected by a door. at chanchamayo i saw a very simple kind of hut among the chunchos. it resembled an open umbrella with the handle stuck in the earth. the single wall, which also formed its roof, consisted of eight long reeds: they spread out below in the form of a fan, standing obliquely on the earth, and fastened to three stems of trees. on this simple skeleton were laid lengthways the leaves of the omero, a kind of palm. a strong stem fixed firmly in the earth, extended obliquely to the middle of the inner side of the wall, and two thinner stems on each side, served as supports for this frail building. according to the direction of the wind the hut is turned round. the indian huts all stand detached from each other, and they are seldom divided internally into apartments. they occupy very little ground, never more than sixty square feet of superficies. in the principal settlement of an indian race, the huts are scattered over a circuit of some miles in the forests. any form of government is a thing quite unknown to most of the indios bravos of peru. uniformity of speech, manners, and arms, unite together a number of indians, who thus form a race, but there is among them no bond of subjection, or of duty to any government, either voluntarily chosen, or self-constituted. among the inhabitants of lower ucayali, however, the oldest, or the bravest individuals of each race are either publicly, or silently recognised as chiefs. respect to age prevails only among a few of the races, as the setebos, mayorhunas, and panos. among others, as the campos, casibos, and cunchos, the old are put to death. it is a general custom of the wild indians to kill their aged prisoners immediately on their being captured. social meetings among these races are of rare occurrence. gloomy, reserved, and distrustful, the indian is only at ease in the circle he has himself formed. when, however, the general interest of the race is in question, then he comes boldly forward in support of the whole. the usual assemblages are for the arrangement of long hunting excursions, and warlike expeditions. the departures and the returns are celebrated by tumultuous feasts, in which intoxicating drinks flow freely. most of the liquors are prepared from yucca, or the fruits of the chunta, called the _mazato_, or other species of palms. in the most remote forests, and among the most insulated tribes, the preparation of intoxicating liquors is known; and there certainly is not in all south america an indian race which is not familiar with it. wild dances form part of the entertainments, and the banquet usually ends with a sanguinary battle. marriage in most races is celebrated socially, but not among those in which polygamy prevails. the formula observed on the occasion differs in different tribes; in some the union is effected under painful ceremonies to the bride, in others with fasting and penitential torments to the bridegroom. in general the indian selects a wife for himself. in the greater number of tribes a maiden is set up as a prize, and the young men commence a life or death contest for her. the oldest warriors are arbitrators, and from their hands the conqueror receives the prize. this is the practice among the inhabitants of the rio de santa catalina. with them, as well as with most of the tribes of western ucayali, the birth of a child is festively celebrated. the oldest individuals of the race assemble to receive the child, which is repeatedly blown on to drive demons and sickness away from it; the name of an animal is then given to it, and, according to don pedro beltran, the witnesses of the ceremony mark with a wooden pencil some hieroglyphic characters on two leaves, which are carefully preserved, and on the death of the indian, deposited in the grave with him. the dead are buried in the huts. the survivors having testified their sorrow by a melancholy howl three times repeated, leave the place and build a new residence for themselves in a distant district. they break in pieces all the household furniture of the deceased, but they bury with him his warlike weapons and his agricultural implements, under the conviction that he will use them in the place to which he is going. a peculiar custom among several races is this: the oldest son cuts a piece from the heel of his deceased father, which he hangs round his neck, and wears as a sacred relic. some of the tribes on the perene and capanegua do not, like most wild nations, respect the remains of the dead, but throw the bodies into the forest unburied, to be devoured by beasts of prey. very little is correctly known of the religion of the peruvian indios bravos. all believe in the existence of superior beings, and distinguish them as good and evil; and they are accordingly venerated from gratitude, or from fear. the former they regard as beneficent; but the latter as having the power of bringing into exercise all the destroying forces of nature. these people, therefore, find in the sky, in the air, and on the earth, objects for their adoration. certain constellations are regarded as favorable phenomena, while others are looked at with a secret horror. the sun is by all gladly worshipped, more particularly by the descendants of those who in early times stood in connexion with the incas. on the other hand, they pay but a reluctant tribute to the moon, perhaps because by its pale light fearful images are reflected around them in the forests, and because its phases are to them involved in impenetrable mystery. they ascribe thunder and lightning to demoniacal influences, and to the same origin they attribute certain winds which have an injurious influence on their health. but their religious notions are not connected exclusively with the phenomena of nature, which are to them inexplicable. with all their ideas on surrounding nature, two conflicting principles are invariably connected, one of which is believed to be beneficial, the other injurious to them. in the animals of the forest, the plants, the stones, in everything, they trace these beneficent or demoniacal powers. every idea, every action is with them a consequence of the influence of one of these two powers, and free will is impossible. though a rude materialism cripples the intelligence of these indians, yet they seem to be sensible of the connexion between that which is perceptible to their senses, and something higher--something beyond the sphere of corporeal perception. but of the nature of this higher something they have no comprehension, nor do they endeavor to render to themselves any account of it. they are satisfied with an obscure idea of the difference between the visible and the invisible; but still this idea is so contracted that they always give to the spiritual a corporeal form: and they attribute to natural objects with which they come most in contact, the possession of good or evil qualities, thus assigning to them the nature of spiritual beings. none of these tribes appear, as yet, to have advanced so far as to be impressed with the persuasion that the whole of nature is guided by unchangeable laws over which one will presides. in general, they have no idea of a spiritual unity, and are utter strangers to the knowledge of one god. they all, however, believe in the immortality of the soul. they see the lifeless body, they have certain proof that the earthly integument is no longer the abode of the soul; but, as they can form no notion of anything spiritual entirely self-existent, they imagine that their dead will, in new life, appear under a new bodily form. the several tribes differ greatly in their belief of the nature of the metamorphoses which they expect to take place. those who look forward to the re-appearance of the deceased in human life, bury with the men hunting and agricultural instruments; but their notions even on this head are not very clear, and when questioned on the subject their answers are very confused. they say that they are going to a very beautiful place, far from their present dwelling; but, according to their conception, it appears that the place, though distant, is still on earth. those races who believe in metamorphoses into the forms of the lower animals, are persuaded that the dead in their new forms will inhabit the woods around their homes, and avenge the wrongs they have suffered during life. this is the belief of the inhabitants of upper ucayali and pachitea. in considering the physical formation of the wild indians, we may class them according to their natural divisions, viz., the inhabitants of the more highly situated lands, or mountains, and those of the low hot flat country. the former dwell on the eastern side of the hill-chain, dividing the river territory of the huallaga and ucayali, and spreading to the banks of the chauchamayo, perene, and apurimac. these are the iscuchanos. they are rather tall and generally slim; their limbs are vigorous; their hands and feet small, and in walking their toes are much turned in. the head is proportionally large, with very strong bones; the forehead is low, the eyes small and animated, the nose large and rather sharp, the cheek-bones a little prominent. the mouth is not large, and the lips are delicately formed, but often disfigured by ornaments. the ears are small, quite the reverse of those of the indians of the flat lands. the pointed chin is only sparingly covered with beard, which does not appear until advanced age, and on the cheeks there is none. the hair of the head is long, stiff, and of a brilliant black. many of the tribes dye their hair; the chunchos dye it red, and the antis are said to dye it blue; as to the latter color it appears to me improbable, but i mention it on the authority of friar leceta. the skin is fine and soft, the color a deep rusty brown. in speaking of the south american indians, it is usual to describe their skin as copper color, but this term is incorrect, for there certainly is no single tribe to which it might be perfectly applicable. it appears to me that the color of all is much fainter, and tending more to brown or yellow. "rusty brown," if the expression may be used, appears to me far more descriptive. the second natural section of the wild indians inhabits the northern part of the pampa del sacramento, the banks of the ucayali, and of the marañon. they are smaller than those just described. there is a certain peculiarity in the make of these people; for though they are broad over the shoulders yet their chests are flat, and their shoulder blades lie low. their limbs are lank, and their hands rather small; the soles of the feet are broad and flat. the face is broad, the eyes long shaped, the pupil deeply set, the nose is flat, with large oblique nostrils, and the cheek-bones are prominent. the mouth is wide, the lips thick, and among some tribes the mouth and nose are very close together. the chin is small and round, the ears large and standing out from the head. the hair and beard of these indians are the same as in those of the hilly country. the color of the skin varies much; in some it is a light reddish brown; in others, a kind of yellow, very like that of the mongols. the women of all these tribes are exceedingly ugly, and far from corresponding with the picture a european imagination might form of the daughters of the aboriginal forests. these women soon become old, for they not only fulfil female duties, but execute the greater part of those severer labors which ought to fall to the share of the stronger sex. to the above outline sketch of the human inhabitants of the aboriginal forests, i will now add some description of the animal world, as it came under my observation in those luxuriant regions. unlike the peaceful repose which presides over animal life on the level heights, are the constant aggressions and combats which prevail in the forest regions. there the strong attack the weak, and the cunning inveigle the unwary: strength and intelligence, caution and instinct, are unceasingly in active operation. the variegated forms and colors which meet the eye, and the multifarious cries and tones which resound through the woods, form, altogether, the most singular contrast. the gold-feathered colibri hums lightly through the air, soaring over the heavy, sombre-colored tapir. the sprightly singing-bird pours forth his melodious chants amidst the thick foliage of the aged trees, whilst the fierce ounce, prowling for his prey, growls as he passes over their enormous, spreading roots. slowly do the eye and the ear learn to distinguish individuals in the vast mass of apparent chaotic confusion, and to recognise quickly fleeting forms, or distant resounding sounds. the whole of the animal world is here developed to the view, and it would be difficult to assign the predominance to any one class. yet, perhaps, the variegated feathered tribe is relatively most extensively represented. the number of the mammalia is also important. they are seldom seen by the hunter during the day, but twilight draws them from their hiding-places. troops of monkeys skip from tree to tree, looking timidly around, and uttering mournful howls. among them are swarms of the black marimonda (_ateles_), with slender long arms and red-brown or black faces; in some the faces are encircled with white hair (_ateles marginatus_, geoff.), which gives them a striking resemblance to an old negro. next is seen a group of silver-grey monkeys (_lagothrix humboldtii_, geoff.), stalking over heaps of broken branches and twigs in search of a resting-place. these monkeys, which are the largest in south america, are about three feet high, and are bold and vicious. when wounded they take a position of defence against the hunter, struggling, and uttering loud cries, upon which their companions hasten down from the trees to assist them. but soon a short stifled cry is heard: it is the cry of mortal convulsion. that sound drives them instantly back, and they disperse in wild flight. the sly sayu ventures to approach the dwellings of men, where he plunders maize fields with incredible dexterity. the delicate silky-haired monkey, shivering at every cool breeze or shower of rain, and starting at the slightest noise, creeps for shelter into the thicket, where he lies peeping with his penetrating eyes in the direction of the apprehended danger. at sunset swarms of bats flutter through field and forest in all directions, and greedily devour the insects which in the twilight awaken to full activity. some of these bats (_phyllostoma hastatum_, geoff.) are remarkable for their expanse of wing, which measures nearly two feet. others are distinguished for ugliness and for their offensive smell. these latter fly into the indian huts at night and greatly annoy the inhabitants, who cannot get rid of them by fire or smoke, or any other means, until at the midnight hour they retire of their own accord. not less troublesome are the leaf-nosed bats (_phyllostoma_), which attack both man and beast. this bat rubs up the skin of his victim, from which he sucks the blood. the domestic animals suffer greatly from the nocturnal attacks of these bats, and many are destroyed by the exhaustion consequent on the repeated blood-sucking. the blood drawn by the bat itself does not exceed a few ounces; but if, when satisfied, it drops down to the ground, or flies away, the wound continues to bleed for a long time, and in the morning the animal is often found in a very weak condition, and covered with blood. one of my mules, on which a leaf-nosed bat made a nightly attack, was only saved by having his back rubbed with an ointment made of spirits of camphor, soap and petroleum. the blood-suckers have such an aversion to the smell of this ointment that on its application they ceased to approach the mule. these bats are very mischievous in the plantations of the forests, where beasts of burden and horned cattle are exposed to their attacks. whether they venture to assail man has been a much disputed question. several travellers declare that they do not. i may, however, mention a case which occurred within my own knowledge. a bat (_ph. erythromos_, tsch.) fastened on the nose of an indian lying intoxicated in a plantation, and sucked so much blood that it was unable to fly away. the slight wound was followed by such severe inflammation and swelling that the features of the cholo were not recognisable. many beasts of prey, and among them some of formidable strength and fierceness, make havoc among the other animals of the forests. in the lofty montañas the black bear (_u. frugilegus_, tsch.) roams as wild as his fellow-depredator of the cordillera. he often enters the maize fields of the indians, breaks the stalks of the plants and drags the green tops away to his hole. when this bear cannot obtain his customary vegetable food, consisting chiefly of the fruits of a pandanea (_phytelephas_), he watches for the deer and wild boars, or attacks the oxen employed to turn the machinery in the sugar-mills: he has even been known to assail solitary travellers. the lively coatis traverse the forests in flocks. they collect round the roots of trees and search for the larvæ of insects; light-footed, they climb up bush and tree to find birds' nests, and feast on the eggs and the young. with a monotonous howl, not unlike that made by some dogs on a clear moonlight night, the yellow-breasted glutton (_galictis barbara_, wieg.), the omeyro of the indians, announces his presence. but the most fierce of all these wild forest animals are those of the feline class. the spotless dark-grey yaguarundi, not much larger than the wild cat of europe, pursues all kinds of birds, particularly the pigeon, the partridge, and the penelope. the oscollo (_f. celidogaster_, tem.), the uturunca (_f. pardalis_, l.), and the long-tailed, yellowish-grey tiger-cat (_f. macrourura_, pr. m.), all lie in wait, not only for the weaker mammalia, but sometimes they even venture into the plantations and kill dogs and poultry. the maneless mexican lion (the puma) roams through the upper regions of the forest, where he has almost undisputed hunting-ground. he fearlessly assails victims who cannot effectually defend themselves, such as the horse, the mule, and the ass, and he tears large pieces of flesh from their ribs; but he does not venture to meddle with oxen. he shuns men, and in the forest he even flies from the unarmed indian. i fired at a very large puma, which immediately fled, roaring loudly. when severely wounded and driven into a corner, this animal frequently commences a combat of despair, and sometimes kills the hunter. the puma measures in length about four feet, and in height more than two feet. more direful than any of the felines mentioned above is the sanguinary ounce,[81] which possesses vast strength, and is of a most savage disposition. though the favorite haunts of this animal are the expansive pajonales, yet he frequently takes up his abode in the vicinity of villages and plantations, spreading terror among the inhabitants. far from being intimidated at the sight of men, he often attacks individuals, and when pressed by hunger is not afraid, even in broad daylight, to slip into the forest villages in order to carry off food, and the booty, when once seized, is not easily recovered. an amusing example of this occurred in the montaña of vitoc. an indian one night heard his only pig squeaking loudly, as if in pain. he hastened to the door of his hut to see what was the matter, and he discovered that an ounce had seized the pig by the head, and was carrying it off. the cholo, who determined to make an effort to recover his property, seized the pig by the hind legs, and endeavored to drag it from the grasp of the robber. this contest was kept up for some time, the ounce, with his eyes glaring in the darkness, holding fast the head of the pig, and the indian pulling it hard by the legs. at length the indian's wife came to the door of the hut with a lighted fagot, and the scared ounce, with terrible howlings, slowly retired to the forest. in general the indians have a great dread of these animals, and seldom venture singly into the parts they frequent. the ounce hunter is the only one who ventures to approach them. he is armed with a long spear, with which he gives the ferocious animal a death-blow. he lets the ounce come within a few paces of him without making the least show either of flight or attack. if, however, the stroke he aims does not immediately reach the seat of life, the hunter, in general, becomes the victim of his bold attempt. before he can stand on his defence, the wounded ounce drags him to the ground, and tears the flesh from his bones. sometimes the villagers collect their dogs together for a general hunt. they drive the ounce into a place from whence there is no escape, or often up a tree, where they shoot him with long arrows sent from their bows or blow-tubes. in a few places snares are laid, or large holes are dug, and a sharp-pointed stake is stuck in the middle, covered with stalks and branches of trees, on which the bait is laid. the ounce is, however, too cunning to be easily caught in traps, and it is only when pressed by hunger that he can be tempted by a bait. in some districts the ounces have increased so greatly, and done so much damage, that the natives have been compelled to remove and settle in other places. i need only refer to the quebrada of mayunmarca, in the montaña of huanta, near the road to anco. there once stood the little village of mayumarca, which has been abandoned for more than a hundred years, as it was found that the jaguars annually decimated the inhabitants; this quebrada is still in such bad repute that not a single indian will venture into it. there is a black variety of the ounce, by many erroneously regarded as a distinct species. it has the identical marks of the common jaguar, or ounce, only its color is a dark, blackish-brown, whereby the whole of the black spots are rendered indistinct. on the lower banks of the ucayali and the marañon this dark variety is more frequently met with than in the higher forests; in the montañas of huanta and urubamba it is also not uncommon. it is upon the whole larger, stronger, and more daring than the lighter kind, and i have actually seen many black skins which exceeded the usual length; but of specific distinctions there is no indication. the superstitious indians assign extraordinary powers to everything that departs from the common course; the black ounce is, accordingly, supposed to possess singular properties. the yana chinca holds a prominent place in the religious ceremonies of some of the indian races. turning from these fierce natives of the forest, we will now take a glimpse at the peaceful inhabitants of those umbrageous regions. in the hollow stems of trees, or among their canopied branches, are found the timid marsupial animals (_did. impavida_, and _noctivaga_, tsch.). these animals remain in obscure holes until the sun sinks beneath the horizon, when they slip out in search of insects and fruit. not unfrequently they penetrate into the slightly guarded indian huts, creeping into every corner, until at last they are caught in traps baited with pieces of banana and pine-apple. the lofty _terebinthaceæ_, with their walnut-like fruit, are inhabited by swarms of squirrels, which strongly remind the european of his own woods. numbers of the mouse family, from the small tree-mouse (_drymomys parvulus_, tsch.) to the large, loathsome, spinous rat (_echinomys leptosoma_, wagn.) swarm over all the montañas, and love to approximate to the dwellings of man. these animals destroy the gathered harvest, and even in these remote regions they become a plague. it is a striking fact, that certain animals are almost inseparable from man. they keep with him, or follow him wherever he settles. the mouse genus is one of these. on the coast, mice are not the same as on the mountains, and in the forests they are again different. everywhere they leave their original dwelling-places, which they exchange for an abode with man. as the mouse and the rat attack the gathered fruits of the earth, the agouti preys on those yet standing in the field. these animals are seldom found in the depths of the forest, but more frequently on its edge near the chacras of the indians. shortly before sunset they leave the thickets, and stealthily repair to the maize, yucca, and anana fields, where they scratch up the root and eat the grain and fruit; but the slightest noise drives them back to their holes. in the deeper recesses of the forest resounds the monotonous, drawling cry of the sloth. here we have a symbol of life under the utmost degree of listlessness, and of the greatest insensibility in a state of languid repose. this emblem of misery fixes itself on an almost leafless bough, and there remains defenceless; a ready prey to any assailant. better defended is the scale-covered armadillo, with his coat of mail. towards evening he burrows deep holes in the earth, and searches for the larvæ of insects, or he ventures out of the forest, and visits the yucca fields, where he digs up the well-flavored roots. the ant-eater rakes up with his long curved claws the crowded resorts of ants, stretches out his long, spiral, and adhesive tongue, into the midst of the moving swarm, and draws it back covered with a multitude of crawling insects. in the soft marshy grounds, or in the damp shady recesses of the forests, the heavy tapir reposes during the heat of the day; but when the fresh coolness of evening sets in, he roves through the forest, tears the tender twigs from the bushes, or seeks food in the grass-covered pajonales. sometimes a multitude of tapirs sally from the forests into the cultivated fields, to the great alarm of the indians. a broad furrow marks the tract along which they have passed, and the plants they encounter in their progress are trampled down or devoured. such a visit is particularly fatal to the coca fields; for the tapirs are extremely fond of the leaves of the low-growing coca plant, and they often, in one night, destroy a coca field which has cost a poor indian the hard labor of a year. flocks of the umbilical hog, or peccary, traverse the level montañas. if one of them is attacked by the hunter, a whole troop falls furiously on him, and it is only by promptly climbing up a tree that he can escape; then, whizzing and grunting, they surround the stem, and with their snouts turn up the earth round the root, as if intending to pull down the tree and so get at their enemy. the stag lurks in the thicket to withdraw from the eyes of the greedy ounce; but towards evening he leaves his hiding place, and sometimes strays beyond the boundary of the forest; he ventures into the maize fields of the plantations, where he tarries until night is far advanced. the same diversity of nature and habits is seen in the numerous hosts of birds that inhabit the leafy canopies of the forest. on the loftiest trees, or on detached rocks, eagles, kites, and falcons, build their eyries. the most formidable of these birds of prey, both for boldness and strength, the _morphnus harpyia_, cab., darts down on the largest animals, and fears not to encounter the fiercest inhabitants of the forest. the owl (_noctua_, _scops_, _strix_), and the goat-milker (_caprimulgus_, _hydropsalis_, _chordiles_), fly with softly flapping wings to their hunting quarters to surprise their victims while asleep. in the hilly parts of the montañas the black ox-bird (_cephalopterus ornatus_, geoff.), the _toropishu_ of the indians, fills the forest with his distant bellow, similar to the roaring of a bull. the _tunqui_[82] inhabits the same district. this bird is of the size of a cock; the body is bright red, but the wings are black. the head is surmounted by a tuft of red feathers, beneath which the orange bill projects with a slight curve. it lives sociably with other birds in thickets, or among cinchona trees, the fruit of which is part of its food. its harsh cry resembles the grunt of the hog, and forms a striking contrast to its beautiful plumage. numberless fly-catchers and shrikes (_muscicapidæ_ and _laniadæ_) hover on tree and bush, watching for the passing insects, which they snatch up with extraordinary dexterity. finches twitter on the summits of the loftiest trees beyond the reach of the hunter's shot: they are distinguished, like the _ampelidæ_, who, however, live amongst the lower bushes, by the lively and almost dazzling colors of their feathers. in modest plumage of cinnamon-brown, with head and neck of dark olive, the _organista_[83] raises, in the most woody parts of the forest, her enchanting song, which is usually the prognostic of an approaching storm. the tender, melancholy strains and the singular clearness of the innumerable modulations charm the ear of the astonished traveller, who, as if arrested by an invisible power, stops to listen to the syren, unmindful of the danger of the threatening storm. on old decayed stumps of trees the busy creeper[84] and the variegated woodpecker are seen pecking the insects from under the loose bark, or by their tapping bring them out of their concealed crevices; while the red-tailed potter-bird (_opetiorynchus ruficandus_, pr. max.) builds his dwelling of potter's clay, or loam, as firmly as if it were destined to last for ever. the pouched starlings[85] hang their nests, often four or five feet long, on the slender branches of trees, where they swing to and fro with the slightest breath of wind. like a dazzling flash of colored light the colibri (humming-bird) appears and disappears. no combination of gorgeous coloring can exceed that which is presented in the plumage of the golden-tailed humming or fly-bird (_trochilus chrysurus_, cuv.) which haunts the warm primeval forests, but it is still more frequently found in the pure atmosphere of the ceja-girded montañas. the silky cuckoo (_trogon heliothrix_, tsch.) retires into the thickest masses of foliage, from which its soft rose-colored plumage peeps out like a flower. the cry of the voracious chuquimbis[86] accompanies the traveller from his first steps in the montañas to his entrance into the primeval forests, where he finds their relative, _dios te de_.[87] this bird accompanies its significant cry by throwing back its head and making a kind of rocking movement of its body. the indians, who are always disposed to connect superstitious ideas with the natural objects they see around them, believe that some great misfortune will befall any one who may shoot this bird, because it utters the sacred word, _dios_. long trains of green parrots fill the air with their noisy chattering. one kind of these birds (_ps. mercenarius_, tsch.) is remarkable for regular migrations. every morning they sally forth in flocks from the upper to the lower forests, where they pass the day, and they regularly return before sunset to their roosting-places. from year to year these parrots leave their night quarters daily at the same hour, and return with equal punctuality before sunset. this regularity of departing and returning has caused the natives to give them the name of _jornaleros_ (day-laborers). from the depth of the forests sounds often arise which resemble human voices, and the astonished hunter then believes that he is in the vicinity of his companions, or, perhaps, of hostile indians. he eagerly listens, and it is only when well acquainted with the sounds of the winged inhabitants of the woods that he can recognise the melancholy tones of the wood-pigeons (_c. infuscata_, licht.; _c. melancholica_, tsch.). when day begins to depart, groups of the pheasant-like hachahuallpa[88] assemble, and with the cry of _ven acá_, _ven acá_,[89] summon their distant companions. not only are the trees of the forests peopled with myriads of birds, but the earth has also its feathered inhabitants, who seldom soar above the level of the soil. they build their nests among the roots and fallen branches, and depend for movement more on their feet than on their wings. among those members of the winged tribe, who show no disposition to soar into the regions of air, we find here the turcassa, a pigeon with richly-shaded plumage; the beautifully speckled toothed fowl (_odontophorus speciosus_, tsch.), and short-tailed grass fowl, or crake,[90] whose flesh when cooked is delicately white and finely flavored. in marshy places and on the slimy banks of rivers, the jabiru (_mycteria americana_, l.) loves to wade, together with the rose-colored spoon-bill (_platalea ajaja_, l.); the fish-devouring ibis (_tantalus loculator_, l.), the curved-billed snipe (_rhynchoea hilærea_, val.), the party-colored cranes, plovers, land-rails, shrites, and even sea-swallows.[91] in the rivers there are ducks: these birds are, perhaps, carried down by the currents from the andes, or, possibly, they fly in great trains from the inner waters of brazil. of the amphibia in the principal forests of peru, only the great fresh-water tortoise (_hydraspis expansa_, fitz.) is useful to the natives. on the sandy banks of rivers this animal buries its eggs, from which the indians extract oil: its flesh, also, supplies well-flavored food. all other animals of this class are objects of terror, or at least of aversion, to the indians. in the warm sand of the river banks, lies the lazy caiman.[92] he keeps his jaws wide open, only closing them to swallow the innumerable flies which he catches on his tongue. to the helplessness of these animals when on land, the natives have to be thankful that they are not the most dangerous scourges of the forest: in water, their boldness and swiftness of motion are fearful. the number of lizards here is not great, nor do they attain so considerable a size as in other equatorial regions. the serpents are to be feared, and on approaching them, it is not easy to decide at the first view whether they belong to a poisonous or innoxious species. in the forests, where the fallen leaves lie in thick, moist layers, the foot of the hunter sinks deep at every step. multitudes of venomous amphibia are hatched in the half-putrescent vegetable matter, and he who inadvertently steps on one of these animals may consider himself uncommonly fortunate if he can effect his retreat without being wounded. but it is not merely in these places, which seem assigned by nature for their abode, that loathsome reptiles are found: they creep between the roots of large trees, under the thickly interwoven brushwood, on the open grass plots, and in the maize and sugar-cane fields of the indians: nay, they crawl even into their huts, and most fortunate is it for the inhabitants of those districts that the number of the venomous, compared with the innoxious reptiles, is comparatively small. of the poisonous serpents, only a few kinds are known whose bite is attended with very dangerous consequences. the _miuamaru_, or _jergon_ (_lachesis picta_, tsch.), is, at most, three feet long, with a broad, heart-shaped head, and a thick upper lip. it haunts the higher forests, while in those lower down his place is filled by his no less fearful relative _flammon_ (_lachesis rhombeata_, prince max.), which is six or seven feet in length. these serpents are usually seen coiled almost in a circle, the head thrust forward, and the fierce, treacherous-looking eyes glaring around, watching for prey, upon which they pounce with the swiftness of an arrow; then, coiling themselves up again, they look tranquilly on the death-struggle of the victim. it would appear that these amphibia have a perfect consciousness of the dreadful effect of their poisonous weapon, for they use it when they are neither attacked nor threatened, and they wound not merely animals fit for their food, but all that come within their reach. more formidable than the two snakes just described, but happily much less common, is the brown, ten-inch long viper.[93] it is brown, with two rows of black circular spots. the effect of its bite is so rapid, that it kills a strong man in two or three minutes. so convinced are the natives of its inevitably fatal result, that they never seek any remedy; but immediately on receiving the wound, lay themselves down to die. in the montañas of pangoa this viper abounds more than in any other district, and never without apprehension do the cholos undertake their annual journey for the coca harvest, as they fear to fall victims to the bite of this viper. the warning sound of the rattlesnake is seldom heard in the hot montañas, and never in the higher regions. nature, who in almost all things has established an equilibrium, supplies the natives with remedies against the bite of the serpent. one of the cures most generally resorted to is the root of the amarucachu (_polianthes tuberosa_, l.), cut into slips and laid upon the wound. another is the juice of the creeping plant called vejuco de huaco (_mikania huaco_, kth.), which is already very widely celebrated. this latter remedy was discovered by the negroes of the equatorial province, choco. they remarked that a sparrow-hawk, called the _huaco_, picked up snakes for its principal food, and when bitten by one it flew to the vejuco and ate some of the leaves. at length the indians thought of making the experiment on themselves, and when bitten by serpents they drank the expressed juice of the leaves of the vejuco, and constantly found that the wound was thereby rendered harmless. the use of this excellent plant soon became general; and in some places the belief of the preservative power of the vejuco juice was carried so far that men in good health were inoculated with it. in this process some spoonfuls of the expressed fluid are drunk, and afterwards some drops are put into incisions made in the hands, feet, and breast. the fluid is rubbed into the wounds by fresh vejuco leaves. after this operation, according to the testimony of persons worthy of credit, the bite of the poisonous snake fails for a long time to have any evil effect. besides the two plants mentioned above, many others are used with more or less favorable results. the inhabitants of the montaña also resort to other means, which are too absurd to be detailed here; yet their medicines are often of benefit, for their operation is violently reactive. they usually produce the effect of repeated emetics, and cause great perspiration. there is much difference in the modes of external treatment of the wound, and burning is often employed. i saw an indian apply to his wife's foot, which had been bitten, a plaster, consisting of moist gunpowder, pulverised sulphur, and finely-chopped tobacco, mixed up together. he laid this over the wounded part and set fire to it. this application, in connexion with one of the nausea-exciting remedies taken inwardly, had a successful result. innoxious snakes[94] wind on tendrilled climbing plants, or lie like necklaces of coral on the brown decayed leaves (_elap. affinis_, fitz.). where the branches of rivers enter the gloomy forests and form little narrow lagunes, over which the high trees spread in vaulted cupolas almost impervious to the light of day, there dwells the powerful giant snake (_eunectes murinus_, wagl.), called by the indians, in their figurative language, _yacumaman_, "mother of the waters." stretched in listless repose, or winding round the stem of an old tree, bathing her tail in the cool lagune, she watches wistfully for the animals of the forest who come to the waters to quench their thirst. whilst she gazes at her distant prey, the fascinating power of her eyes seems to subdue the trembling victim, and, unable even to attempt escape, he falls an easy sacrifice. the amphibia of the frog species, which lie concealed in silent repose during the day, raise, after sunset, their far-sounding voices. the violet colored throat-bladder (_cystignathus silvestris_, tsch.) maintains his loud, uniform croak beneath the bushes, or penetrates into the huts of the inhabitants. the _trapichero_, or sugar-mill frog, is a large species, almost half a foot in length. its croak resembles very much the grating sound caused by the working of a sugar mill, for which reason the natives have given it the name of trapichero, or the _sugar-miller_. the croaking of these frogs, whose manifold tones blend together in confused union, augments not a little the distressing dreariness of a forest night. of the numerous species of insects which swarm in these regions, few are remarkable for beauty; but many fix attention by their peculiar habits. the bites and stings of numbers of them are very dangerous, and it requires much caution to guard against their attacks. variegated butterflies flutter noiselessly among the spreading branches of the trees, or sun themselves on the warm masses of fallen leaves. the most remarkable of these butterflies is the large atlas, whose brilliant blue tints shine out with lustrous radiance in the dim light of the forest. along the banks of rivers, and especially in hot marshy spots, small musquitoes swarm. the bite of this animal produces an intolerable burning sensation, and often causes considerable inflammation. but more troublesome, and also much more numerous, are the stinging-flies (_sancudos_). on my first arrival in the montaña, i lay several days exceedingly ill in consequence of severe swelling of the head and limbs, caused by the bites of these insects. to the inhabitant of the forest the sancudos are an incessant torment. in no season of the year, in no hour of the day or night, is there any respite from their attacks. rubbing the body with unctuous substances, together with the caustic juices of certain plants, and at night enclosing one's self in a tent made of _tucuyo_ (cotton cloth), or palm-tree bast, are the only means of protection against their painful stings. the clothes commonly worn are not sufficient, for they are perforated by the long sting of the larger species, particularly of the much-dreaded _huir-pasimi-sancudo_ (lip-gnat). regularly every evening at twilight fresh swarms of these mischievous insects make their appearance. the ticks (_ixodes_) are a class of insects destined by nature for the suction of plants; but they often forsake trees, shrubs, and grasses, to fasten on man and other animals. with their long sharp stings they make punctures, in which they insert their heads, and thereby occasion very painful sores. these insects appear to have no preference for any particular class of animals. they are often found on the hair of dead mammalia, and among the feathers of birds which have been shot; even the toad, the frog, and the scaly lizard are not spared by them. much more troublesome than these insects are the antanas, which are not visible to the naked eye. they penetrate the surface of the skin, and introduce themselves beneath it, where they propagate with incredible rapidity; and when some thousands of them are collected together, a blackish spot appears, which quickly spreads. if these insects are not destroyed when they first introduce themselves into the punctures, they multiply with incalculable rapidity, destroying the skin, and all the tender parts in contact with it. washing with brandy, which is often found to be a remedy against the less mischievous isancos, is not sufficient for the removal of the antanas. for their extirpation the only effectual remedy is frequently bathing the part affected with a mixture of spirits of wine and corrosive sublimate. who can describe the countless myriads of ants which swarm through the forests? every shrub is full of creeping life, and the decayed vegetation affords harbor for some peculiar kinds of these insects. the large yellow _puca-çiçi_ is seen in multitudes in the open air, and it even penetrates into the dwellings. this insect does not bite, but its crawling creates great irritation to the skin. the small black _yana-çiçi_, on the contrary, inflicts most painful punctures. a very mischievous species of stinging ant is the black _sunchiron_. this insect inflicts a puncture with a long sting, which he carries in the rear of his body. the wound is exceedingly painful, and is sometimes attended by dangerous consequences. my travelling companion, c. klee, being stung by one of these ants, suffered such severe pain and fever, that he was for a short while delirious. a few nights afterwards, a similar attack was made on myself during sleep. it suddenly awoke me, and caused me to start up with a convulsive spring. i must confess that i never, in my whole life, experienced such severe pain as i did at that moment. a most remarkable phenomenon is exhibited by the swarms of the species called the _ñaui-huacan-çiçi_,[95] the great _wandering ant_. they appear suddenly in trains of countless myriads, and proceed forward in a straight direction, without stopping. the small, the weak, and the neuters are placed in the centre, while the large and the strong flank the army, and look out for prey. these swarms, called by the natives _chacus_, sometimes enter a hut and clear it of all insects, amphibia, and other disagreeable guests. this work being accomplished, they again form themselves into a long train, and move onwards. the united force of these small creatures is vast, and there is no approach to the fabulous, when it is related that not only snakes, but also large mammalia, such as agoutis, armadillas, &c., on being surprised by them, are soon killed. on the light dry parts of the higher montañas we find the large conical dwellings of the termes so firmly built, that they are impenetrable even to rifle shot. they sometimes stand singly, sometimes together, in long lines. in form they strongly resemble the simple, conical puna huts. before leaving the animal kingdom of these forest regions, which i have here sketched only briefly and fragmentally, i must notice two insects, the _cucaracha_ and the _chilicabra_, species of the cockroach (_blatta_). they are exceedingly numerous and troublesome. the cucaracha, which more particularly infests the deep regions of the forest, is an inch and a half long, and above half an inch broad; it is reddish brown, with a yellow neck. the chilicabra, though smaller, is more mischievous, by reason of its greater numbers. they settle in the huts, where they destroy provisions, gnaw clothes, get into beds, and into the dishes at meal time. these insects defy every precaution that can be taken against their tormenting attacks. luckily, nature has provided enemies for their destruction. among these is a small reddish yellow ant, called by the indians, the _pucchu-çiçi_, a useful member of the ant family, for it pursues and destroys the mischievous cockroaches. there is also a very elegant little bird, called the _cucarachero_ (_troglodytes audax_, tsch.) which wages war against these insects. on seizing one of them it first bites off the head, then devours the body, and throws away the tough wings. these operations being completed, it hops to the nearest bush, and tunes its melodious song, the sounds of which closely resemble the words "_acabe la tarea!_" a name which the indians give to this bird.[96] i could yet fill many pages with descriptions of insects which are dangerous or troublesome, and among them are included the julus, measuring six inches in length, the large black and red scorpion, not forgetting the numerous poisonous wasps and the cicadas. however, those which have been noticed will suffice to afford an idea of the ever-active movements of animal life in the forests. willingly would i take a view of the vegetation of the virgin forests, and attempt to sketch its progressive developments and alternations from the hilly montañas of the eastern declivities of the andes to the humid level banks of the larger rivers; but i do not feel myself competent to undertake a labor to which former travellers intimately acquainted with the world of plants have already rendered full justice.[97] being devoted to the study of zoology, and, unfortunately, too little familiar with botany, i have confined myself to a description of the general impression produced by the luxuriant growth of the soil, without entering into the individualities of the vegetation. in the more highly situated montañas, where the cinchona is found in the place of its nativity, the gigantic orchidæ, the numerous fern plants, the tree-like nettles, the wonderful bignonias, and the numerous, impenetrable complications of climbing plants, powerfully rivet the attention of the observer. lower down, in the lighter forest soil, amidst numerous shrubs and climbers, the eye delights to dwell on the manifold forms of the stately palm, on the terebinthaceæ, on the thickly-leaved balsam-yielding leguminosæ, on the luxuriant laurels, on the pandaneæ or the large-leaved heliconias, and on the solaneæ, with their gigantic blossoms and thousands of flowers. descending still further, the flat lands of the forest assume a dark and gloomy aspect. the massive foliage of trees overarches stems which are the growth of centuries, and form a canopy almost impervious to the light of day. on the slimy soil no small shrub uprears its head, no flowering plant unfolds its blossom. the mighty trees stand alone, and erect in rows, like gravestones in a churchyard; and the child of darkness--the rapidly-shooting mushroom--finds genial nurture on the warm humid earth. footnotes: [footnote 79: bark-gatherers. the peruvians call the bark _cascarilla_, and they point out the distinctions of a great number of species and varieties.] [footnote 80: from cuzco, the ancient residence of the incas. it was discovered by the french chemists corriol and pelletier, in the cascarilla which is shipped in arica; hence this alkaloid is also called _aricin_.] [footnote 81: the indian name for this animal is _chaque chinca_. the black variety _yana chinca_ is called by the spaniards _tigre_ or _yaguar_.] [footnote 82: _rupicola peruviana_, ch. dum. the color of the female is reddish brown, and she is named by the natives _tunqui mulato_; the male is called _tunqui colorado_. in some parts of the montaña the _cephalopterus ornatus_ is called _yana tunqui_. thus, even the indians have observed the relationship of these birds, which, classed according to our system of natural history, actually belong to one family, the _ampelidæ_. their affinity is indicated very correctly by the indian name.] [footnote 83: the organistas of peru, brazil, and guiana, &c., mentioned by so many travellers, all belong to the family of the troglodytinæ, to the two genera, _troglodytes_, vieill, and _cyphorhinus_, cab. the peruvian organista above alluded to, is the _troglodytes leucophrys_, tsch. in guiana it appears to be the _cyphorhinus carinatus_, cab.] [footnote 84: _xenops_, _anabates_, _dendrocolaptes_, and many other kinds of _capito_ and _picus_.] [footnote 85: these are different kinds of _cassicus_ and _icterus_.] [footnote 86: kinds of pteroglossus. those most frequently met with in the montañas are the _pt. atrogularis_, sturm; _pt. coeruleocinctus_, tsch. (_aulacorhynchus_, orb.); and _pt. derbianus_, gould.] [footnote 87: _dios te de_ signifies _may god give it thee_. the sound which is interpreted, _dios te de_ resembles very much the cry of most of the toucans, or pepper-eaters.] [footnote 88: several kinds of penelope.] [footnote 89: the cry of this bird closely resembles the spanish words _ven acá_ (come hither).] [footnote 90: seven species of crypturus.] [footnote 91: _sterna erythrorhynchos_, prince max., _st. magnirostris_, licht.] [footnote 92: _champsa fissipes, sclerops et nigra_, wagl.] [footnote 93: _echidna ocellata_, tsch. this is the only species of the viper family belonging to south america, as yet known.] [footnote 94: _sphenocephalus melanogenys_, tsch.; _lygophis reginae_, wagl.; _l. taeniurus_, tsch.; _l. elegans_, tsch.] [footnote 95: from _ñaui_, the eye, _huacay_, to cry, and _çiçi_, the ant;--so called by the indians, because the pain of its numerous stings brings tears into the eyes.] [footnote 96: "_acabe la tarea_" may be translated "_my task is finished_." but the indians are not very consistent in their interpretations of the song of the _cucarachero_; for in some districts, they contend that it repeats the words--_casa te soltera_, "_go and get married, maiden_."] [footnote 97: a. von humboldt, von martius, and, in particular, pöppig, who has published a narrative of his journey through peru, distinguished by its precision, and written in a style so elegant and simple that its perusal affords the utmost interest and pleasure.] chapter xv. montaña of san carlos de vitoc--villages--hacienda of maraynioc--the coca plant--mode of cultivating and gathering it--mastication of coca--evil consequences of its excessive use--its nutritious qualities--indian superstitions connected with the coca plant--suggestions for its introduction in the european navies--fabulous animal called the carbunculo--the chunchos--missions to cerro de la sal--juan santos atahuallpa--the franciscan monks--depopulation of vitoc. the montaña of san carlos de vitoc is, without exception, one of the most interesting districts of peru. it has on the one side, and at a short distance, the populous villages of the sierra, and on the other it borders on the forests, through which the wild indians range in their hunting excursions. it was formerly the principal key to the missionary stations of the pampa del sacramento, the chanchamayo, perenc, and upper ucayali. it is only twenty leagues distant from tarma, from whence the road leads through the fertile valley acobamba, to palca. eastward of the latter place are the ruins of a fort, which in former times must have been a place of considerable importance. the wild indians have repeatedly made hostile sallies from their forests, and it is only by this bulwark, which, with four small field-pieces, completely defends the narrow valley, that they have been checked in their advance on tarma. an exceedingly steep path runs about a league and a half up the acclivity; then, becoming somewhat more level, it extends to the base of the crest, which at that part is about 14,000 feet above the level of the sea. here the aspect of the andes is by no means so imposing as that of the cordillera, for the glaciers and steep rocky summits are wanting. the highest peaks rise only about 200 feet above the crest. as in the cordillera, the eastern declivity inclines much more gently than the western, but the road is marshy, and is interspersed with large hollows, into which the mules often fall and are killed. after passing over the andes, two leagues further, we come to the hacienda maraynioc, where numerous herds of cattle are kept. round the hacienda there are potato plantations, and the potatoes reared here are so excellent, that they are celebrated throughout the whole sierra. every morning the sky is obscured by heavy clouds; it rains regularly two days in the week, and there are frequent falls of snow; yet notwithstanding this excessive humidity, a bad harvest is an event never to be apprehended. the cultivation of maize is, however, found to be impracticable here, for soon after germination the ears rot. a small stream flows past the hacienda, and after a course of about three leagues, it reaches the montaña de vitoc. formerly, the road ran close along the bank of this stream, but in consequence of the repeated depopulation of vitoc, it became neglected, and at length impassable. the way is now over the cuchillo, or sharp edge of a mountain ridge, and it must be at least four times longer than the course formerly taken. from maraynioc the road proceeds, for the length of a league, through a valley overgrown with brushwood, and then rises to a lateral branch of the andes, which is almost as high as the main chain. the indians call this ridge, _manam rimacunan_ ("thou shall not speak!"), for a heavy wind, accompanied by drifting snow, blows constantly, and renders it scarcely possible to open the mouth to utter a word. from manarimacunan, downwards, to the lower montaña, the road passes over stones laid in _echelon_ form, and through a very slippery hollow way, which descends rapidly downward, and is surrounded by almost impenetrable woods; the only open and level place is the field of chilpes, which is a few hundred paces long. here it is highly interesting to contemplate the rapid increase of vegetation, and the varied changes in the animal world. from the brink of a ridge where only feeble vegetation can be seen, we descend a few leagues and speedily find ourselves in the region of the cinchona tree, and in the evening we are among lofty palms. the first human dwellings seen on entering the montaña are half a dozen small huts, forming the hamlet amaruyo, formerly called sibis, and immediately after we come to the village of vitoc. it consists of about fifty wretched huts, and has a small church, in which worship is performed twice a year for the inhabitants of the whole valley. vitoc is surrounded by two rivers, which unite in a sharp angle, called the tingo, and which separate the valley from the territory of the wild indians. the valley is deep, and the surrounding heights are broken by many quebradas. the soil is very fruitful, and the locality is less than some others infested with troublesome insects; yet it is but scantily peopled, for, besides the two villages and the hacienda of maraynioc, already mentioned, it contains only a few scattered chacras. the inhabitants of this, the most favored district of the montañas, scarcely amount to 200. the villagers employ themselves chiefly in the cultivation of pines, which are sent to lima. the indians of palca and tapo bring them potatoes, salt, and butcher's meat, for which the villagers exchange their pine-apples. the fruit is conveyed by asses to the coast, where, however, it seldom arrives in good condition. the other productions of the montaña are maize, oranges, bananas, paltas, spanish pepper, &c.; but these articles are sold only in the sierra. each inhabitant of the village cultivates his own piece of ground, which he can enlarge when he pleases; but these people are too indolent to devote themselves seriously to agriculture. it is only when the governor in tarma compels them to pay the annual contribution, that they make an effort to augment their earnings; they then seek a market for the products of their cultivation, and sell them for ready money. vitoc and some of the villages in its neighborhood form altogether only one ecclesiastical community, whose pastor lives in tarma the whole year round. he goes to pucara only once in six or eight months, to read a couple of masses, and to solemnize marriages and christenings, but chiefly to collect fees for burials which may have taken place during his absence. the plantation of pacchapata is of considerable extent, but produces very little. the system of repartimientos, already described, by which the poor indian is kept in a state of slavery by advances of clothing, meat, brandy, &c., is practised in this hacienda to a great extent. the laborer who is set down in the plantation-book as a debtor for ten or twelve dollars, has a good chance of remaining during the rest of his life a tributary slave; for if he tries by prolonged labor to relieve himself from the debt the owner of the plantation causes brandy to be made, and this is too great a temptation to be resisted by an indian. the butcher's meat given to the laboring indians in general consists of _chalonas_, that is, the dried flesh of sheep which have died in the haciendas of the hilly districts. for a meagre, tough, unwholesome chalona the indian has to add a dollar and a half or two dollars to his debt, while a living sheep in the sierra would not cost half the price. it is the same with other articles furnished by the haciendas. european importations, such as can be purchased at very low prices in the sierra, are sold at high profits by the owners of plantations to the poor indians, who have to repay them by long and severe labor. at pacchapata, besides maize, yuccas, and fruits, sugar, coffee, and coca are also cultivated. the sugar-cane grows in abundance, and is of good quality. an excellent kind of coffee is grown here; the bean is slightly globular, and its color is a greenish blue. in former times the viceroy used to send the coffee of vitoc as a highly-esteemed present to the court of madrid. the coca is also very fine, and yields three harvests in the year; which, however, is only the case in a few of the montañas, as, for example, at pangoa and huanta. i may here subjoin some notice of this highly interesting plant. the coca (_erythroxylon coca_, lam.) is a shrub about six feet in height, with bright green leaves and white blossoms. the latter are succeeded by small scarlet berries. it is raised from the seed, in garden-beds called _almazigas_. when the young shoots are one and a half or two feet high, they are removed to regularly laid out coca fields (_cocales_), where they are planted at the distance of about three spans from each other. the coca requires humidity; therefore, during the first year or two after it is planted in the fields, maize is sown between the _matas_, or young shoots, to screen them from the too great influence of the sun. when the leaves are ripe, that is to say, when on being bent they crack or break off, the gathering commences. the leaves are stripped from the branches, a task usually performed by women, and it requires great care lest the tender leaves and young twigs should be injured. in some districts, the indians are so very careful in gathering the coca, that, instead of stripping off the leaves, they cut them from the stem by making an incision with their nails. the plant thus rendered leafless is soon again overgrown with verdant foliage. after being gathered, the leaves are spread out on coarse woollen cloths and dried in the sun. the color of the leaves when dried is a pale green. the drying is an operation which likewise demands great care and attention, for if the leaves imbibe damp, they become dark colored, and then they sell for a much lower price than when they are green. the dry coca is finely packed in woollen sacks, and covered with sand. these sacks are of various sizes and colors, in different parts of the montañas. in huanuco they are grey or black, and when filled weigh from 75 to 80 pounds. in vitoc they are grey and white, and contain 150 pounds. in huanta and anco they are small in size, and black or brown in color, and contain merely one aroba. in the montañas of urubamba, calca, and paucartambo, the coca leaves are put into small baskets called _cestos_, and covered with sand. great care is also requisite in the carriage of the coca, for if damp be allowed to penetrate the sack, the leaves become hot, or as the natives express it, _se calientan_, and are thereby rendered useless. the indians masticate the coca. each individual carries a leathern pouch, called the _huallqui_, or the _chuspa_, and a small flask gourd, called the _ishcupuru_. the pouch contains a supply of coca leaves, and the gourd is filled with pulverised unslaked lime. usually four times, but never less than three times a day, the indian suspends his labor, for the purpose of masticating coca. this operation (which is termed _chacchar_ or _acullicar_) is performed in the following manner: some of the coca leaves, the stalks having been carefully picked off, are masticated until they form a small ball, or as it is called an _acullico_. a thin slip of damp wood is then thrust into the _ishcupuru_, or gourd, and when drawn out some portion of the powdered lime adheres to it. the _acullico_, or ball of masticated coca leaves, is, whilst still lying in the mouth, punctured with this slip of wood, until the lime mixing with it, gives it a proper relish, and the abundant flow of saliva thus excited is partly expectorated and partly swallowed. when the ball ceases to emit juice, it is thrown away, and a new one is formed by the mastication of a fresh mouthfull of coca leaves. in cerro de pasco, and in places still further south, the indians use, instead of unslaked lime, a preparation of the pungent ashes of the quinua (_chenopodium quinua_, l.). this preparation is called _llucta_ or _llipta_. in using it a piece is broken off and masticated along with the _acullico_. in some of the montaña regions the llucta is made from the ashes of the musa root. the application of the unslaked lime demands some precaution, for if it comes in direct contact with the lips and gums, it causes a very painful burning. during a fatiguing ride across the level heights, where, owing to the cold wind, i experienced a difficulty of respiration, my arriero recommended me to chew coca, assuring me that i would experience great relief from so doing. he lent me his _huallqui_, but owing to my awkward manner of using it, i cauterized my lips so severely that i did not venture on a second experiment. the flavor of coca is not unpleasant. it is slightly bitter, aromatic, and similar to the worst kind of green tea. when mixed with the ashes of the musa root it is somewhat piquant, and more pleasant to european palates than it is without that addition. the smell of the fresh dried leaves in a mass is almost overpowering; but this smell entirely goes when they are packed in the sacks. all who masticate coca have a very bad breath, pale lips and gums, greenish and stumpy teeth, and an ugly black mark at the angles of the mouth. an inveterate _coquero_, or coca chewer, is known at the first glance. his unsteady gait, his yellow-colored skin, his dim and sunken eyes encircled by a purple ring, his quivering lips and his general apathy, all bear evidence of the baneful effects of the coca juice when taken in excess. all the mountain indians are addicted more or less to the practice of masticating coca. each man consumes, on the average, between an ounce and an ounce and a half per day, and on festival days about double that quantity. the owners of mines and plantations allow their laborers to suspend their work three times a day for the _chacchar_, which usually occupies upwards of a quarter of an hour; and after that they smoke a paper cigar, which they allege crowns the zest of the coca mastication. he who indulges for a time in the use of coca finds it difficult, indeed almost impossible, to relinquish it. this fact i saw exemplified in the cases of several persons of high respectability in lima, who are in the habit of retiring daily to a private apartment for the purpose of masticating coca. they could not do this openly, because among the refined class of peruvians the chacchar is looked upon as a low and vulgar practice, befitting only to the laboring indians. yet, europeans occasionally allow themselves to fall into this habit; and i knew two in lima, the one an italian and the other a biscayan, who were confirmed coqueros in the strictest sense of the word. in cerro de pasco there are societies having even englishmen for their members, which meet on certain evenings for the chacchar. in these places, instead of lime or ashes, sugar is served along with the coca leaves. a member of one of these clubs informed me that on the few first trials the sugar was found very agreeable, but that afterwards the palate required some more pungent ingredient. the operation of the coca is similar to that of narcotics administered in small doses. its effects may be compared to those produced by the thorn-apple rather than to those arising from opium. i have already noticed the consequences resulting from drinking the decoction of the datura.[98] in the inveterate coquero similar symptoms are observable, but in a mitigated degree. i may mention one circumstance attending the use of coca, which appears hitherto to have escaped notice: it is, that after the mastication of a great quantity of coca the eye seems unable to bear light, and there is a marked distension of the pupil. i have also observed this peculiarity of the eye in one who had drunk a strong extract of the infusion of coca leaves. in the effects consequent on the use of opium and coca there is this distinction, that coca, when taken even in the utmost excess, never causes a total alienation of the mental powers or induces sleep; but, like opium, it excites the sensibility of the brain, and the repeated excitement, occasioned by its intemperate use after a series of years, wears out mental vigor and activity. it is a well known fact, confirmed by long observation and experience, that the indians who regularly masticate coca require but little food, and, nevertheless, go through excessive labor with apparent ease. they, therefore, ascribe the most extraordinary qualities to the coca, and even believe that it might be made entirely a substitute for food. setting aside all extravagant and visionary notions on the subject, i am clearly of opinion that the moderate use of coca is not merely innoxious, but that it may even be very conducive to health. in support of this conclusion, i may refer to the numerous examples of longevity among indians who, almost from the age of boyhood, have been in the habit of masticating coca three times a day, and who in the course of their lives have consumed no less than two thousand seven hundred pounds, yet, nevertheless, enjoy perfect health.[99] the food of the indians consists almost exclusively of vegetable substances, especially roasted maize and barley converted into flour by crushing, which they eat without the admixture of any other substance. the continued use of this farinaceous food occasions severe obstructions, which the well known aperient qualities of the coca counteract, and many serious diseases are thereby prevented. that the coca is in the highest degree nutritious, is a fact beyond dispute. the incredible fatigues endured by the peruvian infantry, with very spare diet, but with the regular use of coca; the laborious toil of the indian miner, kept up, under similar circumstances, throughout a long series of years; certainly afford sufficient ground for attributing to the coca leaves, not a quality of mere temporary stimulus, but a powerful nutritive principle. of the great power of the indians in enduring fatigue with no other sustenance than coca, i may here mention an example. a cholo of huari, named hatun huamang, was employed by me in very laborious digging. during the whole time he was in my service, viz., five days and nights, he never tasted any food, and took only two hours' sleep nightly. but at intervals of two and a half or three hours, he regularly masticated about half an ounce of coca leaves, and he kept an acullico continually in his mouth. i was constantly beside him, and therefore i had the opportunity of closely observing him. the work for which i engaged him being finished, he accompanied me on a two days' journey of twenty-three leagues across the level heights. though on foot, he kept up with the pace of my mule, and halted only for the _chacchar_. on leaving me, he declared that he would willingly engage himself again for the same amount of work, and that he would go through it without food if i would but allow him a sufficient supply of coca. the village priest assured me that this man was sixty-two years of age, and that he had never known him to be ill in his life. the indians maintain that coca is the best preventive of that difficulty of respiration felt in the rapid ascents of the cordillera and the puna. of this fact i was fully convinced by my own personal experience. i speak here, not of the mastication of the leaves, but of their decoction taken as a beverage. when i was in the puna, at the height of 14,000 feet above the level of the sea, i drank, always before going out to hunt, a strong infusion of coca leaves. i could then during the whole day climb the heights and follow the swift-footed wild animals without experiencing any greater difficulty of breathing than i should have felt in similar rapid movement on the coast. moreover, i did not suffer from the symptoms of cerebral excitement or uneasiness which other travellers have observed. the reason perhaps is, that i only drank this decoction in the cold puna, where the nervous system is far less susceptible than in the climate of the forests. however, i always felt a sense of great satiety after taking the coca infusion, and i did not feel a desire for my next meal until after the time at which i usually took it. by the peruvian indians the coca plant is regarded as something sacred and mysterious, and it sustained an important part in the religion of the incas. in all ceremonies, whether religious or warlike, it was introduced, for producing smoke at the great offerings, or as the sacrifice itself. during divine worship the priests chewed coca leaves, and unless they were supplied with them, it was believed that the favor of the gods could not be propitiated. it was also deemed necessary that the supplicator for divine grace should approach the priests with an _acullico_ in his mouth. it was believed that any business undertaken without the benediction of coca leaves could not prosper; and to the shrub itself worship was rendered. during an interval of more than 300 years christianity has not been able to subdue the deep-rooted idolatry; for everywhere we find traces of belief in the mysterious power of this plant. the excavators in the mines of cerro de pasco throw masticated coca on hard veins of metal, in the belief that it softens the ore, and renders it more easy to work. the origin of this custom is easily explained, when it is recollected, that in the time of the incas it was believed that the _coyas_, or the deities of metals, rendered the mountains impenetrable, if they were not propitiated by the odor of coca. the indians, even at the present time, put coca leaves into the mouths of dead persons, to secure to them a favorable reception on their entrance into another world, and when a peruvian indian on a journey falls in with a mummy, he, with timid reverence, presents to it some coca leaves as his pious offering. soon after the conquest of peru, when the spaniards treated the indians and all their customs with contempt, coca became an object of aversion to the whites. the reverence rendered by the natives to the coca plant induced the spaniards to believe that it possessed some demoniacal influence. the officers of the government and the clergy, therefore, endeavored, by all possible means, to extirpate its use, and this is one cause, hitherto overlooked, of the hatred with which the indians regarded the spaniards. in the second council held at lima, in 1567, coca was described "as a worthless object, fitted for the misuse and superstition of the indians;" and a royal decree of october 18, 1569, expressly declares that the notions entertained by the natives that coca gives them strength, is an "illusion of the devil" (_una elusion del demonio_). the peruvian mine owners were the first to discover the importance of the _chacchar_ in assisting the indians to go through their excessive labor, and they, together with the plantation owners, became the most earnest defenders of coca. the consequence was, that, in defiance of royal and ecclesiastical ordinances, its use increased rather than diminished. one of the warmest advocates of the plant was the jesuit don antonio julian, who, in a work entitled, "perla de america," laments that coca is not introduced into europe instead of tea and coffee. "it is," he observes, "melancholy to reflect that the poor of europe cannot obtain this preservative against hunger and thirst; that our working people are not supported by this strengthening plant in their long-continued labors."[100] in the year 1793, dr. don pedro nolasco crespo pointed out in a treatise the important advantages that would be derived from the use of the coca plant, if introduced into the european navies, and he expresses a wish that experiments of its utility in that way could be tried. though it is not probable that dr. crespo's wish will ever be realized, yet there is little doubt that the use of coca as a beverage on board ship would be attended with very beneficial results. it would afford a nutritious refreshment to seamen in the exercise of their laborious duties, and would greatly assist in counteracting the unwholesome effects of salt provisions. as a stimulant it would be far less injurious than ardent spirits, for which it might be substituted without fear of any of the evil consequences experienced by the _coqueros_. after a long and attentive observation of the effects of coca, i am fully convinced that its use, in moderation, is no way detrimental to health; and that without it the peruvian indian, with his spare diet, would be incapable of going through the labor which he now performs. the coca plant must be considered as a great blessing to peru. it is an essential means of preserving the nationality of the indians, and in some measure mitigating the melancholy fate of that once great race which disease and excessive labor now threaten to destroy. in former times the cultivation of coca in the montaña de vitoc was very considerable. upwards of 4,000 arobas used to be annually forwarded to the market of tarma. now only fifty arobas are sent. vitoc produces no fodder for horses or mules; those animals, therefore, are very lean and feeble in this district, and are usually unfit for work after two years. indeed, they suffer so much from the attacks of the blood-sucking bat and the gad-fly (_tabano_), that after being only a few weeks in the montaña de vitoc, their strength is exhausted, and they are scarcely able to reach the puna. black cattle, on the contrary, thrive excellently; but it is not possible to keep up herds, for the young calves are all devoured by the numerous animals of prey. the llamas, which the cholos bring from tapo to vitoc, are so enfeebled and overcome by the journey, that on the second day after their arrival it is often found necessary to send them to a colder district. in this montaña the large animals of prey seldom approach human habitations, though sometimes the ounce pays them a visit, and the cuguar descends from the ceja. other animals of the feline genus are very numerous, and their depredations render it impossible to breed poultry. even the fabulous animal, called the _carbunculo_, is said to have been seen oftener than once in vitoc. in almost every place i visited on the coast, in the sierra, and in the montañas, extraordinary stories concerning this animal were related; and many persons even assured me they had seen him. the carbunculo is represented to be of the size of a fox, with long black hair, and is only visible at night, when it slinks slowly through the thickets. if followed, he opens a flap or valve in the forehead, from under which an extraordinary, brilliant, and dazzling light issues. the natives believe that this light proceeds from a brilliant precious stone, and that any fool hardy person who may venture to grasp at it rashly is blinded; then the flap is let down, and the animal disappears in the darkness. such are the stories related by the indians; and it appears that the belief of the existence of the carbunculo has prevailed in peru from the earliest times, and certainly before the conquest, so that its introduction cannot be attributed to the spaniards. it is even prevalent among many of the wild indian tribes, by whom the early missionaries were told the stories which they in their turn repeated about the animal. as yet nobody has been fortunate enough to capture such an animal, though the spaniards always showed themselves very desirous to obtain possession of the precious jewel; and the viceroys, in their official instructions to the missionaries, placed the carbunculo in the first order of desiderata. what animal may have served as a foundation for those fabulous stories, it is certainly difficult to decide; probably a different one in each particular district. on the coast it may have been the _añash_ (one of the mephitic animals), which seeks for his food only at night. i have often observed for a moment a singularly brilliant flashing in the eyes of that animal when irritated. the worst enemies of the delightful montaña de vitoc are the wild indians, who are only separated from the christian indians by the two rivers aynamayo and tullumayo. they belong to the ferocious race of the _chunchos_, and in their savage manners they somewhat resemble the casibos and campas. they have their chief residence in chibatizo, nine leagues from pucara. only three leagues from pacchapata, at the confluence of the chanchamayo and tullumayo, they have a pretty large village; and palmapata, which they temporarily took possession of, is situated still nearer. they frequently extend their hunting excursions to the banks of the great rivers, and make inroads upon the territory of vitoc, cruelly murdering all the cholos they meet with. any kind of friendly intercourse with them is impracticable. i took some pains to accomplish that object, but without success. while they were on their hunting expeditions i have left in their huts knives, fish-hooks, ear-rings, and other things. in return for these presents they left for me some of their edible roots, among which were yuccas, but all were poisoned, so that, had we not observed caution, i and my venturous companion, klee, might have fallen victims to the treachery of these indians. the chunchos, when on their expeditions, are almost in a state of nudity. sometimes they wear a short whitish-brown shirt without sleeves. this garment, when worn by the chiefs, is red. most of them dye their hair with achote (_bixa orellana_, l.), a deep vermilion, and paint the face and breast of the same color. their weapons consist of a bow of chonta (_guilielma speciosa_), with which they use two kinds of arrows. one kind are very long, with round points and barbs of chonta; the others are shorter, and have points made of reed, which inflict deep wounds, very difficult to be healed. they also use the great wooden sword, the _macana_. a cross having been put up in the forest, they fastened to it a few days afterwards a macana and two arrows, as symbols of irreconcilable enmity to christians. their warlike instrument is a reed, two feet long and four inches broad, through which their howlings resound in horrible discord. it is a custom with the inhabitants of vitoc to undertake two expeditions every year against the chunchos. they are the most laughable enterprises imaginable. all the cholos of the valley, with the alcalde at their head, or rather in the midst of them, proceed, armed with sticks, axes, forest knives, and _two_ muskets,[101] to explore the banks of both rivers. the front ranks advance with drums beating, and a number of indians carry large calabashes filled with guarapo, to which they pay their earnest devotions every half hour. when by accident some of the chunchos are seen, the cholos fly with all the rapidity that terror can inspire, and cannot be got together again till they reach their village; then they raise a tremendous shout, and when safe in their dwellings boast proudly of their heroic deeds. the chunchos are in possession of a very rich bed of salt, some twelve or fourteen leagues from vitoc, from whence they permit the neighboring tribes with whom they are at peace, to supply themselves with salt. hostile tribes, such as the campas and the callisecas, sometimes attempt to carry away salt, and then a sanguinary contest ensues. this stratum of salt comes from the top of a hill, called the cerro de la sal, and it runs in the direction from south-west to north-east, to the length of nearly three leagues, covering a breadth of about thirty ells. the salt is mixed with red earth. it is probably a continuation of the great salt bed of maynas, stretching eastward along the left bank of the perene. it may be presumed that it does not extend as far as the immense pajonal, as the campas go for their salt to the cerro de la sal. in former times various attempts were made to convert the chunchos to christianity; and these attempts were partially successful. the first missionary who ventured among them was the intrepid fray geronimo ximenes. in 1635 he penetrated from huancabamba to the cerro de la sal, and there preached the gospel in the language of the people. he built a chapel, and then directed his course south-west to vitoc, where he founded the village san buenaventura. two years after he embarked on the chanchamayo, with the intention of extending his mission to the campas tribe, by whom he was killed, together with his companion, fray christoval larios, and twenty-eight other spaniards. several missionaries subsequently proceeded to the cerro de la sal, and found favor with the natives, so that in 1640 they had no less than seven villages of converted chunchos, amagas, and campas; but only a few years afterwards all the missionaries and soldiers were killed and the chapels were destroyed. the franciscan monks, inspired by their indefatigable zeal, ventured in 1671, on a new mission to the fatal cerro de la sal; and they had the good fortune to found a village in which eight hundred neophytes were collected. a second and smaller village was founded in the vicinity of the destroyed san buenaventura, and named santa rosa de quimiri; but the avarice of some spaniards who fancied there were gold mines in the cerro de la sal, induced them to get the missions withdrawn from the superintendence of the priests, and to turn the whole into a political system. then commenced the oppression of the indians in those parts. the consequence was a great insurrection in 1674, when all the whites were massacred. thus were the labors of the missionaries a second time annihilated. every attempt for the conversion of indians was for a long time fruitless, and the missionaries who ventured to approach them were shot. after the lapse of about thirty years, during which interval the chunchos had fallen back to their original savage state, the founder of the convent of ocopa, fray francisco de san jose, with four priests and two lay brothers, penetrated into the valley of vitoc, and entered upon the territory of the chunchos. at this time (1709) vitoc was first peopled, and in the course of twenty years six large villages were built. in the year 1739 these missions, again flourishing, counted ten christian villages and three thousand baptized indians. three years afterwards the indian insurrection, headed by the apostate juan santos, destroyed all the missions of central peru. juan santos was an indian born at huamanga, and he claimed descent from the last of the incas. this claim was probably well founded, for before the revolt he was called atahuallpa, which was the name of the inca put to death by pizarro. juan santos was haughty, high spirited, and clever. in the year 1741 he killed, in a quarrel, a spaniard of high rank, and to elude the pursuit of justice, he fled to the forests. there he brooded over plans for taking vengeance on the oppressors of his country. he first addressed himself to the tribes of the campas, and having gained them over, he proceeded to quisopongo in the pajonal. from thence, in the year 1742, he made his first attack on the mission of the cerro de la sal. the spaniards had already been warned of the intended rising, but they considered it too unimportant to call for serious measures of repression; and whilst lulling themselves in their imagined security, they were surprised and massacred by the indians. the insurrection spread with incredible rapidity. juan santos himself led all the principal attacks. in one night he took the fortress of quimiri with sixty-five men, all of whom were massacred in the most cruel manner. the well-defended fort of paucartambo was next taken by a small number of chunchos, commanded by juan santos. all the christian churches were destroyed by the insurgents. the sacred images and the priests were tied together, and cast into the rivers; the villages were burned, and the cultivated fields laid waste. the number of spanish soldiers killed in this insurrection was 245; the number of priests, 26. in the course of a few weeks all the missions of central peru were completely destroyed, and terror spread even to the mountains. the spanish government found it necessary to adopt the most vigorous measures, for there was reason to fear that the mountain indians would revolt. castles and forts were built on the frontiers of all the montañas and strongly garrisoned; but the insurrection did not extend further. the ultimate fate of juan santos atahuallpa has never been satisfactorily ascertained. some assert that he became a powerful ruler, and that as long as he lived the races of the chunchos, pacañes, chichirrenes, campas, and simirinches, were united. on an old manuscript in the monastery of ocopa i found a marginal note, in which it was said, "as to the monster, the apostate juan santos atahuallpa, after his diabolical destruction of our missions, the wrath of god was directed against him in the most fearful manner. he died the death of herod, for his living body was devoured by worms." shortly after the tragical downfall of these missions, two priests, fra francisco otasua and fray salvador pando, visited the ruins of quimiri, and endeavored to conciliate the rebels; but in vain. after three months, during which they suffered dreadful ill treatment from the chunchos, they returned to the monastery of ocopa. these missionaries were all monks of the order of san francisco. their active zeal and heroic submission to any sacrifice in furtherance of the cause in which they were embarked must excite at once astonishment and admiration. undaunted by incredible privations and laborious exertions in the pathless forests, without food or shelter; undismayed by the continual apprehension of a violent and cruel death, they courageously obeyed the inward impulse which inspired them to preach the gospel to the wild indians. when intelligence was received of the violent death of one of the brotherhood, others immediately offered to supply the place of the victim, and the superiors of the order had much difficulty in restraining the zealous monks. in the central and northern missions of peru, 129 franciscan monks were murdered by the wild indians. those who compose that number are recorded by name, but many others disappeared without leaving a trace of what had become of them, and of course they are not included in the list. the number of lay brethren who perished is much greater. it is indeed melancholy to reflect how little advantage has been obtained by the sacrifice of so many valuable lives. the missions have nearly all disappeared, and the indians have now retrograded into the savage state in which they were before the conquest of peru. the franciscan monks were mild and patient teachers. they proceeded on the principle of leaving the christian religion to act for itself, and they scorned to promote it by any kind of compulsion. the dominicans, on the other hand, who came to peru with the conquerors, preached christianity with fire and sword. the jesuits, who headed the missions of southern peru, adopted the one way or the other, as they found most advantageous to the object they had in view. by this means they secured the attachment of the neophytes, and retained most of their conversions. many of the jesuit missionaries were highly intelligent and well-informed men. we are indebted to them for important geographical and statistical information, and in particular for some philological works of great value, viz., a grammar and dictionary of the language of every tribe they converted. the dominican monks, who were mere ignorant fanatics, sacrificed to their blind zeal for conversion all the monuments of the early civilization of the peruvians, and restrained, rather than promoted, the intellectual development of the people. the franciscans, animated by pious inspiration, earnestly preached the doctrines of christ to the wild inhabitants of the distant forests; but they communicated little information to the rest of world. a few imperfect maps, and some scanty notices on the manners and customs of the indians, are the whole amount of their laical labors. in the year 1779 an attempt was again made to penetrate to the cerro de la sal, and a road was opened leading from palca to chanchamayo, where a fort was built; but at the expiration of five years the government destroyed it, as continued irruptions of the chunchos could not be checked. in 1784, the governor of tarma, don juan maria de galvas, supported by the superior of ocopa, fray manuel sobreviela, visited the valley of vitoc, which had been abandoned since the indian insurrection. the new village of san teodoro de pucara was founded, and the destroyed fort, santa ana de colla, was rebuilt. the montaña was soon peopled, and in a short time it contained upwards of forty haciendas and large chacras. the village of sorriano, scarcely two leagues from colla, was then inhabited by chunchos, who showed a willingness to maintain friendly intercourse with the occupants of vitoc, from whom they took meat, tools, and other things, which they repaid by agricultural labor. unfortunately, the plantation owners soon began to take an undue advantage of this friendly intercourse, and to charge exorbitant prices for the articles required by the indians. for a pin or a needle they demanded two days' work, for a fishing-hook four, and for a wretched knife, eight, ten, or more. a rupture was the consequence. the chunchos burned their own village, and returned again to chanchamayo. still, however, they continued on a sort of amicable footing with the cholos, until one of the latter wantonly shot a chuncho at a festival. the tribe then mustered in thousands to avenge the murder. they destroyed the christian villages, and massacred all the inhabitants who were not able to fly. thus was vitoc once more depopulated: cardenas, the military governor of tarma, made a fresh endeavor to restore the cultivation of this fine valley. he made the road again passable, laid out the large plantation chuntabamba, built and garrisoned the colla fort. the site of the former chuncho village, sorriano, was converted into a _cocal_ (or coca field), and the montaña began once more to assume a flourishing aspect. still, however, the chunchos continued to harass their neighbors, particularly during the time of the coca harvest, which could not be gathered without military protection. during one of the harvests a laborer was shot by the wild indians, which so terrified the cholos, that they all fled to sorriano. soon after, cardenas died, and the coca plantation being neglected, became a waste. a few years afterwards the hacienda of pacchapata was laid out. during the war of independence the spaniards destroyed fort colla, and the inhabitants of vitoc were left without any means of defence against their savage enemies. the last attempt to reduce the chunchos to subjection and order was made by a military expedition under the command of general don francisco de paula de otero, but owing to ill-arranged plans it totally failed. no more than twenty-five years have elapsed since the valley of vitoc, with its rich plantations, was in the most flourishing prosperity. now only faint traces of its past cultivation are discernible. the history of the montaña of vitoc is the history of all the montañas of peru. in all, we perceive the alternate rise and decline of cultivation and civilization, caused by the efforts of the missionaries, and the incursions of the wild indians. throughout all these districts the present condition exhibits a marked inferiority to the past, a circumstance which may be accounted for by the long-continued civil war, during the contest for independence. nevertheless, the internal tranquillity of the country, and the increasing population, suggest favorable prognostics for the future. footnotes: [footnote 98: see page 189.] [footnote 99: i allude here to individuals (and such cases are by no means singular) who have attained the great age of 130. supposing these indians to have begun to masticate coca at ten years old, and calculate their daily consumption as a minimum at one ounce, the result is the consumption of twenty-seven hundred weight, in 120 years.] [footnote 100: the worthy padre forgets the high price that would be charged for coca in europe. in tarma and huenuco the aroba (twenty-five pounds) costs at an average six spanish dollars; add to this the carriage to lima, the freight to europe, custom-house duties, &c., and this price would be nearly doubled.] [footnote 101: the whole valley of vitoc can furnish only two muskets, and these are in as useless a state as possible. as for powder, there is a constant want of it. during my residence in vitoc i usually gave the alcalde some of my powder when he went out with his cholos, or when there was a firing on festival days. the want of a suitable number of muskets, and sufficient powder in the dangerous vicinity of the chunchos, is characteristic of the improvidence of the inhabitants of vitoc.] chapter xvi. oppressions exercised by the spaniards upon the peruvian indians--the repartimiento and the mita--indian insurrections--tupac amaru--his capture and execution--war of independence--character of the peruvian indians--music--dress--superstitions--longevity--diminished population of peru--languages spoken by the aboriginal inhabitants--specimen of quichua poetry--the yaravies--the quipu--water conduits--ancient buildings--fortresses--idols--domestic utensils--ancient peruvian graves--mode of burying the dead--mummies. a glance at the history of peru serves to show that prior to the spanish conquest the indians were the subjects of a dynasty, to which they rendered willing obedience. we find, indeed, an uninterrupted series of revolutions and wars, arising out of the continued extension of the empire, to which nations differing one from another in language, religion, and manners, were gradually annexed. for some time after their subjugation these nations struggled to recover their independence, but the wise and mild government of the incas gradually restored peace, and established unity. in course of time, the magnitude of the empire led to its downfall. huayna inca-capac divided his dominions between his two sons. to the elder, huascar, he gave the southern portion of the empire, and to the younger, atahuallpa, he gave the northern division. between the two brothers there arose disputes, which led to a sanguinary war; and in that fatal interval, pizarro, with his invading forces, landed in peru. with a degree of speed, which internal union among the people would have rendered impossible, the spaniards made themselves masters of the country, massacred alike sovereigns and subjects, destroyed the sanctuaries, and established a new religion and new laws. the barbarous cruelties by which that religion and those laws were upheld are too well known to require repetition here. of the many oppressive measures to which the spaniards enforced submission from the conquered people, i will briefly notice two: the _repartimiento_ and the _mita_. the repartimiento was the distribution, among the natives, of articles of european production. these distributions were under the superintendence of the provincial authorities, the corregidores, and the sub-delegados. the law was doubtless intended, in its origin, for the advantage and convenience of the native indians, by supplying them with necessaries at a reasonable price. but, subsequently, the repartimiento became a source of oppression and fraud, in the hands of the provincial authorities. all the corregidores and sub-delegados became traders. they purchased consignments of manufactured goods from europe, at a cheap rate, and sold them to the indians at exorbitant prices. to add to the grievance, the articles thus forced upon the natives were, in many instances, not necessaries, but objects of luxury utterly useless to them. even more oppressive and cruel than the repartimiento, was the mita, which consisted of the forced labor of the indians in the mines and plantations. every spaniard who wished to work a mine, obtained from the corregidor a certain number of indians, to each of whom he gave daily four reals as wages, with the agreement of paying to the government a yearly tax of eight dollars. the condition of the indians who were distributed to the plantation owners was even worse than that of the mine laborers; they received only two reals per day, and were required to work in the fields from three in the morning until after sunset. the indians employed in this compulsory labor, whether in the mines or the plantations, were called _mitas_. but there was another sort of forced labor, for which no wages were paid. it was indeed less toilsome than working in the mines and plantations, yet the indians employed in it were frequently subject to much ill-treatment. i allude to domestic service in the houses of the corregidores, sub-delegados, and priests. the indians thus employed were called _pongos_, and they were required to continue in their places for the space of a year, after which they were discharged. a corregidor frequently had half a dozen of these pongos, whom he provided with miserable food and wretched clothing.[102] in the mines and plantations countless numbers of indians were annually swept away by the excessive labor consequent on the mita. some writers estimate at nine millions the number of indians sacrificed in the mines in the course of three centuries. this estimate is certainly too high; but three millions more may be added for the number of victims of the mita in the plantations. that the government in spain should have tolerated this barbarous system, so obviously calculated to bring ruin on the nation, may naturally be matter of surprise. but a glance at the indian laws (_leyes de indias_) suffices to show the distinction between the intentions of the spanish government and the corrupt legislation of the country. the laws are, with some few exceptions, conceived in a mild spirit, and show that their framers had in view the well-being of the colonies. the execution of these laws was consigned to the superintendence of what was termed the indian council (_consejo de indias_). this council consisted of a certain number of men who resided in spain, and who either were only in part acquainted with the real state of things in south america, or were bribed by indian gold to wink at the abuses committed there. from this council were chosen the viceroys and high authorities of the colonies, who, whilst in the exercise of their official functions, amassed enormous wealth by unjust exactions from the indians. one of the latest viceroys of peru was a man who arrived in lima in a state of utter poverty, and who, in the short space of three years, amassed the immense sum of five millions of dollars. could it be matter of surprise if at length the indians rose against their oppressors, and made an effort to shake off the heavy yoke of their tyrants? for two hundred years they had borne it silently, without a single attempt to emancipate themselves. juan santos atahuallpa was the first who stirred up revolt against the spaniards. the insurrection which he had headed, though deemed too insignificant to fix the attention of the short-sighted government of lima, nevertheless, convinced the indians that they were strong enough to make a stand against their oppressors. several partial risings in southern peru were speedily put down; a leader was wanted to organize the disconnected plans and movements of the insurgents. this want was at length supplied in the person of the ill-fated tupac amaru, cacique of tungasuca, a descendant of the last inca. the event which caused tupac amaru to attempt a movement against the spaniards occurred in 1780. in that year, the corregidor of tinta, don antonio ariaga, made repartimientos to the amount of 340,000 dollars, and with the most cruel rigor enforced payment of the useless articles distributed. the cacique of tungasuca assembled the irritated indians, who seized the corregidor and hanged him. this was the signal for a general rising in all the neighboring districts. the forces of tupac amaru augmented daily. he was invested with the title of inca, and treated with the honors due to sovereignty. for several months an active war was maintained in the puna, where several towns and villages were taken by the insurgents. tupac amaru had made himself master of the village of chucuito, and was preparing to advance upon cuzco, when, about the end of april, 1781, he, and all his family, were made prisoners by the spaniards. he was tried and condemned to death, together with his wife, two sons, his brother-in-law, and several other individuals of note among the indians. but the execution of tupac amaru, which was marked by circumstances of monstrous barbarity, far from stemming the tide of revolution, served only to stimulate the vengeance of the insurgents. they once more mustered their warlike bands, under the command of casimiro tupac amaru, the brother of the late cacique, his son andres, and an intrepid indian chief, named nicacatari. the latter, assisted by andres, burned several villages of upper peru, and murdered all the whites. they next advanced upon the strongly fortified town of sorrata, whither the spaniards of the surrounding districts had fled for protection. the town was taken by the insurgents, and the inhabitants, 22,000 in number, inhumanly put to death, with the exception of eighty-seven priests and monks. the indians then advanced westwards, defeating several spanish corps, and spreading terror and dismay through the country. but, that which neither the arms nor the executions of the spaniards could accomplish, was effected by their gold. a treacherous indian, bribed by the promise of a large reward, conducted a division of spanish soldiers to the spot where the chiefs were accustomed to meet, unattended by any guard, to hold their council. they were surprised, captured, and condemned to death. once more deprived of leaders, the indians disbanded and withdrew, some to their homes, and others into the forests. numberless victims paid the debt of retribution to the spanish government, which now adopted every measure that could tend to annihilate the nationality of the native indians. their dances, their music, their dress--all that could revive the remembrance of their progenitors, was condemned to rigorous prohibition; they were even forbidden the use of their mother tongue, the quichua language. the only beneficial result of these wars, in which upwards of a hundred thousand lives were sacrificed, was the abolition of the repartimientos, which had been the cause of the insurrections. peace was now, at least to appearance, restored; and if, occasionally, symptoms of disturbance arose, they were immediately repressed. this state of things continued until the creoles themselves gave the signal of revolt, and the war of independence broke out in all the spanish colonies of south america. in this enterprise the indians readily took part. but it is a great mistake to suppose that the indian natives made common cause with the creoles against the spaniards for the purpose of bringing about the present form of government. they wished to emancipate themselves in order to establish their own dynasty and a government modelled after that of their forefathers. they wanted not a republic, but a monarchy, and a sovereign chosen from the sacred race of the incas. having no clear comprehension of the real object of the war of independence, the indians, when they saw whites fighting against whites, directed their hostility against all _pucacuncas_ (pale faces) without distinction, killing loyalists or patriots, just as they happened to fall in their way. this hatred was so bitterly manifested, that in some provinces all the whites and mestizos were obliged to fly, even though they were the most decided enemies of the spanish loyalists. in jauja the indians vowed not to leave even a white dog or a white fowl alive, and they even scraped the whitewash from the walls of the houses. the provisional government ordered levies of troops to be made in the provinces which had fallen into the hands of the patriots; and then, for the first time, indians were enrolled in the army as regular troops. but it was only in a very few districts that they voluntarily took part in the conflict for independence: they performed the forced service of conscripts, and whenever an opportunity enabled them to retire from it, they did so. the spanish dominion being overthrown, the war terminated, and a republican constitution was established. the indians then clearly perceived that they had been made the tools of the leaders of the revolution. upon the whole, their condition was but little improved; for if they were relieved from some oppressive laws, other hardships weighed heavily on them, and they found that they still were slaves in the land of their fathers. the creoles, like the spaniards, will draw the string of despotism till it snaps. then will arise another indian insurrection like that headed by tupac amaru, but with a more successful result. after a fearful struggle, they may reconquer their fatherland, and re-establish their ancient constitution; and can it be matter of surprise if they wreak cruel vengeance on the enemies of their race? since the war of independence, the indians have made immense progress. during the civil war, which was kept up uninterruptedly for the space of twenty years, they were taught military manoeuvres and the use of fire-arms. after every lost battle the retreating indians carried with them in their flight their muskets, which they still keep carefully concealed. they are also acquainted with the manufacture of gunpowder, of which in all their festivals they use great quantities for squibs and rockets. the materials for the preparation of gunpowder are found in abundance in the valleys of the sierra. in the year 1841, when i was passing through a miserable village on the confines of one of the montañas of central peru, i took up my abode for some days in the hut of an indian, and whilst there i accidentally saw eighteen muskets which were deposited in a place of concealment. i, quite unsuspectingly, inquired of the indian, why he thought it requisite to keep so many weapons of defence? he replied, with a sinister frown, that the time would come when he should find them useful. i could easily perceive that my accidental discovery was by no means agreeable to him; and from the very marked change which i observed in his manner. i deemed it prudent to withdraw from the village and its vicinity. whilst my horse was being saddled, i noticed my host and some of his confidential friends engaged in very earnest conversation, and i could easily perceive that i was the subject of it. on my departure the indian asked me, with apparent friendliness of manner, which way i was going? when i was beyond the sphere of his observation, i deemed it prudent to proceed quite in an opposite direction from the route which i told him i intended to take. the character of the peruvian indian is essentially gloomy. it was not always so, if we may give credit to the animated pictures drawn by early travellers in peru; but three hundred years of oppression and suffering have impressed their melancholy stamp on the feelings and manners of the people. this gloominess is strikingly manifested in their songs, their dances, their dress, and their whole domestic economy. the favorite musical instruments of the indians are those called the _pututo_ and the _jaina_. the former is a large conch, on which they perform mournful music, as the accompaniment of their funeral dances. in early times this conch was employed in the solemnities of royal interments; now its use is exclusively reserved for the anniversaries held in commemoration of certain events connected with the fallen inca dynasty. the _jaina_ appears to be of more modern origin; it is a rude kind of clarionet, made from a reed. its tone is indescribably melancholy, and it produces an extraordinary impression on the natives. if a group of indians are rioting and drinking, or engaged in furious conflict with each other, and the sound of the _jaina_ is suddenly heard, the tumult ceases, as if by a stroke of magic. a dead stillness prevails, and all listen devoutly to the magic tones of the simple reed; tones which frequently draw tears from the eyes of the apathetic indian. their garments are all of dark and sombre hues. dark blue is a favorite color, and appears to be generally adopted for mourning; for whenever the indians follow a corpse to the grave, they always wear dark blue ponchos. the dress of the men usually consists of short trowsers, of coarse brown cloth, fastened round the waist by a girdle, and a woollen or cotton shirt. they seldom wear a jacket, the ponchos of alpaca wool being always the outer garment. on their feet they wear sandals of untanned leather, which merely cover the toes, and are fastened round the ancle. the dress of the women consists of a loose under garment, without sleeves, and made of coarse blue woollen cloth. it is confined round the waist by a broad girdle, called the _huccau_. over the arms are drawn black sleeves, reaching from the wrist to about the middle of the upper arm. a sort of robe or tunic, called the _anacu_, descends from the shoulders to the knees. it is fastened, not in front, but on one side. this garment is made of a thin sort of woollen stuff. it is always black, being worn in token of mourning for the incas. on the occasion of certain festivals, the indian women wear a particolored dress, called a _faldillin_. this garment frequently exhibits the most glaring contrasts of color, one half being bright red, and the other yellow, in addition to which it is sometimes adorned with flowers of brilliant hues, and tasteless, gold embroidery. a _mantilla_, consisting of a narrow piece of woollen cloth, passed over the shoulders, and fastened under the chin, either with a long silver pin, or a cactus-thorn, completes the costume. in this mantilla, or in a poncho, mothers are accustomed to wrap their infants, and fastening them to their backs, they carry them about in this manner for a whole day, whilst engaged in their work. in their domestic relations, the indians are unsocial and gloomy. husband, wife, and children live together with but little appearance of affection. the children seem to approach their parents timidly, and whole days sometimes elapse without the interchange of a word of kindness between them. when the indian is not engaged in out-door work, he sits gloomily in his hut, chewing coca, and brooding silently over his own thoughts. to his friend he is more communicative than to his wife. with the former, he will often discourse, apparently on some secret topic, for the space of half a night; nevertheless, he cannot be accused of treating his wife with any degree of cruelty, or of regarding her merely in the light of his slave, as is customary among many uncivilized races of people. besides the official authorities, to which the government exacts obedience, the peruvian indian acknowledges other authorities, whose functions and power are similar to those which existed under the inca dynasty. in like manner, though they have embraced the christian faith, yet they obstinately adhere to certain religious ceremonies, which have been transmitted to them by their idolatrous progenitors. thus their religion is a singular combination of christian principles and heathenish forms. hitherto the most patient and intelligent of their religious instructors have failed to outroot this attachment to old forms. the christian religion has been spread among the indians by force; and for centuries past, they have regarded the priests only in the light of tyrants, who make religion a cloak for the most scandalous pecuniary extortions, and whose conduct is in direct opposition to the doctrines they profess. if they render to them unconditional obedience, accompanied by a sort of timid reverence, it is to be attributed less to the operation of the christian principle, than to a lingering attachment to the theocratic government of the incas, which has impressed the peruvians with a sacred awe of religion. the superstition with which the indians are so deeply imbued is adverse to the inculcation of pure religious faith; it is the more difficult to be eradicated, inasmuch as it has its origin in early tradition, and has in later times been singularly blended with the catholic form of worship. of this superstition i may here adduce some examples. as soon as a dying person draws his last breath, the relatives, or persons in attendance, put coca leaves into the mouth of the corpse, and light a wax candle. they then collect together the household goods and clothes of the deceased and wash them in the nearest river. they put on the dead clothes, which are made after the pattern of a monk's habit, and they hang round the neck of the corpse a little bag, containing seeds of coca, maize, barley, quinua, &c., for his plantations in the next world. in the evening ashes are strewed on the floor of the room, and the door is securely fastened. next morning the ashes are carefully examined to ascertain whether they show any impression of footsteps; and imagination readily traces marks, which are alleged to have been produced by the feet of birds, dogs, cats, oxen, or llamas. the destiny of the dead person is construed by the foot-marks which are supposed to be discernible. the worst marks are those of hens' claws, which are believed to denote that the soul of the deceased is doomed to irrevocable perdition. the marks of the hoofs of llamas are considered favorable, and are believed to indicate that the soul, after a short purgatory, will be transferred to the joys of paradise. the funeral is conducted according to christian forms, and under the superintendence of a priest. but as soon as the priest takes his departure food is put into the grave along with the dead body, which is interred without a coffin. i have sometimes seen one of the nearest relatives leap into the grave and strike the body with his foot, but the meaning of this strange proceeding i never could clearly understand. some curious ceremonies are observed on all souls' day. in every house in which a member of the family has died in the course of the year, a table is laid out with brandy, coca, tobacco, together with some of the favorite dishes of the deceased person, and the chamber is kept closed the whole day. the family firmly believe that the spirit of their departed relative on that day revisits his earthly abode, and partakes of the repast that is spread out on the table. a widow usually wears mourning for the space of twelve months. in some provinces, on the anniversary of her husband's death, the widow puts on a bridal dress, and over it her ordinary garments. all her relatives visit her in her dwelling, where, to the accompaniment of doleful music, she takes the lead in a funeral dance. as the hour approaches at which the husband died in the previous year, the dancing and the music become more and more mournful; but whenever the hour is past one of the female friends approaches the widow and removes her black mantilla. the other females then strip off the rest of her mourning garments, and adorn her head with flowers. at length she appears in a complete bridal dress. the musicians strike up a lively strain, to which the whole party dance, and the evening is passed in drinking and merry-making. among the peruvian indians there are marked varieties of form and complexion. these differences are most distinctly observable between the inhabitants of the coast and those of the mountain and forest regions. in general, the peruvian indian is of middle height, rather slender, and not very robust. the coast indians are more plump than the inhabitants of other districts, because they lead a less laborious life, and are less exposed to privations. it is scarcely possible to trace any particular national physiognomy among the indians. in each province a distinct character is observable in the features of the inhabitants. the varieties of feature are less distinctly marked than the differences of complexion. the peculiar tints of the skin are decidedly defined, and indicate respectively the inhabitants of the three principal regions. the colder the climate, the fairer is the skin. for example, the color of the puna indian is a dark red-brown; that of the native of the sierra is considerably lighter; it is a rusty red, but still darker than that of the coast indians; and the natives of the forests are yellow, nearly approaching to maize color. these differences are singularly striking, when one has an opportunity of seeing the inhabitants of the different regions in juxtaposition. it is curious that the cholos of the puna, when they settle in the forests, become only a very little clearer; and that, on the other hand, the yellow indians of the montaña, after being several years in the puna, still retain their characteristic tint. the women are, on the whole, extremely ugly, with round, inexpressive faces. their hands and feet are very small. the indians are, on the average, remarkable for longevity, though they frequently shorten their lives by the intemperate use of strong drinks. instances are not rare of indians living to be 120 or 130 years of age, and retaining full possession of their bodily and mental powers. stevenson mentions that on examining the church registers of barranca, he found that within an interval of seven years, eleven indians had been interred, whose united ages amounted to 1207, being an average of 109 years to each. in the year 1839 there was living in the valley of jauja an indian who, according to the baptismal register shown to me by the priest, was born in the year 1697. he himself declared that he had not for the space of ninety years tasted a drop of water, having drunk nothing but chicha. since he was eleven years of age, he alleged that he had masticated coca, at least three times every day, and that he had eaten animal food only on sundays; on all the other days of the week he had lived on maize, quinua, and barley. the indians retain their teeth and hair in extreme old age; and it is remarkable that their hair never becomes white, and very seldom even grey. those individuals whose advanced ages have been mentioned above, had all fine black hair. since the spanish conquest, the population of peru has diminished in an almost incredible degree. when we read the accounts given by the old historiographers of the vast armies which the incas had at their command; when we behold the ruins of the gigantic buildings, and of the numerous towns and villages scattered over peru, it is difficult to conceive how the land could have been so depopulated in the lapse of three centuries. at the time of the conquest it was easy, in a short space of time, to raise an army of 300,000 men, and, moreover, to form an important reserved force; whilst now, the government, even with the utmost efforts, can scarcely assemble 10,000 or 12,000 men. according to the census drawn up in 1836, peru did not contain more than 1,400,000 men, being not quite so many as were contained at an earlier period in the department of cuzco alone. unfortunately there is no possibility of obtaining anything approaching to accurate estimates of the population of early periods; and even if such documents existed, it would be difficult to deduce from them a comparison between peru as it now is, and peru at the period when bolivia, a part of buenos ayres, and columbia, belonged to the mighty empire. i will here quote only one example of the immense diminution of the population. father melendez mentions that shortly after the conquest, the parish of ancallama, in the province of chancay, contained 30,000 indians fit for service (that is to say, between the ages of eighteen and fifty); now, the same parish contains at most 140 individuals, of whom one-third are mestizos. the whole coast of peru, now almost totally depopulated, was once so thickly inhabited, that to subdue king chimu, in north peru alone, an army of 80,000 men was requisite. the causes of the diminished indian population of peru have been so frequently and fully detailed by previous writers, that i need not here do more than briefly advert to them. they are found in the extensive and reckless massacres committed by the spaniards during the struggle of the conquest; in the suicides and voluntary deaths resorted to by the natives to escape from the power of their oppressors; in the mita, the small-pox, the scarlet fever, and the introduction of brandy. the mita alone, especially the labor in the mines, has swept away four times as many indians as all the other causes combined. since the abolition of the mita, the indian population has been on the increase, though there has not yet been time for any marked result to become manifest; the more especially, considering the numbers of lives sacrificed during the frequent civil wars. nevertheless, it is easy to foresee that a decided augmentation of the indian inhabitants of the western parts of south america will, ere long, be apparent. among the aboriginal inhabitants of peru a variety of languages are in use. in the southern parts of the country, particularly about cuzco, the _quichua_ is spoken. it was the dialect of the court, and that which was most generally diffused, and the spaniards therefore called it _la lengua general_. in the highlands of central peru, the chinchaysuyo language prevailed. the indians of the coast, who belonged to the race of the chunchos, spoke the _yunga_. the _kauqui_ was the language of that part of central peru which corresponds with the present province of yauyos. the inhabitants of the north-eastern parts of peru, as far as the huallaga, spoke the _lama_ language,[103] and the natives of the highland regions of quito spoke the _quiteña_.[104] these different languages, which, with the exception of the lama, proceed all from one source, differ so considerably, that the inhabitants of the several districts were reciprocally incapable of understanding each other, and the incas found it necessary to introduce the quichua among all the nations they subdued. the other dialects were thereby much corrupted, and at the time of the spanish invasion, they were seldom correctly spoken. this corruption was naturally increased more and more after the arrival of the spaniards, by the introduction of a new language. only for a few of the new articles brought by the spaniards to peru did the indians form new names, taking the roots of the words from their own language: for most things they adopted the spanish names. by this means, but still more by the future intercourse of the people with the invaders, the purity of the natural language rapidly disappeared in proportion to the influence which the spaniards obtained by their increase in numbers and moral superiority. at present the quichua is a compound of all the dialects and the spanish; it is spoken in the greatest purity in the southern provinces, though even there it is much intermixed with aymara words. in central peru the chinchaysuyo prevails, and on the coast the spanish and the yunga. the present indians and people of mixed blood, who of necessity must speak the ever-changing quichua, and also the spanish, speak both in so corrupt a manner, that it is frequently almost impossible to understand them. the family of the incas had a secret language of their own, which was not learned by subjects. this language is now almost totally lost, not more than two dozen words of it being preserved. in early times, the quichua language was much cultivated. it was used officially in public speaking, and professors were sent by the inca family into the provinces to teach it correctly. for poetry, the quichua language was not very well adapted, owing to the difficult conjugation of the verbs, and the awkward blending of pronouns with substantives. nevertheless, the poetic art was zealously cultivated under the incas. they paid certain poets (called the _haravicus_), for writing festival dramas in verse, and also for composing love-songs and heroic poems. few of these heroic poems have been preserved, a circumstance the more to be regretted, as many of them would doubtless have been important historical documents; but for that very reason, the spaniards spared no pains to obliterate every trace of them. some of the love-songs have, however, been preserved. in quichua poetry, the lines are short, and seldom thoroughly rhythmical. rhymes were only exceptional, and were never sought for. the poetry was, therefore, merely a sort of broken prose. a specimen of one of the best of the quichua love-songs is given by _garcilaso de la vega_, in his "commentaries and poems." it is copied from papers left by a monk named blas valera; and some lines of it are here subjoined. the subject is an old peruvian tradition:--a maiden of royal blood (_ñusta_) is appointed by the creator of the world (_pacchacamac_) in heaven, to pour water and snow on the earth out of a pitcher; her brother breaks the pitcher, whereupon thunder and lightning arise. cumac ñusta beautiful princess, turallayquim thy pitcher puynuyquita thy brother hath broken paquicayan here in pieces; hina mantara for that blow cunuñunun it thunders; and lightning yllapantac flashes all around. there were, however, instances of versification which may properly be called poetry. of this the _yaravies_, or elegies, afford some fair examples. these poems have for their subjects unfortunate love, or sorrow for the dead. they were recited or sung by one or more voices, with an accompaniment of melancholy music, and made a great impression on the hearers. a foreigner, who for the first time hears one of these _yaravies_ sung, even though he may not understand the quichua words, is nevertheless deeply moved by the melody. the strain is sad and sweet. no other music is at once so dismal and so tender. what the _donina_ is as an instrument, the _yaravie_ is in singing; both convey the expression of a deeply troubled heart. the _yaravie_ has been imitated by the spaniards in their own language, and some of the imitations are very beautiful; but they have not been able to reach the deep melancholy of the quichua elegy. the modern poetry of the indians is inferior to the old; the words are a mixture of quichua and spanish, and are scarcely intelligible. the spanish words have often quichua terminations affixed to them; on the other hand, sometimes the quichua words are inflected after the spanish manner, making altogether a barbarous compound. the ancient peruvians had no manuscript characters for single sounds; but they had a method by which they composed words and incorporated ideas. this method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. the instrument consisting of these strings and knots was called the quipu. it was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. the top string was much thicker than these pendent strings, and consisted of two doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. the branches, if i may apply the term to these pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a simple loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings, and were either single or manifold. the lengths of the strings used in making the quipu were various. the transverse or top string often measures several yards, and sometimes only a foot long; the branches are seldom more than two feet long, and in general they are much shorter. the strings were often of different colors; each having its own particular signification. the color for soldiers was red; for gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, &c. this writing by knots was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; each triple knot for one thousand, &c.; two single knots standing together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred. this method of calculation is still practised by the shepherds of the puna. they explained it to me, and i could, with very little trouble, construe their quipus. on the first branch or string they usually placed the numbers of the bulls; on the second, that of the cows; the latter being classed into those which were milked, and those which were not milked; on the next string were numbered the calves, according to their ages and sizes. then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. next followed the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, &c. each list was distinguished by a particular color, or by some peculiarity in the twisting of the string. in this manner the ancient peruvians kept the accounts of their army. on one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another, the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, &c. in the same manner the military reports were prepared. in every town some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu, and to explain them. these men were called _quipucamayocuna_ (literally, officers of the knots). imperfect as was this method, yet in the flourishing period of the inca government the appointed officers had acquired great dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. it, however, seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some verbal commentary. something was always required to be added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, &c. through long-continued practice, the officers who had charge of the quipus became so perfect in their duties, that they could with facility communicate the laws and ordinances, and all the most important events of the kingdom, by their knots. all attempts made in modern times to decipher peruvian quipus have been unsatisfactory in their results. the principal obstacle to deciphering those found in graves, consists in the want of the oral communication requisite for pointing out the subjects to which they refer. such communication was necessary, even in former times, to the most learned quipucamayocuna. most of the quipus here alluded to seem to be accounts of the population of particular towns or provinces, tax-lists, and information relating to the property of the deceased. some indians in the southern provinces of peru are understood to possess a perfect knowledge of some of the ancient quipus, from information transmitted to them from their ancestors. but they keep that knowledge profoundly secret, particularly from the whites. the ancient peruvians also used a certain kind of hieroglyphics, which they engraved in stone, and preserved in their temples. notices of these hieroglyphics are given by some of the early writers. there appears to be a great similarity between these peruvian hieroglyphics and those found in mexico and brazil. i have already mentioned one of the largest and most wonderful works of peruvian antiquity, namely, the great military road which passes through the whole empire leading from cuzco to quitu, and which has many highly important lateral branches. the magnificent water-conduits, by which barren sand wastes and sterile hills were converted into fruitful plantations, are monuments of equivalent greatness. traces of these water-conduits are to be seen throughout the whole of peru, and even where the canals themselves no longer exist, the divisional boundaries of the fields they watered are still discernible. in many districts where the valleys of the sierra run into the puna--(i allude here only to the declivities above tarmatambo, on the road towards jauja)--there may be seen many square fields of uniform size, each of which is surrounded by a low stone wall; these fields are at present overgrown with puna grass, and are not fit for cultivation. they are what were called _tapu_ lands, which were distributed to every subject of the inca empire, so that each family enjoyed the produce arising from the cultivation of a certain portion of ground. these tapu lands were watered by skilfully constructed aqueducts, whereby they were rendered suitable for agriculture. the spaniards having destroyed the conduits, the reservoirs dried up, and the soil became barren. many of these conduits were subterraneous, and it is now no longer possible to find them; in some parts they were constructed with pipes of gold, which the spaniards eagerly seized as valuable booty. there still exist vast remains of well-constructed colossal buildings, as palaces, fortresses, and temples. the walls of these edifices were built of square stones, so finely cut, and joined so closely together, that between any two there is not space sufficient to insert the edge of the thinnest paper. in the royal palace of cuzco, and in the temple of the sun, a fusion of gold or silver was used for cement between the stones. this was, however, only employed as a luxury; for in other great edifices, for example, in the baths of huamalies in the province of jauja, stones are kept together by their own weight and the precision of the workmanship. these stones are of very considerable magnitude; some being from twelve to sixteen feet long, from eight to ten feet high, and equally broad. they are not all square; some are polygonal, and some spherical, but they were all joined one to another with the same exactness: of this a remarkable example is presented in the highly interesting ruins of the palace of limatambo. a question which naturally suggests itself is,--how did the ancient peruvians, without iron tools, hew these vast stones, and afterwards work the different fragments so skilfully? the first point is to me quite inexplicable; the second may possibly be accounted for by friction; the softest of two stones which was to be brought into a particular shape being rubbed by a harder, and afterwards polished by pyritous plants. the removal of the block from the quarry where it was excavated to the place of its destination, and the raising of fragments of stone to considerable heights, could only have been effected by the co-operation of thousands of men, for no kind of elevating machinery or lever was then known. the fortresses give a high idea of the progress made by the ancient peruvians in architectural art. these structures were surrounded by ramparts and trenches. the larger ones were protected by the solidity of the walls, and the smaller ones by difficulty of access. the approaches to them were chiefly subterraneous; and thereby, they were enabled to maintain secret communication with the palaces and temples in their neighborhood. the subterraneous communications were carefully constructed; they were of the height of a man, and in general from three to four feet broad. in some parts they contract suddenly in width, and the walls on each side are built with sharp pointed stones, so that there is no getting between them, except by a lateral movement. in other parts they occasionally become so low, that it is impossible to advance, except by creeping on all fours. every circumstance had been made a subject of strict calculation; it had been well considered how treasures might be removed from the palaces and temples to the fortresses, and placed securely beyond the reach of an enemy, for in the rear of every narrow pass there were ample spaces for soldiers, who might dispute the advance of a whole army. besides the remains of the fortress of cuzco, which are gradually disappearing every year, the most important are those of calcahilares and huillcahuaman. less interesting, though still very curious, are the ruins of chimu-canchu in manische, near truxillo, which are not of stone but of brick. the architecture of the small fortress of _huichay_, two leagues from tarma, which defended the entrance to that valley, is very remarkable. the front is built of small but firmly united stones, and covers a large cavity, in which there are numerous divisions, intended for the preservation of warlike stores, and for quartering soldiers. on the steep declivity of the hill there had been a deep trench, between which there was a wall fourteen feet higher, flanked by three bastions. around this fortress nitre is found in great abundance. it is now collected by the huancas (the inhabitants of the valley of jauja), for making gunpowder. the diggings for nitre have almost obliterated the entrance to the cavity, and the fortress is already so much injured that possibly in another century scarcely a trace of the edifice will remain. notwithstanding a search of several days, i did not succeed in discovering the mouth of the cavity, though an old indian, who, years ago, had often visited it, pointed out to me what he supposed to be its precise situation. the walls of perpendicular rock in the neighborhood of huichay are often 60 to 80 feet high, and the clefts or fissures in them are filled up with small stones. it would be incomprehensible how the indians ascended to perform this labor, were it not perceived that they have hollowed passages in the mountain. it would appear they must have had dwellings, or stores for provisions, on the higher part of the hill, for small windows are often perceptible in walls of masonry. the old indian villages of the sierra are for the most part situated on heights, or sharp ridges, which are now completely barren, as they no longer receive the artificial watering with which they were formerly supplied. all lie open to the east, so that the inhabitants could behold their deity the moment he appeared on the horizon. all large towns had a square in their centre, where the religious dances were performed. from the square a certain number of regular roads or streets always ran in the direction of the four quarters of the firmament. there are great varieties in the construction of the houses. small insignificant huts often stand close to a palace having twenty or twenty-five windows in one front. private dwellings in the mountainous parts are built of unhewn stone, cemented with a very strong calcareous mortar. on the coast the walls are of brick. in the departments of junin and ayacucho, i met with the ruins of great villages, consisting of dwellings of a peculiar construction, in the form of a tower. each house is quadrangular, with a diameter of about six feet, and seventeen or eighteen feet high. the walls are from one to one and a half feet thick. the doors, which open to the east or south, are only a foot and a half high, and two feet wide. after creeping in (which is a work of some difficulty) the explorer finds himself in an apartment about five and a half feet in height, and of equal breadth, without any windows. in the walls there are closets or cupboards, which served to contain domestic utensils, food, &c. earthen pots with maize, coca, and other things, are still often found in these closets. the ceiling of the room is overlaid with flat plates of stone, and in the centre an aperture, two feet wide, is left, forming a communication with the second floor, which is precisely like the first, but has two small windows. the roof of this apartment has also an aperture, affording access to the third floor, the ceiling of which forms the roof of the house, and consists of rather thick plates of stone. the upper room is usually less lofty than the two rooms below it, and seems to have been used as a provision store-room. i found in one of these upper rooms the mummy of a child very well embalmed. the family appear to have lived chiefly on the ground-floors. the place for cooking is often plainly perceptible. the second floor was probably the sleeping apartment. in the course of my travels, when overtaken by storms, i often retreated for shelter into one of these ruined dwellings. the ancient peruvians frequently buried their dead in their own houses, and then removed from them. this custom appears to have been very general about the time of the spanish conquest, when a great number of indians committed suicide in despair. household utensils were placed in the graves, when the dead were buried in the houses, as well as when they were interred in other places. in many houses in which i made diggings i regularly found the following arrangement. under a stratum of earth two feet deep lay the body, in a state of good preservation, and generally, but not always, in a sitting posture. on clearing away another stratum of earth equally deep there is found a variety of household vessels for cooking, together with water-pots of clay, gourds, hunting and fishing implements, &c. there is frequently a third layer of earth, beneath which the gold and silver vessels and the household deities are deposited. the idols are of clay, stone, and copper, or of the precious metals. those of clay are hollow, flat, compressed, and in most instances the faces are painted. those of stone are of granite, porphyry, or sand-stone. these stone images are solid, and often several feet high. the golden idols are always hollow; but they exhibit no distinct trace of the soldering. they are of various sizes; some of them weigh three quarters of a pound. those of silver are always solid. all these images of deities have the same physiognomy, and disproportionately large head. in most instances the head is covered by a peculiar kind of cap. the vessels used for holding water or other liquids are very various in color and form. most of them exhibit ludicrous caricatures of human figures; others are unrecognisable representations of animals or fancy figures. these vessels have in general two apertures, one by which they were filled, and the other by which the liquid was poured out. on filling them a feeble flute-like sound is heard. it is occasioned by the air escaping through the other aperture. most of these vessels are made of red or black clay, well glazed. those for holding chicha were very capacious. some of them, which have been found hermetically closed, have contained chicha upwards of three hundred years old, and remarkable for a very smoky flavor. on the vessels made of gourds fanciful figures are generally carved. gold drinking cups have been found, adorned with well executed embossed ornaments, and like the images, showing no trace of soldering. among the warlike weapons, the stone battle-axes are very remarkable; they have at both ends a tube, in which the handle was fixed by ligatures. articles for personal adornment, such as nose and lip rings, neck chains, pins, bracelets, and ancle bands, are usually of gold, and set with small colored shells. the sceptres of the incas are of gold, and exquisitely wrought; those of the curacas of silver; and those of the caciques of copper, sometimes gilt. idols and utensils made of wood are very rarely found. it would appear that the ancient peruvians found more difficulty in the working of wood than that of metal and stone. the peruvians give to all objects dug up from the old graves, the name of _huaqueros_, from huaca, the word for grave in the quichua language. the huacas or graves vary in form or magnitude. when destined for single individuals they were made small; but when for families, they were of considerable extent. on the sandy soil of the coast, no elevation marks the spot where the bodies are interred; but further inland (though still in the coast region), the graves are for the most part elevated and arched, and are built of bricks. in the sierra the tombs are of stone, quadrangular, oval, or of an obelisk form. in the huacas, the bodies are found in a sitting position, and supported by stones or reeds: the face turned towards the east. in front of the body it was customary to place two rows of pots containing quinua, maize, potatoes, dried llama flesh, and other kinds of provisions, and these pots were all covered with small lids. on each side of the body were ranged cooking utensils, and vessels containing water and chicha. the body and all the objects deposited in the grave were covered with a layer of sand, above which were spread various articles of clothing. over these was placed another layer of sand, and then the tomb was built above the whole. the bodies are found wrapped in several coverings; and when first taken out of the graves, they have the appearance of unfinished statues; the position of the head, knees, and feet being alone recognisable. a strong net-work, composed of twisted straw or bast incloses a thick rush mat, in which the body is wrapped. these coverings being removed, there is found a broad, woollen bandage, passing round the body, and fastening the rushes or sticks which support it in a sitting position. under this bandage is a red or party-colored covering which goes over the whole body; and beneath this are one or two yellowish-white coverings, strongly sewed up. on removing these coverings, there are found some pots or drinking cups, a few ornaments, the _huallqui_ with coca, and in most instances a silver or gold idol suspended from the neck of the body. the undermost wrapper consists of a cloth of rather fine texture. probably it was originally white, but time has changed it to a reddish-yellow. this covering being unsewed, the naked corpse appears; the head alone being encircled with two or three bandages, called _huinchas_. the body is always in a sitting posture; the knees being drawn up towards the face, and the arms crossed over the breast, in such a manner that the chin rests between the two clenched hands. the wrists are tied together, and the ligature with which they are fastened is passed round the neck. this, which was evidently done only to keep the hands fixed in the required position, has led some commentators on peruvian antiquities to suppose that the bodies found with strings round the necks were those of hanged persons. in the mouth there is a thin piece of gold, silver or copper; most of the bodies are in a good state of preservation, though the features are not discernible. the hair is always found perfectly free from decay; and that of the females is beautifully plaited. the question has arisen, whether these bodies were embalmed, or whether their preservation is merely the result of the mummifying nature of the climate. both conjectures have found zealous supporters. don francisco barrero, keeper of the museum of natural history in lima, mentions, in the _memorial de ciencias naturales_,[105] that among the ancient peruvians certain men were appointed as embalmers, and he describes the process they adopted as follows:--they first extracted the brain through the nose, then took out the eyes, and stopped up the sockets with cotton. the bowels, lungs, and even the tongue, were removed, after which the body and skull were filled with a kind of powder, which immediately after it is taken out of the mummies, diffuses a slight odor of turpentine; this odor, however, it soon loses on being exposed to the action of the air. the face, hands, and feet, were rubbed over with an oily substance, after which the body was incased in the envelopes above described. i am disposed to believe that this process never had any existence, save in the imagination of barrera: it indeed resembles the manner in which the egyptians prepared their mummies; but no such method was practised among the indians. the mummies collected in the museum of lima present not the slightest trace of this powder, or indeed of any kind of preservative material--a fact which is mentioned by the director of that establishment, don e. mariano de rivero, in his _antiguedades peruanas_.[106] on those parts of the coast where it never rains, the combined heat of the sun and the sand has dried up the bodies; in the mountain districts, the pure atmosphere and the peculiarly drying nature of the wind have produced the same effect. similar appearances may be traced to different circumstances. of this fact the burial ground of huacho, and the mummified animals seen on the level heights, furnish the most convincing proofs. in districts exposed to frequent rain, mummies are found in very bad preservation, most of them being mere skeletons. all are in sitting postures. in those parts of the sierra where the soil is impregnated with nitre, bodies, which must have lain in the ground for several centuries, are found in a very fresh condition, notwithstanding the humidity. garcilaso de la vega and the padre acosta state that the ancient peruvians were acquainted with the art of embalming, but that they employed it only for the bodies of their kings. in the temple of the sun at cuzco, there were found excellently preserved mummies of the incas, each seated on a throne. several years after the spanish conquest, these mummies were conveyed to lima, and were buried in the court of the hospital of san andres. it is deeply to be deplored that the fanaticism of the spanish conquerors should have destroyed these interesting remains of the ancient sovereigns of peru. the facts adduced in the course of this volume, relative to the barbarous colonization system of the spaniards, must sufficiently prove how adverse was spanish dominion to the improvement of the natives, and to the prosperity of the country. for peru, nature's bounteously favored land, let us hope that there is reserved a future, happier than either the past or the present! footnotes: [footnote 102: even to this day the custom of forced domestic service is kept up in some parts of the sierra, where the priest is allowed the services of a female cook, who is called a _mita_, and a man servant, for whom the name of _pongo_ is reserved. these servants are kept for the space of a week.] [footnote 103: adelung, in his "review of all languages," considers the calchaqui (still spoken in tucuman) to be a dialect of the quichua. it is, however, a dialect of the aymara. adelung makes another mistake when he observes, that the lama language is spoken in the neighborhood of truxillo.] [footnote 104: of the _quichua_, _quiteña_, and _lama_ languages several grammars and dictionaries exist. of the _kauqui_ only single words have been preserved. there is a very imperfect dictionary of the _chinchaysuyo_ by figueredo. of the _yunga_ there is a grammar with a _confesionario_ and prayers by fernando de carrera--a very scarce work.] [footnote 105: vol. ii., p. 106.] [footnote 106: published in 1846.] the end. transcriber's notes: inconsistencies in hyphenation retained. (brush-wood, brushwood; court-yard, courtyard; day-break, daybreak; goat-skin, goat-skin; hair-dressers, hairdressers; horse-shoes, horseshoes; house-tops, housetops; light-house, lighthouse; mayor-domos, mayordomos; mid-day, midday; needle-woman, needlewoman; net-work; network; nick-name, nickname; north-west, northwest; run-away, runaway; sea-ports, seaports; shop-keeper/s, shopkeeper/s; south-east, southeast; south-west, southwest; two-fold, twofold) inconsistency in abbreviation "p. m." sometimes it is "p.m." without a space. original text retained in all cases. page 22, inserted opening quote mark. ("_las diez han) page 25, species of fox "_canis azaræ_" is attributed to "wild." not consistent with page 174 "_canis azaræ_" attributed to "pr. max." and to page 221 "_canis azaræ_" also attributed to "pr. max." mismatch in captialization and also in name of discoverer. original text retained in all cases. page 25, "iii." changed to "ill." (_scolopax frenata_, ill.) page 59, "heterogegeous" changed to "heterogeneous". (heterogeneous objects are jumbled) page 67, "limena" retained. elsewhere in the text it is "limeña". (limena is a noble specimen) page 75, "grostesque" changed to "grotesque". (painted with grotesque figures) page 85, inserted missing comma. (alsop & co., templeman) page 108, unusual word "recal" retained. possibly "recall". (the ladies of lima recal) page 112, missing degree sign added. (december 28, at 6 in the morning, 26·0° c.;) page 117, "vavors" changed to "vapors". (there were seen fiery vapors) page 135, "litttle" changed to "little". (full of little egg-shaped) footnote 42, unusual phrase "no thing" retained. (he who created the world out of no thing) page 154, unusual spelling of placename "cozco" retained. elsewhere in text it is "cuzco". (erected in cozco, the capital) page 168, inserted missing period. (_pelecanus thayus_, mol.;) page 172, compass directions "ss.e" changed to "s.s.e"; "nn.w." changed to "n.n.w." (andes, namely from s.s.e.) (n.n.w., the western declivity) page 177, "eschidna" changed to "echidna". see other occurrence at footnote 93. (_echidna ocellata_, tsch.) page 178, "melancholv" changed to "melancholy". (melancholy howl) page 180, inconsistent spelling of placename "periachi", later on "pariachi". original text retained for both. (at periachi, four leagues from) (two leagues beyond pariachi) page 182, inserted hyphen. (river of chillon flowed north-westward) page 198, unusual spelling "befel" retained. possibly "befell". (an accident which befel me) page 209, "swenllig" changed to "swelling". (inflammation, swelling of) page 218, "jus" changed to "just". (than any of those just) page 222, "sent" changed to "scent". (scent for the pishacas) page 278, ungrammatical construction "the men takes" retained. (the men takes their bows) page 284, period changed to comma. (quichua, the idioms spoken) page 288, period added. (festively celebrated.) page 299, inserted missing opening round bracket. (... fly-catchers and shrikes (_muscicapidæ_ and....) page 301, unusual bird name "shrites" retained. possibly "shrikes". (shrites, and even sea-swallows) page 301, "tsch." changed to "tsch." (_odontophorus speciosus_, tsch.) page 325, "fra" retained. fra is acceptable as a title for friars but elsewhere in this text "fray" is used. (two priests, fra francisco otasua and fray salvador) page 327, "coco" changed to "coca", coco is possible but coca more likely from context. (the coca plantation being neglected) footnotes frequently have missing end of paragraph/sentence punctuation. periods added. [illustration: the author.] across unknown south america by a. henry savage-landor with 2 maps, 8 coloured plates, and 260 illustrations from photographs by the author _in two volumes_ vol. i hodder and stoughton london new york toronto _printed in 1913_ _copyright in the united states of america_ _by a. henry savage-landor_ this work is dedicated to the people of the great brazilian republic preface south america is, to my mind, "the coming continent"--the continent of the future. everybody knows the wealth of the argentine, peru, chile, and bolivia; but the interior of brazil, the largest and richest country of all, not unlike forbidden tibet, was perhaps better known a century or two ago than now. few people realize that brazil is larger than the united states of north america, germany, portugal, and a few other countries taken together. the interior is practically a _terra incognita_--although the ancient jesuits and, at a later date, escaped slaves and native rubber collectors have perhaps found their way inland to a considerable distance. when i started on the transcontinental journey i did not take europeans with me. it is not easy to find men who can stand the strain of so long a journey. i was also not surprised, although i was disappointed, not to be able to obtain suitable officers in brazil to go part of the journey with me, so that i might be relieved of a portion of the tedious scientific work of the expedition, especially taking and computing daily astronomical observations, to which much time has to be devoted. all the work of all kinds eventually fell upon my shoulders, and after departing i found myself filling the posts of surveyor, hydrographer, cartographer, geologist, meteorologist, anthropologist, botanist, doctor, veterinary surgeon, painter, photographer, boat-builder, guide, navigator, etc. the muleteers who accompanied me--only six, all counted--were of little help to me--perhaps the reverse. so that, considering all the adventures and misfortunes we had, i am sure the reader, after perusing this book, will wonder that we got back at all, and will be indulgent enough to give me a little credit for saving, through innumerable disasters--and perhaps not altogether by mere luck--all my photographs (800 of them), all my note-books, all my scientific observations, as well as all the vocabularies i made of the various indian languages of tribes found on my way. also for bringing all my men out alive. here are, briefly, a few results of the expedition:-(_a_) first of all it has proved that, far from south america's being an impenetrable continent--as was believed--it is possible for any experienced traveller to cross brazil in any direction, if he could obtain suitable followers. (_b_) it has proved that the "millions of savage indians" supposed to be swarming all over the interior of brazil do not exist at all. all the pure indians of central brazil taken together may number a few hundreds, or including half-castes (negroes and portuguese), a few thousands. as for the wild beasts and snakes, no one ever need fear being troubled by them. they are more afraid of you than you of them, you can take my word for it. so that the terror which has so far prevented people penetrating the interior has no reasonable ground, and this book ought to be the means of making european people some day swarm to develop that marvellous land now absolutely uninhabited. (_c_) meteorological observations were recorded daily right across brazil. (_d_) altitude observations, forming a complete chain and including all minor undulations, were registered across the entire south american continent from the atlantic coast at rio de janeiro as far as callao on the pacific coast. the observations were taken with a hypsometer and several excellent aneroids. these show that many of the elevations marked on the existing maps of brazil are inaccurate, the error amounting sometimes to several hundred feet. (_e_) a complete survey was made of new country between the araguaya river and the madeira, including a careful survey of the arinos river and the river arinos-juruena, one of the most powerful tributaries of the amazon. in the small map, reproduced from the best existing maps, at the end of the first volume, several high mountain ranges, quite as high as the andes, may be noticed extending from north to south between the rivers madeira, tapajoz, xingu, araguaya and tocantins. those high ranges are merely the work of imaginative cartographers, who have drawn them to make the map look pretty. they do not exist. i have left them in order to draw the attention of the reader to them. the position of the arinos-juruena is from 1 to 1½ degrees farther west than it is there drawn, and should be where i have marked the red line of my route. (_f_) everything that was of interest pictorially, geologically, botanically, or anthropologically was photographed or sketched. astronomical observations were constantly taken to determine the positions of our camps and places of importance. botanical and geological collections were made, but unfortunately had to be abandoned. (_g_) during the journey the head waters of the following important rivers were visited: the rio vermelho, rio claro, rio araguaya, rio barreiros, rio das mortes, rio s. lourenço, the cuyaba river, the xingu, the paranatinga, the paraguay river (paraná), the rio arinos, the secundury. (_h_) the entire course of the river tapajoz was studied, and also the entire course of the amazon from its mouth almost to its birthplace in the andes. (_i_) useful vocabularies were drawn up of the following indian languages: bororo, apiacar, mundurucu, campas or antis. (_k_) the expedition has furthermore shown that it is possible with poor material in the way of followers to accomplish work of unusual difficulty. (_l_) that it is possible for people in a normal condition of health to go at least sixteen days without food while doing hard work. (_m_) that it is possible to cross an entire continent--for one entire year--in the company of dangerous and lazy criminals without any weapon for protection--not even a penknife--and to bring forth from such poor material remarkable qualities of endurance, courage, and almost superhuman energy. (_n_) last, but not least, on that expedition i was able to collect further evidence that a theory i had long held as to the present shape of the earth was correct. i had never believed in the well-known theory that a continent, now submerged, once existed between america, europe and africa--in other words, where the atlantic ocean is now. that theory has found many followers. in support of it one is told that such islands as madeira, the canaries, the azores, are the topmost peaks of a now partly submerged range of mountains which once stood upon that vanished continent. it is also a common belief that northern africa underwent the contrary process, and was pushed up from under the sea. that is why--it is said--the sahara desert, which was formerly, without doubt, an ocean bed, is now dry and above water. one has only to look at any map of the entire world to see what really happened to the earth in days long gone by. let me first of all tell you that there never existed a continent between africa and south america. in fact, i doubt whether there is as much as a square mile between those two continents more submerged to-day than it was thousands upon thousands of years ago. here is what really happened. the earth at one period changed its shape--when, is merely guesswork, and is of no consequence here--and the crust of the earth--not the core, mind you--split into two great gaps from pole to pole, with a number of other minor fissures. in other words, the earth opened just like the skin of an over-heated baked apple. the african and american continents, as well as australasia, with new guinea, the celebes islands, the philippine archipelago and china, which before that event formed part of one immense continent, thus became divided, leaving north and south america isolated, between the two great oceans--the atlantic and the pacific--which were then, and only then, formed. it is easy, by looking intelligently at a map, to reconstruct the former shape of the world. you will notice that the most western portion of africa fits exactly into the gap between north and south america, while the entire african coast between dahomey and the cape colony fits in perfectly in all its indentations and projections into the coast line of south america. the shores of western europe in those days were joined to north america, and find to-day their almost parallel and well-fitting coast line on the east coast of the united states and canada. on the opposite side of the world, the western side of south america, the same conditions can be noticed, although the division of the two continents (america and asia) is there much wider. fragments were formed, leaving innumerable islands scattered in the pacific ocean, half-way between the actual continents of asia, australia and america. a mere glance is sufficient to see how well australia fits in along the chilian and peruvian coast, the great island of new guinea along part of peru and ecuador, and the west coast of the central american isthmus. the philippine islands lay probably in those days alongside of guatemala, while california bordered on japan. such immense rivers as the amazon, and its portentous tributaries flowing from south to north, were also formed perhaps at that time, great fissures caused by the sudden splitting and cooling of the earth's crust becoming the river beds. so perhaps was formed the giant cañon of colorado and the immense fissures in the earth's crust that occur in central asia, in central africa, and, as we shall see, on the central plateau of brazil. undoubtedly the antarctic continent was once joined to south america, australia and africa. during the last antarctic expeditions it has been shown that the same geological formation exists in south america as in the antarctic plateau. on perusing this book, the reader will be struck by the wonderful resemblance between the indians of south america, the malay races of asia, and the tribes of polynesia. i maintain that they not only resemble each other, but are actually the same people in different stages of development, and naturally influenced to a certain extent by climatic and other local conditions. those people did not come there, as has been supposed, by marching up the entire asiatic coast, crossing over the behring straits and then down the american coast, nor by means of any other migration. no, indeed; it is not they who have moved, but it is the country under them which has shifted and separated them, leaving members of the same race thousands of miles apart. i was able to notice among the indians of central brazil many words of malay origin, others closely resembling words of languages current among tribes of the philippine islands. the anthropometric measurements which i took of south american indians corresponded almost exactly with those of natives of the sulu archipelago and the island of mindanao. i hope some day to use the wealth of material i have collected among innumerable tribes on the asiatic coast, on the islands of the pacific ocean, in south america and in africa, in making a comparative study of those peoples. it should prove interesting enough. i have no space here to go deeply into the subject, as this is merely a book descriptive of south america. i may add that the most ardent supporter of the above theory is the celebrated explorer and scientist, colonel marchand, of fashoda fame--a man who has studied and understands the mysteries of this world better than any man living. my sincere thanks are due to the following gentlemen for much politeness shown me in connection with the expedition: to mr. gustave babin, the famous writer of paris; to mr. manoel bomfin (ex-deputy of brazil), to senador alcindo guanabara, for the keen interest taken in the expedition and for proposing to congress after my return that a grant of £4,000 should be given to me as a reward for the work done. i herewith also express my gratitude to the brazilian government for paying me that sum, which came in usefully to defray part of the expenses of the expedition. to h.e. dr. pedro de toledo, minister of agriculture, for the intelligent desire shown to help as much as he could in the venture, and for kindly giving me the free use of all the telegraphs in brazil, including the amazon cable, and other important privileges; to dr. josé carlos rodriguez for hospitality and much valuable advice; to dr. paolo de frontin, conseilheiro antonio prado, dr. josé pereira rebonças and mr. mockill and their respective companies for the many privileges granted me upon the various railways of which they were the presidents; to colonel r. e. brazil and commandante macedo for their kind hospitality to me while navigating the lower tapajoz river; to dr. a. b. leguia, president of the peruvian republic; to the british ministers at petropolis, lima, la paz, and buenos ayres, and the british consuls of rio de janeiro, pará, manaos, iquitos, antofogasta, valparaiso; finally to the british and american residents at all those places for much exquisite hospitality offered me. special thanks are due to mr. regis de oliveira, ex-brazilian minister in london, for valuable credentials given me before my departure which paved the way to the hearty reception i received everywhere in brazil. a. henry savage-landor. savoy hotel, london. _september_ 1913. contents vol. i chapter i the heart of brazil--brazil, its size and its immense wealth--rio de janeiro--brazilian men of genius--são paulo--the _bandeirantes_--the paulista railway pp. 1-25 chapter ii coffee--the dumont railway pp. 26-37 chapter iii on the mogyana railway pp. 38-51 chapter iv the terminus of the railway--an unpleasant incident--the purchase of animals--on the march with the caravan pp. 52-68 chapter v travelling across country--a musical genius--valuable woods--thermal springs pp. 69-85 chapter vi inquisitiveness--snakes--a wonderful cure--butterflies--a striking scene pp. 86-101 chapter vii in the city of goyaz pp. 102-117 chapter viii fourteen long and weary days--disappointment--criminals as followers pp. 118-131 chapter ix the departure--devoured by insects pp. 132-148 chapter x fishing--termites--the great araguaya river pp. 149-159 chapter xi the _tucano_--fish of the araguaya river--a bad shot--a strange sight pp. 160-178 chapter xii geological speculation--beautiful pasture-land pp. 179-195 chapter xiii the river barreiros--a country of tablelands pp. 196-206 chapter xiv the bororo indians pp. 207-223 chapter xv bororo superstitions--the bororo language--bororo music pp. 224-241 chapter xvi bororo legends--the religion of the bororos--funeral rites pp. 242-263 chapter xvii the river das garças--majestic scenery pp. 264-279 chapter xviii the salesian fathers--a volcanic zone pp. 280-291 chapter xix the paredão grande--a cañon--a weird phenomenon--troublesome insects pp. 292-310 chapter xx wild animals--an immense chasm--interesting cloud effects pp. 311-327 chapter xxi a beautiful lagoon--strange lunar display--waves of lava--curious grottoes--rock carvings--a beautiful waterfall pp. 328-343 chapter xxii in search of the highest point of the brazilian plateau--mutiny--great domes--travelling by compass--a gigantic fissure in the earth's crust pp. 344-358 chapter xxiii the jangada river--demented descendants of slaves--appalling degeneration--giant monoliths--the river roncador--gigantic natural gateways--the discovery of fossils pp. 359-376 chapter xxiv a swampy valley--impressive scenery--"church rock"--escaping before a forest fire--the rio manso--difficulties of marching across virgin country--beautiful rapids pp. 377-398 chapter xxv the blue mountains--the cuyabá river--inaccurate maps--a rebellion in camp--infamy of author's followers--the lagõa dos veados and the seven lakes--falling back on diamantino--another mutiny--slavery--descending from the tableland pp. 399-432 list of illustrations vol. i the author _photogravure frontispiece_ page rio de janeiro, showing the beautiful avenida central 4 rio de janeiro as it was in 1903 8 dr. pedro de toledo, minister of agriculture, brazil 12 senador alcindo guanabara, a great literary genius and patriot of brazil 16 the municipal theatre, rio de janeiro 20 baron de rio branco 24 dr. passos 28 a beautiful waterfall at theresopolis 32 antonio prado's coffee estate 32 the station and shed of the goyaz railway, araguary. mr. luiz schnoor and his two engineers 48 typical trees of the brazilian forest, goyaz. the stem devoid of branches and foliage up to a great height 48 author departing from morro da meza, showing style of costume worn during the expedition 56 alcides and filippe the negro 56 goyaz railway in construction: the cut leading to the paranahyba river 64 author's caravan crossing a stream 64 characteristic types of brazilians of the interior. (notice the degenerate faces and development of goitre) 68 a typical village of the province of goyaz 68 picturesque ox-carts of goyaz 76 a home in central brazil 80 a clever automatic pounding machine 80 brazilian pack-saddles 88 a typical village. (the higher building is the church) 88 author's caravan about to cross the river corumba 96 burity palms 96 the president of goyaz and his family. (giant cactus in the background) 100 the main square of goyaz city, showing prison and public library 108 some of the baggage and scientific instruments used by author on his expedition 108 author's six followers 112 view of goyaz city from sta. barbara 120 author's men packing animals 120 some of author's pack animals 128 author's caravan across the immense prairies of matto grosso 144 the araguaya river (looking north) 152 the araguaya (looking south) 152 caraja indian of the upper araguaya river 160 typical flat-topped plateau of central brazil 168 one night's fishing on the araguaya 168 the paredãozinho 176 typical scenery of matto grosso 176 volcanic scenery of matto grosso (chapada in foreground) 184 peculiar formation of central plateau 184 curious domes of lava with upper stratum of earth, sand and ashes 192 great undulating campos of matto grosso 192 typical brazilian plateau, showing work of erosion 200 on the plateau of matto grosso (alcides in foreground) 200 a fine bororo type on a visit to author's camp 208 bororo men, showing lip ornament 216 bororo men 216 bororo indians 224 bororo men (the aprons are not actually worn) 228 bororo warriors 232 bororo warriors 232 the horrors of photography: bororo children 236 bororo chief rattling gourds filled with pebbles, in order to call members of his tribe (_coloured plate_) 238 bororo child showing strong malay characteristics 240 bororo girls 244 bororo girls (side view) 244 bororo women, showing method of carrying children 248 bororos showing formation of hands 248 bororo women 252 bororo women 252 bororos thrashing indian corn 256 a bororo blind woman 256 bororo children 260 bororo women 260 isolated conical hills with tower-like rocky formations on summit 268 the endless campos of matto grosso 268 geometrical pattern on the surface of a flow of lava (caused by sudden contraction in cooling) 272 the observatory at the salesian colony. (padre colbacchini in the foreground) 280 bororo women and children 280 strange formation of volcanic rock 288 volcanic cavities (matto grosso) 288 a vertical mass of solid rock of a brilliant red colour 292 the paredão grande (matto grosso) (_coloured plate_) 294 the paredão grande, showing vertical rocks with great arches 300 mushroom-shaped rocks of volcanic formation 308 a great earthquake fissure in the terrestrial crust (matto grosso) 308 strange geometrical pattern of lava over giant volcanic dome 316 author's troop of animals wading across a shallow stream 324 central cluster of trees and palms in a cuvette (matto grosso) 332 a giant wave of lava 332 strange rock-carvings of matto grosso 336 weird lunar effect witnessed by author (_coloured plate_) 340 a giant quadrangular block of rock 344 rock-carvings in matto grosso 344 a picturesque waterfall on the s. lourenço river 352 a cañon of matto grosso 356 how author's animals rolled down trailless ravines 360 hideous types characteristic of central brazil. two women (left) and two men (right) 364 author's caravan marching across trailless country 368 the roncador river 368 fossil skull of a giant animal discovered by author (side view) 376 fossil skull of giant animal (seen from underneath) 376 a grand rock ("church rock") 384 church rock (side view) 384 quadrangular rocky mountain connected by natural wall of rock with the vertical-sided range in background 388 quadrangular rocky mountain showing rocky wall connecting it with the neighbouring range 392 author's caravan in the heart of matto grosso 392 a giant dome of lava 396 campos and chapada of matto grosso 396 marvellous scenery of the central brazilian plateau. "church rock" standing in the centre (_coloured plate_) 400 a street of diamantino 404 the dogs of the expedition 404 matto-grosso girl, a mixture of portuguese, indian and negro blood 412 brazilian child, a mixture of portuguese and negro 412 map showing author's route 432 map showing the arinos and arinos-juruena rivers 432 chapter i the heart of brazil--brazil, its size and its immense wealth--rio de janeiro--brazilian men of genius--são paulo--the _bandeirantes_--the paulista railway "more than three months to reach the spot?" asked the cinematograph man in amazement. "then perhaps monsieur is on a journey to mars or the moon! there is no spot on earth that takes so long to reach." (hearty laughter at his own wit.) that exclamation, and wise words that follow, came from the assistant of one of the largest firms of cinematograph appliances in paris, where i had called in order to purchase a moving picture apparatus and 10,000 metres of film to be used on my forthcoming journey across the south american continent. the shop assistant had very honestly warned me that if the films were to be used in a damp, tropical climate, they must be exposed and developed within three months of their manufacture. after that time they would become so perforated and fogged as to be quite useless. i had remarked that it would take me more than three months to reach the spot where i should begin to take cinematograph pictures. "will monsieur please tell where is the spot where he would be likely to use the films?" continued the assistant, still overcome with surprise. "in the heart of brazil." "in the heart of brazil ... in the very heart of brazil?... _oh, mon dieu! mon dieu!_" (more laughter and a look of compassion at me.) "_mais nous avons une de nos maisons tout à fait près de là!_" (why, indeed, we have one of our factories quite close to there.) it was then my turn for hearty laughter and the look of compassion. "pray," i inquired, "tell me more exactly. where is your factory close to the heart of brazil?" "it is quite, quite close. it is in montreal, canada.... you will send your films there ... two or three days' journey.... it will take us a week to develop them ... two or three days for their return journey. in a fortnight you will have them back again." quite close, indeed: only a distance of some 65° of latitude--or some 7170 kilometres as the crow flies--with no direct communication by land or water! that was the frenchman's knowledge of geography; but i find that the average englishman, unless he is directly interested in those countries, knows little better, and perhaps even less. time after time i have been asked in london if brazil were not a province of mexico, and whether it is not through brazil that the americans are cutting the panama canal! there are many who have a vague idea that brazil is a german colony; others, more patriotic, who claim it as an english possession. many of those who have looked at the map of the world are under the impression that spanish is spoken in brazil, and are surprised when you tell them that portuguese happens to be the local language. others, more enlightened in their geography by that great play _charley's aunt_, imagine it a great forest of nut trees. others, more enlightened still, believe it to be a land where you are constantly walking in avenues adorned with wonderful orchids, with a sky overhead swarming with birds of beautiful plumage. i have been asked in all seriousness whether i found the andes quite flat--great prairies (the person had heard of the argentine _pampas_ and got mixed up)--or whether "it" was merely a large lagoon! i could quote dozens more of these extreme cases of ignorance, but of one thing i am certain, and that is, that there are few people in the british isles who realize the actual size of the great brazilian republic. brazil is 8,524,778 square kilometres--with the territory of the acre newly acquired from bolivia, 8,715,778 sq. kil. in extent; that is to say, it covers an area larger than the united states of north america, germany, portugal, greece and montenegro taken together. some of the states of the republic are larger than some of the largest countries in europe: such as the state of the amazonas with 1,894,724 sq. kil.; the state of matto grosso with 1,378,784 sq. kil.; the state of pará with an area of 1,149,712 sq. kil.; the state of goyaz with 747,311 sq. kil.; the state of minas geraes with 574,855 sq. kil.; the acre territory, 191,000 sq. kil. there are fewer people still who seriously appreciate the great importance of that beautiful country--with no exception the richest, the most wonderful in the world; to my mind undoubtedly the continent of the future. incalculable is the richness of brazil in mineral wealth. magnificent yellow diamonds are to be found in various regions, those of minas geraes and matto grosso being famous for their purity and extraordinary brilliancy; agates, moonstones, amethysts, emeralds, sapphires, rubies, topazes, and all kinds of beautiful rock crystals are plentiful. gold exists in many regions on the central plateau--but particularly in minas geraes and matto grosso; and platinum in the states of são paulo, minas geraes, sta. catharina and espirito santo; silver, mercury, lead, tin, salicylated and natural copper are found in many places, as well as graphite, iron, magnetic iron, oxide of copper, antimony, argentiferous galena, malachite, manganese oxide, alum, bituminous schist, anthracite, phosphate of lime, sulphate of sodium, hæmatite, monazitic sands (the latter in large quantities), nitrate of potassium, yellow, rose-coloured, and opalescent quartz, sulphate of iron, sulphate of magnesia, potash, kaolin. coal and lignite of poor quality have been discovered in some regions, and also petroleum, but not in large quantities. [illustration: rio de janeiro, showing the beautiful avenida central.] springs of thermal and mineral waters are numerous--particularly those of which the waters are sulphurous or ferruginous; others contain arsenic and magnesia. most beautiful marble of various colours is to be found, and also enormous quantities of mica and amianth; porphyry and porphyroid granite, carbonated and hydroxided iron, argillaceous schist, mica schist. even richer than the mineral wealth is the botanical wealth, hitherto dormant, of brazil. valuable woods occur in many brazilian forests--although it must not for one moment be imagined that entire forests are to be found composed of useful woods. indeed this is not the case. most of the woods are absolutely valueless. still, when it is realized that the forests of brazil extend for several millions of square kilometres, it is easy to conceive that there is plenty of room among a majority of poor trees for some good ones. most brazilian woods are interesting on account of their high specific gravity. few, very few, will float on water. on the central plateau, for instance, i could not find a single wood which floated--barring, under special conditions, the burity palm (_mauritia vinifera_ m.). along the banks of the amazon and in the northern part of brazil this is not quite the case. some brazilian woods, such as the iron-tree (pao-ferro), whose name fitly indicates its character, are of extraordinary hardness. the brazilian forest, although not specially rich in woods for building and naval purposes, is nevertheless most abundant in lactiferous, oliferous, fibrous, medicinal, resinous, and industrial plants--such for instance as can be used for tanning purposes, etc. no country in the world is as rich as brazil in its natural growth of rubber trees; nor have i ever seen anywhere else such beautiful and plentiful palms: the piassava (_attalia fumifera_ m.), the assahy (_euterpe oleracea_ l.), the burity (_mauritia vinifera_ m.), the carnahuberia (_copernicia cerifera_ m.), the palmito (_euterpe edulis_ m.), and many others. i shall give a more detailed description of the most important of these plants as we proceed on our journey and find them in their habitat. where, perhaps, brazil's greatest richness lies is in its hundreds of thousands of square miles of wonderful pasture lands--perfectly ideal, with plenty of excellent water and a delicious climate--capable of some day fattening enough cattle to supply half the world with meat. all these wonderful riches are absolutely dormant; more than that, absolutely wasted for lack of population, for lack of roads, trails, railways, or navigation of the rivers. the coast of brazil is highly civilized, and so, more or less, is the immediate neighbourhood of large cities; but the moment you leave those cities, or the narrow zone along the few hundred kilometres of railways which now exist, you immediately relapse into the middle ages. when you get beyond the comparatively narrow belt of semi-civilization, along the coast, brazil is almost as unknown as mars or the moon. the people who know least the country are, curiously enough, the brazilians themselves. owing greatly to racial apathy, they care little for the trouble of developing their beautiful land. they watch with envy strangers taking gold, diamonds, platinum, and precious stones out of their country. they accuse foreigners of going there to rob them of their wealth; yet you seldom meet a brazilian who will venture out of a city to go and help himself. the brazilian government is now beginning to wake up to the fact that it is the possessor of the most magnificent country on earth, and it is its wish to endeavour to develop it; but the existing laws, made by short-sighted politicians, are considered likely to hamper development for many years to come. brazil is not lacking in intelligent men. indeed, i met in rio de janeiro and s. paulo men who would be remarkable anywhere. councillor antonio prado of s. paulo, for instance, was a genius who had done wonders for his country. the great development of the state of s. paulo compared with other states is chiefly due to that great patriot. then the baron de rio branco--the shrewd diplomatist, who has lately died--has left a monument of good work for his country. the cession of the immensely rich tract of the acre territory by bolivia to brazil is in itself a wonderful achievement. dr. pedro de toledo, the present minister of agriculture, is a practical, well-enlightened, go-ahead gentleman, who makes superhuman efforts, and in the right direction, in order to place his country among the leading states of the two americas. dr. lauro severiano müller, the new minister of foreign affairs, is a worthy successor of baron de rio branco. there are many other persons of positive genius, such as senator alcindo guanabara, a man of remarkable literary ability, and one of the few men in brazil who realize thoroughly the true wants of the republic, a man of large views, who is anxious to see his country opened up and properly developed. another remarkable man is dr. josé carlos rodriguez, the proprietor of the leading newspaper in rio--the _jornal do commercio_--and the organizing genius of some of the most important brazilian commercial ventures. having had an american and english education, dr. rodriguez has been able to establish in rio the best edited and produced daily newspaper in the world. its complete service of telegraphic news from all over the globe--on a scale which no paper, even in england, can equal or even approach--the moderate tone and seriousness of its leading articles, its highly reliable and instructive columns on all possible kinds of subjects by a specially able staff of the cleverest writers in brazil, and the refined style in which it is printed, do great honour to dr. rodriguez. then comes another man of genius--dr. francisco pereira passos, who, with dr. paulo de frontin, has been able in a few years to transform rio de janeiro from one of the dirtiest and ugliest cities in south america into the most beautiful. the great drive around the beautiful bay, the spacious new avenida central--with its parallel avenues of great width--the construction of a magnificently appointed municipal theatre, the heavenly road along the tijuca mountains encircling and overlooking the great harbour, and a thousand other improvements of the city are due to those two men. dr. paulo frontin has also been active in developing the network of railways in brazil. whatever he has undertaken, he has accomplished with great judgment and skill. [illustration: rio de janeiro as it was in 1903.] it would be impossible to enumerate here all the clever men of brazil. they are indeed too numerous. the older generation has worked at great disadvantage owing to the difficulty of obtaining proper education. many are the illiterate or almost illiterate people one finds even among the better classes. now, however, excellent and most up-to-date schools have been established in the principal cities, and with the great enthusiasm and natural facility in learning of the younger generations wonderful results have been obtained. on account partly of the exhausting climate and the indolent life that brazilians are inclined to lead, a good deal of the enthusiasm of youth dies out in later years; still brazil has in its younger generation a great many men who are ambitious and heartily wish to render their country service. it is to be hoped that their efforts may be crowned with success. it is not talent which is lacking in brazil, it is not patriotism; but persistence is not perhaps the chief characteristic among races of portuguese descent. in these days of competition it is difficult to accomplish anything great without labour and trouble. i left london on december 23rd, 1910, by the royal mail steamship _amazon_, one of the most comfortable steamers i have ever been on. we touched at madeira, pernambuco, and then at bahia. bahia seen from the sea was quite picturesque, with its two horizontal lines of buildings, one on the summit of a low hill-range, the other along the water line. a border of deep green vegetation separated the lower from the upper town. a massive red building stood prominent almost in the centre of the upper town, and also a number of church towers, the high dome of a church crowning the highest point. i arrived in rio de janeiro on january 9th, 1911. it is no use my giving a description of the city of rio de janeiro. everybody knows that it is--from a pictorial point of view--quite a heavenly spot. few seaside cities on earth can expect to have such a glorious background of fantastic mountains, and at the same time be situated on one of the most wonderful harbours known. i have personally seen a harbour which was quite as strangely interesting as the rio harbour--but there was no city on it. it was the malampaya sound, on the island of palawan (philippine archipelago). but such an _ensemble_ of nature's wonderful work combined with man's cannot, to the best of my knowledge, be found anywhere else than in rio. it does not do to examine everything too closely in detail when you land--for while there are buildings of beautiful architectural lines, there are others which suggest the work of a pastrycook. to any one coming direct from europe some of the statuary by local talent which adorns the principal squares gives a severe shock. ladies in evening dress and naked cupids in bronze flying through national flags flapping in the wind, half of their bodies on one side, the other half on the other side of the flags, look somewhat grotesque as you approach the statues from behind. but rio is not the only place where you see grotesque statuary--you have not to go far from or even out of london to receive similar and worse shocks. if rio has some bad statues it also possesses some remarkably beautiful ones by the sculptor bernardelli--a wonderful genius who is now at the head of the academy of fine arts in rio. this man has had a marvellous influence in the beautifying of the city, and to him are due the impressive lines of the finest buildings in rio, such as the academy of fine arts. naturally, in a young country like brazil--i am speaking of new brazil, now wide awake, not of the brazil which has been asleep for some decades--perfection cannot be reached in everything in one day. it is really marvellous how much the brazilians have been able to accomplish during the last ten years or so in their cities, on or near the coast. brazilians have their own way of thinking, which is not ours, and which is to us almost incomprehensible. they are most indirect in their thoughts and deeds--a characteristic which is purely racial, and which they themselves cannot appreciate, but which often shocks europeans. for instance, one of the most palatial buildings in the avenida central was built only a short time ago. in it, as became such an up-to-date building, was established a lift. but do you think that the architect, like all other architects anywhere else in the world, would make the lift start from the ground floor? no, indeed. the lift only starts from the second floor up--and, if i remember rightly, you have to walk some thirty-eight steps up a grand staircase before you reach it! do you know why? because the architect wished to compel all visitors to the building to admire a window of gaudy coloured glass half-way up the staircase. in this way they reason about nearly everything. they have not yet mastered the importance and due proportion of detail. frequently what is to us a trifling detail is placed by them in the forefront as the most important point of whatever they undertake. thanks to the strong credentials i carried--among which were letters from h.e. regis de oliveira, brazilian minister in london--i was received in rio de janeiro with the utmost consideration and kindness. from the president of the republic to the humblest citizens, all with no exception treated me with charming civility. my stay in rio was a delightful one. the brazilians of the principal cities were most courteous and accomplished, and it was a great pleasure to associate with them. intense interest was shown by the government of the country and by the people in my plan to cross the continent. dr. pedro de toledo, the minister of agriculture, was specially interested in the scheme, and it was at first suggested that the expedition should be an anglo-brazilian one, and that i should be accompanied by brazilian officers and soldiers. colonel rondon, a well-known and brave officer, was ordered by the government to find suitable volunteers in the army to accompany my expedition. after a long delay, colonel rondon informed me that his search had been unsuccessful. colonel rondon said he would have gladly accompanied the expedition himself, had he not been detained in rio by his duties as chief of the bureau for the protection and civilization of the indians. another officer offered his services in a private capacity, but he having become involved in a lawsuit, the negotiations were suddenly interrupted. [illustration: dr. pedro de toledo, minister of agriculture, brazil.] i endeavoured to find suitable civilians. no one would go. the brazilian forest, they all said, was worse, more impenetrable than any forest in the world. brazilian rivers were broader, deeper and more dangerous than any river on earth. wild beasts in brazil were more numerous and wilder than the wildest animals of africa or asia. as for the indians of central brazil, they were innumerable--millions of them--and ferocious beyond all conception. they were treacherous cannibals, and unfortunate was the person who ventured among them. they told stories galore of how the few who had gone had never come back. then the insects, the climate, the terrible diseases of central brazil were worse than any insect, any climate, any terrible disease anywhere. that is more or less the talk one hears in every country when about to start on an expedition. i had prepared my expedition carefully, at a cost of some £2,000 for outfit. few private expeditions have ever started better equipped. i carried ample provisions for one year (tinned meats, vegetables, 1,000 boxes of sardines, fruits, jams, biscuits, chocolate, cocoa, coffee, tea, etc.), two serviceable light tents, two complete sets of instruments for astronomical and meteorological observations, and all the instruments necessary for making an accurate survey of the country traversed. four excellent aneroids--which had been specially constructed for me--and a well-made hypsometrical apparatus with six boiling-point thermometers, duly tested at the kew observatory, were carried in order to determine accurately the altitudes observed. then i possessed two prismatic and six other excellent compasses, chronometers, six photographic cameras, specially made for me, with the very best zeiss and goertz lenses, and some 1,400 glass photographic plates--including some for colour photography. all articles liable to be injured by heat and damp were duly packed in airand water-tight metal cases with outer covers of wood. then i carried all the instruments necessary for anthropometric work, and painting materials for recording views and scenes in colours when the camera could not be used, as at night or when the daylight was insufficient. i had a complete supply of spades, picks, large saws, axes, and heavy-bladed knives (two feet long) for cutting our way through the forest, making roads and constructing rafts, canoes and temporary bridges. i carried, as usual, very little medicine--merely three gallons of castor oil, a few bottles of iodine, some formiate of quinine, strong carbolic and arsenical soaps, permanganate and other powerful disinfectants, caustic--that was about all. these medicines were mostly to be used, if necessary, upon my men and not upon myself. i had twelve of the best repeating rifles that are made, as well as excellent automatic pistols of the most modern type, and several thousand rounds of ammunition--chiefly soft-nosed bullets. these weapons were carried in order to arm my followers. although i had several first-class rifles for my own use--following my usual custom, i never myself carried any weapons--not even a penknife--upon my person except when actually going after game. again on this occasion--as on previous journeys--i did not masquerade about in fancy costumes such as are imagined to be worn by explorers, with straps and buckles and patent arrangements all over. i merely wore a sack coat with ample pockets, over long trousers such as i use in town. nor did i wear any special boots. i always wore comfortable clothes everywhere, and made no difference in my attire between the brazilian forest and piccadilly, london. when it got too hot, naturally i removed the coat and remained in shirt sleeves; but that was all the difference i ever made in my wearing apparel between london and central brazil. i have never in my life adopted a sun helmet--the most absurd, uncomfortable and grotesque headgear that was ever invented. i find, personally, that a common straw hat provides as much protection as any healthy person requires from the equatorial sun. if i give these details, it is merely because they might be of some use to others--not because i wish to advertise these facts; and also, if i do not give the names of the firms which supplied the various articles, it is because--unlike many other explorers--i have been in the custom of never letting my name be used in any way whatever for advertising purposes. there are many people who are enthusiastic over a dangerous project when they first hear of it, but on thinking it over and talking with friends and relatives their enthusiasm soon wears off. that is what happened in rio. i wasted some time in rio--socially most enjoyably employed--in order to get followers and come to some suitable arrangement with the government. i was deeply indebted to the minister of agriculture, dr. pedro de toledo, for allowing me the free use of all the telegraphs in brazil, and also for a special permission (of which i never availed myself) to use, if necessary, the flotilla of government boats on the amazon. credentials were also furnished me, but owing to the way in which they were worded they were more of a danger to me than a protection. they actually proved to be so once or twice when i was compelled to present them. the expedition was considered so dangerous that the government published broadcast statements in the official and other papers stating that "mr. a. h. savage landor's expedition across brazil was undertaken solely at his own initiative and absolutely at his own risk and responsibility." they also circulated widely the statement that i had promised not in any way to injure or hurt the native indians, that i would not supply them with firearms of any kind, and that i would in no way ill-treat them. i had gladly promised all that. i had not even dreamt of doing any of those things to the natives, and naturally i strictly kept my promise. in a luxurious administration car placed at my disposal by dr. paulo frontin i left rio by the central railway, escorted as far as s. paulo by dr. carlo da fonseca, a railway engineer, sent to look after my comfort by the central brazilian railway company. on approaching s. paulo in the early morning i was much struck by the activity of the waking city as compared with rio. carts were dashing to and fro in the streets, the people walked along fast as if they had something to do, and numerous factory chimneys ejected clouds of smoke, puffing away in great white balls. the people stopped to chat away briskly as if they had some life in them. it seemed almost as if we had suddenly dropped into an active commercial european city. the type of people, their ways and manners were different from those of the people of rio--but equally civil, equally charming to me from the moment i landed at the handsome railway station. with a delicious climate--owing to its elevation--with a population of energetic people chiefly of italian origin, instead of the apathetic mixture of portuguese and negro, s. paulo was indeed the most flourishing city of the brazilian republic. its yearly development was enormous. architecturally it was gradually becoming modified and improved, so that in a few years it will be a very beautiful city indeed. already the city possessed beautiful avenues and a wonderful theatre. [illustration: senador alcindo guanabara, a great literary genius and patriot of brazil.] everybody knows what an important part the enterprising people of s. paulo have played in the expansion and colonization of the central and southern regions of brazil. the early activity of the paulistas--it dates back to 1531--can be traced from the river plate on the south, to the head waters of the madeira in matto grosso on the east, and as far as piantry on the north. i cannot indulge here, as i should like to do, in giving a complete historical sketch of the amazing daring and enterprise of those early explorers and adventurers and of their really remarkable achievements. their raids extended to territories of south america which are to-day almost impenetrable. it was really wonderful how they were able to locate and exploit many of the most important mines within an immense radius of their base. the history of the famous bandeiras, under the command of raposo, and composed of mamelucos (crosses of portuguese and indians) and tupy indians, the latter a hardy and bold race, which started out on slave-hunting expeditions, is thrilling beyond words and reads almost like fiction. the ways of the bandeirantes were sinister. they managed to capture immense numbers of slaves, and must have killed as many as they were able to bring back or more. they managed, therefore, to depopulate the country almost entirely, the few tribes that contrived to escape destruction seeking refuge farther west upon the slopes of the andes. although the brazilians--even in official statistics--estimate the number of pure savage indians in the interior at several millions, i think that the readers of this book will be convinced, as i was in my journey across the widest and wildest part of brazil, that perhaps a few hundreds would be a more correct estimate. counting half-castes, second, third and fourth crosses, and indians who have entirely adopted portuguese ways, language and clothes, they may perhaps amount to several thousand--but that is all. the jesuits endeavoured to save the indians from the too-enterprising bandeirantes, with the result that the missions were destroyed also and the missionaries driven away or killed. brazil occupies to-day in the world's knowledge practically the same position that forbidden tibet occupied some fifteen or twenty years ago. it was easier to travel all over brazil centuries ago than now. the bandeirantes became extraordinarily daring. in 1641 another slave-hunting paulista expedition started out to sack the missions of paraguay and make great hauls of converted indians. the adventurers invaded even the impenetrable territory of the chaco. but, history tells us, the jesuits, who were well prepared for war, were not only able to trap the 400 paulista bandeirantes in an ambuscade and to set free their prisoners, but killed a great number of them, 120 of the adventurous bandeirantes thus supplying a handsome dinner for the cannibal chaco indians. infuriated at the reverse, the survivors of the expedition destroyed all the missions and indian villages upon their passage, not one escaping. they came to grief, however, in the end. few only returned home to tell the tale. that lesson practically ended the slave-hunting expeditions on a large scale of the bandeirantes, but not the expeditions of parties in search of gold and diamonds, many of which were extraordinarily successful. minor expeditions were undertaken in which paulista adventurers were employed under contract in various parts of brazil for such purposes as to fight the indians or to break up the so-called republic of the palmeiras--an unpleasant congregation of negroes and indians. the astonishing success which the dauntless paulistas had obtained everywhere made them thirst for gold and diamonds, which they knew existed in the interior. they set out in great numbers--men, women, and children--in search of wealth and fresh adventure. several of the towns in distant parts of the interior of brazil owe their origin to this great band of adventurers, especially in the section of brazil now called minas geraes. the adventurers were eventually outnumbered and overpowered by swarms of brazilians from other parts of the country, and by portuguese who had quickly arrived in order to share in the wealth discovered by the paulistas. they finally had to abandon the mines which they had conquered at an appalling loss of human life. the ardour of the paulistas was quelled but not extinguished. about the year 1718 they started afresh to the north-west in the direction of the cuyaba river and of goyaz, where they had learnt that gold and diamonds of great beauty were to be found. so many joined in these adventurous expeditions that s. paulo was left almost depopulated. that is how those immense territories of goyaz and matto grosso were discovered and annexed to s. paulo, but eventually, owing to their size, these became split up into _capitaneas_, then into states. the paulistas were great fighters. in 1739 they were able to drive away the spaniards from rio grande do sul and forced them to retreat into uruguay. after many years of vicissitudes in war and exploration--after phases of prosperity, oppression, and even of almost total ruin, owing to maladministration and official greed--things began to look up again for são paulo when the port of santos was thrown open to the trade of the world, in 1808. the history of brazil during the last hundred years is too well known to be repeated here. during the last few years the state of são paulo has attained amazing prosperity, principally from the export of coffee--perhaps the most delicious coffee in the world. although nearly all the rivers of the state of são paulo are absolutely useless for navigation, owing to dangerous rapids, the state is intersected by innumerable streams, large and small--of great importance for purposes of irrigation and for the generation of electric power. the most important harbour in the state is santos. ubatuba, são sebastião, iguape and carranca are ports of less consequence. it is principally from santos that the exportation of coffee takes place. [illustration: the municipal theatre, rio de janeiro.] the state extends roughly in a parallelogram from the ocean, south-east, to the parana river, north-west; between the rio grande, to the north, and the rio paranapanema, to the south, the latter being two tributaries of the parana river. the state can be divided into two distinct zones, one comprising the low-lying lands of the littoral, the second the tablelands of the interior north-west of the serra cadias, serra do paranapiacaba and serra do mar--along or near the sea-coasts. the first zone by the sea is extremely hot and damp, with swampy and sandy soil often broken up by spurs from the neighbouring hill ranges. it is well suited for the cultivation of rice. the second zone, which covers practically all the elevated country between the coast ranges and the parana river, is extraordinarily fertile, with a fairly mild climate and abundant rains during the summer months. during the winter the days are generally clear and dry. it is in that second zone that immense coffee plantations are to be found, the red soil typical of that tableland being particularly suitable for the cultivation of the coffee trees. it is hardly necessary here to go into detailed statistics, but it may be sufficient to state, on the authority of the directoria de estatistica commercial of rio de janeiro, that during the first eleven months of the year 1912, 10,465,435 sacks of coffee were exported from brazil--mostly from são paulo--showing an increase of 548,854 sacks on eleven months of the previous year. that means a sum of £40,516,006 sterling, or £5,218,564 more than the previous year; the average value of the coffee being, in 1912, 58,071 milreis, or, taking the pound sterling at 15 milreis, £3 17_s._ 5½_d._ a sack--an increase in price of 4,628 reis = 6_s._ 2_d._ per sack, on the sales of 1911. the other exports from the state of são paulo are flour, mandioca, cassava, bran, tanned hides, horns, fruit (pineapples, bananas, cocoanuts, abacates (alligator pears), oranges, tangerines, etc.), wax, timber (chiefly jacarandà or rosewood), a yearly decreasing quantity of cotton, steel and iron, mica, goldsmith's dust, dried and preserved fish, scrap sole leather, salted and dry hides, wool, castor seed or bean, crystal, _mate_, rice, sugar, rum (_aguardente_) and other articles of minor importance. the area of the state of são paulo has been put down at 290,876 sq. kil. its population in 1908 was calculated at 3,397,000, and it had then more inhabitants to the square kilometre than any other part of brazil. it is useless to give actual figures of the population, for none are reliable. although this state is the most civilized in brazil, yet a good portion of its western territory is still practically a _terra incognita_, so that even the best official figures are mere guess-work. owing to the wonderful foresight of that great man, antonio prado--to my mind the greatest man in brazil--a new industry has been started in the state of são paulo which promises to be as lucrative and perhaps more so than the cultivation of coffee. it is the breeding of cattle on a gigantic scale, the magnificent prairies near barretos, in the northern part of the state, being employed for the purpose. slaughter-houses and refrigerating plants of the most modern type are to be established there, and with such a practical man as antonio prado at the head of the enterprise, the scheme is bound, i should think, to be a success. with the population of the republic gradually increasing--it could be centupled and there would still be plenty of room for as many people again--the são paulo state will one day supply most of the meat for the principal markets of brazil. a good deal of the cattle which will eventually be raised on the marvellous campos of matto grosso and goyaz, and destined to southern brazilian markets, will find its way to the coast via são paulo. the rest will travel perhaps via minas geraes. for some years cattle breeding has been carried on successfully enough, but on a comparatively small scale, in this state. experiments have been made in crossing the best local breeds, principally the caracù, with good foreign breeds, such as the jersey, durham and dutch stocks. pigs of the berkshire, yorkshire, canasters and tatus type are the favourites in são paulo, and seem to flourish in that climate. sheep-breeding is also successful, and would be even more so if proper care were taken of the animals. of the wool-producing kinds, those preferred are the leicester, merino, oxford and lincoln, the oxford having already produced quite excellent results. the government of the state, i understand, is at present giving great attention to the matter, and is using discrimination in the selection of suitable breeds from foreign countries in order to procure the best animals of various kinds for the production of meat, butter, and hides. i also believe that an endeavour is being made to produce in the state a good breed of horses for military and other purposes. the elevation of são paulo city is 2,450 ft. above the sea level. thanks to the kindness of the president of the paulista railway, a special saloon carriage was placed at my disposal when i left são paulo, and a railway inspector sent to escort me and furnish me with any information i required. i preferred travelling seated in front of the engine, where i could obtain the full view of the interesting scenery through which we were to pass. [illustration: baron de rio branco.] the paulista railway was interesting, as it was the first line in brazil constructed entirely with brazilian capital. the line was begun in 1870, but since that date several extensions have been successfully laid out. up to 1909 the lines owned and worked by the paulista railway were the 1·60-metre-gauge trunk line from jundiahy to descalvado (north of s. paulo), and the two branch lines of the same gauge from cordeiro to rio claro; laranja azeda to s. veridiana; the two branch lines of 0·60 m. gauge from descalvado to aurora and from porto ferreira to s. rita do passo quatro. then they possessed the one-metre trunk line from rio claro to araraquara, with the following branch and extension lines: visconde de rio claro to jahu; araraquara to jaboticabal; bebedouro to barretos; mogy guasso rincão to pontal; s. carlos to s. euxodia and rib. bonita; agudos to dois corregos and piratininga; and the loop line through brotas. of the total charters for 1,114 kil. 261 have been granted by the federal government and are under their supervision, whereas 583 kil. are under charter granted by the state of são paulo. the following statistics taken from the last brazilian year book show the wonderful development of the passenger and goods traffic on the paulista railway:------+-----------+-----------+--------------+------------+----------- | | |goods carried,| | | | passengers| including |transport of|baggage and |line open. | carried. | coffee. | animals. | parcels. -----+-----------+-----------+--------------+------------+----------- |kilometres.| | tons. | | tons. 1872 | 38 | 33,531 | 26,150 | 4,919 | -1890 | 250 | 348,150 | 300,857 | 5,768 | 2,613 1908 | 1,154 | 1,084,081 | 959,742 | 36,072 | 12,558 -----+-----------+-----------+--------------+------------+-----------at jundiahy the paulista company has extensive repairing shops for engines. formerly they had there also shops for building carriages, but these are now constructed at the rio claro station, partly from material which comes from abroad. the rolling stock of the company is excellent in every way--quite up-to-date, and kept in good condition--almost too luxurious for the kind of passengers it has to carry. it is principally after leaving campinas that the scenery of the line is really beautiful--wonderful undulating country--but with no habitations, except, perhaps, a few miserable sheds miles and miles apart. at nueva odena the government is experimenting with russian and italian labourers, for whom it has built a neat little colony. after a time each labourer becomes the owner of the land he has cultivated. i am told that the colony is a success. chapter ii coffee--the dumont railway my object in travelling by the paulista railway was to inspect the line on my way to the immense coffee plantations at martinho prado, owned by conselheiro antonio prado. the estate is situated at an elevation above the sea level of 1,780 ft., upon fertile red soil. it is difficult, without seeing them, to realize the extent and beauty of those coffee groves--miles and miles of parallel lines of trees of a healthy, dark green, shining foliage. a full-grown coffee tree, as everybody knows, varies in height from 6 ft. to 14 or 15 ft. according to the variety, the climate, and quality of the soil. it possesses a slender stem, straight and polished, seldom larger than 3 to 5 in. in diameter, from which shoot out horizontal or slightly oblique branches--the larger quite close to the soil--which gradually diminish in length to its summit. the small white blossom of the coffee tree is not unlike jessamine in shape and also in odour. the fruit, green in its youth, gradually becomes of a yellowish tint and then of a bright vermilion when quite ripe--except in the botucatú kind, which remains yellow to the end. the fruit contains within a pericarp a pulp slightly viscous and sweet, within which, covered by a membrane, are the two hemispherical coffee beans placed face to face and each covered by a tender pellicle. it is not unusual to find a single bean in the fruit, which then takes the shape of an ellipsoid grooved in its longer axis--and this is called _moka_ owing to the resemblance which it bears to the coffee of that name. the coffee chiefly cultivated in brazil is the _arabica_ l. and to a small extent also the _liberica_ hiern, but other varieties have developed from those, and there are crosses of local kinds such as the maragogype, which takes its name from the place where it was discovered (bahia province). those varieties are locally known as creoulo, bourbon, java, botucatú (or yellow bean coffee), the maragogype, and the goyaz. the creoulo, the botucatú and the maragogype are wilder and show more resistance than the java and bourbon sorts, which are nevertheless more productive under good conditions and with careful cultivation, which the first three qualities do not exact. the coffee tree is a most serviceable plant, every part of which can be used. its wood is much used in cabinet making, and makes excellent fuel; its leaves, properly torrefied, and then stewed in boiling water, give a palatable kind of tea; from the sweet pulp of its fruit an agreeable liqueur can be distilled; from its beans can be made the beverage we all know, and from the shells and residue of the fruit a good fertilizer can be produced. the chemical examination of the cinders of the coffee bean shows that it contains 65·25 per cent of potash, 12·53 per cent of phosphoric acid, 11·00 per cent of magnesia, 6·12 per cent of lime, and some traces of sulphuric and salicylic acid, oxide of iron and chlorine. an interesting study has been made by dr. dafert of the weight of the various components of the coffee tree at different ages, from which it appears that the proportion of potash increases progressively in the organs as they are more and more distant from the roots. the contrary is the case with lime and phosphoric acid, which preponderate generally in the seeds. with this knowledge a scientific cultivator can judge exactly how to treat the exigencies of the different trees at different ages. naturally, the condition of the soil has to be taken into consideration in any case. according to experiments made by dr. dafert each kilo of coffee beans has extracted from the soil--potash 0·7880 gramme; phosphoric acid 0·4020 gramme; magnesia 0·3240 gramme; lime 0·1470 gramme. these experiments apply merely to coffee grown in brazil, and are no doubt at variance with experiments on coffee grown elsewhere. taking all things into consideration, it has been proved by chemical analysis that the brazilian coffee comes as near as any in its components to what the normal or perfect coffee should be. the soil, the elevation of the land, the zone and the climate naturally have considerable influence on the quality of the coffee. the _coffea arabica_ seems to feel happy enough in a temperate zone and at elevations from 1,500 to 2,300 ft. the states of são paulo, minas geraes, rio de janeiro and espirito santo fulfil most if not all these conditions. [illustration: dr. passos.] the coffee trees can stand cold--if not of long duration--down to freezing-point, as well as a fairly high temperature. unlike the liberia coffee, they fare better on undulating or broken ground than on the flat. two distinct seasons--the dry and the rainy--each of about six months' duration--such as are found in the above-mentioned states of brazil, seem perfectly to suit the growth of the coffee trees. the trees are in bloom for three or four days some time during the months of september to december. if the rains are not abundant when the trees are in blossom, and during the maturing of the fruits, the latter do not develop properly, especially those at the end of the branches, where the berries become dry before their time or even do not form. if the rain comes too long before the trees are in bloom it causes the blossoms to open before their time and they are frequently spoiled by the cold which follows. the coffee beans are collected in april, during the dry weather. the coffee trees are very sensitive to winds, cold or hot, especially when blowing continuously in the same direction, which causes the undue fall of leaves and rupture of the bark at the neck of the roots. wind, indeed, is one of the most dangerous enemies of coffee trees, and it is to obviate this danger that in many countries--but not in brazil--a protecting plantation in lines of other trees--generally useful fruit trees--is adopted in order to screen the coffee trees from the prevailing wind, as well as to give a further income from the fruit produced. it has been proved that even from good trees below a certain altitude the coffee is of inferior quality, while above that height the crop becomes irregular. in zones fully exposed to the sun the quality is superior to that of regions where the sun does not reach or only reaches for a short portion of the day. the _coffea arabica_ is not particularly exacting in the quality of the soil, but the soil on which it flourishes best is that formed in great part by decomposed vegetable matter--as, for instance, from ancient trees mixed with volcanic earth, such as the famous red earth of the state of são paulo. volcanic cinders also are said to be wonderful fertilizers for the soil, and well adapted for the welfare of coffee trees. one thing is undoubted, and that is that the state of são paulo possesses the ideal soil for coffee plantations. analysis has shown that, curiously enough, the soil of são paulo is not in itself very rich. it has an insufficient quantity of fertilizing substances, particularly of lime; but it should not be forgotten that locality and climatic conditions must be taken into serious consideration, and that we must not be misled by the difference between the apparent and the real fertility of the soil. what would be a poor soil in europe may prove to be an excellent one in a tropical country. so the famous "red earth" of são paulo, which in a drier climate would be sterile and unproductive, is there excellent because of its extremely permeable, porous and powdery qualities. the special terms used for naming the different kinds of earth suitable for the cultivation of coffee are: _terra roxa_ (red earth), _massapé_, _salmorão_, _catanduva_, _terra de areia_ (sand earth), _picarra_ (stony earth), and _pedreguelho_ (stony earth). the _terra roxa_ is an argillaceous, ferruginous earth of diabasic origin, occasionally mixed with sand. it contains salicylic acid, oxide of iron, alumina, phosphoric acid, oxide of manganese, lime, magnesia, potash and soda. the _massapé_, originally decomposed gneiss-granitic rock mixed with clay, contains oxide of iron. its occasional blackness is due to the decomposed vegetable matter it embodies. the _salmorão_ includes in its formation small stones indicating the incomplete decomposition of the rock from which it originates. the _catanduva_--which is of inferior quality--is composed of much disintegrated vegetable matter and fine dust. the names of the other kinds of earth well denote their quality. one reason why coffee cultivation is so popular in brazil is because of the general belief that no trouble is required to look after the trees--a very mistaken notion indeed. there is a marked difference between plantations carefully looked after and those that are not. more than usual care must be taken to select the seed for new plantations. the young plants must get strong in a nursery and then be transplanted into proper soil, the prudent distance between trees being generally from 9 to 12 ft. for the convenience of collecting the beans and keeping the soil clean, a perfect alignment in all directions is necessary. the most suitable month for planting coffee in brazil, according to the authority of dr. dafert, is the month of july. great care must be taken of the trees themselves and of the soil around the trees, which must be kept clean and absolutely free from grass. the capillary roots of the trees extending horizontally near the surface of the soil are much affected by the presence of any other vegetation, and by the collection of insects which this produces and harbours. frost, rain, and the heat of the sun naturally affect the trees more when the soil is dirty than when kept clean. many of the coffee estates suffer considerably from insufficient labour. the effects of this are quickly visible on the trees. artificial fertilization is useful, even necessary after a number of years, and so is careful pruning in order to keep the trees healthy, strong and clean. [illustration: a beautiful waterfall at theresopolis.] [illustration: antonio prado's coffee estate.] coffee trees have many natural enemies--chiefly vegetable and animal parasites--which mostly attack the leaves. the _ramularia goeldiana_, a parasite not unlike the _cercospora coffeicola_, is one of the worst, and undoubtedly the chief offender in brazil, although great is the number of insects prejudicial to the trees. the most terrible of all, perhaps, are the ants and termites, such as the _termes opacus_, which attack and destroy the roots of young trees. the _cupim_ (_termes album_) or white ant, and the _carregador_ or _sauba_, a giant ant with which we shall get fully acquainted later on our journey, are implacable enemies of all plants. also the _quen-quen_, another kind of ant. these ants are so numerous that it is almost an impossibility to extirpate them. various ways are suggested for their destruction, but none are really effective. certain larvæ, flies and cochinilla, owing to their sucking habits, deposit on the leaves and branches a viscous sugary substance, which, on account of the heat, causes fermentation known locally as _fumagina_. this produces great damage. birds pick and destroy the berries when ripe; and caterpillars are responsible for the absolute devastation of many coffee districts in the rio de janeiro and são paulo states. other pests of the _heteroptera_ type attack the roots to such an extent as to cause the death of the trees. among the diseases of the trees are the _aphelencus coffeæ_ and the _loranthus brasiliensis_--the latter a terrible parasite which quickly envelops the stem and branches of the tree and ends by killing it. the collection of the berries is the busiest process in the fazendas, and has to be performed with considerable care, for some of the berries are already ripe and dried when others hidden under the branches have not yet reached the required degree of maturity. an experienced hand can collect from 400 to 450 litres of coffee berries per day. it takes an average of 100 litres of coffee berries to produce 15 kilos of prepared coffee beans ready to be shipped. the crop is not the same every year. after one plentiful crop there generally succeeds one year, sometimes two or three, of poor--almost insignificant--collections, varying according to the care that is taken of the trees and the soil. when once the coffee has been collected and transported to the fazenda in baskets, blankets and sheets, it is necessary to remove the skin and viscous pulpy matter which envelop the beans. this is done partly by maceration in water tanks, and afterwards by drying upon extensive flat terraces, tiled or cemented, and locally called _terreiro_. the process of drying by machinery has not been adopted in brazil; principally because of its high cost. the coffee is first placed for some days in mounds on the terraces, until fermentation of the outer skin begins, which afterwards hastens desiccation when coffee is spread flat in a thin layer on the terraces. when once the coffee berries have been freed from their pulpy envelope and skin, the desiccation--if the weather is propitious--takes place in a few days. care must be taken to move the berries constantly, so that they dry evenly on all sides, as perfect desiccation is necessary in order to preserve the coffee in good condition after it is packed for shipment. there are two ways of preparing coffee for export--the humid and the dry. in the humid process the berries are placed in a special machine called _despolpadore_, which leaves the beans merely covered and held together in couples by the membrane immediately enclosing them after the skin and viscous sugary coating have been removed. those coffees are called in commerce, _lavados_, or washed. the dry process consists, after the berries have been skinned and dried, in removing part of the pulp and membrane in a special machine and a series of ventilators. they are then quite ready for export. the preparation of coffee from the drying terraces is slightly more complicated. the coffee passes through a first ventilator, which frees it from impurities such as earth, stems, stones, filaments, etc.; from this it is conveyed by means of an elevator into the _descascador_, where the membrane is removed. subsequently it passes through a series of other ventilators, which eliminate whatever impurities have remained and convey the coffee into a polishing machine (_brunidor_). there the coffee is subjected to violent friction, which not only removes the last atoms of impurity but gives the beans a finishing polish. the coffee is then ready for the market. i spent a most instructive day inspecting the fazenda of conselheiro antonio prado and having things clearly explained by his intelligent overseer, mr. henrique p. ribeiro. from that place i drove across country, through endless groves of coffee trees--for miles and miles--as far as the next great coffee estate, belonging to the dumont company, an english concern, with an authorized capital of £800,000, the estates being valued at £1,200,000. it is not often one sees an estate so beautifully managed and looked after in a country like brazil. the buildings, the machinery, the "drying terraces," everything was in capital order. to indicate on what scale the company does business, it will be sufficient to state that in 1911 the coffee crop amounted to 109,368 cwts., which realized on a gross average 56_s._ 10½_d._ per cwt. this crop was not as plentiful as in the previous year, when 110,558 cwts. were harvested. the gross profit for the year up to june 21st, 1911, was £123,811 2_s._ 5_d._, which, less london charges, still showed the substantial sum of £119,387 11_s._ 8_d._ there had been a considerable rise in the rate at which coffee was sold in 1911--viz., 56_s._ 10½_d._ per cwt. as compared with 41_s._ 8½_d._ the previous year; but notwithstanding the high price, the high rate of exchange, and the cost of laying the coffee down in london--which had risen on the estate by 1_s._ 11½_d._ and by 1_s._ 3½_d._ in respect of charges between the estate and london, the company had been able to earn a profit of 20_s._ 4¾_d._ per cwt. i was taken round the estate by mr. j. a. davy, the general manager, whose good and sensible work was noticeable at every turn. the trees seemed in excellent condition and likely to have a long life on the specially suitable rich red soil, and with sufficient breathing space allowed to maintain them in good health. the soil was of such unusual richness in that particular spot that no artificial stimulation was required in order to keep the trees healthy and vigorous. one could walk for miles and miles along the beautiful groves of coffee trees, clean-looking with their rich deep green foliage. they seemed to have no great difficulty on the dumont estate in obtaining sufficient labour--greatly, i think, owing to the fair way in which labourers were treated. mr. davy told me that over an area of 13,261 acres a crop had been maintained which averaged 8¼ cwts. per acre. experiments have also been made on the dumont estate (at an elevation of 2,100 ft. above the sea level)--chiefly, i believe, to satisfy the wish of shareholders in london--in the cultivation of rubber, but it did not prove a success--as was, after all, to be expected. it is not easy to make the majority of people understand that coffee grows lustily in that particular part of the state of são paulo mainly because of the eminently suitable quality of the soil; but it does not at all follow that soil or climatic conditions which are good for coffee are suitable for rubber trees, or vice versa. in the case of the dumont estates, although the best possible land was chosen and three different varieties of rubber--the pará, ceará and the castilloa were experimented with, it was soon discovered that only one kind--the ceará--attained any growth at all, and this gave very little latex--owing undoubtedly to the nature of the soil and the climate. the cost of extracting the latex was prohibitive. with wages at four shillings a day a man could collect about one-third of a pound of latex a day. rubber trees could, in that region, not be expected to produce more than one-fifth of a pound of rubber a year, so that the cost of collecting and shipping rubber from ten-year-old trees would amount to 3_s._ 3_d._ per lb., without counting the cost of planting and upkeep. by a special train on the dumont railway line i travelled across beautiful country--all coffee plantations--the property of the dumont company and of colonel schmidt, the "coffee king," whose magnificent estate lies along the dumont railway line. i regretted that i could not visit this great estate also, but i was most anxious to get on with my journey and get away as soon as possible from civilization. it was pleasant to see that no rivalry existed between the various larger estates, and i learnt that the dumont railway actually carried--for a consideration, naturally--all the coffee from the schmidt estate to the riberão preto station on the mogyana railway. chapter iii on the mogyana railway i arrived at riberão preto at 3.45 p.m. on march 29th. riberão preto--421 kil. n.n.w. of são paulo and 500 kil. from santos--is without doubt the most important commercial centre in the northern part of the state of são paulo, and is a handsome active city, neat and clean-looking, with an italian, spanish and portuguese population of some 25,000 souls. its elevation above the sea level is 1,950 ft. the people of riberão preto subsist chiefly on the coffee industry. there are one or two theatres in the city, the principal being a provincial one. there are several hotels of various degrees of cleanliness and several industrial establishments. unlike other cities of the interior, riberão preto boasts of a good supply of _agua potavel_ (drinking water), and the town is lighted by the electric light. the value of land in the vicinity of riberão preto varies from 300 milreis to 1,500 milreis for the _alqueire_, a price far superior to that of other localities on the same line, where cultivated land can be purchased at 300 milreis an _alqueire_ and pasture land at 100 milreis. at riberão preto i was to leave the dumont railway. special arrangements had been made for me to meet at that station a special administration car which was to be attached to the ordinary express train on the mogyana railway line. i had been warned at the dumont estate that a brass band had been sent to the riberão preto station, where some notabilities were awaiting my arrival in order to greet me with the usual speeches of welcome. as i particularly dislike public speaking and publicity, i managed to mix unseen among the crowd--they expecting to see an explorer fully armed and in khaki clothes of special cut as represented in illustrated papers. it was with some relief that i saw them departing, with disappointed faces, and with their brass instruments, big drums and all, after they had entered the luxurious special car placed at my disposal by the mogyana railway and found it empty--i humbly watching the proceedings some distance away from the platform. thanks to the splendid arrangements which had been made for me by dr. josé pereira rebonças, the president of the mogyana, i was able to take a most instructive journey on that line, the traffic superintendent, mr. vicente bittencourt, having been instructed to accompany me and furnish all possible information. a few words of praise are justly due to the mogyana line for the excellence of the service and the perfection of the rolling stock. i inspected the entire train and was amazed to find such beautiful and comfortable carriages, provided with the latest improvements for passengers of all classes. it is seldom i have seen in any country a train look so "smart" as the one in which i travelled from riberão preto to the terminus of the line. the appointments of every kind were perfect, the train ran in excellent time, and very smoothly over well-laid rails. the special car in which i travelled was "palatial and replete with every comfort," if i may use the stock words invariably applied to railway travelling. here are a few interesting points regarding the mogyana railway. by a provincial law (são paulo) of march 21st, 1872, a guaranteed interest of 7 per cent on a capital of 3,000,000 milreis was granted for ninety years for the construction of a railway of 1 metre gauge from campinas to mogymirim, and of a branch line to amparo, to the north-east of campinas and due east of inguary. by a similar law of march 20th, 1875, a guaranteed interest was granted for thirty years as to the capital of 2,500,000 milreis for a prolongation of the line to casa blanca. by a provincial law (minas geraes) of october 1st, 1881, another guarantee was granted of 7 per cent for thirty years, upon a maximum capital of 5,000,000 milreis, for a continuation of the railway through the provincial territory from the right bank of the rio grande to the left bank of the paranahyba river. finally, by a provincial contract of minas geraes of october, 1884, a further guarantee was granted of 7 per cent for thirty years, on a maximum capital of 5,000,000 milreis, for the construction of the prolongation of the railway from its terminal point at the rio grande as far as the paranahyba via the city of uberaba. in view of other important concessions obtained, one may consider that the mogyana company is perhaps the most important railway concern in brazil, up to the present time. it does great credit to brazilians that the railway was constructed almost entirely by capital raised on bonds in brazil itself, the only foreign loan issued in london being a sum raised amounting merely to £341,000 at an interest of 5 per cent. between the years 1879 and 1886 the company returned to the government of são paulo the interests received, thus liquidating its debt. a decree of october 18th, 1890, fixed the capital spent on the rio grande line and a branch to caldas at 4,300,000 milreis gold and 1,853,857.750 milreis paper as guarantee of the interest of 6 per cent conceded by the national treasury. in the year 1900 the value of interests received amounted to 3,190,520.418 milreis in paper, and 1,963,787.300 milreis in gold, out of which 544,787.300 milreis were in debenture bonds. on the same date the value of interests repaid to the national treasury amounted to 1,606,578.581 milreis in paper currency. the federalized lines of the company were: from riberão preto to rio grande (concession of 1883); from rio grande to araguary (concession of 1890); with a total extension of 472 kil., and a branch line from cascavel to poço de caldas, 77 kil., the last 17 kil. of which were in the province of minas geraes. the extension from rio grande to araguary, 282 kil., was also situated in the province of minas geraes. having dodged the expectant crowd at the station unnoticed, i did not go with the traffic superintendent, mr. vicente bittencourt, into the luxurious special car as the train was steaming out of the riberão preto station, but preferred to travel in front of the engine so as to get a full view of the beautiful scenery along the line. we went at a good speed over gentle curves rounding hill-sides, the grass of which bent under a light breeze. here and there stood a minute white cottage--almost toy-like--where coffee gatherers lived. on the left we had a grandiose undulating region--what the americans would call "rolling country"--combed into thousands of parallel lines of coffee trees, interrupted at intervals by extensive stretches of light green grazing land. only now and then, as the engine puffed and throbbed under me, did i notice a rectangle of dried brownish yellow, where the farmers had grown their indian corn. these patches were a great contrast to the interminable mass of rich dark green of the coffee trees and the light green of the prairies. near these patches--prominently noticeable in the landscape because so scarce--one invariably saw groups of low whitewashed or red-painted houses, mere humble sheds. where the land was not yet under cultivation--quite a lot of it--low scrub and stunted trees far apart dotted the landscape. on nearing villages, as the express dashed through, goats stampeded in all directions: sleepy women and men looked at the train half dazed as it went by, and children, with quite a characteristic gesture, screened their eyes with their elbows to protect them from the dust and wind the train produced. i was astonished to notice how many fair-haired children one saw--curious indeed in a population of latin races and negroes. that golden hair, however, seemed gradually to grow darker, and became almost black in the older people. hideous barbed-wire fences gave a certain air of civilization to those parts, but the landscape was nevertheless getting desolate as we proceeded farther north. except in the immediate vicinity of habitations, one felt the absolute lack of animal life. only rarely did we see a black bird of extraordinary elongated form dash frightened across the railway line, much too fast for me to identify to which family it belonged. one could not help being impressed by the immensity of the landscape, endless sweeping undulation after undulation spreading before us, but not a real mountain in sight. it was like a solid ocean of magnified proportions. just above the horizon-line a large accumulation of globular clouds of immaculate white intensified the interesting colour-scheme of greens and yellows on the earth's surface to its full value by contrast. the large proportion of cultivated land which had impressed me so much in the vicinity of riberão preto gradually diminished; and at sunset, by the time we had reached batataes, only 48 kil. farther on, hardly any more coffee plantations were visible. only fields of short grass spread before us on all sides. an occasional bunch of trees hiding a humble farmhouse could be perceived here and there, but no other sign of life upon the immense, silent, green undulations of symmetric curves, not unlike enormous waves of the sea. farther north upon the mogyana line, land seemed to diminish in price considerably. its quality was not so good, especially for coffee plantations. at batataes, for instance, 548 kil. by rail from the coast, prices were cheaper. good land for cultivation could be obtained at 200 milreis, and campos at 25 milreis an alqueire. such low prices were general north of riberão preto, although naturally they were likely to increase as the country got slowly opened up with new roads and railroads. away from the railway the price of land was much lower. one thing that particularly struck the traveller straying in those parts was the poverty of all the minor towns and villages. the industrial development of the larger settlements consisted merely of a distillery of "fire-water" (_aguardente_), or, if the city were modern and up-to-date, of a brewery, the only two profitable industries in those regions. batataes--according to brazilian statistics--was stated to "_deve ter_"--"it should have perhaps" some 5,000 inhabitants. the zone around it was said to be suitable for coffee growing; in fact, the municipality possessed much machinery for the preparation of coffee. at 7.50 p.m. punctually--as she was due--the engine steamed into the franca station, where the train was to halt for the night. the passenger traffic was not yet sufficiently extensive on that line to allow trains to travel continuously during the twenty-four hours. passenger trains ran only in the daytime. i was treated with the greatest consideration while travelling on the mogyana. not only was the administration saloon car, containing a comfortable bedroom, placed at my disposal, but telegrams had been sent all along the line with orders to supply me with anything i required. at franca, much to my surprise, i found an imposing dinner of sixteen courses waiting for me in the station hotel--with repeated apologies that they were distressed they could not produce more, as the telegram announcing my arrival had been received late. on no account whatever was i allowed--as i wished--to pay for anything. i was rather interested to watch in the station restaurant the wonderful mixture of people who had assembled: priests, monks, railway porters, commercial travellers--some black, some white, some a combination of the two--all sitting together in a jovial manner sipping coffee or devouring a meal. the city of franca itself, 2 kil. away from the station, 617 kil. from the sea at santos, 528 kil. from são paulo, was in the most remote northerly corner of the state of são paulo, and had a population of 9,000 people or thereabout. the electric light had been installed in the town, and there was a theatre. much difficulty was experienced in obtaining sufficient water for the needs of the population. in the municipality there existed a number of machines for use in the rice and the coffee culture, as well as two steam saws, a butter, and a sugar factory. there were several trails--so-called roads--branching off from this town and leading to borda de matta, garimpo das canoas, potrocinio do sapucahy, s. josé da bella vista, etc. the climate was healthy and delightful. while i was there the fahrenheit thermometer registered 76° at an elevation of 3,450 feet. with a fairly good soil, the municipality could produce cereals in plenty under proper cultivation. land was cheap enough in that region--150 milreis per alqueire for good land for cultivation, and 25 to 30 milreis per alqueire for campos. we proceeded on our journey north the next morning, passing through indaya, 3,450 ft. above the sea level--a settlement boasting of two houses upon the highest point of the railway line in the state of são paulo. we were nearing the rio grande, or great river, which, flowing in a westerly direction, formed in that region the northern boundary of the state of são paulo with the state of minas geraes. as we got near the river a greater lack of cultivation was noticeable, with more extensive zones of wooded country, especially in the depressions of the land. the undulations of the landscape were more accentuated as we approached the minas geraes province. clouds hung low in the valleys, and we occasionally went through banks of mist not unlike those of scotland. at chapadão the ground was more "_accidenté_"--to use an appropriate french expression--with deep depressions and indentations in the surface soil caused by erosion. the high land on which we had been travelling between franca and igaçaba, the station after chapadão, gave birth on the west to several important tributaries of the rio grande, enumerated below, from south to north; the rio salgado, the rio do carmo, riberão ponte nova, rib. bandeira, rio da soledade, rib. s. pedro; on the east was the rib. s. jesus, also a tributary of the rio grande. as the train sped down the incline towards the rio grande we were now treated to magnificent scenery on our right. an isolated hill stood at the bottom of the valley with higher mountains on either side of it, and, beyond, a high flat-topped plateau. the railway line skirted snake-like along the hill-side. the hill-tops were getting more rounded and fairly thickly wooded. as we got to a lower elevation the isolated hill assumed the appearance of an elephant's back. a grassy valley several miles wide opened up before us. at rifaina station we had reached the level of the banks of the rio grande, that is to say, 1,950 ft. above the sea level. the valley of the river was formed, in this case also, by erosion which had left isolated hills in terraces, one with as many as six distinct terraces, others with rounded backs, but all plainly showing in their stratification, which was identical with that of the surrounding elevations, that in former days there stood, where the valley was now, a plateau which had subsequently been gradually eroded by the action of water and wind. having crossed the river, we arrived at jaguara--we were now travelling in the minas geraes province--where a breakfast awaited us of rice, pork, dried beef, as hard as leather, omelette with shrimps (a much cherished dish in those parts), beans, mandioca, and coffee. black railway porters, firemen and engine drivers all sat round the table and ate heartily, the meal costing 2 milreis, or about 2_s._ 8_d._ the railway ran almost parallel with the river on the north side round the immense curve which the rio grande describes in that particular section. we passed sacramento (elev. 1,850 ft.), and, in numerous curves, the railway rose by a gradient of 3½ per cent among hills seemingly worn out by torrential rains into rounded shapes with huge gaps between. we left the rio grande, there about 100 yards wide with thickly wooded banks and islands. at conquista we had already again reached an elevation of 2,350 ft., but we still continued to rise by a gradient of 2½ to 3 per cent, until a pass was reached from which two exquisite panoramas were obtained. one, particularly interesting, looked over conquista with its whitewashed houses--some 250 of them--and red-tiled roofs against the background formed by the rugged sides of the natural cauldron worn in the tableland by erosion. at 538 kil., 2,700 ft. above the sea level, a view was obtained of a small coffee plantation, but most of the country around was scantily wooded, grassy in places, barren in others. the railway, having descended to 2,500 ft., rose again to 2,900 ft. near paneiras station. then, through beautiful grazing country, gently undulating, we descended and mounted and went round sweeping curves, which formed in places regular loops not unlike a horseshoe. two pits producing a considerable quantity of lime existed some 2 kil. from paneiras. weak attempts were noticeable here and there at growing coffee. we were now in an eminently wonderful pasture land--getting more and more beautiful as we neared uberaba, where we found ourselves on almost flat country at an elevation of 2,900 ft., with hardly any trees at all and with a delicious climate. the town of uberaba, with some 12,000 people, was situated at a slightly lower elevation--only 2,700 ft. [illustration: the station and shed of the goyaz railway, araguary. mr. luiz schnoor and his two engineers.] [illustration: typical trees of the brazilian forest, goyaz. the stem devoid of branches and foliage up to a great height.] uberaba was perhaps the most important distributing centre in the western part of minas geraes, for many trails branched from that place to various distant points in the farther interior. the most important trail was the one to sta. rita do paranahyba, thence to the capital of goyaz province via marrinhos and allemão; whence a second trail went to fructal via conceiçao das alagaos; a third, to sant' anna do paranahyba, going on the whole almost due west, but with great deviations, went almost across south america as far as pulacayo, in bolivia, crossing first the state of matto grosso in its southern and narrower point via coxim and corumba, then all bolivia, eventually joining the la paz-antofagasta railway line at uyum (pulacayo is connected by rail to uyum), and ending at the pacific ocean. another trail led to monte alegre; yet another to uberabinha--although the railway had already connected that town with uberaba. this last trail continued, making great detours, to bagagem, then to patrocino, from which place it deviated due north to paracatú, where three ramifications occurred: one to sta. lucia, pyrinopolis, and goyaz (capital); the second to jamarria, jocaré (on the san francisco river), and carrinhan (on the carinhaha river, a tributary of the san francisco), and eventually by water to the atlantic ocean; the third trail proceeded due east--across the s. francisco river to montes claros and grão mogol; a fourth in a south-easterly direction led to curvelho and sta. lucia, where it met the railway to rio de janeiro. another route proceeded south to sta. rita do paraiso. the price of land--which was excellent in the valley of the river--in the vicinity of uberaba was from 30 to 150 milreis per alqueire--each alqueire being reckoned at 10,000 square braças, and a braça being about 6½ ft., or a little over two metres. after leaving uberaba the scenery was magnificent, especially when a storm approached as we were steaming over the serra de caracol. dense black clouds collected and capped the dark green forest of the serra, while down, down below on our right the endless gently undulating plain of fresh green grass was brilliantly illuminated by a warm dazzling sun. most beautiful grazing land--practically going to waste now--we crossed on reaching the highest point of the serra; grass, grass, as far as the eye could see--quite flat land--but not a head of cattle in sight; in fact, no sign of animal life, and a stillness of death except for the puffing of the railway engine on which i sat. water, however, did not seem to abound--only a small stream, near which curious-looking patches, or _bosquets_ of trees lay in dark spots on that light green expanse. we were then at an elevation of 3,400 ft., amid delightfully cool and crisp air. at burity passed the great route of the cattle dealers from goyaz and matto grosso for sta. rita, passos, and tres corações do rio verde. at palestina (845 kil. from the sea) we were on what seemed an interminable flat plateau with ideally green grass, and here and there patches of stunted vegetation. land could be purchased there as low as 10 milreis an alqueire, although the best land cost from 50 to 300 milreis. all was absolutely flat until we reached sicupira (elev. 3,100 ft. above the sea level), where we began to descend to the rio uberabinha, its delightfully clear crystalline water winding its way through scrub. at uberabinha we again came across the wonderful red earth of the riberão preto district. situated at an elevation of 3,050 ft. stood the little town of some 4,000 inhabitants, about 500 yards from the comfortable and pretty station. although the land was beautiful, cultivation could not be said to be prevalent. merely some rice, beans, and indian corn were grown in small quantities. from uberabinha the railway line descended all the time through thinly wooded country of shrubs and stunted trees; the verdant prairies, so refreshing to the eyes, were left behind, and the country became more broken, but the land was still excellent for agricultural purposes. after crossing a well-constructed iron bridge resting on two masonry pillars and spanning the picturesque rapids of the rio das velhas--the river, with its turbid, muddy, nasty-looking water, being there some 80 yards wide, at an elevation of 2,050 ft. above the sea level--we again began a steep ascent by a gradient of over 3 per cent, following most of the time the river course. the thickly wooded banks obstructed a good deal of the view except here and there, where a charming glimpse of the water could be obtained. seven hundred and eighty-nine kilometres from campinas--or 982 kil. from the atlantic ocean at santos--we arrived at the terminal station of the mogyana railway at a place called araguary, 3,150 ft. above the sea level--one of the dirtiest and most unpleasant spots on the face of the earth. the termini of railway lines in newly developed countries seem to act like filters. whatever is good passes through; only the impurities or dregs remain. chapter iv the terminus of the railway--an unpleasant incident--the purchase of animals--on the march with the caravan a great crowd had assembled at the station. the train had hardly stopped when my car was invaded by boisterous people, who embraced me and patted me on the back in the most approved brazilian style. before i could inquire who they were, one fellow, more boisterous than the others, informed me that he had purchased a great many mules for me, that he had engaged men for me, and also procured riding and pack-saddles, harness, implements, clothing and bedding for the men he had engaged, and i do not know what else. everything was paid for. i could return the sum paid out the next day. another man said he had already prepared a sumptuous apartment for me in the best hotel in the town. when asked who had instructed them to make such arrangements, they were vague, and on being pressed for an answer gave names of people of whose existence i was perfectly ignorant. before i could realize what all this meant i discovered--much to my annoyance--that all my baggage had been taken out of the train and had been conveyed to the hotel. i was therefore compelled to proceed there myself, in the company of my new "friends," who shouted everything they had to say at the top of their voices, so that i should not fail to understand. it was already night, and the streets of the town were in such a terrible condition that the overladen carriage--there were people on all the seats, on the box and standing on the steps--nearly turned over on going round corners. the wheels sank up to their axles in mud. we pulled up at the hotel door, where another crowd of loafers had assembled. i was literally dragged into the hotel--for i had become somewhat reluctant, first on seeing the appearance of the place, then on being met by waves of a nauseating odour which suggested the non-existence of sanitary arrangements and worse. "come in, come in!... wait here!" shouted they in a most excited manner, when i expressed a wish to inspect the palatial quarters which they had been good enough to reserve for me. "wait a moment!" shouted the landlord, a slumbering, disjointed, murderous-looking creature, whose violent gestures and waving of hands in front of my face were somewhat irritating. he dashed into a room on the ground floor--and we outside could hear an altercation between the loud-voiced proprietor and the plaintive moans of a half-dying man. a moment later the half-dying man, skeleton-like, with livid eyes, a complexion the colour of a lemon gone bad, and quivering bare legs, was literally dragged out of the bed and roughly thrown out of the door. "here is your room!" cried the landlord triumphantly to me, as he flung out of that apartment some cheap canvas bags, clothes--which from birth had been innocent of washing and pressing--and the socks, shoes, and day shirt of the guest who had been ejected. the odour alone, as i peeped into the room, was enough to stifle any one with the sense of scent even less delicate than my own. as for the vacant bed--any pariah dog of any other country would have been offended to be offered such filthy accommodation. in brazil--as elsewhere--it does not do to lose one's calm. i also wished to avoid an unpleasant quarrel, as i have a belief that quarrels are bad for one's health. i spoke gently and kindly to the hotel-keeper, and said that, although i had ordered nothing, still, as he had kindly reserved that charming apartment for me, i should be very pleased to pay for it, which i would do at once. if he would excuse me, i preferred to go back to sleep in my private car. upon hearing these words a nasty tragi-comic scene occurred, which, had i not remained cool and collected, might have ended badly. "do you know, sir," shouted the landlord, with livid features and eyes shooting out of their orbits, so enraged was he--"do you know that i am the chief of police here, and that everybody is afraid of me? i have only to give orders and every one will kill any one i like." here he discontinued shaking his somewhat grimy hands under my nose and, drawing himself up, stood upon the doorstep of the hotel in order to harangue the great crowd which had collected. "we are all millionaires in brazil," shouted the landlord, with an effort which seriously impaired the safety of his fully-congested jugular vein. "we are all atheists and anarchists in brazil. down with the infamous oppression and slavery of europe! down with kings and emperors! down with europe, the land of oppression and cruelty!" and again: "we in brazil are the richest people on earth. we are all millionaires in brazil. we do not need foreign charity!" "down with foreigners!" answered the chorus of assembled natives. the railway inspector who had been sent by the company to accompany me became scared at the turn matters were taking, and told me, against the instructions he had received, that i could not now return to the car. upon hearing this, my new friends, believing they had me in their power, renewed their vocal attack. i remained some time endeavouring to collect my baggage, pretending to pay no attention whatever to the absurd oratory. to this day i cannot yet grasp what the oppression of europe had to do with my wanting to pay for something i had never had. i then repeated my offer, which was again refused. with the protection of his strong rear-guard, the chief of police advanced bravely towards me, holding in a suggestive manner with his right hand the pommel of his revolver in the back pocket of his trousers. in a tragic manner he exclaimed: "we will settle this matter, to-morrow." "we will settle it at once," i placidly replied. "no, to-morrow," he repeated, with a vicious look. "very good: at what time and where?" "at ten o'clock," he eventually grunted, after i had repeated the above question four times. i also politely invited all the others present to come forward if they had any claims to square. i was quite ready to settle anybody at any time and anywhere. perhaps they might get more than they wished. i departed with my baggage laden on two carriages and a cart, and eventually found accommodation at an equally filthy hotel near the station--only the latter place was kept by a humble and honest, decrepit old woman. i do not know that i have ever spent a more miserable evening anywhere. i do not mind roughing it in the roughest way possible, but i have always detested pretentious efforts at civilization of an inferior kind. thus i sat having a meal--eggs, beans, rice--all soaked in _toucinho_ (pork fat) which i detest and loathe. i watched black railway workmen and porters stuffing themselves with food in a most unappetizing way, and making disgusting noises of all kinds. fortunately i remembered that a friend of mine--a railway contractor, mr. louis schnoor--must be at that time in araguary, looking after the construction of the new railway line which will eventually join araguary to the capital of goyaz. i went in search of him, stumbling along the terrible roads with deep holes and pools of water and mud. as luck would have it, i was able to purchase from him, that very same evening, a number of excellent mules, which he very generously had offered to place at my disposal without payment. also he promised to supply me with two reliable men--a job not at all easy in that particular part of brazil. [illustration: author departing from morro da meza, showing costume worn during the expedition.] [illustration: alcides. filippe the negro.] mr. louis schnoor--a brazilian of german extraction--was a godsend to me. thanks to him, i returned that night quite happy to the miserable hotel. happy, because in less than half an hour i had arranged to leave that pestilential hole the following day. mr. schnoor had kindly undertaken that he would send me, at eleven o'clock the next morning, in a special train to the end of the line in construction, some 45 kil. farther north. in a town of gentle folks like araguary the luxury of sleeping with one's window open could not be indulged in--especially as nearly all the houses were one storey high. so the night was rendered particularly oppressive and long, tormented as you were in your bed by its innumerable inhabitants, which stung you all over. i had taken the precaution to spread a waterproof sheet under my own blankets on the bed, but that, too, proved ineffective. mosquitoes were numerous. no sanitary arrangements to speak of existed in araguary, so that everything was flung out of the windows into the streets, which made walking about the town most objectionable. the odour everywhere was revolting, as can well be imagined. the city was nevertheless considered by the natives as all that is most perfect in the way of civilization, for not only did it possess a few anæmic electric lights--so far apart as to be a nuisance instead of a help in seeing one's way about--but also, behold! it actually boasted of a spasmodic cinematograph. there were some 500 houses, all counted, at araguary, all more or less miserable-looking, and a population of some 2,500 souls--"lost souls," i should think. slowly, very slowly came the next morning, march 31st. at ten o'clock sharp i called on the chief of police at his hotel, and found that he had departed early in the morning and was not to be expected back for some hours! a charming way of keeping an appointment which he was so anxious to bring about. in the company of mr. louis schnoor i also called on the persons who said they had made arrangements for my expedition, as i did not wish to have any misunderstanding in the matter. far from having purchased mules, horses, saddles and harness, they could produce nothing on demand, and finally asked me to remain in araguary for one month--fancy one month in araguary!--so that they could produce their purchases. as i was driving in mr. schnoor's carriage we met, a long way from his home and hotel, the chief of police and hotel proprietor. i immediately dismounted and informed that gentleman of my visit at the appointed time. i also demanded that whatever he wished me to settle must be settled at once. "nothing at all," said he, shaking me warmly by the hand. "you owe me nothing. it was all a mistake. it was all a mistake. please do not think of it any more. you owe me nothing, nothing, nothing. if i can be of use to you, pray order me! i am your humble servant." and his delightful politeness was such that i could hardly realize it was the same vicious man of the previous evening. in my surprise i had to turn to mr. schnoor to inquire whether i had got hold of the wrong man. yes, indeed. some of those fellows of central brazil were a remarkable mixture of villainy and charm--in chemical language one might describe them as sublimates of rascality and delightful manners. however, good manners or not, i had taken such a dislike to the place that i was glad when eleven o'clock came and mr. schnoor conveyed me to the special train--an engine and one car. i inspected the new station of the goyaz railway, which was already finished--a useful, well-constructed building, quite sufficient for its needs. in the company of mr. schnoor, his chief engineer, mr. schirmer and mr. bertoux, we left araguary--oh, what a relief!--for the end of the line, 45 kil. away. i had decided to go and wait there in the open country the few hours which would be necessary to collect the men who were to accompany me, and the mules. the work on that portion of the goyaz line which was already laid was well and quickly done. mr. schnoor assured me that in four or five months more they expected to run trains to catalão. an iron bridge will eventually be built across the paranahyba river, within a short distance of which the line had already been laid when i was there. some delay had been experienced in making a deep cut on the south side of paranahyba hills, where the strata had been found much harder than expected. i camped for a day and a half at morro da meza, a lovely spot at an elevation of 2,850 ft., from whence an immense panorama could be enjoyed. what a relief this heavenly place was after araguary, and how everlastingly grateful i shall be to my friend mr. schnoor for having deposited me there! i took the opportunity of the solitude to rearrange my baggage. on april 1st my good friend schnoor reappeared to see that all arrangements were satisfactory for my departure. morro da meza will ever remain present in my mind, for it was my jumping-off place into the wilds. it was from there that the actual marching on horseback and on foot began, and it was there i last saw a railway train for the best part of a year. on april 1st, at 4 p.m., i left morro da meza, went through the new railway cut in preparation, crossed the paranahyba river (at an elevation of 1,970 ft. above the sea level), and made my camp on the opposite side of the stream at anhãnguera (elev. 2,100 ft. above sea level) in the railway engineers' camp, 800 yards away from the water. the engineers, an italian, mr. schnoor's father-in-law, and a russian--a mr. martens--showed me every possible civility. a curious incident occurred while we were having dinner. the day was a holiday, and the workmen on the line were resting. we were sipping our coffee, when a man entered our hut and said a companion of his had been shot. we rushed to see him, and we found that the poor wretch had had his skin perforated in eight different places by the same bullet. what was more remarkable was that each perforation was close to dangerous places in the man's anatomy, and yet not a single wound was mortal. this is how it happened. the man was lying down in his suspended hammock, resting his left hand on his left knee. a friend came along to show him a new automatic pistol he had purchased. in the usual silly fashion he had pointed it at his friend. the pistol went off, and the bullet passed just under the skin at the knee, at the side of the knee-cap, and having come out again, went right through the soft part of the hand between the thumb and index finger. it then perforated the arm at the biceps, and further entering the chest, shaved the heart and came out at the shoulder-blade, continuing its flight beyond to somewhere where no one could find it again. that spoke highly for the penetrating power of bullets from automatic pistols, and also for the little harm those little bullets may inflict. the man, after we had carefully dressed his wounds, looked, perhaps, a little miserable, but he was able to depart on horseback carrying with his good arm a bottle of medicine. the goyaz railway was making rapid progress. the rails were soon to be laid on the north side of the river as far as catalão. the bed of the railway was fast being made ready. it was not until april 3rd that i was able actually to make a start with my caravan. my good friend, mr. louis schnoor, had promised me two men--alcides ferreiro dos santos and filippe da costa de britto; the first a german brazilian of a violent revolutionary temper but of extraordinary bravery; the other a pure negro of a boisterous, simple nature, also of indisputable bravery in moments of great danger. these two men--both natives of araguary--proved themselves to be on that fateful expedition the two best men i possessed. thus, if nothing else can be said in praise of araguary, it must be said in justice that it can produce some men of great courage and faithfulness--a boast which cannot well be applied to many places in brazil. on april 3rd, at 9 a.m., after a touching farewell, i left the engineers' camp mounted on a magnificent mule that mr. schnoor had insisted on lending me as far as goyaz, with the pack animals which i had purchased. i did not follow the principal road, which went by a somewhat circuitous route from araguary to the capital of goyaz via the towns of catalão and bomfin, but preferred to travel across country by a short cut which took you there in an almost direct line in a north-westerly direction. on getting over the serrinha (elev. 2,250 ft.), a hill range, one obtained a gorgeous view of the valley of the paranahyba river--a river which, already of good width there, became eventually the great parana. it is on the right bank of the river, near its mouth, some thousands of miles from where we were, that buenos aires is situated. going through a beautiful forest in undulating country, we reached the summit of a flat-topped tableland, 2,500 ft. above the sea level, with a gentle slope towards the north, where the edge of its summit was some 50 ft. lower than on the south. the vegetation was somewhat stunted, but interesting, for many were the trees i noticed which could be put to some use or other. the barbatimão (_stryphnodendron bar._ m.) was plentiful, and could be used advantageously in tanning leather; the pao ferro (_cæsalpinia ferria_ m.) and the paneira, were present in quantities. through the forest we descended in three hours to the rio virissimo, which, swollen by the sub-tributaries barrocas, indaica, pirahitinga and perobas on the east and vae vem on the west, throws itself into the paranatinga between morro alto and porto do barreiro. that stream had been bridged over. we had descended to 2,000 ft. during the entire distance--we had travelled some 23 kil. from the paranahyba river--we had passed only two miserable sheds and we had not met a single soul, barring a glimpse at a shaggy female who happened to be opening the door of her hut as we were passing, and with a yell of terror banged it again, and bolted it as she perceived us riding by. a peculiar kind of wild fig-tree was to be seen, ball-like in appearance, with branches inclined down instead of skyward like most trees. on our right as we proceeded down to the farms of s. jeronymo and sta. barbara (elev. 2,400 ft.) stood a mountain with beautiful grazing land upon its slopes. healthy fat cattle, in most wonderful condition--testifying to the excellence of the grazing in that region--were bred by the farmers. to the north, north-east and north-west behind this place were to be seen delightful green round-topped hills, also with excellent grazing. a few cows and imported zebus were to be seen, it is true, but the country could support a million times that number and more. it was that evening that i noticed for the first time in brazil a peculiar and most wonderful effect of light at sunset--not unlike an aurora borealis. white, well-defined radiations shot skyward from the west, where the sun had set, and stood out luminously against the dark blue sky, like the spokes of a gigantic wheel. this effect, as we shall see, was repeated frequently at sunset, and sometimes was even more beautiful than on the occasion of that first acquaintance with it. we marched 39½ kil. that day--with my nine pack-mules, formosa (which in portuguese means "beautiful"), the splendid white mule i rode, and three other mules ridden by my men. it was a real pleasure to see the appetite of the animals when we made camp. how joyfully they ground with their powerful jaws the indian corn which each had received in a nose-bag soon after we had halted, removed the loads and saddles from their backs, and properly groomed them! when we started the next morning we went through most beautiful grazing land for some 20 kil., and through marvellous grassy slopes on the mountains beyond. streamlets of clear abundant water were passed. from 2,050 ft., the elevation of the stream, we rose to 2,650 ft., then descended gradually to the village of corumbahyba, with its brand-new red-tiled roofs and whitewashed houses--very tiny, and, with one exception, all one-storied. the windows and doors were gaily decorated with bright blue paint. there was a church, of course, on one side of the large square smothered in high grass, and by the church two wooden pillars supported a beam from which hung a bronze bell. then in the centre of the square stood, most prominent of all in the village, a huge wooden cross in a dilapidated condition. what little life seemed to exist in the place was to be found in the local store, where an inquisitive crowd had collected when i arrived. [illustration: goyaz railway in construction. the cut leading to the paranahyba river.] [illustration: author's caravan crossing a stream.] my mules were let loose to graze in the square, joining a number of cows that were there already. as i sat in the shop, closely examined by the inhabitants, i returned the compliment by analysing them. what a strange, dried-up, worn-out appearance young and old presented! what narrow, chicken-like chests, what long, unstable legs and short arms. and, dear me! what shaggy, rebellious hair, which stood out bristle-like in all directions upon their scalps! yet those people came from ancestors who must have been, centuries ago, magnificent types of humanity to be able to accomplish what they did in the way of colonization. with the habit we possess of looking for finer, healthier specimens of humanity in the country than in the cities, this condition of affairs came somewhat as a surprise to me, since that rule generally applied to most nations i have visited except brazil. those people, partly by constant intermarriage among themselves, partly by the mixture of black blood with the white, and greatly owing to the effects of the most terrible complaint of the blood in existence--universal in brazil--partly, too, by the dull, uninteresting, wasted lives they led and the poverty of their nourishment, were reduced to a state of semi-idiocy. the men hardly seemed to have the strength and energy to walk or even stand up--although i must confess, to my regret, that they had not yet lost the power of talking. their features were unattractive. eyes wide apart and widely expanded, so that the entire circle of the iris was exposed, although the eyeball itself was not _à fleur de tête_, but rather sunk into excessively spacious orbital cavities in the skull. the part of the eyeball which is usually white was yellow with them, softened somewhat by luxuriant eyelashes of abnormal length. in fact, the only thing that seemed plentiful and vigorous with them was the hair, which grew abundantly and luxuriantly everywhere, just as bad grass and weeds do on uncultivated or abandoned lands. there was a lot of hair everywhere--on the scalp, on the eyebrows, on the men's unshaven cheeks, on the chest, the arms, hands, and the legs. it is, i believe, a well-known fact that hair is generally more luxuriant, the weaker and more anæmic the subject is--up to a certain point. deep grooves and hollow cheeks--the latter due to absence of teeth--marked the faces of even young men. then one of the most noticeable peculiarities was the extraordinary development, prominence and angularity of the apple of the throat. the ears--which to my mind show the real character and condition of health of a person more than any other visible part of his or her anatomy--were large and prominent, occasionally well-formed, but lacking colour and the delightful, well-chiselled, vigorous curves of healthy, normal, intelligent people. the hands and feet were generally small and well-shaped, in wonderful condition--though not necessarily clean--owing to the inborn reluctance which all the people of brazil have towards manual labour. it has always been my experience that, generally speaking, malformed people possess distorted brains--which does not mean at all that the brain of a malformed person may not perhaps develop in a marvellous manner in one particular direction. what i maintain is that, with few possible exceptions, the brains of malformed people are seldom perfectly balanced. in those particular subjects it did not take a deep student of human nature to set down the entire crowd of them as visionaries, most fantastically inclined--in which direction, having no restraint whatever, they ran absolutely amuck. yet there was something very charming about the people of the interior of brazil, after they had overcome their first suspicion of strangers and their own shyness. they seemed imbued with the idea that everybody went there specially to do them harm. they lived in a constant state of fear and trembling, even of their own relations and friends. they all went about armed to the teeth, and would not dream of going a yard outside their homes without a revolver, a rifle and a dagger. even to walk about the village the men were all armed. when not in a rage or sulky--which seemed to be their almost constant condition--they were the most good-hearted people i have ever met; gentle, affectionate--in fact, so sentimental that it became a positive nuisance. if one learnt how to deal with them--which was not always easy--they were really delightful people in their enviable simplicity. a reflection of the people's mentality was to be discovered at a glance in examining the articles that were for sale in the only shop in the village. there, remember, you were in a country which, from an agricultural point of view, could be made of immense value. now, did you notice any implements in the shop which suggested agricultural pursuits of any kind whatever? no; what you found were patent leather dress shoes, elaborately embroidered top-boots, fancy neckties, gaudy gilt and silver spurs of immense size, bottles of powerful perfumes, fancy soaps, mirrors, combs, and highly-coloured calicoes, beer, fire-water, and other such articles of luxury. [illustration: characteristic types of brazilians of the interior. (notice degenerate faces and development of goitre.)] [illustration: a typical village of the province of goyaz.] the corumbahyba village stood at an elevation of 2,250 ft. in a hollow surrounded by low hills. the water was delicious at that place. as i was getting through my lunch--which i enjoyed thoroughly after my morning march of 23 kil.--i saw crossing the square two murderers laden with iron chains, led along with a rope by two mounted men. the natives present laughed as they saw the poor devils struggle along. not a sign of pity or care was shown by anybody present. after leaving corumbahyba we witnessed a panorama of magnificent mountain scenery from a height of 2,550 ft., to which we had ascended. then came a steep and rugged descent through a forest down to a streamlet (2,250 ft.); then up another ascent to 2,350 ft. and down again to 2,050 ft. at the great corumbá river, there 300 yards wide. we crossed this beautiful stream--animals and all--on three canoes joined together, upon which a platform had been built. chapter v travelling across country--a musical genius--valuable woods--thermal springs at the river were several picturesque two-wheeled carts waiting to be ferried across. drawn by ten, twenty, and even as many as thirty oxen, these heavy hooded vehicles travelled across country in a most wonderful manner. naturally they had to be of solid construction to stand the wear and tear demanded of them. their wheels were heavy solid discs of hard wood encircled by powerful tyres of iron. a primitive system of brake--a mere bar of wood held in position by ropes--retarded the speed of the vehicle down extra-steep declivities. when going up or down hill the friction of the wheels upon their axles produced a continuous shrill whistle, which, when heard from a distance, sounded not unlike the whistle of a locomotive. in the deathly stillness of the goyaz landscape those whistles could be heard a long way off. the expectant farmers--expectant, because those trading carts conveyed to them a good deal of the food-stuff, salt, and other necessaries of life, as well as the luxuries they could afford--were clever at recognizing the whistles of the various carts, and they identified one special cart or another by what they poetically called the "voice of the wheel" or the "song of goyaz." there were some picturesque rapids just above the spot where we crossed the corumbá river, which flowed in a tortuous channel with a general direction of w.s.w. to the east of our track, as we proceeded northward, stood a glorious range of hills with magnificent grazing land extending for many miles. in front of us to the north and n.n.e. towered a high plateau, the serra de callos, also called, i believe, serra do cusuzeiro. still travelling up and down and across several streamlets, we reached at sunset the rio boccagna (2,230 ft. above the sea level), which, soon after passing the place where we crossed it, entered the large river bagri, winding its way through a gorgeous forest. we had passed during the day really wonderful grazing land on either side of the track, but principally to the east, between the north bank of the corumbá river and camp mazagan. there were plenty of small streams in the hilly and sometimes slightly wooded valleys. at seven o'clock, having ridden that day 76 kil., we halted after dark at the _moradoria_, or farm, of mazagan (elev. 2,375 ft. above the sea level). we were politely asked to enter the house, and immediately preparations were made to clear out the best room for me. the illumination was not grand: an ancient metal arrangement--not unlike a pompeian lamp--with a wick soaked in oil profusely smoking. in the dim light i could just distinguish in the background, reclining against the wall, a youth with a guitar, from which two chords--always the same two chords--were strummed. the boy seemed in a trance over this musical composition, and even our appearance had not disturbed his efforts. he had taken no notice whatever of us. dinner was prepared--it took a long time--the musician all the time delighting his admiring family with the two monotonous chords. "it is a pity," said his delighted mother to me, "that we cannot send him to school. he is a genius; he would astonish the world." "yes," i hastily agreed, "it _is_ a pity you cannot send him ... somewhere!" "can you not take him with you?" i explained to the poor woman that it required very civilized people to appreciate her son's music. among the wild indians i expected to find, later on in my journey, i was sure that with music like that, we should all be killed; they were such savages! after two solid hours--and the two chords still continuing, with no signs whatever of relenting--i asked the musical genius if he could treat me to a different tune. alas! he knew no other, but as he saw that i was so fond of music he would again, with the greatest pleasure, go on playing the same air--he called it an air. "_muito obrigado!_ (thank you very much!)" i moaned, with a sickly smile on my lips and a violent internal wish to smash guitar and guitarist. "_no hai de que!_ (do not mention it!)" and here recommenced the repetition of the two chords. "i should like to go to sleep now; thank you very much again for the lovely music," i next plaintively added, in my most approved brazilian politeness. "oh, not at all: i shall go on playing while you are sleeping. it will give you pleasant dreams!" it was too pathetic. nothing short of murder could have stopped his enthusiasm. being a traveller of years' experience, i was not to be outwitted. as he would not stop the music, i stopped hearing it by stuffing my ears tight with cotton-wool. so i slept soundly enough, notwithstanding the orchestral entertainment. at sunrise, when i opened my eyes again, the boy was still at it. i removed the cotton from my ears ... yes, indeed, the identical two chords! the boy and the guitar will perhaps never know what a narrow escape they both had! in despair i gave orders to get the mules ready at once in order to depart immediately. those halts in farmhouses were dreary beyond words. the brazilians of the interior--quite unlike those of the big towns in or near the coast--were sullen people, with no conversation--or else too much--no interest in anything, no art, no imagination. they were timid and vain to an incredible degree, suspicious, avaricious, and easily offended, so that the greatest tact had to be used with them. they were ignorant of everything even in their own immediate neighbourhood. yet, mind you, with all that, extraordinarily kind and ultra-polite of speech. they all seemed turned out of the same mould. when you had seen one you had seen them all. there were, of course, a few exceptions--brazilians of recent german, french, italian or spanish origin--but these exceptions were indeed very rare in the interior. ill-fed, his blood corrupted and impoverished to the utmost degree--his health, therefore, never in a normal condition--his finances at the lowest ebb, the brazilian of the interior had little indeed to make him happy. his home at best was as miserable and dirty as possible. the room generally given to an honoured guest--the best in the house--was the granary. more than once was my camp-bed perched on a mound of indian corn. and the furniture? a wooden bench of the roughest description--really an instrument of torture rather than an article of comfort; a few wooden pegs in the wall for hanging rifles or other things; an occasional wooden bedstead; seldom, very seldom, a stool or a chair--in any case, never a comfortable one such as you invariably find with peasants and old-established colonists of most other countries. they cared not for comfort. their beds, a mass of rags, were shared by masters and hens and dogs. everything was in an abandoned state, everything had fallen to rack and ruin. all looked as if they were tired of life, too indolent to move. they seldom saluted when you met them on the trail, nor when you entered their houses; if they did, they rapidly touched their dilapidated hats as if afraid to spoil them. never did you perceive a smile upon their long-drawn countenances. when they greeted one another they laid their bodies close together as if about to dance the _tango_, and patted each other repeatedly on the shoulder-blades, turning their heads away as if to avoid their reciprocal evil odour. it is not the fashion in any part of brazil to shake hands. some say it is because of the unpleasant feeling of touching sweating hands; others suggest that it is to prevent the contagion of the many skin complaints from which people suffer. when they do shake hands--with a stranger, for instance--one might as well be grasping the very dead hand of a very dead man; it is done in so heartless a manner. for a consideration they reluctantly gave a stranger what little they possessed, but they had not the remotest idea of the value of things. in one farmhouse you were charged the equivalent of a few pence for an egg or a chicken; in the next farm a small fortune was demanded for similar articles of convenience. men, women, children, dogs, pigs and fowls, all lived--not happily, but most unhappily--together. no sooner were we able to saddle the animals and pack the baggage and pay our hostess, than we tried to make our escape from that musical farm. but luck was hard on me that day. one mule was lost, a second received a terrible gash in his hind quarters from a powerful kick from another mule. we went on among low, fairly grassy hills to the west, w.n.w. and to the east of us. we still had before us the serra de callos--a flat-topped tableland some 12 kil. in diameter on the summit, where it was almost circular. its deeply grooved sides showed clearly the great work of erosion which had occurred and was still taking place in those regions. with the exception of two spurs, which projected on the west and east sides of the plateau, its sky-line was quite clean and flat. after rising to an elevation of 2,600 ft., then descending to 2,450 ft., we crossed two streamlets which afterwards joined a fairly important torrent. one was called the rio boa vista. we gradually then rose to 2,750 ft. on another flat tableland to the east of the serra de callos, with its sides eroded in two distinct terraces, the higher one being almost a straight wall from two-thirds up the side of the range. in the lower portion a number of rounded mounds were to be observed, which, with a stretch of the imagination and for the sake of comparison, resembled, perhaps, elephants' heads. north-east of the serra stood a thickly-wooded, detached mound, while to the north as we went along there was displayed before us a magnificent view of the flat valley into which we were about to descend. where the country was wooded many trees and plants were to be found, useful for their tanning, medicinal, oliferous or lactiferous qualities: such as the dedal, a yellowish-leafed shrub from which a yellow dye can be obtained; the tall thin arariba amarelho, or amarelhino (_centrolobium robustum_), a great number of lobelia trees, with their elongated light green leaves and clean barked stems, which eject, from incisions, a caustic and poisonous juice. the tallest of all the trees in that region was perhaps the jacaranda, with its tiny leaves.... there were four kinds of jacaranda--the jacaranda _cabiuna_, _rosa_, _tan_ and _violeta_, technically known as _dalbergia nigra_, _machærium incorruptibile_, _machærium cencopterum_, _machærium alemanni_, benth. the three latter have a specific gravity higher than that of most woods in brazil, except the pao de ferro (_cæsalpina ferrea_), the very plentiful barbatimao (_stryphnodendron barbatimao_), a mimosa-like tree, and the vinhatico amarello (_echyrosperum balthazarii_), the last of which has the highest specific gravity of all. then we found plenty of sambaiba, an excellent wood, and imuliana, a wood of great resistance, much used in certain parts of brazil for constructing fences. a peculiar tree with concave leaves shaped like a cup was locally called ariticun or articun. it produced a large fruit, quite good to eat. much botanical variety was indeed everywhere around us.... there was the _terra da folha miuta_, which, as its name tells, possessed minute shiny leaves; then the tall faveiro (_pterodon pubescens_), producing a bean, and having dark leaves not unlike those of mimosas. then, many were the kinds of acacias we noticed as we went along. [illustration: picturesque ox-carts of goyaz.] still descending, we arrived at the little town of caldas de goyaz--so called because there were three hot springs of water of different temperatures. i visited the three springs. the water tasted slightly of iron, was beautifully clear and quite good to drink. two springs were found in a depression some 150 ft. lower than the village--viz., at an elevation of 2,450 ft., whereas the village itself was at 2,600 ft. these two springs were only 20 ft. away from a stream of cold water. a short distance from the cold stream was another stream of hot water emerging from the rocks. small rectangular tanks had been made at the two higher springs, which were said to possess wonderful curing qualities for eczema and other cutaneous troubles; also for rheumatism and blood complaints of all kinds. whether those waters were really beneficial or not, it was not possible to ascertain on a passing visit. i drank some of the water and it did me no harm, so if it does no good neither is it injurious. the village of caldas showed signs of having seen better days. it was clean-looking, but like all other villages of goyaz it was dreary in the extreme. there were only a few houses in the place, and each had a shop; all the shops sold similar articles--nickel-plated revolvers, spurs and daggers, calicoes, gaudy wearing-apparel, perfumery, and so on. for any one interested in the study of the effects of erosion on a gigantic scale, no more suitable country could be found than central brazil. here again to the e.n.e. of caldas stood the serra do sappé. in this case it was not a tableland, like the serra de caldas, but purely a hill range. the plateau of serra de caldas, i was told, measured on its summit 12 kil. by 18 kil. again, after leaving caldas, we went through most wonderful grazing ground to the north-east and east of our route at the foot of the serra do sappé. we had descended to the rio lagiadi, 2,480 ft. above the sea level, which flowed into the pirapitinga river (a tributary of the corumbá). once more did we admire that evening the remarkable effect of solar radiation, this time a double radiation with one centre--the sun--to the west, and a second centre, at a point diametrically opposite, to the east. those radiations, with a gradually expanded width, rose to the highest point of the celestial vault, where they met. the effect was gorgeous indeed, and gave the observer the impression of being enclosed in the immeasurable interior of an amazingly beautiful sea-shell turned inside out. we arrived in the evening at the farm of laza (elev. 2,450 ft.), where we had to abandon the wounded mule, and also another which, on coming down a steep incline, had badly injured its fore leg. the pack-saddles used in the interior of brazil (minas geraes, goyaz and matto grosso) were the most impracticable, torturing arrangements i have ever had to use on my travels. the natives swore by them--it was sufficient for anything to be absurdly unpractical for them to do so. it only led, as it did with me at first, to continuous unpleasantness, wearying discussions and eventual failure if one tried to diverge from the local habits, or attempted to eradicate deeply-rooted ideas. let me describe a typical brazilian pack-saddle. it weighed, with its inseparable protecting hide, well over 90 lbs. it was bulky and cumbersome, most difficult to lift and set right on the animal's back. it consisted of two great parallel, clumsily-carved, heavy u-shaped pieces of wood supported upright on two enormous pads, at least double the size and thickness necessary. the breast and tail pieces were of extra thick leather of great width, which had the double disadvantage of being heavy and of producing bad sores by their constant friction and hard, saw-like, cutting edges. then the saddle allowed the loads to hang much too low on the sides of the animal's body. this naturally saved trouble and effort to the men who packed the animals. two of them simply lifted the loads simultaneously on the two sides and hooked them to the saddle by means of adjusted loops of leather or rope. then came the difficulty of keeping the loads in position, so that they would not shift back and forth. this was done by passing a leather thong over all and under the animal's belly, which was then squeezed beyond all measure. result of this: continuous trouble to pack rebellious animals, who knew what was coming; painful marching for the animals, who thus had difficulty in breathing, and therefore extra long marches, almost an impossibility without much injury to them. we will not speak of sore backs, sore sides, sore chests, and sore tail root--which was a matter of course after a pack animal had borne for a few hours one of those torturing arrangements on its back. i had tried to adopt lighter saddles of a more practical design, such as i had used on other expeditions; but as this involved a different method altogether of packing the animals, it led to much derision, unpleasantness, and refusal to do the work except in their own stupid way, so that in order to save time, expense and trouble i had to conform, much against my will, to the brazilian method. it was an impossibility to induce a brazilian of the interior to agree that any other way of doing anything was better or even as good as his own. a painful phase of human existence, as the country became more and more sparsely inhabited, was the number, relative to the population, of cases of sexual insanity, due naturally to the great difficulty of intercourse. we will not refer to sexual vices--extremely common--which reduced the few inhabitants to a state of absolute idiocy. thus at laza farm there were only three women and no men. they were all of a certain age, and for many many years had been there alone, and had not seen a man. they had become absolutely insane, and it required no little tact to prevent a catastrophe. one--a repulsive, toothless black woman, formerly a slave--was in such an excited state of mind that i was really glad when i saw my troop of animals started on the march early the next morning. on april 6th we were still on the north side of the serra de caldas, at the northernmost point of which flowed a _riberão_, or great river (elev. 2,450 ft.). most beautiful grazing land spread to the north of us, enormous stretches of undulating country verdant with delicious grass. the sappé mountains were still visible in the distance. marching through enchanting country--almost level, or merely rising or descending a few feet--with a magnificent view of distant mountains to our right and of low flat plains and far-away tablelands to our left, we arrived, after a morning's march of 36 kil., at the fazenda of pouso alto (elev. 2,600 ft.). [illustration: a home in central brazil.] [illustration: a clever automatic pounding machine.] outwardly pouso alto was by far the neatest-looking fazenda we had yet seen since leaving araguary, but on entering the house the floor was a mass of dirt. fowls were running to and fro all over the rooms. a rough table of portuguese origin, a couple of benches so dirty that one did not dare to sit on them, some roughly made bedsteads, miserable and filthy--but no washstands or basins, no articles of necessity were anywhere to be observed or found. the mattresses--if one can elevate them to the dignity of such a name: they were mere bags filled with anything that had been found handy, such as the leaves and stalks of indian-corn, wool and dried grass--were rolled up in the daytime. only one bed was still made up. on it a cackling hen was busy laying an egg. that egg--a very good egg--was triumphantly served to me for breakfast. the walls of nearly all the farmhouses in the southern part of the province of goyaz were made of wooden lattice work, the square cavities formed by the cross sticks being filled in and the whole plastered over with mud, which eventually became hard when dry. near the foundations the walls were strengthened with mud bricks half baked. evidently, as was the case with this particular old house, in former days, when goyaz was more prosperous than it is now, in the time of the emperor, most of the houses were whitewashed--a luxury which in these days of misery the farmers can no longer indulge in. the doors and windows were rambling, though the frames of them were generally solidly made, but one never saw a pane of glass in any window anywhere in the country. at night the people barricaded themselves tight into their rooms and let no air in. it was partly due to fear of attack. whenever a building was whitewashed one invariably saw on it the impression of its owner's spread hand in outline, or else his signature in blue paint. the favourite colours in house decoration--where any were noticeable--were blue and a dirty cinnabar red. dogs were numerous everywhere, and, like their masters, were indolent and sleepy. in the afternoon of that same day we travelled some 13 kil. more, on practically level ground intersected by a couple of streamlets. marching through thinly wooded country, grassy here and there, one began to notice a variation in the scenery, which was gradually becoming more tropical in appearance. palm trees, especially burity (_mauritia vinifera_ m.), in single specimens, or in groups, could be seen in the great stretches of good grazing country which appeared on both sides of our course. we spent the night at the fazenda of ritiro alegre (elev. 2,450 ft.), which words translated mean "the merry rest"--a most undeserved name, i can assure you, for neither merriment nor rest was to be obtained there. an evening in a brazilian farm was, nevertheless, occasionally not devoid of interest or of comic scenes. these folks evidently valued little the life of their children. as i was sitting on the doorstep waiting for my dinner to be cooked, down came, galloping at a breakneck speed and riding bareback, a little child of eight, carrying slung under his arm a smaller child of one, the latter squealing terribly. they both landed safely at the door. then there appeared one of the picturesque carts drawn by twelve oxen, anxiously awaited by the family. twenty snarling, snorting, ill-natured pigs provided enough noise seriously to impair the drums of one's ears; and when you added to this the monotonous bellowing of cows and oxen, the frantic neighing of horses and mules waiting to be fed, the crowing of cocks and the cackling of hens, the unmusical shrieks of a beautiful _arara_ (or macaw, of gorgeous green, blue, and yellow plumage), and of two green parrots--to which total add, please, the piercing yells of the children--it was really enough to drive one insane. they were superior farmers, those of the "merry rest"--no one could doubt it when the lady of the house and her pretty daughter arrived from an errand and found strangers in the house. dear me, what style, what enchanting affectation, the pretty maid and her mamma put on when they perceived us!... with an air of solemnity that was really delightful, they each offered us the tip of one finger for us to shake, and spoke with such affectation that their words stumbled one against the other. their vocabulary was evidently restricted, and in order to make the conversation elegant they interpolated high-sounding words which did not exactly belong, but sounded grand in their ears. it was a trial to have to remain serious. dinner was served--always the same fare wherever you went. boiled rice (very badly boiled), beans, stewed chicken chopped up, _pimienta_ (peppers), fried eggs and indian corn flour, which one mixed up together on one's plate and rendered into a paste. the coffee was always plentiful and good, but so strong that it was quite bitter. by the light of a wick burning and smoking terribly from the neck of an ex-medicine bottle filled with oil, we enjoyed our meal, watched intently by the entire family, silent and flattened in semi-obscurity against the walls. the primitive lamp gave so little light--although it gave abundant smell--that the many figures were almost indistinguishable against the dirty background, and all one perceived on raising one's eyes from the dinner-plate was a row of expanded eyes, following the movements of our hands, and just under that row a row of white teeth. when seen in a stronger light it was curious to notice criminal characteristics on nearly every face one saw; in the servants at those farmhouses one frequently observed murderous-looking creatures whom one would not care to meet alone in the dark. they were a special breed of stranded outcasts who had drifted there--the outcome of a complex mixture of portuguese, former black slaves, and indians. when you realized that the people who had drifted into the interior were the worst portuguese, the worst blacks, and the indians who intermarried with these gentry the worst indians, you can well imagine what fine results could be expected from such a breed. one trait predominant among these people was the unreasonable jealousy of the men over their women. had they been so many venuses of milo the men could not have guarded them with more ferocity. i am sure it would take a brave man indeed, and, above all, a totally blind man, to fall in love with the farmers' wives, daughters, or servants of the province of goyaz. i must say this in favour of my brazilian men, that, whatever other faults they may have had, they always, behaved in a most chivalrous, dignified way with the women-folk we met. never once did i have to reprimand them. in the morning, as the cows were driven into the yard to be milked, and the calves were being suckled by their mothers, and the children, rubbing their sleepy eyes with the backs of their hands, scrambled out of the house upon their drowsy legs, the girls of the family brought the last cups of coffee to us departing strangers. we packed our animals, paid the bill, and were off again. on april 7th we crossed the piracanjuga river, another tributary of the corumbá, 50 yards wide, flowing from north-east to south-west, at an elevation of 2,300 ft. one league (6 kil. 600 m.) farther on we crossed another stream flowing east, in its turn a tributary of the piracanjuga. one of the most beautiful trees in that region was the _caneleira_, of the family of the _laurineas_. beautiful, too, were the _oleo pardo_ and _vermelho_ (_myrocarpus frondosus_ and _myrospermum erythrozylon_). we were next treated to a view of an extensive, deliciously green valley, most excellent for grazing purposes, extending from north to south to the west of our route. in the central depression of this valley were _burity_ palms in abundance. they say that wherever you find a burity you are sure to find water. it is perfectly true, as the burity only flourishes where there is a good deal of moisture in the soil. having crossed a low pass, we found ourselves in another valley--this one sparsely wooded (2,500 ft. above the sea level), very beautiful, with undulations some 200 ft. high, and with streamlets at the bottom of most of the undulations. the summit of the highest elevation on that undulating land was 2,750 ft., the level of the principal streamlet 2,600 ft. above the sea. chapter vi inquisitiveness--snakes--a wonderful cure--butterflies--a striking scene twenty-nine kilometres from the "merry rest" we arrived at the little town of pouso alto--duly translated "high camp"--situated 2,750 ft. above the sea level on an elevation between the two rivers piracanjuba, and the furmiga (which afterwards became the rio meio ponte), throwing itself into the paranahyba river. pouso alto was like all the other _villas_ or settlements of goyaz, only perhaps a little larger. the same whitewashed houses with doors and windows decorated with blue, the same abandoned, deserted look of the principal square and streets; in fact, another "city of the dead." only two men--drinking in the local store--were visible in the whole village. the usual impertinent questions had to be answered. "who are you? why do you come here? is your country as beautiful as ours? have you any cities as large as ours in your country? how much money have you? are you married? you are english; then you come here to steal our gold and diamonds." "have you any gold and diamonds here?" "no!" "no, you cannot travel for pleasure. the english only travel to take away all the riches from other countries! those instruments you carry" (a compass and two aneroids) "are those that tell you where to dig for gold!" i could not help remarking to this gentleman that so far the country i had traversed seemed merely to be rich in misery, that was all. nothing could be imagined more funereal than those little towns. my men intended remaining there for the night, but i insisted on pushing on for a few more kilometres--especially as in these places my men were led to drink and became unmanageable. on we went for 9 kil. to the farm of bellianti (elev. 2,500 ft. above the sea level). on april 8th we made an early start and travelled through a luxuriant forest, which was daily getting more and more tropical as we went farther north. we were, of course, do not forget, south of the equator. thirteen kilometres from camp we crossed the rio furmiga (or meio ponte) about 100 yards wide, flowing there in a direction from east to west at an elevation of 2,000 ft. most gorgeous, richly verdant vegetation overhung and festooned the banks of the stream. as we went farther toward the interior the vegetation grew more beautiful, the people more repulsive. the majority of the people suffered from goître in more or less advanced stages. many were the persons affected by leprosy. we were in a region where oranges (imported, of course) of most excellent juicy quality were obtainable--for instance at the farm of felicidade (elev. 2,350 ft.). all those farms--very old--showed signs of having seen better days--no doubt when slavery existed in a legal form in brazil and it was possible to work those estates profitably. with the prohibitive price of labour--and in fact the impossibility of obtaining labour at any price in the interior--farming cannot indeed flourish to-day. the comparatively few immigrants who landed at the various ports in brazil were at once absorbed near the coast, and seldom left the port of landing, where labour was anxiously required. for the first time, that day did i see two snakes, which were concealed in the deep grooves left by a cart wheel. one wound itself around the front leg of my mule, and for a moment i was anxious lest the animal had been bitten; but fortunately the snake, which had been trodden upon, did no damage. only rarely did we see a bird anywhere, except in villages, where an occasional crow, with its dried-up neck and jerky motions, could be seen. how like the inhabitants those birds were! [illustration: brazilian pack-saddles.] [illustration: a typical village. (the higher building is the church.)] twenty-seven kilometres farther we reached santo antonio, a village situated in quite a heavenly spot, 2,800 ft. above the sea level, but in itself one of the most miserable villages i have ever seen. there were altogether some forty houses scattered about, eight of which were along the sides of the principal square--an abandoned field. the church had the appearance of a disused barn. a large wooden cross stood in front of it, upon which birds had built their nests. four thin, anæmic-looking palms stood at different angles by the side of the cross. we had the misfortune to stay there for the night. by seven o'clock everybody had barricaded their houses and had retired to sleep. there was, of course, no such thing as a post-office or a telegraph in the place. the nearest place where a letter could be posted was some 72 kil. away on the high road between goyaz and catalão. goats tied in pairs, with a log of wood between in order to keep them apart, seemed to have the run of the place, and were the only things there which appeared to have any life in them. but if the place was miserable, if the natives were repulsive and dull, there was plenty to be thankful for in admiration of the really glorious country around, and the superb sunsets to which we were treated every evening. again that evening, when everybody in the place was slumbering, the sunset was more wonderful than words can describe. the usual radiations, which again reached the highest point of the sky's vault, were that night white on the west, with corresponding ones of brilliant cobalt blue to the east. a drizzling rain rendered the night cold and damp, although the fahrenheit thermometer registered a minimum temperature of 70°. on leaving s. antonio the trail ascended to a height of 3,100 ft. (4½ kil. from the village), and we were then in a rich forest region, where the _acaju_--of the _terebinthaceæ_ family--was plentiful, with its huge leaves and contorted branches. the acaju produced a refreshing fruit, either of a bright red or else of a yellow colour, not unlike a large pepper, outside of which was strongly attached a seed possessing highly caustic qualities. many _gordinha_ trees were also to be seen. it was interesting to see how those zones of forest were suddenly succeeded by beautiful and vast areas of grazing land, such as we found that day. we crossed three streams at the respective elevations of 2,550 ft., 2,650 ft., and 2,750 ft., after which we reached an elevation of 3,000 ft., the highest we had so far attained on our route from the coast, where we found ourselves on a grassy tableland of considerable beauty. looking back to the s.s.e., we perceived the two hill ranges, one behind the other, which we had crossed. between them and us were marvellous slopes covered with green grass, but not in the lower portion, where bordering the stream was luxuriant forest. this was noticeable also on a hill to the west, forming a minor tableland with rounded sides. to the n.n.e. was a perfectly flat plateau. the distance rendered it of a deep blue, and its level sky-line gave the appearance of the horizon upon the ocean, except that there rose two small peaks which stood up slightly above the elevation of the plateau. on all that beautiful land only two small miserable farms were to be seen. yet it seemed to be a paradise on earth--delightful climate, excellent soil, useful woods in the forest, plenty of delicious water. three more streamlets flowing from west to east were encountered at elevations of 2,700 ft., 2,750 ft. and 2,800 ft., with undulating grassy land between of wonderful beauty. having deviated somewhat from our route, we at last descended into a grassy valley--absolutely flat--the best of all we had seen. it had been fenced all round. upon inquiry, i learned that it had been acquired by the redemptionist friars. there is one thing friars certainly know. it is how to select the best land anywhere to settle upon. we had travelled 46 kil. 200 m. that day when we arrived at campinas (elev. 2,550 ft. above the sea level)--the usual kind of filthy village with tiny, one-storied houses, more like toys than real liveable habitations. this time the doors and windows were bordered with grey instead of blue. on nearing those villages in central brazil one frequently found an abundance of rough wooden crosses scattered upon the landscape. they marked the spots where individuals had been killed. in the room where i put up in the village, in the _hospedagem_, or rest-house, the floor was besmeared with blood, the result of a recent murder. the shops grew more and more uninteresting as we got farther into the interior. the difficulties of transport were naturally greater, the prices rose by leaps and bounds, as we got farther; the population got poorer and poorer for lack of enterprise. the articles of luxury and vanity, so frequently seen in shops before, were now altogether absent, and only bottles of inferior liquor and beer were sold, matches and candles--that was all. no trade, no industry, no money, existed in those places. if one happened to pay with a fiveor a ten-milreis note (6_s._ 8_d._ or 13_s._ 4_d._), one could never obtain change. frequently, unless you wished to leave the change behind, you were obliged to carry away the balance in cheap stearine or beer. i took the stearine. a short distance from the town was a seminary, with four german friars, very fat, very jolly, very industrious. alcides, one of my men, was by way of being a veterinary surgeon. here is how he cured a wounded mule, which, having received a powerful kick from another animal, displayed a gash 3 in. long in her back, and so deep that the entire hand could be inserted and actually disappear into the wound. francisco, another of my men, having duly and firmly tied the animal's legs--a sensible precaution--proceeded with his naked arm to search for _bishus_: anything living is a _bishu_ in brazil, from an elephant to a flea; but in this particular case it was applied to insects, such as _carrapatos_, maggots, or parasites, which might have entered the wound. having done this at considerable length and care, he proceeded to tear off with his nails the sore edges of the laceration, after which he inserted into the gash a pad of cotton-wool soaked in creoline. that was the treatment for the first day. the second day, the wound proceeding satisfactorily, he inserted into it, together with his hand, a whole lemon in which he had made a cut, and squeezed its juice within the raw flesh. the amazing part of it all was that the animal, with an additional bath or two of salt and water, absolutely recovered from the wound and got perfectly well. the redemptionist monks had a fine vineyard adjoining their monastery--the only one of any size and importance we had seen since leaving the railway--and also some lovely orange groves in a walled enclosure. they had built a mill on the bank of the stream. most of that beautiful valley for miles and miles belonged to them. the town of campinas--not to be confounded with campinas of são paulo province--had a population of 600 souls. when we left that place the next morning, again we went across beautiful flat stretches of grassy land--several miles long and broad--regular tablelands, at an elevation of 2,700 ft.--most wonderful pasture lands now going absolutely to waste. plentiful streamlets intersected those lovely meadows at a slightly lower elevation--merely a few feet--where the water had eroded itself a channel. those streams were generally bordered by a thick growth of trees and entangled vegetation. we stopped for lunch at the farm of _boa vista_ (belvedere or fine view), so called--according to the usual brazilian way of reasoning--because it was situated in a deep hollow from which you could see nothing at all! another more rational name which this place also possessed was bocca do matto (mouth of the forest), because it truly was at the entrance of a thick forest extending to the north. we went, in fact, from that point through densely wooded country, although the trees were of no great height or size. the ground was swampy and sloppy, most unpleasant for marching, for some nineteen kilometres, until we arrived at goyabeira (elev. 2,700 ft.), having covered 56 kil. 100 m. that day--not at all bad marching considering that we could not change animals and we conveyed all our baggage along with us. i saw that day another snake, called by the natives _duas cabecas_ (and tu nou), or double-headed snake, because its marking gives that impression at first sight. after leaving goyabeira the thick growth continued over several ridges, the highest of which was 2,950 ft., with streams between at elevations respectively of 2,630 and 2,700 ft. i noticed in the forest some beautiful paneira trees, with their trunks enlarged near the base--a regular swelling all round. one of the peculiarities of this tree was that it produced a kind of vegetable wool contained within fairly hard capsules. that was indeed a day of surprises for us. as we were proceeding over another hill range between two streams (elev. 2,850 ft.), we saw at last some butterflies of a gorgeous lemon yellow, some of a rich orange, others of red and black, great numbers of pure white, and some huge ones of an indescribably beautiful metallic blue colour. there were swarms of them near the water. so unaccustomed were they to see human beings that many settled on my white coat and on my straw hat and came along undisturbed for long distances upon my person. they were so beautiful that i had not the desire to kill them, even for the sake of bringing back a valuable collection. it would have been easy to capture them, as you could touch them several times with your fingers before they would fly away. one butterfly particularly took a great fancy to my left hand, in which i held the reins of my mule, and on which it sat during our marches for several days--much to my inconvenience, for i was afraid of injuring it. it would occasionally fly away and then return. at night while we were camping i transferred it to my straw hat, on which it quietly remained until the next morning. the moment i had mounted my mule, the butterfly would at once fly again to my hand. this great affection was due chiefly, i believe, not to any magnetic attraction, but merely to the delicately scented soap which i used in my morning bath, and which greatly attracted the butterfly. on many occasions on that expedition i had similar experiences with butterflies. for the first time, too, i perceived that day a few _colibris_--tiny humming-birds of wonderful plumage. twenty-three kilometres from goyabeira--after many ups and downs along a deep-channelled, slushy trail, and having crossed over several swampy, troublesome streamlets--we suddenly emerged into a marvellous undulating open plain with lovely grass and numerous fat cattle grazing upon it. in the distance upon the hill-side four or five farm-sheds could be perceived. we had stopped at one farm on the way in hopes of getting food, but they could only sell us some _feijão_--beans soaked in lard--so that it was with some haste that we directed our mules to the more imposing building in expectation of finding there at least some rice and eggs. we hurriedly crossed the plain and then the stream, and halted at the cachoeira grande (grand rapid) farm, 2,950 ft. above the sea level. a pure negro was in charge of the place, whose wife was also as black as the ace of spades. curiously enough, they possessed a child much discoloured and with golden hair and blue eyes. such things will happen in the best regulated countries. the black man swore it was his own child, and we took--or, rather, did not take--his word for it. we went on thirteen more kilometres that afternoon, when we were overtaken by a hurricane and torrential rain which drenched us to the marrow of our bones. we halted for the night at the farm of _lagoa formosa_ (beautiful lagoon), 3,000 ft. above the sea level. it was on april 12th that we proceeded to climb the dividing range between the waters flowing south into the paranahyba (afterward called the parana) river, and those flowing north eventually into the amazon. this range of mountains was by some called serra de sta. rita, by others serra dourada. it was not possible to ascertain the real name from the local people, who could tell me the names of no place, or mountain, or stream, and hardly knew the names of their own homes. on a flat expanse some 13 kil. from lagoa formosa we came upon a small lake. we travelled mostly across campos (or prairies), with waters from that point flowing northward. seventeen kilometres farther we entered the neat-looking village of curralhino (elev. 2,600 ft.), with two squares and streets actually with names to them. we were from this point on the main route between são paulo and the capital of goyaz, and also met there the telegraph line between goyaz and são paulo. we were getting near the capital of the province. a little more life was noticeable in this settlement than in those we had met before. caravans of mules and horses occasionally passed through, and bullock-carts, with eighteen and twenty oxen, slowly and squeakily crept along. we were going through a region that was more than hilly--almost mountainous--the first of the kind we had encountered since leaving the railway. [illustration: author's caravan about to cross the river corumba.] [illustration: burity palms.] at camp maria alves we were at an elevation of 3,000 ft. beautiful crystals were to be found at and near this place. many were enclosed in hard envelopes of yellow lava, which contained besides semi-crystallized matter easily crushed--to be strictly accurate, the imprisoned infinitesimal crystals were easily separated, under gentle pressure. some spherical balls and pellets of lava i picked up, when split contained red baked earth which had evidently been subjected to intense heat. in the centre of these pellets one or more crystals of great clearness were invariably to be found. these pellets must have been expelled with terrific force from a volcanic vent, and must have travelled great distances, for the depression where i found them had a surface of alluvial formation. on april 13th we again rose over a range where we encountered a good deal of igneous rock and quantities of beautiful crystals. we had a range to the west of us and one higher and more important to the north-east, the latter more broken up than any we had so far seen in the three last provinces crossed. we somehow missed now the lovely pasture lands of the day before, so refreshing to the eye, and the landscape had suddenly become more rugged and barren, except near water. some 9 kil. from the farm maria alves the uru or uruba river (elev. 2,550 ft.) flowed north--there merely a picturesque torrent among rocks and overhanging vegetation on both banks. the wonderful effect of erosion was noticeable on the mountain sides to the north of us, where it had left a top terrace with deep corrugations in the lower sides of the mountain. a miserable-looking farmhouse could be seen here and there--quite as miserable as the country in itself was rich. some shaggy policemen, in rags and barefooted, passed us, guarding an ox-cart dragging treasure to the capital. only the oxen and some cows which were about looked at us with interest, and sniffed us--it is wonderful how quick animals are at detecting the presence of strangers--but the people took no notice of us. here and there a tumbled-down tree blocked the way. there were tracts of pasture land. my men were considerably excited on seeing a poisonous snake crawl swiftly towards our mules. it was perhaps an absent-minded or a short-sighted snake, for no sooner did it realize our presence than it quickly veered round to escape. my men killed it. at an elevation of 2,550 ft. we met a limpid stream of most delicious water. at that particular spot it flowed south. we were now confronted with a range of actual mountains. the trail took us over wonderful rugged scenery, masses of pillar-like grey rock of granitic formation. on the summit of the pass we were over strata of half-solidified tufa in sheets--or foliated--easily crumbled and finely powdered between one's fingers. the strata were at an angle of 45°, showing that they had undergone some disturbance. they had been subjected to great heat, for in some places they had been hard baked, which rendered them of a yellowish brown colour. on the left of us--to the west--a great vertical pillar of rock plainly showed the stratification, the continuation of which could be followed on the opposite side of the pass, both in the horizontal strata and those which had been forced up at an angle. looking back from the pass, we obtained a heavenly panorama of wooded hills to the south-east, far, far beyond in the background, and of glorious campos between them and us. with the winter coming on--of course you know that south of the equator they have their winter when we have our summer--beautiful yellowish, reddish and brown tints of the foliage added picturesqueness to the landscape. the pass itself was 2,850 ft. above the sea level. there was not much in the way of vegetation, barring a few stunted _sucupira_ trees. the air was exquisitely pure and the water of two streamlets at 2,550 ft. delicious and cool. we were marching over quantities of marble fragments and beautiful crystals, which shone like diamonds in the sun. having gone over the pass, we came upon a most extraordinary geological surprise. there seemed to have been in ages long gone by a great subsidence of the region north of us. we were then on the steep edge of what remained of the plateau, and down, down in the depth below was an immense valley in which goyaz city lay. to the west of us--as i stood impressed by that awe-striking scene--we had the irregularly-cut continuation of the edge of the plateau on which we stood, supported as it were on a pillar-like granitic wall of immense height and quite vertical, resting on a gently sloping base down to the bottom of the vast basin below. this great natural wall of gneiss, which contained myriads of crystals and mica schists, shone like silver in the spots where the sun struck it, and with the lovely pure cobalt blue of the distant hills, the deep green of the valley below, and the rich brown and yellow and red tints of the near foreground, made one of the most exquisitely beautiful sights i have ever witnessed. the nearest approach to it in my experience was, perhaps, the eastern escarpment of the abyssinian plateau in africa, where a similar panorama on a much smaller scale could be seen, but not the same geological formation. [illustration: the president of goyaz and his family.] [illustration: giant cactus in the background.] no sooner had i recovered from the strangeness and marvellous beauty of nature's work around me, than i felt a great shock at seeing what men had done in that region. we were at this point on the high road between são paulo, uberaba and goyaz capital. as my animals stumbled down the steep escarpment traces could be seen of what must have been formerly a beautiful paved road, well-drained on both sides with channels, and held up in terraces by stone works where the gradient was steepest. here and there bits still remained, demonstrating how well the road had been made. but, uncared for and abandoned, most of it had been washed away by the heavy rains, which had turned that road into a foaming torrent in wet weather. near habitations, the well-cut slabs with which the road was paved had come convenient to the natives for building purposes. during the time of the emperor pedro ii., i was told, that was a magnificent road, kept in excellent repair. goyaz city lay before us down, down below, in the hollow of the huge depression. its single row of low whitewashed houses of humble architectural pretensions became less and less impressive and less picturesque as one got nearer. i had by that time grown quite accustomed to this optical disillusion, for it was frequently the case with the work of man in brazil. it always needed distance--the greater distance the better--to lend enchantment to it. with a feeling of intense oppression--perhaps due to the stifling air and the lower elevation (1,950 ft.) at which goyaz city lay--we entered the capital of goyaz. at the sound of our mules upon the pavement, timid men, timid women and children cautiously peeped from each window through the half-closed venetian blinds. we only had to turn round to peep at them, and with terrified squeals the hidden creatures banged and bolted the windows. the sight of a stranger in goyaz was apparently an event. whether we were expected or not, i do not know, but the whole population seemed to be hiding behind the tiny windows to look at us. the few who were caught in the street seemed as if they wanted to bow but had not the courage to do it. indeed, their timidity was intensely amusing. some, more courageous, gave a ghastly grin, displaying rows of irregular teeth in a terrible condition of decay. distances between araguary and goyaz araguary to paranahyba 59 kil. 400 m. = 9 leagues. paranahyba to corumbahyba 59 " 400 " 9 " corumbahyba to caldas 59 " 400 " 9 " caldas to pouso alto 79 " 200 " 12 " pouso alto to s. antonio 59 " 400 " 9 " s. antonio to campinas 46 " 200 " 7 " campinas to goyabeira 56 " 100 " 8½ " goyabeira to curralhino 66 " " 10 " curralhino to goyaz 46 " 200 " 7 " -------------------------------- total 531 " 300 " 80½ " ================================= chapter vii in the city of goyaz there was no such thing as an hotel in goyaz capital. the nearest approach to it was a filthy rest-house for muleteers, which was, furthermore, already full. against my usual custom--as i never, unless absolutely necessary, make use of the credentials i carry for my private needs--i had, therefore, to apply to the presidente or governor of the province to find some sort of accommodation in the town for my animals, men, and myself. "take off your spurs before you enter!" roughly shouted a sentry at the governor's palace--a huge barn-like structure--just as i was stooping to do that before being asked. "do not stand on the pavement," said the sentry again, anxious to display his authority. being a law-abiding person i shifted to one side. "do not stop under the presidente's window!" cried the policeman angrily once more, digging me in the ribs with his bayonet. i was beginning to be sorry i had not brought an aeroplane with me in order to complete my toilet in the air before entering so sacred a precinct, but patience being one of my chief virtues i transferred myself to the remotest point across the square, where, stork-like, upon one foot at a time i was able--this time undisturbed--to remove both spurs. "take off your hat before entering," again shouted the policeman, as i was still some fifteen yards from the door. i really began to feel rather nervous, with all those orders grunted at me. i wondered at the strange people who must visit the palace to have to be instructed to such an extent before entering. i also stopped for a moment to ponder whether i had taken off all that was necessary to enter a palace where so much etiquette was required. the moment i entered things were different. i was ushered into an ante-room, where i had to go through a short cross-examination by some police officers. then, when they had made sure of my identity, they immediately led me before the presidente. the presidente greeted me with effusion. he was a most polished and charming gentleman from rio de janeiro, had travelled extensively in europe, and could speak french and english. he roared heartily when i told him of my experience outside his palace. "they are all savages here," he told me; "you must not mind. the sentry has orders to keep everybody away from the palace, as people come in the afternoon and squat under my windows to jabber, and i cannot sleep. those orders, i assure you, were not meant for you. you will be my guest all the time you are in the city, and i can accept no excuse." the presidente placed a small house near the palace at my disposal, and insisted on my having all meals with his family--most refined, handsome, exquisitely polite wife and daughters. i presented the credentials i possessed from the minister of agriculture in rio and the brazilian ambassador in london, requesting the presidente to do all in his power to further the success of the expedition--i, of course, paying all expenses. the presidente, like most other brazilians of a certain age, was _blasé_ beyond words. nothing interested him except his family, and life was not worth living. he believed in nothing. he was an atheist because he had not been as successful as he wished in the world, and attributed the fault to god. he cared little about the future of his country. if his country and all his countrymen went to a warmer place than heaven, he would be glad to see them go that way! as for going exploring, mapping unknown regions, studying the country and the people, building roads, railways and telegraphs, it little mattered to him, but it seemed all nonsense. "instead of coming to these wild, deadly regions, why do you not go and spend your money enjoying yourself in paris or vienna?" was his advice to me. "perhaps i need a change occasionally, and i enjoy things all the more by contrast when i return to europe." the presidente was evidently not in good health and spirits. he was a senator of the republic, and a man formerly of great ambitions, which were more or less shattered when he was elected governor of goyaz province, with its population of corpses, and at a salary of £40 a month--very little more than i paid my head muleteer--so that little could be expected from the governor of such a province. it was thus that the state of goyaz, one of the naturally richest in brazil--it contained pasture lands unique for their beauty, forests with valuable woods, plenty of water and great navigable rivers draining it both north and south, of which it was sufficient to mention the magnificent araguaya river, the rio tocantins and the paranahyba (or parana)--was instead one of the poorest. in the very heart of brazil, goyaz was geographically and politically the centre of the republic. with an area of 747,311 sq. kil. (288,532 sq. miles), the province had an estimated population of some 280,000 souls, or less than one to every square mile. the region forming the present state of goyaz was first explored in 1647 by manoel correa, a native of são paulo, and in 1682 by another paulista, bartholomeu bueno de silva, who both were prospecting for gold. the latter was successful in locating gold mines and in making friends with the local indians of the goyaz tribe, from whom the province then took its name. some forty-three years later de silva returned to são paulo with 918 ounces of gold. the news of these goldfields quickly attracted a great number of adventurers to goyaz. the country then saw its most prosperous days, especially in and near villa boa, the present city of goyaz, where gold was said to have been plentiful in those days. the enterprising bartholomeu bueno de silva returned to goyaz in 1731 as a capitão mor, or grand captain, with the right to dispose of land. in 1822 goyaz was recognized as a province of the empire, and subsequently in 1869 it became one of the states of the union, with autonomy as regards local affairs under its own constitution approved by the federal constituent assembly in 1891. cattle, horse and mule breeding on a small scale was the chief source of income of that magnificent state--an income which in less indolent hands might be increased ten-thousand-fold or more. its horses and mules found a ready market in the adjacent state of matto grosso and from there went into bolivia, while the states of minas geraes and são paulo were the chief buyers of pigs, _toucinho_ (dried pork fat), dried beef, hides raw and cured, cheese, lard, etc. goyaz prided itself greatly on its horses, which enjoyed a certain fame all over brazil. perhaps they were in a way as good as any produced in the republic. with a little study and care in the breeding they might be greatly improved and rendered as sturdy and good-looking as some horses of asia and northern africa. so far they were far inferior in appearance and endurance to the horses of arabia, turkestan, europe and abyssinia. the most interesting type of the goyaz horse was what is called the _curraleiro_ or "stable horse," bred in the north of the state, especially in the valley of paranan, bordering upon minas and bahia. the curraleiro was also known as _cavallo sertanejo_ or "horse of the jungle"--two most inappropriate names, for it was, accurately speaking, neither one nor the other. the goyaz horse was a typical brazilian horse. it shared many of the characteristics of the people of the province. timidity, laziness, lack of affection and judgment, sulkiness and great stubbornness under training of any kind were its qualities. this was due chiefly, i think, to its inferior intelligence when compared with thoroughbred horses of other nations. the goyaz horse was small, fairly agile, and when well cared for had a handsome shiny coat with luxuriant mane and tail. it was capable of short, noteworthy efforts, but did not possess abnormal endurance. the present curraleiro is a mere degeneration of what must have formerly been an excellent horse. considering the absolute lack of care taken in its breeding, it was certainly remarkable that it proved to be as good a horse as it actually was. judiciously crossed with hungarian, turkestan, arab or abyssinian horses, i think that quite excellent results might be obtained. it must be taken into consideration that great hardships and work of the roughest character were demanded of animals in central brazil. a praiseworthy movement was started some years ago by marechal hermes da fonseca, now president of the republic, to mount the entire brazilian cavalry on national horses. that will perhaps lead some day to a great improvement in the breeding of animals all over the country, and especially in goyaz, which provided the most suitable land for that purpose. the same remarks could, perhaps, in a slightly lesser degree, be applied to the breeding of donkeys and mules. no care whatever was exercised by the breeders in order to improve the breeds. everything was left to luck and chance. the result was that a degenerate type of animal was produced--wonderful indeed, considering the way it was bred, but which might be improved to an immense extent and made into a remarkable animal, in such a propitious climate and with such marvellous pasture lands. with cattle also, it is safe to assert that, since the colonial time, very little fresh foreign blood of any importance has been introduced in breeding--except, perhaps, some inferior types of the indian humped zebu. most of the stock i saw in southern goyaz was intermixed with zebu. the formerly existing bovine races, such as the mocha, coraçu and crioula have now almost altogether disappeared. unlike most other states of brazil, goyaz had no provincial customs duties. with its immense frontier, bordering upon seven different other states, it would be impossible to enforce the collection of payments. no reliable statistics were obtainable as to the amount of exports or imports of the state. even approximately it would be impossible to make a guess as to the actual amount of the resources of the state. sugar-cane and tobacco could be profitably grown in the state. the small quantity of tobacco grown there was of excellent quality. [illustration: the main square of goyaz city, showing prison and public library.] [illustration: some of the baggage and scientific instruments used by the author on his expedition.] the government of goyaz province consisted of three powers: the executive, represented by the president, elected for three years by universal suffrage; the legislature--a chamber of deputies equally elected for three years by suffrage; and a judicial power constituted by the high court of justice, _juges de droit_--law judges--and district judges. to be elected president of goyaz state all that was necessary was to be a brazilian citizen, over thirty years of age, and able to read and write. the same applied to the election of deputies--for whom a residence of only two years in the state was sufficient. the capital of goyaz--situated on the rio vermelho, a tributary of the great araguaya river--had, according to the census of 1900, a population of some 13,475 people, but i rather doubt whether it possessed as many as 8 to 10,000 souls when i visited it. one could notice indications that goyaz had been in days gone by a flourishing place. there were a number of fine churches, and a large cathedral in course of construction--but since abandoned. some of the buildings, too--the finest was the prison--must have been quite handsome, but were now in a dilapidated condition. it was really heart-breaking to see such a magnificent country go to rack and ruin--a state naturally the richest perhaps in brazil, yet rendered the poorest, deeply steeped in debt, and with the heavy weight of absurdly contracted loans from which it had no hope whatever of recovering under present conditions. they had in the province the most beautiful land in brazil, but it was a land of the dead. people, industries, trade, commerce, everything was dead. formerly, in the time of the emperor and of that great patriot general couto de magalhães, goyaz city could be reached--within a few kilometres--by steam on the beautiful river araguaya, which formed the western boundary of the province, an ideal waterway navigable for 1,200 kil.--in goyaz province alone. in the time of the emperor, when brazil was a wild country, steam navigation actually existed up the araguaya river from conceição as far as leopoldina (the port for goyaz city). the river was free from obstacles of any kind, even in the rainy season. there were then three beautiful english-built launches on that service. a fine repairing shop had been erected at leopoldina. but in these days of civilization, order and progress, the steamers have been purposely run aground and left to rot. there was actually a tree growing through the hull of one of those launches when i last heard of them; the machine shop was robbed of all its tools, and the machinery destroyed and abandoned. the presidente told me that the provincial government had eventually bought the wrecks of the launches and the machine shops for £20--and as it cost too much to leave a man in charge everything had since been abandoned. when i visited goyaz there was no sign and no hope of re-establishing steam navigation on that marvellous waterway. the tocantins river, which intersected the province from goyaz city to its most northern point, was also another serviceable stream--but no one used it, except, perhaps, some rare private canoe taking up goods to settlements on its banks. the navigation of the tocantins, when i was in goyaz, extended merely to the port of alcobaça, 350 kil. from para, from which point rapids existed which made steam navigation impossible as far as praia da rainha. the distance of 180 kil. between those two places was eventually to be traversed by a railway, a a concession for which had been granted to the estrada de ferro norte do brazil. in the high tocantins i believe two steam launches were temporarily running as far as porto nacional or perhaps a little higher. undoubtedly the state of goyaz will some day, notwithstanding its apathetic inhabitants, see great changes for the better. the new epoch will begin when the several railways which were in course of construction from various directions enter the province. not one of them had penetrated the province at the time of my visit, although the work of preparing the road had just been begun on goyaz territory, as we have seen, for a few kilometres north of the paranahyba river, on the extension of the mogyana line from são paulo. a second railway line in course of construction was a branch of the western minas railway; and there was a third up the araguaya from para. those railways will certainly revolutionize the country. the inhabitants of goyaz, ultra-conservative in their ideas, were not at all anxious to see a railway reach their capital. in their curious way of reasoning they seemed to think that the railway would make life dearer in the city, that strangers would be coming in great numbers to reap the benefit of their country, and that the younger people who were satisfied to live there--because they could not get away--would all fly to the coast as soon as the railway was established, to enjoy the luxuries of rio and são paulo, of which they had heard, but could so far only dream of. they did not stop to think that the railways will certainly make goyaz the richest country in the world. the financial condition of that beautiful state can perhaps best be shown by quoting the words of the presidente himself in his message to the legislative congress of goyaz on may 13th, 1910, on assuming the presidency of the province. "on my assuming the government of the province, i ordered the secretary of finance to give an account of the balance existing in the state treasury; and it was verified that up to april 30th last there existed a sum of rs. 87,000,000 (£5,800 sterling), which became reduced to rs. 50,000,000 (£3,334 sterling) after the payments made on the 1st, 3rd, and 4th of the present month (may, 1910). it must be understood that the above-mentioned sum does not represent a balance existing in the treasury, because it includes deposits and guarantees, as well as the deposits of the orphan asylum and of the monte pio. "leaving out the sums left in the treasury on deposit, and which represent in fact a debt of the state, we come to the conclusion that there is no money whatever in the treasury, and that the state '_ainda fica a dever_' (is instead deep in debt). the expenses were vastly higher than the income of the province and whereas the expenses of administration increased daily, the receipts remained stationary." there was a certain humour in the presidente's remarks on crime, when he referred to the difficulties experienced by the chief of police, who received no remuneration. [illustration: the author's six followers.] "it is easy," he said, "to understand the drawbacks resulting for the maintenance of order and the repression of crime, which is daily becoming more common--owing, no doubt, to the facility of entrance, through our unguarded boundaries, of persecuted people or fugitives from our neighbouring states, and of the impunity of criminals due to the benevolence of our juries. the diminution of our police force in so large a state with such difficult communications has had the result that the police force, moved incessantly from one end of the state to the other, never arrives in time to prevent crime! "many criminals have been prosecuted and are now safely guarded in prisons, but unhappily the greater number of criminals are loose all over the state without fear of being prosecuted, and terrorizing the population. bands of gipsies were followed by officers and soldiers, and their attacks on property and individuals were prevented.... in the town of catalão the two armed parties were successfully prevented from violence and '_viessem ás máos_' (coming to blows). at morrinhos armed citizens in a menacing attitude were dispersed by the police ... in other localities other riots or attempts (_sic_) at disorder were immediately repressed, and we can now say that the state enjoys perfect peace, save the municipality of douro, which is threatened by bandits from bahia. they are constantly springing upon the terrified population of the municipality and especially of the town. "... the bandits continue their incursions; murders follow one another in the entire zone between formosa and barreiros, including santa rita and campo largo, the inhabitants of which zone are paralyzed with terror.... our commerce with bahia, as well as relations between private individuals, is thus interrupted." in his message the presidente wisely and frankly disclosed the difficulty of administering justice under existing laws, when juries would absolve proved and confessed murderers wholesale. he endeavoured to stimulate some sense of honour in the officials in charge of the various municipalities, where "_as rendas em geral mal applicadas_" (the revenue generally misapplied) found its way into channels through which it was not intended to pass. a fervent appeal the presidente made to prevent the spread of smallpox. the vaccine which the government sent to various points of the state was not used. curious, indeed, but perfectly true, were his statements regarding the police force. "the officers are zealous and understand their duty. the policemen, notwithstanding all their defects, are being instructed and disciplined. the policemen are in general 'criminals' (_morigerados_). _ha falta de armamento, e o existente não é o melhor._ (there is lack of armament and the existing one is not the best.) the pay is small ... and the body needs reorganization." the academy of law (_academia de direito_) was not satisfactory and did not answer the purpose for which it was established. the lyceum, with its 105 pupils, gave fair results, barring the tolerance in examinations, which, however, did not reach a criminal point (_sic_). it possessed no building of its own, and was badly housed in a private dwelling. public instruction was admittedly defective all over the province. the teachers were almost as ignorant and illiterate as the people who went to learn--and perhaps more so; while the escola normal (normal school) for women was almost altogether unattended. the public works were uncared for--there was not a single new work of art begun in the state. nor could the state boast of a single road or trail or bridge in fair condition. the laws on the possession of land would one day lead to immense difficulties and confusion. the greater part of the land now occupied was in the hands of people who had no legal right whatever to it. the existing laws on mining were equally unsatisfactory, and the presidente rightly remarked that "without facilities and guarantees, capitalists will never venture upon so risky and problematic an enterprise as mining in a state so distant and so difficult of access." he also exhorted the people to re-establish steam navigation on the araguaya river, such as existed in the days of the empire. i was told that a launch had actually been purchased in the united states, but was either waiting at pará for want of an engineer or else had again been sold owing to the impossibility--due to lack of money--of its being transported in sections over the rapids above conceição. the question of boundaries with neighbouring states was an amusing one. according to some rule for which no one can account, the government of goyaz claimed from the state of matto grosso enormous stretches of land on the opposite side of its natural, indisputable geographical western boundary, the main stream araguaya, as well as the isolated settlement of conceição, on the opposite side of the araguaya river, which was undoubtedly in the state of pará. one only had to glance at a map--bad as maps were--to see that in both cases the claim was an absurd one. in the case of conceição it was perfectly ridiculous. the pará government held the place with a military force and occupied the territory with complete jurisdiction. in a more peaceful manner the state of matto grosso was in possession of the entire territory west of the rio grande do araguaya, which the people of goyaz said belonged to them. on the west the araguaya formed a perfect geographical boundary from the southern goyaz boundary--where the araguaya had its birth--as far as the most northern point of the state; whereas, were one to accept the supposed goyaz boundary formed by the rio das mortes--a tributary of lesser volume than the main stream--it would involve an imaginary compound boundary line up the paredão stream, then up the rio barreiros, then an imaginary straight line from north to south across mountainous country, winding its way east until it met the serra dos bahus, then again north-east over undetermined country, then along the rio aporé and eventually joining the paranahyba river. curiously enough, nearly all the brazilian government maps--and all the foreign ones copied, of course, from the brazilian, all remarkable for their inaccuracies--gave the wrong boundary as the correct one! in any case, both the states of matto grosso and pará were in actual occupation of the respective disputed territories, and goyaz was much too poor to afford fighting for them, so that i fear her most unreasonable claims will ever remain unsatisfied. the final blow to the financial status of the province was the loan raised on the banco do brazil of rs. 300,000,000 (£20,000 sterling) at an interest of 7 per cent per annum. the presidente counted on the receipts from the exports as well as on economy in administration in order to pay the interest on this sum--a dream which soon became impossible to realize. it was then attempted to float an internal loan of rs. 200,000,000 (about £13,334 sterling) at an interest of 6 per cent; but, as the presidente pathetically ended his message to the state congress, "not a single person presented himself to subscribe to the loan." the receipts from the export of cattle from goyaz state amounted in 1910 to only rs. 171,901,000 (or £11,460 1_s._ 4_d._ sterling). after all expenses were deducted the state of goyaz then showed a deficit of rs. 325,510,743 (£21,700 14_s._ 4_d_. sterling). chapter viii fourteen long and weary days--disappointment--criminals as followers it was in the town of goyaz that i had entertained hopes of finding suitable followers to accompany my expedition. the officials in rio de janeiro had given me glowing accounts of the bravery of the people of goyaz. according to them those settlers of the interior were all daredevils, courageous beyond words, and i should have no difficulty whatever in finding plenty of men who, for a consideration, would join the expedition. "they will one and all come with you," a well-known colonel had exclaimed enthusiastically to me in rio--"and they will fight like tigers." i carried the strongest possible--although somewhat curiously worded--credentials from the federal government to the presidente and other officials of goyaz, the letters, which had been handed to me open, stating that the presidente was earnestly requested to do all in his power to help to make the expedition a success. when i presented these documents, i explained clearly to the presidente that all i wished was that he should help me to collect thirty plucky men, whom i would naturally pay, and pay well, out of my own pocket, feed and clothe, during the entire time the expedition lasted, as well as pay all their expenses back and wages up to the day of reaching their original point of departure. "i cannot help you; you will get nobody. besides, i have received an official but confidential message from rio requesting me to do all i can to prevent your going on." such treachery seemed inconceivable to me, and i took no notice of it. i again requested the presidente to endeavour to find me men and animals, as nothing would deter me from going on. if no brazilians came, i said that i would go alone, but that the value of the expedition would naturally suffer, as i should thus have to leave behind all the instruments, cameras, and other impedimenta, which, single-handed, i could not possibly carry. it was my intention to travel north-west from goyaz city as far as the river araguaya. there i wanted to descend the araguaya as far as the tapirapez river--a small tributary on the west side of the araguaya, shown on some of the very incorrect existing maps approximately in lat. 11° s., and on others in lat. 9° and some minutes s. proceeding westward from that point again, i proposed crossing over to the xingu river, then to the tapajoz, and farther to the madeira river. it was necessary for me to hire or purchase a canoe in order to descend the araguaya river as far as the tapirapez. believing that perhaps i might be able to find men without the assistance of the governor, i tried every possible channel in goyaz. i sent men all round the town offering high pay. i applied to the commanding officer of the federal troops. i applied to the dominican monks, who have more power in goyaz state than all the officials taken together. the father superior of the dominicans shook his head at once and told me that, much as he wished to oblige me, i was asking for something impossible. he was right. the people were so scared of the indians, and of the horrors of camping in the jungle, that no money in the world would ever induce them to move out of their town. "are there no young fellows in the town who will come along for the love of adventure as well as the money they will get?" i asked. "for love! ... love!" said the friar, bursting with laughter. "i do not believe that such a thing exists in brazil." having removed "love or money" from the programme of temptation, there remained little else except patience. in the meantime i endeavoured to hire a canoe. the presidente kindly undertook to do this for me with the help of a well-known colonel, one of the most revered men in the city. "there is only one boat on the araguaya," said the presidente to me. "you cannot build a raft, as all the woods in these regions are too heavy and not one will float. you must hire that boat or nothing." [illustration: view of goyaz city from sta. barbara.] [illustration: author's men packing animals.] the honoured colonel his friend also impressed that point well upon me. "only that boat or nothing." they also added that they had arranged for me to hire that boat for four days, and it would only cost me £500 sterling. my distinguished friends had taken ten days to arrange that bargain. it took me ten seconds to disarrange it all. all the more as i had heard that a german traveller, dr. krause, had the previous year gone down the araguaya river, where he had done excellent research work, and had also travelled up the tributary tapirapez, crossing over nearly as far as the xingu river. he had found in that region no indians and the country of little interest. furthermore, on my arrival in goyaz capital i learnt that a brazilian government expedition, under the leadership of dr. pimentel, had already been in goyaz some six months trying to start on a journey down the araguaya, and, if possible, also to go up the tapirapez and other tributaries of that great stream. moreover, the araguaya was perhaps, after the madeira, one of the best known southern tributaries of the amazon. as we have already seen, during the time of dom pedro, the emperor, there was even steam navigation almost all along the course of the upper araguaya as far as leopoldina, the port for goyaz capital. several englishmen and germans and very many brazilians had travelled on that river, where even military posts had at one time been established at intervals on its banks. so that, rather than be imposed upon and travel for hundreds of kilometres in so well-known a region, i decided slightly to alter my route in order to cover ground that was newer and infinitely more interesting and important. the presidente's friend, the highly revered colonel, had also undertaken to purchase a number of horses and mules for me. "the people of goyaz," said he, "are terrible thieves; they will swindle you if you buy them yourself. i will purchase them for you and you will then pay me back the money. by to-morrow morning," he had stated, "i shall have all the horses and mules you require." this was on the day of my arrival in goyaz. twelve days after that date he appeared with a famished, skeleton-like horse--only one--for which he made me pay nearly double what i had myself paid for other excellent animals. i took care after that experience to beware of the "revered and honest men of goyaz." those who behaved honestly were generally those who were described as thieves. everything is reversed in brazil, and i should have known better. let us have a look around the city. mules and horses were grazing in the principal square on a severe slope; the streets were paved in a fashion calculated to dislocate your feet or possibly break them if you happened to be walking out after dark. there was not the slightest semblance of drainage in any part of the town. the people flung out into the streets all that could be flung out, and also a good deal that should not be flung. the dirt was excessive all over the place when the rain did not come to the rescue and wash it all off. the boast of the town was its brilliant illumination--one hundred petroleum lights all told, lighted up until ten p.m. when there was no moon. when there was, or should have been, a moon, as on stormy nights, the municipality economized on the paraffin and the lamps were not lighted. i do not know anything more torturing than returning home every night after my dinner at the palace, walking on the slippery, worn slabs of stone of the pavements, at all angles--some were even vertical--in the middle of the road. you stumbled, slipped, twisted your feet, jamming them in the wide interstices between the slabs. i never could understand why the municipality troubled to have lights at all. they gave no light when they were lighted--not enough to see by them--and they were absolutely of no use to the natives themselves. by eight o'clock p.m. all the people were asleep and barricaded within their homes. yet--can you believe it?--in this mediæval city you would be talked about considerably and would give much offence if you went out of your house in clothes such as you would wear in england in the country. on sundays and during all easter week--when i was there--all the men went out in their frock-coats, top hats of grotesquely antiquated shapes, extra high starched collars, and, above all, patent leather shoes--with the sun scorching overhead. the women were amusing enough in their finery--which had been perhaps the fashion elsewhere fifty or sixty or more years ago. but they believed they were as well-dressed and quite as up-to-date as the smartest women of paris or london. they never let an opportunity pass of telling you so. the most striking building in the principal square of goyaz was the prison. i visited it in the company of the chief of police. the place had been specially cleaned on the occasion of my visit, and that particular day it looked quite neat. i was shown very good food which--at least that day--had been prepared for the prisoners. nearly all the prisoners were murderers. "but the biggest criminals of all," said the chief of police to me, "are not inside this prison; they are outside!" the poor devils inside were mere wretches who had not been able to bribe the judges. curiously enough, petty theft was considered a shame in the province of goyaz, and was occasionally severely punished; whereas murderers were usually set free. i saw a poor negro there who had stolen a handful of beans and had been sent to five years' penal servitude, while others who had killed were merely sentenced to a few months' punishment. in any case, no one in brazil can be sentenced to more than thirty years' detention, no matter how terrible the crime he has committed. the display of police guarding the prison was somewhat excessive. there were fifty policemen to guard fifty prisoners: policemen standing at each door, policemen at each corner of the building, while a swarm of them occupied the front hall. the various common cells were entered by trap doors in the ceiling, of great height, and by a ladder which was let down. thus escape was rendered improbable, the iron bars of the elevated windows being sounded every morning and night for further safety. the sanitary arrangements were of the most primitive kind, a mere bucket in a corner serving the needs of eight or ten men in each chamber. as there was no lunatic asylum in goyaz, insane people were sent to prison and were kept and treated like criminals. i noticed several interesting cases of insanity: it generally took either a religious or a criminal form in brazil. one man, with a ghastly degenerate face, and his neck encircled by a heavy iron collar, was chained to the strong bars of a window. his hands and feet were also chained. the chain at his neck was so short that he could only move a few inches away from the iron bars. he sat crouched like a vicious dog on the window-ledge, howling and spitting at us as we passed. his clothes were torn to shreds; his eyes were sunken and staring, his long, thin, sinewy arms, with hands which hung as if dead, occasionally and unconsciously touching this or that near them. i tried to get close, to talk and examine him; but his fury was so great against the policeman who accompanied me that it was impossible to get near. he was trying to bite like a mad dog, and injured himself in his efforts to get at us. another lunatic, too--loose in a chamber with other prisoners--gave a wonderful exhibition of fury--that time against me, as he was under the impression that i had come there to kill him! he was ready to spring at me when two policemen seized him and drove him back. there was a theatre in goyaz--a rambling shed of no artistic pretensions. the heat inside that building was stifling. when i inquired why there were no windows to ventilate the place i was told that a leading goyaz gentleman, having once travelled to st. petersburg in russia in winter-time, and having seen there a theatre with no windows, eventually returned to his native city, and immediately had all the windows of the theatre walled up, regardless of the fact that what is suitable in a semi-arctic climate is hardly fit for a stifling tropical country. one thing that struck me most in goyaz was the incongruity of the people. with the little literature which found its way so far in the interior, most of the men professed advanced social and religious ideas, the majority making pretence of atheism in a very acute form. "down with faith: down with religion: down with the priests!" was their cry. yet, much to my amazement--i was there in easter week--one evening there was a religious procession through the town. what did i see? all those fierce atheists, with bare, penitent heads stooping low, carrying lighted candles and wooden images of our crucified saviour and the virgin! the procession was extremely picturesque, the entire population, dressed up for the occasion, being out in the streets that night, while all the men, including the policemen and federal soldiers--all bareheaded--walked meekly along in the procession, each carrying a candle. when the procession arrived at the church, the presidente himself--another atheist--respectfully attended the service; then the priest came out and delivered a spirited sermon to the assembled crowds in the square. then you saw those atheists--old and young, civil and military--again kneeling on the hard and irregular paving-stones--some had taken the precaution to spread their handkerchiefs so as not to soil their trousers--and beating their chests and murmuring prayers, and shaking their heads in sign of repentance. such is the world! the prettiest part of the procession was that formed by the young girls, all garbed in immaculate white, and with jet-black hair--masses of it--hanging loose upon their shoulders. the chanting was musical and the whole affair most impressive. i had received somewhat of a shock in the morning on passing the principal church--there were five or six in goyaz. spread out upon the pavement was the life-size wooden figure of our saviour--which had evidently long been stored in a damp cellar--much mildewed and left there in the sun in preparation for the evening performance. the red wig of real hair, with its crown of thorns, had been removed and was drying upon a convenient neighbouring shrub! really, those people of goyaz were an amusing mixture of simplicity and superstition. one great redeeming point of the people of goyaz was that they were extremely charitable. they had erected a huge building as a workhouse. it was entirely supported by charity. a small library had also been established. as i have elsewhere stated, i needed for my expedition no less than thirty men, so that they could, if necessary, carry all my instruments, cameras, provisions, ammunition, etc., where animals could not get through. fourteen long and tedious days elapsed in goyaz. no one could be induced to come. in despair i sent a despatch to the minister of agriculture, asking for the loan of at least four soldiers--whom i should naturally have paid out of my own pocket, as i had duly explained to the presidente, who backed my request. to my regret i received a reply from the minister of war saying that at that moment the government could not possibly spare four soldiers. it must be said that, although the men of goyaz did not shine for their bravery, it was not so with the ladies, several of whom offered, if necessary, to accompany the expedition and do, of course, the work of the men. i believe that they meant it. i have, indeed, the greatest respect and admiration for the noble self-sacrifice of the women of goyaz. devoted mothers and wives, to men who deserved no devotion at all--nearly all the men had concubines--gentle, humble, thoughtful, simple and hard-working, they did all the work in the house. they were a great contrast to the lazy, conceited, vain male portion of the population. certainly, in a population of 10,000 people, i met two or three men who deserved respect, but they were the exception. if the men were so timid, it was not altogether their fault; they could not help it. it was enough to look at them to see that no great feats of bravery could be expected of them. they were under-developed, exhausted, eaten up by the most terrible complaint of the blood. the lives in which they merely vegetated were without any mental stimulus. many suffered from goître, others had chests that were pitiful to look at, so under-developed were they; all continually complained, every time you spoke to them, of headache, toothache, backache, or some other ache. they were always dissatisfied with life and with the world at large, and had no energy whatever to try and improve their condition. they were extremely polite; they had a conventional code of good manners, to which, they adhered faithfully--but that was all. [illustration: some of author's pack animals.] at the end of the fourteen days in goyaz i had been able to purchase a good number of mules and horses--at a very high price, as the people would not otherwise part with their quadrupeds. also i had collected all the riding and pack saddles and harness necessary, a sufficient quantity of spare shoes for the animals, a number of large saws, axes, picks and spades, large knives for cutting our way through the forest, and every possible implement necessary on a journey of the kind i was about to undertake. everything was ready--except the men! alcides ferreiro do santos and filippe da costa de britto--the two men lent me by mr. louis schnoor in araguary--upon seeing my plight were at last induced to accompany the expedition at a salary of close upon a pound sterling a day each. at the last moment the presidente came to my rescue. he supplied me with six men. "they are criminals," he said to me, "and they will give you no end of trouble"--a fact fully demonstrated three hours later that same evening, when one of them--an ex-policeman--disappeared for ever with a few pounds sterling i had advanced him in order to purchase clothes. another fellow vanished later, carrying away some 40 lb. of coffee, sugar, knives, and other sundries. so then i had two criminals less. i packed my animals, and was about to depart with the four remaining rascals and the two araguary men--six all told--when a policeman, sent in haste, called me to the palace. the truly good-hearted presidente and his charming family were in a great state of mind. they told me that my men had gone about the town the previous night drinking, and had confided to friends that they were merely coming with me in order to murder and rob me of all i possessed as soon as they had an opportunity. it was an open secret that i carried a very large sum of money upon my person, as after leaving são paulo city it was impossible to obtain money by cashing cheques on letters of credit or other such civilized means, and it was imperative for me to carry several thousand pounds sterling in cash in order to be able to purchase horses, mules, boats, food, and pay the men, as long as the journey should last. when you stop to consider that i had before me the prospect of not replenishing my exchequer for at least one year, or perhaps two years or more, it will be easily understood that if one wants to travel, and travel quickly as i do, there is no other possible way than to carry the money with one in hard cash. the risk was certainly enormous, although no one except myself ever really knew the amount that i actually carried. a large portion of that sum was in brazilian notes, a good deal in english bank-notes, and some four hundred pounds sterling in english gold. as i could trust nobody, that sum, except what i gradually spent, and barring the few moments when i took my daily morning bath, never left my person, even for a few minutes, for the entire period of one year. most of the notes were contained in two bulky leather bags and the gold in a third, attached firmly to a strong belt which day and night--much to my discomfort--encircled my waist. the larger bank-notes, letters of credit, etc., were divided into my various coat, shirt, and trousers pockets. the gold was so heavy that it caused with its friction a large sore on my right hip--a sore which remained there more or less for an entire year. "you cannot start under such conditions," said the presidente appealingly. "i cannot furnish other men. no one will go, notwithstanding the high pay you give them." i thanked the presidente for his exquisite kindness, and for the very generous and thoughtful hospitality he and his delightful family had offered me in goyaz, and which left in my mind the only pleasant moments spent in that dull city. chapter ix the departure--devoured by insects a few minutes later i had again joined my caravan, watched intently, at a respectful distance, by a few astonished natives of goyaz. as soon as all my mules and horses had been packed--they were very heavily laden--i took my departure in a direction north-west by west. the six men mounted on mules came along. i had armed all my followers with the best repeating carbines that are made, as well as with excellent automatic pistols, and the long daggers locally used; but personally i carried no weapons of any kind. having been unsuccessful in obtaining sufficient men from the officials of goyaz, there yet remained for me one last faint hope. it was to try and get a few followers from the indian colony of the salesian friars, a few days' journey west of the araguaya river. on april 26th, from the height of santa barbara (elev. 2,150 ft. above the sea level), a picturesque chapel and graveyard to the west of the city, i bade good-bye for good to goyaz capital (elev. 1,950 ft.). one obtained from this point a fine view of the entire city spreading from north to south, at the bottom of the imposing frame of mountains on the south with their extraordinary columnar formation. each natural column, with its mineral composition and crystallization, shone like silver in the bright light. the _ensemble_ from our point of vantage resembled the set of pipes of an immense church organ. high hills stood to the east. in the distance to the south-west the lower country was open with the exception of mountains in the far background. we marched rapidly enough across wooded country until we crossed the rio vermelho (elev. 1,750 ft.). my men became very excited and began firing their carbines recklessly. i had handed to them fifty cartridges each, with strict instructions not to fire without my orders. i was some distance off. when i heard the fusillade i immediately galloped to the spot. the men had blazed away nearly all their ammunition, nor would they cease firing when i ordered them until they had exhausted their supply of 300 cartridges in all. why were they firing? because, said they, they had crossed the first water on their journey. my heart absolutely sank into my boots when i realized that it was my fate to travel with such contemptible imbeciles for perhaps a year longer or more, and that was only the first day! oh, what a prospect! we had our first quarrel when the men demanded to have their belts replenished with cartridges for their protection against attack. as i refused to let them have them there was a mutiny, the men declining to go on another yard unless the cartridges were handed to them. we had not been gone more than three hours, and a mutiny already! with a great deal of patience i induced them to go on, which they eventually did with oaths and language somewhat unpleasant. still i held firm. after several ascents and descents and a great many mishaps with our mules, unaccustomed yet to the work, we made camp, having marched 18 kil., on the bank of the rio agapa (elev. 1,650 ft.), near which the grazing was fair. two mules escaped during the night, and we could only make a late start the next morning. alcides traced them all the way back to goyaz, where he recovered them. up and down we went, from 1,760 ft. to 1,550 ft., at which elevation we crossed the rio indio with a beautiful rocky bed the banks of which showed strata of red and grey clay and delicious crystalline water. no fossils of any kind were to be seen anywhere, although i looked hard in search of them all the time. the country was undulating and fairly thickly wooded near streams, otherwise it consisted mostly of campos, at the highest point of which another beautiful panoramic view of the escarpment in the plateau we had left behind could be obtained. the elevation was constantly changing between 1,750 ft. and 2,050 ft. above the sea level. burity and other palms were plentiful. we crossed that day three streams, the last one the rio uva. in a distance of 38 kil. we saw only a miserable shed, although we passed a site where a ruined house and paddock showed that once there must have been quite an ancient and important farm. yes, indeed, goyaz state had seen better days in the time of the emperor and when slavery was legal. with the present lack of population and the prohibitive prices of labour it was impossible to carry on farming profitably. the landscape was everywhere beautiful, but one never saw a bird, never perceived a butterfly, nor any other animal life of any kind. i was just remarking this fact to alcides when a snake, eight or nine feet long, crossed at a great speed in front of my mule. the mules and horses were rather frightened at first of snakes, and it was amusing to watch how high they stepped when they saw them and tried to escape from them. we were in great luck. a flock of six beautiful red _araras_ (macaws) passed above our heads. they looked perfectly gorgeous as they flapped their wings heavily and shrieked loudly as they sped along. the formation of the soil in that region was interesting enough. under a greyish white surface layer there were thin sedimentary strata of pebbles, deposited evidently by water, then under these a thick stratum--30 ft. or more--of warm-coloured red earth. the streams which had cut their way through this geological formation were invariably limpid in the extreme. we were beginning to find beautiful flowers and butterflies again, the latter in great swarms near the water. my caravan of grey and white pack-animals--some fourteen--was quite a picturesque sight as it wound its way down steep hill-sides, the mounted men urging the mules with shouts and lashes from their whips. we experienced difficulty in finding a good camp that night, the grazing being poor and the water scarce when sunset came. it seemed a pity that the most suitable camping places were not always to be found when you wished to halt! we were now at an elevation of 1,550 ft. when we proceeded the next morning we found nothing of interest. fairly wooded country alternated with campos, at first rather undulating, then almost flat, until we arrived at the tapirapuana river (elev. 1,350 ft.), 8 yards wide and 3 ft. deep, which we crossed without much trouble, in the afternoon, at a spot some 28 kil. distant from our last camp. luxuriant foliage hung over the banks right down into the water, which flowed so slowly--only at the rate of 1,080 metres an hour--that it looked almost stagnant, and of a muddy, dirty, greenish colour. we were much troubled by mosquitoes, flies and _carrapatinhos_, the latter a kind of tiny little clinging parasite which swarmed absolutely all over us every time we put our feet on the ground on dismounting from our animals. the irritation was such that you actually drove your nails into your skin in scratching yourself. they could only be driven away by smearing oneself all over with tobacco juice, the local remedy, or with strong carbolic soap, which i generally used, and which worked even more satisfactorily. a tubercular leper came to spend the evening in our camp. he was most repulsive, with his enlarged features, especially the nose, of a ghastly, shiny, unwholesome, greenish white, and pitifully swollen feet and hands. the heat was not unbearable in that region--89° fahrenheit in the shade, 105° in the sun. there was a breeze blowing that day from the north-east, with a velocity of 200 metres a minute by anemometer. a good portion of the following day was wasted trying to recover four animals that had escaped. in order that they might graze properly it was necessary to let them loose. they sometimes strayed away long distances. occasionally they hid in the shade of the _matto_ (forest and shrub), and it was easy to miss them while looking for them. luckily, two of my men--alcides and a man called antonio--were excellent trackers, and sooner or later they were generally able to bring back the animals, which was not at all difficult, as one only had to follow the marks of their hoofs to find where they had gone. we departed late in the afternoon through thick shrub, over marked undulations--in some spots quite steep. from the highest point that day (elev. 1,900 ft.) we obtained an extensive view of flat tablelands in the distance to the east, with a low hill-range standing in front of them. it was scenery quite typical of central brazil, with no irregular, striking mountains; but everywhere we had plenty to study in the effects of erosion on that great continent. i tried to make up for time lost by marching at night--a most trying experience, as my men, unaccustomed to the work and frightened at every shadow, let the mules stray in all directions. i unfortunately had to hand over to my followers a few cartridges each, or else they would not come on. every now and then that night they fired recklessly in the dark--much to the danger of beasts and men alike--thinking they had seen an indian, or a leopard, or some other wild animal. i was glad when we arrived in camp and ascertained that no one had been wounded. that night-march demoralized animals and men alike. most of the animals strayed away during the night, as the grazing was bad where we halted. i was compelled to halt for two days in that miserable spot, simply devoured by flies and mosquitoes and _carrapatos_, in order to recover them. if you do not know what a _carrapato_ is, let me tell you. it is an insect of the order of diptera and the genus _mosca pupiparas_, and is technically known as _melophagus ovinus_. its flattened, almost circular body varies in size from the head of an ordinary nail to the section of a good-sized pencil. like the _carrapatinho_--its miniature reproduction--it possesses wonderful clinging powers, its legs with hook attachment actually entering under the skin. its chief delight consists in inserting its head right under your cutaneous tissues, wherefrom it can suck your blood with convenient ease. it is wonderfully adept at this, and while i was asleep, occasionally as many as eight or ten of these brutes were able to settle down comfortably to their work without my noticing them; and some--and it speaks highly for their ability--were even able to enter my skin (in covered parts of the body) in the day-time when i was fully awake, without my detecting them. i believe that previous to inserting the head they must inject some poison which deadens the sensitiveness of the skin. it is only after they have been at work some hours that a slight itching causes their detection. then comes the difficulty of extracting them. if in a rash moment you seize the carrapato by the body and pull, its head becomes separated from its body and remains under your skin, poisoning it badly and eventually causing unpleasant sores. having been taught the proper process of extraction, i, like all my men, carried on my person a large pin. when the carrapato was duly located--it is quite easy to see it, as the large body remains outside--the pin was duly pushed right through its body. the carrapato, thus surprised, at once let go with its clinging legs, which struggled pitifully in the air. then with strong tobacco juice or liquefied carbolic soap, or iodine, you smeared all round the place where the head was still inserted. the unpleasantness of these various beverages immediately persuaded the brute to withdraw its head at once. you could then triumphantly wave the pin and struggling carrapato in the air. you were liberated from the unpleasant visitor. it was not uncommon while you were extracting one--the operation took some little time--for two or three others to find their way into your legs or body. i fortunately possess blood which does not easily get poisoned, and felt no ill effects from the hundreds of these brutes which fed on me during the entire journey; but many people suffer considerably. my men, for instance, had nasty-looking sores produced by the bites of the carrapato. the mules and horses were simply swarming with these insects, which gave them no end of trouble, especially as they selected the tenderest parts of the skin in various localities of the body to settle upon. where an animal had a sore it would soon be swarming with carrapatos near its edge. it would then putrefy, and maggots in hundreds would be produced inside the wound almost within a few hours. there was, near by, an old _moradoria_, a large patch of _muricy_ trees (_byrsonima_), of which various species exist. these were not unlike small olive trees and produced a small sweet fruit quite good to eat. we went for 22 kil. through a forest with beautiful fan palms over 30 ft. high. there was no animal life. we crossed three streamlets, the country between being undulating. between the last two streams we came across rock showing through the alluvial deposits. it was an interesting conglomerate of minute crystals cemented together by hardened clay, the whole forming large blocks. more trouble was in store for us. one of my mules was seriously injured. its spine was so badly strained that it was quite disabled for further work. my cook, who had a slight attack of indigestion, wished to be left there to die, and declined to proceed any farther. with true brazilian reasoning he wished, nevertheless, to be paid off before dying. with true english reasoning i explained to him that money would be of little use to him in the next world. if he really intended to die i would certainly not pay him, but his wages would naturally go on while he was alive, continued the journey, and did the cooking. he quickly returned to life, and to his senses. really, in the entire experiences of my travels i have never come across more pitiable specimens of manhood than those fellows. they absolutely gave me a sickly feeling that i never lost while they were with me, for many many months to come. the animals, too, were almost as bad as the men. they had little endurance, they had no courage, everything seemed to affect them. the worst abyssinian mule, for instance, was, for equal work, vastly superior to the best goyaz mule. it was a useless task to try and train those animals. on my many previous expeditions i had been able to win the affection of my animals, and was able to train them in a few days so that they obeyed with the perfection of soldiers, but in brazil, the last day i had them--after several months that they had been with me--they were just as disobedient and stupid as on the first day. in fact, they never even seemed to recognize us again. they had learnt absolutely nothing, except bad habits. everything seemed to frighten them. one mule, for instance, was afraid of crossing small streams. its legs invariably began to quiver on entering the water, and down would go mule and baggage rolling into the water. all the thrashing in the world could not make it get up. we had to drag the brute bodily across the stream, when it would jump up on its legs again. it was quite futile to try and prevent that animal collapsing every time it had to go across water. so that, on approaching any streamlet, we had to unload it in order at least to prevent the baggage getting soaked. the interior of brazil--even comparatively near a city, as we were still to goyaz--did not compare in civilization with the lowest and poorest countries of central asia or africa. humble countries like persia and beluchistan or abyssinia some ten or fifteen years ago were more advanced than brazil to-day. they had good trails on which a regular postal service was established, there were regular rest-houses on those trails, and horses or camels could easily be hired and exchanged at the different stations, so that one could travel comparatively quickly. it was not so in brazil. even if you wished to take a short journey of a few days from a city, you had to purchase your horses or your mules, and have the riding and pack saddles made for you at a high cost. as we have seen, even in the city of goyaz itself, there did not exist a single hotel, nor did we find a proper rest-house in the 531 kil. between the railway terminus and goyaz capital. nor is there one of these conveniences west between goyaz and cuyaba, the capital of matto grosso. of course there were no hotels because nobody travelled, but it can also be said that many people do not care to travel where there are no hotels. in so humble and poor a country as persia you always could indulge in a delicious bath in every caravanserai, which you found in the remotest spots all over the country. in brazil you have to resort to the streams, where the moment you remove your clothes you are absolutely devoured by mosquitoes, flies and insects of all kinds--a perfect torture, i can assure you. once you were in the water, immersed up to the mouth, it took a brave man to come out again, as millions of mosquitoes and flies and gnats circled angrily and greedily above your head ready for the attack the moment you came out. we were travelling all the time at elevations varying from 1,450 ft. at our last camp to 1,400 ft. at our present camp, the highest elevation between these two places being on a rocky hillock about 100 ft. higher than those altitudes. our camp was on a streamlet flowing from south to north, of milky water containing lime, which made our tongues and gums smart when we drank it. again on may 3rd we went through forest all the time, with wonderful palms and many medicinal plants. alcides had an extensive knowledge of the curative qualities of the various plants. various species of the _caroba_ (_bignoniaceæ_), very beneficial, they say, as a blood purifier, especially in the worst of terrible complaints, were plentiful there. giant nettles, the _ortiga_ or _cassausan_, as it is locally called, were also frequently noticeable, especially when we passed too near and were stung all over by them. we had risen to 1,200 ft. on the summit of a range called o fogo. from it we had another exquisite view of the mountain range called bucainha, which we had left behind to the east. it had a marked erosion on its north side. on the west side of the pass we found curious small domes as well as pillars and other rocks of columnar formation. we had met during the day many _aricori_ palms, which, i was told, produced a sweet fruit excellent to eat when ripe, in the month of november. after a steep rocky descent we made our camp. we halted earlier than usual. i was sitting outside my tent while my dinner was being cooked. i could not help smiling at the warlike array which had been necessary in order to make a start from goyaz. the camp was a regular armoury. beautiful magazine rifles, now rusty and dirty owing to the carelessness of the men, were lying about on the ground; revolvers and automatic pistols stuck half out of their slings on the men's belts as they walked about the camp; large knives and daggers had been thrown about, and so had the huge, heavy, nickel-plated spurs of the men, with their gigantic spiked wheels. these wheels were as much as two inches in diameter and even more. it was the habit of brazilians to wear the spurs upside down, so that when they got off their mounts they had to remove them or it would have been impossible for them to walk. naturally, worn like that, they were much more effective, and were intended to torment the animals with greater success. i reprimanded the men for keeping their weapons so dirty. one man thereupon sat himself three feet away from me and proceeded to clean his rifle, keeping the muzzle pointed constantly at me. on my suggesting that he might point the weapon in another direction he roughly replied the usual thing: "there is nothing to be afraid of, it is not loaded"--and he proceeded to pull the trigger, the gun pointed straight at me, when i leapt up and snatched it out of his hands. there was a cartridge in the barrel and several cartridges in the magazine. [illustration: author's caravan across the immense prairies of matto grosso.] during the night the fusillade was constant. it was enough for the men to hear a leaf fall. immediately there was an alarm and the rifles were fired. once or twice the bullets came so unpleasantly near me that i suspected they were intended for me. i thanked my stars that my men were bad shots. to make sure of this fact, i one day had a shooting competition. after that i became quite assured that it was sufficient to be at the spot where they aimed to consider myself in absolute safety. it was not so, of course, when they aimed somewhere else. i did not care to take away the cartridges from them altogether, as they would have then imagined that i was afraid of them--an impression which it would have been fatal to let them entertain even for a moment. each man was allowed to replenish his belt each day to the extent of ten cartridges. i have elsewhere referred to the absurd pack-saddles used in brazil, so heavy and unsteady when going over rough country, with the underpads so difficult to adjust that the animals were soon a mass of sores on the back, the sides of the body, on the chest and tail. i had other lighter and more sensible saddles, but i had to discard them as the brazilians would not hear of using them, and i gave up in despair of teaching them how to pack them. i eventually left those saddles behind. the riding-saddles, too, were almost as absurd as the pack-saddles, constructed as they were of innumerable and useless pieces of wood, iron and leather. the stirrups were gaudy, and consisted of a regular shoe of silver or other metal, into which you inserted the greater part of your foot, or else of a much ornamented circular ring. the head-piece and bit were also extremely heavy, clumsy, and highly decorated, for everything must be made for show if it had to be used in brazil. it was not possible to associate in any way or be friendly with my men. they were unpleasant beyond all conception. one could not say a word--no matter how kind--without the prospect of a long argument or a row. it was quite beyond them to be civil, and, like all ignorant people, they always imagined that they could teach others everything--including good manners! they were ridiculously courteous to one another--a muleteer talking to another always addressing him as "sir," and referring to his comrades as his "colleagues." we travelled that day nearly altogether over finely powdered reddish earth of volcanic origin. i had so far not met with a single fossil, not a shell, not a petrified bone of any animal, nor, indeed, impressions on rock of leaves, twigs or other parts of plants. the farther one went on, the more one had proof that that portion at least of the american continent had never been submerged in its entirety. some rocks displayed on the surface peculiar perforations such as would be produced by incessant water dripping over them, but these were caused, i think, merely by water falling over them while they were in a molten state; other rocks were thoroughly polished on the surface, as if sand or other gritty substance had flowed with great force over them, mixed with water--perhaps during a period of volcanic activity and torrential rains. geological research was somewhat difficult for a passing traveller in that region, for everything was smothered in vegetation. only here and there in the cuts of rivers was i able to judge a little better of the actual formation of the land. we camped on the stream agua limpa, which duly deserved its name of "clear water" (elev. 1,470 ft.). it flowed south. on may 4th, going through forest again over a hill (elev. 1,650 ft.), we obtained a glorious view of the immense expanse to the west and to the south-west--a great stretch of greenish, long sweeping lines with a plateau in the background. a somewhat taller hill rose at one end of it. we then descended to another deliciously clear river, which deserved as well as the previous one the name of agua limpa (elev. 1,450 ft.), but this one flowed north into the rio claro. the land was fine, sparsely wooded all the time, absolutely flat, but getting slightly undulating beyond that stream. it seemed wonderful land for agricultural purposes. after passing the indain river, the bom successo, and another stream, all three flowing south, we swerved more to the north-west, rising up on an elevated spot, from which we obtained another glorious panorama, a high serra to the west, another in the distance to the east, the two extending almost parallel towards the south, where the gap in the horizon line between these ranges was filled by a very distant range showing a conical peak, and to the west of this another in the shape of a dome. it was the grandeur of these panoramas that impressed one most, rather than their monotonous beauty. all the outlines of the scenery of central brazil had, so to speak, been worn smooth by the erosive action of water and wind, so that no fantastically shaped mountains had yet been encountered, no landscape which some great commotion had rendered strangely picturesque. there, only the steady work of uncountable ages showed itself in a most impressive way to those who understood. from a striking pictorial point of view very little remained in one's mind of those wonderful scenes after one had turned one's head away, except, perhaps, their immensity and the deep green tones--the two salient points of the scenery. when we had descended from the pass (elev. 1,650 ft.) we came to the rio tres de majo, where a hamlet of three sheds was found. twenty-eight kilometres from our last camp we arrived at the rio rancheria, where stood a miserable farm. both those streams, at an elevation of 1,300 ft., flowed into the rio claro to the north. we had the misfortune of halting near the farmhouse, and suffered tortures from the millions of mosquitoes, gnats, carrapatos and carrapatinhos which made that night almost unbearable. i invariably found that carrapatos and carrapatinhos were more plentiful where living people or animals were to be found. near those dirty farmhouses we were simply swarming all over with them. my poor animals, owing to the long marches we had been making, and the terrible pack-saddles, had sore backs and loins, sore chests. yet we could not stop, and the poor things must stand the pain and strain. chapter x fishing--termites--the great araguaya river an amusing incident happened. a cow chewed up the coat of one of my men, which was lying on the ground. in his fury the owner of the coat, on discovering the misdeed, seized his carbine and fired four shots at the cow and four at the farmhouse. none of us could tell where the bullets went. the cow, startled by the shots, gave a few jumps and kicks, then, absolutely uninjured, peacefully continued grazing. the house too remained untouched. amazing shots my men were! across almost flat country we reached the rio claro--"the limpid river" (elev. 1,250 ft. above the sea level), 200 metres wide, and flowing along a winding course in a general direction of south-west to north-east. wide beaches of sand and fine gravel were to be seen on the convex or inner curves of its channel. along the banks there was luxuriant vegetation, which hung down and dipped into the water. diamonds were to be found in that river. at low water curious eruptive, highly ferruginous rocks showed in the river bed, some in the shape of spherical balls riddled with perforations, as if they had been in a state of ebullition, others as little pellets of yellow lava, such as i had before encountered between araguary and goyaz, and which suggested the spluttering of molten rock suddenly cooled by contact with cold air or water. we encamped some three kilometres from the rio claro, on the streamlet arejado, where again we were devoured by mosquitoes. although we all had thick mosquito nets, and although we slept wrapped--head and all--in our respective blankets, the brutes managed to find their way in and stung us with incredible vigour. we were fresh blood for them. the irritation caused by their bites was a torment. we were now getting closer to the country where we were to meet the terrible wild indians, the most ferocious and cruel cannibals on earth, according to the accounts heard in goyaz. my men were already beginning to lose heart. with the sleepless night due to the mosquitoes, and the heavy atmosphere caused by a fast-approaching thunderstorm, they were morose in the morning. with the exception of alcides and the negro filippe, the others came insolently forward and refused to go any farther. they shoved the muzzles of their rifles under my nose; they wished to be paid up instantly and go back. with a little patience it was easy to get out of difficulties of that sort, if you possessed the gift of keeping calm. faithful alcides, who had a fiery temper, seized his rifle and was about to fire at them, when i took the weapon from him. "do not shoot them, alcides: these men have been good (_sic_) until now because they were in good health. they are bad now because they are ill. i will cure them." and so saying i felt the pulse and forehead of the astonished rioters. "yes, indeed, these men are very, very ill. they need medicine. alcides, get the castor oil--the large tin." i had two kinds of castor oil: one tasteless--_pour façon de parler_--for my own use and cases of serious illness; another in large tins, of the commonest kind, with an odour that would kill an ox, which i used occasionally for punishment on my men when they were disobedient. alcides, who quickly entered into the spirit of that little joke, immediately produced the deadly tin, collecting upon the ground the four cups belonging to the strikers. taking my instructions, he poured some four ounces of the sickening oil into each cup--and perhaps a little more. i handed a cup to each man and saw that he drank it. they all eventually did so, with comic grimaces and oaths. the men, i must tell you, had great faith in my powers as a medicine man. once or twice before i had already cured them of insignificant ailments, and whenever i told them seriously that they were ill they believed, in their ignorance, that they were really ill. this done, and to put them again in a good temper, i patted them on the back and, handing each of them a fish-hook and a line, sent them all to fish in the river, saying that as they were so ill i would delay my departure until the afternoon. "that pool, over there," some three hundred yards distant, i suggested would be an excellent place for them to fish in. in that direction, as meek as lambs, like so many naughty children they all went, carrying the lines away and some _toucinho_ (lard) for bait. alcides, who was an enthusiastic fisherman, also went off with a line, and had good sport. he reported that the other men lay flat upon their backs most of the time, groaning and moaning, upon the rocks, basking in the sun instead of fishing. the castor oil in any case had the desired effect that the men did not mutiny again for some time. we did not leave camp until 2 p.m. the country was teeming with plants of great medicinal value, such as the _sucupira_, which gave a bean much used in goyaz to relieve stomach troubles; the _algudanzinho_, with its lovely cadmium-yellow cup-shaped flower--a plant which was most plentiful in that region, and the root of which was said to be very beneficial for the worst of venereal complaints; and also the _acaraiba_. many were the handsome wild flowers we came across, principally red and yellow; but to my mind they could bear no comparison with even the ugliest european wild flowers. they were coarse in shape and crude in colour, and in their beauty there was the same difference as there would be between the lovely refined face of an aristocratic woman and that of a handsome massive peasant girl. water was certainly not lacking in that country. we crossed the rio striminho, then the rio stacco flowing from south-west to north-east into a lagoon formed by the rio claro. we camped on the bank of the rio stacco. the water was delicious. [illustration: the araguaya river (looking north).] [illustration: the araguaya (looking south).] the negro filippe killed a wild boar. my men had a great time preparing a huge dinner. they absolutely gorged themselves. personally i never touch pig in any shape or form, as i cannot get over the idea that its meat is poisonous for any thoroughly healthy person. it may, of course, not be so to people who are not absolutely healthy. the very sight and odour of it make me quite ill, and i fully share the idea of mahommedans that the meat--certainly of tame pigs--is most unclean. as we went on we had good sport, my men taking the greatest delight in fishing in the rivers on the banks of which we halted. the travelling was easy over flat country. we made short marches for some days, in order to let the animals recover their lost strength. in the river las almas (elev. 1,250 ft.), 20 metres wide and 3 ft. deep, flowing north-west, we caught a beautiful _pintado_ fish--so called because of its spotted appearance. that fish possessed a huge flat head, with long feelers, two on the nose--at the side of the nostrils, to be accurate--two under its lower mandible. the mouth was enormous in comparison with the total length of the fish, and could be opened at an extraordinarily wide angle. inside were most peculiar teeth in sets of twos, while the mouth was lined with thousands of hard, tiny sharp points. the eyes were far back upon the skull. the bony dome of the palate was divided in the centre, and a similar separation was to be observed in the centre of the lower jaw, giving thus a great flexibility to the interior of the mouth. when measured, the length of the head was exactly one-third of the length of the entire fish. other fish, too, were caught that day, called _mandibé_ or _fidalgo_. the aspect of the country was gradually changing. during that day's march we had gone over beautiful open stretches of grassy land with only a few stunted trees upon them. _bosquets_ or tufts of small palms or other trees were to be seen, raised on small mounds, showing how the country was gradually wearing itself down. nearly each tree was raised on a mound of grey clay. some fine specimens of _lexia_ trees, with their peculiarly distorted branches, were to be observed. those great scavengers of brazil, the _urubu_, of which two varieties were to be found--the _urubu commun_ (_cathartes atratus_) and the _urubu rei_ (_cathartes papa_)--a cross between a vulture and a crow, were fairly plentiful now that game was more abundant in the country. they often pierced our ears with their unmusical shrieks. the _urubu_ belonged to the vulture family and was found in all tropical south america. it had black plumage, somewhat shaggy, with reddish legs and feet, and bluish, almost naked, head and neck. like all rapacious birds of its kind, it lived entirely on dead animals and what refuse it could find about the country. near farms these birds were generally to be seen in great numbers. we had a delicious breakfast of fish--really excellent eating--which set everybody in a good humour, and then we proceeded over slight undulations (elev. 1,250 to 1,300 ft.) through forest until we got to the ponte alto (high bridge) river, so called because..., there is no bridge whatever there! the brazilians are really too delightful in their reasoning; and, mind you, it is not done with a mischievous sense of the ludicrous--indeed no; it is done seriously. the ponte alto stream was, like most of the other watercourses of that region, wonderfully limpid. from that point we were in charming open country, where we could freely breathe the delicious air. occasionally we saw some _angelin_ trees (the _angelino amargoso_ and _angelino pedra_), technically known as _andira vermifuga_ m. and _andira spectabilis_ sald. nearly all the woods we found had a high specific gravity: the two latter, for instance, 0·984 and 1·052 respectively, and a resistance to crushing of kilos 0·684 and kilos. 0·648. _cacti_ of great size were numerous. we were now in a region where termite-hills (ant-hills) were to be seen in great numbers. they stood from 2 to 3 ft. above ground, although occasionally some could be seen nearly double that height. some of the ant-heaps were extraordinary in their architecture, and resembled miniature castles with towers and terraced platforms. whether they had been built so by the ants or worn down to that shape by the pouring rain and wind, was not so easy to tell. the more one saw of the termites, the more one disliked them, for they were the most insidious, destructive little brutes of that region. they were ugly in appearance, with their fat white bodies of a dirty greenish-white colour. nevertheless one could not help having great admiration for those little rascals, which in one night were able to devour the bottom of stout wooden boxes, and in a few hours damaged saddles, clothes, shoes, or any article which happened to be left resting for a little while on the ground. they were even able to make an entire house tumble down in a comparatively short time if the material used in the construction were wood. yes, one hated them; yet, when one knew all about them, one had to spend hours watching their doings with a microscope, it was so interesting. they seemed to have two social classes among them--the labouring class and the warriors. to the labourers was given the heavy task of digging underground channels, the surplus earth of which was thrown up with great force through apertures in the soil until the earth so displaced and amassed formed a high heap, riddled in its interior by hundreds of channels and miniature chambers and apartments. to the warriors--really more like a kind of perfect police service--was entrusted the safety of the colony and principally the protection of the young. white ants have many enemies, especially among the larger ants, which carry on regular wars against them; for although ants and termites--commonly called white ants--have many points in common, yet they belong to totally different orders of insects, as can be easily noticed in their structure and development. the peculiar structure of the enlarged heads of the warrior termites was particularly noticeable. some had a formidable head provided with tentacles and powerful rodent clippers--as well as the peculiar whitish cuirasses in sections of the body. the workers had more normal shapes, the head being better proportioned with the body. it was enough to split one of the heaps and watch the termites at work to learn a lesson of what devotion and duty mean. in the many passages overcrowded with ants--there was never confusion--you saw hundreds of them, either conveying food or building materials to the various quarters. some carried leaves, others carried pieces of wood, seeds, or dead insects. if one was not strong enough to convey its load, others came to its assistance--although they generally seemed to resent the intrusion of others in doing their work. i always noticed that when one was in difficulty and others ran to the rescue there generally ensued what seemed to be a row, and the new arrivals hurriedly left--either disgusted or angry, i could not tell which by their minute expression. then there were extraordinarily fat lady ants, lying flat upon their backs, and with many attendants around them doing massage and general nursing with the greatest possible gentleness and care. if one wanted to see a great commotion one only had to introduce into one of the chambers a larger ant of a different kind. what struck me was that the moment the fray was over the termites at once--if perhaps a little more excitedly--resumed their work. what astonished me more than anything was that they would go on working at all--as if nothing had happened--when i split open one of their dwellings and many of the channels, which must have been normally in the dark--were now exposed to the light. this made me suspect that their vision was either missing altogether or was very defective. nature is a wonderful organizer. the majority of termites--including warriors and workers--were sexless; that was perhaps why they were such good workers, as they had nothing to distract them. the males and females whose duty was merely to propagate and improve the race were provided temporarily with wings, so that they could fly away from the colony and disseminate their love among other winged termites of other colonies. the relation between different colonies was friendly. when their task was accomplished and flight was no more necessary for them, they conveniently and voluntarily shed their wings, leaving merely a small section of the wing root attached to the thorax. the local name for all kinds of termites was _cupim_, but technically they are known in the order of _neoroptera_ as _termes album_. another variety of insect, the _psocus domesticus_, was also as destructive as the _termes album_. we frequently met with plants of _caju_, or _acaju_ or _acajueiro_ (_anacardium occidentale_ l.) on our course. they belonged to the _terebinthaceæ_ group. in a preceding chapter i have already described the red or yellow delicious fruit of this tree. then we found other interesting trees, such as the _oleo_, the tall and handsome _poinna_, and numerous specimens of the small but good-looking palm _pindova_. there were not many flowers in that particular spot, barring perhaps an occasional cluster of white flowers, principally _bocca de carneiro_, said to have properties refreshing for the blood. near a small stream i noticed some lovely, slender, tall _jeguitiba vermelho_ trees (_couratari estrellensis_ raddi), from 75 to 80 ft. high, with branches and clusters of deep green healthy leaves at the summit only. there was a little less monotony in the scenery before us that day, for to the west stood, over a long, slightly undulating line, one peculiar conical hill heavily wooded. in pools of stagnant water were lovely water flowers, and in the neighbourhood of that moisture many handsome _burity_ palms were prominent in the landscape. we had been mounting gently all the time from our last camp. early in the afternoon we reached that magnificent river, the araguaya, over 200 yards wide, although something like between 2,500 and 3,000 kil., or perhaps more, from its mouth. its lovely placid waters, reflecting with the faithfulness of a mirror the vegetation on the high steep banks as well as the clouds in the sky, made an effective picture. the dead silence, disturbed only by the shouts of my men urging the mules to the water-side, was most impressive, the water flowing so slowly that it almost looked stagnant. not a mountain, not a hill could be perceived, except one low humble range of hills to the south. it was on those hills that the great araguaya had its birth. we crossed the great stream--mules, baggage and all, on three canoes upon which a platform had been erected. once landed on its western bank, we were, notwithstanding local boundary quarrels, in the immense state of matto grosso, the wildest of brazil. chapter xi the _tucano_--fish of the araguaya river--a bad shot--a strange sight i seemed to have no luck on that journey. everything went wrong all the time. everything seemed to stand in my way to prevent my progress. my men were demoralized, my mules and horses in a pitiable condition. i called a halt of two or three days in order that we might shoe the animals again and rearrange the pack-saddles. we had, of course, a good supply of new shoes, but the work of shoeing so many animals was hard, especially as i had to do most of it myself with alcides and filippe, the other men being absolutely useless. add to this a stifling temperature of 90° fahrenheit. [illustration: caraja indian of the upper araguaya river.] to make things worse there came a downpour, such as i have seldom seen, and which lasted for two entire days. that was the dry season too! the house in which we had put up--and through the roof of which we could admire the stars at our ease while in bed--was turned into a regular swimming-tank when the rain came. we had a good deal of trouble to keep our things dry, propping them up on improvised stands of stones which we removed from the crumbling walls of the building. fortunately, most of my pack-saddle cases were airand water-tight, so that the contents could not be injured. the wind blew with great fury--at the rate of 460 metres a minute, to be strictly accurate. there was a humble hamlet at rio grande or porto do castanho, on the matto grosso side, where we had crossed the araguaya river. it was the gloomiest of gloomy places even in glorious weather. imagine it on a wet, windy day. the few tiny one-storied cabins--they could hardly be called houses--had got soaked with the storm, and looked miserable. the inhabitants were busy baling water from inside their dwellings. many tiles of the roofs had been blown away, and those that remained had grown extra dark with the moisture, with merely a bluish tinge from the reflected light of the grey sky upon their shiny surfaces. the solitary palm tree at the end of the oblong square looked pitiful, with its long bladed leaves split and broken by the wind, while the dense foliage along the river banks was now several tones darker and richer than we had seen it before. under usual circumstances the _plaza_--or square--was so high above the river that one could not see the water at all until one went to the edge of the stream, but during flood the river rose as much as 20 ft. and occasionally overflowed the greater portion of the square. the grass of the square--a mere field--alone seemed happy in the damp. half dried and anæmic from the hot sun, it seemed to be quickly coming back to life and vigour in those few hours which had rendered us all miserable. my poor horses and mules, worn and sore, stood dripping and wretched, with quivering knees, in the middle of the square--too miserable to feed, only now and then slashing their long wet tails to right or left to drive away impertinent flies. with the storm the temperature had suddenly descended to 75°, and everybody was shivering with cold after the oppressive heat before the storm. upon the half-rotted wooden cross which stood in front of the church was perched a vulture--so thin and shaggy and soaked and motionless that you might easily have mistaken it for a stuffed bird. it was the very picture of misery. but everybody was miserable--one could not help it. i was, too--who am not much given to being depressed. while marching or camping in the midst of unspoilt nature, i never felt depressed, no matter what happened, and was absolutely regardless of climatic conditions; but in those miserable settlements--feeble attempts at civilization--i must confess that i used to get low-spirited too, and often thought what an idiot i had been to leave my happy homes in florence and in london, in order to come to these wretched places. after the attempts at baling out the water had proved futile--as there was more coming in than it was possible to fling out--the people in resignation barricaded their doors and windows. not a soul was to be seen or heard anywhere. the place was absolutely dead. even after the storm was over no sign of life could be noticed. the people were all still hiding and trembling in their houses, the comparatively slight but sudden change in the temperature bringing upon most of them attacks of strong malarial fever, which was there prevalent. at last, splashing her little naked feet along the footpath in the grass--now changed into a streamlet--there approached a little girl with a face as black as coal. she looked terrified as she approached the window out of which i was looking. but she overcame her fright and, prettily stretching out her tiny hand, called out "_boa tarde!_" (good afternoon). her father and mother were ill; would i give her some medicine for them? soon after, when the sky had cleared, other patients came along asking for quinine or any medicine i could give them. others wished to have their teeth pulled out. the brazilians of the interior had great trouble with their teeth, which were usually in a state of decay. my own men had wrapped themselves up in their blankets in order to keep warm. they had slept most of the time. they were too cold and lazy even to get up to cook and eat their food. none of the houses possessed a chimney, cooking being done outside; nor, of course, any sanitary arrangements. those of my men who had toothache cried and moaned the whole night, as might be expected of children aged six of any other country. i have seldom seen men more sensitive and frightened at pain or illness. the main structure at porto do castanho (port of the chestnut tree, because there should be a chestnut tree there) was the church, a mere barn, which elsewhere but in central brazil would not be considered good enough for storing hay, still less for the worship of the almighty. not that it was used much for the latter purpose, as there was no priest within several hundred kilometres. the walls of the church were all scraped and dirty, the corners chipped off by passing animals. all the passers-by went and wiped their dirty hands on the walls of the church--perhaps attracted by the whitewash, which none of the other buildings possessed. the shops--there were two--had nothing for sale, except some locally grown tobacco. in one shop i found some small iron nails, which were sold at the equivalent of 6_d._ each! may 11th. the drenching rain continued the entire night, the minimum temperature being 73° fahrenheit. my poor animals were in a terrible condition the next morning through the damp, the sores having become badly infected. they were in a purulent condition, and a mass of maggots--the terrible _bishus_, which were the pest of brazil. so we had the great job of cleaning them all with a powerful disinfectant as well as washing them with a decoction of warm _barbatimão_ (_stryphnodendron barbatimão_ m.), a wood with a great resistance to crushing (k. 1·015) and a specific gravity of 1·275. the decoction, which was really very beneficial for wounds and sores of animals, was made with the bark of that tree warmed in water over a fire. another decoction we frequently used was of salt and _carrapicho_ herb, but this was not quite so effective as the former. my men killed a magnificent _tucano_--a large bird with climbing, inquisitive habits. it possessed an enormous yellow bill of singularly light structure, the point of which was black. the lower part of the bill was of a brilliant red, and of a similar red was the rib of the upper part of the bill. the plumage was of a handsome velvety black on the body and tail--quite shiny--while the chest was of a pure white, and the under part of the tail of bright vermilion feathers. white feathers showed at the base of the tail above. the _tucano_ (_ramphastos_) is too well known for me to describe it fully again. it is found all over tropical brazil. there are many different varieties, such as the _ramphastos vitellinus_, _ramphastos ariel_, the _ramphastos cuvieri_, the _pteroglossus beauharnaisii_, or curl-crested tucano, etc., extremely common, especially farther north, near the borders of the amazon. i was sorry when my men killed this beautiful bird. i had watched it for some time, with its inquisitive habits, hopping from branch to branch, peeping its bill into cavities and examining everything that happened below by bending its head attentively, now on one side then on the other. it evidently took intelligent interest in our doings. my men had gone out to do their cooking. the bird watched them with the greatest attention--with jerky movements not unlike those of a magpie. the tucanos have, i believe, been described as being stupid; but on the contrary i think they are extremely clever--quite as clever as many parrots or macaws. i observed how shrewd that particular bird was. it would come quite close to us, and examine with really amazing attention what we were doing as long as we were not taking any notice of it, but the moment a man happened to touch a stone or try to point a rifle at it, it would fly a long distance off, with shrill yelps, and would not return until it was quite sure that we were not noticing its presence. the uses of the enormous bill of the tucano have often been discussed by ornithologists, many of whom believe that the bill is of no use to that bird and nature made in this case a mistake and has not yet had time to rectify it. scientists frequently allege that nature makes mistakes, because many of them have never really understood nature. how could they? they have never been near enough to nature unspoiled. many of them also believe that tucano birds are great fishers, following the notion that many water birds have red or yellow bills of large size. that, too, is another great mistake, for the tucano is eminently a fruit and nut eater, and of course a feeder on worms and insects contained in fruit. the huge bill, attaining the length of six or seven inches, is toothed at the sides in order to be able to saw the stems of fruit. the shape and size of the bill, far from being a mistake of nature, are made so in order to enable that bird to dig holes into the bark of trees and to enable it to crush and chew the many curiously shaped fruits found in certain parts of the brazilian forest. moreover, the bill is also a great protection to the head in going through the dense foliage, where thorns are innumerable and alive with dangerous insects of great size, which can, owing to the length of its beak, be destroyed at a distance from the bird's most vital organs. these birds have received the name _tucano_ from the noise they make, which resembles "_tok-kan_" very sharply pronounced and with a snap at the end of each syllable. the tucanos are good climbers, but not good fliers. in fact, their flight is somewhat clumsy and heavy. they seldom fly long distances. they spend all their time on the higher branches of trees. they are generally to be seen alone or in couples, or perhaps occasionally in flocks of three or four. what spare moments i had in castanho--after the storm was over--i spent on the banks of the river looking at the magnificent stream. looking south, a low hill range could be seen in the distance with a conical summit rising slightly above the range--the serra do cayapo. it was there, as i have said, that the great araguaya had its birth. it was interesting to note that the head waters of the araguaya--flowing north, of course--had their birth within an infinitesimal distance of those of two such immense rivers as the inducassu and the sucuru, flowing into the parana, and also near the somewhat unknown taquary river flowing into the paraguay. it would be possible--although perhaps expensive--by means of raised artificial lakes and locks actually to join at least one of these southern great rivers to the great araguaya, and thus--barring some troublesome rapids--form a continuous waterway from south to north across south america, from buenos ayres, roughly in lat. 34° 5' south, to pará in lat. 1° 27' 6" south. imagine a distance by river extending for 33° 37' 54" (or 3,737 kil.) in a straight line--as the crow flies--and not less than double that distance if we include the constant turns and deviations in the various connected rivers. easier still and less expensive would be to connect by rail the last two navigable points of those two streams. that will certainly be done some day, when those abandoned regions are eventually populated and properly developed. there were some rocky falls just below porto castanho which prevented navigation as far as the place where we crossed the araguaya--otherwise the river was navigable from those falls as far as conceição. the formation of the clouds over the great araguaya river was peculiar. great clusters of globular clouds generally collected in three distinct strata upon a whitish sky as far as high up upon the sky vault. facing north, the country appeared absolutely flat, and nothing could be seen above the trees as far as the eye or even a telescope could perceive. in that direction the stream, 200 yards wide, flowed through a perfectly straight channel for about one mile. the fishing in the river was excellent. one night we caught a lot of fish. one, a huge _pirarara_ weighing 40 lb., then some _pirahiba_ and a _pintado_, the latter 24 lb. in weight. the _pirarara_ was an extraordinary-looking fish. it had a long head covered entirely with a hard, bony, granular substance, which could only be cracked by a severe blow with an axe. the eyes were prominent and placed quite close to abnormally long antennæ or feelers. the back of the _pirarara_ was bluish black, the centre of the body longitudinally was yellowish, whereas the under part was white. the tail was of a bright vermilion, and the black fins had red edges, which made the huge _pirarara_ a really beautiful fish to look at. [illustration: typical flat-topped plateau of central brazil.] [illustration: one night's fishing on the araguaya.] the _pirahiba_ had a grey back with stripes so faint that they were hardly visible. its head was flat and anchor-shaped. the eyes--very small--were curiously situated on the top of the head instead of at the sides--owing to the fact that the head was really so flat that it had no sides: it was merely a gentle convex curve from one side of the mouth to the other over the skull. the _pirahiba_ too, like most fish of those rivers, possessed long tentacles. its mouth and fins were slightly tinted red. it displayed powerful teeth similarly arranged to those of the _pintado_ fish previously described. then we got some _tubarao_ (or _squalus carcharias_)--a small fish with a long, pointed head like a bird's beak, of the _plagiostomos_ order, and several _mand[~i]_--a small yellow fish with enormous eyes. the _mand[~i]_ had remarkable vitality. seven hours after it had been caught--i had no idea the poor thing was still alive--it gave several leaps in the air, and when i put it in a bucket of water it shortly began to swim as if nothing had happened. there were only two or three very small dug-outs on the araguaya, none of which were capable of carrying more than one or two people. there was no boat there large enough to carry all my men and baggage, had i even at that moment decided to descend that river instead of proceeding west. i took observations for latitude and longitude at porto castanho, as well as boiling-point observations with the hypso-metrical apparatus, the latter in order to get the exact elevation, and also to keep a check on my several aneroids which i used on the journey merely for differential observations. may 9th, 1910. boiling point, 210° 3 f. temperature of the air, 83° f. = 1182 ft. above the sea level. by aneroid, 1190 ft. my mules having had a good rest, i was making ready to start on may 12th, when one of my men refused to come any farther. he wished to be paid off and go. so he received his pay and went. he would probably end his existence in that filthy little hamlet. he would never have the energy to return to goyaz alone. i was rather glad he had gone, as, a few nights previously, he had fired at me while i was asleep. the bullet had actually made a hole through the canvas of my camp bed. i had fortunately taken the precaution to alter the position of my bed--under my tent--a precaution i took every night, after my men had gone to sleep in their hammocks, some distance outside. the man had evidently aimed where he thought my head was resting. i having turned the bed around, the bullet, fired from the man standing, went just over my ankles, perforating the canvas quite close to them. i naturally came out of my tent to see what was the matter, and saw the man with the rifle in his hand. "why did you shoot?" i inquired, as the man, evidently surprised to see me standing before him, ejaculated disconnected words. "i saw a huge _onça_" (a jaguar) ... "it was there ... i saw its two eyes shining like fire...." "did you kill the _onça_?" "no, it leapt away." i advised the man, patting him paternally on the back, not to startle everybody again. if he should see another _onça_ he had better come to me. i seldom missed when i fired at all--as i had been able to show them a few days before. i did not wish my men to behave like so many timid young girls, as i wished to be able to tell people in europe that brazilians were brave and noble. "firing in such a fashion indiscriminately," i explained to him, "you might have even killed one of your companions! now go to sleep like a good fellow, and do not fire again!" i spoke to the rascal in the gentlest of ways, never for one moment letting him suspect that i knew he had intended that bullet to go through my head. nor did i ever take any of the other men into my confidence. when they asked what the commotion was about, i told them that their companion had fired at a jaguar and the jaguar had leapt away. there is only one effective weapon you can use with scoundrels. it is the greatest calm and kindness. the man, hiding his face in his hands, threw himself upon his hammock and began to sob. he sobbed and sobbed and sobbed until the morning--much to the inconvenience of everybody in camp. at sunrise he had been seized with a severe attack of rheumatism which had contracted a leg badly. it was pitiful to see him walking--but when he was not aware of being looked at he walked as well as anybody else. from that day that fellow never dared look me straight in the face. he avoided riding near me on the march, and in camp was sulky and unpleasant, retiring to a distance and declining to work. he was relieved of the functions of cook. the last time he had produced a meal nearly brought massacre upon him at the hands of the other men. he received his full pay up to date, without uttering a word of thanks. he duly signed a receipt with his thumb-mark, as he was unable to write. when the troop of horses and mules and his companions left, he never spoke a word of farewell to his companions or animals, nor to me. he sat silent and motionless, with his eyes riveted to the ground as if in a trance. some days later we discovered that he had stolen from our store some 40 lbs. of coffee and a large quantity of sugar, as well as a number of other articles which had been useful to us. the sky when we left was overcast, and huge globular clouds, white and grey, hung in great masses, especially half way up the vault of the sky. the country, after crossing the araguaya, was remarkably beautiful, from an agricultural point of view--enormous campos or prairies--over rich alluvial deposits, with scanty stunted trees upon them. plenty of _burity_ palms grew in the lower depressions. my men suffered intensely from the cold at night--the minimum being 60° fahr., maximum 92°, in the afternoon of the 13th. the temperature had been much lower since we had crossed the great river. the elevation was only 1,250 ft. rising slowly over an undulation in the country to 1,300 ft., we began to find igneous rock showing through the surface soil, especially on the higher points. _lixia_ (_nephelium litchi_ carab), _caraiba_ and the _laranjeira do campo_ (_citrus vulgaris_), were trees to be seen in that region. we had wonderfully clear sky in the morning. at noon it became slightly clouded, while in the afternoon one-third of the sky was covered. a light breeze blew from the west. some 28 kil. from the araguaya we came to a small miserable farmhouse. after a great deal of bargaining i was able to purchase some extra horses. the people had no idea whatever of the value of money, and named sums at first which would have easily purchased the finest horses on the english turf. they descended in time to more reasonable figures. our life was rendered miserable all day by the millions of _pium_ or gnats that swarmed around us and stung us with incredible fierceness and viciousness. those little brutes left on our skins black marks fully as large as themselves wherever they stung us. the itching was most trying. those marks remained for several weeks, and only disappeared when we perforated them with a needle to let the blood out, or waited long enough for them to become desiccated and the skin re-formed. _pium_ is a word of the tupi and tupinamba indians' language. those tiny insects entered your eyes, leaving behind an odoriferous acid which caused great irritation of the lids. we removed dozens every day from our eyes. fortunately they were easily extracted. they also dashed into your ears, up your nose, and, whenever you opened it, inside your mouth. it was well worth going to matto grosso to enjoy the lovely moonlight nights, only comparable in their luminous splendour to nights of central africa in the middle of the sahara desert, and to those on the high tibetan plateau in asia. the light of the moon was so vivid that one could see almost as well as in the daytime. personally, the crisp cool air (min. 59° fahr.) made me feel in most excellent health and spirits, but my men, who had putrid constitutions, were a mass of aches and pains. some cried like children the entire night with toothache, moaning and shrieking like lunatics when the pain became acute; others got internal aches, another had cramp in the legs. i must say that alcides, with all his faults, was the only one who always did his work--not always with common sense, but he did it--and, when ill, never gave exhibitions of pitiful weakness like the others. filippe, the negro, who eventually showed himself to be the bravest brazilian on that expedition, also stood the pain more calmly and with manliness. as i had judged from the first moment i had laid eyes upon them, those were really the only two men who were any good at all. "_il bon dì si vede dal mattino_" (a fine day is seen in the morning), says an ancient and very true italian proverb; truer, perhaps, in its philosophy with individuals than with the weather. many of my men's complaints vanished with the warmth of the sun--108° fahr. at 1 p.m., with a maximum temperature during the day of 85° in the shade. with the beautiful clear sky and a gentle breeze blowing, it was a real delight to march. only a slight whitish mist--always in horizontal streaks--was to be noticed near the earth. the sky, although limpid, was never of a deep blue, but merely of a pale cobalt. the dew was heavy during the night and soaked everything, making the baggage, the tents particularly, heavy for the animals to carry. we still kept at an elevation of 1,250 ft., noticing, as we marched on, an isolated range of hills extending from north-east to south-west and showing considerable erosion at its south-westerly terminus. two conical hills--one a broken cone--stood on the summit of a flat plateau, the entire range, as well as the summit of hills, showing eroded slopes with vertical wall-like superior portions. after leaving the stream at the foot of a range 1,450 ft. above the sea level, on rising over a low pass i could observe to the north-east of that range great blocks of eruptive rock much perforated, in which were embedded pellets of yellow lava and of red and black baked igneous rock. on examining the north-eastern end of the main part of the range it was apparent that what remained standing before us was merely one half of a circular crater, the other half of which had collapsed or had been blown up by volcanic action. the bottom of the crater was subsequently filled with alluvial deposits. there was there a grassy plain with a few _burity_ palms. in the valley before us was ideal pasture land, which will some day be of great value. we crossed two cols (elev. 1,550 ft.) with a beautiful plain between. then we descended into a third lovely valley on the north side of the outer wall of the crater. the grazing was perfect for the animals. clusters of vigorous, healthy _burity_ palms stood in great numbers in the centre and at the sides of the valley. this great valley was bounded by two ridges extending in a northerly direction--two spurs, as it were. the rounded, channelled outer sides of the crater to the north would tend to strengthen the theory that those slopes were formerly a gradual continuation of the present inclined valley. on those slopes of the mountain hardly any vegetation could be noticed, perhaps owing to the fact that hard volcanic rock existed under the thin surface padding of yellowish earth. the valley was buried in red and grey lapilli and ashes, finely broken up marble cubes, and fragments of other forms of crystallized rock. as we proceeded from camp fogasso, the northern slopes of the crater became divided into huge furrows, the vertical upper part of the crater displaying vividly rich red tones. the crater was castellated at the summit, like the walls of a fortress. the geological formation of that portion of the matto grosso plateau interested me greatly. each individual spur, taken separately, showed slopes sometimes abrupt, sometimes well rounded, separated from the next spur of hills by a v-shaped or angular, or else a concave hollow. at the bottom of those hollows one did not find the slopes continuing the line of the crater, but the valley was there absolutely flat and cut the line of the slope sharply. it would almost appear as if a subsidence of the soil had taken place in that particular locality, or else one might speculate whether those abrupt hills had not been the walls of what was once a subterranean volcanic cauldron--the flat valley, in which we were, having been the bottom of that cauldron. what little rock one found in the river bed in this valley showed signs of having been exposed to intense and prolonged heat, and so did the brilliant red summit of the hill range, which was also of the deep red typical of hard-baked rock. [illustration: the paredãozinho.] [illustration: typical scenery of matto grosso.] the scene which i had before me there in matto grosso greatly reminded me of a similar basin i had seen when the great bandaisan mountain in japan was blown up by a volcanic explosion and left merely the bottom part of its gigantic internal cauldron with vertical red walls around it. with the exception of scanty and anæmic grass and a few stunted trees, there was hardly any vegetation noticeable. the fogasso stream, on the bank of which we camped, flowed in an easterly direction into the araguaya. the temperature on the plateau was ideal--min. 63° fahr. during the night; max. 75°. we were at an elevation of 1,450 ft. on may 15th we were travelling along a valley over which must have once risen the continuation of a range which stood to the north of us. there were deep grooves and corrugations in the valley in a direction from south to north between the two sections of the now interrupted range. there we found soil of red, brown and yellow tints, or else great stretches of grey volcanic ashes and earth mixed, as well as sharply angular fragments of igneous rock, which showed that they had not travelled there by rolling on the ground or propelled by water. after this we passed close to another curious spur of mountains on the east--quite isolated and of a red vertical columnar formation. its summit was broken up--much more so than that of the plateau-like range to the south of us which we were following in a parallel line. the highest point of that range, to the south, was wooded, and so were the two conical-topped hills which towered over it. the strata where exposed showed a slight dip to the north. we crossed the range by two low cols at elevations of 1,550 ft. and 1,560 ft. respectively. on the summit and even lower upon the sides of those cols we found huge boulders of eruptive rock, highly ferruginous. globular lumps, big and small, of spattered smooth-surfaced yellow lava were to be found in myriads; also many spherical pellets of ferruginous, highly-baked rock with innumerable holes produced while in a state of ebullition. some of the ferruginous rocks had pellets of yellow lava firmly imbedded in them, which had evidently penetrated while liquid into the hollows of the ferruginous rock which was already in a semi-solid, or perhaps solidified, condition. at any rate, when it happened the ferruginous rock was already harder than the lava. while i was studying attentively the geological conditions of that region, the sky suddenly became as black as ink to the south, and a heavy shower, which lasted half an hour, drenched us all to the marrow of our bones. then it cleared up, and the sun, supplemented by our natural heat, dried our clothes upon us again as we went on. chapter xii geological speculation--beautiful pasture-land the stars were of extraordinary brilliancy at night; so much so that one could see quite well enough by their light to get about. the atmosphere being extremely clear, they appeared of immense size, the planets shining with dazzling, changing colours which would have filled even the most profane with reverence for their splendour. i drew the attention of my men to the wonderful sight. "they are stars!" they replied contemptuously; "have you never seen stars before?" it was indeed difficult to enter into conversation on any subject with them without having an ardent desire to strangle the lot, they were so ignorantly offensive. i was thankful i had the sense always to go about unarmed, or i am certain some of them would have paid somewhat dearly for their impertinence. i was glad, too, that i never felt the weight of loneliness, as days and days would go by without my saying a word to them, barring perhaps a shout in camp to bring my breakfast, lunch, or dinner. what was even worse than entering into conversation with them was to listen--one could not help it, they shouted so loudly all the time--to the conversation among themselves. we will not refer to the choice language they used, so inexplicably sacrilegious and indecorous that it would have set on edge the teeth of the coarsest specimens of humanity; but the subject--i say subject in the singular, mark you, for alas! there was only one subject--discussed in all its phases perhaps, but only one single subject--assassination. the accounts of different murders, in some of which the men boasted they had taken part, were nightly repeated in their minutest details to the assembled crowd--myself excluded--sitting around the fire, while the _feijão_--beans, so loved by them--were being stewed for hours and hours in a cauldron. there was the story of one murder of which one of the men was particularly proud, in which he reproduced the facial expression as well as the smothered shrieks of the horrified victim. he gave a vivid description of how the blood squirted out like a fountain from the jugular vein of the throat as it was being severed. that story--most graphically narrated, i admit--had taken the fancy of that cruel crowd. almost every evening, during the entire time those men were with me, many long months, i heard that story repeated amid roars of laughter from the company. murder--when applied to others--was evidently for them a great joke! inconsiderate to a degree, they would get up and sing at the top of their voices in the middle of the night and keep everybody awake while the _feijão_ was stewing. it took hours and hours before those awful black beans had boiled sufficiently to be edible, and the man who acted as cook had to sit up the whole night to stir them up and watch them. yes, the position of cook for the camp was not an enviable one, for it meant marching all day and sitting up all night to prepare the _feijão_ for the following day. yet the love they had for their _feijão_--i never ate the beastly stuff myself--was so great that those lazy devils, who could not be induced on any account to do other work, did not mind at all having sleepless nights to watch over the stewing cauldron. with the _feijão_ were placed in the pot large pieces of _toucinho_ (lard). we carried quantities of _feijão_, for without _feijão_ you cannot induce a brazilian to do anything or go anywhere. of the two he would rather sacrifice his life than lose his daily _feijão_. it requires great ability, i believe, to cook _feijão_ properly. i noticed that all my men in a body were ever superintending its preparation. when the cook in the early hours of the morning happened to let the fire go down, or in his drowsiness was not stirring it properly, there were angry shouts from the other men, who, every time they opened one eye in their sleep, invariably gazed towards the beloved cooking-pot. we came to a second range parallel with the one described before and extending from north-east to south-west. again a vertical natural wall was noticeable to the east. this range was subdivided into many sections, almost all of the same size and shape. the end section to the north-east--which made an exception--was about three and a half times the length of any of the others. i observed some deep vertical vents such as are frequently to be seen in the sections of volcanoes that have partly been blown up. these vents were particularly numerous in the north-easterly block, where broad corrugations and some narrow ones--ten in all--were also to be seen. two alternatives could explain the present configuration of that region. there had been either a great volcanic explosion or else a sudden subsidence. personally i was inclined to favour the first hypothesis. i shall explain why. first because the great fissures between the various huge blocks and the grooves carved in those rocks would then at once explain themselves--caused naturally by the violent shock. they had apparently been enlarged in the course of time by erosion of water and wind, and possibly by the friction of the débris of the masses of rock settling down when the stratum was severed. the quantity of débris of shattered rock minutely broken into cubes and other angular forms would suggest that some great shock had occurred. then the usual yellow pellets of polished lava, either globular or pear-shaped, or like an elongated oval ending in a point and well rounded at the other end, would also indicate that these missiles had been flying great distances through the air in a molten state before they had actually dropped. in fact, the flight was so long as absolutely to cool and solidify them before they fell--unless they had fallen in cold water--for they had retained their original form, instead of getting flattened at the heavier end, as could be expected had the lava reached the ground in a half-soft state. large blocks of lava--which naturally took a longer time to cool and a shorter time to reach the earth after their flight through the atmosphere--had, in fact, become flattened on the lower side where they struck the ground. others of a composite globular form had invariably been flattened into a slight curve on the side where they had come in contact with the soil. ovoid rocks as large as a loaf of bread and composed of compressed cinders were to be seen about, which, when easily split open, showed a band of slightly ferruginous matter, very brittle, in a crystallized condition. in the centre of these rocks were invariably found beautiful crystals of great limpidity, easily separated from one another by a slight pressure of the fingers. erosion had evidently since played great part in the present appearance of the country, but to my mind--directly above what is now a valley--there existed at one time a high range of mountains, which was in those days the great dividing line of the waters flowing south and north. one might, of course, also argue that what are the mountains now have been pushed up from underneath above the ground into their present position, but local conditions do not tend to encourage this theory. the strata of red baked rock in the existing mountain side were almost absolutely horizontal, with merely a slight dip to the north. in the northern end of the range the rock showing through the vegetation was white, as if it had been subjected to baking. the western aspect of the first range showed also a vertical summit of red rock with a sloping spur extending to the west. we camped that night on the river prata, which flowed south. elevation, 1,300 ft. maximum temperature 85° f., minimum 63½° f. the formation of the clouds was always interesting. the long horizontal streaks across the sky, which were daily noticeable, took a form that day not unlike the vertebræ of an immense snake, whereas the higher clouds of transparent mist in filaments looked exactly like a huge spider's web. we established our camp under a tall, handsome, slender _xinghi_-tree, the triangular fruit of which, with a light brown, hard skin, was deadly poisonous if eaten. alcides told me that in minas geraes it was much used in the manufacture of soap. this tree was extremely neat-looking, with its clean sinuous branches and its pretty, light green, healthy leaves, of an elongated oval shape. [illustration: volcanic scenery of matto grosso. chapada in foreground.] [illustration: peculiar formation of central plateau.] my men had insisted on bringing dogs away with us for safety in case of attack by indians. they had in fact procured three--i would not care to say how--before our departure from the goyaz province. those dogs were just as faithless and lazy and worthless as the people. they followed us because they got plenty of food, otherwise they had no affection for anybody; and, far from giving an alarm when any person or any animal approached the camp, they were quite unmoved by anything that happened around them during the day or night, except at meal-times. a handsome _onça_ (jaguar) leapt close to camp, and on perceiving us bounded gracefully away--the dogs remaining fast asleep with their noses resting on their respective extended fore-paws. another day during the march a _veado_ (_cervus elaphus_), a deer, sprang in his flight clean over one of the dogs without the dog even noticing him! game was plentiful in that part of the country, and the animals were so unaccustomed to see people, that one could get quite near them. my men went after game in the morning and we did not make an early start, in fact not until 10.30 a.m. it was amazing to see the amount of good water that was to be found on the plateau. we crossed a streamlet flowing south (elev. 1,300 ft.), and shortly afterwards, upon gently inclined land, we crossed another stream, also flowing south. we were travelling due west along the foot of a curious range which stood to our north and of another of similar characteristics to the south. it seemed quite possible, in fact, even probable, that the two ranges were formerly only one, which had then split, and that we were travelling inside the partially-filled-up fissure between the two divided ranges. the sky-line of the two ranges matched exactly on both sides--first a long hump, then two smaller humps, after that a more even and continuous line. on reaching an elevation of 1,500 ft. we were confronted with a splendid view of a flat plateau to the west. by a steep descent we went down 300 ft. to a river (elev. 1,200 ft. above the sea level) in a hollow, reached by going through dense tall grass and thick vegetation. a humble wooden cross by the stream marked the spot where a brazilian had been murdered by indians. interesting flows and domes of lava were to be seen near the stream, after which our marching that day was mostly up and down campos with magnificent grazing, the general slope of which was from north to south. at an elevation of 1,400 ft., on turning our heads back, we had a general view of the two ranges which had become separated. on one side of the range, a sloping back was noticeable, whereas on the opposite side were almost vertical sides, much grooved, with a terrace about two-thirds up the total elevation, except at the western end, where the terrace was instead exactly half way up, with a minor terrace near the summit. we met and crossed another streamlet, and then rose on our route to 1,550 ft., from where another beautiful view of the plateau to the south-west could be obtained, a low hill range with a higher peak in front of it, and the immense green campos at a slanting angle. another fine panoramic view of the two divided ranges was also before us, although from that particular point of vantage it was slightly more difficult to reconstruct their former appearance in one's imagination than from the centre of the valley we had crossed, although even from that point the fact was apparent with a little study. on proceeding down to the river we met some flows of red lava and, upon the top of nearly every undulation, boulders of black eruptive rock showed through, highly ferruginous, as well as much lava in pellets. débris of baked red and black rock were to be found in quantities down the slopes and at the bottom of those undulations, carried there evidently by water. in one or two places, such as near the river at ponte keimada, i smashed some of the larger boulders of yellow lava. here is what i found inside: under an outer coating of lava an inch thick there was a layer of solidified cinders. under that lay a thin layer of lava, then again yet another layer of grey ashes, then lava again. this would indicate that those boulders had gradually reached their present shape partly in revolutions through the air thick with cinders, partly by rolling down or along intermittent stretches of molten lava and cinders during a great eruption, or perhaps during several successive eruptions. personally, i think that it was during various periods of one eruption before the lava had cooled, so that in its sticky state it would easily collect the ashes round it, which it would certainly not do in its polished, solidified state. when we had passed beyond the western end of the two parallel ranges a great change was noticeable in the appearance of the country we were crossing. we missed the long, sweeping, uninterrupted lines of the scenery, and had before our eyes a confused surface of bosses, mounds and short undulations, with thick luxuriant vegetation upon them which prevented my studying carefully their geological formation. the soil, of a rich red colour, showed every indication of being extremely fertile in that particular climate. from the point where we stood, one could well judge the effects of the great volcanic explosion on the back of the range--the one to our left--where a long line of buttresses had formed, as if on that side a subsidence on a large scale had also taken place. it was in any case curious to notice that at the two termini east and west of the two parallel ranges white rock in columnar form was exposed in both ranges in corresponding sites. the slope noticeable on the north side of the southern range could be explained by the tilting of the strata where the separation took place. the angle of the strata clearly demonstrated this fact. millions of mosquitoes and _piums_, _carrapatinhos_ and _carrapatos_ made life unbearable both during the day and night. we never had a moment's respite. the gnats, too, in thick swarms around us were a constant worry--we were all day busy removing them from our eyes and ears. they stung us all over most mercilessly. i was making a botanical collection, which not only contained specimens of the leaves of all the trees we met with, but also of minor plants and various kinds of grass. this involved getting off my mule many times a day. whenever i put my feet on the ground or touched a blade of grass i well knew what was in store for me. at once i became literally covered with _carrapatinhos_, and set to scratch myself so violently that nothing short of digging my nails into my skin seemed to relieve the irritation--and that, mind you, only momentarily. one had to bear it, and wait until one got to camp in the evening before one could disinfect oneself all over. in this world one never gets credit for anything, but i do think that few men under those circumstances would have gone on, as i did, collecting botanical specimens for no reward whatever except my own pleasure, if pleasure it can be called. again we noticed that day wonderful effects of clouds in filaments, one group stretching along the sky in an arc from north to east like the dorsal bone and ribs of an immense fish. we camped on the bank of a stream (elev. 1,050 ft.) flowing north-east, which was, i think, the same stream we had met in the morning, and which had described a big turn. my men amused me with their fears. even when in camp they never left their rifles for a moment. when they went only a few yards away, either to fetch water or bring back a mule, they invariably took all their weapons with them--carbines, automatic pistols, and daggers. in order to collect specimens and examine the country, i sometimes strayed away alone for long distances from camp--sometimes for two or three hours at a time--always absolutely unarmed. my men began to be thoroughly frightened of the immunity i possessed from attacks of wild beasts and indians. although i told them that wild beasts never attacked human beings unless attacked first, and that there were no indians about, my men would not believe me. they maintained that i must have some special secret of my own which brought me back alive, and that i must be even bullet-proof. they could never be induced to go alone--even when armed--for more than a few metres from camp. we were having cool nights. minimum 59° fahr., maximum 80° fahr.--on may 17th. a mackerel sky of the prettiest design was overhead, like a lovely mosaic of white and blue porcelain, while a band of clear blue encircled us all around above the horizon line. across a forest we continued our journey, rising some 300 ft. to 1,350 ft. above the sea level, where we again found campos and forest alternately upon deep masses of fine red sand or else great expanses of grey and black volcanic cinders intermixed in patches. on reaching the highest elevation we actually went over 6 kil. of volcanic sand and ashes, and in one place traversed a patch of shattered débris with cutting edges of eruptive rock, and brilliant red or deep black pebbles. then again we saw masses of the usual ferruginous, much-perforated rocks--many so absolutely spherical as to resemble cannon-balls. to the west we could see before us lovely green undulations--campos--with, in the centre, a curious hump that looked as though due to subterranean pressure. in the distance was visible another of those long flat-topped plateaus typical of brazil, with a headland which, owing, it seemed, chiefly to erosion, had become separated from the main range. it resembled and was parallel with the second range of the split mountains we had just left. some nine kilometres from our last camp we encountered the river das corgo, flowing south (elev. 1,150 ft.) over a bed formed by an impressive great flow of solidified red lava covered in some places by deposits of bright red earth. beyond the river we found ourselves again upon yellow sand and ashes. beneath a cirro-cumulus--or mackerel sky--again that day, wonderfully beautiful because of its perfection of design, we were gradually rising over the domed elevation we had previously observed, upon which we found masses of tiny pebbles--what are known to geologists by the italian name of "puzzolana" or _scoriæ_ reduced to a granular condition. farther on, travelling over other undulations, we sank into thick deposits of grey and yellow volcanic scoriæ, such as fine sand, cinders, and lapilli. at the highest point (elev. 1,270 ft.) we travelled over deep sediments of sand and ashes mixed together. all those undulations, as a matter of fact, were above great buried flows of red lava, which were invariably exposed to sight in the depressions, particularly in the beds of rivers. being a great lover of good water--to my mind the elixir of life, the great secret of health and strength--i was always enraptured by the deliciousness of the water in the streams we met. it was so crystalline and limpid that one could not resist the temptation of drinking it, even when not thirsty. i always carried slung to my saddle an enamelled tin cup attached to a string so as to be able to procure myself a drink at all the streams without getting off my mount. twelve kilometres from our last camp we came to a watercourse flowing into a big stream at the bottom of the valley. its bed was in overlapping terraces of polished red lava. the green country before us, in great sweeping undulations, reminded one much, in its regularity, of the great waves of the ocean--what sailors call "long seas." where the stream had cut through and left the underlying dome of lava exposed one could easily judge of the thick deposits of sand, ashes and pulverized rock which formed the strata above it. we travelled over more red volcanic sand for some four kilometres, rising to 1,400 ft., on which elevation was thick _matto_, or stunted, much entangled forest. then we emerged once more into glorious open country, marching over a stratum 8 ft. thick of whitish tufa and ashes, this stratum lying immediately above one of red volcanic earth. the strata were easily measurable where rivulets had cut deep grooves in the softer superficial strata and had reached the foundation layer of lava. the campos seemed to get more and more beautiful as we went west. what magnificent grazing land! one could imagine on it millions and millions of happy, fat cattle; but no, not one was to be seen anywhere. what a pity to see such wonderful country go to waste! there was everything there, barring, perhaps, easy transport, to make the happiness and fortune of thousands upon thousands of farmers--excellent grazing, fertile soil, good healthy climate and delicious and plentiful water--but the country was absolutely deserted. for miles the beautiful prairies extended, especially to the south-west, where in the distant background loomed a high, flat-topped tableland, interrupted by two deep cuts in its extensive monotonous sky-line. those cuts were near its southern end. to the south stood a long range of wooded hills--also with an absolutely flat sky-line. we ourselves were not higher than 1,400 ft. above the sea level. my animals stumbled along over a region of much-broken-up débris; then again travelling was easier, although heavy, over tufa, sand and ashes. on descending to a stream, 1,200 ft. above sea level, we slipped terribly on the steep argillaceous slope, and the animals had great difficulty in climbing up on the opposite side, where we made our camp. [illustration: curious domes of lava with upper stratum of earth, sand and ashes.] [illustration: great undulating campos of matto grosso.] the streamlet flowed east into a larger stream, which we also crossed, and which flowed south-west. it seemed to be getting colder at night as we went westward (may 18th, min. 57° fahr.), whereas during the day the temperature was hot--max. 97° f. as early as 9 a.m. the thermometer already registered 85° in the shade, and not a breath of wind. the elevation was 1,150 ft. the sky was in streaky horizontal clouds to the east, and thin misty clouds to the south--cirro-stratus. one of my horses having strayed away a long distance, we only left that camp in the afternoon after the animal had been recovered. we rose quickly over the usual red volcanic sand held down in its place by the vegetation--rather anæmic at that particular spot. higher up we again sank in the white and yellow ashes, with occasional zones covered by small, angular, black-baked débris. ants seemed to flourish happily in that region, for the ant-heaps were innumerable and of great size, several with towers about 6 ft. in height, resembling miniature mediæval castles. having risen--all the time over grey and white ashes--to 1,420 ft., we found ourselves again upon open campos with a splendid view of the flat-topped range we had already seen to the north and of another to the south. at the angle where the northern range changed its direction slightly there stood a high prominence of peculiar appearance. the range extended west, where it ended, into a broken cone--as i have already stated quite separated by erosion from the main range. all along the range in the section between the prominence at the angle and the terminal cone could be noticed three distinct level terraces and several intermediate ones--not yet well defined nor continuous along the whole face of the range. about half-way along its length, a semi-cylindrical vertical cut was a striking feature, and appeared from a distance to be the remains of an extinct crater. it may be noted that where that crater was, the range was higher than elsewhere. its summit, with an undulating sky-line, lay to the west of it, no doubt formed by erupted matter. other great vertical furrows were noticeable not far from the crater and to the west of it. the scenery was getting stranger and stranger every day. we began to notice solitary domes and cones in the landscape. that day, in fact, beyond the great campos we had before us a curious little well-rounded dome, standing up by itself upon an absolutely flat surface, at a considerable distance from the flat tableland which stood on one side, and of which formerly it evidently made part. higher mountains, somewhat nearer to us, were on the south-west. we had reached the river corgo fundo (elev. 1,250 ft.), along the banks of which the laminæ of red-baked rock could be observed with thin white layers between. above was a lovely green pasture with a tuft of deep green trees, which looked exactly like a bit of a well-kept english park. we mounted up again to 1,430 ft., then went down another descent into a large plain with campos, upon which grew merely a few stunted trees. we were still travelling over deep deposits of sand. the range to the north of us extended, to be accurate, from north-east to south-west, and at its south-westerly end possessed a dome not dissimilar to the one already described on our previous day's march. this one was perhaps more rounded and not quite so tall. it rose above the plateau in two well-defined terraces, especially on the north-east side, but was slightly worn and smoothed to the south-west. on the terminal mound--clearly separated from the range by erosion--seven distinct terraces could be counted, with some less defined intermediate ones. in the bed of another stream flowing south--it was impossible to ascertain the names of these streamlets, for there was no one to tell, and none were marked on existing maps--another great flow of red lava was visible. this stream flowed into the rio das garças or barreiros, only 500 metres away--an important watercourse, throwing itself eastward into the rio das mortes, one of the great tributaries of the upper araguaya river. chapter xiii the river barreiros--a country of tablelands the rio barreiros was about 100 metres wide. it was reached through a thick belt, 100 metres in width, of trees and bamboos of large diameter, which lined both its banks. the river flowed swiftly where we crossed it, over a bed of lava and baked rock, red and black, with huge treacherous pits and holes which rendered the job of crossing the stream dangerous for our animals. there were rapids lower down in the terraced mass of rock forming the river bottom. the rock, worn smooth by the water, was extremely slippery. it was only after we had all undressed and taken the baggage safely across on our heads--the river being too deep for the loads to remain on the saddles--that we successfully drove the animals over to the opposite bank. on the banks i collected some specimens of the laminated red rock, which had no great crushing resistance when dry. it could be easily powdered under comparatively light pressure, and scratched with no difficulty with one's nails. it was of various densities of red tones, according to the amount of baking it had undergone. the superposed red strata had a dip northward in some localities. the rock was much fissured, and had either gone through excessive contraction in cooling or else perhaps had been shattered by some earthly commotion--such as must have occurred often in that region in ages gone by, for, if not, how could one account for finding scattered blocks of this red rock resting upon the surface of great stretches--sometimes for 20 or 30 kil.--of uninterrupted sand or ashes which covered such great expanses of that country? in the valleys, near water, _burity_ palms were numerous. overhead the sky was always interesting. the days nearly invariably began with a clear, speckless sky, but, mind you, never of quite so deep a blue as the sky of italy or egypt. the sky of central brazil was always of a whitish cobalt blue. that morning--an exception to prove the rule--we had awakened to a thick mist around us, which enveloped and damped everything. no sooner did the sun rise than the mist was quickly dispelled. in the late morning, about 10 o'clock, clouds began to form high in the sky--not along the horizon, as is generally the case in most countries--and grew in intensity and size during the afternoon. nearly every day at about sunset a peculiar flimsy, almost transparent, streak of mist stretched right across the sky from east to west, either in the shape of a curved line, or, as we had observed as recently as the day before, resembling with its side filaments a gigantic feather or the skeleton of a fish. in the state of goyaz, it may be remembered, we had a more beautiful and complete effect at sunset of many radiating lines, starting from the east and joining again to the west, but here we merely had one single streak dividing the sky in two. when the sun had long disappeared under the horizon, that streak high up in the sky was still lighted by its rays--becoming first golden, then red. the effect was quite weird. my men went during the night on another fishing expedition, but with no luck--partly due to the infamy of our dogs. they used as bait for their large hooks _toucinho_, or pork fat, of which they had started out provided with a huge piece. they walked off a good distance from camp to find a suitable spot. unfortunately, while they were there the dogs ate up all the _toucinho_ and the result was that the men had to return disappointed. there was plenty of game, especially wild pig and _veado_ (deer). alcides had a smattering of botany, which was a great danger to the company. he knew, he thought, the uses, medicinal or otherwise, of all plants, herbs and fruit, wild or not wild. this, in addition to the greediness of the men--who, although actually gorged with food, were always willing to devour anything else they found--led once or twice, as we shall see, to the poisoning of himself and his companions so dangerously as not only to cause terrible internal pains, but to bring them all actually to death's door. i never got poisoned myself, as i generally took good care to watch the effects of those experiments upon my men first. then also in my many years of exploration i had learnt only too well to beware of even the most seductive tropical plants and fruit. notwithstanding all this, alcides was really wonderful at turning out pleasant-tasting beverages from the stewed bark or leaves of various trees, and of these decoctions--in which additional quantities of sugar played an important part--my men and myself drank gallons upon gallons. many of those drinks had powerful astringent qualities and had severe effects upon the bladder, but some were indeed quite good and innocuous. during the night i observed a most perfect lunar halo, the circle, close to the moon, displaying a curious yellowish red outer fringe. since leaving the araguaya we had been bothered a good deal nightly by the heavy dew, which absolutely soaked everything, made all our rifles and axes and iron implements rusty, and the tents and saddles and baggage considerably heavier for the animals to carry, owing to the moisture they had absorbed. in the early morning we began to get thick cold mist, and it was about that time that the minimum temperature was usually registered--58° fahr. that particular night, may 19th. we were at quite a low elevation, merely 1,100 ft. when we started in the morning we found more sand and volcanic débris over ridges some 100 ft. or so above the level of the river. a torrent, 15 metres wide, flowing swiftly w.s.w. on a red lava bed, was crossed, the mules slipping terribly on the polished rock. more ashes and sand were found as we ascended to an elevation of 1,200 ft., from which height we discerned a much-terraced headland to the east and two streams meeting and flowing south where we eventually crossed them. one of those watercourses descended in cascades over laminated successive flows of lava, between which thin layers of white crystallization could be seen. slightly higher, at 1,250 ft., we sank again in yellow and grey ashes. across campos we reached another foaming torrent, flowing as usual over a lava bed, but this time in a north-westerly instead of in a southerly direction. that day we met with many watercourses. having risen to 1,450 ft., we soon after found another streamlet (elev. 1,230 ft.). again a red lava-flow was exposed in its bed and showed heavy upper deposits of grey ashes, with above them a thick layer of yellow-ochre sand (1,300 ft.). the distances on the journey were measured by a watch, the speed of the animals at the time being naturally taken into consideration. it was not possible to use the usual bicycle wheel with a meter attached, which is used with so much success in the arctic regions or in countries where travelling more or less in a straight line and on a level surface is possible. another limpid stream flowing south-west (elev. 1,200 ft.) was reached, then more deep sand and ashes. after that we came to a thick growth of bamboos and brush on reaching the banks of a streamlet winding its way north. travelling up and down, all day and day after day, over those undulations became tedious work--red sand, whitish sand, grey ashes, all the time. [illustration: typical brazilian plateau, showing work of erosion.] [illustration: on the plateau of matto grosso. (alcides in foreground.)] on the west side, on descending the last prominence we at last came to a slight variation in the geological composition of the country. after more white sand and ashes had been passed, we came upon great stretches of greenish grey granite exposed in huge domes and much striated, with parallel grooves on its surface so deep that they almost looked as if they had been incised by a sharp tool. these grooves were, nevertheless, naturally caused by the sharp friction of sand and water, i think, and also by sand blown over those rocks with terrific force by winds of inconceivable vigour. all the way down our descent we travelled over that striated rock. it had become exposed to the air, but must have once been buried under sand and ashes like all the rest of that region. curious vertical cracks were to be noticed in several places, with ramifications from a common centre--evidently caused by the concussion of some huge weight which had fallen from above, perhaps a huge boulder shot out by volcanic action, which had then rolled farther down the incline. the terminal side of the curious range we had on our right appeared not unlike a fortress with its vertical walls standing upon a slanting bastion. at the bottom (elev. 1,200 ft.) of the great dome of granite we had travelled upon we crossed a stream flowing south-west, the water of which was quite warm. the high temperature was due, i think, to the heat absorbed by the rock exposed to the sun and communicated to the water flowing over it, rather than to a thermal origin. continuing our journey, we had to the south a great hollow basin in the south-western end of the range, with two hillocks between the range itself and the flat boundary plateau to the south. the highest point of the hill on which we travelled was 1,450 ft. above the sea level. every metre we travelled westward became more strangely interesting. we were now upon a conglomerate of bespattered lava-drops encased in a coating of solidified ashes. when we reached the stream we had to go through a dark tunnel of dense vegetation, great ferns, giant palms, creepers with their abundant foliage, and tall trees festooned with liane. having crossed this dark vegetable passage, we emerged once more into lovely open campos. great lumpy globular woolly clouds faced us in the sky to the west. horizontal intermittent white layers were close to the horizon to the east, then three parallel lines of feathery mist to the north-west. in quantity of clouds the sky that day would meteorologically be described as c 4--which means that four-tenths of the sky vault was covered. one could not help being struck in central brazil by the almost absolute immobility of the clouds. one seldom experienced a strong wind; contrary to what must have taken place there in ages gone by, when that country must have been the very home of terrific air-currents and disturbances on a scale beyond all conception. it was only occasionally that a light breeze--merely in gusts of a few seconds--would refresh one's ears and eyes as one marched on. what was more remarkable still was the sudden change of direction of those spasmodic gusts of wind when they did come. from a river (elev. 1,250 ft.) we proceeded over undulations to 1,550 ft. there we were treated to an extensive and beautiful view to the west, south-west and north-west. the elevated sky-line formed by the plateau and mountains was quite straight, barring three much eroded mountains standing quite isolated and at a great distance from one another. one of these solitary elevations was to the south-west, another--the castle-like mountain of great height we had already observed--stood due west. then came the long flat line of the plateau but for a gentle convexity at each end. the plateau, dressed in thick forest, stood in the middle distance to the west-south-west. campos of great beauty were prominent on its slopes and in the two hollows in the immediate vicinity. as we wound our way forward we found masses of ferruginous black rock, black débris, and beautiful crystals. the silence of that wonderful landscape was impressive. the tinkling of my mules' neck-bells was the only cheering sound breaking that monotonous solitude--except perhaps the occasional harsh voices of my men urging on the animals with some unrepeatable oath or other. filippe, the negro--to be distinguished from the other filippi in my employ, a mulatto--was mounted on one of my best mules. he carried a regular armoury on his back and round his waist, for not only did he carry his own rifle but also mine, besides a pistol and two large knives. he rode along, slashing with a long whip now at one mule then at another. occasionally he treated us to some of his improvised melodies--not at all bad and quite harmonious, although one got rather tired of the incessant repetitions. filippe was a pure negro, born in brazil from ex-slaves. he had never been in africa. his songs interested me, for although much influenced naturally by modern brazilian and foreign airs he had heard at araguary, still, when he forgot himself and his surroundings, he would relapse unconsciously into the ululations and plaintive notes and rhythm typical of his ancestral land in central africa--that of the banda tribe, which i happened to have visited some years before. i identified him easily by his features, as well as by his music and other characteristics. filippe did not remember his father and mother, nor had he known any other relatives. he had no idea to what tribe he had belonged, he did not know any african language, and he had never to his remembrance knowingly heard african music. it was remarkable under those circumstances that the central african characteristics should recur unconsciously in filippe's music. it showed me that one is born with or without certain racial musical proclivities, dictated by the heart and brain. they cannot be eradicated for many generations, no matter what the place of birth may be or the different surroundings in which the individual may find himself, or the influences which may affect him even early in life. brazil was certainly a great country for tablelands. as we came out again into the open, another great plateau, ending with a spur not unlike the ram of a battleship, loomed in the foreground to the south. yet another plateau of a beautiful pure cobalt, also with another gigantic ram, appeared behind the first, in continuation of the two separated plateaux we have already examined. it was separated from these by a deep cut--a regular cañon--several miles wide, and with sides so sharply defined that it looked like the artificial work of an immense canal. great campos lay before us in the near foreground, from our high point of vantage (elev. 1,550 ft.). we were still travelling on a surface of volcanic débris, yellow ashes and sand--forming a mere cap over all those hills, the foundation of which was simply a succession of giant domes of lava. north-west we still had the almost flat sky-line of a plateau rising slightly in two well-defined steps or terraces to a greater height in its northern part. what most attracted me that day was the delightful view of the barreiros valley spreading before us--a view of truly extraordinary grandeur. we rapidly descended, leaving to our left the indian colony of aracy. great granitic and lava slabs, much striated, were seen on our way down to the river (elev. 1,200 ft.). the stream was 50 metres wide, and flowed south where we crossed it. there was a handsome white sand beach on the left bank of the river. on the western, or right bank, stood great volcanic cliffs of boiled and broiled rock, interesting for the violent contortions they had undergone during the processes of ebullition, which showed plainly in their present solidified form. the river bed itself was one of the usual lava-flows with huge globular lumps and knots--but all in a solid, uninterrupted mass. we waded chest-deep across the stream, conveyed our baggage and mules to the opposite side, and then we all enjoyed a lovely bath with plenty of lathering soap in the deliciously refreshing waters of the rio barreiros. the river barreiros, which had its birth in the serra furnas corros, to the south-west, entered the rio das garças--there 100 metres wide--a short distance from where we crossed it. the latter river, by far the larger of the two and of a very circuitous course, flowed in a south-easterly direction into the araguaya. the rio das garças, which also had its origin in the furnas corros mountains, had almost a parallel course with the upper barreiros from south-west to north-east, but on meeting the barreiros suddenly swung round at a sharp angle towards the south-east, which direction it more or less followed until it entered the araguaya. we made our camp on the right bank of the barreiros river. my men were in a great state of mind when i told them that perhaps on this river we might find some indians. the cautious way in which they remained as quiet as lambs in camp amused me. i noticed the care with which they cleaned their rifles and replenished their magazines with cartridges. i assured them that there was no danger--in fact, that quite close to this place we should find one of the salesian colonies. chapter xiv the bororo indians while i was reassuring my men an indian appeared, bow and arrows in hand. he stood motionless, looking at us. my men, who had not noticed his coming, were terrified when they turned round and saw him. the indian was a strikingly picturesque figure, with straight, sinewy arms and legs of wonderfully perfect anatomical modelling, well-shaped feet--but not small--and hands. he was not burdened with clothing; in fact, he wore nothing at all, barring a small belt round his waist and a fibre amulet on each arm. the indian deposited his bow and arrows against a tree when some other indians arrived. he stood there as straight and as still as a bronze statue, his head slightly inclined forward in order to screen his searching eagle eyes from the light by the shade of his protruding brow. he folded his arms in a peculiar manner. his left hand was inserted flat under the right arm, the right hand fully spread flat upon his abdomen. the first thing i did was to take a snapshot of him before he moved. then i proceeded to the interesting study of his features. they were indeed a great revelation to me. one single glance at him and his comrades persuaded me that a theory i had long cherished about the aboriginal population of the south american continent was correct, although in contradiction to theories held by other people on the subject. i had always believed--for reasons which i shall fully explain later--that south america must be peopled by tribes of an australoid or papuan type--people who had got there directly from the west or south-west, not by people who had gradually drifted there from the north. some scientists--with no experience of travel--have been greatly misled by the fact that the north american indians are decidedly a mongolian race. therefore they assumed--basing their assumption on incorrect data--that the unknown indians of south america must also be mongolian. this was a mistake, although undoubtedly migrations on a comparatively small scale of indians from north to south america must have taken place, chiefly along the western american coast. those tribes, however, unaccustomed to high mountains, never crossed the andes. whatever types of indians with mongolian characteristics were found settled in south america were to be found to the west of the andes and not to the east. this does not of course mean that in recent years, when roads and railways and steamships have been established, and communication made comparatively easy, individuals or families may not have been conveyed from one coast to the other of the south american continent. but i wish my reader to keep in mind for a moment a clear distinction between the indians of the western coast and the indians of the interior. [illustration: a fine bororo type on a visit to author's camp.] to return to our man: i was greatly impressed by the strongly australoid or papuan nose he possessed--in other words, broad, with the lower part forming a flattened, depressed, somewhat enlarged hook with heavy nostrils. in profile his face was markedly convex, not concave as in mongolian faces. then the glabella or central boss in the supra-orbital region, the nose, the chin, were prominent, the latter broad and well-rounded. the cheek-bones with him and other types of his tribe were prominent forwards, but not unduly broad laterally, so that the face in front view was, roughly speaking, of a long oval, but inclined to be more angular--almost shield-shaped. the lips were medium-sized and firmly closed, such as in more civilized people would denote great determination. his ears were covered up by long jet-black hair, perfectly straight and somewhat coarse in texture, healthy-looking and uniformly scattered upon the scalp. the hair was cut straight horizontally high upon the forehead, which thus showed a considerable slant backward from the brow to the base of the hair. a small pigtail hung behind the head. the hair at the sides was left to grow down so as fully to cover the lobes of the ears, where again it was cut horizontally at the sides and back of the head. the top of the head was of great height, quite unlike a mongolian cranium. the eyes--close to the nose, and of a shiny dark brown--had their long axis nearly in one horizontal plane. they were set rather far back, were well cut, with thick upper eyelids, and placed somewhat high up against the brow ridges so as to leave little room for exposure of the upper lid when open. none of the other indians, who had gradually assembled, wore a particle of clothing, barring a tight conical collar of orange-coloured fibre encircling their genital organs--so tight that it almost cut into the skin. without this solitary article of clothing no indian man will allow himself to be seen by another, less still by a stranger. but with so modest an attire he feels as well-dressed as anybody. i think that this elegant article of fashion must have originated as a sanitary precaution, in order to prevent insects of all kinds, and particularly _carrapatos_, penetrating within--or else i was really at a loss to understand of what other use it could be. they themselves would not say, and only replied that all bororo indian men wore it. the indians who had assembled all belonged to the bororo tribe. on that, as well as on later occasions, i noticed two distinct types among the bororos: one purely papuan or polynesian; the other strongly malay. the characteristics of those two different types showed themselves markedly in every instance. the majority were perhaps of the malay type. i was intensely interested at the astounding resemblance of these people to the piratical tribes of the sulu archipelago in the celebes sea, where, too, one met a considerable amount of mixture of those two types as well as specimens of pure types of the two races. among the bororos many were the individuals--of the malay type--who had the typical malay eye _à fleur de tête_, prominent, almond-shaped, and slightly slanting at the outer angle. the nose--unlike that of papuan types--was flattened in its upper region between the eyes, and somewhat button-like and turned up at the lower part--just the reverse of the papuan types, who had prominent aquiline noses with a high bridge and globular point turned down instead of up. the lips were in no case unduly prominent, nor thick. they were almost invariably kept tightly closed. the form of the palate was highly curious from an anthropological point of view. it was almost rectangular, the angles of the front part being slightly wider than a right angle. the front teeth were of great beauty, and were not set, as in most jaws, on a more or less marked curve, but were almost on a straight line--the incisors being almost absolutely vertical and meeting the side teeth at an angle of about 60°. the upper teeth overlapped the lower ones. the chin was well developed--square and flattened in the papuan types, but receding, flat and small in the malay types. both types were absolutely hairless on the face and body, which was partly natural and partly due to the tribal custom of pulling out carefully, one by one, each hair they possessed on the upper lip and upon the body--a most painful process. the women--as we shall see--in sign of deep mourning, also plucked out each hair of the scalp. a striking characteristic of the head--in papuan types--was the great breadth of the maximum transverse of the head, and the undue prominence of the supra-orbital ridges. also, the great height of the forehead and its great width in its upper part were typical of the race. the maximum antero-posterior diameter of the skull was equal, in many cases, to the vertical length of the head, taken from the angle of the jaw to the apex of the skull. the ears nearly invariably showed mean, under-developed lobes, but, strangely enough, were otherwise well shaped, with gracefully defined and chiselled curves. they were not unduly large, with a wonderfully well-formed concha, which fact explained why the acoustic properties of their oral organs were perfect. they made full use of this in long-distance signalling by means of acute whistles, of which the bororos had a regular code. the favourite form of earring adopted by the bororos was a brass ring with a metal or shell crescent, not unlike the turkish moon, but i do not think that this ornament was of bororo origin. very likely it was suggested by the cheap jewellery imported into brazil by turkish and syrian traders. they displayed powerful chests, with ribs well covered with flesh and muscle. with their dark yellow skins they were not unlike beautiful bronze torsi. the abdominal region was never unduly enlarged, perhaps owing to the fact that their digestion was good, and also because they took a considerable amount of daily exercise. in standing they kept their shoulders well back, the abdominal region being slightly in front of the chest. the head was usually slightly inclined downwards. the feet of the bororos of the malay type were generally stumpy, but this was not so with the higher papuan types, who, on the contrary, had abnormally long toes and elongated feet, rather flattened. the bororos used their toes almost as much as their fingers, and showed great dexterity in picking up things, or in spinning twine, when their toes did quite as much work as their fingers. the colour of the iris of the bororo eye was brown, with considerable discoloration around its outer periphery, and especially in the upper part, where it was covered by the lid. the eyes were generally kept half closed. the anatomical detail of the body was perfectly balanced. the arms were powerful, but with fine, well-formed wrists--exquisitely chiselled, as were all the attachments of their limbs. they had quite graceful hands, long-fingered--in more ways than one--and wonderfully well-shaped, elongated, convex-faced nails, which would arouse the envy of many a lady of western countries. the webbing between the fingers was infinitesimal, as with most malay races. great refinement of race was also to be noticed in the shape of their legs--marvellously modelled, without an ounce of extra flesh, and with small ankles. the bororos divided themselves into two separate families--the bororo cerados and the bororo tugaregghi. the first descended from baccoron; the second claimed descent from ittibori. baccoron lived where the sun set, in the west; ittibari dwelt in the east. i heard a strange legend in connection with their origin, in which they seemed proud of their descent from the jaguar--which to them represented the type of virility. a male jaguar, they said, had married a bororo woman. a sensible custom existed among the bororos, as among the tuaregs of the sahara desert in africa. the children took the name of the mother and not of the father. the bororos, like the tuaregs, rightly claimed that there could be no mistake as to who the mother of a child was, but that certainty did not always apply to the father. this was decidedly a sensible law among the bororos, who were most inconstant in their affections. they were seldom faithful to their wives--at least, for any length of time. the bororos were not prolific. they frequently indulged in criminal practices in order to dispose of their young--either by strangulation at birth or soon after, or by drugging their women before the birth of the child. the young, when allowed to live, took milk from their mothers until the ages of five or six years. the parents were extremely kind to their children; indeed, they were extraordinarily good-natured and considerate. eight days after birth they perforated the lower lip of male children and inserted a pendant, taking that opportunity to give a name to the child. the lobes of the ears were only perforated at the age of ten or twelve. it was only at the age of about twenty that men were allowed to marry. i found among the bororos an interesting custom which i had seen but once before--in central asia, on the slopes of the himalaya mountains, among the shoka tribesmen. i am referring to the "clubs"--called by the bororos _wai manna ghetgiao_. there the young men and girls went not only with the object of selecting a wife or husband, but also to get thoroughly acquainted and see if the mate selected were suitable or not. the men sat on one side of the club-house--a mere hut--the women on the other. in a way, these clubs prevented hasty marriages, for the men were given plenty of time to study their prospective brides and the girls their future husbands. curiously enough, in the bororo country it was generally the woman who proposed to the man. when the official engagement was made the man proceeded to the hut of his sweetheart and brought a gift of food for her and her mother. if the gifts were accepted there was no other formality to be gone through, and the matrimonial ceremony was indeed of the simplest kind. the man took away the girl to his hut and they were man and wife. the _cuisine_ of the bororos was not attractive to european palate, ears or eyes. one of the favourite dishes of the bororos, served on grand occasions, was the _mingao_, or indian corn chewed up into a paste inside their mouths by women and then displayed before the guests in earthen pots filled with fresh water, in which it was then cooked. the bororos maintained that the sun, _cervado_, and the moon, _ittary_, were two brothers, both being males. they believed in a superior being--the essence of goodness and kindness--a being who will never give pain or hurt anybody; therefore the bororo, who was really at heart a great philosopher, never offered prayers to that superior being. why pray and worry one who will never injure us? they argued. then they believed in a wicked and revengeful devil, the _boppé_, to whom constant attention was paid because by him was caused all the trouble that humans can have. malady, accidents, disaster in love, in hunting or fishing expeditions--for all these the devil _boppé_ was responsible. then they had also another evil spirit--the _aroe taurari_--who, they said, often assumed the appearance of their ancestors in order to come and watch the games of the bororos, such as wrestling and archery. wrestling--in the catch-as-catch-can style--was one of their favourite games. they were very agile at it. their favourite trick was to seize each other across the shoulders, each endeavouring to trip his opponent by a twisted leg round his knee. children in the _aldejas_ were playing at this game all the time. in the bororo wrestling-matches it was sufficient to be thrown down to be the loser, and it was not essential to touch the ground with both shoulder-blades. the only other game i saw among the bororos was the test of strength. it was carried out with a most striking article--a great wheel made of sections, each one foot long, of the trunk of the _burity_ palm tied together by double strings of fibre. the ribbon thus formed by them was rolled so as to make a solid wheel of heavy wood 6 ft. in diameter. the whole was retained in a circular form by a strong belt of vegetable fibre. this great wheel was used by the bororos in their sports, at festivals, for testing the strength of the most powerful men. it was so heavy that few men could lift it at all, the great test being actually to place it on one's head and keep it there for a length of time. [illustration: bororo men, showing lip ornament.] [illustration: bororo men.] the indians of south america, like the indians of north america, revelled in decorating themselves with the feathers of brightly-coloured birds. the red, yellow and blue giant macaws, fairly common in that region, paid dearly for this fashion of the indians. many of those poor birds were kept in captivity and plucked yearly of all their feathers in order to make hair ornaments of beautiful blue and green plumage for the leading musician, who rattled the _bacco_ (a gourd full of pebbles which can make a terrible noise), or else armlets, earrings or necklaces. some of the designs woven with the tiniest feathers of those birds were quite clever, and required delicate handling in their manufacture. ducks, too, supplied many of the feathers for the ornaments of the bororos. their cooking utensils were simple enough--merely a few large earthen bowls, badly baked and unglazed, the largest of which was seldom more than 2 ft. in diameter. they broke easily, being made extremely thin. the bororos made basket-work by plaiting dried palm-leaves, but their most interesting work of all consisted in the really beautifully made fishing nets. nearly all the indians of south america showed remarkable talent and patience at this work. the strings were twisted of a vegetable fibre, extremely resisting, and eminently suitable by its softness and regularity of diameter. whether owing to excitement, indigestion or other causes, the bororos had visions, which they attributed to the _aroe taurari_. in a certain way they were believers in the transmigration of the soul--not generally, but in specific cases. there were certain bororos who, by magic songs, professed to fascinate animals in the forest and were able to catch them. the _barih_ or medicine-man generally, assisted in those incantations. the bororos were remarkable walkers. they were extremely light on their feet and had a springy gait, most graceful to watch. a striking characteristic of these people was that, when standing--unlike nearly every other tribe of savages i have seen--they spread their toes outward instead of keeping both feet parallel. to a lesser extent the feet were held in that position also when walking. the suppleness of their bodies gave them a great advantage in penetrating with ease anywhere in the forest without having to cut their way through. both men and women were passionately fond of dancing, although their dancing had not reached any degree of perfection. with a strip of _burity_ palm upon their shoulders they hopped around, monotonously chanting, with a rhythmic occasional jump, the women following the men. the women possessed considerable endurance. they could carry heavy weights for long distances by means of a fibre headband resting on the forehead. under those circumstances the body was kept slightly inclined forward. children were also carried in a similar fashion in a sling, only--less practically than among many asiatic and african tribes--the bororo children were left to dangle their legs, thereby increasing the difficulty of carrying them, instead of sitting with legs astride across the mother's haunches. i was amazed to see until what age bororo mothers and sisters would carry the young upon their shoulders--certainly children of five or six years of age were being carried about in this fashion, while such hard duties as pounding indian corn, thrashing beans, and hut-building, were attended to. neither in women nor in men was the power of resistance in any way to be compared with that of the tribes of central africa or asia. the indian tribes of brazil impressed one as being strong, because one compared them with their neighbours and masters, the brazilians, who were physically one of the weakest, least-resisting races i have ever seen. when you compared them with some of the healthy savage races elsewhere, the indians did not approach them in endurance and quickness of intellect. do not forget that endurance is greatly due to brain power and self-control. the indian races i saw in brazil seemed to me almost exhausted physically, owing perhaps to constant intermarriage among themselves. the eyesight of the bororos, for instance, was extremely bad. there were many in every _aldeja_ who were almost or absolutely blind. the others were nearly all short-sighted. the bororos removed--pulled out, in fact--their eyelashes one by one, as they believed it improved their sight, especially for seeing at long distances. they all suffered more or less from complaints of the eyes. indeed, i have seldom found races whose members had eyes in such poor condition. conjunctivitis was the most prevalent form of eye disease. ophthalmia was frequently met with. they seemed to have no efficacious method of curing those complaints, and the result was that one found an appalling number of blind or half-blind persons among them--quite out of proportion to the small population. the bororos did not, of course, know of spectacles or any other way of protecting the eyes. even when their eyes were in a normal condition, they nearly all had some defect of vision. squinting was frequently to be noticed among them, and nearly invariably unevenness of the eyes. cataract was common at a comparatively early age, and they knew no remedy for it. an abnormally marked discoloration of the upper part of the iris was constantly to be noticed even in young people. among the healthiest i never saw one man or woman with extraordinary powers of vision such as are most common among savage tribes of asia and africa. the diseased condition of their blood was also perhaps to a certain extent responsible for this. their hearing was good, but not much more acute than with the average european--and infinitely inferior to that of the natives of asia and africa. they suffered considerably from the most terrible of blood complaints, general among them, also from leprosy and various skin troubles. the bororos made considerable use of the _urucu_ plant (_bixa orellana_ l.) which they called _nonoku_, from the fruit of which they obtained a brilliant red colouring matter for tinting their bows and arrows. the shell of the fruit contained a number of shiny seeds, which, when squashed, exuded a vivid red juice. it adhered easily to the skin of the forehead and cheeks, for which purpose the indians also extensively used it. the black paint which the indians used for smearing themselves across the forehead, cheeks, and upon the shoulders, from side to side, was made to stick to the skin and shine by mixing it with a resin. the bororos of the rio barreiros district carried five arrows each with them, but each family of bororos used a special colour and also a different number of arrows, so that no particular rule could be laid down for the entire tribe. the red-tinted arm-band which most men wore was called the _aguasso_. before starting on a hunting expedition of importance the bororos usually indulged in a feast. i took a great number of thumb-marks among them, some of which were remarkable for the precision of the spiral lines from the central point, all over the thumb point. others in the longer thumbs showed a peculiar deviation in the curve at the end, near the point of the thumb. where the lines began to deviate, the triangle formed was filled in by other lines joining those of the spiral at sharp angles. the experiments with the dynamometer in order to measure their strength, the anthropometric measurements with a calliper, and the printing of the thumb-marks, caused the bororos first of all great anxiety, then boisterous amusement. they looked upon it all as utter nonsense--in a way i did not blame them--and repeatedly asked why i did it. i told them that i did it to find out where they came from. "we are not monkeys," said they; "we do not walk on our hands. if that is your object you should look at our foot-marks on the ground, not at the marks of our hands!" with these words, from a tracker's point of view, the local wit set the entire company in shrieks of laughter at his quick repartee. "oh, yes!" said i; "but with the thumb-marks i may perhaps trace, not only where you come from, but also where your great-grandfather, who is now dead, came from." that was too much for them. all had been anxious to make a smudge with smoke-black upon my note-book. now they all refused to do any more thumb-marking, and walked away; but i had fortunately already finished the work i needed from them. the bororos--in fact, most indian tribes of central brazil--knew nothing whatever of navigation. this was chiefly due to the fact that all the woods of central brazil had so high a specific gravity that not one of them would float. hence the impossibility of making rafts, and the greatly increased difficulty in making boats. as for making dug-outs, the indians had neither the patience nor the skill nor the tools to cut them out of solid trees. moreover, there was really no reason why the indians should take up navigation at all when they could do very well without it. they could easily get across the smaller streams without boats, and they were too timid to go and attack inimical tribes on the opposite banks of unfordable rivers. besides, the indians were so few and the territory at their entire disposal so great, that there was no temptation for them to take up exploring, particularly by water. they were all good swimmers. when the river was too deep to ford they merely swam across; or else, if the river were too broad and swift, they improvised a kind of temporary raft with fascines or bundles of dried _burity_ leaves, to which they clung, and which they propelled with their feet. these fascines were quite sufficient to keep them afloat for a short time, enabling them also to convey a certain amount of goods across the water. in other countries, such as in central africa among the shilucks and the nuers of the sobat river (sudan), and the natives on lake tchad, i have seen a similar method adopted in a far more perfected fashion. the shilucks, for instance, cleverly built big boats of fascines--large enough to carry a great number of warriors. such was not the case with the bundles of _burity_ of the indians--which merely served for one or at the most two people at a time, and then only until the bundle became soaked, when it went to the bottom. chapter xv bororo superstitions--the bororo language--bororo music [illustration: bororo indians.] the bororos were superstitious to a degree. they believed in evil spirits. some of these, they said, inhabited the earth; others were invisible and lived "all over the air," to use their expression. the aerial ones were not so bad as those on earth. it was to the latter that their invocations were made--not directly, but through a special individual called the _barih_, a kind of medicine man, who, shouting at the top of his voice while gazing skyward, offered gifts of food, meat, fish and grain to the _boppé_ or spirits invoked. there were two kinds of _barih_: a superior one with abnormal powers, and an inferior one. the _barih_ eventually pretended that the spirit had entered his body. he then began to devour the food himself, in order to appease the hunger of his internal guest and become on friendly terms with him. the wife of the _barih_, who on those occasions stood by his side, was generally asked to partake of the meal, but only after the _barih_ had half chewed the various viands, when he gracefully took them with his fingers from his own mouth and placed them between the expectant lips of his better half. she sometimes accepted them--sometimes not. all according to her appetite, i suppose, and perhaps to the temporary terms on which she was that day with her husband. the bororos, curiously enough, spoke constantly of the hippopotamus--_ajie_, as they called it--and even imitated to perfection the sounds made by that amphibious animal. this was indeed strange, because the hippopotamus did not exist in south america, nor has it ever been known to exist there. the women of the bororos were in perfect terror of the _ajie_, which was supposed to appear sometimes breaking through the earth. personally, i believed that the _ajie_ was a clever ruse of the bororo men, in order to keep their women at home when they went on hunting expeditions. boys were trained to whirl round from the end of a long pole a rectangular, flat piece of wood attached to a long fibre or a string. its violent rotation round the pole, with the revolutions of the tablet around itself at different speeds, reproduced to perfection the sounds of blowing and snorting of the hippopotamus. the whizzing of this device could be heard at astonishing distances. the credulous women were rendered absolutely miserable when they heard the unwelcome sounds of the _ajie_, and, truly believing in its approach, retired quickly to their huts, where, shivering with fright, they cried and implored to have their lives spared. the boy who whirled the magic tablet was, of course, bound to keep the secret of the _ajie_ from the women. let me tell you that one of the chief virtues of the bororo men, old and young, was the fidelity with which they could keep secrets. the youngest children were amazing at keeping secrets even from their own mothers. there were things that bororo women were not allowed to know. boys attended the tribal meetings of men, and had never been known to reveal the secrets there discussed either to their sisters or mothers. when i said it was a virtue, i should have added that that virtue was a mere development of an inborn racial instinct. young and old among the bororo were extremely timid and secretive by nature. they feared everybody--they were afraid of each other. it was sufficient to watch their eyes--ever roaming, ever quickly attracted and pointing sharply at anything moving anywhere around--to be satisfied of the intense suspiciousness of these people. the bororos were restless nomads and could never settle anywhere. they were always on the move--hunting, fishing, and formerly on warlike expeditions with other tribes. they showed great skill with their arrows, which they threw with wonderful accuracy even under conditions of unusual difficulty. when fishing, for instance, they showed remarkable calculating powers when the line of vision became deviated by the surface of the water and made it difficult to judge the exact position of the fish at different depths, quite removed from where the eye saw it. their long arrows had a double-barbed bone head, which was poisoned when fighting men. the bororos were not quarrelsome by nature; on the contrary, they were dignified and gentle. they always avoided fighting. it was only when driven to it, or when hunted down and attacked, that they naturally endeavoured to defend themselves. this has brought upon them the reputation of being barbarous and cruel savages. even among themselves they seldom quarrelled; they never offended one another with words. they had great respect for their elders. at night the men collected in the village. one of them spoke aloud to the crowd, delivering a regular lecture on the events of the day, their hunting or fishing adventures, or tribal affairs. the greatest attention was paid to the orator, and only after his speech was over a warm but orderly discussion followed. when a bororo man was angry with another he would not descend to vulgar language, but he generally armed himself with a bony spike of that deadly fish, the _raja_ (_rhinobates batis_) or _mehro_, as it was called in the bororo language, which he fastened to a wristlet. with it he proceeded in search of his enemy, and on finding him, inflicted a deep scratch upon his arm. this was considered by the bororos the greatest insult a man could offer. women, as in most other countries, quarrelled more than men. not unlike their western sisters, they always--under such circumstances--yelled at the top of their voices, and then resorted to the effective and universal scratching process with their long sharp nails. it will be judged from this that it will not quite do to put down the bororos as being as tame as lambs. indeed, it was sufficient to look at their faces to be at once struck by the cruel expression upon them. they prided themselves greatly on having killed members of rival tribes, and more still upon doing away with brazilians. in the latter case it was pardonable, because until quite recently the brazilians have slaughtered the poor indians of the near interior regions in a merciless way. now, on the contrary, the brazilian government goes perhaps too far the other way in its endeavour to protect the few indians who still remain within the republic. the more accessible tribes, such as the insignificant ones on the araguaya, were having a good time--valuable presents of clothes they did not want, phonographs, sewing machines, fashionable hats, patent leather shoes, automatic pistols and rifles being showered upon them by expensive expeditions specially sent out to them. it no doubt pleased an enthusiastic section of the brazilian public to see a photograph of cannibal indians before they met the expedition, without a stitch of clothing upon their backs--or fronts to be accurate--and by its side another photograph taken half an hour later and labelled "indians civilized and honoured citizens of the republic," in which you saw the same indians, five or six, all dressed up and, it may be added, looking perfectly miserable, in clothes of the latest fashion. it would have been interesting to have taken a third photograph an hour after the second picture had been taken, in order to show how soon civilization--if donning a pair of trousers and shoes and a collar and tie can be called being civilized--can be discarded. [illustration: bororo men. (the aprons are not actually worn.)] the news had spread by word of mouth down the araguaya many months ahead that a brazilian expedition would be sent out with gifts, in order to befriend the indians--supposed to be innumerable: only a few dozens, all counted, in reality. seeing no expedition arrive, the indians--five or six--proceeded to travel some hundreds of miles to go and find it. the expedition for lack of money had remained stuck in a certain town. it was in that town that the valuable photographs were taken. no sooner had they said good-bye to their generous donors than the indians left the city, quickly removed their clothes, which they exchanged for a few drinks of _aguardente_ (fire-water), and, as naked as before, returned to the shores of their beloved river. nevertheless the movement of the brazilian government was extremely praiseworthy and did it great credit. like all movements of that kind it was bound to go to excesses in the beginning, especially in brazil, where people were very generous when they were generous at all. so that so far the fault has been on the right side. it will undoubtedly prevent in the future much severe, even cruel treatment which has been bestowed on the indians. it was only a great pity--a very great pity--that this movement for the protection of the indians had been started when there were few pure indians--almost none--left to protect. according to brazilian statements, the wild indians of central brazil amounted to some fifteen or twenty millions or thereabouts! a few--very few--thousands, perhaps only hundreds, would be nearer the truth. there were no great tribes left in their absolutely wild state anywhere in brazil. there were a few small tribes or families scattered here and there, but it was seldom that these tribes numbered more than twenty or thirty members. if the tribe numbered fifty individuals it was already a large tribe. most of them contained merely six or eight members. so that really, in the population of brazil, these tribes, instead of being the chief factor, were in fact a negligible quantity. it would be rash to make a statement as to the exact number of wild indians in brazil, for in a country so big--larger, as i have already stated, than the united states of america, germany, portugal, and a few other states taken together--and most of which was little known or absolutely unknown--it was not easy to produce an exact census. during my journey, which crossed that immense country in a zigzag from one end to the other in its broader width, and covered all the most important regions of the republic, i became assured that few indeed were the pure indians to be found in central brazil. one went hundreds and hundreds of miles without meeting signs of them; and that in localities where they were supposed to be swarming. the bororos--a few dozens of them, all counted, in two or three different subdivisions--were perhaps the strongest wild tribe in all the immense state of matto grosso. as i have said, i was greatly impressed, from my first contact with the bororos, by the strongly polynesian appearance of some of them. the more specimens i saw of them the more i became convinced that they were of the same race. in fact, more: i began to speculate whether the people of australia and polynesia had migrated here or whether it was just the other way--which theory might also be plausibly upheld--viz. that the people of central south america had migrated to the west, into polynesia and australia. many theories have been expounded of how races always follow certain rules in their migrations, but in my own experience i do not invariably find that those theories are always correct. again, it does not do to rely too much on the resemblance of words in establishing a relationship between two or more races. nor, indeed, can one trust absolutely to the resemblance in the rudimentary ornamentation of articles of use. if you happen to be a student of languages, and have studied dozens of them, you will soon discover how far words will travel across entire continents. they can often be traced back to their origin by the knowledge of intermediate languages through which, with distortions, those words have passed. in central africa i actually heard words of mongolian origin, and not only that, but even traced mongolian characteristics in the type of the ruling classes of natives, as well as in the construction of their language. it is easy to be occasionally misled. i remember on my journey across africa how amazed i was at first at hearing some tonkinese expressions used by the native cannibals. i really could not get over my amazement until i learnt that some years previously a number of tonkinese convicts had been sent up the congo and ubanghi rivers by the french. several of them had lived in that particular village of cannibals for some years. hence the adoption of certain words which had remained in frequent use, whereas the tonkinese individuals had disappeared. i took special care in brazil, when making a vocabulary of the bororo and other indian languages, to select words which i ascertained were purely indian and had not been contaminated either by imported portuguese words or words from any other language. i was much struck by the extraordinary resemblance of many words in the language of the indians of central brazil to the malay language and to languages of malay origin which i had learnt in the philippine islands and the sulu archipelago. for instance: the sun, which is called in malay _mata-ari_, usually abbreviated into _'ari_, was in the bororo language _metiri_, and in the language of the apiacar indians of the arinos-juruena river, _ahra_, which indeed closely resembles the malay word. moreover, the word _ahri_ in the bororo language indicated the _moon_--a most remarkable coincidence. it became slightly distorted into _zahir_ in the apiacar language. water, which is _poba_ in bororo and _üha_ in apiacar, was curiously enough _ühaig_ in the bagobo language (mindanao island), _po-heh_ or _bo-heh_ in the bajao language (mindanao island), _ayer_ in malay, and _uhayeg_ in tiruray (west coast of mindanao island, philippine archipelago). father was _bapa_ in malay, and _pao_ in bororo. many were the words which bore a slight resemblance, as if they had been derived from the same root. _langan_, arm, in malay, was _ankan-na_ or _akkan-na_. ear, in the ilocano language (philippine archipelago) was _cabayag_; _aviyag_ in bororo. hair in ilocano, _b[)o][)o]k_, in manguianes _bohoc_, and in sulu (sulu archipelago) _buhuc_; in bororo it was _akkao_, which might easily be a corruption of the two former words. [illustration: bororo warriors.] [illustration: bororo warriors.] i was greatly interested, even surprised, to find that although those indians lived thousands of miles on every side from the sea, and had never seen it, yet they talked of the _pobbo mae re u_--the immense water; (_pobbo_, water; _mae_, great; _re_, the; _u_, an expression of magnification such as our _oh_). it was also interesting to note that they had specific words for water of streams--words which we do not possess in the english language, complete as our language is--such as down-stream, and upor against-stream--like the french _en aval_ and _en amont_. the bororo used _tche begki_, down-stream, and _tcheo bugkii_, up-stream. the bororo language was rudimentary in a way, yet most complete--extremely laconic, with innumerable contractions. the construction of sentences and the position of the verb were not unlike those of latin languages. the chief wealth of the bororo language consisted in its nouns. like all savage languages, it was wonderfully rich in botanical and zoological terms. the gender was formed by a suffix, the masculine differing from the feminine. there were in the bororo language three genders, masculine, feminine and neuter. the masculine was formed by adding the words _chireu_, _curi_, or _curireu_, to the noun; the feminine by the suffixes _chireuda_ and _curireuda_. there were many words which were used unaltered for either gender. in the case of animals, the additional words _medo_, male, or _aredo_, female, clearly defined the sex in specific cases where the names would otherwise be ambiguous. inanimate objects had no sex, and were therefore neuter. most nouns had a plural as well as a singular, but there were exceptions to this rule, such as names of certain plants and animals, the sky, the wind, etc.; not to count things which were generally taken collectively, such as flies--_ruque_; macaw or macaws, _nabure_, etc. the plural was made by the suffixes _doghe_ or _maghe_--the _maghe_ being used principally in possessive cases, such as _tori-doghe_, stones; _padje-maghe_, our mothers. exceptions to this rule were the words ending in _bo_, _co_, _go_, or _mo_, to which the suffix _e_ was sufficient to form the plural; whereas in those terminating in _do_ or _no_, _ro_, or other consonants, the _o_ was suppressed and an _e_ placed in its stead. example: _jomo_, otter, _jomoe_, otters; _cuno_, parrot, _cune_, parrots; _apodo_, or tucan (a bird), _apode_, tucans, etc. there were a number of irregular exceptions, such as _aredo_, wife; _areme_, wives; _medo_, man, _ime_, men. perhaps the most curious of plurals was _ore_, sons, the singular of which was _anareghedo_ (son). the words ending in _go_ generally formed the plural with an interchangeable _ghe_. the pronouns were: _imi_ = i _aki_ = thou _ema_ = he or she _sheghi_ or _paghi_ = we _taghi_ = you _emaghi_ = they when immediately before a verb these were abbreviated into _i_ or _it_, _a_ or _ac_, _e_ or _ei_, _pa_ or _pag_, ta or _tag_, _e_ or _et_--i, thou, he or she, we, you, they, according to their preceding a vowel or a consonant. with words beginning with a consonant only the first syllable of the pronoun was used. the verb itself did not vary in the various persons, but it did vary in its tenses by suffixes, sometimes after the pronoun, sometimes after the verb. in the present tense the bororos generally used for the purpose the word _nure_, usually between the pronoun and the verb, with the pronoun occasionally repeated after the _nure_; but in general conversation, which was laconic, the pronoun was frequently suppressed altogether--similarly to the frequent omission of the pronoun in the english telegraphic language. there were various other forms of pronouns, but i could not quite define their absolute use--such as the _tched_ or _tcheghi_, which seemed to include everybody, corresponding to the english _we_ in orations which includes the entire audience, or the whole nation, or even the entire human race. the bororo language was complete enough, the conjugation of verbs being clearly defined into past, present, imperative and future. the past was formed by interpolating between the pronoun and verb the words _re gurai_, generally abbreviated into _re_. the imperative was made chiefly by the accentuation of the words, and was susceptible of inflexion in the second person singular and plural. the future was formed by adding, sometimes after the pronoun, sometimes after the verb, the words _modde_, _uo_, or _ua_. at the end of the second volume, in the appendix, will be found a vocabulary of useful words needed in daily conversation which i collected during my visit to the bororos. i had made a much more complete dictionary of their language, in a book which i kept for the purpose, but unfortunately the book was lost with a great many other things in an accident i had some months later on the arinos river. * * * * * it was not possible to say that the bororos shone in intelligence. it was seldom one found an individual who could count beyond two. everything in the bororo country was reckoned in couples--with the aid of fingers, thumbs, and toes. the learned could thus reach up to twenty, or ten pair--but beyond twenty no bororo dared venture in his calculations. they had no written language, no sculptures or paintings, no carved idols. their artistic talent seemed limited to occasionally incising rudimentary representations of horns, footprints, and line figures on rocks. they showed great skill in the manufacture of their arrows, which were indeed constructed on most scientific lines, and were turned out with wonderful workmanship. the arrows were from 4 to 5 ft. long, and were chiefly remarkable for the intelligent and highly scientific disposition of the two balancing parrot feathers, gently bent into a well-studied spiral curve, so as to produce a rotary movement, united with perfect balance, in the travelling weapon. the arrows were manufactured out of hard, beautifully polished black or white wood, and were provided with a point of bamboo one-third the length of the entire arrow. that bamboo point was tightly fastened to the rod by means of a careful and very precisely made contrivance of split cane fibre. [illustration: bororo children. (the horrors of photography.)] the bororos used various-shaped arrow-heads, some triangular, others flattened on one side with a raised rib on the opposite side, others triangular in section with hollowed longitudinal grooves in each face of the triangle in the pyramid, making the wound inflicted a deadly one. others, more uncommon, possessed a quadruple barbed point of bone. the favourite style of arrows, however, seldom had a point broader in diameter than the stick of the arrow. the music of the bororos--purely vocal--had three different rhythms: one not unlike a slow waltz, most plaintive and melancholy; the second was rather of a loud warlike character, vivacious, with ululations and modulations. the third and most common was a sad melody, not too quick nor too slow, with temporary accelerations to suit words of a more slippery character in their pronunciation, or when sung in a _pianissimo_ tone. the songs of the bororos could be divided into: hunting songs, war songs, love songs, and descriptive songs and recitatives. they were fond of music in itself, and possessed fairly musical ears. they were able to retain and repeat melodies quite foreign to them. their hearing was acute enough to discern, with a little practice, even small intervals, and they could fairly accurately hit a note which was sung to them. they had flexible voices, quite soft and musical, even in conversation. in males, as far as i was able to judge, baritone voices were the most prevalent; in female voices, soprano. their typical songs were chiefly performed in a chorus by men only, although once or twice i heard solos--which, nevertheless, always had a refrain for the chorus. the bororos sang in fair harmony more than in unison, keeping regular time, and with occasional bass notes and noises by way of accompaniment. they possessed no musical instruments of any importance--a most primitive flute, and one or several gourds filled with seeds or pebbles, being, as far as i could trace, the only two musical instruments among them. their songs contained progressions in chromatic intervals. those progressions were not only frequently repeated in the same melody, but some of the favourite ones recurred in several of their melodies. they frequently broke from one key into another, not gradually or with modulations, but very abruptly. there were constant and sudden changes in the _tempo_ of their melodies, accelerations being frequently caused by excitement in the performers, by incidents occurring, by anger or other passions being aroused. they had no set rules--nor, of course, any written music. the melodies were sung according to the temporary feelings of the performers, who occasionally adorned their performances with variations. practically they improvised, if led by a musical talent, as they went along. still, mind you, even when they improvised, the character of the songs was the same, although they may have added so many variations and embellishments to the theme as to make it impossible to identify them. furthermore, no two choruses ever sang the same songs alike, nor did the same chorus sing the same song twice alike. there were in their melodies great changes in the degree of loudness. those changes were generally gradual, although often extremely rapid. [illustration: bororo chief. rattling gourds filled with pebbles, in order to call members of his tribe.] the bororos seemed to be greatly carried away by music, which had upon them quite an intoxicating effect. there were certain high notes and chords in a minor key which had a great attraction for them, and which constantly recurred in their melodies and their lengthy ululations. some of the notes had undoubtedly been suggested by the song of local birds and by sounds of wild animals. the bororos were good imitators of sounds, which they could often reproduce to perfection. they were observant with their ears--much more so than with their eyes. even in conversation the bororos would often repeat, accurately enough, noises they heard around them, such as the crashing of falling trees, of rushing water, of distant thunder, or foreign words which caught their fancy. i was amazed at their excellent memory in that direction. there were no professional musicians in the bororo country in the strict sense of the word, the _barih_ being the only person who might, at a stretch, be put down as one. nor was anybody taught music. they were one and all musicians without knowing it--or at least thought they were--a belief not monopolized by the bororos only. they all sang. they learned to sing gradually by hearing and imitating their elders. i think that with the bororos the steps of their dances had been suggested by the rhythm of the music, and not the other way round. they preferred music to dancing, for which latter exercise they showed little aptitude. although their melodies would appear appallingly melancholy to european ears, it did not follow that they were so to them. on the contrary, some which had a most depressing effect on me--and i felt like throwing at them anything handy but heavy to interrupt the melody--seemed to send the performers into a state of absolute beatitude. they kept up those melodies interminably, repeating constantly the same short theme dozens of times--hundreds, in fact, if nothing happened to stop them. when once they had started on one of those songs it was difficult to switch them on to another. they loved to hear it again and again. the time of their music was "common" time, slightly modified according to the wording of the song. it generally altered into a triple time when the words were of a liquid kind in their pronunciation, and a dual time when sung low and slowly. when singing, especially during ululations, the bororos swung their bodies forward and backward--not unlike the howling dervishes of egypt--uttering occasional high and strident notes. this was generally done before starting _en masse_ on a hunt, when a feast also took place. the women never joined in the songs, but the boys did. even if their voices were not powerful enough to produce lengthy ululations, they spiritedly took part in the violent undulations of the body. the bororos were great lovers of minute detail. so it was that, in their music, strange, weird effects were attempted, wonderfully complicated in detail. bororo singing occasionally took the form of a recitative, with the chorus joining in the refrain--this principally when chanting the merits of a deceased person, or during some calamity in the _aldeja_, or village. [illustration: bororo child showing strong malay characteristics.] the only musical instruments i was able to find in the various settlements of bororos i visited consisted chiefly of single, double, or treble gourds, the latter with perforations at the two ends, used as wind instruments and producing deep bass notes. the single gourd had a cane attachment intended to emit shrill high notes. then there were other dried gourds filled with pebbles which rattled as they were shaken at the end of a long handle to which the gourds were fastened. the cane flutes were slightly more elaborate, with ornaments of rings of black feathers. there was only one rectangular slit in the centre of the flute, so that only one note could be produced--as was the case with most of their rudimentary musical instruments. chapter xvi bororo legends--the religion of the bororos--funeral rites the bororos believed in spirits of the mountains and the forest, which haunted special places in order to do harm to living beings. those spirits came out at night. they stole, ill-treated, and killed. in rocks, said the bororos, dwelt their ancestors in the shape of parrots. the bororos were greatly affected by dreams and nightmares, which they regarded as events that had actually happened and which generally brought bad luck. they were often the communications of evil spirits, or of the souls of ancestors. the bororos had many superstitions regarding animals, which they individualized in their legends, giving them human intelligence--especially the _colibri_ (humming-bird), the macaw, the monkey, the deer, and the leopard. the stars, according to these savages, were all bororo boys. let me give you a strange legend concerning them. "the women of the _aldeia_ had gone to pick indian corn. the men were out hunting. only the old women had remained in the _aldeia_ with the children. with an old woman was her nephew, playing with a bow and arrow. the arrows had perforated sticks, which the boy filled with indian corn. when the boy had arrived home he had asked his grandmother to make a kind of _polenta_ with indian corn. he had invited all the other boys of the _aldeia_ to come and eat. while grandmother was cooking the children played, and among them decided to go to heaven. in the _aldeia_ there lived an old woman and a red macaw. both could speak. the boys, having eaten the _polenta_, cut off the woman's arms, cut out her tongue and eyes, and tore out the tongue of the speaking bird. having done this, they went into the forest, where they found a liana twisted into innumerable steps (in the bororo language, _ippare_, young; _kugure_, multitude; _groiya_, step). they could not speak for fear of drawing attention, nor ask any one for help. they had taken the precaution of setting free all the captive birds in the _aldeia_, and they had flown away, except the _pio duddu_ (the _colibri_), which they took with them into the forest. the boys gave a long liana, like a rope, to the _colibri_, requesting him to fasten it to the top of the highest tree, and another long liana which he must tie to the sky where they all wished to ascend. the _colibri_ tied the vegetable ropes as requested, and all the boys climbed up. "the mothers, missing their children, went to the old woman and the speaking macaw. "'where are our children?' said they in a chorus. "no answer. they were horrified when they perceived the mutilated woman and bird. they rushed out of the hut and saw the children--up--up--high, like tiny spots, climbing up the liana to heaven. the women went to the forest, to the spot where the boys had proceeded on their aerial trip, and showing the breasts that had milked them, entreated them to come down again. the appeal was in vain. the mothers, in despair, then proceeded to follow their children skyward up the liana. "the youthful chieftain of the plot had gone up last. when he perceived the mothers gaining on them, he cut the liana. with a sonorous bump, the mothers dropped in a heap to the ground. that was why the bororo women were resigned to see their sons in heaven, forming the stars, while they--the women themselves--remained the transmigrated souls of their mothers upon earth." the bororos also said that the stars were the houses of deceased children. the bororos believed that the sky vault, or heaven, formed part of the earth, and was inhabited. they proved this by saying that the vulture could be seen flying higher and higher until it disappeared. it went to perch and rest upon trees in heaven. the milky way in the sky--the _kuyedje è 'redduddo_ (literally translated "stars they cinders")--consisted for them merely of the flying cinders from the burning stars. the sun, they stated, was made up entirely of dead _barih_, or medicine-men, who rose daily with red-hot irons before their faces. the _barihs_ prowled about the earth at night, and went to the east in the morning on their return to the sun. the hot irons held by the _barihs_ were merely held in order to warm the people on earth. at sunset the orb of day "came down to the water" beyond the horizon, and from there marched back to the east. the bororos maintained that the heavy and regular footsteps of the sun walking across the earth at night could be heard plainly. [illustration: bororo girls.] [illustration: bororo girls (side view).] the moon, which was masculine to the bororos, was the brother of the sun, and was similarly the home of _barihs_ of minor importance. the legends of the bororos were generally long and somewhat confused. they were the outcome of extremely imaginative and extraordinarily retentive minds. their imagination frequently ran away with them, so that it was not always easy to transcribe the legends so as to render them intelligible to the average reader, unaccustomed to the peculiar way of thinking and reasoning of savages. yet there was generally a certain amount of humorous _vraisemblance_ in their most impossible stories. their morals, it should be remembered, were not quite the same as ours. there were frequently interminable descriptive details which one could on no account reproduce in print, and without them much of the point of the legends would be lost. so that, with the confusion and disorder of ideas of the bororos, their peculiar ways of expression, and the mutilation necessary so as not to shock the public, the legends were hardly worth reproducing. still, i shall give here one or two of the more interesting legends, which can be reproduced almost in their entirety. "the sun and moon (two brothers, according to the bororos) while hunting together began to play with arrows with blunt heads, such as those used by bororos for catching birds alive. they hit each other in fun, but at last the sun shot one arrow with too much force and the moon died from the effects of the wound. the sun, unconcerned, left his dying brother and continued hunting; but afterwards returned with medicinal leaves which he placed on the wound of the moon. according to bororo fashion, he even covered the dying brother entirely with leaves, when he saw his approaching end. when he discovered that the moon was dead he became frightened and left. that is why the moon, which when alive was once as bright as the sun, is now of less splendour. it is because it is dead, and the sun is still alive." the bororos firmly believed that formerly the world was peopled by monkeys. this was rather an interesting legend, as it would point out that the bororos, in any case, were aware that the world was once inhabited by a hairy race, which they called monkeys. it is quite remarkable that a similar legend was found among many of the tribes of the philippine islands and sulu archipelago, and along the coast of the eastern asiatic continent. the bororos stated that they learnt from monkeys how to make a fire. monkeys were their ancestors. the whole world was peopled by monkeys in those days. monkeys made canoes, too. "one day a monkey and a hare went fishing together in a canoe in which they had taken a good supply of indian corn. while the monkey was paddling the hare was eating up all the corn. when the corn had been entirely disposed of, in its irresistible desire to use its incisors, the hare began to gnaw the sides of the canoe. the monkey reprimanded the hare, and warned it that the canoe would sink, and as the hare was not a good swimmer it would probably get drowned, or be eaten by fish which swarmed in the stream. the hare would not listen to the advice, and continued in its work of destruction. a hole was bored in the side of the canoe, which promptly sank. the hare being a slow swimmer--according to bororo notions--was immediately surrounded by swarms of _doviado_ (gold fish) and speedily devoured. the monkey--an excellent swimmer--not only was able to save its life, but, seizing a big fish, dragged it on shore. "a jaguar came along and, licking its paws, asked whether the monkey had killed the fish for its (the jaguar's) dinner. "'yes,' said the monkey. "'where is the fire for cooking it?' replied the jaguar. "the sun was just setting. the monkey suggested that the jaguar should go and collect some dried wood in order to make the fire. the sun was peeping through the branches and foliage of the forest. the jaguar went, and returned with nothing; but in the meantime the monkey, with two pieces of soft wood, had lighted a fire and eaten the fish, leaving a heap of bones. when the jaguar arrived the monkey leapt in a few jumps to the top of a tree. "'come down!' said the jaguar. "'certainly not!' said the monkey. upon which the jaguar requested its friend the wind to shake the tree with all its fury. the wind did, and the monkey dropped into the jaguar's mouth, from which it immediately passed into the digestive organs. the monkey little by little moved its arms in the close quarters in which it found itself, and was able to seize the knife which it carried--in the most approved bororo fashion--slung across its back. armed with it, it split the jaguar's belly and resumed its daily occupation of jumping from tree to tree." i was able to record yet another strange legend on the preservation of fire. "an otter," said the legend, "in days long gone by, had with great difficulty lighted a fire on the bank of a river. the sun first came to warm itself by the fire, and while the otter had gone on one of its aquatic expeditions, the moon arrived too. the sun and moon together, feeling in a mischievous mood, put out the fire with water not extra clean. then they ran for all they were worth. the otter, feeling cold, came out of the water and, to its amazement, found the fire had been extinguished. "'who did it?' cried the furious otter, wishing to kill whoever had put the fire out. while its anger was at its highest the otter perceived a toad, which was accused of extinguishing the fire because its legs were as red as fire. "'do not kill me!' appealed the toad. 'put your feet on my belly.' the request was at once granted. the toad opened its mouth wide, and with the pressure of the otter's paws upon its body a burning coal was ejected from its interior anatomy. the otter spared the toad's life in recognition of its services in preserving the fire. that is why the otter and the toad have been friends ever since." it was not easy to collect legends from the bororos, as only few of them were inclined to speak. the same legend i found had many variations, according to the more or less imaginative mind of the narrator. here is an extraordinary explanation of the origin of lightning. [illustration: bororo women, showing method of carrying children.] [illustration: bororos showing formation of hands.] "a boy had violated his own mother. his father, discovering the misdeed and wishing to punish him severely--in fact, get rid of the boy altogether--sent him to several dangerous places to collect various things for him, such as wild fruit, etc. the son, fearing disaster, went to his grandmother for advice. she in turn called first one bird and then another for their advice. the father had sent his son to fetch some small gourds (_bappo rogo_), which grew floating on or suspended above the water of a lagoon. but the lagoon was filled with the souls of deceased bororos and evil spirits. in the first instance the grandmother begged for the help of the _pio duddo_ (or _colibri_). this obliging bird accompanied the boy to the lagoon and, flying over the water, with its beak cut the twigs of the small gourds, and one by one brought them to the boy, who had wisely remained on dry land in order not to be seized by the evil spirits which lay concealed in the water. when the bird was about to bring the dried gourds back, the seeds which were inside rattled and aroused the evil spirits of the lagoon. up they all sprang--but the _colibri_ was too swift for them, and the gourds were safely delivered to the boy. the boy brought them to his father, who, amazed at seeing his son still alive, sent him next to fetch some large gourds--such as those used by the _barih_ at funerals and in high ceremonies. "the boy went once more to his grandmother, and she this time recommended him to a dove (_metugo_). when the dove and the boy arrived at the lake the dove cut some large gourds, but, unfortunately, in so doing made a noise. the souls and evil spirits of the lake leapt out and dispatched numerous arrows to kill the dove, but, as luck would have it, dove and _bappo_ (gourds) escaped unhurt. the boy handed the large gourds to his astounded father, who could not imagine how the boy had escaped death a second time. "the bororos used in their dances the nails of wild pigs, which they attached to their feet in order to produce a noise something like castanets. that ornament was called a _buttori_. "the father next ordered his son to go and bring back a complete set to form a _buttori_. for some reason or other--according to the legend--the _buttori_ was also found suspended over the lagoon swarming with souls and evil spirits. the grandmother on this occasion advised the son to accept the services of a large, beautifully coloured locust--called by the bororos _mannori_. the _mannori_, however, made so much noise while on its errand that it became riddled with arrows from the angry spirits of the lake. to this day, say the bororos, you can see a lot of white spots all over the body of the _mannori_. each marks the spot of a former wound. but the _mannori_, too, faithfully delivered the foot ornaments to the youth. the youth brought them to his father, who, in amazement and vicious anger, ordered his son to go with him on the mountain to seize the nest of the _cibae_ (vulture). according to the notions of the bororos, the souls of their dead trans-migrate into the bodies of birds and other animals. "the young fellow again paid a visit to his wise grandmother, who was this time greatly upset. she handed him a stick and requested him to insert it at once into the vulture's nest, when they had arrived in the hollow in the rock where the nest was. the boy departed with his father up the precipitous mountain side. when they had nearly reached the nest the father placed a long stick across a precipice and ordered his son to climb on it and seize the nest. the son duly climbed--carrying with him his grandmother's stick. when he had reached the top the father did all he could to shake the son down into the chasm, and even removed the long stick on which he had climbed. but the lucky boy had already inserted his grandmother's stick into the crevasse and remained suspended, while the father--really believing that he had at last succeeded in disposing of his son--gaily returned to the _aldeia_ (village). the son, taking advantage of a liana festooned along the rock, was able to climb to the very summit of the mountain. there, tired and hungry, he improvised a bow and arrow with what materials he could find, and killed some lizards. he ate many, and hung the others to his belt. he went fast asleep. with the heat, the fast decomposing lizards began to smell. the odour attracted several vultures, which began to peck at him, especially in the softer parts behind (for he was sleeping lying on his chest and face, as bororos generally do). the boy was too tired and worn to be awakened. the vultures then seized him by his belt and arms, and, taking to flight, soared down and deposited him at the foot of the mountain. there the boy woke up, famished. his supply of lizards had been eaten by the vultures. he searched for fruit and ate some, but he could not retain his food owing to injuries caused him by the vultures. (here a good portion of the legend has to be suppressed.) "as best he could, the boy went to look for the _aldeia_, but it had vanished. he walked for several days, unable to find traces of his tribe. at last he found the footmarks which they had left upon their passage. he followed them, and came to a fire freshly made, left by the indians. he went on until he identified the footmarks showing where his grandmother had gone. he made sure they were hers by the extra mark of her stick on the ground. with the assistance of a lizard, then of a big bird, then of a rat, then of a butterfly, he discovered the whereabouts of the old lady. he was by then an old man. upon perceiving his grandmother he again became a boy, and hurried on--making a noise so that she might know him again. she asked another nephew--'look and see who is behind!'--the nephew turned round and recognized his eldest brother--who was also his father. the grandmother embraced him tenderly. "the eldest fellow persuaded his grandmother and brother not to return to the _aldeia_ where he had suffered so much from the hands of his father. "'they have made me suffer,' he said, 'and i shall take my revenge. come with me, and we shall all be happy together.' "they went to a beautiful spot. he climbed a mountain, and from there proceeded to produce lightning, thunder and wind, which exterminated the rest of the tribe in the _aldeia_. that is why, when the bororos see lightning, they say that it is someone's vengeance coming upon them." [illustration: bororo women.] [illustration: bororo women.] in the bororo language, lightning was called _boeru goddo_ or "angry people"; thunder was _bai_ _gabe_ when near, and _boya ruru_--or deaf sound--when distant. the bororos related an interesting legend of a great flood or deluge. "one night a bororo went with his bow and arrows to the river in order to fish, at a spot where a cane snare or trap had been made in the stream. he killed a sacred fish. no sooner had he done this than the water immediately began to rise. he was scarcely able to get out of the water and run up the mountain side, lighting his way with the torch of resinous wood he had used in order to attract the fish while fishing. the water kept almost overtaking him, it rose so rapidly. he called out to the bororos of his tribe to make their escape, as the water would soon drown them, but they did not believe him and consequently all except himself perished. when he reached the summit of the mountain he managed to light a big fire just before the rising water was wetting the soles of his feet. he was still shouting in vain to all the bororos to run for their lives. the water was touching his feet, when he thought of a novel expedient. he began to remove the red-hot stones which had lain under the fire and threw them right and left into the water. by rapid evaporation at the contact of the hot missiles, it is to be presumed, as the legend does not say, the water ceased to rise. in fact, the water gradually retired, and the bororo eventually returned to the spot where he had left the tribesmen. all were dead. he went one day into the forest and he found a doe--which had in some mysterious way escaped death--and he took her for his wife. from this strange union were born children who were hornless and quite human, except that they were very hairy. after a few generations the hair entirely disappeared. that was how the bororo race was preserved." that extraordinary legend was, to my mind, a very interesting one--not in itself, but from several facts which in its ignorant language it contained. first of all, the knowledge of the bororos concerning a former hairy race--a hairy race referred to in legends found all over the eastern asiatic coast and on many of the islands in the pacific from the kuriles as far as borneo. then it would clearly suggest a great deluge and flood which most certainly took place in south america in days long gone by, and was indeed quelled by burning stones--not, of course, thrown by the hands of a bororo, from the summit of a mountain, but by a great volcanic eruption spitting fire and molten rocks. as i have stated elsewhere, there was every possible indication in central brazil that torrential rains on an inconceivable scale--naturally followed by unparalleled floods--had taken place, in the company of or followed by volcanic activity on a scale beyond all imagination. one had only to turn one's head round and gaze at the scenery almost anywhere in central brazil, but in matto grosso particularly, to notice to what extent erosion and volcanic activity had done their work. another curious belief of the bororos was worth remembering. they claimed that men and women did not come from monkeys, but that once upon a time monkeys were human and could speak. they lived in huts and slept in hammocks. the bororos possessed no geographical knowledge. beyond their immediate neighbourhood they knew of no other place, and did not in any way realize the shape or size of the earth. they called themselves _orari nogu doghe_--or people who lived where the _pintado_ fish (_orari_ in bororo) was to be found. the bororos spoke of only three other tribes: the _kaiamo doghe_ (the chavantes indians), their bitter enemies; the _ra rai doghe_--the long-legged people--ancient cave-dwellers, once the neighbours of the bororos, but now extinct; and the _baru gi raguddu doghe_--a name better left untranslated--applied to a tribe living in grottoes. in the way of religion the bororos admitted of five different heavens, in the last of which dwelt a superior being--a deity called the _marebba_. marebba's origin was unknown to the bororos. all they knew was that he had a mother and a powerful son. marebba only looked after the men--but he was so occupied that when the _barihs_--through whose mediation it was possible to communicate with him--wished to be heard, they had to shout at the top of their voices in order to attract his attention. only the higher _barihs_ could communicate with him, the lower _barihs_ being merely permitted to communicate with his son. they also believed in the existence of a bad god--an evil spirit called _boppe_. boppe inhabited the mountains, the tree-tops and the "red heaven." there were many _boppe_, male and female, and to them were due all the misfortunes which had afflicted the bororos. some of the _barihs_ maintained that they had actually seen both marebba and some of the _boppes_. they gave wonderful descriptions of them, comparing them in their appearance to human beings. the bororos believed that in any food it was possible to find a _boppe_--there established in order to do evil. therefore, before partaking of meals, especially at festivals, they first presented the _barih_ with fruit, grain, meat and fish in order to appease the anger of the evil spirits. the bororos believed in the transmigration of the soul into animals. they never ate deer, nor jaguar, nor vultures, because they thought that those animals contained the souls of their ancestors. the jaguar, as a rule, contained the soul of women. when a widower wished to marry a second time he must first kill a jaguar in order to free the soul of his first wife from suffering. they also seemed to have an idea that the _arué_, or souls of the dead, might reappear in the world and could be seen by relatives. men and women all became of one sex on leaving this world--all souls being feminine, according to the bororos. [illustration: bororos thrashing indian corn.] [illustration: a bororo blind woman.] the apparition of the souls before their relatives was, of course, merely a clumsily arranged trick of the _barihs_. this is how it was done. they made a circle of branches of trees--in order to keep the audience at a distance--and then erected a large wooden gate, so arranged that when the souls appeared it fell down in order to give them free passage. the souls--generally not more than two together--upon being called by the _barih_, entered the ring with their faces covered and hopping with a special step of their own. they did not respond to prayers or tears, and kept on twirling about within the ring. the body was that of a woman, wearing from the waist down a gown of palm leaves. the face was covered by a mask of vegetable fibre which allowed its owner to see and not be seen. upon the head was worn a cap of wax in which were stuck a great number of arrows, so that it looked just like the back of a disturbed porcupine. naturally those "souls" were merely special girls dressed up for the occasion. but credulous bororo women believed they were actually seeing the souls of their dead relatives. they worked themselves into a great state of excitement. the same implement which was employed by the bororos to reproduce the sound of the _aigi_ or _ajie_ (hippopotamus)--a board some ten inches long and three inches wide attached to a string and revolved from a long pole--was also used by them to announce the departure of souls from this world to the next. the women were ordered to cover their faces or hide altogether inside their huts when these noises were produced. should one be curious enough to inquire into their origin and look, she was generally condemned to death--frequently by starvation. the bacururu--or the coroado indians--believed that, after such an indiscretion, nothing could save the life of a woman. before starting on a hunting or fishing expedition prayers were offered to the souls of the departed, so that they might not interfere with the success of the expedition, and if possible help instead. the funeral rites of the bororos were singular. on the death of a man, a chorus of moans began and tears were shed in profusion, while some one sang for several days the praises of the defunct in a melancholy monotone. the body was covered for two entire days, during which all articles that belonged to the deceased, such as bow and arrows, pots, and musical instruments, were smashed or destroyed. the débris was stored behind a screen in the hut, where subsequently was also kept the hearse in which the body was conveyed to the burial spot. the body, wrapped in a palm-leaf mat, was then interred in a shallow oval grave just outside his hut. a wooden beam was placed directly over the body, and then the hollow was covered over with some six or eight inches of earth. a few branches of trees and some thorns were thrown over it to indicate the spot. for twenty days in the evening and night moans resounded through the air. more tears were shed by the relatives and by the _barih_, who frequently proceeded to the grave to pour water on it. on the twentieth day, while some one set at play the awe-inspiring revolving board, others proceeded to exhume the body--by then in a state of absolute decomposition. the remains were taken to the stream and the bones cleaned with great care. the skull was placed within two inverted hemispherical baskets, whereas all the other bones of the body were heaped into a third concave basket of a larger size. it was on their return--with moans and chanting--to the _bayto_, or meeting-place in the _aldeia_, that the most touching scene ensued. the skull was decorated with a design of coloured feathers, while those present inflicted wounds upon their own bodies, shedding blood upon the basket of remains. the women, moreover, tore one by one each hair from their heads and bodies in sign of mourning. after this the skull and bones were placed within another basket, and were either cremated or thrown to the bottom of a river. the property of the deceased was then set ablaze. i noticed in a hut a skirt made of long palm leaves. it was donned at funerals. there were also several long rudimentary flutes, formed by a cane cylinder with a rounded mouthpiece inserted into another. these flutes, too, were used only on such mournful occasions. the _barih_ received a present from relatives at the death of individuals in the tribe. the family remained in mourning from five to six months. the widow, at the death of her husband, was expected to tear each hair off her scalp, one by one, until her head remained as bald as a billiard-ball. she generally did it. the corpses of women were treated slightly differently. when a woman died she was buried _pro tem._ a feast was given to the tribe. the process of denudation having been given ample time to leave her skeleton clean, her bones were collected, and placed in a special basket and then cremated. the ashes were scattered to the winds, and so were all her clothes, ornaments, chattels, smashed to atoms, and articles of food. even fowls, if she possessed any, were destroyed. usually they were eaten by her friends. the bororos did not possess a sense of honour resembling ours. theft was not considered dishonourable, and was not looked down upon nor condemned by them. if a bororo liked anything belonging to any one else, they could see no reason why he should not appropriate it. that was their simple way of reasoning, and as no police existed among them such theories were easily followed. taking something belonging to a stranger was, in fact, rather encouraged, and in our experience we had to keep a sharp watch when indians came to our camp, as things disappeared quickly. they seldom took the trouble to ask for anything; they just took it and ran away. the measurements of bororo heads in the table on page 261, taken, as an average, from several of the most characteristic types, will be found of interest, especially when compared with some from papuan and malay tribes of the philippine and sulu archipelagoes with whom they have many points in common. due allowance must be made for the artificial deformation of the cranium in the case of the bororos. i had no end of trouble in obtaining these measurements, as the bororos would not hear of being measured. they were frightened of the nickel-plated calliper i used for the purpose. it was quite beyond them to understand why any one should want to know the length of their noses. in fact, although many, after a lot of coaxing, submitted to have other measurements taken, few of them would let me measure the nose. none at all would permit me to measure the length of their eyes, as they feared i should intentionally blind them. [illustration: bororo children.] [illustration: bororo women.] i met other tribes of bororos as i went along, and i was able to add to the curious information already collected and given in previous chapters. it appeared that at the birth of a child the head, while the skull was still soft, was intentionally compressed and bandaged, especially at the forehead and back, so as to flatten it and produce an abnormal shape of the skull. in many cases only the back of the head was flattened by the application of artificial pressure. the elongation was both upwards and sideways. this deformation was particularly confined to male children. |bororos. | |bilan, island of mindanao philippine archipelago. | | |manobo. | | | |mahommedans west coast of mindanao i. | | | | |guiangas. | | | | | |samal. | | | | | | |bagobos. | | | | | | | |ilocanos. | | | | | | | | |mandayas (gandia). | | | | | | | | | |tirurays. | | | | | | | | | | |mansakas (of panter). | | | | | | | | | | | |yacanes. ----------------------------+--------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------ | metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. |metre. ----------------------------+--------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------vertical maximum length | | | | | | | | | | | | of head | 0.264 | 0.215 | 0.222 | 0.212 | 0.236 | 0.222 | 0.234 | 0.229 | 0.233 | 0.240 | 0.221 | 0.220 bizygomatic breadth | 0.1415 | 0.130 | 0.131 | 0.137 | 0.138 | 0.130 | 0.132 | 0.125 | 0.129 | 0.130 | 0.123 | 0.131 maximum breadth of | | | | | | | | | | | | forehead | 0.145 | | | | | | | | | | | minimum breadth of forehead | | | | | | | | | | | | at lower part of | | | | | | | | | | | | temples | 0.130 | 0.133 | 0.124 | 0.131 | 0.126 | 0.126 | 0.136 | 0.131 | 0.127 | 0.128 | 0.130 | 0.131 maximum length of cranium | | | | | | | | | | | | (from forehead to | | | | | | | | | | | | back of head) | 0.199 | 0.215 | 0.193 | 0.181 | 0.183 | 0.173 | 0.183 | - | 0.199 | 0.192 | 0.184 | 0.185 breadth of skull one inch | | | | | | | | | | | | above ear | 0.1945 | | | | | | | | | | | maximum breadth of | | | | | | | | | | | | lower jaw | 0.132 | 0.132 | 0.123 | - | 0.117 | 0.121 | 0.124 | 0.116 | 0.109 | 0.117 | 0.110 | 0.125 length of nose | 0.064 | 0.060 | 0.050 | 0.052 | 0.058 | 0.052 | 0.055 | 0.057 | 0.062 | 0.053 | 0.056 | 0.060 breadth of nose at nostrils | 0.0375 | 0.043 | 0.037 | 0.041 | 0.035 | 0.045 | 0.037 | 0.037 | 0.037 | 0.043 | 0.037 | 0.039 distance between eyes | 0.033 | 0.032 | 0.034 | 0.030 | 0.031 | 0.033 | 0.032 | 0.034 | 0.028 | 0.033 | 0.035 | 0.031 length of ear | 0.066 | 0.055 | 0.052 | 0.056 | 0.074 | 0.063 | 0.072 | 0.060 | 0.065 | 0.062 | 0.060 | 0.063 length of mouth | 0.057 | 0.065 | 0.050 | 0.050 | 0.056 | 0.055 | 0.050 | - | 0.052 | 0.057 | - | 0.055 length of lower jaw from | | | | | | | | | | | | ear to centre of chin | 0.1365 | | | | | | | | | | | breadth of upper lip | 0.025 | 0.023 | 0.021 | 0.017 | 0.023 | 0.020 | 0.027 | 0.024 | 0.022 | 0.024 | 0.021 | 0.020 breadth of lower lip | 0.020 | | | | | | | | | | | ----------------------------+--------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------n.b.--for further particulars see "the gems of the east," by a. h. savage landor. when twins were born one was killed or else left to die in the sun, as they believed that the other could not live if both were left alive. murder for them, in that instance, was a question of humanity. the bororos had a perfect horror of natural death. they were terrified at the sight of a person dying. therefore when one of their people was about to expire they covered him up and placed him out of sight. if he or she under those circumstances delayed in departing this life, the departure was hastened by suffocation or strangulation. the bororos were too restless, and could not wait too long for anything. they were easily suggestionized. many of them would make excellent subjects for hypnotic experiments. the women particularly were extraordinarily sensitive to animal magnetism. they were much given to hysterical displays. one of the reasons which was given me for hastening the death of moribund bororos was a curious superstition that the sight of a dying person would cause the death of women, particularly if the dying person happened to look in the direction of one woman present. the women believed this so firmly that occasionally--the bororos asserted--women actually became ill and died when they saw a dead person. this, no doubt, may have occurred merely by suggestion. women were never allowed, under ordinary circumstances, to see dead people. when dancing the bororos sprang on one foot and then on the other, always hopping about in a circle. abnormalities and deformities were frequently noticeable among them, such as hare-lip, supernumerary toes and fingers, and hypertrophy of the limbs. abnormalities of the genitals were general owing to tribal customs. one of the evil spirits most feared by the bororos was called _aroi koddo_--or "soul that falls." it was a spirit that came to earth solely for the purpose of punishing the bororos. they said that this spirit was an extremely noisy one and its approach was announced by terrifying sounds. the bororos were frightened of comets and had about them superstitions similar to those of europeans--that is to say, that their appearance caused illness, misfortune and death. solar and lunar eclipses, the bororos stated, were merely the result of anger on the part of evil spirits. "the sun or moon were making faces because they were angry," was their highly astronomical explanation of the phenomenon. the bororos had a firm belief that some of their ancestors lived in the sun, others in the moon; and they said the ancestors caused the sun to make faces when angry. in the sun also lived the head of all the _barihs_, or medicine-men, the intermediary between humans and spirits; whereas in the moon dwelt only those who could invoke the souls of the ancestors. the _barih_ was only capable of communicating with a _barih's_ ancestors. chapter xvii the river das garças--majestic scenery i went to call on the salesian fathers. between my camp and the river das garças, on the right bank of which the colony stood, there was a great dome of red volcanic rock with many loose boulders such as we had seen for the last three days of our journey. the river was swift and deep. the colony was on the opposite side of the water. we shouted until an indian appeared and took us across in a rickety canoe belonging to the friars, which he paddled with the stalk of a palm-leaf. the salesians were remarkable people, and should be an example to many other missionaries. wherever they went they did not trouble much about making converts. they taught the natives instead how to work the soil and how to make all kinds of articles which might or might not be useful to them as they became more civilized. the chief effort of the monks was to teach the natives agriculture, from which--charity always begins at home--the friars themselves were naturally the first to reap the benefit. at the same time the natives learned, and earned, and were made happy. they improved their mode of living and were, with great softness and patience, not only drawn nearer to catholicism but towards white people altogether. the salesians had established on the rio das garças--an enchanting spot--a beautiful farm on which they grew quantities of indian corn, sugar-cane, wheat, and all kinds of vegetables. although i am not a roman catholic, the salesians received me very politely and took the greatest delight in showing me all over the mission. it was interesting to note that everybody was working hard. the father superior himself was busy shaping a big table from a huge plank of hard wood, and nothing could induce him to leave his sweating work--not even to go and have his meals. father colli agostino was detailed to go round and explain everything to me. the salesians had no trouble with the indians, whom they found quite gentle and docile. but they could never be relied upon. one day the entire tribe would come and help to work the soil with great vigour; the next day they would all disappear from the neighbourhood and no one knew where they had gone--sometimes for weeks. they invariably came back, sooner or later, and, what was more, they were always welcomed back. converting them to christianity was a different matter. the salesians had made little headway in that direction. "we are patient people," said father colli; "it will come in time. already the bororos are beginning to join us in the church, where many enjoy singing with us. they are intelligent and soon learn to sing." i purchased, at almost prohibitive prices, many things from the salesians, principally food for my animals and men. of course, in buying one had to realize where we were, which made all the difference in the price. i was glad to pay them the money and obtain the commodities. the salesians told me that while digging to make the foundations for one of their buildings they had found--only 3 ft. under ground--in the sandy soil several earthen pots of great antiquity, in excellent preservation, as well as a fireplace with ashes and charcoal. the sand had evidently accumulated in the valley below there owing to wind and not to water. the frail pottery, imperfectly baked, would have crumbled away quickly in moisture. on may 20th (min. 58° fahr., max. 85°) we were again off toward the west, travelling over great domes of red lava, the higher portions of which were covered by layers of ashes and red sand. we were at an elevation of 1,480 ft. in the deep basin of the rio barreiros and rio das garças, but we soon went over three consecutive ridges, 1,550 ft. above the sea level, with delicious campos and a _bosquet_ of trees here and there. in the arc of a circle extending from north-west to south-west we had in front of us a beautiful view. previous to reaching the third ridge, that day, we also had behind us a wonderful panorama of the great plateau described in a previous chapter. on travelling over a fourth elevation we found ourselves upon another immense dome of red volcanic rock, blackened on the surface, as if by fire, and with the peculiar striations we had noticed once or twice before. in this case there were cross striations as well, the direction of one set of parallel marks being from north-west to south-east, of the other set north-east to south-west, thus forming lozenges, each about 60 cm. across. all those lozenges were so regularly cut that the _ensemble_ gave the appearance of a well-made pavement. then i noticed some peculiar great cavities in the rock, like those formed by glacial action. in fact, on a superficial examination, it seemed almost as if that region had first gone through a period of great revolution while in a state of semi-liquefaction owing to intense heat from fire, after which a sudden and intense cooling had taken place and covered the country perhaps even with ice. whether the immense deposits of ashes and sand had been formed before or after the glacial period--if any such period ever existed in that particular region--could be merely a matter of speculation. in many places the sand, ashes, and red earth had almost consolidated into easily friable rock. where the actual rock was not exposed we had campos, campos, campos, stretching as far as the eye could see. far from being monotonous, one had--or at least i had--a delightful sensation in riding across those interminable prairies of beautiful green. one could breathe the pure air with fully expanded lungs, and in that silent, reposeful solitude one felt almost as if the whole world belonged to one. we were not much worried by insects on those great open places; it was only on getting near patches of vegetation and near streams that we suffered from the attacks of those pests. we saw few trees--all stunted and weak--as the padding of earth over the rocky under-strata did not permit their roots to go deep down, and therefore they grew up with difficulty and anæmic. twelve kilometres from the rio barreiros we came to a stream (elev. 1,400 ft.). on our left, rising above the inclined campos, was a triple undulation much higher than its neighbours. to the west stood two twin, well-rounded mounds, that my men named at once "the woman's breasts," which they much resembled. we were still marching on deep deposits of ashes, and, higher, upon semi-hardened sandstone. on the northern side the twin hills had a different shape. they ended in a sharply pointed spur. after going over an ochre-coloured sandy region (elev. 1,530 ft. above the sea level) we were again on magnificent undulating campos, dotted here and there with dark green shrubs and _bosquets_ to the north, north-west, and north-east. beyond, to the north-east, loomed again in the far distance our mysterious plateau, of a pure cobalt blue where in shadow. as one ran one's eye along its sky-line it was almost flat for more than half its length, then came a slight dip, followed by a terraced dome. then again a straight line followed by a slightly higher and more undulating sky-line with three steps in it, and a conical end at its eastern terminus. the most easterly point of all--the highest--resembled a castle with vertical sides. but of this we have already spoken, at the terminal point of the great divided range we had passed some days previously. the vertical cliffs of the plateau, where lighted by the sun, were of a brilliant red colour. [illustration: isolated conical hills with tower-like rocky formation on summit.] [illustration: the endless campos of matto grosso.] as we approached the twin hills they appeared to be the remains of an ancient crater. they formed, in fact, a crescent with a broken rocky lower section--completing the circle of the crater. i had no time to go and examine carefully, as it would have meant a deviation from my route, but that is how it appeared to me. there were, in fact, extra deep deposits of volcanic ashes at the foot of the descent before we arrived at the river agua emeindada, where we made our camp that night, 15 kil. from the rio barreiros. my men went after game that night. alcides killed a _veado_ (deer), and we all enjoyed the fresh meat for dinner. the clouds (cirro-stratus) were, during the entire day, in horizontal lines and slight globular accumulations, the latter in a row and, taken _en masse_, giving also the impression of lines just above the horizon to the west. at sunset we once more saw the glorious effect of the radiation from the west, only instead of being straight lines there were, that time, feathery filaments which rose in graceful curves overhead, like so many immense ostrich feathers. they joined again in a common centre to the east. my men were complaining all the time of the intense cold at night, and made me feel almost as if i had been responsible for it. they grumbled perpetually. during the early hours of the morning their moans were incessant. they never ceased crying, as hysterical young girls might do, but as one would not expect of men. some of them had toothache--and no wonder, when one looked at their terrible teeth and the way they ate. they devoured pounds of sugar every day--our supply, which should have lasted a year or more, having already almost been exhausted. it was impossible for me alone, with all the astronomical, geological, botanical, geographical, meteorological, photographic, anthropometric, and artistic work--not to mention the writing-up of my copious daily notes--also to keep a constant watch on the supplies. i had handed over that responsibility to alcides. unfortunately, he was the greediest of the lot. every time i warned him not to be so wasteful, as we should find ourselves dying of starvation, he and the others made me feel that i was meanness itself, and that i was only doing it to save money. i never objected to their eating as much as they could--as i have always made it a point on all my expeditions to feed my men on the best food procurable, and give them as much as they could possibly devour. but it pained me to see quantities of good food thrown away daily, as i knew what it would mean to us later on. "we are brazilians," said they, "and like plenty to eat. when there is no more we will go without food. you do not know brazilians, but brazilians can go thirty or forty days without anything to eat!" "all right," said i--"we shall see." forty minutes--and perhaps not so long--had been, so far, the longest time i had seen them cease munching something or other. not satisfied with the lavish food they were supplied with--heaps of it were always thrown to the dogs, after they had positively gorged themselves--yet they would pick up anything on the way: a wild fruit, a scented leaf of a tree, a nut of some kind or other, a _palmito_, a chunk of tobacco--all was inserted in the mouth. it was fortunate that we took enough exercise, or surely they would have all perished of indigestion. in my entire experience i have never seen men eat larger quantities of food and more recklessly than my brazilian followers did. in the morning they were almost paralyzed with rheumatism and internal pains all over the body. frequently those pains inside were accentuated by the experiments they made in eating all kinds of fruit, some of which was poisonous. many a time on our march did we have to halt because one man or another was suddenly taken violently ill. my remedy on those occasions was to shove down their throats the end of a leather strap, which caused immediate vomiting; then when we were in camp i gave them a powerful dose of castor oil. after a few hours they recovered enough to go on. on may 21st the minimum temperature of the atmosphere was 55° fahr., the maximum 79°, the elevation 1,250 ft. at the stream agua emeindata. my men declared again they were half-frozen during the night and would not go on with me, as it was getting colder all the time and they would certainly die. when i told them that it was not cold at all--on the contrary, i considered that temperature quite high--they would not believe me. with the temperature in the sun during the day at 98°, most of the aches of the men disappeared, and i had little trouble with them until after sunset, when there was generally a considerable drop in the temperature. we went on. we had a volcanic mountain to the left of us--half the crater of a volcano formed of red lava and friable red-baked rock. in the northern and central part of the mountain were masses of lava which had been shot out of the mouth of the volcano and had solidified into all kinds of fantastic forms, some sharply pointed, some red, others black. on the east side of the crater was a dome covered with earth with an underlying flow of lava. then could be observed a circular group of huge rocks, pear-shaped, with sharp points upward. while the volcano was active these rocks had evidently stood on the rim of the then cylindrical crater. the mountain behind those rocks was formed by high accumulations of red volcanic sand, which in time had gradually, by the action of rain and sun, consolidated into soft rock. the plateau extending northward, which was disclosed in all its entirety before me from the elevation of 1,600 ft. which we had reached, also seemed to possess an extinct crater shaped like a crescent with steep slopes and two rounded promontories on its side. the sky that day was partly covered by transparent feathery clouds and by dense mist near the horizon line to the east, but was quite clear to the west. as usual, that evening we were again treated to fairly handsome radiating white lines from the sun reaching half way up the sky vault, but this time they were flimsy and not to be compared to the magnificent displays we had observed before. our animals still sank in ochre-coloured sand, or stumbled on conglomerate rocks of spattered lava pellets embedded in sandstone. capping the higher undulations we again found deposits of ashes. [illustration: geometrical pattern on the surface of a flow of lava. (caused by sudden contraction in cooling.)] we travelled for long distances on a ridge at an elevation of 1,650 ft. over a thick layer of sand and ashes mixed. then campos spread before us, and upon them here and there grew stunted vegetation, the trees seldom reaching a greater height than 15 ft. from our last high point of vantage the crater with fantastic rocks and its continuation we had observed appeared to form a great basin. a subsidiary vent was also noticeable. farther on our march we found other immense deposits of grey ashes and sand alternately--one great stretch particularly, at an elevation of 1,600 ft. water at that spot filtered through from underneath and rendered the slope a grassy meadow of the most refreshing green. we were rising all the time, first going north-west, then due north. at noon we had reached the highest point. from the high point on which we were (1,920 ft.) we obtained a strange view to the west. above the straight line of the plateau before us rose in the distance a pyramidal, steep-sided, sharply-pointed peak, standing in solitary grandeur upon that elevated plain. why did it stand there alone? was the question one asked oneself--a question one had to ask oneself frequently as we proceeded farther and farther on our journey. we often came upon mountains standing alone, either on the top of table-lands or in the middle of extensive plains. their presence seemed at first unaccountable. again as we journeyed onward the mules' hoofs were injured by treading over large expanses of lava pellets and sharp-edged, cutting, baked fragments of black rock, myriads of which also lay embedded in reddish half-formed rock or buried in layers of yellowish-red earth. to the north was a majestic panorama of the most delicate tones of blue and green, with almost over-powering sweeping lines hardly interrupted by a slight indentation or a prominence rising above the sky-line. only to the north-west in the middle distance was there the gentle undulating line of magnificent campos--most regular in its curves, which spread in a crescent toward the west. the line was interrupted somewhat abruptly by a higher and irregular three-terraced mass, but soon resumed its sweeping and regularly curved undulations beyond. this great crescent almost described a semicircle around the smaller undulations over which we were travelling. we descended to 1,750 ft. on facing west we had curious scenery on our left (south). a huge basin had sunk in--evidently by a sudden subsidence which had left on its northern side high vertical cliffs supporting the hill-range that remained standing. the undulating centre and sides of the immense depression formed beautiful campos with an occasional _bosquet_ of forest on the top of hills, and also on the lowest points of the undulations. those _bosquets_ were few and far apart, only to be found where moisture was plentiful. the remains of a high, flat plateau, which had escaped while the rest of the country had subsided, loomed alone in the distance. one of the central hills was crowned by great black volcanic boulders of the same rock which was visible at the southern edge of this great basin, bounded by vertical cliffs--all of the same composition. directly south-west the evenness of the sky-line was again interrupted by two mountains--flat-topped, one not unlike the gabled roof of a house, the other like a cylindrical tower on the top of a high conical hill. we again rose to an elevation of 1,950 ft., still travelling on the summit of the plateau bordering the deep depression. we were compelled to describe a curve in our route, and had reached a height of 2,000 ft. we perceived to the north-east and east a long, uninterrupted--almost flat--sky-line. we had described a sweeping curve right round the irregular edge of the undulating plateau. we could now look back upon the southern aspect of the vertical black and brown rocky cliff, on the summit of which we had been travelling. the rocky cliffs were particularly precipitous and picturesque in the western portion. interminable campos were still before us. i occasionally picked up interesting plants and flowers for my botanical collection. innumerable in this region were the plants with medicinal properties. the _sentori_ (_centaurea_) for instance--plentiful there, with its sweetly pretty mauve flower--when boiled in water gave a bitter decoction good for fever. we came upon a patch of _landir_ or _landirana_ trees, with luxuriant dark green foliage. they grew near the water, and were by far the tallest and handsomest, cleanest-looking trees i had so far seen in matto grosso. they attained a great height, with extraordinarily dense foliage, especially at the summit, but also lower down at the sides. then _burity_ palms were fairly abundant wherever one met _landir_ trees in groups or tufts. we were now travelling at an elevation of 2,050 ft., then soon after at 2,100 ft. above the sea level. there was merely stunted vegetation growing upon the red earth and sand. on descending from that high point we came upon extraordinary scenery. to our right (north) was another concave depression with a further subsidence in its central part. due west and north-west, from the spot where we first observed the scene, appeared four curious hemispherical domes forming a quadrangle with three less important ones beyond. in the south-easterly portion of the depression was a great rocky mass, while due north another, and higher, conical mount, much higher than all the others, could be observed. in the eastern part of the depression a wide circle of big volcanic boulders--undoubtedly an extinct crater--was to be seen, with huge masses of spattered yellow lava in large blocks as well as ferruginous rock. that great depression--taken in its entirety--was subdivided into three distinct terraces, counting as third the summit of the plateau. a mighty, deep, impressive chasm, smothered in vegetation, could be observed within the central crater--in the north-east side of the circle. the summit of the plateau, varying in elevation from 2,000 ft. to 2,100 ft., on which we were travelling was entirely covered by sand and grey ashes. the valley in the depression extended in lovely campos from south-west to north-east--in fact, as far as the giant table-land which stood majestic in the distance. the scene, as we stood on the edge of the plateau, was impressive in its grandeur, in its silence. in the morning the sky was almost entirely covered with transparent clouds in scales like a fish. in the afternoon the sky above changed into horizontal layers of globular clouds, which stood as still as death. leaden black globular accumulations covered one-third of the sky vault, great unshapen masses overhead rendering the air heavy. we marched all that day on a deep layer of ashes. on descending from the plateau we had on our left great clean campos and plentiful _burity_ palms in a slight depression where moisture filtered through. as the caravan was moving along gaily, a _veado_ (deer) gracefully leapt in front and, turning its head back two or three times to look at us, ran before us. filippe, the negro, in his excitement, gave wild yells which set the mules stampeding, while green parrots in couples, scared at the sudden disturbance, flew overhead, adding piercing shrieks to the rapid tinkling of the mules' bells, the rattling of the baggage on the pack-saddles, and the shouts of the men trying to stop the excited mules. all those sudden noises mingled together were quite a change for us, accustomed to a constant deathly silence. before us on the w.n.w.--as we still sank in grey ashes--were two conical hillocks. in the distance, to the west, two small flat-topped plateaux rose above the sky-line, and also two hills shaped not unlike the backs of two whales. on our left we had an immense crack or fissure extending from north-east to south-west between the hill-range on which we travelled and another on the south--both showing huge domes of eruptive rock, apparently extensive flows of red lava subsequently blackened on the surface by weathering. on the opposite side to ours the rock was exposed all along the fissure for a great height, except the surface padding on the summit, where beautiful fresh green grass was in contrast to the deep tones of the rock. on our side we were still struggling in ashes and sand, with striated and much indented boulders of lava showing through. we found many _sicupira_ nuts, of a small, flat and fat oval shape, and a yellow-ochre colour. the shell contained many tiny cells or chambers--just like the section of a beehive. each chamber was full of a bitter oil, said to cure almost any complaint known. on may 22nd i took observations with the hypsometrical apparatus in order to obtain the correct elevation, and also as a check to the several aneroids i was using for differential altitudes. water boiled at a temperature of 210° with a temperature of the atmosphere of 70° fahr. this would make the elevation at that spot 1,490 ft. above the sea level. the aneroids registered 1,480 ft. we came upon two strange rocks, one resembling the head and neck of a much-eroded sphinx--of natural formation--blackened, knobby, and with deep grooves; the other not unlike a giant mushroom. the sphinx-like rock stood upon a pedestal also of rock in several strata. the head was resting on a stratum 1 ft. thick, of a brilliant red, and at a slight dip. under it was a white stratum much cracked, after which came a stratum of white and red blending into each other. this stratum, 2 ft. thick, showed the white more diffused in the upper part than the lower. the lowest stratum of all exposed was of a deep red. near this stood erect another columnar rock of a similar shape, the head and base entirely of red rock. it was eroded on the north-west side to such an extent that it was almost concave in the lower part. this rock, too, showed great cracks and a slight dip north-west in the strata. vertical fissures were noticeable, and seemed caused by concussion. a third rock--flat, with a convex bottom--stood as if on a pivot on the angular point of a pyramidal larger rock, this larger rock in its turn resting over a huge base. there was no mistake as to how those two rocks had got there. they had fallen from above, one on the top of the other. a proof of this lay in the fact that they had arrived with such force that the base had split at the point of contact. as there was no hill above or near those rocks, there was little doubt that they had been flung there by volcanic action. we were in a region of extraordinary interest and surprises. in the plain which extended before us there stood two conical hills in the far north-west, and three other hills, dome-like, each isolated, but in a most perfect alignment with the others, towards the east. close to us were giant domes of rock, the surface of which formed marvellous geometrical designs of such regularity that had they been on a smaller scale one might have suspected them of being the work of human beings; but they were not, as we shall see presently. chapter xviii the salesian fathers--a volcanic zone we arrived at the chief colony of the salesians, sagrado coração de jesus (tachos). there, thanks to the great kindness and hospitality of the fathers, and also owing to the amount of interesting matter i found from a geological and anthropological point of view, i decided to halt for a day or two. the salesians had come to that spot, not by the way i had gone, but by an easier way via buenos aires and the paraguay river, navigable as far as cuyabá, the capital of matto grosso. the friars had done wonderful work in many parts of the state of matto grosso. in fact, what little good in the way of civilization had been done in that state had been done almost entirely by those monks. they had established an excellent college in cuyabá, where all kinds of trades and professions were taught. in the port of corumbá a similar school was established, and then there were the several colonies among the indians, such as the sagrado coração de jesus on the rio barreiro, the immaculada conceição on the rio das garças, the sangradouro colony, and the palmeiras. [illustration: the observatory at the salesian colony. (padre colbacchini in the foreground.)] [illustration: bororo women and children.] as in this work i have limited myself to write on things which have come directly under my observation, i shall not have an opportunity of speaking of the work of the salesians at cuyabá or corumbá--two cities i did not visit--but i feel it my duty to say a few words on the work of sacrifice, love and devotion performed by the friars in those remote regions. in the colony at tachos, situated on a height, there were several neat buildings for the friars and a village for the indians. what interested me most was to see how much of the land around had been converted with success to agricultural purposes. i inspected the buildings where useful trades were taught to the indians of both sexes. weaving-looms and spinning-wheels had been imported at great expense and endless trouble, as well as blacksmiths' and carpenters' tools of all kinds. a delightfully neat garden with european flowers was indeed a great joy to one's eyes, now unaccustomed to so gay and tidy a sight. what pleased me most of all was to notice how devoted to the salesians the indians were, and how happy and well cared for they seemed to be. they had the most humble reverence for the fathers. padre antonio colbacchini, the father superior, an italian, was an extremely intelligent and practical man, one of the hardest workers i have ever met. with a great love for science he had established a small observatory on a high hill at a considerable distance from the mission buildings. the abnegation with which father clemente dorozeski, in charge of the instruments, would get up in the middle of the night and in all weathers go and watch for the minimum temperature--their instruments were primitive, and they did not possess self-registering thermometers--was indeed more than praiseworthy. my readers can easily imagine my surprise when one day padre colbacchini treated me, after dinner, to an orchestral concert of such operas as _il trovatore_, _aïda_, and the _barbiere di seviglia_, played on brass and stringed instruments by indian boys. the bororos showed great fondness for music, and readily learned to play any tune without knowing a single note of music. naturally great patience was required on the part of the teacher in order to obtain a collective melody which would not seriously impair the drum of one's ear. the result was truly marvellous. brass instruments were preferred by the indians. the trombone was the most loved of all. as the indians all possessed powerful lungs, they were well suited for wind instruments. the colony was situated in one of the most picturesque spots of matto grosso. when out for a walk i came upon a great natural wall of rock with immense spurs of lava, the surface of which was cut up into regular geometrical patterns, squares and lozenges. i think that in that particular case the peculiarity was due to the lava having flowed over curved surfaces. in coming in contact with the atmosphere it had cooled more rapidly on the upper face than the under, and in contracting quickly had split at regular intervals, thus forming the geometrical pattern. it was undoubted that we were there in the former centre of inconceivable volcanic activity. in other parts of a great dome of rock i came upon strange holes in the rock--extremely common all over that region--which might at first glance be mistaken for depressions formed by glacial action, but which were not. they were merely moulds of highly ferruginous rock, granular on its surface and not smoothed, as one would expect in the walls of cavities made by the friction of revolving ice and rock. nor did i ever find at the bottom of any of those pits, worn-down, smooth spherical or spheroid rocks, such as are usually found in pits of glacial formation. those pits had been formed by lava and molten iron flowing around easily crumbled blocks of rock, or perhaps by large balls of erupted mud which had dropped on molten lava, that had then solidified round them, while the mud or soft rock had subsequently been dissolved by rain, leaving the mould intact. the latter theory would seem to me the more plausible, as many of those pits showed much indented, raised edges, as if splashing had taken place when the rock now forming the mould was in semi-liquid form. only once or twice did i notice hollows with a suggestion of spiral grooves in their walls; but i think that those had been caused at a more recent date by water flowing in and describing a spiral as it travelled downward in the interior of the vessels. on the hill where the observatory was situated two circular volcanic vents were to be seen. the hill, which had a slope on one side, had evidently been split, as on reaching the top i found that an almost vertical precipice was on the other side. quantities of quartz and crystals were to be found on that hill. all over that region quaintly-shaped rocks were also to be found, some like small cubic or rectangular boxes, others not unlike inkstands, others in hollowed cylinders or spheres. many--and those were the quaintest of all--were of a rectangular shape, which when split disclosed a rectangular hollow inside. these natural boxes were mostly of iron rock, laminated, which had evidently collected when in a liquid state round some soft matter, that had subsequently evaporated or disappeared with the intense heat, leaving empty spaces inside. the laminations were about one-eighth of an inch thick. padre colbacchini told me that some distance off a curious pool of water existed which he called the "electric spring." when you placed your hand in it you received a slight electric shock, while a similar impression to that of an electric current continued to be felt as long as you kept your hand in the water. the mission buildings at tachos were at an elevation of 1,600 ft., the observatory, 100 ft. higher. the temperature on may 23rd was max. 81°, min. 68·4 fahr. from the observatory hill an uncommon sight was before us. seven large and small isolated conical and domed hills stood in perfect alignment from n.n.e. to s.s.w. in two different sets. in that region the prevalent wind was from the e.s.e. during the months of may, june, july and august. in september the wind veered gradually to the north and north-east; whereas during the rainy season winds from the north, north-west and south-east were the most prevalent, especially the north-westerly wind. when the wind came from the north it was generally accompanied by heavy rain. the rainy season in that particular zone of the immense matto grosso state extended from october to the end of april. the rio barreiros flowed in a northerly direction (elev. 1,500 ft.) over a bed of red lava, ashes, red earth, and sand. after leaving this river we quickly rose again to an altitude of 1,700 ft. upon a first hill, then to 1,800 ft. on a second, and 1,850 ft. on a third elevation over a great spur of red lava, extending in a graceful curve well into the valley below. exquisite was the view of the great plain below us, with its magnificent campos stretching as far as the eye could see, far away to the horizon line. in the far distance, scattered here and there, rose the peculiar flat-topped isolated mountains before described. again all that day we marched over ashes, red sand, and volcanic débris. the highest point we reached was 1,950 ft. a snake dashed across our way among the hoofs of my mule, but no harm was done. near camp bugueirão (elev. 1,800 ft.), where we halted, there was a delightful, clear, tiny spring emerging from white volcanic crystallized rock. then more campos over lovely undulations in the country. close by was what the brazilians call a _furnas_ (from the latin _fornus_)--a somewhat misapplied term by which they named any deep hollow or chasm, whether vertical like a precipice or horizontal such as a cave. it was getting slightly less cold during the nights. on may 24th the fahrenheit thermometer registered a minimum of 60° and a maximum temperature of 75°. owing to the usual trouble of recovering the mules in the morning we only left camp at 10.30 a.m., rising over great masses of ferruginous rock, which showed through the deposits of ashes and sand at an elevation of 1,950 ft. the immense view of the campos in great undulations was really exquisite to the west and south-west. my mules were then travelling over a strange narrow strip of rock at a height of 2,050 ft.--in some places only a few yards across--on the top of vertical walls dividing two deep valleys, one to the south, very extensive, with great lava-flows; another to the north. in the latter valley an immense extinct crater was visible, in three well-defined internal terraces and a deep central depression. upon climbing on the summit of a high conical hill i further discovered that the crater had an elongated shape, the longest diameter being from north to south, the southern and lower part being overlapped by a voluminous flow of lava which also covered a great part of the mountain slope. strange monoliths were numerous, among the many fantastically shaped rocks, and also boulders lying about at all angles. one like a huge table rested on the top of another, upon which it had fallen with great force, as could be seen by the vertical splitting of the rock underneath. the rock above appeared simply broiled--and so were the huge masses of débris, especially of ferruginous rock, which had evidently been ejected by that crater. the entire summit of the crater cone (2,100 ft. above the sea level) was of hard black baked rock. close by, to the north, was another peculiar oval depression, the highest part of which to the north-west was in four distinct terraces in the interior. the eastern part was more flattened, not unlike a huge soup plate. in the centre was another deep depression--possibly an extinct crater too. this second crater was to the north of the high-domed crater described above. in the near west we had mere undulations over which we gradually travelled, but the country was getting much more disturbed than it had appeared since leaving the araguaya river. due west farther away stood before us a weird-looking plateau with a vertical high wall to the north. to the south it showed three terraces, the two lower ones supported on perpendicular cliffs, whereas a convex slope was between the second and third, or top terrace. to the south-west in the far distance another high plateau could be perceived, also with vertical cliffs to the north, but slanting at its southern end--a shape characteristic of nearly all the isolated mountains of that zone. looking south we perceived great tongues of lava extending from east to west--the eastern point being higher than the western, showing that the lava had flowed there from east to west. then there was also a great sloping grassy slant, possibly over another extensive lava-flow, from the crater we had examined. extending toward the south-west was another tongue of lava of great width when measured from north-west to south-east, the latter (south-east) being its lowest point. on its north-east side this great flow had a high vertical face. between these enormous tongues of lava, east to west and south-east to north-west, was a depression or channel extending as far as a distant high dome in three terraces to the south-west. on our course we came upon more curious flattened eruptive rocks, which had split on falling with great force to earth after having been ejected from a volcano. other parallel ranges could be clearly perceived. to bearings magnetic 160° were again to be seen our old friends the two strange gabled-roof and tower mountains. i climbed up on the paredãozinho volcano (2,100 ft. above the sea level) to examine its extinct crater, subdivided into two distinct large craters and a subsidiary one. one of these craters extended from east to west, and had in one section on its rim a giant dome split into quadrangular and lozenge-shaped sections, not unlike magnified mosaic work. next to it was a great hill with a vertical natural wall overlooking the crater itself. the horizontal strata of this natural wall, each about a foot thick, looked exactly like a wonderful masonry work, so perfectly straight were the strata, and the square and rectangular rocks laid in lines with such extraordinary regularity. this wall stood upon solid masses of rock of immense size--hundreds of feet in height. the lip of the crater on the south side was just like the well-laid pavement of a city, so regularly had the lava cracked in contracting, thus leaving fourand five-sided geometrical figures, all well fitting in with their neighbours. again, in this case, the lava, flowing over a convex surface, had contracted on the surface and caused the wonderful network of grooves. in one section the crater had the appearance of an ancient roman or etruscan amphitheatre with seats in many tiers or steps, separated by vertical cracks--as if cut out into separate blocks of stone. [illustration: strange formation of volcanic rock.] [illustration: volcanic cavities (matto grosso).] on the east side of the greatest portion of one crater--which would seem to have been the most active of all--i found again immense boulders with stratified rock above them resembling masonry work, just the same as and at the same elevation as the layers i had examined in the larger elongated horseshoe crater. in the centre of the smaller crater there flowed a rivulet of crystal-like water most delicious to drink. undoubtedly those eastern rocks were the lip of the crater, for i discovered there two flows of lava in corrugations and network designs such as we had observed on the summit of the greater section. i had great difficulty in climbing up the steep internal walls of the crater, and on the steep slopes with dried grass, which was slippery to a degree. on the top of the crater were great masses of carbonated rock; also patches of lapilli, and red and white sand, plentiful everywhere in that zone. the smaller crater--it seemed to me--must have been a mere safety valve for the larger one. its elevation, it will be noticed, was the same as that of the latter. from the summit of the one on which i was standing i could perceive the other to the e.n.e., forming the eastern boundary of this immense volcanic hollow. the southern part of this great double crater was subdivided into several sections, all in great rocky terraces--quite vertical except in their lower portion, which was sloping and had evidently been filled to a great extent by an accumulation of ashes and erupted refuse. on the side on which i stood, however, the crater had not the diabolical, quite awe-inspiring, appearance of the larger section of the huge volcanic mouth--quite unscaleable by humans in its central section. in the deep cracks in the rock were several small grottoes. i experienced some difficulty and much fatigue in climbing to the top (elev. 1,750 ft.) of the extinct volcano, and especially in reaching the lip of the crater, owing to the thick and much entangled scrub with innumerable thorns. our camp was at 1,500 ft., in a delightful spot at the junction of two streams, one from the south descending from the volcano, the other from the north. the two rivers united flowed north--i think eventually into the rio das mortes. when we moved out of camp on may 25th (temperature, minimum 62°, maximum 80° fahr.) i noticed that, after passing the wall-like section of the crater in the northern aspect, there were strata with a dip south in the inner part of the crater. the northern face of this vertical wall showed thick strata cracked into squares and rectangles with a dip in two different directions at an angle. there a draining channel had formed. two rows of circular holes--like port-holes--were to be seen, one directly under the summit, the other one-third down the cliff side. a giant rectangular tower of solid rock stood erect parallel to the great wall. skirting this vertical wall we travelled north-west-by-west, rising gradually to 1,800 ft. on a deep layer of red volcanic sand and grey ashes. looking back to the east we had a complete view of the two-tiered plateaux with their vertical northern walls, showing a dip south in their stratification. a crowning mound could also be observed surpassing their height, when we rose still higher to 1,900 ft. on the summit of a ledge of cracked lava with a slant west-wards. on the eastern side, where it had crumbled owing to a subsidence, it showed a rounded moulding, whereas on the other side were great waves of lava. the lava had flowed from east to west. after leaving this curious spot we went over undulating red and ochre-coloured sand and more grey ashes. we rose twice to an elevation of 2,000 ft. we crossed a streamlet of delicious water flowing north over a red lava bed. then more and more ashes were found all along. a second stream--also flowing north--was then negotiated, also over a red lava bed (elev. 1,800 ft.), after which we climbed to 2,000 ft., descending soon after to 1,900 ft. on the banks of another river flowing north-east. at this spot were two more enormous lava-flows--one on each side of the stream, and extending in a tortuous course from south-west to north-east. the lava had flowed north-east. on rising slowly in deep red sand to an elevation of 2,100 ft. we saw two prominent elevations of brilliant red colouring to the south--they, too, with vertical cliffs to the north. to the west loomed two huge twin plateaux separated by an immense crack, also with vertical walls to the north and a slight dip south in the strata forming the various terraces. chapter xix the paredão grande--a cañon--a weird phenomenon--troublesome insects we had reached a spot of most amazing scenery--the paredão grande--a giant hill mass displaying a great crater in its north side. two high cones stood above the immense red-baked wall at its eastern end, where it was in huge blocks stratified in thicknesses varying from 15 to 20 ft. each. in that eastern section the strata were perfectly horizontal. on the western side of the crater was a colossal quadrangular mountain of red-baked rock--a solid mass of granite with a narrow band, slightly discoloured, all along its summit. there--above--we also perceived a slight grassy slope, and above it again a great natural wall in layers 6 ft. thick. from the bottom of the mountain this upper natural wall resembled the defences of a great castle built on the summit of the giant rock. in approaching this strange sight we had gone over extensive deposits of ashes and yellow lava pellets and balls. [illustration: a vertical mass of solid rock of a brilliant red colour.] the elevation at the foot of this immense block was 1,970 ft., the summit of the rock 660 ft. higher--so that the reader can easily imagine how impressive this quadrangular block of bright red rock was, several hundred yards in length on each side and 201 metres high. as we reached camp rather early i went to examine the block from all sides. on the southern side alcides and i climbed up to within 30 ft. of the summit, and from that high point obtained a stupendous panoramic view of the great expanse of undulating country to the south and south-east, while it was almost absolutely flat to the west as far as the horizon line. to the south-west were distinguishable some extraordinary-looking cylindrical table-lands--like immense sections of columns--rising well above the horizon line. to the south in the distance a peculiar formation of mountains could be seen--first a separate prismatic mountain like a gabled roof with a well-defined vertical high wall standing all along its longitudinal apex line. parallel to this and to one another were three sets of mountains, with such steep sides that they seemed like gigantic walls standing up on the flat country. behind them was a flat-topped plateau with a small cone rising above it. the sides of the latter plateau formed a steep escarpment. to the south-east was a domed plateau, red in its lower section, green on the top. between this plateau and the last wall-like mountain, several hundred feet in height, stood a conical peak with a natural tower of rock upon it. beyond, to the south-east, could just be perceived two pyramidal mountains, but they were very distant and scarcely visible. the valley itself was greatly furrowed in deep, long channels. due south were dome-like mounds--each of these, mind you, standing out individually upon an almost flat plain. in the north-western corners of the great quadrangular paredão rock i saw a spot where it would have been quite easy to climb up to the summit, as portions of the rock had crumbled down and had left an incline. but i had no object in making the ascent on that side, especially as i had already obtained the view i required from the south side. also because i was heavily laden, carrying cameras, aneroids, a large prismatic compass, and three heavy bags of money slung to the belt round my waist, and did not feel up to the extra and useless exertion. great arches with a span of over 80 metres were to be seen in the lower part of the western wall. to the south there was a huge spur of lava with the geometrical pattern upon its surface we had already observed elsewhere. in this particular case, too, it appeared to me that the peculiar net of surface channels had been formed in coming in contact with the air, and not underground in the boiling cauldron of the volcano when the ebullition of the rock ceased. they were only found at a lower elevation because they had gone down with a great subsidence which had taken place, and in which neither the quadrangular paredão grande, nor the peculiar isolated mountains we had observed from its height, had been affected. they had remained standing when all the rest sank for some six hundred feet and, in places, more. that might perhaps account for the extraordinary shapes of all those mountains, which could not otherwise be explained. [illustration: the paredão grande (matto-grosso).] at the foot of the vertical giant block on the west many domes of lava, channelled in a quadrangular network pattern, and ridges and cones, were found, all with a slope to the west. i had a great struggle in my research work that day, owing to the thick scrub with vicious thorns that tore one's clothes and skin mercilessly. we came upon an immense deep crack in the earth surface--a regular cañon--which extended all along the centre of the great valley. on the opposite side of it were again big domes of lava in corrugated designs, also a gigantic circular crater. many natural crucibles of iron rock, some cylindrical in shape, others oval, others formed not unlike pompeian lamps--while others still were square or rectangular or lozenge-shaped--were to be seen in many spots on the moraine-like tails that extended southward, like the tentacles of an octopus, and in the heaps of much carbonized rock and solidified froth produced by what was once boiling rock. the mounds of froth were usually collected in depressions. the west side of the paredão was decidedly the most interesting of all. its great arches showed that it must have once formed the sides of a great cauldron--the top of which had subsequently collapsed or been blown off. this seemed quite apparent from the discoloration in the rocky cliff some 50 ft. above the arches, which followed the exact line of what must have been the thickness of the vault. the rock in that discoloured section was perfectly smooth, whereas above that it became much cracked vertically in layers, and gave the appearance of a masonry wall. toward the south-western corner there was a prismatic tower. where the peculiar isolated rocks near the tower formed a spur, a dip was noticeable in the flow of the once molten rock, following what must have been at that time the surface soil over the cauldron's roof. a huge triangular crater could be seen, from which started an enormous crack of great length in the lava-flow of the valley to the west. the southern face of that stupendous rocky quadrangle was not quite so vertical as the west and north sides, and was more in tiers or steps of lava--but very steep indeed. it had in its lower part a great spur extending southward. as i have said, alcides and i arrived within 30 ft. of the summit of the great paredão, at an elevation of 2,550 ft., the summit being 2,580 ft.; but owing to the last 30 ft. being absolutely vertical and the top rock of a crumbling nature, and as my object in wishing to obtain a full view of the country to the south had been attained, i did not think it worth while to court an accident for nothing. it was well after sunset when we were up there, and it would take a long time to return to camp. so we hastened on our return journey. the sunset that night--which we watched from that high point of vantage--was really too stupendous for words, and not unlike an aurora borealis--red, gold and violet lines radiating from the sun like a gorgeous fan and expanding as they approached the summit of the sky vault. the descent was more difficult than the ascent, owing to the slippery nature of the rock. at night, while back in camp, we saw to the w.n.w., quite low on the horizon, a brilliant planet--possibly venus. the stars and planets appeared always wonderfully bright and extraordinarily large on fine nights. whether it was an optical illusion or not i do not know, but the phenomenon, which lasted some hours, was seen by all my men, and appeared also when the planet was seen through a powerful hand telescope. it seemed to discharge powerful intermittent flashes, red and greenish, only toward the earth. those flashes were similar to and more luminous than the tail of a small comet, and of course much shorter--perhaps four to five times the diameter of the planet in their entire length. whether this phenomenon was due to an actual astral disturbance, or to light-signalling to the earth or other planet, it would be difficult--in fact, impossible--to ascertain with the means i had at my command. perhaps it was only an optical illusion caused by refraction and deflected rays of vision, owing to the effect upon the atmosphere of the heated rocky mass by our side and under us--such as is the case in effects of mirage. i am not prepared to express an opinion, and only state what my men and i saw, merely suggesting what seem to me the most plausible explanations. at moments the planet seemed perfectly spherical, with a marvellously definite outline, and then the flashes were shot out especially to the right as one looked at the planet, and downward slightly at an angle, not quite perpendicularly. that night, may 25th-26th, was cold: min. 58° fahr. but during the day at 9 a.m. the thermometer already registered 85° fahr. the sky, half covered by flimsy transparent mist to the east, and by globular thin clouds, large overhead and of smaller dimensions to the west, developed later in the day into a charming mackerel sky, with two great arches of mist to the south, and delicate horizontal layers of mist near the earth. it was only when we were some distance off that we obtained a full and glorious view of the western side of the paredão. the upper stratum showed a slight dip north, then there was a ledge on which grass seemed to flourish, and below it two parallel strata in a wavy line from north to south. those two strata could be traced again--after a dip--in the range with two cones, separated as we have seen by a deep gap from the great wall-cliffs of the paredão. the indication of what must have been once an enormous dome over a huge cavity or cauldron could be noticed in the western cliff, and also numerous chambers, large and small--at least, judging by the arches in great numbers noticeable in the wall. in other words, you had there the same effect as the one often seen in cities when houses are pulled down and the remains of the various rooms are visible on the remaining side walls. looking north as we left the disturbed region of the paredão grande, we came upon a great valley, with a depression in its centre. we were still travelling on volcanic ochre-coloured sand in deep layers, especially as we rose to an altitude of 2,350 ft., overlooking a huge basin. we had then a good general view of the southern aspect of the paredão grande. in its side a huge gap with vertical walls--a vent perhaps--could be noticed, reaching as far as the summit of the mountain. it was interesting to note that all the great cracks in the earth's crust found in that region almost invariably had a direction from north to south, so that the ranges which remained bordering them must have split in a lateral movement east and west. six kilometres from camp through the forest we came upon some singularly delicious green, smooth grassy slopes. in other places were perfectly circular or oval concave basins of volcanic ashes, in the centre of which stood charming groups of _burity_ palms and trees with most luxuriant foliage. these _bosquets_ existed in the hollow of all the basins where profuse infiltrations of moisture caused the luxuriant vegetation. we were at an elevation of 2,350 ft. on going down to a stream (elev. 2,130 ft.) we encountered great flows of lava. it had flowed in a westerly direction. we were proceeding through enchanting vegetation when we came to a second and a third _cuvette_ or basin adorned with plentiful healthy palms in its central point. as i was admiring the curious sight of these clusters of high vegetation absolutely surrounded by a wide band of lawn--such as one would see in a well-kept english park--a heavy and sudden storm arrived, which in a few seconds drenched us to the marrow of our bones. i have seldom seen or felt drops of water of such weight and size as when the rain began, followed within a few seconds by a downpour in bucketfuls. animals, baggage, and men, dripping all over, went along, rising to 2,400 ft. above the sea level, by the side of a conical hill. a huge block of volcanic rock--shot and deposited there evidently from elsewhere--was to be seen near by. eighteen kilometres from our last camp we descended to a streamlet, dividing a grassy basin like the preceding ones. again i noticed here that all divisions between ranges--caused by volcanic or other violent action, and not by erosion--were in a direction from north to south. we had this in the paredão grande, and in the triple division of the top-dyked mountains on the south, and also in the gabled and tower mountains we had observed for some days to the south-west. again during the night i saw to the west the phenomenon of the previous evening repeated--the strange flashes directly under and occasionally to the left of the brilliant planet--that is to say to the right of the person observing it. this was from camp areal, where we suffered terribly during the day from our friends the _pium_, which filled our eyes and ears and stung us all over; and at sunset from the _polvora_ or _polvorinha_ (or powder), so called because of their infinitesimal size--most persistent mosquitoes, so greedy that they preferred to be squashed rather than escape when they were sucking our blood on our hands and faces. fortunately, during the night--with the cold (min. fahr. 56°)--we had a little respite, and these brutes disappeared, only to return to their attack at sunrise with the warmth of the sun. at 9 a.m. the thermometer already registered a temperature of 95° fahr. in the sun--a jump of 39°, which, notwithstanding mosquitoes and _pium_, my men greatly enjoyed. [illustration: the paredão grande, showing vertical rocks with great arches.] i have never seen men suffer more from the cold than my followers. they were simply paralyzed and frozen at that comparatively high temperature. they moaned and groaned and wept all night, although they slept in their clothes and were tightly wrapped up in heavy blankets. moreover, they had spread a heavy waterproof double tent over the lot of them, as they lay closely packed to one another, covering heads and all, and had arranged a blazing fire enough to roast an ox quite close to them. personally, i was quite happy under a mere shelter tent--open for precaution on all sides, owing to preceding experiences, so that i could see what was going on all around without getting up from my camp bed. i only had a mere thin camel-hair blanket over me. i never slept in my clothes, preferring the comfort of ample silk pyjamas. in the morning i always indulged in my cold shower bath, two large buckets of water being poured by alcides upon my head and back, amid the shivering yells of my trembling companions, who, at a distance, watched the operation, wrapped up to such an extent that merely their eyes were exposed. "he is mad!" i often heard them murmur with chattering teeth. beneath heavy horizontal clouds low in the sky and ball-like cloudlets above, we started off once more from an elevation of 2,100 ft. at the camp to proceed over a plateau 2,300 ft. high and some 6 kil. broad from east to west. then we descended into another charming _cuvette_ (elev. 2,100 ft.), and farther on to a streamlet flowing north, the rio coriseo. we were then travelling over reddish and ochre-coloured volcanic sand, going through stunted and fairly open _matto_ (forest), higher up at 2,250 ft. in successive undulations crossing our route at right angles. in one of the depressions (elev. 2,150 ft.) was a river--the rio torresino--flowing north. quantities of yellow globular lava pellets and lumpy blocks--evidently ejected by a volcano--were seen. the stream cabeça de boi--forming after the rio macacos (or river of monkeys) a tributary of the rio das mortes, into which flowed all the rivulets we had lately met--was next crossed (elev. 2,130 ft.). over more and deep beds of ashes we journeyed at 2,270 ft. on the southern edge of a great grassy basin extending from east to west. again a delightful group of palms and healthy trees was in the typical depression. ant-hills were innumerable on all sides. one could not help admiring their architectural lines, which formed all kinds of miniature fortresses and castles. we were worried to death by the _pium_ or _lambe-olhos_ (eye-lickers), as the brazilians call them, which followed us all day in swarms around our heads and hands, entering our mouths, noses, eyes and ears. only for a few moments, when there blew a gust of wind, were we freed from this pest, but they soon returned to their attack with renewed vigour. we rose again to an altitude of 2,380 ft. on another great dome of red lava, which had flowed northwards, as could be plainly seen as we ascended on its rounded back. upon it were quantities of crystals and yellow lava pellets and pebbles and carbonated rock, resting on whitish and grey ashes. on the summit, where fully exposed, numerous perforations, cracks and striations were visible in the flow, we were able to observe plainly how the lava in a liquid state had flowed and quickly cooled while other strata of liquid lava flowed over it, one overlapping another like the scales of a fish, and forming so many oval or ovoid bosses with channels between. from that high point we had a perfectly level sky-line all around us, except for the paredão grande and the paredãozinho, then to the e.n.e. of us. at an elevation of 2,520 ft. we perceived that day to the e.s.e. a double-towered massive rocky mountain of a brilliant red colour, reminding one of the shape of an egyptian temple, and a lower hill range in undulations behind it to the south, projecting at its sides. we were marching on the northern edge of deep and extensive depressions to the south and south-east of us. domed undulations in progressive steps from north to south were noticeable in the southern portion of the landscape, and from south to north in the northern and much-wooded zone. when we were at an elevation of 2,550 ft. we had still red and yellow sand and ashes with stunted and sparse vegetation. upon descending we skirted the southern side of another peculiar oval basin--this time one which possessed a thin strip or row of tall vegetation in perfect alignment in the central line of depression. a deep deposit of grey ashes and sand encircled this _cuvette_. the general longitudinal direction of the oval was from the south, the highest point, to the north, the lowest of the rim. having travelled 28 kil. from areal we made camp on a streamlet flowing north. the company of my men was a great trial to me--a penance i had to bear in silence. what was more, i could not let it appear in the slightest degree that it was a penance to me, if i did not wish to make matters worse. pusillanimity and fear are two qualities which i cannot quite understand nor admit in men. hence, it is well to be imagined what i suffered in being with followers who, with the exception of alcides and filippe the negro, were afraid of everything. one of the men had a toothache. his last tooth in the lower jaw was so badly decayed that merely the outside shell remained. no doubt it gave him great pain. i offered to remove it for him--without a guarantee of painless extraction. the fear of greater pain than he endured--even for a few minutes--was too much for him. he would not hear of parting with what remained of the tooth. result: for twelve consecutive days and nights that fellow cried and moaned incessantly--holding his jaw with both hands while riding a quiet mule, and sobbing _hai, hai, hai, hai!_ all day long at each step of the animal--with variations of _hoi, hoi, hoi, hoi_, when the mule went a little quicker, and significant loud shrieks of _uppeppé, uppeppé, uppeppé_ when the animal began to trot, giving the rider an extra pang. that intense pain invariably stopped at meal-times, and it did not seem to have an appreciable effect on the man's ravenous appetite. my men never let a chance go by to let their companions share to the fullest extent in their sufferings. they had no consideration whatever for other people's feelings. in all the months they were with me they never once showed the slightest trace of thoughtfulness towards me, or indeed even towards any of their comrades. mean to an incredible degree in their nature--and i am certain no one could have been more generous than i was to them in every possible way--they believed that no matter what i did was due to wishing to save money. if i would not allow them to blaze away dozens of cartridges at a rock or a lizard--cartridges were a most expensive luxury in central brazil, and, what was more, could not be replaced--it was because i wished to economize. if one day i ate a smaller tin of sardines because i was not so hungry, remarks flew freely about that i was a miser; if i did not pitch a tent because i preferred, for many reasons, sleeping out in the open on fine nights, it was, according to them, because i wished to spare the tent to sell it again at a higher price when i returned home! they discussed these things in a high voice and in a most offensive way, making my hands itch on many occasions and my blood boil. but i had made up my mind that i would never lose my temper with them, nor my calm; and i never did, trying as it was to keep my promise. with all this meanness of which they were accusing me, these poltroons were clothed in garments such as they had never before possessed in their lives; they were gorging themselves with food such as they had never dreamt of having in their homes, where they had lived like pariah dogs--and huge heaps were thrown daily to the dogs--and they were paid a salary five times higher than they could have possibly earned under brazilian employers. what annoyed me a great deal with these men was the really criminal way in which they--notwithstanding my instructions--always tried to smash my cameras and scientific instruments and to injure anything i possessed. those men were vandals by nature. the more valuable an object was, the greater the pleasure they seemed to take in damaging it. thus another and unnecessary burden was placed upon me in order to save my instruments from destruction, not only from natural accidents but through the infamy of my followers. those fellows seemed to take no pride in anything. even the beautiful and expensive repeating rifles and automatic pistols i had given each man had been reduced to scrap-iron. yet they were so scared of indians that the first time we met some, they handed over to them anything that took their fancy--and which belonged to me, of course--for fear of incurring their ill-favour. during my absence from camp they even gave away to the indians a handsome dog i had, which i never was able to trace again. like all people with a dastardly nature, they could on no account speak the truth--even when it would have been to their advantage. they could never look you straight in the face. hence, full of distrust for everybody, all the responsibility of every kind of work in connection with the expedition fell upon me. i not only had to do my own scientific work, but had to supervise in its minutest detail all the work done by them, and all the time. it was indeed like travelling with a band of mischievous demented people. the mental strain was considerable for me. on that day's march we had passed two crosses erected, the salesians had told me, on the spot where two men had been murdered by passing brazilians--not by indians. their usual way of procedure was to shoot people in the back--never in front--or else when you were asleep. nearly all carried a razor on their person--not to shave with, but in order to cut people's throats as a vengeance, or even under less provocation. this was usually done in a quick way by severing the artery at the neck while the person to be killed was asleep. the brazilians of the interior were almost altogether the descendants of criminal portuguese, who had been exiled to the country, and intermarried with the lowest possible class of african slaves. they seemed to feel strongly their inferiority when facing a european, and imagined--in which they were not far wrong--the contempt with which, although it was covered by the greatest politeness, one looked down upon them. that was perhaps the only excuse one could offer for their vile behaviour, which, according to their low mental qualities, they liked to display in order to prove their independence and superiority. we made our camp in a heavenly spot--barring the devilish _borrachudo_ (mosquitoes)--on the bank of a crystal-like streamlet flowing north (elev. 2,200 ft.). we were really fortunate to have excellent and plentiful water all the time. the thermometer went down during the night to a minimum of 54° fahr. there were more shivers and moans from my men. only alcides and filippe behaved in a manly way. the others were in terror of attacks from the _onça pintada_ (_felis onça_) or spotted jaguar of brazil, and of the _terrivel tamanduas bandeira_, a toothless pachyderm, with a long and hairy tail, long nails, and powerful arms, the embrace of which is said to be sufficient to kill a man, or even a jaguar, so foolish as to endeavour wrestling with it. it had a long protruding nose or proboscis, which it inserted into ant-heaps. a tongue of abnormal length was further pushed out, and then quickly withdrawn when crammed with attacking ants. ants were its favourite food. although my men talked all the time of the terrible _bandeiras_, we never had the good fortune to receive the fond embraces of one. we had a beautiful sky--perfectly clear--on may 28th, except perhaps a faint curtain of mist near the horizon to the west. two of my horses had unfortunately strayed; and as the men searched the _matto_ with trembling knees in fear of meeting a _bandeira_ instead of the missing horses, they were not recovered until late in the afternoon, so that we did not depart until 4 p.m. we went up to the top of an undulation (elev. 2,400 ft.), on grey ashes as usual in the lower part of the hill, and red volcanic sand on the summit. that afternoon's journey was not unlike tobogganing up and down all the time--at elevations varying from 2,500 to 2,350 ft.--over domes of sand, ashes, and eruptive rock, and dykes with depressions, some 100 ft. deep or so, and all extending from north to south. we saw some gorgeous red _araras_ or macaws of giant size. they were a beautiful sight as they flew, with their hoarse shrieks, above our heads. at sunset we were travelling along the north edge of a great grassy depression wooded in its central pit--the line of depression and of the central vegetation being from north to south. [illustration: mushroom-shaped rocks of volcanic formation.] [illustration: a great earthquake fissure in the terrestrial crust (matto grosso).] we were treated to a glorious sunset. the entire sky had become of a deep violet colour and indian red, relieved here and there by golden tints, with blue cloudlets of wonderful regularity in a line. curiously enough, the most brilliant colouring was to the east and not to the west, as would have been expected. eventually the entire sky became of a glorious yellow, like a golden cupola--blending into a lovely emerald green in its highest point overhead. again we found ourselves on another large dome of eruptive rock, in some places reduced into fine tobacco-coloured powder, getting somewhat darker in colour where the under stratum was of sand and soft conglomerate easily crumbled under pressure, and containing pellets of black ferruginous rock and grains of iron. large blocks of iron rock were exposed to the air in many places. we arrived at the third salesian colony of st. josé or sangrador, near which was a small settlement of brazilians--a bad lot indeed. one of my best horses was stolen here, and i was never able to recover it. i remained in that unpleasant place for three days, endeavouring to recover the animal, but it was of no avail. the salesians had a handsome property, the agricultural resources of which they were fast developing. sugar-cane, mandioca, rice, beans, and indian corn were raised with success. father antonio malan, inspector-general of the salesians, arrived from the west, via cuyabá. he was an extremely intelligent and enterprising man--who should be congratulated on selecting such excellent sites for the various colonies, as well as for the sensible, businesslike fashion in which the colonies were conducted. they were indeed the only few bright spots where the light of civilization shone in those sadly abandoned regions. here are the meagre entries in my diary for the two following days:-may 29th. remained at sangrador in search of missing horse. temperature: min. 54°; max. 83° fahr. perfectly clear sky. may 30th. obliged to remain one more day at sangrador. horse missing still. all men have gone searching the forest for it. temperature: min. 56½° fahr; max. 75° fahr. elevation 2,050 ft. it was indeed a great treat to be able to converse with so intelligent a gentleman as father malan after the company i had been in since leaving goyaz. father malan was a man with a heart of gold and great courage. under him the salesians will some day continue their good work and spread happiness and culture among the few indians who now remain in matto grosso. what had already been done by the salesians was amazing. no doubt, with their great enterprise, they would certainly continue their good work of civilization and science combined. although the salesians tried hard to induce men to accompany my expedition, their efforts were rewarded with no success; so that i had to be content with the handful of men i had with me. i foresaw disaster from that moment, for thirty was the least number of men i needed to carry out my work properly--and thirty good men at that. instead, i only had six men, two of them extraordinarily plucky but quite uncontrollable; the others absolutely worthless. had i been a wise man i should have turned back. but i am not a wise man, and i never turn back; so that there only remained one thing to do--go on as best i could, come what might. chapter xx wild animals--an immense chasm--interesting cloud effects on may 31st (thermometer min. 56°, max. 74° fahr.) i decided to abandon the missing horse and proceed on my journey. i suspected, with reason, that the animal had been stolen. it was no use wasting any more time searching for it. we thus bade good-bye for good to the salesians, and left the great basin of the sangrador river (elev. 2,050 ft.). we travelled over sparsely wooded country to 2,350 ft. tobacco-coloured soil was still under our feet, yellow spattered lava, then again reddish soil, wonderfully rich and fertile, if only it could be cultivated. the country was here peculiar for its many undulations until we arrived on the rim of a large basin, extending from north-west to south-east, of great campos, with stunted vegetation at first, but later with a truly luxuriant growth of vigorous-looking _jtauba preta_ (_oreodaphne hookeriana_ meissn.), with thick deep green foliage. we crossed two streamlets flowing north. on going uphill we travelled on masses of volcanic pellets (elev. 2,500 ft.). to the south we could see a number of hills, the sides of which showed the great effects of erosion by wind and water. nearly all those hill ranges extended from east to west. a long depression could be observed cutting them from north to south. that was a fine day for cloud effects, especially along the horizon, where they displayed horizontal lines, while they had great ball-like tops. higher up, to the north-west, was feathery mist turning the sky to a delicate pale blue. a heavy, immense stratum of cloud in four perfectly parallel terraces extended on the arc from west to north. we descended into a _cuvette_ with the usual cluster of vegetation in the centre and campos around. to the south-west of that _cuvette_ was an elongated but well-rounded mountain, extending from east to west, and beyond, to the s.s.w., in the far distance, an almost identical replica of it. we travelled on deep volcanic sand on the west slope of the _cuvette_ and in deep ashes at the bottom until we arrived at the sangradorzinho river, flowing north. june 1st (thermometer min. 55½° fahr.; max. 74°; elev. 2,150 ft.). heavy mist and rain-clouds, heavy and sultry atmosphere. sky almost entirely covered by clouds. owing to trouble among my followers and waiting for one of my men, who had remained behind in a last effort to find the missing horse, we were unable to leave camp until nearly noon. we rose to an elevation of 2,400 ft., leaving behind the great _cuvette_, and marching over parallel domes extending from north to south. between those domes in the depressions were sandy _cuvettes_ of verdant grass and the usual central _bosquets_. cinders and sand were still plentiful, with stunted, thin trees growing upon them. several times that day we reached an elevation of 2,550 ft. after passing a streamlet flowing north, we kept at that elevation for a considerable distance, after which, having descended 100 ft. (2,450 ft.), we found ourselves in a most enchanting, oval-shaped _cuvette_ of cinders well covered with fresh verdure, and in its centre from north to south a row of _burity_ palms. that was indeed a day of great surprises in the way of scenery. no sooner had we left that beautiful _cuvette_ than we came to a magnificent flat open valley extending from e.s.e. to w.n.w. in its northern part, where a pool of stagnant water was to be found, were innumerable _burity_ palms. it was evident that during the rainy season that plain (elev. 2,350 ft.) must be entirely under water. in many places it was swampy, even at the time of my visit. it was most refreshing to the eyes to see such expanses of lovely green healthy grass. the mules and horses enjoyed it more than we did, neighing to their hearts' content when we emerged into the great verdant meadow. they tore away with their teeth at the delicious grass as they cantered along gaily. some of the enjoyment of the delightful scenery was taken away from me--not only that day, but every day during almost an entire year--owing to the stupid obstinacy of my men. they carried their magazine rifles fully loaded--eight cartridges in each--and while marching insisted on keeping the rifles cocked; they would not hear of keeping them at safety--so that any extra jerk or a twig of a tree catching the trigger might cause the weapons to go off at any moment. this would have mattered little if they had slung their rifles in the usual way, pointing skyward or else towards the earth. but no-one could never induce a brazilian to do things in a sensible way. no, indeed; they must carry their rifles horizontally upon the shoulder, the muzzles of the nearest weapons always pointing at me. it was no use remonstrating, as they might perhaps have misunderstood it as fear. so all i could do was to trust in providence. i could not have done better, for providence indeed watched over me and protected me on that expedition in a most merciful way--for which i am truly grateful. on several occasions--as was to be expected from the careless way in which the weapons were carried--now one rifle then another went off unexpectedly, and i came mighty near being shot. on other occasions the mules had narrow escapes. once a bullet went right through the hat of one of my men, just missing his head. in any case, i beg the reader to realize how pleasant it was to have the muzzle of a loaded rifle, ready to be fired, pointing at you in front for an average of eight to twelve hours a day for several months. i generally rode last in the caravan in order to prevent straggling, and also to see that any baggage which fell off the pack-saddles was recovered. this was unpleasant in more ways than one. first the clouds of dust raised by the animals as we marched over the sand and cinders, which filled my eyes, mouth and nose; then the constant attention to watch for lost baggage--besides the work of writing my notes as we rode along. the sound of the dangling bells of the mules was monotonous to a degree, and so was the aspect of the animals' tails swinging and slashing from one side to the other in order to drive away tormenting flies. occasionally, when stung fiercely by a horse-fly, one or two animals would dash away wildly, tearing off in their career low branches of trees and even altogether knocking down good-sized trees, four or five inches in diameter. this would seem impossible in any other country, but not in brazil, where the majority of the trees were nearly entirely eaten up inside by ants. the roots, owing to the substratum of lava spread horizontally near the surface, offered little resistance to side pressure upon the tree itself, so that frequently even the weight of a man leaning against a tree was sufficient to knock it down. i never shall forget how impressed i was the first time i saw my men cut the way through the forest, slashing down right and left good-sized trees with one swing each of their _falcon_--heavy-bladed knives some 2 ft. long. what terrific strength! i thought, until i happened to lean against a tree, and down went the tree and myself too. upon examination i found that merely the bark remained, with a few filaments inside--the rest of the interior having been entirely devoured by ants. yet some of the top branches seemed still alive, and had leaves. again, even when quite sound, those trees were extremely anæmic and soft, quite watery inside, and could be cut almost as easily as celery. this does not mean that all the trees of brazil were worthless. no, indeed. these remarks apply merely to that particular portion of brazil in which i was then travelling--where, barring the _burity_ palms in the moist lands and marshes, the trees were mostly rickety and dwarfed, with mouldy barks, malformed limbs, and scanty leaves. that is why, when we came to the healthy mass of _burity_ palms and the lovely young grass, one felt just the same as when, after having been through a hospital, one emerges into the fresh air among healthy people. that night we encamped on the heavenly meadow. we felt we had reached paradise. for the first time great flocks of parrots and gorgeously-coloured macaws played about and enlivened the air with their shrill whistles and shrieks, and flew over the palms, gently swung to and fro by the wind. then innumerable _colibris_--the tiny humming-birds, of marvellous iridescent metallic tints--sucked now from one then from another flower while still flying. indeed, that spot seemed the rendez-vous of all the animals of that region. there you found _onças_ (jaguar), _anta_ (a large pachyderm), the _tapirus americanus_, the _tamandua bandeira_, with its worm-like tongue, (or _myrmecophaga jubata_), and plenty of _veado_ (_cervus elaphus_). the footmarks of all those animals were innumerable near the water. the man i had left behind in order to make a further attempt at recovering the lost horse arrived that evening, his search having been unsuccessful. undoubtedly the horse had been stolen. [illustration: strange geometrical pattern of lava over giant volcanic dome.] although the place where we had made camp was a regular paradise to look at--in the day-time--it might have been compared to warmer regions at night. mosquitoes of all sizes and of all degrees of viciousness rose in swarms from the swamp at sunset, and made our life absolutely miserable. to counterbalance the torture we had a wonderful sunset to look at. first the sky, of a golden colour, was intersected by graceful curves dividing it into sections like a melon; then it gradually became overladen with horizontal black and crimson lines to the west, black to the east and overhead. june the 2nd was my birthday. i am superstitious by nature, and i would have given anything to celebrate it with some lucky event, although i was at a loss to think of anything lucky that could have happened to me there. indeed, i began my new year badly--much worse even than i expected. that was an ill-omen to me. first of all there was a terrible row among my men in camp. they had taken to their rifles. they wanted to shoot the cook. the man deserved punishment, perhaps, but not quite so severe a one. after a great deal of arguing i quieted them and got them to lay down their weapons. the cook's life was spared--worse luck for me. i was sorry for it when i had my breakfast, for cooking more diabolical than his could not be imagined. during breakfast the news came that another horse of my caravan had been lost. so there was the prospect of another day wasted to recover it. my men were unable to trace it, so i resigned myself to the monetary loss and also to the inconvenience its absence would cause us. my men felt the cold intensely during the night, the thermometer being as low as 51° fahr. (minimum). during the day the maximum temperature was 85° fahr. and 96° in the sun. my only consolation that day was watching the innumerable birds and gazing at the magnificent sunset. the latter consisted that evening of three lines forming arches--two black to the west and the third white--stretching across the sky from north to south. from the higher black line radiations spread, subdividing the sky into rectangular designs--of almost equal size. to the east were great globular masses of mist somewhat confused in shape. the water at this camp was bad, the marsh being over a bed of decayed vegetable matter, which rendered the water of a brownish black colour, like strong tea. its taste was foul. by digging a well a few yards from the lagoon i succeeded, however, in obtaining clean and good water, which filtered through the ashes and sand. our camp was at an elevation of 2,300 ft. during the night, june 2nd-3rd, the thermometer was higher than usual (min. 58° fahr.), but my men felt the cold more than the previous night because of the heavy mist which set in after sunset, followed by a drizzling rain which damped everything. my men were all attacked by fever, which rendered them more irritable and ill-tempered than ever--if possible. we did not leave camp until 11.30 a.m., rising again to the summit of the plateau some 50 ft. higher. there we had to describe a wide arc of a circle, as through the trees we perceived on our left an immense chasm, beyond which was a much disturbed landscape of striking ruggedness. we could see a huge circular crater with eroded lips, rising like the chipped edges of a gigantic cup, in the centre of the great volcanic basin. that depression with high vertical walls all round displayed a large gap to the w.n.w. and another to the south-west. twelve kilometres from our last camp--and still marching along the edge of the circle on the summit of the plateau--we came to a grassy _cuvette_, and then to another hollow with a few _burity_ palms. the wall overlooking the great circular depression was perpendicular, of red igneous rock, with projecting spurs ending in conical, much-corrugated hills. the curious opening to the south-west was much broken up in two places with gaps. in the distance beyond were three ranges of hills, the colour of which appeared a pure cobalt blue. the central crater was formed by rugged red walls with spurs on the east and south-east sides. in the bottom was water with trees all round its edge. there were four square holes from which boiling water gurgled like feeble geysers, and three more holes of a more irregular shape. the hill range on which we stood projected well into the centre of the great circular basin. it had on the west side perfectly vertical walls of black igneous rock. its summit was chiefly formed of ferruginous erupted rock thrown up while in a state of ebullition, which had cooled into a conglomerate of minute globular masses, in shape like the bubbles of boiling water. the great circle around us, as we stood on the outermost point of the projecting spur, was most impressive, with its brilliantly coloured red walls. my men killed a _coatí_--a peculiar, long-nosed carnivorous animal, which had characteristics in common with dogs, monkeys, and pigs. there were two kinds of _coatí_ or _guatí_, viz. the _coatí de mundeo_ (_nasua solitaria_), and the _coatí de bando_ (_nasua socialis_). ours was a _nasua solitaria_. it was a beautiful little animal, about the size of a small cat, with a wonderfully soft brown coat on its back, a yellowish red belly and bright yellow chest and throat. the chin was as white as snow. the long tail, 1½ ft. long--was in black and yellow rings. it possessed powerful fangs on both the upper and lower jaws, a long, black, gritty or granular tongue, short ears, powerful short fore-paws with long nails--quite dog-like; long thighs extremely strong, short hips and hind legs, with callosity up to the knee--evidently to allow that part of the leg to rest flat upon the ground. the _coatí_ had velvety black eyes of great beauty, well set in its small well-shaped head. it was a wild little fellow, extremely agile, and could kill a dog much larger than itself with comparative ease. we circled the eastern and northern part of the great cauldron, always remaining on the summit of the plateau at elevations varying from 2,250 to 2,300 ft. we came upon patches of violet-coloured and then tobacco-coloured sand, and also upon quantities of dark brown sand, generally consolidated into easily friable rock. there were the usual deposits of grey ashes over the underlying volcanic rock which peeped through here and there. on june 4th we were at the cabeçeira koiteh (temperature, min. 53° fahr.; max. 80° fahr.; elev. 2,100 ft.). close to this camp, from an outstretching spur, i obtained another magnificent view. to the e.s.e. stretched from north-east to south-west a flat plateau, and to the east a flat mountainous block with an eroded passage. headlands branched off from the northern side of the ridges in a north-easterly direction. between them were basins thickly wooded in their lower depressions. the north-eastern portion of the flat range was almost vertical, with many angular and sharply pointed spurs projecting from it. in the centre of the greater basin, of which the others were details, a low convex ridge bulged out, with three conical peaks--two of them at the highest point of the curve. between the first and second cone two twin sub-craters were visible--evidently the two twin circles had formed part of the same crater--in the mountain side of the distant range. a third crater was some distance off to the south-west. to the south-west in the background was a lovely view of flat highlands with huge tower-like rocks standing upright upon them. then to the s.s.w. a regular vertical dyke of rock stood on the top of an elongated conical base. the elevation on the summit of the spur from which we obtained this lovely panorama was 2,200 ft.--or no more than 100 ft. higher than our camp. we travelled again that same day on the northern edge of the great depression, and met three more _cuvettes_ of grey ashes with an abundant central growth of _buritys_. these were at a general elevation of 2,300 ft., the bottom of the depression being 50 ft. lower. on descending from the table-land, through a gap we discerned far away to the south a long flat-topped plateau extending from south-west to north-east and having a precipitous wall-face. we got down to the caxoeirinha stream, where we found an abandoned hut in the eroded hollow of the stream. the water flowed there over a bed of red lava and extremely hard conglomerate rock made up of lava pebbles and solidified ashes. above this at the sides of the stream was a stratum some 10 ft. thick of grey ashes, and above it a stratum 2 ft. thick of red volcanic dust and sand. as we got higher again and i stood on a projecting promontory, another wonderful view spread itself before me. the sun, nearly setting, in glorious white radiations, cast deep blue and violet-coloured shadows upon the great abyss to my right (n.w.) which was a kilometre or more in diameter and more than 300 ft. deep--surely another great crater. it seemed as if a natural wall of rock must have once existed, joining the promontory on which i stood to the great mass of prismatic red volcanic rock to the west of us, and ending in a flat triangle with a wide base. the surface soil on the height of the peninsula was of spattered lava and black broiled rock and pellets. the bottom of the abyss formed two sweeping undulations--the second from the centre much higher than the first--seemingly a great wave of lava vomited by the crater, by which probably the destruction of the wall joining the peninsula had been caused. to the s.s.e. in the distance stood a high mountain range--or rather a great flat-topped plateau of delicious cobalt blue shades, almost losing itself in the sky. to the east, completing the circle, were two other great spurs of red-baked rock, with precipitous, almost vertical, sides and with much-striated buttresses that ended in conical mounds--eroded into that shape by the action of water and wind. to the south, beyond, a sloping table-land with a pronounced dip eastward extended from east to west. it towered over everything, and was shaped like a trapezium. in front of this sloping table-land was another long flat-topped range, stretching from e.s.e. to w.n.w. again in front of this, could be seen an interesting series of prismatic mounds--like parallel barriers. to the s.s.w. rose a large mountainous mass--another plateau. then came a second range, cut into clear pyramids with rectangular bases, and, beyond, a great expanse of lovely green with some large mounds of a similar shape to those already described. two more pyramids were also to be observed far, far in the distance, while others of a slightly less angular shape were noticeable upon the great flat stretch due west. right under us, at the bottom of the precipice, was thick forest covering, zigzag fashion, the two depressions, roughly in a general direction of south-east to north-west. those two depressions drained that immense basin. it was there that the streamlet caxoeirinha had its birth. the caxoeirinha flowed north-west and fell into the ponte de pedra river, which flowed south. those two streams, with a number of others, formed the head-waters of the great s. lourenço river, a formidable tributary of the rio paraguay or paraná. an extraordinary effect of clouds could be seen that day, and a similar occurrence i saw on many other occasions upon the table-lands of matto grosso. the clouds reproduced--upside-down--the configuration of the country directly underneath them. that was due, no doubt, to the air currents diverted by the obstacles on the earth's surface, which caused the masses of mist above to assume similar forms--but of course, as i have said, upside-down. we were still at an elevation of 2,150 ft. the temperature during the night went down to 52° fahr. my men, as usual, suffered intensely from the cold--at least, judging by the noise they made, the moans and groans and chattering of teeth. they nearly all had violent toothache. alcides, too, apparently went through agony, but he showed a little more manliness than the rest and did not make quite such a pitiful exhibition of himself. it was curious how certain racial characteristics were difficult to suppress in individuals. alcides had some german blood in him--rather far removed. he could not speak german, nor did he know anything about germany. yet german characteristics came out in him constantly. for instance, the uncontrollable desire to write his own name and that of his lady-love on trees and rocks all along our passage. alcides was really very good at calligraphy, and some of his inscriptions and ornamentations were real works of art. many half-hours did we have to waste at the different camps, waiting for alcides to finish up the record of his passage in that country, and many blades of penknives--i had a good supply of them to give as presents to natives--did he render useless in incising the lettering on the trees and stones. [illustration: author's troop of animals wading across a shallow stream.] filippe the negro--who was the best-natured of the lot--had become quite swelled-headed with the big salary he received. arithmetic was not his forte. as he could hardly write, he was trying to work out, with a number of sticks--each representing one day's salary--how much money he had already earned, and how much more he was likely to earn. it evidently seemed to him a large fortune--indeed it was--and his plans of what he would do with all that money in the future were amusing. first of all, the _idée fixe_ in his mind was the purchase of a _mallettinha_, a small trunk with a strong lock, in which to keep his money and his clothes. i took advantage of this to tell filippe--they were all just like spoiled children--that the best place for _mallettinhas_ was manaos, our chief objective on the river amazon, some 1,800 kil. away from that point as the crow flew, and about four times, at least, that distance by the way we should travel. many times a day i had to repeat to filippe glowing descriptions of the wonders of the _mallettinhas_, and i got him so enamoured of the _mallettinhas_ to be got at manaos that i made certain that filippe at least would come along and not leave me. i was sure of one thing--that nowhere in the intervening country would he be able to procure himself a little trunk--nor, indeed, could one procure oneself anything else. i supplied my men with ample tobacco. filippe was all day and a great part of the night smoking a pipe. owing to constant quarrels among my men, i had turned him into a cook. when in camp he had to sit hour after hour watching the boiling of the _feijão_. enveloped in clouds of smoke, filippe with his pipe sat in a reverie, dreaming about the _mallettinha_. he was quite a good fellow, and at any rate he did work when ordered. all my men had been given small pocket mirrors--without which no brazilian will travel anywhere. it was amusing to watch them, a hundred times a day, gazing at the reflection of their faces in the glasses. it was nevertheless somewhat trying to one's temper when one ordered a man to do something and then had to watch him for an endless time admiring his own features in the little mirror, and one had to repeat the order half a dozen times before the glass was duly cleaned with his elbow or upon his trousers and set at rest, and the order carelessly obeyed. even alcides--who was far superior to the others in education--could not be kept away from his mirror. while riding he would all the time be gazing at his features instead of looking at the beautiful scenery around us. on leaving camp we again reached the summit of the plateau (elev. 2,300 ft.), with its patches of red volcanic earth, violet-coloured sand, and snuff-coloured dust--extremely fine in quality. after crossing a streamlet flowing south, we again continued our journey on the flat plateau, slightly higher at that point, or 2,400 ft. we were in the great plain crossed by the ponte de pedra rivulet, flowing southward. once more we obtained a gorgeous view looking south. four parallel ranges stretching roughly from south-east to north-west stood in all their grandeur before us. they were of brilliant red volcanic rock. on the second range, from us, rose a curious square block of rock of gigantic size, resembling a castle with its door and all. in the distance, to the south-west, erosion seemed to have taken place on a great scale in the side of the table-land. the highest point we had so far reached on the plateau on which we were travelling since leaving the araguaya was 2,400 ft. there again we found another of the extensive grassy _cuvettes_--the flat bottom of which was only 30 ft. lower than the highest point of the plateau. a luxuriant growth of _burity_ palms and _birero_ trees adorned the centre, the latter very tall and handsome, with smooth white bark and only a dense tuft of dark green foliage at their tops. in the _cuvettes_ i saw, the growth of the tall vegetation invariably ran the long way of the oval. the sky that evening showed great streaks of transparent lines of mist from west to east, the central radiation of these being formed of lines so precisely parallel that they seemed to have been drawn with rule and dividers. directly overhead those lines gradually blended into a more indefinite mass. the radiations did not begin from the vanishing sun on the horizon, nor at the point diametrically opposite on the east, but began to appear only one-tenth up the entire circle of the sky, both west and east. almost globular cloudlets, with the lower section cut off in a horizontal plane--quite typical, as we have seen, of the cloud formation on that central brazilian plateau--crowded the sky, quite low to the north, and also a great many small ball-like clouds which showed with some brilliancy against the blue sky. the sunsets in central brazil were to me always a source of intense joy, interest, and admiration. with certain characteristics which repeated themselves frequently, they always displayed wonderful effects of light and a most peculiar formation of clouds. before reaching camp we passed another oval _cuvette_ with a longitudinal row of trees--so green and tidy as to be just like a portion of a well-kept english park (elev. 2,350 ft.). another bit of wonderful scenery, with immense prismatic rocky mountains--really more like dykes--appeared in the distance; and also a vertical walled mountain in the foreground. chapter xxi a beautiful lagoon--strange lunar display--waves of lava--curious grottoes--rock carvings--a beautiful waterfall we camped at the lagoa formosa--or "beautiful lagoon"--a large, verdant, oval-shaped lagoon, entirely covered with grass, only 140 ft. lower than the top of the plateau (elev. 2,290 ft.). barring a slight undulation in the land to the north-east of the marsh, the country was there absolutely flat. at night i witnessed a marvellous lunar effect. the half-moon was high up in the sky. soon after sunset two immense concentric arches of mist, with their centres on the horizon to the east, shone like silver rings, their upper edges being lighted by the bluish light of the moon. with the reflection of this in the still waters of the lagoon, the effect was enchanting and intensely picturesque. my men suffered a great deal from the damp--they were always suffering from everything: from the heat of the sun, the rain, the cold, the long marches. that night we had a minimum temperature of 51° fahr., the elevation of our camp being 2,150 ft. naturally, over the expanse of water the sunrise was wonderful. the sky was well covered by feathery radiations from the north-east, which were intersected by striations shooting skyward from east to west and forming a charming design. the radiations from the north-east reached right across the sky as far as the horizon to the south-west. what astonished me most in matto grosso was the characteristic immobility of the clouds. in the day-time they remained sometimes for hours with hardly any changes or movement. as soon as the sun appeared, rendering the lower sky of a golden yellow and of vivid indian red above, the northern part of the lagoon was enveloped in mist, which rose in angular blocks, vertical on the south side, slanting at a sharp angle on the north. these pointed peaks of mist remained immobile--as if they had been solid--until the sun was well up in the sky. i went once more to gaze at the glorious panorama. in the morning light new and important details were revealed, such as a strange series of dykes of a prismatic shape, of which i could count as many as seven. great transverse depressions or grooves--from s.s.e. to n.n.w., with a dip s.s.e.--could in that light be now plainly detected, and this time two great square castles of rock--instead of one--were disclosed upon the third range of undulations. the high ridge to the south-west displayed a subsidence on a large scale in its central portion, where bare vertical red walls had been left standing on each side. then there were other curious concave depressions or gateways formed in the great table-land--which had for its marked characteristic concave curves on all its slopes. on leaving camp--nearly at noon, after a serious quarrel and fight among my men, which left me worried to death by the petty nonsense and incessant grumbling of my followers--we journeyed at an elevation of 2,300 ft., finding shortly after an almost circular _cuvette_ of deep grey cinders, 100 ft. deep (elevation at the bottom 2,200 ft.). twelve kilometres farther on we came upon another great depression extending from east to west, with an enormous belt of grassy land. there was the usual cluster of trees and palms in the centre, but larger than usual. to the south were campos--lovely prairies--with sparse and stunted trees--chiefly _goma arabica_ or acacias. the elevation of the upper edge of the _cuvette_ was 2,500 ft., that of the bottom 2,450 ft. we continued our journey on the top of the plateau, with slight undulations varying in height from 50 to 70 ft. snuff-coloured soil and red sand were invariably noticeable on the higher points, and grey ashes in the lower points, where erosion had caused depressions. then, farther on, the plateau, with an elevation of 2,450 ft., was absolutely flat for several kilometres, and showed sparse vegetation and miserable-looking anæmic trees--the thin soil over solid rock affording them inadequate nourishment. eighteen kilometres from our last camp we came upon another oval basin (elev. 2,400 ft. above the sea level), extending longitudinally from n.n.e. to s.s.w. on its huge deposits of cinders grew deliciously green, fresh-looking, healthy grass, and a thick clump of _burity_ palms, and _birero_ trees of immense height and thick foliage. those beautiful trees were called by the people of goyaz "_cutibá_" and "_pintahyba_." they were marvellous in their wonderful alignment among the surrounding circle of gorgeous palms. the latter were in their turn screened in their lower part by a belt of low scrub--so that upon looking at that oasis one could hardly realize that it had not been geometrically laid out by the hands of a skilful gardener. on the outer rim of the _cuvette_--away from the moisture--hundreds, in fact, thousands of cones, cylinders and domes, from 4 to 6 ft. high, the work of ants, could be seen, all constructed of bluish grey ashes. we had here a wonderful example, quite sufficient to persuade the most sceptical, of the influence of agglomerations of trees in the formation of clouds. the sky was perfectly clear everywhere except directly above the extensive cluster of trees in the large _cuvette_. quite low down--only a hundred feet or so above the top of the trees--there hung a heavy white cloud. it was a windless day. the cloud ended on all sides exactly where the trees ended, as sharply as if it had been cut with a knife. it looked exactly like a rectangular canopy over the luxuriant vegetation. this appearance was intensified by undulations in the lower part of the cloud, like festoons. in proceeding across the immense circular _cuvette_ i found that the central line of thick vegetation formed an angle. a streamlet of delicious crystal-like water emerged from among the trees. on its bank lay the skeletons of three mules, suggesting a tragedy. on leaving the great _cuvette_ we rose again to the top of the plateau, 2,550 ft. above sea level. on descending from a large dome to the west over red volcanic sand and red earth, half consolidated into rock easily friable under slight pressure, we were once more travelling across immense campos in a depression of fine cinders and earth, extending from north to south, at an elevation of 2,400 ft. we further traversed two other less important depressions, the deepest being at an elevation of 2,350 ft. the jutting headlands of the plateau on which we had travelled were all most precipitous--nearly vertical--and of solid dark red volcanic rock. a magnificent view next confronted us to the south. a huge black square block with a crater was before us, and there appeared what seemed to me to be the remaining sections of a huge volcanic vent and several smaller funnels. the lower lip of the crater formed a terrace. then another wider crater could be perceived in a circular hollow of the spur of the plateau on which we had travelled, and which stretched out into the underlying plain. that spur extended from north-east to south-west, and in it two circular hollows of great size could be noticed, the sides of which were deeply fluted. during the entire march that day we had seen quantities of violet-coloured deposits made up of tiny crystals, carbonized and pulverized rock and ferruginous dust. [illustration: central cluster of trees and palms in a cuvette (matto grosso).] [illustration: a giant wave of lava.] on descending from the summit of the plateau, by a very steep slope, we saw many shrubs of _sapatinho_, a medicinal plant of the genus _euphorbiaceæ_ (euphorbia), growing in the interstices of red igneous rock, and among quantities of débris of marble, crystals, and eruptive pebbles. during the night we had a magnificent lunar display. there was a good deal of moisture in the air, and mist. first of all a gorgeous lunar halo was observed, which later vanished to leave room for a most extraordinary geometrical design upon the partly moon-illuminated clouds and masses of mist. a most perfect luminous equilateral triangle appeared, with its apex downwards to the west and the half-moon in the central point of the base-line of the triangle above. on either side of the apex of the triangle faint concentric circles blended away into the sky near the horizon. later in the night that curious effect disappeared and a multiple lunar rainbow of amazing beauty and perfection was to be admired. in ecstasy at the beautiful sight, and in a moment of forgetfulness, i drew the attention of my men to the wonderful spectacle. "that's the moon!" they answered, with a snarl. talking among themselves, they contemptuously added: "_he_ has never seen the moon before!" and they went on with the never-changing, blood-curdling tales of murders which filled them nightly with delight. the streamlet flowing south, on the bank of which we camped, took its name of sapatinho from the many _sapatinho_ trees which were in the neighbourhood. it was a curious watercourse, which disappeared into a tunnel in the rock, to reappear only farther off out of a hole in a red lava-flow. we had marched until late into the night, and it was not until we arrived and made camp that i noticed that filippe the negro was missing. several hours elapsed, and as he had not turned up i feared that something had happened to him. had he been one of the other men i should have thought it a case of desertion; but filippe was a good fellow, and i had from the beginning felt that he and alcides would be the two faithful men on that expedition. i went back alone a mile or two in the moonlight to try and find him, but with no success. at sunrise i ordered two men to go in search of him. the fellows--who had no mercy whatever even for one another--were loth to go back to look for their companion and his mount. when they eventually started they took a pick each to dig his grave in case they found him dead. fortunately they had only been gone from camp a few minutes when i perceived filippe riding down the steep incline. the minimum temperature was only 55° fahr. during the night, but it was so damp that my men felt the cold intensely, especially as there were gusts of a sharp breeze from the north-east. moreover, in the deep hollow with thick grass in which we camped (elev. 2,200 ft. above the sea level) we suffered absolute torture from the swarms of _carrapatos_ of all sizes, mosquitoes, and flies. the air and earth were thick with them. the water was dirty and almost undrinkable, as it passed through a lot of decomposing vegetation. i was glad when filippe reappeared and we were able to leave that terrible spot. great undulations were now met with, 300 ft. and more in height. only 1½ kil. farther on we came to the presidente stream, flowing south (elev. 2,100 ft.) over a bed of ashes, while its banks were formed of thick deposits of finely powdered yellow volcanic sand and dust. we went over a huge dome covered with a stratum of brown sand, exposing on its western side a large wall of igneous rock with much-fissured strata dipping to the north-west. immense isolated rocks showed vertical strata, demonstrating plainly that they had been considerably disturbed at some epoch or other. we were on the bank of another stream (elev. 1,950 ft.) flowing south--the capim branco. we were then in another great and deep basin extending from north-west to south-east, in the north-western part of which could be seen on the summit of the rounded hill-tops and spurs an overlapping of rock, evidently produced when in a molten condition. in the south-western part of the slope encircling this great valley there stood another great barrier, formed also by a flow of molten rock curling over itself, as it were, and above this stood angular and pointed shoots of molten stuff of a subsequent origin. large slabs of the latter could be separated easily from the underlying flow. from the summit of that rocky prominence was obtained a lovely panorama of a great plateau, a portion of which had been eroded into a wall (e.n.e.) with three buttresses: another portion was gradually assuming a similar shape. the plateau had a great spur projecting westward. a crater had formed with a broken-up side to the west, leaving the conical-shaped remains of its fragmentary mouth. the plateau ended after describing a sweeping curve--almost a semicircle. in the centre of the immense basin before us were successions of high undulations--like great waves--extending southward in parallel lines (east to west). from the point of vantage on which i stood i could count as many as eight of those huge lines of waves. evidently at some remote period--it would be difficult to say how many thousands of years ago--that was a gigantic mass of molten stuff in commotion. in many places it was apparent that the great waves of molten rock had flowed over and partly overlapped the lower ones. in its higher north-easterly point the basin was wooded. the great basin extended southward. in that direction all the lower ridges with their arched backs showed a depression or dip. on the s.s.w. two more great domes of wonderfully perfect curves were to be observed, and on the south-west stood an isolated gigantic quadrangular mountain of solid rock, with the usual buttresses in the lower portion typical of that region. to the south-east a lovely square-shaped plateau of marvellously graceful lines stood prominent in the centre of the basin. in the same direction, only a few hundred yards off, was a most peculiar angular rock, which looked exactly like the magnified crest of an immense wave. that was just what it had been formerly--the wave, of course, of a gigantic molten mass of rock, set in violent motion by an immeasurable force. it was the terminal point of the great succession of rocky waves which we had skirted to the north in order to arrive at that point, and which extended from the great semicircle we had passed the previous day. [illustration: strange rock-carvings of matto grosso.] at the terminal point of those rocky waves--or wherever the rock was exposed--it was evident that all those undulations had received a similar movement and had formed the great backbone range of rock, fully exposed in the last undulation. i had observed the continuation of this great rock crest the previous day in the basin previous to reaching the capim branco valley. there it crossed the spur on which i was--"observation spur," i shall call it for purposes of identification--almost at right angles. it seemed as if two forces had been acting simultaneously but in different directions, and at various points had come into conflict and eventually had overrun each other. the last great rocky crest at capim branco, when seen in profile, looked like a huge monolith with a slight inclination to the south-east. the formation of the rock itself showed a frothy appearance, such as is common with any liquefied matter while in a state of ebullition. it is quite possible, too, that the great wave of molten matter travelling from north-east to south-west, upon encountering some obstacle, had its run interrupted and had cooled down, while the upper portion of it, from the impetus received, curled over the summit of the arrested solidified rock below. in fact, there was plenty of evidence to show that while the lower stratum cooled down other sheets of lava flowed above it, forming many successive layers. in the eastern part, where they were at an angle of 40°, these had cracked considerably in cooling. the central part of the great wave was entirely made up of vertically fissured strata. the lower half of the mass of rock showed markedly that it was an anterior wave to the upper. there was a wide gap formed by the volcanic crack between this and the continuation of the undulations to the south-west, which got lower and lower. perhaps before the crack occurred that hill was like the others on the east and west of it, padded with red earth. it must have become barren by the great shock which caused the surface of the earth to divide, and which no doubt shook the surface deposits down. in examining its north-eastern neighbour it could be seen that it actually tumbled over when the subsidence occurred, leaving a gap a few hundred metres wide. a short distance beyond, on the s.s.e., was an interesting table-land sloping to the north-east, on the north side of which could be observed yet one more beautiful semicircular extinct crater. the rim, or lip of lava of this crater, had fissured in such a peculiar way as to give the appearance of a row of rectangular windows. the sections of the crater which remained standing showed two conical buttresses above massive cylindrical bases. from the crater started a huge, deep crack, 30 to 50 ft. deep and 20 to 100 ft. wide, which farther down became the actual bed of the stream. on both sides of this crack was a deep deposit of red earth and sand, the stratum below this being a solid mass of lava. the crater on the north-east side of the mountain had an inclination to the north, but was quite vertical on the south side. beautiful crystals were to be found in abundance on this mound, as well as great quantities of marble chips and crystallized rock in various forms. on the side of this strange mound of rock i found some curious shallow caves, formed by great fissures in the rock. the vertical outer walls of these caves were painted white with lime dissolved in water. there were some puzzling carvings, which interested me greatly. i could not quite make up my mind at first whether those carvings had been made by indians or whether they were the work of escaped negro slaves who had found shelter in those distant caves. in character they appeared to me indian. negroes, as a rule, are not much given to rock-carving in order to record thoughts or events. moreover, those primitive carvings showed strong characteristics of hunting people, such as the indians were. there were conventional attempts at designing human figures--both male and female--by mere lines such as a child would draw: one round dot for the head and one line each for the body, arms, and legs. curiously enough--and this persuaded me that the drawings had been done by indians--none of the figures possessed more than three fingers or toes to any extremity. as we have seen, the indians cannot count beyond three--unlike members of most african tribes, who can all count at least up to five. this, nevertheless, did not apply to representations of footmarks, both human and animal--which were reproduced with admirable fidelity, i think because the actual footprints on the rock itself had been used as a guide before the carving had been made. i saw the representation of a human footmark, the left, with five toes, and the shape of the foot correctly drawn. evidently the artist or a friend had stood on his right foot while applying the left to the side of the rock. when they attempted to draw a human foot on a scale smaller than nature, they limited themselves to carving two lines at a wide angle, to form the heel, and five dots to represent the toes. the most wonderful of those rock carvings were the footprints of the jaguar (_onça_), reproduced with such perfection that it seemed almost as if they had been left there by the animal itself. not so happy were the representations of human heads--one evidently of an indian chief, with an aureole of feathers, showing a painfully distorted vision on the part of the artist. the eyes were formed by two circles in poor alignment, the nose by a vertical line, and the mouth, not under but by the side of the nose, represented by two concentric curves. a figure in a sitting posture was interesting enough--like a t upside down, with a globe for a head and a cross-bar for arms. the hands had three fingers each, but there were only two toes to each foot. it was interesting to note how the sculptors of those images caught, in a rudimentary way, the character of the subjects represented. this was chiefly remarkable in the footprints of birds and other animals, such as deer. they seemed particularly fond of representing deer-horns--sometimes with double lines at an angle. that was possibly to commemorate hunting expeditions. a frequent subject of decoration was a crude representation of the female organ; and one a magnified resemblance, angularly drawn, of an indian male organ garbed in its typical decoration. [illustration: weird lunar effect witnessed by author.] the face of the rock was absolutely covered with drawings, many being mere reproductions of the same design. some were so rudimentary that they were absolutely impossible to identify. one fact was certain, that those carvings had been made by men who were trackers by nature and who observed chiefly what they noticed on the ground, instead of around and above them. thus, there were no representations whatever of foliage or trees, no attempts at reproducing birds, or the sun, the moon, the stars. the most interesting of all, from an ethnological point of view, were the geometrical designs. they closely resembled the incised lines and punch-marks of the australian aborigines, and the patterns common in polynesia. concentric circles--of more or less perfection--were common, some with a central cross of three and four parallel lines. coils seemed beyond the drawing powers of indian artists. ovals, triangles, squares, the egyptian cross (t-shaped), series of detached circles (these generally enclosed within a triangle, quadrangle or lozenge) were frequent. even more frequent were the parallel incised lines, generally used as subsidiary filling or shading of other patterns, such as concentric circles, or sections of triangles or squares. it may be noted that a certain intelligence was displayed by the artist in dividing circles fairly accurately into four and eight sections, the diameters intersecting pretty well in the centre of the circles. one pattern which seemed to take their fancy was that of an oval or a circle with a number of dots inside. in examining the cave closely, inside and outside, i also found upon the wall, which was simply covered with those images, some curious marks resembling the letters h p, a p, and w [symbol: pyramid sign; 2 concentric triangles], which seemed of a more recent date--perhaps left there by some missionary father or native explorer, or by some escaped slave. just below the point where the stream capim branco entered the s. lourenço river (elev. 1,800 ft. above the sea level), there was a most beautiful waterfall--the salto floriano peixoto. two minor falls, some 30 ft. high (salto benjamin) were also to be seen under arches of luxuriant vegetation, just above the point of junction of the two streams. the roaring and foaming volume of water of the greater fall rolled over a vertical volcanic rock, about 60 ft. high and 60 ft. wide, with a small terrace half way up its face. the bed of the river--below the fall--was, like all the torrents of that region, of strangely shaped lava blocks. with the dense foliage, the innumerable _caité_, a medicinal plant with huge leaves, the festooned liane and creepers--all most verdant in the sombre green light filtering through the foliage and the moisture of the abundant spray from the fall--it was indeed a magnificent sight. in order to see it, however, one had to suffer a great deal, because in forcing one's way through the dense vegetation one got literally covered with _carrapatos_ and _carrapatinhos_. above the falls, for some hundreds of yards, there were terrific rapids in the river, which flowed over a steep bed of yellow lava in terraces, over steps and over a fourth minor fall some distance off. distances from the araguaya to capim branco kil. metres. araguaya to ponte alto 26 400 ponte alto to fogaça 19 800 fogaça to prata 20 prata to ponte queimada 23 700 ponte queimada to bella vista 19 800 bella vista to agua quente 26 500 agua quente to barreiros 10 barreiros to agua emeindada 16 500 agua emeindada to tachos 29 700 tachos to bugueirão 20 bugueirão to paredãozinho 20 paredãozinho to paredão grande 20 paredão grande to cabeça de boi 33 100 cabeça de boi to sangrador 33 100 sangrador to sangradorzinho 20 sangradorzinho to varzen grande 20 varzen grande to lagõa secca 23 lagõa secca to caxoerinha 26 500 caxoerinha to ponte de pedra 10 ponte de pedra to lagõa formosa 20 lagõa formosa to xico nunes 20 xico nunes to sapaturo 16 500 sapaturo to presidente 17 presidente to capim branco 14 850 ---------- total 509 450 =========== chapter xxii in search of the highest point of the brazilian plateau--mutiny--great domes--travelling by compass--a gigantic fissure in the earth's crust i made up my mind that i would continue my journey westward no farther, and would now proceed due north in order to explore the most important part of the central plateau--the very heart of brazil--precisely where the great rivers xingu and tapajoz had their birth. i believed that we should there find the highest point of the central brazilian plateau. i expected to find in that region the most interesting portion of my journey--from the geographical, anthropological, and geological points of view. i was greatly disappointed from the anthropological aspect, since i met no one at all; but from the geological and geographical i was certainly well repaid for my trouble, great as the trouble was. we had already ridden to a distance of 1,400 kil. from the nearest railway. [illustration: a giant quadrangular block of rock.] [illustration: rock-carvings in matto grosso.] my men mutinied on hearing of my plan, which i had kept concealed from them. they acted in a most abject manner. they tried to compel me to return the way we had come instead of going forward. as i flatly refused, they claimed their pay and wished to leave me there and then. without an instant's hesitation they were handed their pay up to date and told they could go. the men had not quite realized that they would have to walk back some 858 kil. to goyaz, without food and without animals. alcides and filippe the negro had remained faithful, and on that occasion stood by my side. unfortunately, alcides, who had a most violent temper, quarrelled with filippe over some paltry matter and drove him over to the inimical camp. so that there i was--with only one man left. i am not much given to losing heart over anything. alcides showed a strong heart on that occasion. he and i proceeded for three days to rearrange the baggage and mend the saddles, etc., in order that we two alone might take along the entire caravan of animals. i did not at all look forward to the extra work of packing all the animals twice a day, and twice a day unpacking them. the loads weighed about fifty pounds each, and there were some thirty of them. then we should have to hunt for the animals in the morning--a job which meant that one had to ride sometimes for miles to track them and bring them all back to camp. this prospect, on top of the work i had already in hand of writing, taking astronomical and meteorological observations, photography, developing negatives, drawing, collecting and classifying botanical and geological specimens, which occupied all day and the greater part of the night, was a little too much for me. but such was my joy at having got rid of my unpleasant companions that i would have put up with any additional discomfort and inconvenience in order to get on. alcides behaved splendidly on that occasion. june 8th and 9th were absolutely wasted. the relief from the mental strain of constantly looking after--and being on my guard against--my companions was great. they were days of great happiness to me. on june 10th alcides and i were making ready to depart, with all the animals and baggage, when the four mutinous followers and filippe the negro--most penitent--begged to be re-employed. under ordinary circumstances i should certainly never have taken them back; but when one was hundreds of miles from everywhere, and had no possible way of finding a man, one had to be patient and make the best of what one could get. i gave them another chance--principally in order to save what i could of my baggage, most of which i was certain i should have had to abandon had i proceeded alone with alcides. the capim branco river was situated between two undulating ridges of lava. i steered a course of 300° bearings magnetic (n.w.), beginning a steep climb at once through the thin forest of the plateau to the north. in many places the mules slid and rolled down the precipitous slope of igneous rock and marble débris, scattering the packs in every direction. it was a wonder they were not killed. we urged the animals on, we pushed and pulled them, we held them with all our might by the bridles when they began to slide. after many narrow escapes we reached the summit--an immense flat stretch of campos with stunted trees and delicious crisp air--quite delightful after the stifling atmosphere of the capim branco basin. the elevation above the sea level was 2,300 ft. on the summit of the plateau was a deep stratum of red soil. having marched across the entire width of the plateau, we found, on descending on the opposite side, another series of dome-like mounds of crimson volcanic rock, with hardly any vegetation on them--joined together, and forming many headlands, as it were. beyond an empty space--an opening in the landscape--a great barrier crossed the range of domes almost at right angles. we descended through thick undergrowth, under big _jatoba do matto_ (_hymencæa courbaril_ l.) trees. the _jatoba_ or _jatahy_ wood has a high specific gravity, and is considered one of the woods with the highest resistance to disintegration in brazil--as high as 1 kg. 315 gr. per square centimetre. at 2,050 ft. we found a streamlet flowing southward. we were then in a grassy basin--another _cuvette_ with two central tufts of thickly packed trees. we were lucky enough to see some _coco babento_ palms, from which we shook down dates which were excellent, although somewhat troublesome to eat, owing to the innumerable filaments protecting the central large stone. these filaments stuck between one's teeth, and were most difficult to remove. the dates were the size and shape of an ordinary english walnut and extremely oily. it was a real joy to see fine healthy trees again, after the miserable specimens we had seen of late. even there, too, the powerful trees which emerged from the lower entangled scrub and dense foliage were greatly contorted, as if they had gone through a terrific effort in order to push their way through to reach the light and air. liane innumerable and of all sizes hung straight or festooned from the highest trees or coiled in a deadly embrace round their branches like snakes. nor were they the only enemies of trees. large swellings could be noticed around most of the trees, caused by the terrible _cupim_ (_termes album_) or white ants, carrying out their destructive work just under the bark. many indeed were the trees absolutely killed by those industrious little devils. as we marched through the _matto_, using the large knives freely to open our way, we had to make great deviations in our course--now because of a giant _jatoba_ lying dead upon the ground, then to give a wide berth to a group of graceful _akuri_ palms, with their huge spiky leaves. those palms had great bunches of fruit. we were beginning now to find trees with fan-like extensions at the roots and base, such as i had frequently met with in the forests of mindanao island (philippine archipelago), where they were called _caripapa_ and _nonoko_ trees. the _vines_ or _liane_ were getting interesting, some being of great length and of colossal size, twisted round like a ship's cable. we rose again to an elevation of 2,600 ft. on emerging from the cool dark forest and its refreshing green light, we found ourselves on another plateau with a slightly arched summit, of beautiful campos. from that height we looked over the immense undulating plain to the south. to the south-east we gazed upon a lower flat-topped plateau bounding the valley which, in great sweeping undulations from south-east to north-west, resembled an ocean with waves of colossal magnitude. we travelled across the slightly domed grassy plateau, and found on it a _cuvette_--only slightly depressed this time, but with the usual central line of tall trees with luxuriant foliage, _burity_ palms and _pintahyba_ trees. there, too, we had a surface stratum of red earth and fine brown dust, with an under stratum of grey ashes. soon after we came to a second _cuvette_, and farther north a third could be perceived. in fact, the summit of that particular table-land was made up of subsidiary domes dividing _cuvette_ from _cuvette_ in succession. in going down to 2,550 ft. we found a streamlet flowing northwest into the rio das mortes--or "river of death." we were there on the great divide between the waters flowing south into the s. lourenço and eventually into the paraná, and those flowing north--after thousands of kilometres--into the amazon. this little rivulet was therefore interesting to me, for it was the first one i had met flowing north since leaving the araguaya--although not the first whose waters eventually flowed in a circuitous way into the amazon. that was a day of great domes--all of them with perfect curves. on them the grazing was magnificent. to the north a wonderful green dome, larger than the others (elev. 2,650 ft.), would have been splendid for cattle raising. not a sign of life could be seen anywhere. seldom have i seen nature so still and devoid of animal life. what immensity of rich land wasted! it made one's heart bleed to see it. there was everything there to make the fortunes of a hundred thousand farmers--yet there was not a soul! there was good grazing, plenty of water. there were no roads, no trails, it is true, but with a little enterprise it would be easy to make them. with a railway passing through, that now wasted land should become the richest on earth. in a depression (elev. 2,450 ft.) we came to a streamlet also flowing north, which had made the soil extremely swampy. we had endless trouble in getting across, the animals sinking and sticking in the black mud up to their necks. one of the mules--more reckless than the others--actually disappeared, baggage and all, while madly struggling to extricate itself from the sucking slush and mud. it took all our efforts combined to save that animal. by the time we had all got across, men, animals, and baggage were a sight worth looking at--all filthy, absolutely smothered in black mud. we rose upon yet another dome, and then descended to the rio manso or rio das mortes, the head-waters of which were not far from there, to the south-west, in the serra da chapada. the river was there only 15 metres wide, but too deep and rapid for the animals to ford, so we had to follow its bank in order to find a suitable spot. the river das mortes flowed, roughly, first in an easterly then in a north-easterly direction, and soon, swollen by innumerable streams, became the most powerful tributary of the araguaya river, which it met almost opposite the centre of the great island of bananal. in fact, one might almost consider the head-waters of the rio das mortes as the secondary sources of the great araguaya. the rio das mortes flowed, at the particular spot where we met it, due north, along the edge of the great dome. the elevation of the top edge was 2,470 ft. we camped that night on the riberão do boi, a swift torrent tributary of the rio das mortes (elev. 2,250 ft.), having marched 30 kil. that day. the cold was relatively severe during the night--the thermometer registering a minimum of 48° fahr. we were travelling entirely by prismatic compass. my men--who had no faith whatever in what they called the _agulha_ (compass)--swore that we were going to sure perdition. "how can that _agulha_," said they, "possibly tell you where we can find beans (_feijão_), lard (_toucinho_), and sugar bricks (_rapadura_)?" "it is the invention of some madman!" said one. "it will bring us to our death," sadly reflected another. "if i had only known that we should be entrusting our lives all the time to that _agulha_," murmured a third, pointing contemptuously to the compass, "i should have never come. oh, my poor mother and wife! and my dear little daughter six months old! oh, shall i ever see them again ... shall i ever see them again?" here followed a stream of bitter tears, wiped with the ragged sleeve of his shirt. i thought that a cold bath would do them all good. i ordered them to take all the animals and baggage across the stream. it was a job of some difficulty, owing to the very swift current. a rough bridge had to be constructed over the most dangerous part. the water was freezingly cold. on leaving the river we at once rose again over another great dome (elev. 2,350 ft.), from which we obtained a most glorious view of other grassy domes, smooth-looking and well-rounded, with a fringe of forest in the depressions between. down below we could see the rio das mortes we had left behind. it came at that spot from the south-east, and after describing an angle turned to the north-east. from the north-west, at an elevation of 2,300 ft., descended the taperinho, a small tributary which entered the rio das mortes. we went over another domed mount, where i found a spring of most delicious water emerging in a gurgle from the very summit of the dome, at an elevation of 2,400 ft. on all sides we had beautiful domed prominences with wonderful grazing land. alcides--careless, like all the others, with his rifle--was nearly killed that day. his rifle went off accidentally, and the bullet went right through the brim of his hat, just grazing his forehead. but we were accustomed to this sort of thing--it had happened so often--and i began to wonder when bullets would really wound or kill somebody. indeed, we had a guardian angel over us. [illustration: a picturesque waterfall on the s. lourenço river.] we had descended into the belt of forest in the depression (elev. 2,270 ft.), where a streamlet flowed to the north-east into the rio das mortes. we were travelling in a north-easterly direction, owing to the formation of the country; but finding that it would take me too much away from my intended course i again altered our direction to a course due north. at an elevation of 2,480 ft. we went over an extraordinary natural bridge of solidified ashes and earth--a regular tunnel--under which passed a streamlet of delicious water--the puladó stream. the river emerged some distance off from under the tunnel. curiously enough, while the vegetation was quite dense both above and below the natural bridge, there was no vegetation at all along the hundred metres forming the width of the bridge. perhaps that was due to the lack of evaporation in that section, which supplied the trees elsewhere with moisture. we rode over many domes of an elevation of 2,550 ft., and then over some that were smaller in diameter but of greater height. in the depressions between we invariably found rows of _burity_ palms amidst other vegetation, and the characteristic heavily foliaged trees. we encamped near a delicious spring of water on the very summit of a dome. the water emerged from a circular hole and was warm--so much so that the next morning, when my fahrenheit thermometer registered an atmospheric temperature of 50°, steam rose from the water of the spring. around the spring a curious conical mound of white finely powdered matter resembling kaolin had formed. this appeared to me to have formerly been a small geyser. the cone was broken on one side and the water did not come out with great force. a few yards down the slope of the dome another similar white cone was to be seen, with a great mass of granular ash-pellets and tufa, such as are commonly found near geysers or thermal springs. we called that camp cayambola. on the night of june 12th the minimum temperature was 50° fahr., the elevation 2,430 ft. the sky was somewhat clouded, the clouds occupying four-tenths of the heavens. at sunrise we observed radiations in the sky--this time, curiously enough, from north-east to south-west, instead of from east to west. the longest and highest semicircle above us was in double filaments, and resembled an immense fish-bone. we were supposed to be then in a country infested by cannibal indians--swarms of them. my men were quite amusing in their fears. four of them were troublesome and insisted on the whole expedition turning back in order to see them safely out of danger. i remembered on those occasions an old italian proverb which said that to "women, lunatics, and children" the wisest thing is always to say "yes." so when they threatened all kinds of things if we did not return i generally answered that we would continue a little farther, then we would see; and from day to day this went on, making forced marches forward all the time--generally of from 30 to 42 kil. daily. the dissatisfaction among my men grew, nevertheless, considerable, and a constant watch had to be kept over them. alcides and filippe the negro showed great courage, and, whatever other failings they may have had, they invariably displayed extraordinary bravery from beginning to end. alcides' principal faults were his great wastefulness and violent temper and pride, which made it most difficult to deal with him. he had been entrusted with the commissariat, as with all my other occupations i could not be bothered to sort out and weigh the food for each man at each meal. alcides would not understand that it was unwise, in a country where absolutely nothing was procurable, to throw away daily little mountains of rice and beans and preserved meat, after the men and our dogs had gorged themselves; and that perhaps it would lead some day to our dying of starvation. in confidence i had told him that we might be several months--perhaps a year--before we should be able to get fresh supplies. a little economy would perhaps save us all from disaster. i wanted everybody to have ample food, but i did not see the use of throwing away daily a larger quantity than the men actually ate. it was true that we still had ample provisions of all kinds for some eight months, but we must be prepared for all emergencies. alcides, who was extremely obstinate, would not hear of this. my remarks only made things worse. the waste from that day doubled, and looking ahead into the future it really broke my heart, as i well saw that we should have hard times in front of us--all because of the lack of common-sense on the part of my followers. on leaving camp we climbed to the summit of another gigantic dome of green pasture land (elev. 2,500 ft.). we filled our lungs with the delicious air, slightly stirred by a fresh northerly breeze. geographically, we were at a most important site, for it was from that point that the division of waters took place between those flowing eastward into the araguaya and those flowing westward into the cuyabá river. so that within a distance of a few kilometres we had visited the region--the very heart of brazil--from which the waters parted to flow toward three different points of the compass. from that point we rose still higher to the summit of a great table-land, absolutely flat and waterless for over 30 kil. the soil was red in colour, with slippery dried grass upon it and sparse, stunted vegetation. the trees seldom reached a height of 5 ft. they were mostly _gomarabia_ or _goma arabica_--a sickly-looking acacia; _passanto_ with its huge leaves, _piqui_ or _pequia_ (_aspidosperma sessiliflorum_ and _eburneum_ fr. all.), the fibrous _piteira_ or _poteira_ (_fourcroya gigantea_ vent.), and short _tocun_ or _tucum_ palms (_astrocaryum tucuma_ m.). occasionally one saw a _passanto_ tree slightly taller--perhaps some 10 to 12 ft. high--most anæmic-looking. after having travelled some 24 kil. from our last camp we came to a great expanse of _taquary_, a kind of shrub 3 ft. high with spiky leaves of a wonderful green colour. we gazed upon the superb view of an enormous plateau to the west with deep indentations in its vertical sides. huge spurs or rams of rock stretched out across the deep depression, separating the plateau to the west from the one on which we were standing. both plateaux were of equal height, and had evidently at one time formed one immense flat surface. on our side the plateau showed a huge slip of red volcanic earth, with a lower stratum parallel to it of baked brown rock. under it were white lime and ashes, in sections or drifts. in the centre of the valley formed by the separation of the two sections there remained a formidable crater--extinct, of course--with an arc-shaped wall standing erect in its centre, and other lower walls forming an elongated quadrangular channel from south-east to north-west in the bottom of the crater. two conspicuous monoliths stood up behind the huge lip of the crater to the south-west at the bottom of the valley, and also other remnants of the great convulsion of nature which had once taken place there. [illustration: a cañon of matto grosso.] notwithstanding the constant annoyance of my followers, i really enjoyed my journey over the central plateau. the air was fresh and deliciously crisp and clear. one could see for miles and miles and distinguish the smallest detail in the far-away mountain sides, so pure was the atmosphere. this scene was unlike any in other countries. one could describe an entire circle around oneself, and nowhere did the eye meet a column of smoke rising above ground to indicate the presence of man. not a bird was to be seen or heard, not a footprint upon the ground of any beast or creature of any kind. the silence of that land was most impressive. our voices--as we spoke--sounded astonishingly and abnormally sonorous, in that region which for thousands of years had not been contaminated by sound. it seemed as if the sound-waves, undisturbed by the myriads of sounds which--as is well known--remain floating in the atmosphere in inhabited countries, were heard there in all their full and absolute purity. so much were we all impressed by this fact--my men unconsciously--that all the men began to sing, so pleased they seemed with the powerful vibration of their own voices. to the north-west another lovely sight was before us--another huge plateau in dim greyish blue--barring the horizon. in front of it was one more table-land, more broken up, and sloping on the south side. when we reached the north-east edge of the plateau we were travelling upon, we were treated to a fresh marvellous scene. straight in front of us, on the opposite side of a deep depression--at 30° bearings magnetic--there stood one of the characteristic two-tiered table-lands stretching from east to west. below us in the depression was an undulating line from north to south of great bosses or domes of exquisite grassy land, resting upon a kind of spur or peninsula jutting out from our plateau--but at a lower elevation--of which it formed part. a formidable crack in the earth's surface extended from north to south on the east of the chain of domes, whereas to the east again of the giant crack was another row of domed hills, forming--when taken as a mass--an undulating terrace; then a vertical wall, above which rested the sloping side of the plateau on which we stood. it may be observed that the strata in the split vertical wall on our side was absolutely horizontal. on the summit of this rocky stratum lay a deposit, 30 ft. thick, composed of red earth and sand over yellow sandstone and ashes, and, lower, grey ashes compressed and consolidated. the lowest stratum visible on the face of the wall was of bright red-baked rock. the great depression, taken in its entirety, extended from south-east to north-west. the huge crater was to the south-east. to the south-west there was an immense basin. chapter xxiii the jangada river--demented descendants of slaves--appalling degeneration--giant monoliths--the river roncador--gigantic natural gateways--the discovery of fossils we had reached the end of the comparatively flat plateau, which varied in elevation on its summit from 2,530 ft. to 2,570 ft. above the sea level. we were next faced by a most precipitous descent in order to go down to the jangada river--which eventually flowed into the distant rio cuyaba. there was, of course, no trail of any kind, and the course of the descent before us was not unlike trying to take our animals down the almost vertical wall of a fortress. with picks and spades we cut a narrow path for a short distance in order to start the reluctant beasts down. i recommended the greatest care to my men, but instead of following my instructions they drove the rebellious quadrupeds with their whips in a heap along the path--only a few inches wide--which we had cut. result: collisions among the animals and against the wall, and, next, five mules and baggage rolled down the mountain-side at a vertiginous speed until they had reached the bottom, some hundreds of feet below. antonio, the strong man of the party, who tried to go to the rescue of one of the animals, was also dragged down, and came within an ace of losing his life. he was able to embrace a shrub with all his might just before rolling over the precipice, and we rescued him. we had to waste a great deal of time cutting an improvised way in the mountain side. then we had to unload all the animals and convey the loads down on men's heads. each animal was then with great difficulty and danger led by hand down to the stream. great quantities of beautiful marble and crystals were met with, and masses of lava pellets and ferruginous rock. in the jangada valley we found two hot springs emerging from the side of the plateau from which we had descended. i discovered there two miserable tiny sheds belonging to a family of escaped negro slaves. they had lived seventeen years in that secluded spot. they grew enough indian corn to support them. all the members of the family were pitifully deformed and demented. seldom have i seen such miserable-looking specimens of humanity. one was demented to such an extent that it was impossible to get out of him more than a few disconnected groans. he spent most of his time crouched like an animal, and hardly seemed conscious of what took place round him. another was a deaf and dumb _crétin_; a third possessed a monstrous hare-lip and a deformed jaw; while two women, dried up and skinny, and a child were badly affected by goïtre. for a single family that seemed a melancholy spectacle. [illustration: how author's animals rolled down trailless ravines.] it was really pitiable--everywhere in the interior of brazil--wherever you came across a family, to find that all its members were _crétins_, and deformed to such an extent as to make them absolutely repulsive. frequently i had noticed among the common abnormalities supernumerary fingers and toes. one child at this place, in fact, had six toes to each foot, besides being an idiot, deaf and dumb, and affected by goïtre. the only one of the family who was able to realize what took place was terrified at our approach, and never got over his terror as long as we remained. he suffered from the illusion that everybody wished to murder him. for some reason or other he believed that i had come specially, all the way from my own country, in order to search for him and kill him. all the most considerate words on my part, the showering of presents, had no effect upon him. he sat some way off, watching me attentively all the time, and whenever i moved my hands in any direction he dashed away shrieking, thinking that i should attempt to strangle him--for his mania was death by strangulation. after a while he returned, and in his broken, almost unintelligible language--his tongue was nearly paralyzed and he had difficulty in articulating properly--begged to be spared. those people lived worse than animals--in an appallingly filthy condition, in two miserable, tumble-down sheds, open on all sides, and not more than 8 ft. high. they were reduced to that condition by intermarriage among themselves; brothers with sisters--a most frequent occurrence among the "civilized" of central brazil--and even fathers with daughters and sons with their mothers: a disgusting state of affairs which could not very well be helped in a race and in a climate where the animal qualities were extraordinarily developed while the mental were almost entirely deficient. worse still, i had several cases under observation in which the animal passions had not been limited to closely related human beings, but extended also to animals, principally dogs. the degeneration of those people was indeed beyond all conception. it was caused, first of all, by the effects of the most terrible corruption of their blood, their subsequent impoverishment of blood through intermarriage, the miserable isolated existence which they led on scarce and bad food, the exposure to all kinds of weather, and the absolute lack of thought--almost paralyzing the brain power. it was heart-rending to think that human beings could possibly degenerate to so low a level, and--what was worse--that beings of that kind were extraordinarily prolific; so that, instead of being exterminated--which would be a mercy for the country--they were in a small way on the increase. i camped near the sheds of that "happy family," having gone 42 kil. from the rio das mortes. i felt sad the whole night, watching them unperceived. it upset me so that i was ill for several days. the rio jangada, at an altitude of 1,550 ft., was 1,000 ft. lower than the top of the plateau. the river flowed west into the cuyabá river. we crossed the stream, a rapid and foaming torrent. we soon began to climb again on the opposite side over sweeping undulations. we waded through two more streamlets flowing west--the second at an elevation of 1,650 ft. we were travelling partly among campos on the summit of cones and domes, partly through brush or scrub in the depressions. we struggled on, urging the tired animals, rising gradually to 2,150 ft., then to 2,200 ft., over soil strewn with volcanic pebbles and scoriæ. during the night the minimum temperature had been 53° fahr., but during the day the sun was extremely hot and powerful, and animals and men were sweating freely. we marched northward, then slightly to the north-west, leaving behind, to the south-west of us, two quadrangular table-lands, rising above the undulating line of a depression. shortly after, to the e.n.e., we perceived the section of an extinct crater--the easterly point of its summit being in itself a semicircular subsidiary crater. on one side of the greater crater was a conical depression, at the bottom of which (elev. 2,400 ft.) was an extensive bed of lava blocks of great size--hundreds of monolithic rocks standing up like pillars. in fact, they stood all along the side of the crater as well as inside it. surrounding a pyramidal hill a group of those huge pillars looked--to a casual observer--just like the ruins of a tumble-down abbey. three hours' journey from our camp we reached the summit of a dome (elev. 2,500 ft.). beyond it was a _cuvette_ with its typical central line of _burity_ palms. to the west we perceived a marvellous view of three immense dykes of red rock--like walls--stretching from south-west to north-east; then two more great perpendicular dykes of granite were disclosed close by. going over domes 2,550 ft. and 2,450 ft. above the sea level, we obtained a vast and immense view of the _serradão_--wild country--before us, a regular ocean of deep green undulations rising quite high to the south; whereas to the north there extended a long plateau with a deep ravine on its southern aspect. we descended through scrub (elev. 2,400 ft.)--what the brazilians call _serradão_--and through a growth of stunted trees (elev. 2,450 ft.) to so low an altitude as 2,300 ft. going along a rocky cliff, we passed a strange volcanic vent-hole with a pyramid of granite of large proportions on each side of its aperture. we arrived at the roncador, a picturesque torrent flowing over a bed of lava moulded in the strangest possible shapes, hollows, terraces and grottoes. most peculiar were the great concave hollows, circular, oval, and of irregular form, which were innumerable and of all sizes along that extensive flow of lava. [illustration: hideous types characteristic of central brazil. two women (left) and two men (right).] we had travelled 30 kil. that day. that was such a picturesque spot that i made camp on the right bank of the torrent. we were all amazed to find an immense block of rock--resembling in size and form the sphinx of egypt--balanced to a nicety over the edge of a conical rocky hill. it was, of course, the work of nature. why that rock remained there at all and did not tumble down, was more than we could understand. there was also a giant monolith and other strange-looking rocks of great size standing up at all angles close by. on climbing the hill where the sphinx-like rock stood, i discovered a circular crater of great beauty, 300 metres in diameter. the western wall of the crater had been knocked down, but on the eastern inner side, in the central part 150 ft. high, there was a precipitous fall, then a huge smooth inclined plane of lava at an angle of 15° overlapping the top, where it had subsequently been subjected either to violent earthquake shocks or other disturbing influences, as it was badly seamed and fissured. many segments had crumbled down, leaving the remaining portion of a most extraordinary shape. in the centre of the crater there stood a huge mass of rock 150 ft. high, which looked like an inclined table--a giant slab cleanly cut at its angles, which protruded at great length outside the base formed by broken-up blocks. on looking west from the summit of the extinct volcano one obtained a marvellous view of the vertical cliffs between which the roncador river flowed. then there was a great table-land extending from north to south, composed of red volcanic rock and white limestone. a separate red quadrangular castle-like structure of immense proportions rose in the middle foreground in the north-west upon a conical green grassy base. add to this wonderful work of nature a magnificent sky of gold and brilliant vermilion, as limpid as limpid could be, and you will perhaps imagine why i could not move from the rock on which i sat gazing at that magnificent, almost awe-inspiring, spectacle. night came on swiftly, as it always does in those latitudes, and i scrambled down the hill, among the sharp, cutting, slippery, shiny rocks, arriving in camp minus a good many patches of skin upon my shins and knuckles. at the point where i crossed the roncador river there were three handsome waterfalls in succession, the central one in two terraces, some 90 ft. high. at the foot of the two-tiered waterfall was a great circular basin which had all the appearance of having been formerly a volcanic vent. the flowing water, which tumbled down with terrific force, had further washed its periphery smooth. the centre of the basin was of immense depth. directly under the fall a spacious grotto was to be seen under a huge projecting rock. the elevation of the stream above the falls was 2,150 ft., below the falls 2,060 ft. the temperature of the atmosphere was 72° fahr., and the minimum temperature during the night 58° fahr. the roncador flowed from north-east to south-west as far as the foot of the great plateau we had observed during our march. there, on meeting the great vertical wall, its course was diverted in a northerly direction and then again to the north-west, where the stream eventually fell into the cuyabá river. the rio jangada, on which we had camped the previous day, was a tributary of the roncador, and so was the streamlet called pedra grande, which entered the roncador on its right side. the pedra grande took its name from an immense monolith, worn quite smooth, near its bank. from the roncador we continued on our northerly course. the western view of the "balanced sphinx boulder" was indeed remarkable. it seemed to stand up on a small pivot despite all the laws of gravitation, the heaviest side of the upper rock projecting far out on one side with nothing to balance it on the other. cutting our way easily in the scrub, we rose to 2,300 ft. over a flow of red lava (it had flowed in an easterly direction) in several successive strata. the upper stratum was grooved into geometrical patterns, such as we had met before, wherever it showed through the thin layer of red volcanic sand which covered most of it. we were there in a zone of immense natural pillars of rock, some of such great height that they were visible miles off along the range--which extended from south to north, parallel, in fact, to the course we were following. still proceeding due north, we arrived on the summit of a great dome, 2,500 ft., from which point we had to alter our course to the north-west, owing to an isolated impassable barrier which we left on our right (north). it had steep slopes but well-rounded terminal points. it extended from n.n.e. to s.s.w., and had a height of some 150 ft. above the flat _serradão_, on which my skeleton-like mules wended their way among the stunted trees, the bells dangling from their necks monotonously tinkling--not the gay, brisk tinkling of animals full of life, as when we had left goyaz, but the weak, mournful sound--ding ... ding ... ding--of tired, worn-out beasts, stumbling along anyhow. occasionally one heard the crashing of broken branches or of trees collapsing at the collision with the packs, or the violent braying of the animals when stung in sensitive parts by an extra-violent fly; otherwise there was silence, the silence of death, all round us. the poor brutes tore mouthfuls of grass, now on one side then on the other, as they went along; but the grazing was poor in the _serradão_, and the animals found only enough to subsist upon. two of them were absolutely disabled, owing to accidents we had had; and, with the animals i had lost, this involved loading extra heavily those still able to carry. the constant collisions against the stunted trees in that trail-less region injured the animals considerably and caused nasty sores and swellings all over their bodies. i saw well that the poor beasts would not last much longer. it was impossible to halt a sufficient time to let them recover in that particular region, with food so scarce--it would have taken them months. in the meantime our provisions were being fast consumed--or rather wasted--and we had thousands of kilometres to go yet. my men never suspected this, or they would have never come on; but i knew only too well. they still insisted on marching with their loaded rifles, fully cocked, resting horizontally upon their shoulders; and as we marched naturally in single file, and as we used cordite cartridges with bullets of high penetration, there was still a prospect of a bullet going through one or more of us. once or twice again a rifle went off unexpectedly by accident. it would have been terrible for any one of a nervous temperament to be travelling with such companions. on previous expeditions i had generally trusted in myself, but on this particular one i was so disgusted that i had made up my mind to trust in providence alone. i did well, for had i done otherwise i might have fared much worse than i did. we went over a pass (elev. 2,400 ft.) between two small domes, quite barren but for a scanty growth of short dried grass. we were marching over masses of lava and conglomerate with innumerable marble pellets. we found ourselves within a regular circle of low hills enclosing a shallow depression. subsequently we came to a second and then to a third similar depression. [illustration: author's caravan marching across trailless country.] [illustration: the roncador river.] continuing in a north-westerly direction we again obtained a gorgeous view of the treble _portal_--by which word the brazilians describe a monumental entrance of any kind. that is just what those three immense gaps in the plateau looked like: an immense wall of rock forming a high barrier, with three gigantic natural gateways. after finding a stream of good water on the west side of the plateau we rose again higher, obtaining a splendid bird's-eye view of the picturesque depression we had just crossed. the effects of erosion following those of volcanic activity were evident enough upon the entire landscape. on the west side we had a horseshoe-shaped vertical wall--seemingly containing an extinct crater--and yet another on the north side of the western end of the elongated ellipse which was there formed. with some difficulty we managed to get the animals up to the summit of the plateau (elev. 2,580 ft.). from there we obtained a sumptuous view beyond. an immense dyke of brilliant red rock, flat-topped, lay majestically to the west. at its foot the rio pedra grande had its birth, and then flowed westward into the rio roncador. four gigantic flat table-lands stood impressively in a line. three more, equally impressive, loomed in the south-west. other minor ones, quite wall-like--rectangular in vertical section--appeared in the blue distance, while the horizon was barred by a long flat plateau. looking north as we descended from the table-land, we found on our left another extinct crater--semicircular in shape, with several superimposed strata of lava, each about one foot thick, capping its lip, which was broken up into three sections. the valley below that crater formed a _cuvette_, the bottom of which (elev. 2,200 ft.) showed deep erosion by water in one or two places. sand covered the lava-flow which had travelled northward. quantities of heavy, spherical, bullet-like blocks of hard-baked rock were scattered all about--evidently shot out of the crater when active. we had travelled 80 kil. from cayambola in three days, and we had reached a spot of slight, well-rounded undulations where grazing was fair. i decided to halt early in the afternoon--more particularly as this spot appeared to me to have been at one time or other submerged--probably it had been a lake bottom. i had, since the beginning of my journey, been searching everywhere for fossils--but in vain. i had not seen the vestiges of a single one. personally, i was persuaded that central brazil could well be geologically classified in the archaic group--the most ancient of the terrestrial crust, and consisting (in brazil) chiefly of gneiss, mica schists and granite, solidified into their present form by intense eruptive phenomena and dissolved--not by immersion in ocean waters, as some suppose, but by deluges of such potentiality as the human mind can hardly conceive. it was quite enough to visit the central plateau of brazil to be persuaded that that continent had never been submerged under a sea; on the contrary, it must have been the oven of the world. the volcanic activity which must have taken place in that part of the world--it was not a separate continent in those days--was quite, as i have said, beyond human conception. this does not mean that at later periods there may not have been temporary lakes--as, for instance, in the spot where we encamped that night--or portions of country which had become flooded, upon the cooling of the earth, and subsequently became drained and dry again. a wonderful surprise awaited me that day. to the north of my camp was a peculiar round mound. i climbed it, and what was my astonishment in the short ascent to find near the summit, among a lot of lava pellets, marble fragments, crystals, and great lumps of iron ore, a number of vertebræ from the tail and spine of a giant reptile! the vertebræ had been disjointed and scattered somewhat about by wind and water--but there they were; the smaller ones on the side of the hill, the larger on the summit--which led me to believe that the animal had crouched on the top of the hill when dying. some of the fossil vertebræ were so large and heavy that i hardly had the strength to lift them up. the bones--petrified--were of a beautiful white. many of them had, unfortunately, become so fractured as to make identification difficult. on following the line of the dorsal vertebræ--somewhat scattered about--i came upon some vertebræ which appeared to me to be cervical vertebræ; and then, behold my joy! in searching around the summit of the mound i perceived the skull. the skull was so big and heavy that i could not carry it away, but i took several photographs and careful drawings of it from all sides. it was curiously shaped--quite unlike any other fossil skull i have seen. the cranial region proper was extremely short, with smallish round orbits rather low down on the side of the head. the skull had an elongated shape: 35 cm. was its total length; 10 cm. its maximum transverse breadth, and 5 cm. at the central and widest part of palate. the skull itself, with an elongated nasal bone, had a flattened point almost like a beak, or more probably like the base of a proboscis. the front part of the nose had unfortunately become fractured and ended with a flattened segment. a marked arch or hump stood prominent upon the nasal bone. the temporal arcades were quite developed, with prominent supra-orbital bosses. the orbital hollows were 5½ cm. in diameter, whereas the external nares were 9½ cm., the protrusion in front of the nostrils being 10 cm. long. the palate, of great length, had a peculiar complex shape, like a much-elongated u with another smaller u attached to it in the centre of its curve, [symbol]. the skull had been worn down by age and weathering. moreover, one side of the upper part of the cranium had been entirely destroyed--seemingly by having rested on red-hot lava. many of the vertebræ were equally injured. by even a superficial examination it was easy to reconstruct the tragedy which had taken place on that hillock thousands upon thousands of years ago. searching about, i came upon another skull of a huge reptile, and a number of smaller vertebræ than those belonging to the animal above described. the second skull was much flattened, of an elongated shape, very broad, the orbital cavity being high up on the skull--in fact, not unlike the skull of a great serpent. it possessed a long occipital spur, extraordinarily prominent, and fairly well-defined zygomatic arches--but not quite so prominent as in the skull previously discovered. seen from underneath, there seemed to be a circular cavity on the left front, as if it had contained a large fang. this skull, too, was also much damaged on one side, where it had rested on some burning matter--evidently lava or lapilli. the skull measured longitudinally 48 cm. and was 23 cm. broad. seen from underneath it resembled a much elongated lozenge. although i searched a great deal i could not find the lower mandibles of these two skulls, nor loose teeth--but many indeed were the fossilized fragments of bones of other animals strewn all over the hill-top. i found up there quite a sufficient quantity to make the summit of that hill look of a whitish colour. that was why i had been attracted to it at first sight, and had climbed it in order to discover why it was so white. one immense bone--fractured--was the pelvis of the larger animal. nearly all those fossils were in terrible preservation, much damaged by fire and water. some were so eroded as to be quite unidentifiable. most interesting of all to me were two smaller skulls--one of a mammal not unlike a leopard or jaguar, the other of an ape or perhaps a primitive human being. the latter cranium, like all the others, had one side completely destroyed by hot lava, which in this instance had also filled up a considerable portion of the brain-case. the human skull was small and under-developed, no sutures showing; the forehead extremely low and slanting, almost flattened, with the superciliary region and glabella very prominent. one of the orbits (the right) was badly damaged. the left, in perfect preservation, was oval, very deep. the form of the palate was of a broad u-shape--abnormally broad for the size of the head. the upper jaw was fairly high and prominent, whereas the zygomatic arch on the left (the right was destroyed) was not unduly prominent--in fact, rather small and less projecting than the supra-orbital region. of the nasal bone only just a fragment remained. the brain-case was small but well-rounded at the back, where it had comparatively a fairly good breadth behind the auditory meatus. in my anxiety and enthusiasm, i used up, in photographing the first skull i found, the only two photographic plates which remained that day in the camera i had brought with me up there. in order to obtain a fuller view of the skull on the negatives i placed it on a rudimentary stand i constructed with broken branches of a tree. the sun had already set when i discovered the two smaller skulls, and in any case i should not have been able to photograph them that day. well recognizing their immense value, i enveloped them in my coat, which i turned into a kind of sack by tying the sleeves together, and, with a number of vertebræ and a knee-joint i had collected, proceeded to carry the entire load, weighing some sixty pounds, back to camp, a mile away. on my arrival there i met with a good deal of derision from my ignorant men. i was faced with a problem. had i told the men the immense value of those fossils, i feared they might be tempted to steal them and sell them whenever we first reached a civilized spot--which, true enough, might not be for many months; a fact my men did not know and never for one moment realized. if i did not tell them, i should have to stand their silly derision as long as the journey should last--for they openly and loudly argued among themselves the view that i had gone mad, and what better proof could they have than my carrying a heavy load of "ugly stones" as my personal baggage? of the two i came to the conclusion that derision was better than being robbed. so i took no one into my confidence. i merely stored the fossils carefully away in a large leather case, meaning to take them out some day to photograph them as a precaution in case of loss. unfortunately the opportunity never offered itself, for we made forced marches every day, from early morning until dark, and unpacking and repacking were very inconvenient--each package having loops of rope fastened round, in order to be readily attached to the saddles, which took much time and trouble to undo. then the ridicule of my men each time the "ugly stones" were referred to also kept me at first from unduly attracting their attention to them. with the many things i had to occupy my time day and night i ended by forgetting to take the photographs--greatly owing to being almost certain that i should bring the skulls themselves safely back to europe. but the unexpected always happens. we shall see later on how--after having carried those fossils safely for several months--they were, unknown to me, wilfully flung, together with a quantity of provisions, into a deep part of the arinos river by my companions, and they were beyond recovery. greatly to my regret, we left that interesting spot the next morning. a drenching rain prevented my paying a second visit to the two hillocks where the fossil fragments were to be found, but i took the exact position of them, so that any further expedition could locate the spot with great ease. it was interesting to note that a brazilian expedition had discovered some fossil bones of a gigantic animal some 200 kil. south-west of that place, and other remains of a giant animal had been found by another brazilian expedition on the banks of the paranatinga river, some 400 or 500 kil. north-east of our position. we were encamped on the bank of the rio pedra grande--the stream of that name which we had passed that day being merely a tributary. during the night we had observed a double-ringed lunar halo. the moon was almost full. from the horizon directly under the moon were innumerable radiations, not converging toward the moon but, curiously enough, the first two at a tangent to the larger halo, the others at equal intervals on each side. at sunrise, before the rain-storm began, we were treated to wonderful cloud and light effects. the lower portion of the sky, of brilliant yellow and vivid green, was surmounted by golden and red streaks of wonderful vividness. later, over the great natural gateways, the sky formed itself into concentric arches of blazing yellow and red, rendered intensely luminous by contrast with the heavy black clouds which were fast collecting overhead. no sooner was the sun well above the horizon than we came in for a heavy downpour. [illustration: fossil skull of a giant animal discovered by author. (side view.)] [illustration: fossil skull of giant animal. (seen from underneath.)] the temperature had been higher (minimum 60° fahr.) than usual during the night, and heavy. the elevation of our camp was 2,030 ft. above the sea level. chapter xxiv a swampy valley--impressive scenery--"church rock"--escaping before a forest fire--the rio manso--difficulties of marching across virgin country--beautiful rapids on leaving camp (june 15th) i noticed that the hills on which i had found the fossils formed a semicircle to the west. rising quickly to an elevation of 2,070 ft., we were in sight of two great table-lands which stood to the west. in crossing the river i found a number of other fossils, among which was one that appeared to be the petrified foot of an animal of enormous proportions. we soon crossed the little stream lazinha, which flowed into the pedra grande. as we travelled over two ridges (altitude 2,100 ft. and 2,130 ft.) separating deep basins, and the weather cleared a little, the view before us of the entire line of natural gateways, with two additional pyramidal and prismatic peaks to the south, became more and more beautiful. there was a strong breeze blowing from the north-east. at an elevation of 2,150 ft. we found quantities of marble chips and blocks and great masses of ferruginous, froth-like rock. as we went along we obtained an imposing view to the north of an immense plateau in three terraces, the lower one appearing like the sea--it was so blue--with the brilliant red upper portion rising out of it like a great island. the foreground of dark green, in great undulations, stood out in contrast to the light green of the slopes of the plateau on the top of which we were marching. central brazil was certainly a country of flat sky-lines--so flat that often when the distance became of a pure cobalt blue one had the impression of overlooking an immense ocean, to which the green undulations in sweeping lines in the nearer foreground added the impression of great waves. it was indeed difficult to realize the stupendous magnitude of the scenes we constantly had before us. that day, for instance, the plateau to the north of us stretched across towards the east for 70° of the compass from bearings magnetic 320° (n.n.w.) to 30° (n.n.e.). above the plateau was a strange effect of clouds--a succession of arrow-shaped, nebulous masses. we still came upon basins of grey ashes--_cuvettes_--but in that region these were deeper than those we had observed so far, had luxuriant grass, and in the moist centre the invariable line of _burity_ palm and heavily foliaged trees. travelling on a northerly course, and then to the north-west, we descended, after having marched 20 kil., into a basin (elev. 1,950 ft.) where a thick and wide deposit of fine white sand and minute crystals covered the deeper part of the depression. then, farther on, the sand was replaced by the usual deposits of grey ashes which filled the remainder of the basin. a streamlet which had its birth in the centre of the basin flowed north into the rio manso, along one of the many cracks which were to be seen in that region and in the depressions we had previously crossed. we came upon a mighty flow of red and black lava with a somewhat frothy surface. it was in superposed layers from one to six inches deep, with an inclination to the east of 15°. the flow itself had a direction from west to east. as we were marching by compass, with no trail whatever, we found ourselves entangled in a swampy valley with tall reeds, from which we had some difficulty in extricating ourselves. we eventually had to retrace our steps for six kilometres in order to find an easier way for our animals. after an examination of the country with my telescope from a high spot, i decided to go westward across a flat swampy plain of ashes, sand and water--most troublesome for the mules and horses. they sank deep into the soft ground and frequently rolled over, damaging saddles and baggage. one or two of my men had involuntary baths when the animals' knees gave way under them. as soon as we had emerged from that wearisome marsh the animals and men were so tired--although we had only gone 22 kil. from our last camp, without counting the deviation (28 kil. with deviation)--that i had to encamp on the bank of the streamlet fasciná, coming from the west. there we had the laborious task of spreading to dry all the articles that had got wet--including my bedding, tent, and a quantity of my clothing, which was not packed like all the rest in airand water-tight cases. the stream fasciná flowed into the rio furnas and eventually into the rio manso to the north--the latter a tributary of the cuyabá river. that region had been rich in mangabeira (the _hancornia speciosa_ m.)--a wild lactiferous plant of much value, producing a fruit called the _mangaba_. june 16th. minimum temperature 54° fahr.; elevation 1,940 ft. on leaving camp, after a good deal of trouble in recovering our animals in the morning, as they had strayed in all directions, we found ourselves travelling along the edge of a large grassy basin (elev. 2,000 ft.) extending from south-east to north-west, with a wonderful growth of _burity_ palms; then upon a second basin (elev. 2,100 ft.) with deep deposits of ashes. we climbed higher, to 2,150 ft., where we found a third oval _cuvette_ with a surface layer of ashes--merely a continuation of the preceding _cuvette_. we here resumed our northerly course, going through what the brazilians call _chapada_, or high land scantily wooded. to the south-west we had a high plateau with round natural towers of red rock, resembling the walls of a fortress. those red cylindrical towers stood all along the summit of the range--with immense square blocks of grey rock above them in horizontal strata. in the centre of that long range could be perceived a double-tiered crater and several grottoes. in its northern section the range was vertical, with red and yellow rocky walls over 300 ft. high. on the summit of that rocky stratum were other strata with a dip to the south. half way up could be observed a red ledge about 10 ft. thick (also with a dip to the south) all along the entire length of the range. colossal blocks and flows of lava were to be seen 300 yards east of this range. in one place was an immense natural arch--like the work of a skilful mason. at the northern end of the range stood a castle--the work of nature--with three square towers, and between them numerous monoliths or pillars standing on walls of columnar formation. evidently there was a crater in that northern part, the castle-like structure being merely formed by many superposed layers of yellow lava. near the throat of the crater the lava was hard baked and of a bluish red colour. in the lower section the strata were each 6 ft. thick, under a smooth band, absolutely horizontal, 100 ft. in thickness. there were then two top layers, each 20 ft. thick, and four more layers each 4 ft. thick, and slightly wavy. the last ones were somewhat shattered, and displayed large blocks moved out of position--apparently by a volcanic explosion. in going round the northern corner of the range more similar buttresses, like towers, were disclosed--i could count as many as eight--projecting out of the immense vertical block of rock. those buttresses were of brown and bright yellow rock. the range had a general direction from south-east to north-west. great deposits of white sand and ashes were noticeable on the surface. in cuts and in the bed of a streamlet were strata of consolidated ashes in distinct layers one inch thick. the foot of the gigantic rocky mass was at an elevation of 1,700 ft. we were on a slanting plane forming a conical basin in continuation of the crater. to the north, where the basin opened, was a great stretch of cobalt blue in the distance, which looked just like a glimpse of the ocean. but it was not; it was the far-away plateau we had seen for some days. we were now entering a region of the most impressive and weird scenery i had ever seen, except, indeed, in the himalaya mountains. directly in front of us towered the morro plumão, a most striking giant block of rock several hundred feet high, standing quite alone, and resembling a church surmounting a mediæval castle--not unlike st. michael's mount, only with land around instead of water. even quite close to it the illusion was perfect. this wonderful natural structure of dark red rock was in perfectly horizontal strata, each 10 ft. thick, separated and clearly defined by whitish lines, which aided to give the illusion of a wonderful work of masonry. "church-rock," as i called it--or "spray-rock" (_plumão_), as my men named it--stood majestically in solitary grandeur in the middle of a great subsidence of the soil. that great subsidence was in turn bordered by immense vertical cliffs of the same rock of which "church-rock" was formed. indeed, it was clear that the soil had given way, leaving only that great rock standing. even my men--for the first time since they had been with me--were deeply impressed by that wonderful spectacle; so much so that they all took off their hats, as brazilians always do in passing churches. we traversed the great depression, which gave us irrefutable evidence of what had taken place in that zone. the great rocky, plateau-like mountain to our left had split and fallen over on the north side, describing an arc of a circle of 90°. in fact, as we went along, in places where the rock under foot was exposed, we were treading over laminated rock, the stratification of which was vertical, and corresponded exactly to that of the upstanding wall where the stratification was horizontal. behind "church-rock" to the north-west was a massive plateau, beyond which stretched an immense undulating depression with two outstretching spurs from south-west to north-east upon it. "church-rock" was 26 kil. from our last camp. on the north side of "church-rock," close to the conical hill upon which the giant quadrangle of rock rested, was a hump formed by huge blocks, the top one--a colossal one--just balanced, as if it might tumble over at any moment. then on the side could be seen a lava-flow and huge masses of lava which had been shot up with great force and curled over, retaining the frothy appearance of its former state of ebullition. strangely enough, even when seen from the side and from behind (n.n.w. view), "church-rock" retained all the semblance of a castle and church perched up on that high pinnacle. from the n.n.w., besides the castellated towers which surmounted all, there appeared a perfect representation of a gabled roof over the body of the church, as well as the flying buttresses of the walls. behind was a great cylindrical annexe with a semi-spherical superstructure, such as is often to be seen behind roman catholic churches. the illusion was really wonderful. owing to the pools of water not far from "church-rock" we called that spot _caponga de la lagõa_. a few hundred yards beyond "church-rock" we came upon another extraordinary sight: a quadrangular rocky castle--a perfect cube of rock--which stood at a considerable elevation upon a conical base, some distance off the wall-like sides of the plateau. strangely enough, a thin wall of rock, only a few feet thick, quite vertical, of great height and of great length, joined this quadrangular castle to the plateau. that wall had evidently remained standing when the plateau had subsided. the larger plateau along the foot of which we travelled ended in two great domes, one at each angle of its eastern terminus wall. the eastern part of that plateau was flat-topped, whereas the central portion rose into a double pyramid and looked not unlike a giant tent with a porch attachment. it was of a bright yellow colour--apparently sandstone and ashes. the work of erosion had been greater on the eastern face--owing, i think, to the prevalent wind on that side. on looking back upon the great range of rock which ended abruptly near "church-rock" (which, as we have seen, once formed part of it), a great semicircular cavity was disclosed on its western face. the summit of the wall around the cavity rested on an inclined plane, which in its turn rested above a vertical concave wall. the latter wall of rock had conical buttresses at the terminal points. west-north-west of the great wall was an immense depression. only a conical hill rose above its last undulations. the upper edge of that depression was at an altitude of 1,550 ft. above the sea level, whereas the top of "church-rock" was fully a thousand feet higher--viz. 2,550 ft. [illustration: a grand rock. "church rock."] [illustration: church rock. (side view.)] at the terminus of the first section of the cliff range, interrupted by a great fissure from the second section, another structure in course of formation not unlike "church-rock" could be observed. it had a quadrangular tower surmounting it. there was in the second section of the range a regular quadrangle of rock, with a high tower upon a conical hill, and another castle-like structure surmounting a conical base. the two were most impressive as they stood in their sombre red against the brilliantly blue sky. next to the second section of the range, to the north, was a high mountain of two twin-pointed peaks, shaped like a badly-pitched tent. then came another plateau, much eroded on its south side. beyond was an immense black plateau on three successive tiers--and this one, unlike the others of which it was merely a continuation, had sloping instead of vertical sides. we had a nasty experience that day, which for the moment made us forget the beauty of that wonderful scenery. we were going through high scrub and stunted trees and tall grass, much dried by the intense heat--quite suffocating in the basin with the refraction from the huge rocks. a strong breeze sprang up, and we were delighted--when we saw, fast approaching, a dense black and white cloud rolling, as it were, along the ground. as it got nearer there were such loud crackling and explosions that it seemed like the volleys of musketry in a battle. my horses and mules pricked up their ears, lifting their heads high--sniffing, neighing, and braying. they became restless. before we had time to realize what was the matter, we saw tongues of flames shoot out from the earth. within a few seconds, with the wind which was blowing high, we found ourselves with a barrier of fire close upon us behind and fast gaining upon us. the trees seemed to flare up in a moment like matches or fireworks. a wave of terrific heat took our breath away. we were almost suffocated. there was only one way of escape--in front of us. for to the left we had the impassable barrier of rock; to the right the flames had already gained on us in a semicircle like a claw of fire. we stirred on our animals, lashing them. my men, with their heads wrapped to prevent suffocation from the stifling smoke, were in a great state of excitement. they were about to abandon the animals in order to save their own lives; but alcides, filippe, and i kept the rear, endeavouring to save men, baggage, and animals. the flames gained on us very quickly. they occasionally almost licked our animals. the mules and horses, now fully enveloped in dense, choking smoke, began to stampede, and soon all the animals were galloping away, sniffing, neighing and braying frantically. in their disorderly flight they crashed against trees and tore off branches; stumbled over rocks and rolled over themselves; struggling up on their feet only to resume their mad race for life. for some little time it was all we could do to keep a few yards in front of the flames, the heat of which was roasting our backs and necks. at last, in a desperate effort, we managed to get slightly ahead, and when we descended--some of the animals rolled down--into a deep depression, we found ourselves clear of the smoke. the wind was unfortunately blowing the way we were travelling, but in that depression we were sheltered, and the fire would not travel so fast. our eyes were smarting terribly and we were coughing violently, our parched throats and lungs, filled with the pungent smoke, giving us a feeling of nausea. when we had reached a point of comparative safety we had to readjust all the loads on the pack-saddles, which had almost come undone. it was a wonder to me that in the precipitous flight we had lost nothing. we had unavoidably deviated several kilometres from our course, as the animals were beyond guiding under those circumstances. eventually, after a considerable detour in order to avoid the flames, we went over several undulations--especially a peninsula-like spine of rock rising over a great depression, then between two twin mountains. we emerged on the bank of the rio manso, flowing northward on a pebbly bed. we crossed it where it was one hundred metres wide, but only 2 to 3 ft. deep. there was a thick growth of vegetation--a belt some hundred yards wide--on both banks of the river. the rio manso was there at an altitude above the sea level of 1,150 ft. i took observations for longitude, and latitude by double altitudes at that place. (lat. 13° 53' s; long. 55° 13' w.) i had to halt there one day in order to give the animals a rest, after the long and reckless march of the previous day--a distance of 42 kil. the source of the rio manso was to the e.s.e. some 120 kil. from the place where we crossed it. where we encamped it received a small streamlet, flowing over a bed of laminated igneous rock and several successive strata of slate, which in some places were in a vertical position, in others at an angle of 40°. i noticed this vertical foliation and these laminated strata all over the great depression we had crossed in order to reach the rio manso. the rio manso, which flowed into the cuyaba river, was not to be confounded with the rio manso forming the head-waters of the rio das mortes, which eventually threw itself into the river araguaya. owing to one of my animals having strayed away and the difficulty of finding it again in the tall grass and high vegetation, we were not able to leave camp until the afternoon of june 18th. soon after starting on the march we went through a marvellous arch of thick foliage, creepers, bamboos, and _akurí_ palms, previous to crossing a streamlet 9 metres wide and 1 ft. deep--flowing towards the west. we had no end of trouble near these streamlets, as they flowed between precipitous banks 50 to 70 ft. high. there was no trail. the animals frequently lost their footing over the slippery, steep slope, and rolled down, baggage and all, until they reached the bottom; or else they would sometimes stick half way down against trees and liane, and we had the greatest difficulty in extricating them again. [illustration: quadrangular rocky mountain connected by natural wall of rock with the vertical-sided range in background.] there was a low range extending from north to south along the left bank of the rio manso. from a hill 1,470 ft. high above the sea level on the right bank of the river we saw a plateau in four terraces--the third of the line of plateaux we had seen on our preceding march. upon getting higher we perceived to the south, beyond the four-terraced plateau, another plateau with vertical walls, and to the south-west a high double-humped dome--resembling mount vesuvius in italy. evidently one more of the innumerable extinct volcanoes to be seen in that region. the mountainous mass extended in a more confused form farther to the south-west. on our side of the rio manso the country was gently undulating--in fact, it formed many parallel ridges of low, well-rounded hills with occasional deep hollows or basins between. one could not help being particularly struck by the wonderful regularity and strong similarity of the curves on the parallel hill ranges, as if all had been turned out of the same mould. the hill-range we were on was 1,500 ft. above the sea level. the others--excepting one or two--were lower. there was an absolutely flat horizon line to the north, with no mountain range in sight. the country opening up before us was from that point almost entirely made up of campos, with _chapada_ or growths of trees principally near streams in the valleys. we crossed a watercourse 30 metres wide and 1 ft. deep at an elevation of 1,350 ft. we called it the palmeira, owing to the many palms upon its banks. here grew many great _caja_ or _cajazeiro_ trees (of the genus anacardiaceæ), the largest and tallest trees i had yet seen in brazil, and _garappa_ or _garabu_ (of the genus terebinthaceæ) trees--very interesting on account of their peculiar winged roots. they resembled the _nonoko_, which were characteristic of the polynesian islands and philippine archipelago, only the brazilian ones never attained proportions so large. with endless trouble we had gone 20 kil. we had come to streams, where again, owing to the precipitous descents on the slippery high banks, several mules fell over and rolled down into the stream. one mule, particularly, had become very nervous on approaching those places. foreseeing the punishment which would be meted out, its knees invariably began to tremble and give way, and it let itself roll down purposely, every time we came to those difficult passages. once down at the bottom, with baggage often immersed deep in water, we had the greatest difficulty in making the wretched animal get up again, and we frequently had to drag it bodily up the opposite slope by means of ropes. i have never seen an animal stand more beating than that brute did. although i am most kind to animals, i must say for my men that this particular mule often drove us all to absolute despair. dragging the dead weight of an animal up a steep slope, 40, 50, or even 70 ft. high--we were only seven men--was no joke at all. when you had to repeat the operation several times a day, it was somewhat trying. once the brute had been dragged up to the top it would quickly get up on its legs, and marched well while on fairly good ground. but in moments of danger it was one of the most pusillanimous animals i have ever possessed. i had given strict orders that in places of that kind the more timid animals were to be unloaded, and the loads conveyed across on men's backs. my orders were always disobeyed. the result generally was that not only did the men have to carry the loads eventually, but we had to carry the animals as well. endless time and energy were thus wasted. that is what happens to people who try to save themselves trouble. at sundown, after having witnessed a glorious view of the valley to the north, we descended rapidly amidst luxuriant vegetation of tall bamboos, _akurí_ palms, and festooned liane, until we reached the palmeira river, flowing from north to south. having crossed it, we continued for 3½ kil. through dense vegetation, and then recrossed it at a spot where it passed within enormous fissures in colossal masses of highly polished yellow lava. after solidification these masses of lava had been subjected to violent commotion, as their stratification was nearly in a vertical position. wherever possible i took observations for latitude and longitude, in order to ascertain my exact position; an 8-in. sextant, mercurial artificial horizon and chronometers being used for the purpose. it is not easy to describe the torture i had to go through when taking those tedious astronomical observations. the glass roof of the artificial horizon had unfortunately got broken. i had to use a great deal of ingenuity in order to screen the mercury from the wind so as to obtain a well-defined reflection. no sooner was i getting a perfect contact of the sun's image and its reflection than some huge fly or other insect would begin to promenade on the mercury, disturbing its surface. butterflies were even more troublesome, as they left upon the mercury--by the luminosity of which they were greatly attracted--sediments of multi-coloured powder and down from their wings and bodies. the mercury had to be carefully re-filtered before work could proceed. then, what was worse, when both your hands were occupied--one holding the sextant, the other gently screwing the vernier--hundreds of mosquitoes, taking advantage of your helpless condition, buzzed round and settled on your nose, ears, neck, eyelids and forehead, stinging you for all they were worth. swarms of bees--a dwarf kind, with body in yellow and black stripes; fortunately these did not sting--also placidly roamed upon every available patch of skin with a provoking tickling. a great number of them settled along the edges of the eyelids, attracted by the sheen of the retina of the eye, into which they gazed with great interest. others, more inquisitive, would explore the inside of your ears; while millions--actually millions--of _pium_, the tiny gnats--more impertinent than all the others taken together--dashed with great force up your nose, into your eyes, into your mouth, and far into your ears, and were most troublesome to remove. your ankles and knees and wherever the skin was soft were itching terribly with _carrapatinhos_, and before you got through with your work you were also swarming all over with ants of all sizes--careering all over your body and inflicting painful bites whenever you placed your hand upon your clothes to arrest their progress. when you had endured the torture long enough, and had managed to take a satisfactory solar observation, you generally had to remove all your clothes in order to get rid of the unpleasant parasites--and you then had a good hour's hard work cut out for you. [illustration: quadrangular rocky mountain showing rocky wall connecting it with the neighbouring range.] [illustration: author's caravan in the heart of matto grosso.] we continued our march northward, the temperature in the sun being 105° fahr. the minimum temperature had been 60° fahr. during the night of june 17th, and 64° on june 18th. we crossed the piraputanga river, flowing into the rio manso, and then passed over a magnificent flow of yellow, red and black lava, the cambayuvah river, a tributary of the palmeira. the cambayuvah flowed through a great volcanic crack 75 ft. high, the sides of the crack showing much-fissured strata in a vertical position. a smaller streamlet entered the cambayuvah where we crossed it. wonderfully beautiful, indeed, were the rapids among brilliantly coloured red and yellow rocks, the water winding its way among high upstanding pillars and sharp blades of laminated rock. a beautiful waterfall tumbled over with a great noise into a pool, scooped out of an immense block of such hardened rock that even the force of that violent stream seemed to have had but little erosive effect upon it. the edges of it were as sharp as possible, instead of being worn smooth and rounded by the constant rapid flow of water. the rock had been hard baked, and was of a shiny black colour, almost as shiny as crystal. at the bottom of those picturesque rapids was a circular volcanic vent, the periphery of which had been blackened by the action of fire. the cambayuvah followed a general course of south-east to north-west. we camped near that enchanting spot--most picturesque, but terrible for my animals, as the grazing was poor. my mules, when let free at the end of the march, stood helpless around the camp, looking reproachfully at us, and making no effort to go far afield in order to get something to eat. the poor things were quite exhausted. i saw well that they could not last much longer. my men were constantly worrying me, and saying that we were going to sure perdition. they had become painfully home-sick, and had they not been dead-tired too--more so, perhaps, than the mules and horses--i should have expected great trouble from them. as it was, to lead on those men with persuasion and kindness was an exhausting mental effort for me. once or twice the suggestion was made that if i did not agree to go back the way we had come i might perhaps get killed and they would return alone. when i enquired whether any of them could find their way back alone, they said "no"; so i suggested that perhaps it would be to their advantage to let me live. i might eventually see them out of that difficulty. in all my travels i have seldom come across men more helpless at finding their way about, or realizing in which direction they had travelled. barring alcides, none of them had any more idea whether we had travelled south, north, east, or west of goyaz, than the man in the moon. naturally i did not exert myself to enlighten them unduly, for there lay my great and only hold over them. i had fully realized that i was travelling with an itinerant lunatic asylum, and i treated my men accordingly. no matter what they did or said, i always managed to have things my own way. never by violence, or by a persuasive flow of language--the means used by the average mortal. no, indeed; but by mere gentleness and kindness; very often by absolute silence. few people realize the force of silence on momentous occasions; but of course few people know how to remain silently silent--if i may so express it--in moments when their life is seriously at stake. silence is indeed the greatest force a man can use, if he knows how to use it. it is certainly invaluable in exploring, when naturally one is not always thrown into contact with the best of people. the animals strayed away during the night, and it took all the best part of four hours to recover them in the morning. instinct is a wonderful thing. they had all travelled to a place where, over undulating country, fairly open campos, slightly wooded with stunted trees, were to be found, and where they could obtain something to eat. when we crossed those campos after our departure from camp, foliated rock showed through the surface soil in many spots, in strata either displaced and left vertical--in many cases at an angle of 38°--or in its original horizontal plane. elsewhere dips in all kinds of directions showed that there must have been a good deal of commotion in that region when that part of the country subsided and formed the basin we were then crossing. the typical feature of all those undulations was their arched backs. we were at a low elevation--only 1,300 ft. above the sea level. we were travelling over immense quantities of marble pebbles and volcanic débris. we there made the acquaintance of the _gramadin_, a plant with curved spikes, which seldom attained a height of more than one inch above the ground. it was terribly poisonous if touched. we went over three successive ridges (elev. 1,300 ft.). on the summit of each ridge we found a profusion of marble débris and even large blocks immaculately white or else yellow--probably rendered of the latter colour by contact with iron, plentiful in that region. on the summit of the sixth ridge (elev. 1,330 ft.), that day, we came upon large sheets of foliated rock--again almost absolutely vertical in its stratification--and great masses of thin slate plates or foliations extending from east to west. farther on, from a high point, 1,450 ft. above the sea level, we could gaze once more upon a gorgeous panoramic view of the marvellous scenery we had left behind--the great plateaux of rock as red as fire, and "church-rock" looming high against the sky. we kept on rising upon various undulations--that day's march was one of continuous ascents and descents. at 1,600 ft. we found more masses of vertically foliated slate, ashes consolidated into easily-friable sheets, and large quantities of beautiful marble. to the north and north-east we had delightful scenery, the _pao d'arco_ trees in full bloom, of a reddish-purple colour, adding greatly to the vivid colour-scheme of that view, with its cobalt blue of the distant mountains and the veronese green of the campos in the foreground. nearly all the ridges we had crossed which extended from north-east to south-west were well rounded--fairly well padded with sediments of earth, sand and ashes. [illustration: a giant dome of lava.] [illustration: campos and chapada of matto grosso.] we descended to 1,300 ft. (above the sea level) through thin forest, in a valley where bamboo was abundant as well as _gamelleira_ trees with their winged roots of great size. the _gamelleira_ was somewhat larger than the _garappa_ or _garabu_. we found in that valley a beautiful grove of _akurí_ palms, the palms being 10 to 15 ft. high. in going through--cutting our way with _falcons_--long heavy-bladed knives specially made for cutting through forests--we were much worried by spiders' webs of great size, from which we had trouble in extricating our heads and hands as we went along. there were thousands of those webs at the entrance of the forest, and we dragged them all along on our passage. with their viscous properties they clung to us, and we could only shake them off with difficulty. most interesting of all was the _cepa d'agua_--a powerful liana, four inches in diameter, festooned from the highest branches of trees, and which when cut ejected most delicious cool water. then there was a tree called by the brazilians "_mulher pobre_," or "poor woman's tree"--do you know why?--because from its juice it was possible to make soap, which saved the expense of buying it. there was a roundabout way of reasoning for you. eighteen kilometres from our last camp we came to a rapid streamlet of the most limpid water, the rio mazagan (elev. 1,300 ft. above the sea level), four metres wide and four inches deep. when we drank it it nearly made us ill, so foul was its taste of sulphur and lead. the treacherous stream flowed into the cuyabá river. there were many _tamburi_ trees of great proportions, handsome trees with clean, healthy white bark and minute leaves--at the summit of the tree only. in the forest, although the taller trees were generally far apart, none of them had branches or leaves lower than 30 to 40 ft. from the ground. the _angico_ or _angicu_ (_piptadenia rigida_ benth.), which was quite plentiful, was also a good-looking tree of appreciable height and circumference. upon emerging from the beautiful forest, quite clear underneath with only a few ferns, we crossed great campos--"_campina grande_," as my brazilians called them. skirting the forest in a northerly direction, we went over a low hill range with delightful clear campos and patches of forest. we crossed another streamlet of foul-tasting water--with a strong flavour apparently of lead. in the great undulating valley we left behind--as we now altered our course slightly to the north-west--was prominent a double-humped hill which rose higher than any other except in the north-west portion of the landscape. there a high chain of hills could be seen. when we crossed over the second ridge (elev. 1,400 ft.), strewn with yellow lava pellets, at the end of extensive campos we obtained an imposing view to the north. an elevated flat-topped table-land of great magnitude rose in front of us--a perfectly straight line against the sky, but terminating abruptly with three gigantic steps, with a subsidiary one upon the second step, at its western end. this plateau stood out, a brilliant mass of cobalt blue with great projecting spurs, like a half-section of a cone surmounted by a semi-cylindrical tower along the southern wall of the plateau. then a strange hill mass of four distinct composite domed heights with minor peaks stood between the plateau and us--and extended, like most of the other ranges, from south-east to north-west. chapter xxv the blue mountains--the cuyabá river--inaccurate maps--a rebellion in camp--infamy of author's followers--the lagõa dos veados and the seven lakes--falling back on diamantino--another mutiny--slavery--descending from the tableland we had gone 96 kil. in four days' marching since leaving the rio manso. we were only a few kilometres from the serra azul, or blue mountains--truly mountains of the most vivid and purest cobalt blue i had ever seen--quite a wonderful spectacle. we made our camp in a prairie with good grazing for our animals. although we were at a comparatively low elevation--1,150 ft. above the sea level--the minimum temperature of the atmosphere was 56° fahr. during the night. on leaving camp--still proceeding north--we descended to 1,100 ft. into a lovely stretch of magnificent grass with a lagoon. the level of the water was low, as we were then at the end of the dry season. on the flat grassy land were curious semi-spherical mounds, 4 to 6 metres in diameter and from 2 to 6 ft. high. on each of these mounds were a few stunted trees. no trees whatever existed except upon these small mounds, the explanation being, i think, that the mounds had formed around the trees while these were growing, and not that the trees had grown upon the mounds. as we were getting nearer, the serra azul to the north was most impressive. i think that it was partly due to the bluish foliage of the vegetation upon it that the range, even close by, appeared of so vivid a blue, and also to the deep blue shadows cast by the spurs which projected, some to the south-east, others due south--that is, it will be understood, on the southern face of the range. thick deposits of cinders lay in the valley. on approaching an intermediate and lower range we cut our way through scrub--chiefly of _sciadera_ trees, seldom growing to a greater height than 7 ft. the domed hills showed through the grass great blocks of volcanic rock, while at the foot of the hills could be noticed huge boulders of consolidated ashes with veins of crystals and marble. there, too, the stratification was vertical. there was lamination in some of the rock, but not in the granite blocks nor in the blocks of marble, which appeared to have been subjected to enormous heat. some of the rock had been in a state of absolute ebullition. [illustration: marvellous scenery of the central brazilian plateau.] [illustration: "church rock" standing in the centre.] at the spot where we crossed the range--starting our ascent from an elevation of 1,100 ft.--were immense holes, vents and cracks in the earth's crust. as we rose slightly higher among many chains of low hills, we were upon a horizontal stratum of laminated granite. higher still we passed a semicircular hill composed of immense blocks of granite. in the centre of the semicircle was a great round hole, 30 ft. in diameter--an extinct crater. farther on, ascending upon an inclined plane, we came to another similar semicircle--not of rock that time, but of red earth and cinders. when we reached the highest point (elev. 1,270 ft.) of the divide we had to our left huge pinnacles and pillars of rock of the most fantastic shapes, monoliths from 10 to 15 ft. high, and rocks hollowed by the action of fire. big boulders, which had become perfectly rounded by having been shot through the air and revolved at a great speed while in a half-solid condition, were to be seen scattered all over the inclined planes of the saddle of the divide. giant cacti grew in abundance in the interstices between rocks. although most of the rocks were blackened outside, by chipping off the outer surface one found that they contained inside beautiful white marble or else greyish granite. the latter was striated with thin layers--not more than a quarter or half an inch thick--of crystallized matter, forming veins in the blocks or dividing two strata. everywhere could be noticed remarkable perforations of all sizes in the rocks, great spherical or ovoid hollows, or cylindrical tubular channels. in the ground were many volcanic vents with lips baked by fire. on our right, a kilometre or so farther on, after having gone through an extensive stretch of red sand and lapilli, we came across three hills, the central one of which had the appearance of a cylindrical tower of masonry with windows and doors. it was a wonderful freak of nature. under this huge tower were several caves and grottoes. descending upon the opposite side of the range, at an elevation of 1,200 ft. we found the dry bed of a streamlet, which flowed in a northerly direction when it did flow at all. on emerging from the wide hill mass--about 18 kil. across--we found ourselves among a lot of _burity_ palms on the western spur of the serra azul. when we were actually upon them, the blue mountains lost their blue appearance and were more of a greyish green, owing to the vegetation which covered most of their slopes. the range was formed of three distinct terraces, the lower one being of greater height than the two upper ones. a number of low hill ranges starting from the main range branched off like spurs towards the south. the uppermost terrace of the main range was supported on a high vertical wall of red rock. on meeting the rio coralzinho we skirted it for some distance through the forest, then marched among a great many domes, small and large; after which we crossed a wonderful field of huge monoliths, superposed boulders, and rocks of all kinds of fantastic shapes. we had marched 30 kil. that day. we encamped on the river piraputangas--a tributary on the left side of the cuyabá grande river--the cuyabá grande being in its turn a tributary on the right of the cuyabá river. the cuyabá river described almost an arc of a circle--in fact, quite a semicircle--its birth taking place in the serra azul. where we crossed it we were only a short distance to the west from its point of origin. where we had made our camp we were in a large grassy plain about six kilometres long and nearly two kilometres wide. the rainy season was fast approaching. we came in for a regular downpour during the night, accompanied by high wind, which knocked down all our tents, as the pegs would not hold in the soft, moist ground. we had a busy time endeavouring to protect the baggage. we all were absolutely soaked. the minimum temperature was 52° fahr. in the morning, after the wind had abated and the rain had stopped, we were enveloped in thick fog. we had descended to so low an altitude as 750 ft. above the sea level on the north side of the serra azul--the lowest elevation we had been at for some considerable time. we had descended altogether from the highest part of the great central brazilian plateau. from that point all the waters would be flowing to the north-east or north. we were, in fact, within a stone's throw--to be more accurate, within the radius of a few kilometres--of the birthplace of the rio novo, the head-waters of the river arinos, of the rio verde (green river), and of the several sources of the rio s. manoel or das tres barras, or paranatinga; and not distant from the sources of the great xingu river. the serra azul, extending from west to east, was interesting geographically, not only because it marked the northern terminus of the highest terrace of the great central plateau, but also because from it or near it rose two of the greatest rivers of central brazil--the xingu and the arinos (tapajoz), the latter the most central and important river of brazil, crossing the entire republic from south to north, as far as the amazon. on june 21st we crossed the piraputangas (elev. 750 ft. above the sea level), where, owing to the steep banks, we had much difficulty in taking mules and baggage to the opposite side. we then proceeded across another large plain, skirting the spurs of the serra azul. nine kilometres from camp we came to a stream 80 metres wide, which flowed from north-east to south-west. it had an average depth of 1½ ft. it was, i think, the cuyabá grande. it was not easy to identify those rivers, as the existing maps of that country were absolutely worthless, most of them being filled in with fancy mountains and rivers, which either did not exist at all or were sometimes hundreds of kilometres out of their position. there were frequently mistakes of two, three, and more degrees in the latitudes and longitudes even of important places. as for the tributary rivers, of which merely the mouths were known and named, they had supplied good material for the imagination of more or less artistic cartographers in order to fill in the rest of their course. even the german map and the american maps of the international bureau of american republics, which were the two best, were extremely inaccurate in their representation of that region. for instance, the latter map--and nearly all the other maps--placed the serra azul some 180 or 200 kil. south of its actual position. the german map was some 70 kil. out. the serra azul could be seen from a great distance, and had been marked approximately and not by actual observations on the spot. nor, of course, had the tributaries of the cuyabá been explored or even seen except at their mouths; hence their imaginary courses. [illustration: a street of diamantino.] [illustration: the dogs of the expedition.] considering how the maps of those regions had been got together, it was really wonderful that, with all their blunders, they gave as much information as they did. unhappy, nevertheless, would be the poor traveller who relied on those maps in making a journey across the country. for instance, if you expected to come upon a certain river in one day and did not get there until after ten or fifteen days' hard marching; if you expected to find a mountain range--nearly as high as the himalayas or at least as high as the andes, according to the deep shading on the maps--and found instead an interminable flat plain; and if you saw on your map rivers marked navigable, and found rapids instead, in comparison with which the terrible ones of niagara are mere child's play, you would certainly become rather sceptical of prettily-drawn maps. on most of the maps of brazil one saw marked to the east of the araguaya, in the goyaz province, an immense range with no less a name than cordilheira geral la serra do estrondo--or "general range of the mountains of noise." they were marked as the most prominent range in brazil--quite as high as the andes of peru, bolivia, and chili; whereas, as a matter of fact, i was told on good authority that they were mere low hills, where there were any hills at all. to come to great geographical mistakes which came under my direct observation, i found a very palpable one in the head-waters of the cuyabá river, which had their source to the north of the serra azul and not to the south, as marked on many maps, including the brazilian official maps. we had to our left the serra das pedra--"range of rocks"--an extraordinarily rocky range, which was crossed almost at right angles by the chapadão das porcas. we marched through a wonderful growth of palmeiras, some of the palms being as much as 30 ft. high. _buritys_ were innumerable along a small stream--the rio estivado--flowing south-west into the cubayá river. there were great quantities of _mangabeira_ trees. we proceeded northward along a _chapada_--a capital brazilian name which denotes a locality that is neither a forest nor a prairie. the _chapada_ had scanty trees and scrub, but not enough to make it into a forest. we were marching over low hills with surface deposits of sand and cinders. we gradually reached an elevation of 1,050 ft. some 18 kil. from camp, and shortly after--and only 50 ft. lower--entered a refreshing grove of giant _palmeiras_ and _buritys_ along the rio das porcas, flowing westward. there, north of the stream, we went across more clean campos, 1,700 metres wide, bounded to the north by the thickly-wooded hill-range keboh, extending before us from east to west. we crossed this range in the centre, during a strong gale from the south-west. the wind cleared the sky, that had been overcast and had made the atmosphere heavy. again that afternoon, when the wind ceased, i noticed the peculiar striations in the sky--not in straight lines that time, but in great and most regular curves converging to the west. the valley got narrower as we went along. two twin conical hills ended the northern extremity of the range (south-east to north-west) which we had on our left--a great mass of granite blocks in the centre of the plain rising higher and higher into regular domes. the plain itself, on an incline, showed two swellings of great magnitude, the one to our right about 120 ft. higher than the plain, the elevation of which was 1,000 ft. on the west side of those two swellings was a confused mass of huge blocks of granite--of all sizes and shapes--which to all appearances had been shot up from underneath by some internal force. they were outwardly much blackened by the action of fire, but internally were of a grey tint. a little farther we were encircled by basaltic columns of great height, many of them fractured, forming a fantastic sky-line. some resembled the spires of a cathedral; groups of others had the appearance of the ruins of an ancient fortress; others stood up like giant obelisks; while accumulations of others formed more or less regular pyramids. after leaving that strange basin, we were once more travelling across patches of clean _chapada_ and dirty _chapada_--according to the soil and quantity of moisture; then over arid campos spreading for 15 kil. without one single drop of water. at sundown, after having gone over several undulations varying from 850 to 900 ft. above the sea level, we went over a hill slightly higher--950 ft.--with a summit of ashes, red earth, and yellow lava pellets, as well as great sheets of foliated lava. under a most wonderful effect of light to the west--three superposed horizontal bands of luminous yellow, violet and brilliant vermilion, over the deep cobalt mountain range in the distance--we arrived, my men being thirsty and tired, at a little rivulet. we had marched 42 kil. that day. my men felt the cold intensely during the night--the minimum temperature was 48° fahr., with a high, cutting wind. yet we were at a low elevation, merely 750 ft. above the sea level. there were, as usual, moans and groans all night, more toothache and rheumatic pains and bones aching in the morning. the discontent among my men had reached a trying point. they worried me continuously to such an extent--indeed, as never in my life i had been worried before--that i was within an ace of breaking my vow of never losing my patience and calm. in my long experience of exploring i have always had to deal with the most troublesome types of men imaginable, but never with any quite so unpleasant as those i had in brazil. when, the next morning, i ordered them to pack the animals in order to proceed on our journey, there was an unpleasant scene approaching mutiny. they knocked things about and refused to go on. then they sat, rifles in hand, a little way off, grumbling and grunting, with vicious expressions upon their faces. they were going to do wonderful things--they were indeed! i overheard them. one man came forward--the spokesman. the men claimed their money up to date since the last payment made to them--only a fortnight before. they all wished to go. "certainly," was my immediate reply. without a moment's hesitation they were each handed over their full pay, and without giving the slightest attention to them, alcides, who had remained faithful, and i--poor filippe had been dragged against himself into the plot--collected all the animals and packed them. without one look or word--as if they had not existed--i started off the troop of animals and got on my saddle to depart last. with the corner of my eye i kept a watch on them--as with men of that kind the chief danger was when you had your back turned. i had gone only a few yards when i heard some one sobbing behind my mule. as i turned round, the two outstretched hands of filippe were handing me back the sum of money i had paid a few moments before. he was begging me to keep it safely for him. then two more hands urged me to take back for safe keeping the wages they had just received. the faces of the owners of those hands were too comic for words: the cheeks shining with abundant tears that streamed down, the eyes red and swollen, the mouths stretched in nervous strain from ear to ear. behind came two more men, looking as mournful as if they were being led to execution. they all begged to be re-employed. i let them follow--on foot--for several kilometres without saying a word--struggling through the heavy marching painfully and wading across chest-deep in the streams. we crossed the riberão chabo or guebo, 25 metres wide and 3 ft. deep, at an elevation of 730 ft., then shortly after we waded through another stream flowing south, with a zone of wonderful _palmeiras_ along its banks. we then emerged into a magnificent plain with a barrier of low hills to the north-west. six kilometres farther we waded across the planchão stream, 5 metres wide and 6 in. deep. marching on horseback was delightful, the maximum temperature being only 74° fahr. in the shade. another stream, flowing from north to south, the planchãonzinho, whose foul water was quite disgusting to drink, although beautifully limpid, was then negotiated. i was delighted at meeting with so many streams, for there was nothing my men hated more than to get into the water. they felt very sorry for themselves, to be struggling along as best they could, following the animals like humble sheep instead of being comfortably mounted on quadrupeds. we travelled a considerable distance through campos, but owing to some baggage which had been lost we eventually had to retrace our steps as far as the planchãonzinho river, on the banks of which we encamped. this was unfortunate, as the water had a sickening flavour and made even our coffee and tea taste like poison. misfortunes never come alone. in overhauling my baggage i discovered, to my dismay, that my men--in order to force me to go back the way we had come--had gradually thrown away most of the provisions, which should have lasted us some six to seven months longer. we had only sufficient food to last us a few days. the men confessed their misdeed. the country provided absolutely nothing to eat, and i had to face the problem of either dying of starvation or falling back on some place where we could purchase fresh provisions. it was out of the question--unless one wished to commit suicide and a quintuple murder--to endeavour to push on towards my goal, manaos on the amazon, some 1,600 kil. distant as the crow flies, or at least 4,000 to 5,000 kil. travelling, with possible deviations, without some of which it was not possible to travel. we could certainly not fall back on our point of departure, the terminus of the railway at araguary, 1,596 kil. distant; nor on goyaz, the last city we had seen, 1,116 kil. away--so that the only way to escape death was to fall back on the ancient settlement of diamantino, the farthest village in central brazil, a place once established by the first portuguese settlers of brazil while in search of diamonds. diamantino was practically in the very centre of the thicker part of south america, without counting patagonia. it was almost equidistant--roughly speaking, some 2,560 kil. as the crow flies--from pernambuco on the atlantic coast to the east, callao (lima) in peru on the pacific coast to the west, georgetown in british guyana to the north, and buenos ayres in the argentine republic. although so far in the interior and almost inaccessible from the north, east, and west, diamantino could be reached comparatively easily from the south, travelling by river up the parana, paraguay, and the cuyabá rivers, as far as rosario--thence by trail to diamantino. i had heard that the place was once flourishing, but had since become almost totally abandoned. i thought that perhaps i might be able to purchase sufficient provisions to get along; and--hope being one of my everlasting good qualities--i also dreamt that perhaps i might there get fresh men. it was indeed with a bleeding heart--when i had reached a point some 200 kil. north of the serra azul--that i had to alter my course, which had been practically due north, into a south-westerly direction, and endeavour to find diamantino. my men were delighted at the prospect of seeing human beings again. we had met no one for some weeks. we made terrific marches daily in order to reach that village before the food gave out altogether. the nights were cold--47° fahr. being the minimum at our camp on june 23rd. we crossed a small range of hills over a pass 930 ft. above the sea level, and found ourselves in a spacious _cuvette_ with the usual central line of _buritys_ and thick vegetation (elev. 900 ft.). soaring over our heads were a number of _gavião caboclo_ (_hetorospidias meridionalis_), a kind of falcon, rending the air with their unmusical shrieks. [illustration: matto-grosso girl, a mixture of portuguese, indian and negro blood.] [illustration: brazilian child, a mixture of portuguese and negro.] after leaving the _cuvette_ we began to ascend the estivado range, very steep and rocky. near the summit we struggled through a field of great igneous boulders, chiefly upright pillars of granite and white marble. upon the pass (elev. 1,400 ft.) was a circular depression some 300 metres in diameter, perfectly flat-bottomed and grassy. it was surrounded by cones from 80 to 100 ft. high. on the south-east side of the range--very steep--was abundant rock, whereas to the north-west side was a padding of brown earth on a gentle incline divided into terraces. here and there pointed noses of volcanic blocks, similar to those we had found on the opposite side of the range, showed through. we went across a depression where water dripping down the mountain-side had remained stagnant, rendering that spot almost impassable. the animals sank chest-deep into slush, crashing through the thick and much-entangled growth of live and fallen bamboos. more campos, fairly wide, were found beyond this, and great stretches of foliated slate and sandstone in strata turned over into a vertical position, and quantities of débris. then again we cut our way through a cool growth of bamboos, handsome _palmeiras_ and _akuri_ palms; after which we emerged into campos once more, rising gradually to an elevation of 1,550 ft. upon an undulating terrace of the second section of the estivado range. pulling and pushing the mules and horses over a lot of boulders and up a steep incline, we reached the highest point of the range on our route--1,800 ft. above the sea level. again the stratification of red and grey rock in layers from 6 ins. to 1 ft. thick, standing vertically, showed what a geological commotion there must have been in those regions. the summit of the range, extending from north to south, appeared like the teeth of a saw, so broken up was it into repeated undulations. on the west side of the range we found a gentle slope of clear campos with merely a few stunted trees upon them. before us to the west stood high the level sky-line of a table-land, showing perfectly straight parallel strata of rock extending all along its face, but slightly undulated near the summit of the range. otherwise its grassy slopes were quite undisturbed in their virgin smoothness. in the distance to the north of our course was a great lagoon--the lagõa dos veados, "lagoon of the deer"--a most important point in south america, for it was there that the great arinos (tapajoz) river rose. the lagoon--3 kil. long and less than 1 kil. wide--had no visible outlet, but some hundreds of metres away a spring came out of the earth, forming the rio preto (black river). the rio preto, soon joined by the rio novo which we had seen descending from the serra azul, formed the arinos river and could certainly be considered the head-waters of that immense tributary of the amazon. a short distance south of diamantino were the sete lagoas, or seven lakes--as a matter of fact, they numbered more than seven--circular pools only a few yards in diameter but extraordinarily deep, evidently of volcanic origin, and filled with water at a later time. around their edges a remarkably luxuriant growth of _buritys_ could be admired. a great valley extending south with a central ridge could be distinguished. on it was the meeting-place of the rio diamantino and the rio do ouro (river of gold), which, with the sete lagoas, formed another most important point of south america, for it was there that the great paraguay or parana river rose. it was thus interesting to note that within almost a stone's throw rose two of the most powerful rivers of south america--one flowing due north into the amazon, the other almost due south as far as buenos ayres and montevideo, where it entered the atlantic ocean. a great confusion is made on most maps between those lagoons and the actual birth-places of those important streams. the ancient jesuits and friars had a fair idea of geography. i have in my possession a remarkable work in italian published in rome in 1698 by father john joseph of s. teresa--a barefooted carmelite. it is entitled _the history of the wars in the kingdom of brazil between the crown of portugal and the republic of holland_. the book contains a number of extraordinary maps of brazil. those of the principal harbours give a splendid idea of the places represented. the coastline of the continent is indicated with fair accuracy. it is curious to note that the author of that book and the cartographer place the sources of the amazon and of the river plate in the same spot, as descending on opposite sides of a range extending from east to west--a range which does not exist, unless it was intended to represent the central brazilian plateau. "the river s. francisco," father john joseph goes on to state, "has also its birth in the spot where the amazon is born, but this is not sure." the cartographer, in fact, places the head-waters of that river close to the head-waters of the amazon, and makes them flow through a large lagoon in the heart of brazil--evidently the great "lagõa dos veados" or else the "sete lagoas" to which reference has previously been made in this chapter. "the rio grande (rio parana, paraguay), one of the most celebrated in brazil," proceeds the carmelite father, "is born already swollen by plentiful waters (_sic_) in the interior of terra firma! near its sources it forms a lagoon 20 leagues in circumference." all this is, of course, geographically wrong. the rio s. francisco has its birth far to the south-east in minas geraes, some hundreds of kilometres distant from that lagoon and several thousand from the real source of the amazon. also the friar must have mistaken--evidently from information received--the sources of the arinos for the sources of the amazon, which are really located some 15° of longitude west. it is nevertheless curious that so far back as 1698 the existence of the lagoon should be known at all--perhaps they had heard of it from the adventurous paulista bandeirantes--and that they should have placed it nearly in its proper latitude and longitude on their maps. apparently father john joseph was not aware of the existence of the great araguaya and xingu rivers. having compiled his map from information, he confused those rivers into the s. francisco river. upon descending from the serra into the valley we soon came to a large forest with a luxuriant edge of _peroba_ (a word originating, i believe, from the words _ipe_ and _roba_ in the _tupi_ language), which was known in four different varieties: viz. the _peroba amarella_ (yellow), _parda_ (brown), _revessa_ (knotty), and _rosa_ (rose-coloured), technically named: _aspidosperma polyneuron_ m. arg., _aspidosperma leucomelum_ warmg, _aspidosperma sp._, _aspidosperma dasycarpon_ a. then there were also plentiful _garabu_ and other tall trees. before getting to the edge of the forest i noticed among the rocks some beautiful specimens of the _apita_ cactus, 10 ft. and more in height, in appearance not unlike giant artichokes. near its beginning, where it was 3 metres wide and 6 in. deep, we crossed the estivado river, which with a group of other streamlets may share the honour of being one of the sources of the arinos. it flowed in a north-westerly direction. we were pushing on for all we were worth, for we had come to the end of our food. up and down we went over a troublesome series of great elongated ridges--like parallel dunes--the highest elevation on them being 2,050 ft., the depressions 1,950 ft. we came to a sweetly pretty streamlet, the mollah, flowing north into the paraguay river, and shortly afterwards to the caitté and the corisho (elev. 1,500 ft.). they were the three real and true sources of the paraguay, within a short distance of the seven lakes. we had marched 50 kil. that day over rough country. my animals were quite exhausted. yet early next morning we pushed on once more over transverse undulations and across grassy _cuvettes_, slightly conical, with circular pools of water in the centre and a florid growth of bamboos in the lowest point of the _cuvettes_. we ascended over more dyke-like obstructions on our way (elev. 1,700 ft.) and descended once more into a vast basin of campos with stunted trees. at its lowest point there was from north-east to south-west a line of magnificent tall trees. the forest was so dense there that when we entered it we were quite in the dark, as if going through a tunnel. there were fine specimens of various kinds of the _jua_ or _juaz_ or _jurubeba_ (solanum), a medicinal plant 5 to 6 ft. high with enormous dentate leaves--shaped not unlike a vine leaf--possessing upright spikes on their dorsal or mid-rib and on the veins of the leaf. then there was plentiful "_cepa de pappo_," a common liana like a huge boa-constrictor winding its way in a spiral up the tallest trees. i saw some of those liane 3 in. in diameter, with a smooth whitish bark. the soil at the bottom of the valley (1,500 ft. above sea level) was mostly composed of cinders, but up the slopes white sand was predominant, mixed with ashes. we travelled over a lava flow which formed the bed of the river macucu, flowing eastward. guided by the noise, we found a most beautiful waterfall, 100 ft. high, over an extinct circular crater with vertical walls. we kept on rising over a gentle incline, and having reached an elevation of 1,750 ft. we found ourselves suddenly on the upper edge of a great crescent-shaped depression extending in a semicircle from north-east to south-west. its walls were one-tiered to the west, with a flat table-land on their summit, but were divided into two terraces in the northern part where ranges of hills rose on the plateau. we had a rapid, steep descent among great rectangular blocks of conglomerate (white marble pebbles embedded in iron rock), great sheets of lava, and sediments of red earth, solidified in places into half-formed rock. i noticed extensive lava flows which had run towards the west; then we came upon extraordinary quantities of loose white marble pebbles and chips. we made our way down upon a kind of spur of red lava, frightfully slippery for my animals. the poor beasts were quite worn out with fatigue. from the round dome of the headland we perceived to the south a second great circle of flat-topped heights. the immense flow of red lava on which we were radiated terrific heat which it had absorbed from the sun's rays. my dogs, being nearer the ground than we were, had great difficulty in breathing. their heads and tails hung low, and their tongues dangled fully out of their mouths. they stumbled along panting pitifully. even we on our mounts felt nearly suffocated by the stifling heat from the sun above and the lava below. the dogs were amusing enough, curling down quickly to rest wherever a mangy shrub gave the slightest suspicion of a shade. the men, more stupid always than beasts, were sweating and swearing freely, and thumped mercilessly on the rumps of the tired animals with the butts and muzzles of their rifles in order to urge them along. the very sound of the mules' neck-bells seemed tired and worn; its brisk tinkling of our days of vigour had given room to a monotonous and feeble, almost dead, ding ... dong, at long intervals--well suggesting the exhaustion of the poor animals, which were just able to drag along. the slightest obstacle--a loose stone, a step in the lava, and now one animal, then another, would collapse and roll down, and we had to dismount and help them up on their feet again--quite a hard job, i can tell you, when the animals were nearly dead and would not get up again. as we went along more and more headlands of the great plateau appeared before us to the west. we still went on descending on the top of the long spur of lava. when not too busy with our animals--and quite out of breath with the heat and stifling air from the heated rock--i sometimes glanced at the glorious panorama on both sides of us. when we had proceeded farther i ascertained that there were really two crescents contained side by side within a larger crescent. under us to the south a vast undulating plain stretched as far as the eye could see towards the south-west and west. on describing a revolution upon your heels your eye met the other end of the larger crescent plateau to the north-west. the serra do tombador extended in a south-westerly direction from north of diamantino to s. luiz de caceres, to the west of the paraguay river. the height of the spur on which we were was 1,350 ft. above the sea level. we had come in a great circle on the upper edge. a trail could be seen crossing the great undulating valley below us. it passed at the western terminus of the spur we were on. evidently that was the trail connecting diamantino with cuyabá (the capital of matto grosso) via rosario. the sight of a trail was most exhilarating to my men. suddenly and quite unexpectedly we came upon a few wretched, tumble-down houses--if one may call them so--smothered in vegetation which grew everywhere. my animals themselves seemed astonished at the unusual sight. the horses neighed and the mules brayed loudly. masonry work perhaps suggested to them more substantial meals. down a precipitous ravine, over large boulders and stumbling into big holes, into which the mules disappeared for a few seconds at a time ... there was the main street of diamantino. the village--the local people called it "a city"--was the very picture of misery, yet to us it seemed as if we had dropped into the middle of london or paris. there were a few resident traders, two or three brazilians, two italians, and a turk. all were most hospitable and kind. the chief industry of the place was rubber, which found its way to the coast via the paraguay river. formerly diamantino was a flourishing place because diamonds were found in abundance. even now they can be found along the river, but the difficulty of access, even by the easiest way, and the great expense of living there have gradually depopulated the place, which was quite in an abandoned state when i was there. here are some of the minimum prices which the rubber collectors had to pay for articles of necessity: beans, 1_s._ 6_d._ to 2_s._ per litre,[1] or about 4_s._ a pound; rice, 2_s._ per litre; flour, 1_s._ 4_d._ per litre, about 4_s._ a pound; sugar, 5_s._ per kilo (2 pounds), rapadura, or sugar block, 4_s._ per small cake; tobacco, 5_s._ per metre of twist; salt, 2_s._ 8_d._ to 3_s._ per litre; coffee, 6_s._ 6_d._ per kilo; lard, 6_s._ 6_d._ per kilo; purified lard in tins, 16_s._ to 20_s._ per 2 kilos. bars of the commonest laundry soap, 4_s._ each bar; chickens 10_s._ to 15_s._ each; eggs, 10_s._ to 12_s._ a dozen; small tins or sardines (containing five sardines) of the most inferior kind, 10_s._ to 15_s._ a tin; a one-pound tin of the commonest french salt butter, 15_s._ a genial banquet was offered me on my arrival. the school-mistress was set to prepare an excellent and plentiful meal. the mayor and all the notabilities of the place in their sunday clothing came to fetch me at the house of the firm of orlando bros., where i had been most hospitably sheltered, and where i had been requested to wait for them. at the appointed time they arrived--in frock-coats, and each carrying an umbrella. "is it raining?" i inquired in my astonishment at seeing the array of articles which i had not seen for several months--especially as a few minutes before i had been outside and it was a lovely starlit night. "oh no, indeed, it is not raining; we carry the umbrellas in due honour to you!" they replied in a chorus, accompanied by a grand bow. this was such an extraordinary compliment that it really took me some time before i could grasp the meaning of it. it seemed that according to the social rules of diamantino, matto grosso, no one could be considered fully dressed unless carrying an umbrella. rain or shine, the people of diamantino carried their umbrellas on grand occasions. after that one of the gentlemen pulled out of his pocket a long slip of paper and proceeded to read a speech of welcome. i answered in a few humble words. another gentleman--there were eight altogether--produced another slip which he duly read in a sonorous voice. again i replied as best i could. then, as i was getting really anxious lest some one else should be speechifying again, the mayor of the place offered me his arm, and followed in a most respectful manner by the others, we adjourned to the schoolroom, where the feast was spread upon the table. more speeches when we entered the room, more speeches before we sat down, speeches in the middle of dinner, speeches after dinner. unaware of what was coming, i had exhausted all the compliments i could think of in my first speech, and i had to tax my poor brain considerably to reply with grace--especially as i had to speak in portuguese--to the many charming things which my thoughtful hosts said. the banquet went off well. it is difficult to imagine more considerate, kindly people than those exiles in that far-away spot. i took careful and repeated astronomical observations for latitude and longitude in order to establish the exact position of that settlement. lat. 14° 21'·7 s.; long. 56° 56' w. i purchased all the food i could possibly collect--enough to last us some six months, which cost me a small fortune--as i intended to push out of the place and proceed northward at once. four of my men became badly intoxicated upon our arrival. there was another mutiny. they again claimed their pay up to date and wished to leave me. at once they received their money. it was such a relief to me when they went off, even for a few hours, that i was always glad to give them the money and have a short mental rest while they kept away. unfortunately it was impossible to obtain a single extra man in diamantino. labour was scarce, and the few labourers in existence were in absolute slavery. indeed, slavery existed--it exists to-day--in all central brazil, just as it did before slavery was abolished. only in the old days of legal slavery it was limited to negroes; now the slaves are negroes, mulattoes, white people, even some europeans. i have seen with my own eyes a german gentleman of refinement in that humble condition. in the present condition of things the slave, in the first instance, sells himself or is sold by his family. there were indeed few, if any, of the labouring classes in matto grosso and goyaz provinces who were free men or women. all were owned by somebody, and if you wished to employ them--especially to take them away from a village or a city--you had to purchase them from their owners. that meant that if you intended to employ a man--even for a few days--you had to disburse a purchase sum equivalent to two or three hundred pounds sterling, sometimes more. in the following way it was made impossible for the slaves to become free again. taking advantage of the poverty and vanity of those people, loans of money were offered them in the first instance, and also luxuries in the way of tinned food, clothing, revolvers and rifles. when once they had accepted, and could not repay the sum or value of the articles received, they became the property of the lender, who took good care to increase the debt constantly by supplying cheap articles to them at fifty times their actual cost. the _seringueiro_, or rubber collector, had a _caderneta_, or booklet and the master a _livro maestro_, or account book, in which often double the quantity of articles actually received by the rubber collector were entered. the debt thus increased by leaps and bounds, and in a short time a labourer owed his master, two, three hundred pounds. the rubber collectors tried hard to repay the debt in rubber, which they sold to their masters at a low rate; but it was always easy for the masters to keep the men in debt. it must be said for the masters that their slaves were not in any way ill-treated; on the contrary--except that a man was seldom given the slightest chance of redeeming himself--they were indeed treated as well as circumstances permitted. labour, it must be remembered, was so scarce and valuable--it was almost an impossibility to obtain labour in central brazil--that it was the care of the master not to lose a labourer. much is to be said for the honour of even the worst types of brazilians. although many of them would not think twice of murdering or robbing a stranger of all he possessed, they were seldom known to defraud their owners by escaping. a man who ran away from his owner was looked down upon by the entire community. again, it must be stated that the chances of escape, in those distant regions, were indeed very remote. an escaped slave with no money could not go very far and he would soon die of starvation. i must confess that, although i tried hard to discover a way by which labour could be obtained and retained in brazil with the existing laws, i could not find one practicable except that used by the brazilians, viz. slavery. the people of diamantino tried hard to induce one or two men to accompany me--and i was willing to buy them out and eventually would have set them free altogether at the end of the expedition--but they were all so terrified of the indians if they left the "city" that they preferred to remain slaves. alcides had gone round to look for a barber. there was only one in diamantino, and he was in prison for the murder of his wife, or for some other such trifling matter. armed with a pair of my scissors, alcides went to the prison to have his hair cut. once there he took the opportunity to explain to the prisoner that it could be arranged to procure his escape if he were willing to join the expedition. the barber--who had not inquired which way we should be travelling--jumped at the idea. this necessitated having my hair cut too--rather a trial with scissors that did not cut--in order to arrange matters further in detail. with a special permission from the local authorities the barber was let out accompanied by two policemen--the only two in the place--in order that he might reduce my hair by half its length or more. while i underwent actual torture in having my hair clipped--as the prisoner's hands were trembling with excitement, and my ears had various narrow escapes--alcides, who, when he wished, had very persuasive manners, induced not only the prisoner, but the two policemen--all three--to escape and join the expedition. i must say that i did not at all look forward to the prospect of my three new companions; but we were in terrible want of hands. i had visions that my expedition would be entirely wrecked. there was a limit to human endurance and we could not perform miracles. we still had thousands of kilometres to travel over most difficult and dangerous country. besides, i reflected, after all, i might only be performing an act of kindness by relieving the town of the expense and trouble of keeping its only prisoner, not to speak of the police force. all was satisfactorily arranged, when the prisoner inquired where we were going. you should have seen his face when i told him. "no, no, no!" he quickly replied. "no, no, no, no!" and he waved my scissors in the air. "i will not come! i will remain in prison all my life rather than be eaten up by cannibals! no, no, no, no ... no, no, no, no...!" he went on muttering at intervals as he gave the last clipping touches to my hair. he hastened through his job, received his pay in silence, and asked the policemen to take him back quickly to the prison. when the chains, which had temporarily been removed, were put again around his wrists, he departed shaking his head and muttering again--"no, no, no, no...!" the wise policemen, too, said that naturally, as their prisoner would not escape, they were obliged to remain and keep guard over him ... it was not through lack of courage that they would not come; it was because of their duty! of course, alcides was sadly disappointed, but i was delighted, when it all fell through. i owe the success of my expeditions to the fact that, no matter what happens, i never will stop anywhere. it is quite fatal, on expeditions of that kind, to stop for any length of time. if you do, the fatigue, the worry, and illness make it generally impossible to start again--all things which you do not feel quite so much as long as you can keep moving. many a disaster in exploring expeditions could easily have been avoided, had the people known this secret of successful travelling. push on at all costs--until, of course, you are actually dead. with my reduced party of two men (alcides and filippe) i had to arrange matters differently, and decided to abandon part of my baggage--all things, in fact, which were not absolutely necessary, taking only food, instruments for scientific observations, cameras and photographic plates. alcides and filippe--who by then had become most adventurous--and i were about to start on july 1st, and were making things ready, when two of my deserters returned and begged me to take them along again. they had found living at their own cost rather expensive, and had realized that it would have been an impossibility for them to get out of that place again with the funds at their disposal. each meal had cost them a small fortune. animals were extremely expensive, and it was then the wrong season for launches to come up the river as far as rosario, the nearest port to the south. "we will come with you," said they, in a sudden outburst of devotion. "we will come. we are brave men. you have always been good and generous to us. we are sorry for what we have done. order us and we will kill anybody you like for you!" brazilians of that class have only one idea in their heads--killing, killing, killing! that was more devotion than i demanded. in order to spare alcides and filippe, and myself--as the work thrown upon us would have indeed been beyond our possible strength--i re-employed the two men on the express condition that they should murder no one while they were with me. at noon of july 1st, accompanied by a mounted escort of honour of the leading citizens with the mayor at their head, i left diamantino (elev. 1,030 ft.), travelling north-east. we ascended to the summit of a table-land--the first terrace of which was at an elevation of 1,250 ft., the higher at 1,600 ft. the last words i had heard from a venerable old man as i rode out of diamantino still rang in my ears. "you are going to sure death--good-bye!..." on reaching the top of the plateau the courteous friends who had accompanied me also bade me an affectionate farewell. i could see by their faces and their manner that they were saying good-bye to one they believed a doomed man. "if by chance you come out alive," said the mayor, in a tentative way, "we should like to have news of you." on dismal occasions of that kind the sky is always gloomy and black and there is always drizzling rain. so that day, too, the weather did not fail to add to our depressed spirits. on leaving our friends we started to plunge once more into the unknown. on reaching the top edge of the plateau we witnessed a wonderful sight, rendered more poetic by the slight vagueness of a veil of mist. to the south of diamantino was the serra tombador, extending as far as s. luiz de caceres, about 250 kil. as the crow flies to the south-west. then below us was the lagõa dos veados with no outlet, and close by the head-waters of the rio preto (a tributary of the arinos). the serra do tombador was parallel nearly all along with the river paraguay. owing to departing so late in the day from diamantino, and the time we had wasted on the way with social compliments, we were only able to go 12 kil. that afternoon. we halted near the shed of a _seringueiro_ (rubber collector), at an elevation of 1,530 ft., close to the chapesà, a streamlet flowing into the agua fria (cold water), which in its turn threw itself into the rio preto. it was muggy and warm during the night--min. 65° fahr.--with swarms of mosquitoes. we were glad to leave the next morning, following a north-westerly course across a wonderfully beautiful meadow with circular groups of trees and a long belt of vegetation along the stream. it was then that i made my first acquaintance in brazil with the _seringueira_ (_syphonia elastica_ or _hevea brasiliensis_), which was fairly plentiful in that region. as we shall see, that rubber tree, producing the best rubber known, became more and more common as we proceeded north. in the cuts of rivers, soft red volcanic rock was exposed, with a surface layer of white sand and grey ashes in the flat meadow. the padding of earth was thin. except close to rivers and in extinct craters where the accumulations of earth and cinders were often deeper with a good supply of moisture from underneath, the trees were feeble and anæmic. there again i was amazed to find how unstable and weak most trees were. one could knock them down with a mere hard push--as the roots had no hold in the ground, where they spread horizontally almost on the surface, owing to the rock underneath which prevented their penetrating farther than the thin upper layer of earth, sand, and ashes. if you happened to lean against a tree 4 or 5 in. in diameter, it was not uncommon to see the tree tumble down and you too. the wood also of those trees was very brittle and watery, with no power of resistance worth mentioning. many were the streamlets which flowed into the rio preto at elevations from 1,450 to 1,500 ft., viz. the burity comprido, the bujui, the grinko, the pomba, the corgo do campo, the riberão grande, and the stiva. many of those streamlets had beautiful beds of white marble pebbles, which made their cool and clear water look and taste perfectly delicious. others, with soft black mud bottoms--especially in _cuvettes_--were extremely troublesome to cross. on the banks of those streams were marvellous _pacobeira_ palms--a kind of giant banana palm, attaining a height of 30 to 40 ft., with a stem, ovoid in section, of great length, and from which shot out paddle-like leaves of immense size and of a gorgeous green, 6 to 7 ft. long and 3 ft. wide. on july 3rd we went through thick, dirty, low scrub and forest, except along streams, the banks of which were lined with tall anæmic trees 1 inch in diameter with a mere bunch of leaves from branches at the summit. we again met with several _cuvettes_--very grassy, with the usual florid growth of trees in the centre. those depressions were 1,400 ft. above the sea level. from many of the trees hung huge globes, like tumours. they were nests of _cupim_, the destructive white ants (_termes album_), of which there were swarms everywhere in that region. in one night they ate up the bottoms of most of my wooden boxes and rendered many of our possessions useless. they ate up our clothes, injured our saddles by eating the stitching--anything that was not of metal, glass, or polished leather was destroyed by those little devils. we were beginning to descend gradually on the northern side of the table-land. after crossing a pass 1,350 ft. above the sea level we arrived on a lagoon to our left. shortly after we reached the left bank of the arinos river, separated there from the lagoon by a narrow tongue of high land--some 30 ft. high--between the two waters. it was thus that on july 4th we encamped on that great tributary of the amazon. we were still thousands of kilometres away from its mouth. my animals were quite exhausted and were unable to continue. moreover, the forest near this great river--already, so near its birthplace, over 100 metres wide--would have made their coming along quite impossible, as the grazing was getting scarce, and would be scarcer still as we went on north. then as the river arinos took me in the direction in which i intended to travel, i had made up my mind to abandon the animals at that spot and attempt to navigate the river--diabolical as its reputation was. we had now travelled on horseback some 2,000 kil. from the last railway station, of which about 600 kil. were over absolutely unknown country. rough as the travelling had been, it was mere child's play compared with the experiences we had to endure from that day on. [illustration: map showing author's route.] [illustration: map showing the arinos and arinos-juruena rivers.] footnotes: [footnote 1: a litre is a cube the sides of which are 3-7/8 in.] end of vol. i _printed by hazell, watson & viney ltd., london and aylesbury._ [illustration: the mouth of the putamayo river.] across unknown south america by a. henry savage-landor with 2 maps, 8 coloured plates, and 260 illustrations from photographs by the author _in two volumes_ vol. ii hodder and stoughton london new york toronto _printed in 1913_ _copyright in the united states of america by a. henry savage-landor_ contents vol. ii chapter i the river arinos--a rickety canoe--mapping the river--the _siphonia elastica_--rubber and its collection--an enormously rich country--a german in slavery pp. 1-15 chapter ii hoisting the british flag--an escaped slave--a dilemma--benedicto--the _lutra brasiliensis_--the seringueiros--a marvellous river--rapids pp. 16-32 chapter iii dangerous navigation--eddies--whirlpools--an extraordinary creature--the man x--pedro de toledo island--an interesting rodent pp. 33-50 chapter iv _oleo pardo_ trees--beautiful palms--the river bottom--swarms of butterflies--millions of bees--a continuous torture pp. 51-61 chapter v great islands--the trinchão fish--a fisherman's paradise--alastor island--plentiful rubber--the civilized man's idea of the tropical forest--the war-cries of the indians--swarms of bees and butterflies pp. 62-75 chapter vi the _tapirus americanus_--striking scenery--the _mate_ tree--photography in camp--brazilian way of reasoning--a new christopher columbus--the selection of our camps--beautiful fruit--a large tributary pp. 76-91 chapter vii ideal islands--immense _figueira_ trees--the "spider monkey"--great variety of fish in the arinos--the rocky gateway into diabolical waters--shooting dangerous rapids--cutting a way through the forest--a nasty rapid--plentiful fish pp. 92-111 chapter viii magnificent basins--innumerable rapids--narrow escapes--the destructive sauba ants--disobedient followers--a range of mountains--inquisitive monkeys--luck in fishing--rocky barriers--venus pp. 112-128 chapter ix dogs--macaws--crocodiles--a serious accident: men flung into a whirlpool--the loss of provisions and valuable baggage--more dangerous rapids--wonderful scenery--dangerous work--on the edge of a waterfall--a risky experience--bravery of author's brazilian followers--a high wind from the north-east--a big lake pp. 129-150 chapter x the point of junction of the arinos and juruena rivers--elfrida landor island--terrible days of navigation--immense islands--an old indian camp--a fight between a dog and an _ariranha_--george rex island--a huge _sucuriú_ snake pp. 151-164 chapter xi a family of _ariranhas_--attacked by them--three nasty rapids--beautiful sand beaches--exciting experiences--going down a thundering cataract--alcides' narrow escape--a night's work in the midst of a foaming rapid in order to rescue the half-submerged canoe--filippe's courage--visited by a snake 20 ft. long pp. 165-181 chapter xii a tiny globular cloudlet warning us--tossed in a merciless manner--saved by providence--vicious waters--a diabolical spot--a highly dangerous crossing--a terrible channel--more bad rapids--on the verge of a fatal drop down a waterfall--saved in time--a magnificent sight--the august falls--a mutiny--the canoe, weighing 2,000 lb., taken across the forest over a hill-range pp. 182-206 chapter xiii a double whirlpool--incessant rapids of great magnitude--a dangerous channel--nothing to eat--another disaster pp. 207-219 chapter xiv in the hands of providence--a mutiny--another mutiny--foodless--hard and dangerous work--a near approach to hades--making an artificial channel among thousands of boulders--an awe-inspiring scene--the fall of s. simão--a revolt pp. 220-234 chapter xv mutiny and threats--wasted efforts--awful waters--the canoe escapes in a violent rapid--another mutiny--the canoe recovered--an appalling vortex--the fall of s. simão--cutting an artificial channel in the rocks pp. 235-248 chapter xvi at death's door--mundurucu indians--all author's followers poisoned by wild fruit--anxious moments--seringueiros--a dying jewish trader--the mori brothers--a new hat--where the tres barras meets the arinos-juruena--the canoe abandoned pp. 249-265 chapter xvii a fiscal agency--former atrocities--the apiacar indians--plentiful rubber--unexploited regions--precious fossils thrown away by author's followers--a terrific storm--author's canoe dashed to pieces--the mount st. benedicto pp. 266-277 chapter xviii starting across the virgin forest--cutting the way incessantly--a rugged, rocky plateau--author's men throw away the supplies of food--attacked by fever--marching by compass--poisoned--author's men break down--author proceeds across forest endeavouring to reach the madeira river--a dramatic scene pp. 278-298 chapter xix benedicto and filippe show courage--confronted with a mountainous country--steep ravines--no food--painful marches--starving--ammunition rendered useless by moisture--the "pros" and "cons" of smoking--a faint hope--a forged tin which should have contained anchovies--curious effects of starvation upon the brain--where money is of no avail--why there was nothing to eat in the forest--the sauba ants--sniffed by a jaguar--filippe tries to commit suicide pp. 299-320 chapter xx benedicto and the honey--constantly collapsing from exhaustion--a strange accident--finding a river--people's mistaken ideas--sixteen days of starvation--an abandoned hut--repairing a broken-down canoe--canoe founders--a raft constructed of glass pp. 321-338 chapter xxi the launching of the glass raft--accidents--the raft sinking--saved--our first solid meal--its consequences--the canuma and secundury rivers--marching back across the forest to the relief of the men left behind--a strange mishap--a curious case of telepathy pp. 339-364 chapter xxii baggage saved--the journey down the tapajoz river--colonel brazil--wrecked--from itaituba to the amazon--benedicto and the man x are discharged pp. 365-385 chapter xxiii santarem to belem (pará)--the amazon--from belem to manaos--the madeira-mamore railway pp. 386-404 chapter xxiv attacked by beri-beri--a journey up the madeira river to the relief of filippe the negro and recovery of valuable baggage left with him--filippe paid off--a journey up the river solimões--iquitos pp. 405-418 chapter xxv from iquitos to the foot of the andes up the rivers ucayalli, pachitea and pichis--the cashibos or "vampire indians" pp. 419-438 chapter xxvi across the andes--the end of the trans-continental journey pp. 439-457 chapter xxvii the peruvian corporation railway--the land of the incas--lake titicaca--bolivia--chile--the argentine--a last narrow escape--back in england pp. 458-476 appendix some of the principal plants of brazil--mammals--birds--fish-reptiles--vocabularies pp. 477-496 index pp. 497-504 list of illustrations vol. ii the mouth of the putamayo river (_coloured plate_) _frontispiece_ page rubber tree showing incisions and the collar and tin cup for the collection of the latex 4 coagulating rubber into a ball 4 balls of rubber outside a seringueiro's hut 8 method of pressing rubber into cakes, the alum process of coagulation being used 8 the upper arinos river 12 the arinos river above the rapids 12 the first rocks in the arinos river 20 enormous globular rocks typical of the arinos river 20 a rocky barrier in the river 24 a picturesque double waterfall on the arinos river 24 an island of the arinos river 28 vegetation on an island in the river arinos 28 preparing the canoe to descend a rapid 36 a cataract on the arinos river 36 a rapid on the arinos river 44 taking the canoe through a narrow channel 44 a formidable vortex 64 going down a violent rapid in a narrow channel 64 the result of half an hour's fishing on the arinos-juruena 84 leading the canoe down a rapid by rope 92 characteristic rocky barrier across the arinos river (author's sextant in foreground) 92 whirlpool at end of rapid 100 in shallow water 100 fishing on the arinos: a jahu 104 fish of the arinos river 104 a fine cataract on the arinos-juruena river 108 preparing the canoe prior to descending a rapid 112 a nasty rapid 112 a giant central wave emerging from a narrow channel 116 a dangerous rapid 120 taking the canoe and part of the baggage down a narrow passage among rocks 120 the canoe being led down a rapid 124 crocodile about to attack one of the dogs of the expedition. photographed by author at a distance of three metres (rio arinos-juruena) 128 terrifying rapid shot by author and his men in their canoe 132 author's men shooting a crocodile 136 a cataract in the river arinos 140 author's canoe among great volcanic rocks 140 preparing to descend a rapid 144 a cataract in the arinos river 144 lake formed where the arinos and juruena rivers meet 148 going through a rapid 148 author's canoe going down a cataract 152 the immense waves encountered by author in emerging from the channel, in the rapid of the inferno. (the canoe with its occupants shot up vertically in the air) 156 a giant sucurí snake with entire deer contained in its digestive organs 160 an easy rapid 164 going through a narrow channel 164 a dangerous vortex 168 preparing the canoe to go down a rapid 168 a narrow passage in the arinos river 172 treble vortex. (the water revolved in three different directions in succession) 172 at the august falls 176 author and his men in water up to their necks for an entire night endeavouring to save their canoe, which in shooting a rapid had become stuck between rocks _(coloured plate_) 178 the salto augusto from above 192 the upper terrace of the august waterfall 184 interesting geological formation below the salto augusto 188 the salto augusto (upper terrace) 192 foliated rock below the august falls 196 the wooden railway constructed by author in order to take the canoe overland for two and a half kilometres at the august falls 200 formation of rock below the august falls 200 photograph showing the road cut by author across the forest in order to take the heavy canoe overland 204 conveying the canoe across the forest on improvised railway and rollers 208 pushing the canoe uphill through the forest. (notice men with heads wrapped owing to torturing insects) 212 conveying the canoe, weighing 2,000 lb., over a hill range--the descent 216 author's canoe being made to travel across the forest 220 distant view showing both falls at the salto augusto 224 launching the canoe after its journey over a hill range 224 a most dangerous rapid navigated by author and his men 228 letting the canoe jump a rapid 232 artificial canal made by author and his men in order to take their canoe along where the river was impassable 236 rapid through which author took his canoe 240 conveying the canoe by hand down a rapid 244 canoe being taken along an artificial canal made by author and his men 248 a moment of suspense: author and his men in their canoe going through a narrow channel between vertical walls of rock. the water forced through from three large arms of the river joining at that point formed a high and dangerous central wave (_coloured plate_) 250 conveying the canoe through the forest. (notice the side of the canoe split and stuffed with pieces of cloth) 252 leading the empty canoe down a dangerous channel. (photographed a few seconds before the rope snapped and canoe escaped) 256 the s. simão waterfall 260 the huge canoe being taken through a small artificial canal made in the rocks by the author and his men 264 mundurucu indians 268 author taking astronomical observations on a sandy beach of the river arinos-juruena 272 where the rivers arinos-juruena and s. manoel meet 276 josé maracati, chief of the mundurucus, tapajoz 276 apiacar boy 280 apiacar indian 280 apiacar women 284 mundurucu women 288 apiacar children 288 raft constructed by the author in order to navigate the canuma river with his two companions of starvation (_coloured plate_) 336 canoe made of the bark of the burity palm 340 indians of the madeira river 340 caripuna indians 348 indian idols of the putumayo district 348 trading boats landing balls of rubber, river tapajoz 352 itaituba 356 a trading boat on the tapajoz river 360 the s.s. "commandante macedo" 360 colonel r. p. brazil and his charming wife 364 where the madeira-mamore railway begins 368 madeira-mamore railway, showing cut through tropical forest 368 bolivian rubber at abuna station on the madeira-mamore railway 372 the inauguration train on the madeira-mamore railway 372 wreck of the "mamoria" in the calderão of the solimões river 376 indians of the putumayo district. (dr. rey de castro, peruvian consul at manaos in the centre of photograph) 376 a street in iquitos 380 the launch "rimac" on the ucayalli river 380 a trail in the andes 384 campas indian children 388 campas old woman and her son 392 campas indian woman 396 campas woman 400 campas man, woman and child 400 the ucayalli river 402 the launch on which author travelled almost to the foot of the andes 402 campas family wading across a stream 404 a farmhouse on the andes 404 on the andes: an elevated trail overlooking a foaming torrent. (see arch cut in rock) 406 la mercedes 410 the avenue of eucalypti near the town of tarma (andes) 410 on the andes 412 a street of tarma 412 the market-place, tarma 414 the highest point where author crossed the andes before reaching the railway at oroya 416 oroya 420 oroya, the highest railway station in the world 420 in the andes at 16,000 feet above the sea level 422 the highest point of the oroya railway: the galera tunnel 422 the oroya railway (a great spring emerging from the mountain-side) 424 beautiful scenery on the peruvian corporation railway to cuzco, peru 424 a. b. leguia, the president of the peruvian republic 426 the american observatory, arequipa, and mount misti, peru 428 on the peruvian corporation railway on the way to cuzco 428 a beautiful example of ancient spanish wood-carving, peru 432 wonderful example of old spanish wood-carving, peru 434 on the way to cuzco: railway bridge partly carried away by swollen river 436 great sand dunes along the peruvian corporation railway to cuzco 438 inca bath or fountain 438 cuzco: llamas in foreground 440 a famous inca wall, cuzco. (the various rocks fit so perfectly that no mortar was used to keep them in place) 442 inca three-walled fortress of sacsayhuaman, cuzco 444 the inca temple of the sun, with spanish superstructure 446 inca doorway, cuzco 446 inca steps carved in a dome of rock, cuzco. (fortress noticeable in the distance) 448 the "round table" of the incas 452 entrance to inca subterranean passages 452 inca place of amusement: a toboggan slide of rock 454 an inca grave, bolivia 454 inca remains near cuzco 456 where a stone fight took place in the inca country. (notice the innumerable rocks which have been thrown down the hill from the high inca structure) 458 entrance to inca subterranean passages 458 the great inca ruins of viraccocha, in tinta (cuzco) 460 inca pottery, weapons and ornaments of gold and copper 464 inca towers of sillistayni, puño (lake titicaca) 468 an inca statue, bolivia 468 lake titicaca 470 guaqui, the port for la paz on lake titicaca 470 on the andes 474 llamas in bolivia 476 borax deposits, bolivia 476 chapter i the river arinos--a rickety canoe--mapping the river--the _siphonia elastica_--rubber and its collection--an enormously rich country--a german in slavery we struck the river arinos at a point called porto velho. there were at that place the miserable sheds of three _seringueiros_ (rubber-collectors). i had made for that particular spot because i had heard that a big canoe carved out of the trunk of a tree probably existed there. i was told that the canoe was large enough to carry many people. it had been constructed, it seemed, some ten years previously by a rubber-collecting expedition which came to grief, was abandoned, and had since been taken possession of by seringueiros. i had purchased it on chance from its last owner for rs. 300,000. with accessories i gave about rs. 450,000, or roughly, £30. it was the only canoe upon that river. i considered myself lucky, when i arrived at porto velho, to find that the canoe actually existed at all. there she was, floating more or less gracefully upon the water. she had a total length of 42 ft., was 3½ ft. wide, and had been roughly scooped out of a giant tree which was not quite straight. her lines, therefore, were not as elegant as might have been expected. for instance, her starboard and port sides were not absolutely straight lines, but described curves--in fact, the port side almost an angle. that gave the canoe an original appearance, which to my practical mind at once suggested great difficulty of steering. her sides, coarsely cut with an axe, were from 3 to 5 in. thick; her bottom from 6 in. to 1 ft. thick. the two extremities were solid blocks, so that her weight--she was carved out of unusually heavy wood--was altogether over 2,000 lb. when i went down to the water to examine my purchase i found that the vessel was in a pitiful condition and needed sound repairing before she could proceed on a long journey. she was sufficiently good for crossing the stream--that was all she was used for by the seringueiros--but it would be a different matter to go down rapids for some thousands of kilometres. it took all the strength of my men, the seringueiros, and myself combined to pull the canoe out of the water upon the beach and to turn her over. we worked hard for two days with saws and hammers, knives, tar and wadding, in order to stop up a gigantic crack which extended from one end of the canoe to the other under her bottom. although the crack did not go right through, i could well imagine that a hard knock against a rock might be quite sufficient to split the canoe in two. we scraped her and cleaned her; we overhauled and strengthened her thoroughly; we cut rough seats inside, and built an elevated deck upon which the baggage might be comparatively safe from moisture. we were proud of our work when we launched her. wiping the dripping perspiration from our foreheads, necks and arms, we looked just as if we had come out of a bath, we sweated so in our efforts to push her back into the water, the heat near the water, screened as it was from the breeze by the high banks and trees, being suffocating! we gazed at her--the queen of the arinos river. she looked lovely in our eyes. on her stern i fixed the steering gear, a huge paddle 12 ft. long; and upon a neatly-made staff, which i had cut myself, i hoisted the british flag, which had hitherto flown over my tent. it was, i think, the first time the british flag had waved over that river. the canoe was baptized the "elfrida," after my sister's name. it will be remembered that only four men remained with me. not one of them had ever been in a canoe before--except to be ferried across a river, perhaps--not one had the slightest idea of navigation, and it followed, of course, that not one had ever used a paddle or steered a canoe. as the river had never been surveyed, it was my intention to make an accurate map of its entire course as far as its junction with the tres barras, several thousand kils. away, from which point i imagined the river must be slightly better known. therefore, as i should be busy all day long with the prismatic compass and watch, constantly taking notes of the direction of the stream and the distances covered (checked almost daily by astronomical observations) i should not be able to take an active part in the navigation. the canoe was undermanned. imagine her length--42 ft.--with only two men to paddle. a third man was stationed on her bow to punt when possible and be on the look-out for rocks; while alcides, whom i had promoted to the rank of quartermaster, was in charge of the steering. i had taken the precaution to make a number of extra paddles. we carried a large quantity of fishing-lines with hooks of all sizes, and cartridges of dynamite. the river was most placid and beautiful, and the water wonderfully clear. unlike rivers elsewhere, the arinos did not show a branch or a twig floating on its waters, not a leaf on its mirror-like surface. that did not mean that branches of trees--sometimes even whole trees--did not fall into the river, but, as i have stated already, the specific gravity of woods in that part of brazil was so heavy that none floated. hence the ever-clean surface of all the streams. we were then in a region of truly beautiful forest, with _figueira_ (_ficus_ of various kinds), trees of immense size, and numerous large _cambará_. the bark of the latter--reddish in colour--when stewed in boiling water, gave a refreshing decoction not unlike tea and quite good to drink. most interesting of all the trees was, however, the seringueira (_siphonia elastica_), which was extraordinarily plentiful in belts or zones along the courses of rivers in that region. as is well known, the seringueira, which grows wild in the forest there, is one of the most valuable lactiferous plants in the world. its latex, properly coagulated, forms the best quality of rubber known. [illustration: rubber tree showing incisions and the collar and tin cup for the collection of the latex.] [illustration: coagulating rubber into a ball.] there are, of course, many latex-giving plants of the _euphorbiæ_, _artocarpæ_ and _lobeliæ_ families, but no other are perhaps such abundant givers of latex as the brazilian seringueira (of the _euphorbiæ_ family), a tree plentiful not only in matto grosso on all the head-waters and courses of the rivers flowing into the amazon, but also abundant in the provinces of para and the amazon. in less quantities the seringueira is also to be found in ceará, rio grande do norte and maranhão. the seringueira prevailed chiefly near the water, in swampy places, or in places inundated when the river was high. never was the tree to be found at a distance away from water. the height of the seringueira varies from 25 ft. to 50 ft. its diameter is seldom more than 35 in. its leaf is composed of three elongated leaflets, smooth-edged and complete in themselves. the seed is smooth-skinned, and of a reddish tone. the fruit consists of a well-rounded wooden capsule enclosing three cells which contain white oily almonds not disagreeable to eat. from the almonds an oil of a light red colour, not unlike the colour of old port wine, can be extracted. that oil can be substituted for linseed oil, and has the further advantage of not desiccating so quickly. mixed with copal and turpentine it gives a handsome varnish. it can be used advantageously in the manufacture of printing-ink and soap. so that every part of the seringueira can be put to some use or other. among the other more important trees which produce rubber may be mentioned the _siphonia brevifoglia_, the _siphonia brasiliensis_, _siphonia rhytidocarpa_, and the _siphonia lutea_, all found chiefly in the state of para. in other parts of brazil grow the _ficus anthelmintica_, the _ficus doliaria_ (or _gameilleira_), the _ficus elastica_, _ficus indica_, _ficus religiosa_, _ficus radula_, _ficus elliptica_, _ficus prinoides_, the _plumeria phagedenica_, the _plumeria drastica_, the _sorveira_ or _collophora utilis_, and the _mangabeira_ or _harncornia speciosa_. at present we shall be chiefly interested in the seringueira (_siphonia elastica_). the collection of the latex from the seringueira and the subsequent process of coagulation were simple enough. a seringueiro, or rubber-collector, started from his hut early every morning carrying with him a small steel axe or pick, the head of which was 3 in. long and shaped like a bird's beak; a tin bucket, and some _barro_--soft clay which had been soaked in water. he walked along the _estrada_ or track which he had cleared for himself, leading from one rubber tree to the next. there may be twenty, thirty, fifty or more rubber trees that have been tapped on one estrada, according to the district and the activity of the seringueiro. in the case of a new tree a collar of the fibre of burity palm was in the first instance nailed with pegs of hard wood round the stem, not horizontally, but at an angle: sometimes, when necessary, in a spiral. in other cases a similar band of clay was made to encircle the tree. these collars served as channels, compelling the latex, as it exuded from cuts made in the tree, to flow into a small tin cup suspended at the lowest point of the collar. the incisions were never made lower than 2 or 3 ft. from the ground. they must not penetrate deeper than the entire thickness of the bark of the tree, and they must on no account touch or wound the actual wood, or the tree would suffer greatly--even die. in some regions the incisions were made longitudinally, in others transversely. the operation was repeated by the seringueiro each time on every rubber tree as he went along the estrada, the latex flowing freely enough into the tin cup after each fresh incision had been made. the seringueiro thus tapped each tree on his way out along the estrada, which in some cases may be several miles long; in other cases, where rubber trees were plentiful, only a few hundred yards in length. on his return journey the seringueiro emptied each small tin cup--by that time filled with latex--into the large bucket which invariably accompanied him on his daily round. rubber-trees possess in a way at least one characteristic of cows. the more milk or latex one judiciously extracts from them, the more they give, up to a certain point. but, indeed, such a thing is known as exhausting a tree in a short time. a good seringueiro usually gives the trees a rest from the time they are in bloom until the fruit is mature. in some regions even a much longer respite is given to the trees--generally during the entire rainy season. in some localities, too, in order to let the latex flow more freely, a vertical incision is made above and meeting a horizontal one. at intervals oblique incisions are cut next to the vertical ones, but in matto grosso i never saw that complicated system of incisions adopted--only vertical incisions parallel to one another at a distance of 0·25 m. (9-7/8 in.) being made there, and in rows one above another. some of the trees had actually hundreds of those cuts--many, of course, healed. each cut only exudes latex for a comparatively short time, merely an hour or so. during the first month after a tree is tapped, the supply of latex is generally plentiful; the second month it gives less; less still the third month. on an average twenty trees give about one litre of latex a day. three litres of latex are necessary in order to obtain one litre of rubber. at the head-waters of the arinos river 600 trees gave from 30 to 35 arobas (450 to 525 kils.) of fine rubber in the first month, and about 20 arobas (300 kils.) of _sarnambé_ (second quality with impurities). one aroba is 15 kils. the latex of the seringueira in the arinos region was of a beautiful white, quite liquid, and with a pungent, almost sickening, odour. when a new tree was tapped, the lower towards the ground the incisions were made the better. if after considerable tapping the tree did not yield much, it was advisable to incise the tree higher up. in that region the trees exuded latex more abundantly when they began to have new leaves in october. late in the dry season the latex flowed less freely. when the weather was windy all the latex seemed to contract to the summit of the trees and hardly flowed at all from the incisions. when it rained, on the contrary, it flowed freely, but was spoilt by being mixed with water; so that a good seringueiro must know well not only where and how, but also when to tap the trees, in order to get good results. [illustration: balls of rubber outside a seringueiro's hut.] [illustration: method of pressing rubber into cakes. the alum process of coagulation being used.] several ways were employed in order to coagulate the latex. the simplest was the one used in matto grosso. the latex was poured into a rectangular wooden mould, 0·61 m. long (2 ft.), 0·46 m. wide (1½ ft.), and 0·15 m. deep (about 6 in.). upon the latex was placed a solution of alum and warm water. then coagulation took place. in order to compress the coagulating latex into solid cakes, a primitive lever arrangement was used--merely a heavy wooden bar, one end of which was inserted into the cavity of a tree, above the wooden mould, while at the other end of the bar heavy logs of wood were suspended. one night was sufficient for the latex to coagulate thoroughly and be properly compressed into cakes, weighing each about 22½ kils. the cakes were lifted out by belts of liane which had been previously laid into the moulds. the discoverer of the method of coagulating rubber with alum was henry s. strauss. he also found that by keeping the latex in hermetically sealed vessels it could be preserved in a liquid state. the same result could be obtained with ammonia. in the amazon and para provinces a different process was used. the latex was coagulated by placing it near the fire. the heat evaporated the aqueous part and coagulated the vegetable albumen. in order to make what was called a _garrafa_, or large ball of rubber--some weighed 20, 30, 40 kils. and more--a small ball of latex was made to coagulate round a horizontal bar of wood. that ball was gradually increased in circumference by smearing it over with more latex, which became gradually coagulated and dried by the heat and smoke produced by the burning of certain woods, and of the oily seeds of the _urucuri_ palm, technically known as the _attalea excelsa_. in this process the rubber did not remain white, as with the alum process; in fact, it became dark brown, almost black, owing, of course, to the smoke. locally, the smoking process was said to be the better of the two, for the coagulation with alum took away somewhat from the elasticity of the rubber. interesting was the _sorveira_ (_collophora utilis_), a tree which gave latex that was quite delicious to drink, but could not be coagulated. the trees, to any untrained person, closely resembled the seringueira, only the leaves were more minute and differently shaped. it must be remembered that nearly all the trees of the brazilian forest had leaves only at a very great height above the ground, and it was not always easy to see their shape, especially when close to other trees where the foliage got interwoven into an almost solid mass. we frequently enjoyed the sweet milk of the _sorveira_--it tasted slightly of fresh walnuts with sugar on them. it was unsafe to drink too much of it, as it had injurious effects upon one's digestive organs. there was there also the _leiteiro_ (or producer of milk), a smaller tree, and the liana _macaco_, which both produced abundant milk, but in neither case had a way, so far, been found to coagulate it. the two days spent at porto velho were interesting. the four men who had remained with me behaved fairly well, principally owing to the prospect, that, in drifting down stream, they would not have to work, and would be saved the heavy trouble of grooming, packing and unpacking the animals, and the tedious job every morning of riding miles through the country in order to recover those that had strayed away during the night. "thank heaven!" exclaimed antonio, as he gazed at the canoe, "we shall not have to hunt for her every morning!" "yes," answered filippe, "no more pack-saddles to fix, no more leading the animals to drink. she"--pointing to the canoe--"can drink all the time if she likes...." filippe was a prophet. the canoe did "drink" all the time, much to our concern. little did my men suspect before we started that they would have the hardest time of their lives--so hard, indeed, that it was amazing humans could endure it at all. one of the three seringueiros at porto velho interested me greatly. he was a tall, gentlemanly, refined person, who seldom uttered a word. i noticed that he avoided meeting me, and, although extremely civil, seemed afraid to enter into conversation. the little shed he had built himself (7 ft. by 4 ft., and 7 ft. high) was extraordinarily neat, and open on all sides--quite unlike the sheds brazilian rubber collectors build themselves. from my tent i watched him. the man got up before sunrise every day, going at once to the river for a swim. humming some sort of a song, he would then go through a series of gymnastic exercises, interrupted by sonorous slaps upon different parts of his anatomy to kill impertinent mosquitoes, of which there were swarms on the arinos river. that done, he would assume a suit of working-clothes, and, returning to his shed, would pick up his tools and noiselessly depart, so as not to disturb our sleep! at sunset, when he returned, he immediately proceeded to the river to have another swim and to get rid of the many insects which always collected upon one's person in going through the forest. then he put on a clean suit of clothes, and, saluting us from a distance, went to his shed to rest. i was certain the man was not a brazilian, but as curiosity is not one of my chief characteristics i took no special notice of him. this brought him round to my tent one evening. the man was a german by birth, of a good family and excellent education. he could speak german, english, french, spanish and portuguese to perfection, and was well versed in the literature of those languages. he had evidently drifted about for many years in many parts of south america in search of a fortune, in the argentine, in uruguay, and had ended by becoming a slave in brazil. yes, the poor old man was a voluntary slave. he had borrowed from his employer and was unable to repay. he was therefore a slave in the true sense of the word, as his employer could, according to local custom, sell him to any one he chose. [illustration: the upper arinos river.] [illustration: the arinos river above the rapids.] i was terribly upset to see a european in such a position, and, what was worse, i was not in a position to help. nor indeed was help asked for or wanted. the old fellow bore the burden bravely, and said he had never been happier in his life. supposing he were made to return to his own country--from which he had been absent so many years--he philosophically argued, what could he be, with no money and no friends, but a most unhappy man? all his relatives and friends must have died; the habits he had acquired in the wilds were not suitable for european cities; he was too old to change them. the german was an extraordinarily fine type of a man, honest, straightforward, brave. he spoke in the kindest and fairest way of his master. he had sold himself because of necessity. it was now a matter of honour, and he would remain a slave until it was possible to repay the purchase money--some four hundred pounds sterling, if i remember rightly--which he never expected to be able to repay at all. the german told me some interesting things about the immediate neighbourhood of the camp. the indians of the cayapo tribe, who lived close by, did not interfere with the seringueiros. he had been there several years in succession, and he had never seen an indian. the seringueiros only went to collect rubber during some three or four months each year, after which time they returned to the distant towns south as far as cuyabá and corumbá. at the beginning of the rainy season, when the time came for them to retire, the indians generally began to remind the seringueiros that it was time to go, by placing obstacles on the estrada, by removing cups or even the collars from the rubber trees. but so far in that region, although footmarks of indians and other signs of them had been noticed, not one individual had been actually seen. their voices were frequently heard in the distance singing war songs. "hark!" said the german to me, "do you hear them?" i listened attentively. far, far down the river a faint chorus of voices could just be heard--intermittent sounds of "huá ... huá ... huá ... huá." in the stillness of the night the sound could be distinguished clearly. it went on until sunrise, when it gradually died out. there was a big lagoon to the west of porto velho, formed by the river at high water. the lagoon dried up during the dry season. it was separated from the river only by a narrow tongue of land, 80 ft. high. i took careful and repeated observations for latitude, longitude, and altitude, the latter by a boiling-point thermometer, from our point of departure at the headwaters of the arinos river. the elevation of the river was there 1,200 ft. by aneroid, 1,271 ft. by the hypsometrical apparatus. the latitude was 14° 2'·2 south; the longitude 56° 17' west of greenwich. we were having beautiful, clear skies. only on july 4th at sunset a solitary streak of mist extended to the summit of the sky. i had two plans in my mind when i decided to descend the arinos river. one was to abandon that river at the point where it met the juruena river and strike across country westward until the madeira-mamore railway was met. the other plan--even more difficult--was to continue down the river as far as its junction with the tres barras, from which place i would strike across the virgin forest as far as the madeira river. i had not the faintest idea how i could realize either plan with the ridiculously meagre resources at my disposal. i had money enough, but unfortunately that was one of the few spots on earth where money was of little use. again i trusted in providence to come to our help. both plans involved thousands of kilometres of navigation of a diabolical river, in an almost uncontrollable canoe, with an insufficient and absolutely incapable crew. then would come the crossing of the virgin forest on foot, for some hundreds of kilometres--nobody knew how many. the least number of men necessary in order to be able to carry provisions sufficient to execute either plan was thirty. i only had four. yet i started. the second plan was successfully carried out, but necessarily at the cost almost of all our lives, and with sufferings unimaginable. chapter ii hoisting the british flag--an escaped slave--a dilemma--benedicto--the _lutra brasiliensis_--the seringueiros--a marvellous river--rapids on july 6th we packed the canoe with our baggage and dogs. the british flag was hoisted at the stern of the canoe, and with tender embraces from the seringueiros, whose eyes were wet with tears--they imagined that we were going to certain death--we pulled out of porto velho at seven minutes to eleven o'clock a.m. "we will pray with all our hearts that you may reach the end of your journey safely!... beware of the rapids; they are terrible.... be careful because the canoe does not steer true.... do not let the canoe knock too hard against rocks, or she may split in two!... good-bye!... good-bye!" with those encouraging remarks from the seringueiros, who were sobbing bitterly, we drifted with the current, antonio and filippe the negro paddling in the style generally adopted for scooping soup with a spoon out of a dish. i had provided the canoe with a number of improvised paddles we had cut ourselves. there were no two of equal size, shape, or weight. we had chopped them with an axe from sections of a tree. they were originally all intended to be the same, but what we intended to have and what we got were two different matters, as the five of us each worked on a separate paddle. the seringueiros stood on the high bank, waving their arms in the air. one of them blew plaintive sounds on one of the horns used by them for calling their companions while in the forest. those horns could be heard enormous distances. filippe the white man, who was not paddling, fired back a salute of ten shots. there was nothing my men loved more than to waste ammunition. fortunately we had plenty. the average width of the river was there from 80 to 100 metres, with a fairly swift current. it was lucky that ours was the only boat on that river, for indeed we needed all that breadth of water in our snake-like navigation. i remonstrated with alcides, who was at the helm, and advised him to keep the nose of the canoe straight ahead, as we were coming to a _corrideira_ or small rapid. alcides, who could never be told anything, became enraged at my words of warning, and also at the derision of the other men, as we were drifting side on and he could not straighten her course. just as we were entering the rapid, in his fury alcides, in disgust, let go the steering-gear, which he said was useless. we were seized by the current and swung round with some violence, dashing along, scraping the bottom of the canoe on rocks, and bumping now on one side, now on the other, until eventually we were dashed violently over a lot of submerged trees, where the bank had been eroded by the current and there had been a landslide. the canoe nearly capsized, the three dogs and some top baggage being thrown out into the water by the impact. we got stuck so hard among the branches of the trees that we all had to remove our lower garments and get into the water trying to get the canoe off. my men used pretty language. that small accident was lucky for us. the shouts of my men attracted to the bank a passing man. half-scared, a wild figure of a mulatto with long, unkempt hair and beard, his body covered by what must have once been a suit of clothes, stood gazing at us, clutching a double-barrelled gun in his hands. "is there a revolution in matto grosso?" he inquired when i caught sight of him. "why do you fly the red flag?" "that is not the flag of revolution, that is the flag of peace. it is the english flag." "the english flag! the english flag!" he exclaimed, running down the slope of the river bank. "you are english!... oh, sir, take me with you! i entreat you take me with you! i am an escaped slave.... i owe my master much money.... i can never repay it.... i am a seringueiro. my estrada is some miles down the river. i have been there alone suffering for months. i had no more food, nothing. there is very little fish in the river. the life is too terrible. i can stand it no more. if you do not take me with you i shall kill myself." i tried to persuade the strange figure to return to his master--the master lived in comfort in the city of cuyabá. "if you chose to borrow money and sell yourself, it was only right that you should repay your debt." that was the only way i could look at it. but the man would not hear of it. if i did not take him he would kill himself--there, before me, he repeated; that was all. so difficult a dilemma to solve--at so inconvenient a moment, when we were as busy as busy could be, trying to disentangle the canoe--was rather tiresome. the strange man, having laid his gun upon the ground, helped us with all his might in our work. when the canoe got off, the strange man, gun and all, jumped clumsily into her and nearly capsized her a second time. he implored me with tears in his eyes to take him along. he would work day and night; he would present me with his double-barrelled gun (an old muzzle-loader); he did not want pay--he only wanted to get freed from his master, who, he said, robbed and ill-treated him. "do you swear upon all that is most sacred that you have made up your mind not to go back to your master?" "yes. if you say 'no' to me, i shall kill myself now." benedicto--that was his name--spoke with quiet determination. "very good, benedicto. you can remain. what is more, you shall receive from this moment the same pay as the other men. you can keep your old gun, too." benedicto embraced and kissed my hands, then my feet. the poor man's joy was so great that it was really worth living to see that such moments of happiness could be procured in a man's lifetime. benedicto was a free man again, and for the first time in his life was earning genuine money! he was handed a paddle, and he paddled away for all he was worth, splashing with water those in front and behind him. he was in a state of great excitement, tears flowing freely down his cheeks and beard, and dripping on to his knees as he sat in the bottom of the canoe. he sobbed to his heart's content, and kept on splashing us all over with his paddle. we were all so touched by that pathetic scene that we preferred getting wet to remonstrating. fortunately the river was placid enough under the _corrideira_. when things had quieted down a little, i taught benedicto and the others how to paddle properly, and alcides how to steer straight. i had then five men. that improved matters greatly, as four could paddle while the fifth was steering. the arinos river flowed from porto velho in a south-westerly, then in a due westerly direction, then north, then again west, from which last point it doubled, as it were, and proceeded east and south-east, returning to within quite a short distance of our original point of departure. we sounded our horn, and immediately heard in reply the horn of the seringueiros at porto velho. judging by the sound, the distance could not have been more than a few hundred metres, although we had travelled some six thousand metres down stream. [illustration: the first rocks in the arinos river.] [illustration: enormous globular rocks typical of the arinos river.] for the first time i noticed swallows flying swiftly over the river, close to the water. another easy _corrideira_ was encountered. when we had been out several hours my men were already beginning to get into the right way of paddling, and alcides was commencing to understand the capricious mysteries of the steering-gear. on account of my men's inexperience--and due credit being given to the current--we went at the rate of 13 kils. an hour. innumerable were the rubber trees all along the banks. occasionally small sand beaches were met with. here and there a fallen giant tree obstructed part of the river. families of _ariranhas_ (_lutra brasiliensis_) played in the water. the pretty little animals--not unlike otters--raised their heads above water, and, hissing loudly, frequently came to attack the canoe. they were extraordinarily brave. they were greatly attracted by the vivid red of the british flag, which in their imagination suggested blood. they became wildly excited when i waved the flag at them, and when i placed it near the water they would charge the canoe--so much so that two or three times my men were able to kill them by striking them on the head with the heavy wooden paddles. the river was at its lowest when i descended it, which made it all the more difficult for us, as we were treated to innumerable small rapids which would otherwise have been entirely covered over with water. a great island (80 m. long) of pebbles and beautiful crystals was passed in the centre of the stream, which there formed two channels; one entirely blocked by fallen trees and accumulated rolling material, the other, 40 m. wide, very deep and swift. the banks of the river were about 20 ft. high, generally of red earth, with a stratum of white sand above. the vegetation was luxuriant and extraordinarily tidy along the summit of the banks. the water was quite crystal-like, it was so clear. all the time our nostrils were fully expanded to inhale the delicious scent of the forest, which closely resembled that of jessamine. masses of violet-coloured convolvuli were festooned from the trees. that was a great treat for me, after the months i had gone through when my entire days were spent eating up dust raised in clouds by the troop of animals marching in front of me. when you came to survey a river it was really amazing what zigzags water could make in cutting its way through a country. from north-west the arinos veered south-west, and from south-west to north-east. by one o'clock we were in a spacious basin, 200 m. in diameter, close to which a small tributary, 2 m. wide, entered the arinos on the left bank. farther down on the right bank were neat beaches of white and red sand. we stopped for a few moments at a seringueiro's shed. the poor fellow--a negro--was in a pitiable condition from malarial fever. those martyrs of labour were much to be pitied, and also admired. there, hundreds of miles away from everybody, they stayed, abandoned in the forest until the agents of their masters who had dropped them there found it convenient to come and fetch them back again. if they came back at all and never failed, it was not, you can be sure, for the interest they took in human life, but because of the quantity of valuable rubber which they expected would be collected before their return. those poor creatures had no possible way of escape, except under extraordinary circumstances. they were conveyed to their stations overland by means of pack animals, which at once were sent back and did not return until the end of the collecting season. even then, if the seringueiro wanted to get away, he was frequently compelled to purchase an animal from his employer at three or four times its actual value--that is to say, perhaps sixty or eighty pounds sterling. so that the more a man worked or earned the more he became indebted to his master. like all men who have lived a great deal in exile and solitude, the seringueiros--nearly all blacks or mulattos--were extraordinarily generous. they always wanted to give you all they possessed--which was next to nothing, but meant a fortune to them. they would deprive themselves of anything if they thought they could give the slightest pleasure. we left the seringueiro. i feared the poor man could not live long in his broken-down condition. he was most grateful for some medicine and provisions i left with him. his farewell to us was in so melancholy a voice, as he tried to lift himself out of an improvised bamboo couch, that for days it rang in my ears, and before my eyes constantly remained his skeleton-like, sunken features as he waved his farewell and fell back exhausted. behind a narrow barrier of sand, about 10 ft. high, as we proceeded down stream in a north-westerly direction, was a large lagoon. the river was really too beautiful for words, the clear green water reflecting with precision in deeper tones the view before us. only when its course was disturbed and diverted by a sharp rock or by the branches of a fallen and dying tree, the successive angular ridges of the troubled water shone like polished silver in parallel lines from the reflected light of the sun, just like a huge luminous skeleton of a fish. the trees were truly wonderful along the river--tall and healthy, with dense deep green foliage. but nature seemed absolutely asleep. barring the few swallows we had seen soon after our departure, and the _ariranhas_, we went the whole day without hearing the song of a bird, or the howling of a wild animal. we did hear a noise resembling the bark of a dog--so much did it resemble it that my dogs barked back. but it came not from a dog at all. the peculiar noise was made by a large bird. [illustration: a rocky barrier in the river.] [illustration: a picturesque double waterfall on the arinos river.] after passing a handsome beach of white sand on our left, the river described sharp angles, west, north-west, north-east, then north. there were rapids, fairly strong, although not dangerous in any way. the river was forced through a channel 50 m. wide, in which the current was very strong. to make things worse, a giant tree had fallen and obstructed much of the passage, compelling us to negotiate the rapid in its worst part. a large bay, 180 m. in diameter, opened out below that point. farther came a perfectly straight stretch of water for 3,000 m. halfway down that stretch, to the right, we passed the mouth of the agua clara, a charming rivulet of crystalline water, 10 m. wide. a conglomerate stratum of alluvial formation, composed of well-rounded pebbles held together by red earth, and crumbling easily under pressure of the fingers, showed through in many places. the beaches of handsome, fine white sand were most interesting. the forest was getting thin on both sides. in fact, late in the afternoon we had open country on the left bank--only a few trees being visible near the water's edge, and an occasional giant _jatobá_ (_hymencoea courbaril_ l.), the latter chiefly on the right bank. the right bank was sparsely wooded, and at one time we had open campos on both sides of us. a streamlet 3 m. wide entered the arinos on the left. we got to one point where the river proved treacherous, although apparently almost tranquil on the surface. the brazilians have an excellent name for such places--_rebojo_, or a curve formed by sudden deviation of a current. if we had not been careful in going across such places, it would have been easy for the canoe to have been turned over and sucked under. patches of thick forest were met on either bank, and in those patches numerous indeed were the rubber trees. in the afternoon we saw chiefly campos and _chapada_, or thin scrub. considering all, we did well--chiefly owing to the strong current--on our first day of navigation. we had gone some 70 kils. when we halted at sunset, at the junction of the very deep streamlet quarustera with the arinos. the elevation of our camp, 60 ft. above the river, was 1,200 ft. the nights were cool enough--minimum 55° fahr. on the night of june 6th--7th. there was a thick haze over the river in the morning, and as we did not know what we might be coming upon suddenly we did not make a start until 7.15. after crossing a large and shallow bay the stream was forced into a channel 50 m. wide. there was open country--campos--on the right bank. a curious isolated volcanic boulder split in two was then observed in the stream, while the banks were of alluvially deposited conglomerate. from that spot luxuriant forest was on the right bank once more, while open country was on the left. upon examination i found that the thick forest was merely a band or zone near the water--behind was open country. farther, the river went through a neck 40 m. wide where the current was very swift. the banks almost all along were from 10 to 20 ft. high. slender _tucuma_ or _tucuman_ palms were to be seen, which had stems only 3 to 4 in. in diameter, but were 30 to 40 ft. high, and had a ball-like tuft of leaves at the top. we then came upon open country (_chapada_) on both sides, and went over small _corrideiras_, which we got to like, as we travelled along on them at a greater speed than in the still waters, with a minimum of exertion. the river seemed to be getting narrower all the time that day, and, of course, deeper. in many spots it went through a channel not more than 30 m. wide. we heard--but not for long--the cackling of the _jacu_ (_penelope cristata_), a handsome gallinaceous bird. the _jacu_ made most delicious eating. then that day flocks of small green parrots flew over our heads on several occasions. _ariranhas_ gave us once more a good deal of amusement and sport. it was seldom one found such cheeky and inquisitive animals. they would pop their heads out of the water quite close to the canoe and sniff and grind their teeth at us. they had beautiful little heads--something between a cat and a seal--with lovely, but wicked, black eyes of wonderful luminosity. they had a perfect craving for blood. the brazilians have strange tales about them--not exactly fit for publication. the sand beaches were not so frequent as we advanced on our journey. we noticed instead extensive beaches of gravel. another tributary stream, 10 m. wide at its mouth, entered the arinos from the east. there was heavy forest there with plenty of rubber-trees on the right bank, whereas the country was open on the left bank. farther down, the banks became low, so that the slightest rise in the river would inundate the country. the forest was particularly thick, and the rubber trees plentiful, along a stretch of 4,300 m. of river in a perfectly straight line. the river was getting more and more beautiful at every turn. we emerged into a bay 300 m. in diameter. great blocks of conglomerate were strewn about. a great spur projected to the centre of the bay. the richness in rubber of that region was amazing. wonderful giant trees, heavily laden with dark green foliage, were reflected in deeper tones in the water of the river--there almost stagnant because held up by some obstacle lower down. innumerable festoons of creepers hung down from those trees. the stream was there 80 m. wide, and beautiful that day in great stretches of 4,300 m., 1,400 m., 1,000 m., 3,000 m., 1,500 m., and 1,200 m.--in a perfectly straight line. the forest was occasionally interrupted on one side or the other by great expanses of _chapada_. immense _bacabeira_ palms, 40 to 50 ft. high, were numerous, most graceful to look at, with their ten or eleven huge compound leaves placed like an open fan. yellow filaments of some length hung in a cluster where the petiole of the leaves met. we arrived at a _pedreria_--an accumulation of rocks--extending almost right across the stream, and which was the cause of the placidity of the waters above it. there were two channels--one to bearings magnetic 330°, the other to 360°--on either side of a central island. we followed the first and larger channel. the island, which had a most luxuriant growth of trees upon it, was subdivided into two by a channel 10 m. wide at its south-eastern end. for purposes of identification i named all the islands we saw. the larger of these two i called esmeralda island. in order to establish its exact position i landed and took observations for latitude and longitude. lat. 13° 15'·6 s.; long. 56° 46' w. [illustration: an island of the arinos river.] [illustration: vegetation on an island in the river arinos.] we were then at an elevation of 1,150 ft. the temperature in the shade was 77° fahr. and 98° in the sun. six-tenths of the sky was covered with thick globular clouds, which made the air heavy, although the temperature was not excessively high. it must be remembered that we in the canoe were in the sun all the time and suffered a good deal in the morning and afternoon, when the sun was not high, by the refraction of the sun's rays from the water. the refracted light was so powerful that it interfered a good deal with the navigation. the river looked like a molten surface of boiling silver, which absolutely blinded us at times, and made it impossible to see what was ahead in the water. esmeralda island was formerly joined at its most south-westerly point to the western bank of the river. from that point the river described an arc of a circle as far as bearings magnetic 20° (n.n.e.). we negotiated successfully two small rapids with large volcanic rocks just under the surface of the water. we just escaped going over one of them, which would have certainly capsized the canoe. as it was we merely scraped the side of the canoe against it. the left bank, which had crumbled down, showed strata of conglomerate and yellow sand, with upper alluvial deposits of a light grey colour. we were travelling due north in a straight line of 1,800 m. when we came upon the entrance of a lakelet on the west side of an islet. a huge fish--some 5 ft. in length--unaccustomed to the unusual sight of human beings, played about under our canoe for some time, much to the excitement of my men. birds of superb metallic blue, vivid yellow, and iridescent plumage played about among the trees. on the left bank farther down was a great growth of high bamboos, then again forest with plenty of vigorous rubber trees. again small and fairly swift rapids were encountered in a turn of the river from bearings magnetic 70° to 250°. a tributary stream which came from the south entered the arinos on its left bank. then we came to another island forming two channels--one (n.w.) 20 m. wide, with some rough-looking rapids; the other channel (n.), larger and shallower, divided in its turn in two by a mound of yellow gravel. alcides, who steered, had an idea that in going down rapids you should always send the canoe over places where the water broke and foamed, which meant rocks underneath, and not keep her in the centre of the channel where the water was deeper. this idea was, i think, suggested by his inability to swim, and the hope that if we got wrecked he could touch bottom with his feet, so that his life might be in comparative safety. i tried to argue the point with him, but it was no use. it invariably led to such unpleasantness that once more i decided to trust in providence, as long as we went forward. i had just shouted to alcides to keep in the centre of the channel. of course he disobeyed. we were caught in the strong current. one moment later there was a violent bump which knocked us all off our seats and sent us sprawling in the bottom of the canoe. we had stuck fast between two rocks. the canoe, being of such great length, vibrated to and fro with the current forcing it at the side. laden as she was with baggage, in a few moments she became filled with water, and it was only after working hard for the best part of an hour that we were able to extricate ourselves from our position. we had hardly finished baling the water out on resuming our course than, 1,500 m. farther, we came to more rapids, then 700 m. beyond yet other rapids. the forest was fairly thick all along on both banks, with innumerable healthy rubber trees. although the forest seemed impenetrable at first sight, i always found that it was easy enough to go through it if one knew how. quite close to the water naturally the vegetation was somewhat entangled. in many places were extensive patches of bamboos of considerable height; but there is a way of disentangling the most confused growth, if you happen to understand how those plants and liane grow and get twisted. any one with a keen sense of observation should experience no difficulty whatever in going through the densest forest anywhere in the world--even without using a knife--although, of course, the latter is useful when you wish to keep up a certain speed in your marching. eleven kilometres and a half from the last rapids--having travelled north-west, south-west, east, and even due south, so winding was the course of the river--we came to a tributary stream 10 m. wide, on the left side of the arinos. eight kilometres farther we passed the inlet--then dry--of a small lagoon fed by the stream. the river banks, where eroded by the water, showed a lower layer of reddish-brown rock with a bright red ferruginous stratum above it. the top layer, 10 ft. thick, seemed formed of lime and alluvial deposits. we emerged into a large basin 200 m. across, with a charming little island in the centre forming two channels with fairly strong rapids. we followed the channel on the right. at that point the river folded over itself into a great elbow. a cliff, 120 ft. high, towered on one side in brilliant red and yellow. the lower half of the strata was perfectly horizontal; the upper half at an angle of 45° to the lower. the vivid colouring was intensified by contrast with a beautiful beach of immaculate white sand on the left side of the great elbow. i observed a wonderful double lunar halo on the night of july 7-8, the outer circle in successive tints of most delicate yellow, orange, pale blue and white--the yellow being nearest the centre. chapter iii dangerous navigation--eddies--whirlpools--an extraordinary creature--the man x.--pedro de toledo island--an interesting rodent we were rather proud of ourselves, as we had gone 69 kils. on july 7th, paddling away--barring the interval for lunch--from 7.15 in the morning until 7.30 at night. the night was fairly cold--minimum 57° fahr.; the elevation 1,100 ft. where i made camp at the elbow of the stream (on the left bank) there were innumerable rubber trees. a similar wealth of _siphonia elastica_ appeared to be on the opposite bank, where the forest was luxuriant. on july 8th we began our journey by going down rapids. then after some 15,300 m. of fairly smooth navigation we crossed a basin 130 m. wide, where we encountered strong eddies--most unpleasant, as they swerved the canoe about in a way that was alarming. lower down a swift _corrideira_ and more eddies gave us some trouble. a beautiful _ariranha_ peeped out of the water close to the canoe, spitting angrily at us. it was attracted by the blood-red of the english flag, which it evidently wanted to bite. my men fired and wounded it; but so vicious were those little otters, and so great their craving for blood, that it still came on to within a foot or two of the canoe, when my men killed it. the river was there compressed into a deep channel, 85 m. wide, with a strong current, after which it split into two arms--one north-west, 25 m. wide; the other north-east, 30 m. broad. the island thus formed between the two arms was 2,500 m. long. we called it ariranha island. a streamlet 3 m. wide entered the arinos on the right bank. where the banks were free from vegetation an undulating stratum of red earth was exposed, directly above which was a stratum from 1 to 2 ft. thick of a brilliant yellow colour. above that rested the usual grey alluvial deposits from 6 to 8 ft. thick. from a direction due west the stream suddenly turned north, between high banks. a strong _corrideira_ was found before the stream divided itself into three arms--two of those arms flowing north-east, the other north-west. we followed the latter--a channel 20 m. wide, with a high bank of gravel on its left side. where those arms met again--some 500 m. farther--a basin 200 m. in diameter was formed. a hill 150 ft. high, covered with dense vegetation, faced us to the north. it was quite an unusual sight in such flat country. the stream took a sharp turn at that spot--it positively doubled. strong eddies were encountered. the greatest care should have been taken in going over places of that kind, but "care" was a word i had absolutely scratched out of my vocabulary as useless in my journey across brazil. how and why we ever got across those places with the crew i had on board, would indeed be beyond me to explain--unless, as on preceding occasions, it was due to the unceasing protection of a guardian angel. after crossing a circular basin 200 m. in diameter, the river became suddenly squeezed into a channel 30 m. wide, much strewn with rocks. a somewhat troublesome rapid had to be negotiated there, rendered more difficult by the recent fall, across the best part of the stream, of a giant tree. the branches which stuck out of the water formed a regular barrier and waved to and fro with the violent pressure of the water. before we could realize where we were, alcides steered us straight into the branches and foliage of the fallen tree. as we were travelling at an accelerated speed with the strong current, all our hats were scraped off our heads, and, what was worse, our scalps, faces, and arms had patches of skin torn off as we crashed among the branches. it took us some time before we were able to disentangle ourselves, resume navigation, and recover as we went along the various headgear floating independently down the stream. another little tributary, 2 m. wide, entered the arinos on the left side. no sooner had we freed ourselves from the rapids than we were in a circle 80 m. across, with nasty-looking eddies, which swung the undermanned canoe now to one side, then violently to the other, in a dangerous way. we could not have struck a worse time for navigating the river. it was then the end of the dry season and the water at its lowest, so that every possible obstacle that could be found in that river stood to impede our progress. this would not have been the case at high water when navigation in that portion of the stream would have been comparatively smooth and easy. we were thanking our stars that we had passed the vicious eddies safely, when we were confronted by more rapids, with treacherous submerged rocks. yet another basin, 150 m. wide, was crossed, with large blocks of black rock showing through on the left bank. more rapids were met--quite easy to negotiate. the sky was half covered with feathery radiations from the south. to the north another hill, 120 ft. high, eroded by water, stood on the left bank of the stream, where red volcanic rock was also visible in a stratum 15 ft. thick, covered by a thick layer of yellow earth. strong rapids came next. we had had so much luck in the descent of the rapids--which, bad as they were, really were so far quite unimportant as compared to what we were to find later--that my men began to be quite adventurous. saving trifling mishaps, we were getting on well. the tributaries of the arinos we had seen so far that day were small streamlets 1 m. wide on the right; another, 2 m. wide--a limpid stream--coming from the south-west on the left. several springs of clear water filtered through the left bank. in the centre of the river was an extensive bank of gravel held up by blocks of volcanic rock. [illustration: preparing the canoe to descend a rapid.] [illustration: a cataract on the arinos river.] in a basin 150 m. wide rose a pretty island. rapids were found in the channels, of which the western was wider and more free from obstacles. for one entire kilometre there were strong eddies and rapids in succession; then came 3,500 m. of fairly easy travelling. the river for 23,500 m. had been flowing almost in a straight line due north, with slight variations of a few degrees to the north-east and once to the north-west. plenty of _tucum_ or _tucuma_ palms adorned the right bank; whereas on the left bank was fairly open country. again, after some more rapids, the river was squeezed into a neck only 25 m. wide, gradually widening to some 150 m., where whirlpools and eddies of considerable magnitude were formed. on several occasions the canoe was caught in them and swerved right round, describing one or more circles upon herself. two islets were passed, then a tributary 10 m. wide coming from the east on the right side of us. a great number of submerged rocks close to the surface formed a ridge 200 m. in length all along the centre of the stream. in a wonderful stretch 4,000 m. long in a perfectly straight line north, the river was from 50 to 100 m. wide. a small tributary rivulet entered it on the west. at the end of that long stretch a wall, 100 ft. high, of brilliantly yellow rock in its lower part, with 15 ft. of vivid red rock above, diverted the stream almost at a right angle toward the west. rapids and eddies were encountered after passing an obstruction of accumulated gravel in the centre of the river, there 50 m. wide. giant trees, not unlike weeping willows, bent over the river, their streamers touching the water. a rocky barrier extended as far as the centre of the stream, leaving only one safe passage on the left side close to the bank. the stream was at that point 100 m. broad, and of great beauty, in a straight line north for 7,400 m. my men were beginning to paddle a little better, and we were travelling at a considerable speed with the current. we had glorious weather, and although the heat was great our travelling was perfectly delightful. in the daytime we were not worried much by insects. the canoe now and then stuck fast in shallow places or upon rocks, but we all jumped gaily into the water and pushed her along until she floated again. those baths in the deliciously clear water were quite refreshing. we generally jumped in clothes and all, and left it to the sun to dry the garments upon our backs and legs. i usually wore pyjamas while travelling in the canoe, as they were more comfortable than other clothes and dried quicker when we came out of the water again. many sharp successive turns were met next in the course of the river, which then showed stunted vegetation on the right bank and thick forest on the left. a high natural wall, 100 ft. high, of bright cadmium yellow for 30 ft. in its lower part, of vivid red for 50 ft. above that, and darker red above, barred our way in front (north). on its summit were peculiar white-barked slender trees--so white that they looked almost as if they had been painted, but of course they had not. the entire centre of the river, forming there an extensive basin, was blocked by a high bank of gravel, leaving merely narrow channels close to the banks. the high wall deflected the stream from 290° to bearings magnetic 30°. a range of hills some 300 ft. high then appeared before us, extending from n.n.w. to s.s.e. we went over a stony place which obstructed almost the entire river, except a narrow channel close to the banks. that was followed by rapids. some 2 kil. 300 m. farther, a hill range to the north switched the stream sharply from north to north-west, which direction it kept with a mere deviation of 20° for 6,500 m. the stream was then 100 metres wide nearly all along, and of amazing beauty. yet another stony place disturbed the placidity of the transparent crystal-like water. at the end of that wonderful stretch of river came another great vertical wall, on the left side--of most brilliant colouring, a stratum of vivid red 60 ft. deep with thin bright horizontal yellow streaks, and an upper stratum 18 ft. thick of a similar dazzling yellow. the northern portion of the cliff differed in colouring, and had a brown lower stratum 30 ft. thick, followed upwards by a yellow stratum 2 ft. thick, and a red stratum--a most brilliant vermilion--15 ft. thick. above was a pink layer 15 ft. thick and a summit deposit of brown earth 45 ft. deep. there again the river was shifted by that obstacle from b.m. 290° to due north. a charming island--which i baptized bridget island--700 m. long and 100 m. wide, absolutely smothered in vegetation, was found there. it had an extensive spur of yellow sand and gravel. the right bank was sparsely wooded with open country behind. two channels were found, one flowing north-west, 40 m. wide, the other north-east, 30 m. broad. we followed the latter, where the rapids seemed less fearsome than in the broader channel. at the end of bridget island another island, 500 m. long, was found, which we called lucky island. this second island was 200 m. down stream from the first, and was situated at the junction of the river dos patos ("river of ducks") with the river arinos on the right side of the latter stream. we were amazed to see opposite the island on the right bank a fishing tackle and some clothes. as we had already gone 89 kil. 850 m. that day, having kept an average speed of 11 kil. 250 m. an hour, and the sun was about to set, we decided to halt on "lucky island" for the night. we were busy preparing our dinner when a strange figure appeared on the right bank, rifle in hand. his astonishment at seeing us was no greater than ours at seeing him. "who were we?" "where did we come from?" "what did we want there?" "where were we going?" all those questions having been duly answered, i sent my canoe over to ferry the fellow across. he was one of the queerest men i have ever met. his eyes constantly roamed about like those of a wild feline animal. he never kept still a moment, springing up unexpectedly to his feet when he was sitting down, and squatting himself down when he had been standing up. all the time he was handling his rifle--a very handsome one--and with rapid movements watched intently now one then another of our party. he seemed in a state of great nervous strain and excitement. he appeared to be a first or second cross of indians and negroes--quite young, some twenty-four years of age. he had very little clothing upon his person, which showed limbs of extraordinary muscular strength. seldom is it given to one to see so cruel a face, seldom were criminal characteristics so clearly marked on any one's countenance and in the formation of the skull. a man with a face like that could be capable of any crime. his conversation supplied ample further testimony that his physiognomy had not deceived me. i had so far thought that my men were the coarsest, the most brutal individuals i had ever met, but they were not in it at all with the strange figure we had before us. the conversation of my men had seemed to me disgustingly vulgar, but it now appeared the acme of refinement when the new man opened his mouth to talk. good gracious me! what extraordinary oaths--what perversion of ideas--what foaming hatred for the creator, our saviour, all the saints imaginable, and humanity in general! evidently the poor man had a screw loose somewhere within his brain-case. i gave him some tobacco, a quantity of which i carried for my men. without a word of acknowledgment he seized it, and, with paper my men gave him, proceeded to make himself a cigarette. "i am tired of this life," said he, as he rolled the tobacco. "i am a slave. i owe my master 1 conto 200 milreis (£80). he sold me this rifle, and some cartridges, and i cannot repay him. i am rotting away with fever. i am dying of starvation, i am going mad in this place.... i have no more food, and have been unable for three days to catch fish. do not let me die here. take me with you. i will give you my rifle, this ring"--a cheap ring which he proceeded to take from his finger--"i shall work hard and require no pay if you will save me from death." i told him that he had better consider his position seriously before doing anything rash. we should not be leaving until the next morning. the man, whom we shall call x, as i do not wish to divulge his real name, sat up the entire night talking to my men. his excitement was great--at least, judging by the loudness of his voice. during those long sleepless hours--with all of them shouting at the top of their voices it was impossible to sleep--i overheard the entire history of his life. what a life! i prayed my stars that x would change his mind and decide to stay where he was, for though i needed extra men badly i feared that his company would not be a welcome addition to our party, bad as it was. like all men who have lived much in seclusion, he possessed marvellous vitality and magnetism. my men were simply hypnotised by the remarkable tales of his deeds, or rather misdeeds. long before we were ready to start, x went to seat himself in the canoe to make sure we should not leave him behind. when i asked him to reconsider once more what he was doing, which was not fair to his master, no matter how bad he may have been, x positively refused to remain there. "if you do not want me to come," he said with determination, "you will have to fling me into the water and keep my head under until i am drowned." that was rather a trying dilemma. much as i disapprove of slavery, i did not like the idea of taking matters into my own hands and freeing other people's slaves; yet it was impossible to refuse assistance to a suffering man when he asked for it. in any case i had no wish to be responsible for his death. "x," i said to him, "you have quite made up your mind to go with us?" "yes." "will you promise faithfully that you will work and give no trouble?" "may my old father and mother be struck by lightning this moment if i shall give you trouble!" was his reply. "very good, x. you can keep your rifle and cartridges and your ring"--he had just deposited them at my feet--"they are your own property. i do not want them. you shall receive the same salary as the other men from this day as long as you do your work satisfactorily." x jumped out of the canoe to embrace me. on his brutal face was for a moment an expression of gratitude ... he rested his head upon my shoulder and sobbed for many minutes. with a crew of six men, things were a little better for us. four could paddle while one steered, and the sixth stood on the prow with a long pole punting, or on the look-out for dangerous obstacles. x paddled with such vigour that alcides at the helm had the greatest difficulty in keeping the canoe straight. it had a good effect on the other men, who also paddled away with all their might, and we were speeding along with the strong current almost as fast as a steam launch. the minimum temperature during the night (july 8th-9th) had been 57° fahr. the elevation above the sea level of lucky island was 1,100 ft. the river dos patos came from the s.s.e., then bent to the east where its sources were. lucky island was 250 m. in length. the river had an average width of 80 m. as we went along my men sang gaily, particularly x, who seemed like a bird let out of its cage, so happy did he feel at being a free man again. his répertoire was not of the choicest kind, but what was lacking in quality was made up in quantity. for some hours we were treated to a vocal concert, x's solos sending my men into fits of merriment. his wit--of the crudest kind--was sometimes funny. this great gaiety seemed most weird in that region where silence reigned supreme always. the voices seemed to travel immense distances, echoed from one side to the other of the river. words were reproduced with great clearness by the echo two or three times over. especially when we had forest on both sides of the stream was the echo particularly perfect. quantities of rubber trees--absolutely going to waste--were to be seen now on one side, then on the other, of the river where the banks were wooded. [illustration: a rapid on the arinos river.] [illustration: taking the canoe through a narrow channel.] another most beautiful island, 800 m. long and 80 m. wide--pedro de toledo island--was passed. it had a channel 10 m. wide in a north-westerly direction, another, which we followed, 50 m. broad, north-east. on emerging from this channel at the end of the island we were in a basin 140 m. in diameter. some 3 kils. farther, another great basin was crossed--very shallow, only 2 ft. deep--with a gravel bottom. the current was swift. then, 2 kils. beyond, yet another basin, 100 metres wide, 1½ ft. deep, with strong eddies, was crossed. the river, which had so far kept more or less in a northerly direction, at that point actually swung round in two consecutive angles from 350° north to due south, in which direction it flowed for 1,000 m. an immaculately white beach was on the right of us, on which we duly stranded. it was quite enough for alcides to see an obstacle of any kind in the river for him to send the canoe right over it. i seized that opportunity to land and commence a most interesting collection of the innumerable minute sand plants which were to be found on those beaches. where the river turned north once more there stood a hill 100 ft. high, the lower half of which was of red volcanic rock, the upper half of yellow earth. along the water's edge a thick and florid growth of bamboo could be seen in many places, while on the edge of the forest hung myriads of purple convolvuli. for hundreds of kilometres the arinos was indeed one of the most ideally beautiful rivers i have ever seen. its banks of alluvial formation, 25 to 30 ft. high, had _chapada_ on their tops. farther on the _chapada_ gave way once more to dense forest with plentiful rubber trees. another basin, 150 m. in diameter, was met with, after which we entered a channel from 40 to 50 m. wide, through which the stream was compressed. a pretty little islet of gravel, 100 m. long, 20 m. wide, and rising 6 ft. above the water, had a tuft of trees growing on it, and a spur, also of gravel, extending westward for more than another 100 m. the river in that section flowed in a w.n.w. direction for 1,400 m. we soon after came to a shallow basin (1 ft. deep) 100 m. wide, in which eddies were strong and troublesome. there were many pointed rocks scattered about in its bed of gravel, as well as three parallel rocky barriers right across the basin. a rivulet 2 m. wide at the mouth entered the arinos on the right side, while on the left side we had an island 800 m. long, leaving two channels, one 10 m. wide, the other 40 m. a tiny streamlet flowed into the main stream on the left. banks, regular dunes of gravel, were formed where the river broadened into basins. we came to a basin 400 m. wide and extremely shallow. three channels--w.n.w., n.w., and n.n.e.--were formed in the river by two islands, each 400 m. long--the two sisters islands--which were in the centre. we found the n.n.e. channel the best. where the river narrowed again to a width of 50 m. huge rocks stood in the centre. from that point for some 300 m. we went over a succession of gravel banks and nasty rocks forming barriers across the stream. small streamlets entered the arinos, one on the left, the other on the right. a cluster of high rocks was on the right bank. on both sides were extensive white sand beaches. the river soon widened to 100 m. in a basin with an islet 12 ft. high, and a cluster of trees on its north-east side. another island 6 ft. high, 80 m. long--mosquito island--with a spit of gravel to the south, was near it. rubber trees were most plentiful on the right bank where the forest was thick, whereas on the left bank was _chapada_. huge gorgeous butterflies with black-striped brown wings and velvety bodies flew in great numbers around the canoe. some settled on my hat, hands, and on the sleeves of my white shirt. they were so unaccustomed to see human beings that when touched they did not attempt to fly away. the river was getting more and more wonderful every hour as we went along--in great straight lines of 3,500 m., 3,000 m., 2,200 m., 2,000 m., 4,000 m., in length. some ducks rose from the water only a few yards in front of the canoe. the man who was behind me fired with his carbine close to my head. the bullet grazed my right ear. it was a trifle trying to be travelling with such careless sportsmen, but the best thing was to say nothing and go on. a big island--passos island--300 m. long, preceded by a smaller islet 80 m. long--passos junior i.--was subsequently passed, where the river formed a channel (n.w.) 50 m. wide and a minor one (w.) 30 m. the river there changed from a westerly course to w.s.w. once more we had before us a great wall of red rock which at first seemed to bar our way. in the lower section of the wall was a cave eroded by water and extending some way back. it was too low to be entered by the canoe. the lower stratum of the wall was at an angle--in other words, had a dip of 21°--while the stratum above it, 30 ft. in thickness, intersected by a yellow band, was perfectly horizontal. on the left side of this high natural wall was a charming waterfall of limpid water. farther on a great land-slip displayed for a length of 40 m. brilliant red earth over a stratum 60 ft. thick of white chalk. the river, which described a number of turns, was bordered on the left side by a hill range covered with handsome trees. the ardour of my men for rowing had already passed away. they smoked and sang the whole time, and let the current--fortunately strong--carry us along. whenever i remonstrated they scooped the water carelessly with their paddles for a few minutes. as is the case with individuals mentally deficient, everything seemed to distract them. one moment it was the flight of a _jacutinga_--a handsome black gallinaceous bird with a white crest. another moment it was the jump of an inquisitive fish. many _mergulhão commun_ (_podiceps americanus_), wonderfully graceful, velvety black birds with long beaks, flew about unconcerned from tree to tree. whenever anything moved about anywhere, the paddles were abandoned, the rifles were seized, and there was a regular fusillade. the men seldom hit anything, although on many occasions, with the unsteady canoe, we all of us had narrow escapes. one day the man in front of me fired a shot at a bird--but so close to my head, not more than one foot away, that the concussion blinded me for several seconds. on other occasions the rifles went off when they were not expected to. i had ceased to give orders of any kind about the careful use of the weapons. it was time and lung-power absolutely wasted, and only made things worse. after floating down a beautiful stretch of 3,000 m., two more islands were reached within a great circle over 200 m. wide. a small tributary entered the arinos on the right bank. another island, 500 m. long, was seen farther down, at the end of which, where two channels met again, violent eddies were produced by the meeting of the two strong currents. immense quantities of _siphonia elastica_ were there to be seen on both sides of the stream in the forest, which was getting more and more luxuriant as we proceeded on our journey farther north. many wild banana palms (_bananeira do matto_) were to be seen here and there along the lovely, deliciously clean river, with its extraordinarily tidy banks. another great basin, 300 m. in diameter, was met, with three islands and two gravel beaches in its centre. the two principal islands--paolo and francesca--were each 100 m. long and 50 m. wide. we now made the acquaintance of the _capivara_ (_hydrochoerus capibara_), a rodent which we found common farther down in those waters. it was a stupid animal. when fired at several times by my men it remained perfectly still, gazing at its enemies. it was only when a bullet hit the ground too near that it would move away, surprised more than concerned. after going down a _corrideira_ (small rapid) we encountered thousands of white and lemon-yellow butterflies. on islets of red earth swarms of them were basking in the sun--which was getting hotter and hotter as we got farther north. again we were soon after faced by a high natural wall of brilliant yellow and red colouring. in its western part it showed a white stratum 3 ft. thick upon a layer of yellow lava of an equal thickness. a stratum of lighter yellow was nearest the surface of the water, while above was a thick layer of grey earth. on the right side, at this point, a tributary streamlet flowed into the arinos. the basin formed by the crescent-shaped wall was perfectly circular. when the river emerged from it, it folded back from 40° b.m. to 290°. owing to the steepness of the banks we experienced difficulty in finding a suitable camping place for the night. eventually at sunset we had to clear with our big knives a patch in the dirty forest on the edge of the stream. i never liked to camp out of sight of the canoe in case anything happened during the night--an attack, a flood, a forest fire, or anybody trying to steal or get away with the canoe; the danger from my own men being quite as great as from any enemy i could have found. i well knew that if we lost that canoe we were done for entirely. there was a great falling off in the distance covered that day owing to the laziness of my men. we had only gone 67 kil. 600 m.--or 22 kil. 250 m. less than the previous day, when we had travelled less hours and gone easily over a distance of 89 kil. 850 m. chapter iv _oleo pardo_ trees--beautiful palms--the river bottom--swarms of butterflies--millions of bees--a continuous torture the night of july 10th was cool--minimum temperature 58° f. when we departed at 7.10 in the morning the river was extremely tortuous at first--in one place actually veering from north to due south. on the right side of us was a lake divided by a low bank, 3 to 5 ft. high, from the river by which it was fed. the entrance into the lake was narrow. we had hardly gone 1 kil. when we found ourselves in a great basin 300 m. long, 200 m. wide, with one large island--nellie island--150 m. in length, and several other small islets in its centre. another lagoon was shortly after reached on the right bank, its inlet being 10 m. wide. the waters of the arinos were, at this point, of a leaden placidity. we seemed to travel slowly now that the current did not help us. the river was again compressed into a deep channel 50 m. wide. before us loomed a cliff 100 ft. high, reflected with irreproachable faithfulness in the almost still waters of the stream. there was not a breath of wind to disturb the mirror-like surface, nor to cool our sweating brows in the stifling heat of the broiling sun. the lower 40 to 60 ft. of the cliff was red, the upper light yellow--almost white. where we reached this rocky wall there was a circle 150 m. in diameter, with a low, thickly-wooded triangular island, 80 m. long, 100 m. wide--eleonora island. the north-eastern passage was shallow, with a stony bottom. we followed the northern channel along the vertical wall. on leaving the island we came to a stretch 2,500 m. long of beautiful water flowing due north, with ideally fascinating banks embellished by dense vegetation--neat, clean, and healthy--of the richest green. after crossing a bay, 100 m. wide, with volcanic rocks showing through on both banks and in the river bed, the stream was squeezed through a rocky neck 25 m. wide, and spread again immediately afterwards to its normal width of 50 m. we were beginning to find big rocks more frequently, many in the river channel--a bad sign for us, for i feared we might soon encounter rapids. wonderful _oleo pardo_ trees (_myrocarpus frondosus_ fr. all.), with their octopus-like branches hanging down to the water, were fairly common in that region. there were two kinds of _oleo_ trees in brazil--the brown or _oleo pardo_ and the red or _oleo vermelho_, the latter technically known as _myrospermum erytroxylon_ fr. all. we subsequently entered a basin 150 m. wide which contained a circular island 100 m. in diameter--horus island. eight hundred metres farther we came to another large circular bay with a large globular mass of lava on its left side. the current was very swift over a nasty rocky bottom. the canoe was suddenly flung by the current between an accumulation of rocks and an island, and, as we found it impossible to turn, floated down at an uncomfortable speed through a narrow channel, dodging as best we could the many ugly rocks just below the surface of the water. at the end of this channel we encountered violent eddies forming wide circles of most treacherous water--although on the surface it looked placid enough. the tributary sumidoro, 30 m. wide at its mouth, entered the arinos from the west-south-west at this point. its water was deliciously clear. a little way off to the left we could hear the noise of a waterfall on the sumidoro, before it joined the arinos. the river, after the meeting of this important tributary, became even more exquisitely beautiful than before. rocks strewn about added to the picturesqueness of the landscape as well as to the dangers of navigation, while springs of crystalline water, cool and quite delicious to drink, descended here and there from the banks. the river had an average width of 60 m. in this part, and was much strewn with broken-up volcanic boulders, especially on the left bank. on the right bank was a beach of immaculate white sand. for 300 m. we went over a great stony place with shallow water. we had to be careful, but all the same many times did we bump with great force and get stuck upon submerged rocks--which we could not see owing to the blinding, glittering refraction of the sun upon the troubled waters. a tributary 4 m. wide, coming from the north-east, entered the arinos on the right bank. a great number of rubber trees were to be seen on the right bank, where the forest was luxuriant; but not on the left bank, where the growth of trees was scanty. _carandá_ or _burity_ or _tucuman_ palms were plentiful along the water's edge near the spot where a small rivulet entered the arinos on the left bank. two thousand metres farther down we came upon denuded country, low, and liable to inundation when the river rose. farther on were campos and open country, with the exception of a thin row of trees immediately along the river. on the left we had luxuriant forest, wonderfully healthy, neat and clean. the stream was there beautiful--60 to 70 m. wide. when we had gone 10 kils. 800 m. more the entire channel became strewn with rocks and mounds only 1 ft. below the surface of the water, and not unlike parallel small dunes of sand with a deposit of gravel upon them. for 700 m. the river was obstructed and navigation rendered somewhat troublesome. where the river turned from bearings magnetic 310° to 360° (due n.) we went over a nasty stony place with a strong _corrideira_ above it, and we were confronted with a rocky barrier almost the entire width across the stream. we kept on the west side, the only way where it was possible to get the canoe through. a little farther another _corrideira_, stronger than the first, obliged us to find a passage on the east side of the river--which bore upon its bank _campos_ and _chapada_. curious mounds of white sand and gravel were visible in the centre of the river, and also near the left bank below the second _corrideira_; then we came to parallel ridges of white sand and gravel right across the river bottom at an angle of 45° in relation to the general direction of the stream. two tributaries, one 3 m. wide on the left bank, the other 4 m. wide on the right side (the latter coming from the north-east), swelled the arinos from that point. the width of the stream was now increased to 80 m., the water being shallow. the bed of the river was ever changing, and supplied me with constant interest. it was adorned with strangely precise triangles of beautiful white sand exposed through a layer of gravel which covered most of the river bottom. a thickly-wooded hill range, 150 ft. high and extending from w.s.w. to e.n.e., stood to the north of us. its slopes, eroded by the water, had caused a landslip, leaving bare vertical red rock for half the height of the hill-range and two much eroded spurs of bright yellow and white earth extending into the stream. the river at that point turned from north to east. open country was again on our right after leaving the hill range, and lowlands liable to inundation. soon afterwards, however, higher land appeared with banks 35 ft. high. swarms of small white butterflies played upon the banks on the edge of the water. sand and gravel mounds were numerous in the centre of the channel, with occasional basins of shallow water with _corrideiras_ upon them. for instance, in one of those places for 150 m. the river was only from 1 to 3 ft. deep, and we had to drag the long heavy canoe, which drew 2 ft. of water, along the undulating gravel bed. in fact, we spent a good deal of our time every day in the water, pushing or pulling along the canoe over innumerable obstacles, her great length making it difficult to navigate her properly through the many shallow and tortuous passages. in a circular basin, 120 m. in diameter, beyond that point we encountered strong eddies near the left bank. on the north side big rocks emerged from the water and a _corrideira_ was formed. an island 50 m. long and two other islets were separated from the mainland by two channels, one 20 m. wide and only 3 in. deep--the other 60 m. wide and 3 ft. deep. the right bank was there 45 ft. high. fifteen hundred metres farther down we entered another basin 200 m. in diameter, with an island 80 m. long and eight dry beaches of gravel. my men were greatly excited in trying to capture a _capivara_ they had wounded. we actually got the animal on board, but my men were so timid in going near it that it jumped overboard again and made its escape. the right bank, which had been high, was now reduced to only 4 ft. above the water; whereas the left bank rose to a height of 46 ft. a rivulet 3 m. wide coming from the west had cut its way through the latter bank. the main river was getting more and more magnificent at every turn. i should have enjoyed the journey very much had it not been for the constant attention i had to pay to my men, who left their paddles and steering gear at every moment in order to fire recklessly at birds or _ariranhas_ or _capivaras_, much to the danger of everybody on board. they would blaze away with their repeating rifles--and bullet cartridges, of course--at parrots and even _colibri_ birds 100 or 200 metres off. they said the rifles were bad because they could never hit anything! i had ceased scolding them. they made me positively ill with pity, i was only praying for our supply of cartridges to come to an end soon, so that if we were to die at all it might not be through being pierced by one of our own bullets. the river had been flowing, with slight deviations, northwards. we came to an enchanting island 70 m. wide, with thick vegetation upon it and fine rocks. the river in that portion flowed practically north in great stretches of 6,000 and 4,000 m. another large and beautiful island, 250 m. long and 70 wide--ghislaine island--was passed, and we admired the gorgeous vegetation upon it. below the island the river was 100 m. wide and very shallow--not more than from 1 to 4 ft. in depth. we halted at sunset, having gone that day 92 kil. 300 m. during the night of july 11th my men suffered a great deal from cold, the thermometer being as low as 45° fahrenheit. in the morning there was a thick fog over the river--so thick that we had to delay our departure until eight o'clock, as we could not see more than two or three metres ahead. two kilometres beyond we came to a rivulet, 2 m. wide, on the left bank, and soon after to a small _corrideira_ with a navigable channel in the centre. three hundred metres farther down we passed another tributary on the right bank. there was open country with sparse stunted trees on the left of us, thick forest with plenty of rubber trees on the right. i noticed several good specimens of the _pao dolce_--a tree with a curious cluster of yellow flowers not unlike the flower of wistaria upside down. not only was the _pao dolce_ pretty to look at, but a most refreshing beverage could be made from a decoction of its leaves. the course of the river was winding, with basins and rapids of no great importance. another tributary 2 m. wide was reached on the left bank, and soon after another tiny streamlet entered the arinos from the same side. i had a narrow escape. one of the men, who was sitting behind me in the canoe, saw an _ariranha_ (_lutra brasiliensis_) put its head out of the water only ten metres in front of the canoe. in his great hurry to kill the beautiful animal he seized his rifle and emptied the eight shots out of his magazine, firing the first three shots close to my head on the left side, the other five just as close on the other side. the muzzle of his rifle was so near my ear that the noise deafened me for several minutes and my hair was almost singed off. the _ariranha_, needless to say, escaped unhurt, and luckily so did i. we went over a long strip of shallow water from 1 to 3 ft. deep. we now had open country on the right bank, with a small streamlet finding its way into the arinos on that side. the river was flowing again in long straight stretches--3,000 m., 2,000 m., 2,500 m. in length. in the portions where the banks were thickly wooded innumerable rubber trees were to be seen. in the centre of a basin 150 m. wide we found another island, 100 m. long and 50 m. wide, absolutely smothered in vegetation and with a handsome gravel spit at its southern end. two kilometres farther another basin, 300 m. broad, appeared. an amazing quantity of rubber trees was to be seen round that basin. near the water we also found fine specimens of the _mate_ (_ilex paraguayensis_ st. hil.), with its wax-like leaves, much used in certain parts of south america for making a kind of tea. for close upon 13 kils. the river flowed--with slight deviations--almost always due north, and with its limpid waters was of extraordinary beauty. the country was open on the right side of us. we saw that day two white _urubú_ (_cathartes_). the brazilians have a curious superstition about them. they say that if you write with a quill taken from the wing of one of these birds any business which you may be transacting will go well; in fact, anything you may wish to do and which you set down on paper with one of these quills and ink is sure to turn out successfully. that day i again suffered much, while taking astronomical observations, from the millions of bees and other insects which settled in swarms upon my hands and face and stung me all over. we were then in lat. 12° 26'·5 s., long. 56° 37' w. the temperature in the sun was not unbearable--merely 85° fahr. in the afternoon, after we had enjoyed an excellent lunch of fish, tinned provisions, and rice--my men also enjoying their _feijao_ (boiled beans)--we continued our journey. the river for 9,000 m. displayed first clean _campos_ and _chapada_ on the left bank and dense forest on the right, then _campos_ on the right bank and a belt of forest along the river on the left. the _campos_ were particularly neat in that region--merely a few _burity_ and _tucum_ palms flourishing on the edge of the water. in other localities a thick growth of beautiful bamboos interspersed with gigantic palms lined the banks. where the river turned due east we came to fairly strong rapids. the water was shallow with mounds of gravel, and we bumped about a great deal. eventually we all had to get into the water and push the canoe along for greater comfort. the river next formed a huge basin, 900 m. long and 200 m. wide. a small tributary flowed into the arinos in the crescent-shaped bank on the right. that bank had a height of 80 ft. on its summit quantities of _siphonia elastica_ were to be admired. farther down it was on the left side that the river had high banks, some 60 ft. high. we went over a charming little _corrideira_. strong eddies were encountered on emerging from the rapids. where the right bank became lower--only 40 ft.--_chapada_ replaced the forest. the left bank was but 1 ft. above the level of the river, and the low country beyond (south) was naturally liable to inundation. for 4,000 m. the left bank was never higher than 4 ft. the right bank also suddenly became very low in that region. where the river turned from 290° b.m. to 320° b.m., there was a basin 700 m. broad with low banks. an island--lydia island--200 m. in circumference, rose within this basin on the north side and was luxuriantly wooded. we found that day beautiful beaches of gravel, mostly on the right side. then strong rapids and _corrideiras_; below these more clean-looking gravel beaches--this time on the left--were visible, and an extensive island of gravel close to the right bank. for 8,000 m. the gorgeous stream flowed almost in a direct line northward, with dense forest and a wealthy growth of rubber trees on both sides. wonderful _figueira_ trees with their spotless white branches embellished the landscape. on the left a tributary of some size entered the arinos from the south-east in two arms with an island between; the largest arm was 40 m. wide, the smaller 10 m. then another stream entered the arinos on the right side. we were again confronted by a large basin enclosed on the north by a crescent-shaped wall 100 ft. high, at the foot of which at the level of the river was a quantity of débris of yellow rock. the river at that spot turned sharply from 20° b.m. (n.n.e.) to 290° b.m.--that is to say, almost north-west. the width of the arinos at this point was from 80 to 100 m. towards sunset we came to a beautiful island 200 m. long. we cleared a sufficiently large space in the dense and gorgeous vegetation to make our camp for the night. chapter v great islands--the trinchão fish--a fisherman's paradise--alastor island--plentiful rubber--the civilized man's idea of the tropical forest--the war-cries of the indians--swarms of bees and butterflies we had another cool night on july 12th--minimum temperature 47° f. it was very damp, and in the morning we had, as on the previous day, a thick mist which prevented our starting until it cleared up, at 7.40 a.m. the mist rose in columns and square blocks over the warmish water of the river. the right bank of the arinos was 40 ft. high. we had gone some 1,500 m. from our camp when we came to a magnificent island, 400 m. long and 200 m. wide--griselda island--which divided the stream into two channels. all the islands we had seen of late showed on the up-stream side a more or less extensive spit of beautifully coloured gravel and glittering crystals. the latter shone in the sun with such iridescent luminosity that it gave those islands a fairy-like appearance. we encountered troublesome eddies which swung the canoe about, and in one case actually spun her completely round in a most alarming manner, tearing out of alcides' hands the steering gear, which we had some trouble in recovering. there were many handsome large-leafed _pacová_, somewhat resembling banana palms; also quantities of _siphonia elastica_, although these were not quite so plentiful as farther south nor the trees so high. a tiny brook of delicious water descended into the arinos from the left bank. ten thousand five hundred metres farther down from griselda island we came to another island, 300 m. long and 50 m. broad--negrino island--with the usual spit of gravel and beautiful crystals on the south side. this island was 10 ft. high above the water, with some trees on it, but not such luxuriant vegetation as on most of the other islands we had seen. a stream 5 m. wide at the mouth, coming from the n.n.w., entered the arinos on the right side. the main river had a direction of 305° b.m.--that is to say, virtually north-west. great volcanic slabs of rock and sand-banks were now reached. the sun was not extraordinarily hot--90° f. at noon. the country on either side was open--chiefly _chapada_. beautiful gravel beaches were now seen, extending half-way across the river, particularly from the left side. another tributary 5 m. wide coming from the n.n.e. was passed on our right, and beyond this a thick forest with rubber trees was visible, while _chapada_ continued on the left. round a big basin 200 m. in diameter, containing shallow water from 1 to 6 ft. deep, stood a mass of gigantic trees with verdant healthy foliage, and innumerable abnormally tall _burity_ palms, over 100 ft. high, and _tucum_ (_astrocaryum tucuma_)--also of immense size. many huge _trinchão_ fish followed our canoe for some time, gazing curiously at us. they came so impudently near that my men actually hit them on the head with their paddles. one more streamlet entered the arinos on the right side just before we reached a big basin, 250 m. in diameter, with wonderful gravel beaches in regular little mounds stretching half-way across the basin. another little tributary (on the right side) came next, 7,000 m. farther down stream. the vegetation was there so dense and so entangled that we could find nowhere a suitable spot on which to land for our midday halt. about noon, however, _chapada_ and open country again appeared on the right bank for a distance of some 2,000 m. [illustration: a formidable vortex.] [illustration: going down a violent rapid in a narrow channel.] there we indulged in a plentiful lunch, the country round being as still as death. not a sign could be seen anywhere of a human being; not a column of smoke indicating the presence of man rose anywhere in the clear sky. nowhere did we meet disturbed vegetation; nowhere did we notice a trail or a passage through the vegetation coming to the water; nowhere did we meet abandoned camps or any signs whatever that human beings had ever lived there. there was no animal life of fair size on the surface; no parrots, no monkeys, no mammals of any kind--only millions of insects, which made one's life a burden. it was not so with the river, which was swarming with innocent fish, only too ready to be killed and supply us with excellent meals. the reason, of course, that the river was so full of fish, and that the fish displayed such delightful simplicity, was because there were there no human beings. soon after leaving camp--all the happier for an excellent lunch--we came once more to thick, beautiful, clean forest on both sides. again rubber was plentiful, and absolutely untouched by the collector's hand. the river was getting amazingly beautiful, 200 m. wide all along, the water like a faultless silver mirror irreproachably reflecting each leaf, each branch of the motionless trees on both banks. there was not a breath of wind to disturb the tranquillity of that deliciously restful scene. yet one more gorgeous island--alastor island--300 m. long and 80 to 100 m. wide, was seen. it was preceded on the south-east side by innumerable gravel mounds just emerging above the water surface, then by a magnificent gravel beach with numberless beautiful crystals. on the left bank a tributary 15 m. wide entered the arinos from the south-west. the river was getting more and more entrancing at every turn. profuse blossoms of the most gorgeous yellow shone resplendent in all their beauty against the background of dark green foliage. the entire edge of the forest was festooned with daintily-leafed creepers and with myriads of convolvuli of the purest amethyst colour. there was poetry in the scene--frequently disturbed, perhaps, by the inconceivable oaths of the man to whom was entrusted the heavy task of baling out the water from the canoe, which leaked badly. she was fissured from end to end, and we had no effective means of preventing the water coming in; in fact, if the baling were not done quickly and continuously with a bucket, the water soon gained and reached the platform on which we had placed the baggage. our feet, of course, were in water all day long. we did not mind that so much. in fact, our feet got so soaked with moisture that we could peel off the skin in big patches with the greatest ease. after travelling across a basin 250 m. broad, we came to a _corrideira_ with shallow water. we dashed with great speed sideways over a bank of gravel, and nearly turned turtle. the gravel was banked up against the lee side of the canoe, and with a strong current pushing her we had the greatest trouble to pull her off again. there was a great deal of rubber, particularly on the left bank, while on the right, _chapada_ was again observed. the river was so wonderfully tidy that, had it not been for its great breadth, one would have felt as if going through a watercourse in england. from the east came a little tributary, 2 m. wide, on the right bank. another beautiful island, 500 m. long and 80 m. wide--helena island--a most enchanting place, preceded by the usual gravel mounds and beach, was passed in the afternoon. small streamlets entered the main stream, one on each side--one 6 kils. beyond helena island, the other one a little farther. the river maintained its average width of 200 m. nearly all the time. late in the afternoon we passed on the left bank a hill 120 ft. high, belonging to a range that extended from e.s.e. to w.n.w. at an angle to the river, which there flowed in a direction almost north. there was plenty of rubber of excellent quality near the water. shortly after leaving this range we came to a lagoon, then to open campos behind a thin row of stunted trees on the left bank. the lagoon was situated at a point where the river described a curve from north to 70° b.m. two small streamlets entered the arinos on the right. we made camp near a small lagoon in the forest shortly after sunset. the distance we had travelled during the last two days was 86 kil. 900 m. on july 11th, and 76 kil. 600 m. on july 12th, or altogether 163 kil. 500 m. to anybody accustomed to travelling in equatorial countries it seems amazing, on returning to civilization, to find what curious notions people have of the tropical forest. even in the case of writers of distinction i could quote many passages which are painfully ridiculous. one of the greatest modern italian writers, for instance--who, by the way, in one of his latest novels, copied almost word for word many pages from my books--added the poetic touch that in the tropical forest flowers were found so large that they could not be picked, and fruit so enormous that no human tooth could bite it! again, the majority of people believe that it is impossible to go through the forest without cutting your way all the time--the "cutting a way through" meaning to most people the constant chopping down of trees of all sizes, undergrowth, bamboos, _liane_, and other creepers. as a matter of fact, any experienced traveller has much less trouble in going through the forest than people imagine. this is not the case with people unacquainted with the forest, or with people whose sense of observation is not much developed. one can go sometimes for miles through the dense forest without once using knives at all; although necessarily a knife must be carried, as there are places where a cut from its blade will make passing through more comfortable. this is particularly true of the brazilian forest. the forests of that country, especially in the central region where i was then travelling, were wonderfully clean, when once you entered them, although, when seen from the river, they appeared impenetrable. near the water, owing to the moisture, there was frequently a thick but narrow belt--only a few metres wide--of dense growth. beyond it, when you were in the forest itself, nothing grew under the trees, and the ground was just as clean as the best kept english park. one could walk in comfort without the slightest trouble, an occasional well-applied blow with the heavy-bladed knife disentangling in a second an interfering _liana_ which might stand in one's way. it must not be forgotten that you can get under or over _liane_, or shift them on one side, without ever having the trouble of severing them. it is only occasionally, when they are entangled, that it saves time to cut them. barring an occasional thick belt along the amazon river, it is almost safe to assert that an experienced man can travel, alone, anywhere in the forests of brazil without carrying a penknife. this is not the case, of course, when you are travelling with a caravan and with baggage, when a sufficiently large passage has to be opened. in africa the equatorial forests are incomparably more difficult to traverse than the brazilian forests, and those who assert the brazilian forests to be impenetrable only say so because they do not know what they are talking about. even when it comes to actually chopping down trees in the brazilian forests, one blow with the axe or with the knife will easily cut down a fair-sized tree. as i have already stated elsewhere, most of the brazilian forest trees have no resistance whatever. they are full of water, and, with a judicious blow, can be cut almost as easily as celery. many are the trees also, the inside of which near the ground has been eaten up entirely by ants, and it was not uncommon when you leant heavily against a tree that you and the tree tumbled down. ants do not seem to attack lactiferous trees, such as those producing rubber, which therefore flourished in that particular region. most of the trees in that particular part of the forest were small in diameter, and only had branches or leaves at a very great height. that was why the forests in brazil looked so extraordinarily clean beneath, in contrast to the equatorial forest in such countries as central africa or the philippine islands. the wonderful cleanliness of the river, to which i have so often alluded, was a great contrast to the masses of floating decomposing vegetation which is always to be seen in the african rivers. the minimum temperature during the night of july 13th was 51° fahr. during that night we were suddenly roused by our dogs barking furiously. we heard strange noises, as if people were trying to run away quickly through the forest. indians had, much to our surprise, come quite close to our camp, and had it not been for the alarm given by the dogs we should most likely have been attacked by them. in the morning we heard in the distance their war-cries and piercing ululations, which rent the air. judging merely by the noise they made, there must have been from thirty to fifty of them. my men were greatly excited over this experience. these indians belonged, i think, to the tapanhonas tribe. we left our camp at 7.45 in the morning. as the river was there in an almost straight line for 8 kil., we continued hearing--more and more faintly, of course, as we went on--for some distance the excited yells of the indians. the left bank, through which a streamlet cut its way into the arinos, was fairly open with _chapada_. an island, 150 m. wide and 200 m. long--julia island--was next seen. it had an extensive beach of gravel at its southern end, and the island itself was covered with dense and very beautiful vegetation. another streamlet 1 m. wide entered the arinos opposite the island from the left side. farther on another streamlet, 3 m. wide at the mouth, and coming from the north, flowed into the main stream on the right side. three and a half kilometres farther another tributary streamlet, also 3 m. wide, was met on the right. we there saw _chapada_ on both banks as we went along, with merely a thin edge of trees along the river. where the river described a graceful elbow, a charming tongue of land, with deliciously green grass upon it, was most refreshing to the eyes. a river 8 m. wide at the mouth was met a little way beyond on the left side. we noticed opposite that place a beautiful spot for making a camp, but it was not a convenient hour for us, and so we went along. about 1,500 m. farther down a long narrow island (200 m. long, 80 m. wide)--gemma island--heavily wooded, was passed and admired. it had the usual gravel spit on its southern or up-stream point, the river in that particular spot flowing due north in a perfectly straight line for 4,000 m. the island stood in the centre of a basin 200 m. broad. there were _campos_ and _chapada_ on the left bank. we landed on the island, and found most beautifully clean forest, nice and cool in the greenish dim light which penetrated through the dense masses of foliage. particularly noticeable for their beauty were the handsome large mimosas. on the right bank of the river was forest with plenty of rubber trees, but occasionally even on that side patches of what the brazilians call _serradão_ (close forest) were met with. a hill range 120 ft. high formed a crescent from west to north-west on the left side of the stream. a kilometre and a half farther forest was to be seen on the left side of the river; whereas on the right was _chapada_ and _campos_, quite open. a picturesque rocky island, 15 m. in diameter, in laminated horizontal and rich brown volcanic rock, rose 3 ft. above the water in the centre of the stream. from that spot for 2 kil. i noticed _chapada_ on the right bank; then after that was beautiful dense forest on both sides, with innumerable vigorous rubber trees. the river there was 200 m. wide and had shallow water with strong _corrideiras_ over enormous parallel transverse dunes of sand and gravel which formed the bottom. islets of gravel were exposed, especially near the left bank and in the centre, leaving only a more or less navigable channel near the right bank. we ran aground many a time along the 500 m. of shallow water, varying from 6 in. to 3 ft. deep. we emerged into a large basin 300 m. wide where eddies of no great strength were formed. on the edge of the beautiful basin we halted for our lunch, and to take the usual astronomical observations at local noon. we were in lat. 12° 26'·5 s.; long. 56° 47' w. i do not know if i have ever seen such swarms of bees and butterflies as i saw at that place. they seemed to swoop down upon us in myriads from all sides. taking the solar observations with the sextant and artificial horizon, i endured positive torture with the hundreds of bees which settled on my forehead, nose and hands; while thousands of mosquitoes and ants stung my legs, arms and face in those spots where it was not possible to wrap myself up with towels. it will be noticed in most of the photographs which were taken along the river, and some of which illustrate this book, that all my men have their heads wrapped up. this was done as a protection against the tantalizing insects. the temperature was warm; that day, for instance, was 105° f. in the sun and 86° in the shade. we left again at 1.15, my men being--for a change--in a good mood, owing to the amusing time we always had fishing. we had been making excellent progress during the last two or three days. the strange man x enlivened our journey with diabolical songs and with crude wit, which sent his companions into fits of laughter. when they were in a merry mood or excited, i noticed that they paddled along much quicker and better, so i did not try to put a check to the abominable language which would have jarred the feelings of any one not born and bred in the interior of brazil. it was quite interesting to me to find in that region so much _chapada_ and open country, as i had fully expected to find thick forest all along. what struck me particularly on the arinos, and which i could not very well explain, was that nearly invariably, when you had thick forest on one side of the stream, you had open country on the other, and only seldom noticed either forest or campos on both sides of the stream at the same time. after passing _chapada_ on the left bank we came to a great many rocks just above water. a river 3 m. wide entered the arinos on the right side, and there was to be seen an immense quantity of beautiful rubber trees--as yet untouched by human being. the river kept its width of 200 m. after going along _chapada_ on the left bank for some 3 kil., we came to magnificent forest--this time on both sides--with a luxuriant growth of rubber trees. the scene, in its wonderful quietude, was most impressive. it made one's heart bleed to think that such rich land should lie unknown and unexploited in these enlightened and enterprising days of the twentieth century. the sky above us was always interesting, with its typical filaments of mist, their lengthy radiations faintly marked upon the vivid blue of the sky vault and making a centre in the north. these radiations were in appearance not unlike giant ostrich feathers. they were formed, i think, over the great streams which flowed northwards into the amazon. we were troubled that day with numerous eddies and shallow water, owing to the great width of the river. innumerable mounds of gravel rose in the centre of the stream up to a few inches below the water level. another hill range, 100 ft. high, met that day was crescent-shaped, the arc of a circle thus described being from south-east by east to north-east. the hill range on the north-east side of us was eroded, exposing a red vertical wall 60 ft. high. a small river 2 m. wide coming from the east entered the arinos on the right bank. for 3,500 m. from that point the stream had an average width of 250 m., and was really magnificent with the wonderful cleanliness of the water--not the slightest impurity, not a speck of wood or a leaf floating upon its surface. fourteen kilometres of heavenly navigation--barring x's language and the comments of his companions--and we came to an ideal triangular island, 1,200 m. long, 200 m. wide at its broadest point, with the usual extensive gravel spit at its southern end--victor emmanuel island. the vegetation upon it was too gorgeous for words, but there was no animal life except insects. four kilometres farther a basin 300 m. in diameter and from 1 to 6 ft. deep was crossed, in which a strong _corrideira_ was met. the navigable channel was in the centre of the basin. a stream 10 m. wide, of most beautiful crystalline water, which had its origin from the south-west, threw itself into the arinos on the left side, some 2,000 m. below the basin. from this point for 8 kil. the river flowed with a slight deviation of 10° in a northerly direction. the left bank of the river was now quite open, with patches of _chapada_ and somewhat taller but still stunted vegetation beyond; a thin row of tall trees lined the river side. on the right bank was luxuriant forest, and again plenty of beautiful rubber trees. two islets of gravel were next seen. we were experiencing great difficulty in getting suitable camping places at the right time when we needed them. by 4.30, having come across a spot which seemed suitable, we halted, having gone that day 85 kil. 700 m. chapter vi the _tapirus americanus_--striking scenery--the _mate_ tree--photography in camp--brazilian way of reasoning--a new christopher columbus--the selection of our camps--beautiful fruit--a large tributary we were still at an elevation of 1,100 ft. the water was almost stagnant, and was evidently being held up by some obstacle. i feared that we should soon encounter nasty rapids. watching the sky, i was generally able to foretell what was ahead of us in the river. in fact, a pretty mackerel sky, particularly to the north-west, showed me that the water of our river must be breaking up considerably, either in rapids or waterfalls, in order to produce sufficient moisture in the air to cause the accumulation of those cloudlets. i always noticed that wherever there were heavy rapids farther down clouds of more or less magnitude formed directly above them at a comparatively low elevation, and remained there owing to the perfect stillness of the air. on the night of july 14th the cold was felt intensely by my men, the thermometer actually showing a minimum of 38° f. during the night my men had a great excitement. a large pachyderm, an _anta_ (_tapirus americanus_) inquisitively came in the midst of our camp. it was evidently as much astonished at seeing us as we were in discovering its presence. my men had been firing their cartridges away during the day at rocks, at fish in the river, and so on, so that when their rifles were really needed the magazines were all empty, and gave the _anta_ plenty of time to hop away gracefully into the darkness of the forest. i had given orders to them to keep watch all night, as a precaution against an attack from the indians, but my orders were, as usual, disobeyed. personally, i took the first watch every night, sitting up till 2 a.m., which time i occupied in writing up my notes, working out computations of astronomical observations, classifying the botanical and geological specimens collected during the day, and replenishing my cameras with new plates. my men had eaten up all the supply of beans (_feijao_) i had purchased at diamantino, and therefore even the cook could not be kept awake during the night. the first rubber collector i had picked up when coming down the arinos was now our cook, and diabolical indeed was his _cuisine_. several times already his life had been in danger from the angry attacks of his companions, the quantities of pepper he sprinkled on everything he cooked causing us all to cough sometimes for half-hours at a time. he was very fond of pepper himself, and could not understand why none of us liked it. during the night we still had a mackerel sky, covering one-third of the sky vault, and a clear triangle of mist, the apex of which was to the west, extending towards the east, close upon the horizon line. when we left in the morning at 7.30, we had _chapada_ and _campos_ on the right bank and forest on the other side. we had gone some 8½ kil. from our camp when we came to a hill range, 75 ft. high, on the right bank, encircling the river with its thickly wooded slopes. there was a tributary 25 m. wide, a most beautiful stream, on the right bank. it came from 70° b.m. its water was deliciously clear. where it entered the arinos it had deposited a bank of crystals and marble pebbles--yellow, red, and white--which in the dazzling sun shone with great brilliancy at the bottom of the river. numberless rubber trees were to be seen at that spot on the banks of the arinos, and also on those of this new important tributary. two kilometres farther, where the arinos was 280 m. wide, it looked just like a big lake of stagnant water. the country was quite open on the left side, first _chapada_, then _campos_. by 9.30 a.m. we had a most wonderful display of clouds and radiations of what looked like so many mares' tales from the w.s.w. the river at that point flowed for 1 kil. in a direction due south. we came to a basin 300 m. across with a spit of white sand on the north-west side. in this basin was an island--nattalì island--200 m. long, 20 m. wide, 10 ft. above water, with a fine beach of sand and gravel on the south side. gravel mounds were innumerable in the centre of this stream. after we had gone some 8 kil. farther down my men shot an _ariranha_. they had a belief that these _ariranhas_ would easily kill a man in the water. as we have already seen, they certainly had a great craving for blood and were always brave in attacking. my men called them "water leopards." in fact, the head of the _ariranha_ was not unlike the head of a cat or a leopard. although shot through the body two or three times, the _ariranha_ actually came thrice to the attack of the canoe--so that my men were able to seize it by the tail and pull it inside the canoe while it was in a dying condition. sixteen kilometres farther down we came to another beautiful tributary with delightfully clear water, 6 m. wide where it met the arinos. one hundred metres lower down another little tributary, only 4 m. wide, also on the right bank, joined our stream. the first tributary seemed to come from the north-east. at the mouth of this tributary was a spot which would have made a lovely halting place, but as it was too early in the day we reluctantly went on in a north-westerly direction, first for 4 kil., then north-east for 5 kil., passing through a large basin 300 m. wide, containing two islets, then passing charming sand-beaches, and farther on another tributary, 8 m. wide, on the left of us, also with deliciously clear water. when we proceeded on our journey after lunch we found big rocks more frequent in the stream, and went over a field of great boulders just under the surface of the water that stretched half-way across the shallow river. eight kilometres from our halting-place we came to an extensive stony place with a strong rapid. one kilometre beyond, a small tributary flowed into the arinos from the left side. on the left side we had a red and brilliant yellow bank 70 ft. high, part of a small range of hills which turned the river from n.n.w. to n.n.e. another small tributary 2 m. wide was seen on the left side. then, 4 kil. farther on, another tributary, also 2 m. wide, and also on the left side, came from the south-west. three thousand six hundred metres beyond this, we entered a basin 320 m. wide with an island 150 m. long, including its gravel spit. three more islands were seen a little way beyond--meraud, tanis, and loel islands, meraud being the largest. another island was on the left of the river, leaving a passage 50 m. wide on its west side. the group of islands was of alluvial formation with deposits of gravel below. the river in that region was too beautiful for words. the foliage of the thick heavy forest on both sides was densely green, the banks most tidy, and running in an almost straight line for 10,000 m. during all that distance the stream was 300 m. wide, and its speckless water reflected with marvellous definition each leaf and branch against the background of deep green. neat gravel banks occurred frequently in the shallow water. some 300 m. down this long straight stretch of river a tributary 8 m. wide, coming from 210° b.m., threw itself into the arinos. strong eddies were formed, as many rocks were strewn in the centre of the stream. one kilometre farther a conglomerate mass of granite and yellow and red lava, with impurities embedded in it, emerged just above the water in the centre of the stream. another streamlet, 2 m. wide, and of wonderfully limpid water, joined the arinos on the right side. it came from the north-east. then another little streamlet was seen on the left side. at the end of 10 kil., where the river made a wide angle from 330° b.m. to 350° b.m., and another straight line of 4,000 m. stretched in front of us, we beheld a huge submerged bank of sharp volcanic conglomerate rock. in fact, we unexpectedly almost ran into it. had we done so at the rate at which we were travelling, our canoe would certainly have been smashed to pieces against the sharp-edged fractured rock--just as sharp at the angles as the blades of knives. where the river turned once more from 350° b.m. to 320° b.m. another small tributary appeared on the right bank, and there a lot of handsome _mate_ trees (_ilex paraguayensis_) seemed to flourish, and were certainly pretty to look at. farther down we again came to _chapada_ on the left bank and heavy foliaged forest with a certain number of rubber trees on the right bank. the left bank, where it described a great sweeping circle, was low and sandy, some 12 ft. above the level of the river. only a thin fringe of low trees grew there on the edge of the water. six kilometres from the last tributary on the right bank another streamlet, 3 m. wide, coming from the s.s.w., cut its way through the left bank. two thousand five hundred metres farther on another tributary 20 m. wide--a deliciously beautiful stream--flowed gracefully into the arinos on the right side from the north-east. we made our camp at the junction of the two streams. the camp was extremely bad. it was already late in the evening and we could find no other suitable spot. we had gone that day 83 kils. i was quite satisfied with the progress we had made during the last few days. during the evening i made an excursion on foot along the tributary river to the north-east for several kilometres, but i found nothing of particular interest. during the night we received another visit from an _anta_, but the pachyderm again escaped before my men had time to kill it. we heard cries of indians in the distance. my men were in a great state of mind for fear we should be attacked. i sat up the entire night in order to be ready in case of emergency. i took that opportunity of computing and checking many of the astronomical observations i had taken, and developing a great number of photographic glass plates. in my experience i have found that the fears people have of spoiling negatives unless one is shut up in an absolutely dark room are quite exaggerated. on that particular occasion, for instance, and on many previous and subsequent occasions, i developed the glass plates--and i think with satisfactory results--out in the open, with merely the fly-leaf of the tent sheltering me overhead so as not to have the direct rays of the stars shining upon the photographic plates. indeed, there was light enough coming in around the tent for me to see quite plainly what was going on outside. i simply covered up the developing trays as an extra precaution, and seldom--in fact, never--spoiled a negative in process of development. i also found developing tanks quite serviceable when a great number of negatives had to be developed quickly. the red lamp necessary for photographic work was invariably a great nuisance. i do not believe that a compact, practical dark-room lamp has yet been invented which is really serviceable to an explorer. if it is a candle lamp the candle melts quickly in those hot countries, producing an extra large flame which generally cracks the red glass, and makes so much smoke that the upper aperture becomes blocked and puts the light out when you happen to be at the most crucial point of your work. the oil lanterns would be better, were it not for the difficulty and messy nuisance of carrying and re-filling the lamp each time with oil. electric lights, which are the only practical ones, of course are out of the question when you have to be away for a year or a year and a half, the storage batteries getting damaged easily by damp and the innumerable accidents which you have when exploring. the greatest care had to be used in repacking the developed glass plates. i owe to the care i took of them that i was able to bring back 800 excellent negatives out of 800 glass plates exposed. the night was a little warmer than usual on july 15th--minimum 53° f. there was a heavy mist over the river when we rose in the morning, and we had to delay our departure until 7.30 a.m. when the mist began to rise it hung about in beautiful curves converging to a common radiating centre to the west. during the night i had noticed a weird lunar effect--a perfect cross of immense proportions intersecting the crescent moon, which had a radiating halo surrounding it. four thousand metres from our camp we came to a tributary 3 m. wide on the left side of the river. it came from the w.s.w. near this a streamlet 1 m. wide entered the arinos on the right side, and another streamlet of equal size farther down on the left bank. there was fairly thin forest on both sides as we went on, kilometre after kilometre, the water of the river being almost stagnant in that part and heavy to paddle along. five hundred metres down the straight stretch of river, 4,000 m. long, we came to another charming affluent, 10 m. wide, coming from the e.s.e. farther on, another tributary 2 m. wide entered the arinos on the left side, and formed a shallow bank of gravel extending half-way across the stream. [illustration: the result of half an hour's fishing on the arinos-juruena.] as i have stated elsewhere, the mentality of brazilians was somewhat difficult to understand by people of any other nation. they did everything the wrong way, according to our notions. i had been worried a great deal, the reader may remember, at the most unpractical way in which my men loaded the animals when i had my caravan of mules and horses. i had been more than amazed at brazilian ideas of architecture, sculpture, painting and music. i had on many occasions been dumbfounded at their ideas of honour and truthfulness. now once more i was sickly amused--i had by then ceased to be amazed or dumbfounded or angry--at the way my men daily packed the baggage in the canoe. the baggage was naturally taken out of the canoe every night when we made our camp, for the canoe leaked so badly that when we arrived anywhere and halted we had to beach her, or else, where this was not possible, we found her in the morning almost entirely submerged. naturally we invariably selected shallow places where we could bale the water out and float her again. returning to the baggage: the men every morning insisted on loading the canoe in front, where the four men were situated paddling, and the three dogs of the expedition were also accommodated. i sat in the centre of the canoe, and alcides at the helm naturally stood in the stern. the man whose incessant daily occupation it was to bale out the water of course had to be with the group of four men in the bow, since, the canoe being so heavily weighted at that end, the water found its way down there. now, loading the canoe in such a fashion, at the bow, had the double drawback of causing a greater resistance against the water, and therefore nearly doubling the work of the men in paddling. then again, when we ran aground or struck a rock, the impact was more severe on the canoe--not to speak of the difficulty of getting her off again. the steering, too, was also much more difficult with the stern of the canoe so far out of the water. i pointed out the mistake to my men, but it was no use arguing, and they refused to follow my advice. like all ignorant people, they thought they knew everything better than anybody else, and as, in a way, they were the chief sufferers for their own conceit, i thought i would avoid unpleasantness and let them do things their own way as long as we kept going forward on our journey. alcides, too, who by now had become imbued with the idea that he was as good a navigator as christopher columbus or vasco da gama, had the strangest notions of navigation. he never avoided grounding the canoe on every bank he saw; he never avoided dashing the canoe into every rock which stood or did not stand in our way. i never could understand exactly why he did that, except for the mischievous pleasure he derived from giving the men who were sitting at the other end of the canoe a violent bump, which often rolled them over altogether. when we left goyaz my men insisted on purchasing life-belts in case we should be travelling by water. as only one of the goyaz men could swim, i had gladly given them the money to purchase those articles. on our first day of navigation the men amused me very much, as they all appeared garbed in their life-belts, as if we had been going to the rescue of a stranded ship in a tempest. i laughed heartily at the sight. the intense heat of the sun made the heavy cork belts so uncomfortable for them, that they discarded them when they saw that the canoe would actually float on the water, and packed them away inside a wooden box, which they then screwed down tight. the belts remained in that box most of the time, except one day when a man put one on, as i had given him instructions to go some way off in the centre of the stream where the current was rather swift. by misadventure he lost his footing, and had we not been quick in going to his rescue he certainly would have been drowned. we tested the life-belts, and i found that not only would they not float after they had been a minute or two in the water, but they became so heavy when soaked with moisture that they would have dragged to the bottom even a fair swimmer. they were evidently old discarded ship belts. the cork, enclosed in a canvas cover, had got decomposed and pulverized, and therefore rendered useless. as we are referring to the strange ways of looking at things by different nations, i might as well include the endless arguments i had with my men in selecting our camps. i naturally always selected the cleanest spots with a flat ground, so that the tents could be pitched satisfactorily without extra trouble, where there was little vegetation, and where the water was good. my men always quarrelled over this, and insisted on stopping in the filthiest places, either where some trees, rotted away, had fallen down, where the vegetation on the edge of the river needed cutting, and where the ground had to be levelled before i could pitch my camp bed. they always preferred sleeping under the stifling vegetation to where there was an open space and we had the clear sky over us. they all slept in hammocks--the favourite resting arrangement of the brazilian--to my mind the most uncomfortable and absurd fashion of resting, especially in tropical regions. first of all, it is almost an impossibility to assume a perfectly horizontal position for your entire body, except--if you are an expert--diagonally; then there is always a certain amount of swing and you are likely to tumble over at any moment; you can never keep the blankets in position, and you expose your entire body to the stings of the mosquitoes, flies and other insects, and of the ants which crawl into your hammock by hundreds from the trees in which they swarm. it was not uncommon when we camped to hear during the night a crash, followed immediately after by oaths. the tree to which one of the hammocks had been fastened had suddenly broken and let the man down with a bump. then again, the mischievous ants took the greatest delight during the night in cutting the strings of the hammocks, and on several occasions my followers had nasty falls. yet the brazilians swear by hammocks. another stream 2 m. wide, coming from the north, entered the arinos on the right bank. a number of _ariranhas_, attracted by the vivid red of the british flag which was flying at the stern of the canoe, followed us for some time and came courageously to the attack, showing their teeth fiercely at us and snarling frantically. entire families of those delightful little creatures were seen, and they invariably gave us a similar hearty greeting. they followed us sometimes for hundreds and hundreds of metres, and became most excited when i took the flag and waved it at them, and sometimes placed it near the water in order to drive them frantic. we now had most beautiful forest on both sides. a stream 5 m. wide joined the arinos on the left side from the west, forming a charming little waterfall as it entered the main stream. a little farther on the right was another streamlet, coming from the south-east. generally, as in this case, when we reached tributary streams of any importance, gravel banks extended and blocked a great part of, sometimes even half, the main stream. a picturesque stream, 8 m. wide, coming from the north-east, was then reached on the right side. it flowed through a rocky gate. five or six kilometres farther on a tiny streamlet dribbled into the arinos, and also another, 1 m. wide, on the left bank. at noon that day the sky was extraordinarily interesting. from the north-west extended a wonderful succession of loop coils of transparent mist, giving the sky the appearance of a peacock's extended tail. just before we halted for lunch we came to a charming streamlet of delicious water, 2 m. wide, on the right bank. the days were getting warmer as we advanced farther north. it was hot work sitting in the sun--105° f. that day--to take observations for latitude and longitude. in the shade the thermometer registered 89° f. lat. 12° 21'·3 s.; long. 57° 16' w. after lunch, 2½ kil. from our camp, we passed on the left bank a delightful tributary coming from the w.s.w. its mouth was 8 m. wide, and poured forth waters of the most beautiful emerald green. five hundred metres farther down another large tributary, 30 m. wide, coming from the north-east, was observed on the right bank. farther still, the river formed a large basin 300 m. wide. lovely forest flourished round the sweeping curve of the basin. there was simply a solid mass of marvellously fresh foliage, with hardly a break through which, it seemed, a human being could pass. in that particular part the leaves came right down to the water, but there was no reason to suppose that they grew equally low inland. the stream, which was 250 m. broad, showed farther on an immense bank of gravel 700 m. long, which rose above the surface in the shape of two long islands--one 300 m., the other 400 m. in length. we felt the heat considerably going down the river, as we were always in the sun in the centre of the stream, with a temperature seldom less than 105° f. especially where thick forest was on both sides of us, there seemed to be no air close to the water. when we came to patches of chapada and open country we could breathe a little better. several were the tributary streamlets to which we came that afternoon. first we saw one rivulet, 1 m. wide, on the right bank, then 13 kil. 500 m. farther on another affluent, 3 m. wide, coming from the north-east, also on the right bank; then 1,500 m. farther a rivulet ½ m. wide, coming from the south-west (left bank); then 4,500 m. farther a charming stream, 6 m. wide, coming from the north, and meeting with the arinos near an extensive stony place with shallow and troublesome water. strong eddies formed at that spot. one more streamlet, 1 m. wide, was reached that day on the right. it came from the north-east. the river had that day flowed almost continuously in directions varying from north-west to north, barring two sections where its course had been 10° east of north. after passing the last tributary the river described a sweeping curve, gradually turning so far back as to flow in a south-westerly (240° b.m.) direction. there was there shallow water with gravel banks in the centre of the stream. curiously enough, we did not notice so much rubber close to the river in that region, but in an excursion a short distance from the water we came upon _siphonia elastica_ trees, not only along the arinos but also along the tributaries. we halted that day at sunset, having gone 73 kil. 400 m.; which, although much less than the previous days, was still fair going for us. chapter vii ideal islands--immense _figueira_ trees--the "spider monkey"--great variety of fish in the arinos--the rocky gateway into diabolical waters--shooting dangerous rapids--cutting a way through the forest--a nasty rapid--plentiful fish the night of july 16th was heavy, the thermometer registering a minimum temperature of 62°f. we had great fun fishing during the early hours of the night. in the morning we had hundreds of pounds of fish spread upon the bank of the river, with many excellent specimens of the _motimchun_ fish--so called, i believe, because of its noisy and rebellious habits. the sky was overladen with clouds, and the west showed radiations of light. we had gone 2,500 m. from our camp when we came to a tributary stream on the left side coming from the south. four thousand four hundred metres farther on, a hill-range 120 ft. high, with heavy forest upon it, encircled a sweeping curve on the left of us to the west and north-west. the cliff of this range, eroded by the river, showed rock of a vivid red right up to its highest point, laminated in perfectly horizontal layers, each 10 ft. thick. farther on a great basin 350 m. wide and of great beauty had formed. [illustration: leading the canoe down a rapid by rope.] [illustration: characteristic rocky barrier across the arinos river. (author's sextant in foreground.)] some 10 kil. beyond a beautiful beach of white sand was noticeable on the left bank. we were always glad to see these beaches, as we frequently found on them quantities of tortoise eggs--most delicious to eat. an island--gabriella island--200 m. long divided the river into two channels, the larger one of which--200 m. wide--we followed; the other being but 30 m. broad and much strewn with rocks. the river, from the point where we met the sand beach, flowed in a s.s.w. direction for 6,500 m., when it gradually resumed its course northward. the island, thickly wooded, was extremely beautiful, with trees of great size upon it. quantities of _ariranhas_ were to be found near this island, and they came straight for us with their mouths open, shrieking wildly and snarling and spitting like cats. i was always amazed at their bravery, as they came right on while being shot at by my men, the reports of the rifles enraging them to absolute frenzy. shortly after we came to another most beautiful, oval-shaped island, 350 m. long--maude island--in a basin extending from east to west for a breadth of not less than 500 m. another island--vera island--150 m. long and of an elongated shape, was seen in the same basin. it also had luxuriant vegetation upon it, whereas, curiously enough, the banks on either side of the great basin showed _chapada_ with stunted trees. farther on, where a small tributary entered the arinos on the left side, the country seemed quite open beyond the narrow fringe of trees along the water. another streamlet 3 m. wide flowed into the arinos from the north-east on the right bank. the main river there was of a width of 400 m. another great island--luiz schnoor island--also most beautiful, like the others, was next seen. we halted on it for our midday meal, and to take the usual astronomical observations. the sky had, by that time, become beautifully clear, of a dense cobalt blue, and i was able to take twenty-three sights of the sun. i generally took a great many sights with the sextant and artificial horizon, in order to define the latitude and longitude with greater accuracy. we were then in lat. 11° 38'·4 s.; long. 57° 35' w. gorgeous _gamelleira_ or _figueira_ trees (_ficus_) were to be seen on that island, standing high up upon arches formed by vigorous roots. in a way the lower part of those _figueiras_ resembled a huge octopus, the branches being extremely contorted as they clung to the ground in order to support the weight of the giant tree of which they made part. one could easily walk under the tree among the roots and still have six or eight feet of space left above one's head. as i went round to explore the island while my men were cooking the dinner, i discovered a small lake in the centre of the island--a most poetic spot, with its neat, delightful vegetation all round it reflected as in a mirror in the golden waters which reproduced in a deeper tone the rich sunset tints of the sky above. i sat myself down to look at the beautiful scene. the poetry vanished at once. there were millions of ants which swarmed all over me the moment i sat down upon the ground, and bit me with such fury that i had to remove my clothes in the greatest haste and jump into the water. that raised a cloud of mosquitoes, which made it most uncomfortable for me when i came out again and was busy searching for ants in my clothes. my men killed a beautiful long-armed spider monkey. i was sorry, as i had watched the wonderful jumps of this animal from one tree to another. using the impetus of the swing which they could obtain from the immense length of their arms, as well as the swing of the branch on which they were hanging, they could fly enormous distances through the air. the span from hand to hand in proportion to the size of the body was really amazing. luiz schnoor island was 450 m. long. plenty of rubber trees were to be seen on the right bank of the river after passing this great island, especially where the river described a large sweeping curve towards the north-east. farther on, close to the right bank, an island 100 m. long and 5 ft. high, of yellow sand and gravel, showed brilliantly with its vivid colouring upon the blue waters of the river. for identification' sake i named it gravel island on the map i was making of the river. i seemed to be in fairyland--but for the company of my men--as i floated down the stream, there 400 m. wide. we had gone hardly 4 kil. when we came to another ideal island--margherita island--400 m. long and 200 m. wide, with magnificent trees upon it. a small stream joined the arinos on the left side. lower down stream we had thin forest on both sides, with some remarkable _oleo_ trees, with their minute grey leaves and the branches, laden with red berries, drooping--weeping-willow-like--right down in the water. next we came to sand and gravel banks with islets 1 ft. high emerging from the water in the centre of the river, all those little islets displaying verdant grass on their southern side and pure white sand on the northern side. the river was at that point flowing in a n.n.e. direction. then came a long straight line of 6,000 m. of river flowing to 305° b.m. about half-way through this long stretch the stream divided into two large arms, one in direct continuation of the above bearings, the other in a curve, encircling an island 1,000 m. broad. the basin--as still as a lake--in which this island was situated was not less than 1,500 m. across. the island--charles landor island--was 2,000 m. in length. it had plenty of rubber trees upon it, and plenty were to be seen also on the banks. we went some 8 or 10 kil. farther that night, and at five o'clock we halted, having made poor progress that day--only 60 kil. immense quantities of fish could be seen in the river. no sooner had we made camp than we got out lines and hooks of all sizes, which we baited with pieces of _toucinho_. one end of the bigger lines we made fast to trees, as the fish we often caught were so powerful that on several occasions they had dragged us into the water and we lost not only the fish but the line as well. we had great sport that night and caught quantities of _trahira_ (_macradon trahira_)--not unlike a giant salmon and quite as good to eat; and also some _surubim_ (_platystoma lima_), a large fish belonging to the herring family. the surubim was flat-headed, and not unlike the pintado fish which i have described in a previous chapter. it had thin scales over the body, and an abnormally powerful lower jaw, with vicious-looking, sharply-pointed teeth on the edge of the upper and lower lip. these curiously situated teeth were far apart, and so firmly inserted in the hard lips that it took a violent blow to remove them. although after a few minutes we had killed fish enough to last us--had we been able to preserve it--for some weeks, my men sat up the greater part of the night hauling quantities to the bank. the excitement each time a fish 80 or 100 lb. in weight was hauled out of the water was considerable. the wild yells and exquisite language whenever one of my men was dragged into the water kept me awake the entire night. we left that camp at 7.30 on july 17th, the minimum temperature having been 66° f. during the night. heavy globular clouds covered the entire sky. we were then in a region extraordinarily rich in rubber; quantities of _siphonia elastica_ trees were to be seen. it made one's heart bleed to think that nobody was there to collect the riches of that wonderful land. the river flowed in short sections from north-west to north-north-east, barring a long stretch of 4,000 m., when we came to a great basin 600 m. wide, with two large islands in it; the eastern island--orlando island--being 100 m. wide, the western--elizabeth chimay island--220 m. broad and not less than 500 m. long. south of both these islands were islets of gravel 50 m. each in diameter. nine thousand five hundred metres below these islands an important tributary, 8 m. wide, flowed into the arinos from the right bank. it came from the south-east. close to the left bank, from which it had been separated by the current, leaving a channel only 5 m. wide, another island--isabel island--300 m. long was found. shortly afterwards we came to a big equilateral-triangular island--armida island--fully 1 kil. a side. albert island, next to it, was of a narrow elongated shape. from the beginning of armida island the river flowed for 4,000 m. in a direct line to 310° b.m. four large rocks in a cluster stood in the centre of the stream at the north-north-westerly end of the island. then we had another stretch of 4,300 m., during which the river was squeezed through a narrow neck, 100 m. wide, between low rocks. immediately afterwards we emerged into a bay 800 m. broad, with three islets on one side of it. they were rather dry and somewhat mean-looking. i called them faith, hope, and charity islands. after that the river was 800 m. wide. a deposit of gravel some 300 m. long was exposed on the right side beyond the last island of the group. three kilometres farther we halted for an hour or so, just time enough for me to take the latitude and longitude and for our lunch to be cooked. the usual torture had to be endured from the innumerable insects. the heat was also terrible--107° f. in the sun, 93° in the shade. lat. 11° 23'·9 s.; long. 57° 39' w. when we left, we saw 3,500 m. beyond our halting place, beside a great heap of rocks on the left side of the river, a rivulet, 3 m. wide, entering the arinos on the left. from that spot the river was contracted from a width of 800 m. to one of only 120 m. naturally the water was of great depth and the current swift. two great volcanic rocks stuck out in the centre of the stream, and two extensive heaps of volcanic rock stood on the right side of us, the rocks being at all angles in a confused mass. where these rocks were--a spot which my men called the "porteira" or gateway--the river turned sharply from 70° b.m. to 290° b.m. the water seemed almost stagnant there, and we had to make a great effort to get on. it seemed as if there had been an undercurrent pushing us back. the water was surely held up by some obstacle, and i feared we had at last reached the extensive rapids which i had expected for some days. rocks were to be seen in abundance all along, and three more sets of giant boulders were reached, one after the other, in the centre of the river, there only 150 m. broad. strange heaps of broken-up boulders of immense size were to be seen on the right bank; then farther on more great heaps in confusion on the left bank. a tiny rivulet found its way among the rocks on the right side. the channel was much strewn with dangerous submerged rocks. i thought i would take the navigation into my own hands for a little while, and found a comparatively easy channel on the left side of the river close to the bank. as i had expected, the rumbling noise of troubled waters was getting louder and louder, and the whitish mist which rose above the horizon line was an unmistakable sign that we had come to a dangerous spot. soon after, in fact, we arrived at a large circular basin, some 600 m. in diameter, with rocks in the centre of it. two clusters of magnificent rocks, 30 ft. high, towered on the left side of the river. then came a long row of rocks, also gigantic, and a sandy beach which had accumulated against them. a little farther another great mass of rocks in disorder stood up against the now once more fierce current. we made our way tentatively along what seemed to us the safest channel, to 320° b.m., and with trepidation shot the rapids, which were quite fearsome. i must say for my men that by now they had acquired a certain amount of courage--courage, like all things, being a matter of training after all. we went down at a terrific speed amidst the splashing waters, shaving dangerous rocks and escaping collision by miracle. when we got to the bottom of the rapid we were shot into the whirlpool, which we might have avoided with ease had alcides obeyed the orders i shouted to him. when i had shot the rapids before in other countries, i had always avoided getting into the centre of the whirlpool; but alcides, who had never navigated a river before, held the contrary idea, and always insisted on steering the canoe right into the centre of those dangerous rotating waters. [illustration: whirlpool at end of rapid.] [illustration: in shallow water.] it was sufficient to remonstrate as i did, for alcides to do a thing over and over again with the persistency of a mule, in order to maintain what he thought was his _amour-propre_. as it was, on that occasion, the canoe swerved round with such force that she nearly turned over, and got so filled with water that we had to struggle out of the difficulty as best we could and beach her, or she would have sunk. at that point an island 400 m. long and 50 m. wide divided the river into two channels. the western channel had a small island of white sand and many rocks on its southern side. pretty yellow flowers grew wherever a little earth had accumulated upon the rocks. after going 1,800 m. we found a great basin 600 m. wide with a rocky island and barrier right across it. farther on innumerable rocks of all sizes could be seen on the left bank; and 1,500 m. beyond these, where a solid rock rose in the centre of the stream, eddies of wonderful power were produced in the stream. we glanced at a magnificent island of rock on the left side as we sped along swiftly with the current; but we were so busy with the difficult navigation, and expecting accidents at any moment--what else could i expect with the disobedient, unpractical, obstinate crew i had with me?--that i had not much time to admire the picturesqueness of the scenery. i had quite foreseen that it was impossible to avoid disaster sooner or later, so that all i could do was to think of which would be the best way to minimize its effects, when it did come. in the great circular basin which was formed in the river there was a passage to the west, which i did not like at all, so i ordered my men to follow the passage to the north-east. we met there violent eddies which knocked the canoe about in a most alarming manner soon after we had descended a short rapid of some steepness. our baggage was simply soaked owing to the amount of water we had shipped on various occasions during the day. we saw ahead of us, only a short distance off, a rapid of some magnitude. we decided to halt at four o'clock in order that we might go and explore on foot along the bank and see whether the canoe could be navigated down, or if we had better unload her and let her down with ropes. we cut a space in the forest, which was there thick, in order to make our camp. we spread all our things to dry during the night. the air was stifling--we had a minimum temperature of 73° f. (july 18th). i took the accurate elevation of the camp with the hypsometrical apparatus, water boiling at that spot at 210°·4, with the temperature of the air 73° f.; altitude 1,113 ft. above sea level. i also took observations for latitude and longitude: lat. 11° 17'·5 s.; long. 57° 37' w. we had to remain the entire morning in order to cut a way through the forest and take part of the most valuable baggage on men's backs until a point below the rapids was reached. we named that place camp jahu, as we caught there several enormous fish of that name. in a reconnaissance we made we found that from camp jahu we had to take the canoe along among innumerable rocks scattered in the only navigable channel on the north side of a basin 700 m. wide, with a large island 350 m. wide--sarah island--on the southern side of the bay, and another smaller island almost in the centre of the basin. there was a drop 2 ft. high--a regular step--in a barrier of sharply-pointed rocks. we had some two hours' hard work in order to get the canoe safely down. the rocks were so close together that we could not find a passage large enough for the canoe, and we actually had to pull her out of the water over some rocks and then let her down gently on the other side. after leaving that great _pedraria_ there was a clear basin 250 m. wide, ending where two enormous heaps of rock formed a giant gateway. an island, 80 m. wide--rebecca island--was found near the left cluster of rocks. another small island had formed close to the right of the river. we descended by the north-easterly passage, only 4 m. wide, where the current was extremely swift but the rapid comparatively easy to negotiate. we then followed the channel flowing to 350° b.m., and after passing innumerable rocks made our camp again before coming to a large rapid which we heard rumbling in that direction. we had worked hard all that day, and all the progress we had made by sunset was a distance of 2,000 m.--or a little more than one mile. alcides, antonio and i immediately proceeded to cut a trail through the forest from that point down to the end of the rapid, 1,200 m. farther down. then we proceeded to take all the baggage upon our shoulders--a task which occupied several hours. i was greatly surprised to find that the men did this willingly enough, although they were unaccustomed to carrying and the loads were heavy. they laughed heartily at one another as they struggled under the heavy weights, or trod upon thorns, or were jerked about with knocking against trees--the passage we had cut being necessarily not spacious. i had not seen my men so jolly for a long time--in fact, i do not remember ever having seen them so jolly. i was in hopes that this state of affairs might last, as it was certainly not pleasant to be travelling in such usually morose company. during the night we caught an immense jahu, weighing over 50 lb., as well as some 200 lb. of smaller fish. as the bank of the stream was rather high and steep, we had a great deal of trouble to land the larger fish safely. some of my men had exciting experiences, one man falling into the water on receiving a powerful blow from the tail of the struggling jahu. the scene was a comic one, the terror of the man being amusing to watch. we carried a great quantity of salt; with it my men set out to preserve the best portions of the fish we had caught--a precaution of which i fully approved. i noticed that whenever we came across rocky places the number of insects increased to an enormous extent, especially mosquitoes and gnats. i think it was due principally to the fact that in those rocks many cavities were found which got filled with stagnant water which eventually became putrefied. the place where we halted we called abelha camp, because of the millions of bees which worried us to death there, not to speak of the swarms of flies, mosquitoes and ants, and myriads of butterflies which came to settle in swarms upon us. it was indeed curious to note the wonderful tameness of the latter, as they had never seen a human being before. [illustration: fishing on the arinos: a jahu.] [illustration: fish of the arinos river.] there was a nasty-looking rapid close to the camp. we had to let the empty canoe down carefully by means of ropes, my men on that particular occasion donning their lifebelts again, although they walked on dry land when they were taking the canoe along. when i asked them why they put them on, they said that perhaps the canoe might drag them into the water and they had no wish to get drowned. we left that camp late in the afternoon--at three o'clock--having wasted the entire morning conveying the canoe to a spot of safety and then carrying all the baggage along overland. after having gone some 2 kil. farther we came to another rapid and a _pedraria_ with nasty rocks right across the channel, the only passage i could see possible for our canoe being in the centre of the stream. that channel was only a few metres wide, and had in the centre of it a large rock just under the surface, which flung the water up in the air. we just managed to shoot that rapid safely, although with trembling hearts. farther down, rocks innumerable, rising only two or three feet above water, spread half-way across the channel from the right side. then rapids and strong eddies were encountered. for 700 m. the river showed foliated rock strewn all along on both banks, and great volcanic boulders of a more rounded shape. the foliation showed a dip westward of 45°. we were delighted when we discovered in that region many _solveira_ or _sorveira_ trees, or milk trees, exuding when incised milk most delicious to drink. then there were plenty of _figueiras_ or _gameilleiras_ and wild bananas. we wasted much time extracting milk from the _solveiras_ and eating wild fruit. monkeys were to be seen in that part. they seemed most astonished on perceiving us, and came quite close, gazing at us in the most inquisitive manner. we felt that we had come to a real heaven on earth, except for the river, which could have given points to the river styx of infernal fame. when we returned to the canoe we found obstructions of all kinds in the stream. small rapid succeeded small rapid. rocky islets and scattered rocks rendered navigation complicated. where the river turned sharply to the n.n.e. another dangerous rapid was reached, with rocks scattered all over the channel, some just submerged. we tried to shoot that rapid on the east side, but we got badly stuck on a submerged rock, and once more the canoe filled with water. it took us the best part of an hour to extricate ourselves from our uncomfortable position. a beautiful island 400 m. long and 200 m. wide--maria island--was then reached. it had a long spur of white sand at its south-easterly end, and pretty vegetation upon it. strange domes of rock were near by, one particular dome of great size showing a spit of white sand 70 m. long, on its north-westerly side. many other islets of rock rose above the water along the bank of the larger island, while rapids of some magnitude existed at the end of the island. we hardly ever came to a stretch of placid water. no sooner had we left the last rapid than, the river turning sharply at that point, we went over a strong _corrideira_, so strewn with obstacles that in the terrific current we had a narrow escape of having our unmanageable, long canoe smashed against one of the innumerable rocks. as we went on at a great speed i had just time to notice rocks of all sizes and shapes along both banks, and strange rocks in the middle of the river, one or two of them with stunted trees growing in fissures which had become filled with earth. another island, 300 m. long--martia island--with a picturesque spur of rock at its south-easterly end, was next reached as we were going swiftly down a _corrideira_ in the channel to the right which we were following. after the _corrideira_, as i was busy writing a description of the landscape, i was thrown off my seat. my men also had a similar experience, the canoe nearly turning turtle and becoming filled with water. alcides had steered us right into the centre of a whirlpool. these unexpected baths were not much to my taste--not so much for the discomfort they caused my person, as for the trouble they gave me in protecting my notebooks and instruments. also, in these accidents we lost a considerable amount of our supply of salt, which melted away in the water, and the supply of flour and rice suffered from these unnecessary immersions. a channel 30 m. wide separated martia island from a second island--camilla island--100 m. long, which must once certainly have formed part of it, but which had been separated by the eroding waters of the stream. both islands were wooded, and were extremely pretty. great heaps of rock, 20 m. in diameter and even more, occupied the centre of the stream after we had passed the last island. we had only gone 12 kil. 300 m. that day, so difficult had been the navigation. during the night in less than one hour we caught two large _jahu_, one huge _pacu_ (_prochilodus argentius_), the latter shaped like a sole, but of a much greater size, and with brilliant red patches on its body--a most delicately-tasting fish to eat--and a number of large _trahira_ (_machrodon trahira_), also called by the brazilians _rubaffo_ because of the noise they make in the water. altogether over 200 lb. of fish were got out of the water in less than sixty minutes. we found many _jenipapeiros_ (or _genipapeiro_) trees, from the stewed bark of which we made excellent tea. its fruit was good to eat, and we used it for making sweets. during the night of july 19th the minimum temperature was 67° f. we started off gaily enough in the morning, passing first a great boulder, 10 m. in diameter, sticking right out of the water; then an island 200 m. long contained in a basin 500 m. wide. we left the island--ruby island--which was 80 m. long, on our left, and went down a channel with strong eddies and whirlpools. looking back at the eastern channel, we were glad we had not followed it, as it was extremely rocky. [illustration: a fine cataract on the arinos-juruena river.] the river was contracting in narrow necks and expanding into large basins, another of these being 450 m. broad. a strong rapid existed here, owing to the barrier formed across the stream by a central island of rock and other boulders. after that came a basin 700 m. wide, with three islands--teffe i., nair i., rock i.--in its western part. the central and eastern passages were difficult owing to the quantity of rocks which stood in the way, so we took the canoe down the channel from s.s.w. to n.n.e., which was also extremely bad, and where we had to let her down with the greatest care by means of ropes, the baggage having been previously unloaded. even then the canoe got filled with water. that involved a great loss of time and waste of energy, so that we had to halt longer than usual in the middle of the day. our halting place was most picturesque, situated on volcanic rocks of great beauty, and overlooking a canal cut into the rocks, with strong and foaming rapids from east to west. strong eddies formed at the end of the rapids. after leaving the camp and negotiating the rapids, we came to an island 150 m. long--magda island--separated by a rocky narrow channel from another island, 50 m. long, west of it. after the last rapid we were in a basin 800 m. wide and 1,000 m. long. strong _corrideiras_ or rapids occurred all the time, and rocks alone or in groups standing wherever they were not wanted. farther on we came to another big basin, 1,000 m. wide, with a square island on its western side. the island--eva island--was 400 m. broad and of course of an equal length. another island, triangular in shape, 700 m. long--rose island--was then observed, after we had gone over some strong rapids in the passage on the east side of it. the river was flowing in a northerly direction, and shortly afterwards formed two channels--one north-west, the other south-west--which soon joined again. a beautiful bank of white sand 120 m. long and 4 ft. high stretched along the edge of the water on the left side of us. soon afterwards we entered an immense basin, 1,300 m. broad with a large island--may island--on its western side. one kilometre farther the island ended at a place where a lot of rocks stood out of the water. a little lower down other rocks spread right across the river in two parallel lines, forming very strong rapids, which were shot, our canoe coming within an ace of turning over. the basin which followed was extremely rocky, with strong whirlpools, most troublesome to negotiate. another island of irregular shape, 200 m. long and 200 m. wide--rita island--was found in a large basin, 1,000 m. broad, where we came to strong rapids and violent eddies and whirlpools, the latter most dangerous-looking. the water revolved with such force that it formed in the centre of each vortex holes from one to two feet in diameter. the channel flowing north on the left side of the river seemed the better of the two, but it was strewn with rocks against which we had many collisions, owing to the strong current, the unmanageable canoe and the disobedient crew. another island 350 m. long--eloisa island--was to the north-east of rita island. fifteen hundred metres farther on another _corrideira_ occurred. a small tributary entered the arinos on the right side. we were then travelling in a n.n.e. direction, the river being in a straight line for some 3,000 m., in the course of which we came to a small island on the left side; then to a great island, 3,000 m. long--albert rex island--with beautiful forest upon it. there were two other islets in this channel, one a mere cluster of rocks, the other, north-east of the first and 150 m. in diameter--belgium island--having pretty vegetation upon it. a fourth and fifth--laeken island, 300 m. in length, and elizabeth r. island, 5,000 m. in length--were separated by a narrow channel. the latter had most gorgeous vegetation upon it; so tidy was everything in the thick forest, and the ground under it so clean that you might have imagined yourself in an english park. those islands were really too beautiful for words. not being a poet, i cannot find appropriate language to describe their wonderful charm. the river had a tendency to flow toward the west, and even for 1 kil. in a south-westerly direction. it had a width of 700 m. a small island 50 m. in diameter, chiefly formed of accumulated rounded rocks which had rolled down and deposits of gravel, had formed in the centre of the stream. beyond it a charming little island, 180 m. long--germaine island--was found, on which we made our camp. it had an extensive gravel beach, on which i found beautiful crystals and pebbles of wonderfully coloured marble. chapter viii magnificent basins--innumerable rapids--narrow escapes--the destructive sauba ants--disobedient followers--a range of mountains--inquisitive monkeys--luck in fishing--rocky barriers--venus we left at 8 a.m. on july 20th, the minimum temperature during the night having been 57° f. we had hardly gone 1½ kil. when we came to another island, 500 m. long--mabel island--quite as beautiful as the one on which we had camped. small rapids were encountered where we just managed to avoid dangerous submerged rocks close to the right bank, near the entrance of a basin 900 m. wide. all those basins were really magnificent to look at. this one, for instance, displayed a lovely island--noailles island--500 m. long, and 200 m. wide on its left side. picturesque rocks of a vivid red colour peeped out of the water and broke the current, the spray that rose in the air forming pretty rainbows. there was a channel there, 300 m. wide, after passing the last island. then came one more great basin 700 m. wide, and yet another pretty island, with a rocky spur. [illustration: preparing the canoe prior to descending a rapid.] [illustration: a nasty rapid.] we followed a course of 10° b.m. on the left side of the island--margie island--which was 500 m. long, and had a number of subsidiary islands formed by picturesque groups of rock. we then came to one more great basin, with an immense quantity of rock in its western part. many of the boulders showed a foliation in their strata with a dip of 45° east. the accumulation of boulders formed a formidable barrier before we reached an island most beautiful to gaze upon, so luxuriant was the vegetation on it. this particular island was 200 m. long; next to it was another 150 m. long; then, joined to this by a link of high rocks to the south-east, was a third, also of considerable beauty. so charming were these islands that i called the group the three graces islands. the river turned due west from that point in a channel of continuous rapids and violent eddies for some 3,000 m. we went down, the canoe being knocked about in a most alarming way on one or two occasions, and shipping so much water as to reach almost up to our knees inside it. it was fortunate that all my photographic plates, note-books and instruments were in water-tight boxes, or they certainly would have been damaged beyond saving. this was not the case with my clothes, shoes, and bedding, which had now been wet for many days with no possibility of drying them, as we were travelling all day long and every day, and during the night the heavy dew prevented them from getting dry. why we did not get rheumatism i do not know, as not only did we wear wet things all day long, but we slept in blankets soaked with moisture. the moment i dreaded most was that in which we emerged from the rapid into the whirlpool which always followed, and in which the canoe swerved with such terrific force that it was all we could do to hold on and not be flung clean out of her--owing, of course, to the centrifugal force as she revolved quickly. making a survey of the river was getting to be a complicated and serious job, what with the numberless islands we encountered, the continuous rapids, and the constant changes of direction. i was busy writing, as fast as i could--only interrupted momentarily by involuntary shower-baths--prismatic compass and watch in hand all the time, the latter in order to measure the distances as accurately as possible. we had now come to another group of islands in a line in the centre of the river. they had been at one time evidently all one, which had subsequently been eroded into five separate islands and an extensive bank of gravel and sand. taken in succession from south to north, there was first an oblong island, thickly wooded, 120 m. long--nina island--having on its western side an elongated bank of sand and gravel; then, where a barrier of rocks stretched transversely across the stream and where extremely bad rapids occurred--three of them in succession, each worse than the last--was another island--providence island--1,400 m. in length. when we reached any rapid we had to be quick in judging which was the best channel to follow, as the current was so strong that we had not sufficient strength to pull back against it. i generally selected the channel, my men by this time having gained sufficient confidence in my judgment, since so far we had had no serious mishap. but i foresaw that we should soon have an accident, as they were getting foolhardy, and in their ignorance attributed the wonderful luck we had had entirely to their own skill in navigation. on that particular occasion we had hardly time to recover from shooting the first rapid with the velocity of an arrow, and were wet all over with the splash of the water, when we came to the second and third rapids, where the channel was so narrow and rocks were scattered so near the surface, that it was really a marvel to me how we got through without capsizing. the men in their excitement were shrieking wildly as we dashed through the foaming waters, and there were also yells of positive terror from the man ahead, who with a long pole in hand tried to save the canoe from dashing now upon one rock then upon another. below the rapids the three other islands were dora island, 200 m. long; edna island, 500 m. long; and lucia island, 700 m. long. the river was flowing in a westerly and south-westerly direction, the banks showing a quantity of rubber trees all along. a tiny islet 50 m. long had been eroded from the right bank, just above a strong _corrideira_, easily identifiable by later travellers who may visit it, since a huge rock stands there in the centre of the river. on the left side of the river foliated rock 10 ft. high was exposed for the length of 1 kil. dense forest was to be seen on both sides of the river all along the rapids. two more islands, each 100 m. in diameter--romeo and juliet islands--close to each other, were then seen on one side of the main channel, which was 200 m. wide. from this point the river actually flowed in a s.s.w. direction (230° b.m.), and for 2,500 m. we had to negotiate strong and troublesome rapids with variations of shallow water, usually with a bottom of sharp rocks. the water in many of those places, coming with great force, hit the bottom and was thrown up again in high waves which swamped our canoe each time we went through them. in one place we got stuck on a rock in the middle of the foaming waters, and had a hard job to get the canoe off again and prevent her sinking when we had done so. where the river turned for another 2 kil. 500 m. more to the west, another elongated island rose on the left side of the stream. the island--laurita island--was only 80 m. broad, but had a total length of 1,800 m. more rapids and shallow water above a bottom of red volcanic débris were found. a small tributary 2 m. wide at the mouth entered the arinos on the left bank, not far from the spot where a rocky rugged island rose in the centre of the stream. i halted at 11.30 in order to take the usual observations for latitude and longitude and soundings of the river. the stream, which was 320 m. broad, below some rapids, showed a depth of 6 ft. the entire way across. farther down, where it contracted to 200 m. in breadth, it showed a depth of 8 ft. in the centre with a maximum depth of 10 ft. to the right and left of it, gradually decreasing to 5 ft., 3 ft., 2 ft., and 1 ft. as it neared the banks. lat. 11° 7'·3 s.; long. 57° 46' w. [illustration: a giant central wave emerging from a narrow channel.] when we resumed our journey after lunch, we came to another thickly wooded island, 1,000 m. long, 350 m. wide--j. carlos rodriguez island--with a cluster of huge rocks on its southern end. we had a few minutes of comparatively easy navigation, the river being extraordinarily beautiful in straight stretches of 3,000 m., 2,000 m., and 3,000 m., to 340°, 350°, and 360° (n.) bearings magnetic. in the first 3,000 m. we came upon another strong rapid over a barrier of rocks which extended right across the stream. beyond the rapids the usual troublesome whirlpools occurred. a polished dome of rock 10 ft. high emerged in mid-stream. then another charming island--nona island--with a spit of white sand at its southern end rose gracefully out of the river. it had a breadth of 100 m. and a length of 600 m. more _corrideiras_ and eddies had to be gone over that day. we seemed to be spending our entire time trying to avoid--not always successfully--collisions with dangerous rocks. we came to another beautiful island, 200 m. long and 100 m. wide--emma island--screened at its southern end by high-domed volcanic rocks, and soon after to a rocky island on our right, separated by a narrow channel from a larger and thickly wooded island, 300 m. long and 100 m. wide--georgia island. the rapids seemed to be getting worse and worse as we went down the stream. after passing these three islands we came to a most dangerous spot, the rapids there being strewn all over with nasty-looking rocks which did not seem to leave a clear passage anywhere in a straight line. after 500 m. of anxious travelling we encountered more rapids and troublesome eddies. we had by that time got accustomed to the danger, and even felt travelling dull and stupid when we came to a few metres of placid water. as we were going down a stretch of 3,000 m. to 350° b.m. we found the centre of the river blocked by great masses of rock; then, a little farther, rocks occupied the left of the river. we went through a narrow passage between those high rocks, finding ourselves carried away helplessly into a rapid of alarming swiftness, which subsequently shot us into a terrific whirlpool. alcides was steering us right into the centre of the terrifying rotating waters, when i jumped up and, seizing the steering gear out of his hands, was just able to avoid disaster. as it was, the canoe switched off at a tangent with a heavy list to port, leapt out of the water like a flying fish, and when she dropped again into the water was carried off at a great speed, with a heavy list on and filling fast. i do not know why she did not capsize altogether. we then had rocks on the left side, rocks on the right side; a barrier of many rocks across the entire stream, with a thickly wooded island, 70 m. wide and 200 m. long--lilian island--on the left side. there were a great many scattered rocks at the northern end of the island, where a small rapid was found. then we were confronted by 4,000 m. of river in a straight line. we had gone but 2,000 m. along that stretch when we came to a lovely rectangular island, with a spit of rock extending for 120 m. eastward, and separated by a narrow channel from the island itself. the island--susan island--was 100 m. broad and 250 m. long, with its fore-part of gravel as usual. it was in a basin 500 m. wide. the river turned to the w.s.w., and was there placid enough, although the current was swift. where the river flowed once more in a more northerly direction we found rocks and two tiny wooded islands on the left side of the stream, one 20 m., the other 70 m. long. there a _corrideira_ occurred soon after we had negotiated a dangerous rapid--dangerous because of the number of intricate rocks which forced the canoe to describe a snake-like dance like a double s, bumping and swerving with such force from the restless waters underneath, that it was all we could do to prevent her turning over. in a basin 700 m. wide which was further crossed, we admired a picturesque rocky island of a beautiful emerald green colour in the centre of the stream. an immense barrier of rock was on the north-east side of this basin. before we halted, absolutely worn out by the heavy work of the day, we descended another troublesome rapid--fortunately that time with no mishaps of any kind. at five o'clock we made our camp in the only spot we could find that was suitable; but no sooner had we landed than we were fiercely attacked by millions of _sauba_ or _carregadores_ ants which gave us a lively time during the entire night. those ants, which were there absolutely in millions, were from 1 in. to 1¼ in. in length, and possessed powerful clippers on the head with which they bit us, giving intense pain. when you had thousands of them climbing up your legs and over your body, and dropping upon you from the tree branches which were alive with them, and clinging to you with all their might once they had got you with their clippers, you began to think what a fool you had been to leave your happy home in england. as i shall have an opportunity of speaking at greater length of the _saubas_ later in this volume, i shall leave them now, merely mentioning that during the entire night we were unable to sleep owing to those brutes. and that was not all: we had many of our clothes, shoes, and other articles entirely destroyed by them. we called that place camp carregador. the nights had become by then quite stifling and damp, the minimum temperature on july 21st being 63° f. no sooner had we started on our journey that day than we came to rapids. a lot of rocks stood everywhere in the stream. the river after that flowed in a snake-like fashion for 5,000 m. in a general direction n.n.e., and was there comparatively free from serious obstacles. we came to a triangular island 700 m. long--ada island--separated from a second island by a channel 50 m. wide. this second island--hugo island--formed an isosceles triangle of 800 m. each side. these two islands were evidently at one time joined together, forming a lozenge-shaped island, and had been eroded in the centre by the back-wash of the stream at the spot where it formed an angle. where the river turned from 315° b.m. to 340° b.m., it was much strewn with sharp cutting rocks. we were thrown with great violence on one of these and very nearly capsized. great heaps of volcanic boulders were now seen on the right side of the channel, and one island 50 m. long--nora island--with a few shrubs on it. [illustration: a dangerous rapid.] [illustration: taking the canoe and part of the baggage down a narrow passage among rocks.] a great heap of rock was fixed in the centre of the stream, forming a kind of spur, beyond which a regular barrier of rock spread from south-west to north-east right across the stream. we had difficulty in finding a suitable passage, but eventually got through close to the right bank in a small _corrideira_, easily recognizable by subsequent travellers, as by the side of it was a rocky hill of a conical shape 30 ft. high with a tuft of trees on its summit. on both banks of the stream rubber trees were plentiful. for 5,000 m. the river had been proceeding in a perfectly straight line to the n.n.w. my work was extremely tiring, as not only was my time employed surveying the river carefully and writing up plentiful notes, but also i had to control the navigation as much as i could and be ready for any emergency, owing to the capricious nature of my men and their unbounded disobedience. orders could not be given direct, as they were always disobeyed, so that to obtain what i wished i generally had to give the contrary order. for instance, if i wanted to avoid a rock i ordered alcides to run the canoe on to the rock; if i wanted to shoot a rapid i ordered them to take the canoe down with ropes, and so on. innumerable rocks were now encountered all the time. in places regular great tables or platforms of polished rock were to be seen under the surface in the clear water. a wonderful group of gigantic rocks was then reached, with a most charming island peeping through behind. we came to an island 450 m. long and 30 m. wide--anna island--where two more barriers of rock were found right across the stream. beyond, a bank 150 m. long of deliciously white sand was observed, where some 2 kil. of placid navigation was gone through; but no sooner had we covered that short distance than strong eddies were again met with at the point where the river expanded to a somewhat greater width. after going almost due west for a short distance the river gradually swung round to due north, a most beautiful view opening before us as we got round the sweeping curve. for 5,000 m. the river now ran in a perfectly straight line, with its beautiful clear water flowing over a rocky bed. in the far distance loomed the first range of mountains we had seen since leaving the serra azul. i had got so tired of gazing at a flat horizon line that the sight of the range gave me unbounded pleasure. but i had not much time to gaze upon the scenery, for rocks of all sizes and shapes were strewn all along the channel. two small islets, each 20 m. long, were passed on the right bank. then came more picturesque groups of rock on the right and on the left of us as we paddled gaily along, and refreshing accumulations of pure white sand. farther on, an island 50 m. wide and 60 m. long, with a southerly crown of huge boulders--corona island--was to be seen close to the right bank. some thousand metres before we got to the end of the long stretch, yet another elongated island 50 m. long lay close to the left bank. the island was thickly wooded. from that spot a basin fully 1,000 m. broad spread out. the easterly portion was a mass of rock, exposed a few feet above the surface. these rocks extended right across the basin as far as an island 350 m. long--josephine island. the vegetation was indescribably beautiful in that part. immense quantities of rubber trees stood majestically, so far unknown and untouched in the luxuriant forest. eight distinct groups of rocks were found on the right-hand side of the river where it flowed for 4,000 m. in a n.n.w. direction. i took forty-two sights of the sun that day in order to determine the exact latitude and longitude. lat. 10° 48'·9 s.; long. 58° 0' w. when we left again in the afternoon the river, there 350 m. broad, was enchantingly beautiful, absolutely clear of obstacles as far as we could see. there was a stretch of 4,000 m. of placid waters, and we imagined that we had come to the end of our trouble. monkeys played gaily among the trees, evidently taking the greatest interest in the canoe. they followed us for long distances, jumping from tree to tree, shrieking with excitement and gazing at us with keen interest. we in the canoe suffered perfect torture from the millions of bees, gnats, and mosquitoes, which settled on us in absolute swarms and stung us for all they were worth. the lips, eyelids, nose and ears seemed to be their favourite spots for drawing blood--perhaps because the remainder of the face and neck was already a mass of stings and the skin had got hardened and parched by the broiling sun. the temperature was warm--92° f. in the shade, and 103° in the sun. at the end of the 4,000 m. another great mass of rocks was found extending from south to north right across the stream. fortunately we found a channel sufficiently large for navigating our canoe exactly in the centre of the river. after turning to the w.n.w. we found a charming little rocky islet with a solitary tree upon it, and 1 kil. farther a larger island 400 m. long and 300 m. wide in the shape of a triangle--sylvia island. this island was separated by a channel 70 m. wide from an immense island--guanabara island--6,400 m. long. the channel we followed, the river there flowing to the s.s.w., was 300 m. wide. great masses of rock were visible on the left side. where the river flowed in a more westerly direction rocks formed a barrier right across from south-east to north-west. then the river once more flowed in a s.s.w. direction through a perfectly beautiful channel. a lovely sand and gravel beach extended from north-east to south-west at the turn of the river where the great guanabara island ended. some 600 m. farther on a huge dome of rock like a spherical balloon was to be seen, with two smaller rocks by its side. a basin 400 m. wide was then found with an islet of sand 100 m. long on the left side, and a low islet of gravel partly wooded on the right side of the channel. these preceded another accumulation of sand and gravel 100 m. long with a few trees upon it, which was succeeded by a mass of rocks just before reaching a fair-sized island. another great spherical rock was seen before entering the channel between the island and the left bank. in the extensive bay great boulders of indescribable beauty were visible. [illustration: the canoe being led down a rapid.] several _capivaras_ were basking in the sun on the top of the boulders, and were fired at many times by my men as they stood up to gaze at us in astonishment before they made up their minds to jump into the water and escape. close to those rocks an island--teresa island--400 m. long was next admired. strong rapids had to be gone through in a great barrier of rocks at the end of this island. then no sooner were we thanking our stars that we had negotiated that portion of our journey safely than we were among a lot of globular boulders, some 30 ft. high. for 800 m. we had a placid time, the water of the stream being so beautifully green, so transparent, that we could see the bottom quite clearly. our happiness did not last long. we had more rapids and a great rocky bank spreading from south-east to north-west right across the stream, and forming in one portion an island. we went down another strong rapid between great and dangerously situated rocks and a large island. then came another wonderful group of high domed rocks, one of the great domes displaying a sharp northern spur like the ram of a battleship. next to it were three cylindrical rocks, just like towers, one of which leant over the dome. yet another rapid was shot through with no misadventure, and when we came to the end of a large island 4,500 m. long and 80 m. wide--priscilla island--preceded by a smaller islet of sand and gravel, we arrived at a direct stretch of 4,000 m. of river, flowing to the west. another rocky islet with an accumulation of sand and a lot of scattered rocks by its side, then a high island, were passed on our right, and farther on we found another great group of globular rocks at the point where daphne island, 350 m. in length, began. i hardly had time to map out the numberless rocks and islands we met before we came upon others. there again we saw three more islands in succession--mars island, 500 m. long and 100 m. wide; jupiter island, 250 m. long; and a third and smaller one, separated from the second by a channel strewn with huge boulders. to the n.n.w., at 340° b.m., we saw a hill 300 ft. high, some distance from the stream. innumerable rocks again occurred in the centre of the channel, and then we came to an extensive triangular island--barretos island--the base of which was 300 m. its left side was 2,000 m. long, its eastern or right side about 1,500 m. a hill range some 300 ft. high was looming before us to the north-east. the second island--antonio prado island--had a total length of 2,000 m. with an average width of 200 m. on this magnificent island we halted at five o'clock in the afternoon, and i took altitude observations with the hypsometrical apparatus: 1,062 ft. above the sea level. we were again lucky in fishing that evening. we caught six _trahiras_, several _pacus_, and two young _jahus_--altogether some 120 lb. in weight. my men had wasted so much food, and so much had been spoiled by constant immersions--many of the tinned meats had been altogether spoiled by the tins having got rusty and gradually perforated--that i was beginning to feel rather anxious in case our journey should last longer than i expected. unfortunately, we had lost most of our salt, and we had no way of preserving the fish, which we had to leave on the banks, absolutely wasted. in order, however, to show how lazy my men were, it is enough to say that, rather than take the slight trouble of placing some pieces of the excellent fish on board the canoe instead of trusting entirely to the luck we might have in fishing the next evening, they had to go the entire day without food. for some reason or other we could not get a single fish to bite, and we did not find a single bird or monkey to shoot. i was rather interested to observe, in looking over my notes, that nearly all the rocky barriers we had met stretching across the river extended from south-east to north-west. i believe that similar barriers stretched in the same direction in the other southern tributaries of the amazon, the xingu and the madeira rivers, but, curiously enough, this was not the case with the river araguaya. we had made our camp that particular night on a lovely beach of white sand, which i found perfectly delicious, but which my men hated, as there were no trees on which they could hang their hammocks. they did not like to go into the luxuriant forest of the beautiful island, as they were afraid to go too far away from me, and i did not wish to go too far away from the canoe, which we had beached on the gravel bank, in case the river should rise suddenly or something should happen to make her float away. as i have said, i never, during the entire journey, let that canoe go out of my sight for one single moment. the men, therefore, went into the forest to cut big poles, which they afterwards planted with much exertion, in the sand near my camp-bed. some amusing scenes happened during the night, when the poles gradually gave way with the weight of the men in the hammocks, and, tumbling down altogether, gave them severe blows on their heads and bodies. [illustration: crocodile about to attack one of the dogs of the expedition. photographed by author at a distance of three metres (rio arinos-juruena).] the stars were simply magnificent in brilliancy as i lay on my camp-bed. one particularly, to 290° b.m. n.w.--the planet venus--was extraordinarily brilliant, appearing six times as big as any other planet visible that night. it threw off radiations of wonderful luminosity, quite strong enough to illuminate with a whitish light a great circular surface of the sky around it. in the morning, before we left, alcides--who loved carving names and inscriptions on every tree and stone--duly incised the name of antonio prado, with which i baptized the island in honour of the greatest brazilian living, upon a giant _figueira_ tree on the southern edge of the extensive beach of sand and gravel. chapter ix dogs--macaws--crocodiles--a serious accident--men flung into a whirlpool--the loss of provisions and valuable baggage--more dangerous rapids--wonderful scenery--dangerous work--on the edge of a waterfall--a risky experience--bravery of author's brazilian followers--a high wind from the north-east--a big lake the night was heavy and damp. all our things were soaked in the morning with the dew which had fallen. we were enveloped in a thick mist when we woke up. it became a dense fog when the sun rose, and did not clear up until the sun was fairly high above the horizon. the minimum temperature during the night had been 62° f. (july 22nd). we were unable to leave until eight o'clock, as the river was dangerous enough when we could see where we were going, and it would have been rather foolish to add one more risk to our travelling in the fog. my men were extremely irritable and morose that morning, and even our dogs were most troublesome. we had had a great deal of trouble with the dogs; they were as disobedient and untrainable as the men. nearly every morning we had to waste a considerable time in getting the animals back into the canoe. when we were ready to start they generally dashed away into the forest and the men had to go and fetch them and bring them back. that particular morning one dog--the best we had--escaped, and my men searched for more than an hour, but were unable to find him. in trying to run after him they got their feet full of thorns, and they became so enraged that they decided to abandon the dog on the island. i called him for more than half an hour, trying to save his life, but the animal refused to come. so, much to my sorrow, we had to pull out without him, and undoubtedly the poor beast eventually must have died of starvation, as there was no food whatever to be obtained in the forest on the island. the dogs were quite amusing to watch while in the canoe, their terror when we shot rapids being quite manifest. they were an additional source of danger to us, for once or twice while shooting rapids strewn with rocks they would jump out of the canoe on to the rocks as we were shaving past them, and we lost much time on several occasions in order to rescue them. in going through the forest the poor animals had suffered much from the attacks of ants and all kinds of insects, many parasites having got inside their ears and where the skin was softer under their legs, causing terrible sores. they never got fond of anybody, no matter how well they were treated. in fact, unlike all other dogs of any other country, they never seemed even to recognize any of us. alcides had become the owner of the abandoned dog in a peculiar way at the beginning of our journey, when travelling with my caravan of mules. the dog was going along with a man travelling in the opposite direction to ours. alcides, who at the time was eating some bread, whistled to the dog, and from that moment the animal left his master and came along with us. perhaps brazilian dogs do not give affection because they never receive any. they were so timid that when you lifted your hand to caress them they would dash away yelling, with their tails between their legs, as if you had been about to strike them. i tried time after time to make friends with them--and i am generally quick at making friends with animals--but i gave up in despair the hope of gaining the slightest affection from those dogs. when we came to the end of the island we found another great barrier of foliated rock extending from east to west, 500 m. across. the basin showed, moreover, three sets of giant rocks on the left side. in the north-easterly part where the river narrowed again there stood a range of hills 300 ft. high, extending from west to east, and parallel to the rocky barrier across the basin. a streamlet 3 m. wide coming from the south-west entered the arinos from the left bank. the hill range which stood along the right bank of the river showed a rocky formation of a greyish colour right up to its summit, and was, in fact, a mere great rocky barrier with only a few trees growing in interstices which had been filled with earth and sand. the southern aspect of the range was an almost vertical wall. the river was proceeding mostly in a westerly and north-westerly direction for long stretches of 3,500 m., 4,000 m., 2,000 m., until we came to an equilateral-triangular island, 300 m. each side--erminia island. a small channel not more than 20 m. across separated this from an irregularly-shaped island, 600 m. long--niobe island. after this came a low island of sand and gravel 5 ft. high and 300 m. long, with merely a few trees upon it, whereas the other two islands were covered with dense and most beautiful vegetation. the main channel of the river was 400 m. wide. _araras_ (macaws) of great size and of a beautiful vermilion colour flew overhead, shrieking wildly at the sight of us. we began to find a great many _jacarés_ (_caiman fissipis_) or crocodiles. i saw one sleeping placidly on an islet of gravel. i landed and photographed it, subsequently waking it with a start by throwing a stone at it. my men, who were following cautiously behind me, opened a fusillade and killed it. it was really amusing to watch the astonishment of the few animals and birds we met in that deserted part of brazil, as none of them had seen a human being. they evidently did not know what to make of us. they generally looked with curiosity and surprise, and my men could fire shot after shot before they would attempt to run, or, if they were birds, fly away. there were in that region some fine specimens of the _cigana_ (_opisthocomus cristatus_) and of the _jacú_ (_penelope cristata_). the _cigana_ was beautiful to look at, with brown and yellow stripes, not unlike a pheasant, and a tuft of bright yellow feathers on the head. all of a sudden we came upon great numbers of these birds, and they supplied us with good meals. [illustration: terrifying rapid shot by author and his men in their canoe.] there were again plenty of rubber trees in the forest, plenty of fish in the river. the climate was not too hot--merely 87° f. in the shade, 105° in the sun--the insects not too troublesome; so that it seemed to us a paradise on earth. we had now before us a great expanse of 5,000 m. of straight river to 345° b.m., with two parallel ranges of hills extending from west to east. the second range was the higher of the two--some 600 ft., whereas the first was only 200 ft. high. what i took to be a great river coming from 75° b.m. (n.e.), 250 m. wide, joined the arinos from the right side; but i was puzzled whether this was not a mere arm of the arinos. in the quick survey i was making, and with the many things which occupied my mind at every moment, the river being moreover so wide, it was impossible, single-handed, to survey everything carefully on every side. therefore this may have been a mere arm of the arinos which i mistook for a tributary. it was not possible for me to deviate from my course every moment to go and ascertain problematic details, but it will be quite easy for subsequent travellers to clear up this point now that attention has been drawn to it. an island, 1,000 m. long--olivia island--was found at the point where the main arm of the river flowed in a direction of 345° b.m., and where to the north-west, north, and north-east, three hill ranges were before us--one 300 ft. high, extending from south-west to north-east on the left side of the river; another thickly wooded hill from west to east, also 300 ft. high; and yet another one, the highest of all, behind it from s.s.w. to n.n.e., on the right bank. the river was 350 m. wide, and its water almost stagnant. another barrier of rock held up the stream. we came to an island 800 m. long, 300 m. wide--sabrina island--on the left side of the stream, which showed a beautiful spit of white sand at its southern end. i halted on the bank where the island began in order to take observations for latitude and longitude, and as the day was a very clear one i took forty-eight consecutive sights of the sun with the sextant. lat. 10° 35'·1 s.; long. 58° 12' w. while i was busy observing the sun i thought i heard curious noises in the forest just behind me. the dogs all of a sudden jumped up, barking furiously, and i heard the sounds of what seemed an escaping person dashing away through the thick growth near the stream. my men were greatly excited, saying it was an indian who had come quite close to me, and was about to shoot an arrow while i was busy with my sextant and chronometers. all through lunch they sat with their loaded rifles next to them, in case we might be attacked. the river now flowed in a straight line for 5,000 m. in a north-westerly direction. half-way along was a large triangular island--pandora island; then farther on the left another island, 2,000 m. long--sibyl island. the river was of extraordinary beauty in that region. the tall range of hills to the north-west of us showed beautiful cobalt-blue tones against the whitish and grey sky; while the dark green foliage of the trees and the yellow blooms of the _oleo pardo_ trees visible here and there, the immaculate white sandy beach along the water line, together with the brilliantly red and yellow rocks which stood out of the crystalline emerald water, formed indeed a beautiful scene for the painter's brush. it did not do to be poetically inclined when travelling on the arinos. i had hardly time to realize how beautiful that scene was when we found ourselves confronted by another big barrier of rocks, through which we went over a swift _corrideira_. a basin was formed, 900 m. wide, with an extensive island of rock on the right side of it. then we suddenly came to a terrible-looking rapid at an incline so steep that i foresaw trouble in store for us. there was no way of stopping anywhere, as the current was swiftly taking us down. "we are lost!" shouted one man. "jesus maria santissima!" "paddle away! paddle away, for heaven's sake!" i shouted, as i knew that speed alone could save us from disaster. down went the canoe at an angle of 45° in the foaming and twisting waters of the rapid. where the water curled right over itself the heavy canoe was lifted up in the air like a feather, and as i turned round to shout to alcides to steer straight ahead i saw his expanded eyes looking in terror at the terrific whirlpool which was facing us at the bottom of the rapid. "no! no!" cried alcides. "straight--straight! for god's sake, straight!" shouted i; and as i saw the canoe swerve to the right i again shouted to alcides to steer straight in order to avoid the dangerous part of the whirlpool. alcides would not steer straight, but steered us instead on the right for the very centre of the whirlpool. no sooner did the prow of the canoe enter the circle of the rotating water, which formed a deep concave hollow 70 or 80 m. in diameter, than, dipping her nose in the water, she was flung right up into the air, revolving on herself. baggage and men all tumbled over, two men being thrown with terrific force clean out of the canoe. a lot of baggage disappeared into the whirlpool. the canoe, although filled with water, righted herself and spun round helplessly at an alarming speed. the impact had been so violent that the men, in tumbling over, had lost all the paddles except one. we heard the cries of the two men in the water, and i saw them struggle in order to keep themselves afloat. i gave a sigh of relief that the two men--already a long distance from us--were, by a great stroke of luck, the only two who could swim. i urged them to have courage and we would come to their rescue, although for a moment i could not think how we should do it, as we had only one paddle left and the steering gear had got torn away from its socket, although alcides with great courage had managed to save it. i ordered my men to paddle with their hands and with the large oar which was used for steering. we were tossed about in a terrific manner, the men and canoe going round and round the whirlpool in an absolutely helpless fashion. [illustration: author's men shooting a crocodile.] what distressed me more than anything was when i saw the two men getting nearer and nearer the centre, although they made a desperate struggle to swim away from it. in our effort to get to them by using the steering oar, the canoe, for some reason or other, swung round upon herself two or three times, and i saw with gladness the men gradually getting nearer. it was a moment of joy when i saw antonio, who was a powerful swimmer, within only a few feet of the canoe. his face was ghastly, with an expression of terror upon it. he was quite exhausted, and was shouting pitifully for help. the man x was a few yards farther off. the canoe suddenly swung round, going right against antonio, who grasped the side of the boat and proceeded in such haste to climb on board that he came within an ace of capsizing her. a few moments later we were alongside of x, but he was so exhausted that he had not the strength to climb up. we seized him and with great difficulty lifted him inside the canoe. we continued to go round and round the vortex in a helpless fashion, endeavouring with the steering oar to get out of that perilous position. as i gazed around i saw my camp bed and bedding, which were enclosed in a water-tight canvas bag, still floating close to the centre of the whirlpool. alas! a moment later they were sucked down. most of our cooking utensils which were loose in the canoe had been washed overboard. two of our casseroles were floating gracefully in a circle round the whirlpool. it is curious how people's mentality will work on such occasions. after we had been some minutes endeavouring to get away from the centre of the whirlpool, one of my men, who had recovered from the fright, saw the cooking pans, which were about to disappear. his first impulse was to shout that we must go and get them! it was with some relief that we were able to extricate ourselves, and eventually reached the outer edge of the whirlpool, where the water changed direction, and the canoe was swung violently, entering a patch of comparatively placid water. paddling with our hands we slowly reached the bank, and nearly an hour later--it having taken us all that time to go about 150 m.--we baled the water out of the canoe and proceeded to examine the amount of our loss. nearly all the cooking utensils, as i have said, had disappeared; two boxes of tinned provisions had gone overboard and were lost for ever; a bag of flour and a bag of rice had vanished in those terrible waters; a package containing a great part of my clothes had also gone for ever, as well as some of the clothing of my men. what was worse than all for me, my camp-bed and all my bedding were lost, which would compel me in the future to sleep either on the ground--which was practically impossible in that region owing to the number of ants and other insects--or else do as i did, sleep on four wooden packing-boxes, which i placed in a line. they made a most uneven and hard bed, as i had, of course, no mattress and no covering of any kind. a despatch-box, with some money, a lot of important official letters and other documents, were lost, and also my mercurial artificial horizon and one of my chronometers. a number of other things of less importance were also gone and quite beyond recovery. we worked hard all that afternoon and the greater part of the night in shaping new paddles out of trees we had cut down with the axes, which were fortunately not lost. the new paddles were even more primitive and clumsy than those we had before. we dried what remained of our baggage in the sun during the afternoon. the beautiful sandy beach on which we had landed looked very gay with all the articles i had spread out from some of my trunks, including a dress-suit which i hung on a young palm, and other such articles, which looked rather incongruous in that particular region. all the white linen clothes i possessed had gone, and there only remained some good serge clothes which i had kept for my arrival in civilized places again. my water-tight boxes had been knocked about so much that they had got injured and let in a good deal of moisture. one of my valuable cameras was badly damaged in the accident, and one of my sextants was soaked to such an extent that it took me the best part of two hours to clean it all up again. i saved the negatives which were in the damaged camera by developing them at once during the night while they were still wet. my men were greatly excited over the accident, especially the two who had fallen into the water. in a way i was glad it had happened, as i was in hopes it might be a good lesson to them and they might be a little more careful in the future. had alcides obeyed my orders we should have gone through safely. i pointed that out to him, but it was no use; even then he maintained that in order to be safe you must steer right into the whirlpool and not out of it--which really made me begin to feel rather nervous, as i fully expected, as we went along, to find worse rapids than those we had negotiated so far, since we still had to get down from 1,000 ft. or so to the sea level. we halted for the remainder of the day. i spent a miserable night sleeping on the packing-boxes, now that my bed had gone for ever. i did not deserve that bit of ill-luck, for indeed my camp-bed was the only thing i possessed which gave me a little comfort. after working hard all day and the greater part of the night, a few hours spent lying down flat on the stretched canvas of the bed were most enjoyable; although never, throughout the entire journey, was i able to sleep soundly, as i always had to be on the alert, never knowing what might happen. [illustration: a cataract in the river arinos.] [illustration: author's canoe among great volcanic rocks.] the night of july 22nd was fairly cool, the minimum temperature being 58° f. when we proceeded on our journey in the morning we passed an island 1,500 m. long--arabella island. the river was now flowing due west. again we came upon rocks in the centre and upon the right side of the river, with a strong _corrideira_ and with dangerous submerged rocks close to the surface. there was an islet 150 m. long on the right side in a basin 500 m. broad. a hill 100 ft. high stood on the left side of the stream, while a hill range 300 ft. high was now visible to the w.n.w. we had little time to admire the beautiful scenery, for we soon found ourselves upon another great barrier with a terrible-looking rapid. i asked my men if they preferred to shoot it, as the exertion of loading and unloading the canoe was certainly heavy. "no, no, no, no!" they all cried in a chorus. we therefore unloaded the canoe, and with considerable trouble and waste of time we led her down the rapid by means of ropes. even led in that fashion with the greatest care, the canoe was entirely filled with water. islets of rock of considerable beauty rose from the river on the right-hand side. as we got a little way farther, slightly more to the north-west, another hill range, perhaps a little higher than the one we had already observed, began to disclose itself to the north-west, on the right side of the river. as we advanced i further ascertained that the first range extended in a general direction from south-west to north-east. the river had actually eroded its way through this range. strong rapids were again met with at that point, the channel being strewn with innumerable sharp-edged rocks, most unpleasant if you were to come in contact with them. a small islet with a picturesque spur of rock on the north side was here seen; then a larger island, 300 m. long--evelina island--also on the left side. the river flowed for 3,000 m. in a n.n.w. direction, and at the end of that distance a rectangular island, 200 m. long and 80 m. wide--eileen island--embellished it. like most of the islands in that particular portion of the river it had a beautiful spur of rock on its eastern side, preceded by a little islet also of rock. we passed to the left of this island. it was separated by a channel 80 m. wide from another narrow island, 200 m. to the west of it--diana island. just before getting to a third range extending from south-west to north-east, and, like the other two, about 300 ft. high, we came upon a long barrier of rock spreading diagonally for about 1,000 m. from south-west to north-east. a long narrow island (200 m. long)--bertha island--began from that point close to the right bank, and another had been separated by the water from the bank itself. a tributary 2 m. wide was observed on the left side. we kept close to the left bank and passed on our right an island 300 m. long--sophia island. so numerous were the islands following one another that i was beginning to have great difficulty in supplying sufficient names for them all. more rapids were reached, and were of terrific force--especially in the centre of the river. it took me some little time to find a suitable passage, but at last i found a channel 25 m. wide through which i got the canoe among innumerable rocks. we went over a great _filare_--by which word the italians cleverly define an extensive alignment in the stratum--of rock of extreme hardness which had evidently been fractured in some violent commotion of the earth, and had left sharp edges which cut just like knives close to the surface of the water. this rocky obstacle extended as usual from south-east to north-west. a tiny streamlet entered the river on the left not far from the hill range on that same side. the trees in that particular region had a most peculiar appearance: their high, perfectly straight stems, quite free from branches or leaves up to their very summit, looked like so many columns, mostly of a whitish colour. many, however, were encircled, others absolutely smothered with creepers. the scenery was really beautiful; it was like travelling through fairyland. in the centre of the basin 400 m. wide to which we next came was an island, 80 m. in diameter--gingillo island--and to the south-west of it a small islet with an extensive beach and accumulation of rocks in a northerly direction. on the southern side of the river a sand beach, interspersed with rocks, spread almost across, as far as the latter island. i took 55 astronomical sights in order to get the exact latitude and longitude (lat. 10° 30'·7 s.; long. 58° 19' w.), and to check the time of the second chronometer, which still remained in my possession. we had made poor progress that day as far as the distance went--only 17 kil. 100 m. we had come to some nasty rapids, which at first looked quite impassable by water, some of the waves shooting up so high in the air as to make it out of the question for any canoe to go through. there was another extensive _filare_ of rock, so beautifully polished that it looked almost as if it had been varnished over. it was evidently an ancient flow of lava, with great holes in it here and there. the flow spread from south-west to north-east, was of a brilliant shining yellow, and most beautiful to look at. i had to make my camp on the rocks near this rapid, where we unloaded the canoe in order to take her down by means of ropes by the eastern channel--very narrow and very unpleasant, but it was the only one possible. it was all we could do to hold the canoe as she tobogganed down the incline, and we had some nasty falls on the slippery rock trying to hold her. we had a dangerous bit of work to do the moment we had descended the rapid, for we had then to navigate the canoe right across the basin, where whirlpools of some magnitude were formed, directly over a waterfall of some height and pouring down great volumes of water with a terrific roar on the north-east side of the basin; then along the really terrifying rapid on the south-west side. it was necessary to do that, as i had observed that it was only on the opposite side of the river that we could possibly take the canoe down, and no other course was open to us than to go across that dangerous spot. we had to be smart about it, or we certainly should have perished. my men behaved splendidly. we had reloaded the canoe. the quarter of an hour or so which it took us to cross that basin was somewhat exciting, as we struggled through the various whirlpools, the current all the time dragging us closer and closer to the waterfall, while my men were paddling with all their might and alcides was steering right against the current in order to prevent the fatal leap. i urged the men on, and they paddled and paddled away, their eyes fixed on the fall which was by that time only a few metres away from us. they were exhausted in the frantic effort, and their paddles seemed to have no effect in propelling the canoe. the men, who were always talkative, were now silent; only the man x exclaimed, as we were only eight or ten metres from the fall: "good-bye, father and mother! i shall never see you again!" the other men gave a ghastly grin. [illustration: preparing to descend a rapid.] [illustration: a cataract in the arinos river.] "go on! row! row!--for god's sake row!" i shouted to them, as i saw they had given themselves up for lost. "row!" i shouted once more; and as if the strength had suddenly come back to them they made a frantic effort. the canoe went a little faster for a minute or two--just enough for us to clear the waterfall and to drift alongside some rocks which stood in the centre of the stream. we were saved. my men were so exhausted that we had to rest there for some time before we could proceed to cross the dreadful rapid down the other portion of the barrier. i was glad we had had that experience, because it showed me that after all it was possible to make brave men of men who were absolutely pusillanimous before. when i mentioned that we still had to go over the other dangerous part, they said, much to my delight: "we are brazilians--we are afraid of nothing! we will come with you." and what is more, they did. they smoked a few cigarettes. i had always supplied them with ample tobacco in order to keep them in a good temper. then when i gave the order to start they jumped gaily into the canoe, shouting again: "we are brazilians! we are afraid of nothing!" so we began negotiating the second portion of that nasty crossing. there is nothing i admire more than courage. my men went up in my estimation that day at least a hundred per cent. the second part of our crossing was just as dangerous as the first part--perhaps more so. the men, however, behaved splendidly, and rowed with such vigour that we got through safely and quickly above the most difficult portion, and eventually landed upon a mass of rocks on the opposite side of the stream. there we had a busy time, as we had once more to unload the canoe, cut a way through the forest in order to convey the baggage overland to a spot about half a mile farther down stream; then we had to come back to take the canoe by means of ropes down the rapid itself. it was necessary for one of us to be inside the canoe in order to steer her while being led down. alcides, who was indeed an extraordinarily brave man, would not hand over his job to anybody else, and insisted on being allowed to steer the canoe. it was with great reluctance that i allowed him, as he could not swim. when we proceeded to let the canoe down by the small western channel, the foaming waters and high waves rolling back upon themselves with great force were most troublesome to negotiate. the canoe was repeatedly lifted right out of the water, and gave us holding the ropes such violent jerks that we were flung in all directions. when i got up again, still holding on to the rope, alcides had disappeared. he had been pitched clean out of the canoe. fortunately, a moment later i saw that he was clinging to the steering gear, which we had made extra fast in order that it might stand the great strain. we managed to pull the canoe and alcides close to the rocks. eventually we all had to go into the water up to our necks and lead the canoe by hand with the greatest care in the swift current for the remaining distance. once or twice we were nearly overpowered by the current, and we were glad when, nearly two hours later, our job was finished, and, absolutely exhausted, we made camp for the night on the rocks. the men were so excited that during the entire night they sat up commenting on the experience of the day. their remarks were quite amusing, especially their imitations of the rush of the water, the bumping of the canoe, and alcides' sudden disappearance and narrow escape from drowning. the waterfall and rapids spread across the river at that spot for some 650 m. during the night of july 24th the thermometer showed a minimum temperature of 62° f. i noticed a small streamlet 1 m. wide on the left bank, and to the w.s.w. a conical hill rising over a gently sloping undulating range 350 ft. above the river level--that is to say, about 1,400 ft. above the sea level. a strong wind sprang up, which caught us sideways and produced such high waves breaking over the canoe, and so severe a motion, that my men became ill. we had to stop, until the wind abated, on a small charming island. as we were approaching the island alcides sent us right over a rock which was sticking some 2 ft. above water. the bottom of the canoe was so scraped in the violent collision that a good deal of the stuffing with which we had filled the longitudinal crack was torn off, and she quickly filled with water. when we halted more garments had to be destroyed in order to fill up the aperture to the best of our ability. when the storm was over we continued our journey, going over some rapids in quite a novel way. the men were quarrelling among themselves and had stopped paddling, the paddles being waved in the air in a threatening way as they spoke violently to one another. alcides had also left the steering gear, and in his fury against the other men had seized his rifle in order to give force to his words. we were approaching the rapid. i advised them to continue their quarrel after we had gone through, but they would not listen to me. the prow of the canoe, just as we were about to enter the rapid, was caught in a rock, and the canoe swung right round, so that we shot the rapid floating down stern first. we shipped a lot of water, the refreshing bath somewhat cooling the excitement of my men, who, realizing the danger when we entered the whirlpool, took to paddling again. i discovered from their conversation during the night that my men were imbued with the idea that i had a guardian angel attending my person, and that no matter what happened while they were with me they would have no mishap. the river gradually turned northwards again. i noticed on the right side a hill-range 350 ft. high, extending from south-west to north-east. the wind came up again, tossing the canoe about considerably. my men once more became seasick owing to the rolling. the new paddles we had made from fresh wood after our accident in the rapids did not prove much of a success, the wood splitting badly. we had to keep the various pieces together by tying them with string. i could not help laughing when i looked at my men paddling. one paddle had a quadrangular blade; another formed an elongated oval; a third had originally been circular but was then reduced to the shape of a half-moon, the other half having been washed away. [illustration: lake formed where the arinos and juruena rivers meet.] [illustration: going through a rapid.] for 4,000 m. the river had flowed due west, then it turned to 310° b.m. two large islands in succession--one 400 m. long and 350 m. wide--pericles island; the second of an equal width to the first, and 700 m. long--aspasia island--were seen. a high wind from the north-east and east continued the entire day, and broke into occasional severe gusts that were most troublesome to us. heavy rain-clouds hung over our heads. my men felt cold and shivery and quite miserable in the choppy waters, which made them extremely ill. their faces were green and yellow, their eyes had a pitiful expression in them. they looked as if they were all being led to execution. the temperature of the atmosphere was only 75° f. shortly before sunset, after a beautiful stretch of river of 4,000 m. to 335° b.m. (n.n.w.), followed by one of 4,000 m. 5° farther to the north, we came to an immense basin--a regular lake--4,000 m. long, 1,500 m. wide, with two lovely islands in its northerly part. it was there that the great river juruena, coming from the south-west, joined the arinos. we had the greatest difficulty in crossing the big, deep lake, because of the high wind which was blowing at the time. the waves were high and caught us on one side; the rolling was so heavy that on many occasions we shipped a great deal of water and nearly capsized. when we got into the centre of the lake the wind increased in fury. my men were very ill and much scared--for we had a great expanse of water on all sides and we could not bale the water out of the canoe fast enough, so quickly was she filling. i urged on the men all the time and took an extra paddle myself to encourage them. we made slow progress, the men suffering greatly. i had to wait for their convenience every few moments when they were badly indisposed. we tossed about for the best part of two hours, until at last we reached the opposite side of the lake. in a hurry to land, alcides threw the canoe over some rocks on which the water was breaking with fury. however, the water was shallow at that point. we jumped out, and eventually, trembling with cold, we beached the canoe on a most beautiful island, where we made our camp for the night. chapter x the point of junction of the arinos and juruena rivers--elfrida landor island--terrible days of navigation--immense islands--an old indian camp--a fight between a dog and an _ariranha_--george rex island--a huge _sucuriú_ snake the spot where the two great rivers met was most impressive, especially from the island on which we stood, directly opposite the entrance of the two streams. the immense lake was spread before us, and beyond were the two great rivers meeting at an angle. great walls of verdant forest lined all the banks and islands before us. curiously enough, both in the arinos and in the juruena two long narrow islands appeared parallel to the banks of each stream. the islands resembled each other in size. the juruena had two islands near its mouth, one narrow and long, the other in the shape of a quadrangle. the arinos also showed a long and narrow island at its mouth, and another ending in a point. it was my intention to take soundings right across the mouth of the arinos and also across the mouth of the juruena, but unluckily, owing to the strong easterly wind which prevailed that day, it was quite impossible for me to attempt such a task at the mouth of the arinos, and equally impossible was it to proceed back across the lake to the mouth of the juruena to measure the volume of water which came out of that river. without any attempt at mathematical accuracy i should say that the two rivers carried an almost equal volume of water. where we landed there were two separate islands, one of which i named after my sister--the elfrida landor island; the other one, next to it, i named francesco island. the elfrida landor island--really most beautiful to look at--was 800 m. long; francesco island was 1,200 m. in length but not quite so broad. there was a most picturesque channel 200 m. wide, with marvellous rocks forming a barrier across it, on the right side of the river, between francesco island and the right bank. the main part of the stream, however, flowed in a much larger channel between the left bank and elfrida landor island. the joint arinos-juruena river had now a total width of 500 m., and flowed in a direction of 15° bearings magnetic. i took accurate observations with the hypsometrical apparatus in order to determine the exact elevation of that important spot: water boiled at the junction of the juruena and arinos at 210°·4¾, while the temperature of the air was 70° f.; in other words the elevation of the place was 987 ft. above the sea level. [illustration: author's canoe going down a cataract.] i also took observations there for latitude and longitude. lat. 10° 21'·7 s.; long. 58° 35' w. the juruena entered the lake from bearings magnetic 250° (w.s.w.), the arinos from bearings magnetic 100° (e.s.e.). the minimum temperature during the night on elfrida island was 57° f. my men suffered a great deal from the cold, as they had got badly chilled with the wet and the high wind during the day. most of them complained of severe rheumatic pains and violent toothache. they could not understand why i did not have any pains of any kind--and to tell the truth, neither could i, after all we had gone through of late. when we left elfrida landor island on july 25th we had a beautiful stretch of river 4,000 m. long in a straight line, but with a good many rocks strewn in the channel. the men paddled unwillingly, as they said they were aching all over; but the current was strong and we were going along fairly quickly. my men said that we must now have come to the end of all the rapids. i did not care to disillusion them, although i suspected that we still had hard days in store. we had not proceeded very far when a rumbling noise warned us that we were approaching danger. there was a rapid on the east side of the river, but it left a fairly easy passage on the west. a little farther, however, we came to a very bad rapid, and had to unload the canoe, which we were obliged to let down carefully with ropes. my men, who felt feverish and irritable, owing to our previous day's experience, were greatly upset at this new obstacle facing us. the river was 500 m. wide at this part. the rocks on which we trod when we took the canoe down were so sharp that they cut our feet. it was not possible to wear shoes, as when we had them on we slipped on the rock and had no hold upon the ropes. my men, in their state of weakness, had not sufficient strength to hold the canoe, and the moment she entered the swift current she escaped, dragging one man into the rapid. i jumped into the water after him, and just managed to grab him before he was swept away altogether in the terrific current. we were all drenched, and as the wind blew with great violence that day, and there was no sun to warm us up, we felt the cold very much. the canoe was thrown mercilessly now against one rock, then against another; but, as luck would have it, after she had made several pirouettes, we, running all the time with our bleeding feet on the sharp rocks along the bank, were eventually able to recapture her at the end of the rapid. then came the job of going back to fetch all the baggage and bring it down, baling the water out of the canoe, and starting off once more. my men were tired; they said they could stand the work no more, and they wanted to remain there and die. it took much persuasion to make them come on. i succeeded principally by giving them a good example, carrying down most of the loads that day myself from the upper end of the rapid to the lower--a distance of several hundred metres. i was getting tired, too, of carrying the heavy loads, but i never let my men see it; that would have been fatal. the river was divided into two channels by a group of islands which must at one time have been one great triangular one, subsequently worn by parallel and transverse channels into seven islands. the first, most southerly, was 300 m. broad, 150 m. long, and of a triangular shape. the three immediately behind this, and of irregular shapes, had an average length of some 700 m.; whereas the last group of three, all of elongated shapes, had a length of 300 m. each. i was getting to the end of the list of names for all those islands, and i was at a loss to find seven names all of a sudden, so i called the group the seven sisters islands. at the end of the group the river narrowed to 400 m. in width between a long island to the west and the right bank, and flowed due north for 12,000 m. in a direct line--indeed a most beautiful sight. fifteen hundred metres down that distance a great barrier of columnar or cylindrical rocks stuck out of the water from w.s.w. to e.n.e. north of those rocks on the left side, upon the island, not less than 5,000 m. long--lunghissima island--was a beautiful yellow sand beach 200 m. long, which formed a separate islet with trees upon its northerly half. numerous rocks obstructed the east side (right) of the river. farther on, another lovely sandy islet 100 m. long had formed behind a number of rocks, and was of a clean, beautiful yellowish white, with a few shrubs and trees growing upon it. all those sand beaches were extremely interesting to me. i invariably landed upon them. i had made a wonderful collection of all the minute plants and delightful miniature flowers which grew upon these beaches--an immense variety, indeed, but of such small dimensions and of such delicate tints that it required sometimes a great strain of eyesight to see them at all. some were really most beautiful. i spent a good deal of time and patience in collecting, pressing, and classifying those dainty little sand-plants, and i was beginning to flatter myself that i had formed a complete collection. at the spot where lunghissima island came to an end a large triangular island was to be seen on the left of us. a great barrier of rocks stretched across the stream, a prominent cluster of picturesque boulders forming a powerful spur which cut the current at the southern part of the triangle of land. although the thermometer marked 93° in the sun my men complained of the intense cold, partly because they all had fever, partly also because the wind was extremely strong that day and caused waves of some size in the stream, which dashed against the canoe and splashed us all over. again my men were seasick that day, and got furious with me as i could not help laughing at their plight. with a slight deviation of 20° to the west came another stretch of 4,000 m. in a straight line. a two-humped range of hills now loomed before us to the north-west. we had gone along the side of another elongated island 8,000 metres in length--yolanda island. when we came to the end of this great island, two other islands parallel to each other were disclosed to the west of us, one 1,000 m. long--carmela island--the other 600 m.--stella island. the first had a pretty island 300 m. long--hilda island--next to it on the east side. we halted at the end of yolanda island and there took observations for latitude and longitude, thirty-one consecutive sights of the sun being taken. lat. 10° 13'·3 s; long. 58° 35' w. [illustration: the immense waves encountered by author in emerging from the channel in the rapid of the inferno. (the canoe with its occupants shot up vertically in the air.)] when we resumed our journey four more islets were visible and a barrier of rock from north-west to south-east again stretching right across the stream. just beyond lay romola island, 1,200 m. long and equally broad. at the end of the island we found a channel 100 m. wide, separating it from two neighbours on the east; in fact, much to my dismay, we found ourselves in a regular maze of islands and rocks, and my time was fully employed keeping an account of and measuring them. a crescent-shaped island--urania island--1,000 m. in length, with most wonderful vegetation upon it, was now on our left. that region was extraordinarily rich in rubber. the channel which we had followed was strewn all over with rocks. another island, 400 m. long--caterina island--followed. the current in the arinos-juruena river had a speed of 80 m. a minute. the river in places where no islands lay had a width of 200 m. the water was most beautifully clear, of a lovely emerald green, with a wonderful white sand bottom clearly visible although the river had considerable depth in many places. yet another island, 600 m. long--una island--came in sight to the right of us; then another between two companions, forming almost a circle round the central isle. the river now formed a basin not less than 800 m. wide with innumerable rocks at the entrance. we went on kilometre after kilometre, spending our time in avoiding unpleasant rocks, when again we came first to fairly strong rapids, then to an extremely dangerous rapid, which we shot, as we were carried away into it before we had time to realize where we were. we had the greatest difficulty in extricating ourselves from the many terrifying whirlpools at the end of the rapid, in a great basin 900 m. wide. we found a most beautiful halting place on a natural terrace of volcanic rock some 20 ft. above the river, with a dome of rock in the centre. i met signs of indians close to the river. evidently a tribe had once halted there, but apparently many years before our arrival. i discovered their fireplaces, several carved pieces of wood, and some fragments of rudimentary pottery in the neighbourhood of this picturesque spot. in exploring round the place i also found some almost entirely obliterated indications of several ancient trails which had been made by the indians in the forest. looking toward bearings magnetic 340°, and also in the opposite direction to the south, most gorgeous river scenes were before us. this was by far the most beautiful spot i had come across on the river so far. i therefore named the huge island on which i stood george rex island. i gave alcides orders to carve the name on a tree, but as he was an anarchist he refused to do it, excusing himself by saying that he had injured his hand. at that camp we caught over 400 lb. of fish in less than half an hour--three _jahus_ among the number, each weighing over 40 lb. then we also captured two _cachorra_ or dog fish, which possessed vicious-looking molars of great length, not unlike those of a big dog. each of these fish weighed over 30 lb. then we got eight _trahiras_, some 20 lb. each in weight. with the little salt which remained we preserved some of the fish, as we were now getting very short of food. however, we had excellent meals most of the time on the river, frying the fish with fat which we extracted from the fish itself. during the night of july 26th we had a minimum temperature of 55° f., but as we had had plenty to eat the previous evening--in fact, too much--we did not feel the cold quite so severely. _ariranhas_ in large families were plentiful near that spot, and came close several times, grinding their teeth at us, especially when we were slaughtering the fish on the bank. we kept watch during the entire night, as on that occasion they were truly vicious. our dogs, for a change, became quite sportive. one of them, named negrino, got furious with the _ariranhas_, and, driven mad by their unmusical noises, actually jumped into the stream to go to their attack. in a moment he had quantities of _ariranhas_ upon him, and was bitten savagely, one ear being nearly torn off. he endeavoured to beat a retreat, but by that time he was in mid-stream and struggling for dear life against his enemies. we put out in the canoe at once and went to his rescue, eventually getting him on board in an exhausted condition, and bleeding terribly all over. we enjoyed a hearty breakfast of boiled and fried fish before leaving camp at 9 o'clock in the morning. we were sorry to leave the beautiful camp--the best we had had since we had been on the river arinos. there were before us two great channels. the one flowing east was the larger of the two, fully 400 m. wide and 3,000 m. long in a straight line. as we were paddling along we passed on our left a triangular island the southern side of which was 2,000 m. long, the south-east side 500 m.--angela island. where the river deviated to 30° b.m. a perfectly straight stretch of 8,000 m. was before us--a most beautiful sight. two parallel islands, only 50 m. wide, one 400 m. the other 300 m. long, were on the right of us, in the part of the river where george rex island, which was still to the right of us, described a graceful semicircle. fifteen hundred metres farther down george rex island came to an end with a beautiful spit of sand 200 m. long. just beyond, still on our right, another island, 400 m. long--rosalinda island--was passed, also with a lovely spit of sand 200 m. in extent. the river at this place had a total width of 500 m. at a point 5,000 m. down the straight stretch due east we came to three parallel elongated islands, two of them 300 m. long, the third 1,000 m. in length, all three on the right of us as we floated down. a barrier of rocks extended right across the stream from north-west to south-east, at a spot where on our left side, at b.m. 330°, a hill range extended northwards. with a slight deviation of 10° eastward (40° b.m.) another beautiful stretch of 6,000 m. was before us. more islands, more clusters of picturesque rocks were passed. first came a group of two islands, the larger 350 m. long--vanessa island; then a beautiful clean sand-spit 150 m. long, almost in mid-stream, preceded a group of three parallel islands--philomela island, 400 m. long, portia island, 300 m. and psyche island, 4,500 m. beyond these were two more islands, one triangular in shape in the centre of the stream--rhea island--some 250 m. long, with a strong _corrideira_ at its north-easterly terminus. [illustration: a giant sucurí snake with entire deer contained in its digestive organs.] a most gorgeous sand-bank of great length now lay on our left, while on the right we had two small islets, one 100 m. long, another, beyond it, 500 m. long. a tributary entered the arinos-juruena at that spot on the right side. where the river turned again due east for 3,000 m., another set of parallel islands with a chain of hills beyond them on the right bank was to be seen. the hill range extended from north-west to south-east. all these ranges, with a backbone of rock underneath, formed, as it were, the ribs which held up the central plateau of brazil. we were now in a region of wonderful accumulations of sand; nearly all the islands showed a sand-spit of great length on the up-stream side. great islands occurred once more: paulina island, 2,500 m. long, on our left; another, 200 m. long--olivia island--on our right; and a third--clara island--just beyond it. a long tail of rocks followed, and the channel was strewn with dangerous rocks where the river had cut its way through the range of hills. what must have been formerly an immense island which had become cut up into three was now on the left of us as we followed the central channel in an easterly direction. the first of these was comparatively small; the next--tristan island--was 1,500 m. long; the third--isolda island--1,000 m. long. all were of extraordinary beauty. rubber trees were to be seen, but not in such great numbers as we had found farther up the stream. evidently the soil was somewhat too rocky and not sufficiently moist for their healthy growth. from due east the river suddenly turned to due north, diverted by the great rib of rock which had formerly made part of the hill range we had now on our right. we had a good deal of trouble here, as difficult rapids were encountered, and sharp, cutting rocks, collision with which would have been fatal for us. our canoe, after the many bumps we had already experienced, gave alarming signs that she might split in two longitudinally at any moment. for 5,000 m. the river flowed in a northerly direction. great domes of granite and immense boulders were scattered near the left bank, and rocks of all sizes and shapes emerged from the water all over the basin, which was 600 m. across. another barrier of rock stretched from north-east to south-east and formed a high drop in the river. we had to unload the canoe once more upon some rocks in mid-stream, then let her gently down the step of foaming waters by ropes. we were then in a magnificent basin 1,000 m. wide, with a great cluster of impressive rocks on the right side, in front of two enchantingly beautiful islands--melisande island, 400 m. long, pelleas island, 700 m. long--on the left. whenever i was gazing enraptured at the heavenly scenery alcides always managed to send the canoe on to some rock, which quickly brought me back, not to earth but to water. his principle in life was always to do the worst thing and then you knew that nothing worse could happen--a topsy-turvy philosophy for which we all had to suffer. emerging from the basin, we had two channels before us, one to the n.n.e., the other n.n.w. gigantic palm trees such as we had seen along the river arinos were now to be seen all along the banks of the river. we saw in the water not far from us a large _sucuriú_ snake (_eunictes murinus_), fully 6 in. in diameter. it peeped its head out of the water to gaze curiously into our canoe, and caused some excitement among my men. another immense barrier of rocks with most troublesome rapids extended from south-west to north-east right across the stream. that seemed a great place for snakes, especially in the narrow and tortuous channel which we followed, between a great island--victor emmanuel island--and the left bank. we were going along fairly gaily when i saw a huge snake--another _sucuriú_--floating upon the water among the foliage and branches of a fallen tree. the section of the body which i could perceive measured fully 2½ ft. in diameter, and i must say that for one moment--we were only about 20 ft. away from it--i was somewhat surprised, as my quickly calculating mind constructed in my imagination a snake at least 100 ft. long. my men immediately took to their rifles, and were about to open a fusillade, but i stopped them, not caring to disturb the sleep of so gigantic a reptile. it was with some relief that, as the canoe floated quietly a little farther, i perceived the head of the snake resting gracefully in a sound slumber upon a branch of the tree out of the water. the head was of more normal proportions. we landed a little distance away as quietly as possible, my men trembling all over with excitement and fear in case the reptile should wake up. then all together they opened a fusillade until a bullet actually struck the snake and it wriggled about. there was a stampede of all my men through the foliage and plants which grew along the stream. the snake was dead. when they had made quite sure that life was extinct my men returned and pulled the snake out of the water. although the section we had seen floating was so big, the rest of the body was not more than 4 in. in diameter. the snake had eaten an entire _veado_ (deer), and that was the cause of the great swelling of the central part of its body. the shape of the devoured animal could be seen plainly inside it. the photograph of the reptile which i took is given in one of the illustrations of this book. the light was not good for photographic purposes, as it was late in the afternoon and the snake, which after all was only 18 ft. 5 in. long, lay under the shadow of the foliage, which made photography rather difficult. as i was trying to get a second photograph my men proceeded with their knives to open the snake and see what was inside. the terrific odour which ensued when they did so made us violently ill, causing desperate vomiting. i have seen it stated, in some books which have been published about south america, that snakes of incredible length are believed to exist on that continent. undoubtedly the notion has been suggested by the fact that inexperienced travellers have seen immensely broad traces of snakes along the soft ground near rivers. measuring the diameter of those trails they came to the conclusion that the snake was 80 to 100 ft. long, and without taking further trouble to ascertain they stated they had actually seen a snake of that length. whereas, as a matter of fact, as in the case i have described, the immense diameter of the snake was merely in the section which enclosed some big animal which had been swallowed. [illustration: an easy rapid.] [illustration: going through a narrow channel.] chapter xi a family of _ariranhas_--attacked by them--three nasty rapids--beautiful sand beaches--exciting experiences--going down a thundering cataract--alcides' narrow escape--a night's work in the midst of a foaming rapid in order to rescue the half-submerged canoe--filippe's courage--visited by a snake 20 ft. long we camped some hundred metres away from the spot where we had killed the _sucuriú_. it was getting late. my men did not sleep a wink the whole night, as they thought perhaps the mate of the snake might come and pay us a visit. we had a lively time the entire night, as we had made our camp over the home of a family of _ariranhas_. they had their young in a small grotto in the bank, and we heard them all night squealing for their mothers, who were grinding their teeth and shrieking furiously a little way off from the bank, not daring to enter their homes while we were near. they were, i think, more frightened of the fire which my men had made than they were of us. there were twenty or thirty of them, and they made so much noise during the night that it was quite out of the question to rest. the vegetation was very thick, the damp considerable, and the air quite stifling, with a minimum temperature of 60° f. occasionally, when the air moved at all, we could smell our friend the dissected _sucuriú_. we were glad to leave at eight o'clock the next morning; we seldom could make an earlier start, owing to the slowness of my men in getting their breakfast and mine ready, and reloading the canoe, as all the baggage was taken out every night. where we had made camp, victor emmanuel island came to an end, the length of the island being some 14 kil. we had great fun just before leaving, the _ariranhas_ coming boldly to attack us as we were getting into the canoe. our dogs, which had been squealing and growling the whole night at the unmusical shrieks of the _ariranhas_, now jumped into the water, and there was a fierce fight between them and the amphibious animals. my men, as usual, fired a great many shots. eventually we recovered our dogs and started off once more on our journey. the river flowed from that point at first mostly in a north-easterly direction and in a somewhat winding course; then gradually tended toward the north-west. in the western part of a large basin 1,200 m. broad were two islands and innumerable rocks. then, farther on, one more long rocky barrier extended from north-west to south-east in the north-western part of the basin. once more did we have to let the canoe down the terrific rapids by means of ropes. where the river turned to the north-west it was 500 m. wide and most beautiful. a great many islands were seen, and innumerable rocks barred the entrance of the channel at the end of the basin above described. soon after, however, we entered another basin 1,000 m. wide, with more islands and rapids fairly easy to negotiate. once more did the river turn due north for 6,000 m., after we had gone over another swift and most troublesome rapid, where we had to unload our baggage and take the canoe down carefully with ropes. after that we entered a long channel strewn with rocks. we had not gone far when another strong rapid was encountered, over another great barrier of rock. no sooner had we negotiated that difficult passage than another great barrier of rock, also from south-west to north-east, had to be gone over through a troublesome rapid. my men were getting tired of exploring, and were perplexed, because the more dangers we surmounted the greater seemed the dangers confronting us. they were beginning to lose the nerve they had temporarily acquired, and were now so scared at the vicious waters that they tried to keep the canoe all the time close to the banks or islands, the river being so deep that they thought this was the best way of saving their lives in case we had a bad accident. the current was extraordinarily swift, and to make things worse a strong north-easterly wind blew with great fury, driving us back and producing such high waves that our canoe was constantly filled with water. the result of keeping so close to the bank, and having our heads continually brushed by the foliage which overhung the stream, was that each time we came in contact with the branch of a tree thousands of ants would drop on to the canoe and upon us, and would bite us furiously. this was most trying--an additional torture to that we had to endure of being stung all over by other insects which followed the canoe in swarms. we had not gone much farther along when within 1,000 m. we came to three nasty rapids in succession, over barriers of great rocks intersected by interesting veins of quartz. from that point the river was fairly straight for 7 kil. we had that morning encountered five troublesome rapids, which had given us endless work. when we halted we were simply ravenous. we were fortunate enough to get plenty of fish for lunch, and while my men were enjoying a hearty feast i took the usual astronomical observations, eaten all over as i was by mosquitoes and _piums_, while bees innumerable had settled on my face and arms. the latitude was 9° 40'·4 s.; the longitude 58° 34' w. the bees had a most peculiar pungent odour, which they seemed to leave on one's skin when they had walked on it. we kept our heads wrapped up in towels; but even then we suffered a great deal. [illustration: a dangerous vortex.] [illustration: preparing the canoe to go down a rapid.] when we started in the afternoon we continued to travel in a direction of 330° b.m., and came to a large basin, easily identifiable by subsequent travellers by three extensive domes of granite on the right side, two of them actually on the bank of the stream at the entrance of the basin. where an elongated island, 3,000 m. long--oriana island--beside which we had travelled, ended on our left, we saw another island that continued half-way down the basin, here some 2,000 m. wide. the second island--diana island--was fully 8,000 m. in length. in the centre of this great basin was a triangular island--pomona island--4,000 m. long and with a base of 1,500 m. a tributary was visible on the right bank, just opposite a great dome of granite with an appendix of sand and gravel which stood in the middle of the channel. after we had travelled for 2,500 m., a basin some 1,400 m. wide opened again, with a small island, 400 m. long, in the centre--m. adams island. this charming islet had a picturesque headland of rock on the south side, and a long spur, also of rock, to the north. we made our camp here. the river was really marvellously beautiful at this point, the vegetation all round being vigorous and healthy, with a great wealth of rubber trees, while the huge volcanic rocks strewn about added much to the picturesqueness of the scene. it was warm during the night (minimum temperature 63° f.), and we were treated to a most tormenting concert of mosquitoes. they swarmed positively in millions around us. with my bed and bedding which i had lost in the rapids i had unfortunately also lost my mosquito net, and i now was suffering greatly from the stings of all the troublesome insects. my bones were aching all over from sleeping on the uneven packing-cases placed in a row which now formed my bed. it took too much time and trouble to unfasten the straps and buckles which kept the boxes tightly closed, and they did not add to the comfort when one lay spread on them. when we left in the morning of july 28th, going along a beautiful stretch of close upon 25 kil. in great expanses from 4,000 to 6,000 m. long, we passed first of all an elongated quadrangular island 1,500 m. long; then farther on great masses of volcanic rock. at the end of that stretch the river divided into two channels separated by an equilateral-triangular island, the side of which was 2,000 m.--minerva island. another island, also of great beauty, and with a considerable number of rubber trees upon it, was found a little farther, and there a bar of sand spread beneath shallow water right across the stream. we had gone 31,500 m. that morning. when we found a most beautiful beach of lovely sand we could not resist the temptation of halting on it to prepare our lunch. our surprise was great when we set foot on the beach to hear shrill whistles beneath us. the beach was formed of whistling--or singing--sand. the reason the sand was musical was because some large insects had bored thousands of holes of great depth into its moistened mass, which allowed the holes to retain their form. when the sand was trodden the pressure drove the warmish air contained in those holes with great force through the contracted apertures and caused a sharp whistling and occasionally quite melodious notes. i again took observations for latitude and longitude at this place, but i was beginning to find the work too heavy--not the observing in itself, but the computing of all the observations, at which i was not particularly quick. (lat. 9° 24' s.; long. 58° 40' w.) also, the great care which i had to take of the chronometer under most difficult circumstances was a trial to me, considering the numberless things i had to look after. the only little comfort i had on that journey had been my camp bed, on which i could, if not sleep soundly, at least rest my weary bones for a few hours at night. that had now gone, and i was beginning to feel the strain of the hard work, constant mental exertion, and the total lack of rest. we had passed a great number of islands in the morning: one 2,000 m. long--melusine island; another 300 m.--janus island; a third 3,000 m.--midas island--by the side of which was another enormous island, some 6,000 m. in length--miranda island. then little islets 200 and 250 m. long, and another big island, 2,000 m. from end to end--a. masõ island. most beautiful sandy beaches were now constantly seen, mostly, like the one on which we had landed, composed of singing sand. (some of those beaches were 200 and 300 m. long.) the beach on which we had landed for lunch was at the southern end of a great island, 5,700 m. long, which i named queen mary island. we left again that afternoon, travelling fairly speedily, chiefly in w.n.w. and s.s.w. directions, varying from 290° b.m. to 230° b.m. when we came to the end of queen mary island, after passing some really remarkable beaches on which we found a great many turtles' eggs, we came to a large basin, 1,800 m. across, with numberless rocks scattered on the north and south sides of it. the river there flowed due west; in fact, those rocks formed a kind of corona all around the great circle. a crescent-shaped island, 2,800 m. long--giselle island--was next passed. the channel through which we went was full of dangerous rocks, and had a width of 280 m. soon after another basin 1,600 m. broad was reached, with a formidable barrier of islets and rocks spreading from south to north. the river there flowed in a perfectly straight course for 10 kil. to 310° b.m. a most extraordinary-looking islet with a circular terrace of rock on the east side of it, which was passed in mid-stream, was surrounded by a giant crown of pyramidal rocks of great height emerging in sharp points from the water. we had gone but 6,000 m. of that distance when we came to an island on the right side with a gorgeous spit, also of musical sand, 300 m. long. the island itself was only 700 m. long including the sand-spit--kuvera island. we were then in an immense basin with leaden waters as still as those of a pond. we made our camp in a most picturesque spot, an immense beach forming innumerable indentations, really like small dunes of sand deposited by water. the accurate elevation of that place was, according to the observations taken with the hypsometrical apparatus, 967 feet, water boiling at that spot at 210° 3¾, and the temperature of the atmosphere being 72½° f. the indented beach, not unlike a giant double-comb, was at the beginning of a great island which i named james dewar island, in honour of the great discoverer of liquid air. the minimum temperature during the night of july 29th was 55° f. since we had come to the enormous sand accumulations along the stream the troublesome insects which worried us day and night seemed to have doubled or trebled in numbers, and we suffered positive torture from them, especially when we landed anywhere. [illustration: a narrow passage in the arinos river.] [illustration: treble vortex. (the water revolved in three different directions in succession.)] we left fairly early in the morning, finding soon afterwards a group of sharply pointed rocks, some above the surface of the stream, some--most dangerous--just under the surface. another basin, 1,000 m. broad, was crossed, which contained two islets and a number of rocks forming a barrier from south-west to north-east. two kilometres farther along another immense barrier of rocks and numberless islets obstructed the river from south-west to north-east, so that for a little time we could not see which way the stream flowed out of it at all. sharply-pointed rocks, ugly and fearsome-looking, stood up everywhere. when eventually we did perceive a channel, down which we went, we found terrifying rapids followed by fearful eddies and a most alarming whirlpool. i could not measure the exact width of the basin there, as there was a regular maze of islands and i could not well see from the canoe where the banks exactly were. a great island, 2,000 m. long--normand island--presently divided the river into two great channels, the north-easterly one of which we followed, finding more fearsome rapids and strong eddies, which knocked the canoe and us about in a dangerous manner. i was greatly concerned in going down all those rapids, as the canoe was now in a pitiable condition. we had no way of repairing her, and i was afraid that, with the strain of the terrific current, if we had banged too hard against a rock, she might have split in two. i was not so anxious for myself as i was for my men, who would certainly have been drowned, as four of them could not swim. also, after all the trouble i had taken to make valuable botanical collections and a unique collection of photographs, i was most anxious to bring them all back safely. i was particularly anxious to bring back to europe the wonderful fossils i had collected on the plateau of matto grosso, which i had long ago packed in one of the cases that were fortunately among the things saved from the previous disasters. my men had invariably grumbled at having to carry that particular heavy box, when we had to unload the canoe and take the baggage on our heads or shoulders at the many rapids we had encountered. they had never once missed an occasion to remonstrate and swear at the absurdity of having to sweat to carry "those blessed stones," or "the devil's own stones," as they called them. we had gone but a few thousand metres when we once more came to another great barrier, with two islands, stretching, like most of the others, from south-west to north-east. the only point at which we could take the canoe down was in the rapid in the very centre of the stream--a nasty-looking place, i can assure you--followed by a whirlpool of such proportions as would have frightened most humans. i must say for my men that they showed a great deal of courage that day. whether it was because they did not quite realize the danger, or whether it was because they had got accustomed to it by then, i do not know; but the fact remains that when i ordered them to go down that terrifying place they obeyed without saying a word. we had to exercise the greatest care, having to jump out on small rocks which stuck up in the middle of the rapid in order to arrest the almost uncontrollable speed of the canoe. had they missed their footing while jumping on those rocks and holding the ropes attached to the canoe, the men would certainly have lost their lives, as it was out of the question to save anybody in those diabolical waters. therefore, when you considered the terrific speed at which the canoe was travelling, and that the men must have known that a mistake in judging the distance would have meant utter destruction, you could not but admire them for their really amazing self-confidence. on many occasions, indeed, i had to do the same thing myself, but i must say i never liked it much; although i was in a better position than they were, as i am a good swimmer--not that a swimmer would have much chance in those waters. a number of islets were seen below the rapids and whirlpool. from that point we discerned on the right bank an elongated hill, 100 ft. high. slightly beyond, preceded by a great mass of rock, was another island 200 m. long, dividing the stream in two. two other islands, one 700 m. long--leda island--the other one medea island, of greater length but much narrower, were disclosed behind it. then came another great barrier of rocks extending from south-west to north-east, and more rapids to be negotiated. a series of elongated islets and sand-banks occurred in the basin which followed, 1,300 m. wide. beautiful sand-beaches had formed on either side of that lovely bay. the river then narrowed again to a width of 500 m., and we saw a long flat island of sand, 200 m. long and 50 m. wide, enclosed by rocks in the centre of the stream. we continued our journey, after the usual halt for taking astronomical observations, and had before us a small hill 100 ft. high at bearings magnetic 300°. we came to a series of most dangerous rapids with terrific whirlpools, especially after the first and second rapid. another great barrier of rocks with huge boulders spread across the stream from south-west to north-east. an isolated hill was to be seen on the left bank where this barrier was found. a strange coffin-shaped boulder of immense size was then reached on the right side of the stream, just after we had passed a delightful sand-spit 100 m. long enclosed within a stockade of pillar-like rocks. from this point we had 4,000 m. of clear navigation to 280° b.m. it seemed heavenly to us to be in smooth waters again, and my men flattered themselves that we had now come to the end of the rapids altogether. but we soon arrived at innumerable rocks in a confused mass right across the stream, between which the river flowed with great force in a contracted neck. we passed between two islands, each 200 m. long, at the end of which was a rapid. an island 1,000 m. long was there formed--bomfin island. dangerous rapids occurred half-way down its length on the right; then followed a mass of square columnar pillars of rock not unlike basalt. that was all very beautiful to look at, but we had endless trouble in extricating our canoe from among the numberless impedimenta which obstructed navigation. [illustration: at the august falls.] another most beautiful island, 520 m. long--jessica island--was passed just before getting to really formidable rapids, down which we had the greatest difficulty in letting the canoe, even by the judicious use of ropes. the navigable channel of the river--if navigable it could be called--swerved from north-west to due north. in a basin of immense size were a number of islands from 300 to 200 m. in length, and enormous boulders with cataracts of great height between. the roar made by the water falling over was so great that it resembled thunder. the difference of height between the top and the bottom of the rapid was not less than 10 ft. the water in the channel we followed went over a great slope of lava above which numerous boulders had accumulated. my men became perplexed when they saw the formidable rush of water, but before we had time to do anything we were swept away at such a speed that for one moment i really believed we were lost. my men laughed hysterically, and in that laugh i joined when we came out at the other end still alive. we had shaved several rocks so closely that great patches of the stopping in the side of the canoe had been torn off altogether, and we were filling fast with water. our merriment did not last long, for in a few moments we had drifted on to another and worse rapid, much more terrific than the one we had just gone over. we just managed to hold the canoe on the upper edge of the foaming stream, trying to get the ropes ready in order to let her down. we were in mid stream, not less than 200 m. away from the right bank. we unloaded a portion of the baggage on the rocks and proceeded to let the canoe down with ropes--a most dangerous job in that particular rapid, because at the end of the rush of water stood up many rocks, which drove the water back again and eventually switched it off, curling over itself at a very sharp angle on one side and on the other. a diabolic-looking whirlpool of great depth formed on the other side of those rocks. i fully realized that the strength of us seven men was hardly sufficient to hold the canoe, particularly as all of us were immersed waist-deep and could scarcely keep our footing in that great rush of water. it was only with the greatest care that we could possibly accomplish the feat, and of this i warned my men. in fact, the moment the canoe came down at an angle on the steep incline she gave such a mighty jerk that my men, with the exception of alcides, let go the ropes. some of them had the skin taken clean off their fingers. i saw the canoe give a great leap. to my horror, a moment after the canoe had passed me down the rapid--i was holding one of the ropes at the lower part of the rapid--i saw alcides, who bravely had never let the rope go, being carried away in the current. i just managed to grab him as he was about to be drawn into the vortex, where most certainly he would have lost his life. i lost my footing too, and we were both thrown against a rock, which i grabbed with one hand while still holding on to alcides. there we remained powerless for several minutes, swallowing a good deal of water, which went right over our heads with the resistance we made against the current, until filippe the negro--with wonderful courage, since he was no swimmer--came to our rescue. alcides was undoubtedly a brave man, but he certainly had a beastly temper. no sooner had he recovered from the accident than i heard some of the other men tell him that he had had a narrow escape and would have died had i not gone to his rescue. shouting aloud so that i could hear his remark, he said to the men: "oh, the englishman only came to my rescue because there was no danger for him, as he could swim, or else he would not have done it." [illustration: author and his men in water up to their necks for an entire night endeavouring to save their canoe, which in shooting a rapid had become stuck between rocks.] there was no time to lose, and certainly no time for argument. the canoe had most unluckily got stuck at the bottom of the rapid between two rocks, her fore-part being absolutely submerged. the vibration was such in the after-portion which stuck out of the water that i thought any moment she might break in two. all my men behaved that day with marvellous courage--particularly filippe, who, much delighted by the words of praise i gave him when he risked his life in coming to our rescue, now offered to risk his life once more in endeavouring to seize one of the ropes which had got loose and was dangling from the canoe in the foaming waters. we tied filippe with a rope which we removed from one of the packing-cases we had previously landed, and let him down the rapid until he was thrown violently against the canoe. there the plucky fellow was able to get inside and recover the ropes, which he, after repeated attempts, flung on to us. we pulled and pulled for several hours, but the canoe was so jammed between the rocks, and the current was so strong, that we were not able to get her off. night had come on, and we were still waist-deep in the water and trembling with cold, trying to save the canoe. she would not move in any direction. it was with some concern that i had seen several articles which had been loose in the canoe being washed out into the water and disappearing in the whirlpool. then came a worse accident still. while trying to unload two heavy cases of provisions--a ticklish job--the men lost their footing in the current and one after the other the packing-cases also disappeared in the whirlpool. all these disasters following one another within a few hours were rather trying to us, the loss of the provisions particularly giving me a great shock, as i realized now that we had practically nothing else left to eat except what we could find by shooting or fishing. when the canoe had been made lighter we succeeded by constantly jerking her in moving her slightly, and eventually, at two o'clock in the morning--the accident having occurred at half-past four in the afternoon--we were able to release her and bring her to safety along the bank. a great hole had been opened in the side of the canoe where she had struck the rock, and we had to beach her in order to keep her afloat till the morning. then came the heavy task of taking all the baggage from the rocks in the centre of the stream along the great barrier of sharp cutting stones as far as the bank. [illustration: the salto augusto from above.] we were prostrate with fatigue when we had accomplished all the work. i lay down on the ground to rest; my men fortunately had saved their hammocks, as they were the first things they always took care to save whenever there was a calamity. not once during the whole journey did my men offer me one of their hammocks when they saw me sleeping with great discomfort on packing-cases or on the ground. certainly i was too proud to ask them for any favour. i had hardly gone to sleep when i thought i heard a curious noise by my side, as of something dragging along the ground. i immediately jumped up, and saw a huge snake some 20 ft. long inquisitively looking at me, only half a metre away. i do not know which of us two was more surprised. the snake with sinuous grace moved away from me with gradually accelerated speed, and, passing right under the hammocks of my men, disappeared in the forest behind. taking all things into consideration, that was a night worth remembering. what was worst of all was the fact that, with the excitement and the fatigue, i had forgotten to wind the chronometer at the usual hour of seven o'clock in the evening, and when i woke up startled in the morning, remembering the fact, i found the chronometer had stopped altogether. that was the greatest blow of all, after all the trouble i had taken to keep the greenwich mean time for my observations of longitude. the mishap was not irreparable, as i got the time fairly accurately by using the previous observations at local noon and working out the difference with greenwich mean time. so many had been the obstacles we had found that day that, before reaching the rapid where we had the disaster, we had made a progress of 39 kil. 500 m.--poor work indeed as compared to the wonderful distances we had been able to cover on the first days of our navigation of the arinos river. considering all, however, it was really marvellous that we could cover even that distance, short as it was. chapter xii a tiny globular cloudlet warning us--tossed in a merciless manner--saved by providence--vicious waters--a diabolical spot--a highly dangerous crossing--a terrible channel--more bad rapids--on the verge of a fatal drop down a waterfall--saved in time--a magnificent sight--the august falls--a mutiny--the canoe, weighing 2,000 lb., taken across the forest over a hill-range the thermometer that night, july 30th, showed a minimum of 63° f. we repaired the large hole (about 1 ft. in diameter) in the side of the canoe by stuffing it with a pair of my pyjamas, while one or two shirts which i still had left were torn to shreds in order to fill up the huge crack which went from one end of the canoe almost to the other, and which had become opened again in scraping rocks in the rapid. we did not leave that camp until 11 o'clock a.m. an isolated hill was visible on the left bank. we had gone some 3,000 m. when we came to another fairly strong rapid. my men were quarrelling among themselves. alcides, who was fond of gesticulating on such occasions, let the steering gear go in order to give more force to his words by waving his hands in the air, regardless of the danger which was in front of us, with the result that the canoe turned a pirouette upon herself and down the rapid we went backwards. the river flowed from that place in an easterly direction for some 3,000 m., where a great basin was formed, strewn with rocks and islets and having two large islands in its eastern part. the basin in its widest part had a width of 2,000 m. then from that point the river went to 50° b.m. for a distance of 6,000 m. a strong north-easterly wind was blowing against us, keeping us back and making our work unduly hard. great waves tossed us about and made my men seasick, while we got splashed incessantly, the moisture we absorbed being each time quickly evaporated by the fierce wind. we felt cold and shivery and not particularly happy after the experience of the previous night. benedicto, who had been entrusted during the journey with the baling out of the canoe, was beginning to find his job too much for him--a job which he had volunteered to do at first when the canoe was not leaking. he now said he wanted to paddle and not bale out the water any more. although we used a big bucket for that purpose, benedicto had all his work cut out for him in keeping the canoe only half full of water. several times i remonstrated with him that day, as while i was sitting behind him with the wind blowing hard, he flung most of the water on me instead of back into the stream. i had observed for the last few days a little globular white cloudlet to the north, just above the horizon. every day that cloudlet was to be seen in the very same position, where it remained motionless most of the day upon the otherwise beautifully clear blue sky. that was an indication to me that we must be nearing a great fall of water or an immense rapid, which caused the evaporation of the water to produce it. many were the islands we passed that day, some as much as 800 m. in length. one island, particularly, was picturesque to a degree, with an impressive crown of rock on its westerly side. the river was there some 2,000 m. wide--perhaps even more, as i could not quite see how far the bank was to the left of us owing to some islands which stood in the way. a barrier of islands describing a crescent then stood before us, the largest island of that group being 800 m. wide and several kilometres long--belinda island. i did not measure the exact length of this island, as we got into great trouble there in some strong rapids, and i had to leave my notebooks for a moment in order to assist poor benedicto in baling out the water so that we could keep afloat. when our course turned to 10° b.m. we came into full view of a high range to the north of us which spread from north-west to south-east. the river had cut its way right through it. we reached a great basin again, 2,000 m. broad like its predecessor, with four beautiful islands abreast, and a number of other islands varying from 100 to 500 m. in length behind them, in the centre, while rocks innumerable were scattered about. there was a rapid once more, with a nasty succession of strong whirlpools formed by the deviation of the swift waters encountering the many rocks. [illustration: the upper terrace of the august waterfall.] beyond the rapids we got a full view of the range before us, which extended from 90° b.m. to 320°. we had hardly recovered from negotiating those eddies when we were confronted by yet another strong rapid, impossible to navigate, where we had to let the canoe down by means of ropes. the river here was most picturesque, in great straight stretches from 3,000 to 9,000 m. in length. some 4,000 m. farther down we came to a very bad rapid. my men were extremely tired of unloading and reloading the canoe all the time with the heavy baggage which still remained. they became most ill-tempered when this new rapid appeared before us, blaming me, as it were, for the rapid being there. i told them that if they did not care to unload all they had to do was to shoot the rapid. they quarrelled among themselves. when we got near it my men became terrified. alcides, who was at the steering gear, mentioned the fact that we should all be drowned in a few moments. he became perplexed when we entered the rapid, which tossed the canoe about in a merciless manner. in one place, where the water, driven through with great force along a narrow channel, formed a central wave of great height, the canoe stood up almost vertically on her stern. baggage and men all slid down in a heap. the next thing i saw, when the canoe righted herself, was that we were going down the rapid sideways and at a really vertiginous pace. we managed to clear by a mere hair's-breadth two great rocks which stood in the way. had we struck a rock on that particular occasion we certainly should have all been killed. as luck would have it, before we knew what was happening we were shot into the whirlpool under the rapid, and there we turned round upon ourselves three or four times before my men had recovered from the amazement of finding themselves still alive, and had begun to paddle again after i had told them to do so for the twentieth time. filippe the negro exclaimed: "as long as we come with you, sir, we shall never be killed, but you let us go very near death sometimes!" then they discussed among themselves, saying that i must have some particular mascotte which i carried upon my person and which prevented disaster. the range which was before us to the north-west developed itself into a flat-topped hill mass about 500 ft. above the level of the river. another rapid, fairly violent, was reached some distance beyond, my men this time offering at once, of their own accord, to unload the canoe and take her down carefully with ropes. i pretended not to care, as i wanted to give them a lesson, and said we had better shoot it, as we had done the previous one. "no, no, no, no!" they all said in a chorus; "there is such a thing as tempting providence!" as we got farther down i could perceive that the range extended much farther than i had seen earlier in the day; in fact, from the w.n.w. it spread as far as e.s.e. below the last rapid was an island of great beauty--babin island--2,000 m. long. the river beyond that island formed two arms, one on each side of a triangular island located in the opening formed in the hill range by the river, where another strong rapid--in fact, a regular small waterfall--was to be found. it was very difficult to keep count of all the islands which we constantly passed--many elongated, others triangular, others rectangular, others of all kinds of irregular shapes. in my note-books i endeavoured to map out the entire course of the river as well as i could, and i think that, considering the amount of other work i had to do and the difficulties encountered all the time, the map i made to the scale of one centimetre to a kilometre is as accurate as it could possibly be made with the means at my command. in places where i was uncertain i have left blanks in the map, and have not gone in for the usual method of certain geographers of filling up the space with all kinds of shadings in order to make it look pretty. we had gone that day 46 kil., the current having been very strong all the time, which made up for the loss of time in dealing with the many rapids. i took altitude observations with the hypsometrical apparatus, water boiling at that spot at 210° 3½, the temperature of the air being 78° f. the minimum temperature during the night of july 30th was 63° f. we began our journey the next morning by going down a bad rapid and across an awe-inspiring whirlpool. there again we had to lead the empty canoe down with ropes, and even so we had difficulty in getting her through safely. we were in a region of immense volcanic domes composed of eroded rock, with many small perforations and large holes 2 or 3 ft. in diameter, highly polished inside as if they had been varnished. those rocks were similar to those i had met in the higher part of the plateau of matto grosso. some of the holes in the rock had been enlarged to a great extent by the water of the river revolving inside them. after we had passed the great whirlpool we found many curious mounds of sand 20 ft. high among great masses of lava and eruptive rock. those mounds were formed by musical sand such as we had met before. we called it in this particular place "moaning sand," as instead of whistling as usual it produced a wailing sound like the cry of a hungry puppy. on the right side of the stream we came to an important tributary 50 m. wide; 500 m. lower down another strong rapid was reached. i was greatly amused to see how my men now invariably pulled up the canoe when we perceived a rapid and unloaded her, carefully taking her down with ropes. one man, nevertheless, had to be in the canoe to steer her. alcides always volunteered to take the job. [illustration: interesting geological formation below the salto augusto.] two hundred metres below this rapid the river turned a sharp corner. there we met one of the most dangerous rapids and whirlpool i have ever seen. it was quite awe-inspiring to look at those vicious waters, the water in the vortex being raised like a wall two or three feet higher than the greatest waves of the rapid by the force with which it revolved. the entire river--which, as we have seen, was in some places 2,000 m. wide--was now squeezed through a narrow cut in the hill range, two great arms of water joining directly above that spot. the water was naturally forced through that small opening at an incredible pace. the high vertical rocks at the side of the small channel which was there formed made it extremely difficult to take the canoe down by ropes, especially as the summit of those rocks was much cut up, and we, above, could not keep pace with the canoe as she floated swiftly down the rapid. by fastening together a lot of ropes which we had removed from round the different packages we just managed to make them long enough to undertake the dangerous task. the hill range, a section of which could be seen at that spot, clearly showed that it was made up of gigantic blocks piled on the top of one another up to a height of 100 ft. at high water the river level must reach--as was evident by the erosion and other signs upon those rocks--nearly to the summit of the range; in fact, when i climbed to the top i found plenty of débris among the rocks, undoubtedly left there by the stream. on the north side the range was made up entirely of gigantic slabs of lava some 15 ft. thick and lying at an angle of 60° with a dip northward. on the south side of the range i had found, instead, great boulders which had evidently travelled there and were much eroded. it can easily be understood that when the water rose it must be held up by the hill range, and form a big lake. we wasted an entire day trying to find a way to take the canoe over the hills, as we did not dare risk sending her down by water. my men were positively disheartened and on the verge of revolt, as they contended that it was all my fault that i had taken them to a diabolical place like that. i plainly told them that if i gave them such high wages it was because i knew there was a great deal of risk, as i had explained to them at the beginning of the expedition, and i expected them to do some hard work in return. "but," said the philosopher of the party, "what is the use of money to us if after working hard for months and months we are going to be killed?" i told them that that was not the moment to argue, but to act; if they followed my orders closely, perhaps we might all escape alive. alcides, who was certainly a hard worker, although not always in the right direction, had a nasty accident that day and cut his foot badly on the sharp rocks. he was practically incapacitated for work, as he could only stand on one leg, the other leg being contracted with the really ghastly injury. this was ill-luck, as our strength combined was not sufficient for the work we had to do, and now the loss of one man--the best of my followers--was an extra trial at the most inopportune moment. the canoe, too, was in a wretched condition after all the many accidents we had had, and we possessed no more tar, and could spare no more clothes, to stop up the leakages which were now plentiful all over her bottom. the day of july 31st was thus absolutely lost. i was on the verge of abandoning the canoe there altogether and attempting to get down along the banks of the river on foot--which would have been almost suicidal, as we never could have reached a place of safety. night came. at sunset we had the usual concert of mosquitoes, all kinds of insects and frogs, in such innumerable quantities that the din made by them collectively was so loud as to resemble the sound of an iron foundry or a battle-ship in course of construction, the sounds produced by the millions of nocturnal singers being quite metallic and reproducing exactly the sound of hammers driving rivets into the steel plates of a ship. whether it was done purposely or accidentally i do not know, but those little water creatures of the arinos seemed to keep excellent time, their vigour also being most enviable. on august 1st we had a minimum temperature of 64° f. during the night. i still saw that it was out of the question to endeavour to take the canoe over the immense boulders and over the hill range. one faint hope, involving very great danger, loomed in my mind. if we could only cross the river just above the fearsome channel we could perhaps on the other side take down the canoe by water. this plan required great smartness, as, had we miscalculated the speed of the river and the rate at which we could travel across that dangerous water, it would surely mean certain death. i spoke to my men about it. they said they were ready to go. i explained to them that they must paddle their hardest and not give way for a second until we had got diagonally across the fairly still waters only a few yards above the awful channel. should we by misfortune be dragged into that channel by the current we might as well say good-bye to the world. when we started on that job we risked everything. my men behaved splendidly that day. they paddled and paddled for all they were worth, to get across the hundred metres or so, and took the best part of half an hour in the formidable current. for a moment, when the canoe was in the centre where the current was strongest and we were making no headway, i saw a bad look-out for us. i urged them on with shouts of "_rema! rema!_" (row! row!) and at last, in a desperate effort, the canoe once more moved forward. it was a relief indeed when men and baggage were safely landed on the opposite side. all were so exhausted that for a couple of hours it was out of the question to resume work. i occupied that time in taking observations for altitude and longitude, tortured to death as usual by the innumerable bees and _piums_. (lat. 8° 54'·6 s.; long. 58° 51' w.) the temperature in the sun was 107° f. the red and black volcanic rocks radiated such heat that we were nearly stifled in the enclosed basin which was formed by the hill range. in the afternoon we began with the second part of the dangerous task of endeavouring to take the canoe through the current in a north-easterly direction. the channel in that cut was 200 m. long and only 50 m. wide. the rock was laminated in layers 6 ft. thick, which had been subsequently baked into a solid mass. the lower portion, of beautiful black and quite shiny, threw up by contrast the vivid red colour of the upper part. [illustration: the salto augusto (upper terrace).] we had an exciting time when we started the canoe with ropes down that rapid. we ran with bare feet upon the sharp broiling rocks. we could not possibly stand on them with our shoes on. we ran along for all we were worth, in order to prevent the canoe escaping. we climbed up and down great cuts from 10 to 30 ft. high in the rock, never letting go the ropes. our agility that day was remarkable. even poor alcides, whose foot i had wrapped up with a piece of my shirt, was coming along pluckily, regardless of the pain which he certainly suffered. once or twice, when we remained slightly behind in that awful race, the canoe nearly pulled us into the water from our high point on the rocks some 30 to 50 ft. above. those 200 m. of channel seemed miles long to us. eventually, the canoe was brought out safely at the other end. with bleeding feet and hands we returned once more to our point of departure in order to convey all our baggage upon our backs. after two or three journeys backwards and forwards we were able to proceed a short distance down the river, where we could find a suitable camping-place to rest our weary bones for the night. on leaving the rapids the river took a direction of 310° b.m. there was a high hill to the east and another, equally high, to the west. the chain of hills seen from the north showed much erosion in the centre, where the rock was exposed underneath. on the south side the upper portion of the hill range consisted of a vertical rocky cliff in strata each 6 ft. thick. another cut, more unpleasant even than ours, had been made by the river in that same range to the north-east of that through which we had taken the canoe. an island of rock rose between those cuts. a few hundred metres below the mouth of that ugly channel we found an extensive beach, on which we made our camp for the night. the minimum temperature during the night of august 2nd was 64° f. when we landed the men were proceeding to cut down the foliage on the edge of the forest, so as to be able to hang their hammocks, when they became greatly excited on discovering several nests of _maribondos_ (hornets), graceful cones of a parchment-like material enclosing a number of superposed discs from one to three inches in diameter and about a quarter of an inch apart. each disc had a perforation in order to let the dwellers in those little homes pass from one chamber to another from the highest of the cone down to the lowest in the apex. when we left at 7.30 in the morning and had gone but 1,800 m., the river suddenly described a sharp angle and at that point went through a narrow neck. afterwards it widened once more to an average breadth of 800 m., which it kept for a distance of 3 kil. in a straight line, the channel being there quite clear of rocks and the water beautifully smooth. the river was indeed lovely in that part. i had a little more time there to look round at the scenery on either side of us. i noticed that rubber was still to be found, but in small quantities in that region. rubber trees were only to be seen every now and then. looking back to the south and south-west on the range of hills we had left behind, i could see that it extended far to the north-west. the highest part of it, however, seemed to be near the point where we had negotiated the dangerous rapid. we had gone no more than 9,600 m., when we came to another bad rapid over a barrier of rock across the river from north-east to south-west. a tributary 10 m. wide at the mouth occurred on the right just before this rapid. beautiful trees of great height, with yellow ball-like blooms, enlivened the scenery as we went along. we had little time to appreciate the beauty of the vegetation--we were too busy with the river. no sooner had we got through one rapid than we came to another alarming one, with a sudden drop of over 6 ft. and enormous volumes of water pouring over it. this rapid described an arc of a circle, forming an awe-inspiring whirlpool below the actual fall. we had some trouble in finding a place where we could get the canoe through. eventually, with water up to our necks, we let her gradually down the high step in the middle of the river, we standing with great difficulty on submerged rocks. we had then to make several journeys backwards and forwards to convey the various loads to the canoe after we had brought her to a place of safety, our baggage having been left on rocks in mid-stream. this was extremely risky work, for the current was powerful and the water reached in some places up to our necks. i was anxious for the men who could not swim, as i was afraid any moment they might be washed away, and not only should i lose them but also the valuable instruments, photographic plates, etc., which they were conveying across. again that day i had seen since the early morning our friend the little white solitary cloudlet, standing out motionless against the otherwise speckless blue sky. not only that, but on that particular day i could just perceive, directly under that cloudlet, a faint column of white mist connecting it vertically with the ground. i knew by that sign that we could not be far off a big waterfall; in fact, i could hear a distant rumble which made me suspect that we were much nearer than we supposed. the river was flowing to 70° b.m. two other rapids--most violent--were reached within a short distance of each other; then, shortly beyond these obstacles, where the river described a graceful turn, we had before us a great surprise. we heard a loud roar like thunder; it had been getting louder and louder, and grew quite deafening when we turned round the corner. behold! we had no more scenery upon the horizon before us on the river, but the sky came right down to the water. great clouds of mist rose up in quick succession in graceful circles. there was an island in the centre of the stream; then to the left of the island the sky again came right down to the water. there a curious effect was to be seen, a high pointed cone of water shooting up skyward with terrific force, then rolling upon itself only to give way to another cone of water succeeding it. [illustration: foliated rock below the august falls.] my men were terrified when they suddenly realized the danger which was only a few hundred metres in front of us. there was a mighty waterfall. when my men got excited it was generally troublesome, because they always disagreed and started quarrelling and insulting one another. some of them wanted to land at once, for fear of being dragged down the fall. alcides--who wanted to show his bravery on all occasions--said there was no danger at all and we could go in the canoe right as far as the edge of the fall. the others naturally got somewhat scared at so foolhardy a project. personally i did not like to say a word in the matter, for fear they should think that i was afraid. i saw with some concern that alcides--whose mind, i believe, was not quite right owing to the hardships we had endured of late--was steering us right for the centre of the waterfall. i told him that it would be preferable to land on the edge of the waterfall rather than go over it, as it was a little too high for the canoe to tumble over. i calculated the height of the fall from 40 to 50 ft., and i was not far wrong, for when i took accurate measurements i found the actual height was 48 ft. we were beginning to drift very speedily with the current, when alcides, realizing the danger, steered us toward the right bank. the men paddled for their lives so as to land as quickly as possible, as we were now less than a hundred metres from the portentous jump. the current was terrific, and the canoe was floating sideways nearer and nearer the awful chasm. the coast line on the right, was almost vertical, and there was no place where we could hold on to anything and land. so down floated the canoe, my men horror-stricken. once or twice they were able to seize a creeping vine hanging down the steep bank, endeavouring to stop the canoe's headlong career. but the creepers gave way and crashed down upon us, nearly turning over the canoe at the moment just before they snapped. so down, down we went, until we were now only a few metres from the fatal drop, and i saw no way of arresting the canoe. "estamos perdidos!" (we are lost!) shouted the men. "not yet! not yet!" i exclaimed, as i perceived two rocks just sticking out of the water. "make for the rocks!" i shouted to alcides, and just as we shaved past them i jumped quickly on one of the rocks, holding the canoe, while two of the men also jumped out quickly and held fast to the boat--just in time. we were only 10 or 15 m. from the place where the water curled over and rolled down the fall. there was no time for arguing or scolding. upon those rocks my men, who were fond of talking, started a brisk war of words, saying that they would never continue the journey if alcides were allowed to steer again. alcides, on the other hand, whose only aim in life was to fight everybody and everything, invited all the other men to a duel with their rifles. i told them they could have the duel after we had finished the journey and not before. we must take the ropes, climb up to the top of the bank, and, first of all, we must tow the canoe back to a place of safety. after a great deal of shouting, angry words and oaths, absolutely deadened by the thundering roar of the waterfall, they took out the ropes and eventually towed the canoe back. as soon as that was done i went with my camera to gaze at the beautiful sight and photograph it from different points--a job which was not easy, as the waterfall was so encased between vertical rocky walls (foliated in horizontal strata, which varied in thickness from a quarter of an inch to one foot) that it was impossible to get far enough back to obtain a full view of it. that fall, called the august fall, was indeed a grand sight. as i have already said, it was divided into two separate falls, between which was an island with a great spur of rock forming a wall between the two cascades. the water flowed over that wall in graceful steps. the fall on the right side of which i stood was in two immense horseshoe-shaped terraces. the continuation of those terraces on each side of the great flow of water formed tiers of red and black volcanic rock lying in horizontal strata so regular as to be not unlike a gigantic etruscan amphitheatre. the upper tier of the fall on the right formed an arc not less than 300 m. in periphery. the lower crescent formed an arc 400 m. in length. upon this lower terrace the rebounding waters were thrown up with great force into the air--the spray forming numerous rainbows in the sun--only to drop down once more in most contorted, diabolical curves, boiling and roaring in their endeavour to force their way through that positive inferno. as the water came down in great volumes over those two crescents it met once more in the centre in a mighty clash, being flung up at a tremendous height in the air. i do not know that i have ever seen such a fearsome sight, or that i have ever seen water rush with such force anywhere before. it seemed a pity that there was no one to harness that waterfall and use the enormous power it could generate. on the left side of the river also the waterfall made an amphitheatre of rock somewhat smaller than the right fall. down below, at the foot of this, it formed huge masses of white foam, above which profuse spray rose up like a heavy mist. just beyond was disclosed a diabolical whirlpool, far beyond words to describe, which extended--as white as snow with the amount of foam it carried, twisting and retwisting in a thousand circles on the surface--for over 500 m. from the lower step of the waterfall. i measured the height of the fall with a string. the exact height of the upper terrace was 6 m. 90 cm.; the height of the lower terrace, 7 m. 73 cm.--or a total height of 14 m. 63 cm. i also took the differential height with the several aneroids i possessed, and the elevation with the boiling-point thermometers above the fall and below, with a result of 48 ft. for the actual height of the fall. [illustration: the wooden railway constructed by author in order to take the canoe overland for two and a half kilometres at the august falls.] [illustration: formation of rock below the august falls.] one fact was certain, and that was that the canoe could not possibly go down by water. there was only one way to get out of that difficulty; that was by taking the canoe overland until we could find a navigable spot in the river down below. to make things worse, there was a hill range on the right bank of the river, on which we were. i must find a way to make the canoe go over that hill range--that was all. the canoe, i might remind the reader, was 42 ft. long and 3½ ft. wide, of heavy solid wood, her bottom being over a foot thick, her sides from 3 to 5 in. in thickness, her stern and prow, roughly carved out, of great thickness also. i calculated her weight at over 2,000 lb., which was well under her actual weight. i spoke to my men, and told them that we must take the canoe over the hill range. they had been very morose since our arrival at that spot, as they expected me to give ourselves up for lost when we came to what they believed to be an insuperable obstacle. they mutinied at once and took to their rifles, saying that they would not follow a lunatic any farther, a man who asked them to take a canoe over a hill. "do you not know," said one of them to me, with a fierce grin of contempt upon his face, "that canoes are made for the water and not to travel over mountains?" "do you not know," shouted alcides, shaking his fist, "that it would take a hundred strong men to lift that canoe one inch above the water?--and we, including you, are only seven men, tired and worn.... you believe that because you are english you can do what you like. you will next ask the moon to come and row in our canoe so that we may get along! you have gone insane." "yes, he is mad!" they all said in a chorus. "we want the balance of our pay and we will leave you at once. give us our money and we will go--we want to go." i told them that they could have their money as soon as the canoe had gone over the hill and down the other side, and certainly not before. they could shoot me if they liked, but that would not help them very much, as i knew the way to get on and they did not. if they shot me they would perhaps die of starvation themselves soon. i agreed that it was a beautiful spot to die in, and perhaps they could hasten their departure by jumping into the fall, and thus end all the hardships, and, at least, arguments. after those words, which i had spoken with gentleness, i turned, and--for the first time since they had been with me--in a stern tone of voice i ordered filippe and antonio to take their big knives and proceed to cut down ten or twelve of the straightest trees they could find. they refused. i quietly walked to the rifle which i generally used for shooting game, and inserted in it a clip of five cartridges. i cocked the rifle, and, placing my watch before me on a stone, gave the men five minutes to decide whether they would cut the trees or be shot. i also said that if any of them moved their rifles they would have a bullet put through them. filippe and antonio dropped their rifles on the ground, reluctantly took the knives and walked away, i pointing out to them the tall trees which i wanted cut. i then ordered alcides to take one of the axes and cut thirty rollers, each about 5 ft. long. the men were silent and yellow-faced with rage. the trees in that region were easily cut down. after a few minutes down came a tree with a crash, and shortly after another. i walked to the men and patted them on the back, assuring them again that if they obeyed my orders we should soon proceed on our journey and should certainly arrive safely at a point where they could return home and be happy. alcides thereupon turned round asking me whether i intended them to cut down the entire forest and then request them to pierce a tunnel through the hill range--or perhaps i might want the whole hill range flattened down for my convenience! i paid no attention, but ordered him to cut sixty rollers instead of thirty. i had to keep a sharp watch on my men that day, and i had fully decided, if any disobedience took place, i would shoot them. i think they thoroughly realized that, because they carried out all my instructions to the letter. when that job was done i explored the district carefully, in order to discover which was the easiest point over which the canoe could be made to climb the hill range. having found a way which i thought suitable, i myself took one of the large knives, and ordered the other men to come with me with all the implements we could use in order to clear a sufficiently wide road through which the canoe could pass. this work lasted many hours, and was certainly trying. on august 3rd we worked the entire day, from sunrise until seven in the evening, cutting a way through the forest. then, when we had done that, i constructed, with the longer trees we had cut down, a small railway from the water, where the canoe was. i used the rollers on these rails made of the smoothest trees i could find. when my men grasped the idea--of which they had never dreamed--they became very excited and in a good humour. they worked extremely hard. it was a portentous effort to get the canoe on to the first roller, but once we had got her on the first and second and third rollers, and were able to lift her stern out of the water with levers and pieces of wood we gradually placed under her, she began to move along on the rollers with comparative ease. we moved the rails in front as we went along, and all went well until we got to the foot of the hill. there the trouble began: first of all because it was difficult to keep the rollers in position on the rails; then also because the moment we started to push the canoe up the hill she would slide back almost as far as, and sometimes farther than, we had pushed her up. by a judicious use of ropes which we made fast to trees on either side, and by a careful study of the laws of leverage, we managed to push up the canoe a few inches at a time. we had some narrow escapes once or twice, when the ropes, under the excessive strain, snapped, and the canoe slid down again, dragging us with her. one tree, to which one of the ropes was fastened, broke, and in its fall just missed killing a man. when once we had begun pushing the canoe up that hill we could not leave her for a moment, as she would at once proceed to slide back on the rollers. fourteen hours' incessant hard work saw us and the canoe on the top of the hill. from there we had before us a very steep descent of some 400 ft., the first 150 ft. almost vertical. my men all looked at me in a most inquisitive way in order to find out how i should manage to hold the canoe when we let her down that steep incline. i had fastened some pieces of wood vertically at her stern, which, by scraping on the ground, would hold her to a certain extent. then, with all the ropes we possessed we made her fast to the trees as we went along, and let her slide gently, the weight of the canoe being such that deep grooves were actually cut into the trees as the ropes unwound themselves. [illustration: photograph showing the road cut by author across the forest in order to take the heavy canoe overland.] we were only half-way down that incline when one tree broke. the canoe gave a leap on one side, knocking down antonio and the man x, the jerk immediately after breaking another tree on the opposite side. off went the canoe down the hill in her mad career, knocking some of us down, dragging the others, who were holding on to her. two or three men were badly thrown about, but fortunately no broken bones were recorded. the canoe by that time had, in great leaps, reached nearly the bottom of the hill, but had got so jammed between a rock and a big tree that it required several hours' hard work with our axes and knives in order to disentangle her. the shock, however, had been too great for the rickety canoe. i became anxious, for i feared she might split in two at any time, and i had no way of repairing her properly. when we got to the water again i patched her up as best i could with improvised nails which i made from pieces of hard wood. with great yells of excitement from my men we launched her once more in the river. my men boasted how clever they had been to take the heavy canoe over the hill. there was really nothing brazilians could not do when they wished! those forty hours of steady hard work out of the forty-eight hours we had stopped at the falls had seen us over that obstacle, and we were now ready to proceed once more by water. we had suffered a great deal during those terrible hours from the bees, mosquitoes, hornets, _piums_, ants, and all kinds of other insects which stung us all over. a glance at the photographs which illustrate this volume, of the canoe being taken across the forest, will show all my men--i, naturally, not appearing, as i was taking the photographs--with their heads wrapped up in towels, notwithstanding the great heat, in order to avoid the unbearable torture as much as possible. the minimum temperature during the night of august 3rd had been 61° f.; during the night of august 4th 72° f. during the day the temperature was 88° f. in the shade, but the air was quite stifling, as the sky was overcast with heavy clouds. i took careful observations for latitude and longitude in order to fix exactly the position of the great falls. the latitude was 8° 51'·1 s.; the longitude 58° 50' w. the whirlpool and eddies which extended for 1,000 m. below the great fall were formidable. never in my life have i seen waters so diabolical. they filled one absolutely with terror as one looked at them. the river flowed there to bearings magnetic 120°; then to 140° b.m. for 3,000 m., where it was comparatively smooth. to the south-east of us was a hill range fully 600 ft. high. what appeared to me to be a small tributary seemed to enter the river on the left, but my men were so tired that i did not cross over to the other side in order to make certain. on looking behind us i could see that the hill range at the fall extended from north-west to south-east, while another smaller hill range, only 250 ft. above the level of the river, stretched from north to south on the left of the stream. the river was 300 m. wide. we went no more than 9,200 m. that day. chapter xiii a double whirlpool--incessant rapids of great magnitude--a dangerous channel--nothing to eat--another disaster we had halted on a lovely island--adelaide island--with a rocky and sandy extension. the night of august 5th had been stifling, with a minimum temperature of 72° f. i found my work too much for me now. there was too much to observe on all sides. we were travelling quickly with the swift current. a hill range from east to west, 300 ft. high, ran along the left bank. farther, where the river went to the north-east for 4,000 m., laminated rock like slate showed through the left bank, especially in a semicircular indentation which had been eroded by the water. there a strong whirlpool had formed. another great stretch of river, 5,500 m., was now before us, with a small hill 80 ft. high on the right bank. the river next formed a circular basin with three islets and a barrier 500 m. across. we were now in a region where, fortunately for us, _castanheiro_ trees (_vulgo._ the "para chestnut") were to be found. fish was scarce in the river. now that we had almost superhuman work to accomplish, our meals were extremely scanty owing to the loss of our provisions, and we had not sufficient food to keep up our strength. as we went on i saw to the north-east of us another hill-range 300 ft. high, extending from north-west to south-east, like most of the ranges found in that region. where a prominent headland stood on the left side, with a hill 250 ft. high upon it, the river turned to 30° b.m. the hill was made up of foliated rock lying in strata that varied from one inch to one foot in thickness. on the right side of the stream great cubic blocks of rock rested on the polished curves of a huge dome of granite. a quantity of débris stretched from south to north right across the basin, and caused a deviation in the stream. [illustration: conveying the canoe across the forest on an improvised railway and rollers.] a terrific rapid with a sheer drop of 3 ft. was situated here. a double whirlpool of great magnitude was formed at the bottom of the rapid, the water revolving with such force that the concavity was gradually depressed for some 3 ft. and had a great hole in each centre. we shot that rapid. as alcides on that occasion followed my instructions, the canoe shot past between the two whirlpools, and although even then she nearly capsized, we were able to continue, my men shrieking with merriment at what they now believed to be their invulnerability. we dodged the unpleasant eddies while we floated with great speed in the strong current. the river, which had contracted that day to 250 m., now expanded once more into a large basin 1,200 m. wide and 1,800 m. long, with most troublesome eddies as we went through it. the river described a great turn from n.n.e. to 180° b.m. or due south. to add to the pleasures of our existence, we came in for a heavy rain-storm that day, with deafening thunder and blinding lightning. notwithstanding the great discomfort it caused us, it pleased me very much because of the wonderful effects of light it produced on the river. where the stream, in a course which had wriggled like a snake, turned once more due north to 360° b.m., it divided itself into two small channels. high waves were produced where the water, pushed by the wind, was forced against the rapid. there was a good drop in the level of the river at that rapid, and it was a nasty place indeed for us to go through. we got tossed about, splashed all over, but we came out of it all the same, amid the wildly excited yells of my men. they were beginning to think that they were the greatest navigators that had ever lived, and they never let an opportunity pass of reminding each other of that fact. i halted in the middle of the day to take the usual observations for latitude and longitude (lat. 8° 47'·5 s.; long. 58° 39' w.), but i was interrupted in my work by another heavy rain-storm, which came and drenched us once more. after that dense clouds as black as ink covered the entire sky for the whole afternoon. we were now in the rainy season. terrific gusts preceded these rain-storms, and were most troublesome to us. after negotiating the bad rapids, the river went through a basin of boulders of broken foliated rock. there were three small channels. then beyond, the entire river was forced through a rocky channel from 35 to 40 m. wide, the water rushing through with incredible force on a steep gradient until half-way down the channel, where it actually ran uphill for 50 m. or so, so great was the impetus it had received on its rapid descent to that point. you can well imagine what a pleasant job it was for us to convey the canoe along with ropes over so delightful a spot. owing to our insufficient food, our strength had greatly diminished. the ropes we had used on the many rapids were now half-rotted and tied up in innumerable knots. moreover, the banks of sharp cutting rock were of great height, and our ropes were not long enough to be used separately, so that we decided to use only one long rope made up of all the ropes we possessed tied together. to make matters more difficult, the channel was not perfectly straight, but described two or three sharp corners, where the water was thrown with much vigour in one direction, then, being driven off immediately at a different angle, curled over itself, producing mountains of foaming water forty or fifty feet in height, and leaving great depressions near the inner corner. we cut down some long poles, and i placed one man with a big pole on guard at each corner close to the water, in order to push the canoe away toward the middle of the stream in case she came too near those dangerous points. that channel was some 600 m. long. when we were ready we let the canoe go, all spare hands holding fast to the rope, running and scrambling up and down and along the high rocky cliff, the canoe giving us violent jerks when the direction of the current was changed. with much alarm we saw her spring up in the air like a flying-fish on one or two occasions. we ran along like mad, out of breath and sweating, trying to keep ahead of the canoe. the two men with poles also ran along after the danger points were passed, so as to shove her along when she came too near other dangerous rocks. after a race of great excitement, we all, with bleeding feet and hands--the palms of our hands actually blistered by the rope which slid through our tightly closed fists--were eventually able to pull the canoe safely on shore below the rapid. in that mad flight i found time to pull out the camera for one second and take a snapshot of the canoe in the middle of the rapid. the photograph is reproduced among the illustrations of this volume. my men were so tired that it was impossible to go on. moreover we had before us the second section of that formidable rapid, and we could not negotiate this without emptying the canoe, which was full of water, and readjusting the rope. we spent the night of august 6th on those rocks, the minimum temperature being 63° f. when we went on with our dangerous work the next morning we had the greatest difficulty in saving the canoe, as in entering the whirlpool she was swamped, and it was all we could do to pull her back towards the bank before she foundered altogether. the actual drop in that rapid was not less than 8 ft. vertically. we just managed to rest her on a submerged rock until we were able to bale some of the water out. that canoe was really wonderful in a way. my men patted her on the prow as if she had been an animal, and said she was a good canoe. indeed she was, but in her old age she felt the strain of that exciting journey. every time i looked at her i did not know how much longer she might last. whatever may be said of them, my men must be given credit for their courage in going along in that canoe. i do not believe that there are six other men in brazil--or perhaps in any other country--who would have ventured to go across even the most placid pond in a similar craft. after the rapids came a great basin 1,000 m. long, 800 m. wide. there the river described an angle from 20° b.m. to 45° b.m., and we perceived two parallel ranges before us to the n.n.e., the farther one much higher than the one nearer. some 5 kil. beyond was yet another rapid, but not so troublesome a one this time. the river there diverged from north-east to a direction due west. a hill range, from 150 to 250 ft. high, extended from w.s.w. to e.n.e. an isolated hill, 300 ft. high, could be seen to the e.n.e. we suffered agony that day from regular clouds of _borrachudos_, terrible little sand mosquitoes which made life an absolute burden in that region. our faces, arms, and legs were a mass of ink-black marks left by the stings of those vicious brutes. particularly when our hands were occupied in holding the canoe going down rapids, or busy with dangerous jobs, did swarms of those little rascals attack us with indomitable fury. [illustration: pushing the canoe uphill through the forest. (notice men with heads wrapped owing to torturing insects.)] another basin was met, 700 m. wide, quite shallow, and with rapids over a barrier of rock extending across it from south-west to north-east. that barrier was most interesting, because in many places great lava-flows were visible; in other places masses of ferruginous rock could be observed, with most extraordinary patterns upon them--triangles, rectangles, trapeziums, and all kinds of other angular geometrical patterns, such as we had met before on the high plateau of matto grosso. we stopped in the middle of the day on an island 1,200 m. long, from which we obtained a fine view of the hill range looming before us from w.s.w. to e.n.e. on the right bank. i was having great trouble with my chronometer, which the many jerks, falls, and baths did not seem to improve. i checked it whenever i could by observations of local time and by other watches which i carried. but all my instruments were beginning to feel the effects of that journey very much. the wonder to me was that they had got so far in as good condition as they were, considering all we had gone through. our lunch was speedy, as we had nothing to eat. the moment i had finished my observations for latitude and longitude we started off once more, my men keeping their eyes all the time on the forest on the look-out for nut-trees, the river that day giving us no fish at all. within ten minutes we had shot two powerful rapids, and in one place went over a dangerous submerged wall of rock extending across the river from e.s.e. to w.n.w. the men--very hungry--were extremely quarrelsome that day and insulting to one another. the canoe went broadside down a rapid we met, the men gesticulating instead of paddling along as they should have done. with a great bump we stuck with a heavy list to starboard on a rock in the middle of the rapid, and presently the canoe was filled with water. had we not stuck fast on that rock we certainly should have capsized. the water was baled out in due course, the canoe was floated once more. soon afterwards another strong rapid, with a _pedraria_ extending right across the stream from s.s.w. to n.n.e., gave us endless trouble. i warned alcides to get us alongside some rocks in order that we might let the canoe down with ropes, as the rapid, with a sheer drop of over 6 ft., looked too dangerous for us to shoot it. but alcides was furious with the other men, and in order to punish them steered the canoe into the most dangerous part of the rapid. a second later the canoe, at an angle of 45°, was swept away down the foaming current along the slant of the rapid, which extended there for about 15 m. the channel was a most intricate one, with rocks scattered all over it, so that it was absolutely impossible for the canoe, with her great length, to go through without having an accident. as we shaved a big rock in the middle of the rapid, and i saw the canoe steering straight for another big rock in front, i knew disaster was imminent, and leapt out on the rock. so frequently was it necessary for me to do so, that i had become quite an expert at jumping, and had acquired almost the agility of a monkey. alcides, too, seeing the danger, also tried to follow my example, but unfortunately missed his footing and was swept away by the current. i just managed to seize him before he disappeared for good, and dragged him safely on to the rock. in the meantime the canoe had swung with great vigour and struck the big rock sideways, smashing her side and filling at once with water. all the baggage was swamped; only a portion of the canoe aft remained above the water, many of our things being washed away altogether. there she stuck, fortunately for us. with considerable danger we managed to undo the ropes which were fastened to her stern. after several hours of hard work--and of extreme peril for the men who could not swim, as we had to work all the time with the water up to our necks in a powerful current, which made it most difficult to keep our footing--we succeeded in pulling her off and taking her alongside the bank. that disaster was rather a serious one for us, as it injured many of my instruments, particularly the aneroids; but i considered myself fortunate in managing to save all the photographs and notebooks as well as the instruments for taking astronomical observations, which were kept in airtight cases. i lost my favourite pair of shoes, which were by my side in the canoe when i jumped out. as it so frequently happened that we had to jump into the water--in fact, we spent more time in the water than out--i had adopted as a costume my pyjamas, under which i always wore the belt with the heavy packages of money. the paper money--a very considerable sum--had with the many baths become a solid mass. i could not well spread the banknotes out in the sun to dry, as i did not wish my men to know how much i possessed; so that for many, many weeks i had around my waist those heavy leather wallets soaked in water, my natural heat not being quite sufficient to dry them. we had worked in the stream until nearly midnight. we had nothing to eat when we had finished our work, and the result was that the next morning my men were still tired. two of my cameras were by my side when the canoe was swamped, one containing eighteen plates, the other twelve, all of which had been exposed. the cameras, being heavy, remained at the bottom of the canoe and were saved, but the bath did not do them good. i did not want to lose the plates, so there was only one course to follow, and that was to develop them while they were still wet. while my men slept i sat up a good portion of the night developing all those plates--quite successfully too--and trying to clean and fix up the cameras again for use the next day. one of my other cameras had been destroyed previously by one of my men, who sat on it, and of course smashed it to pieces. another camera, which was still in excellent condition, having been in an air-tight case, was rather too big to be used for the work in going down the rapids. during the night of august 7th the minimum temperature was 62° f. [illustration: conveying the canoe, weighing 2,000 lb., over a hill range--the descent.] i worked the entire morning with alcides, trying to mend the poor canoe. the hole which had been made in her side was so big that alcides could insert his head into it with great ease. it was not until two o'clock in the afternoon that we started once more. along the river, which flowed in that particular section to the south-west, was a hill range on the north-west. the range rose 300 ft. above the level of the river. we had gone only some 2,000 m. when we came to another bad rapid stretching across the river from south-east to north-west. we were in a hilly region, hills being visible all along the stream. soon afterwards we came to another powerful fall over a vertical rocky wall extending from north-west to south-east. such redoubtable waves were produced there by the force of the water shooting over and then rebounding upwards, that we had to use the greatest care in letting down the unloaded canoe. at one moment she was more than two-thirds out of the water, only her stern resting on the top of the fall, the rest projecting outward in the air for some moments until she dropped down again. since the day we had taken the canoe over the hill range at the august falls, i had doubled my men's salaries--although their original salaries were already many times higher than they would receive from brazilian employers. i fully recognized that the work was hard, and i wished to encourage them in every possible way. next, the river went through a narrow gorge, only 80 m. wide, where the current was mighty strong. high volcanic rocks stood on the right side of us. when we emerged from the narrow neck, which measured some 500 m. in length, we found powerful whirlpools. farther on the river once more went through a bad narrow passage, 40 to 60 m. wide, with a succession of rapids--extremely unpleasant--for a length of 600 m. my men were in great form that day, and we shot one rapid after another in fine style, alcides--for a change--being amenable to reason and following my instructions, which carried us through that dangerous section without mishap. the stream uruguatos entered the arinos just above the latter rapids. that day was indeed a trying one for us. another narrow channel, 50 m. wide, was reached, along the 250 m. length of which we proceeded with great caution. then a big basin spread out before us, where the current and eddies were terrific. the bottom of the river was mostly rocky, with great holes and depressions which caused the water to rotate in all directions. in some places amidst the foaming waters could be seen great circles of leaden-looking water, as still as oil. it was in a similar place in the niagara whirlpool that the famous swimmer, captain webb, disappeared for ever. we saw thousands of those places on the arinos. the line of the banks on both sides was extremely rocky. in front of us we had a hill with extensive campos on its northerly slope. then we came to the next rapid. we had endless trouble in this rapid, followed by a second one, practically a continuation of the first. for 1,000 m. the navigation was extremely dangerous. we unloaded and reloaded the canoe dozens of times that day, although the work of taking the baggage over on our heads was not so troublesome now, as we had very little baggage left. but if we had not much, it was still the heaviest cases which remained. all together they weighed between five and six hundred pounds. the river ran beside a range of hills on the left side. when we halted, exhausted, late at night we had travelled that day the meagre distance of 9,900 m. my men killed two large spider monkeys, which supplied them with a meal. i could not touch them, as the monkeys looked too human for words. it made me positively ill to see one of my men biting with great gusto at an arm and hand which had been roasted on the flames, and which looked exactly like a portion of a human corpse. the smell, too, of the roasted monkeys was similar to the odour of roasted human beings--which i knew well, as i had on several previous occasions been at rough cremations of people in japan, in the himahlya (or himalayas), and in africa. chapter xiv in the hands of providence--a mutiny--another mutiny--foodless--hard and dangerous work--a near approach to hades--making an artificial channel among thousands of boulders--an awe-inspiring scene--the fall of s. simão--a revolt we all slept soundly that night, i taking good care to fasten the canoe well, so that we should not find her gone next morning. we had a minimum temperature of 63° f. on the night of august 8th. in the morning my men killed another big monkey, with the most human face i have ever seen on a quadruman--just like a negro's countenance. it came very near us in its curiosity to see what we were doing, and, though shot at several times, remained there watching us, as it had never heard the report of a rifle before. when it fell down it put its hand on the wound across its chest and cried just like a child. i moved away while my men banged it on the head to finish it off. [illustration: author's canoe being made to travel across the forest.] after a hearty breakfast on the part of my men--my own being limited to a small box of sardines, some twenty or thirty boxes still remaining in my supply of provisions--we resumed our journey down the troublesome rapid. we had to do that with ropes, alcides, with his extraordinary way of thinking, actually going to the trouble of shifting a big rock out of the water, which took him the best part of an hour, rather than let the canoe go round it--in absolutely placid waters in that particular spot. i let him do it rather than have a quarrel, as i firmly believed that in consequence of the great hardships his brain had slightly lost its balance. after that, strong eddies were again experienced at first, but, for some 3,000 m. beyond, the water looked beautiful and as placid as possible. the river was now flowing mostly in a northerly direction or with slight deviations, chiefly to the east. we came to a most wonderful island with a spur of lava on its southern side, in the shape of a dome, and highly glazed. on each side of that island was a waterfall of some beauty. the eastern channel was only 20 m. wide, and the water fell over a wall of rock some 12 ft. high. where this wall projected above the foaming water the shiny black carbonized rock showed a number of small grottoes in its horizontal strata, and a number of funnels like volcanic vents. the north-westerly and broader channel had three successive rapids, the central one some 10½ ft. high, with a terrific current rushing over it, and awe-inspiring whirlpools between the successive rapids. we took the canoe down by the central channel, and when we got to the higher step, shoved her along until she overhung the fall--as we had done the previous day--and then let her drop down with a bump. it was a difficult job to hold her when once she had dropped down, as the waves below were very high and tossed her about in a merciless manner. my men had by this time become a little more amenable to reason, and in moments of suspense or danger always awaited my orders. once more did we eventually pack in the canoe what remained of the baggage; once more did we start--that time across a large basin 1,200 m. broad, with hills on the east side of us on the right bank. on the right of us, on leaving the basin, we had a beautiful island, 300 m. long--ariadne island--with a fine sand-spit at its southern end, and gorgeous vegetation upon it. barring a few boxes of sardines, we had no more provisions of any kind, as all the food had been wasted, or lost in our various accidents. when i look back upon that journey, i am amazed to think how providence did help us all along. that day my men were clamouring for food, and were most unpleasant, putting the entire blame upon me and not upon their own lack of common-sense. they refused to go on. we pulled up along some rocks, baking hot from the sun, which simply roasted our naked feet when we trod upon them. some of the men took to their rifles and said they had had quite enough of exploring. the more we went down that river the worse things seemed to get. they would not go a metre farther. they claimed the balance of their salaries at once--i always paid them punctually every month--and said they would start on foot and try to get somewhere, if god would help them. i agreed to pay them their salaries and let them go, taking a few minutes to distribute the money, as i wished to go to a secluded spot, not caring to undo the large packages of banknotes before them. i was walking along the rocks, saying to my men that i would be back in a few minutes, when a huge _cachorra_, or dog-fish, weighing some thirty pounds, leapt out of the water and fell on the rocks, wriggling and bounding convulsively. i called the men, who hastily arrived, and with the butts of their rifles killed the fish. while they were busy dissecting it, alcides, who had not taken part in the quarrel, but had gone to the forest some little way off, hearing the noise, reappeared with a huge monkey he had killed. i left the men to prepare an excellent and plentiful meal while i retired to a distant spot to count out their salaries. when i returned and handed them the money--after their appetites had been fully satisfied, and they had left next to nothing for me--they said i could keep the money, as they did not want it; they were sorry for what they had said, and would go on wherever i ordered them to go. they said that i certainly must have a guardian angel watching over me, and they were sure that as long as they were in my company they would never die of starvation. "i have never seen anything like it!" exclaimed the man x, who was the humorist of the party. "we want food and cannot get it, and there _el senhor_ strolls a few yards away from us and a huge fish jumps almost into his arms in order to be eaten." i never cared to let them know of my own surprise at the extraordinary occurrence. i was rather pleased that day, because my men, in an outburst of friendliness, said they knew that if ever we did die of starvation it would not be my fault, because had they been careful we would still have had three or four months' supply of provisions left. they themselves said how foolish they had been; the provisions we carried had only lasted us thirty days. nearly three weeks before i had warned alcides to economize, and the result was that, instead of sorting out food twice a day to the men, he sorted it out four times a day and in double quantities. [illustration: distant view showing both falls at the salto augusto.] [illustration: launching the canoe after its journey over a hill range.] that day we were really in great luck. we had the good fortune to find a _bacopari_ tree simply laden with delicious yellow fruit, not unlike unripe cherries, and we absolutely feasted on them. to show how unpractical my men were, it is sufficient to tell that, unlike any other human beings on the face of the globe when under a fruit-tree, they did not proceed to shake the cherries down by throwing sticks or by climbing up the tree. no, indeed; but they cut down the huge tree, which required about an hour and a half of very hard work. anyhow, we got the cherries, and that was the principal thing. we continued our journey over a small rapid with a low hill range spreading from west to east on the left bank. the river here was 300 m. wide. a hill range from 100 to 200 ft. high was also to be seen on the right bank, running parallel with that on the left. five or six kilometres farther another high range of a gorgeous cobalt-blue colour and extending from south-west to north-east, stood in front of us. the river in that stretch was most beautiful, and was 900 m. wide. a charming little island 300 m. long was reflected in the water, which looked as still as oil in that particular part, although it actually ran swiftly. although that scene was of great placidity, we believed there was more danger ahead of us, for we could hear in the distance the loud roar of another rapid or waterfall. judging by the noise we knew it must be a big one. soon afterwards we reached the rapid. we had the greatest difficulty in approaching this, owing to the strong current we encountered in a small channel we followed near the right bank. the rapid was 400 m. wide and 400 m. long, with a drop of from 4 to 5 ft. although we expected trouble at that spot, we shot the rapid with comparative ease, but we were badly knocked about, and shipped a considerable amount of water in the high waves thrown violently against the rocks. we camped that night near the rapid, having travelled in the day 26 kil. we made our camp in the forest, and we experienced stifling heat, the minimum temperature (august 9th) being 73° f., with heavy rain which came down upon us through the foliage in regular bucketfuls. we had nothing to eat in the evening. in the morning our breakfast consisted of two sardines each. we went on in a half-hearted way, my men grumbling all the time, and looking out for birds or monkeys. seven thousand five hundred metres from our camp we came to a waterfall, where we had endless trouble. the principal channel led to 50° b.m., but the river split up into innumerable channels among islands, islets and rocks that formed a regular maze. the river was in that particular spot 1,200 m. wide, and contained great masses of volcanic rock, much fissured, and having great holes in them. this mass of rock extended from north-east to south-west. there were large cracks, where the mass had split, and had subsequently been eroded by the rush of water. the rock had cutting edges everywhere like those of razors. with endless difficulty we had managed to drag the canoe along nearly to the bottom of that dangerous place, when we were suddenly confronted by a drop of 12 ft. with a terrific rush of water over it. it was impossible for us to negotiate that point, for below was a whirlpool absolutely impassable. we had therefore the tiresome work of dragging back the canoe for some 350 m. up the rapid once more, in order that we might find a more suitable channel. to make things more lively for us, a violent thunderstorm broke out, soaking all our baggage but making little difference to us, as we were soaked already. we had spent that entire day in the water, struggling to take the canoe down the rapid and up once more. by eight o'clock at night we were still working, endeavouring to save the canoe. we had had no lunch, and now had no dinner. my men felt perfectly miserable, and in their speech did not exactly bless the day they had started with me on that expedition. we had worked hard, and had only covered a distance of 7,500 m. in twelve hours. at sunset, while the storm was raging, we beheld a most wonderful effect of light to the west, very much like a gorgeous aurora borealis. the sky, of intense vermilion, was streaked with beautiful radiations of the brightest lemon-yellow, which showed out vividly against the heavy black clouds directly above our heads. the river reflected the red tints, so that we appeared to be working in a river of blood. as we had nothing to eat, i thought i would spend my time in taking the correct elevation of that place with the boiling-point thermometers. the man x, the humorist of the party, remarked that if i were killed and went to heaven or some other place, the first thing i should do would be to take the exact elevation with what he called "the little boiling stove" (the hypsometrical apparatus). we had a minimum temperature of 62° f. during the night of august 10th. next morning i sent my men to reconnoitre, in order to see if they could get some edible fruit. as they stayed away a long time i knew they had found something. in fact, they came back quite in a good humour, as they had found some _jacoba_ or _jacuba_ trees, with abundant fruit on them, most delicious to eat. in the meantime i had gone exploring the rapids endeavouring to find a more suitable channel. eventually, on the east side of the stream, i found a place where we could take the canoe down. there too was a fall of 9 ft., down which we let the canoe with considerable difficulty; then it had to pass over a number of smaller terraces and down winding channels, where we sweated for some hours before we got through our work. innumerable channels separated by sand-mounds 20 to 30 ft. high had formed along that rapid and also through the vertical wall of cutting volcanic rock which formed a barrier across the stream. below the fall were two long sand-banks, one with some _burity_ palms upon it. the river flowed 20° west of north for some 4,000 m. we had gone but 2,000 m. of that distance when we came to another rocky barrier, spreading from south-west to north-east, on approaching which we heard the thundering roaring of another rapid. on the left bank we had a hill range all along. the noise of the rapid got louder and louder, and we were soon confronted by a terrifying rush of water at a spot where three arms of the river met with such force that the clashing waters shot up in the air, forming a wave some 40 or 50 ft. high with a foaming crest. the backwash from this great wave was so violent against the rocky banks of the river--very narrow there--that it was quite impossible for the canoe, even empty, to be let down by means of ropes. my men were in absolute despair, for the farther we went the more insurmountable became the obstacles which confronted us. they said they had agreed to go on a journey of exploration, but surely i was taking them direct to hades--if we had not got there already. i could not well contradict them, for certainly that particular spot was the nearest possible approach to it. it does not do ever to lose courage. while my men, in the lowest state of depression, sat on the volcanic rocks, i went about exploring on the right bank until i found a place where the river had eroded a channel but had afterwards filled it with an immense accumulation of rocks. if we could only move those rocks away--several hundreds of them--i saw that it would be possible to push the canoe along the channel which would thus be formed. the work would require a great deal of hard labour. [illustration: a most dangerous rapid navigated by author and his men.] you should have seen the faces of my men when i took them to the spot and asked them to remove all the big boulders. in order to set them a good example, i myself started moving the rocks about, the smaller ones for preference. we worked and worked hour after hour, jamming our fingers and feet all the time as we pushed the rocks to one side and the other of the little channel, only 4 ft. wide, which we were making. the language of my men was pretty enough, but as long as they worked i had to put up with it. alcides, who was really a great worker, and whose principal fault was that he would never save himself, worked with tremendous vigour that day. somehow or other the men seemed to think the work hard. when we had taken the canoe safely to the end of the rapid through the channel we had cleared, i went back to the top of the rapid to gaze once more on the wonderful sight where the two principal channels met. the water dashed against a rock in the centre with most impressive fury. on returning to the bottom of the rapid where i had left the canoe, another most impressive sight was to be seen. in the vertiginous waters emerging from the channel high waves--most unpleasant-looking and in the greatest confusion--clashed against one another for a distance of over 500 m. below the rapid. my men would not camp that night near the rapid, which they said was the devil's home, so during the night we went 2 kil. down the stream, where, simply worn out, we made our camp. we never could get any fish from the stream now. we had gone only 6,000 m. that day. i reckoned that, travelling at that rate, i should perhaps reach my goal, manaos, in five or six years' time--and all the provisions i had left for seven men, all counted, were now eight tins of sardines. we had a minimum temperature of 64° f. on the night of august 11th. we had halted just above another big and beautiful waterfall, 20 ft. high, and of immense width. the great rush of water curled over a gigantic dome of volcanic rock with many big holes and fissures. the waterfall was followed by a ghastly rapid 500 m. long. it was impossible to go over the fall, and the only way left us--a most dangerous one--was to let the canoe down a small channel 50 to 80 m. wide, cut among the vertical rocks on the right side of the waterfall. the water in the channel flowed in steeply sloping cascades. the channel twisted round abruptly in two or three places, and in one spot went through a rocky neck 35 m. wide, where the force of the current was so great that i was really perplexed as to how we could take the canoe down without getting her smashed to atoms. providence came to my help again. in looking round i discovered an ancient channel, now almost dry and strewn with innumerable rocks, by which it might be possible to take the canoe overland until we could find a smooth place in the water below the rapid. on further exploring that channel, as i was quick enough in noticing its possibilities, i found at the end of it what the brazilians call a _recanto_--that is to say, a backwater which the river had there formed, and which would be a great help to us in floating the canoe once more. this plan involved a great deal of hard work, as not only had we to shift many large rocks out of their position, but we had to construct a railway with felled trees and rollers upon them. we could not get perfectly horizontal rails, so that the effort of moving the canoe along inch by inch with levers was trying, especially as we had had insufficient food for many days and our strength was fast failing. to make matters worse, alcides that day broke out in revolt. he had, like many ignorant people, the misfortune of believing that he knew everything better than anybody else. i had given him instructions to place the rails and rollers in a certain position, so that the canoe could be shifted over some unpleasant rocks. he, however, insisted on placing the rollers in the wrong place and on using the levers in the wrong spots, so that they not only did not act helpfully, but actually had the contrary effect on the canoe from that which we wanted to obtain. i remonstrated, and showed the men once more how to do it. they agreed with me, except alcides, who became enraged to such an extent that his eyes bulged out of their orbits in his fury. he brandished one of the big levers in the air, and, shouting at the top of his voice, proceeded to give a long harangue stating that araguary--his native town--produced greater men than england or any other country, and inciting the other men to open revolt against me. this was a serious affair and most unexpected, as so far i had counted on alcides to stand by me, no matter what happened. the other men were undecided. although they were always ready to revolt, they had more confidence in the brain of an englishman than in that of an araguary man. alcides suggested that they should take possession of the canoe and everything, and that i should be left on the rocks. he shouted to the men to take the canoe along, and he himself pushed with all his might, the canoe not budging the tenth part of an inch. i sat down on a rock. i merely said that the canoe would not move until i wished it to move. this statement i made because i saw that in their stupidity they had placed some pieces of wood under the canoe which acted as wedges instead of rollers; one piece in particular--a roller which had split in two--could not possibly move along the rough wooden rails. the men pushed and worked with all their might for over three hours, the canoe remaining still like a solid rock. at last they came to me and asked me to show them how to move it. i placed the rollers where they would be effective, removing the wedges which were impeding her journey, and with very little effort the canoe moved along. with wild yells of excitement the men proclaimed this a miracle, always excepting alcides, who, with a fierce expression on his face, stood now on one side, fondling his rifle. the other men chaffed him, and even insulted him, saying that he had made them struggle for nothing, as he did not know what he was about. when the rails and the rollers were placed right the canoe slid along the distance which remained to be covered, and eventually glided gracefully once more into the water. [illustration: letting the canoe jump a rapid.] it was too bad that alcides--one of the bravest of men--should possess such a mean mind and such an ungrateful nature. twice i had saved his life when he came within an ace of perishing in dangerous rapids, but never had he given thanks to me--never had he shown the slightest sign of recognition. never, during the entire time he was in my employ, did he--or any of my other men--say "good morning" to me when we rose, or "good night" when we retired to sleep. two or three nights before this last adventure, during a heavy rainstorm, i had deprived myself of my own tent in order to shelter him and the other men, while i myself got drenched. "he only does it," said he, "because he needs to keep us alive to do the work, or else he would not do it." i only received offensive words for any kindnesses i showered on him and the others. it is seldom one could find a man with a more unpractical mind. he spent most of his energy working uselessly--and, mind you, very hard indeed--for nothing, but he could never be made to apply his strength in a sensible way. if i asked him to cut me a tooth-pick, he would proceed to cut down one of the largest trees in the neighbourhood and work for an hour or two until he had reduced a big section of it into the needed article. he wasted hours daily, and ruined all our axes and cutlery into the bargain, in scraping flat surfaces on rocks and on the hardest trees, on which he subsequently engraved his name and that of his lady-love whom he had left behind. he was really marvellous at calligraphy, and could certainly write the best hand of any man i have ever known. he quarrelled all the time with all the other men, and to enforce his words was constantly producing his automatic pistol fully loaded or else his rifle. when i first employed him i had the misfortune to send him on some messages to two or three people, with the result that those former friends became my bitterest enemies, as he had insulted them. he was one of the men who cannot open their mouths without offending. wasteful to an incredible degree, his only ambition was to show how much he could spend--especially when he was spending other people's money--a most trying thing for me when we were, months before, near any shop. when you mentioned anything to him he immediately said that it was impossible to do it, no matter how simple the matter was. he spent hours looking at himself in a small pocket mirror he carried on his person, and would grumble for long hours over the stings of mosquitoes and gnats which had dared to spoil his features. he used violent language against the impudent rocks which had injured his feet. his brutality to men and beasts alike was most hurtful to me. he once abandoned his favourite dog on an island, simply because he had kicked it viciously the day before and the dog would not respond to his calls and enter the canoe. he now proposed to kill the other dogs, as he said they had finished their work as watch-dogs, since we never came across any indians, and it was no use taking them along. chapter xv mutiny and threats--wasted efforts--awful waters--the canoe escapes in a violent rapid--another mutiny--the canoe recovered--an appalling vortex--the fall of s. simão--cutting an artificial channel in the rocks brazilians of a low class are unfortunately easily led by words. alcides, who could not get over his bad temper, once more incited the men to revolt. while i was busy taking altitude observations with the hypsometrical apparatus i kept my eye on them, as i saw plainly that i was coming in for trouble. unfortunately for us another bad part of the rapid had to be negotiated, and the only way possible was to take the canoe overland once more. with alcides at their head, all the men were now in open rebellion, and absolutely refused to work. "very good," i said to them. "if you do not like to take the canoe along we shall stay here. i like this spot very much, as it is most picturesque." the men filled the magazines of their rifles with cartridges, and then came threateningly toward me, shoving the muzzles right in my face. "you must give us food," said they. "we want to eat, and we want to be taken back to our country." i advised them to take a walk in the forest and see if they could shoot something there, for if they shot me, one fact was certain, and that was that they would never see their happy homes again. two of the men turned away in order to go after game, but the man x levelled his rifle at my head and demanded his money, as he wished to leave at once. the contract i had with him was different from that i had with the other men. i had agreed to pay him on reaching the nearest point of civilization, where i would let him loose again. i therefore said that i would most certainly pay him the very minute he had fulfilled his contract. i paid no more attention to his threat, although i heard the click of the hammer of his rifle being cocked. i told him to get some wood to make a fire, as i wished to make myself a cup of chocolate. in unpacking some of my instruments i had made a great discovery--a box of chocolate, which had strayed into a package by mistake. x seemed undecided whether to shoot or not. i made no attempt to take the rifle out of his hand, as that would have been fatal. after a few moments he sat down on a rock a few yards away, his rifle resting on his knees and pointing in my direction, while i myself collected some small pieces of wood and proceeded to make the fire. [illustration: artificial canal made by author and his men in order to take their canoe along where the river was impassable.] filippe the negro, who had his eye on the box of chocolate, came and helped to blow the flame. we got some water and boiled it in a large tin cup. while we were doing that i heard rifles being fired in the forest, and presently antonio returned with some fine _jacu_ (_penelope cristata_) he had shot. the entire morning of august 12th was absolutely wasted, owing to the conduct of my men. even after they had had a good meal, not a particle of which they offered me--not that i asked them for it--they were still in a riotous mood. as was my habit when i had anything to eat, i always shared it in equal parts with them: when the chocolate was ready--notwithstanding their behaviour--i asked them for their cups, and each one received his share of that delicious beverage. as usual also, i sorted out that day the customary allowance of tobacco to each man, which i had been fortunate enough to save in our accidents. when i offered the chocolate to alcides, he handed his cup to filippe to bring to me, and when it was handed back to him he flung it away saying he would prefer to die rather than drink the filthy english stuff. matters were a little critical. a great number of rollers were required and a number of wooden rails. curiously enough, the man x, who had been the most violent that day, was the only one who came to thank me for the chocolate, and offered to work, the others all refusing to move. he and i cut down three or four trees, when the other men--ashamed of themselves--took the axes and proceeded to work also. but instead of cutting down trees which were straight they cut down the knottiest trees they could find, and made rollers which were absolutely useless. it was their silly way of wasting the little energy they had left. the result was that they had to do the work over again and cut other trees and other rollers. eventually we succeeded in pushing the canoe over the rocks until we were some 20 m. from the water again. with some effort we succeeded in shoving her along 18 m. out of those 20 m. there only remained the last 2 m.--unfortunately uphill, which made our effort a little greater. here the men again stopped work and refused to give that last push to get the canoe over those rocks and then into the water. once more they said they would shoot me and then proceed through the forest on foot. matters looked bad indeed. those 2 m., with a sharp angle upward, made an insurmountable obstacle which i could not negotiate alone. with the corner of my eye i saw the rifles of my men levelled at me. there was only one way out of that difficulty--to give my men a little excitement. "very good!" i said to them. "if we have not the strength to move the canoe over those rocks, we certainly have the courage to shoot the rapid." i said i had never yet known a brazilian who failed when it came to courage, and i was sure they would not fail, as i had already seen how brave they had been. flattery always answers. "come along, boys! we will take the canoe back into the rapid." in a moment they had deposited their rifles on the rocks and they were all helping me to push the canoe back the way we had come. the rapid in that particular part was devilish--not unlike the narrow channel we had gone through some time before. the passage, with high rocks on either side, was tortuous, and threw the water with great force from one side to the other, producing high waves in the centre in such confusion that it was quite terrifying to look at them. when my men looked at those awful waters, they suggested that perhaps we had better let the canoe down with ropes. i had quite made up my mind that we should lose the canoe for certain in that spot; and had we gone down in her ourselves we should undoubtedly have lost our lives as well. when we started taking her down with ropes--our ropes were all rotted by that time, and had no strength whatever--the canoe was tossed about in a merciless manner. i recommended my men as they ran along to beware of the ropes catching on the cutting edges of the high rocks. no sooner had the canoe started down the swift current than one of the ropes at once caught on a rock and snapped. the men who held the other rope were unable to hold it, and let it go. i saw the canoe give three or four leaps in the centre of the channel and then disappear altogether. that was a sad moment for me. but as my eye roamed along the foaming waters, what was my surprise when i saw the canoe shoot out of the water in a vertical position at the end of the rapid and waterfall! that was the greatest piece of luck i had on that journey. by being flung out of the water with such force she naturally emptied herself of all the water she contained, and i next saw her floating, going round and round the whirlpool at the bottom of the rapid. the next problem was how to recover the canoe, as she happened to be on the opposite side of the stream. there for more than two hours we watched her going round and round, while we sat on the rocks, absolutely speechless. eventually we saw her gradually come out of the whirlpool and drift slowly in the _recanto_ or backwater on the opposite shore some 400 m. away, revolving slowly around herself. my men were perplexed. they now said they would all leave me at once and proceed on foot. under no circumstances whatever would they accompany me any more. they must have their pay and go. so after a few minutes i paid the salaries of all the men, excepting the man x. to my surprise the men, instead of going, remained seated a little way off. i had a plan in my head of swimming across the river below the whirlpool, where the water was placid although of great width, but i could not very well place myself in such an awkward position as to leave on the river bank the large sums of money which i carried on my person. i certainly could not swim across such a long distance, and in such a current, with the heavy bags of coin and banknotes round my waist. i feared--in fact, felt certain--that in the mood in which my men were that day, the moment i entered the water and was quite helpless they would fire at me and get away with everything i possessed. i knew that they would never dare to do it unless they could catch me in a helpless condition. [illustration: rapid through which author took his canoe.] i called antonio--who was an excellent swimmer--and said that i offered a reward of £10 to any men who swam across and recovered the canoe. antonio reflected deeply for some time, then consented to go if another man went with him. for nearly an hour he confabulated with filippe the white man, who was also a splendid swimmer. it was with some relief that i saw the two eventually enter the water, after a paddle had been tied with long strings round each of their waists in order that they might be able to bring the canoe back. at the point where they started the river was 200 m. wide. although seemingly placid the current was strong. they drifted down some 300 m.--i with my telescope keeping a sharp watch on the canoe, which was still going round and round, and was now once more almost entirely filled with water. no sooner had the men, quite exhausted, reached the opposite bank than the canoe, which had been in that spot for some hours, for some reason or other started out and proceeded to float down stream in the very centre of the river. filippe the negro and i at once started on a chase on our side of the water, in case she came near enough to seize her. i shouted and signalled to the men on the opposite bank to swim across once more to try and catch her in mid-stream. as luck would have it, after a chase of several kilometres, over cutting rocks and great banks of sand in which we sank up to our knees--while the naked men with their paddles ran as fast as they could on the opposite bank--the canoe drifted close to the other bank once more, and the men were able to board her. it was a great relief to me when at last the canoe was brought over to our side and we towed her back so as to get the baggage on board and proceed on our journey. each of the two men who had rescued the canoe at once received the reward i had offered, and filippe the negro, who had shown willingness in recovering the boat, also received a handsome present. the entire day of august 12th had been spent in going those few hundred metres of the rapid. our camp that evening was but 400 m. from that of the day before. the minimum temperature of august 12th had been 70° f., whereas during the night of august 13th it was 62° f. that little adventure had pulled the men together somewhat. i spoke in great praise of the courage that antonio and filippe had shown in swimming across the stream. the river was smooth for a little distance, when we proceeded once more with our navigation; but soon it became narrow--only 40 to 50 m. wide--with strong eddies in its deep channel between rocky sides. some magnificent sand beaches 15 to 20 ft. high were observed, particularly on the right bank, not far from a tributary 3 m. wide which entered the main river on the left side. lower down, the river described a sharp turn, and there we met another most dangerous rapid. it was entered by a passage 50 m. wide, after which a circular basin of rock--evidently an ancient crater--100 m. in diameter appeared; then the water flowed out with terrific force by a channel only 30 m. wide. the stream produced prodigious eddies in the circular basin. waves of great height were dashed to and fro from one side to the other of the narrow channel, between high rocks on either side. the water flowed first in a direction e.s.e. for 500 m., then turned off suddenly to due east for a distance of 400 m. that spot was most difficult for us to go through. soon after, the river turned due north and broadened to a width of 120 m. for some 4,000 m. a great basin was crossed, with submerged rocks, forming counter currents of great power and most unpleasant whirlpools. i observed with some concern a stupendous vortex 30 m. in diameter and with a deep central depression. the water revolved with such velocity and force that it formed a series of high-crested white waves running one after another at a terrifying speed around its periphery. the water was raised around the vortex certainly 10 or 12 ft. above the level of the river--owing to the opposition between the rotating water and the current. we gave that vortex as wide a berth as we could; it really frightened one to be near it, although there was no particular danger unless we got right into it. a charming island was passed soon after, on which, as well as on the left bank, were innumerable rubber trees, but there were none on the right, where _chapada_ was to be seen. we had in front of us a hill range 300 ft. high. as we went farther we were in a channel between high rocks strewn about along both banks in fragments of great size; then we were once again in a circular basin with high vertical rocks--perhaps another extinct crater. we were here in a region of volcanic formation. no sooner had we passed this basin than we came upon another bad rapid, 400 m. long, which divided itself into two channels, after going through a narrow passage not more than 30 m. wide, where we got tossed about in a most alarming manner, being once or twice nearly dashed to pieces against the rocky sides. we had had so much trouble with the rapids that day that by sunset we had only gone 19 kil. 600 m. since we had come to that volcanic region we had found rocks with great holes in which stagnant water lay. myriads of insects--regular clouds of them--worried us nearly to death. [illustration: conveying the canoe by hand down a rapid.] on august 14th we started early, the minimum temperature having been 70° f. during the night. after leaving the rapid we came to a great basin 1,000 m. across. a most beautiful sand beach 300 m. long was to be seen on the left side, below a vertical cliff of great beauty, 200 ft. high. another great sand beach was to be seen on the right of the river, where it described a sharp turn to 30° b.m. then the river dashed through a passage of rocks only 80 m. broad, and emerged once more into another great basin with many indentations in its rocky coast. some 6 kil. beyond, another basin was found, with more rocks strewn on and near its eastern bank, and a number of rocky islets. a high hill range with vertical cliffs stood on the west side and ended abruptly at the end of the basin. low hills ran all along the river on the left side. the river had an average width here of 250 m., and flowed mostly in directions between north-west and north-east. we went down all the time on troubled waters, with rocky banks and innumerable obstacles all the way. we went through another terrible and most intricate rapid--the labyrinth--and passed through a channel only 40 m. wide between high rocky banks. then, after that, for 9,500 m. we had fair and smooth navigation, with a range of flat-topped hills 300 ft. high, extending from w.s.w. to e.n.e., in front of us to the north-west. here there was a regular maze of channels, all more or less bad. we did not follow the principal one, which was strewn with rocks, but a smaller one, at the end of which, unfortunately, we found a barrier of rocks which we could not surmount. we had all the trouble of dragging the canoe back up the rapid until we could turn her round into another channel. we arrived at the waterfall of s. simão, where we went through numerous channels, following the right bank as much as we could, until we arrived at a gigantic staircase of rock, down which the water divided itself into little channels. we took all the baggage over the rocks on the right bank--a very heavy task, as we had to climb up and down big boulders with sharp edges. we slipped many times with the loads we were carrying, and many, indeed, were the patches of skin we left behind in that particular place. we had a great deal of trouble in finding a place where we could take the canoe down. eventually we had to go right across the stream over the waterfall and land on an island of rock in the centre of the river, where i had seen with my telescope that we might perhaps find a suitable passage for the canoe. crossing the river diagonally just above the fall was risky work, and although we described a big arc up the stream, we only just managed to make the island before we were borne down by the current. the horseshoe-shaped waterfall was about 300 m. across and some 30 ft. high. when the river is full it must be beautiful, for the east side, which was then absolutely dry, is covered entirely by water, which must form a wonderful series of cascades. when the river is in flood, the waterfall, extending from north-west to south-east, has a total width of 1,000 m. there were some picturesque bits of rugged foliated rock over that great staircase, and huge cracks through which the water gurgled and foamed--those fissures formed not by the erosion of water but by volcanic action, perhaps by an earthquake. the large fall to the north-west, over which the water flows in every season, had on one side of it a steep incline, down which we took the canoe until we came to a drop about 15 ft. high. we halted for the night just above that high drop, spending a most miserable night, being simply devoured by insects. the minimum temperature during the night of august 15th was 72° f. my men were in a beastly temper in the morning, when we had to proceed, as on previous occasions, to make an artificial channel by moving innumerable boulders of all sizes. it was a heavy task, for we hardly had any strength left, our meals having been most irregular of late. a channel was not so easily made in that particular spot, as there were some boulders which we could not possibly move, and the canoe must be made to go over them. we had only been working for a few minutes, when again there was a riot among my men; again they took to their rifles and said they would leave me and the canoe there. worse luck, the canoe got stuck hard on a rock, and the men could not move her. i cut down some rollers and some levers of the hardest woods i could find in the forest near there, and when once i had set to work a little more intelligently than they did, i had no difficulty in moving the canoe along. eventually, with my men swearing at me the whole time, the canoe was safely at the foot of the waterfall. we were in great luck that day, for we found plenty of wild fruit--very nutritious--and we killed one or two large birds. my men grumbled all the time, saying that they were dying of starvation, no meal being a meal at all in brazil unless accompanied by a small mountain of _feijão_ (black beans). i had a few boxes of sardines left, but i reserved those for extreme occasions which might yet come. at the bottom of the fall was an immense basin, 1,200 m. wide and 3,000 m. long from north to south. the temperature was stifling that day--96° f. in the shade, and the sky overladen with clouds. fourteen kilometres by river below the s. simão came another waterfall, that of all saints. observations with the hypsometrical apparatus gave an elevation of 772 ft. above the level of the sea. we halted above the rapid on a beautiful beach. a curious thing happened. antonio in jumping into the water out of the canoe felt something sharp under his foot. in looking down he saw a magnificent sword. on taking it out of the water we found that it was an old sword of the time of the emperor pedro ii. a fight must have taken place there between a brazilian expedition and the mundurucu indians, who at that time were to be found, i believe, in that region. presumably the expedition had been attacked at that spot while trying to land. the sword was in excellent preservation. [illustration: canoe being taken along an artificial canal made by author and his men.] chapter xvi at death's door--mundurucu indians--all author's followers poisoned by wild fruit--anxious moments--seringueiros--a dying jewish trader--the mori brothers--a new hat--where the tres barras meets the arinos-juruena--the canoe abandoned we had a minimum temperature on the night of august 15th of 70° f. we descended the all saints rapid and fall, 150 m. in length, with no great difficulty, although with a certain amount of hard work. a large basin was below it, in the eastern part of which was a charming island. innumerable rubber trees (_siphonia elastica_) were to be seen in that region. we found the south-east passage the best in descending that rapid; but, although comparatively easy, we had to use the greatest care, as my canoe was by now falling to pieces, and a hard knock against a rock would be fatal. at the eastern end of the basin was a narrow channel between high rocks, where the current was extremely strong. a cluster of high vertical columnar rocks was seen. the three channels into which the river had been divided joined again in that basin, and were forced through a passage between high vertical rocky walls not more than 35 m. apart. the water naturally was much troubled in being forced from different sides through that narrow passage, and i knew that there must be danger. we pulled up the canoe along some rocks 50 or 60 m. from the entrance of the channel, and i instructed two men to land and go and explore, to see what was in the channel. the top rocks in that particular spot formed innumerable little points, quite sharp, and it was painful to walk on them with bare feet. antonio and white filippe, who had been instructed to go and reconnoitre, went a short distance away, where they sat themselves down behind some rocks, comfortably smoking cigarettes. after twenty minutes or so they returned and said they had gone all along the channel, and there was absolutely smooth water and no danger whatever. i was not well satisfied with their answer, but they swore they had inspected the channel thoroughly, and there was no danger. so i ordered them to enter the boat once more, and we started off. no sooner had we turned the corner round the high rocky cliffs and entered the narrow gorge than we were confronted by a huge central wave some 40 ft. high in the channel. it was formed by the clashing waters, coming from three different directions, meeting at that spot and trying to push through simultaneously. before we knew where we were the canoe actually flew up in the air, in an almost vertical position, to the top of that enormous wave. [illustration: a moment of suspense. author and his men in their canoe going through a narrow channel between vertical walls of rock. the water forced through from three large arms of the river joining at that point formed a high and dangerous central wave.] baggage, men, and dogs slid down in confusion, the canoe gliding back into the water and progressing as swift as an arrow down the channel. the next moment we were on the point of being dashed against the high rocky cliff on our right. to my amazement, and just as i was expecting the impact, the canoe only gracefully shaved the rock, the backwash which took place along the rocks shifting us once more toward the middle of the stream. once again the great rush of water shot us up in the air, above the central wave, and this time the canoe bucked and rode down on the other side of that foaming mass of water. my men were terrified. "rema! rema! (row! row!) for heaven's sake!" i shouted to the perplexed men, as i tried to instil into them a little courage, when within me i really thought we were lost. as i shouted those words i saw to my horror two of the paddles washed away, and as i quickly measured with my eye the length of the channel i perceived that we still had some 200 m. more of that kind of navigation before we should shoot out of that dangerous place. up and down we went several times on that high central wave; several times did we again shave the rocks on either side of the narrow channel. we were quite helpless, my men in chorus yelling "we are lost! we are lost!" alcides bravely stuck to the helm for some time, but the force of the water was so great that he was knocked down into the canoe and had to let go. when we reached the point where the narrow passage came to an end, the waters looked so diabolical that when my men shouted "we are lost! we are lost!" i could not help saying "yes, we are!" i held on to the canoe desperately, as we were banged about for a few seconds in a way that nearly stunned us, the waves striking me in the face with such force that it took me some moments to recover. when i did i found that we were already out of the channel and in the whirlpool, the canoe full of water but fortunately saved. i lose most things in the world, but i never lose my patience nor my sense of humour. i could not help laughing when i looked at the expression on the faces of my dogs--an expression of terror and astonishment, as they looked first at the place from which we had emerged and then at me, which i am sure would have meant in words: "good gracious! where in the world are you taking us?" we had to halt as soon as convenient in order to cut some new paddles. it took my men some hours to recover from the effects of that experience. as is generally the case after a violent emotion, a great deal of merriment was produced, my men for the rest of the day talking about the incident and reproducing in a realistic way the sounds of the rushing water and the impact of the waves against the canoe. we found after that a great basin 3,000 m. long, 1,300 m. broad, from west to east, with a lovely sand beach 1,000 m. long on its eastern side. [illustration: conveying the canoe through the forest. (notice the side of the canoe split and stuffed with pieces of cloth.)] at last--after all that time without meeting a soul--i came across a small tribe of mundurucus--six of them all counted. they had their _aldeja_, or village, on the right side of the stream. their chief rejoiced in the name of joão. they were tiny little fellows, the tallest only 5 ft. in height. if you had met them anywhere else than in central brazil you would have mistaken them for japanese, so exactly like them were they in appearance. their faces were of a very dark yellow, almost black, with perfectly straight hair, just like the japanese or their near cousins, the tagalos of the philippine islands. the mundurucus were mild and gentle, soft-spoken and shy. they had all adopted brazilian clothes. the hut of the chief was extremely clean and neat inside, the few utensils that were visible being kept in a tidy manner. joão spoke a little portuguese. from him i was able to buy a quantity of _farinha_, which came in useful to us, although i had to pay an exorbitant price for it--£4 sterling for each 50 litres or thereabouts--that is to say, about 5½ pecks in english measure. the price of _farinha_ on the coast would be less than four shillings for that quantity. what interested me most among the mundurucus was their strange ornamentations. the angular pattern was a great favourite with them, especially angles side by side, and the cross--which i think had been suggested, however, by their contact with catholic missionaries farther down the river. the rudimentary figures which they carved--merely lines for the body, legs and arms, and a dot for the head--were extraordinary because they represented the body and limbs covered with hair, done simply by minor parallel lines. i asked the mundurucus why they represented human beings with hair, whereas they themselves were hairless on the body and face. they said it was because in ancient times all the people were hairy like monkeys. i was strongly impressed by the difference in type between those indians and the bororos, and also by the great difference in their language. when later on i came in contact with the apiacars, another tribe of indians living on the tapajoz river, and closely allied to the mundurucus, i discovered that their language bore a certain resemblance, curiously enough, to that of the maya indians of yucatan in central america. i had been so busy taking notes of all i had seen in the _aldeja_, that when we started once more down the river i did not at first miss my best dog, negrino, of whom i had got very fond. we had gone some 4 or 5 kil. down the river when i discovered that my men had given it away to the indians while i was occupied studying the geological formation of that part of the country. it was impossible to go back all those kilometres against the current to recover the poor dog. although it gave me a great deal of pain i never for one moment let the men see it, as i knew that it was in order to hurt me that they had disposed of negrino. it is never right or useful to take revenge, for if you wait long enough you are always avenged by providence. that afternoon my men saw some wild chestnuts on a tree, and they insisted on landing to pick them. they knocked down the tree, as usual, to get the chestnuts, although it was fully 3 ft. in diameter. they picked a great many of the wild chestnuts and proceeded to eat them--alcides, much to my amazement, actually offering me one. i asked them if they knew what they were eating, as i quickly observed when the tree fell down that not a single chestnut had been touched by birds or monkeys. i have always noticed in equatorial countries that if you never touch fruit that monkeys do not eat you will seldom get poisoned. my men said that they had never seen the fruit before, but as it looked pretty they were going to eat it, and a lot of it. so they stopped some time cracking the nuts and eating them with great delight. when we got back to the canoe we had only gone a short distance when filippe the negro was seized with violent pains in his inside. his eyes had become sunken, his lips were quivering, and in a moment he was seized with cramps all over the body--so much so that he collapsed. we had to halt on a small island of rock, where we took filippe out and i had him laid flat on his chest, he being just like a corpse. i inserted a leather strap into his throat in order to cause immediate vomiting, then i unpacked some of the castor oil which still remained in my possession--we never seemed to lose the beastly stuff--and gave him a dose powerful enough to kill an ox. the other men were laughing all the time, saying that they felt no pain at all; but their boast did not last long, for a few moments later, while i was watching poor filippe, antonio and the man x threw themselves down on the rocks, rolling over and contorting themselves, evidently in most excruciating pain. the same treatment was applied to them in turn, and i watched with great concern three men out of the six spread out helpless, and in such a dreadful condition that i really doubted whether they would be alive in another hour. i considered myself fortunate that the other three had not been poisoned. half an hour later--it was impossible to move on with the three men lying helpless on the rocks--filippe the white man and benedicto also collapsed. again the same treatment once more. alcides looked at the other men with an air of contempt and said: "they are rotten fellows! they cannot eat anything without getting poisoned. i feel no pain at all; the fruit has done me no harm." when i turned round to look at his face it had turned a lemon-yellow colour, which i did not quite like, but i did not mention the fact to him, and went about from one dejected man to another to try and bring them back to life again. filippe the negro opened his eyes for a moment. "i am dying!" he said. "good-bye, sir! please give all my money to my sweetheart in araguary." i noted her name and address in my book, for i really thought filippe was about to expire. the moans and groans all round me were most funereal, and the odour unbearable, the nuts having formed a chemical combination in their insides which made their breath most offensive. the heat in the sun was oppressive on those volcanic rocks. my bare feet were absolutely scorched as i walked on them. not many minutes later alcides was rolling himself upon the rocks in intense pain. when i rushed to him to apply my favourite method he rebelled, refusing the treatment. "very good," i said to him; "will you live or will you die?" [illustration: leading the empty canoe down a dangerous channel. (photographed a few seconds before the rope snapped and canoe escaped.)] "i prefer to die," said he, and proceeded to moan and groan, and also to dictate the name and address of his sweetheart in araguary for me to pay to her the money which belonged to him. in a way i was sorry to see my men suffering so much. i was already thinking of how i could get out of that difficult dilemma. if they had all died it would have been out of the question for me to work the huge canoe alone going down such dangerous rapids. some four hours were spent in deepest reflection, a little distance off from my men. i had done my best, and i could do no more for them. i returned every little while to see how they were progressing, but for the first three hours they were in so pitiful a condition that i really thought they could not possibly recover. when alcides was almost unconscious i applied to him also the remedy i had used for the other men. it was only after some five hours or so that filippe the negro began to feel a little better. gradually one after another the men, half-dazed, were able to get up, swaying about as if badly intoxicated. they said they saw all the things in front of them moving up and down. evidently the poison had affected their vision and also their hearing, as they said they could only hear me faintly when i spoke to them. late in the evening i persuaded them to get once more into the canoe, as it was not possible to camp on those rocks. we floated down--fortunately for us the river was placid for some 15 kil., and we let the current do most of the work--i steering while all my men lay flat in the bottom of the canoe. we passed along two or three beautiful islands with quantities of rubber upon them. my men felt very bad the entire night, but by the next morning they were a little better, although in a most exhausted condition. we had a minimum temperature of 72° f. during the night of august 17th. we had some luck that evening, for we came to the hut of a _seringueiro_, a negro, and his wife, who had cut down a portion of the forest near their hut and cultivated some _mandioca_. their amazement at seeing us appear was curious to watch, especially when they looked at our canoe--held together with pieces of rope and stopped up with pieces of our garments. those poor people, stranded there without a possibility of getting away, were extremely kind. my men heard with delight that we should find no rapids of great importance from that point down stream, and that we might find a few other _seringueiros_ on our way. i was able to buy from the _seringueiro_ a quantity of food, my men being overjoyed at the prospect of eating _feijão_ again with their meals. naturally the expense of taking food so far up the river was very great, and i was glad indeed to pay the exorbitant price which the _seringueiro_ asked of £10 sterling for each 50 kilos of _farinha_; _feijão_ at 6_s._ a pound; sugar at 5_s._ a pound--the prices which the _seringueiros_ themselves had to pay for those commodities from the rare trading boats which once a year reached that farthermost point. we started down stream once more, passing a tributary stream, 5 m. wide, on the left bank. we had only gone 9 kil. when to our great joy we met two trading-boats owned by a brazilian jew, who was on board in a critical condition from malarial fever. although in a dying state, he had not lost his racial commercial ability. it was most interesting to watch his expiring countenance while trying to strike the best bargain possible. he sold me sixty candles for 60_s._, eight biscuits for the equivalent of 7_s._ 6_d._, and a quantity of dried meat at 5_s._ a pound. he looked askance at us, as he could not make out who we were, what we were doing up that river, where we could have come from. at last he signed to me that he had something to whisper in my ear. he asked me if i was a runaway cashier from a bank! i told him that if i had been a runaway cashier i would certainly not come and spend my money on the arinos-juruena river. the sight of human beings again--if that term could be applied indiscriminately to all we had met so far--had greatly excited my men. some 13 kil. farther, the river being smooth but swift, we came to a basin 700 m. broad, where the river described a turn toward the north-east. we came upon a large clearing on the hill-side on the left bank. there we saw the remains of two or three huts which had been destroyed by fire. we perceived one or two people, and we landed. we found that it was the shed of an enterprising peruvian trader who had established himself there in order to collect rubber. only a few days before we arrived a great fire had taken place, which had destroyed nearly all he possessed; but--fortunately for us--they had saved a few things, and i was able to purchase a quantity of rice, biscuits, dried meat, beans, _farinha_, condensed milk, _banho_ (liquid lard in tins), and a number of other things, such as clothes, shirts, rope, nails, axes, etc., which we needed badly. the peruvian trader--of the brothers mori's firm--must have had a handsome store indeed at that place, a quantity of jewellery, rifles, pistols, etc., all badly injured by the fire, being seen strewn on the ground as we walked about. the peruvians are wonderful traders, most remarkable people for exploring unknown regions and carrying on commerce to the most distant points where human beings are found. that particular peruvian firm had foreseen that that region will some day develop to a great extent, and they had therefore established their store at the most distant point where it was possible to navigate the river without extraordinary dangers. the prices charged by the peruvian, even when circumstances might have led him to put a high price on the goods he sold me, were far lower than those of the jew in his dying moments. the river was there 1,000 m. wide, and of amazing beauty, flowing to 30° b.m. n.n.e. for 5,000 m. in a direct line. we had gone 30 kil. that day, and we had had so many things happen to us, we felt so rich and happy with our new purchases and with the prospect that our trials were nearly over, that when night came we had a grand meal, and slept soundly notwithstanding the swarms of mosquitoes which buzzed around us. [illustration: the s. simão waterfall.] during the night of august 18th the minimum temperature was 71° f. during the day the temperature of the air was not much warmer--only 78° f. in the shade with a nice breeze, while 113° f. were registered in the sun. we halted for one day in order to repair the canoe, as it was all we could do to keep her afloat, she was leaking so badly. poor benedicto, who had spent the last few weeks baling out the water, swore that the moment he could leave the expedition he certainly would, since he felt he should turn into a fish soon, as he had not been dry one second for the last two months. the minimum temperature during the night of august 19th was 72° f. when we proceeded down the river we came upon most beautiful sand beaches, one as much as 500 m. long. quantities of most delicious tortoise eggs were to be found. furthermore, we killed some giant tortoises. altogether we felt that all of a sudden we had dropped from a regular inferno into a heaven on earth. my men were paddling away with great vigour and were making rapid progress, the river flowing almost all the time northward, with deviations of a few degrees toward the east, in stretches from 2,000 to 6,000 m. in length. we crossed an immense basin 1,500 m. broad with most gorgeous sand beaches. their formation in small dunes, occasionally with an edge like the teeth of a double comb, was most interesting. once or twice we came to musical sands such as we had found before. everywhere on those beaches i noticed the wonderful miniature sand plants, of which i made a complete collection. as we went down we came to one or two _seringueiros_' huts, and to a store belonging to our friend the dying jew, who rejoiced in the name of moses. as he had taken all the stuff with him in the trading boat in order to exchange it for rubber from the collectors, he had left nothing in the store except a cheap straw hat. as my hat by that time had lost most of its brim, and the top of it had got loose and was moving up and down in the breeze, i thought i would not lose the opportunity of getting new headgear. so the purchase was made there and then, and thus fashionably attired i started once more down stream. we passed on the way most impressive sand banks and beaches--500, 700, and one 1,500 m. long. the river in some spots was 1,000 m. wide. a great island 4,000 m. in length--bertino miranda island--was then passed, with a beautiful spit of sand 15 ft. high at its southern end. hillocks were visible first on the left bank, then on the right. other elongated sand accumulations of great length were found beyond the big island, one a huge tail of sand extending towards the north for 1,000 m. beyond those accumulations the river was not less than 1500 m. across, and there an immense beach of really extraordinary beauty ran on the right side for a length of 1½ kil. on that beach we halted for lunch. in the afternoon we continued, between banks on either side of alluvial formation, principally silts and clay, light grey in colour or white. in fact, the soil in the section directly below the higher terrace of the great central plateau of matto grosso, was formed by extensive alluvial accumulations which had made an immense terrace extending right across all central brazil from west to east, roughly speaking from the madeira river to the araguaya and beyond. after we had gone some 5 kil. in a straight line from our camp to 10° b.m., we perceived a headland with a hill upon it 200 ft. high. we had been greatly troubled in the afternoon for the last two days by heavy showers of rain and gusts of a north-westerly wind. once or twice we got entangled in channels among the many islands, and had to retrace our course, but we went on until late in the evening, my men believing firmly that we had now reached civilization again and that the journey would be over in a few days. i did not care to disillusion them. late at night we camped on a magnificent beach, 1,000 m. long, at the end of araujo island, 1,200 m. in length. we had gone that day, august 19th, 46 kil. 500 m. my men hung their hammocks on the edge of the forest. that camp was extremely damp and unhealthy. when we woke up the next morning all my followers were attacked by fever and were shivering with cold. we left at 7.30 a.m. under a limpid sky of gorgeous cobalt blue. we passed two islands--one 700 m. long (leda island), the other 2,000 m. (leander island). when we had gone but 11,500 m. we arrived at one of the most beautiful bits of river scenery i have ever gazed upon--the spot where the immense s. manoel river or tres barras or paranatinga met the arinos-juruena. the latter river at that spot described a sharp turn from 20° b.m. to 320° b.m. we perceived a range of hills before us to the north. close to the bank gradually appeared a large shed with a clearing near it on a high headland some 200 ft. above the level of the river where the stream turned. on the left bank, before we arrived at the meeting-place of those two giant streams, we found a tributary, the bararati, 30 m. broad. the s. manoel river showed in its centre an elongated island stretching in an e.n.e. direction. where the arinos-juruena met the s. manoel it was 1,000 m. wide, the s. manoel being 800 m. wide at the point of junction. no sooner had we turned to 320° b.m. than we perceived on our left the _collectoria_ of s. manoel, with two or three neat buildings. several astonished people rushed down to the water as they saw the canoe approaching. when i landed the brazilian official in charge of that place and his assistants embraced me tenderly and took me inside their house. when i told them how we had come down the river, tears streamed down their cheeks, so horrified were they. "did you come in that log of wood?" said the collector, pointing to my canoe. i said i had. "good gracious me!" he exclaimed. "i will not let you go another yard in that dangerous conveyance. i will confiscate it, as i need a trough for my pigs and it will just do for that purpose, and not for navigating a dangerous river like this. if you want to go on by river i will supply you with a good boat." [illustration: the huge canoe being taken through a small artificial canal made in the rocks by the author and his men.] that was the last time i put my foot inside my canoe. i removed for good the british flag which had flown daily at her stern, and it gave me quite a _serrement de coeur_ when i patted the poor canoe on her nose and said good-bye to her for ever. notwithstanding her miserable appearance she had done really remarkable work. chapter xvii a fiscal agency--former atrocities--the apiacar indians--plentiful rubber--unexploited regions--precious fossils thrown away by author's followers--a terrific storm--author's canoe dashed to pieces--the mount s. benedicto the state of matto grosso had recently established a fiscal agency at the junction of the two rivers in order to collect the tax on the rubber exported from that region. the fiscal agent, mr. josé sotero barretto, and his assistant, mr. julio vieira nery, were intelligent and polished gentlemen. their predecessor was not like them. his barbarity, not only to the apiacar indians but also to the brazilians in his employ, was almost incredible. for no reason whatever he killed men right and left, until one day as he was getting out of his canoe one of his men shot him in the back. so much has been said of late of atrocities in the putumayo region that perhaps one may be allowed to say that the putumayo region is not the only place where atrocities have occurred. to any one not acquainted with those regions it is difficult to understand why those atrocities take place at all. curiously enough, they are due to a large extent to medicine. those regions are all extremely malarial. the people who are ordered there are afraid of being infected long before they start on their journey. they begin taking preventive quinine and arsenic, which renders them most irritable and ill-tempered; the solitude preys upon them, and they add to the poisoning from medicine the evil effects of excessive drinking. add again to this that few men can manage to be brave for a long period of time, and that the brain gradually becomes unbalanced, and you have the reason why murders are committed wholesale in a stupid effort chiefly to preserve oneself. the apiacar indians, i was told, were formerly much more numerous in that region than at present. most of them had been killed off, and their women stolen. when mr. barretto arrived at the _collectoria_ he had great trouble in persuading the indians to come near him; but he has been so extremely kind to them that now the entire tribe--some twenty people--have established themselves at the _collectoria_ itself, where they are given work to do as police, rubber collectors, and agriculturists combined. mr. barretto and his assistant were much respected and loved by the natives. unlike his predecessor, he treated them with the greatest consideration and generosity. mr. barretto furnished me with an interesting table showing the amount of production and export of rubber from that district for the year 1910. from this table it appears that from may 3rd to december 31st 30,356 kil. of the finest quality rubber, 10,153 kil. of _sernamby_ (or scrap rubber), 4,858 kil. of _caoutchouc_, and 30,655 kil. of _sernamby caoutchouc_--altogether a total of 76,022 kil.--passed through the _collectoria_ on the matto grosso side, which does not include the opposite side of the river, belonging to the province of para, where another _collectoria_ has been established. that quantity of rubber had been collected by some eighty people, all told, including the local indians. [illustration: mundurucu indians.] [illustration: mundurucu indians.] it was impossible to get labour up that river. the few _seringueiros_, chiefly negroes who were there in absolute slavery, had been led and established by their masters up the river, with no chance of getting away. their masters came, of course, every year to bring down the rubber that had been collected. twenty times the quantity could easily be brought down to the coast if labour were obtainable. not only was the juruena river itself almost absolutely untouched commercially--as we have seen, we did not meet a soul during the fifty days we navigated it--but even important tributaries close to s. manoel, such as the euphrasia, the são thomé, the são florencio, the misericordia, and others, were absolutely desert regions, although the quantity of rubber to be found along those streams must be immense. the difficulty of transport, even on the tapajoz--from the junction of the two rivers the juruena took the name of tapajoz river--was very great, although the many rapids there encountered were mere child's play in comparison with those we had met with up above. in them, nevertheless, many lives were lost and many valuable cargoes disappeared for ever yearly. the rubber itself was not always lost when boats were wrecked, as rubber floats, and some of it was generally recovered. the expense of a journey up that river was enormous; it took forty to sixty days from the mouth of the tapajoz to reach the _collectoria_ of s. manoel. thus, on an average the cost of freight on each kilo (about 2 lb.) of rubber between those two points alone was not less than sevenpence or eightpence. as the river tapajoz is extremely tortuous and troublesome, i think that some day, in order to exploit that region fully, it will be found necessary to cut a road through the forest from s. manoel to one of the tributaries of the madeira, such as the river secundury-canuma, from which the rubber could be taken down to the amazon in a few days. from the point of junction of the river tres barras or s. manoel and the juruena, the river was fairly well known. it was partly in order to ascertain whether the project of the road from s. manoel to the madeira were feasible, that i decided to leave the river and cross the forest due west as far as the madeira river. i spent two or three most delightful days enjoying the generous hospitality of mr. barretto. i was able to purchase from him a quantity of provisions, enough to last us some three months, and consisting of tinned food, rice, beans, _farinha_, sugar, coffee, and dried meat. mr. barretto kindly arranged to send his assistant, mr. julio nery, and three apiacar indians in order to help me along during the first two or three days of our journey into the forest. as i should be travelling on foot from that point across virgin forest, and we should have to carry whatever baggage we had, it was necessary for me to abandon all the things which were not of absolute importance, so as to make the loads as light as possible. i left behind at s. manoel a tent, some of my rifles, a quantity of cartridges, etc., the only articles i took along with me besides provisions being my cameras, instruments, the photographic plates already exposed, with some two hundred plates for further work, and the geological and botanical collections, which by that time had got to be valuable. as i was unpacking the different cases in order to sort out the baggage, i came to the box where i expected to find the precious fossil human skull and the vertebræ i had discovered in matto grosso. to my horror the fossils were to be found nowhere. i asked alcides and the other men, and pressed them for an answer. i received a terrible blow indeed when they confessed that nearly a month before, one night while i was asleep, they had taken the valuable possessions and had flung them into the river. their excuse was that the loads were heavy enough in carting baggage along the rapids, and they would not be burdened with what they called "stupid stones." this last bit of infamy turned me so much against my men that i could not bear the sight of them. it will be easily understood that when you go to such great expense and risk as i did in obtaining valuable material, and had obtained it, to be deprived of it through the ignorance and meanness of one's own men, who were treated with the greatest generosity from beginning to end, was certainly most exasperating. in a half-hearted way i packed up all the other things and made ready to continue the journey. the contempt i had for my men from that day, nevertheless, made it quite painful to me to be in their company. at s. manoel the men gave me no end of trouble. benedicto refused to go on any longer. the other men wanted to halt there for a month in order to recuperate their strength. filippe the negro was drunk, and slept all the time we were there. i know too well that on expeditions it is fatal to halt anywhere; therefore i was anxious to push on at once. the night before our departure mr. barretto gave a grand dinner-party in my honour, long speeches being read out by him and his assistant, when we sat down on rough wooden benches and packing-cases to a most elaborate meal of fried fish, grilled fish, boiled fish, tortoise eggs--quantities of them--stewed pork and roast pork. a whole sucking-pig adorned the table. the greatest happiness reigned that night at table, and i owe a deep debt of gratitude to mr. barretto for his exquisite kindness during the two or three days i was his guest. my men were also asked to the banquet, and had a good fill. but i felt extremely sad, quite broken-hearted, over the loss of the fossils, and i could really enjoy nothing notwithstanding outward appearances. after dinner, when my men had retired, mr. barretto and his assistant expressed great surprise at my not having been murdered by my followers before then. they said that in their whole experience they had never come across such impossible creatures. they could not understand how the governor of goyaz could possibly let me start in such company. they seemed most anxious for me, as some of my men had evidently, while drunk, spoken at the _collectoria_ and said things which had greatly upset and frightened the fiscal agent. three days after my arrival in s. manoel i was ready to depart, having conceived a plan to go some 60 kil. farther by river to a point from where i would strike due west across the forest as far as the madeira river. i was just about to go on board the boat placed at my disposal by mr. barretto, when a terrific storm broke out, with lightning and thunder, and a howling wind which blew with fury, raising high waves in the river--very wide at that point. it was a wonderful spectacle, with the river in commotion and the dazzling flashes of lightning across the inky sky. amidst it i saw my faithful canoe being dashed mercilessly by the waves time after time against some sharp rocks, until she broke in two and foundered. i was sorry to see her disappear, for she had served me well. when after a couple of hours the storm cleared, i took my departure, on august 24th. during my stay at s. manoel i had taken observations for latitude (7° 16'·9 s.), longitude (58° 34' w.), and elevation (601 ft. a.s.l. on the river, 721 ft. at the _collectoria_). [illustration: author taking astronomical observations on a sandy beach of the river arinos-juruena.] just across the river, at the mouth of the tres barras, was the _collectoria_ for the state of pará. the pará _seringueiros_ worked on the rio tres barras and its tributaries on its right side--that is to say, the annipirí, the igarapé preto, the cururu, and another (nameless) stream. there were, perhaps, altogether some eighty or a hundred _seringueiros_, all told, working in that immense region on the pará side. in the year 1910, 90,000 kil. of rubber were collected by those few _seringueiros_, and in the year 1911 a slightly larger amount was sent down the river from that point. the pará fiscal agency was only established there on december 11th, 1910. the _collectoria_ was situated in a most beautiful spot on a high point overlooking the mouth of the tres barras, and directly facing the juruena-arinos. on the juruena previous to reaching s. manoel on the left side was a stream in which gold was to be found. amid the affectionate farewells of mr. barretto i left s. manoel in a beautiful boat belonging to the fiscal agent. the effects of light on the water were wonderful after the storm. the river, immensely wide, flowed in a n.n.w. direction, then due north in great straight stretches from 2 to 4 kil. in length. as we had left late in the afternoon we were not able to go far. we passed some beautiful islands, one particularly of immense length, with an extensive sandy beach at its southern end. after going some 18 kil. we came to a great barrier of rocks extending across the river from south-west to north-east. some distance below those rocks a great sand-bank spread half-way across the stream. we halted for the night at the _fazenda_ of colonel gregorio, a _seringueiro_ from whom i expected to get an indian who knew the forest well and who could be of some assistance to me in going across it. the house of col. gregorio--a mere big shed--was a regular armoury, a great many rifles of all ages, sizes, and shapes adorning the walls; then there were fishing spears and harpoons, vicious-looking knives and axes. in the principal room was a large altar with a carved figure of the virgin standing with joined hands before lighted candles and a bottle of green peppermint. the latter was not an offering to the sacred image, but it was placed on the revered spot so that none of gregorio's men should touch it. enormous balls of rubber filled the greater portion of the floor, waiting to be taken down the river. with great trouble the indian--a man called miguel--was induced to accompany me; also a young boy, who, at a salary of 15_s._ a day, agreed to act as carrier. it was not until late in the afternoon on august 25th that we left the _fazenda_ in order to proceed down the stream. we passed the tributary river roncador on the left side, with its beautiful high waterfall a short distance before it enters the tapajoz. we came soon afterwards to the island of s. benedicto, south of which on the left bank was the hill of the veado, 120 ft. high. directly in front of the island, also on the left bank, was the mount of s. benedicto, where legends say an image of that saint exists carved out by nature in the high rocky cliff. as we passed under the hill our crew fired several volleys in honour of the saint; then we landed and i climbed up to go and see the wonderful image. many candles had been burnt on a platform of rock on the cliff side, and the sailors who came up with me brought a new supply of stearine and set them ablaze on that natural altar. the men pointed out to me the figure of the saint, but with all the best intentions in the world i could see no resemblance whatever to a human being. "there it is! there it is!" they shouted, as i twisted my head one way and the other to see if i could find a point of view from which i could see the saint. the men knelt down and prayed fervently for some minutes, as they believed it was necessary to pay these signs of respect in order to ensure a good journey down the river. some went as far as to tear off pieces of their garments and leave them on the rocky platform as offerings. the eastern face of the s. benedicto mount was a vertical wall 200 ft. high in horizontal strata of a deep grey colour, and some 300 m. in length along the river. we had wasted so much time, and the men rowed so badly, that we made poor progress. we only went 21 kil. that day. we halted for the night near a _seringueiro's_ hut at the small rapid of meia carga, or half-charge rapid, because at low water the boats have to be half unloaded in order to get over that spot. the minimum temperature during the night was 69° f. we slept in the boat, and were simply devoured by mosquitoes. the chief of the indians who had been lent me by the fiscal agent became seriously ill during the night with a severe attack of fever. all my men, with no exception, also became ill, and were shivering with cold, owing to fever. the chief of the police, luiz perreira da silva, who had been placed by mr. barretto in charge of the indians who were to accompany me, in jumping from the boat that night on to the shore hurt his foot, the pain caused by that slight injury giving him also a severe attack of fever. so that of the entire crew there remained only two men in good health--viz. mr. julio nery and myself. amid moans and groans we got the boat under way at 6.45 the next morning, the men paddling in a half-hearted manner. as the current was strong we drifted down fairly quickly in a northerly direction, the river there being in a perfectly straight line for some 8,000 m. the width of the river was 1,300 m. behind a little island on the left side, and approached through a circle of dangerous rocks, was the hut of a _seringueiro_ called albuquerque, a man in the employ of colonel brazil, the greatest rubber trader on the river tapajoz. we landed at that point and made preparations so that i could start at once on the journey on foot across the virgin forest. the loads the men were to carry were not heavy--merely from 35 to 40 lb. each--the heaviest load being the one i carried, so as to give a good example to my men. we had ample provisions to last us, with a little economy, three months. when the moment arrived to depart there was not one man who could stand up on his legs; the policeman with his injured foot could not even land from the boat, as it gave him so much pain. the chief of the indians was so ill with the fever and the medicine he had taken that he really looked as if he might not survive. the other indians refused to leave their chief; while the indian miguel, whom i had employed subsequently, flatly refused to come along. much time was wasted talking, mr. nery, a fluent speaker, haranguing the men, who lay around helpless, holding their heads between their hands or rolling themselves on the ground. it is extraordinary how many ailments fright can produce. [illustration: where the rivers arinos-juruena and s. manoel meet.] [illustration: josé maracati, chief of the mundurucus, tapajoz.] the accounts of the forest which i had heard in the neighbourhood were most conflicting. it was really impossible to tell beforehand what the crossing overland between the tapajoz and the madeira river would be like. in order to encourage my own men i had once more increased their pay for the extra hard work i required of them on that occasion, and i promised them each a further present of money if they succeeded in carrying all the loads safely as far as the madeira river. they had agreed to do the work, but unfortunately they were the most unpractical men i have ever come across, and insisted on carrying the loads in a way which made it impossible for them to carry them for any long distance. for instance, one man insisted on carrying a heavy wooden packing-case slung on one side of the body just over the hip, in the fashion in which italians carry barrel-organs in the streets of cities; another man suspended a case on his back by a strap which went round his neck, so that after a few minutes he was absolutely strangled; while filippe the negro let his load hang so low that it would certainly cause a bad sore on his spine. i tried to teach them, but it was no use, as it only led to a row. absolutely disgusted with the whole crowd of them, late that afternoon of august 26th i made ready to start on our difficult journey. chapter xviii starting across the virgin forest--cutting the way incessantly--a rugged, rocky plateau--author's men throw away the supplies of food--attacked by fever--marching by compass--poisoned--author's men break down--author proceeds across forest endeavouring to reach the madeira river--a dramatic scene by three o'clock in the afternoon i had been able to induce the indian miguel, his friend the carrier, and three other apiacar indians to come along with us for a few days in order to carry the heavier packages as far as possible into the forest, so that i could spare my men. it was some relief to me--although i saw plainly that we should surely have disaster sooner or later--when one after the other my men took up their loads and started off. i gave them the correct direction with the compass, almost due west; in fact, to make it easier for them i told them that afternoon to travel in the direction of the sun. with filippe the negro at the head my own men started off at a rapid pace, the others following, while i was at the tail of the procession in order to see that no stragglers remained behind. for a short distance we found an old _picada_ which went practically in the direction we wanted, so my men followed it, only cutting when necessary the vegetation which had grown up here and there. i had only gone a few hundred metres when i saw the ground a little way off our track covered with some white substance. with my usual curiosity i went to see what it was, and found to my disgust a large quantity of rice which had evidently been scattered about there a few moments before. a few yards farther was another patch of white upon the ground, as if it had snowed. a whole sack of flour had been emptied and scattered about in such a way that it could not be recovered. i well knew what was happening. my men were throwing away everything in order to make the loads lighter. so relieved of the weight, they had got far ahead, while the apiacar indians who had remained behind were behaving in so strange a fashion that i had to stay in charge of them, so that they should not escape with the boxes of instruments and collections which they were carrying for me. we went that afternoon some 6 kil. through fairly clean forest, barring a few obstacles such as huge, ancient, fallen trees, the insides of which were all rotted away or eaten up by ants. in one of the cavities of those trees i found another quantity of food which had been hidden by my men. hampered by the indians, who were giving me no end of trouble as they refused to carry their loads, it took me some little time to catch up with my other men. when i did i found them all seated, smacking their lips. they were filling their mouths as fast as they could with handfuls of sugar. when i reprimanded them there was an unpleasant row. they said they were not beasts of burden, that men were not made to carry, and that therefore they had thrown away all the food. under no circumstance would they carry loads any farther. a great deal of tact and persuasion were required. alcides had discarded nearly all the stuff he carried, and was one of the chief offenders on that occasion. matters looked bad. we camped that night near a little streamlet at the point where it had its birth. we still had plenty of food left, notwithstanding what they had thrown away. i warned them that if they threw away any more we should certainly all die of starvation. during the night one of the indians ran away carrying with him a quantity of our provisions. on august 27th i once more proceeded on the march westward, this time with no _picada_ at all to follow, but cutting our way all the time through the forest. mr. julio nery, who had been sent with me, was an enthusiastic and brave man, but in trying to help made us waste a great deal of energy and time. after marching eight hours we had only gone 10 kil. in the right direction, having made many deviations in order to find what he called a more suitable way. we travelled occasionally over thickly wooded, slightly undulating country, but generally the land was flat. [illustration: apiacar boy.] [illustration: apiacar indian.] in the afternoon, when we arrived at the foot of a small hill, we were caught in a drenching storm, the foliage letting the water down upon us in profusion. the walking became heavy. in order to make the loads lighter, my men had removed from the packages the waterproof coverings i had made for them from waterproof sheets. the result was that in that storm nearly our entire supply of salt--some 50 lb. of it--was lost. the powdered sugar, too, suffered considerably, and became a solid sticky mass. we arrived at a stream 10 m. broad flowing from north to south, where we had to halt, as my men said they were absolutely exhausted and could not go another step. the water of that stream was simply delicious. we killed a monkey, which my men ate eagerly for dinner. on august 28th we left that stream at eight o'clock. we were confronted by a succession of steep hills with vertical rocks of immense size, on the summit of which were great slabs also of rock, not unlike angular roofs of houses. it was most difficult, i confess, for my men to take the loads up and down those giant rocks, especially as there were many fallen trees among them and the rocks themselves were extremely slippery. it would not do to repeat in these pages the language of my men as they scrambled up and rolled down the numerous rocks--falling so clumsily that they always managed to injure themselves more or less. i was sorry for my loads, especially the instruments, which got knocked about in a pitiful way. we came across three distinct hill ranges of that type, over which we had to travel, the highest point being some 300 ft. above the level of the tapajoz river. the last bit in particular of that hilly region was diabolically steep, with loose rocks which gave us no end of trouble. a beautiful little streamlet flowing east descended in cascades among those huge rocks. eventually we reached the summit of the plateau, a huge flat expanse of dark red volcanic rock. my men were so tired that we had to camp on that elevation. nothing but a few shrubs grew in the interstices of that great table of rock, which extended for several kilometres to the north. the barrier of rock, a spur of the great central plateau, was very interesting from a geological point of view. on august 29th we again marched westward, cutting our way through the forest, and found two streamlets--one flowing south, the other north. late in the afternoon we arrived at a spot where there was another great mass of rock, most troublesome for us. my men were discontented, saying that when they agreed to march through the forest they had not agreed to march over rocks--as if i had placed these there on purpose to annoy them. they were extremely morose. i knew by their manner that i had fresh trouble in store. in the centre of that second immense table of rock i found a few pools of putrid rain-water in cavities. my men wanted to halt there, but i induced them to march along in hopes of finding a stream at the bottom of the tableland. unluckily we went on and on until the evening and we found no more water at all. only a torrential shower came upon us during the night, and we were able to fill our cups with water to quench our thirst. men and baggage got soaked in that storm. the loads were much heavier to carry the next morning. on august 30th, when i called the men in order to make a start, two of them were attacked severely by fever, their temperature being 103°. they seemed to be in agony, and had no strength left. mr. julio nery said that his duties called him back to his post, and he must return with the indians under his charge. he accompanied me up to lunch-time, when we all together had a hearty meal. after lunch i gave mr. nery and his men ample provisions to return to the river tapajoz, where the boat was awaiting them. not only that, but i presented mr. nery with a handsome rifle and a watch, in remembrance of his politeness to me. in order that he might have a pleasant journey back i also gave him the few tins of delicacies which i had brought for myself, the only four tins of condensed milk i had been able to obtain in s. manoel, and a few tins of sardines which had remained from my provisions i had taken over from england, and which he liked very much. it was a great trial to me to see how my men wasted food all the time. when i examined the loads once more i found that nearly the entire supply of flour, _farinha_, rice, lard, and much of the tinned stuff had been thrown away. we had been marching four and a half days, and out of the three months' provisions we only had food enough left to last us a few days. with my reduced party of my six original men, the indian miguel and his friend the carrier--eight altogether--i started once more in a westerly direction, opening a _picada_--that is to say, cutting our way through the forest. we crossed two streamlets flowing north. after that we came upon a most troublesome patch of swampy land with high reeds in it, the leaves of which cut our hands like razors when we forced our way through them, struggling in mud and slush up to our knees, sometimes as high as our waists. a streamlet flowing north formed the marsh in that low place. the moment we had got out of the marsh the men threw themselves down and said they could go no farther. i pointed out to them that that spot was most unhealthy, and tried to persuade them to go some distance from that pestilential place. but they would not listen to reason, and there they would stay. although i had offered them every possible inducement to come on--their original high pay had been practically trebled as long as the hard work should last--and i had treated them with the greatest consideration, yet they refused to come any farther. they said they had decided to go back. in examining my loads i found that they had abandoned my sextant and other instruments in the forest, and it was only after a great deal of talking that i could induce the man x to go back with me to recover them, for which service he received an immediate present of one pound sterling. as luck would have it, that evening my men shot a plump _jaho_ (_crypturus notivagus_) and a large _mutum_ (_crax pinima_), two enormous birds, most excellent to eat. [illustration: apiacar women.] [illustration: apiacar women.] that camp was stifling, the moisture being excessive, and the miasma rising from the putrid water poisoning my men in a disastrous way. the drinking-water, too, from that swamp was full of germs of all sizes, so big that with the naked eye you could see hundreds of them in your cup. we could not boil the water because all our matches had got wet. we wasted hundreds of them in trying to light a fire, but with no success. flint and steel also proved useless, because the wood was also soaking wet and would not ignite. august 31st was a painful day for me. two of the men were badly laid up with fever, the others were most obnoxious. i had endless trouble in making them take up their loads and start once more. the man x said he would take the load which contained my instruments, but he would certainly leave it, as soon as he had an opportunity, concealed in a spot where it could not be found again. i told him in plain words that if he carried out his intention i would shoot him dead, and i would from that moment do the same to any other man who rebelled. i was surprised to find that the lot of them took their loads upon their shoulders and proceeded to march along as quietly as possible. the brazilian forest was--unlike the equatorial forest of africa--comparatively clean underneath, there being very little undergrowth. it was quite easy to cut one's way through if one knew how. there was a great art in cutting one's way through the forest. if you happened to know the way trees grew or liane were suspended, it was easy enough to cut them with one sharp blow of the large knives. but if you did not happen to know the formation of the trees and you struck them the wrong way, you had to hit them many times before you knocked them down. the same thing and worse happened with liane, which could be severed easily with one stroke if it were applied the right way, but which wound round and entangled you in a merciless manner if hit at a wrong angle. no observant person, however, experiences trouble in marching through the brazilian forest, and if not hindered by impossible followers it would be quite easy to march long distances daily in any part of the forest without much inconvenience. this statement only applies to the actual marching, and does not at all mean that you had not to go through severe sufferings and endless trials of other kinds. unless you were careful where you were sitting, you found yourself spiked by thorns of great length which were strewn all over the forest hidden under the thick carpet of discarded foliage from the trees. not only that, but the moment you sat down your body was simply invaded by swarms of ants of all sizes and degrees of viciousness, which proceeded to bite you all over with considerable vigour. there were not many mosquitoes where the forest was dense, but there were millions--in fact, milliards--of bees, which rendered your life absolutely unbearable, as they clung to your face, hands and clothes. fortunately, they did not sting, but clinging with their claws upon your skin they produced such an irritation that you were nearly driven mad by it. then there were fetid bugs of huge size, the sickening odour of which when they touched you had quite a nauseating effect. they seemed to have a particular fondness for settling upon your lips or entering your mouth. when by mishap you swallowed them, their taste was something too appalling. once or twice while i was eating i had the misfortune to crack one or two under my teeth. i had the bad taste of them in my mouth for hours after. when we halted for lunch my men were in a shocking condition. i could not quite understand what had happened. most of them seemed to suffer from violent internal inflammation accompanied by high fever. in order to make things as easy as possible for them i once more rearranged the loads that afternoon, abandoning six hundred rifle cartridges, several tins of hyposulphite of soda, other chemicals, all the developing trays, etc., for my photographic work, and a number of valuable trinkets i had collected. much to my sorrow i had also to abandon the geological collection, which was too heavy to be carried any farther. then i had to abandon all the books which were necessary for working out my astronomical observations, such as norrie's _navigation_ and _the nautical almanac_, and all possible articles which were not absolutely necessary. after i had gone to the great trouble of unpacking everything in order to make the loads lighter, i was surprised to discover, a few minutes later, that the men had appropriated most of the stuff and shoved it back in their loads--in order, perhaps, to sell it when they got to manaos. i said nothing, as it suited me very well. i should have gladly repurchased the things from them on the way. one man opened a tin of powdered hyposulphite and, believing it to be powdered sugar, proceeded to pour it down his throat. had i the bad habit of making puns, i should say that i just saved him in time from being "fixed" for good. as it was he swallowed some, and became very ill indeed for some hours. we luckily killed a big _mutum_ and two monkeys before leaving that camp, but my men were so ill that they left them on the ground, saying they had not the strength to carry them so that we might eat them for dinner. well knowing what was in store for us, i proceeded to carry the huge bird (much larger than a big turkey) and one of the monkeys (as big as a child three years old) upon my shoulders. it was all i could do to struggle along under the heavy load, as i already carried upon my person some 24 lb. in weight of gold, silver, other moneys, and instruments, while on my shoulders hung a weight of some 40 lb. add to that the big bird and the monkey, and altogether the weight was certainly not less than 90 lb. i was simply smothered under it. we suffered a good deal that day from lack of water and from the intense heat. there seemed to be no air in the forest, and our breathing was heavy. each time a man fell down and refused to go on i had to put down my load, go to his assistance and persuade him to get up again. it was a most trying experience. after going some eight hours without finding a drop of water, our throats absolutely parched with thirst, we luckily came upon some _solveira_ trees, which, when incised, exuded most excellent milk--only, of course, it dropped down tantalizingly slowly, while we were cruelly thirsty, especially my men in their feverish state. it was curious to see them all clinging to the tree with their mouths applied to the wounds in order to suck the milk. [illustration: mundurucu women.] [illustration: apiacar children.] some way farther on we came across some rubber trees--which fact made us joyful, as we knew water would then be near. in fact, a kilometre beyond, water of a deep reddish yellow colour was found in a streamlet 10 m. wide, flowing north. we halted on the western bank. we had been cutting through the forest the entire day. my men were simply exhausted. i, too, was glad when i put down the bird and the monkey--particularly as they had a pungent odour, quite typical of wild animals of brazil, which affected my nose for some hours afterwards. also they were covered with parasites, which caused violent itching on my neck and shoulders, on which they had been resting. i had marched all the time, compass in hand, next to the man who with the large knife opened the way through the forest. we had travelled all day--cutting, cutting all the time--and by the evening we had gone about 10 kil.--that is to say, at the rate of a little over 1 kil. an hour. the yellow water of the stream--it looked just like strong tea, and tasted of everything in the world except water--had not a beneficial effect upon my men. for some reason of their own the men, who seldom took a bath in the clean rivers, insisted on bathing in those coloured waters, which, i might also add, were just then almost stagnant in that particular section of the stream. personally, i had taken out a large cup full of water before they had gone to bathe, and avoided drinking again; but my men drank that water, made dirtier by their immersion and the use of soap--my soap, too! the next morning all had excruciating headaches. their legs dangled, and they did not seem to be able to stand on them. only the indian--miguel--seemed to have any strength left. he was a nasty-looking individual, always sulky and pensive as if under some great weight upon his conscience. miguel and i walked in front, he with a big knife opening the way in the forest for the others to come behind. just before leaving camp on september 1st i had gone some distance up the yellow stream in order to get a last drink in case we found no other water that day. the indian, who was supposed to know the forest well, knew nothing whatever, and always misled me whenever i asked for information. a few minutes after we had left, i was seized with violent shivers, my teeth chattered, and i felt quite as frozen as if i had suddenly dropped in the arctic regions. evidently i had been poisoned by the water. i collapsed under my load, and for some moments i could not get up again. although i had spent all my time and energy helping everybody else to get up when in difficulty, not one of my men came near me to unfasten the loads from my shoulders or help me to get up on my legs again. they merely squatted a little way off when they saw that i had collapsed, and proceeded to roll up their cigarettes and smoke. true, i did not let my men suspect that i was very ill. after a few minutes i struggled up once more under my heavy load and asked the men to come along. i had been seized with such a violent attack of fever that my strength seemed to have vanished all of a sudden, my limbs quivering in a most alarming way. i carried a clinical thermometer on my person. my temperature was 104° f. from ten o'clock in the morning until three in the afternoon the attack of fever was so acute that several times i fell down. my men, who were in a pitiable condition that day, collapsed, now one, now another, although their loads were less than half the weight of mine, each man carrying about 40 lb. we marched until four o'clock that afternoon, but only covered a distance of 6 kil. in that entire day. two of the men had abandoned their loads altogether, as they could not carry them any farther. what vexed me considerably was that they had discarded my valuable things in preference to leaving the great weight of rubbish of their own which they insisted on carrying, such as looking-glasses, combs, brushes, a number of old clothes in shreds, and the heavy hammocks, which weighed not less than 20 lb. each. we found water in a streamlet which formed a marsh. there my men insisted on making camp. it was a most unhealthy spot. ill as i was, i endeavoured to induce them to come on a little farther and see if we could improve on that halting-place. miguel, the indian, who had slightly scratched his finger, now refused to cut the _picada_ any longer, as he said the pain was intense. it was only by giving him a present of money that i had succeeded in leading the man on until we reached the marsh. curiously enough, the man x, who was the champion rascal of the crowd, proved himself that day to be the best of the whole lot. he even went back with me to try and recover some of the most important things from the loads which the men had abandoned some 2 kil. before we had made our camp. as we stumbled along we could not even lean against the trees to have a little rest, as most of them had thousands of horizontal thorns of great length sticking out all around them. innumerable thorns were upon the ground. our feet were full of them. i looked all the time where i was putting my feet, but sometimes the thorns were hidden under masses of dried foliage, and they were so long and so strong that they went clean through the sides of my shoes. the last blow came to me that evening, when my men informed me that we had no food whatever left. all that remained of our three months' provisions were six tins of sardines and one tin of anchovies. that was all. my men made no secret of having thrown away everything as we came along. the sugar, for which they had a perfect craving, they had eaten, consuming in the last two days the entire supply of 30 lb., which had remained until then. it was then that i understood the cause of the internal inflammation from which they all suffered. they were greatly excited, and demanded the balance of their money, not wishing to come on any more; they wanted to fall back on the river tapajoz and go home. there was a riot. they threatened to shoot me if i insisted on their coming on. just then a big black monkey appeared upon a tree, inquisitively watching our doings. the man x shot it. a moment later a big _jaho_ was brought down, also by the man x, who was the best shot of the party. my men were never too ill to eat. they immediately proceeded to skin the poor monkey and pluck the feathers from the bird, in order to prepare a hearty meal. but they complained that they had no _feijão_, and no coffee after their dinner. when we started a few days before we had a supply of 40 lb. of coffee. feasting on the meat did not seem to be a good remedy for internal inflammation and fever. the next morning my men were really in a precarious condition. i saw that it was out of the question for them to continue. personally, i would certainly not go back. i came to an understanding with them that i would leave sufficient ammunition for them to shoot with, as there seemed to be plenty of game in that particular part of the forest. we would divide equally what provisions we had--that is to say, three tins of sardines for each party. i would also give them sufficient money for one of them, or two, to fall back on the river and purchase provisions for the entire party. i made them promise that they should remain in charge of my baggage, most of which i would leave with them at that spot, while i, with two men, would go right across the forest as far as the madeira river, where i would endeavour to get fresh men and new provisions. the men agreed to this. as i could not trust any of them, i took the precaution to take along with me all my notebooks and the maps i had made of the entire region we had crossed, four hundred glass negatives which i had taken and developed, a number of unexposed plates, a small camera, my chronometer, one aneroid, a sextant, a prismatic compass, one other compass, and a number of other things which were absolutely necessary. the rest of the baggage i left at that spot. i begged the men to take special care of the packages. all i asked of them was to prop them up on stones so that the termites and ants should not destroy my possessions, and to make a shed with palm leaves so as to protect the packages as much as possible from the rain. the men promised to do all this faithfully. we drew lots as to who were to be the two to accompany me on the difficult errand across the virgin forest. fate selected filippe the negro and benedicto, both terribly ill. we had no idea whatever what the distance would be between that point and the madeira river. it might take us a few days to get there; it might take us some months. all the provisions we of the advance party should have to depend upon were the three tins of sardines and the tin of anchovies--the latter had remained in our possession when we tossed up as to which of the two parties should have it. the indian miguel was induced at the last moment to come also, and with him came the carrier his friend. early on september 2nd i was ready to start, and roused poor filippe and benedicto, who were in a shocking state. without a word of farewell from the men we left behind, and for whom we were about to sacrifice our lives perhaps, we started on our dangerous mission. the indian miguel and myself walked in front, cutting the way all the time, while i held my compass in hand so as to keep the correct direction west. considering all, we marched fairly well. it was curious to note how difficult it was for men to travel in a straight line while cutting a way through the forest. i noticed that the indian, when cutting his way through, using the knife in his right hand, would gradually veer to the right, so that if you let him go long enough he would describe a regular circle and come back to his original starting-point. if he cut the way with the left hand, the tendency would be to keep to the left all the time until he had described a circle that way. that was not characteristic of that man only, but of nearly all the men i met in brazil when making a _picada_. it was therefore necessary to keep constant watch with the compass so that the deviation should be as small as possible during the march. we had gone but a short distance from camp when we came to a streamlet of the most delicious water. i had suffered a great deal from thirst the day before. we had been so poisoned by the yellow water of the stream that i did not like to try more experiments at the marsh where my men insisted on making camp. so that now i really enjoyed a good drink of the limpid water. that day we found too much water. on going 1 kil. farther, about 4 kil. from camp, we found another wider and equally delicious streamlet, 2 m. wide. all the streams we met flowed in a northerly direction. we walked and walked the entire day, until 6 p.m., covering a distance of 26 kil. the indian miguel worried me the whole day, saying that cutting the _picada_ was heavy work and he could not go on, as his finger was hurting him, and the pay he received--£1 sterling a day--was too small for the work he had to do. i had to keep constant watch on him, as he was a man of a slippery nature, and i did not know what he might do from one moment to another. also he said we were simply committing suicide by trying to go through the virgin forest, as we should meet thousands of indians who would attack us, and we had no chance of escape. i needed this man and his companion to carry my sextant and the unexposed photographic plates, some two hundred of them, which were of considerable weight. that night, when we made camp, miguel shot a fine _jacú_ (_penelope cristata_), and we had a meal. soon after a regular downpour came upon us, making us feel most uncomfortable. at about eight o'clock, however, the rain stopped. with a great deal of trouble we were able to light a fire, while the wet leaves of the trees kept on dropping water on us and making a peculiar rustling noise on the carpet of dead foliage on the ground. by the light of that fire a weird and almost tragic scene took place. miguel came up to me, and said in a dramatic tone that for the sake of his wife and children i must let him go back, as we were marching to sure death. if i did not let him go back ... here he took his forehead between his hands--"god help me!" he said, and he burst into tears. he said he did not wish for his pay, as he had not fulfilled his contract. whatever he had on his person he was willing to give me if i would only let him go back. i said i wished him to keep all his possessions, and as he did not wish to go along with me i would certainly let him go back the next morning. he would then also receive the pay according to the time he had been with me. miguel went back near the fire, where he cried for some time. accustomed to deal with brazilians, i perceived that miguel thought my promises too good to be true. when leaving the last camp i had improvised for myself a kind of hammock with some straps and a waterproof canvas sheet which i had cut out of one of my tents. i was lying in that hammock thinking, when i saw miguel get up, and, screening his eyes with his hand, look fixedly my way. i pretended to be asleep. miguel--who, by the way, was a christian--took the dagger from his waist and walking to a large tree scratched a cross upon its bark. then, sticking the knife with force into the tree, he clasped his hands over its handle, and bent his head over it, muttering some prayers. twice--perhaps thinking he was being observed--he turned round towards me, and when he did so the expression on his face, lighted by the flickering flame, was really ghastly. he prayed for some ten minutes, then, with the dagger in his hand, he walked cautiously towards my hammock. he was within 3 metres of me when i jumped up, seizing filippe's rifle, which i had placed by my side in the hammock. with the butt i struck the indian a violent blow in the chest. he stumbled back, dropped his knife and went down on his knees touching my feet with his trembling hands and begging my pardon. again came more sobs and tears; again more entreaties to be discharged. i got up and confiscated his rifle and all his cartridges, as well as the knife, then sent him to his hammock to sleep. the next morning i would see what i could do. i saw clearly that it was no use taking on a man like that, who added to my other trials somewhat of a mental strain. the next morning, before sunrise, we were up again. i gave miguel and his friend their full salaries up to date and sent them back. i handed him his rifle and cartridges, which were his own possessions, but i kept the knife as a memento. even when treating men generously in brazil you had always to beware of treachery. i told miguel and his friend to walk straight ahead and not turn round. i warned miguel not to unsling his rifle from his shoulders until he had walked half a league. if he did while still in sight of me i would put a bullet through him. i said it and i meant it. chapter xix benedicto and filippe show courage--confronted with a mountainous country--steep ravines--no food--painful marches--starving--ammunition rendered useless by moisture--the "pros" and "cons" of smoking--a faint hope--a forged tin which should have contained anchovies--curious effects of starvation upon the brain--where money is of no avail--why there was nothing to eat in the forest--the sauba ants--sniffed by a jaguar--filippe tries to commit suicide. the departure of those two men added much to our troubles. i had to abandon at that spot all the unused photographic plates, my sextant and a large prismatic compass, half the supply of cartridges we had taken with us, a pair of extra shoes, and a number of other things. with our reduced loads we made an early start, filippe that day behaving very bravely. "never mind," said he; "if all the others are afraid, i am not. i will follow you anywhere. after all, nothing can happen to us worse than death. you have always behaved kindly to me, and i will never abandon you." both filippe and benedicto were still poorly, but the violent exertion of the previous day had done them good and their condition seemed to have slightly improved. we started once more across the virgin forest, directing our steps due west. filippe this time undertook to open the _picada_, while i, compass in hand, marched directly behind him, benedicto following me. filippe, who was unaccustomed to go through the forest, was even worse than miguel for keeping the correct direction. if i had let him go, he would have described circle after circle upon himself instead of going in a straight line. from that point our march across the forest became tragic. perhaps i can do nothing better than reproduce almost word by word the entries in my diary. we ate that morning what little there remained of the _mutum_ we had shot the previous evening. little we knew then that we were not to taste fresh meat again for nearly a month from that date. during september 3rd we made fairly good progress, cutting our way through incessantly. we went that day 20 kil. we had no lunch, and it was only in the evening that we opened the last of the three small boxes of sardines, our entire dinner consisting of three and a half sardines each. on september 4th we were confronted, soon after our departure, with a mountainous country with deep ravines and furrows, most trying for us owing to their steepness. we went over five ranges of hills from 100 to 300 ft. in height, and we crossed five streamlets in the depressions between those successive ranges. filippe was again suffering greatly from an attack of fever, and i had to support him all the time, as he had the greatest difficulty in walking. benedicto had that day been entrusted with the big knife for cutting the _picada_. we went some 20 kil. that day, with nothing whatever to eat, as we had already finished the three boxes of sardines, and i was reserving the box of anchovies for the moment when we could stand hunger no longer. on september 5th we had another very terrible march over broken country, hilly for a good portion of the distance, but quite level in some parts. the man benedicto, who was a great eater, now collapsed altogether, saying that he could no longer carry his load and could not go on any farther without food. the entire day our eyes had roamed in all directions, trying to discover some wild fruit which was edible, or some animal we might shoot, but there was the silence of death all around us. not a branch, not a leaf was moved by a living thing; no fruit of any kind was to be seen anywhere. our appetite was keen, and it certainly had one good effect--it stopped filippe's fever and, in fact, cured it altogether. the two men were tormenting me the whole day, saying they had no faith in the compass: how could a brass box--that is what they called it--tell us where we could find _feijão_? it was beyond them to understand it. they bemoaned themselves incessantly, swearing at the day they had been persuaded to come along with me and leave their happy homes in order to die of starvation in the forest with a mad englishman! and why did we go across the forest at all, where there was no trail, when we could have gone down by the river on a trading boat? on september 6th it was all i could do to wake up my men. when they did wake, they would not get up, for they said the only object in getting up was to eat, and as there was nothing to eat there was no use in getting up. they wanted to remain there and die. i had to use a great deal of gentle persuasion, and even told them a big story--that my _agulha_ or needle (the compass) was telling me that morning that there was plenty of _feijão_ ahead of us. we struggled on kilometre after kilometre, one or another of us collapsing under our loads every few hundred metres. we went over very hilly country, crossing eight hill ranges that day with steep ravines between. in fact, all that country must once have been a low tableland which had been fissured and then eroded by water, leaving large cracks. at the bottom of each we found brooks and streamlets of delicious water. of the eight rivulets found that day one only was fairly large. it fell in little cascades over rock. we could see no fish in its waters. the forest was fairly clean underneath, and we had no great difficulty in getting through, a cut every now and then with the knife being sufficient to make a passage for us. i had by that time entirely given up the idea of opening a regular _picada_, over which i could eventually take the men and baggage i had left behind. we found that day a palm with a bunch of small nuts which benedicto called _coco do matto_; he said they were delicious to eat, so we proceeded to cut down the tall palm tree. when we came to split open the small _cocos_ our disappointment was great, for they merely contained water. there was nothing whatever to eat inside the hard shells. we spent some two hours that evening cracking the _cocos_--some two hundred of them--each nut about the size of a cherry. they were extremely hard to crack, and our expectant eyes were disappointed two hundred times in succession as we opened every one and found nothing whatever to eat in them. we were beginning to feel extremely weak, with a continuous feeling of emptiness in our insides. personally, i felt no actual pain. the mental strain, perhaps, was the most trying thing for me, for i had no idea when we might find food. i was beginning to feel more than ever the responsibility of taking those poor fellows there to suffer for my sake. on their side they certainly never let one moment go by during the day or night without reminding me of the fact. on september 7th i had the greatest difficulty in getting the men out of their hammocks. they were so exhausted that i could not rouse them. we had had a terrific storm during the night, which had added misery to our other sufferings. innumerable ants were now causing us a lot of damage. filippe's coat, which had dropped out of his hammock, was found in the morning entirely destroyed. those miniature demons also cut the string to which i had suspended my shoes in mid-air, and no sooner had they fallen to the ground than the ants started on their mischievous work. when i woke up in the morning all that remained of my shoes were the two leather soles, the upper part having been completely destroyed. going through the forest, where thorns of all sizes were innumerable, another torture was now in store for me. with pieces of string i turned the soles of the shoes into primitive sandals; but when i started on the march i found that they hurt me much more than if i walked barefooted. after marching a couple of kilometres, my renovated foot-gear hurt me so much in going up and down the steep ravines that i took off the sandals altogether and flung them away. that day we went over eleven successive hill ranges and crossed as many little streamlets between them. my men were terribly downhearted. we had with us a mauser and two hundred cartridges, but although we did nothing all day long but look for something to kill we never heard a sound of a living animal. only one day at the beginning of our fast did i see a big _mutum_--larger than a big turkey. the bird had never seen a human being, and sat placidly perched on the branch of a tree, looking at us with curiosity, singing gaily. i tried to fire with the mauser at the bird, which was only about seven or eight metres away, but cartridge after cartridge missed fire. i certainly spent not less than twenty minutes constantly replenishing the magazine, and not a single cartridge went off. they had evidently absorbed so much moisture on our many accidents in the river and in the heavy rain-storms we had had of late, that they had become useless. while i was pointing the gun the bird apparently took the greatest interest in my doings, looked at me, stooping down gracefully each time that the rifle missed fire, singing dainty notes almost as if it were laughing at me. the funny part of it all was that we eventually had to go away disappointed, leaving the bird perched on that very same branch. as the days went by and we could find nothing to eat, my two men lost their courage entirely. they now refused to suffer any longer. they said they had not the strength to go back, so they wanted to lie down and die. many times a day did i have to lift them up again and persuade them gently to come on another few hundred metres or so. perhaps then we might find the great river madeira, where we should certainly meet traders from whom we could get food. filippe the negro was a great smoker. he had brought some tobacco with him, and he had so far smoked all the time. he said that as long as he had a cigarette in his mouth he did not feel the pangs of hunger quite so much. since my return to civilization i have been constantly told by smokers that if i had been a smoker too i might have suffered less than i did. now let me tell you what happened to smoker filippe when his tobacco came to an end on that painful march. filippe became a raving lunatic, and in a fit of passion was about to stick right through his heart the large knife with which we cut our way through the forest. i had quite a struggle in order to get the knife away from him, and an additional strain was placed upon my mind by keeping a constant watch on the knife so that it could not be used for suicidal purposes. poor benedicto, who was of a less violent nature, from morning to night implored to be killed. the two together moaned and groaned incessantly, and accused me a hundred times a day of taking them there on purpose to die. they certainly made me feel the full and heavy weight of our tragic position. the mental strain of leading along those two poor fellows was indeed much more trying to me than the actual lack of food. in order to save as much as possible of the baggage we carried, i promised filippe and benedicto a considerable present of money if they were able to take the stuff until we reached the madeira river. late in the afternoon of september 7th, as we were on a high point above the last range of hills met that day, a large panorama opened before us, which we could just see between the trees and foliage of the forest. to obtain a full view of the scenery it was necessary to climb up a tree. i knew well that we could not yet have reached the river we were looking for, but perhaps we were not far from some large tributary of the madeira, such as the secundury. climbing up trees in the brazilian forest was easier said than done, even when you possessed your full strength. so many were the ants of all sizes which attacked you with fury the moment you embraced the tree, that it was not easy to get up more than a few feet. when we drew lots as to whom of us should climb the tree, benedicto was the one selected by fate. benedicto was certainly born under an unlucky star; when anything nasty or unpleasant happened to anybody it was always to poor benedicto. after a lot of pressing he proceeded to go up the tree, uttering piercing yells as every moment great _sauba_ ants bit his arms, legs or body. he was brave enough, and slowly continued his way up until he reached a height of some 30 ft. above the ground, from which eminence he gave us the interesting news that there were some high hills standing before us to the west, while to the north-west was a great flat surface covered by dense forest. no sooner had benedicto supplied us with this information from his high point of vantage than we heard an agonising yell and saw him spread flat on the ground, having made a record descent. filippe and i, although suffering considerably, were in fits of laughter at benedicto, who did not laugh at all, but pawed himself all over, saying he must have broken some bones. when i proceeded to examine him i found upon his body over a hundred _sauba_ ants clinging to his skin with their powerful clippers. aching all over, poor benedicto got up once more. i put the load upon his back and we resumed our journey, making a precipitous descent almost _à pic_ down the hill side. our knees were so weak that we fell many times and rolled down long distances on that steep incline. at last we got to the bottom, rejoicing in our hearts that we had no more hills to climb, as i had made up my mind that i would now march slightly to the north-west, so as to avoid the hilly region which benedicto had discovered to the west. my men had an idea that the great river we were looking for must be in that plain. for a few hours they seemed to have regained their courage. we heard some piercing shrieks, and we at once proceeded in their direction, as we knew they came from monkeys. in fact we found an enormously high tree, some 5 ft. in diameter. up on its summit some beautiful yellow fruit stared us in the face. four tiny monkeys were busy eating the fruit. benedicto, who had by that time become very religious, joined his hands and offered prayers to the virgin that the monkeys might drop some fruit down, but they went on eating while we gazed at them from below. we tried to fire at them with the mauser, but again not a single cartridge went off. eventually the monkeys dropped down the empty shells of the fruit they had eaten. with our ravenous appetite we rushed for them and with our teeth scraped off the few grains of sweet substance which remained attached to the inside of the shells. we waited and waited under that tree for a long time, filippe now joining also in the prayers. each time a shell dropped our palates rejoiced for a few moments at the infinitesimal taste we got from the discarded shells. it was out of the question to climb up such a big tree or to cut it down, as we had no strength left. we went on until sunset; my men once more having lost heart. brazilians lose heart very easily. at the sight of small hills before them, a steep descent, or a deep river to cross, they would lie down and say they wanted to remain there and die. filippe and benedicto did not carry more than 20 lb. each of my own baggage, but their hammocks weighed some 20 lb. each, so that their loads weighed altogether about 40 lb. we went on, crossing five more streamlets that afternoon, of which one, 2 m. wide, had beautifully limpid water. we nevertheless went on, until eventually after sunset we had to camp near a stream of filthy water. we did not mind that so much, because, contrary to the popular idea that while you are starving you require a great deal of water, i found that during those days of starvation both my men and myself hardly ever touched water at all. personally i am accustomed to drink only with my meals, and as i had no meals at all i never had the slightest wish to drink. my men, however, who while on the river, for instance, when we had plenty of food, drank perhaps twenty times a day from the stream, now that they were starving only seldom touched the water, and when they did, only in very small quantities. i do not suppose that my men during the entire period of starvation drank on an average more than a wineglass of water a day. personally i know that i never drank more than half a tumbler or less in the twenty-four hours during that time. under normal circumstances i drink about a quart of water a day. the water, i may say, was plentiful all the time, and, barring a few occasions, such as on that particular night, most excellent. as we had now been four entire days without eating anything at all, i thought it was high time to open the valuable tin of anchovies--the only one in our possession. we had a terrible disappointment when i opened the tin. i had purchased it in s. manoel from mr. barretto. to our great distress we discovered that instead of food it contained merely some salt and a piece of slate. this was a great blow to us. the box was a brazilian counterfeit of a tin of anchovies. how disheartening to discover the fraud at so inopportune a moment! i had reserved the tin until the last as i did not like the look of it from the outside. we kept the salt--which was of the coarsest description. on september 8th we were slightly more fortunate, as the country was flatter. i was steering a course of 290° b.m. (n.w.). i found that farther south we would have encountered too mountainous a country. we crossed several streamlets, the largest 3 m. wide, all of which flowed south. we had no particular adventure that day, and considering all things, we marched fairly well--some 20 kil. towards the evening we camped on a hill. when we got there we were so exhausted that we made our camp on the summit, although there was no water near. on september 9th, after marching for half an hour we arrived at a stream 15 m. wide, which i took at first to be the river secundury, a tributary of the madeira river. near the banks of that stream we found indications that human beings had visited that spot--perhaps the indians we had heard so much about. the marks we found, however, were, i estimated, about one year old. although these signs should have given us a little courage to go on, we were so famished and exhausted that my men sat down on the river bank and would not proceed. by that time we had got accustomed even to the fierce bites of the ants. we had no more strength to defend ourselves. in vain we strained our eyes all the time in search of wild fruit. in the river we saw plenty of fish; we had a fishing-line with us, but no bait whatever that we could use. there are, of course, no worms underground where ants are so numerous. we could not make snares in the river, as it was much too deep. so we sat with covetous eyes, watching the fish go by. it was most tantalising, and made us ten times more hungry than ever to be so near food and not be able to get it. it is curious how hunger works on your brain. i am not at all a glutton, and never think of food under ordinary circumstances. but while i was starving i could see before me from morning till night, in my imagination, all kinds of delicacies--caviare, russian soups, macaroni au gratin, all kinds of refreshing ice-creams, and plum pudding. curiously enough, some days i had a perfect craving for one particular thing, and would have given anything i possessed in the world to obtain a morsel of it. the next day i did not care for that at all, in my imagination, but wanted something else very badly. the three things which i mostly craved for while i was starving were caviare, galantine of chicken, and ice-cream--the latter particularly. people say that with money you can do anything you like in the world. i had at that time on my person some £6,000 sterling, of which £4,000 was in actual cash. if anybody had placed before me a morsel of any food i would gladly have given the entire sum to have it. but no, indeed; no such luck! how many times during those days did i vividly dream of delightful dinner and supper parties at the savoy, the carlton, or the ritz, in london, paris, and new york! how many times did i think of the delicious meals i had had when a boy in the home of my dear father and mother! i could reconstruct in my imagination all those meals, and thought what an idiot i was to have come there out of my own free will to suffer like that. my own dreams were constantly interrupted by benedicto and filippe, who also had similar dreams of the wonderful meals they had had in their own houses, and the wonderful ways in which their _feijãozinho_--a term of endearment used by them for their beloved beans--had been cooked at home by their sweethearts or their temporary wives. "why did we leave our _feijãozinho_"--and here they smacked their lips--"to come and die in this rotten country?" all day i heard them talk of _feijãozinho_, _feijãozinho_, until i was wearied to distraction by that word--particularly as, even when starving, i had no desire whatever to eat the beastly stuff. the negro filippe and benedicto were really brave in a way. i tried to induce them all the time to march as much as we could, so as to get somewhere; but every few moments they sat or fell down, and much valuable time was wasted. in a way it was amusing to watch them--poor benedicto particularly, who every few minutes would take out a little pocket looking-glass to gaze at his countenance. "am i not thin?" he would ask me a dozen times a day. "i have never been so thin before. if i had not come with you i should not be so thin. it is all because we have no food that i am so thin.... if i had not met you i would never have been so thin!"--and so on all day. i reminded him that when we were travelling on the river he had complained of baling the water out of the canoe and preferred to travel overland; now that we were travelling overland he had a new complaint to make. it was quite unreasonable. he was not the only one to get thin; we were all getting thin. benedicto greatly objected to carry the 15 lb. weight of glass negatives, but he did not mind at all carrying a lot of useless things of his own, which weighed an extra 20 lb. or so! since my return i have been constantly asked why, when we were starving, we did not eat the grass in the forest; why we did not feed on the leaves or roots of the trees? if we could find no fruit, why did not we eat monkeys or birds or other animals? why did not we dig for worms and feed on them? as i have already stated, there were no worms in the forest because of the ants, which allow no insect to be underground near the surface. as for the grass, it takes no very intelligent person to see that it cannot exist under the trees of the tropical forest. if a few blades of grass are to be found on the edge of streamlets it does not follow that you can eat them. that grass is usually poisonous. the same may be said of the leaves and roots of trees, even admitting that you could reach the former--which is not the case, as the leaves are usually at a great height upon the trees, and when you are starving you have not the strength to climb up. it also follows that where there is no edible fruit there can be no birds or monkeys, as animals generally have enough sense not to settle where there is nothing to eat. again, even allowing that some rare trees, the fruit of which was edible, were to be found, it does not do to lose sight of the fact that you may be passing under that tree at the season when it is not bearing fruit, as fruit-trees, even in tropical countries, do not always bear fruit at a time to suit the convenience of the passing traveller. as i have said, the country we were traversing was there hilly and rocky, and we were cutting across the headwaters of numerous tributaries, first of the tapajoz river, then of the madeira river--the tiny watercourses, most of them only a few inches wide, descending in numerous successive small cascades over rocks--therefore no fish was to be found. when we did find it in the big rivers we had no way to catch it. it then again follows, concerning the country between great rivers, that where there is no fish, no game, no fruit, no vegetables, and no possible way of cultivating the land, there can be no inhabitants. that was why the great brazilian forest in that region was uninhabited by human beings. it was rather pathetic, looking back on those days, to think of the small cooking pot i carried during that time of starvation in hopes that we might find something to cook. its weight was not great, but it was a cumbersome thing to carry, as it dangled about and caught in all the vegetation. as the days went by and our strength got less and less every hour, i decided not to cut the forest any more, but to go through without that extra exertion. as i could not trust my men with the big knife, i had to carry it myself, as occasionally it had to be used--especially near streams, where the vegetation was always more or less entangled. that evening (september 9th) we had halted at sunset--simply dead with fatigue and exhaustion. the _sauba_ ants had cut nearly all the strings of filippe's hammock; while he was resting peacefully on it the remainder of the strings broke, and he had a bad fall. he was so exhausted that he remained lying on the ground, swarming all over with ants and moaning the whole time, having no strength to repair the hammock. when filippe eventually fell into a sound slumber i had a curious experience in the middle of the night. i was sleeping in my improvised hammock, when i felt two paws resting on my body and something sniffing in my face. when i opened my eyes i found a jaguar, standing up on its hind paws, staring me straight in the face. the moment i moved, the astonished animal, which had evidently never seen a human being before, leapt away and disappeared. i find that people have strange ideas about wild animals. it is far from true that wild beasts are vicious. i have always found them as gentle as possible. although i have seen nearly every wild beast that it is possible for man to see in the world, i have never once been attacked by them, although on dozens of occasions i have come into close contact with them. i invariably found all wild animals--except the african buffalo--quite timid and almost gentle, unless, of course, they have been worried or wounded. these remarks do not apply to wild animals in captivity. on september 10th--that was the seventh day of our involuntary fast--we had another dreary march, again without a morsel of food. my men were so downhearted that i really thought they would not last much longer. hunger was playing on them in a curious way. they said that they could hear voices all round them and people firing rifles. i could hear nothing at all. i well knew that their minds were beginning to go, and that it was a pure hallucination. benedicto and filippe, who originally were both atheists of an advanced type, had now become extremely religious, and were muttering fervent prayers all the time. they made a vow that if we escaped alive they would each give £5 sterling out of their pay to have a big mass celebrated in the first church they saw. they spoke in a disconnected way, and looked about in a dazed condition, alternating hysterical laughter with abundant tears. after filippe's tobacco had come to an end he had become most dejected, all the time wishing to commit suicide. "what is the use of more suffering?" he exclaimed fifty times a day. "let me die quickly, as i can stand the pain no more!" then all of a sudden his eyes would shine, he would prick up his ears, crying: "we are near people!--we are near people! i can hear voices! let us fire three shots" (the signal all over central brazil of an approaching stranger or of help required), "so that people can come to our assistance!" that was much easier said than done, because none of our cartridges would go off. we had one box of matches left. we had taken several boxes of them, but filippe had used them all in lighting his cigarettes, and we had only one left, which i guarded with much care. to please my men we lighted a big fire, and in it we placed a number of cartridges so that they should explode. in fact some of them actually did explode, and my men strained their ears in order to discover responding sounds. but no sounds came, although they imagined they could hear all kinds of noises. at this place i abandoned the few cartridges we had, as they were absolutely useless. they were mauser cartridges which i had bought in rio de janeiro, and it is quite possible that they were counterfeits. taking things all round, my men behaved very well, but these were moments of the greatest anxiety for me, and i myself was praying fervently to god to get us out of that difficulty. my strength was failing more and more daily, and although i was suffering no actual pain, yet the weakness was simply appalling. it was all i could do to stand up on my legs. what was worse for me was that my head was still in good working order, and i fully realised our position all the time. the country we were travelling over was fairly hilly, up and down most of the time, over no great elevations. we passed two large tributaries of the main stream we had found before, and a number of minor ones. the main stream was strewn with fallen trees, and was not navigable during the dry season. the erosion of the banks by the water had caused so many trees to fall down across it that no canoe could possibly go through. i noticed in one or two places along the river traces of human beings having been there some years before. in the afternoon we again wasted much energy in knocking down two palm-trees on the summit of which were great bunches of _coco do matto_. again we had a bitter disappointment. one after the other we split the nuts open, but they merely contained water inside shells that were much harder to crack than wood. my craving for food was such that in despair i took two or three _sauba_ ants and proceeded to eat them. when i ground them under my teeth their taste was so acidly bitter that it made me quite ill. not only that, but one _sauba_ bit my tongue so badly that it swelled up to a great size, and remained like that for several days. the entire genus of the sauba (_oecodonia cephalotes_) ant is typical of tropical south america. the largest sauba is about an inch long, and possesses powerful scissor-like clippers, with which it can destroy any material, such as leather, cloth, paper or leaves, in a very short time. their method of work is to cut up everything into circles. i remember one day dropping on the ground a pair of thick gloves. when i went to pick them up i found them reduced to a heap of innumerable little discs--each as large as a sixpenny coin. it is with those powerful clippers that the saubas, having climbed in swarms up a tree, proceed to despoil it of its foliage. the work is done in a systematic way, each ant quickly severing one leaf and carrying it down, banner-like, vertically above its head, tightly held between its strong mandibles. it is this habit of the saubas which has brought upon them the brazilian name of _carregadores_, or carriers. one sees everywhere in that country long processions of those destructive insects, each individual marching along quickly with its green vegetable banner, sometimes eight or ten times its own size and weight. in many cases the saubas working aloft cut the leaves and drop them on the ground, where other carriers are waiting to convey them away. so numerous are the saubas that in the forest one can hear distinctly the incessant rustling sound of their clippers at work. the saubas use the leaves in order to construct thatched waterproof roofs over the domes and turrets at the entrances of their extensive subterranean galleries, which would otherwise become flooded during the torrential rains prevalent in those latitudes. the roofs are constructed with wonderful skill, each leaf being held in its place by granules of earth. the galleries, of immense length and much ramified, are often as much as 10 to 15 cm. in diameter. the entrances to them are usually kept blocked, and are only opened when necessary. above ground the saubas make wonderful wide roads, thousands of which can be seen everywhere in the forest, and upon which endless processions go by day and night. the workers of the saubas can be divided into three orders not very clearly defined, as units of intermediate grades are constantly met. the largest of those workers possess extraordinarily massive, double-humped heads, highly polished in the case of members which are visible on the surface, and dull and hairy in the giant fellows which spend their lives within the subterranean passages. these hairy saubas display a single frontal eye--not found in any of the other saubas, and, as far as i know, in no other kind of ant. they never come to the surface except when attacks are made upon the galleries. great excitement is shown in the colonies when the winged ants, of extra large size--especially the females--start out on their errand of propagating the race. the workers with polished heads--fierce-looking brutes--do very little actual work, but seem to be the superiors and protectors of the smaller workers. in every case the body of all orders of saubas is solidly built, with the thorax and head protected by spikes. much as i disliked the saubas for the endless trouble and suffering they inflicted upon me, i could not help admiring their marvellous industry and energy. no agriculture is possible where the saubas are to be found, and even where they do not exist in central brazil, if agriculture were started they would soon invade the territory and destroy everything in a short time. foreign plants do not escape. no way has been found yet of extirpating them. chapter xx benedicto and the honey--constantly collapsing from exhaustion--a strange accident--finding a river--people's mistaken ideas--sixteen days of starvation--an abandoned hut--repairing a broken-down canoe--canoe founders--a raft constructed of glass on september 11th we had another terrible march, the forest being very dense and much entangled along the stream. we had great trouble in getting through, as there were many palms and ferns, and we had no more strength to cut down our way. we came to a big tree, which was hollow inside up to a great height, and round which were millions of bees. benedicto, who was a great connoisseur in such matters, said that high up inside the tree there must be honey. the bees round that tree were unfortunately stinging bees. we drew lots as to who should go inside the tree to get the honey. it fell to benedicto. we took off most of our clothes and wrapped up his head and legs so that he might proceed to the attack. the job was not an easy one, for in the first reconnaissance he made with his head inside the tree he discovered that the honey must be not less than 20 ft. above the ground, and it was necessary to climb up to that height inside the tree before he could get it. in order to hasten matters--as benedicto was reluctant in carrying out the job--i tried my hand at it, but i was stung badly by hundreds of bees behind my head, on my eyelids, on my arms and legs. when i came out of the tree i was simply covered with angry bees, which stung me all over. so i told benedicto that, as fate had called upon him to do the work, he had better do it. benedicto was certainly very plucky that day. all of a sudden he dashed inside the tree and proceeded to climb up. we heard wild screams for some minutes; evidently the bees were protecting their home well. while filippe and i were seated outside, smiling faintly at poor benedicto's plight, he reappeared. we hardly recognized him when he emerged from the tree, so badly stung and swollen was his face, notwithstanding the protection he had over it. all he brought back was a small piece of the honeycomb about as large as a florin. what little honey there was inside was quite putrid, but we divided it into three equal parts and devoured it ravenously, bees and all. a moment later all three of us were seized with vomiting, so that the meagre meal was worse than nothing to us. we were then in a region of innumerable liane, which hung from the trees and caught our feet and heads, and wound themselves round us when we tried to shift them from their position. nearly all the trees in that part had long and powerful spikes. then near water there were huge palms close together, the sharp-edged leaves of which cut our hands, faces and legs as we pushed our way through. a violent storm broke out in the afternoon. the rain was torrential, making our march extremely difficult. it was just like marching under a heavy shower-bath. the rain lasted for some three hours. we crossed one large stream flowing west into the secundury, and also two other good-sized streamlets. we had a miserable night, drenched as we were and unable to light a fire, the box of matches having got wet and the entire forest being soaked by the torrential storm. during the night another storm arrived and poured regular buckets of water upon us. on september 12th we drowsily got up from our hammocks in a dejected state. by that time we had lost all hope of finding food, and no longer took the trouble to look round for anything to eat. we went on a few hundred metres at a time, now benedicto fainting from exhaustion, then filippe, then myself. while one or another was unconscious much time was wasted. marching under those conditions was horrible, as either one or other of us collapsed every few hundred metres. another violent storm broke out, and we all lay on the ground helpless, the skin of our hands and feet getting shrivelled up with the moisture. my feet were much swollen owing to the innumerable thorns which had got into them while walking barefooted. it was most painful to march, as i was not accustomed to walk without shoes. we went only ten kilometres on september 12th. we crossed two small rivers and one large, flowing west and south, evidently into the secundury. on september 13th we had another painful march, my men struggling along, stumbling and falling every little while. they were dreadfully depressed. towards the evening we came to a big tree, at the foot of which we found some discarded shells, such as we had once seen before, of fruit eaten by monkeys. my men and i tried to scrape with our teeth some of the sweet substance which still adhered to the shells. we saw some of the fruit, which was fit to eat, at a great height upon the tree, but we had not the strength to climb up or cut down that enormous tree. all the visions of good meals which i had had until then had now vanished altogether on that tenth day of fasting, and i experienced a sickly feeling in my inside which gave me an absolute dislike for food of any kind. my head was beginning to sway, and i had difficulty in collecting my ideas. my memory seemed to be gone all of a sudden. i could no longer remember in what country i was travelling, nor could i remember anything distinctly. only some lucid intervals came every now and then, in which i realised our tragic position; but those did not last long, all i could remember being that i must go to the west. i could not remember why nor where i intended to come out. everything seemed to be against us. we were there during the height of the rainy season. towards sunset rain came down once more in bucketfuls and lasted the entire night, the water dripping from our hammocks as it would from a small cascade. we were soaked, and shivering, although the temperature was not low. i had my maximum and minimum thermometers with me, but my exhaustion was such that i had not the strength to unpack them every night and morning and set them. we crossed two streamlets flowing west. benedicto and filippe were in such a bad way that it was breaking my heart to look at them. every time they fell down in a faint i never knew whether it was for the last time that they had closed their eyes. when i felt their hearts with my hand they beat so faintly that once or twice i really thought they were dead. that day i myself fainted, and fell with the left side of my face resting on the ground. when i recovered consciousness some time later, i touched my face, which was hurting me, and found that nearly the whole skin of my cheek had been eaten up by small ants, the lower lid of the eye having suffered particularly. a nasty sore remained on my face for some two months after that experience, the bites of those ants being very poisonous. bad as they were, there is no doubt that to a great extent we owed our salvation to those terrible ants. had it not been for them and the incessant torture they inflicted on us when we fell down upon the ground, we should have perhaps lain there and never got up again. i offered benedicto and filippe a large reward if they continued marching without abandoning the precious loads. brazilians have a great greed for money, and for it they will do many things which they would not do otherwise. on september 14th we made another most painful march of 20 kil., again up and down high hills, some as much as 300 ft. above the level land of that country, and all with steep, indeed, almost vertical, sides, extremely difficult for us to climb in our exhausted condition. we saw several streamlets flowing west. when evening came we had before us a high hill, which we ascended. when we reached the top we just lay upon the ground like so many corpses, and, ants, or no ants biting us, we had not the energy to get up again. once more did the rain come down in torrents that night, and to a certain extent washed the ants from our bodies. my surprise was really great the next morning when i woke up. i felt myself fading away fast. every time i closed my eyes i expected never to open them again. on september 15th we made another trying march, collapsing under our loads every few hundred metres. my men were constantly looking for something to eat in all directions, but could find nothing. benedicto and filippe were now all the time contemplating suicide. the mental strain of perpetually keeping an eye on them was great. we were sitting down, too tired to get up, when filippe amazed me considerably by the following words, which he spoke in a kind of reverie: "it would be very easy," he said, "now that you have no more strength yourself, for us two to get the big knife and cut your throat. we know that you have a big, big sum of money upon you, and if we robbed you we would be rich for ever. but we do not want to do it. it would not be much use to us, as we could not get out of the forest alone. i believe we shall all die together, and all that money will go to waste." filippe said this in quite a good-natured manner. the two poor fellows were so depressed that one had to forgive them for anything they said. as the river seemed to describe a big loop, i had left it three days before, seeing plainly by the conformation of the country that we should strike it again sooner or later. we were marching once more by compass. my men, who had no faith whatever in the magnetic needle, were again almost paralysed with fear that we might not encounter the stream again. a thousand times a day they accused me of foolishness in leaving the river, as they said it would have been better to follow its tortuous course--notwithstanding the trouble we had in following it, owing to the dense vegetation near the water--rather than strike once more across country. they were beginning to lose heart altogether, when i told them i could see by the vegetation that we were once more near the water. anybody accustomed as i am to marching through the forest could tell easily by the appearance of the vegetation some miles before actually getting to a stream. i reassured my companions, saying that within a few hours we should certainly meet the "big water" again. in fact, not more than half an hour afterwards we suddenly found ourselves once more on the large stream--at that point 70 metres wide. my men were so amazed and delighted that they embraced me and sobbed over my shoulders for some time. from that moment their admiration for the compass was unbounded; they expected me to find anything with it. with gladdened hearts we followed the stream again, benedicto and filippe shouting at the top of their voices for help in case anybody were near. but they called and called in vain. we listened, but not a sound could be heard, except perhaps that of a crashing tree in the forest--a sound very familiar when marching across brazil. the right bank of the secundury river was high, not less than from 30 to 40 ft., and extremely steep, formed of alluvial deposits with a thick surface layer of decayed vegetation, making a soft carpet. two small tributary streams had cut deep grooves in the soft earth. in our weak condition we had the greatest trouble in going down the almost vertical banks and climbing up again on the other side. on september 16th we followed the river once more, crossing three tributaries, the largest of which was 4 m. wide. the forest was beautifully clean underneath, just like a well-kept park. the stems of the trees were as clean as possible up to a great height, the foliage forming a regular roof over us through which little light and only exhausted air penetrated. although we could find nothing whatever to eat, my men were not so depressed that day, as they expected to find some living people sooner or later. i did not like to disappoint them, although the fact that we could find no signs of human creatures having recently gone through that region showed me plainly that we were yet far away from salvation. another formidable rainstorm came down upon us in the morning, the water descending in regular sheets. we were so exhausted that we did not care for anything any more. whether we got wet or dry was quite immaterial to us. i was so conscious of my utmost exhaustion that i felt i could not now last much longer under that heavy strain. every fifty or a hundred metres i collapsed under my load, and had the greatest struggle to get up on my feet again. those marches were most tragic, my men being, if possible, in a worse condition than me, they, too, collapsing every few steps. thus in a day we each collapsed dozens of times. that was the thirteenth day we had had no food whatever, barring perhaps a grain of salt from the fraudulent anchovy tin, which i had preserved in a piece of paper. i felt no actual pain, only great emptiness in my inside, and a curious feeling of nausea, with no wish whatever to eat or to drink. although water was plentiful we hardly touched it at all--only a few drops to moisten our feverish lips. that fact interested me greatly, as it was absolutely contrary to people's notions of what happens when you are starving. all i experienced was indescribable exhaustion. i felt myself gradually extinguishing like a burnt-out lamp. benedicto and filippe had dreadful nightmares during the night, and occasionally gave frantic yells. that night filippe all of a sudden startled us crying out for help; a moment later he collapsed in a faint. when he recovered i asked him what was the matter; he said in a dazed way that there were people all round us bringing plenty of food to us--an hallucination which was soon dispelled when he returned to his senses. on september 17th we had another painful march without finding a grain of food to eat. again we started our day with a severe thunderstorm, the water coming down upon us in bucketfuls. benedicto and filippe were fervently praying the almighty to strike them down by lightning so as to end the daily torture. the strain of leading those fellows on was getting almost too much for me. the greatest gentleness had to be employed, as an angry word would have finished them altogether, and they would have laid down to die. the rain came down in such torrents that day, and we were so soaked, that we had to halt, we three huddling together to try and protect ourselves under the waterproof sheet which i used at night as a hammock. when we went on i noticed a cut in a tree which had been made some years before. i soon discovered the tracks which had been followed by the person who had made that cut, and soon after i discovered another mark of a knife upon another rubber tree. evidently somebody had been there prospecting. we followed the ancient track for some distance in a most winding way--those marks, i judged, having been made about four years before. my men were depressed to the utmost degree when, on following the track of the stranger, we discovered the spot on the river where he had evidently once more got into his canoe and gone. one more hope of salvation shattered! curiously enough, upon that fourteenth day of starving my strength got up again to a certain extent, although i still had no wish whatever to eat; but my head began to swim with a strange sensation as if the trees of the forest were tumbling down upon me. the impression was so vivid that several times i fell in trying to avoid what i thought was a tree falling upon me. the swaying of my head seemed to get worse and worse all that day, until the unpleasant sensation of the forest closing in and overwhelming me became intolerable. in the evening we came in for another storm, the rain being torrential through nearly the entire night. during the day i had had the optical illusion of trees falling upon me. during the night i had the real thing. the upper part of the tree to which i had tied my hammock came down with a terrific crash during a heavy gust of wind, and just missed my head by a few inches. as it was it tore down my hammock with me inside it, and i received a bump that i shall not forget in a hurry. we certainly seemed to have no luck whatever on that fateful expedition! aching all over, soaked right through, water dripping down my hands, nose and hair like so many little fountains, i proceeded to tie my hammock to another tree, while poor filippe and benedicto, who had been caught in the foliage and branches of the falling tree, were trying to disentangle themselves from their unpleasant position. the tree had fallen because it had been eaten up internally by ants. when it came down upon us they simply swarmed over us, and bit us all over for all they were worth. i have no wish whatever to have another such miserable night. on september 18th we lost the whole morning owing to the torrential rain which continued. we had not the strength to go on. now that filippe and benedicto had absolute faith in my compass, i had again left the river where it described a big turn toward the south-west, and it was not until two o'clock that afternoon that i struck the big stream once more and we followed its right bank. to our great delight we came to a small clearing where some years before _mandioca_ had been cultivated. we threw down our loads at once and proceeded to search for roots. to our great joy we found one small root, about as big as a small carrot. we made a fire. oh! the anxiety in lighting up that fire, as we only had eight matches left, and they had got damp. filippe, who was the expert in striking matches, was entrusted with the job. alas! he struck and struck time after time the first match against the box until its head was worn off altogether, and no flame was produced. with some anxiety we watched the second match having a similar fate. the men said that the root we had found was of wild _mandioca_, and if we ate it raw we should certainly all die, but if roasted properly over a flame it lost some of its poisonous qualities. we all had our eyes fixed on that root, and felt the happiest of mortals, as if the most expensive banquet had all of a sudden been placed before us. it was a great relief when filippe struck the third match and it actually produced a flame. we lighted a fire, roasting the valuable root upon it. benedicto, who was the culinary expert, roasted the root until it was nearly carbonized, and by the time he took it out of the flame we had each of us left for our share a section of its fibrous core not larger than a well-smoked cigarette stump. we devoured that luxurious meal in haste. it tasted as bitter as aloes. no sooner had i eaten it than i felt extremely ill, my men also experiencing a similar sensation. benedicto was the first one to vomit painfully and cough violently; then came my turn, then filippe's. so our first meal was not much of a success. the little strength we had seemed now to have disappeared altogether. we lay helpless upon the bank of the river, unable to move. once or twice filippe shouted for help, thinking that our voices might be heard, but no answer ever came to our cries. eventually we proceeded once more along the right bank of the river, when we perceived on the opposite bank an abandoned hut. the river at that point was 70 m. wide, from 4 to 5 ft. deep, with a fairly strong current. we decided to cross over and see if perhaps by chance some food had been abandoned in the hut. it was already evening, and we were so exhausted that we did not dare to cross the stream, especially as filippe and benedicto could not swim. the next day, september 19th, we proceeded to ford the stream, having scarcely the strength to keep erect, especially in the middle of the river with the water up to our necks. we were carrying our loads on our heads, so that they should not get wetter than possible. my negatives were fortunately in air-tight cases, or else they certainly would have been destroyed altogether on that disastrous march across the forest. we got safely to the other side. the bank was very high. a broken-down canoe had been left on the shore. we worked many hours trying to mend her so that we could proceed down the river. but we wasted the entire day, working feverishly for six or seven hours, trying to stop up great holes as big as my fist, one sleeve of my coat being used for the purpose, and replacing a plank at her stern which was missing. when we at length summoned our last atom of strength to launch her, she immediately filled with water and went to the bottom like a piece of lead. that was the end of the canoe. we had not the strength to float her again. building a raft was impossible, as no wood was found that floated. in reconnoitring round the hut, to our great joy we discovered some _caju_ and some _guyaba_ trees; also some more roots of _mandioca_ now become wild. that was our sixteenth day of fasting, and it can well be imagined how quickly we devoured what little unripe fruit was hanging from the trees. once more we tried the experiment of cooking the _mandioca_ roots. we had now only five matches left. it was curious to note with what care we prepared dried wood and leaves so that no chance would be lost in getting a flame. fortunately the first match struck did its work well, and we soon had a big fire inside the hut, on which we roasted the _mandioca_. as i have explained elsewhere, the fruit of the _caju_ has an outward nut which has highly caustic properties, and is deadly poisonous to eat uncooked but quite edible when roasted. after eating all the fruit we kept those nuts and put them on the fire; in the evening we sat down to what seemed to us a luxuriant meal. we had not patience to wait for the _caju_ nuts to be properly roasted. when i ate them my nose, lips, tongue and fingers became badly burned by their caustic juice. no sooner had we eaten that meal than we all became violently ill. i dropped down unconscious, rejecting everything and quantities of blood besides. i must have been unconscious many hours, after which i slept soundly till the sun was well up in the sky, when i found myself resting on the ground with a pool of blood by my side. poor filippe and benedicto were also in a bad way. on the front of that hut on a piece of board was written "el paraiso" (paradise), the name of that place. it was not exactly my idea of heaven. our first meals were worse than no meals at all. we felt in such a plight that we lay helpless upon the floor of the hut, quite unable to move, so exhausted were we. in turning my head around i discovered ten large demijohns, some 2½ ft. high and about 2 ft. in diameter, of thick green glass. they were the usual demijohns--_garaffons_, as they are called--used all over brazil for "fire-water." i at once conceived the idea of using them as floats in the construction of a raft. my men grinned contemptuously at the idea when i mentioned it to them. they said that all was over. it was no use trying to get away. the almighty wanted us to die, and we must only lie there and await our end, which was not far off. benedicto struggled to his knees and prayed to the almighty and the virgin, sobbing bitterly all the time. i struggled up on my feet and proceeded to carry the big vessels to the river bank, where i intended to construct the raft. the effort to take each heavy bottle those few metres seemed almost beyond me in my exhausted state. at last i proceeded to strip the floor of the hut, which had been made with split _assahy_ palms (_euterpe oleracea_ l.), in order that i might make a frame to which i could fasten the bottles. with a great deal of persuasion i got filippe and benedicto to help me. the long pieces of _assahy_ were too heavy for our purpose, and we had the additional trouble of splitting each piece into four. it was most trying work in our worn-out condition. then we had to go into the forest and collect some small liane, so that we could tie the pieces together, as we had no nails and no rope. on september 20th, again without food--for we had eaten up all the fruit the previous day--we worked from morning till night in building the raft. unfortunately, benedicto stumbled against one of the bottles, which was on the edge of the river; it rolled down the steep bank and floated quickly down stream, and we saw it disappear, unable to go and recover it. so only nine bottles were left. [illustration: raft constructed by the author in order to navigate the canuma river with his two companions of starvation.] i made the raft of a triangular shape, with two parallel diagonal rows of three bottles each at a distance of 3 ft. apart; then one set of two bottles. one single _garaffon_ formed the bow of the raft. naturally i stopped up the necks of the bottles, so that no water should get inside. while i was constructing the raft i was all the time wondering whether it would have a sufficient floating capacity to carry us three men and our baggage. when the raft was finished we placed two parallel pieces of _assahy_ from one end to the other, on which we could sit astride, with our legs dangling in the water. the lassitude with which we did our work and tore down part of the hut in order to build that raft, our only way of salvation, was too pitiful to watch. we absolutely had no strength at all. when we pulled the liane to fasten together the different pieces of palm wood we were more exhausted than if we had lifted a weight of 200 lb. as it was, we could not fasten the pieces of wood properly, and when the raft was finished it was indeed a shaky affair. by sunset on september 20th the raft--strengthened by sundry knots all over--was ready to be launched. i was more proud of her than if i had built a dreadnought. there we all sat by the side of her, my men looking at her in a sceptical way, saying that it was just as well, perhaps, to try and die drowned instead of dying of starvation. we took a last glance around to see if we could discover some other fruit or something to eat, but we found nothing. we postponed the launching of our vessel--which i named the _victory_--until the next morning, as had she perchance had an accident that night--accidents at night seem so much worse than in the daytime--it would have been too severe a blow for us, from which we never could have recovered. my feet were in such a terrible condition--so full of thorns, so swollen with numberless _jiggers_ which had bored channels under my nails and under the soles--that i really felt i could not walk another step. if that raft did not float i knew that we were lost for good. the entire night i could not sleep, speculating on whether the raft would float or not. as far as i could judge, she seemed to me to have just capacity enough to keep afloat with all of us on board. chapter xxi the launching of the glass raft--accidents--the raft sinking--saved--our first solid meal--its consequences--the canuma and secundury rivers--marching back across the forest to the relief of the men left behind--a strange mishap--a curious case of telepathy on september 21st my men had a great discussion. their courage failed altogether, as they said they had never before seen a boat of that kind, made of glass bottles, and that, even allowing that she would float at all, if we struck a rock where should we be? they declared that, tired as they were, they preferred to go on struggling on foot through the forest rather than get drowned. with his peculiar reasoning, benedicto said that it was bad enough to die of starvation, but to die of starvation and get drowned as well was too much for him! it was decided that we should first of all try whether the raft would bear our weight or not. if she did, we would sail in her. if she did not, i would navigate her and they might go on foot. it was a moment of great excitement and suspense when we launched the _victory_. you should have seen the faces of benedicto and filippe when she floated on the water as gracefully as a duck. i got on her, and with a punting pole went half-way across the river and back again. filippe and benedicto, who had hardly recovered from their astonishment, professed that it was the cleverest thing they had ever seen, and no brazilian ever would have had such a brilliant idea. they were now anxious to get on board. first filippe came and sat himself in front of me, and i saw with some concern the raft sink down considerably into the water. when benedicto also entered, the framework of our vessel absolutely disappeared under water and only the short necks of the bottles showed above the surface. as we sat astride on the narrow longitudinal platform we were knee-deep in water. we took another small trip in mid-stream, and then decided that we would put the baggage on board and start at once on our journey down the river. i went back for the baggage and rolled it all up in the waterproof hammock, then fastened it with pieces of liane to the stern of the raft. filippe and benedicto fastened their own things also. having made ourselves some primitive-looking paddles with the bottom of a small empty barrel we had found, which we attached to two sticks, we made ready to start. [illustration: canoe made of the bark of the burity palm.] [illustration: indians of the madeira river.] filippe and i had already got on board, when benedicto appeared with a huge punting pole he had cut himself in case we might need it. he was excited over the prospect of having no more walking to do. when he got near he jumped on board so clumsily that the already too heavily laden raft turned over and we were all flung into the water--there 7 ft. deep. when i came to the surface again i just managed to pull the craft ashore and then proceeded to save benedicto and filippe, who were struggling in the water, which was too deep for them. this mishap was unfortunate. my chronometer got full of water and stopped; the aneroids, the camera, all were injured beyond repair. much to my distress, i also discovered that the watertight cases, which had been knocked about so much of late, had let the water through before i had time to turn the raft the right way up and pull out of the water the baggage which was fastened to it. the four hundred developed negatives had all got soaked. my note-books, too, were drenched through. another heavy task was before me now, in order to save all that valuable material. it was to spread everything to dry thoroughly in the wind before it could be packed again. filippe and benedicto were so scared that on no account, they said, would they go on board that raft again. the accident occurred at about nine o'clock in the morning; by one or two o'clock in the afternoon everything was dry and carefully repacked. we decided to make a fresh start. my feet were so swollen, and with hardly a patch of skin left on them, that i could walk no more. it was agreed that filippe and benedicto should go on walking along the left bank as much as possible, while i alone, with the baggage, navigated the river. we would keep in touch by occasional shouts. i got along pretty well, floating down with the current; but paddling and punting were most difficult, the raft being almost impossible to steer. on several occasions i had narrow escapes, just avoiding striking dangerous rocks--particularly going down a small _corrideira_. after i had gone about two kilometres i was so exhausted that i called to filippe to come on board again. eventually--and i must say that i admired his courage--he came on board, and the two of us proceeded quite well down the stream, one paddling, the other punting. we got into a small rapid, where the current was strong. we were unfortunately thrown violently against some rocks, the central bottles of our raft receiving a hard knock. one of them cracked badly. i was quite perplexed when my eye caught sight of the radiations in the glass caused by the impact. then my ear began to notice the sound of the trickling of water getting inside the bottle. with positive concern, as the _garaffon_ was gradually filling, i saw the raft getting a bad list to port. the broken _garaffon_ was behind filippe's back, and he could not see it. he was constantly asking me whether something had gone wrong, as he seemed to feel the water getting higher and higher up his body. "is the ship not sinking?" he asked every two minutes. "i now have water up to my waist." "no, no, filippe! go on. it is all right!" were the words with which i kept on urging him. the cracked bottle had got almost entirely filled with water, and we had such a bad list that the steering became most difficult. two or three times again we were thrown by the current against other rocks, and another bottle had a similar fate. "we are sinking, are we not?" shouted filippe. "no, no!" said i. "go on!" as i said those words it suddenly seemed to me that i heard voices in the distance. was it benedicto calling to us? filippe and i listened. surely there was somebody singing! we fancied we heard several voices. had benedicto met somebody in the forest? "benedicto! benedicto!" we shouted out to him. "have you found men?" "no!" came the answer from benedicto. all of a sudden filippe, whose eyes had been scanning the river in front of him, gave a violent jerk which nearly capsized the raft, exclaiming: "look! look! there is a canoe!" "it is a rock," said i, as i screened my eye to look on the dazzling water, upon which the sun glittered so that it was almost impossible to perceive anything. but, sure enough, as i strained my eyes a second time, i saw something move, and a moment later i heard voices quite distinctly. filippe's joy and mine was intense when we perceived that not only one boat, but two--three canoes were approaching. we had already travelled some eight kilometres on our raft when we came close to the boats we had observed. their crews stood up in them, rifles in hand, as we floated down. i shouted that we were friends. eventually they came to our help, their amazement being curious to watch as they got near us--they being unable to understand how we could float down the river merely by sitting on the surface. by that time the raft was almost altogether submerged. when they took us on board, and a portion of the raft came to the surface again, the amusement of those crews was intense. i explained who we were. the strangers could not do enough for us. in a moment they unloaded the baggage from our craft and put it on board their boats. they halted near the right bank, and on hearing of our pitiful plight immediately proceeded to cook a meal for us. the people belonged to the rubber-collecting expedition of a trader named dom pedro nunes, who went only once every year with a fleet of boats up to the headwaters of that river in order to bring back rubber. the expedition--the only one that ever went up that river at all--took eight or ten months on the journey there and back. it was really an amazing bit of luck that we should owe our salvation to meeting that expedition in an almost miraculous way, brought about by an extraordinary series of fortunate coincidences. had we not constructed that raft--had we not been on board at that moment--we should have missed the expedition and certainly should have died. had we been following the bank of the river on foot, we never could have seen the boats nor heard them, as the banks were extremely high, and it was never possible to keep close to the stream when marching in the forest; we always had to keep some hundred metres or so from the water in order to avoid the thick vegetation on the edge of the stream. in fact, benedicto, who was walking in the forest along the stream, had gone past the boats and had neither heard nor seen them. when we shouted out to him he was already a long distance off, a boat sent out to him by dom pedro nunes having to travel nearly 800 m. before it could get up to him and bring him back. the trader and his men treated us with tender care. we were practically naked when they met us, my attire consisting of the leather belt with the bags of money round my waist, and a small portion of the sleeveless coat, all torn to pieces. dom pedro nunes immediately gave me some clothes, while his men gave garments to filippe and benedicto. several men rushed about collecting wood, and in a moment a large flame was blazing. the sight of proper food brought back our appetites as by magic. our ravenous eyes gazed on several big pieces of _anta_ (_tapirus americanus_) meat, through which a stick had been passed, being broiled over the flame. we three starving men did not take our eyes off that meat for a second until the man who was cooking it removed the stick and said the meat was ready. we pounced upon it like so many famished tigers. the meat was so hot that, as we tore away at the large pieces with our teeth, our lips, noses, and fingers were absolutely burned by the broiling fat. dom pedro nunes gently put his hand in front of me, saying "do not eat so quickly; it is bad for you." but i pushed him away with what vigour i had left. i could have killed anybody who had stood between that piece of meat and me. i tore at it lustily with my teeth, until there was nothing left of it. by that time a large bag of _farinha_ had been spread before us. we grabbed handfuls of it, shoving them into our mouths as fast as we could. the sensation of eating--normal food--after such a long fast was a delightful one. but only for a few moments. pedro nunes was just handing me a cup of coffee when i dropped down unconscious, rejecting everything with a quantity of blood besides. when i recovered consciousness, pedro nunes said i had been unconscious for a long time. they all thought i was dead. i felt almost unbearable pain in my inside, and a lassitude as if life were about to be extinguished altogether. it was evidently the reaction, after eating too quickly--and i should like to meet the healthy man who would not eat quickly under those circumstances--and also the relaxation from the inconceivable strain of so many weeks of mental worry. i well remember how pedro nunes and his men, when standing around us just as we began eating that first solid meal, had tears streaming down their cheeks while watching us in our dreadful plight. once more pedro nunes--one of the most kindly men i have ever met--sobbed bitterly when he asked me to take off my clothes and change them for the newer ones he had given me. i removed from my pocket the contents: my chronometer, a notebook, and a number of _caju_ seeds which i had collected, and which, caustic or not caustic, would have been our only food until we should have certainly perished. we heard from pedro nunes that it would have taken us at least six or seven days' steady walking before we could get to the first house of rubber collectors. in our exhausted condition we could have never got there. as for the damaged raft, it could not have floated more than a few hours longer--perhaps not so long. from the spot where i met pedro nunes--quite close to the junction of the canuma river with the madeira river--going down by river it would have been possible to reach manaos in two or three days. dom pedro nunes, however, with his expedition, could not return, nor sell me a boat, nor lend me men; so that i thought my best plan was to go back with him up the river canuma and then the secundury river, especially when i heard from the trader that the latter river came from the south-east--which made me think that perhaps i might find a spot at its most south-easterly point where the distance would not be great to travel once more across the forest, back to my men whom i had left near the tapajoz. pedro nunes declined to receive payment for the clothes he had given me and my men, so i presented him with the mauser i possessed, which he greatly appreciated; while i gave the crew which had rescued us a present of £20 sterling in brazilian money. it was most touching to see how some of the rubber collectors employed by pedro nunes deprived themselves of tins of jam to present them to us, and also of other articles which were useful to them in order to make us a little more comfortable. i purchased from pedro nunes a quantity of provisions--all of an inferior kind, but they were the best i could get. among them were six tins of condensed milk, all he possessed, for which i paid at the rate of ten shillings each--the regular price in that neighbourhood. those tins of milk were a great joy to benedicto, filippe and myself. although the pain was violent when we ate anything, the craving for food was now quite insatiable, and we could not resist the temptation of eating whatever came under our hands. late in the afternoon of that same day we started up the river with pedro nunes and his fleet of boats. in the evening, when we camped, the kindness of the trader and his men towards us was most pathetic. drenching rain fell during the night. on september 22nd we made an early start. pedro nunes went away in a small boat, as he wanted to go and explore a small tributary of the secundury. the expedition travelled up the main stream at a great pace, with the many men who were rowing and punting. filippe, benedicto and i suffered horrible internal pains that day owing to our careless eating the previous afternoon. [illustration: caripuna indians.] [illustration: indian idols of the putumayo district.] i was greatly worried by the man who had been left in charge of the expedition--a man of extreme kindness, but an incessant talker. he spoke so loudly, repeating the same things over and over again, that in my weak state, and accustomed as we were to the deathly silence of the forest, it tired me inexpressibly. his conversation consisted entirely of accusing everybody he knew of being robbers and assassins, and in long descriptions, with numberless figures, to show how he had been robbed of small sums of money by various people he had met in his lifetime. i presented him with £10 sterling, hoping that he would keep quiet, as that seemed to be the entire sum of which he had been robbed by his relatives and friends; also because on seeing our wretched condition, he had presented me with an enormous pair of shoes, about six sizes too large for me. when i walked in them, especially up and down the steep banks, i lost now one shoe, now the other, so big were they. but i was grateful to him, as he would not take payment for them, and they saved my feet to a certain extent--when i could keep them on--from the thorns, which were numerous in that region. the prolonged immersion in the water the day before, while we were navigating the raft, and the subsequent rest, had caused my feet to swell enormously, my ankles being about three times their normal size, so swollen were they. i experienced an unbearable pain in my heart, with continuous heart-burning and sudden throbbings, succeeded by spells of exhaustion. giddiness in my head was constant, and i was so weak that it was all i could do to move. even the exertion of shifting from one side to the other of the boat on which i was travelling was enough to make me almost collapse with fatigue. we travelled great distances, going on all day and the greater part of the night, with relays of men, on september 22nd and 23rd. the secundury was a stream with an average width of 60 m. and in many places quite deep. it had a great many little springs and streamlets flowing into it between steep cuts in its high embankments, which were of alluvial formation mingled with decayed vegetation. the banks almost all along were from 40 to 50 ft. high. we came across a large tributary on the right side of the river. it was evidently the stream to which we had first come on our disastrous march across the forest, and which i had mistaken for the secundury. beyond this river we came across some small rapids, of no importance and quite easy to negotiate by the large boats, although in one or two cases tow-ropes had to be used by the men who had landed in order to pull the boats through. on september 23rd we passed some easy _corrideiras_. i had slept almost that entire day on the roof of the boat, in the sun. it did me good. late in the evening, at about seven o'clock, we arrived at a trader's hut, called são josé, which was in the charge of a squinting mulatto--a most peculiar fellow. on september 24th i stayed at the trader's house, spending the whole day drying thoroughly in the sun my notebooks and negatives and repacking them, so that i could leave them at that spot until i could fetch them again. my idea was to walk from that place across the forest once more back to our original point of departure near the tapajoz river, where i had left the remainder of my party and the main part of my baggage. a runaway _seringueiro_ was induced to accompany me on that errand, while another man remained with faithful filippe in charge of my valuable possessions. i left with them supplies for three months, which i had purchased from pedro nunes' expedition. on september 25th i went a short distance farther up the river to its most south-easterly point. from there, with two men and provisions for thirty days, bidding goodbye to the men who had saved our lives, we started, still in a weak and exhausted condition, on our march back to the men we had left behind. we only carried food supplies with us. i had left everything else on the secundury river. marching was indeed painful, as i had absolutely no strength, and was in a high fever. i stumbled along in excruciating pain, now losing one shoe, now the other, when they caught in some liana. there were a great many fallen trees in that part of the forest, which gave us no end of trouble, when, exhausted as benedicto and i were, we had to climb over them or else squeeze under. so great was my anxiety, however, to get back that, notwithstanding the pain, i marched along, following the new man, who was in good condition. we went 20 kil. that day. the forest near the secundury river was at first overgrown with dense vegetation, which gave us a good deal of work and extra exertion; but after that, when we got some distance from the water, the forest was fairly clean, except of course for the fallen trees. we found troublesome ravines of great height where streamlets had cut their way through. in going down one of those difficult ravines i had an accident which might have been fatal. the ravine, the sides of which were almost vertical, was very narrow--only about 10 m. across. we let ourselves down, holding on to liane. when we reached the bottom we found a tiny brook winding its way between great round boulders, and leaving a space about 2 ft. wide for the water. i proceeded up on the other side, and i had got up to a height of some 30 ft. in order to go up this steep incline i had placed one foot against a small tree while i was pulling myself up by a liana. unluckily, the liana suddenly gave way. the weight of the load which i had on my shoulders made me lose my balance, so that my body described an entire semicircle. i dropped down head first from that height on the rocks below. [illustration: trading boats landing balls of rubber, river tapajoz.] providence once more looked after me on that occasion. on the flight down i already imagined myself dead; but no--my head entered the cavity between the two rocks against which my shoulders and the load became jammed, while my legs were struggling up in mid-air. i was forced so hard against the two side rocks that i could not possibly extricate myself. it was only when benedicto and the new man came to my help and pulled me out that we were able to resume our journey--i much shaken and somewhat aching, but otherwise none the worse for that unpleasant fall. on september 26th my two men were already complaining of their loads. they said they could not go on any more--the man in good health and full of strength rebelling more than poor benedicto, who was in a weak condition. so that we might march quickly i decided to abandon one bag of flour and eight tins of salt butter. with the lighter loads we marched comparatively well, and went 22 kil. that day with no particular experience worth noticing. on september 27th we started once more quite early, after a hearty breakfast--notwithstanding the pain which i always had whenever i ate, especially a stabbing pain in my heart which was almost unbearable at times. we crossed several streamlets, one fairly large, all of which flowed into the secundury. rain, which came down in torrents, greatly interfered with our march that day, the new man i had employed worrying me all the time, saying that he did not like to march in wet clothes. benedicto and i could not help laughing at him, as we had not been dry one moment since the beginning of july, and we were now at the end of september. wet or not wet, i made the man come along. finding the forest comparatively clean, we covered another 20 kil. that day. we had a most miserable night, rain coming down in sheets upon us. i was suffering from high fever, chiefly from exhaustion and the effects of over-eating, most injurious to my internal arrangements, which had got dried up during the long sixteen days' fast. i shivered with cold the entire night. when we got up the next morning, dripping all over, with water still pouring down in bucketfuls upon us from above, benedicto said that if it went on much longer like that he should surely turn into a fish. he looked comical, with water streaming down from his hair, his ears, nose and coat. the trousers which our friend pedro nunes had given me were made of cheap calico, printed in little checks. they were of the kind that was usually sold to the _seringueiros_, and looked pretty when they were new. but they were a little too small, and had evidently not been shrunk before they were made. with the great moisture that night they shrank so badly all of a sudden that they split in four or five different places. i had no way of mending them. as we went on--on september 28th--we encountered a great deal of entangled vegetation, many liane and thorns, which completely finished up my lower garments. my coat also, which was of similar material, was beginning to give signs of wear and tear, the sewing of the sleeves and at the back having burst everywhere. we were going over almost level ground that day, across forest sparsely wooded and with much undergrowth of palms and ferns. we had drenching rain the entire day. my trousers were in shreds, dangling and catching in everything. when we had gone some eight or ten kilometres they were such a trouble to me that i discarded them altogether. the coat, too, was getting to be more of a nuisance than a protection. owing to the incessant rain we were only able to march 14 kil. that day. on september 29th we again started off, marching due east. we had slightly better weather, and were fortunate enough to shoot two monkeys, a _coati_, and a _jacú_, the new man possessing a rifle of his own, for which i had bought 200 cartridges from our friend pedro nunes. we had, therefore, that day, a good meal of meat; but what terrible pain we felt when we devoured the tough pieces of those animals, which we had broiled over a big flame! notwithstanding the pain, however, we had an irresistible and insatiable craving for food. that day we made a good march of 24 kil. on september 30th the marching was comparatively easy, through fairly clean forest, so that we had to use our knife very little in order to open our way. we crossed a small _campo_ with a good deal of rock upon it, and as our strength was gradually coming back we struggled along, covering a distance of 34 kil. between seven o'clock in the morning and seven in the evening. i was anxious to push on as fast as we possibly could, notwithstanding the grumblings of my men, for now that we had abandoned half of our supplies of food i did not want to have, if i could help it, another experience of starvation. on october 1st we had more trouble cutting our way through, as we again found great ferns and palms, especially near streamlets of water, and quantities of fallen trees, which made us continually deviate from our direction. the forest was indeed dirty and much entangled in that section, and thus made our march painful, liane catching my feet and head all the time, tearing my ears and nose--especially when the man who walked in front of me let them go suddenly and they swung right in my face. thorns dug big grooves into my legs, arms and hands. to make matters worse, the high fever seemed to exhaust me terribly. worse luck, a huge boil, as big as an egg, developed under my left knee, while another of equal size appeared on my right ankle, already much swollen and aching. the huge shoes given me by the trader--of the cheapest manufacture--had already fallen to pieces. i had turned the soles of them into sandals, held up by numerous bits of string, which cut my toes and ankles very badly every time i knocked my feet against a tree or stone. my feet were full of thorns, so numerous that i had not the energy to remove them. the left leg was absolutely stiff with the big boil, and i could not bend it. limping along, stumbling all the time in intense pain--the boils being prevented from coming to maturity owing to the constant cold moisture--i really had as painful a time as one could imagine on those long marches back. on october 2nd we had to cut our way through all the time, still marching due east. we encountered two high hill ranges, which gave us a lot to do as in our weak condition we proceeded to climb them. we had eaten more food than we should have done, and the result was that we now had none left, except a tin of _guyabada_ (sweet cheese). i had become almost as improvident as the brazilians when it came to food, as i could not resist the temptation, and instead of the usual three meals a day we were munching food all the time. [illustration: itaituba.] the strong fever was wearing me out. the dissatisfaction of my men because we had no more food--it was their own fault, for they had insisted on leaving most of it behind--and their constant grumbling were tiring me to death. we killed a small bird in the evening. by the time we had broiled it over a flame it satisfied but little our ravenous appetites. on october 3rd we reached quantities of boulders and rocks, which showed me that we were once more approaching the extensive rocky table-land i had seen on our outward journey. as we climbed up higher and higher we came to an elevated streamlet of limpid water running in a channel carved out of the solid rock. it took us over two hours' steady marching, going perhaps some 2½ miles an hour, to cross the summit of that high rocky tableland. then we descended through _chapada_ and found ourselves among a lot of ravines, on the slope of one of which we halted for the night. there we killed two large monkeys, which we proceeded to broil and eat. i never liked the idea of eating monkeys, as i could not get over the feeling that i was eating a child, they looked so human. the hands and arms particularly, after they had been roasted over the fire, looked too human for words. on october 4th we climbed a steep and rocky hill, crossing on its summit another section of the rocky plateau, a regular dome of grey volcanic rock. then, descending from this second tableland on its eastern side, we had to struggle and stumble through most rugged country, where i found an extinct circular crater some 50 ft. in diameter and 50 ft. deep, with a vent at an angle in its bottom going apparently to a great depth. near that spot was also a strange giant natural gateway of rock. the descent was steep, and most trying for us among the great boulders over which we had to climb on our hands and feet. when we got to the bottom of this elevated country, the forest we found had quite a different aspect, which suggested to me the approach of the big river. we found there plenty of wild fruit, particularly some small black berries--called in brazilian _pattaõa_--quite good to eat; also some most palatable tiny red cherries. we wasted a good deal of time picking up the fruit instead of marching, my men complaining all day long of an empty stomach. they would not take my advice to march quickly, so that we might then get plenty of food on the river. during the last few days, as i knew we must have been near the camp where i had left my men in charge of my baggage, we had constantly been firing sets of three shots--the agreed signal--in order to locate the exact spot where they were. but we had received no answer. failing that, it was impossible to locate them exactly in the virgin forest, unless we had plenty of time and strength at our disposal. i made sure, by the appearance of the forest, that we were now not far off from the stream. in fact, on october 5th, when we had marched some distance, much to my delight as i walked ahead of my men, who were busy picking up berries as they struggled along, i recognized a little streamlet on which i had made my camp the first night i had started out on our disastrous journey across the forest. my men, when i mentioned the fact, were sceptical and said it could not possibly be, as we must still be a long distance from the tapajoz. but we had only gone a few hundred metres farther when i came upon my old camp. there an empty sardine-tin of a special mark which i carried was lying on the ground. i think that that spoke pretty well for the accuracy with which i could march across the forest by compass. i knew that at that spot we were only 6 kil. from the river. we indulged there in the last tin of the sweet _guyabada_, which i had kept for an emergency. after that we metaphorically flew through the forest, so fast did we march--if stumbling along constantly and even occasionally falling can be called flying. even at that last moment, when our hearts were rejoiced, our progress was impeded by a thunderstorm, which broke out with such force that we had to halt for nearly two hours until it slightly abated. the wind howled among the trees, which shook and waved to and fro, some crashing down, so that, with the thunder and lightning and the rush of the water, it seemed a regular pandemonium. "the devil is angry with us," said benedicto the philosopher. "he does not want us to get back." my impatience to get quickly to the river was so great that i could not wait for the storm to be over. in the drenching rain we continued our tramp. my sandals had given way altogether in the quick march that day, and i was once more walking with bare feet. marching so quickly, one did not always have time to detect thorns. that day my feet were indeed in a pitiable condition. the last trial of all was yet to be added, when we had come to within 300 m. of the river. the _seringueiro_, from whose hut we had started on our way out, had evidently since our departure set the forest on fire in order to make a _roça_ so as to cultivate the land. hundreds of carbonized trees had fallen down in all directions; others had been cut down. so that for those last two or three hundred metres we had to get over or under those burned trees and struggle through their blackened boughs, the stumps of which drove holes into and scratched big patches of skin from my legs, arms and face. where the skin was not taken off altogether it was smeared all over with the black from the burnt trees. we did not look unlike nigger minstrels, with the exception that we were also bleeding all over. [illustration: a trading boat on the tapajoz river.] [illustration: the s.s. "commandante macedo."] what had remained of my poor coat had been torn to shreds, so that all i possessed now in the way of clothing was a shirt. as the _seringueiro_ had a wife i could not well appear in that condition before her when we had reached the hut. hiding behind a tree, we shouted for the _seringueiro_ to come to our assistance. benedicto, who was not so bashful, and whose costume was not much better than mine, proceeded to the house. a few minutes later, as i peeped from behind my tree, i had a moment of great joy. i had been wondering during the last few days whether my men had died in the forest, or what could have become of them, as we had not received an answer to our signals. there i saw alcides rush out of the house and run toward me. his cheeks streamed with tears. "senhor! senhor!" he sobbed, embracing me. antonio, who followed behind, came up and shook hands, merely saying "good morning!" "where is white filippe? where is the man x?" i hastily inquired, in order to make sure that they were still alive. "they are fishing on the river." alcides called out to them: "come quickly! 'el senhor' has returned!" white filippe immediately ran up, but the man x shouted back that he was busy fishing; he would come up later. alcides was much upset on seeing my plight. he ran immediately into the hut and got me some clothes from the _seringueiro_, which i put on before entering the house. the _seringueiro_ was kindness itself to me, most thoughtful and hospitable. he prepared some food for us at once. that was a day of joy and sadness combined. i found that all my men were safe, but that they had abandoned all my baggage and all my collections in the forest. they believed that i had been assassinated by indians or that i had died of starvation. alcides cried like a child for some time. he and the others were ill with fever. those men i had left in charge of my baggage at the camp in the forest had remained at that camp for seven days after my departure. believing that i was never coming back, three of them had abandoned everything there, and even their companion antonio, who was in a dying condition and was unable to walk. they had proceeded quickly to the tapajoz, where they had found plenty to eat. two or three days later antonio had become better; he had shot some monkeys and birds, and had been able to keep alive. had it not been for the kind-hearted _seringueiro_, albuquerque, who had started out to rescue antonio, the poor devil would have certainly died there, abandoned by everybody. i heard stories that day which pained me a great deal. when my men believed that i was lost in the forest the man x had proposed to his companions to follow the _picada_ i had cut in order to find my body and rob me of all the money which he knew i carried. "if he is alive," he had said to his companions, "we will cut his throat once for all, and we will divide the money amongst ourselves." it was with some difficulty that alcides had prevented him from smashing all my baggage open, as he wished to divide the contents with his companions. alcides was an honest man. he had stood up against that rascal. after a severe fight it had been decided that the baggage should be left intact in the forest until such authorities as could be sent up from the fiscal agency could visit the spot and take charge of my things. it was then that i understood why the man x was now ashamed to face me, and did not come to greet me after i had nearly sacrificed my life to save him and his companions. albuquerque, the _seringueiro_, had also been considerate enough to lift my baggage upon stones and then cover it up with palm leaves, so that it should be preserved as much as possible from moisture and ants. during the month they had been back on the tapajoz the man x had once taken a journey alone to the spot where the baggage and antonio had been left, hoping to find his companion dead and so rob him of the money which he knew he had in his possession--the pay he had received from me. here is another charming incident. nearly dead with fatigue, i lay helpless in a hammock which the _seringueiro_ had hung for me. he and his wife had gone out to look after their new plantation, and only my men remained loafing about. the river was some 60 m. from the hut, and one had to go down a steep bank to reach the water. my throat was parched from the high fever, so i called antonio, who was near me, to give me a glass of water. antonio never budged, but called to white filippe, some way off, to bring the water. filippe called to the man x, repeating my order to him. the man x continued fishing without taking the slightest notice. so that, exhausted as i was, i had to struggle down to the river myself, as those men, for whom i had almost died, reciprocated my sacrifice in so graceful a fashion. i think that i might as well mention here a curious case of telepathy which occurred during those terrible days of starvation. naturally, when one has before one the prospect of leaving this world at any moment, and one is working under a severe mental strain, one generally thinks deeply of one's beloved parents and relatives. thus my father, mother and sister were before me all the time in my imagination. sometimes when i was half-dazed i could see them so vividly that i could almost believe they were so close that i could touch them. i never thought that i should see them again, in reality, although i never actually lost hope of doing so; but i was thinking incessantly of them, and of the anxiety i was causing them, as i had had no possible way of communicating with them for months and months. there would be nothing extraordinary in that, but the amazing part of it all was that my parents and my sister--who had no idea whatever that i was exploring, as i always take the greatest care not to let them know--actually during that time of starvation saw me in their imagination lying unconscious in the forest, dying of hunger, swarming all over with ants and surrounded by crocodiles. when i reached rio de janeiro in april of the following year i found there a number of letters which had been written to me by my parents and my sister during the month of september, in which they told me of those constant visions repeating themselves daily, especially between the dates of september 8th and september 24th. those letters were written long before anybody knew that i had ever suffered from starvation in the forest. it is quite remarkable that, except the crocodiles--which, of course, were not to be found in the forest--they reproduced the conditions with wonderful faithfulness, the telepathic connection having in that case been established vividly at a distance of several thousand miles. [illustration: colonel r. p. brazil and his charming wife.] chapter xxii baggage saved--the journey down the tapajoz river--colonel brazil--wrecked--from itaituba to the amazon--benedicto and the man x are discharged october 6th and 7th i spent inside a hammock. i was in such a high fever and so absolutely exhausted that i believed i should never be able to pull through. albuquerque and his wife were kindness itself to me, and looked after me most tenderly. while i had been away a trading boat had passed. that boat would be on its way down the river again in a few days. i thought i would take advantage of this to go down as far as the mouth of the tapajoz on the amazon in her. on the evening of october 7th, benedicto, who was a great glutton, prepared a huge bowl of the _mamão_ fruit stewed and sweetened with quantities of sugar. i had obtained from albuquerque some tins of shrimps, lobster and salmon, butter and jam--all condemned stuff from some ship--and i gave all my men a feast. benedicto brought me some of the sweet he had prepared, and it looked so tempting that, ill as i was, i ate a quantity of it. after dinner i persuaded my men to go back to the forest to recover the baggage they had abandoned there. tempted by a present of money i offered them if they would bring it back safely, they all agreed to go. on october 8th, however, when the men were to start, the man x had a severe colic. he rolled himself on the ground in great pain, and refused to go. the strong fever had finished me to such an extent that i did not think i should last many hours longer. albuquerque and his wife stood by my hammock watching me, albuquerque shaking his head compassionately, asking me if i wanted to write a last word to my family, which he would send down by the trading boat when she arrived. i well remember hearing his voice faintly, as i was in a half-dazed condition. i had not the strength to answer. as he walked out of the room he said to his wife: "poor fellow! he will not be alive in another hour!" albuquerque was a most thoughtful brazilian, intelligent and well-educated, quite superior for the position he occupied there. i was still alive on october 9th, much to the surprise of everybody, and feeling much better. there was a great slaughter of chickens, albuquerque saying that i needed chicken broth badly; in fact, that day i drank cup after cup, and it seemed to give me a little strength. although those chickens had a local value of about £1 sterling each, albuquerque would not hear of my paying for them. i knew what inconvenience it would be for him to slaughter them in that fashion, as he could not replace them perhaps for several months. good news came that day, when albuquerque's wife entered the room saying that some trading boats were coming up the river--she could see them a long way off, just getting over the capueras falls. i decided to go up in one of those boats as far as the fiscal agency at s. manoel, where i could obtain fresh clothes and provisions. remaining still inside a house i felt was killing me. the boats did not arrive that evening. the next day, october 10th, rain came down in sheets, so that we could not see more than a few metres in front of us, and the wind was howling with fury. on october 11th, when the boats approached, albuquerque took me up in a small canoe to them on the other side of the wide stream. it was the trading fleet of don eulogio mori, a peruvian trader, who at once offered all possible assistance and undertook to convey me up stream with pleasure. mr. mori, a most enterprising man, who was in charge of the expedition, was a frank, open and jolly gentleman, most charmingly thoughtful and civil. he and his brother had the second largest rubber-trading business on the upper tapajoz river. he was amazed when i got on board and told him who i was, as the news had already spread down the river that i had been murdered by my own men in the forest. in fact, during my absence, when alcides had travelled up to the fiscal agency to inform them of what was happening, he had been detained there for some days and accused with his companions of having murdered me. as we went up the stream once more we passed mount s. benedicto, with its foliated rock in grey and red strata. volleys were fired in honour of the saint; more candles were deposited on the platform of rock. when we halted for lunch, one of the crew died of yellow fever. after lunch a grave was dug and the corpse duly deposited in it. we had not gone far when the trading boats of colonel brazil, under the care of mr. joão pinto, came in sight on their way down the river. therefore i abandoned the idea of going up to s. manoel, as, had i not taken the opportunity of going down with mr. pinto, i might have had to wait up the river some two or three months before i had another opportunity. again i met with the greatest kindness on the part of mr. pinto when i transhipped from the peruvian boats. in a few hours, travelling rapidly down stream, i was once more at albuquerque's hut, where mr. pinto most kindly offered to halt one day in order that i might wait for the men who had gone in search of my baggage in the forest. [illustration: where the madeira-mamore railway begins.] [illustration: madeira-mamore railway, showing cut through tropical forest.] next day, october 16th, as i was in great suspense lest the men should not arrive in time--mr. pinto being pressed to get quickly down the river with some thousands of kilos of rubber he had purchased--my men eventually arrived with part of the baggage. they had abandoned the rest in the forest, including my valuable botanical collection, which had taken me so many months of careful labour. alcides said that the termites had played havoc with all my things. the wooden boxes had been almost entirely destroyed, as well as most of the contents. i was glad, nevertheless, to get back what i did, the man benedicto on that occasion behaving splendidly--even going back to the spot where the tragic scene had taken place with the indian miguel on our outward journey and recovering some of my instruments which i had abandoned there. in the afternoon of october 16th i bade goodbye to albuquerque, and gave him a present of £20 sterling, as he would not accept payment for the hospitality he had offered me. with a powerful crew of men we sped down the river quickly. in a couple of hours we had already arrived at the rapids of the capueras. after passing the island of pombas before entering the rapids, we encountered the first rapid of sirgar torta; then the second rapid of baunilla--named after the vanilla plant. the third rapid of the capueras group was called chafaris; then the fourth was the campinho. we went along the banks of the beautiful island of antas, after which we halted at the house of josé maracati, a mundurucu chieftain, with thirty indians under him. a delegate of the para province in charge of the indians--a man of strong malay characteristics and evidently of indian parentage--received us, and gave me much information about the local rubber industry. he told me that the best rubber found in that region was the kind locally called _seringa preta_, a black rubber which was coagulated with the smoke of the _coco de palmeira_. he calculated that 150 rubber trees gave about 14 kilos of rubber a day. the _seringa preta_ exuded latex all the year round, even during the rainy season. there was in that region also another kind of rubber tree--the _itauba_--but it was of inferior quality, as the latex was too liquid, like reddish milk, quite weak, and with little elasticity. a few trees of the _castanha do para_ were also found in that region, producing the well-known nut which has rendered brazil famous in england. _solveira_ trees were also plentiful all over that district, and gave latex which was good to drink; while another tree, called the _amapá_, exuded latex somewhat thinner than that of the _solveira_, which was supposed to be beneficial in cases of consumption or tuberculosis. very interesting were the different liane in the forest there, particularly the _cepa de agua_, which when cut gave most delicious fresh water to drink. the _titica_ was a smaller liana, which was most troublesome when you went through the forest, as it generally caught you and twisted round your feet as it lay for long distances along the ground. another wild fruit which was abundant there was the _pajurá_, dark in colour, soft-skinned, most palatable and quite nourishing, but which gave an insatiable thirst after you had eaten it. we resumed our journey among a lot of islands, traversing the cabeceira de piquarana. the main rapid was formidable enough, although nothing in comparison with the rapids we had gone over on the arinos-juruena river. there was a barrier of rock extending from w.s.w. to e.n.e. across the river, which was there 1,500 metres broad and of great beauty, with hillocks on either side and some small islets in mid-stream. soon afterwards we came to another barrier of rock, extending from north to south. it was called the bigua. there was an island of the same name, the name being taken from an aquatic bird which is plentiful there. the traders talked a great deal of the dangers of those rapids, and they were certainly dangerous because of the innumerable submerged rocks; but after the fierceness of those we had encountered before they seemed child's play to us. the river there followed a direction of b.m. 60°. we spent the night of october 16th-17th at the _seringueiro's_ farm of boa vista, most beautifully situated where the river described a big curve. in its crudeness the hospitality of those exiles was quite charming. they hardly ever spoke; they just laid things before you--all they possessed--and were overcome with surprise when you thanked them for it or when you offered payment. there was a project of constructing a cart-road for some 20 kil. along the bank, in order to avoid the rapids which occurred there in the river. although those rapids were not impressive to look at, they were strewn with submerged rocks just under the surface, which were very dangerous for the large trading boats. if that road were constructed a great deal of time would be saved, especially in ascending the river, when sometimes the trading boats took as long as a week or ten days to get over that particular rapid. the first rapid we saw after we left boa vista was the vira sebo rapid, slightly worse than the following ones. i was getting a little better, living on the roof of the trading boat, thoughtfully looked after by mr. joão pinto and the other employés of col. brazil. i was able to drink quantities of condensed milk, and my strength seemed to be slowly coming back. [illustration: bolivian rubber at abuna station on the madeira-mamore railway.] [illustration: the inauguration train on the madeira-mamore railway.] the river had many islets as we proceeded on our journey, with wooded hillocks some 100 to 150 ft. high in long successive undulations along the river banks. the coast-line was generally of rocky volcanic formation, with accumulations of boulders in many places right across the stream. after passing the rapids we were travelling through a region of extensive and beautiful sand-beaches, with hardly any rock showing through anywhere. the country on each side was almost altogether flat, merely an occasional hill being visible here and there. on october 19th we came in for a howling storm of wind and rain, waves being produced in the river as high as those that occur in the sea. we tossed about considerably and shipped a lot of water. more immense sand-beaches were passed, and then we came to a region of domed rocks showing along the river bank. at all the _baracãos_, or trading sheds where the _seringueiros_ bought their supplies, the same rubbish was for sale: condemned, quite uneatable ship biscuits sold at 5_s._ a kilo; epsom salts at the rate of £2 sterling a kilo; putrid tinned meat at the rate of 10_s._ a tin; 1-lb. tins of the commonest french salt butter fetched the price of 10_s._ each. the conversation at all those halting-places where the trading boats stopped was dull beyond words, the local scandal--there was plenty of it always--having little interest for me. at one place we were met by a charming girl dressed up in all her finery, singing harmonious songs to the accompaniment of her guitar. so great was her desire to be heard that she kept on the music incessantly during the whole time we stopped--some three hours--although nobody paid the slightest attention to it after the first song or two. farther down the river, there 800 m. wide, hills and undulations were to be seen on each side. at sunset that day we arrived at s. isabel or castanho, where i had the pleasure of meeting the greatest man upon that river--col. r. e. brazil, a man of immense strength of will and enterprise. he went under the name, which he well deserved, of the "king of the tapajoz"; for it was he who indeed held the key of that river, nearly the entire commerce on that great waterway being, directly or indirectly, in his hands. october 20th was spent at s. isabel, where a great fleet of boats was waiting to be loaded with thousands upon thousands of kilos of magnificent rubber. both col. brazil and his employés treated me with great deference, and made preparations to get a boat ready at once for me to continue my journey down the stream. in fact, col. brazil, who would not hear of my paying for being conveyed down stream, insisted upon my being his guest, and declared that he himself would take me to a point where i might be able to get a steamer. when all the boats were ready, at 4 p.m. on october 20th, we proceeded on our journey down the tapajoz by a small channel on the right side of the river, in order to visit some of the trading sheds belonging to col. brazil, especially those at the mouth of the crepore river, which was 100 m. wide where it entered the tapajoz on the right side. the scenery was beautiful, the hills getting higher as we proceeded north, some of the islands we passed also being of great height and forming picturesque scenes, especially against the gorgeous tints of the sky at sunset. i was interested in observing the wonderful regularity of the sky-line along the forest. it looked as if the trees had been trimmed artificially in a perfectly straight line. the fleet which col. brazil was taking down the river consisted of eight large boats. i was much impressed by the force of mind of col. brazil, together with his great charm and thoughtfulness when not at work. his men were in mortal fear of him, and trembled all over when he spoke to them. no serious obstacle to navigation was encountered as we proceeded on our journey, although rocks were plentiful, great red domes and boulders galore showing through the water and along the coast-line. whitish vertical cliffs were noticeable along the higher hills. the most impressive things i saw in that part of the river were the extensive beaches of beautiful reddish sand extending for hundreds and hundreds of metres at a time. those beaches were often 10 to 20 ft. high. the river was most interesting, especially near the beach of curassá, with crato in the distance; then the great meadow of "mission nova" extending in a north-westerly direction on the left bank, along the tributary of the same name. in the same direction extended also the rocky barrier at the beginning of the mangabel rapid. the rapid was formed by a rocky barrier extending from north-west to south-east. we had hilly and undulating country all the way along, and the river wound about a great deal. col. brazil was steering the first boat of the fleet carefully as we went through the tortuous channel, the entire fleet following us in good order. picturesque islands of truly tropical appearance were to be seen, covered with tall burity palms, 30 to 40 ft. high, with narrow channels between. the heavy clouds which had collected to the north suggested an approaching storm, but, as luck would have it, the sky cleared at sunset. as we wound our way among the many rocks reflected in the now still waters of that vast river, the scene was really beautiful. the channel through which col. brazil navigated his boat was only 10 m. wide, with dangerous submerged rocks. mangabel, taken as a whole, was an immense basin, 1,000 to 1,500 m. broad from west to east, interspersed with elongated, rounded and flattened rocks. it was indeed a most picturesque sight, especially when all the trading boats were winding their way at sunset descending the various rapids. after going through a great channel, we went along a large fissure from south-east to north-west, still in the mangabel rapid. the rock of that region was highly ferruginous. that fissure was of great depth, and absolutely free from rocks in the channel itself. when we emerged from the fissure we were confronted to the east on the right bank by two enormous hemispherical domes 100 ft. high, grassy but absolutely without a tree. the rocky formation of the hills was apparent a little farther down stream, when going along the great eastern channel of the river. on the left bank we had hills with _campos_ on their summit. all the hills i noticed in that region had rounded backs. i greatly admired the bearing of col. brazil as we dashed down at a terrific speed through the most intricate channel in the rapid, strewn with sharp rocks. had we touched one of those rocks it would have meant the destruction of the boat, the loss of all the valuable cargo and most of the crew, as the majority of them could not swim. there were three passages there, called respectively the casson, near the left bank; the dos ananas, in the centre; and the channel da terra preta, which we followed, on the right. at lua nova, the end of the mangabel rapid, the river turned in a sweeping curve to the north, the rocks getting fewer and fewer until eventually the river became quite clear of them, with only high hills along both banks. lua nova was a little settlement of five houses and a shed, some of them whitewashed, with doors and windows painted green. a small plantation of indian corn, sugar-cane, and _mandioca_ had been made, the soil being extremely fertile at that spot. we enjoyed a magnificent view to the west and north-north-west, the river there forming an elbow. [illustration: wreck of the "mamoria" in the calderão of the solimões river.] [illustration: indians of the putumayo district. (dr. rey de castro, peruvian consul at manaos, in the centre of photograph.)] close by, on leaving that place, we found on our right lage's point, where the rocky formation suddenly ended, and with it the dangers of the mangabel rapids. here there was a basin 1,500 m. wide, with extensive sand-beaches of great beauty. after passing the last row of rocks, extending from west to east, the entire river bottom was of clean yellow sand, so that the water appeared as limpid as crystal, while a few moments before it looked of a dirty yellow--not because it was really dirty, but because of the reflection from the rocky river bottom. from praia formosa, which we then saw on our left side, the river was once more strewn with rocks, but not in such quantities as at mangabel. high hills could be seen all along, which seemed as if they had been formed by alluvial deposits left there when the drainage from the high matto grosso plateau proceeded down toward the north in a disorderly fashion, until it found its way into the great fissures in the earth's crust which now form the beds of those great arteries, the xingu, the tapajoz, and the madeira rivers. i noticed that all the hills and undulations ran from south to north or from north-west to south-east, the southern slope being generally more elongated. after passing on our left the trading sheds of sobradinho and s. vicente, with their corrugated iron roofs--looking to us the most civilized things we had ever seen--we approached the montanha, where another rapid had to be negotiated. during the night i was sleeping inside the cabin of the boat, which col. brazil had placed at my disposal, and where i had all the baggage which i had saved from the forest. in the middle of the night all of a sudden the boat sank in 5 or 6 ft. of water. it was all i could do to scramble out of the cabin. the boat had sprung a great leak as big as a man's hand, which had been stopped up, and which had suddenly opened--hence the misfortune. this sudden immersion in cold water gave me another bad attack of fever, as i had to sit the entire night in wet pyjamas while the crews of all the other boats were summoned in order to raise the boat once more, a work which lasted several hours. next morning when we departed col. brazil lent me some of his clothes, while all my things were spread on the roofs of the various boats to dry in the sun, i never shall forget col. brazil's amusement and that of his men when i unpacked some of the boxes, which had once been watertight, and pulled out a dress-suit, frock-coat, and other such stylish garments, now all wet and muddy, and some twenty pairs of shoes, all in a terrible condition, mildewed and soaked with the moisture they had absorbed in the forest and during the last immersion. near the tributary montanha, on the left side of the main stream, were two small rapids. a rich rubber-producing land was situated a day and a half's journey along that tributary. the best way to reach it was from a place called el frances, one of the most charming spots i saw on the lower tapajoz river. the central hill at montanha was 300 ft. high, the hills around it from 200 to 300 ft. high. farther down we came to the rio jamanchin, a tributary on the right side of the tapajoz, which entered the river where great sand-shallows occupied nearly half the width of the stream. col. brazil was the happy possessor of immense concessions on that tributary stream--in fact as far as the tocantins river, a tributary on the left side of the jamanchin. he had already made a mule trail across that region in order to get over the difficulty of the troublesome rapids which are to be found there, such as those of portão, cahy, and apuhy. the mineral wealth was also considerable, according to the accounts i heard; while undoubtedly the production of rubber could not be better. this was the spot at which the river tapajoz came nearest to its eastern neighbour the river xingu. the _seringueiros_ on the latter river constantly cross over, following the jamanchin in order to go down to the amazon by the tapajoz. rubber collectors have found their way high up on the xingu river--much farther up than on the river tapajoz. on october 25th we went down first the limão rapid, and then the burbure rapid. the river was beautiful all along, with low hills on both sides. we eventually arrived at pimental, a fiendishly hot, steamy, unhealthy place, where across a streamlet was a station for the transhipment of rubber. the place was on low ground, which became inundated at high water. another station was built some 200 m. off on high ground, which was used as a winter station. the second station was at the beginning of an excellent mule track which col. brazil had cut as far as a place lower down the river called bella vista, a distance of some 20 kil. he had imported at much expense a number of mules for the service. all the rubber was conveyed from that spot on mule-back, as between pimental and bella vista was a dangerous rapid, on which many boats had been lost. in the company of col. brazil i rode over that distance, in intense pain owing to the weak state in which i was. when we came to the river again, over great deposits of sand we saw a number of crocodiles basking in the sun. bella vista consisted of four neat double-storied grey houses, two large white buildings, and some temporary constructions of mud with palm-leaf roofs, all of them situated on a high bank. the place was at the entrance of a wide channel, dry and sandy. when this was filled by the stream at high water a long island was formed. bella vista was a great point for us, for there we should meet steam navigation again, col. brazil having purchased a handsome steamer which performed the service between that place and belem (para). [illustration: a street in iquitos.] [illustration: the launch "rimac" on the ucayalli river.] i broke down altogether while there, and was nursed with the tenderest care by the family of mr. lage, who was in charge of that trading station. it is difficult to imagine more kind-hearted, generous people than these exiles in those deadly regions. all the employés at the station were in a pitiable condition, suffering from malarial fever. when the steamer _commandante macedo_ arrived--she only came once a month in order to bring down the rubber--i went in her to the first town we had seen since leaving diamantino, a place called itaituba. it seemed to us as if we had dropped into london or paris again, although the place merely consisted of a few red-roofed houses, the walls of which were gaily coloured, bright yellow, green, or white. palm trees of great size showed here and there beyond the row of buildings as we approached the place on its high site. prominent along the river front were magnificently vigorous mango trees, with luxuriant foliage. a brick and stone church, unfinished, was visible, with a great pile of bricks in front waiting in vain for money and labour to complete it. the grand square, with its pretty _intendencia_ coloured bright blue, formed the end, on the west, of that most important "town" on the tapajoz. in the centre of the square was a well-executed bust of correa. the most prominent feature of the place, however, was the elevated landing-stage, some 30 ft. above the level of the river at low water, erected there for loading and unloading when the river rose. the town was divided by three longitudinal avenues, the central one also with rows of magnificent mango trees, which indeed seemed to flourish at that place. i was particularly struck by the wonderful tidiness and cleanliness, the good drainage of the streets, and the upkeep of the different houses, of which the people seemed proud. everybody was well off, owing to the rubber industry, which had brought much wealth to the place. col. brazil and his family have dedicated much time and energy to embellishing the town, and no doubt some day, when itaituba is connected with proper telegraphic and postal services, it will become an important city, being the key, as it were, of the tapajoz river. on november 5th i bade good-bye to my good friend col. brazil, whose guest i had been since leaving the forest, and for whose thoughtful hospitality i feel deeply grateful. i presented him with my best rifle, a very handsome weapon, which had accompanied me on several previous journeys, and which was the only valuable thing remaining in my possession. it was a new sensation for me to be steaming down comfortably on a beautifully-kept steamer, as spick-and-span as a private yacht. her captain and co-proprietor with col. brazil was captain macedo, a man who had spent much time in europe, and was one of the most polished gentlemen i met in brazil. now that my work was practically over, it was a great relief to me to be basking in a cane chair upon the deck, looking at the wonderful scenery opening up before me as we went on. we passed a lovely sand-beach, capitary, then the immense bay of boin, and farther on the great rocks of surucuá. then came in sight the headland called punta de cururu, with the serra of the same name upon it. once or twice the ship stopped at different sheds in order to take up merchandise, but we only halted long enough to get the cargo on board, and once more we proceeded gaily down stream. it was wonderful how one appreciated civilized ways of locomotion after travelling for months and months, as we had done, in the manner of prehistoric man. in the evening, while we were sitting at dinner, there was a big bump. we had run aground somewhat heavily on a sand-dune. the captain rather frightened me as he said that on a previous occasion they had stuck on a sand-bank for several days before they could get off. as luck would have it that night, partly by the aid of a steel cable several hundred metres long, which had been fastened to a number of big trees on the shore, partly by her own power, we were able to back out and get her free. only six hours were wasted. the tide, which reaches a long way up the tapajoz river when the latter is low, helped us a great deal. at high tide the level of the water is raised more than one foot. it seemed amazing that the tide of the ocean could extend its influence by forcing the water back so far up the amazon and its tributaries. although the steamer on which i was did not draw much water, being built specially for river navigation, careful soundings had to be taken continually. i well recollect the cries of the man at the lead. when the man cried out "_una braça!_" (one fathom), there was great excitement on board, and we had to slow down to half speed or dead slow. in the distance on the left bank in the haze could be distinguished high hills, at the foot of which white ribbon-like streaks were visible along the water. the barros do tapayuna, a sand and mud bar, extremely shallow, extended from the elongated island of the same name right across the stream, there about 5 kil. wide. that spot was also called the _garganta_, or throat of the tapajoz, because at low water it was impossible to get through, and it was necessary to unload the steamer, the navigation being extremely difficult. "_dos braças!_" (two fathoms) cried the lead man. "one and a half fathom!" he cried next, as we went over the shallowest part of that sand-bar. although shallow, that part of the river was not dangerous, because the bottom was of soft mud; not so, however, farther on, where the shallow channel was strewn with plentiful rocks. captain macedo had sensibly placed buoys and marks all over the most dangerous places, so as to minimize the dangers of navigation. the river was magnificent farther down, where we passed a great quadrangular rock of deep indian red, looking exactly like an immense square tower. then vertical rocks were to be seen all along the right bank; while on the left bank, when we crossed over to the other side of the river, were immense beaches of beautiful sand. above them were great stretches of the most wonderful grass, upon which thousands of cattle could graze--but not one animal was to be seen. [illustration: a trail in the andes.] it was rather interesting to note that the formation of the right bank was exactly the same as that of the paredão grande we had seen in matto grosso. vertical sides in great rectangles were noticeable, intersected by passages--regular cañons--where small huts could be seen at the foot of the picturesque rocks, especially at places where small streamlets entered the tapajoz. i was told that little lakes had formed beyond those frontal rocky masses, the entrances to which were blocked at low water by sand-bars. beyond that row of vertical red rocks was a more or less confused mass of hills, some dome-like, others of a more elongated form, but still with a well-rounded sky-line. the water of the stream had now changed colour altogether, and had become of a deep green. islets could be seen far, far away to the left side of the river, mere white dots and lines along the water-line, most of them having white sand-beaches around them; while on the right bank the great red walls in sections continued for many miles. as we neared the mouth of the tapajoz, the river had the immense width of 14 kil. on the right, after going through the passagem dos surucué, we passed the mountain of jaguarary, which stood prominent along a flat elevation on the right bank. we halted in the afternoon at a picturesque little place called prainha--prettier than any i had seen so far, because of its frontage battlement, with its numerous staircases to allow the people of the various houses to go down to the water. a tiny church stood farther back on a prominence. late at night we arrived at santarem, at the junction of the tapajoz river with the amazon. at that spot the man x and poor benedicto insisted on leaving me, so they received their full pay, and benedicto a very handsome present of money; after which they disembarked. as the sum i paid benedicto was a considerable one, so that he might be well off for the rest of his days, i warned him not to waste it in buying all kinds of absurd things. we halted at santarem for several hours. what was not my astonishment, just before we departed, to find that benedicto had gone into a store and had spent over £25 sterling in buying innumerable tins of jam--in fact, he had bought up the entire supply which was in the store! when i asked him what he did that for, he said he was very fond of jam. with his friends and a number of people he had quickly collected round him, they opened tin after tin, ravenously devouring the contents, so that within a short time he would have none left. brazilians of all classes are hopelessly improvident. chapter xxiii santarem to belem (pará)--the amazon--from belem to manaos--the madeira-mamore railway santarem was an old settlement of no great interest. it had a few relatively fine ancient buildings and many ugly new ones. early on november 6th the steamer proceeded on her way to belem (pará). on leaving santarem we first emerged into the great amazon river, a regular sea of fresh water, where we tossed about in a strong north-easterly gale. unless one knew, one never could have imagined oneself on a river, as the stream was so wide at that point that the opposite bank could not be seen at all. things were a little better when we entered the channel of monte alegre. on that channel was the little town of the same name, half of the buildings being along the water's edge, the other half on the summit of a low hill near by. there is a sulphur spring there with wonderful medicinal properties, and coal is also said to be found. a colony of spaniards had been imported to work, but they were dissatisfied and had left. tobacco, made up into fusiform sticks 6 ft. long and tied into bundles, was exported from that place in considerable quantities; the inhabitants were also engaged in breeding cattle, growing indian corn, and drying fish--the _pirarucú_ (_vastres gigas_), a salmonoid vulgarly called the cod-fish of the amazon. a big trade was done in that dried fish all over that region. in the full moon of a glorious night we could discern to the north a mountain region with elevations of over 3,000 ft. between those mountains--the serra de almerin--and ourselves, lay a long flat island, the vegetation on which was, for that particular region, comparatively sparse. that island of mud had formed during the last fifteen or twenty years, and was at the time of my visit several kilometres in length. it was called the pesqueiro. islands have a way of forming in a very short time in the amazon, while others change their shape or disappear altogether. on november 7th we were facing the principal outlet of the amazon to the north-east. that main estuary is, however, not as navigable as the one south of it, through which most of the big ships pass. an archipelago had formed at that spot. the fortress of matapa, very ancient, stood on the largest outlet. we went through the channel called the itoquara. another, the tajapurozinho, was to the south, forming a boundary on that side of the large island, which we skirted to the north in the itoquara channel. the beautiful island of uruttahi was now in sight, to the north of the largest outlet. like all other islands in that neighbourhood, it was flat and of alluvial formation. in order to avoid the open waters, where the small ship upon which i was tossed about considerably, we kept to the smaller channels between the islands, going first through the channel of limão and after that through the tajapuru. it was practically the same course as the itoquara, which was called by different names in different parts. it was narrow and tortuous, and required great skill in the navigation of it; but it was extraordinarily deep--so deep that all the big ocean steamers entering the amazon followed this channel in preference to the main outlet of the river, which is not navigable owing to many sandbanks. we were there in a regular maze of islands, composed mostly of mud and of recent formation, not more than one or two feet above the water. for brazil, they were fairly thickly inhabited, miserable huts being visible every few hundred metres or so. on our right as we went through we had a luxuriant growth of _mirichi_ palms, some of great height and close together--a regular forest of them. at the first glance as you looked at those islands, it seemed as if all along the coast-line a low palisade had been erected. it was indeed a natural palisade of _aninga_, an aquatic plant growing in profusion on the edge of mud-banks. the _aninga_ is said to contain a powerful poison, the touch of which produces violent itching. all the houses and huts on those islands necessarily had to be built on high piles, as the country was constantly inundated, the tide rising and falling some three feet in that particular channel. [illustration: campas indian children.] as we neared the mouth of the river, with para as our objective, we first saw the lighthouse of buyussu in the immense bay which takes its name from the little town of coralhina. both this town and that of boa vista were on the left side of us, on the great island of marajo. on the right the island of oya was visible, and the island of araras. between the light of buyussu and the island of oya opened the great bay of melgasso. considering the amount of navigation that went through, it was amazing to see how badly lighted that river was--the two lights, such as the one at buyussu, and the one at mandy, at the entrance of the bay of marajo, being no bigger than and not so brilliant as the ordinary street oil-lamp in an english or french village. i understand that all ships navigating the amazon have to pay a large tax on each journey for the maintenance of the lighthouses on that immense waterway. it is quite criminal that no proper lights are constructed in order to protect the safety of the passengers and the valuable cargoes which go by that important water route. more picturesque than most of the scenery i had so far witnessed on the amazon was the narrow foro da jararaca. from the lamp-post--it cannot in all honesty be called a lighthouse--of mandy, we made for the other lamp-post of capin; and from this for the third lamp-post of arrozal, navigation being most difficult in that part. from there we steered direct for the farol de cutijuba, a light somewhat more respectable than the others at the entrance of the barra of pará. after going through the bay of coralhina we did not follow the great channel that was before us, but skirted the island of concepção to the left, passing between it and paketta island. after that island we found ourselves in the bay of jappelin, so named after a bird of that region, which builds an elongated nest. having passed the cutijuba island, and then the taxipa island on our left, in the early morning we entered between the islands of arabiranga and jararakinha. the larger vessels generally follow a course outside on the east of this island before entering the large bay of marajo. we could plainly see that we were approaching a large city, for quantities of little sailing boats were now visible on the water. signs of civilization were beginning to appear on the island of arabiranga. a brick and tile kiln, which supplied belem (pará) with most of its building materials, had been established there. alongside the island could be seen a lot of steamers belonging to the amazon river company. beyond was the bay of guajara, with the city and many ocean steamers looming in the distance. on november 18th we steamed into the bay, and there stood the city of belem (pará) before us, while the noise of the town began to get louder and louder as we approached the dock. that sound was welcome to me in a way, and at the same time worrying, after the dead silence i had been accustomed to for the last many months. a swarm of robber-porters invaded the steamer the moment we came alongside the pier. the bustle, the loud shouting, the pushing, seemed most irritating. ill as i was, for a few moments i almost contemplated the idea of turning back toward the virgin forest. the heat was oppressive, the bells of the tramways jangled all the time, the rattle of the mediæval carriages on the cobble-stones of the pavement was distressing. things were not pleasanter when i put up in the best hotel, where the best room i could get was not unlike a coal-cellar. we will not speak of the food. those aspiring efforts at semi-civilization were to my mind ten times worse than no civilization at all. had it not been for the extreme kindness of my friend commandante macedo, of mr. ross, the manager of the london and brazilian bank, and of the british consul, i would have left the place that same day. at belem i dismissed alcides, antonio, and white filippe, paying their full passage by sea and railway and full wages up to the day of their arrival at their respective homes. they had certainly many faults, and had not behaved well to me; but i am given to weigh matters justly, and there was no doubt that those men had endured terrific hardships and, willingly or unwillingly, had carried through quite a herculean task. i therefore not only paid them the high wages upon which i had agreed, but i gave each a handsome present of money. the three men duly signed receipts and unsolicited certificates, in which they declared that during the entire journey they had been treated by me in a generous manner and with every possible thoughtfulness and consideration. as they had not been able to spend a single penny since we had left diamantino they had accumulated a considerable sum of cash. i warned them, as i had done with benedicto, to be careful and not waste their money. they went out for a walk. some hours later they returned, dressed up in wonderful costumes with fancy silk ties, patent leather shoes, gold chains and watches, and gaudy scarf-pins. in a few hours they had wasted away nearly the entire sum i had paid out to them. everything was extremely expensive in pará--certainly three or four times the price which things would fetch in london or new york. two days later white filippe and antonio embarked for rio de janeiro, with hardly a word of farewell to me. alcides refused to travel on the same steamer with his companions, and left by a later one. the city of pará is much too well known for me to enter into a long description of it. since its discovery in the year 1500, when vincente yanes pinzon cast anchor in the marañon or amazon, belem has become a beautiful city. as everybody knows, it is the capital of the pará province, which has an area of 1,149,712 sq. kil. geographically, belem could not be situated in a better position, and is bound some day to become the most flourishing city of the brazilian republic. it is undoubtedly the key to the great amazon river, although it is not actually at the mouth of the amazon, but 138 kil. from the ocean. through it is bound to pass the trade not only of that riverine portion of brazil, but also of peru and bolivia. [illustration: campas old woman and her son.] belem (pará) is mostly known to europeans as the nest of yellow fever. during the last few years it has been freed absolutely from that scourge, the cases of yellow fever being now few and far between, owing to the wonderful progress made by hygiene and the praiseworthy efforts made by the province to keep the city in a healthy condition. the population of pará is 192,230 inhabitants. many spacious and handsome edifices, such as the government buildings and the professional institutes, do great credit to the city; while the peace theatre is one of the finest in brazil. many private mansions are of some architectural beauty, and some of the new avenues and the municipal gardens are handsome. the slaughter-house, the iron market, etc., are quite up to date, and the city even boasts of a crematorium. my object in coming to belem (pará) was merely to see my men safely on board on their return to the minas geraes and goyaz provinces; also to buy some new cameras and instruments, so that i could start on the second part of my expedition, following the entire course of the amazon almost up to its source, then cross over the andes and reach the pacific ocean. my english friends in pará tried to dissuade me from attempting the journey, as i was in a pitiful condition. what was worse, civilization, instead of making me feel better, was smashing me up altogether. every day i was getting weaker and weaker, and more exhausted. i had hardly strength to walk about, less still to go up or down stairs. beri-beri commenced to develop in my right foot, and added to my other trials. the english consul told me it was absolute folly to try and proceed on such a long journey in such an exhausted state. having bought fresh clothes and cameras for my new expedition, i left pará on november 12th at noon on the excellent ship _anthony_ of the booth line, on my way up the amazon to manaos. i will not attempt here to give a description of that amazing river the amazon--amazing because it is very big and not because it is beautiful, for indeed i do not believe that in all my travels i have ever seen a river quite so ugly and uninteresting as the amazon. first of all, it is so big that you seldom see both sides of the river at a time; its waters are muddy and filthy; its climate is damp, oppressive and unhealthy; its vegetation, when you are near enough the banks to see it, is entangled, half-rotted, and smelly. all along one's nostrils are offended by the fetid odour of mud and decayed vegetable matter. people in europe seem imbued with the idea that, as you go along the amazon, you must be attracted by the great number of birds of beautiful plumage, insects and butterflies of all sizes and amazing colours. occasionally, especially in the early morning and at sunset, one does notice perhaps a flock of green paroquets with yellow foreheads, notable for their peculiar, clumsy, rapid wing-flapping flight and their harsh shrieks when settling on the trees. occasionally, too, one may see a family of larger parrots dashing across the sky; but, indeed, birds in the lower amazon are not plentiful by any means, nor, indeed, is their plumage particularly attractive, most birds, except the parrots, being small and very soberly tinted. as for the melodious songs of birds which civilized people always imagine in the equatorial forest--the song that will set you dreaming while you are basking under palm trees--the actual traveller will find the greatest disappointment of all in that respect. with one or two exceptions, such as the _troglodytes fuscus_, a small brown wren which emits sweet musical notes, most birds of the amazon have grating voices and harsh piercing whistles, or monotonous deep repetitions of two or three funereal notes which are more apt to drive you insane than to fascinate you. among the most unmusical singers of the lower amazon may be counted the several families of finches and fly-catchers, and the local thrushes, which feed on ants. similar disappointment awaits one in regard to the vegetation. people imagine brazil a land of beautiful flowers, the forest made up of immense trees with luxuriant foliage, overladen with parasitic orchids--eternally in bloom, of course, in the dreamy minds of the untravelled, and just waiting to be picked and to be placed in one's buttonhole. the sky, naturally, over such a forest, could only be swarming with birds of all sizes, with plumage of the richest colours and hues; and what else could such a luxuriant country have in the way of butterflies and insects than some which resemble precious gems in the iridescent tones of their wings and bodies? that is what people imagine. the following is what you really see. the trees, overcrowded everywhere, far from being gigantic, are, instead, mean-looking and anæmic--not unlike the pallid, overgrown youth of the over-populated slums of a great city. orchids? yes, there are plenty of orchids about, but you never see them unless you go on a special search for them with a high ladder or some other such means of climbing high trees. in any case, you would not detect them unless you had the eye of an expert. it is well not to forget that in tropical climates, as in temperate zones, plants are not always in bloom when you happen to be passing. as for the butterflies, you seldom see any at all in the actual forest. perhaps one of the most common birds of the amazon is a kind of grey-eyed, noisy, mimicking magpie, locally called _guache_ or _japim_ or _jappelin_ (_cassicus icterranotus_), quite amusing with its energetic movements, its observant habits, its familiar interest in everything and everybody, and its facility for reproducing correctly enough sounds which momentarily attract its attention. the wonderful activity of its slender body, clothed in velvety black, neatly-groomed yellow feathers, and its charming wickedness make it, perhaps, one of the most attractive birds near towns and settlements on the river. it builds elongated nests which are 20 to 30 in. in length, the entrance to which is in the lower portion. they are suspended from the branches of trees. as i have said, the large bay near the mouth of the amazon has been named in honour of this bird. [illustration: campas indian woman.] another bird of great interest is the _araruna_ (or _macrocerus hyacinthinus_), a magnificent macaw of great size, which is perhaps the rarest and most beautiful found in the interior of brazil from the northern end of the central plateau as far as the amazon river. its feathers are of a soft, metallic, dark greyish-blue, almost black, except round the eyes, where the uncovered white skin shows through. i have seen these birds in flight on four or five different occasions on the tapajoz river, and tried in vain to secure a specimen. i generally saw them in couples, flying at a great height and speed. these birds are extremely intelligent, and become most affectionate and faithful companions to a considerate master. in fact, they will attack any one endeavouring to get near their owners. their beaks are extremely strong. when in captivity they are disastrous to one's belongings, as they seem to possess an irresistible desire to crush and tear anything they see. they can chip off pieces of furniture made of the hardest wood with considerable ease. this is easily understood when you can see them crush into fragments the extremely hard nuts of the _acrocomia lasiopatha_, on which they principally live. sir roger casement, of putumayo atrocities fame, whom i had the pleasure of meeting at manaos, possessed a most beautiful specimen of the _macrocerus hyacinthinus_. it was most touching to see the pathetic devotion which existed between master and bird and _vice versa_. only the people of the hotel where we both stayed did not appreciate the magnificent blue-black visitor, for when its master was out it spent all its time chipping off pieces from tables and chairs, and took the greatest pride and delight in flinging forks, knives and spoons off the dining-room tables, and tearing the menus to strips. the brazilian waiters, in their caution to maintain their own anatomy intact, did not dare go near it; for the bird, even on hearing remarks made on its behaviour, would let itself down the sides of chairs and defiantly proceed to attack the intruders. similar but larger and more beautiful than this macaw is the _ararama_, extremely rare and perfectly black. the natives say that it is impossible to keep it in captivity as it is quite untameable. i saw a couple of these birds. they were really magnificent--certainly 3 ft. in length from the tip of the beak to the end of the tail. when the steamer was close enough to the banks or an island we occasionally saw small groups of _assahy_ palms (_euterpe oleracea_) 20 to 30 ft. high, with smooth stems and feather-like foliage. other palms, equally graceful, with stems like polished columns and delicately-cut fronds aloft, were also to be seen; but otherwise most of the vegetation was entangled and untidy. from the trees hung liane in festoons or suspended like cords. creepers of all kinds smothered the trunks and branches of the trees, which seemed to struggle for a little life and air; while, when we had an opportunity of examining the branches of the trees a little closer, we could see absolute swarms of parasites covering every bough. near some of the houses could be seen the _musa paradisiaca_, the most common kind of banana palm in that region, with its green leaves ten to twelve feet long reflecting beautiful shades like silk velvet when caressed by the wind. i saw one or two specimens of the bread-fruit tree, with its digitated foliage, and several kinds of pine-apple plants (_bromelia_)--some with leaves toothed along their edges, others shaped more like the blade of a long knife. i was in great pain, and could not observe much. also, most of the time we were at a great distance from the banks, and the river was so wide that it was almost like being in mid-ocean. on november 14th we passed obidos, at the mouth of the rio trombetas, the narrowest point, where the river went through a channel only 2,000 m. broad, but of extreme depth. the channel was formed by a depression between two hillocks 250 ft. high or so. the settlement of obidos consisted of two long white buildings near the water, and a series of stores. to the left of the village as we looked at it was a high cliff extending for some 2,000 m. up stream over a beautiful beach. the cliff showed patches of red and yellow rock of a brilliant colour, the lower strata being of a deep red and clearly defined, the upper ones of a raw sienna colour, the dividing-line between the two colours being somewhat undulating. there was dense forest on the summit of the cliff. a good deal of vegetation had crept down and was clinging to the side of the cliff. a little white church with a pointed spire stood on the highest point of the cliff, close to the town. behind the cliff rose a hill of some height, upon which the better houses, with red-tiled roofs, were situated. a wide road led up to them. the water of the stream was of a dirty yellow, and very turbulent owing to the strong wind that was blowing and the violent current. proceeding up stream, we then came to a hill 300 ft. high on the right, which ended abruptly in an almost vertical red and yellow cliff plunging into the water. on the opposite side of the river, along the narrow neck, were lowlands, quite open and scantily wooded, over which rose great columns of black smoke, caused by the natives burning down the forest in order to prepare the land for their plantations. it was at this point that the entire volume of the amazon could be gauged at a glance. as you looked up stream a long bluish line of low forest could be perceived over the gradually expanding deep yellow river. dozens upon dozens of columns of smoke were visible. when night came the effects of those forest fires, with the reflection of the light upon the low clouds and in the water, were very weird and beautiful. greetings were occasionally exchanged upon the river as a big ocean steamer went by, or an over-enthusiastic captain let off rockets, which brought all the passengers from the dinner-table to the port-holes. farther on we came to a pretty plantation on the left with innumerable banana palms crowded together, and some cocoa trees. at one time the exportation of cocoa from that section of the amazon between obidos and santarem was considerable--some 8,000 kilos yearly. i was told that that industry has now gone down a great deal, and not more than 4,000 kilos were exported in 1911. [illustration: campas woman.] [illustration: campas man, woman and child.] as we went farther up stream we passed alluvial banks of comparatively recent formation, in some places only one foot above the water and liable to constant inundation--in other places 10 or 12 ft. above the stream, and exposing an abrupt crumbling section of grey clay on a lower stratum with a narrow band of raw sienna colour. this yellow band rarely exceeded a thickness of 1 ft. we had an object-lesson here, where the banks were eroded by water and were gradually crumbling away, of the reason why the trees were so anæmic and generally died. the roots, instead of burrowing deep into the ground, spread out laterally in a horizontal position quite close to the surface of the ground. that night we had a beautiful effect of rain and smoke and the reflection from the fires, a wonderful study of reds and yellows and dark blues which would have fascinated the immortal painter turner. farther on we passed an island 6 ft. above the water with beautiful green grass upon it, wonderful grazing land, and no trees whatever. on both sides of the channel we followed, in fact, we had fine open country all around, which seemed excellent for grazing purposes. more interesting to me than the river itself were the wonderful effects of the ever-changing light in the sky. i saw no more the wonderful radiations which had given me so much pleasure in matto grosso, but we beheld here a great haze of delicate tones up to a great height and a light blue sky above it. the clouds seemed to possess no well-defined form, but were more like masses of mist, the edges blending gradually with the blue of the sky. only to the west was there an attempt at globular formation in the clouds. the clouds of heavy smoke which rose and rolled about over the landscape helped to render the otherwise monotonous scene a little more picturesque. farther up stream we reached on the right a long island almost absolutely free from trees, except at its western end, where a miserable growth of sickly trees covered its point. beyond was a beautiful spit of red sand some 2,000 m. long. on november 15th we reached itaquatiara, where the banks of the river were much higher than usual on the right side. i was much struck by the sight of a lot of fallen timber lying about on the slopes of the high bank, and by that of innumerable logs of wood floating on the water, quite an unusual sight in brazilian waters. itaquatiara was placed geographically on a most convenient site, opposite the mouth of the great madeira river. now that the madeira-mamore railway is completed, bringing down the trade of bolivia and of the acre territory, there is no doubt that it will become a most important trading centre. to my mind it is bound to supplant manaos, which is very inconveniently situated, not on the amazon river itself but on the tributary rio negro. all the rubber which goes down the madeira river has so far been conveyed to manaos by a great detour, involving much expense and time. in the future, i think, when itaquatiara has developed into a big city, and proper arrangements are made for landing and storing cargoes, it is certain to become a most important centre of commerce. land is already going up in value tremendously, although manaos has waged war against the growth of a town at that spot, which will be inimical to her own interests. [illustration: the ucayalli river.] [illustration: the launch on which author travelled almost to the foot of the andes.] as is well known, the madeira-mamore railway was built from porto velho, on the madeira river, around and along a series of rapids and waterfalls which rendered navigation most difficult, as far as guajara merim, on the river mamore, a mere continuation of the madeira river. the construction of the railway had long been contemplated by the brazilian and bolivian governments, but it was a difficult matter owing to the dense forest and the unhealthy climate, which equals, if it does not even surpass, the deadliness of panama in the time of the french. the works of the railway were begun as long ago as 1878 by collings brothers, who were then contractors, but nothing effectively was done until the brazilian government, fully realizing the necessity of opening up that rich country, especially after the purchase from bolivia of the acre territory, perhaps one of the richest regions on earth as far as rubber is concerned, entered into a contract with a brazilian engineer named catambry, to build the railway. the brazilian engineer transferred the contract to mr. percival farquhar, who, in his turn, organized the madeira-mamore company, entrusting the actual construction of the railway to messrs. may, jeckill & randolph. they started work in july, 1907, with preliminary engineering, the actual construction not beginning until january 1908. work began with one engine, a baldwin locomotive rebuilt, which had been there since 1878. gradually the number of engines--all baldwin locomotives--was increased to twelve. during the construction six tugs and eleven lighters were used on the madeira river for handling the material. the contractors took into brazil during the four and a half years occupied in the construction from 43,000 to 45,000 men, although they never had more than 5,000 men working at any one time. many, indeed, were the deaths registered, and the steamers were constantly bringing back men laid up with fever. the supplies for those men had all to be brought from europe and america, except sugar and coffee, as nothing could be obtained in the country itself. the four chief engineers were all americans, mr. randolph and mr. jeckill, who were at the head of the entire concern, spending all their time on the line in progress or at their head office in manaos, which was mostly in charge of mr. may. one chief surgeon, dr. carl lovelace, handled all the hospital work, with the assistance of fifteen physicians; but innumerable were the lives lost from yellow fever and beri-beri, the two most prevalent diseases in that fatal country. [illustration: campas family wading across a stream.] [illustration: a farmhouse on the andes.] before the railway was built it was necessary to unload the _battellãos_ or trading boats thirty-eight times during the journey at the thirty-eight different rapids and falls on the way. the journey over the rapids took not less than forty days. i shall not speak of the constant danger to boats, their crews and merchandise. now by the railway the entire journey occupies from eight to ten hours. the length of the completed railway, now in full working order, is 364 kil. the last rail was laid on april 30th, 1912, when mrs. jeckill drove the last and golden spike--an honour which no other white woman, i believe, has ever had in so inhospitable a country. chapter xxiv attacked by beri-beri--a journey up the madeira river to the relief of filippe the negro and recovery of valuable baggage left with him--filippe paid off--a journey up the river solimeõs--iquitos i arrived in manaos in the evening of november 15th. i was very ill indeed, my right foot so swollen that i could hardly stand on it, and so painful that i could not put on a shoe or even a slipper, so that i had to hop about with only a sock over it. the doctor on board had told me that i was suffering from beri-beri, and although i tried not to believe him i was gradually forced to the conclusion that he was right. in fact, atrophy set in by degrees--one of the characteristics of beri-beri being that after a time you feel no pain at all. you can dig a pin into the affected part, or pluck off all the hairs without feeling the slightest pain. i was in a bad way, although i never laid up for an entire day. from the moment i arrived i "got busy," to use an american expression, in order to go to the rescue of filippe the negro and another man i had left in charge of my valuable baggage near the mouth of the canuma river, a tributary of the madeira. it was necessary for me to borrow or charter a steam launch for one or two days, so that i could save men and baggage. i applied to the governor of the amazonas, who had received telegraphic instructions from the central government to give me every possible assistance. when i called upon him he said he was not the "black servant" of the president of the republic; that he was practically an independent ruler, and would obey nobody's orders or instructions, especially from the central government. [illustration: an elevated trail overlooking a foaming torrent. (see arch cut in the rock.)] i told him that the work i had done was principally for the good of brazil; that all i asked him was to help me to save the lives of two brazilian citizens, and the maps, photographs, etc., which would be useful chiefly to brazilians, whatever their political views were. i would gladly pay out of my own pocket, within reasonable bounds, all expenses in connection with the trip. if i had applied to him it was only because i had found it impossible at manaos to charter a steam launch. i spread out before the governor a map of south america, showing the journey i had taken from rio de janeiro to manaos marked in red. the governor, who had evidently never seen a map before, turned it upside down, mistook the entire map of south america for a map of his own province, and seemed to be under the impression that the amazon had its birth close to rio de janeiro. a bitter enemy of all foreigners, especially englishmen, the governor was detested by everybody, and was at open war with the commandante of the federal troops in the town. all the money which should have been spent in embellishing or improving the town, was mis-spent in keeping a large army of police--over 2,000 men, i believe--for his personal protection. my audience with the governor did not last long, and i paid him back in his own coin. he immediately turned round then, with great courtesy begging me to stay and talk matters over, and said that he would be delighted to be of use to me in showing me around the city. i merely turned my back upon him, as i would on any nonentity, and limped out of the palace. several messages were sent to me afterwards, which i treated with the contempt they deserved. as nearly all the launches in the place belonged to the government, i had then to apply to the commandante of the flotilla of the government boats. it will be easily understood that my anxiety was great to go and rescue my men; so that on leaving the palace i immediately proceeded to the private house of this gentleman--a great friend of the governor, i learned afterwards. on sending in my card at five o'clock in the afternoon i was kept waiting a little time, then there appeared a yellow-faced individual in his pyjamas, muttering words which i should not like to repeat. "what do you want?" he said to me. "do you not know that i sleep from twelve to six every afternoon? what do you mean by disturbing me? i am sure you would not disturb officers of your own navy in this way!" i very politely answered that the officers of my navy were well known for being wide awake at all times, and not for sleeping the whole day as well as the entire night. when i explained to him, and presented the order from the minister of marine requesting any officer of the brazilian navy to give every possible assistance, he told me that none of his boats were in a condition to move out; furthermore they were needed, as great political trouble was expected in the city. i was beginning to feel anxious, as in my weak state it would have been a serious matter for me to undertake the river journey in a small rowing-boat, which journey would have occupied several weeks, when i could have done the whole thing in two or three days at the most in a steam launch. even a rowing-boat was not obtainable unless you purchased it outright, and if you obtained the boat you could not obtain the men to row it. it is extraordinary how many things in the world depend on absolute chance. when i returned, sadly disappointed, to the hotel, i met a swiss gentleman, dr. alberto maso, who was in the employ of the brazilian government as delegate of the minister of agriculture for the territory of the acre. i had met him in rio de janeiro a year before. i told him what had happened that day with the governor and the commandante of the flotilla. dr. maso immediately took the matter in hand. that same evening there was a meeting of the associação commercial do amazonas, a most useful society in manaos composed of the cleverest and soundest business men of that place. i was presented to the president, mr. j. g. araujo, and to dr. bertino miranda, the honorary secretary--the latter a man of letters of great distinction, well known not only in his own country but in latin countries all over europe as well. i was received by these gentlemen and the other members of the association with the greatest consideration, and before i left that evening they assured me that they would procure a launch for me with which to go and rescue my men. the next morning, in fact, i was taken to call on the commandante of the federal troops, who willingly and most courteously placed at my disposal his steam launch. a delay of several days took place, as unfortunately the steam launch had lost her propeller and it was necessary to make a new one. also the engine had to be repaired, and a crew had to be engaged--a task which gave all those concerned a considerable amount of trouble. i had, of course, to pay for the maintenance of the crew during the journey, and it cost me nearly a hundred pounds to fit her out with all the plates, knives, cooking utensils, and other paraphernalia necessary for her crew of sixteen men. in any other country three men would have been more than sufficient to run a launch of that size. i also had to employ at my own expense a pilot--no steamboat was allowed to go without one--whom i had to pay at the rate of £7 15_s._ sterling a day. a cook had to be employed for the crew, as none of the sailors could be induced to condescend to be the chef. two applicants were eventually found. one who was willing to do the cooking at a salary of £3 10_s._ a day, his chief ability, said he, consisting in boiling rice and fish. another fellow eventually undertook the job at a salary of £1 10_s._ a day, he being willing to do the cooking at such a small salary as he said he had never in his life cooked before, and he did not know whether we should care for his cooking or not. it must not for one moment be believed that these men were trying to cheat me, and putting on prices, for indeed these are the current rates for everybody who wishes to travel in those regions. the cost of commodities of any kind in manaos was excessive, and went beyond even the limits of robbery. i went into a chemist's shop to purchase a small bottle of quinine tablets, worth in england perhaps eightpence or a shilling. the price charged there was £2 10_s._ principally owing to the booth line steamship company and the allied companies, manaos has become a good-sized place. the harbour works and the works made by the manaos improvements, ltd., have been a great boon to that place, and have made it almost as civilized as a third-class european city. but obstacles have been placed in the way of honest foreign companies carrying on their work successfully, the unscrupulous behaviour of the governor and the attitude of the mob having proved serious drawbacks to the development of the place. [illustration: la mercedes.] [illustration: the avenue of eucalypti near the town of tarma (andes).] large sums of money have been wasted in building a strawberry-coloured theatre of immense size and of appalling architectural lines, on the top of which has been erected a tiled dome of gigantic proportions over an immense water-tank in order to protect the theatre against fire. the water-tank was calculated to let down a great cascade of water, a regular niagara, on the flames--as well as on the spectators, i presume. after it had been built it was discovered that if water were let into the tank, its weight would be enough to bring down the entire upper part of the theatre; so that it could never be filled at all. except for one or two short avenues, which reminded one of the suburbs of new north american cities, there was nothing worth seeing in manaos. the shops were almost entirely those of jewellers, gunsmiths, sweet-sellers, and chemists. it was in this place that the poor _seringueiros_, on their return from rubber collecting, were in a few hours robbed of all the money they had made during several months' hard work. there was only one redeeming feature in manaos: the british and american business men in the place were most charming and hospitable in every possible way. it was on december 3rd, 1911, that everything was ready. the hour of departure had been fixed for ten o'clock in the evening. i went on board at the appointed time, but the captain of the launch and the crew refused to put out of the anchorage, as they said they would not go unless some extra men were employed. one of the pipes of the engine had been wilfully damaged, so that delay was caused, and we could not possibly start until it had been repaired. the captain of the launch had worried me for several days. he was in a constant state of intoxication. * * * * * on december 4th, at 11 p.m., i was actually able to make my departure from manaos on the launch _amazonas_. i took in tow a rowing-boat which had been lent me by the representative of the minister of agriculture in manaos. by 8.30 in the morning of december 5th we entered the mouth of the madeira river. i was surprised at the sudden change in the appearance of the two rivers. we saw in the madeira high, gently sloping banks, covered with verdant grass and neat trees and palms along the top of them; whereas along the amazon the trees stood almost in the water on the recently formed islands and banks. the left bank of the madeira was of grey and reddish clay (grey below, red above), cut vertically, sometimes actually in steps. blocks of a rectangular shape, in getting dried up, split and fell over, leaving the banks vertical. the right bank, on the contrary, was gently sloping, descending with a beautiful carpet of green grass into the stream. the islands were charming, with lovely lawns all round. blackish and deep red rock, vertical and fluted, and with innumerable perforations, could be seen here and there, covered over with a padding of earth from ten to twenty feet deep. the journey up the madeira river had no great interest. by seven o'clock in the evening we arrived at the mouth of the canuma river--or rather at a channel connecting the madeira river with the river canuma, which river actually has its proper mouth about half-way between itaquatiara and santarem, at a place called parintins. by way of the connecting channel the two rivers were only a short distance apart, but that channel was not always navigable. the steam launch, which drew little water, would have difficulty in going through, even at that time, when the water was fairly high. [illustration: on the andes.] [illustration: a street of tarma.] we therefore thought we would stay for the night at the mouth of the channel, and start on our journey by that difficult passage in broad daylight the next day. there was a house on the right-hand side of the mouth of the channel. while we made preparations to make ourselves comfortable for the night on the launch, the pilot went up to the house in order to get an expert at that place to take us through the dangerous channel. i was just in the middle of my dinner when the pilot sent down a message for me to go up to the house at once, as my presence was required immediately. i struggled up the steep incline, not knowing what was up. much to my amazement, on reaching the house, i saw before me my man filippe the negro, who rushed at me and embraced me tenderly, and the other man i had left with him in charge of the baggage. the two men had been picked up by a boat two days up the river canuma, where i had left them with my baggage, and they had come down expecting to meet me in manaos. they had got stranded at that place, and although they had hailed one or two steamers which had gone down the river, no one had paid any attention to them, and there they had remained. "have you saved the photographs and the baggage, filippe?" i immediately asked, when i had made certain that both men were in good condition. "yes," said filippe. "i have everything with me. i have taken the greatest care of everything." that was for me a happy moment, after all the vicissitudes we had had of late. the most important part of my baggage was saved. i had taken all my men back alive--if perhaps not very much alive--after so fateful an expedition. i felt happy beyond words. the man who owned the house was the trader who had taken filippe and the other man down the river in his boat, so i gave him a present of money and also a lot of provisions which i had on board and which we should not now need any more, as we should return at once to manaos. [illustration: the market place, tarma.] next morning, all as happy as possible, we steamed down full speed on our way back to manaos. we came in for dirty weather all the time, which obliged us to halt for several hours and put into itaquatiara for shelter. a few hours later we were once more in the capital of the amazonas, in the city of jewellers' shops and filthy food. on landing i found maxim guns and artillery on one side of the principal square, with police troops in charge of them ready to fire; while on the other side were the federal troops, also with their artillery ready for battle. it was with some concern that i found myself obliged to pass between those warlike bodies in order to enter the hotel. i was not so anxious for myself as i was for my photographic negatives and note-books, after i had taken all that trouble to save them. however, the governor at the last moment became scared, and went personally to call on the commandante of the federal troops in order to assure him of his friendship and affection, so that after all no battle took place that day. only a short time previously the flotilla had bombarded the town. the people of manaos had got so accustomed to those little excitements that they thought nothing of them. there were occasionally a few people killed, but that was all. it will be remembered that the _idée fixe_ of filippe the negro was to buy himself a _mallettinha_ (a little trunk). the first thing he had asked me after i had rescued him was if i had seen any good _mallettinhas_ in manaos. so after landing we at once proceeded to buy a tin _mallettinha_ with a strong lock. then i paid him off and gave him an ample reward, as he had been the pluckiest and most faithful of all my men. he was certainly the man who had given me the least trouble of the entire lot. filippe had tears in his eyes when he received his pay and present. he embraced me and thanked me a million times for having made him a rich man. "after all," said he, "we have suffered a great deal, but now i shall be happy for ever. i shall marry the girl who is waiting for me at home." "if ever i come out on another journey, filippe, will you go with me again?" i asked him. filippe pondered for a moment. "yes," he said with determination. "i have proved to you that i am afraid of nothing. you only have to order me, and i will go with you. even if we are to suffer again as we have suffered on this journey!" filippe was a good fellow. the other man when paid off received his money and his reward silently. he went out into the street, and returned four hours later without one single penny. he had purchased an expensive suit of clothes, a number of silk neckties, a gold chain, watch, etc. the next morning there was a steamer sailing for rio de janeiro, so i packed off the jubilant filippe, paying a second-class passage for him on the steamer and a first-class on the railway, as i had done for the other men, with wages up to the day of his arrival in araguary, his native town. thus i saw the last of that plucky man--the only one who had remained of the six who had originally started with me. on december 16th i left manaos for good on my way to peru, escorted to the good booth line steamer _atahualpa_ by the commandante of the federal troops, the representatives of the associação commercial, dr. maso, and some of my english and american friends. it was with the greatest delight that i saw manaos vanish away from sight as we descended the rio negro. rounding the point at its mouth, steaming towards the west, we entered the solemões river. this river is navigable by fairly good-sized boats as far as iquitos, in the province of loreto in peru. [illustration: the highest point where author crossed the andes before reaching the railway at oroya.] i was badly in need of rest, and expected to get it on those few days of navigation up the river, having dreamt of how i could lie on deck and do nothing, as that part was well known and there was no work for me to do. but, indeed, on that journey none of my dreams were realized, for, worse luck, the steamer, which had only accommodation for ten, carried not less than seventy or eighty passengers, fifty of them forming part of a spanish theatrical company which was on its way to iquitos. the deck of the ship had been turned into a kind of theatre, where rehearsals went on day and night. when the rehearsals were not going on, the men and women, following the usual habits of theatrical people, sang and practised flights of notes--which was a little trying after the dead silence of the forest. however, thanks to the great civility of the managers of the booth line at manaos, and to the extreme thoughtfulness of the captain of the _atahualpa_, i was made quite comfortable in the chart-room of the ship, which was as far away as possible from the noise. we were most of the time in mid-stream. the river was so wide that we could not see anything on either side. we steamed up day after day, occasionally passing islands of some beauty rising above the muddy waters of the solimões. navigation of that river was difficult, as the navigable channels were constantly changing, islands disappearing and new islands forming all the time. elich island, in the timbuctuba group, was fast disappearing, while another island was forming just below it. we passed the mouth of the putumayo river at sunset one day, a most wonderful effect of clouds being produced over a brilliant cadmium yellow and vermilion sky, shining with great brightness above the dark green trees upon a high reddish cliff. in a drenching morning at five o'clock we reached esperança, the brazilian frontier post, which consisted of half a dozen one-storied houses with red-tiled roofs, situated on a grassy expanse. grassy hills of no great height rose at the mouth of the javari river, a southern tributary of the solimões river, forming there the boundary between brazil and peru. dark green foliage perched high up on asparagus-like stems of trees formed a background to that wretchedly miserable place. tabatinga, on the left side of the stream, was the brazilian military post on the frontier. a neatly-built, loopholed, square blockhouse, painted white, was situated some fifty feet above the level of the river on the summit of the bank. it was reached by a long flight of white cement steps. the brazilian flag flew gaily upon a flagstaff at this most westerly point of the great brazilian republic on the amazon (solimões) river. a few soldiers dressed in khaki stood, with their legs wide apart, watching the arrival of the steamer, while their officers in speckless white clothes hastily descended the long flight of steps and came on board, bringing bouquets of flowers to the captain. there was a pretty garden near the blockhouse. three mountain guns pointed viciously at the river from the most exposed position in tabatinga at the top of the staircase. according to the account of a non-commissioned officer, there was a force there of 240 soldiers "_escondido no matto_"--that is to say, kept hidden in the forest! after we had passed the frontier on the north side of the river, a tiny tributary brook, almost hidden by the vegetation and only identified by a white-barked tree on the left bank and huts on either side, the scenery made a change for the better. leticia was the name of the peruvian frontier post, which consisted of two or three brick sheds with corrugated iron roofs. we arrived at iquitos on december 23rd, at 8.30 a.m., having employed seven days and twenty hours on our run from manaos. chapter xxv from iquitos to the foot of the andes up the rivers ucayalli, pachitea and pichis--the cashibos or "vampire indians" the change in the characteristics of the people the moment you were in peru was considerable, and striking was the neatness of the buildings. iquitos was a pleasant little city, the streets of which needed paving badly, but were otherwise well aligned and tidy. there were numbers of foreigners there, including a small english colony made up of employés of the booth line and the representatives of a few commercial houses. it is difficult to realize how pleasant englishmen can be when they live in those out-of-the-way places. after the putumayo atrocities a proper english consulate, in charge of mr. mitchell, formerly our vice-consul in paris, had been established there. yellow fever was rampant at that time in iquitos, and reaped many victims daily. although iquitos was 2,300 kil. farther up the river than manaos, the price of all commodities in that country was less than half those in manaos, and the quality of the articles twice as good. that is what comes of having free trade instead of a high tariff. i spent a pleasant christmas in iquitos, all the english residents there showing me the greatest kindness. from iquitos the river was no longer navigable for ocean-going steamers, and it was necessary to travel by small launches. there was no regular service, but there were a number of trading launches which went a certain distance up the river in order to trade with the different houses on the banks of the stream. the travelling was not particularly rapid, as one stopped ten or twenty times a day, and wasted endless time while the people came on board to buy beer or rum, or cotton goods, looking-glasses, etc., etc. rubber and aigrettes, as well as money, were given in exchange for the goods received. i left iquitos on december 29th, on the launch _rimac_, belonging to the swiss firm of messikommer. i was told that she would be ready to start at 9 a.m. sharp on december 28th, and at that time i got on board. the actual time of our departure was at 6.30 in the afternoon of december 29th. that was, of course, iquitos punctuality. the prefect of the province of loreto had shown me much civility, and had telegraphed, by the wireless installation which had been established between iquitos and lima, making every possible arrangement for me to travel quickly. thus, although in a terrible condition of health, i was able to make a record journey between iquitos and lima, the capital of peru. [illustration: oroya.] [illustration: oroya, the highest railway station in the world.] once started in the launch _rimac_, we went through interesting channels, outlets of the main stream being often noticeable on either bank, cutting wide passages through the forest and forming one or more shallow lakelets, with innumerable aquatic plants on the surface of the water. as we went farther it became easy to understand how islands were constantly forming in the river. quantities of large and small logs of wood were continually floating down the stream; the banks were gradually being eaten away by the current. whole trees fell down with their immense branches and polypi-like roots, and formed a barrier arresting the progress of the floating wood. particles of earth deposited by wind and by water saturated with impurities settled there. soon grass would begin to grow on those deposits, which quickly collected more deposits of flying and floating particles. the soft bottom of the river, disturbed by the deviated current, piled up mud against the submerged branches resting on the river-bed. quickly an island was then formed; more wood accumulated, more grass, more mud; the base of the islands would increase rapidly, and in the space of a few years islands several kilometres in length rose above the water. we had reached a point where the two great rivers marañon and ucayalli--both descending from the andes--joined and formed the river solimões, which we had so far navigated. we followed the ucayalli. on december 31st we entered a small arm on the left side of the river and we reached no less a place than new york--very dissimilar, i can assure you, from its namesake of the united states of north america. far from seeing skyscrapers, brilliantly illuminated streets, and ferry-boats and steamers galore, there were only half a dozen thatched huts with _bona_-palm walls and floors. in the water floated two or three small canoes; that was all. the place was chiefly remarkable for the number and the fierceness of its mosquitoes--regular clouds of them. only one thing new york of ucayalli seemed to have in common with new york of the united states--the people seemed to be able to stand a lot of drink. they purchased from the _rimac_ a number of boxes of beer. we proceeded. in a way it was amusing to travel on a trading boat. every time we approached a hut the steamer blew her whistle; the people got up, at any time of the night, to come on board and see what there was for sale. i slept on deck, and from my bed could see what was going on all the time. st. helena came next, with its depot and farmhouse. a few cows could be seen grazing on the poorest kind of grass. we could often get good fruit at those farmhouses, principally bananas, pineapples, and _mamão_. then we stopped at requeña, on the left bank of the river, where a wireless telegraphic station of the telefunken system was established. it was quite a nice little place, with a few houses, built of unbaked clay and roofed with zinc. [illustration: in the andes at 16,000 feet above the sea level.] [illustration: the galera tunnel.] it was entertaining to watch the pride of the local gentlemen when they showed me their houses--mere sheds of the humblest description, but in their eyes far superior to any palace of europe. an imported chair or an antiquated desk would supply them with conversation to last hours. the wives of those settlers were generally eccentric persons who looked suspiciously at us. one of them at requeña made me feel most uncomfortable by the annoying way in which she looked at my only shoe--as i was unable to put a shoe on the other much swollen foot. she never took her eyes off that shoe, and stooped down many times to examine it closer. a short distance from requeña, still on the left side of the river, was the mouth of the tapiche river, a tributary of the ucayalli. on the right bank of this river was california, and then avispa--a pretty spot. two new red-roofed houses with large verandas stood prominent on a green grassy hill about 120 ft. high, while on the ridge in continuation of the hill itself could be seen a number of small houses, some with zinc roofs, others with _bona_ roofs and walls. the ucayalli was a rich stream. it was interesting to notice how many trading launches were to be seen on that river, and the amazing part of it was that they could all exist. hardly a day went by that we did not meet two or three launches. we were also constantly meeting canoes, generally hollowed out of tree-trunks, and larger boats of a more solid construction. the population was entirely composed of a mixture of spanish and indian types and of pure indians. some of the latter had mongolian characteristics; others were more of the malay and papuan types. after the first day or two the voyage on the launch was tedious. one got tired of the endless conversation and of listening to the bargaining. the perpetual drinking which had to be witnessed was of little interest to a teetotaller. one seldom saw money change hands, all being done by barter, the merchandise we had on board being exchanged chiefly for rubber. even so far up the river civilization had well set in, and great caution was needed in buying balls of rubber. it was advisable to split them in two before purchase, as they generally contained all kinds of rubbish instead of pure coagulated latex. after brazil, however, the villages and houses of peru looked clean and neat. the prices of food were somewhat high, chickens fetching 4_s._ each, whereas in iquitos they fetched from 8_s._ to 10_s._; eggs sold for 6_d._ each, and were generally bad, the good ones being eaten by the people themselves. we went up the tapiche river, a tributary on the right bank, and visited the estate newly bought by an american company. in fact, we were there at midnight of december 31st, and drank in the new year with mr. anzelius, the director, and his polish and italian assistants. on january 2nd, 1912, we saw a great many indians along the banks of the river, who ran away when they saw the camera pointed at them. the people on that river were fond of giving high-sounding names to their houses. we passed a place called philadelphia, where a large farm with lean cattle, ducks and fowls, could be seen, looking as miserable as possible; also plenty of banana palms and sugar-cane. some way off, after passing the large saw-mills of cumaseba and tamanco, where an interesting collection of animals and indian weapons had been made by the proprietor, we came in the evening to the farm of buenos aires. [illustration: the oroya railway. (a great spring emerging from the mountain-side.)] [illustration: beautiful scenery on the peruvian corporation railway to cuzco, peru.] early on january 3rd we passed san roque, and then condorcanqui, a fine plantation of bananas along the river bank, and also a plantation of _yuta_ (jute) and some bread trees. clouds of aigrette storks could be seen in the evening circling about, thousands and thousands of them. they produced a most curious effect in the distance against the heavy black clouds of the sky. we entered the yanna yakka stream, the water of which was almost absolutely stagnant and as black as ink, full of snakes, fish, and crocodiles. yanna yakka in the local indian language means "black water." we steamed for two hours up that river as far as porto central, the river being quite narrow--only 150 m. wide. we eventually arrived at the prettiest spot i had so far seen on the river, called porto principal. on an elongated island not more than 80 m. wide were to be seen four large buildings of _bona_ palm, with spacious verandas and corrugated iron roofs. the buildings were connected by high bridges. all those structures were built on piles 12 ft. high. many _chapaha_ palms of great height were to be seen there. i heard at that place an extraordinary account of how a dirigible balloon, with nobody on board, had some few years before passed over the house. the balloon--which my informant, in his ignorant language, called a "huge square globe"--flew, according to him, a flag, the stars and stripes, and had an anchor dangling down. the balloon was travelling in a westerly direction. it flew a little higher than the trees, and caused a great scare among the natives. my informant told me that there was no one in the car at all, but they waved their hands at him (_sic_) when they passed over his house! he then told me that the air-ship had passed in the daytime and had quickly disappeared, but that it was beautifully lighted with coloured lights at night. so that it would be difficult from that truthful account to place much reliance on what the man said or on what he had seen at all. it is quite possible--after discarding all the indisputable embroidery from the story--that a balloon actually went over that place, and it may probably have been wellman's abandoned balloon with which he had tried to go across the atlantic. on january 3rd and 4th we had no great excitement. we stopped at numberless places. nearly all the houses in that district were made in three sections, the two end rooms enclosed in _bona_-palm walls, while the central and larger room had two open sides. all the houses were perched up on piles, owing to the frequent inundations. sewing-machines and gramophones were to be found in nearly every house. all the women wore, rather becomingly over such ugly countenances, the valuable hats which generally go under the name of "panamas." the river was getting beautiful as we went farther up, immense grassy stretches being visible where the country was not inundated, and low shrubs emerging from the water in the many channels that were formed everywhere. [illustration: a. b. leguia, the president of the peruvian republic.] on january 5th we arrived at terra blanca, where a lakelet had been formed by an outlet of the river on the left bank. a place called pernambuco was situated at the entrance of this lake. the water of the lake was beautifully clear and of a wonderful greenish colour. beautiful white and yellow sand deposits were to be found around it. five hundred people lived at pernambuco. the _rimac_ did a brisk trade, over a hundred pounds sterling worth of goods being sold in an hour at that place. on january 6th i saw the first hills of importance we had seen since leaving the lower amazon. those were the hills of petronilla, where a mass of volcanic rocks and some interesting hot springs were to be found. a ridge ran from south-east to north-west in symmetrical undulations up to 1,000 ft. from petronilla to cancha huayo. it rose quite abruptly from the flat alluvial land. where a land-slide had occurred it showed an upper stratum of grey alluvial deposit 10 ft. thick, with soft yellow volcanic rock underneath, in a stratum of 30 ft. thick. it seemed as if that hill had been lifted up by volcanic pressure from underneath, as a lot of white and yellow sand had been brought to the surface, which evidently formed a substratum in the ucayalli region. we found strong whirlpools where the channel of the river formed an elbow at the foot of the mountain. the steam launch made poor progress against the strong current. on january 7th we arrived at the large settlement of condamano, a sub-prefecture in the big province of loreto. there were two parallel streets, clean and well kept, with others intersecting at right angles. on the main street along the water front were many large commercial houses, handsome buildings of _caña_ walls and zinc roofs. the place had been built on a flat high land about 30 ft. above the river, and had some 1,500 to 2,000 inhabitants. one of the peculiarities of condamano was that during the rubber-collecting season the population consisted almost entirely of women, as the men were in the forest collecting the latex. we arrived there on a feast day--they have more feast days than working days in the week in that country--and the streets were alive with monks and soldiers, the only men who do not go collecting rubber. women and girls, in flesh-coloured stockings and lace mantillas, flocked out of the church, each carrying a small carpet which they used to prevent spoiling their finery when kneeling down. on leaving condamano we came to the north-westerly end of the range we had seen the day before. it ended abruptly in almost vertical walls of yellow sandstone of various shades. the range was thickly wooded on its summit. the opposite bank of the river was absolutely flat. that evening we came in for a heavy storm, which compelled us to halt from 6 o'clock until 2.10 a.m. black clouds had accumulated overhead to the west. a boisterous gust of wind suddenly caught us, which swept off our chicken-coop, buckets, and other loose things which were on the roof of the launch. we were tossed about in a most alarming way, and were just able to tie up under shelter and make fast to some trees. the wind increased in fury, and the launch tore up her moorings, bringing down a big tree on the top of us with a tremendous crash. [illustration: the american observatory, arequipa, and mount misti, peru.] [illustration: on the peruvian corporation railway on the way to cuzco.] there was a stampede on board, as everybody thought we had been struck by lightning. some of the people were just able to jump on shore, while other peruvians, men and women, scared to death by the diabolic clashing of thunder and the vivid lightning, knelt on the decks and prayed fervently that we might escape unhurt. i had a narrow escape, a lighted petroleum lamp which swung above getting off its hook and falling on my head, upsetting all the petroleum over me. fortunately it went out as it fell on me. in the middle of the night we had a great deal of trouble to make the boat fast once more, the waves in the river being of great height. the rattle of all the merchandise and broken crockery on board, the moans of the scared peruvians, with the howling of the wind, made a regular pandemonium. when we proceeded up the river next morning we came upon more interesting islands in course of formation. we saw quantities of _caña baraba_, wild cane, with its fan-disposed, elongated leaves. the natives used the reeds for walling their houses. being absolutely straight, they are well adapted for that purpose. on january 9th we passed several villages. along the banks we saw many indians, all dressed up in bright costumes, principally red shawls. we entered a tiny channel on the right bank and went as far as a place called san jeronimo, a fairly large settlement. this small channel was, as late as 1895, the main stream, which has since been diverted by the formation of a low island. at sunset we perceived to the west what appeared at first a mass of low clouds revolving in a circle at a great speed. on closer inspection we found it to be millions of _garças_ or aigrette storks flying in a circle. i arrived in the evening of january 10th at masisea, where another wireless telegraph station had been established by the peruvian government. at this place i left the launch _rimac_, and found the government launch _esploradora_, which had been detained there by the prefect of loreto for two days, awaiting my arrival. having transhipped at once, i was able to proceed on january 11th on the latter. she was to take me as far as possible toward the foot of the andes. as we proceeded up the river we saw extensive farms surrounded by clearings of good land, with lots of cattle and horses, especially on the left bank of the river. we purchased an ox, so as to have fresh meat on board. the small launch was, unfortunately, packed with a great many peruvian travellers. there were no cabins, and one had to sleep on the roof of the launch. everybody was most civil, and with the new camp-bed i had purchased in manaos i was able to make myself as comfortable as was possible under the circumstances. beautiful specimens of _cataua_ trees of great height were constantly to be seen in the forest along the banks. the resin from these trees is extremely poisonous, and is much used by the local indians for killing fish. we halted for five hours that day in order to take on board sufficient wood for the engines to last us the entire journey. at 6.30 that afternoon we left the ucayalli river and entered the tributary pachitea, on the left side, the ucayalli describing a big curve where the pachitea enters it. just before reaching the mouth of the pachitea, the ucayalli had first a big arm deviating from the main stream on the left bank, then soon after another great arm also on the left side. the navigation of those rivers was now getting difficult, and we had to halt at night. on january 12th we started up the pachitea river, a stream much smaller than the ucayalli, but more interesting. soon after departing we could perceive in the distance before us a high hill range. crocodiles and white storks were innumerable, while fallen trees impeded navigation constantly. once or twice we banged with such force against immense floating logs of wood that it made the launch quiver in a most alarming way. in the dirty water of the stream it was not always possible to detect the floating logs, which sometimes were just under the surface of the water. immense quantities of _caña baraba_ were to be seen on the banks, and great numbers of delicately-tinted violet flowers which enlivened the landscape. the _caña_ had light violet-coloured _panaches_, which were much used by the indians in the manufacture of their arrows. the banks were of alluvial formation. islets of grey sand mixed with volcanic ashes could be seen. the current was strong. we saw large families of _ciancias_--beautiful birds with velvety black bodies speckled with white, and fan tails of rich brown colour, feathers of the same colour being also on the outer half of the wings. they possessed slender, most elegant necks, small brown-crested heads, and light yellow chests. seen at a distance they were not, in shape, unlike pheasants. twenty or thirty together at a time could be seen playing among the lower branches of the trees along the edge of the river. then there were small birds of a beautiful metallic blue-black, with very long tails; these latter were innumerable near the water. [illustration: a beautiful example of ancient spanish wood-carving, peru.] the rainy season was in full swing. in the morning we generally had white mist rising among the trees, while during the day rain was usually plentiful and rendered travelling somewhat monotonous, as we could not see much. we saw many specimens of the _tagua_ or _yarina_, a small palm, the leaves of which were used in that region for roofing houses. at last we came to the first rocks i had seen in the river since leaving the tapajoz river. they were at the double whirlpool of naittavo. at the island of errera was a narrow channel only 30 to 40 m. wide, where the current was extremely strong, and just deep enough for our launch, which drew 5 ft. of water. the upstream end of the island was strewn with logs of wood, forming a kind of barrage, the water of the dividing stream being thrown with great force against it. it was here that we got the first sight of high mountains--a great change after the immense stretches of flat land we had encountered all along the amazon, solimões and ucayalli. i saw some beautiful specimens of the idle or sleepy monkey, the _preguya_, a nocturnal animal with wonderful fur. the small launch was swung about with great force from one side to the other by the strong current and whirlpools. we saw a number of _cashibos_ (carapaches and callisecas) on the right bank of the river. they are said to be cannibals, but personally i rather doubt it. if they have occasionally eaten a missionary or two, i believe that it must have been rather as a religious superstition than because of the actual craving for human flesh. also it is possible that, as is the case with many african tribes, the cashibos may believe that eating an enemy gives strength and courage, and may have indulged in this practice purely on that account. so that i do not think that it is fair to call those indians cannibals in the true sense of the word, any more than it would be fair to call a teetotaller a drunkard because he took a drink or two of brandy for medicinal purposes. the word "cashibo" in the pana language means vampire. those indians are great fighters, and are in a constant state of hostility with all their neighbours. they are good hunters and fishermen. their weapons are well made, and consist of bow and arrows, spears and war-clubs. the callisecas and carapaches are very light in colour, with a yellowish skin, not darker than that of the average spaniard. they are fine-looking people, fairly hairy on the face and body. the men grow long beards. men and women generally go about naked, but some of the indians near the river have adopted long shawls in which they wrap themselves. after marriage the women wear a loin-cloth, but nothing at all before marriage. the girls when young are attractive, with luminous, expressive, dark brown eyes. these cashibos are supposed to be the "white race" of the amazon. they are nevertheless not white at all, but belong to a yellow race, although they are, as i have said, of a light yellow colour. many yellow races have come under my observation in the islands of the pacific ocean, who were just as light as the cashibos, such as the bilans and manobos, and some who were even whiter than they are, such as the mansakas of the mindanao island. the cashibos are wild people, and the settlers in the neighbourhood are much afraid of them. on january 13th, when we were three days out from masisea, we were travelling between high rocky hills with almost vertical sides. their section showed in the lower portion narrow bands of violet-coloured rock and white light stone in a horizontal stratum. above that had accumulated a deep layer from 30 to 100 ft. thick of red earth. we went across a dangerous whirlpool. the launch hardly had enough strength to pull through at full speed. the water all around us formed great circles with deep central hollows, and, as we went through, rose before us like a wall. it had quite an impressive effect. that particular whirlpool was called sheboya. soon afterwards we obtained a beautiful view of the high range--the sira mountains. [illustration: wonderful example of old spanish wood-carving, peru.] on january 14th we went over the whirlpool of marques, a most picturesque sight. on the banks of the river was plenty of rubber, _hevea_, but not of quite such good quality as that found in brazil. some of the trees exuded white and some yellow latex, the coloration being probably due to the quality of the soil. there were few habitations along the banks of the pachitea river. there were tribes of the campas (or antis) and cashibos indians, the members of both races having marked malay characteristics. occasionally one met extraordinary people in those out-of-the-way regions. when we halted for wood, which we used instead of coal for our engine, a man some six feet four inches in height came on board--quite an extraordinary-looking person. to my amazement, when i spoke to him, he turned out to be a man of refined taste and quite highly educated. he was a hungarian count and an officer in the austrian army, who, having got into trouble in his own country, had gone to settle there. from a place called cahaubanas, at the confluence of the river pichis with the pachitea, it was possible to cross over on foot to the mayro, a stream which flowed into the palcazu, and in two more days' walking (about 75 kil.), the german colony of potzuzu could be reached at the meeting-place of the potzuzu river with the uancabamba. from the german colony 158 kil. more would bring you to uanuco, and 138 kil. farther on was serra de pasco, whence the railway went to lima. another trail from cahaubanas proceeded to chuchura, about 50 kil. higher up the mayro river. from there it was possible to cross the yanachag mountains and reach the settlement of uancabamba. the distance from cahaubanas to chuchura was one and a half day's walking--some 40 kil. of heavy climbing, that from chuchura to uancabamba two days' marching. from uancabamba one was able to get mules in order to go over the high pass of culebra marca and reach serra de pasco. it was possible by that trail to reach lima in a few days on foot. it was out of the question for me to attempt such a journey, the attack of beri-beri in my right leg making it almost impossible for me to stand up. i decided to go as far up the stream as i could on the launch and by canoe. at cahaubanas were a monastery and a great many indians. after halting for the night at that place we continued our journey up the pachitea with a strange medley of passengers on board. we had the hungarian count, an italian farmer, who was a remarkable musician and played the accordion beautifully; we had some peruvians, a spanish emigrant, a small indian boy aged ten who acted as steward, and a young fellow of german origin. the cook on the launch was a lunatic, who was under the impression that he was the saviour. it was too pathetic, and occasionally quite alarming, to see the poor man leaving the cooking stove whenever we passed any indians on the banks, when he raised his arms up in the air and, stretching them forward, gave his benediction to the people he saw, instead of looking after the boiling rice. his benedictions cost him frequent kicks and shakings by the neck on the part of the captain of the launch. he was absorbed in fervent praying during the night. he seldom condescended to speak to any of us on board, as he said that he was not living on this earth, but would come back some day to bring peace and happiness to the whole world. words of that kind were uttered whilst he was holding a saucepan in one hand and a ladle in the other. it was pathetic. [illustration: on the way to cuzco. railway bridges partly carried away by swollen river.] in pouring rain we left again on january 16th between the high rocky banks of the river, well padded with earth and with dense vegetation. extensive beaches of grey sand and coarse gravel were passed, until we arrived at port bermudez, situated at the confluence of the pichis with the chibbis, a tributary on the left bank. here we found the last of the chain of wireless stations which had three iron towers. from that place a telephone and telegraph wire have been installed right over the andes and down to lima. the passage on the government launch from masisea to bermudez cost £7 10_s._ i heard there that, thanks to the arrangements which had been made by the prefect of the loreto province, the number of mules i required in order to cross the andes was duly waiting for me at the foot of that great chain of mountains. i therefore lost no time, and on january 17th, having left the launch _esploradora_, proceeded in a canoe with all my baggage intending to navigate as far as possible the river pichis, a tributary of the pachitea, formed by the united nazaratec and asupizu rivers. the landscape was getting very beautiful, the sungaro paro mountains rising to a great height on the south-west. immense _lubuna_ trees, not unlike pines in shape, were the largest trees in that region--from 5 to 6 ft. in diameter. the current was so strong that we were unable to reach the spot where the mules were awaiting me, and i had to spend the night on a gravel beach. the next morning, however, january 18th, after passing two small rapids, where my men had to go into the water in order to pull the canoe through, i arrived at yessup, where my mules were awaiting me, and where there was a _tambo_ or rest-house, kept beautifully clean. [illustration: great sand dunes along the peruvian corporation railway to cuzco.] [illustration: inca bath or fountain.] the distance by water from iquitos to masisea was 980 kil.; from masisea to puerto bermudez 520 kil.; from puerto bermudez to yessup 40 kil. chapter xxvi across the andes--the end of the trans-continental journey i was fortunate in obtaining some excellent peruvian muleteers to accompany me on the expedition over the andes. the trip might have been a rough one for the ordinary traveller, but for me it was a real holiday excursion, after the horrible time i had experienced in brazil. this notwithstanding the disagreeable weather i encountered during the fourteen days' rough riding which i employed in reaching the pacific ocean. i started at once with my pack animals on the trail which has been cut by the peruvian government over the mountains. rain came down in torrents. most of the country was swampy, the mules sinking chest-deep in mud. the travelling was not exactly what you would call pleasant. your legs dangled all the time in water and slush. as that trail was used by caravans, the mules had cut regular transverse grooves in the ground all along, in which successively they all placed their hoofs. each groove was filled with slushy water, and was separated from the next by a mud wall from one to three feet high. the mules were constantly stumbling and falling. after you had travelled a short distance you were in a filthy condition, the torrential rain washing down the splashes of mud and spreading them all over you. after leaving yessup we crossed first the sinchhuaqui river, then the aguachini. we began to ascend two kilometres after we had left yessup, and marched steadily the entire day among gigantic _aguaso_ trees and wonderful ferns of great height, until we reached the miriatiriami _tambo_, 27 kil. from yessup. on january 19th we followed the river azupizu along a narrow trail from 300 to 400 ft. above the level of the river, with an almost vertical drop by the side of us. huge palms and ferns of indescribable beauty were to be seen all along, while waterfalls and streamlets constantly crossed the trail. we encountered that day deep mud all the way, the mules sinking up to their bellies in the slush. the trail along the mountain side was cut in the soft earth, and actually formed a deep groove only about two feet wide, the mud and slush being held by the solid transverse barriers which succeeded one another at short intervals. [illustration: cuzco.] [illustration: llamas in foreground.] at piriatingalini and puchalini we found light cable suspension bridges, very shaky, which swung to and fro as you rode over them. most of them were not more than four feet wide and had no parapet at all. i cannot say that i felt particularly happy when my mule--sure-footed, i grant--took me across, the bridge swinging, quivering, and squeaking with our weight on it, especially when we were in the middle. the rivers were extremely picturesque, with high mountains on either side, among which they wound their way in a snake-like fashion over a rocky bed, forming a series of cascades. we went that day 25 kil., and arrived at the _tambo_ of azupizu, which was in charge of a deserter from the french navy. he was an extraordinary character. he had forgotten french, and had neither learnt spanish nor the local language of the campas indians. a tribe of those indians was to be found near there--very handsome people, the men solidly built and muscular, with intelligent but brutal faces, with the yellowish-brown skin and slanting eyes of the malay races. the eyes showed a great discoloration in the upper part of the iris. they possessed straight hair, slightly inclined to curl at the end. the nose was flattened at the root. they wore a few ornaments of feathers on the head. their clothing consisted of a loose gown not unlike a roman toga. the women were good-looking when very young. the campas claimed to be the direct descendants of the incas. there is no doubt that the campas were practically the same tribe as the antis, once a most powerful tribe which inhabited an extensive territory to the north and east of cuzco. in fact, the eastern portion of the inca country was once called anti-suya. the campas, or antis, were formerly ferocious. they are now quite tame, but still retain their cruel countenances, resembling closely those of polynesians and malays. we left that place on january 20th in drenching rain. the river was much swollen, and formed a whirlpool of great magnitude just over some bad rapids. we crossed from mountain-side to mountain-side, some 400 ft. above the stream, in a sling car running along a wire rope. the car consisted of two planks suspended on four pieces of telegraph wire. as the sling had been badly constructed it did not run smoothly along the cable. i had an unpleasant experience--everybody had who used that conveyance--as i was going across from one side to the other of the stream, a distance of some 200 metres or more. the ropes which were used for pulling the car along got badly entangled when i had reached the middle of the passage. the indians and the frenchman pulled with violent jerks in order to disentangle them, and caused the car to swing and bump to such an extent that it was all i could do to hold on and not be flung out of it. having been swung to and fro for the best part of an hour on that primitive arrangement, i was able to proceed on the other side of the stream. fortunately we had taken the precaution of making the animals cross over the river the previous evening, before it was in flood, or else we should have been held up there for several days. leaving the azupizu river, we followed the river kintoliani, which joined the azupizu and formed with it a most formidable stream. [illustration: a famous inca wall, cuzco. the various rocks fit so perfectly that no mortar was used to keep them in place.] the trail was at a great height, some 600 ft. above the water. in two or three places where it had been cut into the rock it was most dangerous, as the rocks were slippery with the wet, so that the mules had great difficulty in keeping their feet. the vegetation was wonderful, with trees of enormous height and beautiful giant palms. waterfalls over rocky walls were plentiful, while the effects of clouds were marvellous among those mountains--although my enthusiasm was damped a good deal that day by the torrential rain, which came down in bucketfuls upon us, and filtered through even my heavy waterproof coat. the zigzag ascent was extremely heavy, the first part being over rocky ground, while the rest of that day's journey was along a swampy trail on which the mules stumbled and fell many times. one of my men had a narrow escape from being precipitated down the chasm. so bad, indeed, was the trail that we only went 15 kil., halting at the _tambo_ of pampas s. nicolas. on january 21st we made a long and tedious march, rising all the time among slippery rocks along precipices, or sinking in swampy mud on the narrow trail. picturesque waterfalls of great height were visible in volcanic vents, some square, others crescent-shaped, on the face of the mountain. the torrents, swollen by the heavy rains, were difficult to cross, my mules on several occasions being nearly swept away by the foaming current. we sank in deep red slush and in deep holes filled with water, but continued all the time to ascend a gentle but continuous incline. we travelled that day from six o'clock in the morning until six o'clock in the evening, rain pouring down upon us all the time. we were simply smothered in mud from head to foot. we found a large _tambo_ at camp 93, with a telephone and telegraph station. at those _tambos_ it was always possible to obtain rice, chickens and eggs at reasonable prices, fixed by the government. in many of the _tambos_ were also rough wooden bedsteads, with a more or less comfortable mattress. i generally preferred to use my own camp-bed. as there were never more than one or two rooms in the _tambo_, you had to sleep in the same room with other people, unless you preferred to sleep outside, as i did. for the privilege of sleeping at any _tambo_, in or out of doors, one paid the small sum of one shilling. a dinner or lunch seldom cost more than two shillings, and breakfast eightpence to one shilling. the food for the animals could be reckoned at one shilling for each mule, the price being higher at the yessup end of the journey and getting gradually lower as one got nearer the capital. of course one could not call travelling over the andes in any way luxurious. the tablecloths at the _tambos_ showed all round the table the marks of the dirty lips of previous travellers, and plentiful stains of soup, coffee and tea. the illumination consisted usually of a candle placed in the mouth of a bottle, which was used as a candlestick. i saw more campas indians there. they were singing songs strongly resembling malay melodies, to the accompaniment of spanish guitars. other songs influenced by spanish airs, but still delivered in a typically malay fashion, were also given that evening. they interested me greatly. [illustration: inca three-walled fortress of sacsayhuaman, cuzco.] on january 22nd we left camp 93. i was struck everywhere at those _tambos_ by the great honesty of the peruvians. i was often touched by the extreme kindness of the people and their considerate manner--although perhaps it was more particularly striking to me after my experience of the brutal behaviour of the lower-class brazilians. the gentle way of speaking, the more harmonious language--spanish instead of portuguese--and the charming civility of the people, made travelling, even under those unpleasant circumstances, quite agreeable. it was cold, especially at night. nearly all my instruments had been badly damaged in our many accidents in brazil, and i was unable to replace them either in pará or manaos. owing, therefore, to the lack of self-registering thermometers, i could not keep an accurate daily record of the maximum and minimum temperatures. after leaving camp 93, we went over a really fearful trail, my mules being all the time chest-deep in mud. it was extremely hard work for the animals to get along. as is well known to any traveller, all animals of a caravan when on a narrow path step in the footprints of their predecessors, so that on that trail they had sunk a long series of deep holes in the soft clay, which were constantly being filled by water sliding from the mountain-side. in that particular part the mud had highly caustic qualities, which burnt the skin and caused irritation each time you were splashed. the muleteers who were walking had their feet badly burnt by it, one man suffering agony from his blistered feet. magnificent mountain scenery covered with luxuriant forest surrounded us as the trail wound its way along the high point on the top of the mountain range. we went only 21 kil. that day from pampas, having occupied seven hours to cover the distance, owing to the difficulties of the march. in the afternoon we were enveloped in dense fog which lasted the whole night, the cold being quite severe, and the more perceptible because of the humidity in the air. the trail here described a wide detour, which could have easily been avoided had another trail that went direct to new bermudez been followed at the bottom of the valley. the journey by that lower trail could be accomplished in one day and a half. the elevation by hypsometrical apparatus of this camp (n.71) was 5,663 ft. on january 23rd we descended rapidly through beautiful forest from camp 71, where we had halted for the night, to a large _tambo_ called eneñas, in charge of an italian. the place was situated in a beautiful valley intersected by a streamlet saturated with lime. it looked exactly like milk, and hurt your gums considerably when you drank it. the excellent mule i was riding had unfortunately hurt one of its legs while we were crossing a swollen torrent, where the mule and myself were nearly swept away in the foaming current. riding on the lame animal, which was all the time stumbling and falling down on its knees, was unpleasant. in the narrow trail it was not possible to unload another animal and change the saddle, and it was out of the question for me to walk. [illustration: the inca temple of the sun, with spanish superstructure.] [illustration: inca doorway, cuzco.] i arrived at the _tambo_ with a ravenous appetite, but unfortunately nobody had telephoned from the previous _tambo_ that i was coming, so that it was impossible to get lunch, and i had to wait two or three hours before i could get anything to eat at all. the men in charge of the various _tambos_ were rather negligent in telephoning and making arrangements with the next _tambo_, as the kind of travellers they had on that trail was not of the highest type and could not always be relied upon for payment. the people in charge of the _tambos_ were poor devils, half _abrutis_, to use a most appropriate french expression, by the life they had to lead in that forlorn country. on january 24th we continued our journey over horrible deep mud-holes, which made the trail extremely dangerous. on that particular day we were travelling over sticky soil, so that when the mules trod in the deep holes they stuck with their hoofs and fell over, immediately struggling wildly to free themselves. one of my men was nearly thrown down a precipice that day, and all of us, as well as all the pack animals, had many unpleasant falls during that march. swampy places like that were encountered for hundreds of metres at a time. in one place that day we had two kilometres of continuous swampy mud. in the afternoon i had a nasty fall, the mule rolling right on the top of me and nearly breaking my right leg. the animal in falling had sunk its head in the sticky mud, and was struggling madly to release itself. the animals were then marching chest-deep in mud. in my helpless condition i tried to get off when the animal fell, but sank up to my waist and stuck fast with my legs in the mud. when the mule rolled over, it knocked me down on the edge of the precipice, my leg remaining caught under the animal. had not one of my muleteers been by my side at the moment and rushed to my rescue, i should have fared badly indeed. we had a slippery descent after tambo 33, where we had a lunch composed of putrid tinned salmon and "invisible" eggs--the latter dish being a speciality of that place. the _tambo_ man insisted that i had eaten six eggs, whereas i had not even seen them except on the bill. he told me that i was wrong, showing me a napkin on which two yellow streaks were to be seen--though not left there by me, but by the lips of some traveller who had passed perhaps a month before. we made a long march that day, having left at seven o'clock in the morning, and arriving at our halting-place at four o'clock in the afternoon. the next day, january 25th, we had a trying march. several land-slides had taken place, bringing down great patches of forest. numberless trees had fallen over, making it difficult for the animals to be taken across. in one place all of them had to be unloaded, and they sank so deeply in the slush and soft earth that we had three or four hours' extremely hard work to cover a distance of about 50 m. the animals became so scared that they would not go on at all. the men who pushed and led them along that dangerous passage with a deep precipice on one side were in constant danger. the rain, which had been torrential during the night, continued during the entire day, swelling the streams and making them most difficult to cross. in one stream my mule and i were swept away altogether. i had water right up to my waist while riding, and the mule showed only its head above the water. we were thrown with great force against some rocks, where, fortunately, my muleteers came to our help and got us out again. [illustration: inca steps carved in a dome of rock, cuzco. fortress noticeable in the distance.] the trail--about half a metre wide--wound its way up to a great height above the foaming river. there were beautiful ferns of immense height, some of which had finely ribbed, gigantic leaves. graceful yellow flowers, or sometimes beautiful red ones, were to be seen on tall trees with white, clean stems. we passed a coffee plantation, owned by english people, near a charming settlement of whitewashed houses on the opposite side of the river. when we came to cross the rio las palmas--heavily swollen--we were once more nearly swept away in riding across with water up to our chests. the baggage naturally suffered a good deal in those constant immersions. this was, unfortunately, the wrong season for crossing the andes; but i could not help that, as i was anxious to get through, and could not wait for the fine weather to come. farther on we crossed the river paucartambo near the pueblo pardo. we next followed the rio chanchamayo, which afterwards became the rio perene, along which extensive english farms had been established. we were now getting near to civilization. i felt that my work was entirely finished, as the country hereabouts was well known. we came to the colorado river, a tributary of the chanchamayo, and passed s. luiz de shuaro, a charming little village of whitewashed houses. the scenery was beautiful on nearing la merced. the river basin showed luxuriant grassy slopes and immense sugar plantations. la merced was situated on the left bank of the rio chanchamayo, formed by the meeting of the rio tulumayo and the rio tarma, which joined near the village of s. ramon. it had two modest hotels and various commercial houses. in a way i was sorry to get to a town again, because in those places you had all the trumpery illusion of civilization without any of its real advantages. one met, however, with the greatest civility from everybody, and, indeed, with the greatest honesty. so that travelling in those regions was quite a pleasure. to my amazement that evening a burly italian came into the hotel. who was he?--garibaldi's grandson, the son of general canzio and garibaldi's daughter. he was interested in some mines in the district, and had lived there for some years trying to make a fortune. what impressed one most in the settlements on the andes were the great neatness and cleanliness of all the buildings, and the charming manners of all the people one met. everybody, without exception, saluted you politely as you approached; everybody was anxious to be of assistance or offer you hospitality. there was, nevertheless, nothing of great interest in those high-placed villages. on january 26th i went on in a drenching rain, having changed my animals at that place for another lot of excellent mules. the hire of animals was somewhat high, but after the prices one had to pay in brazil, everything seemed, by comparison, dirt-cheap in peru. i also said good-bye to the peruvians who had accompanied me so far, and employed indians to take charge of my animals. from la merced there was a trail from one to three metres wide, cut out in the solid rock and skirting all along the foaming river, which flowed in the opposite direction from that in which we were travelling. in several places narrow tunnels had been excavated in the rock, through which the trail proceeded. these tunnels were dangerous when you encountered caravans of pack animals coming through from the opposite direction. the animals often got jammed in the middle of the tunnel, tearing their loads to pieces in their attempts to disentangle themselves. once i got jammed myself, and came out minus a patch of skin several inches long from my left shin and knee. between la merced and s. ramon, a distance of some 10 kil., one had to cross the shaky suspension bridges of la herreria and s. ramon. the oscillations of those bridges were so great that it was always a marvel to me that the animals and riders were not precipitated into the river below. the planks of the bridges were in many places so rotten that it was not uncommon for the animals to put their legs right through them. only one animal at a time could go across, as the bridges were not strong enough to support more. farther on we arrived at two more bridges--the puntayacu and the rio seco, one a suspension bridge, the other built of masonry. one met hundreds of indians upon the trail, in costumes resembling those of the calabrese of italy. the men wore heavy woollen hand-knitted stockings up to their knees, or else over their trousers, white leggings left open behind as far down as the knee. round felt hats were worn by the women, who were garbed in bright blue or red petticoats, very full and much pleated, but quite short. red was the favourite colour for the shawl which they threw round the body and over the shoulders. when we proceeded the next morning the heat in the low valley was stifling. the scenery continued to be beautiful, with magnificent waterfalls and torrents flowing down at a steep angle among rocks. i stopped for the night at the charming little hotel of huacapistana, situated at a lower level than the road in a most picturesque narrow valley, on the right bank of the tarma river. the distance between la merced and huacapistana was about 35 kil. between huacapistana and tarma the track was excellent. we went through the carpapata tunnel, 184 m. long--very dark and narrow, and extremely dangerous if you happened to meet pack animals in the middle. the scenery was enchanting and the vegetation wonderful until, 20 kil. farther, i entered, by a magnificent avenue of eucalyptus trees, the most picturesque town of the higher andes, tarma. the narrow, neat streets were paved with cobble-stones. all the houses were painted white, and had red-tiled roofs. the streets swarmed with quaintly attired indians and tidily dressed peruvians. there were many italians and spaniards in tarma. two or three hotels existed here--a capital one, actually lighted by electric light, being kept by a most honest italian. the elevation of tarma, taken by the hypsometrical apparatus, was 10,034 ft. [illustration: the "round table" of the incas.] [illustration: entrance to inca subterranean passages.] i left tarma on january 29th, following a well-cultivated valley, fairly thickly inhabited. we were travelling over a good mule-track, swarming with indians, donkeys, mules, and horses. the mud houses and land on either side were enclosed by hedges of cacti, or by walls. we were between barren mountains of a brownish colour, against which the quaint, brightly-coloured costumes of the many people on the road were thrown out in vivid contrast. most of the houses were constructed of large mud bricks, sun-dried. the crops seemed to consist chiefly of indian corn. as we went farther, among dark brown rocks and limestone, we came to grottoes and rock habitations. at some remote period there must have been a great upheaval in that country--at least, judging by the sedimentary foliated rock, the strata of which were from one to three feet thick, and which had originally been deposited horizontally by water. these accumulations or sediments now stood up at an angle of 45°. we were now in a region where llamas were plentiful--most delightful animals, with their pointed ears pricked up, their luxuriant coats, and stumpy curled tails. we came to a steep ascent over a high pass, where the cold wind was fierce. on reaching the pass i found myself on a grassy plateau in which were to be seen two circles of stones by the side of each other. the partition of the waters flowing into the river mantaro and the river tarma took place at the point called ricran, not far from the high pass we had crossed. it was always advisable when taking the journey between tarma and oroya to start early in the morning, so as to be on that pass before noon. in the afternoon the wind was intensely cold and frequently accompanied by violent storms of hail and rain. i arrived in the evening at oroya, the distance from tarma being 30 kil. 236 m. the journey between the two places could be accomplished on a good mule in five or six hours. oroya was an important point for me, as it was there that i saw the first railway since leaving araguary in brazil nearly a year before. oroya is perhaps one of the highest railway stations in the world, its accurate elevation by boiling-point thermometers being 12,156 ft. the town, like all termini of railway lines, was not an attractive place. there were two or three hotels, all extremely bad. one began to feel the effects of civilization in the dishonesty of the people. early the next morning, thanks to arrangements made by mr. d. t. lee, i was allowed to take the journey to lima in a "gravity car," in the company of the engineer, mr. beverley r. mayer, instead of by the usual train, which ran twice a week. of course it was only possible to go by "gravity car" from the highest point of the railway, which is not at oroya, but at the tunnel of galera, 5,356 m. (17,572 ft.) above the sea-level as measured by the railway surveyors. [illustration: a toboggan slide of rock.] [illustration: an inca grave, bolivia.] the scenery was magnificent on that railway. having gone through the galera tunnel, mr. mayer and i got on the small "gravity car," keeping all the time just in front of the train. it was quite an exciting journey, the incline being so great that we soon acquired a vertiginous speed--in fact, too much, because our brakes would not act any more. with the snow and rain the rails had become so slippery that we went sliding down at the most alarming pace. nor did i feel particularly happy at having the train only a few hundred metres behind us. whenever we got to a station, we had to get off quickly and get our car off the rails to give room to the incoming train. the cold was intense. the geological formation of the andes in that particular region was remarkable, and more remarkable still was the british engineering triumph of constructing a railway from the sea to so high an elevation. in one or two places there were iron bridges of great height and ingenious construction. you felt a curious sensation as you flew over those bridges on the tiny car, and you saw between the rails the chasm underneath you; nor did you feel extraordinarily comfortable when, hundreds of feet down, down below, at the bottom of one chasm, you saw a railway engine which had leapt the rails and lay upside down in the middle of a foaming torrent. naturally, in building a mountain railway of that type, a great many curves and zigzags were necessary, many of those curves taking place inside tunnels. along the railway rivers have been switched off through tunnels within the mountain, and produced picturesque cascades where they came out again. the geological surprises were continual. next to mountains with perfectly horizontal strata you saw other mountains with strata in a vertical position, especially in the limestone formation. farther down immense superposed terraces were to be noticed upon the mountain side, evidently made by the ancient dwellers of that country for the cultivation of their inhospitable land. this interested me greatly. i had seen among the igorrotes or head-hunters of the island of luzon, in the philippine archipelago, that same method of irrigation, by collecting the water from a high point on the mountain side in order to irrigate consecutively the series of terraces. not only was i struck by the fact of finding so unusual a method of cultivation at two points of the globe so far apart, but i was even more impressed by the wonderful resemblance in type between the local natives and the inhabitants of the northern island of the philippines. undoubtedly these people came from the same stock. where we stopped at the different stations there was always something interesting to observe--now the hundreds of llamas which had conveyed goods to the railway; at one place the numberless sacks of ore waiting to be taken to the coast; at another the tall active chimneys of the smelters, which suggested industry on a large scale. i took a number of photographs under difficulties on that journey down the andes. at 7.30 p.m. on january 30th, 1912, i arrived safely at lima, a distance of 222 kil. from oroya. the total distance from iquitos to lima over the andes was 2,079 kil., which distance i had performed in the record time of one month, the time generally occupied by the usual travellers being from fifty to seventy days. [illustration: inca remains near cuzco.] from lima i proceeded early the next morning to callao, the port for lima, a few kilometres farther, where at la punta i touched the pacific ocean, thus ending my trans-continental journey from rio de janeiro, with its zigzags and deviations, 22,000 kil. in length, or 13,750 miles. i was already in better health when i reached lima. the violent changes of climate from the hot valley of the amazon to the snows of the andes, and from there to the sea-coast, had had a beneficial effect upon me. the attack of beri-beri from which i had been suffering was gradually passing away, my right foot, by the time i reached lima, having slowly got back almost to its normal size, although my toes were still atrophied. it is well known that there is no better cure for beri-beri than sea air. chapter xxvii the peruvian corporation railway--the land of the incas--lake titicaca--bolivia--chile--the argentine--a last narrow escape--back in england lima is a beautiful city, as everybody knows. its wonderful churches, its clean streets, its commerce, the great charm of the people--indeed, the peruvians are the most cultivated and polished people in south america, and the women the most beautiful--make it one of the most attractive cities i visited on that continent. i was, nevertheless, anxious to return quickly to europe. i had no strength left. the mental strain on that long journey had been so great that i had lost my memory altogether. owing to the great kindness of the british minister, mr. c. des graz, and of mr. mockill, the chief of the peruvian corporation at lima, arrangements were made for me to travel in luxurious comfort through the country of the incas--so that, although terribly exhausted, i decided to take a further journey in the interior of peru, bolivia, and chile. [illustration: where a stone fight took place in the inca country. (notice the innumerable rocks which have been thrown down the hill from the high inca structure.)] [illustration: entrance to inca subterranean passages.] i left lima five days after my arrival, on february 5th, going by steamer to the port of mollendo, where i arrived on february 7th. there i met the railway line of the peruvian corporation from the sea coast to arequipa and cuzco. a magnificent private car had been placed at my disposal by the peruvian corporation, in which i was able to make myself comfortable for the several days which the journey lasted. not only so, but the peruvian corporation kindly looked after my welfare in a most thoughtful way during the whole time i travelled on their line, for which i am indeed extremely grateful, as the travelling in that country would have otherwise been less pleasant. the railroad from mollendo went along the coast among curious eroded rocks of great interest; then gradually left the sea among sand-dunes and mounds upon the wide beach. as the railway began to get higher and higher upon the steep gradient the scenery became more and more beautiful. presently we found ourselves overlooking a wonderful flat valley between two high hill ranges in lovely green patches, cut with geometrical precision, and well cultivated. giant cacti of the candelabrum type were plentiful. farther on we got upon an elevated plateau with a white surface of pumice-stone, followed by red volcanic sand--an immense stretch of country surrounded by low hills of grey tufa and red volcanic rock. beyond that we came to a most interesting region of sand-dunes of extraordinary shapes, where the under soil was of a brilliant red, while the sand accumulations were of a grey colour. some of the dunes were crescent-shaped. they stood usually in sets or rows extending from north-west to south-east. then there were high mounds, also of sand, and dunes of all kinds, some with a double crescent, or with the inside of the crescent much indented, others with multiple concave curves. the concavity of all those dunes was on the north-east side. i had seen a similar formation of dunes in the salt desert of persia; also in the south-western desert of afghanistan and in the northern desert of beluchistan; but i do not remember ever having seen such a perfect formation of dunes as that to be seen in this part of peru. beyond that sandy zone we had before us a red plateau with fluted sides. great mounds of blackened volcanic sand were quite frequent, the railway winding its way around immense basins formed by depressions in the land. then we entered a beautiful green narrow valley along a streamlet intersecting the plateau. from mollendo the railway gradually rose to an elevation of 2,301 m. (7,549 ft.) at arequipa, where i remained for the night. [illustration: the great inca ruins of viraccocha, in tinta (cuzco).] arequipa was an interesting city with its picturesque arcades, its magnificent church of spanish architecture with marvellous ancient wood carvings, and its prettily-laid-out gardens. i visited the astronomical observatory of harvard college, a few miles from the town, where excellent work is being done in star photography from that eminently suitable spot for the study of the sky. the observatory was situated at an elevation of 8,060 ft. it worked in conjunction with the harvard observatory in north america. by having thus one station north and another south of the equator, the observations made by that institution included the stars in all parts of the sky from the north to the south pole. a 24-inch bruce photographic telescope, a 13-inch boyden telescope, an 8-inch bache telescope, and a 4-inch meridian photometer were the principal instruments used at the arequipa station. i left arequipa on the morning of february 9th, going through country of volcanic tufa and red sand, with immense furrows quite devoid of vegetation. occasionally we came upon great masses of boulders cast by some volcanic force upon the surface of tufa and sand. then the railway gracefully climbed in great curves over a plateau nearly 14,000 ft. high, where tufts of grass could be seen, giving a greenish appearance to the landscape. we travelled along that great table-land, occasionally seeing a herd of llamas stampede away at the approach of the train, now and then observing circular stone walls erected by shepherds as shelters. a gable-roofed hut was occasionally seen. picturesque natives in their _ponchos_ and red or yellow scarves gazed, astonished, at the train throbbing along slowly upon the steep gradient of that elevated barren country. the cold seemed intense after the tropical heat of lima. it was snowing hard. in the daytime i generally travelled seated in front of the engine, in order to have a better view of the landscape. in the train everybody suffered from _soroche_ or mountain-sickness, which attacked most people when brought up quickly by the railway from the sea to such high elevations. i was driven away from the front of the engine by the cold rain and sleet beating with great force into my face, and obscuring the landscape to such an extent that i could see nothing at all. when it cleared up we were travelling in a region of marshes and pools in the lowest point of depressions, then along a magnificent lake with green and brown fantastically-shaped mountains and hills in the foreground, and a high snowy range in the background. the effects of light when the storm was raging over the lake, with its conical and semi-spherical islands dotting the water, were intensely picturesque. after that the plateau became less interesting. we descended gradually some 400 m. (1,312 ft.) to the junction of juliaca, 3,825 m. (12,550 ft.) above the sea level. at that place the luxurious car which had taken me there had to be switched off from the puno line to the cuzco line. i had dinner in the hotel, and again was impressed by the great honesty of the peruvian people in the interior, and their considerate manners. it was somewhat curious to see the indian waiter--most clumsy, dressed up in uncomfortable and ill-fitting european clothes--waiting on a medley of strange passengers, such as red-faced spanish priests, tidy, smooth, oily-haired peruvians, and talkative commercial travellers. but all--whether fat or lean, rich or poor, indian or peruvian--were the essence of politeness and thoughtfulness. being able to sleep in the luxurious car, where i had two good bedrooms, my own kitchen, and a sitting-room, i was indeed extremely comfortable. i left again on february 10th over a great flat grassy tableland, with hills terraced up for cultivation. we passed an old church with a wonderful dome, and behind it snow-capped blue mountains. the women wore peculiar hats with flapping edges in order to protect their faces from the wind. a black cloth was generally worn over the women's heads under the hat, while over their shoulders hung dark green or purple _ponchos_. the indians of that region showed remarkably strong malay features. the train steamed through the wide grassy valley, once crossing a fairly large stream. high snowy peaks loomed against the sky on our right, while we were travelling all the time at elevations varying from 3,531 m. (11,584 ft.) at sicuani to 4,313 m. (14,150 ft.) at la raya. the cold seemed intense. i got quite frozen sitting on the engine. quantities of llamas and sheep grazing were now to be seen on the land, foot-passengers and horsemen crossing the valley in all directions. at the stations large crowds of picturesque women squatted down selling pottery and fruit. the farther we got into the interior the more picturesque the hats became. the women there wore hats with rectangular gold-braided brims, and with white, red or blue curtains at the sides. the men had pointed woollen caps with ear-flaps. the women were garbed in ample pleated skirts. curiously enough, while the head and body were so well protected, most of them had bare legs and feet, the skirts reaching only just below the knee. near villages one saw neat patches of land turned, with trouble, into vegetable gardens. stone enclosures were used by the natives as shelters for the animals during storms and to pen them up at night. the people themselves lived in stone huts. the country reminded me forcibly of tibet, and so, in a way, did the people--short and stumpy and smothered in clothes. i frequently noticed cairns of stones like the _obos_ typical of tibet and of the himahlyas. there, too, as in tibet, it seemed the fashion for passers-by to place a white stone on those cairns in order to bring good luck. the men were curiously garbed in short, wide white woollen trouserettes, reaching just below the knees and split behind just over the calf. under those they wore another pair of trousers, slightly longer. their coats were short and tight, resembling eton jackets. they wore wide and much embroidered belts, red and blue being their favourite colours. an accident had happened to a bridge. it had collapsed, so that the trains could not proceed. thanks to the great thoughtfulness of mr. mockill and his inspector of the line, mr. blaisdell, another private car, equally comfortable, had been sent down from cuzco to the bridge. my baggage was transferred on men's backs to the opposite side of the stream. with the delay of only an hour or so i was able to proceed on another train to cuzco, where i arrived that same evening. [illustration: inca pottery, weapons and ornaments of gold and copper.] the city of cuzco is situated at an elevation of 11,062 ft. above the sea level. in its vicinity the most important remains of inca civilization have been found. the city itself was most interesting. its handsome spanish cathedral had a façade of beautifully designed columns and a fine central doorway. the great bell in one of the towers contained a large quantity of gold in the bronze, giving wonderful resonance to its vibrating notes. a solid silver altar of great height was to be admired in the interior of the cathedral, while the chancel was of marvellously carved wood. so was a supplementary altar which had been stored away behind the silver one. the principal square of cuzco had recently been paved with cement, on which none of the natives could be induced to walk, as they were afraid of slipping, accustomed as they were to the roughest cobble-stone paving of their streets. only the gentry of the city could be seen treading with great care on the polished pavement, and were looked upon with much admiration by the lower natives, who stared aghast from the porticoes around the square. in the centre of the square was a cheap terra-cotta statue of the indian hero atahualpa surmounting a fountain painted of a ghastly green. the gardens were nicely laid out with pretty lawns. another beautiful church rose in the _plaza_, the doorway of which was also handsome, but not comparable in beauty with that of the cathedral. the stone carvings of its façade were nevertheless remarkable. there were arcades on three sides of the _plaza_, the houses being generally only one storey high above them. the buildings were painted light blue, pink, green, or bright yellow, the columns of beautifully cut stone being also covered with hideous paint to match. thanks to the kindness of the president of the republic, mr. b. b. legujia, a telegram had been sent asking the prefect of cuzco to give me every possible assistance in visiting the inca ruins in the neighbourhood. the prefect, mr. j. j. v. cuñer, kindly placed at my disposal three excellent horses and an orderly. it is seldom one can visit a place where the people have more primitive habits than in the city of cuzco. the streets, so wonderfully picturesque, were not fit to walk upon. the people threw into them all that can be thrown out of the houses, which possess no sanitary arrangements of any kind. much of the pleasure of looking at the magnificent inca walls--constructed of great blocks of stone so well fitted that no cement was necessary to hold them together--was really lost through being absolutely stifled by the suffocating odour which was everywhere prevalent in cuzco. the photographs that are reproduced in the illustrations of this book will give an idea of the grandeur of the inca works better than any description. as i intend to produce at a later date a special work on that country, i am unable here to go fully into the history of the marvellous civilization of that race. a photograph will be seen in one of the illustrations showing the immensity of the three-walled fortress of sacsayhuaman. another photograph will show with what accuracy the incas could carve stone--which, mind you, in those days must have been much softer than it is now, and not unlike the sandstone that is used in england for building purposes. many curious subterranean passages were to be found on the mountains near cuzco, the entrances to which were among picturesque rocks. the incas seemed to have a regular mania for carving steps and angular channels in rocks. not far from the fortress could be found the place of recreation of the incas--the rodadeiro--over which the incas tobogganed, perhaps sitting on hides. thousands and thousands of people must have gone in for the sport, as the solid rock was deeply grooved by the friction of the persons who have slid on it. the remains of ancient altars for the worship of the sun and an inca throne, where the king of the incas must have sat while battles were taking place, were indeed most interesting to examine. more interesting than any other to me was the particular spot on the mountain side where a kind of throne existed carved out of a huge block of rock, and where a battle of the incas against their enemies could be reconstructed. mounds of ammunition, consisting of round stones as big as a lawn-tennis ball, had been accumulated above and near the throne. just below that high spot i found scattered upon the mountain side quantities of ammunition which had evidently been thrown by the incas at the attacking foes. farther on was the "round table" where the incas had their feasts--a huge circular table of rock situated near a conical boulder of immense size. interesting fountains with carved figure-heads; an inca bath of graceful lines; and, some kilometres beyond cuzco, the marvellous ruins of viraccocha at tinta, where gigantic walls of a palace were to be seen standing, and ruins of other fortresses filled one with amazement. on the mountain side near the town were the strange gateways of choquechaca, which in their lines resembled ancient egyptian buildings. not far off were the blocks of rock to which the incas fastened their prisoners by their legs, arms and heads, and exposed them to the ridicule of the populace. many were the wonderful things which had been found in digging near cuzco; but most interesting of all to me were the deformed crania--some flattened to almost an incredible extent on the top, others elongated backward to an amazing degree, others still with the central part of the skull deeply depressed, so as to form two globular swellings at the sides. others, again, had been squeezed so as to form an angular ridge longitudinally on the summit. one skull particularly interested me, which had a pronounced elongation backward, and a dent just above the forehead which must have been caused by tying the cranium while young and still in a soft condition. most of the skulls were of gigantic size when compared with those of modern times. the lower part was under-developed. many of them possessed magnificent teeth. several of the skulls had been trephined, evidently while the person was still alive, some of the perforations in the brain-case being circular in shape, others quadrangular--most of the trephinations having been made in the forehead, others on the top of the skull. i saw one skull with as many as eleven apertures thus made. the operation had evidently been performed by a very able surgeon, for the little cap of bone removed fitted beautifully into the opening that had been made. [illustration: inca towers of sillistayni, puño (lake titicaca).] [illustration: an inca statue, bolivia.] the incas were great architects. they had an absolute craving for carving rock. they made models of their fortresses and palaces in blocks of hard stone, some of these being of remarkable perfection in their detail. the pottery, red earthen vessels with geometrical designs upon them, was most interesting, especially the large jars which must have been used for fermenting wine. those jars of a typical shape must have rested on a pedestal of wood, as they ended in a point at the bottom, which prevented their standing up on a flat surface. two handles were attached to the lower part of those jars, and also to the great bottles in which they kept wine. the incas used tumblers, enamelled in red and green, and of most graceful shape. they were fond of ornamenting their bottles and vessels with representations of human heads, reproduced with considerable artistic fidelity. other bottles represented strange gnawing faces, with expanded eyes and a fierce moustache. judging from the representations of figures on their jars, the people in those days wore their hair in little plaits round the head. heads of llamas sculptured in stone or else modelled in earthenware were used as vessels. the incas made serviceable mortars for grinding grain, of polished hard rock, mostly of a circular shape, seldom more than two feet in diameter. the matrimonial stone was interesting enough. it was a double vessel carved out of a solid stone, a perforation being made in the partition between the two vessels. it seems, when marriages were performed, that the incas placed a red liquid in one vessel and some water in the other, the perforation in the central partition being stopped up until the ceremony took place, when the liquids were allowed to mingle in emblem of the union of the two lives. curious, too, was the pipe-like arrangement, called the _kenko_, ornamented with a carved jaguar head, also used at their marriage ceremonies. [illustration: lake titicaca.] [illustration: guaqui, the port for la paz on lake titicaca.] their stone axes and other implements were of extraordinary interest--their rectangularly-shaped stone knives, the starand cross-shaped heads for their war clubs, as well as the star-shaped weights which they used for offensive purposes, attached, perhaps, to a sling. many were the weapons of offence made of stone which have been found near cuzco, some of which were used by holding in the hand, others attached to sticks. the incas were fairly good sculptors, not only in stone but also in moulding human figures and animals in silver and gold. llamas, deer, long-nosed human-faced idols were represented by them with fidelity of detail, although perhaps not so much accuracy in the general proportions. at a later date the incas used metal implements, such as small rakes and chisels for smoothing rock. they made hair-pins and ear-rings, chiefly of a mixture of gold, silver, lead and copper. i saw at cuzco a stone arrangement which was used by the incas for washing and milling gold. many ornaments of silex, agate and emerald, and also of coral, which had evidently been brought there from the coast, have also been found near cuzco. the spoons and knives which the incas used were generally made of gold, with representations of heads attached to them. the average length of these articles was from two to four inches. i left the city on friday, february 16th, going back the way i had come as far as the junction of juliaca. the cuzco railway, to my mind, crosses the most beautiful and most interesting scenery of any railway i have ever seen. it is a pity that more english people do not travel by it. the great elevation makes people suffer from mountain-sickness, and that perhaps deters many travellers from attempting the journey. the railway has to contend with great natural difficulties--land-slides, which often stop traffic for days at a time, being frequent. from cuzco i went direct to lake titicaca, where more inca ruins, such as the cylindrical towers of sillistayni, existed at puno. lake titicaca is a heavenly sheet of water, situated at an elevation by hypsometrical apparatus of 12,202 ft. with its magnificent background of snowy peaks, the lake looked indeed too impressive for words, as i steamed across it in the excellent steamer of the peruvian corporation. early in the morning of february 17th, having travelled the entire night in order to cross the lake from north to south, we arrived at guaqui, the port for la paz, the capital of bolivia. although i travelled in the most luxurious comfort, owing to the kindness of the peruvian corporation, the journey by rail and the going about examining the ruins at cuzco had tired me considerably. my brain was so exhausted that it would really take in no more. worse luck, when i reached la paz it was during carnival time, when it was impossible to go out of the hotel without being smothered in cornflour or chalk, and sprinkled with aniline dyed water. even bottles of ink were emptied on one's head from the windows. so that, although i crossed bolivia from one end to the other in its longest part, i was unable to do any further work. i tried to get down to the coast as quickly as possible in order to return home. la paz was a beautiful city, extremely neat, with bright red-tiled roofs and white buildings. it was situated in a deep hollow surrounded by a great barrier of mountains. so deep and sudden was the hollow that within a few metres of its upper edge one would never suppose a town to be at hand. bolivia is a go-ahead country in which english people are greatly interested. we have in our minister there, mr. gosling, a very able representative of british interests. bolivians have shown great enterprise in building railways in all directions in order properly to develop their enormously wealthy country. many important lines are in construction; others are projected--of which, perhaps, the most interesting will be the one from santa cruz to corumba on the brazilian boundary. the day will come when the port of arica on the pacific ocean will be joined to oruro, on the antofagasta line, the well-known junction in bolivia, and eventually to santa cruz. the present plan is to build a line from the already existing railway at cochabamba to porto velarde on the rio grande (rio mamore), then to santa cruz. the brazilians on their side will eventually connect são paulo with cuyaba and corumba. it will then be possible to travel by rail right across the south american continent in its richest part. there is also a project of connecting santa cruz with embarcacion and campo santo, in the argentine republic, and eventually with the trans-andine railway. other smaller lines projected are those between potosí and sucre, and one from the chilian boundary at la quiada to tarija. that system of railways will greatly develop the entire southern portion of bolivia. a small railway is also proposed in the most northern part of the republic, between riberalta on the river madre de dios and guajara merim on the madeira-mamore railway, a district of immense wealth for the production of rubber. the exact elevation of la paz by hypsometrical apparatus was 12,129 ft. i left la paz on february 21st, and travelled through flat, alluvial, uninteresting country--only a huge flock of llamas or vicuñas enlivening the landscape here and there, or a group of indians in their picturesque costumes. the women, with their green, violet or red shawls and much-pleated short skirts, generally blue, afforded particularly gay patches of colour. i saw a beautiful effect of mirage near the lake in the vicinity of oruro, as i was on the railway to antofagasta. we were going through flat country most of the time. it had all the appearance of having once been a lake bottom. perhaps that great titicaca lake formerly extended as far south as lake poopo, which is connected with lake titicaca by the river desaguadero. in fact, if i am not far wrong, the two lakes formed part, in days gone by, of one single immense lake. the mountains on our right as we went southwards towards oruro showed evidence that the level of the then united lakes must have reached, in days gone by, some 150 ft. higher than the plain on which we were travelling. the low undulations on our left had evidently been formed under water in the lake bottom. the junction of oruro, from which the cochabamba railway branches, was quite a large place, of 8,000 inhabitants, but with no particularly striking buildings. tin and silver mining was carried on in the surrounding mountains. from oruro i continued the journey to antofagasta via uyuni. immense deposits of borax were to be seen all along the line from the station of ulaca; then we came to a most beautiful sight--the volcano of ollagüe, 12,123 ft. above the sea level. it looked like a giant dome, snow-capped, and smoking on its southern side. its slopes were fairly regular, and of most brilliant colouring, red and blue. near the volcano were mounds of mud and shattered rock. ollagüe stood on the boundary between bolivia and chile. [illustration: on the andes.] after passing san martin, the first station on the chilian side, the railway skirted the bed of an ancient lake, an immense circular flat stretch with deposits of sand and borax, in which could be seen occasional pools of stagnant water. on the west side stood a high three-peaked mountain covered with snow, while at the southern end of that plain was a charming lakelet. we had no sooner left this beautiful view than we had before us to the south-west an immense conical mountain, flat-topped. it looked just like the well-known fujiyama of japan, only more regular in its sloping lines. we passed the works of a borax company, which were between the stations of sebollar and ascotan. there was to be seen another immense lake of borax, some 40 kil. (24 miles) long. i arrived that evening at antofagasta, and was fortunate enough to get on board one of the pacific mail line steamers the next morning on my way to valparaiso. we were now in the height of civilization again--very hot, very uncomfortable, very ambitious, very dirty, the hotels abominable. had it not been for the kindness of friends i should have fared badly indeed in valparaiso, for the place was invaded by a swarm of american tourists, who had just landed from an excursion steamer and rendered the place unbearable. from valparaiso, as soon as it was possible to obtain accommodation, i travelled across the andes and as far as buenos aires by the trans-andine railway. the scenery on this line was most disappointing to any one who has seen the andes in their real grandeur farther north; but for the average traveller the journey may prove interesting enough, although hot, dull, dusty, and not particularly comfortable. while i was travelling on the railway between mendoza and buenos aires there was a serious strike of railway employés. the railway had been attacked at many different points. amateur engineers and attendants ran the trains. we were only two hours from buenos aires. the heat and dust were intense as we crossed the great pampas. the shaking of the train had tired me to such an extent that i placed a pillow on the ledge of the open window, and was fast asleep with my head half outside the carriage, when i woke up startled by the sound of an explosion. i found myself covered with quantities of débris of rock. a huge stone, as big as a man's head or bigger, had been thrown with great force at the passing train by the strikers, and had hit the side of my window only about three inches above my head, smashing the woodwork and tearing off the metal frame of the window. had it struck a little lower it would have certainly ended my journey for good. [illustration: llamas in bolivia.] [illustration: borax deposits, bolivia.] as it was i arrived in buenos aires safely. a few days later i was on my way to rio de janeiro, by the excellent steamer _aragon_. shortly after, by the equally good vessel _araguaya_, of the royal mail steamship company, i returned to england, where i arrived in broken health on april 20th, 1912. it was a relief to me to land at southampton, with all my notes, the eight hundred photographs i had taken, and the maps which i had made of the regions traversed. appendix some of the principal plants of brazil (c.) = colouring and tanning. (c.w.) = woods good for construction. (m.) = medicinal. (f.) = fibrous. (r.) = resinous. (p.) = palms. (l.) = lactiferous. (o.) = oliferous. (s.) = starchy. (t.) = tanning. _alocasia macrorhiza_ schott inhame (s.) _anchietea salutaris_ st. hil. cipo suma (m.) _andira spectabilis_ sald. angelim pedra (c.w.) _andira vermifuga_ angelim amargoso (c.w.) _apuleia præcox_ m. grapiapunha (f.) _arachis hypogoea_ l. amendoim (o.) _araucaria brasiliana_ lamb pinho do paraná (c.w.) _aristoiochia_ (various kinds) jarrinha (m.) _asclepia curassavica_ l. official da sala (m.) _aspidosperma dasycarpon_ a.d.c. peroba rosa (c.w.) " _eburneum_ fr. all. pequia marfim " " _leucomelum_ waring. peroba parda " " _macrocarpum_ m. guatambú " " _polyneuron_ m. arg. peroba amarella " " _sessiliflorum_ fr. all. pequia amarello " " _sp._ peroba revessa " _astronium fraxinifolium_ schott gonçalo alves " _attalea funifera_ m. piassava (p.) _bertholletia excelsa_ h.b.k. castanha do pará (o.) _bignoniaceas_ (various kinds) caroba (m.) _bixa orellana_ l. urucú (c.) _boerhavia hirsuta_ willd. herva-tostão (m.) _bromelia_ (various kinds) caragoatá (f.) (s.) _brunfelsia hopeana_ benth. manacá (m.) _byrsonima_ (various kinds) muricy (c.) _cabralea cangerana_ sald. cangerana (c.w.) _cæsalpinia echinata_ lam. pao brasil " _cæsalpinia ferrea_ m. pao ferro (c.w.) _calophyllum brasiliense_ c. guanandy (r.) _capaifera_ (various kinds) copahyba (o.) _cassia_ (two kinds) canafistula (f.) _cayaponia_ (various kinds) cayapó (m.) _cecropia_ (various kinds) embauba (f.) _cedrera fissilis_ vell. cedro vermelho (c.w.) _centrolobium robustum_ m. arariba amarello " " _tomentosum_ benth. " rosa " _chiococca anguifuga_ m. cipo cruz (m.) _chrysophyllum glyciphloeum_ cazar buranhen (c.w.) " " " monesia (m.) _cissampelos_ (various kinds) abútua (m.) _ciusta criuva_ cambess manguerana (f.) _cocos nucifera_ l. coqueiro bahia (p.) _coffea arabica_ l. caféeiro _copaifera guaianensis_ desf. copahyba (c.w) _copernicia cerifera_ m. carnahubeira (c.w.) (p.) _cordia alliodora_ cham. louro (c.w.) _couratari estrellensis_ raddi jequitiba vermelho (c.w.) _coutarea hexandra_ schum quina-quina (m.) _cuscuta_ (various kinds) cipo chumbo (m.) _dalbergia nigra_ fr. all. jacarandá cabiuna (c.w.) _dioscoreas batatas_ d.c. cará (s.) _drimys granatensis_ mutis casca d'anta (m.) _echyrosperum balthazarii_ fr. all. vinhatico amarello (c.w.) _eloeis guineensis_ l. dendé (p.) _erythrina corallodendron_ l. mulungú (m.) _esenbeckia febrifuga_ m. laran do matto (m.) " _leiocarpa_ guarantan (c.w.) _eugenia durissima_ ubatinga (c.w.) _euterpe edulis_ m. palmito (p.) " _oleracea_ l. assahy (p.) _favillea deltoidea_ cogu fava de s. ignacio (o.) _ficus_ (various species) figueiras (l.) _genipa americana_ l. genipapo (c.) _gesnera alagophylla_ m. batata do campo (m.) _gossipum_ (various kinds) algodoeiro _harncornia speciosa_ m. mangabeira (l.) _hedychium coron-koen_ lyrio do brejo (s.) _hymencæa courbaril_ l. jatahy (c.w.) (r.) _ilex paraguayensis_ st. hil. maté (m.) _inga edulis_ m. inga-assú (c.w.) _ipomoea jalapa_ pursh. jalapa (m.) _jatropha curcas_ l. pinhão de purga (o.) _johannesia princeps_ vell. anda-assú (o.) _lafoensia_ (various kinds) pacuri (c.) _laguncularia rac._ gaertu. mangue branco (f.) _landolphia_ (various kinds) pacouri (l.) _lecythis grandiflora_ berg. sapucaia commun (c.w.) " _ollaria_ piso " -assú " " _ovata_ cambess " mirim " _lisianthus pendulus_ m. genciana brazil (m.) _machærium alemanni_ benth. jacarandá violeta (c.w.) " _incorruptibile_ fr. all. " rosa " " _leucopterum_ vog. " tan " _maclura_ (two kinds) tajuba (c.) " _affinis_ mig. " (c.w.) _malvaceas_ (various kinds) guaxima (f.) _manicaria saccifera_ g. ubussú (p.) _manihot_ (two kinds) mandioca (s.) " maniçoba (l.) _mauritia vinifera_ m. burity (p.) _melanoxylon brauna_ schott guarauna (c.w.) _mespilodaphne sassafras_ meissn. canella sassafraz (c.w.) _mikania_ (various kinds) guaco (m.) _mimusops_ (various kinds) massaranduba (l.) " _elata_ er. all. " grande (c.w.) _moldenhauera floribunda_ schrad grossahy azeite (c.w.) _moquilea tomentosa_ benth. oity " _musa_ (various kinds) bananeira _myracroduon urundeuva_ fr. all. urindueva (c.w.) _myristica_ (two kinds) bucu huba (o.) _myrocarpus erythroxylon_ fr. all. oleo vermelho (c.w.) " _frondosus_ " pardo (c.w.) _myrsine_ and _rapanea_ (various kinds) copororoca (f.) _nectandra amara_ meissn. canella parda (c.w.) " _mollis_ meissn. " preta " " _myriantha_ meissn. " capitão-mor " _nicotina tabacum_ l. (various kinds) fumo _operculina convolvulus_ m. batata de purga (m.) _oreodaphne hookeriana_ meissn. itauba preta (c.w.) _paullinia sorbilis_ m. guaraná (m.) _pilocarpus pinnatifolius_ jaborandy (m.) _piper umbellatum_ l. pariparoba (m.) _piptadenia rigida_ benth angico (c.w.) (f.) _protium_ (various kinds) almecega (r.) _psidium acutangulum_ m. araça pyranga (c.w.) _psychotria ipec._ m.a. poaya legitima (m.) _pterodon pubëscens_ faveiro (c.w.) _renealmia occident._ p. and e. capitiú (m.) _rhizophora mangle_ l. mangue verm. (f.) _rhopala gardnerii_ meissn. carvalho vermelho (c.w.) _ricinus communis_ l. mamoneira (o.) _saccharum officin._ l. (various kinds) canna de assucar _sanserieria_ (two kinds) espada (f.) _schinus terebenthifolius_ raddi aroeira (c.w.) (r.) _silvia navalium_ fr. all. tapinhoã (c.w.) _siphonia elastica_ (_hevea_) (various kinds) seringueira (l.) _smilax_ (various kinds) japecanga (m.) _solanum_ (various kinds) jurubeba (m.) _strychnos macroacanthos_ p. quassia (m.) _stryphnodendron barbatimão_ m. barbatimão (c.w.) (t.) _styracaceas_ (various kinds) estoraqueiro (r.) _syphonia globulifera_ l.f. anany (r.) _tecoma araliacea_ p.d.c. ipé una (c.w.) " _pedicellata_ bur. and k. sch. ipé tabaco " _terminalia acuminata_ fr. all. guarajuba " _theobroma cacao_ l. cacaoeiro _tournefortia_ (various kinds) herva de lagarto (m.) _vanilla_ (three kinds) baunilha (m.) _vitex montevidensis_ cham. taruman (c.w.) _vouacapoua americana_ aubl. acapú (c.w.) _xanthosoma sagit._ schott tayoba (s.) _xylopia_ (various kinds) embira (f.) mammals _atele paniscus_ coatá _balsena australis_ baleia austral _bradypus tridactylus_ preguiça _callithrix scicuria_ saymiri do pará _canis brasiliensis_ aguarachaim " _jubatus_ guará _cavia cobaya_ cobaya _cebus appella_ macaco chorão _cercolabos prehensilis_ coandú _cervus dama_ gamo " _elaphus_ veado " _rufus_ guazú-pita _coeelogenys pacca_ pacca _dasyprocta aguti_ cotia _dasypus novemcinctus_ tatú de cauda comprida _delphinus amazonicus_ golfinho _dicotyles labiatus_ porco queixada branco " _torquatus_ caetitú canella ruiva _didelphis azuræ_ gambà " _marsupialis_ philandra _felis concolor_ sussuarana " _onça_ jaguar " _pardalis_ jaguatirica _gallictis barbara_ irara _hapale jacchus_ ouistití or mico _hydrochoerus capibara_ capivara _lepus brasiliensis_ coelho _lutra brasiliensis_ ariranha _manatus australis_ peixe-boi do pará _mephitis suffocans_ jacarecaguá _myrmecophaga jutaba_ tamanduá bandeira _nasua socialis_ caotí de bando " _solitaria_ " " mundeo _phyllostoma spectrum_ vampiro _procyon concrivorus_ guaxinim _sciurus æstuans_ caxinguelê _tapirus americanus_ anta _vespertilio auritus_ morcego orelhudo " _murinus_ " commun birds _ajaja_ colhereiro _alauda arvensis_ cotovia _amazona amazonica_ curiça _amazona brasiliensis_ papagaio _ampelis atropurpurea_ cotinga vermelha do pará _anumbius anumbi_ cochicho _ara ararauna_ arara azul " _macao_ " piranga " _nobilis_ maracanã _aramides saracura_ saracura _aramus scolopaceus_ carão _ardea socoi_ joão grande _ateleodacius speciosa_ sahi _belonopterus cayannensis_ quero-quero _brotogeris tirica_ periquito _cacicus cela_ checheo _cairina moschata_ pato do matto _calospiza pretiosa_ sahira _calospiza toraxica_ sahira verde _caprimulgus cericeocaudalus_ curiango _cathartes atratus_ urubú _ " papa_ " roi _ceryle amazona_ martim pescador _charadrius dominicus_ tarambola _chasmorhychus nudicolis_ araponga _chauna cristata_ tachan _chiromachæris gutturosus_ corrupião _colaptes campestris_ pica-pão _columba domestica_ pombo domestico _ " turtur_ rõla _conurus jendaya_ nandaya _corvus corax_ corvo _crax alector_ hocco do pará _ " pinima_ mutum _creciscus exilis_ frango d'agua verde _crypturus japura_ macucan _ " notivagus_ jahó _ " rufescens_ tinamú ruivo _ " scolopax_ juó _ " soui_ turury _ " variegatus_ inhambú anhanga _dacnis cayana_ sahi azul _dendrocygna fulva_ marreca peba _ " viduata_ irerê _donacubius articapillus_ japacamin _eudocimus ruber_ guará _euphonia aurea_ gaturamo amarello _eurypyga helias_ pavão do pará _falco destructor_ harpya _ " haliætus_ aguia _ " sparverius_ falcão _fringilla carduelis_ pintasilgo _fulica armillata_ carqueja _furnarius rufus_ joão de barro _gallinago delicata_ narceja _ " gigantea_ gallinhola _grotophaga ani_ anú _glaucidium brasilianum_ caburé _heterospizias meridionalis_ gavião caboclo _hycter americanus_ can-can _ibis rubra_ ibis escarlate _jacamaralcyon tridactyla_ beija flor bicudo _jonornis martinica_ frango d'agua azul _lauru macubipennis_ gaivota _leptotila rufaxilla_ juruty _loxia cardinalis_ cardeal _meleagris gallopavo_ perú _microdactylus cristatus_ seriema _minus lividus_ sabiá da praia _milvago chimachim_ caracará _ " chimango_ chimango _molothrus bonariensis_ vira-bosta _molybdophanes coerules_ maçarico real _morinella interpres_ batuira _mucivora tyrannus_ tesoura _myopsitta monachus_ catorrita _myothera rex_ myothera real _nomomyx dominicus_ can-can _nothura maculosa_ codorna _nyctidromus albicolis derbyanus_ bacuraú _odontophorus capueira_ urú _opisthocomus cristatus_ cigana _oriolus brasiliensis_ sapú _oryzoborus angolensis_ avinhado _ " crassirostris_ bicudo _ostinops decumanus_ yapú _otalis katraca_ aracuan _parra jacana_ jacaná _pavo cristatus_ pavão _penelope cristata_ jacú _phasianus colchicus_ faisão _piaya cayana_ alma de gato _picus martius_ picanço negro _pionus menstruns_ maitaca _pipra strigilata_ manequim variegado _piroderus scutatus_ pavó _pisorhin choliba_ coruja _pitherodius pileatus_ garça real _podiceps americanus_ mergulhão _polyborus tharus_ carancho _psittacus passerinus_ tuim _psophius crepitans_ agami _rhamphastos discolorus_ tucano _rhea americana_ avestruz, ema _rupicola_ gallo do pará _siconea mycteria_ jaburú _stephanophorus leucocephalus_ azulão _sterna hirundinacea_ trinta reis _sula leucogastra_ mergulhão _syrigma sibilatrix_ socó assobiador _tanagra citrinella_ tanagra de cabeça amarella _tantalus americanus_ tuyuyu _tinamus tao_ macuco _triclaria cyanogaster_ sabia-cica _turdus rufiventris_ sabia larangeira _volatinia jacarini_ serrador _xanthormis pyrrhopterus_ encontro fish _acanthurus bahianus_ acanthuro bahiano _caranx pisquelus_ solteira _chromis acara_ acará _cichla brasiliensis_ nhacundá _coryphoena_ dourado _curimatus laticeps_ curimatá _cybium regale_ sororóca _cymnotus electricus_ poraqué _eugraulis brossnü_ anchova _ " encrausicholus_ sardinha _leporinus_ piaú _macrodon trahira_ trahira _merlangus vulgaris_ pescada _muroena anguilla_ enguia dos rios _petromyzom marinum_ lampreia do mar _platystoma lima_ surubim _primelodé pirinambú_ pirinambú _prochilodus argenteus_ pacú _rhinobates batis_ raia lisa _scomber scombrus_ cavalla _serrasalmo piranha_ piranha _silurus bagrus_ bagre _solea vulgaris_ linguado _squalus carcharias_ tuburão _tristis antiquorum_ espadarte _vastres gigas_ pirarucú reptiles crocodiles and lizards _caiman fissipes_ jacaré _enyalius bilimeatus_ camaleão listrado _teus monitor_ teyú snakes. _boa constrictor_ giboia constrigente _bothrops indolens_ jararaca preguiçosa _ciclagras gigas_ boipevaussú _coluber poecilostoma_ caninana _crotalus durissus_ cobra de cascavel commun " _horridus_ " " " hor. " _mutus_ sururucú " _terrificus_ boicininga, cascavel _drimobius bifossatus_ cobra nova _elaps corallinus_ boi coral " " cobra coral " _frontalis_ boi coral _erythrolamprus æsculapii_ cobra coral _eunectes murinus_ sucuriú _helicops modestus_ _herpetodryas carinatus_ " _sexcarinatus_ copra-cipó _hyla faber_ pereréca ferreiro _lachesis alternatus_ urutú, cotiara, cruzeiro, etc. " _atrox_ jararaca, jararacucu " _bilineatus_ surucucú patioba " _castelnaudi_ " _itapetingæ_ cotiarinha, boipeva, furta-côr " _jararacucu_ jararacucu, surucuçú, tapête " _lanceolatus_ jararaca, jararacucu " _lansbergii_ " _mutus_ sururucú, surucutinga " _neuwiedii_ urutú, jaraca do rabo branco _liophis almadensis_ jararaquinha do campo " _poecilogyrus_ _oxirhopus trigeminus_ cobra coral, boi coral _philodryas serra_ _pipa curcurucú_ entanha _phrynonax sulphureus_ canninana _radinoea merremii_ cobra d'agua " _undulata_ _rhachidelus brazili_ mussurana _thamnodynastes nattereri_ _xenedon merremii_ boipeva tortoises _chelys fimbriata_ mata-matá _emys amazonica_ jurara-assú " _tracaxa_ tracajá _testudo tabulata_ jabuti vocabularies bororo--apiacar--mundurucu--campas or antis ----------------+----------------+-----------------+------------+--------------- english. | bororo. | apiacar. |mundurucu. |campas or antis. ----------------+----------------+-----------------+------------+---------------anger | | | |nokatzmatahtzeh angry | | |sapecoreh | ant | | | |cachpigache anta (tapir) | | |biuh | ariranha | | |auareh | arm | | |ueiba |noshempa arm (1st pers.) |ikkanna |zizuhbáh | | " (2nd " ) |akkanna | | | " (3rd " ) |kanna | | | " (elbow to | | | | shoulder) | |zizubah puha | | " (elbow to | | | | wrist) |ittaddagara |zizubah ziahppura| | (1st pers.) | | | | " (2nd " ) |akkeddagan | | | " (3rd " ) |akkagara | | | armlet (ribbon) |canagadje geo |tahttùh ahsa | | | |(metal bracelet) | | | |zih pahürahna | | | |(fibre bracelet) | | arrow | | | |tchohkopi arrow-head |tugh otto |uübaffah | | arrow feathers |attahga |uübappah | | arrows |tuhga |uüba |ubipah | ashes |djoroguddo |tahnimbuga |kaburi | | |tanimbo | | attack (to) |bakkuredda |ahre mohmmahíh | | aureole of | | | | feathers |parikko |ahkahntarah | | axe | | |uah | bad | | | |kahmáhri bag | | | |nottaratti bands (ankle) |burere paro |tah pakkuhrah | | |gagadje geo | | | bands (knee) |buregadje geo |tah pakkuhrah | | barter (to) | |ahmazohppuhru | | baskets (for | | | | bones of | | | | deceased) |koddo |mbuhah | | beans | | |adianrap |macha | | | | beard |nogua buh |tennovohava |erapirap |noshpatonna beautiful | | |rip | bees | | |eit | belly |butto | |euk |nomucha belt (for |coggu |mahté pikku | | women) | | ahsa | | belt | | | |nuata quero big |kurireo |huh _or_ hun |berehiubuh |niroikki bird |kiyeggeh |ühráh |uassehm |tzmehdi black | | |inucat |potztaghi | | | |takarontz blind |yoko bokkua |dai haï | | blood | |ærui | |irantz blue | | |ibitacobush |tahmaroli born (to be) |curi butto |ohíh | | bow |baiga |ühwürrappara |irarek |piamen " (1st pers.) |inaiga | | | " (2nd " ) |anaiga | | | " (3rd " ) |baiga | | | bow-string |baighikko |übühra | | | | pahama | | boy |méhdrogo | | | " (plural) |neh ghe |azzih van | | | kogureh | vohsáh | | bracelet | | | |marentz break (to) |rettegaddo, |ahmoppéhn | | | tuo | | | breathe |akke |ippottuh hém | | brother | | |uagnuh |yegue " eldest |ihmanna |zikkuhbuhra |uamuh | " (1st pers.) | | | | " (2nd " ) |ahmanna | | | " (3rd " ) |uhmanna | | | " (general) |tchemanna | | | " (1st p. p.) |pahmanna | | | " (2nd " ) |tahmanna | | | " (3rd " ) |ettuhmanna | | | " younger | |zihrukkiera |ocutoh | " (1st pers.) |ihvieh | | | " (2nd " ) |ahvieh | | | " (3rd " ) |uhvieh | | | " (general) |tchevieh | | | " (1st p. p.) |pahvieh | | | " (2nd " ) |tahvieh | | | " (3rd " ) |ettuvieh | | | butterfly | | |orebereb |kittandaro canoe |ikka |ühara | |pitotzu caress (to) |kera amudda |uahvaippiáhr | | | appo | | | charcoal |djoradde |tattah pühn | | chest (man's) |immorora |zipassiah |uei cameah |notto piné (1st pers) | | | | " (2nd " ) |ammorore | | | " (3rd " ) |morora | | | " (woman's ) |immokkuro |izi kahma |uei came |ciuccioni |ammokkuro | | | |mokkuro | | | child | | | |entzih chin (1st pers.)|inogura |zirenuvah |hueniepaeh | " (2nd " )|akogura | | | " (3rd " )|okkura | | | cloak (worn by | | | |kittahreutz campas) | | | | cloud | | |crehreate | clouds |boettugo |ivagon | |menkori cold |biakko |irhossahn | | comet |cujedje kigareu | | | courage |paguddah bokua |ihmandarahih | | crocodile | | |abatchiri | cry |araguddu |oh zaïyóh | |niraatcha dance |erehru |ahniuaréh | | dark |boetcho |puhtunhaïba | |stiniri taki daughter | | |araichih |nessintcho day |meriji |koeïn | | dead | | |abeh | deaf |bia bokkua |diahppuhai | | deer | | |arapisehm | design (to |tugo |ohkuazzihat | | ornament) | | | | die (to) |bi |ahmonnoh | | dog |arigao |ahwaráh |yacurité |otzitii drink (to) |kuddo |uhükkuhr | |nerachi nerativo | | | | riratzi drunk | | |icanuh |noshinghitatcha dumb |battaru bokkua |nogni enghih | | ears | |zinambí |naeinebui |noyembitta " (1st pers.) |iviyah | | | " (2nd " ) |aviyah | | | " (3rd " ) |biyah | | | earth |motto |wuhra | | earthquake |mottumagaddo | | | eat |ko |animaüvuttáh |inenetieh |noatcha, | | | com combih | egg | | |tupissa | enemy | |zih ruhwahsahra | | eyebrows | |zirapezavah | |notta makku " (1st pers.) |iyerera | | | " (2nd " ) |aerira | | | " (3rd " ) |djerira | | | eyelashes | | | |noshumpigokki eyes | | | | " (1st pers.) |yokko |ziarakkuara | | lokki " (2nd " ) |aekko | | | " (3rd " ) |dyokko | | | fat |kavaddo |hih haï | |uannanowata father |pao |zihruwa |utahbah |ahppah " (1st pers.) |iyuohka | | | " (2nd " ) |ao | | | " (3rd " ) |uho | | | " (plur., our) |tcheo | | | " (your) |tao | | | " (their) |ettuoh | | | feathers | | | | " (of wings) |ikkoddo |ürapeppoh | | " (of tail) |ayaga |mehruazah | | fight | | | |nogempi find (to) |jordure gí |uèppiahr | | finger or thumb |ikkera kurireo |ziffah | |notta pakki finger (first) |boya gaisso | | | " (second) |boya taddao |ziffah mottehra | | " (third) |mekkijio |ziffah inha | | " (small) |biagareo |ziffah inha | | fire |djoro |tahttáh |eraitcha |pah mahri fish |kahre |pihráh |ashiman |gna denga | | | |aite shumma five | | |brancogeh | fling arrows | | | | with a bow |kiddogoddu |oh üvahn | | fly (to) |koddu |ahvevéh | |haratzu foot | |zihppuha |ibuih |numaronca | | | | nocunta noetzi " (1st pers.) |iyure | | | " (2nd " ) |aure | | | " (3rd " ) |bure | | | " (sole of) | | | |noetzi _or_ | | | | nuitche forehead | | | |nohpanka | | | |nopanka forest |ittura |kahueh | | | |kauru khuh | | " (thick) |iguro kurireo | | | four | | |ibaribrip | fowl | | | |ataripa friend | | |ubeshi | fright |paguddah |ohkkriheéh | |nottaruatzo give (to) | makko | ahmandáh | | (i give him) | makkai | | | girl | ahredrogo | ahwah vohsáh | | " (plural) | naguareh | | | | kogureh | | | god | | | tuhpane | (_sun_) pahua good | | | tchipat | kahméhta good afternoon | | ené mahrukka | | " day | | ené cohéma | | " night | | nehppi tuhna | | | | kattuh | | give me water | | | | bina ina gourds | bappo | | | (rattling | | | | gourds used | | | | by bororos) | | | | grandfather | | zihra magna | | " (1st pers.)| yeddaga | | | " (2nd " )| aeddoga | | | " (3rd " )| iyeddoga | | | grandmother | | zihza ruza | | " (1st pers.) | mugapega | | | " " | imaruga | | | " (2nd " )| atcharuga | | | " (3rd " )| itcharuga | | | grass | | | | tuarish green | | | | natchari guayaba (fruit) | | | | comassique gums of teeth | | | | nohtapu gun | | | | natziarih hair | | ziava | kahp | noeshi " (1st pers.)| ittao | | | nuesse " (2nd " )| akkao | | | " (3rd " )| ao | | | hand | | zippoa | ibuih | nakku " (1st pers.)| ikkera | | | " (2nd " )| akkera | | | " (3rd " )| ijera | | | happy | jakkare | horrüm | | hatred | okki | naimïa roi | | head | | ziakkan | | noppolo " (1st pers.)| ittaura | | | " (2nd " )| akkaura | | | " (3rd " )| aura | | | head band | | | | nahmattery (worn by campas)| | | | hear (to) | | | | nokkie | | | | makimpi hearing | merudduo | ziahppuh[)a]h | | heart | | | |nasangani heat | |heai | | heel | | | |tsungueche hippopotamus |aidje | | | honey | | |eit attuh | hunt (to) | | |itieh urepp |nomarma wai husband |ohreddo |zihméhna | | tazu | |acuimibaeh | |nueme " (plural) |tcheddoreddo | | | |pagoreddo | | | |ettohreddo | | | hut | | |anioca |mengotcha | | | |pangotzu i do not want | | | |erocaticondaca, | | | |fenotchiro | | | | eroka i want you | | | |noni chempe | | | | naka ill |cogoddu |ikkaruhara | |nohmahrtzi illness |jorubbu |zihkkáh ruhara | | ill-treat (to) |utchebai, |huàuàr | | |erugoddo kigoddo| | | indian corn | | | |sagre ssengue | | | |famadole " infuriated |kurigoddo |zih manarahíh | | (to be) | | | | iron | | | |kirieh tonghi island | | |tiahueruh | jump |karetta |appóll | |nuhme atcha kill (to) |bitto |ahzukkah | |noautziri knee |ippoh godaoh |zirinupphuá |yon-ah |loyeretto | | | |yerito knuckles | | | |nouaviro lake |kuruga |üppiah | | large |kuri |hih haï | |andavuete laugh |noguari |ahpukkàh | |noshontatchu leaf | | | |kahrashi lean | | | |tonghnizi leg | |zirito mahk |oira-oh |noh pori " (1st pers.) |ippogora |khana | | " (2nd " ) |appogora | | | " (3rd " ) |pogora | | | let us go | | | |fame ate light |djorugo |uhüga | |(_lamp_) purika light a fire |djaro guddo |tahttàh induh | | (to) |djoruggo | | | lightning |baigahbe |tupan veravah | |pureka | |tupasseo | | lip (lower) | | | |nohtchare " (upper) | | | |nohpanti lips | | | |tchara little | | | |capichenni lose (to) |okkua |ohkkagnüh | | love |aiddu |ahmán oron | |nohnindatzimbi lunacy | |heh wuhruh | | man |mehddo |ahzibah |aniocat |shambari (plural) |ihme | | | (old) | | |iabut | milky way |cujedje doghe |aniang puku |kabieureh | |ehro guddo |zahwara | tpuih | monkey | | |taueh |oshetto moon |ahri |zahir | |kahshi " (during a) | | |kachi | morning | | |kabi ason |kittaittidih mosquito | | |caame | mother | |zihuba |anhih |nanná " my |ihmuga (1st p.) | | | " thy |atche (2nd p.) | | | " his |utche (3rd p.) | | | " |tchedge | | | | (general) | | | " our |padge (1st | | | | pers. plural) | | | " yours |tadge (2nd p.) | | | " theirs |ettudge (3rd) | | | mountain | |iuitir |otioah |chahtoshi mountains |toreakkari |ühwüttura | | " (range of) |toreakkari | " | | | doghe | | | moustache | | | |noshpatonna mouth | | |ueibi |nottaramash mule | | | |manno mari nails (of | | |ueimba rahn |nosha takki fingers) | | | |tchamoro neck | | | | " (front of) |iruho |zisuhra | | " (1st pers.) | | | | " (2nd p" ) |aruho | | | " (3rd " ) |ruho | | | " (back of) | |zikupeah | | " (1st pers.) |ikiddoro | | | " (2nd " ) |akkiddoro | | | " (3rd " ) |ittoro | | | necklace | | | |nighitzki night |batchioji |kaáhrúh |atchiman | | |puitun ahiueh | | no |boro, carega |napohttahri |cahmah | |boekkimo | | | |kah (_suffix_) | | | |bokkua | | | nose | |zissignah | |nokkirimash " (1st pers.) |ikkenno | | | " (2nd " ) |akkenno | | | " (3rd " ) |kenno | | | oar | | | |kumarontzu old | | | |kinkiuari onça (jaguar) | | |huira | one | | |pan | parrot | | |aruh | perspire (to) |caroh |zihruhaï | |nama savitache pig | | | |pihratz pottery (for | |tahpe quazzihar | | cooking) | | | | pot (large) |ariya | | | " (small) |ruobo |gnaéh peppóh | | " (very small)|pohri | | | " " " |pohri (gabo) | | | " " " |pohrero | | | present |makkakai |ahmbehunteheh | | rain |buh buttu |ahmanna |monbaht |ngagni |(boe) buttu |aman | | rainbow | | | |ohyié rapid (cataract)| |ituihi | | receive |makkinai |ahmbohul | | |(_i received_) | | | red | | |patpecat |kitchongahri reward |mohri | | | rise (to) |racodje |ehppóhan | | river |poba |parana | |gnah " (large) |poba kurireo |parana hun | | " (small) |pahga |parana hin | | rock |tori |ittahih(n) | | " (large) |tori kurireo |ittahuh(n) | | rocks | | | |mappih run |reh |oh gnama | |preteten | | | | spayieni " (to) | | | |noshatchah run away (to) |arekoddo |zihppohséh | | sad |kierigoddo |ahnimombü áh | | salt | | |caotah | same | | | |fecatche cuanta | | | | nana scratch |kiggori |ogni oï | | sea | | | |(_unknown_) search (to) |wogai |éhekkahr | | see (to) | | | |nogna akuripi shame |poguruh |ah(g)ni nossïn | | shin |iraetta | | | shiver |magoddo |zihrahúh | | shooting stars |aroi koddo |zahir ta tai wai | | sight |aiyuoh |ueppiáh pottahr | | |djohruddoh | | | silver | | | |kiriekki sing | |amaracaib | | sing (to) |roya, |mahrakkahi |huamame | |arage | | | " (and dance) | | | |nowishtiaccia sister | |garikie |etchih |tchogue | |zihreüsa | | sister | | | | " (1st pers.)|ittuiyeh | | | " (2nd " )|attuiyeh | | | " (3rd " )|uttuhiyeh | | | " (general) |tchedduiyeh | | | " (1st p. p.) |pahduiyeh | | | " (2nd " )|tahduiyeh | | | " (3rd " )|ettuhduiyeh | | | " (younger) | |zihkuppuhera | | sit (to) |mogudda |oh ahppúh | |nosseiki sky |baru |üvahga |kabi | | |ivagh | | sleep | | | |ahmayaweh sleep (to) |nuddoh |okkiéht | | small |biagattigé |suhhin | |entzit |biagareu | | |gliagnini |pikkiriri rogo | | |japchoquin smell (sense of)|ikkenomeruddo |uéttóhn | | | (_nose hears_) | | | smoke |djereddudde |tahttahssin | | " (to) |coguatta medji |ohppeh tambúh | | | (_eat smoke_) | | | snake | | |puibui | " (large) | | |pushiribeh | son | | |ipot |nientzteh | | | |nochumi speak | | | |nona guayte speak (to) |battaru |ogni éh | |nugniáni spit | | | |notchôrah star |cujedje |zahir ta tai |kasupta | stars |cujedje doghe | | |bogro steel | | | |coshintzi stone | | |itai | streamlet | | | |gnahtinka strong | | | |niroite katzuini strong sun | | | |minchare pahua sun |mehri |ahra |huatchi |pah hua | |cuaracu | | sunrise |mehri rutto |ahra nikki uh | | | | appoha | | sunset |mehri re rotto |ahra nikki hoh | | | " butto | | | swim |kuhru |oh üttapp | |nahmatatzu tail (of an |oh |behruaza | | animal) | | | | tall |kuritchiga |ih zuh hàh | |iriritheh |aritchodo | | | tattoo | |zihzuppohra | | | |(_on chin_) | | | |zihra pegnana | | | |(_on forehead_ | | | |_and eyebrows_) | | teeth | |ziragna |erahi |naikki " (1st pers.) |ittah | | | " (2nd " ) |akkoh | | | " (3rd " ) |oh | | | ten | | |ohehssuat | thank you |_unknown_ |_to all_ | | then |tohare | | | thigh |immomonna |zihuwa | | |ippohgahdde | | | thin |rakkiggiarogogo |ah sihnnin | | thirst | | |bipehrehp | three | | |tchibapehng | throat | | |huenie | | | | combira | throw (to) |barigo |ahmenbott | | thumb | | | |notta pakki thunder |boejaruru |tupah | |takkirisse | |aman tsiuic | | tired | | |yahboroeh |nomautache | | | |(_i am tired_) toes |bure bahppe |zihppuhán | |noetzi tapaki tongue | | | |nonnenni tortoise | | |kanianiareh | touch |kerajettudji |ahmahppuh | | tree |ippo |üba |eïp | " (trunk of) |ippo |üba poh | |uhtchattu " (branch of) |ippo ittura |übakkan | | trees | | | |chatto trumpet | |niumbiháh | | two | | |tchepitchepe| ugly | | |guereh | umbilicus | | | |nohmoetto uncle | |tzi | |natchalene village | |amonabuh | | vomit (to) |towari goddo |zirivipposüh | |nokkamarangatzu wait (to) |to gudduguddu |eh ohnroh | | | giao | | | wake (to) |yettado |ehmma èh | | walk |mehru |oh attáh | |atteh otzki warm |boero |hakkuh | | water |poba |üha |iribbi |gnah waterfall |pobbore |üttuh (_fall_) | |opparengnahtazzi | |ühppohsuh | | | | (_rapid_) | | way | | | |aboche weak | | | |teshintztéh west, east, | | | | north, south | |(_unknown to all_) | what is this in |inno ba boi |gar te zih | | the ... |yiere? |méhrennoih? | | language? | | | | white | | |iretiat |kittamorori wife |ohredduje |kuhnia |otachi |nuena wife (plural) | | | | " (1st pers.)|tchevireh | | | " (2nd " .)|pavireh | | | " (3rd " .)|ettuvireh | | | |tcheddoreddo | | | |(_abbrev. of_) | | | |tcheddoredduje | | | wild beasts |bahregghe |zahwahra | | wind | |iuituh |kabihru |tampeah woman |ahreddo |ahvah |tanian |coya (plural) |ahréhme | |aiatiah | yellow | | | |tchengotz yes |uh |apohttáh |ibeheh | yuka (jute) | | | |cagniri index acre territory, i, 3; ii, 403, 408 aguachini river, ii, 440 albuquerque, mr., ii, 276, 361-369 alcobaça, port of, i, 110 amazon, main estuary of the, ii, 387 amazon river, ii, 385-391, 394-404, 416-418 amazon state, governor of, ii, 405-406, 414 amazon, state of, i, 3 _amazonas_, launch, ii, 411 andes, journey across the, ii, 438-476 antofogasta, ii, 472, 473, 474, 475 ants, ii, 325 apiacar indians, ii, 266, 278 apiacars, vocabulary of language (appendix), 486-496 arabiranga i., ii, 390 araguary, i, 51-61 araguaya river, i, 109, 115, 119, 159, 168 araguaya river, sources of the, i, 167 araujo, mr. j. g., ii, 408 arequipa, ii, 460 arinos river, the, i, 431; ii, 1-150 arinos river, birthplace of the, i, 413 arinos river, meeting-place with the juruena river, ii, 149-151 arinos-juruena, ii, 151-263 ariranha (_lutra brasiliensis_), ii, 21, 26, 33, 58, 78, 88, 93, 159, 165 arrival in england, ii, 476 associação commercial do amazonas, ii, 408 _atahualpa_, s.s., ii, 416 atrocities, ii, 266 august falls, ii, 196-206 azupizu river, ii, 437, 440 bandeiras, the, i, 17 barretto, josé sotero, ii, 266, 269, 271, 273 batataes, i, 44 bay of coralhina, ii, 389 bay of guajara, ii, 390 bay of jappelin, ii, 390 bay of marajo, ii, 389 bees, i, 392; ii, 72, 123, 321 belem (pará), ii, 390, 392 bella vista, ii, 380 beluchistan, ii, 460 beri-beri, ii, 393, 457 bernardelli, prof., i, 10 bertino miranda island, ii, 262 bilans, ii, 434 birds of brazil (appendix), 481 bolivia, ii, 471-474 bolivian railways, ii, 473 booth steamship line, ii, 394, 410, 416, 417, 419 borax, ii, 475 bororo indians, their origin, customs, manners, legends, anthropometric measurements, language, superstitions, music, etc., i, 207-263 bororos, vocabulary of language (appendix), 486-496 boundaries, i, 115, 116, 159; ii, 417 boundaries, matto-grosso and pará, ii, 268 boundaries, minas geraes and goyaz, ii, 60, 62 boundary between bolivia and chili, ii, 474 brazil, area of, i, 3 brazil, wealth of, i, 4 brazil, col. r. e., "king of the tapajoz," ii, 368, 373-381 bueno de silva, bartholomeu, i, 105 buenos ayres, ii, 475-476 butterflies, i, 94; ii, 55, 72 cacti, i, 155 cahombanas, ii, 435, 436 cahombanas, trails from, ii, 435 cairns, ii, 464 caju or acaju, i, 158; ii, 335 caldas de goyaz, i, 76 campas or antis indians, ii, 434, 444 campas or antis indians, vocabulary of language (appendix), 486-496 campinas, i, 91 cañon, a, i, 295, 358 canuma river, ii, 412 carnival, ii, 472 carrapatinhos, i, 136, 188, 342, 392 carrapatos, i, 138, 188, 334, 342 carts, i, 69 cashibos (carapaches and callisecas), ii, 432, 434 _cassicus icterronatus_ (jappelin), ii, 396 castanha do pará, ii, 370 _cathartes_ (urubu), ii, 59 cattle breeding, i, 22, 106 cayapo indians, ii, 13 cepa d'agua, i, 397 _cervus elaphus_ (veado), i, 184, 269, 316 church rock, i, 382 ciancias, ii, 431 cocoa, ii, 400 coffee, i, 26-37 coffee, estates, i, 26 coffee, export, i, 21 colbacchini, father a., i, 281 collings bros., ii, 403 concepção (on the araguaya), i, 110, 115 concepção island, ii, 390 condamano, ii, 427 corumbá river, i, 70 corumbahyba, i, 68 _crax pinima_ (mutum), ii, 284, 288 credentials, the use of, i, 118 cretins, i, 360 crocodiles, ii, 132 _crypturus notivagus_ (jaho), ii, 284, 292 cuñer, j. j. v., prefect of cuzco, ii, 466 cutijuba island, ii, 390 cuvettes, i, 312, 313, 318, 321, 327, 330, 347, 369, 378, 380, 412, 417, 430 cuyaba river, i, 19 cuzco, ii, 464 cuzco railway, ii, 458-464 de rio branco, baron, i, 7 diamantino, i, 410, 419-428 diamantino, prices of commodities in, i, 420 diamonds, i, 149, 420 distance between araguary and goyaz, i, 101 distance between iquitos and lima, ii, 456 distance between manaos and iquitos, ii, 419 distance from the river araguaya to capim branco, i, 343 distance from the river arinos to araguary, i, 432 distance from araguary to serra azul, i, 410 distance from goyaz city to serra azul, i, 410 dogs, ii, 130 dumont estate, i, 36 dumont railway, i, 37 effects of food after long period of starvation, ii, 346 effects of starvation on the brain, ii, 311, 316, 324, 326, 329, 331 electric spring of water, i, 284 elevation of the araguaya, i, 169 end of transcontinental journey, ii, 457 _esploradora_, the launch, ii, 430, 437 _eunictes murinus_ (sucuriú), ii, 162 expedition, outfit of, i, 13 farquhar, percival, ii, 403 fish, i, 153, 168; ii, 63, 90, 96, 104, 107, 126, 158, 223, 387, 484 flora, i, 4, 62, 75, 82, 85, 89, 99, 139, 143, 152, 155, 158, 164, 172, 175, 275, 311, 330, 332, 347, 348, 355, 380, 389, 396, 397, 406, 416, 417, 430; ii, 4, 10, 24, 25, 37, 49, 52, 54, 58, 63, 94, 95, 105, 108, 134, 207, 224, 227, 336, 370, 388, 398, 430, 432, 437, 477-480 fonseca, marechal hermes da, i, 107 forest, i, 5, 12 forest, across the virgin, ii, 278-365 forest, the brazilian, ii, 67-69 forest fire, i, 385 fossils, the discovery of giant, i, 371-376 fossils, loss of, ii, 270 franca, i, 45 frontin, dr. paulo, i, 8, 16 furnas corros mountains, i, 206 garibaldi's grandson, ii, 450 gavião caboclo, i, 412 geological formation, i, 176, 182, 186, 187, 190, 194, 200, 204, 205, 267, 271, 273, 276, 278, 282, 287, 292, 301, 319, 322, 332, 334, 336, 349, 356, 363, 364, 368, 370, 380, 382-385, 393, 400, 407, 418; ii, 99, 142, 155, 168, 262, 384, 455 goyaz, i, 19 goyaz, city of, i, 100-131 goyaz, government of, i, 108 goyaz, railway line in construction, i, 59, 61 goyaz, state of, i, 3 guajara merim, ii, 403 guanabara, alcindo, i, 7; ii, 124 hammocks, ii, 87 harvard observatory, ii, 460 history of the wars in the kingdom of brazil between holland and portugal, i, 414 honesty of peruvians, ii, 444, 452 horses of goyaz, i, 106 huacapistana, ii, 452 _hydrochærus capibara_ (capivara), ii, 49, 56, 124 igorrotes of luzon island, ii, 456 _ilex paraguayensis_ (mate), ii, 59, 81 inca implements, ii, 470 inca matrimonial stone, ii, 469 inca ornaments, ii, 470 inca pottery, ii, 469 inca skulls, ii, 468 inca throne, ii, 467 inca weapons, etc., ii, 470 incas, the, ii, 441, 466-471 incas, architecture of the, ii, 466 incas, civilization of the, ii, 466-471 indians, i, 12, 17, 105, 185, 205, 207-263, 282, 338, 353; ii, 13, 70, 134, 158, 274, 423, 424, 430, 432, 434 insanity, i, 124 iquitos, ii, 418 islands of the arinos and arinos-juruena rivers--vol. ii.- ada i., ii, 120 alastor i., ii, 65 alberto masõ i., ii, 171 albert rex i., ii, 110 angela i., ii, 159 anna i., ii, 121 antonio prado i., ii, 126, 128 arabella i., ii, 140 araujo i., ii, 263 ariadne i., ii, 222 armida i., ii, 98 aspasia i., ii, 149 babin i., ii, 186 barretos i., ii, 126 belinda i., ii, 184 bertha i., ii, 141 bomfin i., ii, 176 bridget i., ii, 39 camilla i., ii, 107 carmela i., ii, 156 caterina i., ii, 157 clara i., ii, 161 corona i., ii, 122 daphne i., ii, 126 diana i., ii, 141, 168 dora i., ii, 115 edna i., ii, 115 eileen i., ii, 141 eleonora i., ii, 52 elfrida landor i., ii, 152 elizabeth chimay i., ii, 97 elizabeth r. i., ii, 62, 111 eloisa i., ii, 110 emma i., ii, 117 erminie i., ii, 121 eva i., ii, 109 evelina i., ii, 141 faith, hope and charity is., 98 francesco i., ii, 152 gabriella i., ii, 93 george rex i., ii, 158, 160 gemma i., ii, 71 germaine i., ii, 111 gingillo i., ii, 142 giselle i., ii, 171 helena i., ii, 66 hilda i., ii, 156 hugo i., ii, 120 james dewar i., ii, 172 jessica i., ii, 176 josephine island, 122 julia i., ii, 70 jupiter i., ii, 126 kuvera i., ii, 172 landor, charles, i., ii, 96 laurita i., ii, 116 leander i., ii, 263 leda i., ii, 175, 263 lilian i., ii, 118 loel i., ii, 80 lucia i., ii, 115 lucky i., ii, 39, 43 lunghissima i., ii, 155 lydia i., ii, 61 mabel i., ii, 112 magda i., ii, 109 margie i., ii, 112 maria i., ii, 106 mars i., ii, 126 martia i., ii, 107 maude i., ii, 93 maude adams i., ii, 169 may i., ii, 110 medea i., ii, 175 melusine i., ii, 170 meraud i., ii, 80 midas i., ii, 171 minerva i., ii, 169 miranda i., ii, 171 mosquito i., ii, 46 nair i., ii, 105 negrino i., ii, 63 nina i., ii, 114 noailles i., ii, 112 nora i., ii, 120 normand i., ii, 173 olivia i., ii, 133, 161 oriana i., ii, 168 orlando i., ii, 97 pandora i., ii, 134 passos i., ii, 47 passos junior i., ii, 47 paulina i., ii, 161 pelleas and melisande is., ii, 162 pericles i., ii, 149 philomela i., ii, 160 pomona i., ii, 168 portia i., ii, 160 priscilla i., ii, 125 providence i., ii, 114 psyche i., ii, 160 queen mary i., ii, 171 rebecca i., ii, 103 rhea i., ii, 160 rita i., ii, 110 rock i., ii, 105 rodriguez, j. carlos i., ii, 117 romeo and juliet is., ii, 115 romola i., ii, 156 rosalinda i., ii, 160 rose i., ii, 109 sarah i., ii, 102 schnoor, luiz, i., ii, 95 seven sisters is., ii, 153 sibyl i., ii, 134 sophia i., ii, 142 stella i., ii, 156 susan i., ii, 118 sylvia i., ii, 124 tanis i., ii, 60 teffe i., ii, 108 teresa i., ii, 125 three graces is., ii, 113 toledo, pedro de, i., ii, 44 tristan and isolde is., ii, 161 two sisters is., 46 una i., ii, 157 urania i., ii, 157 vanessa i., ii, 160 vera i., ii, 93 victor emmanuel i., ii, 74 yolanda i., ii, 156 itaituba, ii, 380 itaquatiara, ii, 402, 412 jacutinga, ii, 48 jaguar, the, i, 184, 307, 316; ii, 315 jararakinha i., ii, 390 javari river, ii, 417 jeckill, mrs., ii, 404 jesuits, i, 414 jews, ii, 258, 262 jiggers, ii, 338 _jornal do commercio_, i, 7 juliaca junction, ii, 462 junction of the arinos-juruena and tres barras or s. manoel river, ii, 263 juruena river, ii, 149 juruena river, meeting-place of with the arinos river, ii, 149-151 krause, dr., i, 121 la merced, ii, 450 la paz, ii, 472 lage, mr., ii, 380 lagoa dos veados, i, 413, 415 lagoa formosa, i, 96, 328 land, value of, i, 38, 43, 45, 49 las palmas river, ii, 449 legislative congress of goyaz (state), i, 112 leguia, dr. b. b., president of peru, ii, 465 leopoldina, i, 110 leprosy, i, 87 leticia, ii, 418 lighthouses, ii, 388 lima, ii, 456, 458 llamas, ii, 453, 456, 461, 463, 473 lovelace, dr. carl, ii, 404 lua nova, ii, 376 lunar halo, i, 199, 328, 333 macaws, i, 308; ii, 132, 396, 398 macedo, commandante, ii, 380-391 _macrocerus hyacinthinus_ (araruna), ii, 396 madeira-mamore railway, ii, 402-404 madeira river, ii, 277, 347, 411-414 magalhães, couto de, i, 109 malampaya sound, i, 9 malan, father a., i, 309 mammals of brazil (appendix), 480 manaos, ii, 402, 405-411 manaos, commandants of the federal troops in, ii, 409, 414, 416 manaos, improvements, limited, ii, 410 mangabeira, the, i, 406 mangabel, ii, 374-377 manobos, ii, 434 maps, i, 116, 414 maps, inaccurate, i, 404 maribondos (hornets), ii, 194 masisea, ii, 430 masõ, dr. alberto, ii, 408, 416 matto grosso (state of), i, 3 may, jeckill & randolph, messrs., ii, 403-404 maya indians of yucatan, ii, 254 mazagan, i, 70 medicinal plants, i, 152 (appendix), 477-480 minas geraes, province of, i, 3 minerals, i, 4 minister of marine, ii, 407 mirage, ii, 473 miranda, dr. bertino, ii, 408 miriatiriami, ii, 440 mitchell, mr., english consul at iquitos, ii, 419 mockill, mr., chief of peruvian corporation, ii, 458, 464 mogyana railway, i, 38-51 mollendo, ii, 458 monoliths, i, 363, 364 mori brothers, ii, 260 mori, don eulogio, ii, 367 morro da meza, i, 59 mountain sickness, ii, 461 mules, i, 140, 389 müller, severiano, i, 7 mundurucu indians, ii, 248, 252, 369 mundurucu indians, vocabulary of the language (appendix), 486-496 _nasua socialis_ (coati), i, 319; ii, 354 _nasua solitaria_ (coati), i, 319 nazaratec river, ii, 437 nery, julio v., ii, 266, 275, 276, 280, 283 new york (ucayalli), ii, 421 nunes, dom pedro, ii, 343-348 obidos, ii, 399 oliveira, regis de, i, 11 ollagüe volcano, ii, 474 _opisthocomus cristatus_ (cigana), ii, 132 oroya, ii, 454 oroya, railway, ii, 454-456 oruro, ii, 472, 473, 474 pachitea river, ii, 431-435 pack-saddles, i, 78 palms, i, 5 pampas, ii, 445 pará chestnut, ii, 207 pará fiscal agency, ii, 268, 272 pará province of, i, 3 paraguay river, birthplace of, i, 414 paraguay river, sources of, i, 416 parana river, i, 167 parana river, birthplace of, i, 414 paranahyba river, i, 60 paredão grande, the, i, 292 paredãozinho, i, 287 parintins, ii, 412 passos, dr. f. pereira, i, 8 pasture lands, i, 6 paulista railway, i, 24 paulistas, the, i, 17, 105 pedro ii., emperor, i, 100, 109, 134 _penelope cristata_ (jacú), ii, 26, 132, 237, 296, 354 peruvian corporation, ii, 458-471 peruvian railway, ii, 458-473 philadelphia (ucayalli), ii, 424 photography, ii, 82 pichis river, ii, 435-438 pinto, mr., ii, 368 pium, i, 173, 300, 302 _podiceps americanus_ (mergulhão commun), ii, 48 polvora, the, i, 300 pombas island, ii, 369 poopo, lake, ii, 473-474 port bermudez, ii, 437 port guaqui, ii, 471 porto do castanho, i, 161 porto velho, ii, 1, 20, (rio madeira) 403 potzuzu, ii, 435 pouso alto, i, 86 prado, antonio, i, 7, 22, 26 praia da rainha, i, 110 preguya, the, ii, 432 prices of commodities, ii, 259, 372, 410, 424 prison of goyaz, i, 123 province of loreto, prefect of, ii, 420, 430, 437 pueblo pardo, ii, 449 putumayo river, ii, 417 raft made of demijohns, ii, 335-341 railways, i, 111 redemptionist friars, i, 90, 92 reptiles of brazil (appendix), 484 requeña, ii, 422 riberão preto, i, 38 rio arinos, i, 413, 431; ii, 1-150 rio barreiros or das garças, i, 195, 196, 206, 264, 265, 284 rio caitté, i, 416 rio canuma, ii, 269, 412 rio capim branco, i, 335, 337, 346 rio chabo, i, 409 rio chanchamayo, ii, 449 rio claro, i, 149 rio corgo fundo, i, 194 rio corisho, i, 416 rio crepore, ii, 374 rio cuyaba, i, 359, 402, 404, 405 rio das mortes, i, 116, 350 rio dos patos, ii, 39, 43 rio estivado, i, 416 rio euphrasia, ii, 268 rio grande, i, 46 rio jamanchin, ii, 378 rio jangada, i, 359 rio las almas, i, 153 rio macucu, i, 417 rio madeira, ii, 127 rio manso, i, 387-389 rio misericordia, ii, 268 rio mollah, i, 416 rio montagna, ii, 377-378 rio paraguay (paraná), i, 323 rio paraná, i, 349, 411, 415 rio pedra grande, i, 366, 369 rio ponte alto, i, 154 rio preto, i, 413 rio roncador, i, 364, 369 rio s. florencio, ii, 268 rio s. lourenço, i, 341, 349 rio s. lourenço, headwaters of, i, 323 rio s. manoel or tres barras, i, 403 rio s. thomé, ii, 268 rio secundury, ii, 269, 328, 333, 349, 351 rio sumidoro, ii, 53 rio tapajoz, ii, 269 rio tarma, ii, 452 rio trombetas, ii, 399 rio uruguatos, ii, 218 rio verde, i, 403 rio vermelho, i, 109, 133 rio xingu, i, 403; ii, 127 rio xingu, nearest point to rio tapajoz, ii, 379 rio de janeiro, i, 9 rock carvings, i, 338 rodadeiro or toboggan slide of the incas, ii, 467 rodriguez, josé carlos, i, 7 rondon, col., i, 12 ross, mr., ii, 391 "round table" of the incas, the, ii, 467 royal mail steamship co., i, 9; ii, 476 rubber, i, 36; ii, 4, 46, 48, 60, 63, 78, 91, 97, 267, 272, 369, 434 rubber, coagulation of the latex, ii, 8 rubber, collection of the latex, ii, 6 rubber, collectors, i, 424; ii, 1 s. antonio, i, 88 s. benedicto, mt., ii, 274, 367 s. isabel (castanho), ii, 373 s. jeronimo, ii, 429 s. luiz de caceres, i, 419, 429 s. luiz de shuaro, ii, 449 s. manoel, collectoria of, ii, 264 s. manoel, tres barras or paranatinga river, ii, 263 s. paulo, i, 16 s. paulo, elevation of, i, 23 s. paulo, state of, i, 20, 22 s. ramon, ii, 451 salesian friars, i, 132, 264, 280, 284, 309 salto benjamin, i, 342 salto floriano peixoto, i, 342 sand-dunes, ii, 459 santarem, ii, 385 santarem to belem (pará), ii, 385-391 sauba ants (_oecodonia cephalotes_), ii, 119, 315, 318-320 schmidt, col. (the coffee king), i, 37 schnoor, luiz, i, 56 seringueiros, or rubber collectors, the, i, 424; ii, 1, 22, 250, 258, 272, 273, 276, 361, 369, 371, 379, 411, 428 serra azul, the, i, 399-405, 411 serra das pedra, i, 405 serra de almerin, ii, 387 serra de callos, i, 70, 74 serra de pasco, ii, 435 serra de sta. rita (or dourada), i, 96 serra do sappé, i, 77 serra do tombador, i, 419, 429 sete lagõas, i, 413-415, 416 sillistayni towers, ii, 471 siphonia elastica (_hevea brasiliensis_), or rubber trees, i, 429; ii, 4, 60, 63, 78, 91, 97, 249 slavery, i, 423; ii, 11, 19, 22, 40 snakes, i, 93; ii, 162, 180 snakes of brazil (appendix), 485 solimões river, ii, 416-418, 421 sorveira (milk trees), ii, 10, 105, 288 stars, i, 179 starvation, ii, 300-345 sungaro paro mts., ii, 437 tabatinga, ii, 418 table of comparative anthropometric measurements, i, 261 tamandua bandeira, the, i, 307, 316 tambos, ii, 438, 441, 443, 444, 446, 447, 448 tapajoz river, ii, 367-385 tapanhonas indians, ii, 70 tapiche river, ii, 423 _tapirus americanus_ (anta), i, 316; ii, 76, 345 tarma, ii, 452 taxipa i., ii, 390 telepathy, ii, 363 termites (_termes album_), i, 155-8, 348, 431 terra blanca lake, ii, 426 thermal springs, i, 76 titicaca lake, ii, 471, 474 tocantins river, i, 110 toledo, pedro de, i, 7, 12, 15 trans-andine railway, ii, 475 _troglodytes fuscus_, ii, 395 tucano, the, i, 164 tunnels, ii, 451, 452, 454 uancabamba, ii, 435 uberaba, i, 48 uberabinha, i, 50 ucayalli river, ii, 421-431 urubu, i, 154 useful plants (appendix), 477-480 valparaiso, ii, 475 vampire indians, ii, 432 _vastres gigas_ (pirarucú), ii, 387 venus, i, 296; ii, 128 vocabularies of indian languages--apiacar, bororo, campas, mundurucu (appendix), 486-496 water during long periods of starvation, ii, 309 watersheds, i, 96, 349, 355, 414 wellman's balloon, ii, 425 wild boar, i, 152 wireless telegraphy, ii, 422, 437 women of goyaz, i, 128 woods for construction (appendix), 477-480 woods, fibrous (appendix), 477-480 woods, lactiferous (appendix), 477-480 woods, oleaginous (appendix), 477-480 woods, resinous (appendix), 477-480 yanna yakka river, ii, 425 yessup, ii, 438 yuta (jute), ii, 425 _printed by hazell, watson & viney, ld., london and aylesbury._ transcriber's notes: 1. this text contains diacritical marks and symbols, where possible these are represented in the text by the following symbols. diacritical mark above below ------------------------- ----- -----macron (straight line) [=x] [x=] breve (u-shaped symbol) [)x] [x)] tilde [~x] [x~] 2. printing/spelling errors which have been corrected are: volume 1: page 43, "butataes" changed to "batataes" page 44, "batateas" changed to "batataes" page 58, "schoor" changed to "schnoor" volume 2: page viii, "solimo[~e]s" changed to "solimões" page 7, "0·25 c" changed to "0·25 m" page 14, "jurnena" changed to "juruena" page 316, "expect" changed to "except" page 497, "jappalin" changed to "jappelin" page 498, "cepo" changed to "cepa" "cryptorus" changed to "crypturus" page 500, "naïr" changed to "nair" page 501, "mayu" changed to "maya" page 502, "ollaguë" changed to "ollagüe" "reinha" changed to "rainha" page 503, "crepury" changed to "crepore" "jamachin" changed to "jamanchin" "peixeto" changed to "peixoto" page 504, "transandine" changed to "trans-andine" "vastris" changed to "_vastres_"